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L I B K A- K Y
Theological S^eminary

PRINCETON, N. J.

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A DONATION

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HISTORICAL,
GEOGRAPHICAL, COMMERCIAL,

ANf)

PHILOSOPHICAL

VIEW

OF THE

UNITED STATES of AMERICA,

AND OF THE

EUROPEAN SETTLEMENTS

in

AMERICA AND THE WEST-INDIES.

/
w/ WINTER BOTH AM,

•tHE FIRST AMERICAN EDITION, WITH ADDITIONS AND
CORRECTIONS.

IN FOUR VOLUMES.
VOL. I.

NEW'YORK:

Printed by TIEBOUT and O'BRIEN?,

EoR JOHN REID, Bookseller and Stationss,

No, 106, WaT£R»-SxR£ET,

1796.

PREFACE,

..< ..< ..< „« -^ *|><44 4^ >■■ >•• »•• »■•

N,

O event ever proved fo interefting, to mankind in gene-
ral and to the inhabitants of Europe in particular, as the dif-
covery of the new world, and the paffage to India by the Cape
of Good Hope ; it at once gave rife to a revolution in the com-
merce and in the power of nations, as well as in the manners
induftry and government of almofl the whole world. At this
period new conne£lion3 were formed by the inhabitants of the
moft diftant regions, for the fupply of wants they had never
before experienced. The produftions of climates fituated under
the equator were confumed in countries bordering on the pole ;
the induftry of the north was tranfplanted to the fouth ; and
the inhabitants of the weft were clothed with the manufafture^
of the eaft ; in fhort, a general intiercourfe of opinions, laws
and cuftoms, difeafes and remedies, virtues and vices, were
^ftabliflied amongft men.

In Europe, in particular, every thing has been changed in
confequence of its commerce and conneftion with the Ameri-
can continent ; but the changes which took place prior to the
late revolution, (which eftabliflied the liberties of the United
States, and tran&fonned the dependent colonies of Britain into
an independent commonwealth, or rather a fociety of common-
wealths) only ferved to increale th^ milery of mankind, adding
to the power of defpotilm, and rivetting fafter the fhackles of
opprefiion ; the commerce of Spain, in particular, with the
new world, has been fupported by a lyftem of rapine, murder
and opprefiion ; a fyftem that has Ipread defolation and diftrefs
not only in America, but in Europe and Africa. She has,
however, benefitted but little by it, for her ftrength, commerce
and induftry, have evidently declined in proportion to the
jnflux of the gold cf the ncvy continent. With Great-Bri"

iv PREFACE.

tain, for a confiderable period, things appeared fomcwhat dif*.
ferent ; till the epoch of the revolution her commerce with
Ameiica increaied her national ftrength, and added to her own
induftry and. wealth, while it delolated and ravaged the coafi. of
Africa.

From the period of the revolution, the influence of America
on Europe has been of a different kind : the glorious ftruggle
which the United States fuftained, and the inquiries to which
that eventful period gave rife, did much to raile mankind from
that ftate of ahjeft flavery and degradation, to which defpotifm,
aided by fuperftition, had funk them ; from that period the rights
of man began to be underflood, and the principles of civil and
religious liberty have been canvaffed with a freedom before un-
known, and their influence has extended itfelf from the palace
to the cottage : in fhort, the revolution in the late Britifh Anae-
rican colonies bids fair ultimately not only to occafion the eman-
cipation of the other European colonies on that continent, but
to accomplifn a complete revolution in all the old governments of
Europe. /

We Iiavc already feen a patriot king, aided by a hero who
fought for the caufe of freedom under Wafliington, ftruggling
to render Jjis people free and happy ; and we have witneffed a
perjured defpot expiating his crimes on the fcaffold, at the com-
mand of a people roufed to a fenfe of their injuries and rights,
by men vfho had aflifted in eftablifliing the liberties of America.
—In reflefting on thofe fcenes as individuals, we can only la-
ment the want of fuccefs which has attended the former, and
regret the crimes of ambitious and unprincipled individuals,
v.'liich have certainly tarniflied, but not deftroyed, the glory of
the revolution, which has attended the latter. The floim will^
however, ere long pafs away, and returning peace will leave the
other nations of Europe at liberty to contemplate without preju-
dice, not only their own filuation, but the refources of France
drawn forth into i;£lion under the influence of an energetic go-
vernment, founded on the vn\\ of the people, and adminiftered
at an experife far Icis than what the penfioned minions of its for-
mer corrupt court alone devoured. Whenever that period ar.
rives, and arrive it will, it needs not a Ipirit of inlpiiation to
diYcrt, tliat the other nations of Europe rnuft iubinit to a tho-r
rough reformation, or be content to Lehold their ccmraeice, agri_
culture, and poDulation dcclinco

PREFACE, V

In the mean time the United States are profiting by the con-
vulled fituation of Europe, and increafing, in a degree hitherto
unparalleled in the hiftory of nations, in population and opu-
lence. Their power, commerce and agriculture, are rapidly on
the increase, and the wiidom of the federal government has hi-
therto been fuch as to render the proipeft of a lettlement under
its foftering influence truly inviting to the mercnant, the manu-
fa£lurer, the mechanic, and the mduftrious labourer : nor have
theie alone found the United States advantageous-, the perfecuted
in France or England have there found an aiylum, where their
lives, property and liberty are iecure ; where they may almofl;
fay, the wicked ceaie from troubling, and the weary are at reft.
Nor can any doubt be entertained, but in a fhort period the man
pf fcience, as well as the contemplative and experimental philo-
fopher, will find the fhores of Columbia equally propitious to
their wifhes. Education is fending forth its illuminating rays,
and its influence on the rifing generation will aid the Americans
in all their other purfuits.

The inhabitants of Europe are not infenfible of thefe favoura-
ble circum fiances. The charms of civil and religious liberty, the
advantages of a-n extenfive and fertile, but uncultivated country,
of an increafing commerce, unfhackled and unencumbered by
heavy and impolitic duties and impofls, have already invited
numbers to leave its bofom— numbers, which the iron hand of
perfecution and the awful profpefts of intefline divifion or abjcft
iiavery, will continue to increale.

The attention of Europe in general, and of Great-Britain in
particular, being thus drawn to the new world, the Editor, at the
requeft of fome particular friends, undertook the taik, which
he hopes he has in fome degree accomplifhed in the following vo-
lumes, of affording his countrymen an opportunity of becoming
better acquainted with its lettlement by Europeans — the events
that led to the eflablifhment and independence of the United
States— the nature of their govcinment — rheir prefent fituation
and advantages, together witii their future proipects in commerce,
manufactures and agriculture. This formed the principal dcr.gu
of the woik ; but he farther wiflicd with this to conneO; a gene-
ral view of the fituation of the remaining European poffefrions
in America and the Wcfl-India ifxands ; this has been therefore
aucmpicd, and aeaily a vclu.xs i;, dcJ.:^at>-d dor.e to this i-bjs£t.

vi PREFACE.

Conne&ed with the above, one objeft has been conftantly kept
in view, namely, to afford the emigrator to America a fummary
of general information, that may in fome meafure ferve as a di-
reftory to him in the choice of a refidence, as well as in his after
purfuits. This will be a fufficient excufe for the mifccUaneous
matter introduced in the third volume, at the clofe of the hiftory
of the States. W. W,

CONTENTS.

•■<-<-i-^<"<*^ 4* <4*>">'*">'>>"

VOL. I.

PAGE

I

DISCOVERT of Jmerica ....

General Defcription of America . . . 79
Dtfcoveries and SettlefJients of Norib-Americay chro-

nologically arranged . . , , 1^7

l^orth' America y Boundaries and Extent , . 172

Divifions of North-America * . . 174

General Defcription of the United States of America 175
Hifiory of the Rife, Progrefs, and Eftabllfhment of

the hidependence of the United States . , 395

biSCOVERY OF AMERICA.

I

T is believed by many, that the ancients had fome imperfeft
notion of a new world ; and feveral ancient authors ai'c quoted
in confirn-iation of this opinion. In a book afcribed to the phi-
lofopher Ariftotle, we are told that the Carthaginians difcovefed
an ifland far beyond the pillars of Hercules, large, fertile, and
finely watered with navigable rivers, but uninhabited. This
ifland was diilant a few days failing from the continent ; its
beauty induced the difcoverers to fettle there ; but the policy of
Carthage diftodged the colony, and laid a ftrift prohibition on all
the fubjefts of the ftate not to attempt any future eftablifhment;
This account is alfo confirmed by an hiflorian of no mean credit^
who relates, that the Tyrians would have fettled a colony on
the new-difcovered ifland, but were oppofed by the Catthagi-
nians for fl:ate reafons. Seneca, and other authors are alio
quoted in fupport of this belief. But however this may be,
nobody ever believed the exiftence of this continent fo firmly
as to go in quefl; of it •, at leafl: there are no accounts well fupi-;
ported that America received any part of its firfl; inhabitants
from Europe prior to the 15th century. The Welfh fondly
imagine, that their country contributed, in 1170, to people
the New World, by the adventure of Madoc, fon of Owen
Gwynedd, who, on the death of his father, failed there, and
colonized part of the country. All that is advanced in proof
is, a quotation from one of the Britifh Poets, which proves no
more than that he had diflinguifhed himfclf by fea and landi
It is pretended that he made two voyages •, that failing Weftj
he left Ireland fo far to the North, that he came to a land un-
known, where he faw many flrange things; that he returned
home, and, making a report of the fruitfulnefs of the new-dif-
covered country, prevailed on numbers of the Welfh of each
iex to accompany him on a fecond voyage, from which he never
veturned. The favourers of this opinion aflcrt, that feveral
Welfh words, fuch as gwrando, " to hearken or liften ;" the
ifle of Creirfo, or " welcome;" Cape Breton, from the name of
Britain; gwynndzur, or, "the white water;" znd. pengzvin, or •' the
•'bird with a white head;" are to be found in the American

A

i DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

language. But likenefs of found in a few words will not Be
deemed fufficient to efliablifli the fad ; efpecially if the meaning
hns been evidently perverted : for example, the whole penguin
tribe have unfortunately not only black heads, but are not
inhabitants of the Northern hemifphcre; the name was alftf
beflowed on them by the Dutch, a pinguedine, from their
excefTivc fatnefs: hat the inventer of this, thinking to do
honour to his country, inaonfiderately caught at a word of
European origin, and unheard of in the New World. It may-
be added, that the Welfli were never a naval people; that
the age in which Madoc lived was peculiarly ignorant in navi-
gation ; and the mofh which they could have attempted mull
have been a mere coafbing voyage.*

The Norwegians put rn for a fhare of the glory, on grounds'
rather better than the Welfh. By their fettlements in Iceland
and in Greenland, they had arrived within fo fmall a dillance of
the New World, that there is at leafl a poflibilit-y of its having
been touched at by a people fo verfed in maritime affairs, and
fo adventurous,' as the ancient Normans were. The proofs are
much more numerous than thofe produced by the Britifh
Hiflorians; for the difcovery is mentioned in feveral of the
Iflandic manufcripts. The period was about the year ioo2»
when it was vifited by one Biorn ; and the difcovery purfued
to greater efFeft by Leif, the fon of Eric, the difcoverer of
Greenland. It does not appear that they reached farther than
Labrador; on which coaft they met with the Efquimaux, on
Whom they beftowed the name of Skrcelingiies, or dwarfifh
people, froni their fmall ftaturc. They were armed with bows
and arrows, and had leathern canoes, fuch as they ha-C-e at prefent.
All this is probable; nor fhould the tale of the German, called
Tuckil, one of the crew, invalidate the account. He was one
day miffing ; but foon returned, leaping and finging with all
the extravagint marks of joy a bon vivant could (how, on difco-
vering the inebriating fruit of his country, the grape: Torfa^us
even fays, that he returned in a flate of intoxication. To con-
vince his commander, he brought feveral bunches, who from
that circumflance named that country Finland. It is not to be
denied, that North America produces the true vine ; but it isr
found in far lower latitudes than our adventures could reach
in the time employed in their voyages, which was compre-
hended in a very fmall ipacc. There appears no reafon

* If the reader, however, wifhes to examine this curious qliellion ftill farther,
he will meet with all that can be faid upon the fubjeft, in Williams's Enquiry
into the truth of the traJ'tion, cotiarning tht Difcovtry of America iy Prince Madog. 8vOj
-^See aif« Imlav's Atrtunt 0/ Kentucky, pngT 377, 2d Edit.

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. jj

pi doubt of the difcovery ; but as the land was never co-
lonized nor any advantages made of it, it may fairly be
jconjefturcd, that they reached no farther than the barren
country of Labrador. In fhort, it is from a much later
period that we mufl date the real difcovery of America*.

Towards the clofe of the 14th century, the navigation of Eu-
rope was fcarcely extended beyond the limits of the Meditcrra*
nean. The mariner's compals had been invented and in com-
mon ufe for more than a century ; yet with the help of this
fure guide, prompted by the moft ardent fpirit of diicovery,
and encouraged by the patronage of princes, the mariners of
thofe days rarely ventured from the fight of land. They
acquired great applauie by failing along the coaft of Africa and
difcovering fome of the neighbouring iflands ; and after
pufliing their refearches with the greateft induflry and per-
feverance for more than half a century, the Portuguefe,
who w^ere the moft fortunate and enterprifjng, extended
their difcoveries Southward no farther than the equator.

The rich commodities of the Eaft^ had for feveraj ages
been brought info Europe by the way of the Red Sea and
the Mediterranean ; and it had now become the objcft of
the Portuguefe to find a pafiage to India, by failing round
the Southern extremity of Africa apd then taking an Eaf-
tern courfe. This great pbjeft engaged the general attention
of mankind, and drew into the Portuguefe fervice adven-
turers from every maritime nation in Europe. Every year
added to their experienpe in navigation, and feemed to
promife a reward to their induflry. The pj-ofpeft, however,
of arriving at the Jndjes was extremely diftant ; fifty years
perfeverance in the fame track, had brought them only to
the equator, and it was probable that as many more would
clapfe before they could accomplifh their purpofe, had not
Columbus, by an uncommon exertion of genius, formed
a defign no lefs aftoniflTiing to the age in which he lived,
than beneficial to poilerity.

Among the foreigners whom the fame of the difcoveries
made by the Portuguefe ha4 allured into their fervice,
was Chriflopher Colon or Columbus, a iubjeft of the re-
public of Genoa, Neither the time nor place of his birth
are known with certainty ; but he was delcended of an

* In the 2d Vol. of the Tranfaftions of the Philofophical Society at Philadel-
phia, Mr. Otto, in a Memeir on the Difcovery of America, ftrenuoufly contends,
that one Behem, a German, difcovered the American Continent prior to its be-
ing difcovered by Columbus. For the ingenious arguments in lupport of thi^
ppinionj the reader is referred to the Memoir,

A 2

4 mSCOVERY OF AMERICA.

honourable family, though reduced to indigence by various
misfortunes. His anceftors having betaken themfelves for
fubfiftance to a fea-faring life, Columbus difcovered, in his
early youth, the peculiar charaftcr and talents which mark
out a man for that profcfiion. His parents, inftead of
thwarting this original propenfity of his mind, feem to have
encouraged and confirmed it, by the education which they
gave him. After acquiring fome knowledge of the Latin
tongue, the only language in which fcience was taught at
that time, he was inflrufted in geometry, cofmography, af-
tronomy, and the art of drawing. To thefe he applied
with fuch ardour and predilcftion, on account of their con-
neftion with navigation, his favourite objeft, that he ad-
vanced with rapid proficiency in the ftudy of them. Thus
qualified, in the year 1461, he went to lea at the age of
fourteen, and began his career on that element which con-
duced him to lo much glory. His early voyages were to
thofe ports in the Mediterranean which his countrymen the
Genoefe frequented. This being a fphere too narrow for
his aftive mind, he made an excurfion to the northern feas,
in 146-7, and vifited the coafts of Iceland, to which the
Englifh and other nations had began to refort on account
of its fifhery. As navigation, in every direftion, was now
become enterprifing, he proceeded beyond that ifland, the
Thule of the ancients, and advanced feveral degrees with-
in the polar circle. Having fatisfied his curiofity by a
voyage which tended more to enlarge his knowledge of na-
yal affairs, than to improve his fortune, he entered into the
fervice of a famous fca-captain, of his own name and fa-
mily. This man commanded a fmall fquadron, fitted out at
his own expencc, and by cruifing fometimes againfl the
Mahometans, fometimes againft the Venetians, the rivals of
his country in trade, had acquired both wealth and repu-
tation. With him Columbus continued for feveral years,
no lefs dlftinguiihed for his courage, than for his experi-
ence as a failor. At length, in an obftinate engagement, oft
the coafl of Portugal, vyith fome Venetian Caravels, re-
turning richly laden from the Low Countries, the veffel
on board which he lerved took fire, together v/ith one of
the enemy's fliips, to which it was full grappled. In this
dreadful extremity his intrepidity and prefence of mind did
tiot forfakc him. He threw himfclf into the fea, laid hold
of a floating oar, and by the lupport of it, and his dexterity in
fwimming, he reached the fhorc, though above two leagues
diilant, and laved a life referred for great undertakings.

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 5

As foon as lie recovered flrength for the journey, he repaired
lo Lifbon, where many of his countrymen were fettled. They
foon conceived fucha favourable opinion of his merit, as well as
talents, tliat they warmly folicited him to remain in that king-
dom, where his naval fkill and experience could not fail of
rendering him confpicuous. To every adventurer, animated
either with curiofity to vifit new countries, or with ambition
to diilinguilh himfcif, the Portuguefe fervice was at that time
extremely inviting. Columbus liftened with a favorable ear
to the advice of his friends, and having gained the efheem of a
Portuguefe lady, vv'hom he married, fixed his refidence in
Lifbon. This alliance, inftead of 4«^taching him from a fear
faring life, contributed to enlarge the fphere of his naval
knowledge, and to excite a defire of extending it flill far-
ther. His wife was a daughter of Bartholomew Pereftrello,
one of the captains employed by Prince Henry in his ear-
ly navigations, and who, under his proteftion, had difco-
vered and planted the iflands of Porto Santo and Madeira.
Columbus got poffeffion of the journals and charts of this
experienced navigator, and from them he learned the courfe
which the Portuguefe had held in making their difcoveries,
as well as the various circuniftances which guided or encou-
i-aged them in their attempts. The ftudy of thefc foothed
and inflamed his favourite paflion ; and while he contem-
plated the maps, and read the defcriptions of the new
countries which Pereftrello had feen, his impatience to
vifit them became irrefiftiblc. In order to indulge it, he
made a voyage t.o Madeira, and continued during feveral
years to trade with tjiat ifland, with the Canaries, the Azo-
res, the fettlcments in Guinea, and all the other places which
the Portuguefe had difcovered on the continent of Africa.

By the experience which Columbus acquired, during fuch a
variety of voyages, to almoft every part of the globe with which,
at that time, any intercourfe was carried on by fea, he was now
become one of the moft fkilful navigators in Europe. But,
not fatisfied with that praife, his ambition, aimed at fome-
thing more. The fuccefsful progrcfs of the Portuguefe navi-
gators had awakened a fpirit of curiofity and emulation, which
fet every man of fcience upon examining all the circumftances
that led to the difcoveries which they had made, or that afford-
ed a profpeft of fucceeding in any new and bolder undertak-
ing. The mind of Columbus, naturally inquifitive, capable
of deep refleftion, and turned to fpeculations of this kind, was
fo often employed in revolving the principles upon \/hich the
Portuguefe had founded their rchcuic; of difcovcry, and the.

6 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

mode in which they had carried them on, that he gradually began
to form an idea of improving upon their plan, and of accomplifh-r
ing difcoveries which hitherto they had attempted in vain.

To find out a palTage by fea to the Eaft Indies, wcs the great
objeft in view at that period. From the time that the Portu-
guefe doubled Cape de Verd, this was the point at which they
aimed in all their navigations, and in comparifon with it, all
their difcoveries in Africa appeared inconfiderable. Th^ fer-
tility and riches of India had been known for many ages ; its
fpices and other valuable commodities were in high requeft
throughout Europe, and the vaft wealth of the Venetians arif-
ing from their having engroffed this trade, had raifed the envy
of all nations. Bat how intent foever the Portuguefe were
upon difcovering a new r<)ute to thofe defirable regions, they
fearched for it only by fteex-ing towards the fouth, in hopes of
arriving at India, by turning to the eaft, after they had failed
round the farther extremity of Africa. This courfe was ftill
unknown, and, even if difcoyered, was of fuch immenfe length,
that a voyage from Europe to India muft have appeared, at that
period, an undertaking extremely arduous, and of veiy uncertain
ifTuc. More than half a century had been employed in advan-
cing from Cape Non to the equator ; a much longer fpace of
time might elapfe before the more extenfive navigation from that
to India could be accomplifhed. Thefe refleftions upon the un-
certainty, the danger and tedioufnels of the courie which the
Portuguefe were purfuing, naturally led Columbus to confider
whether a fhorter and more direft paflage to the Eaft Indies
jnight not be found out. After revolving long and ferioully
every circumftance fuggefted by his iuperior knowledge in the
theory as well as praftice of navigation, after comparing atten-
tively the obfervations of modern pilots with the hints and con-
jectures of ancient authors, he at laft concluded, that by failing
direftly towards the weft, acrofs the Atlantic ocean, new coun-
tries, which probably formed a part of the great continent of
India, muft infallibly be difcoyered.

Principles and arguments of various kinds, and derived from
different fources, induced him to adopt this opinion, feemingly
as chimerical as it was new and extraordinary. The fpherical
figure of the earth was known, and its magnitude afcertained
with fome degree of accuracy. From this it was evident, that
the continents of Europe, Afia, and Africa, as far as they were
known at that time, formed but a fraall portion of the terraque-
ous globe. It was a fuitable idea concerning the wildom
and beneficience of the Author of Nature, to believe that the
^'aft fpace, ft,ill unexplored, was not covered entirely by wafl;e

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, 7

iinprofltable ocean, but occupied by countries fit for the ha-
l>itation of man. It appeared likewife extremely probable,
that the continent, on this fide of the globe, was balanced by a pro-
portional quantity of land in the othtr hemifphefe. Thefe conclu-
fions concerning the exiftence of another continent, drawn
from the figure and ftrufture of the globe, were confirmed by
the obfervations and conjeftures of modern navigators. A
Portuguefe pilot, having ftretched farther to the weft than was
Ufual at that time, took up a piece of timber artificially carved,
floating upon the fca ; and as it was driven towards him by a
wefterly wind, he concluded that it came from fome unknown land,
Jituated in that quarter. Columbus's brother-in-law had found
to the weft of the Madeira ifles, a piece of timber fafhioned in
the fame manner, and brought by the fame wind ; and had fecn
likewife canes of art enormous fize floating upon the waves,
•which refembled thofc defcribed by Ptolemy, as produftions
peculiar to the Eaft Indies, After a coutfe of wefterly winds,
trees, torn up by the roots, were often driven upon the coafts
of the Azores, and at onetime the dead bodies of two men, with
fingular features, relembing neither the inhabitants of Europe
not of Africa, were eaft afhore there.

As the force of this united evidence, arifing from theoretical
principles and praftical obfervations, led Columbus to expeft
the difcovery of new countries in the Weftern Ocean, other
rcafons induced him to believe that thefe muft be connefted
with the continent of India. Th6ugh the ancients had hardly
ever penetrated into India ferther than the banks of the Ganges,
yet fome Greek authors had ventured to defcribe the provinces
beyond that river. As men afe prone, and at liberty, to mag-
nify what is remote or unknown, they reprefented them as
regions of an immenfq extent. Ctefias affirmed that India was
as large as all the reft of Afia. Oneficritus, whom Pliny the
naturalift follows, contended that it was equal to a third part
of the inhabitable earth. Nearchus aflerted, that it Would take
four months to march in a ftraight line from one extremity
of India to the other. The journal of Marco Polo, who had
{)roceedcd towards the Eaft far beyond the limits to which any
European had ever advanced, feemed to confirm thefe exaggerated
at;counts of the ancients. By his magnificent defcription of
the kingdoms of Cathay and Cipango, and of many other countries
the names of which were unknown in Europe, India appeared
to be a region of vaft extent. From thefe accounts, which, how-
ever defeftive, were themoft accurate that the people of Europe
had received at that period, with refpeft to the remote parts of
the Eaft, Columbus drew a juft conclufion. He contended,

8 DlSCOl'ERY OF AMERICA.

that, in proportion as the continent of India flretched out
towards the Eaft, it muft in confequence of the fpherical
figure of the earth approach nearer to the iflands which had
lately been difcovcred to the wefl of Africa ; that the dif-
tance from the one to the other was probably not very confi-
derable ; and that the mofl direft, as well as fhorteft courfe. to
the remote regions of the Eaft, was to be found by failing due
weft. This notion concerning the vicinity of India to the
wcftern parts of our continent, was countenanced by fomc
eminent writers among the ancients, the fanftion of whofe
authority was neccITary, in that age, to procure a favourable
reception to any tenet. Ariftotle thought it probable that
the Columns of Hercules, or Straits of Gibraltar, were not
far removed from the Eaft Indies, and that there might be
a communication by fea between them. Seneca, in terms
flill more explicit, affirms, that, with a fair wind, one might
fail from Spain to India in a few days. The famous At-
lantic ifland defcribed by Plato, and fuppofed by many to
be a real country, beyond which an unknown continent
was fituated, is reprefented by him as lying at no great
diftance from Spain. After weighing all thefe particulars,
Columbus, in whofe charafter the modefty and diffidence
of true genius was united with the ardent enthufiafm of
a projeftor, did not reft with fuch abfolute affurance either
upon his own arguments, or upon the authority of tbe
ancients, as not • to confult fuch of his contemporaries as'
were capable of corripreherKling the nature of the evidence
■which he produced in fupport of his opinion. As early as
the year one thoufand four hundred and feventy-four, he
communicated his ideas concerning the probability of dif-
covering new countries, by failing weftwards, to Paul, a
phyfician of Florence, eminent for his knowledge of cof-
mography, and who, frorh trhe learning as well as candour
which he diicovers in his reply, appears to have been w^el!
intitled to the confidence which Columbus placed in him.
He warmly approved of the plan, fuggefted feveral fafts in
confirmation of it, and encouraged Colum.bu's to perfevere
in an undertaking fo laudable, and which miaft redound fo
much to the honour of his Country, and the benefit of
Europe.

To a mind Icfs capable of fomiing and of executing great
dcfigns than that of Columbus, all thofe reafonings, and ob-
fcrvations, and authorities, would have fervcd only as the
foundation of Tome plaufible and fruit lefs theory, which might
have furnifl-rcd irattcr for ingenious difcourfe, or fanciful con-'

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 9

jefture. But with his fanguine and enterpriling temper fpe-
culation led. direftly toaftion. Fully fatisfied himfelf with refpeft to
the truth of his fyftem, he was impatient to bring it to the teft of
experiment, and to let out upon a voyage of difcovery. The firft
ftep towards this was to fecure the patronage of fome of (he confi-
derable powers in Europe, capable of undertaking fuch an cntcrprife.
As long abfence had not extinguifhed the affcftion which he bore to
his native country, he wifhed that it fhould reap the fruits of his la-
bours and invention. With this view, he laid his fchemc before
the fenate of Genoa, and making his country the firft tender of his
fervice offered to fail under the banners of the republic, in queft
of the new regions which he expe£tcd to difcover. But Columbus
had refided for fo many years in foreign parts, that his countrymen
w^ere unacquainted with his abilities and charafter ; and, though a
maritime peoplcj were fo little accuffcomed to diftant voyages, that
they could form no juft idea of the principles on w^hich lie founded
his hopes of fuccefs. They inconfiderately rejefted his propofaK
as the dream of a chimerical projeftor^ and loft for ever the oppor-
ftunity of reftoring their commonwealth to its ancient fplendour;

Having performed what was due to his country, Columbus was
io little dilcourag.ed by the rcpulfe which he had received, that,
inftead of relinquifliing his undertaking, he purfued it with freflx
ardour. He made his next overture to John H. king of Portugal,
ill whofe dominions he had been long eftablifhed, and \vhom he
fconfidered, on that accounti, as having the fecond claim to his fer-
vice. Here every circumftancc Teemed to promife him a more fa-
vourable reception. He applied to a monarch of an enterprlfing
genius, no incompetent judge in naval affairs, and proud of patro-
niling every attempt to difcover new countries. His fubjefts were
the moft experienced navigators in Europe, and the leaft apt to be
intimidated either by the novelty or boldnefs of any maritiiyie expe-
dition. In Portugal, the profeflional fldll of Columbus, as well
as his perfonal good qualities, were thoroughly known ; and as the
former rendered it probable that his fchems was not altogether
vifionary, the latter exempted him from the fufpicion of any fmifter
intention in propofing it. Accordingly, the king liftened to hira
in the moft gracious manner, and referred the confideration of his
plan to Diego Ortiz, bifhop of Ceuta, and two Jewifh phyficians,
eminent cofmographers, whom he was accuftomed to confult in
matters of this kind. As in Genoa, ignorance had oppofed and
difappointed Columbus ; in Lift)on, he had to combat with pre-
judice, an enemy no lefs formidable. The perfons, according to
whofe decifion his fcheme was to be adopted or rejefted, had' been
the chief direftors of the Portuguefe navigations, aiid had advifed to

B

lo DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

i'earch for a paflage to India, by fteering a ccurfc direftly oppofite
to that which Columbus recommended as fliorter and more certain.
They could not, therefore, approve of his propofal, without fub-
mitting to the doufele mortification, of condemning their own
theory, and' of acknowledging his fuperior fagacity. After teafing.
hin;j with captious queflions, and ftarting innumerable objeftionsy
with a view of betraying him into iuch a particular explanation of his
fyftem, as might draw from- him a full difeovery of its nature, they
deferred paflinga final judgment with relpeft to it. In the mean
time, they confpired to rob him of the honour and advantages
which he cxpefted from the fuccefs of his fcheme, advifing the king,
to dil'patcli a veffel, fecretly, in order to attempt the propofed dif-
covcry, by following, exaftly the courfe which Columbus feemed
to point ovit, John, forgetting on this oCcafion the fentimentsba^
coming a monarch, meanly adopted this perfidious counfei. But
the pilot, chofen to execute Columbus's plan, had neither the
genius, nor the fortitude of its author. Contrary winds arofe, no
light of approaching land appeared, his courage failed, and he re-
turned to Lifbonj execrating the proje£l as equally extravagant
and dangerous.

Upon dilcovering- this difhonourable tranfaftion, Columbus felt
the indignation natural to an ingenuous mind, and in the warmth
of his refentment determined to break off all intercourfe with »
nation capable of fuch flagrant treachery. He inftantly quitted the
kingdom, and landed in Spain towards the dole of the year one
thoufand four hundred and eighty-four. As he was now at liberty
to court the protection of any patron, whom he could engage to
approve of his plan, and to carry it into execution, he refolved to'
propofe it in perfon to Ferdinand and Ifabella, who at that time
governed the united kingdoms of Caftilc and Arragnn. But as he
had already experienced the uncertain iffue of applications to kings
and miniftcrs, he took the precaution of fending into England his
brother Bartholomew, to whom he had fully communicated his
ideas, in order that he might negociate, at the fame time, with
Henry VII. who was reputed one of the m.oft fagacious as well as
opulent princes in Europe.

It was not without rcaion that Columbus entertained doubts and
fears with relpeft to the reception of his propolals in the Spanifh
tourt. Spain was, at that junfture, engaged in a dangerous war
with Granada, the la ft of the Moorifli kingdoms in that country.
The wary and fufpicious temper of Ferdinand was not formed ta
relifli bold or uncommon defigns. Ifabella, though more generous
and enterprifing, was under the influence of her hufband in all her
aftions; The Spaniards had hitherto made no efforts to extend
navigatiQn beyond its ancient limits^ and had beheld the amazmg

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. .|i

'progrefs of difcovery among their neighbours the Portuguefe, withr
put one attempt to imitate or to rival them. The war with ilie In-
JfiUels afforded an ample field to the national aftivity and love of glory.
Under circumftances fo unfavourable, it was impoffible for Columbus
to make rapid progrefs with' a nation, naturally flow and dilatory
in forming all its relolutions. His chavafter, however, was ad-
mirably adapted to that of the people, whofe confidence and pro.-
teftion he folicited. He was grave, though courteous in his de-
portment ; circuraipc6i in his words and aftions ; irreproachable
,in his morals ; and exemplary in his attention to all the duties and
Junftions of religion. By qualities fo rcfpeftable, he not only
gained many private friends, but acquired fuch general efteem, that,
notwithftanding the plainncfs of his appearance, fuitable to the me-
diocrity of his fortune, he was not confidered as a mere adventurer,
to whom indigence had fuggefted a vifionary projeft, but was re-
ceived as a perfon to whofe propofitions ferious attention was due.
Ferdinand and liabella, though fully occupied by their operations
againft the Moors, paid fo much regard to Columbus, as to remit
the confideration of his plan to the queen's confeffor, Ferdinand de
Talavera. He confulted luch of his countrymen as were (uppofed
befl qualified to decide with relpefl to a fubjeft of this kind. But
true fcience had, hitherto, made fo little progrefs in Spain, that
the pretended philofophers, felefted to judge in a matter of fuch
moment, did not comprehend the firft principles upon which Co-
lumbus founded his conjc6tures and hopes. Some of them, from
miftaken notions concerning the dimenfions of the globe, contend-
ed that a voyage to thofc remote parts of the eaft, which Columbus
expefted to difcover, could not be performed in lefs than three
years. Others concluded, that cither he would find the ocean to
be of infinite extent, according to the opinion of lome ancient phi-
Jofophers ; or, if he fhould pcrfift in fleering towards the wefl be-
yond a certain point, that the convex figure of the globe would
prevent his return, and that he muft inevitably perifh, in the vaiil
attempt to open a communication between the two oppofite hemif-
ipheres, which nature had for ever disjoined. Even without
deigning to enter into any particular difcuflion, many rejeftcd the
fcheme in general, upon the credit of a maxim, under which the
ignorant and unenterprifing Ihelter themfelves in every age,
" That it is prefumptuous in any perfon, to fuppofe that he alone
poirelTes knowledge fuperior to all the reft of mankind united."
They maintained, that if there were really any fuch countries as
Columbus pretended, they could not have remained fo long con-
cealed, nor would the wifdom and fagacity of former ages have
left the glory of this invention to an obfcure Genoefe pilot.

B 3

12 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

It required all Columbus's patience and addrefs to negociate with
men capable of advancing fuch ftrange propofitions. He had to
contend not only with the obftinacy of ignorance, but with what
is ftill more intraftable, the pride of falfe knowledge. After in-
numerable conferences, and wafting five years in fruitlefs endea-
vours to inform and to fatisfy judges fo little capable of deciding
with propriety, Talavera, at laft, made fuch an unfavourable report
to Ferdinand and Ifabella, as induced thern to acquaint Columbus^
that until the war with the Moors fhould be brought to a period,
it would be imprudent to engage in any new and expenfive
enterprife.

Whatever care was taken to foften the harfhnefs of this decla-
ration, Columbus confidcred it as a final rcjeftion of his propofals.
But happily for mankind, the fuperiority of genius, which is capa-
ble of forming great and uncommon defigns, is ufually accompanied
with an ardent enthufiaim, which can neither be cooled by delays,
nor damped by difappointment. Columbus was of this fanguine
temper. Though he felt deeply the cruel blbw given to his hopes,
and retired irnmediately from a court, where he had been amufed
fo long with vain expeftations, his confidence in the juflnefs of
his own fyftem did not diminifh, and his impatience to dem.onfhrate
the truth of it by an aftual experiment became greater than ever.
Having courted the proteftion of fovereign ftates without fuccefs,
he applied, next, to perions of inferior rank, and addreffed fuccef-
fively the dukes of Medina Sidonia, and Medina Celi, who, though
fubjefts, were poffeffed of power and opulence more than equal t0
the enterprife which he projected. His negociations with them
proved as fruitlefs, as thofe in which he had been hitherto engaged ;
for thefe noblemen were either as little convinced by Columbus's
arguments as their fuperiors, or they were afraid of alarming the
jealoufy, and offending the pride of Ferdinand, by countenancing
a fcheme which he had rejefted.

Amid the painful fenfations occafioned by fuch a fucceffion of
jlifappointments, Columbus had to fuftain the additional diftrefs,
of having received no accounts from his brother, whom he had
fent to the court of England. In his voyage to that country, Bartho-
lomew had been fo unfortunate as to fall into the hands of pirates,
who having ftripped him of every thing, detained him a prifoner
for feveral years. At length, he made his efcape, and arrived in
London, but in fuch extreme indigence, that he was obliged to
employ himfelf, during a confiderable time, in drawing and felling
maps, in order to pick up as much money as would purchafe a de-
cent drcfs, in which he might venture to appear at court. He
then laid before tlie king the propofals, with which he had been cri-
trufted by his brother, and notwithftanding Henry's exceffive cau-

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, ig

tion and parfimony, which rendered him averfe to new or expenfive
undertakings, he received Columbus's overtures, with more appro-
bation, than any monarch to whom they had hitherto been prefented.

Meanwhile, Columbus being unacquainted with his brother's
fate, and having now no profpeft of encouragement in Spain, re-
folved to vifit the court of England in perfon, in hopes of meeting
with a more favourable reception there. He had already made
preparations for this purpofe, and taken meafures for the difpofal
of his children during his abfence, when Juan Perez, the guardian
of the monaftery of Rabida, near Palos, in which they had been
educated, earneftly folicited him to defer his journey for a (hort
time. Perez was a man of confiderable learning, and of fome credit
with Queen Ifabella, to whom he was known perfonally. He was
warmly attached to Columbus, with whofe abilities as well as inte-
grity he had many opportunities of being acquainted. Prompted
by curiofity or by friendfhip, he entered upon an accurate examina-
tion of his fyftem, in conjunftion with a phyfician fettled in the
neighbourhood, who was a confiderable proficient in mathematical
knowledge. This invefligation fatisfied them fo thoroughly, with
refpett to the folidity of the principles on which Columbus found-
ed his opinion, and the probability of fuccefs in executing the plan
which he propofed, that Perez, in order to prevent his country
from being deprived of the glory and benefit, a/vhich mufl accrue
to the patrons of fuch a grand enterprife, ventured to write to
Ifabella, conjuring her to confider the matter anew, with the
attention whicli it merited.

Moved by the reprefentations of a perfon whom fhe refpefted,
Ifabella defircd Perez to repair immediately to the village of Santa
Fe, in which, on account of the fiege of Granada, the court refi-
ded at that time, that fhe might cenfer with him upon this impert-
ant fubjeft. The firft effeft of their interview was a gracious in-
vitation of Columbus back to court, accompanied with the pre-
fent of a fmall fum to equip him for the journey. As there was
now a certain profpeft, that the war with the Moors would fpeedi-
ly be brought to an happy iffue by the reduction of Granada,
which would leave the nation at liberty to engage in new under-
takings ; this, as well as the mark of royal favour, with which Co-
lumbus had been lately honoured, encouraged his friends to ap-
pear with greater confidence than formerly in lupport of his fcheme.
The chief of thefe, Alonfo de Quintanilla, comptroller of the fi-
nances in Caftile, and Luis de Santangel, receiver of the ecclefi-
aftical revenues in Arragon, whofe meritorious zeal in promoting
this great dcfign entitles their names to an honourable place in
hiftory, introduced Columbus to many perfons of high rank, and
. ^nterelled them warmly in his behalf.

14 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

But it was not an eafy matter to infpire Ferdinand witli favour-
able fentiments. He ftill regarded Columbus's projeft as extpava-
gant and chimerical ; and in order to render the efforts of his partit
zans ineffeftual, he had the addreis to employ in this new negocia-
tion y/ith him, fome of the perfons who had formerly pronounced
his fcheme to be imprajfticable. To their aflonifhmcnt, Columbus
appeared before them with the fame confident hopes of fuccefs as
formerly, and infifted upon the fame high recompence. He pro-
pofed that a fmall fleet fhould be fitted out, un4er his command, to
attempt the difcovery, and demanded to be appointed hereditary
jidmiral and viceroy of all the feas and lands which he fhould dif-
cover, and to have the tenth of the profits arifing from them, fet-
tled irrevocably upon himfelf and his difcendants. At the fame
time, he offered to advance the eighth part of the fum neceffary
for accomplifhing his defign, on condition that he (hould be enti-
tled to a proportional fhare oC benefit from the adventure. If the
enterprife fhould totally mifcarry, he made no fhipulation for any
reward or emolument whatever, Ir^ftead of viewing this conduft
as the clearefl evidence of his full pcrfuafion with refpeft to the
truth of his own fyftem, or being flruck with that magnanimity
which, after fo many delays and repulfes, would fhoop to nothing
inferior to its original claims, the perfons with whom Columbus
treated, began meanly to calculate the expence of the expedition,
and the value of the reward which he demanded. The expence,
moderate as it was, they reprefentcd to be too great for Spain, in
the prefent exhaufted flate of its finances. They contended, that
the honours and emoluments claimed by Columbus, were exorbi-
tant, even if he {hould perform the utmoft of v/hat he had promif-
ed ; and if all his fanguinc hopes {hould prove illufive, fuch vail
conceffions to an adventurer would be deemed not only inconfide-
rate, but ridiculous. In this impofing garb of caution and pru-
dence, their opinion appeared fo plaufible, and was fo warmly fup-
ported by Ferdinand, that Ifabella declined giving any countenance
to Columbus, and abruptly broke off the negociation with him
which {he had begun.

This was more mortifying to Columbus than all the difappoint-
ments which he had hitherto met with, The invitation to court
from Ifabella, like an unexpefted ray of light had opened fuch
profpefts of fuccefs, as encouraged him to hope that his labours
were at an end; but now darknefs and uncertainty returned, and
his mind, firm as it was, could hardly fupport the fhock of fuch
an unforefeen reverfe. He withdrew in deep anguiflr from court,
with an intentioi^ of profscuting his voyage tq England, as his lall
rcfource.

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 15

About that time Granada furrendered, and Ferdinand and Ifabcl-
la, in triumphal pomp, took pofTeflion of a city, the reduftion of
which extirpated a foreign power from the heart of their domini-
ons, and rendered them mafters of all the provinces, extending
from the bottom of the Pyrenees to the frontiers of Portugal. As
the flow of fpirits which accompanies fuccels elevates the mind,
and renders it enterpriliag, Quintanilla and Santangel, the vigilant
and difcerning patrons of Columbus, took advantage of this fa-
vourable fituation, in order to make one effort more in behalf of
#heir friend. They addreiTed themfelves to Ifabella, and, after
expreffing fome lurprifc, that fhe who had always been the muni-
ficent patronefs of generous undertakings, fhould hefitate fo long
to countenance the mod Iplcndid icheme that had ever been pro-
pofed to any monarch ; they reprefented to her, that Columbus
was a man of a found underftanding and virtuous charafter, well
qualified, by his experience in navigation, as well as his knowledge
of geometry, to form juft ideas with refpeft to the ftrufture of the
globe and the htuaticn of its various regions ; that, by offering to
rifk his own life and fortune in the execution of his fcheme, he
gave the moft fatisfying evidence both of his integrity and hope of
iuccefs ; that the fum requifite for equipping fuch an armament as
he demanded was inconfiderable, and the advantages which might
accrue from his undertaking were immenfe ; that he demanded no
recompence for his invention and labour, but what was to arifc
from the countries which he fhould difcover ; that, as it was wor-
thy of her magnanimity to make this noble attempt to extend the
fphere of human knowledge, and to open an intercourfe with re-
gions hitherto unknown, fo it would afford the higheft fatisfaftion
to her piety and zeal, after re-eftablifhing the Chriftian faith in
thofe provinces of Spain from which it had been long baniflied, to
difcover a new world, to which fhe might communicate the light
and bleffings of divine truth ; that if now fhe did not decide in-
ftantly, the opportunity would be irretrievably loft : that Colum-
bus was on his way to foreign countries, v/here fome prince, more
fortunate or adventurous, would clofe with his propofals, and Spain
would for ever bewail the fatal timidity which had excluded her
from the glory and advantages that fhe had once in her power to
have enjoyed.

Thefe forcible arguments, urged by perfons of fuch authority,
and at a junfture lb well chofcn, produced the dehred effeft.
They difpelled all Ifabella's doubts and fears ; fhe ordered Colum-
bus to be inftantly recalled, declared her refolution of employing
him on his own terms, and regretting the low ftate of her finances,
generoufly offered to pledge her own jewels, in order to raile as
much money as might be needed in making preparations for the

x6 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

voyage. Santangel, in a tranfpcrt of gratitude, kiffed the Queen's
hand, and in order to fave her from, having recourfe to fuch a
mortifying expedient for procuring money, engaged to advance
immediately the fum that was requifite.

Columbus had proceeded lomc leagues on his journey, when the
meffenger from Ifabella overtook him. Upon receiving an account
of the unexpefted revolution in his favour, he returned direftly.
to Santo Fe, though lome remainder of diffidence ftill mingled it-
felf with his joy. But the cordial reception which he met with
from Ifabella, together \yith the near profpeft of fetting out upon
that voyage which had fo long been the obje£l of his thoughts and
wifhes, foon effaced the remembrance of all that he had I'uffered
in Spain, during eight tedious years of felicitation and fufpence.
The negociation now went forward with facility and difpatch,
and a treaty of capitulation with Columbus was figned on the
feventeenth of April, one thoufand four hundred and ninety-two.
The chief articles of it were, i. Ferdinand and Ifabella, as fove-
reigns of the ocean, conftituted Columbus their high admiral in all
the feas, iflands, and continents which fhould be difcovered by
his induftry ; and ftipulated, that he and his heirs for ever fhould
enjoy this office, with the fame powers and prerogatives which
belonged to the high admiral of Caftile, within the limits of his;
jurifdiftion. 2. They appointed Columbus their viceroy in all
the iflands and continents which he fhould difcover ; but if, for
the better adminiftration of affairs, it fhould hereafter be neceffary
to eftablifli a feparate governor in any of thofe countries, they au-
thcuifed Columbus to name three perfons, of whom they would
chufe one for that office ; and the dignity of viceroy, with all its
immunities, was likewife to be hereditary in the family of Columbus.
3. They granted to Columbus and his heirs for ever the tenth of
the free profits accruing from the produftions and commerce of the
countries which he fhall difcover. 4. They declared, that if any
controverfy or law-fuit fhall arife with refpeft to any mercantile
tranfaftion in the countries which fhould be difcovered, it fhould
be determined by the fole authority of Columbus, or of judges to
be appointed by him. 5. They psrmitted Columbus to advance
one-eighth part of what fhould be expended in preparing for the
expedition, and in carrying on cotamerce with the countries
which he fhould difcover, and intitled him, in return, to an
eighth part of the profit.

Though the name of Ferdinand appears conjoined with that of
Ifabella in this trani'atlion,his diftruft of Columbus was ftill fo vio-
lent that he refufed to take any part in the enterprife as King of
Arragon. As the whole expence of the expedition was to be de-
frayed by the crown of Caftile, Ifabella refervcd for her fubjcfts

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 17

of that kingdom an exclufive right to all the benefits which might
redound from its fuccefs.

As foon as the ti-eaty was figned, Ifiibella, by her attention and
aftivity in forwarding the preparations for the Voyage, endeavour-
ed to make fome reparation to Columbus for the time which he
had loft in fruitlefs folicitation. By the twelfth of May, all that
depended upon her was adjufted ; and Columbus waited on the
king and queen^ in order to receive their final inftru6lions. Every
thing refpefting the deftination and conduft of the voyage, they
committed implicitly to the difpofal of his prudence. But, that
they might avoid giving any juft caufe of offence to the king of
Portugal, they ftriftly enjoined him not to approach near to the
Portuguefe fettlements on the coaft of Guinea, or in any of the
other countries to which the Portuguefe claimed right as difcoverers.
Ifabella had ordered the fhips, of which Columbus was to take the
command, to be fitted out in the Port of Palos, a fmall maritime
town in the province of Andalufia. As the guardian Juan Perez,
to whom Columbus had already been fo much indebted, refided in
the neighbourhood of this place, he, by the influence of that good
f cclefiaftic, as well as by his own connexion with the inhabitants,
not only raifed among them what he wanted of the fum that he
was bound by treaty to advance, but engaged feveral of them to
accompany him in the voyage. The chief of thefe alTociates were
three brothers of the name of Pinzon, of confiderable wealth, and
of great experience in naval affairs, who were willing to hazard
their lives and fortunes in the expedition.

But, after all the efforts of Ifabella and Columbus, the armament
was not fuitable, either to the dignity of the nation by which it
was equiped, or to- the importance of the fervice for which it was
deflined. It confifted of three veffels. The largeft, a fhip of no
confiderable burden, was commanded by Columbus, as admiral,
who gave it the name of Santa Maria, out of refpe£t for the Blefled.
Virgin, whom he honoured with fingular devotion. Of the fecond,
called the Pinta, Martin Pinzon was captain, and his brother Francis
pilot. The third, named the Nigna, was under the command of
Vincent Yanez Pinzon. Thefe two were light veflels, hardly
fuperior in burden or force to large boats. This fquadron, if it
merits that name, was viftualled for twelve months, and had on
board ninety men, moftly iailors, together with a few adventurers
who followed the fortune of Columbus, and fome gentlemen of
liabella's court, whom fhe appointed to accompany him. Though
the expence of the undertaking was one of the circumftances which
chiefly alarmed the court of Spain, and retarded fo long the nego-
ciation with Columbus, the fum employed in fitting out this fqua-
dron did not exoecd four thoufand pounds. C

>8 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

As the art of fliip-building in the fifteenth century was extreme-
ly rude, and the bulk of veflcls was accommodated to the fhort andl
eafy voyages along the coafl which they were accuftomed to per-
form, it is a proof of the courage as well as enterprifing genius of
Columbus, that he ventured, with a fleet fo unfit for a diftant na-
vigation, to explore unknown feas, where he had no chart to guide
him, no knowledge of the tides and currents, and no experience
of the dangers to which he might be expofed. His eagernels to
accomplifh the great defign which had fo long engrolfed his thoughts,
made him overlook or difregard every circumffcance that would
have intimidated a mind lels adventurous. He pufhed forward
the preparations with fuch ardour, and was feconded fo efFeftually
by the perlons to whom Ifabella committed the fuperintendence of
this bufincfs, that every thing was foon in readinefs for the voyage.
But as Columbus was deeply imprelTed \vith fentiments of religiony
he would not fet out upon an expedition fo arduous, and of which
one great objeft was to extend the knowledge of the Chriflian
faith, without imploring publicly the guidance and proteftion of
Heaven. With this view, he, together with all the perfons under
his command, marched in folemn procefTion to the monaftery of
Rabida. After confelTing their fins, and obtaining abfolution, they
received the holy facrament from the hands of the guardian, whf*
joined his prayers to theirs for the fuccefs of an enterprife which
he had fo zealoufly patronized^

Next morning, being Friday the third day of Aug.ufh, in the year
one thoufand four hundred and ninety-two, Columbus fet fail, a
little before fun-rife, in prefence of a vafl crowd of fpeftators, who
fent up their fupplications to Heaven for the profperous iffue of
the voyage, which they wifhed, rather than expefted. Columbus
fleered direftly for the Canary Iflands, and arrived there, Auguft
13, 1492, without any occurrence that would have defervcd no-
tice on any other occafion. But, in a voyage of fuch expeftation
and importance, every circumftance was the objeft of attention.
The rudder of the Pinta broke loofe, the day after flie left the
harbour, and that accident alarmed the crew, no lefs fuperftitious
than unfkilful, as a certain omen of the unfortunate deftiny of the
expedition. Even in the fhoi-t run to the Canaries, the fhips were
found to be fo crazy and ill appointed, as to be very improper for
a navigation which was expefted to be both long and dangerous.
Columbus refitted them, however, to the beft of his powei", and
having fupplied himfelf with frslh provifions he took his departure
from Gomcra, one of the moft wcflerly of the Canary Iflands, on
the fixth day of September.

Here the voyage of difcovery may properly be faid, to begin; for
Cwjlumbus holdmg his c.ourfe due woil. left immediately the ufual

•DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. if,

track of navigation, and flretchcd into unfrequented and unknown
ieas. The firft day, as it was very calm, he made but little way ;
but on the fecond, he loil fight of the Canaries ; and many of the
failors, dejefted already and difmayed, when they contemplated the
boldnefs of the undertaking, began to beat their breafts, jind to fhed
tears, as if they were never more to behold land. Columbus com-
forted them with affurances of fuccefs, and the profpecl of vafl
wealth, in thofe opulent regions whither he was conducing them.
This early diicovery of the ipirit of his followers taught Columbus,
that he muft pi-epare to ftruggle, not only with the unavoidable
difficulties which might be expefted from the nature of his un-
dertaking, but with fuch as were likely to arife from the ignorance
and timidity of the people under his command ; and he perceived
that the art of governing the minds of men would be no Ids requi-
fite for accompliihing the difcoveries which he had in view, than
naval fkill and undaunted courage. Happily for himtelf, and for
the country by which he was employed, he joined to the ardent
temper and inventive genius of a projeftor, virtues of anotlier fpe-
cies, which are rarely united with them. He polfsired a thorough
knowledge of niankind, an infinuating addrcfs, a patient perfever-
ance in executing any plan, the perfc6l government of his paflions,
and the talent of acquiring an afccndant over thoie of other men.
All thefe qualities, which formed him for command, were accom-
panied with that luperior knowledge of his profeffion, which begets
confidence in times of difficulty and danger. To unfkilful Spanifn
failors, accuflomed only to coafting voyages in -the Mediterranean,
the maritime fcience of Columbus, the fruit of thirty years experi-
ence, improved by an acquaintance with all the inventions of the
Portuguefe, appeared immcnie. As foon as they put to fea, he re-
gulated every thing by his fole authority ; he fuperintended the
execution of every order ; and allowing himlelf only a few hours
for fleep, he was at all other times upon deck. As his courfe lay
through feas w^hich had not formerly been vifited the founding-
line, or inftruments for obfervation, were continually in his hands.
After the example of the Portuguefe difcoverers, he attended to
the motion of tides and currents, watched the flight of birds, the
appearance of fifhes, of fca-weeds and of every thing that floated
on the waves, and entered every occurrence, with a minute exa£t-
nefs, in the journal which he kept. As the lengtii of the voyage
could not fail of alarming failors habituated only to ihort excurfions,
Columbus endeavoured to conceal fromthemthe realprogrefs which
they made. With this view, though they run eighteen leagues on
the fecond day after they left Gomera, he gave out that they had
advanced only fifteen, and he uniformly employed the fame artiHcq;

C 2

20 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

of reckoning fhort during the whole voyage. By the fourteenth
of September, the fleet was above two hundred leagues to the weft
of the Canary Ifles, at a greater diftance from land than any Spa*
niard had been before that time. There they were ftruck with an
appearance no lefs aftonifhing than new. They obferved that the
magnetic needle, in their compaffes did not point exaftly to the
polar ftar, but varied towards the weft ; and as they proceeded, this
variation increafed. This appearance, which is now familiar,
though it ftill remains one of the myfteries of nature, into the caufe
of which the fagacity of man hath not been able to penetrate, fil-
led the companions of Columbus with terror. They were new in
a boundlefs unknown ocean, far from the ufual courfe of naviga-
tion ; nature itfelf feemed to be altered, and the only guide which
they had left was about to fail them. Columbus, with no lefs
quicknefs than ingenuity, invented a reafon for this appearance,
which, though it did not fatisfy himfelf, feemed fo plaufible to
them, that it difpelled their fears or filenced their murmurs.

He ftill continued to fteer due weft, nearly in the fame latitude
with the Canary Ifles. In this courle he came within the fphere
of the trade wind, which blows invariably from eaft to weft, be-
tween the tropics and a few degrees beyond them. He advanced
before this fteady gale with fuch uniform rapidity, that it was lel-
dom necefl"ary to fhift a fail. When about four hundred leagues
to the weft of the Canaries, he found the lea fo covered with weeds,
that it refembled a meadow of vaft extent ; and in fome places they
were fo thick, as to retard the motion of the veflels. This ftrange
appearance occafioned new alarm and dilquiet. The failors ima-
gined that they were now arrived at the utmoft boundary of the
navigable ocean ; that theie floating weeds would obftruft their far-
ther progrefs, and concealed dangerous rocks, or fomp large traft
of land, which had funk, they knew not how, in that place. Co-
lumbus endeavoured to perluade them, that what had alarmed,
ought rather to have encouraged them, and was to be confidered as
a fign of approaching land. At the fame time a briflt gale arofe,
and carried them forward. Several birds were fcen hovering about
the fhip*, and direfted their flight towards the weft. The def-
ponding crew refumed fome degree of fpirit, and began to enter-
tain frefh hopes.

* As the Portuguefe, in making their difcoveries, did not depart far from the
coaft of Africa, they concluded that birds, whofe flight they obferved with great
attention, did not venture to any confiderable diftance from land. In the infancy
of navigation, it was not known, that birds often ftretch their flight to an immenfe
diftance from any ftiore. In failing towards the Weft-Indian iflands, birds arc
often feen at the diftance of two hundred leagues from the neareft coaft.
Sloane's Nat. Hift. of Jamaica, vol. i. p. 30. Catelby faw an owl at fea, when
the fliip was fix hundred leagues diftant from land. Nat. Hift. of Carolina, prefi

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 21

Upon the firft of Oftober they were, according to the admiral's
reckoning, feven hundred and feventy leagues to the weft of the
Canaries ; but left his men fliould be intimidated by the prodigious
length of navigation, he gave out that they had proceeded only
fitve hundred and eighty-four leagues ; and, fortunately for Colum-
bus, neither his own pilot, nor thofe of the other fhips, had {kill
iufficient to correft this error, and difcovcr the deceit. They had
now been above three weeks at fea ; they had proceeded far beyond
what former navigators had attempted or deemed poffible ; all their
prognoftics of difcovery, drawn from the flight of birds and other
circumftances had proved fallacious ; the appearances of land,
with which their own credulity or the artifice of their commander
had from time to time flattered and amuled them, had been alto-
gether iilufive. and their profpeftof fuccefs fcemed now to be as dif-
tant as ever. Thele refleftions occurred often to men, who had
no other object or occupation, than to realon and difcourfe couvf ern-
ing the intention and circumftances of their expedition. They
made impreflion, at firft, upon the ignorant and timid, and extend-
ing, by degrees, to luch as were better informed or more refolute,
the contagion fpread at length from fhip to (hip. From fecret
whifpers or murmurings, they proceeded to open cabals and public
complaints. They taxed their lovereign with inconfiderate crc-
jdulity, in paying iuch regard to the vain promifes and rafli con-
jeftures of an indigent foreigner, as to hazard the lives of lb many
of her own fubje6ls, in proiecuting a chimerical fcheme. They
affirmed that they had fully pei-formed their duty, by venturing fo
far in an unknown and hopelefs courfe, and could incur no blame,
for refufing to follow, any longer, a defperate adventurer to cer-
tain deftruftion. They contended, that it was neceffary to think
£)i returning to Spain, while their crazy veffels were ftill in a con-
dition to keep tlie lea, but cjcpreffed their fears that the attempt
twould prove vain, as the v/ind, which had hitherto been fo favour-
able to their eourlc, muft render it impoffible to lail in the oppofitc
direftion. All agreed that Columbus fliould be compelled by
force to adopt a meafure on which their common fafety depended.
Some of the more audacious propoled, as the moft expeditious and
certain method for getting rid at once of his remonftrances, to
throw him into the iea, being perfuaded that, upon their return

p. 7. Hifl. Naturelle de M. BufFon, torn. xvi. p. 32. From which it appears,
that this indication of land, on which Columbus feems to have relied with feme
confidence, was extremely uncertain. This obfervation is confirmed by Captain
Cook, the moft cxtcnfive and experienced navigator of any age or nation.
•' No one yet knows (fays he) to what diftance any of the oceanic birds go to fea ;
for my own part, I do not believe that there is one in the whole tribe that ca^i
be relied on in pointing out the vicinity of lind." Voyage towards the Sdutti
J'ak, vol. i. p. 87^.

22 DISCui^jiKY OF AMERICA.

to Spain, the death of an unfuccefsful projeftor would excite
little concern, and be inquired into with no curiofity.

Columbus was fully fenfible of his perilous fituation. He had
obfcrvcd, with great uneafmefs, the fatal operation of ignorance,
and of fear in producing difaffeftion anaong his crew, and law that
it was now ready to buril out into open mutiny. He retained,
however, perfeft preience of mind. He aflFefted to feem ignorant
of their machinations. Notwithftanding the agitation and lolici-
tude of his own mind, he appeared with a cheerful countenance,
like a man fatisfied with the progrels which he had made, and con-
fident of fuccefs. Sometimes he employed all the arts of infmu-
ation to foothe his men. Sometimes he endeavoured to work
upon their ambition or avarice, by magnificent delcriptions of the
fame and wealth which they were about to acquire. On other
occafions, he affumcd a tone of authority, and threatened thcin
with vengeance from their fovereign, if, by their daflardly beha-
viour, they fhould defeat this noble effort to promote the glory of
God, and to exalt the Spanifh name above that of every other
nation. Even with feditious failors, the words of a man whom
they had been accuftomed to reverence, were weighty and perfua-
five, and not only reilrained them from thole violeiit exceifes,
which they meditated, but prevailed with them to accompany
their admiral for fomc time longer.

As they proceeded, the indications of approaching land feemed
to be more certain, and excited hope in proportion. The birds
began to appear in flocks, making towards the fouth-weft. Colum-
bus, in imitation of the Portugueic navigators, who had been guided,
in feveral of their difcoverics, by the motion of birds, altered his
courfe from due wcfl towards that quarter whither they pointed
their flight. But, after holding on for leveral days in this new
direftion, without any better fuccefs than formerly, having leen
no objeft, during thirty days, but the lea and the f!-;y, the hopes
of his companions fubfided fafter than they had riien ; their fears
revived with additional force ; impatience, rage, and defpair, ap-
peared in every countenance. All fenfe of fubordination was loft ;
the officers, who had hitherto concurred with Columbus in opini-
on, and fupported his authority, now took part with the private
men ; they affembled tumultuoufly on the deck, expoftulated with
their commander, mingled threats with their expoftulations, and
required him inftantly to tack about and to return to Europe.
Columbus perceived that it would be of no avail to have recourfe
to any of his former arts, which having been tried fo often, had
loft their efi^eft ; and that it was impoflible to rekindle any zeal
for the fuccefs of the expedition among men, in whofc brealls fear
had extinguiflied every generous fentiment. He faw that it was

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 23

iio lefs vain to think of employing either gentle or fevere meafures,
to quell a mutiny fo general and lb violent. It was neceffary, on
all thcfe accounts, to i'oothe paflions which he could tlo longer
command, and to give way to a torrent too impetuous to be checked.
He promifed iblemnly to his men that he would comply with their
rcquefl, provided they would accompany him, and obey his com-
mands for three days longer, and if, during that time, land were
not difcoveredj he would then abandon the enterprife, and dircft
his courfe towards Spain.

Enraged as the failors were, and impatient to turn their faces
again towards their native country, this propofition did not appear
to them unreafonable. Nor did Columbus hazard much in confin-
ing himfelf to a term fo fliort. The prefages of difcovering land
were now fo numerous and promifing, that he deemed them infalli-
ble. For iome days the founding ime reached the bottom, and
the foil which it brought up indicated land to be at no great dif-
tance. The flocks of birds increaled, and were compofed not only
of fea fowl, but of fuch bnd birds as could not be iuppofed to fly
far from the fhore. The crew of the Pinta obferveda cane floating
which feemcd to have been newly cut, and likewife a piece of tim-
ber artificially carved. The failors aboard the Nigna took up the
branch of a tree with red berries, perfeftly frefh. The clouds
around the fetting fun affumed a new appearance : the air was more
mild and warm, and, during night, the wind became unequal and
Variable. From all thefe fymptoms, Columbus was fo confident of
being near land, that on the evening of the eleventh of Oftober,
after publ'c prayers for fuccefs, he ordered the fails to be furled,
and the fhips to lie to, keeping ftrift watch, Icfl they Ihould be
driven ?fhore in the night. During this interval of fufpence and
expedition, no man fhut his eyes, all kept upon deck, gazing in-
tently towards that quarter where they cxpeftcd to difcover the
land, which had been fo long the objetl of their wiflies.

About two hours before midnight, Columbus {landing on the
forc-caftle, oblerved a light at a diflance, and privately pointed it
out to Pedro Guttierez, a page of the Queen's wardrobe. Guttierez
perceived it, and calling to Salcedo, comptroller of the fleet, all thi^ee
faw it in motion as if it were carried from place to place. A lit-
tl ; after midnight, the joyful found of land, land, was heard from
th: Pinta, which kept always ahead of the other fhips.- But, hav-
ing been fo often deceived by fallacious appearances, evey man was
now become flow of belief, and waited, in all the anguifli of un-
certainty and impatience, for the return of day. As foon as morn,
ing dawned, Friday, Oftober 1 2, all doubts and fears were dilpel-
Icd. From every fliip an ifland was feen ^bout two leagues to ''•^s

24 D ISC 0 VE KY OF A M ERlC A.

north, whofe flat and verdant fields, well ftored with wood, an(J
watered with many rivulets, prefented the afpeft of a delightful
country. The crew of the Pinta inftantly began the Te Deum, as
a hymn of thankfgiving to God, and were joined by thofe of the
other fhips, with tears of joy and tranfports of congratulation.
This office of gratitude to Heaven was followed by an aft of jufticc
to their commander. They threw themfelves at the feet of Co-
lumbus, w^ith feelings of felf-condemnation mingled witii reverence.
They implored him to pardon their ignorance, incredulity, nnd in-
folence, which had created him fo much unneceffary dilquict,
and had fo often obftrufted the profecution of his well-concerted
plan: and paffing, in the warmth of their admiration, from one
extreme to another, they new pronounced the man, whom they
had Co lately reviled and threatened, to be a perfon infpired by
Heaven with fagacity and fortitude more than human, in order to
accomplifh a defign, fo far beyond the ideas and conception of all
former ages.

As foon as the fun arofe, all their boats were manned and armed.
They rowed towards the ifland with their colours difplayed, with
warlike mufic, and other martial pomp. As they approached the
coaft,theyfaw it covered with a multitude ofpeople, whom the novel-
ty of the fpeftacle had drawn together, whofe attitudes and geftures
cxprefled wonder and aftonifhment at the ftrange objefts which
prefented themfelves to their view. Columbus was the firfl Euro-
pean who fet foot in the New World which he had difcovered.
He landed in a rich drefs, and with a naked fword in his hand.
His men followed and kneeling down, they all kiffed the ground
which they had fo long defired to fee. They next erefted a cru-
cifix, and proftrating themfelves before it, returned thanks to God
for condufting their voyage to fuch an happy iffue. They then
took folemn poflfefTion of the country for the Crown of Caftile and
Leon, with all the formalities which the Portugucfc were acci^f
tomed to obferve in afts of this kind, in their new difcoveries.

The Spaniards, while thus employed, were furrounded by many
of the natives, who gazed, in filent admiration, upon aftions which
they could not comprehend, and of which they did not forefee the-
confequenccs. The drefs of the Spaniards, the whitenefs of their
flcins, their beards, their arms appeared flrange and furprifmg.
The vaft machines in which they had traverfed the ocean, that
fccmcd to move upon the waters with wings, and uttered a dreadr
ful found refembling thunder, accompanied with lightning and
fmoke, flruck them with fuch terror, that they began to rel'pect
their new guefts as a fuperior order of beings, and concluded that
they were, children of the Sun, who had defcended to vifit the
earth.

biSCOVERY OF AMERICA. 25

The Europeans were hardly lefs amnzcd at the focnc now be-
fore them. Every herb, and fhrub, and tree, was different froni.
thofe which flourifhed in Europe. The foil fccmed to be rich, but
bore few marks of cultivation. The climntc< even to Spaniards,
felt warm, though extremelv delightful. The inhabitants appear-
ed in the hmple innocence of nature, entirely naked. Their black
hair, long and uncurled, floated upon their fhouldcrs, or was
bound in treffes around their heads. They had no beards, and
every part of their bodies was perfeftly fmooth. Their com-
plexion was a dufky copper colout, their features fingular, rather
than dilagrceable, their afpeft gentlfc and timidw Though not
t-all, they were well fhaped, and aftive. Their faces, and feveral
parts of their body, were fantaflically painted with glaring colours.
They were fhy at firfl through fear, but foon become familiar with.
the Spaniards, and with tranfports of joy received from themi
hawks-bells, glafs beads, or other bnubleSj in return for which they
gave luch provihons as they had, and fome cotton yarn, the only
commodity of value that they could produce. Towards evening,
Columbus returned to his fhips, accompanied by many of the
iflanders in their boats, which they called canoes, and though
rudely formed out of the trunk of a fingle tree, they rowed therti
with furprifing dexterity. Thus, in the firft interview between
the inhabitants of the old and ne\v worlds, eVery thing was con-
ducted amicably, and to their mutual fatisfaftion; The former,
enlightened and ambitious, formed already vafL ideas with refpc£t
to the advantages which they might derive from the regions that
began to open to their view. The latter, fimple and undifcerning,
had no forefight of the calamities and defolaticn which were ap-
proaching their country.

Columbus, who now affumcd the title and authority of admiral
and viceroy, called the, ifland which he had difcovered San Salva-^
dor. It is better known by the name of Gttanahani, which the
natives gave to it, and is one of that large clufter of ifiands called
the Lucaya or Baharrta ifles. It is lituatcd above three Ihoufand
miles to the weft of Gomera, from which the fquadron took its
departure, and only four degrees to the fouth of it; fo little had
Columbus deviated from the v/eftcrly courle, which he had chofen
as the moft proper.

Columbus employed the nc:*ct day in vifiting the coalls of the
ifland ; and from the univerfal poverty of the inhabitants, he per-
ceived that this was not the rich country for whicli he iought-
But, conformably to his theory concerning the difeovery of thofe
regions of Afia which (Iretched towards the eaft, he concluded
that San Salvador was one of the ifles which geographers dclcrib-

D

26 DISCO VE RY OF A M E R ICA.

ed as fitiwted in the great ocean adjacent to India. Having obfer-
vcd that moft of the people whom he had leen wore I'mall plates
of gold, by way oF ornament, in their noftrils, he eagerly inquired
where they got that precious metal. They pointed towards the fouth,
and made him comprehend by figns, that gold abounded in coun-
tries fituated in that quarter. I'hithcr he immediately determin-
ed to direft his courlc. in full confidence o-f finding there thole
opulent regions which had been the objeft of his voyage, and
would be a recompence for all his toils and dangers. He took
along with him fevcn of the natives of San Salvador, that, by ac-
quiring the Spanifh language, they might ferve as guides and in-
terpreters ; and thofe innocent people confidercd it as a mark of
diftinftion when they were fclefted to accompany him.

He faw feveral iflands, and touched at three of the largeft, on
which he beflowed tlie names of St. Mary of the Conception, Fer-
nandina, and Ifabella. But as their foil, produftions, and inhabi-
tants, nearly relembled thofe of San Salvador, he made no ftay in
any of them. He inquired every where for gold, and the figns that
were uniformly made by way of anfwer, confirmed him in the opi-
nion that it was brought from the fouth. He follo^ved that courfe,
and foon difcovered a countrv which appeared very extenfive, not
pcrfeftly level, like thofe which he had already vifited, but fo di-
.verfified with rifing grounds, hills, rivers, woods and plains, that
he was uncertain whether it might prove an ifland, or part of the-
continent. The natives of San Salvador, whom he had on board,
called it Cuba ; Columbus gave it the name of Juanna. He enter-
ed the mouth of a large river with his fquadron, and all the inha-
bitants fled to the mountains as he approached the fliore. But as
he reiolved to careen his fhips in that place, he fent fomc Spaniards,
together with one of the people of San Salvador, to view the in-
terior oarts of the country. They, having advanced above fixty
miles from the Ihore, reported upon their return, that the foil was
richer and more cultivated than any they had hitherto difcovered ;
that, befides many fcattcred cottages, they had found one village,,
containing above a thoufand inhabitants ; that the people though
naked, feemcd to be more intelligent than thofe of San Salvador,
but had treated them with the fame refpeftful attention, kiffing
tl";*:irfcet, and honouring them as facred beings allied to Heaven ; that,
they had given them to cat a certain root, the tafte of which refemblcd
roafted cheJnuts,and likewile a fingular ipeciesof corn czWed viaizc,
which, either when mailed whole or ground in meal, wasabundantly
palntable ; that thei-e ibemedtobe no four-footed animals in the coun-
try, but a Ipecies of dogs, which could not bark, and a creature
relemblinga rabbit, but of amuchfmaller fize ;that they had oblervcd
feme ornaments of gold among the people, but of no great value.

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 27

Thefe meffengers had prevailed with fome of the natives to ac-
■company them, who informed Columbus, that the gold of which
they made their ornaments was found in Cubanacan. By this
word they meant the middle or inland part of Cuba ; but Colum-
bus, being ignorant of their language, as well as unaccuftomcd to
their pronunciation, and his thoughts running continually upon
his own theory concerning the difcovery of the Eaft Indies, he
was led, by the relemblance of found, to fuppole that they Ipoke
of the Great Khan, and imagined that the opulent kingdom of
Cathay, deicribed by Marco Polo, was not very remote. This
induced him to employ fome time in viewing the country. He
%'ifitcd almoft every harbour, from Porto del Principe, on the
north coaft of Cuba, to the eallern extremity of the ifland ; but
though delighted with the beauty of the Icenes, which every
where prelented themlelves, and amazed at the luxuriant fertility
©f the foil, both which, from their novelty, made a more lively
impreffion upon his imagination*, he did not find gold in fuch
quantity as was fufficient to iatisfy either the avarice of his fol-
lowers, or the expeftations of the court to which he was to return.
The people of the country, as much aftonifhed at his eagernels in
queft of gt>ld, as the Europeans were at their ignorarlce and fim-
plicity, pointed towards the eafl, where an iiland which they
called Hayti was fituatcd, in which that metal was more abundant
than among them. Columbus ordered his fquadron to bend its
courle thither ; but Martin Alonlo Pinzon, impatient to be the
firft who fhould take poffeilion of the trealures which this coun-
try was fuppoied to contain, quitted his companions, regardlefs
of all the admiral's fignals to flacken fail until they fhould come
up with him.

Columbus, retarded by contrary winds, did not reach Playti
till the fixth of December. He called the port where he firft
touched St. Nicholas, and the ifland itlclf Efpagnola, in honour of

* In a letter of the Admiral's to Ferdinand and Ifabella, he delcribes one of the
harbours in Cuba, with all the enthufialUc admiration of a difcoverer. — " I difco-
■vered a river which a galley might eafily enter ; the beauty of it induced me to
found, and I found from five to eight fathoms of water. Having proceeded a
tonfiderable way up the river, every thing invited me to fettle there. The beauty
of the river, the clearnefs of the water, through which I could fee the fandy bottom,
ihc multitude of palm-trees ef different kinds, the talleft and finelf I had feen, and
an infinite number of other large and flourilhing trees, the birds, and the verdure
of the plains, are fo wonderfully beautiful, that this country excels all others as
far as the day furpaffcs the night in brightnefs and fplendour, fo that I often faid,
that it would be in vain for me to attempt to give your highneffes a full account ol
it, for neither my tongue nor my pen could come up to the truth, and indeed I
am fo much amazed at the fight of fuch beauty, that I know not how to dcfcri'i
it." Life of Columb. c. 30.

D 2

28 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

the kingdom by which he v/as employed; and it is the only coun-
try, of thofe he had yet diicovcred, which has ixtained the name
that he gave it. As he could neither meet with the Pinta, nor
have any intcrcourle with the inhabitants, who fled in great con-
fternation towards the woods, he foon quitted St. Nicholas, and
failing along the northern coaft of the illand, he entered another
harbour, which he called the Conception. Here he was more
fortunate; his people overtook a woman who was flying from
them, and after treating her with great gentlcnefs, difmifl'cd her
\vith a prefent of luch toys as they knew were mofl: valued in thofe
regions. The description which fhegave to her countrymen of the
humanity and wonderful qualities of the flrangers ; their admiration
pf the trinkets, which fhe Ihewed with exultation ; and their eager-
nefs to participate of the fame favours ; removed all their fears,
and induced many of them to repair to the harbour. The
flrange objefts which they beheld, and the baubles which Co-
lumbus beftowcd upon them, amply gratified their curiofity
and their wiflies. They nearly refcmblcd the people of Guana-
harii and Cuba, They were naked like them, ignorant, and
fimplc; and fecmed to be equally unacquainted with all the arts
which appear moil ncceHary in poliflicd iocieties; but they were
gentle, credulous and timid, to a degree which rendered it eafy
to acquire the afcendant over them, elpccially as their exceflive
admiration led them into the lame error with the people of the
other iflands, in believing the Spaniards to be more than mortals,
and dcfcended immediately from Heaven. They ppfl^efl'ed gold
in greater abundance than their neighbours, which they readily
exchanged for bells, beads, and pins; and in this unequal traffic
both parties were highly plcaled, each confidering themfelves
as gainers by the traniaftion. Here Columbus was ^'ifltcd by a
prince or cazique of the country. He appeared with all the
pomp known among a fimple people, being carried in a fort of
palanquin upon the fhoulders of four men, and attended by
inany of his fubjcfts, who ferved him with great refpeft. His
deportment was grave and {lately, very reierved towards his
own people, but with Columbus and the Spaniards extremely
courteous. He gave the admiral fome thin plates of gold, and
a girdle of curious workmanfliip, receiving in return prefents
of fmall value, but highly acceptable to him.

Columbus, ftill intent on difcovcrn-ig the mines ^vhich yj<ilden
gold, continued to interrogate all the natives with whom lie
}iad any intercourlc concerning their fituation. They concurred
in pointing out a mountainous country, which they called
Ciha, at fome diflance from the fea, and farther towards the
cufl. Struck with this found, which appeared to him the fame

DISCOFERY OF AMERICA. 29

with Cipango, the name by which Marco Polo, and other tra-
vellers to the eafl, diftinguifhed the iflands of Japan, he no
longer doubted with rclpeft to the vicinity of the countries
which he had dilcovered to the remote parts of Afia; and, in
full expcftation of reaching foon thofe regions which had been
the objcft of his voyage, he direfted his courie towards the caft.
He put into a commodious harbour, which he called St. Thomas,
and found that diftrift to be under the government of a powerful
cazique, named Guacanufmri, who, as he afterwards learned,
was one of the live Ibvereigns among whom the whole ifland
was divided. He immediately fent melTengers to Columbus,
who, in his name, delivered to him the prefent of a mafk,
curioufly fafhioned, with the ears, nofe, and mouth of beaten
gold, and invited him to the place of his refidence, near the
harbour now called Cape Francois, fome leagues towards the
eaft. Columbus dilpatched fome of his officers to vifit this
prince, who, as he behaved himfeif with greater dignity, leemed
to claim more attention. They returned, with fuch favourable
accounts both of the country and of the people, as made
Columbus impatient for that interview with Guacanahari to
which he had been invited.

He failed for this purpofe from St. Thomas, on the twenty-
fourth of December with a fair wind, and the fea perfeftly calm ;
and as, amidft the multiplicity of his occupations, he had not fhut
his eyes for two days, he retired at midnight in order to take fome
yepoie, having committed the helm to the pilot, with ftrift injunc-
tions not to qut it for a moment. The pilot, dreading no danger^
carelefsly left the helm to an unexperienced cabin boy, and the
fhip, carried away by a current, was dafhed againft a rock. The
violence of the Ihock awakened Columbus. He ran up to the
deck. There, all was confufion and dcfpair. He alone retained
prefence of mind. He ordered fome of the failors to take a boat,
and carry out an anchor aftern ; but, inflead of obeying, they
made off towards the Nigna, which was about half a league dif-
tant. He then commanded the mails to be cut down, in order
to lighten the fliip ; but all his endeavours were too late ; the
vefTel opened near the keel, and filled fo fall with water that
its lofs was inevitable. The fmoothnefs of the fea, and the
timely afTiflance of boats from the Nigna, enabled the crew to
fave their lives. As foon as the iflanders heard of this difailer,
they crowded to the fhore, with their prince Guacanahari at
their head. Inftead of taking advantage of the diflrefs in which
they beheld the Spaniards, to attempt any thing to their detriment,
they lamented their misfortune with tears of fmcere condolence.
Not fatisficd with this unavailing exprcflion of their fympathy,

30 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

they put to fca a number of canoes, and, under the dire£t:ou
of the Spaniards, affifted in Hiving whatever could be got out
of the wreck ; and by the united labour of fo many hands,
almoft every thing of value was carried afhore. As fall as the
goods were landed, Guacanahari in perion took charge of them.
By his orders they were all depofited in one place, and armed
centincls were polled, who kept the multitude at a diftance, in
order to prevent them not only from embezzling, but from iu-
fpefting too curioufly what belonged to their gucfts. Next
morning this prince vilitcd Columbus, who was now on board
the Nigna, and endeavoured to confole him for his lols, by
offering all that he poU'efled to repair it*.

The condition of Columbus was fuch, that he flood in need
of confolation. Ke had hitherto procured no intelligence of
the Pinta, and no longer dpubtcd but that his treacherous aiToci-
ate had fet fail for Europe, in order to have the merit of carrying
the firft tidings of the extraordinary difcoveries which had been
made, and to prc-occupy fo far the ear of their lovereign, as
to rob him of the glory and reward to which he was juflly en-
titled. There remained but one veffel, and that the fmalleft and
mofl crazy of the fquadron, to traverfe fuch a vaft ocean, and carry
fo many men back to Europe. Each of thole circumflanccs
was alarming, and filled the mind of Columbus with the utmoil
folicitude. The delire of overtaking Pinzon, and of effacing
the unfavourable imprellions which his miireprcfentations might

* The account which Columbus gives of the humanity and orderly behaviour of
the natives on this occafion is very itriking. '• The king (fays he, in a letter to
Ferdinand and Ifabella) having been informed of our misfortune, exprellcd great
grief for our lofs, and immediately fent aboard all the people in the place in many
large canoes ; we foon unloaded the lliip of every thing that was upon deck, as the
king gave us great afliilance : he hinifelf, witli his brothers and relations, took all
poflible care that every thing (hould be properly done both aboard and on Ihore.
And, from time to time, he fent fome of his relations weeping, to beg of me not
to be dejefted, for he would give me all that he had. I can allure your highneffes,
that fo much care would not have been taken in iecuring our effcfts in any part of
Spain, as all our property was put together in one place near his palace, until the
houfes which he wanted to prepare for the cuftody of it, were emptied. He im-
mediately placed a guard of armed men, who watched during the whole night,
and thofe on Ihore lamented as if they had been much intereffed in our lofs. The
people are fo affeftionate, fo traftable, and io peaceable, that I fwear to your
highneffes, that there is not a better race of men, nor a better country in the world.
They love their neighbour as themfelves ; their convesfation is the fweetell and
mildeil in the world, cheerful, and always accompanied with a fmile. And al-
tiiough it is true that they go naked, yet your highnelFes may be affured that they
have many very commendalik cuftoms ; the king is ferved with great ftate, and his
behaviour is fo decent, that it is plealanL to fee him, as it is likewife to obierve
the wonderful memory which thefe people have, and their defirc of knowing every
thing, which leads them to inquire into its caiUes and effetls." Life of Columbus,
c. 32. It is probable that the Spaniards were indebted for this officious attention,
to the opinion which the Indians entertained of them as a fuperior order of beings.

- DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 31

inakc in Spain, made it neceffary to return thither without delay.
The difficuhy of taking ii'ich a number of perfons aboard the
Nigna, confirmed him in an opinion, which the fertility of the
country, and the gentle temper of the people, had already induced
liim to form. He rcfolvcd to leave a part of his crew in the
ifland, that, by refiding there, they might learn the language of
the natives, (ludy their difpofition, examine the nature of the
country, fearch for mines, prepare for the commodious fettlement
of the colony, with which he purpofed to return, and thus lecure
and facilitate the acquifition of thole advantages which he expcft-
ed from his difcovcries, Wlicn he mentioned this to his men,
all approved of the dcfign ; and from impatience under the fa-
tigue of a long voyage, from the levity natural to failors, or from
the hopes of amaffing wealth in a country which afForded fuch
promifing fpecimens of its riches, many offered voluntarily to be
among the number of thofe who fhould remain.

Nothing was now wanting towards the execution of this
fcheme, but to obtain the confent of Guacanahari ; and his un-
fufpicious fimplicity foon prefented to the admiral a favourable
opportunity of propofing it. Columbus having, in the befl:
manner he could, by broken words and figns, expreffed forne
curiofity to know the caufe which had moved the iflanders to
fly with fuch precipitation upon the approach of his fhips, the
cazique informed iiim that the country was much infefted by the
incurfions of certain people, whom he called Carribeans, who
inhabited feveral iflands to the fouth-eaft. Thefe he defcribed as
a fierce and war-like race of men, who delighted in blood, and
devoured the flefh of the prilbners who were fo unhappy as to
fall into their hands ; and as the Spaniards, at their firft appear-
ance, were fuppofed to be Carribeans, whom the natives, how-
ever numerous, durfl not face in battle, they had rccourle to
thoir ufual method of fecuring their fafetv, by flying into the
thickeft and moft impenetrable woods. Guacanahari, while
fpeaking of thofe dreadful invaders, difcovcred fuch fymptoms of
terror, as well as fuch confcioufnefs of the inability of his own
people to refill them, as led Columbus to conclude that 'he
would net be alarmed at the propofition of any fcheme which
afforded him the profpeft of an additional fccurity againfl their
attacks. He inftantly offered him the alTiftancc of the Spaniards
to repel his enemies ; he engaged to take him and his people
under the proteftion of the powerful monarch whom he ferved,
and offered to leave in the ifland fuch a number of his men as
fiiould be fufficient, not only to defend the inhabitants from
future incurfions. bur to avenge their p:ift wrongs.

32 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA,

The credulous prince clofed eagerly with the propofal, and
thought himfelf already fafe under the patronnge of beings fprun?
from Heaven, and fuperior in power to mortal man. The ground
was marked out for a fmall fort, which Columbus called Navidad,
becaufe he had landed there on Chriftmas day. A deep ditch
was drawn around it. The ramparts were fortified with pallifades,
and the great guns, faved out of the admiral's fliip, were planted
upon them. In ten days the work was finiflied ; that fimple race
of men labouring with inconfiderate afliduity in erc6ling this firft
monument of their own lervitude. During this time Columbus^
by his careffes and liberality, laboured to increafe the high opinion
which the natives entertained of the Spaniards. But while he
endeavoured to infpire them with confidence m their difpofition
to do good, he wifhed likewife to give them fome ftriking idea, of
their power to punifli and deflroy luch as were the objc£ls of their
indignation. With this view, in prefence of a vafl affembly, he
drew up his men in order of battle, and made an oftentatious but
innocent difplay of the fharpnefs of the Spanifh fwords, of the
force of their fpears, and the operation of their crofs-bows. Thefc
rude people, ftrangers to the ule of iron, and unacquainted with
any hoflile weapons, but arrows of feeds pointed with the boncs
of fiflies, wooden fwords, and javelins hardened in the fire, won-
dered and trembled. Before this furprife or fear had time to abate,
he ordered the great guns to be fired. The hidden explofion
ftruck them with fuch terror, that they fell flat to the ground, co-
vering their faces with their hands ; and when, they beheld the af-
tonifhing effeft of the bullets among the trees, towards which the
cannon had been pointed, they concluded that it was impoffiblc
to refift men, who had the command of luch deftru^live inilru-
ments, and who came armed with thunder and lightning againfi;
their enemies.

After giving fuch imprcffions both of the beneficence and pow-
er of the Spaniards, as might have rendered it eafy to preferve an
afcendant over the minds of the natives, Columbus appointed thirty-
eight of his people to remain in the ifland. He entrufted the com-
mand of thcfeto Diego de Arada, a gentleman of Cordova, invefting
him with the fame powers which he himfelf had received from Fer-
dinand and Ifabella ; and furniflicd him with every thing requifite
for the fubfifkencc or defence of this infant colony. He flritlly
enjoined them to maintain concord among themiclvcs, to yield an
unrefcrved obedience to their commander, to avoid giving offence
to the natives by any violence or exaftion, to cultivate the friencT-
fhip of Guacanahari, but not to put themfelves in hi-s power
by ftraggling in fmall parties, or marching too far from the fort.
Mc promiled to revifit them foon, with fuch a reinforcement of

DISCOVERY OP AMEkiCA. 33

ilrength as might enable them to take full pofleflion of the coun-
try, and to reap all the fruits of their difcoverieS. In the mean
lime, he engaged to mention their names to the King and Queen
and to place their merit and fervices in the mofi advantageous
light.

Having thus taken every precaution for the fecurity of th^
Colony, he left Navidad on the fourth of January, one thoufand
four hundred and ninety-three, and (leering towards the eaft, dif-
covered, and gave names to mofi. of the hai bouts on the northern
coaft of the ifland. On the fixth, he delcried the Pinta, and
foon came up with her, after a feparation of more than fix weeks.
Pinzon endeavoured to juflify his condufcl:, by pretending that
he had been driven from his courfe by ftrcfs of weather, and
prevented from returning by Contrary winds. The admiral,
though he flill fufpefted his perfidious intentions, and knew well
what he urged in his own defence to be frivolous as well as falfe,
was fo ferifible that it was not a proper time for venturing upon
any high llrain of authority, and felt fuch fatisfaflion in this
junftion with his confort, which delivered him from many dif-
quieting appreheniions, that, lame as Pinzon's apology v/as, he ad-
jnitted of it without difficulty, and reflored him to favour.
During his ablence from the admiral, Pinzon had vifited leveral
harbours in the ifland, and acquired iome gold by trafficking
with the natives, but had made no dilcovery of any importance.

Troih the condition of his fnips, as well as the temper of his
inen, Columbus no\V found it neceiLiry to haPien his return to
Europe. The former, having fuffcred much during a Voyage of
fuch an unulual length, were extremely leaky. The latter ex-
prefled the utnioft impatience to revifit their nutive country^
from which they had been fo long abfent, and where they had
things i^o wonderful and un-heard of to relate. Accordingly
on the fixteenth of January, he direfted his courfe towards the
north-eafl, and foon loft fight of land. He had on board fome of
the natives, whom he had taken frorri the different iflands which
he difcovered ; and befides the gold, which was the chief obje£t
of refearch, he had coUefted fpecimens of all the: prcduftions
which were likely to become fubjefts of commerce in the feve-
tal countries,- as well as many unknown birds, and other natural
fcuriofities, which might attraft the attention of the learned, or
excite the wonder of the people. The voyage was profperous
to the fourteenth of February, and he had advanced near five
hundred leagues acrofs the Atlantic Ocean, when the M'ind began
to rile, and continue to blow with increafing rage, which termi-
nated in a furious hurricane. Every expedient that the rxavai

E

34 DISCO VE R Y OF AMER IC A.

fkill and experience of Columbus could devife was employed, in
order to favc the iliips. But it was imppfiible to withftand the
violence of the ftorm, and as they were ftill far from any land,
dcftruftion leemed inevitable. The Tailors had recourfe to pray-
ers to Almighty God, to the invocation of faints, to vows and
charms, to every thing that i-cligion diftatcs, or fuperftition fug-
gufls, to the affrighted mind of man. No profpeft of deliver-
ance appearing, tlicy abandoned tliemfelvcs to defpair, and ex-
pcftcd every moment to be fwallowed up in the waves. Befides
tlic pafTioris wliich naturally agitate and alarm the human mind in
fuch awful fituations, when certain death, in one of his moft
terrible forms, is before it, Columbus had to endure feelings of
diftrefs peculiar to hirnlelf. He dreaded that all knowledge of
the amazing difcoveries which he had made was now to perifli ;
mankind weie to be deprived of every benefit that might have
been derived from the happy fuccels of his {chemes, and hi»
own name would dclcend to poflcrity as that of a rafh deluded
edventurer, inftead of being tranfmitted with the honor due to
the author and conduftor of the mofk noble enterprife that had
ever been undertaken. Thefe reflections extinguifhed all fenfe
of his own perfonal danger. Lefs affefted with the lofs of life,
than folicitous to preferve the memory of what he had attempted
and achieved, he retired to his cabin, and wrote, upon parchment,
a fhort account of the voyage which he had made, of the courle
which he had taken, of tiie fituation and riches of the
countries which he had difcovcred, and of the colony that he had
left there. Having wrapt up this in an oiled cloth, which he
inclofed in a cake of wax, he put it into a cafk carefully flopped
up, and threw it into the fea, in hopes that fome fortunate
accident might preferve a depofit of lo much importance to the
world,*

* Every monument of fuch a man a5 Columbus is valuable. A letter which \\e
wrote to Ferdinand and Ifabella, defcribing what palled on this occafion, exhibits
a moil llriking pifture of his intrepidity, his humanity, his prudence, his public
fpirit, and courtly addrefs. "■ I would have been lefs concerned for this misfor-
tune, had I alone been in danger, both becaufe my lite is a debt that I owe to the
Supreme Creator, and becaufe I have at other times been expo fed to the mod im-
minent hazard. But what gave me infinite grief and vexation was, that after it had
pleafed our Lord to give me faith to undertake this enterprize, in which I had
.now been fo fuccefsful, that my opponents would have been convinced, and the
glory of your highneiTes, and the extent of your territory increafed by me ; it fnould.
pleafe the Divine Majefty to ftop all by my death. All this would have been more
tolerable, had it not been attended with the lofs of thofe men whom I had carried
with me, upon promife of the greateft profperity, who feeing themfelves in fuch
diftrefs, curled not only their coming along with me, but that fear and awe of me,
which prevented them from returning as they had often refolved to have done.
But befides all this, niy forrow was greatly increafed, by recollefting that I had

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 35

At length Providence intcrpofcd, to fave a life rcferved for
ether fcrv ices, I'he wind abated, the fea became calm, and on the
evening of the fifteenth. Columbus and lais companions difcovcr-
cd land ; and though uncertain what it was, they made towards
it. They loon knew it to be St. Mary, one of the Azores or
\veftern ifles, fubjeft to the crown of Portugal. There, after
a violent conteft with the governor, in which Columbus dif-
playcd no lefs fpirit than prudence, he obtained a fupply of frcfli
provifions, and whatever elfe he needed. One circumflance,
however, greatly difquieted him. The Pinta, of which he had
loft fight on the firft day of the hurricane, did not appear ; he
dreaded for fome time that fhe had foundered at fea, and that all
her crew had perifhed ; afterwards, his former fufpicions recur-
red, and he became apprchenfive that Pinzon had borne away for
Spain, that he might reach it before him. and, by giving the
firfl account of his difcoveries, might obtain fome fliare of his
fame.

In order to prevent this, he left the Azores on the twenty-
fourth of February, as foon as the weather would permit. At
no great diftance from the coali of Spain, v/hen near the end of
his voyage, and feemingly beyond the reach of any difaflcr,
another ftorm arofe, little inferior to the former in violence ;
and after driving before it during two days and two nights, he
was forced to take flielter in the river Tagus. Upon application

Jeft my two fons at fchool at Cordova, deftitutc of friends, in a foreign country,
\\hen it could not in all probability be known that I had done fuch fervices as
might induce your highneffes to remember them. And though I comforted myfelf
with the faith that our Lord would not permit that, which tended fo much to the
glory of his church, and which I had brought about with fo much trouble, to
remain imperfe£l, yet I confidered, that on account of my fins, it was his will to
deprive me of that glory, v/hich I might have attained in this world. While in
this confufed flate, I thought on the good fortune which accompanies your high-
neffes, and imagined, that although I fhould pcrifli, and the veffel be loft, it was
poffible that you might fomehow come to the knowledge of my voyage, and the
luccefs with which it was attended. For that reafon I wrote upon parchment
•with the brevity which the lltuation required, that I had difcovered the lands
■which 1 promifed, in how many days I had done it, and what courfe I had fol-
lowed. I mentioned the goodnefs of the country, the charafter of the inhabitants,
and that your highneffes fubjefts were left in poffeffion of all that I had difcovered.
Jiaving fealed this writing, I addreffed it to your highneffes, and promifed a
thoufand ducats to any perfon who fhould deliver it fealed, fo that if any foreigners
found it, the promifed reward might prevail on them not to give the information
to another. I then caufed a great cafk to be brought to me, and wrapping up the
parcfiment in an oiled cloth, and afterwards in a cake of wax, I put it into the
cafk, and having flopt it well, I raft it into the fea. All the men believed that ii
was fome aft of devotion. Imagining that this might never chance to be taken up.
as the fhips approaclied nearer to Spain, I made another packet like the firft, and
placed it at the top of the poop, fo that if the fliip funk, the cafk remaining abovf
valej: might be committed to the guidance of fortune."

E 2

$S DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

to the King of Portugal, on the fourth of March, one thoufanrl
four hundred and ninety-three he was allowed to come up to
Lifbon ; and, notwithflanding the envy which it was natural
for the Portugucle to feel, when they beheld another nation
entering upon that province of dil'covery which they had hither-
to deemed peculiarly their own, and in its firfl effay, not only
rivalling but eclipfing their fame, Columbus was received with
all the marks of diftinftion due to a man who had performed
things fo extraordinary and unexpeaed. The King admitted him
into his prefcnce, treated him with the highefl refpeft, and lif-
tened to the account which he gave of his voyage with admira-
tion mingled with regret. While Columbus, on his part, en-
joyed the iatisfaftion of dcfcribing the importance of his dilcove^
ries, and of being now able to prove the folidity of his fchemes
to thofe very perions, who with an ignorance diigraceful to
themfelves, and fatal to their country, had lately rejeaed them as
the proje6is of a yihonary or defigning adventurer.

Columbus was fo impatient to return to Spain, that he remained
only five days in Lifbon, On the fifteenth of March he arrived
in the port of Palos, feven months and eleven days from the time
when he let out thence upon his voyage. As foon as his fhip
was difcovered approaching the port, all the inhabitants of Palos
ran eagerly to the ihore, in' order to welcome their relations and
fellow-citizens, and to hear tidings of their voyage. When the
profperous iffue of it was known, when they beheld the ftrange
people, the unknown animals, and fmgular produaions brought
from the countries which had been difcovered, the effufion of
joy was general and unbounded. The bells were rung, the can-
non fired ; Columbus was received at landing with royal ho-
nours, and all the people, in iolemn procenion. accompanied him
and his crew to the church, where they returned thanks to Hea-
ven, which had fo wonderfully condufted and crowned with fuc-
cefs, a voyage of greater length and of more importance, than had
been attempted in any former age. On the evening of the fame
day, he had the fatisfaaion of feeing the Pinta, which the vio-
lence of the tem.pefl had driven far to the north, enter the
harbour.

The firft care of Columbus was to inform the King and Queen,
who wei'e then at Barcelona, of his arrival and luccels. Ferdi-
nand and Iiabella, no lefs aftonifhed than delighted with this
unexpected event, defired Columbus, in terms the moft refpeaful
and flattering to repair immediately to court, that from his own.
mouth they might receive a full detail of his extraordinary fer-
yices and difcoveries. During his journey to Barcelona, the
people crowded from the adjacent country, following him every

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

37

.^'hcre with aJmlration and appL'ufe. His entrance into the city
was conduftcd, by order of Ferdinand and Ifabella, with pomp
luitable to the great event, which added fuch diflinguifhcd lullre
to their reign. The people whom he brought along with him
from the countries which he liad difcovered, marched firfl, and
by their fingular complexion, the wild peculiarity of their fea-
tures, and uncouth finery, appeared like men of another fpecies.
Next to them were carried the ornaments of gold, fafliioncd by
the rude art of the natives, the grains of gold found in the
mountains, and duil of the fame metal gathered in the rivers.
After thele appeared the various commodities of the new dil-
eovered countries, together with their curious prpduftions.
Columbus himfelf doled the proceifion, and attrafted the eyes
of all the Ipeftators, who gazed with admiration on the extra-
ordinary man, whole luperior fagacity and fortitude had con*
dufted their countrymen, by a route concealed from pad ages, to
^he knowledge of a new world. Ferdinand and Ifabella re-
ceived kim clad in their royal robes, and feated upon a throne,
under a magnificent canopy. When he approached they flood
up, and raifmg him as he kneeled to kifs their hands, command-
ed him to take, his feat upon a chair prepared for him, and to
give a circumftantial account o£ his voyage. He delivered it with
agiavity andcompofurenolelsfuitabletothe difpofition of the Span-
ifh nation, than to the dignity of the audience in which he fpoke, and
v/ith that modefl fimplicity which charafterifes men of fuperior
minds; who, fatisfied with having performed great aftions, court not
vain applaufe by an oflentatious diiplay of their exploits. When
he had finifhed his narration, the King and Queen, kneeling
down, offered up iolemn thanks to Almighty God for the dif-
covery of thofe new regions, from which they expefted fo many
.advantages to flow in upon the kingdoms fubjeft to their govern-
ment. Every mark of honour that gratitude or admiration could
fuggeft was conferred upon Columbus. Letters patent were if-
fued, confirming to him and to his heirs all the privileges con-
tained in the capitulation concluded at Santa Fe ; his family was
ennobled ; the King and Queen, and, after their example, the
courtiers, treated him, on every occafion, with all the ceremoni-
ous reipeft paid to perfons of the highefl rank. But what pleaf-
ed him moft, as it gratified his aftive mind, bent continually upon
great objefts, was, an order to equip, without delay, an armament
pf fuch force, as might enable him not only to take pcfTeffion of
the countries >vhich he had already difcovered, but to go in fearch
of thofe more opulent regions, which he flill confidently cxpe6^-
cd to find.

38 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

While preparations were making for this expedition, the fame
of Columbus's lucceisful voyage fpread over Europe, and excited
general attention. The multitude, ftruck with amazement when
they heard that a new world had been found, could hardlv be-
lieve an event fo much above their conception. Men of fciencc,
capable of comprehending the nature, and of difcerniug the effcfts
of tliis great dilcovery, received the account of it with admiration
and. joy. They Ipoke of his vovage with rapture, and congratu-
lated, one another upon their felicity, in having lived in the
period when, by this extraordinary event, the boundaries of
humm knowledge were fo much extended, and fuch a new held
of inquiry and obfcrvation opened, as would lead mankind to a
perfeft acquaintance witii the, flrufture and produftions of the
habitable globe. Various opinions and conjcftures were formed
concerning the new-found countries, and what divifion ot the
earth they belonged to. Columbus adhered tenacioufly to his
original opinion, that they fhould be reckoned a part of thole
vail regions in Afia, comprehended under the general, name of
India. TJiis fcntiment v/as confirmed by the obfervations which
he made concerning the produftions of the countries he had
difcovered. Gold was known to abound in Ind^a, and^ he had
met with fuch promifmg famplcs of it in the iflands which he
vifited, as led him to believe that rich mines of it might be
found. Cotton, another produftion of the Eaft Indies, was com-
mon there. The pimento of the Iflands he imagined to be a
fpecies of the Eaft-India pepper. He miftook a root, lomewhat
refembling rhubarb, for that valuable drug, Avh.ich was then
luppofed to be a plant peculiar to the Eafl-Indies. Tiie birds
brought home by him were adorned with the lame rich plumage
which diftinguifhes thofe of India, 'j'he alligator of the one
country appeared to be the fame with the crocodile of the other.
After weighing all thefe circumftances, net only the Spaniard*",
but the other nations of Europe, fecm to have adopted the
opinion of Columbus. The countries which he had difcovered
were confidered as a part of India. In confequcnce of this
notion, the name of Indies is given to them by Ferdinand and
Ifabclla, in a ratification of their former agreement, which was
granted to Columbus upon his return. Even after the error
which gave rife to this opinion was detefted, and the true
pofition of the New World was afcertained, the name has
remained, and the appellation of Wejl Indies is given by all
the people of Europe to the country, and that of Indians to
its inhabitants.

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 39

The name by which Columbus diftinguiftied th.t countries
which he had difcovered was fo inviting, the fpecimens of thciv
riches and fertility, which he produced, were fo confiderable,
and the reports of his companions, delivered frequently with the
exaggeration natural to travellers, fo favourable, as to excite a
Vv-ondcrful fpirit of enterprifc among the Spaniards. Though
little accuftomed to naval expeditions, they were impatient to
fet out upon the voyage. Volunteers of every rank Iblicited
to be employed. Allured by the invitirig profpefts which
ierpened to their ambition and avarice, neither the length nor dan-
ger of the navigation intimidated tliem. Cautious as Ferdinand
was, and averfe to every thing ne\y and adventurous, he feems to
have catched the fame ipirit with his fubjefts. Under its influ-
ence, preparations for a fecond expedition were carried on with
a rapidity unufual in Spain, and to an extent that would be
deemed not inconfidcrable in the prefent age. The fleet con-
fided of fevcnteen fliips, fome of which were of good burden.
It had on board fifteen hundred perfons, among whom were
many of noble families, who had fervcd in honorable flations.
The greater part of thefe being deflined to remain in the country,
were furnifhed with every thing requifite for conqueft or fcttle-
ment, with all kinds of European domeftic animals, with fuch
feeds and plants as were moft likely to thrive in the climate of
the Weft Indies, with utenfds and inflruments of every fort, and
with fuch artificers as might be moft ufeful in an infant colony.

But, formidable and well provided as this fleet was, Ferdinand
and IlabcUa did not reft their title to the poflefTion of the newly-
difcovered countries upon its operations alone. The example of
the Portuguefe, as well as the fuperftition of the age, made it
neceffary to obtain from the Roman pontiff a grant of thofe ter-
ritories which they wifhed to occupy. The Pope, as the vicar
and reprefentative of Jefus Chrift, was fuppofed to have a right
of dominion over all the kingdoms of the earth. Alexander VI.
3. pontiff infamous for every crime which difgraccs humanity,
filled the papal throne at that time. As he was born Ferdinand's
fubjeft, and very folicitous to fecure the proteftion of Spain, in
order to facilitate the execution of his ambitious fchemes in favouV
'of his own family, he was extremely willing to gratify the
Spanifli monarchs. By an aft of liberality which coft him
nothing, and that ferved to eftablifli the jurifdiftion and prcten-
fions of the papal fee, he granted in full right to Ferdinand and
Ifabella all the countries inhabited by Infidels, which they had
difcovered, or fhould difcover ; and, in virtue of that power
which he derived from Jefus Chrift, be conferred on the crown
of Caftilc vaft regions, to the poffefTion of which he hinifelf was

4© DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

fo far from having any title, that he was unacquainted with tl>eir
fituation, and ignorant even of their exiRence. As it was
neceffary to prevent this grant from interfering with that former-
ly made to the crown of Portugal, he appointed that a line,
fuppofed to be drawn from pole to pole, a hundred leagues to
the weftward of the Azores, fhould lerve as the limit between
them ; and in the plenitude of his power, bellowed dU to the eaft of
this imaginary line upon the Portuguefe, and all to the weft of it
upon the Spaniards. Zeal for propagating the Chrift;ian faith
was the confideration employed by Ferdinand in foliciting this
bull, and is mentioned by Alexander as his chief motive for illu-
ing it. In order to manifeft; fome concern for this laudable objcfty
feveral friars, under the direction of Father Boyl, a Catalonian
monk of great reputation, as apoftolical vicar, were ippointed to
accompany Columbus, and to devote themfelves to the inftruc-
tion of the natives. The Indians whom Columbus had brought
along with him, having received fome tinfture of Chrift:ian know-
ledge, were baptized with much folemnity, the kmg himielf, the
prince his fon, and the chief perfons of his court, ftandingas their
godfathers. Thofe firfl fruits of the New World have not
been followed by fuch an increafe as pious men wifhed, and had
reafon to expc6l.

Ferdinand and Ifabella, having thus acquired a title, which was
then deemed completely valid, to extend their difcoveries, and
to eftablifh their dominion over fuch a confiderable portion of^
the globe, nothing now retarded the departure of the fleet,
Columbus was extremely impatient to revifit the colony which
he had left, and to purfue the career of glory upon which he
had entered. He fet fail from the bay of Cadiz on the twenty-
fifth of September, and touching again at the ifland of Gomcra,
he fleered farther towards the fouth than in his former voyage.
By holding this courfe, he enjoyed more ft:eadily the benefit of
the regular winds, which reign within the tropics, and was
carried towards a large cluft:er of iflands, fituated confiderably to
the eaft of thofe which he had already difcovercd. On the twen-
ty-fixth day, Nov. 2, after his departure from Gomera, he made
land. It was one of the Caribbee or Leeward iflands, to which
he gave the name of Defeada, on account of the impatience of his
crew to difcover fome part of the New World. After this he
vifited fucceflively Dominica, Marigalante, Antigua, San Juan de
Puerto Rico, and feveral other iflands, fcattered in his way as he
advanced towards the north-weft. All thefe he found to be in-
habited by that fierce race of people whom Guacanahari had paint-
ed in fuch frightful colours. His dcfcriptions appeared not
io have been exaggerated. The Spaniards never attempted

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, ^i

to land without meeting with Tach a reception, as difcovered
the martial and daring fpirit of the natives ; and in their habita-
tions were found relics of thofe horrid feafls which they had
made upon the bodies of their enemies taken in war.

But as Columbus was eager to know the ftatc of the colony
which he had planted, and to lupply it with the ncccfiTaries
of which he ruppofed it to be in vvai\(, he made no flay in any
of thole iflands, and proceeded direftly to Hiipaniola, WhcTt
he arrived off Navidad, the llation in which he had left the
thirty-eight men under the command of Arada, he was allonifhed
that none of them appeared, and expeftcd every moment to fee
(hem running with franfports of joy to welcome tlifilr country-
meh. Full of folicitude about their fafety, and foreboding in
his mind what had befallen them, he rowed inilantly to land. All
the natives from whom he might have received inform?.tion had
fled. But the fort which he had built was entirely demolifhed,
and the tattered garments, the broken arms and utenfds fcattercd
about it, left no room to doubt concerning the unhappy fate
of the garrifon. While the Spaniards were fhedding tears
»vcr thofe (ad memorials of their fcllo'w-citizens, a brother of
the cazique Guacanahafi arrived. From him Columbus received'
a particular detail of what had happened after his departure
from the ifland. The familiar intercourfe of the Indians with
the Spaniards tended gradually to diminilh the fupcrftitious
veneration with which their firft appearance had inipired that'
fimple people. Ev their own indifcretion and ill conduft, the
Spaniards fpeedily effaced thofe favourable imprefliotis, and foori
convinced the natives, that they had all the wants, and weak-
nelTes, and pafFions of men. As fooii as the powei^ful feftraint
which the prefence and authority of Columbus impofed was'
withdrawn, the garrifon threw off all regard for the officer whom
ne had invefted with command. Ivegardleis of the prudent
inftruftions which he had given them, every man became inde-
pendent, and gratified his defircs without controul. The gold^
the women, the provifions of the natives, were all fhe prey of
thofe licentious oppreffors. They roarhed in fmall parties over
the iiland, extending their rapacity and infolence to every
corner of it. Gentle and timid as tlie people were, thofe unpro-
voked injuries at length e:f:hauffed their patience, and rouzed
their courage. The cazique of Cibao, whole country the Spani-
ards chiefly infefted on account of the gold which it contained,
furprifed and cut off feveral of them, while they ftraggled in as
perfeft fecurity as if their condu6t had been altogether inoft'enfi've.
lie then affembled his fubje£ls, and furroundel the fcft, fet it on

F

42- DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

fire. Some of the Spaniards were killed in defending it, the reft
perifhedr in attempting to make their efcape by crofling an arm of
the fea. Guacanahari, whom all their exaftions had not alienated
from the Spaniards, took arms in their behalf, and, in endeavour-
ing to proteft them, had received a wound, by which he was ftill
confined.

Though this account was far from removing the fufpicions
Which the Spaniards entertained with refpefl to the fidelity of
Guacanahari, Columbus perceived fo cleai-ly that this was not a
|> roper junfture for inquiring into his conduft with fcrupulous
accuracy, that he rejefled the advice of feveral of his officers, who
nrged him to leize the perfon of that prince, and to revenge the
death of their countrymen by attacking his fubjefts. He repre-
f'ented to them the ncccfiity of fecuring the friendfliip of fomc
potentate of the country, in order to facilitate the fettlement
which they intended, and the dang-er of driving the natives to
unite in fome defperate attempt againfl them, by fuch an ill-
timed arrd unax'ailing exercife of rigour. Inftead of wafting,
his time in punifhing paft wrongs, he took precaution for pre-
venting any future injury. With this view, he made choice
6f a fituation more healthy and commodious than that of Navidad.
He traced out the plan of a town in a large plain near a fpaci-
Ous bay, and obliging- every perfon to put his hand t6 a work
on which their common fafety depended, the houfcs and ramparts
were foon fo far advanced by their united labour, as to afford-
them fheltcr and fccurity. This rifing city, the £rft that the
Europeans founded in the New World, he named IfabcUa, in
honour of his patronels- the Queen of Caftil'e.

In carrying on this neeelfury work, Columbus- had not only
to fuftain' all the hardfhips, and to encounter all the diiHculties,
to which infant colonies are ejipofed when they fettle in an
uncultivated country, but he had to Contend with what was
more iniuperable, the lazinefs, the impatience, and mutinous
difpofition of his followers. By the ehervating influence of a hot>
climate, the natui^al inaftivity of the Spaniards feemed to increafe.
Many of them were gentlemen, unaccuftomcd to the fatigue o£
bodilv labour, and all had engaged in the enterprife with the
fanguine hopes excited by the iplendjd and exaggerated defcinp-
t-ions of their countrymen who returned from the firft' voyag^e,
or by the miftaken opinion of Columbus, that the country which
he had diicovery was either the Cipango of Marco Polo, or the
Ophir, from which Solomon imported thofe precious commodities
which fuddenly diffufed fuch extraordinary riches through his
langdom. But when, inflcad of that golden harveft which
they had cxpefted to reap without toil or pains,, the Spaniards

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

4S

■faw their profpcft of wealth was remote as well as uncertain,
and that it could not be attained but by the flow and pcrfcvering
-efforts of induflry, the difappointment of thofe chimerical hopes
occafioncd fuch dcje£lion of mind as bordered on defpair, and
led to general difcontent. In vain did Columbus endeavour to
jevive their fpirits by pointing out the fertility of the foil, and
exhibiting the fpecimens of gold daily brouglit in from different
parts of the ifland. They had not patience to wait for the
gradual returns which the former might yield, and the latter
.they defpifed as fcanty and inconfiderable. The fpirit of difafFec-
iion fpread, and a confpiracy was formed, which might have
been fatal to Columbus and the colony. Happily he difcovered
it, and feizing the ring-leaders, punifhed fome of them, lent
others prifoners into Spain -whither he difpatched twelve of the
•fhips which had ferved as tranfports, with an earneft reqviefl for
a reinforcement of men and a large fupply of provifions.

Meanwhile, in order to banifh that idlenefs which, by allow-
ing his people leifure to brood over their difappointment, nou-
rifhed the fpirit of difcontent, Colunibus planned feveral expe-
ditions into the interior part of the country. He fent a de-
tachment, under the command of Alonfo de Ojeda, a vigilant
?nd enterprifing officer, to vifitthe diftri£l of Cibao, which was
faid to yield the greateft quantity of gold, and followed him in
perfon with the main body of his troops. In this expedition,
March 12, 1494, he difplaycd all the pomp of military magnifi-
-cence that he could exhibit, in order to flrike the imagination
of the natives. He marched v/ith colours flying, with martial
mufic, and with a fmall body of cavalry that paraded fometimes
in the front and iometimcs in the rear. As thofe were the fir ft
hcrfcs which appeared in the New World, they were objefts
of terror no Ictis than of admiration to the Indians, who hav-
ing no tame animals themfelves, were unacquainted with that
vaft acceflion of power, which man hath acquired by fubjefting
them to his dominioii. They fuppofed them to be rational
creatures. They imagined that the horfe and rider formed one
animal, with whofe fpced they v/crc afloniflied, and whole im-
petuofity and ftrcngth they confidered as irrefiftible. But
while Columbus endeavoured to infpire the natives with a
dread of his power, he did not negleR the arts of gaining their
love and confidence. He adhered fcrupuloufly to the princi-
ples of integrity and juftice in all his traniaftions with them,
and treated them, on every occafion, not only with humanity»
but with indulgence- The diilrift of Cibao anlwered the del-
cription given of it bv the natives. It was mountainous and
'Fa

44 mSCOFERY Gf AMERICA.

uncultivated, but in every river, and brook, gold was aat'neretl
either in duft or in grains, fome of which were of confiderable
fize. The Indians had never opened any mines in fenrch of
gold. To penetrate into the bowels of the earth, and to refine the
rude ore, were operations too complicated and laborious for
their talents and induflry, and they had no fuch high value for
gold as to put their ingenuity and invention upon the ftretch
Jn order to obtain it. The I'mall quantity of that precious metal
which they pofifefTed, was either picked up in the beds of the
rivers, or waflied f.om the mountains by the heavy rains that
fall within the tropics. But, from thofe indications, the
Spaniards could no longer doubt that the country contained
rich treaiures in its bowels, of which they hoped foon to be
maftei^s. In order to feeure the command of this valuable
province, Columbus erefted a fmall fort, to which he gave the
name of St. Thomas, by way of ridicule upon fome of his
incredulous followers, who would not believe that the country
produced gold, until they faw : it with their own eyes, and
J;ouched it with their hands.

The apcouRt of fhofe promifing appearances of wealth in the
country of Gibao, came very feafonahly to comfort the delpond-
ing colony, which was efFefted with difti'^ffes of various l^inds.
The ftock of provifions which had been brought from Europe
was moftly confumed; what remained was fo much corrupted
by the heat and moiflure of the climate, as to be almoft unfit for
ufe; the natives cultivated To fmall a portion of ground, ^^^d
with fo littje Ikill, that it hardly yielded what was fufficient
for their own fubfiftence : the Spaniards at Ifabella had hitherto
neither time nor leilure to clviar the foil, fo as to reap any con-
iiderable fruits of their own induftry. On all thefe accounts,
they became afraid of perifning with hunger, and were reduced
already to a fcanty allowance. At the fame time the difcafes
predominani; in the torrid zone, and which rage chiefly in thof&
uncultivated countries, where the hand of induftry has not
opened the woods, drained the marfhes, and confined the rivers
within a certain channel, began to fpread among them. Alarmed
at the violence and unufual fymptoms of thofe maladies, they
exclaimed againll Columbus and his companions in the former
voyage, who by their fplendid but deceitful defcriptions of
Hifpaniola,: had allured them to quit Spain for a. barbarous
uncultivated |and, where they muft either be cut off by famine,-
iSr 4ie of un}:no^n difiempers. Several of the ofFiccrs and
oerfons of note, inllead of checking, joined in "thofe icditious.
(Complaints. ? ather Boyi, the anoftolical vicar, was one of the
jsr.oQ: turbulent and outrageous. It required all the authority

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 45

ind addrefs of Columbus to re-cftablifla fubordination and
tranquility in the colony. Threats and promil'cs were alter-
nately employed for this purpofe ; but nothing contributed
more to loothe the malcontents than the profpe6l of finding, in
the mines of Cibao, fuch a rich ftore of treafure as would be
a i-ecompence for all their fufierings, and efface the memory of
formei" difappointments.

When, by his iinwearied endeavours, concord and order were
fo far refhored, that lie could venture to leave the ifland, Colum-
bus refolved to purlue his dilcoveries, that he might be able to
alcertain whether thole new countries with which he had opened
J communication were connected with any region of the earth
already known, or whether they were to be confidered as a
fcparate portion of the globe hitherto unvifited. He appointed
his brother Don Diego, with the alhftance of a council of officers,
to govern the ifland in his abfence ; and gave the command of a
body of foldiers to Don Pedro Margarita, v/ith which he was to
vifit the different parts of the ifland, and endeavour to eftabiifli
the authority of the Spaniards among the inhabitants. Having
left them very particular inllruftions with refpeft to their con-
duft, he weighed anchor on the twenty-fourth of April, with
one fhip and two Imall barks under his command. During a
tedious voyage of full five months, he had a trial of almofi; all
the numerous hardfhips to which perfons of his profeflion are
fixpofed, without making any difcovery of importance, except
the ifland of Jamaica. As he ranged along the fouthern coaft of
Cuba, he was entangled in a labyrinth formed by an incredible
number of fmall iflands, to which he gave the name of the
Queen's-Garden. In this unknown courfe, among rocks and
{helves, he was retared by contrary winds, ailaulted with furious
liorms, and alarmed with the terrible thunder and lightning
which is often almoft inceffant between the tropics. At length
his provifions fell fhort ; his crew, exhaufled with fatigue, as
well as hunger, murmured and threatened, and were ready to
proceed to the moft defperate extremities againfl; him. Befet
w^ith danger in fuch various forms, he was obliged to keep con-
tinual watch, to obferve every occurrence with his own eyes, to
ilTue every order, and to luperintend the execution of it. On
no occafion, was the extent of his fl^ill and experience as a na-
vigator fo much tried. To thele the fquadron owed its iafety.
But this unremitted fatigue of body, and intenfe application of
mind, overpowering his conftitution, though naturally vigorous
and robufl:, brought on a fcverifh difordcr, which terminated in
a lethargy, that deprived him of fcnle and memory and had almoft
r-roved fatal to his life.

46 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

But, on his return, Sept. 27th, to Hifpaniola, the fudden
emotion of joy which he felt upon meeting with his brother Bar-
tholomew at Ilabclla, occafioncd fuch a flow -of fpirits as contri-
buted greatly to his recovery. It was now thirteen years fince
(the two brothers, whom fimilarity of talents united in clofe friend-
ship, had feparated from each other, and during that long period
there had been no intcrcourlc between them. Bartholomew, after
finifliing his ncgociation at the court of England, had fet out for
Spiin by the way of France. At Paris he received an acccourit
of the extraordinary difcoveries which his brotlier had made in
his firil voyage, and that he was then preparing to embark on a
fecond expedition. Though this naturally induced him to purfue
his journey with the utrnolh dilpatch, the admiral had laijed for
Hifpaniola before he reached Spain. Ferdinand and liabcll* re-
ceived him with the rclpeft due to the nearefh kinfman of a perfon
whofc merit and fervices rendered him fo confpicuous ; and as they
knew what conl'olation his prcfcnce would afford to his brother,
they perfuaded him to take the command of three fliips, which
they had appointed to carry proviiions to the colony of Ifabella.

He could not have arrived at any junfture when Columbus
ftood more in need of a friend capable of affifling him with his
counfels, or of dividing with him the cares and burden of govern-
ment. For although the provifions now brought from Europe,
afforded a temporary relief to the Spaniards from the calamities
of famine, the fupply was not in fuch quantity as to fupport
them long, and the ifland did not hitherto yield what was fulEci-
ent for their fuftenance. They were threatened witli another
danger, ftill more formidable than the return of fcarcity, and
which demanded more immediate attention. No fooner did
Columbus leave the ifland on his voyage of difcovery, than the
foldiers under Margarita, as if they had been fet free from dii'ci-
pline and fubordination, fcorncd all rcllraint. Inffead of con-
forming to the prudent inflruftions of Columbus, they difperied
in ftraggling parties oyer the iiland, lived at dilcretion upon the
natives, wafted their provifions, feized their women, and treated,
that inoffenfive race with all the infolence of military oppreffion.

As long as the Indians had any profpeft that their fufferings
might come to a period by the voluntary departure of the inva-
ders, they fubmitted in filence, and diffembled their Ibrrow; but
they now perceived that the yoke would be as permanent as it
was intolerable. The Spaniards had built a town, and furround-
ed it with ramparts. They had erefted forts in different places.
They had enclofed and foWn feveral fields. It was apparent that
they came not to vilit thq country but to fettle in it. Though the
number of thofe ftranpcrs was inconfidcrable, the flatc of cultiyar

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 4^,

tion among this rude people was fo impcrfcQ:, and in fuch exa£fc
proportion to their own conlumption, that it was with difficulty
they could afford fubfiftence to their new guefls. Their own
mode of life was fo indolent and inaftive, the warmth of the cli-
mate fo enervating, the conflitution of their bodies naturally fo
feeble, and fo unaccuflomed to the laborious exertions of induftryj
that "they were fatisfied with a prcporticn of food amazingly fmall,
A handful of maize, or a little of the infipid bread made of a
ca(fada-root, was fufficient to fupport men, whofe firength ajid
fpirits were not exhaufled by any vigorous efforts either of body
or mind. The Spaniards, though the mofl abflemjous of all the
European nations, appeared to them exceflively voracious. One
Spaniard confumed as much as feveral Indians. This keennefs of
appetite furprized them fo much, and feemed to them to be fo infa-
tiable, that they fuppoi'ed the Spaniards had left their own country,
becaufc it did not produce as much as was requifite to gratify their
immoderate defirc of food, and had come among them in quefl of
nourifliment. Sclf-prefervation prompted them to wifh for the"
departure of guefls who wafted fo fafl their flender flock of pro-
vifions.' The injuries which they fuflFered, added to their impati-
ence for th,is event. They had long expefted that the Spaniards
would retiie of their own accord. They now perceived that, in.
^rder to avert the deflruclion with which they were threatened,
cither by the flow coniumption of famine, or by the violence of
their opprcffors, it was neccfTary to aifume courage, to attack thofe
formidable invaders with united force, and drive them from the
Icltlements of which they had violently taken pofl'efTion.

Such were the fentiments which univerfally prevailed among
the Indians, when Columbus returned to Ifabclla. Inflamed by
the unprovoked outrages of the Spaniards, with a degree of rage
of which their gentle natures, formed to fufFer and fubmit,
Icemed highly fufceptible, they waited only for a fignal from
their leaders to fall upon the colony. Some of the car.iques
had already furprifed and cut off leveral flragglers. The diead
of this impending danger united the Spaniards, and re-eflablifhed
the authority of Columbus, as they law no profpcft of fafety
but in committing themlelves to his prudent guidance. It was
now neceffary to have recourfe to arms, the employing of which
againft the Indians, Columbus had hitherto avoided with the
greatefl folicitude. Unequal as the conflift may feem, between
the naked inhabitants of the New World, armed with clubs,
flicks hardened in the fire, wooden fwords, and arrows pointed
with bones or flints ; and troops accuflomed to the dii'cipline,
and provided with the inflruments of deftruftion known in
the European art of war, the fituation of the Spaniards was

48 DISC OVE RY OF A M ERIC A.

far from being exempt from danger. The vaft luperioritv of
the natives in number, compenfated many defefts. An handful
of men was about to encounter a whole nation. One adverfc'
event, or even any advcrfe delay in determining the fate
of the war, might prove fatal to the Spaniards. Confcious
that fuccefs depended on the vigour and rapidity of his opera-
tions, Columbus inftantly aiTembled his forces. They were
reduced to a very fniall number. Difeafes, engendered by the
warmth and humidity of tbe country, or occalioned by their
own licentioufnefs, had raged among them with much violence ;
experience had not yet taught them the art eitber of curing
thefe, or the precautions requifite for guarding them ; two-thirds
of the original adv'enturers were dead, and many of thofe who
furvived were incapable of fervice. The body which took the
field on March 24, 1495, confided only of two hundred foot,
twenty horfe, and twenty large dogs ; and how ftrange foever
it may feem to mention the laft as com.pofing part of a military
ftorde, they were not perhaps the lead formidable and deftruc-
tive of the whole, when employed ag^inft naked and timid
Indians. All the caziques of the ifland, Gxiacanahari excepted,
who retained an inviolable attachment' to the Spaniards, were
in arms to oppofe Columbus, witli forces amounting, if we may
believe the Spanifii hiftoriarls, to an hundred thouland men. In-
ftead of attempting to draw the Spaniards into the faftnefles of the
Woods and mountains, they were fo imprudent as to take their
ftation in Vega Real, the mod open plain in the country. Co-
lumbus did not allow them time to perceive their error, or ta
alter their pofition. He attacked them during the night, when
undifciplined troops arc lead capable of afting with union and
Concert, and obtained an ealy and bloodlefs viftory. The con-
dernation with which the Indians were fiUcd by the noife and
havoc made by the fire-arms, by th<i impetuous force of the ca-
valry,- and the fird onfet of the dogs, was fo great, that they
threw down their weapons, and fled without attempting refifence.
Many were llain; more were taken prifoners, and reduced io Icr-
vitude ; and fo thoroughly were the red intimidated, that from
that moment* they abandoned themfclves to defpair, relinquifhing
all thoughts of contending with aggreffbrs whom they deemed ■
invincible.

Columbus employed feveral months in marching through the'
ifland, and in fubjefting it to the Spanifli government, without
meeting with any oppofition. He impofed' a tribute upon all" the
inhabitants above the age of fourteen. Each perfon who lived
in thofe didrifts where gold was found, was obliged to pay quar-
terly as much gold dud as filled a hawk's bell ; from thole in

DISCOVERY OF A M ERICA. 4^

folliel- parts of the country, twenty-five pounds of cotton were de-
hianded. This was the firfh regular taxation of the Indians, and
fcrved as a precedent for exaftions flill more intolerable. Sucli
an impofition was extremely contrary to thole maxims which Co-
lumbus had hitherto inculcated with reipetl to the mode of treat-
ing them. But intrigues were carrying on in the Court of Spain
at this juncture, in order to uiidermiae his power and dilcredit
his operations, which conftrained him to depart from his own
fyflem of adminifhration. Several unfavourable accounts of his
conduft, as well as of the countries difcovered by him, had been
tranfmitted to Spain. Margaritta and Father BoyI were now at
court ; and in order to juftify their own conduft, or to gratify
their refentriient, watched with malevolent attention for every
opportunity of fpreading infmuations to his detriment. Many
of the courtiers viewed his growing reputation and power with
envious eyes. Fonfeca, archdeacon of Seville, who was intrufled
v/ith the chief direftion of Indian affairs,' had conceived fuch an
unfavourable opinion of Columbus, for iome reafon which ths
contemporary writers have not mentioned, that he liftened witli
partiality to every inveftive againft him. It was not eafy for an
unfriended ftrangerj unpraftiled in courtly arts, to countera6t the
machinations of fo many enemies. Columbus law that there was
but one method of fupporting his own credit, and of filencing
all his adverlaries. He muft produce fuch a quantity of gold aS
would not only juftify what he had reported with refpeft to ths
richnefs of the country, but encourage Ferdinand and liabella to
•perfevere in profecuting his plans; The neceility of obtaining it,
forced him not only to impofe this heavy tax upon the Indians,
•but to exaft payment of it with extreme rigour ; and may be
pleaded in excufe for his deviating on this occaiion fi'om the mild-
nefs and humanity with which he uniformly treated that unhappy
people;

The labour, attention, and forefight which the Indians were
obliged to employ in procuring the tribute demanded of them,
appeared the moft intolerable of all evils, to men accuftorrled to pais
their days in a carelcfs, improvident indolence. They were in-
capable of fuch a regular and perfcvering exertion of induftry,
and felt it fuch a grievous reftraint upon their liberty, that they
had recourie to an expedient for obtaining di?Iiverance from this
y©ke, which demonftrates the excefs of their impatience and del-
pair. They formed a fcheme of llarving thofe opprelfors whom
they durft not attempt to expel ; and from the opinion which they
entertained with refpcft to the voracious appetite of the Spani-
ards, they concluded the execution of it to be very prafticable.

G

50 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

With this viev)' they fufpended all the operations of agriculture i
they fowed no maize, they pulled up the roots of the manioc or
cafTada which were planted, and retiring to the mofl inacceflible
parts of the mountains, left the uncultivated plains to their ene-
mies. This defperate' rcfolution produced in fome degree the ef-
fefts which they expcfted. The Spaniards were reduced to ex-
treme want; but they received fuch feafonable fupplies of provi-
(ions from Europe, and found fo many refourccs in their own
ingenuity and induflry, that they fufFered no great lofs of men.
The wretched Indians were the viftims of their own ill-concert-
ed policy. A great multitude of people, fhut up in the moun-
tainous part of the country, without any food but the fpontaneou*
produftions of the earth, foon felt the utmofl diflrelTes of famine.
This brought on contagious difeafes; and, in the courfe of a few
months, more than a third part of the inhabitants of the ifiand pe-
rifhed-, after experiencing mifery in all its various forms.

But while Columbus was eftablifliing the foundations of the Spa-
nifh grandeur in theNew World, his enemies laboured withunwea-
ried afTiduity to deprive him of the glory and rcM'ards, which by his
fervices and fufferings he was intitled to enjoy. The hardfhips una-
voidable in a new lettlement,the calamities occafionedby an unhealthy
climate, the difafhers attending a voyage in unknown feas, were all
reprefented as the effefts of his reftlels and inconfiderate ambition.
His prudent attention to preferve difcipline and fubordination
was denominated excefs of rigour; the punifhments which he in-
flifted upon the mutinous and diforderly were imputed to cruelty.
Thefe accufations gained fuch credit in a jealous court, that a com-
miflioner was appointed to repair to Hifpaniola, and to infpeft in-
to the conduft of Columbus, By the recommendation of his ene-
mies, Aguado, a groom of the bed-chamber, was the perfon to
whom this important trufl was committed. But in this choice
they feem to have been more influenced by the obfequious attach-
ment of the man to their interefl, than by his capacity for the fla-
tioni Puffed up with fuch fudden elevation, Aguado dilplayed in
the exercife of this office, all the frivolous lelf-importance, and
afted w^ith all the dilgufting infolence, which are natural to little
minds, when raifed to unexpefted dignity, or employed in func-
tions to which they are not equal. By liftening with eagernefs to
everv accufation againft Columbus, and encouraging not only the
malcontent Spaniards, but even the Indians, to produce their
grievances, real or imaginarv, he fomented the Ipirit of dilTention
in the ifl md, without eftablifliing any regulation of public utility,
or that tended to redrefs the many wrongs, with the odium of
which he wifiied to load the admiral's adminiftration. As Colum-
bus felt fenfibly how humiliating his fituation muft. be, if he fliould

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. ^i

remain in that country while fuch a partial infpeftor obferved his
motions, and controuled his jurifdiftion, he took the refolution ol
returning to Spain, in order to lay a full account of all his tranl-
aftions, particularly with refpeft to the points in difpute between
him and his adveifaries, before Ferdinand and Ifabella, from whole
juflice and difcernment he cxpefted an equal and a favourable de-
cifion. Pie committed the adminiftration of affairs, during his
ablence, in one thoufand four hundred and ninety-ftx, to Don
Bartholomew his brother, with the title of Adelantado, or Lieu-
tenant Governor. By a choice lefs fortunate, and which proved
the fource of many calamities to the colony, he appointed Francis
Roldan chief juftice, with very extenhve powers.

In returning to Europe, Columbus held a courfe different from
that which he had taken in his former voyage. He fteeredalmoft
due eaft from Hifpaniola, in the parallel of twenty-two degrees of
latitude ; as experience had not yet difcovered the more certain
and expeditious method of ftrctching to the north, in order to
fall in with the fouth-well winds. By this ill-advifed choice,
which, in the infancy of navigation between the New and tl^^
Old Worlds, can hardly be imputed to the admiral as a defefl in
naval fkill, he w^as cxpofed to infinite fatigue and danger, in a
perpetual ftruggle with the trade-winds, which blow, without va-
riation from the eaff between the tropics. Notwithftanding the
almoft infuperable difficulties of fuch a navigation, he perfifted in
his courfe with his ufual patience and firmnefs, but made fo little
way, that he was three months without feeing land. At length
his provifions began to fail, the crew was reduced to the fcanty
allowance of fix ounces of bread a-day for each perfon. The
admiral fared no better than the meaneft failor. But even in this
extreme diflrefs, he retained the humanity which diftinguifhes his
charafter, and refufed to comply with the carneft folicitations of
his crew, fome of whom propofed to feed upon the Indian prifon-
ers whom they were carrying over, and others infifted to throw
them over-board, in order to leffen the confumption of their fmall
flock. He reprefented that they were human beings, reduced
by a common calamity to the fame condition with themfelvcs, and
intitled to fhare an equal fate. His authority and lemonftrances
diffipated thofe wild ideas fuggefled by dcfpair. Nor had they
time to recur, as they came foon within light of the coaft of Spain,
when all tl)eir fears and fufferings ended.

Columbus appeared at court with the modefl: but determined
confidence of a man confcious not only of integrity, but of having
performed great fervices. Ferdinand and Ifabella, afhamed of
their own facilitv in lending too favourable an car to frivolous ox

52 DISCO VE RY OF AM ERICA,

ill-founded accufations, received him with fuch diflincrnifhed
marks of rcfpcct, as covered his enemies with fliame. Their cen-
fures and calumnies were no more heard of at that junfture. The
gold, the pcarlsj the cotton, and other commodities of value which
Columbus produced, (eemed fully to refute what the mal-contents
had propogated with refpeft to the poverty of the country. By
reducing the Indians to obedience, and impofing a regular tax
upon them, he had fecurcd to Spain a large accefljon of new fub-
jefts, and the eftablifliment of a revenue that promifed to be con-
fiderable. By the mines which he h^d found out and examined,
a fource of wealth flill rnore copious was opened. Great and un-
expcfted as thofe advantages were, Columbus reprcfentcd them
only as preludes to future acquifitions. and as the carneft of mors
important difcoveries, which he flill meditated, and to which thofe
he had already made would conduft him with eaie and ccrtaintv.
The attentive coniideration of all thele circumftances made fuch
ImprefTion, not only upon Ilabella, who was flattered with the idea
pf being the patroncfs of all Columbus's ent'erprifes, but even upon
Ferdinand, who having originally exprefied his difapprobation of
his fchemes, was flill apt to doubt of their fuccefs, that they re-
folved to fupply the colony in Hiipaniola with every thing which
could render it a permanent eftablifhrnent, and to furnifh Colum-
bus with fuch a fleet, that he might proceed to fearch for thofe
lifew countries, of whofc exiflence he fecmed to be confident.
The meafures moft proper for accomplifliing both thefe defigns
were concerted with Columbus. Dilcovery had been the fole
objeft of the firfh voyage to the New World; and though in the
fecond, fettlement had been propofed, the precautions taken for
that purpofe had either been infufficient, or were rendered ineffec-
fual by the mutinous fpirit of the Spaniards, and the unforefeen
calamities arifing from various caufes. Now a plan was to be
formed of a regular colony, that might ferve as a model to all fu-
ture efhablifliments. Every particular was confidered with atten-
tion, and the whole arranged with a fcrupulous accuracy. The
precife number of adventurers who fliould be permitted to embark
was fixed. They were to be of different ranks and profeflions ;
find the proportion of each was eflablifliedj according to their ufe-
ifulnefs and the wants of the colony. A fuitable number of wo-
men was to be chofen to accompany thefe nev/ fettlers. As it was
the firfl objeft to raife provifions in a country where fcarcity of
Jfood had been the occafion of fo much diflrcfs, a confiderable body
of hufbandmen was to be carried over. As the Spaniards had
then no conception of deriving any benefit from thofe produclicns
of the New World which have fince yielded fu^ large returns of
wealth to Europe, but had formed magnificent idcaSj and enter-

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

5$

tained fanguinc hopes with refpeft to the riches contained in the
mines which had been difcovered, a band of workmen, Ikilled in
the various arts employed in digging and refining the precious
metals, was provided. All thclc emigrants were to receive pay
and fubfiftence for fome years, at the public expence.

Thus far the regulations were prudent, and well adapted to the
end in vie-w. But as it was foreleen that few would engage vo-
luntarily to fettle in a country, whofe noxious climate had been
fatal to fo many of their countrymen, Columbus propofed to tranf-
port to Hifpaniola fuch malefaftors as had been convifted of crimes,
which, though capital, were of a lefs attrocious nature ; and that
for the future a certain proportion of the ofiendcrs ufually fent to
the gallies, fhould be condemned to labour in the mines which
were to be opened. This advice, given without due refleftion,
jiv^s as inconfiderately adopted. The pritons of Spain, were
drianed, in order to colleft members for the intended colony ; and
the judges empowered to try criminals, were inftrufted to recruit
it by their future fentences. It is not, however, with fuch materials,
that the foundations of a iociety, deftined to be permanent, fliould
be laid. Induftry, lobriety, patience, and mutual confidence are
indifpenfably requifite in an infant lettlcment, where purity of
jTiorals muft contribute more towards eflablilhing order, than the
operation or authority of laws. But wiien fuch a mixture of
what is corrupt is admitted into the original conflitution of the
political body, the vices of thofe unfound and incurable members
will probably infeft the whole, and muft certainly be produftive
of violent and unhappy effe£is. This the Spaniards fatally expe-
rienced ; and the other European nations having fucceflively imi-
tated the praftice of Spain in this particular, pernicious confe-
quences have followed in their fcttlements, which can be imput-
ed to no other caufe.

Though Columbus obtained, with great facility and difpatch, thd
royal approbation of every meafure and regulation that he pi^opof-
cd, his endeavours to jcarry them into execution were fo long I'e^
tarded, as muft have tired out the patience of any man, lefs accuf-
tomed to encounter and to furmount difficulties. Thofe delays
were occafioned partly by that tedious formality and fpirit of pro-
craftination, with which the Spaniards conduft bufineis ; and part-
ly by the exhaufted ftate of the treafury, Vi'hich was drained by the
expence of celebrating the marriage of Ferdinand and Ifabella's on-
ly fon with Margaret of Auftria, and that of Joanna, their fecond
daughter, v/ith Philip archduke of Auftria ; but muft be ch efly
imputed to the malicious arts of Columbus's enemies. Aftonilhed
at the reception which he met with upon his return, and overawed
by his piefence, they gave way, for feme time, to a tide of favour

54 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

too ftrong for them to oppofe. Their enmity, however, was too
inveterate to remain long inaftive. They refumed their oppcra-
tions, and by the afififtance of Fonfeca, Jthe minifler for Indian af-
fairs, who was now promoted to the bifhopric of Bajados, they
threw in fo many obftacles to protraft the preparations for Colum-
bus's expedition, that a year elapfed before he could procure two
fhips to carry over a part of the liipplies defbined for the colony,
and almofl two years were fpent before the fmall fquadron was
equipped of which he himfelf was to take the conimand.

This fquadron confided of fix fhips only, of no great burden,
and but indifferently provided for a long or dangerous navigation.
This voyage which he now meditated was in a courfe different
from any he had undertaken. As he was fully purfuaded that the
fertile regions of India lay to the fouth-weft of thofe countries;
which he had difcovercd, he propofcd, as the mofl certain method
of finding out thefe, to ftand dircftly iouth from the Canary or
Cape de Verd iflands, until he came under the equinoftial line,
and then to ftretch to the weft before the favourable wind for
luch a courfe, which blows invariably between the tropics. With
Vhis idea he fet fail, on May the thirtieth, one thoufand four hun-
dred and ninety-eight, and touched firft at the Canary, and then
at the Cape de Verd iflands, on July the fourth. From the for-
mer he difpatched three of his fhips with a fupply of provifions
for the colony in Hilpaniola : with the other three, he continued
his voyage towards the fouth. No remarkable occurrence hap-
pened till July the nineteenth, when they arrived within five de-
grees of the line. There they were becalmed, and at the fame
time the heat became fo exceflive, that many of their wine cafks
burft, the liquor in others fourcd, and their provifions corrupted.
The Spaniards, who had never ventured fo far to the fouth, were
afraid that the fhips would take fire, and began to apprehend the
reality of what the ancients had taught concerning the deftru6tive
qualities of that torrid region of the globe. They were relieved,
in fome mcafurc, from their fears by a feafonable fall of rain.
This, however, though fo heavy and unintermitting that the men
Could hardly keep the deck, did not greatly mitigate the intenfe-
nefs of the heat, Tlie admiral, who with his ufual vigilance had
in perfon direftcd every operation, from the beginning of the
voyage, was fo much exhaufted by fatigue and want of fleep, that
it brought on a violent fit of the gout, accompanied with a fever.
All thefe circumftanccs conftrained him to yield to the importu-
nities of his crew, and to alter his courfe to the north-weft, in
order to reach fome of the Carribec iflands, where he miijht rcfitj
iind be llipplied wilh provifions.

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 55

On the firfl of Auguft, the man ftatloned in the round top fur-
■J)nfed them with the joyful cry of land. They fhood towards it,
and difcovered a conflderable ifland, which the admiral called
Trinidad, a name it ftill retains. It lies on the coafl of Guiana,
near the mouth of the Orinoco. This, though a river only of
the third or fourth magnitude in the New World, far furpaffcs
any of the ftreams In our hemilphere. It rolls towards the ocean
fuch a vafl body of water, and ruflies into it with fuch impetuous
force, that when it meets the tide, which on that eoaft rifes to an
uncommon height, their collifion occafions a fwell and agitation
of the waves no lefs furprifing than formidable. In this conflift,
the irrcfiflible tojTcnt of the river fo far prevails, that it frefhens the
ocean many leagues with its flood. Columbus, before he could
perceive the danger, was entangled among thofe adverfe currents
and tempeftuous waves, and it was with the utmoft difficulty that
he efcaped through a narrow ftrait, which appeared fo tremendous,
that he called it La Boca del Drago. As foon as the confternation
which this occafioned, permitted him to refleft upon the nature
©f an appearance fo extraordinary, he difcerned in it a fource of
comfort and hope. He juftly concluded, that fuch a vaft body of
water as this river contained, could not be fupplied by any ifland,
but mufl flow through a country of immenfe extent, and of con-
fequence that he was now arrived at that continent which it had
long been the objeft of his wiflies to difcover. Full of this idea,
he fl;ood to the weft along the coaft of thofe provinces which are
now known by the names of Paria and Cumana. He landed in
feveral places, and had fome intercourfe with the people, who re-
fembled thofe of Hifpaniola in their appearance and manner of
life. They wore, as ornaments, fmall plates of gold, and pearls
of conflderable value, which they willingly exchanged for Eu-
ropean toys. They fecmed to pofl"efs a better underfl:anding, and
greater courage, than the inhabitants of the iflands. The country
produced four-footed animals of feveral kinds, as well as a great
variety of fowls and fruits. The admiral was fo much delighted
with its beauty and fertility, that with the warm enthufiafm of a
difcoverer, he imagined it to be the paradife defcribed in Scrip-
ture, which the Almighty chofe for the refldence of man, while
he retained innocence that rendered him worthy of fuch a habita-
tion. Thus Columbus had the glory not only of difcovering to
mankind the exiftence of a New World, but made conflderable
progrefs towards a perfeft knowledge of it ; and was the firft man
who condufted the Spaniards to that vaft continent which has
been the chief feat of their empire, and the fource of their trea-
fures in this quarter of the globe. The fhattered condition of his
fliips, fcarcity of provifions, his own inflrmities, together with

56 DISCOVERY OP A M E R IC A.

the impatience of his crew, prevented him from purfuing his'
difcoveries any farther, and made it neceffary to bear away for
Hifpaniola, In his way thither he difcovered the iflands of Cu-
bagua and Margarita, which afterwards became remarkable for
their pearl-fifliery. When he arrived at Hifpaniola, on the thir-
tieth of Auguft, he was wafted to nn extreme degree with fatigue
and hcknefs ; but found the affairs of the colony in fuch a fituation,
as afforded him no profpeft of enjoying that repofe of which he
flood fo much in need.

Many levolutions had happened in that country during his ab-
fence. His brother the adelantado, in cohfcquence of the advice
which the admiral gave before his departure, had removed the
colony from Ifabella to a more commodious ftation, on the oppo-
fite fide of the ifland, and laid tlie foundation of St. Domingo,
which was long the moft confiderable European town in the New
World, and the feat of the fupreme courts in the Spanifh domi-
nions there. As foon as the Spaniards were eftabliflied in this
new fettlement, the adel.intado, that they might neither languifh'
in inactivity, nor have leifure to form new cabals, marched into
thofe parts of the ifland which his brother had not yet vifited or
reduced to obedience. As the people were unable to refift, they
fubmitted every where to the tribute which he irnpofed. But
they loon found the burden to be fo intolerable, that, overawed
as they were by the fuperior power of their oppreffors, they took
arms againfl them. Thofe infurreftions, however, were not
formidable. A Conflift with timid and naked Indians was neither
dangerous nor of doubtful iffue.

But while the adelantado was employed againft them in the field,
a mutiny, of an ai'peft far more alarming, broke our among the
Spaniards, The ringleader of it was Francis Roldan, whom Co-
lumbus had placed in a ftation which required him to be the
guardian of order and tranquility in the coloay. A turbulent and
inconfiderate ambition precipitated him into this delperate mea-
fure, fo unbecoming his rank. The arguments which he employed to
ieduce his countrymen were frivolous and ill-founded. He accu-
fed Columbus and his two brothers of arrogance and feverity ;
he pretended that they aimed at eftabliQiing an independent do-
minion in the country ; he taxed them with an intention of cutting
off part of the Spaniards by hunger and fatigue, that they might
more eafily reduce the remainder to fubjcftion ; he reprelented it
as unworthy of Caftilians, to remain the tame and pafhve flaves, of
three Geonefe adventurers. As men have always a propenfity to
impute the hardfhips of which they feel the preffure, to the mif-
conduft of their rulers ; as every nation views with a jealous eye
the power and exaltation of foreigners, Roldan's infinuations made

bfSCOVERY OF AMERICA. c^j

s deep imprcfTion on his countrymen. His charafter and rank add*
cd weight to them, A confidcrable number of the Spaniard^
rnade choice of him as their leader, and takinj^ arms againft the ade-
iantado and his brother, feized the King's magazine of provifions,
and endeavoured to lurprilc the fort nt St. Domingo. This was
preferved by the vigilance and Courage of Don Diego Columbus,
The mutineers were obliged to retire to the province of Xarngua^
where ihey continued not only to difclaim the adelantado's autho-
rity themfelves, but excited the Indians to throw off the yoke.

Such was the diftrafted Hate of tlie colony when Columbus
landed at St. DomlngOi He was aflonifiied to find that the three
ihips which he had dilpatehed from tile Canaries Were not yet ar-
rived. Bv the unfkilfulnefs of the pilots, and the violence of cur-
rents, they iiad been carried a hundred and lixty miles to the weft
of St. Domingo, and forced to take fhelter in a harbour of the pro-;
vince of Xaragua, where Roldan and his icditious followers were
cantoned. Roldan cai-efuUy concealed from the commanders of the
fliips his infurreftion agaiflfl the adelantado, and employing his ut-
moll addrefs to gain their confidence, perfuaded them to fet on
fhore a confidcrable part of the new Icttlers whom they brought
over, that they might pfoceed by land to St. Domingo. It requir-
ed but few arguments to prevail with thole men to efpoufe his
caufe. They were the refule of the jails of Spain, to whom idle-
nefs, licentioufnefsj and deeds of violence were familiar; and they
returned eagerly to a courfc of life nearly refembling tliat to which
they had been accuftomedj The commanders of the fuips per-
ceiving, when it was too late, their imprudence in difcmbalking
fo many of their men, flood away for St. Domingo^ and got fafc
into the port a few days after the admiral ; but their ftock of pro-
vifions wis fo wafted during a voyage of lucii long continuance^
that they brought little relief to the colony.

By this jun£tion with a band of luch bold and dcfpcratc aiToci-
ates, Roldan became extremely formidable, and no Icfs extravagant
in his demands. Columbus, though filled with rcfentment at his
rngratitude, and highly exaipcrated by the infolcnce of his fol-
lowers, made no hafte to take the field. He trembled at the
thonghts of kindling the flames of a civil war, in wliich, whatever
party prevailed, the power and ftrength of both inuft b(? fo much
wafted, as might encourage the comm.on enemy to unite and com-
plete their deftruftion. At the famx time, lie oblcrvcd, that the
prejudices and paftions which incited the rebels to take arms, had
lo far infcftcd thole who ftill adhered to him, that many of them
were adverfe, and all cold to the fervice. From fuch fentimcnts
%vith refpeft to the public intereft, as well as from this view of his

H

5ft DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

own filuation, he chofe to negoclate rather than to fight. By S
feafonable prochimation. offering free pardon to fuch as fliould me-
rit it by returning to their duty, he made impreflion upon fome
of the mTlcontents. By engaging to grant fuch as fhould defire it
the liberty of returning to Spain, he allured all thofc unfortunate
adventurers, who, from ficknefs and difappointment, were difgufted
with the country. By promifing to re-eftablifh Roldan in his for-
mer office, he foothcd his pride ; and by complying with moft of
his dj:nands in behalf of his followers, he fatisficd their avarice.
Thus, graduitllv and without bloodfhed, but after many tedious nc-
gociations, he diffulvrd this dahgerous combination which threat-
ened the colony with ruin ; and reflorcd the appeai-ancc of order,
regular government, and tranquillity.

In. confequcnee of this agreenicnt with tlie mutineers, lands
were alloted therii in diHercat parts of the iri;'.nd, and the Indians-
fettled in cnth dillrift w-^re appointed to cultivate a certain portion
of ground for the ufe of thole new mafters*. The performance
of this work was lubftituted in place of the tribute formerly impo-
fcd ; and how neccfTury foever fuch a regulation might be in a fick-
Iv and feeble colony, it introduced among the Spaniards the Repar-
iimientos, or diftribations of Indians eflabliilied by them in all their
fettlements, which brought numbcrlcls calamities upon that unhap-
py people, and fubjefted them to the moft grievous oppreffion.
This was not the only bad effeft of the infurreftion in Hilpaniola ;
it prevented Columbus from profecuting his diicoveries on the con-
tinent, as felf-prefervation obliged him to keep near his perion
his brother the adelantado, and the failors whom he intended to
have employed in that fervicc. As foon as his affairs would per-
mitj he lent fome of his fhips to Spain v^ith a journal of the voy-
age which he had made, a description of the new countries which
he had diicovered^ a chart of the coaft along which he had failed,
and fpccimcns of the gold, the pearls, and other curious or valuable
produftions which he had acquired by trafficking with the natives.
At the fame time he tranfmitted an account of the infurreftion in
Hifpaniola ; he accufed the mutineers not only of having thrown
the colony into fuch violent convulfions as threatened its diflfolu-
tion, but of having obftru6lcd every attempt towards difcovery and
improvement, by their unprovoked rebellion agninft their iuperi-
ors, and propofed leveral regulations for the better government of
the ifland, as well as the extinftion of that mutinous fpirit, which,
■ though fuppreffed at prefent. might fdon burfl. out with additional
rage. Roldan and his afTociates did not neglcft to convey to Spain,
by the fame ffiips, an apology for their own condu£t, together with
tlieir recriminations upon the admiral and his brothers. Unfortu-'

* 1499-

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

59

nately for the honour of Spain, and the happinefs of Columbus, the
i-atter gained mod credit in the court of Ferdinand and Ifabella,
and produced unexpcftcd effcfts.

But, previous to the relating of thefe, it is proper to take a view
6f fome events, which merit attention, both on account of their own
importance, and their connexion with the hiftory of the New
World. While Columbus was eng?ged in his fucceflive voyages
to the weft, the i'pirit of dilcovcry did act languifh in Portugal, the
kingdom where it firft acquired vigour, and became enterprifing.
Self-condemnation and regret were nut tiieonly fentiments to which
the fuccefs of Columbus, and reileftion upon their own imprudence
in rejefting his propolals, gave rile among the Forr^'guefe. They
excited a general emulation to furpals his performances, and an ar-
dent defire to m^ake lomo reparation to their country for their own
error. With this view, Emmanuel, who inherited the enterpri-
fing genius of his predeceffors, perfift,ed in their grand fcheme of
opening a paffage to the Eaft Indies by the Cape of Good Hope ;
and foon after his acceffion to the throne, equipped a fqiiadron
for that important voyage. He gave the command of it to Vafco
de Gama, a man of noble birth, poileired of virtue, prudence and
courage, equal to the ftation. The Iquadron, like all thofe fitted
out for difcovery in the infancy of navigation, was extremely fee-
ble, confiding only of three vefTels, of neither burden nor force
adequate to the fervice. As the Europeans were at that time little
acquainted with the courfe of the trade winds and periodical mon-
foons which render navigation in the Atlantic ocean, as well as in
the fea that feparates Africa from India, at fome feafons eafy, and
at others not only dangerous, but almoft iniprafticable, the time
chofen for Gama's departure was the moft improper during the
whole year. He fet fail from Lifbon on the ninth of July, 3497,
and {landing towards the louth, had to fhruggle for four months
with contrary winds, before he could reach the Cape of Good
Hope. On November 20, their violence began to abate; and du-
ring an interval of calm weather, Gama doubled that formidable
promontory, which had fo long been the boundary of navigation,
and direfted his courfe towards the north-eaft, along the African
coaft. He touched at feveral ports; and after various adventures,
which the Portuguefe hifhorians relate with higli but juft encomi-
ums upon his conduft and intrepidity, he came to anchor before
the city of Melinda. Throughout all the vaft countries which
extend along the coafl of Africa, from the river Senegal to the
confines of Zanguebar, the , Portuguele had found a race of men
rude and uncultivated, ftrangers to letters, to arts and commerce,
?nd differing from the inhabitants of Europe no Icis in their fea-

H ■:>-

So DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

(ures and complexion, than in their manners and inftitutions. As
they advanced from this, they oblcrved, to their inexpreffible joy,
that the human form gradually altered ancj improved, the Afidtic
features began to predominate, marks of civilization appeared, letters
Were known, the Mahometan religion was eflablifliedj and a com-
tftcrce, far from being inconlidcrable, was carried on. At that time
feveral veflels from India were in the port of Mclinda. Gama now
purfued his voyage with almoil ablblutc certainty of furccis, and^
under the conduft of a Mahometan pilot, arrived at Calocat, vipon
the coad of Malabar, on the twenty-fccond of May, one thouiand
four hundred and ninetv-eight. What he beheld of the wealth,
the populoufncfs, the cultivation, the induftry and arts of this high-
Jy civilized country, far furpaffed any idea that he had formed, from
the imperfeft accounts which the Europeans had hitherto received
of it, But as he poiTcfTcd neither fufficient force to attempt a fet-
tlement, nor proper commodities with which he could carry on
commerce of any confcquence, he haftened back to Portugal, with
an account of his fuccefs in performing a.vovage the longcft, a«,
well as mofl; difricult, that had ever been made fiiice the firft in-,
vention of navigation. He landed at Lifbon on the fourteenth of
September, one thouiand four hundred arid ninety nine, two years
two months and five days from the time he left that port.

Thus, during the courl'e of the fifteenth century, mankind made
greater progrels in exploring the ftate of the habitable globe, than
in all the ages which had elapfed previous to that period. The.
i'pirit of dilcoyery, feebly at firft and cautious, moved within a very
narrow fphere, and made its efforts with hefitation and tnnidity.
Encouraged by lucceis. it became adventurous, and boldly extend-
ed its operations. In the courle of its progreflion, it continued to
acquire vigour, and advanced at length with a rapidity and force
which burfl through all the limits Within which ignorance and
fear had hitherto circumfcribed the a£livity of the hiunan race.
Almoft fifty years were employed by the Portuguefe in creeping
along the coaft of Africa from C.'pe Non to Cape de Verd, the
latter of which lies only twelve degrees to the fouth of the former.
In lefs than thirty years they ventured beyond the equinoftial line
into another hemifphere, and penetrated to the fouthern extremity
of Africa, at the diilance of forty-nine degrees from Cape de Verd.
During the laft fevcn years of the century, a New World was dif-
covcred in the weft, not inferior in extent to all the parts of the
prth v^ith y/hich mankind were at that time acquainted. In the
eaft, unknown feas and countries were found put, and a communi-
cation, long defired, but hitherto concealed, was opened between
£urop'e and the opulent regions of India. In comparifon with
events fo Vj-ondcrful and unexpcftcdj all that had liitherto beer^

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 6i

deemed great or fplendid, faded away and difappcared. Vaft ob-
jefts now prefentcd thcmfelvcs. The human mind, rouicd and
intercfled by the prolpcft. engaged with ardour in purluit of them,
and exerted its aftivc powers in a new direftion.

This Ipirit of enterprile. though but newly awakened in Spain,
began Toon to operate extcnhvely. Ail the attempts towards dif-
covery made in that kingdom, had hitherto been carried on by
Columbus alone, and at the expencc of the fovereign. But now
private adventurers, allured by the magnificent defcriptions he
gave of the regions which he had vifited, as well as by the fpeci-
mens of their wealth which he produced, offered to fit out Iqua-
drons at their own rifk, and to go in quefl of new countries.—
The Spanifh court, whole Icanty revenues, were exhaufted by tkc
charge of its expeditions to the New World, which, though they
opened alluring prolpetts of future benefit, yielded a very Iparing
return of prelent profit, was craremely willing to devolve the
burden of difcovery upon its fubjefts. It feizcd with joy an op-
portunity of rendering the avarice, the ingenuity, and efforts of
prejeftors, infhrumental in promoting defigns of certain advantage
to the public, though of doubtful fuccefs with refpeft to themielves.'
One of the firfl propofitions of this kind was made by Alonlo <fc
Ojeda, a gallant and a£tive officer, who had accompanied Colum-
bus in his iecond voyage. His rank and charafter procured him
fuch credit with the merchants of Seville, that they undertook to
jsquip four fliips, provided he could obtain the royal licence, au-
thorifing the voyage. The powerful patronage of the bifhop of
Badajos eafily fccured fucceis in a luit fo agreeable to the court.
Without confulting Columbus, or regnrding the rights and jurif-
diftion which he had acquired by the capitulation in one thoufand
four hundred and ninety-two, Ojeda was permitted to fet out for
the New World. Jn order to direft his courfe, the bifhop com-
punicatcd to him the adniiral's JQurii-l of his laft voyage, and hjs
charts of the countries which he had diicovered. tOjeda flruck
out into no new path of navigation, but adhering fcrvilely to the
route which Columbus had taken, arrived on tlic coaft of Paria.
He traded with the natives, and Handing to the wefl, proceeded
as far as Cape de Vela, and ranged along a confidcrablc extent of
coaft beyond that on which Columbus had touched. Having
thus afcertained the opinion of Columbus, that this country was
a part of the continent, Ojeda returned in Oftober, by way of
Hifpaniola to Spain, with fome reputation as a dilcoverer, but
with little benefit to thole who had raifed the funds for the
expedition.

Amerigo Vcfpucci, a Florentine gentleman, accompanied Ojeda
in this voyage. In wliat llation he lerved, is uncertain ; but a&

6j. discovery of AMERICA.

he wns an experienced Tailor, and eminently {killed in all the
fciences fubiervient to navigation, he muft have acquired feme
fluthority among his companions, that they willingly allowed him
to have a chief fhare in dircfting their operations during the voy 'ge.
Soon after his return, he tranlmitted anacpount of his adventures
and difcoveries to one of his countrymen ; and labouring with
the vanity of a traveller to magnify hi§ own exploits, he had the
addreis and confidence to frame his narrative, fo as to make it
appear that he had the glory of having firfl difcovcred the conti-
nent in the New World. Amerigo's i-ccount was drawn up not
only with art, but with fome eleg-mce. It contained an amufing
hiftory cf his voyage, and judicious obieivations upon the natural
produftions, the inhabitants, and the cuftoms of the countries
which he had vifited. As it was the fii ft defcription of any part
of the New World that was publiQied, a performance fo well cal-
pulated to gratify the paflion of mankind for what is new and
marvellous, circulated rapidly, and was read with admiration.
The pountry, of which Amerigo was luppofed to be the difcoyerer,
came gradually to be called by his name. The caprice of mankind,
often as unaccountable as unjuft, has perpetuated this error. By
the univerial confent of nations, America is the name bellowed
on this new quarter of the globe. The bold pretenfions of a for-
tunate impoflor have robbed tiie difcoverer of the New W^orld of
a diflinftion which belonged to him. The name of Amerigo has
fupplanted that of Columbus ; and mankind may regret an aft of
injufticc, which, having received the fanftion of time, it is now
too late to redrefs.

During the lame year, another voyage of difcovcry was under-
taken. Columbus not only introduced the fpirit of naval enter-
prile into Spain, but all the firft adventurers who diftinguiflied
thcmfclvcs in this new career, were formed by his inllruftiony,
and acquired in his voyages the (kill and information which quali-
fied them to imitate his example. Alonzo Nigno, who had fcrved
under the admiral in his lafh expedition, fitted out a fingle fhip,
in conjunftion with Chriftophcr Guerra, a merchant of Seville,
and failed to the coaft of Paria. This voyage ieems to haye been
condufted with greater attention to private emolument, than to
any general or national objeft. Nigno and Guerra made no dif-
coveries of any importance; but they brought home fuch a return
of gold and pearls, as inflamed their countrymen with the defire
cf engaging in firailar adventures.

Soon after, Vincent Yanez Pinzon, one of the admiral's com-
panions in his firfl voyage, failed from Paloswith four fliips. He
flood boldly towards the fouth, and was the firft Spaniard who
ventured to crofs the equinoftial line ; but he feems, to have land-

DISCOVEkY OF AMERICA. 63

ed on no part of the coaft beyond the mouth of the Maragncn, or
river of the Amazons. All thefe navigators adopted the errone-
ous theory of Columbus, and believed that the countries which
they had difcovered were put of the vaft continent of India.

During the laft year of the fifteenth century, that fertile diflrirt
of America, on the confines of which Pinon had ftopt fhort, was
more fully diicovered. The fuccelsful voyage of Gama to the Eafl
Indies having encouraged the King of Portugal to fit out a fleet fo
powerful, as not only to carry on trade, but to attempt conqueft, he
gave the commad of it to Pedro Alvarez Cabral. In order to avoid
the coaft of Africa, where he was certain of meeting with variable
breezes, or frequent calms, which might retard his voyage, Cabral
ftcod cut to fea, and kept fo far to the weft, that, to his furprife,
he found himlelf upon the fliore of an unknown country, in the
tenth degree beyond the line. He nnagined, at fii H, that it was
fome iflaiid in the Atlantic Ocean hitherto unobferved ; but, pro-
ceeding along its coaft iov levcral days, he was led gradually to
believe, that a country lo extenfive formed a part of fome great
Continent. This latter opinion was well founded. The country
with which he fell in belongs to that province in Soutli America,
now known by the name of Brafil. He landed ; and having form-
ed a very high idea of the fertility of the foilj and agreeablenefs of
the climate, he took pofTcflion of it for the crown of Portug;il, and
dilpatched a fliip to Lifbon with an account of this event, wiiich
appeared to be no Icfs important tlian it was unexpcclcd. Co-
lumbus's difcovery of the New World was the eflFort of an aftive
genius, enlightened by fcience, guided by experience^ and afting
upon a regular plan, executed with no lefs courage than perfever-
ance* But from this adventure of the Portuguele, it appears that
chance might have accompliflred that great defign whicli it is now
the pride of human reafon to have formed and perfcfted. If the
iagacity of Columbus had not conducted mankind to America, Ca-
bral, by a fortunate accidentj might have led them, a few years
later^ to the knowledge of that extenfive continent.

While tiie Spaniards and Portuguefe, by tliofe fucceftive voyages.
V*''ere daily acquiring more enlarged ideas of the extent and opu-
lence of that quarter of the globe which Columbus had made known
to them, he himielf, far from enjoying the tranquillity and honours
with which his ferviees ftiould have been recompcnfed, was ftrug-
gling with every diftrcfs in which the envy and malevolence of the
people under his command, or the ingratitude of the court wiiich
he lervcd, could involvehim. Though the pacification with Roldan
broke the union and weakened the force of the mutineers, it d:d not
extirpate the feeds ofdifeord out of the illand. Several of the
malcontents continued in arms, refufing to fubmit to the admiral.

64 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

He and his brothers were obliged to take the field alternately, irt
order to check tlieir incurfions, or to punifli their crimes. Thft
perpetual occupation and difquiet which this created, prevented
him from giving due attention to the dangerous machinations of
his enemies in the court of Spain. A good number of fuch as
were mod difTatisfied with his adminiftration. had embraced thts
opportunity of returning to Europe with the fliips which he dif-
patched froin St. Domingo. The final dilappointilicnt of all their
hopes inflamed the rage of thefe unfortunate adventurers againfi;
Columbus to the utmoft pitch. Their poverty and diftrefs, by ex-
citing companion, rendered their accufations credible, and their
complaints interefling. They teazed Ferdinand and Ifabella in-
ceffantly with memorials, containing the detail of their own griev-
ances, and the articles of their charge againfi Columbus. When-
ever either the King or Queen appeared in public, they furround-
ed them in a tumultuary manner, infilling with importunate cla-
mours for payment of the arrears due to them, and demanding
vengeance upon the author of their fufferings. They infulted the
admiral's fons wherever they met them, reproaching them as the
offspring of the projeftor, whofe fatal curiofity had difcovered
thofe pernicious regions which drained Spain of its wealth, and
would prove the grave of its people. Thefe avowed endeavours
of the malcontents from America to ruin Columbus, were fecond-
cd by the fecret, but more dangerous infinuations of that party
among the courtiers, which had always thwarted his fchemes, and
envied his fuccefs and credit.

Terdinand was difpolcd to liftcn, not only with a willing, but
with a parcial ear, to thele accufations. Notwithftanding the flat-
tcrin? accounts which Columbus had tfiven of the riches of Ame-
I ica, the remittances from it had hitherto been fo fcanty, that they
fell far fliort of the expence of the armaments fitted out. The
glory of the difcovery, together with the prolpeft of remote com-
mercial advantages, was all that Spain had yet received in return
for the cflForts which fhe had made^ But time had already dimi-
nilhedthe firfl fenfations of joy which the difcovery of a New World
occafiohed, and fame alone was not an objeft to fatisfy the cold inter-
eiled mind of Ferdinand. The nature of commerce was then fo lit-
tle underftood, that, where immediate gain was not acquired, the
hope of diftant benefit, or of flow and moderate returns, was totally
dilregarded. Ferdinand confidcred Spain, on this account, as
having loft by the enterprifc of Columbus, and imputed it to his
mifconduft and incapacity for government, that a country abound-
ing in gold had yielded nothing of value to its conquerors. Even
Ifabella, who from the favourable opinion which Ihe entertained
of Columbus, had Uniformly protefted him^ was fhakcd at length

DISCOVERY OP AMERICA. l^

oy the number and boldnel's of his accufcrs, and began to fufpeft
that a difaffeftion lo general muft have been occafioned by real
grievances, which called for redrefs. The Bifhop of Bajados,
■with his ufual animofity againfl; Columbus, ericburaged thcfe luf-
picions, and confirmed them.

As foon as the queen began to give Way to the torrent of calum-
hy, a refolution fatal to Columbus was taken. Francis de Bova-
dilla, a knight of Calatrava, was appointed to repair to Hifpaniola,
with full powers to enquire into the conduft of Columbus, and, if
he fhould find the charge of mal-adminiftration proved, to fupericde
him and affume the goveirment of the ifland. Jt was inipoffible to
efcape condemnation, when this prepofterous commiftion made it
the intereft of the judge to pronounce the perlon, whom he was
fent to try, guilty. Though Columbus had now compofed all the
diffentions in the ifland; though he had brought both Spaniards
and Indians to fubmit peaceably to his government ; though he had
made fuch effeftual provifion for working the mines, and cultiva-
ting the country, as would have fccured a confiderable revenue to
the king, as well as large profits to individuals, Bovadilla, without
deigning to attend to the nature or merit of thofe fervices, difcovercd
from the moment that he landed in Hifpaniola, a determined p.ur-
pofe of treating him as a criminal. He took pofTeflion of the ad-
miral's houfe in St. Domingo, from which its rriafter happened at
that time to be abfent, and feized his effefts, as if his guilt had been
already fully proved; he rendered himfelf mafter of the fort and
of the king's ftores by violence ; he required all perfons to acknow-
ledge him as fupreme governor; he let at liberty the prifoners cou-
fined by the admiral, and fummoned him to appear before his tri-
bunal, in order to anfwer for his eonduft; tranfmitting to him,
together with the fummons, a copy of the royal mandate, by which
Columbus was enjoined to yield implicit obedience to his com-
mands.

Colurnbus, though deepl)' alfefted with the ingratitude and
injuflice of Ferdinand and IlabcUa, did not hefitate a moment about
his own conduft. He fubmitted to the will of his fovereigns with
a refpeftful filcnce, and repaired direftly to the court of that vio-
lent and partial judge whom they had authorifed to try him. Bo-
Vadilla, without admitting him into his prcfence, ordered him in-
ftantly to be arrefted, to be loaded with chains, and burned on
board a fhip. Even under this humiliating reverfe of fortune, the
firmnefs of mind which difhinguifhes the charafter of Columbus,
did not foriakc him. Confciousof his own integrity, and folacing
himfelf with refleftin? uoon the ffreat thinf»s which he had achiev-
ed, he endured this infult offered to his charafter, not only with!

I

66 DISCOFERY OF AMERICA.

compofure, but with dignity. Nor had he the confolation of
fynipathy to mitigate his iufferings. BovadiUa had already ren-
dered himfelf lo extremely popular, by granting various immuni-
ties to the colony, by liberal donations of Indians to all who ap-
phcd for them, and by relaxing the reins of difcipline and govern-
ment, that the Spaniards, who were moftly adventurers, whom;
their indigence or crimes had impelled to abandon their native
country, expreffed the mod indeeent fatisfaftion with the dilgracc
and imprifonment of Columbus. They flattered themielves, that
now they fhould enjoy an uncontrouled liberty, more fuitable to
their difpofition and former habits of life. Amofig perlons
thus prepared to cenfurc the proceedings, and to afperfc the
charafter of Columbus, Bovadilla collefcled materials for a charge
againft him. All accufations, the moft improbable, as well as in-
confiftent, were received. No informer, however infamous, was
rejefted. The relult of this inqueft, no lefs indecent than partial,-
he tranlmitted to Spain. At the lame time, he ordered Colum-
bus, with his two brothers, to be carried thither in fetters ; and,
adding ci'uelty to inlult, he confined them in different fliips, and
excluded them from the comfort of that friendly intercourle
which might have foothed their common diftrefs. But while the
Spaniards in Hifpaniola viewed the arbitrary and inlolent pro-
ceedings of BaVadilla with a general approbation, which reflefts
difhonour upon their name and country, one man ftill retained a
proper ienfe of the great aftions which Columbus had performed,-
and was touched with the fentiments of veneration and pity due
to his rank, his age, and his merit. Alonlo de Vallejo,* the
captain of the veiTel on board- which the admiral was confined, as'
loon as he was clear of the iil'and, approached the priloner with
great refpctl, and offered to releafe him from the fetters with
which he was unjuftly loaded. " No replied Columbus, with a
generous indignation, '• I wear thcfc irons in confequence of an
order from my fovereigns. They fliall find me as obedient to this
as to their other injunftions. By their command I have been
confined, and their command alone Pa:ill let me at liberty."

Fortunately, the voyage to Spain was extremely fhort. As
foon as Ferdinand and liabella were informed that Columbus was
brought home a prifoner, and in chains, they perceived at once
what univerlal ^iflonifhment this event muft occafion, and what an
impreflion to their diladvantagc it muft make. All Europe, they
forefaw, would be filled with indignation at this ungenerous re-
quital of a man who had performed aftions worthy of the highefl
recompence, and would exclaim againft the injuftice of the nati-
on, to which he had been fuch an eminent benefaftor, as well as
againft the ingratitud-: of the princes v/hofc reign he had renderedl

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 67

illuftrious. Afhamcd of their own conduft, and eager not only
to TOake fome reparation for this injury, but to efface the ftain
which it might fix upon their charafter, they inflantly iffued or-
ders to fet Columbus at liberty, on December the feventeenlh,
invited- him to court, and remitted money to enable him to
appeal r there in a manner fuitable to his rank. When he enter-
ed the royal prelence, Columbus threw himfelf at the feet of his
fovereigns. He remained for fome time filent; the various paffi-
ons which agitated his mind fuppreffing his power of utterance.
At length he recovered, himfelf, and vindicated his conduft in a
iong diicourfe, producing the moft fatisfying proofs of his own
integrity as well as good intention, and evidence, no lefs clear, of
the malevolence of his enemies, ^Yho, not fatisfied with having
ruined his fortune, laboured to deprive him of what alone was
now left, his honour, and his fame. Ferdinand received him
with decent civility, and Ifabella with tendernels and refpeft.
They both exprelled their forrow for what had happened, difa-
vowed their knowledge of it. and joined in promifing him pro-
teftion and future favour. But though they inflantly degraded
Bovadilla, in order to remove from themfelves any fufpicion of
having authoriled his violent proceedings, they did not reftore to
Columbus his juriidi£lion and privileges as viceroy of thofe
countries which he had dilcovered. Though willing to appear
ijie avengers of Columbus's wrongs, that illiberal jealoufy which
prompted them to invefb Bovadilla with fuch authority as put it
in his power to treat the admiral with indignity ftill fubfiftedo
They were afraid to truft a man to whom they had been fo highly
indebted, and retaining him at court under various pretexts, they
appointed Nicholas de Ovando, a knight of the military order of
Alcantara, governor of Hiipaniola.

Columbus was deeply affefted with this new injury, which
came from hands that fcemed to be employed in making reparation
for his pafl fufferings. The fenfibility with which great minds
feel every thing that implies any fufpicion of their integrity, or that
wears the afpeft of an affront, is e>fquifite. Columbus had expe-
rienced both from the Spaniards; and their ungenerous conduft
exafperated him to fuch a degree, that he could no longer conceal
the ientiments which it excited. Wherever he went, he carried
about with him, as a memorial of their ingratitude, thofe fetters
with which he had been loaded. They were conftantly hung
up in his cliamber, and he gave orders that, when he died they
fhould be buried in his grave.

Meanwhile, in the year one. thoufand five hundred and one
the fpirit of difcovery. notwithftanding the fevere check which

I 2

68 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

it received by the ungenerous treatment of the man, who firft
excited It in Spain, continued active and vigorous. Roderigo de
Baflidas, a perfon of diflinflion, fitted out two fhips, in January,
in-copartnery with John de la Cofa, who having ferved under
the admiral in two of his voyages, was deemed the moft fkilful
pilot in Spain. They ftecred direftly towards the continent,
Arrived on the coaft of Paria, and proceeding to the weft, dilco-
vered all the coail of the province now known by the name of
Tierra Firme, from Cape de Vela to the gulf of Darien. Not
long after Ojeda, with his former affociate Amerigo Vepucci, fet
out upon a fecond voyage, and being unacquainted with the deftina-
tion of Baflidas, held the lame courfe, and touched at the fame
places. The voyage of Baflidas was profperous and lucrative,
that of Ojeda unfortunate. But both tended to increafe the
ardour of difcoyery ; for in proportion as the Spaniards acquired
a more extenfive knowledge of the American continent, their
idea of its opulence and fertility increafed.

Before theie adventurers returned from their voyages, a fleet
was equipped at the public expence, for carrying over Ovando
the new governor to Hifpaniola. His prefehce there was extreme-
ly requifite, in order to flop the inconfiderate career of Bovadilla,
whole imprudent adminflration threatened the fettlement with'
ruin. Confcioiis of the violence and iniquity of his proceedings
againfl Columbus, he continued to make it his fole objeft to gain
the favour and fupport of his countrymen, by accommodating
Irimlelf to their pafTions and prejudices. With this view, he
eflabliflied regulations, in every point the reverie of thofe which
Columbus deemed eifential to the profperity of the colony. Inflead
of the levcrc diicipline, necefiary in order to habituate the diffolute
and corrupted members of which the focicty was compofed to the
reflraints of law and fubordination, he fuffered them to enjoy
fuch uncontrouled licence, as encouraged the wildeft excelfcs.
inflead of protefting the Indians, he gave a legal fanftion to the
opprefTlon of that unhappy people. He took the exaft number
of fuch as furvived their paft Calamities, divided them into diflinft
claffes, diftribuied them in property among his adherents, and
reduced all the people of the ifland to a flate of complete fervi-
tude. As the avarice of the Spaniards was too rapacious and im-
patient to try any method of acquiring wealth but that of fearch-
jng for gold, this lervitude became as grievous as it was unjufl.
The Indians were driven in crowds to the mountains, and com-
pelled to work in the mines, by mafters, who impofed their tafkS
without mercy or difcretion. Labour, fo difproportioned to their
|lrength and former habits of life, wafted that feeble race of men

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 69

with fuch rapid confumption, as muft have foon terminated in the
utter extinftion of the ancient inhabitants of the country.

The neceffity of applying a fpeedy remedy to thofe diforders
haftened Ovando's departure. He had the command of the moft
refpeftable armament hitherto fitted out for the New World. It
confifted of thirty-two fliips, on board of which two thoufand five
hundred perfons embarked, with an intention of fettling in the
country. Upon the arrival of the new governor with this power-
ful reinforcement to the colony, in the year one thoufand five
hundred and two, Bovadilla refigned his charge, and was com-
manded to return inftantly to Spain, in order to anfwer for his
conduft. Roldan, and the other ringleaders of the mutineers, who
had been moft aftive in oppofing Columbus, were required to leave
the ifland at, the fame time. A proclamation was illued, declaring
the natives to be free fubjefts of Spain, of whom no fervice was
to be exacted contrary to their own inclination, and without pay-
ing them an adequate price for their labour. With refpeft to the
Spaniards themfelves, various regulations were made, tending to
fupprefs the licentious fpirit which had been fo fatal to the colony,
and to eftablifh that reverence for law and order on which fociety
is founded, and to which it is indebted for its increafe and ftability.
In order to limit the exhorbitant gain v>rhich private perfons were
fuppoied to make by working the mines, an ordinance was pub-
lifhed, direftingall the gold to be brougt to a public fmelting-houfe,
and declaring one half of it to be the property of the crown.

While thefe fteps were taking for fecuring the tranquillity and
welfare of the colony which Columbus had planted, he himfelf
was engaged in the unpleafant employment of foliciting the favour
of an ungrateful court, and^ notwithftanding all his merits and
fervices, he folicited in vain. He demanded, in terms of the ori-
ginal capitulation in one thoufand four hundred and ninety-two,
to be reinftated in his office of viceroy over the countries which
he had difcovered. By a ftrange fatility, the circumftance which
he urged in fupport of his claim, determined a jealous monarch
to rcjeft it. The greatnefs of his difcoveries, and the profpeft of
their increafing value, made Ferdinand confider the conceffions in
the capitulation as extravagant and impolitic. He was afraid of
entrufting a fubjeft with the exercife of a jurifdiftion that now
appeared to be fo truly extenfive, and might grow no lefs formi-
dable. He infpired Ifabella with the fame fufpicions ; and under
various pretexts, equally frivolous and unjuft, they eluded all Co-
lumbus's requifitions to perform that which a folemn compaft
bound them to accomplifli. After attending the court of Spain
for nearly two years, as an humble fuitor, he found it impoffible to
/emove Ferdinand's prejudices and apprehenfions ; and perceived,

7© DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

at length, that he laboured in vain, when he urged a claim of juf-
tice or merit to an interefted and unfeeling prince.

But even this ungenerous return did not dileourage him frorrj
purfuing the great objeft which firft called forth his inventive ge-
nius, and excited him to attempt diicovery. To open a new paf»
fage to the Eaft Indies was his original and favourite fcheme.
This ftill engroffed his thoughts ; and either from his own obfer-
vations in his voyage to Paria. or from fome obfcure hint of the
natives, or from the accounts given by Baftidas and de la Cofa, of
their expedition, he conceived an opinion that, beyond the conti-
nent of America, there was a fea which extented to the Eaft In-
dies, and hoped to find fome narrow ftrait or narrow neck of land
by which a communication might be opened with it and the part
of the ocean already known. By a very fortunate conjefture, he
fuppofcd this ftrait or ifthmus to be fituated near the gulph of
Darien. Full of this idea, though he was now of an advanced age,
worn out with fatigue, and broken with infirmities, he offered,
with the alacrity of a youthful adventurer, to undertake a voyage
■yvhich would afcertain this important point, and perfeft the grand
fcheme which from the beginning he propoled to accomplifh.
Several circumftances concurred in diipofing Ferdinand and lia-
bcUa to lend a favourable car to this propofal, They were glad
to have the pretext of an honourable employment for removing
from court a man with whofe demands they deemed it impolitic to
comply, and whofe fervices it was indecent to negleft. Though
unwillingto^rewardColumbus, they were not infenfible of Iris merit,
and from their experience of his fkill and conduct, had re^fon to
give credit to his conjeftures, and to confide in his fuccefs. To
thefe confiderations, a third muft be added of ftill more powerful
influence. About this time the Portuguefe fleet, under Cabral,
arrived from the Indies ; and, by the richnels of its cargo, gave
the people of Europe a more perfcfl; idea, than they had hitherto
been able to form, of the opulence and fertility of the Eaft. The
Portuguefe had been more fortunate in their difcoveries than the
Spaniards. They had opened a communication with countries
where induftry, arts, and elegance flouriflied ; and where com-
merce had been longer eftablilhed, and carried to gi^eater extent,
than in any region of the earth. Their, firft voyages thither
yielded immediate, as well as vaft returns of profit, in commodi-
ties extremely precious and in great requeft. Lifbon became im-
mediately the feat of commerce and of wealth ; while Spain had on-
ly the expeftation of remote benefit, and of future gain, from the
weftern world. Nothing, then, could be more acceptable to the
Spaniards than Columbus's offer to conduft them to the eaft, by
g route which he cxpcfted to be fhorter, as well as lefs dangerous.

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, ^t

than that which the Portuguefe had taken. Even Ferdinand was
rouied by fuch a profpeft, and wahnly approved of the under-
taking.

But, interefling as the objcft of his voyage was to the nation,
Columbus could procure only four imall barks, the largell of which
did not exceed feventy tons in burden, for performing it. Ac-
cuftomed to brave danger, and to engage in arduous undertakings
with inadequate force, he did not hefitate to accept the command
of this pitiful fquadron. His brother Bartholomew, and his (e-
cond fon Ferdinand, the hiflonan of his aftions, accompanied him-
He failed from Cadiz on tlie ninth of May, and touched, as
ufual, at the Canary illands ; from thence he purpofed to have
flood direftly for the continent ; but his largell veffel was fo clum-
ly and unht for lervice, as conftrained him to bear away for Hifpa-
niola, in hopes of exchanging her for lome fhip of the fleet that
had carried out Ovando. When he arrived off St. Domingo, on
June the twenty-ninth, he found eighteen of thele fhips ready
loaded, and on the point of departing for Spain. Columbus im-
mediately acquainted the governor with the dcftination of his
voyage, and the accident which had obliged him to alter his route.
He requefled permiflTion to enter the harbour, not only that he
might negociate the exchange of his fhip, but that he might take
fhelter during a violent hurricane, of which he difcerned the ap-
proach from various prognoflics, which his experience and fagacity
had taught him to oblerve ; on that account, he advifed him like-
wife to put off for fome days the departure of the fleet bound to
Spain. But Ovando refuied his requefl, and defpifed his coun-
fel. Under circumftances in which humanity would have afforded
refuge to a ftranger, Columbus was denied admittance into a coun-
try of which he had difcovered the exiflence and acquired the
poffeflion. His falutary warning, which merited the greateft at-
tention, was regarded as the dream of a vifionary prophet, who ar-
rogantly pretended to predift an event beyond the reach of human
fore-fight. The fleet fet fail for Spain. Next night the hurri-
tane came on with dreadful impetuofity. Columbus aware of the
danger, took precautions againft it, and faved his little fquadron.
The fleet deftined for Spain met with the fate which the raflinefs
and obftinacy of its commanders deferved. Of eighteen fhips two
or three only efcaped. In this general wreck perifhed Bovadilla,
Roldan, and the greater part of thofe who had been the mofl; active
in perfecuting Columbus, and oppreffing the Indians. Together
with themfelves, all the wealth which they had acquired by their
injuflice and cruelty was fwallowed up. It exceeded in value
two hundred i\\o\xiinA. pefos ; an immenfe fum at that period, and
iufHcient not only to have fcreened them from anylifvere fcrutiny

72 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA^

into their conduft, but to have fecured them a gracious recep-
tion at the Spanifh court. Among the fhips that eltaped, one had
on board all the effefts of Columbus which had been recovered
from the ruins of his fortune. Hiftorians, ftruck with the exaft
difcrimination of charafters, as well as the juft diftribution of re-
wards and punifhmentSj confpicuous in thofe events, univerfally
attribute them to an immediate interpofition of divine Providence,
in order to avenge the wrongs of an injured man, and to punifh
the opprefTors of an innocent people. Upon the ignorant and fu-
perftitious race of men, who were witnefles of this occurrence, it
made a different impreflion. From an opinion, which vulgar ad-
miration is apt to entertain with refpeft to perlons who have dif-
tinguifhed themfelves by their lagacity and inventions, they believ-
ed Columbus to be pofieffed of lupernatural powers, and imagined'
that he had conjured up this dreadful ftorm by magical art, and
incantations, in order to be avenged of his enemies.

Columbus foon left Hifpaniola, July 14, where he met with
fuch an inhofpltable reception, and ftood towards the continent.
After a tedious and dangerous voyage, he difcovered Guanaia, an
ifland not far diftant from the coaft of Honduras. There he had
an interview with fome inhabitants of the continent, who arri-
ved in a large canoe. They appeared to be a people more civi-
lized, and who had made greater progrefs in the knowledge of ufe-
ful arts, than any whom he had hitherto difcovered. In return to
the inquiries which the Spaniards made, with their ufual eagernefs
concerning the places where the Indians got the gold which they
wore by way of ornament, they direfted them to countries fituated
to the weft, in which gold was found in fuch profufion, that it was
applied to the moft common ufes. Inftead of fteering in qucft of
a country fo inviting, which would have condufted him along the
coaft of Yucatan to the rich empire of Mexico, Columbus was fo
bent upon his favourite fcheme of finding out the ftrait which he
fuppofed to communicate with the Indian ocean, that he bore
away to the eaft towards the gulf of Darien. In this navigation
he difcovered all the coaft of the continent, from Cape Gracias a
Dios, to a harbour which, on account of its beauty and fecurity,
he called Porto Bello. He fearched, in vain, for the imaginary
ftrait, through which he expefted to make his way into an un-
known fea ; and though he went on fl^olre feveral times, and ad-
vanced into the country, he did not penetrate fo far as to crofs
the narrow ifthmus which feparates the gulf of Mexico from
the great fouthern ocean. He was fo much delighted, however,
with the fertility of the country, and conceived luch an idea of its
wealth, from the fpecimens of gold produced by the natives, that
he refolved to leave a fmall colony upon the river Bclem, in the

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 73

■province of Verngua, vmder the command of his brother, and
to return himfclf to Spain, in order to procure what was requifite
for rendering the cflablifl^xmcnt permanent. But the ungovern-
able Ipirit of the people under his command, deprived Columbus
of the glory of planting the firft colony on the continent of
America. Their infolence and rapacioufncfs provoked the natives
•to take arms, and as thefe were a more hardy and warlike race of
men than the inhabitants of the iflunds, they cut off part of the
Spaniards, and obliged the reft to abandon a ftation which was
found to be untenable.

This repulfe, the firft that the Spciiiards met with from any
of the American nations, was not the only misfortune that befel
Columbus ; it was followed by a fu.ccefiion of all the dilafters to
which navigation is e.xpofed. furious hurn.canes, with violent
ftorras of thunder and lightning, threjtened his leaky vcffels with
deftru£lion ; while his dilcpntentcd crew, exhaufted with fatigue,
and deftitute of proyifions, was unwilling or unable to execute
his commands. One of his fliips periflied ; he was obliged to
abandon another, as unfit for iervicc ; and with the two which
rcmiined, he quitted that part of the continent which in his an-
guifh he named the Coaft of Vexation, and bore away for llilpa-
niola. New diftreffes awaited him in this voyage. He was driven
back by a violent tempeft from the coaft of Cuba^ his fhips fell
foul of one another, and were fo much fhattercd by the fhock,
that with the utr.ioft difficulty they reached Jamaica, on June 24,
where he was obliged to run them aground, to prevent them from
finking. The mealure of his caLimities fcemcd now to be full.
He was caft aftiore upon an ifland at a confiderable diftance from
the only fettlement of the Spaniards in America. His fhips were
ruined beyond the po.Tibility of being repaired. To convey an
account of his fttuation to Hifpanioli, appeared imprafticable ;
and without this it was vain to expcfl; relief. His genius, fertile
in refources, and moft vigorous in thofe perilous extremities when
feeble minds abandon themfelves to defpair, difcovered the only
expedient which afforded any profpeft of deliverance. He liad
recourfe to the hofpitable kindnefs of the natives, who confidered,
the Spaniards as beings of a fuperior nature, were eager, on every
occafion, to miniftcr to their wants. Fi^om them he obtained two
of their canoes, ejch formed out of the trunk of a fmgle tree hol-
lowed with fire, and {o mif-fnapen and aukward as hardly to merit
the name of boats. In thefe, which were fit only for creeping
along the coaft, or crofting from one fide of a bay to another,
Mendez, a Spaniard, and Fiefchi, a Genoefe, two gentlemen parti-
cularly attached to Columbus, gallantly offered to fet out for Hi-

K '

^4 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

(^paniob. upon a vov?<Te of n.lH)ve thirty leagues. This they accom-
plifhed in ten duys, after funnounting incredible dangers, and en-
during fuch fatigue, that feveral of the Indians who accompanied
them funic under it, and died. The attention paid to them by the
governor of Ililpauiola \v;!S neither fuch as their courage merited,
jjor the diflrcfs of tlie perfons from whom they came required.
Oyandoj from a mean jealouly of Columbus was afraid of allowing
him to fct fogt in the illand uiidcr his government. This ungene-
rous paffion hardened his heart againfl every Iciidcr fentimcnt.
which rcfleftion upon the lervices and misfortunes of that preat
man, or compaflipn for his own fellow-citizens involved in the
fame calamities, miift have excited, Mendez and Fiefclii Ipcui-
eight months in foliciting relief for theh" commander and afl'cciateo,
>vithout any prolpetl of obtaining it.

During this period, various paHicns agitated the mind of Colum-
bus, and his companions in adverfity. At firft the expeftation of
fpeedy deliverance, from the lucccls of Mendez and Fiefchi's
voyage, cheered the Ipirits of the moil delponding. After lome
time the more timorous began to fuipe£l that they had milcarried
in their daring attempt. At length,' even the mod fanguine con-
cluded that they had pcrifhed. The ray of hope which had broke
in upoifi them, made their condition appear now more difmal.
Defpair, heightened by diiappointmcnt, Icttlcd in every breafl.
Their laft rcfource had failed, and nothing remained but the prol-
pe£l of endin? their anllcrablc d::y3 among naked favages, f;ir from
their country and their friends. The feamen In a tranfport of
rage, rofe in open mutiny, threatened the life of Columbus, whom
they reproached as ihc aut'ior of all their calamities, fcizcd ten
canoes, wliichlic had purchaied from the Indians, and defpifing
ins remdn'ltrnnces iind entreaties, made off with them to a diflant
part of trie illand. At the lime time the natives murmured ac
the long reliderice of the Spaniards in their country. As tlicir
induflry was not grcite'r than that of their n-.ighbours in Hifpa-
niola, like tlicm they found the burden of fupporting fo many'
flraiigers to be altogether intolerable. Thev began to bring in
provifions with rcluftance, they furniflied them with a fparing
hand, and threatened to withdraw thole fupplies altogether.'
Such a refoluticn muft have been quickly fatal to the Spaniards.
Their fafety depended upon the good-v/iil of the Indians ; and
unlcfs thcv tould revive the admiration and reverence with which
that fimplc people had at iirll beheld them, deflruftion was una-
voidable. Though the licentious proceedings of the mutineers
had, in a great mcafurc efiaced thole imprelTions which had been
ib ' favourafcle to the Spaniards, the ingenuity of Columbus fug'-
g'jfled a happy artificC; that noi only rcfhorcd but heightened thq

DISCO VE R Y OF AMERICA. 75

nigh opinion which the Indians h:.d originally entertained of
ihem. Bv his fkill in aflronomy he knew that there v.^as fhortly
to be a total ccliple of the moon. lie aircmbled all the principal
perfons of the diftrift around him on the day before it happened,
and, after reproaching them for their ficklehcfs in withdra^ving
their affeftion and afli fiance from men whom they had lately re-
vered, he told them, that the Spaniards were fervants of the
Great Spirit who dwells in heaven, v^hb made and governs the
world : that he, offended at their refufing to fupport men wlio
were the objc^'ls of liis peculiar favour, was preparing to puniui
this crime with exemplary fevcr:t^', and that very night the moon
fhould withhold her light, and appear of a bloody hue, as a fign
of the divine wrath, and an emblem of tiic vengeance ready to fall
upon them. To this marvellous prediction fome of them liftcned
with the careiefs indifference peculiar to the people of America .
others, with the credulous aftonifhment natural to barbarians.
But when the moon began gradually to be darkened, and at length
appeared of a red colour, all were (truck with terror. They ran
with confternation to their houfes. and returning inftantly to
Columbus loaded with provifions, threw them at his feet, con-
juring him to intercede with the Great Spirit to avert the dc(-
tru£lion with which they were threatened. Columbus, fecming
to be moved by their entreaties, promifed to comply with their
defire. The eclipfe went off, the moon recovered her fplcndour,
and from that day the Spaniards were not only furniflaed profufe-
ly with provifions, but the natives, with fuperftitious attention,
avoided every thing that could give them offence.

During thofe tranfaftions, the mutineers had made repeated
attempts to pafs over to Hifpaniola in tlie canoes which they had
feized. But, from their own mi(condu£l. or the violence of the
winds and currents, their effoi ts were all unfucccfsful. Enraged
at this difappointment, they marciied towards that part of the
ifland whereColumbus remained, threatening him with nev/ infults
and danger. While they were advancing, an event happened,
more cruel and affiifting than any calamity which he dreaded
from them. The governor of Hifpaniola, whofe mind was ftill
filled with fome dark fufpicionr. of Columbus, fent a fraall bark to
Jamaica, not to deliver his dillrcffcd countrymen, but to fpy out;
their condition. Left the fympathy of thofe whom he employed
fliould afford them relief, contrary to his intention, he gave the
command of this veffel to Efcobar, an inveterate enemy of Colum-
bus, who adhering to his inftru£tions with maligant acturacv caff
anchor at fome diftance from the ifland, approached the fhore in a
fmall boat; obferved the wretched plight of the Spaniards, dcliver-

K 2

70 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

ed a letter of empty compliments to the admiral, received Ins an-
fwer and departed. When the Spaniards firft deftried the veird
{landing towards the ifland, every heart exulted, as if the long ex-
pefted hour of their deliverance had at length arrived ; but v/hen
it difappearcd fo fuddenly, they funk into the deepeft deje6Hon,
and all their hopes died away. Columbus alone, though he felt
moft ienlibly this wnnton infult which Ovando added to his paft
ncgleft, retained iuch compolurc of mind, as to be able to cheer
his followers. He alTurcd, them, that Mendez and Fiefchi had
reached Ilifpaniola in fufcty ; that they would fpeedily procure
Paips to cany them ofi; but as Elcobar's velfel could not take
them all on board, he had refufed to go with her, bccaufe he was
determined never to abandon the faithful companions of his dil-
rrefs. Soothed with t!ic expeftation of fpeedy deliverance, and
delighted with his apparent generofity in attending more to their
prefervation than to his own fafety, their fpirits revived, and he
regained their confidence.

"Without this confidence, he could not have refilled the muti-
neers, who were now at hand. Ail his endeavours to reclaim-
thofe delperate men had no effoft but to increale their frenzy.
Their demands became every day more extravagant, and their in-
teritions more violent and bloody. The common fafety rendered
it neceffary to oppofe them with open force. Columbus who had
bc^n Irng utilitled with the gout, could not take the field. On tlie
twentieth of May his brother, the Adelantado, marched againft
them. They quickly met. The mutineers rejefted with icorn
terms of accommodation, which were once more offered them, and
rufhed on boldly to the attack. They fell not upon an enemy un-
prepared to receive them. In the firfi; fiiock, fcveral of their
moll during leaders were fl.iin. The Adelantado, whole flrength
Vv'as equal to his courage, clofed witli their captain, wounded, dii-
arnied, and took him prilbner.' At light of this, the reft fled with
a daflardly fear, fuitable to their former infolencc. Soon after,
they fubmitted in a body to Cclumbus, and bound themielves by
the moll folemn oaths to obey all his commands. Hardly was
tranquility re-cftablinied, when the fhips appeared, v/hofe arrival
Columbus had promiied with great addrefs, though ho could fore-
fee it with little certainty. With tranlports of joy, the Spaniards
quitted an illand in which the unfeeling jcalouly of Ovando had
luftered them to languifli above a year, expol'cd to niifery in all
its various forms.

When they arrived at St. Domingo, on the thirteenth of Au-
gull, the governor, with the mean artifice of a vulgar mind, that
labours to atone for infolence by fervility, fawned on the man

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. .j

whom lie envied, and hr.ci attempted to ruin. He received Co-
lumbus with the moll ftudied rcfpeft, lodged him in his own
houfe, and diftinguifhed him with every mark of honor. But
amidft thefe overa6lcd demonilrations o( regard, he could not
conceal the hatred and malignrty latent in his heart. He fet at
liberty the captain of the mutineers, whom Columbus had brought
over in chains, to be tried for his crimes, and threatened fnch as
ftad adhered to the admiral with proceeding to a judicial enquiry
into their conduft. Columbus fubmitted in filence to what he
could not redreTs ; but dilcovered an exti'eme impatience to quit
a country which was under the jurifdiftion of a man who had
treated him, on every occilion, with inhumanity and injuflicc.
His preparations were locn fiuiCbetl, and he let fail for Spain
with two fhips, on September the twelfth 1504. Difaflers fimi-
lar to thofe which had accompanied him through life continuetl
to piirfue him to the end of his career. One of his vefl'els being
difiibled, was foon forced back to St. Domingo; the other, fliat-
tered by violent Itorms, failed feven hundred leagues with jury
mafts, and reached with difficulty the port of St. Lucar in th;
month of December,

There he received the account of an event the mod fatal that
could have befallen him, and which completed his misfortunes.
This was the death, on the ninth of November, 1504, of his pa-
tronefs Queen linbella, in whole juftice, humanity, and favour, he
confided as his lafl refource. None now remained to redrels his
wrongs, or to reward him for his fervices and fufferings, but Fer-
dinand, who iiad fo long oppofed and fo often injured him. To
folicit a prince thus prejudiced againll him, was an occupation no
lefs irkfome than iiopelefs. In this, however, was Columbus
doomed to employ tlie cloie of his days. As foon as his health
was ui lome degree re-eftabliflied, he repaired to court ; and thougli
he was received there with civility barely decent, he plied Fer-
dinand with petition after petition, demanding the punifliment of
his oppreffors, and the reftitution of all the privileges bellowed
upon him by the capitulation of one thoufand four hundred and
ninety-two. Ferdinand amufed hirry with fair words and unmean-
ing promifes. Inflead of granting his claims, he propoied expe-
dients in order to elude them, and fpun out the affair with luch
apparent art, as plainly difcovered his intention that it fiiould ne-
ver be terminated. The declining health of Columbus flattered
Ferdinand v/ith the hopes of being foon delivered from an impor-
tunate fuitor, and encouraged him to perfevere in this illiberal
plan. Nor was he deceived in his expeftutions. Difgufted w;th
the ingratitude of a monarch whom he had ferved Vv-ith iuch fidelity

-^8 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

and fuccefs, exhauftcd with the fatigues and hardfliips which he
had endured, and broken with the infirmities which thcfe brought
upon him, Columbus ended his life at Valladolid on the twentieth
of May, one thoufand five hundred and fix, in the fifty-ninth
year of his age. He died with a compofure of mind fuitable to
the magnanimity which diftinguifhcd his charaftcr, and with fen-
timents of piety becoming that fupreme refpeft for religion-
which he manifefted in every occurrence of his life.

Having thus given an Account of the firft Difcovery of Ame-
rica, we fhall now proceed to lay before the Reader, a Genera r.
Description of that Country, its Soil, Climate^ Produffion.\
Original Inhabitants, iSc. &c.

GENERAL

GENERAL

DESCRIPTION OF AMERICA,

BOUNDARIES AND EXTENT. '

T

HIS A'affc country extends from the 8oth degree of north, to
the 56th degree of louth latitude ; and, where its breadth is known,
from the 35th to the 136th degree weft longitude from London;
ilret^hing between 8000 and 9600 miles in length, and in its
greatcft breadth 3690. It fies both hemifpheres, has two fum-
mcrs and a double winter, and enjoys all the variety of climates
which the earth affords. It is waflied by the two great oceans.
To the eaftward it has the Atlantic, which divides it from Europe
eind Africa; to the weft it has the Pacific or Great South Sea, by
which it is feparated from Aha. By thcle feas it may, and does,
carry on a dircvx commerce with the other three parts of the
world.

North 4XD So'jtk Continpn't. America is not of equal
breadth throughout its whole extent; but is divided into two
i;rsat continents, called North and South America, by an ifthmus
1500 miles long, and which at Darien, about Lat. 9** N. is only
60 miles over. This ifthmus forms, with the northern and fouth-
ern continents, a vaft gulph, in which lie a great number of
iflands, called the tVefc Indies, in contradiftinftion to the eaftern
parts of Afia v.'hich are called the £aji Indies.

Climate. Between the New World and the Old, there are
fcveral very ftriking differences ; hut the m.oft remarkable is the
general predominance of cold throughout the Vv'hole extent of
America. Thqugh we cannot, in any country, determine the
precile degree of heat merely by the diftance of the equator, be-
caufc the elevation above the fea, the nature of the foil, &c. affeft
the climate ; yet, in the ancient continent, the heat is much more
in proportion to the vicinity to the equator than in any part of
America. Here the rigour of the frigid zone extends over half
that v.'hich fliould be temperate by its poftticn. Even in thofe

8o GENERAL DESCRIPTION.

latitudes where the winter is Scarcely fcJt on the Old continent,
it reigns with great Tcvcrity in America, though during a fliort
period. Nor does this cold, prevalent in the New World, con-
fine itfelf to the temperats zones ; but extends its influence to
the torrid zone, alio, confiderably mitigating tlie excefs of its
heat. Along the caftern coaft, the climate, though more fimilar
to that of the torrid zone in other parts of the earth, is
neverthelefs confiderably milder than in thofe countries of Afia
and Africa which lie in the lame latitude. From the fouthern
tropic to the extremity of the American continent, the cold is
faid to be much greater than in parallel northern latitud<:s even of
America itfslf.

For this fo remarkable difference between tlie climate of the
New contiiicnt and the Old, various caulcs have been affigned bv
different authors. The following is the opinion of the learned
Dr. Robertfon on this lubjeQ:. '• Though ihe utmoft extent of
America towards the north be not yet difcovered, we know that
it advances nearer to the pole than either Europe or Afia. The
latter have l^rgc fe;js to the north, v^'hiph are open during part of
the year; and, even when covered wji.h ice, the v/ind that blows
over them is lefs inteniely cold than tliat which blows over land
in the fame latitudes. But, in America, the knd ftretchcs from
the river St. Laurence towards the pole, and fprcado out immenfe-
ly to the weft. A chain of enormous mountains, covered with
fnow and ice, runs throuph all this dreary region. The v/ind
paffing over fuch an extent of high and frozen land, becomes fo
impregnated with cold, that it acquiics a piercing kecnncis, which
it retains in its prcgrefs through warmer climates-, and is not
entirely mitigated until it reaches the gulph of Mexico. Over all
the continent of North Am.ericr, a north-wefterly wind arid ex-
celhve cold are fynonymous terms. Even in the moft fultry
weather, the moment that the wind veers to that qu?rter, its pene-
trating influence is felt in a tianlition from heat to cold no lefs
\'iolent than fudden. To this powerful caufe v^^c may afcribe the
extraordinary dominion of cold, and its violent in-roads into the
fouthern provinces in that part of the globe.

'• Other caules, no lels- remarkable, diminifh the aftive power
of heat in thofe parts of the American continent which lie be-
tween the tropics. In all that portion of the globe, the wind
blows in an invariable dircflion from eaft to weft. As this wind
holds its courfe acrofs the ancient continent, it arrives at the
countries which ftretch along the weftcrn fliore of Africa, in-
f.amed with all the fiery particles which it hath coUefted from
the fuUry plains of Afia, and the burning fands in the African
defarts. The coaft of Africa is accord in aW the region of the

OF AMERICA. Si

tnoft fervent heat, and is expofed to the unmitigated ardour of the
torrid zone. But this fame wind, which brings fuch an accef-
flon of warmth to the countries lying between the river of Sene-
gal and Cafraria, traverfcs the Atlantic ocean before it reaches
the American fliorc. It is cooled in its palTage over this vail bo-
dy of water ; and is felt as a rcfrefhing gale along the coafts of
Brafil and Guiana, rendering thofe countries, though amongfl the
warmcft in America, temperate, when compared with tho'c which
lie oppofite to them in Africa. As this wind advances in its
courfe acrofs America, it meets with immenfe plains covered with
impenetrable forefts ; or occupied by large rivers, marfhes, and
ftagnating waters, where it can recover no confidcrable degree of
heat. At length it arrives at the Andes, which run from north,
to fouth through the whole continent. In paffing over their ele-
vated and frozen fummits, it is fo thoroughly cooled, that the
greater part of the countries beyond them hardly feel the ardour
to which they leem expofed by their fituation. In the other pro-
vinces of America, from Terra Firma weftward to the Mexican
empire, the heat of the climate is tempered, in fome places, by
the elevation of the land above the fea ; in others, by their ex-
traordinary humidity ; and in all, by the enormous mountains
fcattered over this traft. The illands of America in the torrid
zone are either fmall or mountainouSj and arc fanned alternately
by refrefhing fea and land breezes.

"The caufes of the extraordinary cold towards the fouthern, li-
mits of America, and in the leas beyond it, cannot be afcertaincd
in a manner equally fatisfying. It was long fuppoled, that a vaft
continent, diftinguifhed by the name of Terra Auftralis Incognita^
lay between the fouthcrn extremity of America and the antarftic
pole. The lame principles whicii account for the extraordinary
degree of cold in the northern regions of America, were employ-
ed in order to explain that which is felt at Cape Horn and the
adjacent countries. The immenfe extent of the fouthern conti-
nent, and the rivers which it poured into the ocean, were men-
tioned and admitted by philofophers as caules fufficient to occa-
fion the unufual fcnfation of cold, and the flill more uncommon
appearances of frozen feas in that region of the globe. But the
imaginary continent to which fuch influence was afcribed having
been fcarched for in vain, and the Ipace which it was fuppofed
to occupy having been fouiid to be an open fea, new conjectures
inuft be formed with refpcft to the caules of a temperature of cli-
mate, fo extremely different from that which we eiiperiencc in
countries removed at the lame diftar.cc from the oppofite pole.

L

82 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

" The mofl obvious and probable caufc of this fuperior dcgrcd
of cold towards the fouthern extremity of America, feems to be
the fonn of tl\c continent there. Its breadth gradually decreafes
as it ftrctches from St. Antonio fouthwards, and fro:n the bay of
St. Julian to the fhraits of Magellan its dimeniions are much con-
trafted. On the eaft and weft fides, it is waflied by the Atlantic
and Pacific oceans. From its fouthern point, it is probable that
an open fea ftrctches to the antarftic pole. In whichever of
thefe direftions the wind blows, it is cooled befo're it approaches
the Magellanic regions, by pafTing over a vaft body of water ;
nor is the land there of fuch extent, that it can recover any con-
fiderable degree of heat in its progrefs over it. Thefe circum-
ftances concur in rendering the temperature of the air in this dif-
trift of America more fimilar to that of an infular, than to that of
a continental climate ; and hinder it from acquiring the fame de-
gree of fummer-heat with places in Europe and Alia, in a corref-
ponding northern latitude. The north wind is the only one that
reaches this part of America, after blowing over a great continent.
But, from an attentive lurvey of its pofition, this will be found
to have a tendency rather to diminiflr than augment the degree of
heat. The fouthern extremity of America is properly the ter-
mination of the immenfe ridge of the Andes, which ftrctches near-
ly in a dirctl line from north to fouth, through the whole ex-
tent of the continent. The moft fultry regions in South Ameri-
ca, Guiana, Brafil, Paraguay, and Tucuman, lie many degrees tt>
the eaft of the Magellanic regions. The level country of Peru,
which enjoys the tropical heats, is fituated confiderably to the
weft of them. The north wind, then, though it blows over land,
docs not bring to the fouthern extremity of America an increafc
of heat colle6lcd in its paiTage over torrid regions ; but, before it
arrives there, it muft have fwept along the lummit of the Andes,
and come impregnated with the cold of that frozen region."

Another particularity in the climate of America, is its excefftve
moifture in general. In fome places, indeed, on the weftern
coaft, rain is not known ; but, in all other parts, the moiftncfs of
the climate is as remarkable as the cold. — The forefts wherewith
it is every where covered, no doubt, partly occafion the moifture
of its climate ; but the moft prevalent caufc is the vaft quantity
of water in the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, with which America
is environed on all fides. Plcnce there pLiccs where the conti-
nent is narroweft arc deluged with almoft perpetual rains, accom-
panied with violent thunder and lightning, by which fonie of
them, particularly Porto Hello, are rendered in a manner unin-
habitable.

OF AMERICA. 83

This extreme moiuurc of the American climate is produftive
of much hirger rivers there than in any other part of the world.
The Danube, the Nile, the Indus, or the Ganges, are not com-
parable to the Miffiirippi, the river St. Laurence, or that of the
Amazons ; nor are iuch large lakes to be found any where as
thofe which North Ameri(5a affords. To the fame caufe we are
alio partly to afcribe the exccfiive luxuriance of all kinds of ve-
getables in almoft all parts of this country. In the fouthern
provinces, where the moifturc of the climate is aided by the
warmtii of the lun, the woods are alnaoft impervious, and the
furface of the ground is hid from the eye, under a thick cover-
ing of fiirubs, herbs, and weeds. — In the northern provinces, the
forefts are not eticumbered with the fame luxuriance of vegeta-
tion ; nevertheiels, they aflFord trees much larger of their kind
than what are to be found any where elfe.

From the coldnels and the moifture of Am.erica,an extreme malig-
nity of climate has been inferred, and affertcd by M. de Paw, in
his Recherches Philofophiques, Hence, according to his hypothefis,
the fmallnefs and irregularity of the nobler animals, and the fizs
and enormous multiplication of reptiles and infcfts.

But the fuppofed Imallnels and lels ferocity of the American
animals, the Abbe Clavigero obierves, inftead of the malignity, dc-
monflrates the mildnels and bounty of the clime, if we give credit
to Buffon, at whole fountain M. de Paw has drank, and of whole
teftimony he has availed himfelf againft Don Fernet ty. BuiFon,
who- in many places of his Natural Hiftory produces the fmallnefs
of the American animals as a certain argument of the malignity
of the climate of America, in treating afterwards of favage ani-
jnals, in Tom. II. Ipeaks thus : " As all things, even the moft
free creatures, are fubjecl to natural laws, and animals as well as
men are fubjecled to the influence of climate and foil, it appears
that the fame caulcs which haye civilized and.polifhed the hiiman
fpecies in our climates, may have likewife produced fimilar efFefts
upon other fpecies. The wolf, which is perhaps the ficrcefl of
all the quadrupeds of the temperate zone, is however incompa-
rably lefs terrible than the tygcr, the lion, and the panther, of the
torrid zone ; and the white bear and hyena of the frigid zone. In
America, where the air and the earth are more mild than thofe of
Africa, the tyger, the lion, and the panther, are not terrible but in
the name. They have degenerated, if fiercenefs, joined to cruelty,
made their nature ; or, to fpeak more properly, they have only
fufFered the influence of the climate: under a milder fky, their
nature alfo has become more mild. From climes which arc immo-
<Jerate in their temperaturcj are obtained drugs, perfumes, poifons^

L 2

84 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

and all thofe plants wliofe qualities are ftrong. The temperate
earth, on the contrary, produces only things which are temperate;
the mildcft herbs, the mofl wholelomc pulfc, the fweetefl- fruits,
the mod quiet animals, and the moft humane men, are the natives
of this happy clime. As the earth makes the plants, the earth
and plants make animals ; the earth, tlie plants, and the animals,
mak-e man. The phylical qualities of man. and the animals which
feed on other animals, depend, though more remotely, on the fame
• cauies which influence their dilpofitions and cufloms. This is
the gieatefl proof and demonflration, that in temperate climes
every thing becomes temperate, and that in intemperate climes
every thing is exceflive : and that fize and form, which appear
fixed and determinate qualities, depend, notwitliftanding, like the
relative qualities, on the influence of climate. The fize of our
quadrupeds cannot be compared with tliat of an elephant, the
rhinoceros, or fea-horfe. The largeft, of our birds are but fmall,
if compared with the oft rich, the condore, and cafoan." So far
M. Buffon, whofe text ^\'e have copied, becaule it is contrary to
what M. de Paw writes againft the climate of America, and to
Buffon himfelf in many other places.

If the large and fierce animals are natives of intemperate climes,
and fmall and tranquil animals of temperate climes, as M. Buffon
has here effabliflisd ; if mildnels of climate influences tlie difpo-
fition and cufl:oms of animals, M. de Paw does not well deduce
the maligniiy of the climate of America from the fmaller fize and
lefs fiercenefs of its animals : he ought rather to have deduced the
gentlenefs and Iwcetnefs of its climate from this antecedent. If,
on the contrary, the Imaller fize and lels fiercenefs of the American
animals, with refpeft to thofe of the old continent, arc a proof of
their degeneracy, arifing from the malignity of the clime, as M.
4e Paw would have it, we ought in like manner to argue the ma-
lignity of the climate of Europe from the Imaller fize and lefs
fierccnels of its animals, compared with ihole of Africa. If a
ph'ilolopher of the country of Guinea fliould undertake a work in
imitation of M. de Paw, with this title, Rec1t.crches Philofx)pliiqves
fur Its Europeens, he might avail himielf of the fame argument
which M. de Paw ufes, to demonftrate the malignity of the climate
of Europe, and the advantages of that of Africa. The climate of
Europe, he would fav, is very unfavorable to the produftion of
quadrupeds, which are found incomparably Imaller, and more
cowardly than ours. What are the horle and the ox, the largeft;
of Its animals, compared v.'ilh our elephants, our rhinocerofes, our
fea-hories, and our camels? What are its lizards, cither in lize or
intrepidity, compared with our crocodiles? Its wolves, its bears,
the moft dreadful of its wild beafts, when bcfide our lions or

OF AMERICA. 85

ivgcis ? Its eagle, its vultures, and cranes, if compared with our
ollriches, appear only like iiens.

As to the enormous lize and prodigious multiplication of the
infefts and other little noxious animals, " The furface of the earth
(fays M. dc Paw, infefted by putrefa6tion, was over-run with liz-
ards, ferpents, reptiles, and inie/Sls monftrous for fize, and the
aftivity of their poilon, which they drew from the copious juices
of this uncultivated foil, tli?.t was corrupted and abandoned to it-
felf, where tlie nutritive juice became lliarp, like the milk in the
brcaft of animals which do not excrcile the virtue of propagation.
Caterpillars, crabs, butterflies, beetles, Ipiders, frogs, and toads,
we're for the mod part of an enormous corpulence in their Ipecies^
and multiplied beyond what can be Imagined. Panama is infeft-
cd with ferpents, Carthagcna with clouds of enormous bats, Por-
tobello with toads, Surinam with kako'Licas, or cucarachas, Guad-
aloupc, and the other colonies of the iflands, with beetles, Quito ^
with niguas or cliegoes, and Lima with lice and bugs. The an-
cient Kings of Mexico, and the emperors of Peru, found no other
means of ridding their lubjefts of thole infefts which fed upon
them.thanthe impofition of an annual tribute of a certain quantity
of lice. Ferdinand Cortes found bags full of them in the palace
of Montezuma." But this argument exaggerated as, it is, proves
nothing againfl the climate of America, in general, much lefs
againd that of Mexico. There being ibme lauds in America, in
whic}'.. on account of their heat, humidity, or want of inhabitants,
largo inlefts are found, and excefhvely multiplied, will prove at
moft, that in fome places the lurface of the earth is infeftcd, as
he lavs, wjth putrcfiftion ; but not that the loil of Mexico, or
<hat of all America, is (linking, uncultivated, vitiated, and abandon-
ed to itfelf. If fuch a deduftion were juft, M. de Paw might alfo
fay, that the foM of the old continent is barren, and flinks ; as in
many countries of it there are prodigious multitudes of m.onftrous
in'cfts, noxious reptiles, and vile animals, as in the Philippine iflcs,
in many of thole of the Indian Archipelago, in leveral countries
of the louth of Afia, in many of Africa, and even in lome of Eu-
rope. The Philippine iflcs are infcfted v/ith enormous ants and
monftrous butterflies, Japan with fcorpions, fouth of Alia and
Africa with ferpents, Egypt with afps, Guinea and Ethiopia with
armies of ants, Holland with field-rats, Ukrania with toads, as M.
de Paw himlelf affirms. In Italy, the Campagna di Roma (al-
though peopled for lo many ages,) with vipers; Calabria with
tarantulas ; the fhorcs of the Adriatic lea, with clouds of gnats ;
and even in France, the population of which is fo great and fo
ancient, whofe lands are lo well cultivated, and whole climate is
io celebrated by the Frciicli, there appeared, a few years ago, ac-

85 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

cording to M. BufFon, a new Ipecies of field-mice, larger than the
common kind, called by him Surmulots, which have multiplied
exceedingly, to the great damage of the fields. M. Bazin, in his
Compendium of the Hifhory of Infefts, numbers 'yy fpecies of
bugs, which are all found in Paris and its neighbourhood. That
large capital, as Mr. Bomare fays, fwarms with thole difguftful
infefts. It is true, that there are places in America, where the
multitude of infefts, and filthy vermin, make life irkfomc : but
we do not know that they have arrived at luch exccis of multi-
plication as to depopulate any place, at leaft there cannot be fo
many examples produced of this caufe of depopulation in the nev/
as in the old continent, which are attcfted by Theophrafhus, Varro,
Pliny, and other authors. The frogs depopulated one place in
Gaul, and the locufts another in Africa. One of the Cyclades
was depopulated by mice ; Amiclas, near to Taracina, by fcr-
pents ; another place, near to Ethiopia, by fcorpions and poifon-
ous ants ; and another by fcolopendras ; and not lb diflant from
our own times, the Mauritius was going to have been abandoned
on account of the extraordinary multiplication of rats, as v.e can
remember to have read in a Fren-ch author.

With relpeft to the fizc of the infefts, reptiles, and fuch ani-
mals, M, de Paw makes ufe of the tefhimony of Mr. Dumont,
who, in his Memoirs on Louifiana, fays, that the frogs arc fo
large there that they weigh ^q French pounds, and their horrid
croaking imitates the bellowing of cows. But M. de Paw him-
fclf fays (in his anfwer to Don Pernetty, cap. i -j.) that all thole
who have written about Louifiana from Henepin, Le Clerc,andCav.
Tonti, to Dumont, have contradifted each other, fomctimes on one
and fomctimes on another fubjcft. In faft, neither in the old or the
new continent are there frogs of 3-7 pounds in weight ; but there are
in Afia and Africa, ferpents, butterilies, ants, and other animals of
fuch monftrous fize, that they exceed all thofc wliich have been
difcovered in the new world. We know very well, that fome
American hiftorian fays, that a certain gigantic Ipecies of ferpents
is to be found in the woods, which attraft men with their breath,*
and fwallow them up ; but we know alio, that feveral hiftorians,
both ancient and modern, report the fame thing of the lerpents of
Afia, and even fomething more. Magaflhenes, cited by Pliny,
faid, that there were ferpents found in Afia, fo large, that they
fwallowed entire flags and bulls. Metrodorus cited by the fame
author, alfirms, that in Afia there were ferpents which, by their
breath, atti-aftcd birds, however high they were or quick their
flight. Among the moderns, Gemelli, in Vol. V. of his Tour of
the world, when he treats of the animals of the Philippine ifles
fpeaks thus : " There are ferpents in thefe iflands of immoderate

OF AMERICA. 87

fize ; there is one called Ibitin, very long, which furpending it-
felf by the tail from the trunk of a tree, waits till (lags, bears, anci
alio men pais by, in order to attraft them with its breath, and de-
vour them at once entirely :" from whence it is evident, that this
vcrv ancient f;ible has been common to both continents.

Further, it may be afked, In what country of America could
M, de Paw find ants to equal thofe of the Philippine iflands, called
fuluHL, rcfpccling which Hernandez affirms, that they were fix
fingers broad in length and one in breadth ? Who has ever feen
in America butterflies fo large as thofc of Bourbon, Tcrnate, the
Philippine ifles, and all the Indian archipelago ? The largeft bat
of America (native to hot flrady countries), which is that called
by Buffon vampiro, is, according to him, of the fize of a pigeon.
La rougette, one of the fpccics of Afia, is as large as a raven ; and
the roufttte. another fpecies of Aha, is as big as a large hen. Its
wings, when extended, meafurc from tip to tip three Parifian feet,
and according to Gemelli, who mcafured it in the Philippine iflcs,
fix palms. M. Buffon acknowledges the excefs in fize of the
Afiaiic bat ever the American fpecies, but denies it as to number.
Gemelli fays, that thole of the ifland of Luzon were fo numerous
that they darkened the air, and that the noife which they made
with their teeth, in eating the fruits of the woods, was heard at
the dillance of two miles. M.'de Paw lays, in talking of ferpents,
*' it cannot be aihrmcd that the New World has fhown any fer-
pents larger than thofc which Mr. Adanfon faw in the deferts of
Africa." The greatefl lerpent found in Mexico, after a diligent
fearch made by Kernandcz, was 18 feet long : but this is not to-
be compared with that of the Moluccas, which Bomare fays is 33
feet in length ; nor with the anocanjada of Ceylon, which the
fame author fays is more than 33 feet long ; nor with others of
Afia and Africa, mentioned by the fame author. Laflly, the ar-
gument drawn from the multitude and fize of the American iri-
Jccls is fully as weighty as the argument drawn from the finallnefs
and icarcity of quadrupeds, and both deteft the fame ignorance.
or rather the fame voluntary and fludied forgetfulncfs, of the
things of the old continent.

With refpeft to what M. de Paw h95 faid of tlic tribute of lice
in Mexico, in that as well as in many other things he difcovrr.s
his ridiculous credulity. It is true that Cortes found bags of lice
in the magazines of the palace of king Axajacatl. It is alfo true
that Montezuma impofed fuch a tribute, not on all his fubjcfts,
liowevcr, but only on thofe who were beggars ; not on account
oi the extraordinary multitude of thofe infefts, as M. de Paw
affirms, but becaufc Montezuma, who could not fufFer idlencfs in
his fubjefts, reiblved th.it that milerabl?. let of people, who could

88 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

not labour, fhould at Icaft be occupied in loufing thcinfclvcs. This
was the true rcaion of Inch an extravagant tribute, as Torquemada,
Betancourt, and other hiflorians relate ; and nobody ever before
tliought of that which M. de Paw affirms, merely becaufe it fuited
his prepoflerous fyftcm. Thofe dilgufling infccls poffibly abound
as much in the liair and cloaths of American beggars, as of any
poor and uncleanly low people in the world : but there is not a
doubt, that if any lovcrcign of Europe was to exaft luch a tribute
from the poor in his dominions, not only bags, but great vellcls
might be filled with them.

Aborigenes. At the time America was difcovei'ed, it was
found inhabited by a race of men no lefs difreren* from thoie in
the other parts of the world, than the climate and natural pro-
duftions of this continent arc different from thole of Europe,-
Aha, or Africa. One great peculiarity in the native Americans
is their colour, and the identity of it throughout the whole extent
of the continent. In Europe and Afia, the people Mdio inhabit
the northern countries are of a fairer complexion than thofe who
dwell more to the fouthward. In the torrid zone, both in Africa
and Aha, the natives are entirely black, or the next thing to it,/
This, however, mufh be undcrftood with lomc lim-itation. The
people of Lapland, who inhabit the moft northerly part of Eu-
rope, are by no means fo fair as the inhabitants of Britain ; nor
are the Tartars fo fair as the inhabitants of Europe who lie linder
the fame parallels of latitude. Nevcrthelcfs, a Laplander is fair
when compared with an AbyfTinian, and a Tartar if compared;
with a native of the Molucca illands. — In AmcriGn, this diflinc-
tion of colour was not to be found. In tlie torrid zone there
were no negroes, and in the temperate and frigid zones there v/ere
no white people. All of them were of a kind of red copper co-
lour, which Mr. Forftcr obfervcd, in thx Pcfferavs of Terra del
Fucgo, to have fomcthing of a glofs relcmbling that metal. It
doth not appear, however, that this matter hath ever been inquired
into with lufficient accuracy. The inhabitants of the inland parts
of South America, v/hcrc the continent is widef!:, and confequently
the influence of the fun the moft powerful, have never been
compared with thole of Canada, or more northerly parts, at Icaft
by any perfon of credit. Yet this ought to have been done, and
that in many inftances too, before it could be afferted fo poiitively
as moft authors do, that there is not the leaft difference of com-
plexion among the natives of America. Indeed, fo many fyftems
have been formed concerning them, that it is very difficult to
obtain a true knowledge of the moft hmplc facl.i. If wc may
believe tiie Abbe Ravnal. the Californians Tivc iwarthicr thiiU

Of AMERICA. 89

tlic McJcicans ; and fo politive is he in this opinion, that he gives a
rcafon for it. "This diiFcrcnce of colour," fays he, " proves, that
the civilized life of fociety fubverts, or totally changes, the order
and laws of nature?, fince wc find, under the temperate zone, a
faVagc people that arc blacker than the civilized nations of the tor-
rid zone," On the other hand, Dr, Robcrtfon claffes all the in-
habitants of Spanifh America together with regard to colour,
whether they arc civilized or uncivilized; and when he fpeaks of
California, takes no notice of any peculiarity in their colour more
than others. TJie general appearance of the indigenous Americans
in various diftrifts is thus defcribed by the Chevalier Pinto : '• They
arc all of a copper colour, with fomc divorfity of fliade, not in
proportion to their diflance from the equator, but according to the
degree of elevation of the territory in which they refid-?. Thofe
who live in a high country are fairer than thofc in the marfliy low
lands on the coaft. Their face is round ; farther removed, perhaps
than that of any people from an oval fliapc. Their forehead is
fma:ll ; the extremity of their ears far from the face ; their lips thick ;
their nofe flat; their eyes black, or of a cheinut colour, fmall, but
capable of dil'cerning objcils at a gr>"at dillance. Their hair is
always thick and Ucek, and without any tendency to curl. At the
hrit afpeCt, a South American aopears to be. mild and innocent .
but, on a more attentive view, one difcovers in his countenance
I'omctliing wild, diilruftfuland lullen."

The following account of the nativ:? Americans is given by Don
Antonio UUoa, in a work intitled Memoircs phibfophiques, hijlo-
riquts et phyfiques, conccrnant, la dccouvcrtc dc I' Anicriquc, lately
publilhed.

The American Indians are naturally of a colour bordering upon
red. Their frequent cxpoiurc to the fun and wind changes it to
their ordinary dufky hue. The temperature of the air appears to
have little or no influence in this rcfpoft. There is no perceptible
difference in complexion between the inliabitants of the hi?h and
tholc of the low parts of Peru ; yet the climates are of an extreme
difFercnce. Nay, the Indians who live as far as 40 decrees and
upwards fouth or north of the equntor, are not to be diltinguiflied,
in point of colour, from thofe immediately under it.

There is alfo a general conformation of features and perfon,
\vhich, more or lefs, charafterifeth them all. Their chief diftinc-
{ions in thefe refpefts are a fmall forehead, partly covered with h.air
to the eye-brows, little eves, the nofe thin, pointed, and bent to-
wards the upper lip ; a broad face, large ears, black, thick, and lank
hair ; the legs well formed, the feet imall, the body thick and muf-
cul.:r; little or no beard on the face, and that little never cxtcnd-

M

go

CexeraL descriptio.v

ing beyond a fmall part of the chin and upper lip. It may cahly
be fuppofed that this general defcription cannot apply, in all its-
parts, to every individual; but all of them partake lo much of it,
that they may e.viily be diflinguiflicd even from the mulattocs, who
come ncareft to them in point of colour.

The rcfcmblancc among all the American tribes is not Icfs re-
markable in rcfpeft to their genius, charaftcr, manners, and parti-
cular cuftoms., The moll diftant tribes arc, in thcfe rcipcfts, as fi-
milar as though they formed but one nation.

All the Indian nations have a peculiar plcafure in painting their
bodies of a i*ed colour, with a certain fpecies of earth. The mine
of Guaneavclica was formerly cf no other ufe than to fupply them
with this m^atcrial for dyeing their bodies ; and the cinn-abar cx-
trafted from it was applied entirely to this purpofe. The tribes
in Louifiana and Canada have the lame palTion ; hence minium is
the commodity moft in demand there.

It may fcem fingular that thefe nations, whofe natural colour is
red, fliould aiTeft the fame colour as an artificial ornament. But it
rhay be obfcrved, that they do nothing in this refpeft but what cor-
rdponds to the pra£lice of Europeans, who aJfo fhudy to heighten
and difplay to advantage the natural red and white of their com-
plexions. The Indians of Peru have now indeed -abandoned the
cuftom of painting their bodies: but it was common among them
before they were conquered by the Spaniards ; and it flill remains
the cuflom of all thofe tribes who have prefervcd tlieir liberty.
The nothern nations of America, befides the red colour which is
predominant, employ alio black, white, blue, and green, in paint-
ing their bodies.

The adjuftmcnt of thefe colours is a matter of as great confidera-
tion with the Indians of Louifiana and the vaft regions extending
to the north, as the ornaments of drefs among the moft polifiied na-
tions. The bufmcfs itfelf they call Mactackcr, and. they do not
fail to apply all their talents and afliduity to accomplifl-i it in the
moft finiflied manner. No lady of the greatcft fafliron ever con-
t'ult.cd her mirror with more anxiety, than the Indians do while
painting their bodies. The colours arc applied with the utmoft ac-
curacy and addrefs. Upon the eye-lids, precifely at the root of
the cye-lafhes, they draw two lines as fi^ne as the I'mallcft thread ;
the lame upon the lips, the openings of the noftrils, the eye-brows,
and the ears ; of which laft they even follow all the inflexions and
inlmuofities. As to the reft of the face, they diftribute various fi-
gures, in all which the red predominates, and the other colours are
allorted fo as to throw it out to the beft advantage. The neck
alfo receives its proper ornaments: a thick coat of vermilion com-
.jnonly diftinguilhcs the cheeks. Five or fix hours are requifitc
for accomplilhing all this with the nicety which they affeft. As

OF AMERICA. ip

their fiift attcinpts do not always rucccd to their wifli, they efface
(them, and begin a-new upon a better plan. No coquette is more
faftidious in her choice of ornament, none more vain when the
.important adjuflment is finifhed. Their delight and felf-fatisfac-
tion are then fo great, that the mirror is hardly ever laid down. An
Indian MaciaJied to his mind is the vaineft of all the human fpe-
cies. The other parts of the body are left in their natural ftate,
:ind, excepting what is called a carhicul, thev go entirely naked.

Such of th^m as have made themielves eminent for bravery.
or other qualifications, are difiinguifhcd by figures painted on
.their bodies. They introduce the colours by making punftures
on their fkins, and the extent of furface which this ornament co-
vers iz proportioned to the exploits they have performed. Some
paint only their arms, others both their arms and legs ; others again
their thighs, while thofe who have attained the fummit of warlike
renown, have their bodies painted from the v/aill upwards. This
iS the heraldry of the Indians ; the devices of which are probably
more cxaftly adjufled to the merits of the perfons v/ho bear ,theni
than thofe of more civilized countries.

Befides thefe ornaments, the wasriors alfo carry plumes of fea-
thers on their heads, their arms, and ancles. Thefe likewife arc
tokens of valour, and none but fuch as have been thus cliftinguifli-
cd may wear them.

The propenfity to indolence is equal among all the tribes of In»
dians, civilized or favage. The only employment of thofe who
have prefcrvcd their independence is hunting and {iniiing. In
fome diftricts the women exerciie. a little agriculture in raifing
Indian corn and pompions, of which they form a fpecies of ali^
ment, by bruifing them together : they alfo prepare the ordinary
beverage in ufe among them, taking care, at the fame time, of
the children, of whom the fathers take no charge.

The female Indians of all the conquered regions of South Amc-
rica practice Avhat is called the urcu (a word which among them
fignifies elevation, J Jt confifts in throwing forward the hair from
the crown of the head upon the brow, and cutting it round from
the ears to above the eye ; fo that the forehead and eye-brows
are entirely covered. The fame cufcom takes place in the No-
thern countries. The female inhabitants of both regions tie the
reft of their hair behind, fo exactly on the fame fafhion, that it
might be fuppofed the effeft of mutual imitation. This however
being impofTil3le, from the vaft diftancc that feparatcs them, is
thought to countenance the fuppolition of the whole of America
being originally planted with one race of people.

M 2

92 CEKERAL DESCRIPTION

This cijuom (IOCS not take plncc among the male?. Thofe of
the higher parts of Peru Avear long and flowing hair, which they
reckon a great ornament. In the lower parts of the fame coun-
try the-s' cut it fliort. on account of the heat i)f tiic climate ; a cir-
cumPcance in wliich tliey imitate the Spaniards. The inhabitants
of Louifiana pluck out their hair by the root, from the crown
of the head forwards, in order to obtain a large forehead, other-
wife denied them by nature. The reft of their hair they cut
as fliort as poHible, to prevent their enemies fiom ieizing them
by it in battle, and alfo to prevent them from cafily getting their
fcalp, fhould tlicv fall into their hands as prifoners.

The wliole race of American Indian* is diftinguiflied by thick-
nefs of ficin and hardnefs of fibres ; circumftances which pro-
bably contribute to that infcnfibilitv to bodilv pain, for which
they are remarkable. An inftance of this inlcnhbilitv occurred
in an Indim who was under tlie necefhty of fubmitting to lie
cut for the flone. This operation, in ordinary cafes, fcldom lafta
abov-e four or five minutes. Unfavourable circumftances in his
cafe prolonged it to the uncommon period of 2y minutes. Yet
idl this time the patient gave no tokens of the extieme pain
commonly attending this operation : he complained only as a per-
fon does who feels feme flight uneafinefs. At iaft the flone was
cxtrafted. Two dnys after, he cxpreffed a deP.re for food, and on
the eighth day from the operation he quitted h.is bed, free from
pain, although the wound was not yet thoroughly clofed. Tlie
fare want of fenfibilify is obferved in cafes of fnftures, wounds^
and other accidents of a fimilar nature. In all thefe cafes fhcir
cure is eafily cffe^lcd,. and tliey feem to fufTer, lefs prefent pain
than any other race of men. The fkulls that have been taken up
in their ancient burying-groimds arc of a greater thicknefs tlian that
bone is commonly found, being from fix to fcvcn lines from the
outer to the inner fiipeihcies. The fame is remarke^l as to the
thicknefs of their fiiins.

It is natural to infer from lience, that their comparative infenfi-
bility to pain is owing to a coarler and ftronger crganizi^tion than
that of other nations. The cafe with whicli they endure the feve-
rities of climate is another ])roof of this. The inhabitarjts of the
];igher parts of Peru live arnidft perpctnal froft and fnOw. Al-
though their clothing is very flight, thev fupport this inclement
temperature without the le,:{l inconvenience. Habit, it is to be
fonfclfed, may contribute a good deal to this, but much alfo is to
l)c afcribcd to the compaft texture of their fkins, Avhicli defend
them from this imprcnion of cold through their pores.

The northern Indians refemble them in this refpcft. The yt-
jubfl rigours of the winter feafon do net prevent them from

OF AMERICA. 93

following the chace alniofl naked. It is true, the)- wear a kind
of woolen cloak, or lomctimes the ficui of a wild bcaft, vipon
their fnoulders; but bcfidcs that it covers only a Imall part of
their budv, it would appear that they ufe it rather for ornament
than wannth. In R.d, ihcy wear it indifcriminatcly, in the leve-
rities of winter,' and in the fultrieft heats of fummer, when
ncitlicr Europeans nor Negroes can fuffer any but the flightefh
cloathing. I'hcy even frequently throw afide this cloak when
they go a-hunting, that it may not cmUarrafs them in traverfing
their forefts, where they fay the thorns and undergrowth would
take hold of it ; while, on the contrary, they flidc fmoothly over
the iurface of their naked bodies. At all times they go with
their heads uncovered, without fuffering tlie leaft inconvenience,
cither from the cold, or from thole covps de fuldl, which in
Ijouifiana are fo often fatal to the inhabitants of otlier climates.

Dress. The Indians of South America diftinguifh thcmfclves
by modern dreffes, in which they affeft various taftcs. Thole
of the high countiy, and of the valleys in Peru, drefs partly in the
Spanifh fafliion. Inftcad of hats they wear bonnets of coaife dou.
ble cloth, the weight of which neither f*;enis to incommod.e them
\vhen they go to warmer climates, nor does the accidental want
of them fecm to be felt in fituations where the moft piercing
cold reigns. Their legs and feet are always bare, if we except
a ion of fandals made of the fkins of oxen. The inhabitants of
•South America, compared with thofe of North America, are
delcribed as generally more feeble in their frame ; lefs vigorous in
the clforts of their mind; of gentler difpofitions, more addifted
'to ph-alurc, and lUiik in indolence. — -This, however, is not
univcrLdly the cafe. Many of their nations are as intrepid and
catcrprifing as any others on the whole continent. Among the
tribes on the banks of Oroonoko, if a warrior afpires to the
poll of captain, his probation begins with a long fa ft, more rioid
than any ever oblcrved by the moft abftcmious hermit. At the
clofe of this the chiefs alfcmble ; and each gives him three lafhes
with a large whip, applied fo vigoroully, that his body is almoft
flayed. If he betrays the leaft fymptom of impatience, or even of
Icnfibility, he is diigraced forever, and rcjcfted as unworthy of
the honour. After fome interval, his conftancy is proved by a
more excruciating trial. He is laid in his hammock with his
hands bound faft ; and an innumerable multitude of venomous
ants, whole bite occafions a violent pain and Inflammation, are
thrown upon .him. The judges of his merit ftand around the
hammock ; and whilft thefe cruel infefts fallen upon the moft
Icnflble parts of his body, a flgh, a groan, or an involuntary mo-
lion exprcflTivc of what he lufiers, would exclude him from the

94 GEXERAL DESCRIPTION

dignity of which he is ambitious. Even after this evidence, lus
fortitude is not deemed to be I'uiBcicntly iiicertained, till he has
ftood another tefl mere icvere, if poiTible, than the former. He
is again iuipended in his hammoclc, and covered v/ith the leaves,
of the palmetto. A fire of {linking herbs is kindled underneath^
fo as he may feel its heat, and be involved in fnioke. Though
fcorciied and almoft fuSocated, he mufl; continue to endure this
with the fame patient infenfibility. Many perifh in tliis eilay of
their firmnefs and courage ; but fuch as go through it with applaufe,
receive the enfigns of their new dignity with much folcmnity, and
arc ever after regarded as leaders of approved refolution, whoict
behaviour, in the moft trying fituations, will do honor to their
country. In North America, the previous trial of a warrior is
neither fo formal nor lo levcre: Though, even there, before a
youth is permitted to bear arms, his patience and fortitude are pro-
ved by blows, by fire, and by inlults, more intolerable to a haughty
fpirit than either.

Manners and Customs. Of the mcmners and cufloir.s of the
North Americans more particularly, the following is the moft con-:
fiftent account that can be collected from the beft informed and
moft impartial writers.

When the Europeans firft arrived in America, they found the
Indians quite naked, except thole parts which ev^cn the moft un-
cultivated people ufually conceal. Since that time, however, thev
generally ufe a coarfe blanket, wliicli they buy of the neighbour-
ing planters.

Their huts or cabins arc made of ftakes of wood driven into the
ground, and covered with branches of trees or reeds. They lie
on the floor either on mats or on the Ikins of wild beafts. Their
diflies are of timber ; but their fpoons are made of the fkulls of
wild oxen, and their knives of flint. A kettle and a large plate
conftitute almoft all the whole utenfils of the family. Their diet
confifts chiefly in what they procure by hunting; and fagamite, or
pottage, is likcwife one of their moft common kinds of food. The
moft honourable furniture amongft them is the fcalps of their ene.
mies ; with thofe they ornament their huts, which are efteemed in
proportion to the number of this fort of fpoils.

1'he charafter of the Indians is altogether founded upon their
circumftances and way of life. A people who are conflantly em-
ployed in piocuring the means of a precarious fubfiftence, who
live by hunting the wild animals, and who are generally engaged
in war with their neighbours, cannot be fuppofed to enjoy much
gaiety of temper, or a high flow of fpirits. The Indians therefore
are in general grave even to fadnefs; they have nothing of that
giddy vivacity peculiar to Ibmc nations of Europe, and they def-

OF AMERICA. <J5

pile it. Their behaviour to thofc about them is regular, rnodcft,
and refpeftful. Ignorant of the arts of amufcmcnt, of which that
of faying trifles agreeably is one of the moft confiderable, they
ticver fpeak but when they have fomething important to obfervc;
and all their aftions, words, and even looks, are attended with fomc
meaning. This is extremely natuial to men who are almofl contin-
ually engaged in purfuits which to them are of the highefl impor-
tance. Their fubfiftence depends entirely on what they procure
\.-ith their hands ; and their lives, their honour, and every thing
dear to them, may be loft by the fmalleft inattention to the dcfigns
of their enemies. As they have no pai'ticular objeft to attach them
to one place rather than another, they fly wherever they cxpcft to
find th\: necelTaries of life in greatcft abundance. Cities, which
are the effefts of agriculture and arts, they have none. The differ-
ent tribes or nations arc for the fame rcaibn extremely fmall, Avhcn
compared with civilized focieties, in which induftry, arts, agricul-
ture, and commerce, have united a vaft number of individuals,
whcHn a complicated luxury renders ufeful to one another. There
fmall tribes live at an immf-nfe diftancc ; they are feparated by a
dcfcrt frontier, and hid in the bofoni of impenetrable and almofl"
boundlefs forefts.

Government. There is eftablifned in each foeietv a certain
fpccics of government, which over the whole continent of Ame-
rica prevails with exceeding little variation ; becaufe over the
"whc'^ of this continent the manners and way of life arc nearly
fimilar and uniform. Without arts, riches, or luxury, the great
inftruments of fubjeftion in potifiied focieties, an American has
no method by which he can render himfelf confiderable among his
companions, but by fuperiority in perfonal qualities of body or
mind. But as Nature has not been very lavifh in her perfonal
diftinftions, where all enjoy the lame education, all arc pretty
much equal, and will defirc to remain fo. Liberty, therefore, is
the prevailing pafTion of the Americans; and their government
under the influence of this fcntiment, is better fecured than by
the wifeft political regulations. They are very far, however,
from defpifing all fort of authority ; they are attentive to the voice
of wifdom, which experience has conferred on the aged, and
they inlift under the banners of the chief in whofe valour and
military addrefs they have learned to rcpofe their confidence. In
every fociety, therefore, there is to be confidered the power of
the chief and of the elders ; and according as the govci-nment in-
clines more to the one or to the other, it may be regarded as
monarchical, or as a fpecies of ariftocracy. Among thole tribes
which are moft engaged in war, the power of the chief is natural-
ly predominant ; becaufe the idea of having a military leader wai}

g6 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

the firftlourcc of his fuperiority, and the continual exigencies of the
ftate requiring fuch a leader, will continue to fupport, and even
to enhance it. His power, however, is rather perfuafive than
coercive ; he is reverenced as a father, rather than feared as a
monarch. He has no guards, no prifons, no offices of juftice, and
one aft of ill-judged violence would pull liim from the throne.
The elders, in the other ioni\ of government, which may be con-
fidered as an ariftocracy, have no more power. In fomc tribes,
indeed, there are a kind of hereditary nobility, whole influence
being conflantly augmented by time, is more conliderablc. But
this fource of power, which depends chiefly on the imagination,
by which we annex to the merit of our contemporaries that of
their forefathers, is too refined to be very common among the
natives of America. In moft countries, therefore, age alone is
fufficient for acquirixig refpeft, influence, and authority. It is
age which teaches experience, and experience is the only fource of
knowledge among a barbarous people. Among thofe perfons bu-
finefs is conduced with the utmoft fimplicity, and which may
recal to thofe v/ho are acquainted with antiquity a pifture of the
moft early ages. The heads of families meet together in a houfe
or cabin appointed for the purpofe. Here the bufinefs is clifcuffed;
and here thofe of the nation, diftinguifhed for their eloquence
or wifdom, have an opportunity of dviplaying»thofe talents. Their
orators, like thofe of Homer, exprefs themfclves in a bold figura-
tive ftyle, flronger than refined, or rather foftened, nations. can
well bear, and with gcfturcs equally violent, but often extremely
natural and expreflive. When the bufiuefs is over, and they hap-
pen to be well provided with food, they appoint a fcafl upon the
occafion, of which almoft the whole nation partakes. The feall is-
accompanied with a fong, in which the real or fabulous exploits of
their forefathers are celebrated. They have dances too, though,
like thole of the Greeks and Romans, chiefly of the military kind -
and their mufic and dancing accompany every feaft.

To airifh their memory, they have belts of fmall fhells, or beads
of different colours, each reprefenting a particular obje£l, which is
marked by their colour and .arrangement. At the conclufion of
every fubjett on which they difcourfe, when tliey treat with a fo-
reign ftate, they deliver one of thofe belts ; for if this ceremony
fliould be omitted, all that they have laid paffcs for nothing. Ihofe
belts are carefully depofited in each town, as the public records of
the nation ; and to them they occafionally have recourie, wiien
any public conteft happens with a neighbouring tribe. Of
jate, as the tnaterials of which thofe belts are made have Isccomc
fcarce, they often give fome fkin in place of the wampum (the name
of the beads,) and receive in return preicnts of a more va-

OF AMERICA. 97

lUable kind from our commiffioners ; for they never confider a
treaty as of any weight, unlefs every article in it be ratified by
fuch a gratification.

It often happens, that thofc different tribes or nations, feat-
tered as they are at an immenfc dillance from one another, meet
in their excurfions after prey. If there fubfifts no animofity be-i
tween them, which feldom is the cafe, they behave in the moft
friendly and courteous manner ; but if they happen to be in a
ftate of war, or if there has been no previous intercourfe between
them, all who are not friends are deemed enemies, and they fight
with the moft favagc fury.

War, if we except hunting, is the only employment of the
men ; as to every other concern, and even the little agriculture
they enjoy, it is left to the women. Their moft common motive
for entering into war, when it does not arife from an accidental
rencounter or interference, is either to revenge themfelves for
the death of fome loft friends, or to acquire prifoners, who may
affift them in their hunting, and tvhom they adopt into their
focictv. Thefe wars arc either undertaken by fome private ad-
venturers, or at the inftance of the whole community. In the
latter cafe, all the young men who are difpofed to go out to bat-
tle (for no one is compelled contrary to his inclination), give a
bit of wood to the chief, as a token of their defign to accompany
him ; for every thing among thofe people is tranfa£led with a
great deal of ceremony and many forms. The chief who is to
conduft them fafts feveral days, during which he converfes with
no one, and is particularly careful to obferve his dreams ; which
the preiumption natural to favages generally- renders as favoui^a-
ble as lie could defire. A variety of other fuperftitions and cere-
monies are obferved. One of the moft hideous is fetting the
war-kettle on the fire, as an emblem that they are going out to
devour their enemies ; which among iome nations muft formerly
have been the cafe, fiinee they ftill continue to exprels it in clear
^ermsj and ufe an emblem fignificant of the ancient ufage. Then
they difpatch a porcelane, or large fhell, to their allies, inviting
them to come along, and drink the blood of their enemies. They
think that thofe in their alliance muft not only adopt their enmi-
ties, but have their relentment wound up to the fame pitch with
themfelves. And indeed no peoJ>le carry their friendfhip or their
refentment fo far as they do ; and this is what fliould be expected
from their peculiar circumftances : that principle in human nature
which is the fpring of the fecial affeftions, afts with fo much the grea-
ter force the more it is rcftrained. The Americans, who live in fmall
focieties, who fee few objefts and few pcrfons, become woderfully
attached to thofe objefts andperfons, and cannotbe deprived of thera

N

9^ GENERAL DESCRIPTIOiV

without feeling themfclvcs mifcrable. Their ideas are too confinecJ
to enable them to entertain juft fcntiments of humanity, or uni-
verfal benevolence. But this very circumftancc, while it makes
them cruel and favage to an incredible degree towards thofe with
whom they arc at war, adds a new force to their particular friend-
fhips, and to the common tie which unites the members of the
fame tribe, or of thole different tribes which are in alliance with
One another. Without attending to this refleftion, fome fafts
we are going to relate would excite our wonder without inform*
ing our reaion, and we fhould be bewildered in a number of par-
ticulars, feemingly oppofite to one another, without being fenfible
of the general caufe from which they proceed.

Having finiflied all the ceremonies previous to the war, and the
day appointed for their fetting out on the expedition being arriv-
ed, they take leave of their friends, and exchange their clothes,
or whatever moveables they have, in token of mutual friendfhip ;
after which they proceed from the town, their wives and female
relations walking before, and attending^ them to fome diftance.
The warriors march all dreffed in their, fineft apparel and moft
fhowy ornaments, withovit any order. The chief walks flowly
before them, finging the war-fong, while the reft obferve the
moft profound filence. When they come up to their women,
they deliver them all their finerv, and putting on their worft
clothes, proceed on their expedition.

Every nation has its peculiar enfign or ftandard, which is ge-
nerally fome beaft, bird, or fifh. Thofe among the Five Nations
are the bear, otter, wolf, tortoile, and eagle ; and by thefe names
the tribes are ufually diftinguifhed. They have the figures of
thofe animals pricked and painted on feveral parts of their bodies ;
and when they march through the woods, they commonly, at
every encampment, cut the rcprefentation of their enfign on trees,
elpecially after a luccelsful campaign : mai'king at the fame time
the number of fcalps or priloners they have taken. Their mili-
tary drefs is extremely fingular. They cut off or pull out all their
hair, except a fpot about the breadth of two Englifli crown-pieces,
near the top of their heads, and entirely deftroy their eye-brows.
The lock left upon their heads is divided into feveral parcels,
each of which is ftiffened and adorned with wampum, beads, and
feathers of various kinds, the whole being twifted into a form
much refembling the mpdern pompoon. Their heads are painted
red down to the eye-brows, and fprinkled over with white down.
The griftles of their ears are fplit almoft quite round, and diftended
with wires or fplinters fo as to meet and tic together on the nape
of the neck. Thefe are alfo hung with ornaments, and generally
bear the rcprefentation of fome bird or beaft. Their nofes arc

OF AMERICA. 99

are likewife bored and hung with trinckcts of beads, and their
faces painted with various colours fo as to make an awful appear-
ance. Their breads are adorned with a gorget or medal, of brafs,
copper, or fome other metal ; and that dreadful weapon the fcalp-
ing-knife hangs by a firing from their neck.

The great qualities in an Indian war are vigilance and at.ten.
tion, to give and to avoid a furprife; and indeed in thefe they are
Juperior to all nations in the world. Accufhomcd to continual
wandering in the forefts, having their perceptions fharpencd by
jceen necefhty, and living in every reipcft according to nature,
their external fenies have a degree of acutenefs which at firfl
view appears incredible. They can trace out their enemies at an
immenle diflance by the fmoke of their fires, which they fmell,
and by the tracks of their feet on the ground, imperceptible to
an European eye, but which they can count and diftinguifli with
the utmoft facility. They can even difiinguifh the different
nations with whom they are acquainted, and can determine the
precile time when they paifed, where an European could not,
with all his glafles, difiinguifh footfteps at all. Thefe circum-
ftances, however, are of Imall importance, becaufe their enemies
are no lefs acquainted with them. When they go out, therefore,
Jhey tjike care to avoid making ufe of any thing by which they
might run the danger of a difcovery. They light no fire to warm
thenilelves or to prepare their vitluals: they lie clofe to the
ground all the day, and travel only in the night ; and marching
along m files, he that clofes the rear diligently covers with leaves
the trafts of his own feet and of theirs who preceded him.
When they halt to refrefli thcmfelves. fcouts are lent out to re-
connoitre the country and beat up every place where they fuf-
pe£l an enemy to lie concealed. In this manner they enter
unawares the villages of their foes ; and while the flower of the
nation are engaged in hunting, mailacre all the children, women,
and helplefs old men, or make prifoners of as many as they can
manage, or have flrength enough to be ufeful to their nation.
But wheri the enemy is appriied of their defign, and coming on
in arms againft them, they throw themfelves flat on the ground
among the withered herbs and leaves, which their faces are paint-
ed to refemblc. Then they allow a part to pafs unmolefled, when
all at once with a tremendous fhout, rifing up from their ambufli,
they pour a ftorm of mufket bullets on their foes. The party
attacked returns the fame cry. Every one fhelters himfclf with
a tree, and returns the fire of the adveric party, as loon as they
raife themfelves from the ground to give a fecond fire. Thus does
the battle continue until the one party is fo much weakened as

N2

loo GENERAL DESCRIPTION

to be incapable of further refiflance. But if the force on each
fide continues nearly equal, the fierce fpirits of the favages, in-
flamed by the lofs of their friends, can no longer be rcftrained.
They abandon their difhantwar, they rufh upon one another with
clubs and hatchets in their hands, magnifying their own courage,
and iniuking their enemieo with the bittereft reproaches. A
cruel combat enfues, death appears in a thoufand hideous forms,
which would congeal the blood of civilized nations to behold,
but which rouie the fury of favages. They trample, they infult
over the dead bodies, tearing the fcalp from the head, wallowing
in their blood like wild beads, and lometimes devouring their
flefh. The flame rages on till it meets with no refiftance ; then
the prifoners are fecurcd, thofe unhappy men, whofe fate is a
thouland times more dreadful than theirs who have died in the
field. The conquercrs ict up a hideous howling to lament the
friends they have loft. They approach in a melancholv and fevere
gloom to their own village ; a meilenger is lent to announce their
arrival, and the women, with frightful fnrieks, come out to mourn
their dead brothers or their hufbands. When they are arrived,
the chief relates in a low voice to the elders, a circumftantial ac-
count of every particular of the expedition. The orator pi'o-
claims aloud this account to the people; and as he mentioijs the
names of thofe who have fallen, the fhrieks of the women are
redoubled. The men too join in thefe cries, according as each is
moll connected Vyith the deceafed by blood or fricndfhip. The
laft ceremony is the proclamation of the viftory : each individual
then forgets his private misfortunes, and joins in the triumph of
the nation; all tears are wiped from their eyes, and by an unac-
countable tranfition, they pais in a moment from the bitternefs of
forrow to an extravagance of joy. But the treatment of the pri-
foners, whofe fate all this tirne remains undecided, ig what chiefly
charafterifes the lavages.

We have already mentioned the ftrength of their alfcftions or
refentments. United as they are in imall focieties, connected
within themlchxs by the firmeft ties, their friendly afi"e£tions,
\vhich glow with the moft intenfe warmth within the ^valls of
their own village, ieldom extend beyond them. They feel no-
thing for the enemies of their nation ; and their relentmcnt i$
eaiily extended from the individual wiio has injured thein to all
others of the fame tribe. The priioners, who have themfelves
the fame feelings, know the intentions of their conquerors, and
are prepared for them. The perfon who has taken the captive
attends him to the cottage, where, according to the diftribution
made by the elders, he is to be delivered to iupply the lofs of a
citizen. If thole who receive him have their family weakened by

OF AMERICA. tpi

war or other accidents, they adopt the captive into the family, of
which he becomes a member. But if they have no occafion for
him, or their refentmen. for the lofs of their friends be too high
to endure the fight of any connected with thofe who were con-
t^erned in it, they fentence him to death. All thofe who have
met with the fame fevcrc fentence being coUefted, the whole
nation is atfembled at the execution, as for fome great folemnity.
A icaffold is crefted, and the prifoners are tied to the (lake, where
they commence their death-fong, and prepare for the enfuing
ieene of cruelty with the moft undaunted courage. Their enemies,
on the other fide, are determined to put it to the proof, by the mofh
refined and exquifite tortures. They begin at the extremity of his
body, and gradually approach the more vital parts. One plucks out
his nails by the roots, one bv one ; another takes a finger into his
mouth, and tears off the flelh wjth his teeth; a third thrufts the
finger, mangled as it is, into the bowl of a pipe made red hot,
which he fmokes like tobacco; then they pound his toes and
fingers to pieces between two flones; they cut circles about his
joints, and gafhes in the flefhy parts of his limbs, which they fear
immediately with red-hot irons, putting, burning, and pinching
them alternately; they pull off this flefli, thus mangled and roaft-
.cd bit by bit, devouring it with greedinefs, and fmearing their
^accs with the blood in an enthufiafm of horror and fury. When
they have thus torn off the flefh, they twift the bare nerves and
tendons about an iron, tearing and, Inapping them, whilfl others
are employed in pulling and exj:ending their limbs in every way
that can increafe the torment. This continues often five or fix
hours ; and lomctimes luch is the ftrength of the favage, days to-
gether. Then they frequently. unbind him, to give a breathing to
their fury, and to think what new torments they fliall inflift, and
to refrefh the ftrength of the fufFei-er, who, wearied out with fuch
a variety of unheard-of tortures, often falls into fo profound a
Hecp, that they are obliged to apply the fire to awake him,
and renew his fufferings. He is again faftened to the ftake, and
again they renew their cruelty ; they ftick him all over with fmall
matches of wood that eafily takes fire, but burns flowly ; they con-
tinually run {harp reeds into every part of his body; they drag
out his teeth with pinchers, and thrufl out his eyes; and laftly,
after having burned his flefh from the bones wilh flow fires; after
having fo mangled the body that it is all but one wound ; after
having mutilated his face in fuch a manner as to carry nothing
human in it ; after having peeled the fkin from the head, and
poured a heap of red-hot coals or boiling water on the naked fkuU
— they once more unbind the wretch ; who, blind, and ftaggering
%vith pain and weaknefs, aflaulted and pelted upon every fide with

S02 GENERylL DESCRIPTION

clubs ana flones. now up, now down, falling into their fires at
every flep, runs hither and thither, until one of the chiefs, wlic-
iher out of compaffion, or weary of cruelty, puts an end to )iis
life with a club or dagger. The body is then put into a kettle,
and this barbarous employment is fuccecded by a feaft as barbarous.
The women, forgetting the human as well as the female nature,
and transformed into fomething worfe than furies, even outdo the
men in this fccne of horror ; while the principal perlons of the
country fit round the .(lake, fmoaking and looking on with.out
the leaft emotion. What is moft extraordinary, the lufterer him-
felf, in the little intervals of his torments, Imokes too. appears
- unconcerned, and ronvcrfes with his torturers about indiitc-rent
matters. Indeed, during the whole time of his execution, there
fecms a conteft which fliall exceed, they in inflicting the mod hor-
rid pains,' or he in enduring them with a firmnefs and conilaiicv
almoft above human : not a groan, not a figli, not a diftortion of
countenance cfcapes him ; he pofleffes his mind entirely in the
midfk of his torments ; he recounts his own exploits ;" he informs
them what cruelties he has infliftcd upon their countrymen, and
threatens them with the revenge that will attend his death ; and,
though his reproaches exafperate them to a perfeft. madnefs of rage
and fury, he continues his inlults even of their ignorance of the
art of tormenting, pointing out himlelf more exquifite methods,
and more fenfible parts of the body to be atilifted. The women
have this part of courage as w^U as the men ; and it is as rare for
an Indian to behave otherwife as it would be for any European
to fuffer as an Indian. Such is the wonderful power of an early
inftitution, and a ferocious tiiirft of glory. " 1 am brave and in-
trepid (exclaims the favage in the face of his tormentors) ; I d(j>
not fear death, nor any kind of tortures ; thofe who fear them are
cowards ; they are Icls than women ; life is nothing to thofe that
have courage; May my enemies be confounded with delpair and
rage f Oh! that I could devour them, and drink their blood to
the lafl drop."

But neither the intrepidity on one fide, nor the inflexibility
on the other, arc among themfclvcs matter of aftonifhment : for
vengeance, and fortitude in the inidft of torment, are duties
which they confider as lacred ; they are the efFcfts of their earli-
eft education, and depend upon principles inftilled into them from
their infancy. On all other occafions they are humane and .com-
panionate. Nothing can exceed the warmth of their afTection
towards their friends, who confift of all thofe who live in the
fame village, or are in alliance with it : among thefe all things are
common ; and this, though it may in part arife from their not
poffefling very diflinft notions of feperate property, is chiefly to

OF AMERICA 46J

be attiibutcd to the ftrength of their attachment ; becaufein eve-
ry thing cll'e, with their lives as well as their fortunes, they are
ready to ferve their friends. Their houfes, their provilions, even
their young women, arc not enough to oblige a gueft. Has any
one of thcfe fuccecded ill in his hunting ? Has his harvefh failed ?
or is his horfe burned? He feels no other cffeft of his misfortunes
than that it gives him an opportunity to experience the benevo-
lence and regard of his fellow-citizens. On the other hand, to
the enemies of his country, or to thole who have privately oflend-
fed, the American is implacable. He conceals his fentiments, he
appears reconciled, until by fome treachery or furpril'e he hiis an
opportunity of executijig an horrible revenge. No length of time
is fufficient to allay his reientment ; no diftancc of place grei^
enough to proteft the objeft ; he croifes the fteepeft mountains,
he pierces the moft; imprafticable foreft, and travcrfcs the mofh hi-
deous bogs and delerts for feveral hundreds of miles ; bearing the
inclemency of the fealons, the fatigue of the expedition, the ex-
tremes of hunger and thirft, with patience and chccrfulnefs, in
hopes of furpriling his enemy, on whom he exercifes the mofh
fhocking barbarities, even to the eating of his flefh. To fucji ex-
tremes do the Indians pufh their friendfhip or their enmity; and
fuch indeed, in general, is the charafter of all llrong and unculti-
vated minds.

But what we have faid refpcfting the Indians would be a faint
pifture, did we omit oblerving the force of their friendfhip, which
principally appears by the treatment of their dead. When anv
one of the ibciety is cut off, he is lamented by the whole: on
this occafion a thouland ceremonies are praftifed, denoting the
moft lively forrow. No bufincis is tranfafted, however prefling,
till all the pious ceremonies, due to the dead are performed.
The body is wafhed, anointed, and painted. Then the women
lament the lofs with hideous bowlings, intermixed with fongs
which celebrate the great aftions of the deceafed and his ancef-
tors. The men mourn in a lefs extravagant manner. The whole
village is prefent at the interment, and the corpfe is habited in
their moft fumptuous ornaments. Clofe to the body of the de-
funft are placed his bows and arrows, with whateyer he valued
moft in his life, and a quantity of provifion for his fubfiftence on
the journey which he is fuppofed to take. This folemnity, like
every other, is attended with feafting. The funeral being ended,
the relations of the deceafed confine themfelves to their huts lor
a confiderable time to indulge their grief. After an interval of
fome weeks they vifit the grave, repeat their forrow, new clothe
the remains of the body, and aft over again all the foiemnitics of
the funeral.

164 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Among the various tokens of their regard for their deceafed
friends, the mod remarkable is what they call the yea/? of the dead^
or the feajl of fouls. The day for this ceremony is appointed irr
the council of 'their chiefs, who give orders for every thing
which may enable them to celebrate it with pomp and magnifi-
cence ; and the neighbouring nations are invited to partake of the
entertainment. At this time, all who have died fince the pieccd-
>Jig feaft of the kind are taken out of their graves. Even thole
who have been interred at the greatefh diftance from the villages
arc diligently fought for, and conduced to this rendezvous of the
dead, which exhibits a feenc of horror beyond the power of def-
crirjtion. When the feaft is concluded, the bodies are dreffed in
the fineft fkins which can be procured, and after being expoled
for fome time in this pomp, are again committed to the earth with
great folemnity, which is fucceeded by funeral games.

Their tafte for war, which forms the chief ingredient in their
chai'after, gives a ftrong bias to their religion. Ai-efkoui, or the'
god of battle, is revered as the great god of the Indians. Him
they invoke before they go into the field ; and according as his
difpofition is more or lefs favourable to them, they conclude they
will be more or leis fuccefsful. Some nations v/orfhip the fun
and moon ; among others there are a number of traditions, rela-
tive to the creation of the world and the hiflory of the gods : tra-
ditions v/hich refemble the Grecian fables, but which are ftill
more abfurd and inconfiftent. But religion is not the prevailing,
character of the Indians ; and except when they have fome imme-
diate occafion for the aflillance of their gods, tliey pay them no
fort of wcrfhip. Like all rude nations, however, they are ftrong-
ly addifted to luperftition. They believe m the exiftence of a
number of good and bad genii or fpirits, who interfere in the af-
fairs of mortals, and produce all our happinefs or mifery. It is-
from the evil genii, in particular, that our difeafes proceed ; and-
it is to the good genii we are indebted for a cure. The minifters
of the genii are the jugglers, who are alfo the only phyficians-
among the lavages. Thele jugglers are fuppolcd to be infpiredr
by the good genii, moft commonly in their dreams, with the
knowledge of future events; they are called in to the alTift^nce)
of the fick, and are fuppofed to be informed by the genii whether
they will get over the diicafe, and in what way they mud be'
treated. But thefe fpirits are extremely fimple in their fyftem
of phyfic, and, in almoil every difeafe, direfl the juggler to the.
fame remedy. The patient is inclofed in a narrow cabin, in the
midft of which is a itone red-hot ; on this they throw water, until
he is well foaked with the warm vapour and his own Iweat. Then
they hurry him from this bagnio, and plunge him fuddenly into the
next river. This coarfe method^ which cofts many their livesy

OF AMERICA. 105

cfltn peiforms very extraordinary cures. The jugglers have
li'kc\Vifc the ufe of iomc fpecifics of w^ondcrful efficacy ; and all
the favages are dexterous in curing wounds by the application of
herbs. But the power of thelc remedies is always attributed to
the magical ceremonies with which they are adminiftered.

Though the women generally bear the laborious part of domef-
tic economy, their condition is far from being fo flavifh as it ap-
pears. On the contrary, the grcateft refpeft is paid by the men
to the female fex. The women even hold their councils, and have
their fhare in all deliberations which concern the ftate* Polygamy-
is praftiled by fome nations, but is not gcneraii In mofli, they con-
tent themfclves with one wife ; but a divorce is admitted in cafe
of adultery* No nation of the Americans is without a regular mar-
riage in which there are many ceremonies ; the principal of which.
is, the bride's preienting the bridegroom with a plate of their corn.
The women, though before incontinent, arc remarkable for chaf-
tity after marriage.

Liberty, in its full extent, being the darling palTion of the In-
dians, their education is direfted in fuch a manner as to cherifh.
this dilpofition to the utmoft. Hence children are never upon
any account chaftifed with blows, and they are fcldom even re-
primanded. Rcafon, they fay, will guide their children when
they come to the ufe of it, and before that time their faults cannot
be very great ; but blows might damp their free and martial fpi-
rit, by the habit of a Qavifh motive to aftion. When grown up
they experience nothing like command, dependence, or fubordi-
nation ; even ftrong pcrluafion is induftrioufly with-held by thofe
who have influence among them. — No man is held in great efteem,
unlefs he has increaled the ftrcngth of his country with a captive^
or adorned his hut with a fcalp of one of his enemies.

Controverfics among the Indians are few, and quickly decided.
When any criminal matter is fo flagrant as to become a national
concern, it is brought under the jurildiftion of the great council ;
but in ordinary cafes, the crime is either revenged or compromifed
by the parties concerned. If a muider be committed, the family
which has loft a relation prepares to retaliate on that of the offend-
er. They often kill the murderer ; and when this happens, the
kindred of the laft perfon flain look upon themfclves to be as much
injured, and to have the fame right to vengeance as the other par-
ty. In general, however, the offender abfents himfclf ; the
friends fend compliments of condolence to thofe of the perfon
that has been murdered. The head of the family at length ap-
pears with a number of prefents, the delivery of which he accom-
panies with a formal fpeech. The whole ends as ufual, in mutual

Vol. I. ' O

io6 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

feadings, fongs, and dances. If the murder is committed by one
of the fame family or cabin, that cabin has the full right of judg-
ttient within iffclf, either to punifh the guilty with death, or to
*|>ardon him, or to oblige him to give fomc recompence to the wife
or children of the flain. Inflances of fuch a crime, however, very
feldom happen ; for their attachment to thofe of the fame family
is remarkably ftrong, and is faid to produce fuch fiiendfhips as
inay vie with the moft celebrated in fabulous antiquity.

Such, in general, arc the m.anncrs and cuiloms of the Indian
nations; but every tribe has fomething peculiar to itfclf. Among
the Hurons and Natchez, the dignity of the chief is hereditary,
and the right of fucCefTion in the female line. When this happens
to be extinft, the moft refpetlable matron of the tribe makes
choice of whom flie plcafes to fucceed.

The Cherokees are governed by feveral fachems or chiefs,
elected by the different villages; as are alfo the Creeks artd Chac-
taws. The two latter punifh adultery in a woman by cutting off
her hair, which they will not fufTer to grow till the corn is ripe
the next feafon; but the Illinois, for the fame crime, cut off the
womcns nofes and ears.

The Indians on the lakes are formed into a fort of empire; and
the emperor is elefted from the eldeft tribe, which is that of the
Ottowawaws. He has the greateft authority of any chief that has ap-
peared on the continent fince our acquaintance with it. A few
years ago, the perfon -w'ho held this rank formed a defign of uniting
all the Indian nations under his fovereignty ; but he mifcarricd in
the attempt.

In general, the American Indians live to a great age, although it
is not poffible to know from themfelves the exaft number of their
years. It was afked of an Indian, who appeared to be extremely
old, what age he was of? I am above twenty, was his reply.
Upon putting the queftion in a different form, by reminding him
of certain circumftances in former times. My machu, faid he, fpoke
to me when I was young of the Incas ; and he had feen thefc
princes. According to this reply, there muff have clapfed, from
the date of his machu's (his grandfather's) remembrance to that
lime, a period of at lead 232 years. The man who made this re-
ply appeared to be 1 20 years of age : for, befidcs the whitenefs of
his hair and beard, his body was almoft bent to the ground ;
without, however, fhowing any other marks of debility or fuffer-
ing. This happened in 1764. This longevity, attended in gene-
ral with uninterrupted health, is probably the confequence in part
of their vacancy from all ferious thought and employment, joined
alfo with the robuft texture and conformation of their bodily
«rgans. If the Indians did not dcftroy one another in their almoft

OF AMERICA. 107

perpetual wars, and if their habits of intoxication were not fo
imiverfal and incurable, they would be, of all the races of men
who inhabit the globe, the mofl likely to prolong, not only the
bounds, but the enjoyments, of animal life to their utmofl: duration.
Let us now attend to other pictures which have been given of
the aboriginal inhabitants of the New World, The vices and
defcfts of the American Indians have by feveral writers been
moft unaccountably aggravated, and every virtue and good quality
denied them. Their cruelties have been already defcribed and
accounted for. The following anecdote of an Algonquin woman
we find adduced as a remarkable proof of their innate thirft of
blood. That nation being at war with the Iroquois, fhe happened
to be made prifoner, and was carried to one of the villages be-
longing to them. Here flie was ftripped naked, and her hands
and feet bound with ropes in one -of their cabins. In this con-
dition fhe remained ten days, the favages flecping rovmd her
every night. The eleventh night, while they were afleep, fhe
found means to difengage one of her hands, with which fhe im-
mediately freed herfelf from the ropes, and went to the door.
Though fhe had now an opportunity of efcaping unperceived, her
revengeful temper could not let flip fo favourable an opportunity
of killing one of her enemies. The attempt was manifeftly at the
hazard of her own life ; yet, Inatching up a hatchet, fhe killed
the lavage that lay next her ; and, fpringing out of the cabin,
concealed herfelf in a hollow tree which fhe had obferved the day
before. The groans of the dying perfon foon alarmed the other
favageSj and the young ones immediately fet out in purfuit of her.
Perceiving from her tree, that they all dircftcd their courfe one
way, and that no favage was near her, Ihe left her fanftuary, and,
flying by an oppofite direction, ran into a foreft; without being
perceived. The fecond day after this happened, her footfteps
were difcoveredj and they purfucd her with luch expedition,
that the third day fhe difcovered her enemies at her heels. Uporx
this flie threw herfelf into a pond of water ; and, diving among
lome weeds and bulrufhes, flie could juft breathe above water
without being perceived. Her purfuers, after making tJic moft
diligent fearch, were forced to return. — For 35 days this woman
held on her courfe through woods and dcfarts, without any other
fuftenance than roots and wild berries. When flie came to the
nvcr St. Lawrence, fhe made with her own hands a kind of a
wicker raft, on which flie crofled it. As fhe went by the French
fort Trois Rivieres, without well knowing where flic was, fl»c
perceived a canoe full of favages ; and, fearing they might be
Iroquois, ran again into the woods, v/here flie remained till I'unfet.
Continuing her courfe, fcon after fhe faw Trois Rivieres ; and

O 2

io8 GLXERAL DESCRIPTION

was then difcovercd by a party whom fhe knew to be Hufons, a
nation in alliance with the Algoncjuins, She thcj;! fquattcd down
behind a bufli, calling out to them that fhe was not in a condition
to be fcen, bccaufe flic was naked. They immediately threw her
a blanket, and then condufted her to the fort, where fhe recount-
ed her flory,

Perfonal courage has been denied them. In proof of their
pufiUanimity, the following incidents are quoted from Charlevoix
by Lord Kamcs, in his fketches of the Hiftory of Man, " The
fort de Verchercs in Canada, behmging to the French, Avas, in
the year 1690, attacked by fome Iroquois. They approached
filently, preparing to fcale the palifadc, when fome mufket fhot
made them retire. Advancing a fecond time, they were again re-
pulfed, wondering they could difcover none but a woman, who
was feen every where. This was Madame de Vcrcheres, who
appeared as rcfolute as if fupported by a numerous garrilon. The
hopes of florming a place without men to defend it occafioned
reiterated attacks. After two days fiege, they retired, fearing to
be intercepted in their retreat. Two years after, a party of the
iame nation appeared before the fort io unexpeftedly, that a girl
of fourteen, daughter of the proprietor, had but time to fhut the
gate. With the young woman there was not a foul but one raw
foldicr. Slie fhowed herfelf with her affiftant, lometimes in one
place and fometimes in another ; changing her drefs frequently,
in order to give fome appearance of a garriion ; and always fired
opportunely. The faint-hearted Iroquois decamped without
fuccei's."

There is no inflancc, it is faid, either of a fingle Indian facing
an individual of any other nation in fair and open combat, or of
their jointly venturing to try the fate of battle with an equal
number of ^ny foes. Even with the greateft fuperiority of num-
bers, they dare not meet an open attack. Yet, not with flanding
this want of coijrage, they are flill formidable ; nay, it has been
known, that a fmall party of them has routed a much fuperior
body of regular troops : but this can only happen when they have
furpi-ifed them in the faflnefles of their forefts, where the covert
of the wood may coj^ceal them until they take their aim with their
iitmoft certainty. After one fuch dil'charge they immediately re-
treat, without leaving the fmalleft trace of their route. It may
eafily be fuppofed, that an onfet of this kind mufl produce con-
fufion even among the fleadiefl troops, when they can neither
know the number of their enemies, noj" perceive the place where
they lie in ambufli.

Perfidy combined with cruelty has been alfo made a part of their
charaftcr. ' Don UUoa relates, That the Indians of the country

OF AMERICA. lOO

called Hatches, in Louifiana, laid a plot of maflfacrcing in one
night every individual belonging to the French colony cftabliflicd
there. This plot they aftually executed, notwithftanding the,
feeming good underftanding that lubflfted between tliem and
thefc European neighbours. Such was the fecrccy which they
oblcrved, that no pcrfon had the lead fufpicion of their defign
juntil the blow was flruclc. One Frenchman alone eicaped, by
favour of the darkncls, to relate the difaflcr of his countrymen.
The compafTion of a feiijale Indian contributed alfo in fome mcalure
ito his exemption from the general maiTacre, The tribe of Natchcs
had invited the Indians of other countries, even to a confiderable
.diftancc, to join in the fame confpiracy. The day, or rather the
jiight, was fixed, on which they were to make an united attack on
the French colonifts. It was intimated by fending a parcel of rods,
more or lels nurnerous according to the local diftancc of each tribe,
with an injunftion to abftraft one rod daily; the day on which the
Jaft fell to be taken away being that fixed for the execution of
their plan. The women were partners of the bloody fccrct. The
parcels of rods being thus diftributed, that belonging to the tribe
of Matches happened to remain in the cuftody of a female. This
woman, either moved by her own feelings of compafhon, or by
the commilei-ation expreflc.d by her female acquaintances in the
•view of the propofed fcene of bloodfhed, abftrafted one day three
or four of the rods, and thus anticipated the term of her tribe's
proceeding to the execution of the general confpiracy. The con-
fequence of this was, that the Natches were the only aftors in this
carnage; their diftant affociatcs having ftill feveral rods remaining
at the time when the former made the attack. An opportunity
was thereby given to the colonifts in thofe quarters to take mea-
fures for their defence^ and for preventing a more cxtenfive exe-
cution of the defign.

It was by confpiracies fimilar to this that the Indians of the
province of Macas, in the kingdom of Quito, deftroyed the opulent
city of Logrogno, the colony of Guambaya, and its capital Sevilla
del Oro-; and that fb completely, that it is no longer known in
what place thefe fettlcments exifted, or where that abundance of
gold was found from which the laft-mentioned city took the addi-
tion to its name. Like ravages have been committed upon
ITmperialc in Chili, the colonies of the Miffions of Chuncas,
thofe of Darien in Terra Firma, and many other places, which
have afforded fcenes of this barbarous ferocity. Theie confpiracics
are always carried on in the fame manner. The fecrct is inviola-
bly kept, the aftors afiemble at the precife hour appointed, and
every individual is animated with the fame fanguinary purpolcs.
The m.ales that fall into their hands are put to death with every

no GENERAL DESCRIPTION

fhocking circumftance that can be fuggeftedby a cool and deter-
mined cruelty. The females ai-e carried ofl", and prel'crved as mo-
numents of their viftory, to be employed as their occafions require.

Nor can this odious cruelty and treachery, it is laid, be juftly
afcribed to their fubjeftion to a foreign yoke, feeing the fame cha.-
rafter, belongs equally to all the original inhabitants of this vaft
continent, even thofe who have preferred their independence
moft completely. Certain it is, continues he, that thcle people,
with the moft limited capacities for every thing elfe, diiplay an
allonifliing degree of penetration and fubtlety with relpeft to eve-
ry objeft that involves treachery, bloodihed, and rapine. As to
thefe, they feem to have been all educated at one fchool ; and a
fccret, refering to any fuch plan, no confideration on earth can
extort from them.

Their underftandings alfo have been reprefcnted as not lefs con-
temptible than their manners are grofs and brutal. Many nations
are neither capable. of forming an arrangement for futurity ; nor
did their folicitude or forefight extend i'o far. They fct no value
upon thofe things of which they were not in fome immediate want.
In the evening when a Carib is going to reft, no confideration
will tempt him to fell his hammock ; but in the morning he will
part with it for the flightefl trifle. At -the clofe of winter, a
North American, mindful of what he has fuffered from the cold,
fets himfelf with vigour to prepare materials for erefting a com-
fortable hut to proteft him againlt the inclemency of the fucceed-
ing feafon : but as foon as the weather becomes mild, he abandons
his work, and never thinks of it more till the return of the cold
compels him to refume it. — In fliort to be free from labour lecms
to be the utmoft wifli of an American. They will continue whole
days ftretched in their hammocks, or feated on tlie earth, without
changing their pofture, raifing their eyes, or uttering a fingle word.
They cannot compute the fuccefhon of days nor of weeks. The
different afpefts of the moon alone engage their attention as a mea-
fure of time. Of the year they have no other conception than
what is fuggefted to them by the alternate heat of fummer and cold
of winter ; nor have they the leaft idea of applying to this period
the obvious computation of the months which it contains. When
it is afked of any old man in Peru, even the moft civilized, what
age he is of ? the only anfwer he can give is the number of cici-
ques he has feen. It often happens, too, that they only recolleft
the moft diftant of thefe princes in whole time certain circumftan-
ces had happened peculiarly memorable, while of thofe that lived
in a more recent period they have loft all remembrance.

The fame grofs ftupidity is alledged to be obfervable in thofe
Indians who have retained their original liberty. They are never

OF AMERICA. tm

known to fix the diUcs of any events in tlieir minds, o«r to trace
the fuccefTion of ciicum fiances that have arilen from inch events.
Their imagination takes in only the prcfcnt, and in that only what
intimately concerns themfclv^cs. Nor can difcipline or inftruftion
overcome this natural defe6l of apprehenfion. In faft, the fub-
jcfted Indians in Peru, who have a continual intercourfe with the
Spaniards, who are furnifhcd with curates perpetually occupied
in giving them IcfTons of religion and morality, and who mix with
all ranks of the civilized fociely eftabliflied among them, are al-
mofl: as ftupid and barbarous as their countrymen who have had
no fuch advantages. The Peruvians, while they lived under the
government of their Incas, preferved the records of certain re-
markable events. They had alfo a kind of regular government,
defcribed by the hiflorians of the conqucll of Peru. This go.
v^ninent originated entirely from the attention and abilities
of tlieir princes, and from the regulations enafted by them for di-
refting the conduct of their fubjefts. This ancient degree of civi-
lization among them gives ground to prefum^e, that their legiflators
fprung from fome race more enlightened than the other tribes
of Indians ; a race of which no individual feems to remain in
the prefent times.

Vanity and conceit are faid to be blended with their ignorance
and treachery. Notwithflanding all they fuffer from Europeans^
they ftill, it is faid, confider themfclvcs as a race of men far fupe-
rior to their conquerors. This proud belief, arifing from their
perverted ideas of excellence, is univerfal 'over the whole known
continent of America. They do not think it poffible that any
people can be fo intelligent as themfelves. When they are de-
tefted in any of their plots, it is their common obfervation, thit
the Spaniards, or Variacochas, want to be as knowing as they are.
Thofe of Louifiana, and the countries adjacent, are equally vain
of their fuperior underflanding, ^confounding that quality with
the cunning which they themfelves conftantly praftife. The
whole objeft of their tianfaftions is to over-reach thofe with
whom they deal. Yet though faithlefs themfelves, they never
forgive the breach of promife on the part of others. While the
Europeans feek their amity by prcfents, they give themfeves no
concern to fecure a reciprocal friendfhip. Hence, probably, arifes
their idea, that they muft be a fuperior race of men, in ability
and intelligence, to thofe who arc at fuch pains to court their
alliance and avert their enmity.

Their natural eloquence has alfo been decried. The free tribes
of favagcs who enter into conventions with the Europeans, it is
obferved, are accu domed to make long, pompous, and, according
fo their own notions, fublime harangues, but without any method

ti2 GEKERyLL DESCRIPTION

or conneftion. The whole is a colle^llon of disjointed metaphors
and comparifons. The light, heat and courfe of the fun, form the?
principal topic of their difcourfe ; and thcfe unintelligible reafon-
ings ai'e always accompanied with violent and ridiculous geftures.
Numberlefs repetitions prolong the oration, which, if not inter-
rupted, would laft whole days : At the fame time, they meditate'
very accurately beforehand, in order to avoid mentioning any thing
but what they are defirous to obtain. This pompous faculty of
making fpeeches is alfo one of the grounds on which they con-
ceive themfelves to be fupcrior to the nations of Europe : They
imagine it is their eloquence th5t procures them the favours they
afk. The fubjefted Indians converle preciicly in the fame ftyle.
Prolix and tedious, they never know when to flop ; fo that, ex-
cepting by the difference in language, it would be impofllble, in
this refpeft, to diftinguifli a civilized Peruvian from an inhabi-
tant of the moft favage diflrifts to the northward.

But fuch partial and detached views as the above, were they"
even free from mifreprcfentation, are not the juft ground upon
which to form an eftimatc of their charafter. Their qualities, good
and bad (for they certainly poltefs both,) their way of life, the
flate of fociety among them, with all the circumllances of their
condition, ought to be confidered in connection, and in regard ta
their mutual influence. Such a view has been given in the precede *
ing part of this article ; from which, it is hoped, their real eha--
rafter may be eafily deduced.

Many of the difagreeable traits exhibited in the anecdotes jufE
quoted, are indeed extrafted from Don Ulloa : an author of credit
and reputation ; but a Spaniard, and evidently biafled in fome de-
gree by a defire to palliate the enormities of his countrymen in
that quarter of the globe. And with regard to the worfl and Icaft
equivocal parts of the American charafter, cruelty and revenge,
it may be fairly queflioned, whether the iuftances of thefe, either
in refpeft of their caufe or their atrocity, be at all comparable to
thofe exhibited in European hiflory, and ftaining the annals of
Chriftendom : — to thofe, for inftance, of the Spaniards them-
felves, at their firft difcovery of America ; to thofe indicated by
the engines found on board their mighty Armada; to thofe which
in cold blood, were perpetrated by the Dutch at Amboyua ; to the
dragoonings of the French ; to their religious maflacres ; or even
to the tender viercies of the Inquifition !

Still harfher, however, are the defcriptions given by Buffon and
lie Paiv of the natives of this whole continent, in which the mod
mortifying degeneracy of the human race, as well as of all the
inferior animals, is afferted to be confpicuous. Againft thofe
philofophers, or rather theories, the Americans have found an

OF AMERICA, 113

able advocate in the Abbe Clavigero ; an hiflorian whofe fituation
and long refidence in America afforded him the bed means of in-
formation, and who, though himfelf a fubjeft of Spain, appears
I'upcrior to prejudice, and difdains in his defcription the gloffes
of policy.

Concerning the ftature of the Americans, M. de Paw fays, in
general, that although it is not equal to the fkature of the Caftili-
ans, there is but little difference between them. But the Abbe
Clavigero evinces, that the Indians who inhabit thofe countries
lying between 9 and 40 degrees of north latitude, which are the
limits of the difcoveries of the Spaniards, are more than five
Parifiari feet in height, and that thofe that do not reach that fta-
ture are as few in number amongft the Indians as they arc amongft
the Spaniards. It is befides certain, that many of thofe nations,
as the Apaches, the Hiaquefe, the Pimefe^ and Cochimies, are at
leall as tall as the talleft Europeans ; and that, in all the vaft ex-
tent of the New World, no race of people has been found,
except the Efquimaux, fo diminutive in ftature as the Laplanders,
the Samojeds, and Tartars, in the north of the Old Continent.
In this refpeft, therefoj-e, the inhabitants of the two continents
are upon an equality.

Of the fhape and eharaftef of the Mexican Indians, the Abbe
gives a moft advantageous defcription; which he afferts no one
who reads it in America will contradift, unlefs he view^s them
with the eye of a prejudiced mind. It is true, that UUoa fays,
in fpeaking of the Indians of Quito, he had obferved, " that
imperfeft people abounded among them ; that they were either
irregularly diminutive, or moiiftrous in fome other refpeft ; that
they became either infenfible, dumb, or blind, or wanted foiTkC
limb of their body." Having therefore made fome inquiry re-
fpcfting this fingularity of the Quitans, the Abbe found, that
fucli dcfefts were neither caufed by bad humours, nor by the ^
climate, but by the miftaken and blind humanity of their parents,
who, in order to free their children from the hardfliips and toils
to which the healthy Indians are fubjefted by the Spaniards, fix
feme deformity or weakncfs upon them that they may become ufe-
lefs : a circumftance of milery which does not happen in other
countries of America, nor in thofe places of the iamc kingdom
of Quito, where the Indians are under no fuch oppreffion. M.
dc Paw, and in agreement with liim Dr. Robcrtfon, fays, that no
deformed pcrfons are to be found among the favagcs of America ;
becaufe, like the ancient Lacedemonians, they put to deatJi thole
children which are born hunch-backed, blind, or defeftive in
any limb ; but that in thoie countries where they are formed into

P

114 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

focieties, and the vigilance of their rulers prevent the murder of
fuch infants, the number of their deformed individuals is greater
than it is in any other countiy of Europe. This would make an
exceeding good folution of the difHculty if it were true : but if,
poflibly, there has been in America a tribe of favages who have
imitated the barbarous example of the celebrated Lacedemonians,
it is certain that thofe authors have no grounds to impute fuch
inhumanity to the reft of the Americans ; for that it has not been
the praftice, at leaft with the far greater part of thofe nations, is
to be demonftrated from the atteftations of the authors the beft
acquainted with their cufloms.

No argument againfb the New World can be drawn from the
colour of the Americans : for their colour is lefs diftant from the
white of the Europeans than it is from the black of the Africans,
and a great part of the Afxatics. The hair of the Mexicans, and
of the greater part of the Indians, is, as we have already faid,
coarfe and thick ; on their face they appear to have little, and in
.general none on their arms and legs : but it is an error to fay, as
M. de Paw does, that they are entirely deflitute of hair in all
the other parts of the body. This is one of the many paffages of
the Philofophical Refearches, at which the Mexicans^ and all the
other nations, muft fmile to find an European philofopher fo eager
to diveft them of the drefs they had from nature. Don UUoaj
indeed in the defcription which he gives of the Indians of Quito,
fays, that hair neither grows upon the men nor upon the women
when they arrive at puberty, as it does on the reft of mankind ;
but whatever fingularity may attend the Quitans, or occafion this
circumftance, there is no doubt, that among the Americans in
general, the period of puberty is accompanied with the fame fymp-
toms as it is among other nations of the world. In faft, with the
North Americans, it is difgraceful to be hairy on the body. They
fay it likens them to hogs. They therefore pluck the hair as faft
as it appears. But the traders who marry their women and pre-
vail on them to difcontinue this praftice, fay, that nature is the
fame with them as with the whites. As to the beards of the
men, had Buffon or de Paw known the pains and trouble it cofts
them to pluck out by the roots the hair that grows on their faces,
they would have feen that nature had not been deficient in that
refpeft. Every nation has its cuftoms. " I have feen an Indian
beau, with a looking-glafs in his hand (fays Mr. Jefferfon),
examining his face for hours together, and plucking out by the
roots every hair he could difcover, with a kind of tweezer made
of a piece of fine brals wire, that had been twifted round a fhick,
and which he ufcd with great dexterity."

CF AMERICA. 115

The very afpeft of an Angolan, Mandigan, or Congan, would
have fhocked M. de Paw, and made him recal that ceniure which
he pafles on the colour, the make, and the hair of the Americans.
What can be imagined more contrary to the idea we have of
beauty, and the perfeftion of the human frame, than a man whofe
body emits a rank fmell, whofe fkin is as black as ink, whofe
head and face are covered with black wool inftead of hair, whofe
eyes are yellow and bloody, whole lips arc thick and blackifh,
and whofe nofe is flat ? Such are the inhabitants of a very large
portion of Africa, and of many iflands of Afia. What men can
be more imperfeft than thofe who meafure no more than four feet
in ftature, whofe faces are long and flat, the nofe comprefTed, the
irides yellow ifh black, the eye-lids turned back towards the tem-
ples, the cheeks extraordinarily elevated, their mouths monftrouf-
ly large, their lips thick and prominent, and the lower part of
their vifages extremely narrow ? Such according to Count de
Buffoon, are the Laplanders, the Zcmblans, the Borandines, the
Samojeds, and Tartars in the Eaft. What objefts more deformed
than men whofe faces arc too long and wrinkled even in their
youth, their nofes thick and compreflcd, their eyes fmall and
funk, their cheeks very much railed, their upper jaw low, their
teeth long and difunited, eye-brows fo thick that they fhade their
eyes; the eye-lids thick, fome brifl:les on their faces inftead of
beard, large thighs and fmall legs ? Such is the pifture Count de,
BuflFon gives of the Tartars ; that is, of thofe people who, as he
fays, inhabit a traft of land in Afia 1 200 leagues long and up-
wards, and more than -750 broad. Amongft theie the Calmucks
are the moft remarkable for their deformity ; which is fo great,
that, according to Tavernier, they are the moft brutal men of all
the univerfe. Their faces are fo broad that there is a fpace of
five or fix inches between their eyes, according as Count dc
Buffoon himfelf affirms. In Calicut, in Ceylon, and other coun-
tries of India, there is, fay Pyiard and other writers on thofe re-
gions, a race of men who have one or both of their legs as thick
as the body of a man ; and that this deformity among them is al-
moft hereditary. The Hottentots, befidcs other grol's imperfec-
tions, have that monftrous irregularity attending them, of a callous
appendage extending from the os pubis downwards, according to
the teftimony of the hiftorians of the Cape of Good Hope.
Strays, Gemelli, and other travellers affirm, that in the kingdom of
Lambry, in the iflands of Formofa, and of Mindoro, men have been
found with tails. Bomare fays, that a thing of this kind in men
is nothing elfe than an elongation of the os coccygis ; but what is a
tail in quadrupeds but the elongation of that bone, though divi-

P 2

ii6 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

ded into diftinft articulations? However it may be, it is certain
that that elongation renders thofe Afiatics fully as irregular as if it
was a real tail.

If we were, in Hike manner, to go through the nations of Afia
and Africa, we fhould hardly find any extenfive country, where
the colour of men is not darker, where there are not {longer irre-
gularities obferved, and grofler defefts to be found in them, than
M. de Paw finds fault with in the Americans. The colour of
the latter is a good deal clearer than that of almoft all the Afri-
cans and the Inhabitants of Southern Afia. Even their alledged
fcantinefs of beard is common to the inhabitants of the Philippine
Iflands, and cf all the Indian Archipelago, to the famous Chinefe,
Japanefe, Tartars, and many other nations of the Old Continent.
The imperfeftions of the Americans, however great they may have
been reprefented, are certainly not comparable with the defefts of
that immenfe people, whofe character we have fketched, and
others whom we omit.

M. de Pa'w reprefents the Americans to be a feeble and difeafed
fet of nations; and, in oi'der to demonftrate the weakness and dif-
order of their phyfical conllitution, adduces feveral proofs, equally
ridiculous and ill founded, and which it will not be expected we
fhould enumerate. He alleges, among other particulars, that they
were overcome in w refiling by all the Europeans, and that they
funk under a moderate burden ; that by a computation made,
soOjODO Americans were found to have perifhed in one year
from carrying of baggage. With refpe£l to the firft point, the
Abbe Clavigero obferves, it would be neceilary that the experi-
ment of wreftling was made between many individuals of each
continent, and that the victory Ihould be attefted by the Ame-
ricans as well as the Europeans. It is not, however, meant to
infill, that the Americans arc flronger than the Europeans, They
may be lefs flrong, without the human fpecies having degenerated
in them. The Swifs are flronger than the Italians; and Hill we
do not believe the Italians are degenerated, nor do we tax the cli-
mate of Italy. The inflance of 200,000 Americans having died
in one year, under the weight of baggage, were it true, would not
convince us fo much of the weaknels of the Americans, as of the
inhumanity of the Europeans. In the fame manner that thofe
200,000 Americans perifhed, 200,000 PrufTians would alfo have
perifhed, had they been obliged to make a journey of between
300 and 400 miles, with 100 pounds of burden upon their backs ;
if they had collars of iron about their necks, and were obliged to
carry that load over rocks and mountains ; if thofe who became
exhaulled with fatigue, or wounded their feet fo as to impede
tlieir progrefs, had their heads cut off that they might not retard

OF AMERICA. 117

trie pace of the rcfl; and if they were not allowed but a fmall
morlel of bread to enable them to fupport fo fevere a toil, Les
Gafiis, from who.ni M. de Paw got the account of the 200,000
Americans who died under the fatigue of carrying baggage, relates
alio all the above-mentioned circumftances. If the author there-
fore is to be credited in the laft, he is alio to be credited in the
firft. But a pliilolopher who vaunts the phyfical and moral qua-
lities of Europeans over thole of the Americans, would have
-lone better, wc think, to have luppreifcd fafts fo opprobrious to
the Europeans themielves.

Nothing in faft demonftrates fo clearly tlie robuftnefs of the
Americans as thofe various and lafting fatigues in which they are
.continually engaged. M. de Paw lays, that when the New World
was difcovered, nothing was to be i'cen but thick woods; that at
prcfent there are lome lands uncultivated, not by the Americans,
however, but by the Africans and Europeans; and that the foil
in cultivation is to the foil which is uncultivated as 2000 to
2,000,000. Thefe three afl'ertions the Abbe demonilrates to be
precifely as many errors. Since the conqueft, the Americans
alone have been the people who have fupported all the fatigues
,of agriculture in all the vaft countries of the continent of South
America, and in the greater part of thofe of South America fub-
jeft to the crown of Spain. No European is ever to be feen
employed in the labours of the field. The Moors who, in com-
parifon of the Americans, are very few in number in the king-
dom of New Spain, are charged with the culture of the fugar
cane and tobacco, and the making of fugar; but the foil deftined
for the cultivation of thofe plants is not with refpeft to all the
cultivated land of that country in the proportion of one to two
thoufand. The Americans are the people who labour on the foil.
They arc the tillers, the fowers, the weeders, and the reapers of
the wheat, of the maize, of the rice, of the beans, and other kinds
of grain and pulfe, of the cacoa, of the vanilla, of the cotton, of
the indigo, and all other plants uleful to the fuilenance, the cloath-
ing, and commerce of thofe provinces ; and without them fo little
can be done, that in the year 1762, the harveft of wheat was
abandoned in many places on account of a ficknefs which pre-
vailed and prevented the Indians from reaping it. But this is not
all ; the Americans are they who cut and tranfport all the necef-
fary timber from the woods ; who cut, tranfport, and work the
ftoues ; who make lime, plafter, and tiles; who conftruft all the
buildings of that kingdom, except a few places where none of
them inhabit ; who open and repair all tlue roads, who make the
canals and fluices, and clean the cities. They work in many
mines of gold, of hlvcrj of copper, &c. they arc the fliepherds,

ii8 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

herdfmcn, weavers, potters, bafket-makers, bakers, couriers, day-
labourers, &c. in a word, they are the perfons who bear all the
burden of public labours. Thefe, fays our juflly indignant au-
thor, are the employments of the weak, daftardly, and ufelefs
Americans ; while the vigorous M. de Paw, and other indefatigable
Europeans, are occupied in writing inveftives againft them.

Thcfe labours, in which the Indians are continually employed,
certainly atteft their healthinefs and ftrength ; for if they are able
to undergo fuch fatigues, they cannot be difeaf'ed, nor have an
exhaufted ftream of blood in their veins, as M. de Paw infinuates.
In order to make it believed that their conftitutions are vitiated,
he copies whatever he finds written by hiftorians of America,
whether true or falfe, refpefting the difeafes which reign in fome
particular countries of that great continent. It is not to be deni-
ed, that in fome countries in the wide compafs of America, m.en
are expofed more than elfewhere to the diftempers which are oc-
cafioned by the intemperature of the air, or the pernicious quali-
ty of the aliments ; but it is certain, according to the aflertion of
many refpeftable authors acquainted with the New World, that
the American countries are, for the raoft part, healthy ; and if the
Americans were difpofed to retaliate on M. de Paw, and other
European authors who write as he does, they would have abun-
dant fubjeft of materials to throw difcredit on the clime of the
Old Continent, and the conftitution of its inhabitants in the en-
demic diftempers which prevail there.

Laftly, The fuppofed feeblenefs and unfound bodily habit of
the Americans do not correfpond with the length of their lives.
Among thofe Americans whole great fatigues and exceflivc toils
do not anticipate their death, there are not a few who reach the
age of 80, 90, and 100 or more years, as formerly mentioned;
and what is more, without there being obferved in them that de-
cay which time commonly produces in the hair, in the teeth, in
the lls-in, and in the mufcles of the human body. This phenome-
non, lo much admired by the Spaniards who refide in Mexico,
cannot be afcribed to any other caufe than the vigour of their
conftitutions, the temperance of their diet, and the falubrity of
their clime. Hiftorians, and other perfons who have fojourned
there for many years, report the fame thing of other countries of
the New World.

As to the mental qualities of the Americans, M. de Paw has
not been able to difcover any other charafters than a memory fo
feeble, that to day they do not remember what they did yefter-
day ^ a capacity fo blunt, that they are incapable of thinking, or
putting their ideas in order ; a difpofition fo cold, that they feel
no excitement of love .; a daftardly fpirit, and a genius that is

OF AMERICA. 119

torpid and indolent. Many other Europeans, indeed, and what
is ftill more wonderful, many of thofe children or defcendants of
Europeans who are born in America, think as M. de Paw does ;
fome from ignorance, fome from want of refleftion, and others
from hereditary prejudice and prepoffefTion. But all this and
more would not be fufficient to invalidate the tcftimonies of
other Europeans, whofe authority have a great deal more weight,
both becaufe they were men of great judgment, learning, and
knowledge of thefe countries, and becaufe they gave their tefti-
mony in favour of ftrangers againft their own countrymen. In
particular, Acofta, whofe natural and moral hiftory even de Paw
commends as an excellent work, employs the whole fixth book in
demonftrating the good fenfe of the Americans by an explanation
of their ancient government, their laws, their hiftories in paint-
ings and knots, calendars, &c. M. de Paw thinks the Americans
are beftial ; Acofta, on the other hand, reputes thofe perfons
weak and prefumptuous who think them fo. M. de Paw lays,
that the moft acute Americans were inferior in induftry and faga-
city to the rudeft nations of the Old Continent ; Acofta extols
the civil government of the Mexicans above many republics of
Europe. M. de Paw finds, in the moral and political conduft of
the Americans, nothing but barbarity, extravagance, and brutali-
ty ; and Acofta finds there, laws that are admirable and worthy
of being preferved for ever.

M. de Paw denies them courage, and alleges the conqueft of
Mexico as a proof of their cowardice. " Cortes (he fays,) con-
quered the empire of Mexico with 450 vagabonds and 15 horfes,
badly armed ; his miferable artillery confifted of fix falconets,
which would not at the prefent day be capable of exciting the
fears of a fortrefs defended by invalids. During his abfence the
capital was held in awe by the half of his troops. What men !
what events ! — It is confirmed by the depcfitions of all hiftori-
ans, that the Spaniards entered the firft time into Mexico without
making one fingle difcharge of their artillery. If the title of he-
ro is applicable to him who has the difgrace to Occafion the death
of a great number of rational animals, Ferdinand Cortes might
pretend to it ; otherwife I do not fee what true glory he has ac-
quired by the overthrow of a tottering monarchy, which might
have been deftroyed in the fame manner by any other aflfaflin of
our continent." Thefe pafTages indicate either M. de Paw's ig-
norance of the hiftory of the conqueft of Mexico, or a wilful
iuppreflion of what would openly contradift his fyftem : fince all
who have read that hiftory know well, that the conqueft of
Mexico was not made with 450 men, but with more than
s200,ooo. Cortes himfelf, to whom it waa of more imiportance

120 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

than to M. de Paw to make his bravery confpicubus, and his cop^-
queft appear glorious, confefles the exccflive number of the allie»
who were under his command at the fiege of the capital, and
combated with more fury againft the Mexicans than the Span-
iards themfelves. According to the account which Cortes gave'
to the emperor Chales V. the fiege of Mexico began with 8^ horfc»^
848 Spanifh infantry, armed with guns, crofs-bows, fwords,
and lances, and upwards of 75,000 allies, of Tlafcala, Huexotzin-
co, Cholula, and Chalco, equipped with various forts of arms ;
with three large pieces of cannon of iron, 1 5 fmall of copper, and
1 3 brigantincs. In the courfe of the fiege were aflembled the nu-
merous nations of the Otomies, the Cohuixcas, and Matlazincas,
and the troops of the populous cities of the lakes ; fo that the
army of the bcfiegers not onlv exceeded 200,000, but amounted
to 4,000,000, according to the letter from Cortes ; and befides thele
3000 boats and canoes came to their afliftance. Did it betray
cowardice to have fuflained, for full 74 days, the fiege of an opera
city, engaging daily with an army fo large, and in part provided
with arms fo fuperior, and at the fame time having to withfland
the ravages of famine ? Can they merit the charge of cowardice,
who, after having loll fcven of the eight parts of their city, and
about 50,000 citizens, part cut off by the fword, part by famine
and ficknefs, continued to defend themfelves until they were fu-
rioufly. affaulted in the laft hold which was left them ?

According to M. de Paw, " the Americans at firft were not
believed to be men, but rather fatyrs, or large apes, which rr»ighf
be murdeied without remorfc or reproach. At laft, iti order to
add infult to the opprefiion of thofe times, a pope made an origi-
nal bull, in which he declared, that being defirous of founding
biflioprics in the richeft countries of America, it pleafed him and
the Holy Spirit, to acknowledge the Americans to be true men ;
in fo far, that without this deeifion of an Italian, the inhabitants
of the New World woiald have appeared, even at this day, to the
eyes of the faithful, a race of equivocal men. There is no ex-
arhple of fuch a deeifion fince this globe has been inhabited by
men and apes." Upon this palTage the Abbe animadverts, as be-
ing a fingular inftance of calumny and mifreprefentation ; and
gives the following hiftory of the deeifion alluded to.

" Some of the firft Europeans who eftabliflied themfelves in
America, not lefs- powerful than avaricious, defirous of enriching
themfelves to the detriment of the Americans, kept them conti-
nually employed, and made ule oi them as fiavcs : and in order
to avoid the repi-oaches which were made them by the bifhops
and milFionarics who inculcated humanity, and the giving liberty
to thole people to get themfelves inflrufted in religion, that they

Of AMERICA. i2i

might do their duties towards the church and their families, allcdg-
rA, that the Indians were by nature Haves and incapable of being
inftrufted ; and many other falfehoods of which the Chronicler
Herrera makes mention againft them. Thofe zealous ecclehaftics
being unable, either by their authority or preaching to free thofe
unhappy converts from the tyranny of fuch mifers, had recourfe
to the Catholic Kings, and at laft obtained from their jullice and
clemency, thofe laws as favourable to the Americans as honoura-
ble to the court of Spain, that compofe the Indian code, which were
chiefly due to the indefatigable zeal of the bifliop de las Cafas. On
another fide, Garces bifliop of Tlafcala, knov/ing that thofe Spani-
ards bore, notwithfhanding their perverfity, a great refpeft to the
decifions of the vicar of Jefus Clttift, made application in the year
1586 to pope Paul III. by that famousletter of which we have made
mention ; reprefenting to him the evils which the Indians fufver-
ed from the wicked Chriflians, and praying him to interpoie his
authority in their behalf. The pope, moved by fuch heavy re-
monftrances, difpatched the next year the original bull, which
was not made, as is manifeft, to declare the Americans true men ;
for fuch a piece of weaknefs was very diftant from that or any-
other pope -, but folely to fupport the natural rights of the Ame-
ricans againft the attempts of their opprefibrs, and to condemn the
injuftice and inhumanity of thofe, who, under the pretence of
fuppofing thofe people idolatrous, or incapable of being inftrufted,
took from them their property and their liberty, and treated them
as flaves and beafts.

If at firft the Americans wfere efteemed fatyrs, nobody can bet-
ter prove it than Chrifhophcr Columbus their difcoverer. Let us
hear, therefore, how that celebrated admiral fpeaks, in his account
to the Catholic King Ferdinand and Ifabella, of the firft fatyrs he
faw in the ifland of Haiti, or Hifpaniola. " I fwear," he fays, "to
your majefties, that there is not a better people in the world than
thefe, more affeftionate, affable, or mild. They love their neigh-
bours as themfelves : their language is the fweeteft, the fofteft, and
the moft cheerful ; for they always fpeak imiling ; and althouo-h
they go naked, let your majefties believe me, their cuftoms are ve-
ry becoming ; and their King, who is ferved with great majefty,
has fuch engaging manners, that it gives great pleafure to fee him,
and alfo to confider the great retentive faculty of that people, and
their defire of knowledge, which incites them to afk the caufes and
the efFefts of things."

" We have had intimate commerce with the Americans (con-
tinues the Abbe) ; have lived for fome years in a feminary deftined
for their inftruftion ; faw the ereftion and progrefs of the royal

i-^ GENERAL DESCRIPTION

college of Gaudaloupe, founded in Mexico, by a Mexican Jefuif,
for the education of Indian children ; had afterwards feme Indi-
ans ampngft our pupils ; had particular knov/lcdgc of many Ame-
rican rcftors, many nobles, and numerous artifts •, attentively ob-
feived their charaftcr, their genius, their difpofition, and manner
of thinking ; and have examined befides, with the litmoft dili-
gence, their ancient hiftory, their religion, their government, their
laws and their cuftoms. After fuch long experience and ftudy of
them, from which we imagine ourfelvcs enabled to decide without
danger of erring, we declare to M. de Paw, and to all Europe, that
the mental qualities of the Americans are not in the leaft inferior
to thole of the Europeans ; that they arc capable of all, even the
jnofl abfli^aft fcicnces ; and that if equal care was taken of their
education, if they were brought up from childhood in feminaries
under good mafters, were protected and ftimulated by rewards,, we
Aiould Ice rife among the Americans, philofophers, mathematicians,
and divines, who would rival the firfh in Europe."

liut although we fhould fuppofe, that, in the torrid climates of
the New World, as well as in thofe of the Old, efpecially under
the additional depreflion of flavery, there was an inferiority of the
mental powers, the Chilefe and the North Americans have difco-
vercd higher rudiments of human excellence and ingenuity than
have ever been known among tribes in a fnnilar ftate of fociety in
any part of the world.

M. de Paw affirms, that the Americans were unacquainted with
the ufe of money, and quotes the following well-known pafTage
from Montefquieu : " Imagine to yourfelf, that, by fome accident,
you are placed in an unknown country ; if you find money there,
do not doubt that you are arrived among a polifhed people." But
if by money we are to underftand a piece of metal with the flamp
of the prince or the public, the want of it in a nation is no token
of barbarity. The Athenians employed oxen for money, as the
Pvomaus did flieep. The Romans had no coined money till the
time of Servius Tullius, nor the Perfians until the reign of Darius
Hyftaipes. But if by money is underftood a fign reprefenting the
value of merchandife, the Mexicans, and other nations of Anahuac,
employed money in their commerce. The cacao, of which they
made conflant ufe in the market to purchafe whatever they want-
ed, was employed for this purpofe. as fait is in AbyfTinia.

It has been affirmed, that (lone-bridges were unknown in Ame-
rica when it was firft difcovered ; and that the natives did not
know how to form arches. But th^fc afi'ertions are erroneous.
The remains of the ancient palaces of Tezcuco, and fhill more their
vapour-baths, fliow 'the ancient ufe of arches and vaults among the
Mexicans. But the ignorance of this art would have been no

OF AMERICA. 123

proof of barbarity. Neither the Egyptians nor Babylonians un-
derftood the conftruftion of arches.

M. de Paw aflirms, that the palace of Montezuma was nothing
elfe than a hut. But it is certain, from the affirmation of all the
hiftorians of Mexico, that the army under Cortes, conhfling of
6,400 men, were all lodged in the palace ; and there remained dill
fufficicnt room for Montezuma and his attendants.

The advances which the Mexicans had made in the ftudy of
aftronomy is perhaps the moft furprifing proof of their attention
and fagacity ; for it appears from the Abbe Clavigero's hillory,
that they not only counted 365 days to the year, but alfo knew of
the excefs of about fix hours in the folar over the civil year, and
remedied the difference by means of iiltercalary days.

Of American morality, the following exhortation of a Mexican
to his fon may ferve as a ipecimen. " My fon v/ho art come into
the light from the womb of thy mother like a chicken frcm the
egg, and like it are preparing to fly through the world, we know
not how long Heaven will grant to us the enjoyment of that pre-
cious gem which we poffefs in thee ; but however fhort the period
endeavour to live exaftly, praying God continually to affift thee.
He created thee ; thou art his property. He is thy father, and
loves thee ftill more than I do : repoie in him thy thoughts, and
day and night dii^eft thy figlis to him. Reverence and ialute thy
elders, and hold no one in contempt. To the poor and diftrefl'ed
be not dumb, but rather ufe words of comfort. Honour all per-
fons, particularly thy parents to whom thou oM'eft obedience, re-
fpeft, and fervice. Guard againfl imitating the example of thofe
wicked fons, who, like brutes who are deprived of i-eafon, neither
reverence their parents, liften to their inftruction, nor fubmit to
their correftion ; becaufe whoever follows their fteps will have an
unhappy end, will die in a defperate or fudden manner, or will
be killed and devoured by wild bcafts,

" Mock not, my fon, the aged or tlie imperfeft. Scorn not him
whom ye fee fall into iome folly or tranfgrefllon, nor make him re-
proaches ; but reftrain thyfelf, and beware left thou fall into the
fame error which offends thee in another. Go not were thou art
not called, nor interfere in that which does not concern thee.
Endeavour to manifeft thy good breeding in ail thy wcrdi. and ac-
tions. In converfation, do not lay thy hands upon another, nor
fpcak too much", nor interrupt or difturb another's difcourfc.
When any one difcourfes with thee, hear him attentively, and
hold thyfelf in an eafy attitude, neither playing with thy feet, nor'
putting thy mantle to thy mouth, nor fpitting too often, nor look-
ing about you here and there, nor rifing up frequently, if thou art

Q 2

124 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

fitting ; for fuch aftions are indications of levity and low-breeding."'
— He proceeds to mention feveral particular vices which are to be
avoided, and concludes, — " Steal not, nor give thyfelf to gaming ;
otherwife thou wilt be a difgrace to thy parents, whom thou ought-
eft rather to honour for the education they have given thee. If
thou wilt be virtuous, thy example will put the wicked to fhame.
No more, my fon ; enough has been faid in discharge of the divties
of a father. With thefe councils I wifh to fortify thy mind. Re-
fu{i^ them not, nor aft in contradiftion to them ; for on them thy
life and all thy happinefs depend."

AxniALs. As ranging on the fame fide with the Abbe Clavige-
ro, the ingenious Mr, JefFerfon deferves particular attention. This
gentleman, in his notes on the State of Virginia, &c. has taken oc-
cafion to combat the opinions of BufFon ; and Teems to have fully
refuted them both by argument and fafts. The French philofo-
pher afferts, "That living nature is lefs aftive, lefs energetic, in
the New World than in the Old," He affirms, i. That the ani-
mals common to both continents are frnaller in America, 2. That
thofe peculiar to the New are on an inferior fcale. 3. That thofe
which have been domcflicated in both have degenerated in Ame-
rica. And 4. That it exhibits fewer fpecies of living creatures.
The caufe of this he afcribes to the diminution of heat in America,
and to the prevalence of humidity from the extenfion of its lakes
and waters over a prodigious furface. In other words, he affirms,
that heat is friendly and molflure adverfe to tiic produftion and de-
velopement of the large quadrupeds.

The hypothefis, that moifture is unfriendly to animal growth,
Mr. JefFerfon fhows to be contradifted by obfervation and experi-
ence. It is by the affiftance of heat and moifture that vegatables
are elaborated from the elements. Accordingly we find, that the
more humid climates produce plants in greater profufion than the
dry. Vegetables are immediately or remotely the^ood of every
animal ; and from the uniform operation of Nature's laws we dif-
cern, that, in proportion to the quantity of food, animals are not
only multiplied in their numbers, but improved in their fizc.
Of this laft opinion is the Count de Buffon himfelf, in another
part of his work : " En general, il paroit que les pays un ■peufroids
conviennent mieux a nos bceufs que les pays chauds, et qu'ils font
d'autant plus gros et plus grands que le climat eft plus hum'ule et
plus abondans en paturages. Les bosufs de Danemarck, de la Po-
dolie, de I'Ukraine, et de la Tartarie qu'habitent les Calmouques,
font les plus grands te tous." Here, then, a race of animals, and
one of the largeft too, has been increafed in its dimenfions by cold
and moifture, in direft oppofition to the hypothefis, which fup-
pofes that thefe two circumftances diminifti animal bulk, and that

OF AMERICA.

125

It is their contraries, heat aad drynefs, which enlarge it. But to
try the qucflion on more general ground, let us take two portions
of the earth, Europe and America for inftance, fufEciently exten-
five to give operation to general caufes ; let us confider the cir-
cumftances peculiar to each, and obferve their effeft on animal
nature. America, running through the torrid aa well as temperate
zone, has more heat, coUeftively taken, than Europe. But Europe,
according to our hypothefis, is the dricft. They are equally adapt-
ed then to animal produftions ; each being endowed with one of
thofc caulcs which befriend animal growth, and with one which
oppoies it. l,et us, then, take a comparative view of the quadrupeds
of Europe and America, prefenting them to the eye in three differ-
ent tables ; in one of which ihall be enumerated thoie found in
both countries ; in a lecond, thofe found in one only ; in a third,
thole which have been domeflicated in both. To facilitate the
compariion, let thofe of each table be arranged in gradation, ac-
cording to their fizes, from the greatefl to the fmalleft, fo far as
their fizes can be conjefturcd. The weights of the large animals
fhall be expreffed in the Englifh avoirdupoife pound and its deci-
mals ; thofe of the fmaller in the ounce and its decimals. Thofe
which are marked thus*, are aftual weights of particular fubjefts,
deemed amongft the largeft of their fpecies. Thofe marked thusf
are furniflied by judicious perfons, well acquainted with the Ipc-
cies, and faying, from conjefture only, what the largeft individual
they had feen would probably have weighed. The other weights
are taken from McflVs. Buffon and D'Aubenton, and are of fuch
jfubjefts as came calually to their hands for diffeftion.

^- Comparative View of the Quadrupeds of Europe and of America.

TABLE I. Aboriginals of both.

Mammoth

BufFalo. Bifon . - - -

V/hite bear. Ours blanc

Caribou. Renne

Bear. Ours _ _ - -

Elk. Elan. Original, palmated

Red deer, Cerf _ ^ - .

Fallow deer. Daim ...

Wolf. Loup _ - _ -

Roe. Chevreuil - -

Glutton. Glouton, Carcajou

Wild cat. Chat fauvage

Lynx. Loup cervicr _ _ -

Beaver, Caitor _ . . -

Badger. Blaireau _ . -

Red fox. Reuard - - -

Europe

lb.

lb.

*i8oo

153-7

*4io

288.8

167.8

69.8

*273

5^-7

+30

25.

t8.5

13.6

*45

13-5

America.

J 26

GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Tabic I. continued.

Grey fox. Ifatis
Otter. Loutre
Monax. Marmotte
Vilon. Fouine
Hedgehog. Heriffon
Martin. Marte

Water rat. Rat d'eau
Weiel. Belette
Flying Iquirrel. Polatouche
Shrew moufe. Maufaraigne

Europe.

America.

lb.

lb.

8.9

6.5
2.8

+ 12

2.2
oz.

+6

7-5
2.2
2.2
1.

oz.
+4

TABLE II. Ahoriginais of one out)/.

Sanglier. Wild boar -
Moafloun. Wild fheep
Bonquetin. Wild goat
Lievre. Hare - - -
Lapin. Rabbit . - -
Putois. Polecat - - ■
Genette _ - . - -
Defman. Mufkrat
Ecureuil. Squirrel - ■
Hermine. Ermin
Rat. Rat - . - -
Loirs ------

Lerot. Dormoufe - -

Toupe. Mole - - -

Hamfter - _ - - -

Zifcl

Leming

Souris. Moufc

lb.
280.

7.6

3-4

3-3

3-1
oz.

12.

- 8.2

■ 7-5

- 3-1

- 1.8

- 1.2

AMERICA.

Tapir -----

Elk, round horned -

Puma

Jaguar - . - - -

Cabiai - - - . -

Tamanoir - - - -

lamandua - - - -

Cougar of N. America

Cougar of S. America

Ocelot

Pecari . - - - -

Jaguaret - - - -

Alco

Lama

Paco

Paca ------

Serval

Sloth. Unau - - -

Saricovienne

Kincajou

Tatou Kabaflbu

Urfon. Urchin

Raccoon. Raton

Coati

Coendou - - . -

Sloth. Ai - - -

Sapajou Ouarini

Sapajou Coaita

Tatou Encubert

Tatou Apar

Tatou Cachica

Little Coendou - -

Opoffum. Sarigue

Tapeti

Margay

lb.

534-
+450.

218.
109.
109.

■ 65.4

■ 75-
59-4

46.3
43-6

32.7
27*-

21.8

16.5

16.3
13-

9.8

7-
6.5

OF AMERICA.

Table II. continued.

EUROPE.

TABLE III.

AMERICA.

Crabier

Agouti ------ 4.2

Sapajou Sai ----- 3.5

Tatou Cirquincon

Tatou Tatouate - - - 3.3

Mouffette Squafli

MoufFette Cinche

Mouffette Conepate. Scunk

MoufFette. Zorilla

Whabus. Hare. Rabbit

Aperea

Akouchi

Ondatra. Mufkrat

Pilori

Great grey fquirrel - +2.-7

Fox fquirrel of Virginia +2.625

Surikate ----- 2.

Mink +2.

Sapajou. Sajou - - i.8

Indian pig. Cochond'Inde 1.6

Sapajou. Sa'imiri - - 1.5

Phalanger

Coquallin

Leffer grey fquirrel

Black fquirrel - -

Red fquirrel - -

Sagoin Saki

Sagoin Pinche

Sagoin Tamarin oz.

Sagoin Ouiftiti - - - 4./^

Sagoin Marakine

Sagoin Mice

Cayopolin

Fourmillier

Marmofe

Sarigue of Cayenne

Tucan

Red mole oz.

Ground fquirrel - - - 4.

Domejlicated in both.

+ 1.5
+ 1.5
10. oz.

Cow
Horfe
Afs
Hog
Sheep
Goat
Dog
Cat -

Europe.

America.

lb.

lb.

763-

*250O

*i366

*1200

*125

*8o

67.6

7-

128 CliKERAL DESCRIPTION

" The refult of this view is, that of 26 quadrupeds common t&
both countries, feven are faid to be larger in America, feven of equal
fize, and 12 not fufficiently examined. So that the firfl table im-
peaches the firft member of the aflertion, that of the Animals com-
mon to both countries the American are fmalleft, " Et cela fans
aucune exception." It fhows it not juft, in all the latitude in
which its author has advanced it, and probably not to fuch a de-
gree as to found a diftinftion between the two countries.

" Proceeding to the fecond table, which arranges the animals
found in one of the two countries only, M. de Buffon obferves,
that the taphir, the elephant of America, is but of the fize of a fmall
cow. To prefen/e our comparifon, Mr. JefFerfon ftates the wild
boar, the elephant of Europe as little more than half that fize. He
has made an elk with round or cylindrical horns, an animal of
America, and peculiar to it ; becaufe he has feen many of them
himfelf, and more of their horns ; and becufe, from the heft infor-
mation, it is certain that in Virginia this kind of elk has abounded
much, and ftill exifbs in fmaller numbers. He makes the American
hare or rabbit peculiar, believing it to be different from both the
European animals of thofe denominations, and calling it therefore '
by its Algonouin name Whabus, to keep it diftinft from thefe.
Kalm is of the fame opinion. The fquirrels are denominated from
a knowledge derived from daily fight of them, becaufe with that
the European appellations and defcriptions feem irreconcileable.
Thefe are the only inftances in which Mr. JefFerfon departs from
the authority of M. de Buffon in the conflruftion of this table ;
whom he takes for his ground-work, becaufe he thinks him the
beft informed of any naturalift who has ever written. The refult
is, that there are 18 quadrupeds peculiar to Europe; more than
four times as many, to wit 74, peculiar to America ; that the firft
of thefe 74, the taphir, the largefh of the animals peculiar to America
weighs more than the whole column of Europeans ; and confe-
quently this fecond table difproves the fecond member of the afTcr-
tion, that the animals peculiar to the New World are on a fmaller
fcale, fo far as that affertion relied on European animals for fup-
port : and it is in full oppofition to the theory which makes the
animal volume to depend on the circumflances of heat and
moiflure.

" The third table comprehends thofe quadrupeds only which
are domefhic in both countries. That fome of thefe, in fomc parts
of America, have become lefs than their original ftock, is doubt-
lefs trvie ; and the reafon is very obvious. In a thinly peopled
country, the fpontaneous produftions of the forefts and wafte
fields are fufficcnt to fupport indifferently the domcftic animals of
the farmer, with a very little aid from him in the feverefh and

OF AMERICA. 129

fcarccft fealon. He thcrcfGie finds it more convenient to re-
ceive them from the hand of Nature in that indifferent ftatc, than
to keep up their fize by a care and nourifhment which would coft
him much labour. If, on this low fare, thcfe animals dwindle, it
IS no more than they do in thofe parts of Europe where the po-
verty of the foil, or poverty of the owner, reduces them to the
fame fcanty fubfiflence. It is the uniform effeft of one and the
lame caufe, whether afting on this or that fide of the globe. It
would be erring, therefore, againll that rule of philolophy, which
teaches us to alcnbi like effetls to like caules, ihould wc impute
this diminution of iizc in America to any imbecility or want of
uniformity in the operations of nature. It may be affirmed with,
truth, that in thofe countries, and with thofe individuals of Ame-
rica, where neceflity or curiolity has produced equal attention as
in Europe to the nourifhment of animals, the horfcs, cattle, fheep,
and hogs of the one contnient are as large as thofe of the other.
There are particular inftances, well atteftcd, where individuals o*.
America have imported good breeders from England, and have
improved their fize by care in the courfe of fome years. And
the weights actually known and Hated in the third table, will fuf-
fice to Ihow, that we may conclude, on probable grounds, that,
with equal food and care, the climate of America will pfeferve the
races of domcftic animals as large as the European flock from
which they are derived ; and confcqucntly that th'e third mem-
ber of Monf. de Buffon's affertion, that the domeftic animals arc
fubjcft to degeneration from the climate of America, is as proba-
bly wrong as the firfl and fecond were certainly io.

That the laft part of it is erroneous, which affirms, that the fpe-
cies of American quadrupeds are comparatively few, is evident
from the tables taken altogether ; to which may be added the
proof adduced by the Abbe Clavigero. According to Buffon's
lateft calculation, in his Epochcs de la Nature, there ai'e 300 fpecies
of quadrupeds ; and America, though it does not make more than.
a third part of the globe, contains, accorduig to Clavigero, almoft
one half of the different fpecies of its animals.

Of the human inhabttants of America, to whom the fame hy-
pothefis of degeneracy is extended, M. Buffon gives the following
acfcription : '' Thougk the American lavage be nearly of the
fame ftature with men ia poliflied focieti-es : yet this is not a iuf-
ficient exception to the general, contraction of animated Nature
throughout the whole contineot. In the favage, tlie org?.ns of
generation are fmall and feeble. He has no hair, no beard, no
ardour lor the female. Though nimbler than the European, be-
taufc mure accuftomcd to running, his ffrength is not lo great.

130 C £ N £ R A £ IJ tS C R I P T 1 0 N

His fcnfatioiis are Icfs acute : and yet he is more timid and cov/-
ardly. He has no vn-acity, no a£livity of mind. The aftivity of
his bodv is not lb much an exercife of fpontaneous motion, as a
ncceffary aftion produced b)'' want. D^ftroy his appetite for vic-
tuals and driiik, and you will at once annihilate the-aftive princi-
ple of all his movements : He remains in flupid repole, on his
Hmbs or couch, for whoh^ days. It is cafy to diicovcr the caufe
of the fcattered life of favages, and of their cflrangemcnt from fo-
cicty. They have been refulcd the mod precious fpark of Na-
ture's fire : They haVc no ardour for womun. and, of courle, nc*
love to mankind. Unncquainteid with the moll lively and moft
tender of all attrichinents, their other fenfations of this nature are
cold and languid. Their love to parents and children are extreme-
ly weak. The bonds of the mod intimate of all focieties, that
(!>f the fame family, are feeble ; and one family has no attachment
to another. Hence no union, no republic, no focial ftate, can
take place among, them. The phyfieal caufe of love gives rile to
the morality of their manners. Their heart is frozen, their foci-
ety cold, and their empire cruel. They regard their females as
iervants dcftined to labour, or as beafts of burden, whom they
load unmercifully ■with the produce of their hunting, and oblige^
without pity or gratitude, to perform labours which often exceed
their ftrength. They have few children, and pay little attention
to them. Every thing muft be referred to the firft caufe : They
are indifFerent, becaufe they are weak ; and this indifference to
the fex is the original (lain which difgraces Nature, prevents her
from expanding, and, by deftroying the germs of life, cuts the
root of fociety. Hence man makes no exception to what has
been advanced.. Nature by denying him the faculty of love, has>
abufed and contracted him more than any other animal."

A humilating pitturc indeed ! but than which, Mr. JefFerfon
affures us, never Vv'as one more unlike the original. M. BufFon
grants, tint their ilature is the fame as that of the men of Europe^-.
and he might hive admitted, that the Iroquois were larger, and
the Leaopi or D-lavvares taller, tlian people in Europe generally
arc : But he fays then' organs of generation are fmaller and weak-
er than thole of Europeans ; which is not a faft. And as to their
want of beard, this error has been already noticed. .

" They have no ardour for their female.'" — It is true, that they
do not indulge thofe excellcs, nor dilcover that iondnels, which
are cuflonviry in Europe ; but this is not owing to a defeft in na-
ture, but to manners. Then- ioul is vvhollv bent upon war. This
is what procures them glory among tlie men, and makes them the
admiration of the women. To this thev are educated from their
earlicft youth. W"lu:n they purlue gam-j with ardour, when they

OF AMERICA. 13,

jbcar the fatigues of the ch;ice, when they fuflain and I'uffcr patient-
ly hunger and cold, it is not fo much for the fake of the game
they purlue, as to convince their parents and the council of the
nation, that they are fit to be inrolled in the number of the war-
riors. The fongs of the woifian, tl\e dance of the warriors, the
fage counfel of the chiefs, the tjdes of the old, the triumphal entry
of the warriors returning with fuccefs from battle, and the rei'peft
paid to thofe who diilinguifli themfelves in battle, and in I'ubdu-
ing their enemies, in fhort^ every thing they fee or hear, tends to
infpire them with an ardent defire for military fame. If a young-
man were to difcovcr a fondnels for women before he has buen to
war, he \yould become the contempt of the m.en, and the fcorn
and ridicule of tlie women : or were he to indulge himfclf v^-itli
a captive taken in war, and much more were he to offer violence
in order to gratify his luft, he would incur indelible dif^rrace.
The feeming frigidity of the men, therefore, is the eft'eft of mari-
ners, and not a defeft of nature. Tliey are neither more defec-
tive in ardour, nor more impotent with the female, than are the
whites reduced to the fame diet and excreife,

" They raiie few children." — They indeed raife fewer children
than we do ; the caufes of which are to be foundj not in a differ-
ence of nature, but of circumllance. The women very frccjucnt-
ly attending the men in their parties of war and of hunting, child-
bearing becomes extremely inconvenient to tliem. It is faid,
therefore, that they have learned the pr.ifticc of procuring abor-
tion by the ufe of fome vegetable ; and that it even extends to
prevent conception for a confidcrable time after. During thefe
parties they are expoied to numerous hazards, to exceflive exer-
tions, to the greatefl extremities of hunger. Even at their homes,
the nation depends for food, through a certain part of every year,
on the gleanings of the forefl ; that is, they experience a famine
once in every year. With all animals, if the female be badly fed,
or not fed at all, her young perifh ; and if both male and female
be reduced to like want, generation becomes Icfs a£live, lefs pro-
duftivco To the obftaclcs, then, of want and hazard, which Na-
ture ha$ oppofed to the multiplication of wild animals, for the
purpofe of retraining their numbers within certain bounds, thofe
of labour and voluntary abortion are added with the Indian. No
wonder, then, if they niultiply lefs than we do. Where food is
regularly iupplicd, a fingle farm will fliow more of cattle than a
whole country of forefls can of buffaloes. The fame Indian wo-
men, when married to white traders, who feed them and their
children plentifully and regularly, who exempt them from ex.cef-
five drudgery, who keep them flationary and unexpofcd to acci-

R 2

132 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

dent, produce end raife as many children as the white women.
Inftances arc known, under thele circumftances, of their rearing
a dozen children.

Neither do they feem to be " deficient in natural affeftion.'*
On the contrary, their fenfibility is keen, even the warriors
weeping moft bitterly on the lofs of their children ; though in
general they endeavour to appear luperior to human events.

Their friendfliips are ftrong, and faithful to the uttermoft ex-
tremity. A remarkable inftance of this appeared in the cafe of
the late Col. Byrd, who was fent to the Cherokee nation to tranf-
aft tome bufinefs with them. It happened that fome of our dif-
orderly people had juil killed one or two of that nation. It was
therefore propoied in the council of the Cherokees, that Colonel
Byrd fhould be put to death, in revenge for the lofs of their coun-
trymen. Among them was a chief, called S'douee, who, on fome
former occafion, had contracted an acquaintance and friendfhip
^vith Col. Byrd. He came to him every night in his tent, and
told him not to be afraid, they fhould not kill him. After many
days deliberation, however, the determ-ination was, contrary to
Silouee's expeftation, that Byrd fhould be put to death, and fome
warriors were dilpatched as executioners. Silouee attended them ;
and when they entered the tent, he threw himfelf between them
and Byrd, and laid to the warriors, " This man is my friend :
before you get at him, you mufb kill me." On which they re-
turned ; and the council reipcfted the principle fo much as to re-
cede from their determination.

That " they are timorous and cowardly," is a charafter with
which there is little reafon to charge them, when we recolleft the

manner in which the Iroquois met Mt)nf, , who marched

into their country ; in which the old men, who fcorned to flv, or
to furvive the capture of their town, braved death like the old
Romans in the time of the Gauls, and in which they foon after
revenged themlelves by lacking and dcllroying Montreal. In
fhort, the Indian is brave, wheri an enterprile depends upon
bravery ; education with him making the point of honour confift
in the deftruftion of an enemy by ftratagcm, and in the preferva.
tion of his own perlon free from injury : or perhaps this is nature,
while it is education which teaches us to honour force rather than
finelTe. He will defend himfelf againft an hoft of enemies, always
choofing to be killed rather than to furrender, though it be to
the whites, who he knows will treat him well. In other fitua-
tions, alio, he meets death with more deliberation, and endures
tortures with a firmnefs unknown almoR; to religious cnthufiafm
among us.

OF AM ERIC J. i33

Much lefs are they to be charafterifed as a people of no viva-
city, and who are excited to aftion or motion only by the calls of
hunger and third. Their dances in which they fo much delight,
and which to a European would be the moft fcvere exercife, fully
contradift this ; not to mention their fatiguing marches, and the
toil they voluntarily and cheerfully undergo in their military
expeditions. It is true, that when at home they do not employ
themiclves in labour or the culture of the loil : but this, again, is
the efFcft of cufloms and manners which have alTigned that to the
province of the women. But it is faid, " they are averfe to
fociety and fecial life." Can any thing be more inapplicable than
this to a people who always live in towns or in clans ? Or can
they be faid to have no repubtiqiie, who conduft all their affahs in
national councils ; who pride themiclves in their national charac-
ter ; who confider an iniult or injury done to an individual by a
ftranger as done to the whole, and relent it accordingly ?

To form a jult eftimate of their genius and mental powers,
Mr. Jefferlon obferves, more fafts are wanting, and great allow-
ance is to be made for thofe circumflances of their fituation which
call for a difplay of particular talents only. This done, we fhall
probahly find that the Americans are formed, in mind as well
as in body, on the fame model with the homo fapiem Europdeus.
The principles of their fociety forbidding all compuHion, they
are to be led to duty and to enterprife by perlonal influence and
perfuafion. Hence eloquence in council, bi'avery and addrefs in
war, become the foundations of all coniequence with them.
To thele acquirements all their faculties are direfted. Of their
bravery and addrefs in war we have multiplied proofs, becaufe
we have been the fubjefts on which they were exercifed. Of
their eminence in oratory we have fewer examples, becaufe it is
difplayed chiefly in their own councils. Some, however, we
have of very fuperior luftre. We may challenge the whole
orations of Demoflhenes and Cicero, and of any more eminent
orator, if Europe has furniflied more eminent, to produce a An-
gle paffage luperior to the fpeech of Logan, a Mingo chief, to
Lord Dunmore when governor of this ftate. The ftory is as fol-
lows ; of which, and of the fpeech, the authenticy is unqueftion-
able. In the fpring of the year 1774, a robbery and murder
were committed on an inhabitant of the frontiers of Virginia by
two Indians of the Shawanee tribe. The neighbouring whites,
according to their cullom, undertook to punilh this outrage
in a fummary wav. Colonel Crefap, a man infamous for the
many murders he had committed on thofe much-injured people,
coUefted a party, and proceeded down the Kanhaway in queft of
vengeance. Unfortunately a canoe of v.'omcn and children, with

»34 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

one man only, was feen coming from the oppofite fhore, unarmed,
and unfulpccting any hoft:le attack from the whites. Crefap and
his party concealed themfclves on the bank of the river ; and the
moment the canoe reached the fhore, fingled out their objefts,
and at one fire killed every pej-fon in it. This happened to
be the family of Logan, who had long been diftinguifhed as
a friend of the whites. This unworthy return provoked
liis vengerince. He accorduigly fignalized hlmfclf in the war
Vv'hich enfued. In the autumn of the fame year a decifive bat-
tle was fought at the mouth of the Great Kanhaway, between
the coUeftcd forces of the Shawanees. Mingoes, and Delawares,
and a detachment of the Virginia militia. The Indians were
defeated, and fued for peace. Logan, however, difdained to
be fcen among the fuppliants ; but, left the fincerity of a treatv
fhpuld be diftrufted from which fo diftinguifhed a chief abfent-
ed himielf, he lent by a meffenger the following fpeech, to be
delivered to Lord Dunmore : — " I appeal to any white man to
fay if ever he entered Logan's cabai hungry, and he gave him
not meat ; if ever he came cold and naked, and he cloathed him
not. During the courfe of the laft long and bloody war, Logan
remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was
my love for the whites, that my countrvmmi pointed as they
palled, and laid Logan is the friend of white men. I had even
thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one
man. Colonel Crefap, the laft fpring, in cold blood, and un-
provoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not fparing even
uiy women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in
the veins of any living creature. This called on me for re-
venge. I have fought it ; I have killed many ; I have fully
glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams
of peace ; but do not harbour a thought that mine is the joy of
fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to
i'ave his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan ? — Not one."

To the preceding anecdotes in favour of the American cha-
rafter, may be added the following by Dr. Benjamin Franklin.
The Indian men, when young, are hunters and warrioi^s : when
old, counlellors ; for all their government is by the counfel or
advice of the fages. Hence they generally ftudy oratory •, the
bcft fpeaker having the moft influence. The Indian women till
tlic grourid, drefs the food, nurfe and bring up the children, and
preferve and hand down to pofterity the memory of public
tranfaftions. Thefe employments of men and women are account-
ed natural and honourable. Having few artificial wants, they
have abundance of leifure for improvement by converfation. —
Our laborious manner of life. co:nparcd with theirs, they eftecm

OF AMERICA. 135

flavifii and bafe ; and the learning on which we value ouiTclvcs,
they regard as frivolous and ulclels.

Having frequent occafions to hold public councils, they have
acquired great order and decency in conducing them. 'I'he old
men fit in the foremoft ranks, the warriors in the next, and the
women and children in the hindmoft. The bufinefs ,of the wo-
men is to take exaft notice of what paffes ; imprint it in their me-
mories, for they have no writing, and communicate it to their
children. They are the records of the council, and they prefervc
tradition of the ftipulations in treaties a hundred years back ;
which, when we compare with our writings, we always find ex-
aft. He that would fpeak rifes. The reft obferve a profound fi-
Icnce. When he has finifhed, and fits down, they leave him five
or fix minutes to recoUeft, that if he has omitted any thing he in-
tended to lay, or has any thing to add, he may rife again and de-
liver it. To interrupt another, even in common convcrllition, is
reckoned highly indecent.

The politenefs of thefe favages in converfation is, indeed, car-
ried to excefs ; fince it does not permit them to contradift or de-
ny the truth of what is aflerted in their prefence. By this means
they indeed avoid difputes ; but then it becomes difficult to know
their minds, or what impreffion you make upon them. The
miflionaries who have attempted to convert them to Chriftianity,
all complain of this as one of the greateft difficulties of their mil-
fion. The Indians h'car with patietice the truths of the gofpcl
explained to them, and give their ufual tokens of aflent and appro-
bation but this by no means implies conviftion ; it is mere civili-

When any of them come into our towns, our people are apt to
crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them where
'they defire to be private ; this they efteem great rudcnefs, and the
efFeft of the want of inftruftion in the rules of civility and good
manners. " We have," fay they, " as much curiofity as you; and
when you come into our towns, we wifli for opportunities of
looking at you ; but for this purpofe we hide ourlelves behind
buflies where you are to pafs, and never intrude ourMvc^ miw..
your copmany."

Their manner of entering one another's villages lias likewifr
its rules. It is reckoned uncivil in travelling ftrangers to entri
a village abruptly, without giving notice of their approach.
Therefore, as foon as they arrive within hearing, they ftop and
hollow, remaining there till invited to enter. Two old men
ulually come out to them and lead tlicm in. There is in every
village a vacant dwelling, called the Jir angers koufe. Here they
are placed, while the old men go round from hut to hut. acquuint-

i^G GENERAL DESCRIPTION

ing the inhabitants that flrangcrs are arrived, who are probably
hungry and weary :, and every one fends them what he can fpare
of viftuals, and fkins to repofe on. When the flrangers are rc-
frefhed, pipes and tobacco are brought ; and then, but not before,
converfation begins, with inquiries who they are, whither bound,
■what news, &c. and it ufually ends with offers of fervice — if the
flrangers have occafion for guides, or any neceffarics for continu-
ing their journey ; and nothing is exafted for the entertainment.
The fame hofpitality, cflcemcd among them as a principal vir-
tue, is praftifed by private perfons ; of which Conrad Weiler, the
interpreter, gave Dr. Franklin the foUowiug inftance : He had
been naturalized among tlie Six Nations, and fpoke well the Mo-
hawk language. In going through the Indian country to carry a
mefr<ige from bur governor to the council at Onondaga, he called
at the habitation of Canalletego, an old acquaintance, who embra-
ced him, fpread furs for him to fvt on, placed before him fome
boiled beans and venifon, and mixed fome rum and water for his
drink. When he was well rcfrclhed, and had lit his pipe, Canai-
fetego, began to converfe with him : afi^ed how he had fared the
many years hncc they had feen each other, whence he then came,
what had occaftoned the journey, &c. Coiuad anlwered all his
queftions ; and when the difcourfe began to flag, the Indian, to
continue it, faid, " Conrad, you have lived long among the white
" people, and know fomething of their cuftoms ; I have been
" fometimes at Albany, and have obferved, that once in feven
" days they fhut up their fhops, and affemble all in the great
" houfe ; tell me what it is for ? — What do they do there ?" "They
" meet there," fays Conrad, " to hear and Icarji good things." '• I
"do not doubt (fays the Indian) that they tell you fo ; they have
"told me the fame : but I doubt the truth of what they fay, and
" I will tell you my reafons. I went lately to Albany to fell my
*'{kins, and buy blankets, knives, powder, rum, &c. You know
" I generally ufed to deal with Hans Hanfon ; but I was a little
" inclined this time to try fome other merchants. However I cal-
" led iirfl; upon Plans, and afkcd him what he would give for bea-
" ver. He faid he could not give more than 4s. a pound; but
" (fays he) I cannot talk on bufinefs now ; this is the day when
"we rrieet together to learn good things, and I am going to the'
" meeting. So I thought to myfelf, fince I cannot do any bufi-
" ncfs to day, I may as well go to the meeting too ; and I went'
"with him. — There flood up a man in black, and began to talk
"to the people very angrily. I did not underftand what he faid;
"but perceiving that he looked much at me and at Ilanfon, I ima-
'■' gined he was angry at feeirig me there : fo I went out, lat down
" near the Ivoufe, ftruck fire, and lit my pipe, waiting till tlie

OF AMERICA. 137

** meeting lliould break up. I thought too, that the man had men-
*' tioned lomething of beaver, and I fufpefted that it might be the
** fubjc6l of their meeting: So when they came out, I accofled
'' my merchant. — Well Haris (fays I) I hope you have agreed to
'^'givc m.ore than 4s. a-pound?" No (fays he,) I cannot give fo
"much I cannot give more than 3s. 6d." I then fpoke to feveral
" other dealers, but they all fung the fame fong, three and fix-
" pence, three and fix-pence. This inade it clear to me that my
*' fufpicion was right ; and that whatever they pretended of meet-
" ing to \cnrn good i/jmgs, the real purpofc was, to confult how to
'• cheat Indians in the pric£ of beaver* Confider but a little,
*' Conrad, and you mud be of my opinion. If they mei; fo often
" to learn good things, they certainly would have learned fome bc-
" fore this time. But they ai-e ftill ignorant; You knew ou'^*
" praftice. If a white man, in travelling through our country,
'' enters one of our cabins, we all treat him as I treat you ; wc
" dry him if he is wet,, we warm him if he is cold, and give him
^' meat and drink, that he may allay his thirft and hunger ; and
" we fpread foft furs for him to reft and fleep on : wc demand
" nothing in return. But if I go into a white man's houfe at
" Albany, and afk for vi£luals and drink, they fay, Where is
" your money ? And if I have none, tHey fay, get out, you In-
*' dian dog. You fee they have not yet learrted thofe little gooil
" i/jings that we need no meeting to be inftrutled in ; becaufe our
" mothers taught them to us when we were children ; and there-
" fore it is impoffiblc their meetings fliOuld be, as they fay, for
*' any luch purpofe, or have any fuch efFeft ; they are only to
'' contrive the cheating of Indians in the price of beaver."

The next queflion that occurs is, Whether the peculiarities
of the Americans, or the difparity between them and the inha-
bitants of Europe, afford fufficient grounds for determining
them, as fome have done, to be a race of men radically different
from all others ?

In this queftion, to avoid being tedious, we fhall confine our-
felves to what has been advanced by Lord Karnes ; who is of
opinion, that there are many different fpecics of men, as well as
of other animals ; and gives an hypothefis, whiereby he pretends his
opinion may be maintained in a confiftency with Revelation. " If
(lays he) the only rule afforded by nature to claffing animals can
be depended on, there are different races of men as well as of dogs :
a maili if differs not more from a fpaniel, than a white man from a ne-
gro, or a Laplander from a Dane. And, if we have any faith in Pro-
vidence, it ought to be fo. Plants were created of diff^^rent kinds, to
fit them for different climates ; and fo were brute animals. Certain

s

»3'8 GEXERAL DESCRIPTION

it is, that all men are not fitted equally for every climate. ITicrc
is fcarce a climate but what is natural to fomc men. where they
profpcr and flourifh ; and there is not a climate but where fome
men degenerate. Doth not then analogy lead us to conclude, that,
as there ar<i dilFetent climates on the face of this globe, fo there
are different races of men fitted for thefe different climates ?

" M. Buffon, from the rule. That animals which can procreate
together, and whole progeny can alfo procreate, are of one fpecies;
concludes, that all rricn are of one raee of fptcies ; and endeavours
to fupport that favourite opinion, by aifcribing to the climate, to
food or other accidental caufes, all the varieties that are found
among men. But is he ferioufly of opinion, that any operation of
climate, or of other accidental caufe, cart account for the copper
colour and fmooth chin univerfal among the Americans ', the pro.
minence of the pudenda univerfal among the Hottentot women ;
or the black nipple no lefs univerfal among the female Samoiedcs ?
-^It is in vain to afcribe to the climate'^ithe low flature of the Ef-
quimaux, the fmallncfs of their feet, of the overgrown fize of their
heads. It is equally in vain to afcribe to climate the low flature
of the Laplanders, or their ugly vifagc. The black colour of ne-
groes, theit lips, flat nofe, crifped woolly hair, and rank fmcll, dif-
tinguifli them from every other race of men. The AbyfTinians, on
the contrary, are tall and well made, their complexion a brown
olive, features well proportioned, eyes large and of a fparkling
black, thin lips, a nofe rather high than flat. There is no fuch
difference of climate between Abyflinia and Negro-land as to pro-
duce thefe ftriking differences.

" Nor fhall our author's ingenious hypothefis concerning the
extremities of heat and cold, purchafe him impunity with refpctl
to the fallow complexion of the Samoiedes, I,aplanders, and Green-
landers. The Finlanders, and northern Norwegians, live in a cli-
mate not lefs cold than that of the people mentioned ; and yet are
fair beyond other Europeans. I fay more, there are many inflan-
ces of races of people preferving their original colour, in climates
very different from their oWn ; but not a fingle inflance of the
contrary as far as I can learn. There have been four complete
generations of negroes in Pcnnfylvania, without any vifible change
of colour ; they continue jet black, as originally. Thofe who af-
cribe all to the fun, ought to conhder how little probable it is, that
the colovu- it imprelfcs on the parents fhould be communicated
to their infant children, who never faw the fun : I fliould be as
foon induced to believe with a German naturalifl, wliofc name has
elcaped me, that the negro colour is owing to an ancient cuflom in
Africa, of dyeing the fkin black. Let a European, for years, cx-
pofe himfelf to the fun in a hot climate, till he be quite brown ; h:*^

OF AMERICA. 139

children will ncverthclcfs have the fame complexion with thofe
in Euiopc. From the aftion of the fun, is it pofTible to explain,
why a negro, like a European, is born with a ruddy fkin, which
turns jet black the eighth or ninth day ?"

Our author next proceeds to draw fome arguments for the ex-
iftence of different races of men, from the various tempers and
difpofitions of different nations ; which he reckons to be fpecific
differences, as well as thole of colour, (lature, &c. and having fum-
med up his evidence, he concludes thus : *' Upon fumming up the
whole particulars mentioned above, would one hefitate a moment
to adopt the following opinion, were there no counterbalancing
eviden<;e, viz, "That God created many pairs of the human race,
differing from each other, both externally and internally ; that he
fitted thofe pairs for different climates, and placed each pair in its
proper climate ; and the peculiarities of the original pairs were
prclerved entire in their defcendants ; who, having rio afTiflance
but their natural talents, were left to gather knowledge from ex-
perience ; and, in particular, were left (each tribe) to form a lan-
guage for itfelf; that figns were i'ufficient for the original pairs,
without any language but what nature fuggcfts ; and that a language
was formed gradually as a tribe increafed in numbers, and
in difFcrent occupations, to rnake fpeech rjeceffary ?" But this
opinion, however plaufible, wc are not permitted to adopt : being
taught a different Iclfon by Revelation, viz. That God created but
^ finglc pair of the human fpecies. Though we cannot doubt the
authority of Moles, yet his account of the creation of man is not a
little puzzling, as it feems to contradift every orie of the fafts men-
tioned above. According to that account, different races of men
were not formed, nor were rncn forme4 originally for different
climates. All men mufh have fpoken the fame language, viz. That
of our firfl parents. And what of all Icems the mofl contradictory
to that account, is the favage ftate : Adam, as Mofes informs us^
was endued by his Maker with an eminent degree of knowledge ;
and he certainly was an excellent preceptor to his children and
their progeny, among whom he lived many generations. Whence
then the degeneracy of all men unto the favage flate ? To apcount
for that diimal cataflrophe, mankind mufl have fuffered fome ter-
rible convulfion. That terrible convulfion is revealed to us in
the hiflory of the tower of Babel, contained in the 11th chapter
ef Qenefis, which is, 'That, for many centuries after the deluge,
the whole earth was of one language, and of one fpeech ; that they
united to build a city on a plain in the land of Shinar, with a tow-
er, whofe top might reach unto heaven ; that the Lord, beholding
the people to be one, and to have all one language, and that no-
thing would be reflrained from them wlaich they imagined to do,

S a

i^o 'GENERAL DESCRIPTION

confounded tjieir language that they might not undciflnnd one an-
other, 4nd fcattered them abroad upon the ficc of all the earth.'
Here light breaks forth in the midfl of darkn-efs. By confounding
the language of men, and fcattering them abroad upon the face, of
all the earth, they were rendered favagcs. And to harden t-licm
for their new habitations, it was neceflarv that they Hiou^d he di^
vided into differer^t kinds, fitted for different climates. Without
an immediate change of conftitution, the builders of Babel could
not pombly have lubhfted in the burning region of Guinea, nor
in the frozen region of Lapbnd ; houfes not being prepared, nor
any other convenience to protcft them againfl a deflru6liye cli-
mate,"

We may firft remark, on his LordOiip's hypcthcfis, that it is evi-
dently incomplete ; for, allowing the human race to have been di-
vided into different fpecies at the confuftori of languages, and that
each fpecies was adapted to a particuLir climate ; by what means
were they to ?et to the climates proper for them, or how were
they to know tliat fucli cllrnates exilled ? How was an American,
for inftance, when languifhing in an improper climate at Babel, to
get to the land of the Amazons, or the banks of the Oroonoko, in
his own counti-y ? or how was he to knpw thefc places were more
proper for him than others ? — If, indeed, \yp taj^e the fcripture.
phrafe, " The Lord fcattered them abroad upon the faf c of all the
earth," in a certain fenfe, wc may account for it. If wc fuppofe
that the different fpecies were immediately carried off by a whirl-
M'ind, or other fupcrnatural means, to their proper countries, the
difficulty will vanilh : but if this is his Lordfliip's interpret:itionj
it is certainly a very lingular one.

Before entering upon a confideration of the pai'ticular argu-
ments ufed by our author for proving the divcrfity of fpecies in
the human race, it will be proper to lay down the following ge-
neral principles, which may Icrvc as axioms, (i.) When we allert
a multiplicity of fpecies in the human race ; we bring i»i a fupcr-
natural caufe to folvc a natu^ral phenomenon : for thefe fpecies are
fuppofed to be the immediate work of the Deitv. (2.) No perlon
has a right to call any thing the immediate effcft of omnipotence,
imlefs by cxprels revelation from thc; Deity, or from a certainty
that no natural caufe is fufScient to produce the effeft. The rea-
fon is plain. The Deity is invifible, and fo are many natural
caufes : when we lee an effe£t therefore, of which the caufe does
not manifeft itfelf, we cannot know whether the immediate caufe
is the Deity, or an invifible natural power. An example of this
we have in the phenomena of thunder and earthquakes, which
were often afcribed immediately to the Deity, but are now dif-
covered to be the effe6b of electricity. (3.) No perfon can affert

OF AMERICA. i4t

natural caufes to be infufficicnt to produce fuch and fuch cfl"e£ls,
uulefs he perfcftly knows all thei'e caul'cs and the Hmits of their
power in all poRiblc calics ; and t]u§ no rrjan has ever known,
or can know.

By keepjng in view thefe principles, which we hope are
felf-cvident, we will cahly lee Lord Kaiues's arguments to con-
fiil entirely in ^ pet'u'w pr'nuipii. — rin fubftance they are all reduced
to this hnglc I'cntence ; " Natural philofoplicrs have been hitherto
unlucccfsful in their endeavours to account for the difference*
obfcrvcd among mankind, therefore thefe differences cannot be
accounted for from natural caufcs."

His Lordfliip, however, tells us in the paffages already quoted,
that " a maflifF differs not more from a fpanicl, than a Laplander
'' from a Dane ;" that " it is vain to afcribe to climate the low
ftature of the Laplanders, or their ugly vilage." — Yet, in a note on
tlje word Laplanders, he fubjoins, that " by late accounts it appears,
jihat tbc L'cvpiandcrs are only degenerated Tartars ; and that they
and the Llungafians originally fprung from the fame breed of men,
and from the fame country." — The Hungarians arc generally
handfome and well made, like Danes, or like other people. The
Laplanders, he tells us, differ as much from them as a maftiff
from a fpaniel. Natural caufes, therefore, according to Lord
Kames himfelf, may caufe two individuals of the fame fpccies of
mankind to differ from each otlicr as much as a maftiff does from
a fpaniel.

While we are treating this fubjeft of colour, it may not be
amifs to obferve, that a very remarkable difference of colour may
accidently happen to individuals of the fame fpecies. In the
illhmus of Darien, a fmgular race of men have been difcovered. —
They are of low ftature, of a feeble make, and incapable of en-
during fatigue. Their colour is a dead milk white ; not rcfembling
that of fair people among Europeans, but without any blufh or
fanguine complexion. Their fkin is covered with a fine hairy
down of a chalky wliite ; the hair of their heads, their eye-brows,
and eye-laflieSj are of the fame hue. Their eyes are of a fingular
form, and fo weak, that they can hardly bear the Ught of the fun;
but they fee clearly by m.oon-light, and are moft aftive and gay
in the night. Among the negroes of Africa, as well as the
natives of the Indian iilands, a fmall number of thefe people are
produced. They are called Albinos by the Portuguefe, and Kacker-
lakes^ by the Dutch.

This race of men is not indeed permanent ; but it is fufficient
to fhow, that mere colour is by no means the charaeleriftic of a
certain fpecies of mankind. The difference of colour in thefe
individuals is undoubtedly owing to a natural caufe. To confli-

14: GEKI.RAL DESCRIPTION

tute, then, a race of men of this colour, it would only be neccji-
lary that this caufc, which at prefcnt is merely accidental, ihould
become permanent, and we cannot know but it may be fo i\\ fomc,
parts of the world.

If a difference in colour is no charaftcriftic of a different fpc-
ties of mankind, much lefs can a difFerence in ftature be thought
fo, — In the fouthern parts of America, there are faid to be a race
of men exceeding the common fize in height and ftrcngth. This
account, however, is doubted of by fome : but be that as it will, it
is certain that the Efquimaux are as much under the common
fizc, as the Patagonians arc faid to be above it. Ncverthclefs wc
arc not to imagine, that either of thefe arc fpecific differences ;
feeing the Laplanders and Hungarians are both of the fame fpecics,
and yet the former are generally almoft a foot fliortcr than the
latter ; and if a difference of climate, or other accidental caufes,
can make the people of one country a foot fhorter than the com-
mon fize of mankind, undoubtedly accidental caufes of a contrary
nature may make thofc of another country a foot taller than other
men.

Though the fun has undoubtedly a fiiare in the produftion of
the fwarthy colour of thofe nations which are moft cxpofcd to
his influence ; yet the manner of living to which people are ac-
cuflomcd, their viftuals, their employment, &c. muft contribute
very much to a difFerence of complexion. Tliere arc fome kinds
of colouring roots, which, if mixed with the food of certain ani-
mals, will tinge even their bones of a yellow colour. It cannot
be thought any great degree of credulity to infer from this, that
if thefc roots were mixed with the food of a white man, they
might, witliout a miracle, tinge his {kin of a yellow colour. If a
man and woman were both to ufe food of this kind for a length

o

of time, till they became as it were radically dyed, it is impolTible,
without the intervention of Divine power, or of fome extraordi-
nary natural caufe, but their childixn mull be of the fame colour ;
and was the fame kind of food to be continued for feveral genera-
tions, it is more than probable that this colour might vdift the
continued ufe of any kind of food whatever.

Of this indeed we have no examples, but we have an example
of changes much more wonderful. It is allowed on all hands,
that it is more eafy to work a change upon the body of a man,
or any other animal, than upon bis mind. A man that is natural-
ly choleric may indeed learn to prevent the bad cffefts of his paf-
fion by realon, but the pafTion itfelf will remain as immutable as
his colour. But to reafon in a manner fimilar lo Lord Kames ;
though a man fhould be naturally choleric, or fubjeft to any other
pafhon, why fliould his children be fo ? — This way of reafoning,

Of AMERICA. 143

however plaufiblc, is by no means conclufivc, as will appear from
the following paffagc in Mr. Forfter's*Voyage.

June gthi " The officers who could not yet relifh their falf
pi-ovilions after the refrelhiiicnts of New Zealarid, had ordered
their black dog, mentioned p. 1 35, to be killed : this day, there-
fore, we dined for the full time on a leg of it roafled ; whicli
tallad fo cxaftly like mutton, that it was abfolutely undiflinguifli-
able. In otir old countries, where animal food is fo much ufcd,
and where to be carnivorous perhaps lies in the nature of men, or
is indifpenfably ncceffary to the prcfcrvation of their health and
ftrength, it is ftrange that there Ihould exiil a Jcwifh averfion to
dogs-flefh, when hogs the mofl uncleanly of all animals, are eaten
without fcruplc. Nature feems exprcfsly to have intended them
for this ufc, by- making their offspring fo very numerous, and
their increafe fo quick and frequent. It may be objefted, that
the exalted degree of inftinft which we obfervc in our dogs, in-
Ipires us with great unwillingnefs to kill and eat them. But it is
owing to the time wc fpend on th^ education of dogs, that they
acquire thofe eminent qtialities which attach them fo much to us.
The natural qualities of our dogs may receive a wonderful im-
provement ; but education mufl give its affiftance, without which
the human mind itfclf, though capable of an immenfc expanhon,
Remains in a very contraftcd flate. In New Zealand, and (ac-
cording to former accounts of voyages) in the tropical ifles of the
South Sea, the dogs are the mofb ftupid, dull animals imaginable,
and do not fecm to have the leaft advantage in point of fagacitv
over our flicep, which arc commonly made the emblems of filli-
nefs. In the former country they are fed upon fifn, in the lat-
ter on vegetables, and both thefe diets may have fcrved to alter
their difpofition. Education may perhaps likewife graft new in-
ftinfts : the New Zealand dogs are fed on the remains of their
mailer's meals ; they eat the bones of other dogs ; and the puppies
become true cannibals from their birth. We had a young New
Zealand puppy on board, which had certainly had no opportunity
of tafl.ing any thing but the mother's milk before we purchafcd
it : however, it eagerly devoured a portion of the flefli and bonc.s
of the dog on which we dined to-day; while feveral others of the
European breed taken on board at the Cape, turned from it
without touching it.

" On the fourth of Augufl, a young bitch, of the terrier breed,
taken on board at the Cape of Good Hope, and covered by a fpau-
icl, brought len young ones, one of which was dead. The Now
Zealand dog mentioned above, which devoured th« bones of the
roafled dog, now fell upon the dead puppy, and cat of it xvitli
a ravenous appetite. This is a proof how far cducatioa may g^>

144 GEXIRAL DESCRIPTION

in producing and propagatii^ new inflinfts in animals. European
dogs are never fed on the meat of their own fpccies, but rather
feem to abhor it. The New Zealand dogs, in all likelihood, arc
trained up from their earlieft age to eat the remains of their maf-
ter's meals: they arc therefore ufed to feed upon fifli, their own
fpecies, and perhapis human flefli ; and what was only owing to
habit at firft, may become inflinft by length of time. This was
remarkable in our cannibal dog ; for he came on board fo young,
that he could not have been weaned long enough to have acquired
a habit of devouring his own fpecies, and much lefs of eating hu-
man flefh ; however, one of our fcamen having cut his finger,
held it out to the dog, wha fell to gxeedily, licked it, and then
began to bite it."

From this account it appears, that even the inftinfts of animals
are not unchangeable by natural caufas ; and if thefe caufes are
powerful enough to change the difpofitions of fuceeeding genera-
tions, much niore may we fuppofe them capable of making any
pofiible alteration in the external appearance.

We are not here neceffttated to confine ourfelv'es to obfervations'
made on brute animals. The Franks are an example of the pro-
duftion of one general charafter, formed by fome natural caufe
from a mixture of many difFerent nations. — They were a motly
multitude, confifling of various German nations dwelling beyond
the Rhine ; who, uniting in defence of their common liberty, took
thence the name of Franks ; the woi'd frank fignifying in their
language, as it flill does in ours, free. Among them the following,
nations were mentioned, viz. the Aftuarii, Chamavi, Brufteri, Sa-
lii, Frifti, Chaufi, Amfwarii. and Catti. We cannot fuppofe one
charafter to belong to fo many difFerent nations ; yet it is cerrain
that the Franks were nationally charafterizcd as treacherous ; and
fo deeply feems this quality to have been rooted in their nature?
that their defcendants have not got quite free of it in 1 50*0' years. ,
It is in vain, then, to talk of difFerent races of men, cither fr'om
their colour, fize, or prevailing difpofitions, feeing we have unde-
niable proofs that all thcfe may be changed, in the moft remarkable
manner, by natural caufes, without any mii-aculous interpofition of
the deity.

The first peopling of America. The next queftion, then,
which prcfents itfelf is, From what part of the Old World Ame-
rica has mod probably been peopled ?

Difcoveries long ago made inform us, that an intcrcourfe be-
tween the Old Continent and America might be carried on with
facility from the north-wcfl extremities of Europe and the north-
eafl boundaries of Afia. In the ninth centurv the Norwcgian.'-i

OF AMERICA. 145

riifcovercd Greenland, and planted a colony there. The com-
munication with that country was renewed in the laft centuiry
oy Moravian miflionarics, in order to propagate their doftrinc in
that bleak and uncultivated region. By them we are informed
that the north-wefl coaft of Greenland is fcparatcd from America
by a very narrow flrait ; that at the bottom of tlie bay it is high-
ly probable that they are united ; that the Efquiraaux of America
perfeftly refemble the Greenlanders in their afpecl, drefs, and
mode of living ; and that a Moravian miflionary, well acquainted
with the language of Greenland, having vifited the country of
the Efquimaux, found, to his aftonifliment, that they fpoke the
fame language with the Greenlanders, and were in every refpeft
the fame people. The fame fpecies of animals, too, are found in
the contiguous regions. The bear, the wolf, the fox, the hare,
the deer, the roebuck, the elk, frequent the forefts of North.
America, as well as thofe in the north of Europe.

Other difcoveries have proved, that if the two continents of
Ada and America be feparated at all, it is only by a narrow flrait.
From this part of the Old Continent, alfo, inhabitants may
have paffed into the New ; and the refemblance between the In-
dians of America and the eaftern inhabitants of Afia, would in-
duce us to conjefture that they have a common origin. This is
the opinion adopted by Dr. Robcrtfon in his Hiftory of America,
where we find it accompanied with the following narrative.

" While thofe immenfe regions which flretched eaftward from
the river Oby to the fea of Kamtfchatka were unknown, or im-
perfeftly explored, the north-eaft extremities of our hemifphere
were fuppofed to be fo far diflant from any part of the New
World, that it was not eafy to conceive how any communication
iliould have been carried on between them. But the Rudians,
having fubjeftcd the wcftern part of Sibei-ia to their empire,
gradually extended their knowledge of that vaft country, by ad-
vancing towards the call into unktiown provinces. Thefe were
difcovered by hunters in their excurfions after game, or by fol-
aiers employed in levying the taxes ; and the court of Mofcow
eftimated the importance of thofe countries only by the fmall
addition which they made to its revenue. At length, Peter the
Great alccnded the Ruffian throne : His enlightened compvchcn-
five mind, intent upon every circumftance that could aggrandize
his empire, or render his reign illuftrious, dilcerned confe-
quences of thofe difcoveries, which had efcaped the obferVation
of his ignorant predccelTors. He perceived, that, in proportion
as the regions of Afia extended tow^ards the eaft, they mufl ap-
proach nearer to America ; that the communication between the

T

ti6 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

two continents, Avliicji had long been fcarchcd for in vain, %vouldl
pi-obably be found in this quarter ; and that, by opening this
intcrcoiirfe, fome part of the wealth and commerce of the weft-
em world might be made to flow into his diiminions by a new
channel. Such an objecl fuited a genius that delighted in grand
fchcmes. Peter drew up indruftions with his own hand for
profecuting this dcfign^ and gave orders for carrying it into
execution,

" His (uccelTors adopted his idea, and purfued his plan. The
officers whom the Rufiian court employed in this fervice, had
to Itrugglc with fo many difficulties, that their progrefs was.
extremely flow. Encouraged by fome faint traditions among
the people of Siberia concerning a fuccefsful Voyage in the year
1648 round the north-eaft promontory of Afta, they attempted
to follow the fame courfe. Vefl^els were fitted out, with this
view, at different times, from the rivers Lena and Kolyma ; but
in a frozen ocean, which nature! feems not to have deftined for
navigation, they were cxpofed to many difafl;ers, without being
able to accomplifli their purpofe* No vefl"el fitted out by the
Ruffian court ever doubled this formidable cape; we are indebt-
ed for v/hat is known of thofe extreme regions of Afia, to the
difcoveries made in cxcurfions by land. In all thofe provinces,
an opinion prevails, that countries of great extent and fertility
lie at no confiderable diftance from their own coafl;s, Thefe the
Ruffians imagined to be part of America ; and feveral circum-
ftances concurred not only in confirming them in this belief,
bvit in perfuading them that fome portion of that continent could
not be very remote. Trees of various kinds, unknown in thofe
naked regions of Afia, are driven upon the coaft by an eafterly
wind. By the fame wind floating ice is brought thither in a few
days ; flights of birds arrive annuall)'^ from the fame quarter ; and a
tradition obtains among the inhabitants, of an intercourfe former-
ly carried on with fome countries fituated to the cafl;.

" After weighing all thele particvilars, and comparing the pofi-
tion of the countries in Afia which they had diicovcred, with
fuch parts in the north-wefl; of America as were already known ;
the Ruffian court formed a plan, which would have hardly occur-
red to any nation lels accufl;omed to engage in arduous undcr-
takinps and to contend with preat diflicultics. Orders were ilfu-
ed to build two vefl'els at Ocholz, in the lea of Kamtfchatka, to
i'ail on a voyage of difcovery. Though that dreary uncultivated
region furniflred nothing that could be of ufe in confl:ru£ling
them but fome larch-trees ; though not only the iron, the cordage^
the fails, and all the numerous articles requifite for their equip-
ment, but the provifions for vi£lualling them, were to be carried

OF AMERICA. S47

through the immcnle dcfcrts of Siberia, along rivers of difficult
navigation, and roads almofl impaffable, the mandate of the fovc-
rcign, and the perl'evcrance of the people, at laft furmounted eve-
ry obflacle. Two veffels were fuiiflied ; and, under the command
of the captains Behring and Tfchirikow, failed from Kamtfchatka
in queft of the New World, in a quarter where it had never been
approached. They fliapcd tlieir courfe towards the eaft ; and
chough a ftorm loon feparated tlie veffels, which never rejoined,
and many difafters befel them, the cxpeftations from the voyage
were not altogether fruftratcd. Each of the commanders difco-
vered land, which to them appeared to be part of the American
continent ; and, according to their obfervations, it feems to be fi-
tuated within a few degrees of the northrwefh coaft of California.
Each lent lome of his people afhoix : but in one place the inhabi-
tants fled as the Ruffians approached ^ in another, they carried off
thole who landed, and deflroyed their boats. The violence of the
weather, and the diftrefs of their crews, obliged both to quit
this inhofpitable coaft. In their return they touche4 at feve-
ral iflands, which ftrcatch in a chain from eaft to weft be-
tween the country which they had difcovered and the coaft of
Alia. They had fome intercourfe with the natives, who feemed
to them to relemble the North Arnericans, They prefented to
the Ruffians the calumet, or pipe of peace, which is a fymbol of
fricndfhip univerlal among the people of North America, and
an ufage of arbitrary inftitution peculiar to them."

The more recent and accurate difcoveries of the illuftrious
navigator Cooke, and his fucceffor Gierke, have brought the
matter ftill nearer to certainty. The fca, from the fouth of
Behring's Straits to the creiccnt of iilcs between A^a and An^e-
rica, is very fhailow. It deepens from thefe ftraits (as the Bri-
tifh feas do from thoie of Dover) till Ibundings are loft in the
Pacific Ocean ; but that docs not take place but to the fouth of
the ifles. Between them and the ftraits is an incrcafe from 1 2
to 54 fathom, except only off St. Thaddeus Nofs, where there
is a channel of greater depth. From the volcanic difpofition,
it has been judged probable, not only that there was a feparation
of the continents at the Straits of Behring, but that the whole
fpacc from the illes to that Imall opening had once been occupied
by land ; and that the fury of the waterly element, aftuated by
tliat of fire, had in moft remote times, lubverted and overwhelmed
the tra£l, and left the iflands monumental fragments.

Without adopting all the fancies of Bufl'on, there can be no
(doubt, as the Abbe Clavigcro obferves, that our pla::iet has been

T2

148 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

fubjeft to great vicifTitudes fince the deluge. Ancient an4
modern h;ilorics confirm the truth which Ovid has lung in the
name of Pythagoras ;

Video ego quod Juerat quondam folidijfvna tcUus,
EJfe frctuvL J vidi JaElas ex aquure terras.

At prcient they plough thofc lands over which fhips formerly
failed, and. now they lail over lands which were formerly culti-
vated. ; earthquakes had fwallowed fome lands, and fubterraneous
fires hav» thrown up others : the rivers have formed new foil
with their mud ; the fea retreating from the fhores has lengthen-
ed the land in fome places, and advancing in others has dimi-
nifhed it ; it has ieparted lome territories which were formerly
united, and formed new flraits and gulphs. We have examples
of all thefc revolutions in the pafl century. Sicily was united
to the continent of Naples, as Eubea, now the Black Sea, to
Bcetia. Diodorus, Strabo, and other ancient authors, fay the fame
thing of Spain and Africa, and affirm, that by a violent eruption
of the ocean upon the land between the mountains Abyla and
Calpe, that communication was br^oken, and the Mediterranean
Sea was formed. Among the people of Ceylon there is a tradi-
tion that a fimilar eruption of the fea ieparated their illand from
the peninfula of India. The fame thing is believed by thofe of
Malabar with rcfpeft to the ifles of Maldivia, and with the Ma-
layans ivith refpeft to Sumatra. It is certain, lays the Count de
BufFon, that in Ceylon the earth has loft 30 or 40 leagues, which
the fea has taken from it ; on the contrary, Tongres, a place
of the low countries, has gained 30 leagues of land from the fea.
The nothern part of Egypt owes its exiftence to inundations of
the Nile. The earth which this river has brought from the in-
land countries of Africa, and depofited in its inundations, has
formed a foil of more than 25 cubits of depth. In like manner,
adds the above author, the province of the Yellow River in Chi-
na, and that of Louiliana, have only been formed of the mud of
rivers. Pliny, Seneca, Diodorus, and Strabo, report innumerable
examples of fimilar revolutions, which we omit, that our diller-
tation may not become too prolix ; as alfo many modern revolu-
tions, which are related in the theory of the earth of the Count
de Bufton and other authors. In South America, all thofe who
have oblcrved with philoiophic eyes the peninfula of Yucatan, do
not doubt that that country has once been the bed of the iea ;
and, on the contrary, in the channel of Bahama many indications
fhew the ifland of Cuba to liavc been once united to the conti-
nent of florida. In the flrait which fcoaratcs America from Af;a

OF AMERICA. 149

jnany iilands are found, which probably were the mountains be-
longing to that trad of land which we fuppoie to have been fwal-
lowed up by earthqudkcs ; which is made more probable by the
iTiultitudc of volcanoes which we know of in the peniniula of
Kamtfchatka. It is imagined, however, that the finking of that
land, and the feparation of the two continents, has been occahoned
by thoie great and extraordinary earthquakes mentioned in the
hillories of the Americans, which formed an era almofl as memo-
aable as that of the deluge. The hiftories of the Toltecas fix fuch
earthquakes in the year I Tecpatl ; but as we know not to what
(Century that belonged, we can form no conjefture of the time
that great calamity happened. If a great earthquake fI«.ould over-
whelm the iithmus of Sdcz, and there fnould be at the fame time
as great a Icarcity of hillorians as there were in the firft ages after the
deluge, it v.'puld be doubted, in 300 or 400 years after, whether
Afia had ever been united by that part to Africa ; and many
would firmly deny it.

Whether that great event, the feparation of tlie continents,
took place before or after the population of America, is as im-
poflible as it is of lijttle moment for us to know ; but we arc in-
debted to the above-mentioned navigators for fettling the long
tlifpute about the point from which it was efiefted. Their ob-
fervations prove, that in one place the diflance between conti-
nent and continent is only gc) miles, not (as the author of the
R^ccherches Philofophiqucs fur its Americaius would have it) 800
leagues. This narrow llrait has alfo in the middle two iflands,
which would greatly facilitate the migration of the Afiatics into
the New World, luppofing that it took place in canoes after the
convulhon which rent the two continents afunder. Befides, it
may be added, that thefe ftraits are, even in the fummer, often
filled with ice ; in winter often frozen. In either cafe mankind
might find an ealy pafl'age ; in the laft, the way was extremely
ready for quadrupeds to crofs and llock the continent of Ame-
rica. But where, from the vail expanfe of the north-eaftern
world, to fix on the firfl tribes who contributed to people the
New Continent, now inhabited almoil from end to end, is a
matter that baffles human reafon. The learned may make bold
and ingenious conjcftures, but plain good fenfe cannot always
accede to them.

As mankind increafcd in numbers, they naturally protruded
one another forward. Wais might b^ another caufe of migra-
tions. There appears no reafon why the Afiatic north might
not be an oJJLcinia viroru);:, as well as the European. The over-
teeming country, to the caft of the Riphcean mountains, mufl
j6nd It ncceffary to dilchargc ils inhabitants ; the firll great wav-

150 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

of people was forced forward by the next to it, more tumid
and more powerful tJian itfelf ; fucceffive and new impulfes con-
tinually arriving, fliort reft was given to that which fpread over
a more e;iftcrn tract ; difturbed again and again, it covered frcfli
regions -, a/, length, reaching the fartheft limits of the Old
World, found a new one, with ample fpace to occupy unmoleft-
cd for ages ; till Columbus curfed them Dy a difcovcry, which
brought again, new fins and new deaths to both worlds.

" Tlie inhabitants of the New World (Mr. Pendant obfcrves,)
do not confift of the offspring of a fingle nation ; different peo-
ple, at feveral periods, arrived there ; and it is impolffble to fay?
that any one is now to be found on the original Ipot of its colo-
nization. It is impoffible, with the lights which we have lo re-
cently received, to admit that America could receive its inhabitan(;>
(at leail the bulk of them) from any other place than eaftcrn y\fia.
A few proofs may be added, taken from cuftoms or dreffes com-
mon to the inhabitants of both worlds ; fome have been long ex-
tinft in the Old, others remain in both in full force.

'•The cuflom of fcalping was a barbarifm in ufc with the Scy-
thians, who carried about them at all times this favage mark of
triumph ; they cut a circle round the neck, and ftripped off the
flcin as they would tiiat of an ox. A little image found among
the Calmucs, of a Tartarian Deity, mounted on a horie, and fitting
on a human Ikin, witli Icalps pendent from '.he brcaft, fully illul-
trates tlic cuftom of Uie Scytliian progenitors, as delcribed by
the Greek hiftorian. This ulage, as the Europeans know by
horrid experience, is continued to this day in America. The fe-
rocity of the Scythians to their prifoners extended to the re-
moteft part of Afia. The Kamtfchatkans, even at the time of
their dilcov^ery by the Ruffians, put their priloners to death by
the moft lingering and excruciating inventions ; a pra£lice in full
force to this very day among the aboriginal Americans. A race
of the Scythians were ftiled Anthropophagi, from their feeding on
human flefh. The people of Nootka Sound ftill make a repaft
on their fellow creatures : bat ^\■hat is more wonderful, the fa-
vage allies of the Britifh army have been known to throw the
mangled limbs of the French prifoners into the horrible cauldron,
and devour them with the lainc relifli as thole of a quadruped.

"The Scythians were faid, for a certain time, annually to traui-
form themfclves into wolves, and again to relume the human
fhape. Tiic new difcovered Americans about Nootka Sound, at
this time dilguile thcmfelves in dreffes made of the fl;ins of wolves
and ether wild bcafts, and wear even the heads fitted to their
own. Theie habits they ule in the chacc, to circumvent the am,
mals of the field. But would not ignorance or iupcrfbition alcnUs

OF AMERICA. 151 ,

to a fupernatural metamorpofis thcfe temporary expedients to de,
ceive the brute creation ?

" In their marches, the Kamtfchatkans never went abrcaft,
but followed one another in the fame traft. The fame cuflom is
cxaftly obferved by the Americans.

" The Tungufi, the mofl numerous nation refident in Siberia,
prick their faces with fmall punftures, with a needle, in various
fliapes ; then rub into them charcoal, fo that the marks become
indelible. This cuftom is ftill obferved in feveral parts, of Ame-
rica. The Indians on the back of Hudfon's Bay, to this day,
perform the operation exaftly in the fame manner, and punfture
the (kin into various figures ; as the natives of New Zealand do
at prefent, and as the ancient Britons did with the herb glafhum,
or woad ; and the V^irginians, on the firft difcovery of that
country by the Englifli.

" The Tungufi ufe canoes made of birch-bark, diftended over
ribs of wood, and nicely fewed together. The Canadian, and
many other American nations, ufe no other fort of boats. The
paddles of the Tungufi are broad at each end ; thofe of the peo-
ple near Cook's river, and of Oonalafcha, are of the fame form.

" In burying of the dead, many of the American nations, place
the corpfe at full length, after preparing it according to their
cuftoms ; others place it in a fitting pofture, and lay by it the
moft valuable cloathing, wampum, and other matters. The Tar-
tars did the fame : and both people agree in covering the whole
with earth, fo as to form a tumulus, barrow, or carncdd.

" Some of the American nations hang their dead in trees.
Certain of the Tungufi obferve a fimilar cuftom.

" We can draw fome analogy from drefs : convenicncv in that
article mufh have been confulted on both continents, and origi-
nally the materials mtifl; have been the fame, the fl;ins of birds
^nd beafts. It is fmgular, that the conic bonnet of the Chiiicfe
fhould be found among the people of Nootka. I cannot give
into the notion, that the Chinefe contributed to the population
of the New World ; but we can readily admit, that a fhipwrcck
might furnifh thofe Americans with a pattern for that part
of the drefs.

" In refpeft to the features and form of the human body, nl-
moft every tribe found along the weftern coaft has fome fimili-
tude to the Tartar nations, and ftill retain the little eyes, fmall
nofes, high cheeks, and broad faces. They vary in fize. from
the lufty Calmucs to the little Nogaians. The internal Ameri-
cans, fuch as the Five Indian nations, who are tall of body, ro-
buft in make, and of oblong faces, are derived from a variety
-tmctng the Tartars themfelves, The fine race of Tfchutfllvi fecm

15a GENERAL DESCRIPTION

to be the flock from which ihofc Americans arc derived. The
Tfchutlki, again, from that fine race of Tartars the Kabardinfki,
or inhabitants of Kabarda.

" But about Prince William's Sound begins a race chicfly
diftinguifhed by their drcfs, their canoes, and their inftruments
of the chace, from the tribes to the fouth of them. Plere com-
mences the Efquimaux people, or the race known by that name
in the high latitudes of the eaftern fide of the continent. They
may b- divided into two varieties. At this place they are of the
largcft fize. As they advance northward they decreafe irt height,-
till they dwindle into the dwarhfh tribes which occupy fome of
the coafls of the Icy Sea, and the maritime parts of Hudlbn's Bay,'
of Greenland, and Terra 6.C Labrador. The famous Japancfe map
places fome iflands feemingiy within the Straits of Bchrintr, on'
which is befhowed the title of Ya Zue, or the Kingdom of the
Dwarfs. Does not this in fome manner authenticate the chart,
and give us reafon to fuppofe that America: was not unknown to
the Japancfe ; and that they had (as is mentioned by Kaempfcr
and Charlevoix) made voyages of difcovery, and according to the
lail, a£luaily wintered on the continent ? That they might have
met with the Efquimaux is very probable ; whom, in comparifon
of themfelves, they mightjuftly diflinguifh by the name of dwarfs^
The reafon of their low ftaturc is very obvious ; thele dwell in
a moft fevere climate, amidfh penury of food ; the former in one
much more favourable, abundant in provifions ; circumftances'
that tend to prevent the degeneracy of the human frame. At
the ifland of Oonalafcha, a dixileft of the Efquimaux is in ufc,
which was continu-ed along the whole coaft from thence north-
ward."

The continent which flocked America with the l>uman race
poured in the bl-ute creation through the fame paffage. Very
few • quadrupeds continued in the peninfula of Kamtfchatka ;
Mr. Pennant enumerates Only 25 which are inhabitants of land :
all the reft pcrfifted in their migration-, and fixed their refidence
in the New World. Seventeen of the Kamtfchatkan quadrupeds
are found in America : others are common only to Siberia or
Tartary, having, for unknown caufes, entirely evacuated Kamt-
fchatka, and divided themfelves between America 'and the parts
of Afia above cited. Multitudes again have defcrted the Old
World even to an individual, and fixed their feats at diftances moft
remote from the fpot frotn which they took their departure; from
mount Ararat, the refting place of the ark, in a central patt^ of the
Old World, and excellently adapted for the difperfion of the animal
creation to all its parts. We need not be ftartled (fays Mr. Pen^
nant) at the vaft journeys many of the quadrupeds took to arrive

OF AMERICA. 153

at th<;ir prefent feats. Might not numbers of fpecies have found
a convenient abode in the vafl Alps of Afia, inftead of wandering
to the Cordilleras of Chili ? or might not otliers have been con-
tented with the boundlefs plains of Tartary, inftead of travelling
thoufands of miles to the extenfive flats of Pampas ? — To endea-
vour to elucidate common difficulties is certainly a trouble worthy
of the philofopher and of the divine ; not to attempt it would be
a criminal indolence, a rieglcft to

" Vindicate the ways of God to man."

But there are multitudes of points beyond the human ability to
explain, and yet are truths undeniable: the fafts are indifputable,
notwithftanding the caufes- are concealed. In fuch cafes, faith
muft be called in to our relief. It would containly be the height
of folly to deny to that Being who broke open the great fountains
of the deep to effeft the deluge — ^and afterwards, to compel the
difperfion of mankind to people the globe, direfted the confufioa
of languages — 'powers inferior in their nature to thefe. After
thefe wondrous proofs of Omnipotency, it will be abfurd to deny
the poffibility of infufing inftinft into the brute creation. Deus
ejl anima hrutorum ; " God. himfelf is the foul of brutes :" His pica-
lure muft have determined their will, and direfled fcveral fpecies,
and even the whole genera, by impulfe irrefiftible, to move by
flow progreflion to their dcftined regions. But for that, the Lama
and the Pacos might ftill have inhabited the heights of Armenia
and feme more neighbouring Alps, inftead of labouring to gain.
the diftant Peruvian Andes ; the whole genus of armadillos, flow
of foot, would never have quitted the torrid zone of the Old
World for that of the New -, and the whole tribe of monkeys
would have gamboled together in the forefts of India, inftead of
dividing their refidcncc between the fliades of Indoftan and the
deep forefts of the Brafils. Lions and tigers might have infefted
the hot parts of the New World, as the firft do the defarts of
Africa, and the laft the provinces of Afia ; or the pantherine ani-
rnals of South America might have remained additional Icourges
with the favage beafts of thofc ancient continents. The Old
World would have been overftocked with animals ; the New re-
ifiaincd ah unanimated wafte! or both have contained an equal
portion of every beaft of the earth. Let it not be objefted, that
animals bred in a fouthern climate, after the defccnt of their parents
from the ark, would he unable to bear the froft and fnow of the
rigorous north, before tbey reached South America, the place of
thier final deftination. It muft be confidercd, that the migi'ation
muft have been the work of ages ; that in the courie of their proi

U

134 C £ A' E R.iL D £ ^C Rl hTlU N

grefs each generation grew hardened to the climate it had riSacIied 5
and that after their arrival in America they would againbc gradually
accuflomed to warmer and warmer climates, in their removal front
north to fonth, as they had in the rcverfe, or from fouth to north.'
Part of the tigers ftill inhabit the eternal fnows of Ararat, and
multitudes of tlie' Very fame Ipecies live, but with exalted ragei
beneath the line, in the burning foil of Korneo Sumatra ; but nei-
ther lions or tigers ever migrated into the New World. A few
of the firft are found in India and Perfia, but they are found in
numbers only in Africa. I'he tiger extends as far north as wellern
Tartary, in lat. 40. 50. but never has reached Africa."

In fine, the conjeftures of the learned refpefting the vicinity
of the Old and New, are now, by the difcoveries of our great na-
vigators, loft in conviftion ; and, in the place of imaginary hypo-
thefes, the real place of migration is uncontrovex-tibly pointed out.
Some (from a palfage in Plato) have extended over the Atlantic,
from the ftraits of Gibraltar to the eoaft of North and South Ame-
rica, an iOand equal in fize to the continents of Afia and Africa ~,
over which had paffed, as over a bridge, from the latter, men and
animals ; wool-headed negroes, and lions and tigers, none of which
ever exifted in the New World. A mighty lea arofe, and in one
day and night engulphcd this ftupendous traft, and with it every
being which had not completed its migration into America. The
whole negro race, and almoft every quadruped, now inhabitants
of Africa, periflicd in this critical day. Five only are to be
found at prefcnt in America ; and of thefe only one, the bear in
South America : Not a fmgle cuftom, common to the natives of
Africa and America, to evince a common origin. Of the quadru-
peds, the bear, ftig, wolf, fox, and weefel, are the onlv animals
which we can pronounce with certainly to be found on each con-
tinent. The ftag, fox, and wecfcl, liave made alio no farther
progrels in Africa than the north ; but on the fame continent -the
\vo\i is fpread over every part, yet is unknown in South America,
as arc the fox and weefel. In Africa and South America the bear
is very local, being met with only in the north of the Rrft, and
on the Andes in the laft. Some caufe unknown arrefled its pro-
grcfs in Africa, and impelled the migration of a few into the Chi-
lian Alps, and. induced them to leave unoccupied the vaft tra6l
from North America, to the lofty Cordilleras.

Allufions have often been made to lome i-cmains on the conti-
nent of Am.erica, of a more poliflicd and cultivated people, when
compared with the tribes which pofTcffed it on its firft dilcovery by
Europeans. Mr. Barton, in his Ohftrvations on fome parts of Natural
HiJlory\ Parr I. has coUeft^d the fcattercd hints of Kalm, Carver, and
iomc others, and has added a plan of a regular work, which- has

OF AMERICA. 155

been difcovercfl on the banks of the Mufkingum, near its junftion
•with tiic Ohio. Thele remains are principally ftone- walls, large
mounds of earth, and. a combination of thei'e mounds with the
walls, fufpeftcd to have been fortifications. In fome places the
ditches and the forlrcl's arc laid to have been piairily fccn : in
others, furrows, as if the land had been ploughed.

The mounds of cajth are of two kinds : tliey are artificial tu-
snuli, deficrncd as rcpofitorics for the dead : or they are of a great-
er fizc, for the purpofe of defending, the adjacent country ; and
with this view they are artificially cvmRrufted, or advantage is ta-
ken of the natural eminenccis, to raiie them into a fortification.

The remains near the banks of the Mufkingum, are fituated
cbout one mile above the junftion of that river with the Ohio
and 160 miles below Fort Pitt. 'Jliey confift of a number of walls
and other elevations, of ditches, &c. altogether occupying a fpace
of ground about 30Q perches in length, and from about 150 to 2f,
or 20 in breadth. The town, as it has been called, is a laige level,
cncompaiTcd by walls, nearly in tlip. form of a fquarc. the fides ot
which are from 96 to 86 pcichcs in length. Thele walls arc, in
.■general, about 10 feet in hcig;ht above the level on whicii they
Rand, and about ap feet in diameter at the bafe, but at the top
they arc much narrower ; they are at prefent overgrov/n with ve-
getables of different kinds, and, among others, with trees of fevc-
ral feet diameter. The chaims, or opening in the walls, were pro-
bably intended for gate-ways ; they are three in number at each
fide, belldcs the fmaller openings in the angles. Within the walls
there are three elevations, each about fix feet in height, with legu.
lar afcentstothem : thcic elevations confiderably relemble fome of tiie
ernincnces already mentioned, which have been difcovered near the
river Miffifiippi. This author's opinion is, That the Tolticas, or
Tome other Mexican nation, were the people to whorn the mounts
and fortifications, which he has defcribed, owe their exiftencc ;
and that thofe people were probably the defcendants of the Danes.
The former part of this conjcfture is thought probable, from the
fimilarity of the Mexican m.ounts and fortilications defcribed by
the Abbe Clavigcro, and other authors, to thofe defcribed by our
author ; and from tlie tradition of the Mexicans, that they came
from tlie north-weft ; for, if we can rely on the tcflimony of late
travellers, fortifications fimilar to thofe mentioned by Mr. Barton
have been difcovered as far to the north as Lake Pepin ; and we
find them, as wc approach to the fouth, even as low as the coafls
of i'lorida. The fccond part of our author's conjefture appears
not fo well fupportcd,

U 2

156 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Prod-uction's. This vafl country produces moft of the me-
tals, minerals, plants, fruits, trees, and wood, to be met with in
the other parts of the world, and many of them in greater quanti-
ties and high perfeftion. The gold and hlver of America have
fupplied Europe with fuch immenfe quantities of thofe valuable
metals, that they are become vaftly more common ; fo that the
gold and filver of Euiope now bears little proportion to the high
price fet upon them before the difcovery of America.

It alto produces diamonds, pearls, emeralds, amethyfts and other
valuable flones, which, by being brought into Euro^^e, have con_
tribiated likewife to lower their value. To thefe, which are
chiefly the produftion of Spanifh America, may be added a great
number of other commodities, which, though of lefs price, are of
much greater ufe ; and many of them make the ornament and
wealth of the Britilli empire in this part of the world. Of thefe
are the plentiful fupples of cochineal, indigo, anaito, log-wood,
brazil, fufhic, pimento, lignum vitae, rice, ginger, cocoa, or the
chocolate nut, fugar, cotton, tobacco, banillas, red-wood, the bal-
fams of Tolu, Peru, and Chili, that valuable article in medicine
the Jefuit's bark, mechoacan, faffafras, farfaparilla, caffia, tama-
rinds, hides, furs, ambe rgrcafe, and agreat variety of woods, roots,
and plants ; to which, before the Difcovery of America, we were
either ftrangers, or forced to buy at an extravagant I'atc from Afia
and Africa, through the hands of the Venetians and Gcnoefe, who
then engrofTed the trade of the eaftern world.

On this continent there grows alio a variety of excellent fruits ;
as pine-apples, pomegranates, citrons, lemons, oranges, malicatons,
cherries, pears, apples, figs, grapes, great numbers of culinary,
medicinal, and other herbs, roots, and plants, with many exotic
produftions which are nourifhed in as great perfeftion as in their
native foil.

Having given a fummary account of America in general ; of its
firft difcovery by Columbus, its extent, rivers, mountains, &c. of
the Aborigines, and of the firft peopling this continent, wc lliali
next turn our attention to the Di/covery and Sef//e?r:(nt of No j^th
America,

A SUMMARY ACCOUNT OF ITIE FIRST
DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS

OF

NORTH AMERICA,

ARRANGED IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER.

N,

ORTH AMERICA was difcovered in the reign of Henry VII.
a period when the Arts and Sciences had made very confidcrable
progrefs in Europe. Many of the firft adventurers were men of
jTcnius and learnin?, and were careful to preferve authentic re-
cords of fuch of their proceedings as would be interefling to pof-
terity. Thefe records afford ample documents for American
hiftorians. Perhaps no people on the globe can trace the hiftory
of their origin and progrels with fo much precifion as the inha-
bitants of North Am.erica ; particularly that part of them who
inhabit the territory of the United States.

Th-i fame which Columbus had acquired by his firfl difcoveries

on this weftern continent, fpread through Europe and in-

1496 Ipired many with the ipirit of enterprise. As early as 1496,

four years only after the firft difcovery of America, John

Cabot, a Venetian, obtained a commifTion from Henry VII. to

difcover unknown lands and annex them to the crown.

In tlie fpring he failed from England with two fliips, carrying
with him his three fons. In this voyage, which was intended for
China, he fell in with the north fide of Terra Labrador, and
coafted northerly as far as the 6'jth degree of latitude.

1497.- — T^^ next year he made a i'econd voyage to America
with his fon Sebaftian, who afterwards proceeded in the difcoveries
which his father had begun. On the 24th of June he difcovered
Bonavifla, on the north-eaft fide of Newfoundland. Before his
return he traverfed the coaft from Davis's Straits to Cape Florida^

1502. — Scbaftian Cabot was this year at Newfoundland; and
on his return carried three of the natives of that ifland to Henry
VII.

15? DISCOl'ERIES AKD SETTLEMENTS

1513. — In the fpring of 1513, John Ponce failed from Porta
Rico northerly ; difcovercd the continent in 30° 8' north latitude.
He landed in April, a feafon when the country around was cover-
ed with verdure, and in full bloom, Tliis circumftance induced
him to call the country Florida, which, for many years, was t)ie
common name for North and South America,

1516 — In 1516, Sir Sebaftian Cabot and Sir Thomas Pert ex-
plored the coafl as far as Brazil in South America.

This vaft extent of country, the coaft whereof was thus explor-
ed, remained unclaimed and unfettlcd by any F.uropcan power,
(except by the Spaniards in South America) for almofl a century
from the time of its difcovery.

1524. — It was not till the year 1524 that France attempted dii-
coveries on the American coaft. Stimulated by his cnteiprizing
neighbours, Francis I. who poffefled a great and aftivc mind, fent
John Verrazano, a Florentine, to Ameiica, for the purpofe of
making difcoveries. He traverfed the coaft from latitude 28° to
50" north. In a fecond voyage, fome time after he was loff,

1525 — The next year Stephen Gomez, the firft Spaniard \v\v^
came upon the American coaft for difcovery, failed fi^om Groyn in
Spain, to Cuba and Florida, thence northward to Cape Razo, in
latitude 46*^ north, in learch of a north-weft pafTage to the Eaft
Indies.

1534. — In the fpring of 1534, by the direftion of Frances I. a
fleet was fitted out at St. Male's in France, with dcfign to make
difcoveries in America. The command of this fleet was given to,
James Carticr. He arrived at Newfoundland in May of this year
Thence he failed northerly ; and on the day of the feftival of St.
Laivrence, he found himfelf in about latitude 48° ^o' north in
the midft of a broad gulf, which he named St. Lawrence. He
gave the fame name to the river which emtics into it. In this
voyage, he failed as far north as latitude 51'', expefling in vain
to find a pafTage to China,

1535- — Tbe next year he failed up the river St. Lawrence 300
leagues to the great and fwift Fall. He called the country New
France ; built a fort in which he fpent the winter, and returned
in the folio-wing fpring to France.

1542- — In 1542, Francis la Roche, Lord of Robewell, was fent
to Canada, by the French king, with three fhips and £oo men •
women and children. They wintered here in a fort which thev
had built, and returned in the fpring. About the year 1550, a
large number of adventurers failed for Canada, but were never
after heard of. In 1598, the king of France commiffioned the
Marquis de la Roche to conquer Canada, and other countries not
pofTelfed by any Chriftian prince. \Vc do not learn however

OF .\WR TH A M E R ICA. 1 59

that ia Roche ever attempted to execute his commifTion, or
that any further attempts were made to fettle Canada during this
cjutury.

1^39. — On the t2th of May, 1539. Ferdinand de Soto, with

900 men, belidcs feamen, lailed from Cuba, having for his objeft

the conqucfl, of Florida. On the 30th of May, h^e arrived at Spiri-

to Santo, from whence he travelled northward 450 leagues from

the fca. Here he difcovered a river a quarter of a nlile

1542 wide and 19 fathoms deep, on the bunk of which he died

1543 and was buried, May 1543, aged 42 years. Alvei-do his
fuccelTor built feven brigantines, and the year following

embarked upon the river. In 17 days he proceeded down
the river 400 leagues, where he judged it to be 15 leagues wide.
From the largenefs of the river at that place of his embarkation,
he concluded its iource muft have been at Icafl 400 leagues above,
fo that the whole length of the river in his opinion muft have
been more than 800 leagues. As he paffed down the River, he
found it opened by two mouths into the gulph of Mexico. Thefe
circumftances led us to conclude, that this river, fo early difcover-
ed, was the one which we now call the Miffifftppl.

jfan. 6, 1549. This year King Henry VH. granted a penfion
for life to Sebafhian Cabot, in confideration of the important fer-
vices he had rendered to the kingdom by his difcoveries in Ame-
rica.

1562. — The admiral of France, Chattillon, early in this year
fent out a fleet under the command of John Ribalt. He arrived
at Cape Francis on the coaft of Florida, near which, on the firfl
of May, he difcovered and entered a river which he called May
river. It is- more than probable that river is the fame which wc
now call St. Mary's, which forms a part of the fouthern bounda-
ry of the United States. As he coafted northward he difcovered
eight other rivers, one of which he called Port Royal, and failed
up it feveral leagues. On one of the rivers he built a fort and
called it Charles, in which he left a colony under the direftion of
Captain Albert. The feverity of Albert's meafures excited a mu*
tiny, in which, to the ruin of the colony, he was llain. Two
years after, Chatillon fent Rene Laudonier, with three fhips, to
Floridji. In June he arrived at the River May, on which he built
•a fort, and, in honour to his King, Charles IX. he called it
CaroUna,

In Auguft, this year, Capt. Ribalt arrived at Florida the fecond
time, with a fleet of feven vcfTels to recruit the colony, which>
two years before, he liad left under the direftion of the unfortu-
nate Capt. Albert,

i6o DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS

The September following, Pcuro Mclandes, with fix SpanilTf
fhips, purfued Ribalt up the river on which he had fettled, anci
overpowering him in numbers, cruelly madacrcd him and his
whole company. Mclarrdes, having, in this way taken polfcfTion
of the country, built three forts, and left them garriloned with
1200 foldicrs. Laudonier and his colony on May River, receiv-
incr information 6f the fate of Ribalt, took the alarm and clcaped
to France.

1^6^. — A flest of three fliips was this year fent from France to'
Florida, vmder the conirtiand of Dominique de Gourgcs. The ob-
jeft of this expedition was to difponcfs the Spaniards of that part of
Florida which they had cruelly and unjuftifiably feized three
1568 years before. He arrived on the coafl of Florida, April
1568, and foon after made a fuccefsful attack upon the
forts. The recent cruelty of Mclandes and his company excited
revenue in the bread of .Gourges, and roufed the unjuftifiable prin-
ciple of retaliation. He took the forts ; put moftof the Spaniards
to the fword; and having burned and demolifhed all their for-
trelTes, returned to France. During the fifty years next after this
event, the French enteipri^ed no fettlcments in America.

i^n6. — Captain Frobifher was fent this year to find out a north-
weft paffage to the Eafl-Indies. The firft land which he made on'
the coaft was a Cape, which, in honour to the Queen, he called
^een Elizabeth^ s Foreland. In coafling northerly he difcovered the
ftraits which bear his name. He profecuted hisfearch for a pal-
fage into the w^eflern ocean till he was prevented by the ice, and
thdh returned to England.

'379- — ^'^ ''579' ^*^ Humphrey Gilbert obtained a patent from
queen Elizabeth, for lands n,ot yet poffeffed by any Chriflian prince,
provided he would take poflclTion witJii-n fix years. With
1583. this encouragement he failed for America, on the firft of
Auguft, 1583, anchored' in Conception Bay. Afterward
he diicovered and took polTenion of St. John's Harbour, and the
country fouth. In purfuing his clifcoveries he loft one of his fliips
on the flioals of Sablon, and on his return home, a ftorm overtook
him, in which he was unfortunately loft, and the intended fettle-
mcnt was prevented.

1584. — This year two patents were granted by queen Elizabctl^
one to Adrian. Gilbert, (Feb. 6.) tlie other to Sir Walter Raleigh
for lands not poffeffed by any Chriftian prince. By the direftioii
of Sir Walter, twofhips were fitted and fent out, under the com-
mand of Philip Amidas, and Arthur Barlow. In July they
arrived on the coaft, and anchored in a harbour feven leagues wefi:
of the Roanoke. On the 13th of July, they, in a formal manner,
took poffcffion of the country, and, in honour of their virgin

OF NORTH AMERICA, 161

qiicen Elizabeth, they called it Virpnia. Till this time the
country was known by the general name of Florida. After thi-s
Virgin' I A became the common name for all North America.

1585.— —I'he next year Sir Walter Raleigh fent Sir Richard
Greenville to America, with feven fliips. He arrived at Woco-
con Harbour in June. Having ftationed a colony of more than
a hundred people at Roanoke, under the direftion of Capt. Ralph
Lane, he coafted north-eaflerly as far as Chcfapeek Bay, and re-
turned to England,

The colony under Capt. Lane endured extreme hardfliios, and
muft have periflied, had not Sir Francis Drake fortunately re-
turned to Virginia, and carried them to England, after having
jnade feveral conquefts for the queen in the Weft Indies and
other places.

A fortnight after, Sir Richard Greenville arrived with new
recruits ; and, although he did not find tlie colony which he had
before left, and knew not but they had perifhed, he had the
rafhnefs to leave 50 men at the fame place.

1587.' — The year following, Sir Walter fent another comparty
to Virginia, under Governor White, With a charter and twelve
alFiftants. In July he arrived at Roanoke. Not one of the fe-
cond company remained. He. determined, however, to rifque a
third colony. Accordingly he left 115 people at the old fettle-
ment, and returned to England.

This year (Aug. 13) Manteo was baptized in Virginia. He
was the fir (I native Indian who received that ordinance in that
part of America* On the 18th of Auguft, Mrs. Daie was deli-
vered of a daughter, whom fhe called Virginia. She was the
firft Englifh child that was born in North America.

1590. — In the year 1590, Governor White came. over to
Virginia with lupplies and recruits for his colony •, but, to his
great grief, not a man was to be found. They liad all miferably
famifhed with hunger, or were mailacred by the Indians.

1602. — In the ^ Ipring of this year, Bartholomew Gofnold
with 32 perfons, made a voyage to North Virginia, and difco-
vered and gave names to Cape Cod, Martha's Vineyard, an.d
Elizabeth Ifiands, and to Dover Cliff. Elizabeth Ifland was the
place which they fixed for their firft fettlement. But the courage
of thoie who were to have tarried, failing, they all went on
board and returned to England. All the attempts to fettle this
continent which were made by the Dutch, French and Englifli,
from its difcovery to the prelent time, a period of iio years,
provdft ineffeftual. The Spaniards only, of all the European
nations, had been fuccefsful. There is' no accouiit of theie hav-

W

i62 DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS

ing been one European family, at this time, in all the vaft cxtifrft
of coall from Florida to Greenland.

1603. — Martiri Pring and William Brown were this year fenf
by Sir Walter Raleigh, with tv/o fmall veffels, to make difcove-
ries in North Virginia. They came upon the coaft, which was
broken with a multitude of iflands, in latitude 43** 3c' north.
They coaltcd fouthv/ard to Cape Cod Bay ; thence round the
Cape into a commodious harbour in latitude 41** 25', where they
went alliore and tarried fcven weeks, during whith time they
loaded one of their vellels with faffafras, and returned to Eng-
land.

Bartholomexv Gilbert, in a Voyage to South \''irginia, in
fcarch of the third colony which had been left there by Governor
White in 1587, having touched at fevcral of the Weft-Indi:i
lllands, landed near Che'apeck Bay, where, in a fkirmifh with
the Indians, he and four of his men were unfortunately flain.
The reft, without any further fearch for the colony^ returned ti
England.

France, being at this tiirie in a flate of tranquility in confe-
quence of the edift of Nantz in favour of the Proteftants^ paffcd
by Henry IV. (April 159B) and of the peace with Philip king of
Spain and Portugal, was induced to purfue her difcoveries in
America. Accordingly the king figned a patent in favour of
De Mons. (1603) *^^ ''^^ ^^^ country from the 40th to the 46th-
degrees of north latitude under the name of Acadia^
1604 The next year De Mons ranged the coaft from St. Law-
rence to Cape Sable, and fo round to Cape Cod,

1605. — In May 1605, George's Iilind and Pentecofl Harbouf
were dilcovered by Capt. George Weymouth. In May he en-
tered a large river in latitude 43^ 20' (variation 11** 15' weft)
which Mr. Prince, in his Chronologv, fuppoles muft have becft
Sagadahok ; but from the latitude, it was more probably the
Pilcataqua. Capt. Weymouth carried with him to England five
of the natives.

1606. — In the Spring of this year, James I. by patent, divid^cd
Virginia into two colonics. The Joidhcrn included all lands be-
tween the 34th and 4 1 (l degrees of north latitude. This was
flyled the firft colony, under the name of South Virginia, and v/as
granted to the London Company, The northerji, called the fe-
cond colony, and ktiown by the general name of North Virginia^
included all lands between the 38th and 45th degrees north lati-
tude, and was granted to the Plymouth Company. Each of
thefe colonics had a council of thirteen men to govern them.
To prevent difputes about territory, the colonics were prohibited
to plant within an hundred miles of each other. There appears

0 F NO RTH AMERI CA. 163

to be *u inconfiflcncy in thcfe giants, as the lands lying between
the 38th and 41!]: degrees, arc covered by both patents,

Buth the London and riymouth companies entcrprized fettlc-
ments y/ithin the limits of their refpcftive grants. With what
jfuccefs \yili now be mentioned.

Mr. Piercy, brother of the Earl of Northumberland, in the
fervice of the London Companyj went over with a colony to
Virginia, and difcovcred Powhatan, now James River, In t^ie
mean time the Plymoutk Company fent Capt. Henry Challons in
a veffel of fifty-five fons .to plant a colony in North Virginia; but
in his voyage he was tahcn by a Spanifh fleet and carried to Spain.
1607. — The London Company this fpring. fent Capt. Chrifto-
/ipril 26. pher Newport with tluce veffels to South \'"irginia»
jOn the 26th 0/ April he entered Chcfapeck Bay, and landed,
and fpon after gave to the moft fouthcrn point, the
May \^. narne of Cape Henry, which it flill retains. Having
eleftcd Pvlr, Edward Wingfield, pi-efident fo»- the year,
they next day landed all their mien, and began 7^ fettle-
ment on James river, at a place which they called James-
Jfunc 22. Town. This is the firft town that was fetfled by the
Englifli in North America. The June following Capt.
Newport failed for England, leaving with the preljcjent one hun-
dred and four perfons.

AiLguJi 22. — -In Augufl died Captain Bartholomew Gofnold, the
firfl projeftor of the Icttlement, and one of the council. The fol-
lowing winter James-Town v/as burnt.

During this time the Plymouth company fitted out two fliips
under the command of Adrniral Ravv'lcy Gilbert, They failed
for North Virginia on the 31ft of May, with one hundred plant-
ers, and Capt. George Popham for their prefident. They arrived
in Auguftj and fettled about nine or ten leagues to the fouthward
of the mouth of Sagadahok river. A great part of the colony,
however, dillieartcned by the fcverity of the winter, returned to
England in L)ccember, leaving their prefident, Capt. Popham,
"with only forty-five men.

It was in the fall of this year that tlie famous Mr. Robinfon,
with part of his congregation, who afterwards fettled at Plymouth
in New-England, removed from the North of England to PIol-
land, to avoid, the cruelties of perfecution, and for the lake of
enjoying "purity of worfhip and liberty of conlcicnce,"

This year a frnall company of merchants at Dieppe and St. Ma-
lo's, f9unded Quebec, or rather the colony which tliey fent, built
a few huts there, which did not lake the f'jrm of a town uniil t^ie
reign of Lewis XI\',

W 2

164 DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS

1608. — The Sagadahok colony 'iifTcrcd incredible liardfliips
after the departure of their fiiends in Deccrril>er. In the depth
of wint'-r, which was extremely cold, their ftore-houfe caught fire
and was confumed, with moft of their provifions and lodgings.
Their misfortunes were incrcaled, loon after, by the death of their
prefidcnt. Rawley Gilbert was appointed to fuccced hirn.

Lord Chief Juftice Popham made every exertion to keep this
colony alive by repeatedly fending them fupplies. But the dr-
cmnftance of his death, which happened this year, togetlier with
that of prcfident Gilbert's being called to England to fettle his
aflairs, broke up the colony, and they all returned with him to
England.

The unfavourable repcirts which thcfe fnft unfortimalc adven-
turers propagated refpefting the country, prevented any lurther
attempts to lettle North Virginia for fevcral years after.

1609. — The London company, la fh year, fent Capt. Nelfon,
with two fliips, and one hundred and twenty perfons, to James-
Town; and this year Capt. John Smith, afterwards prcfident, ar- '
rived on the coafl of South Virginia, and by failing up a number
of the rivers, difcovered the interior country. In September,
Capt. Newport arrived with feventy perfons, which increafcd the
colony to two hundred fouls.

Mr, Robinfon and his congregation who had fettled at Amfter-
dam, removed this year to Leydcn, where they remained more,
than eleven years, till a part of them came over to New-England.

The council for South Virginia having refigned their old com-
miffion, rcquefted and obtained a new one; in confequence of
which they appointed Sir Thomas V/eft, Lord de la W'ar, general
of the colony; Sir Thomas Gates, his lieutenant; Sir George
Somers, admiral; Sir Thomas Dale, high marflial ; Sir Ferdinand
M'ainman, general of the horfe, and Capt. Newport, vice admiral.

J^une 8. — In June, Sir T. Gates, admiral Newport, and Sir
George Somers, with feven fliips and a ketch and pinnace, having
five hundred fouls on board, men, women, and children,
yu/.)! 24. iailed from Falmouth for South Virginia, In crolTing
the Baliama Gulph, on the 2 4lh of July, the fleet was
overtaken by a violent florm and feparated. Four days after Sir
George Somers ran his vefTel afliore on one of the Bermuda
Iftands, which, from this circumftance, have been called the So-
mer Iflands. The people on board, one hundred and fifty in
nur.iber, ail got fafe on {hore, and there remained until the foi-
l-wing May. The remainder of the licet arrived at Virginia in
a^-uguft. The colony was now increafed to five hundred men.
C^pt. Smith, then prcfident, a little before the arrival of the fleet,
had been very badly burnt by means of fomc powder, which had

OF NOR TH A M ERIC A. 165

accidentally caught fire. This unfortunate circumflancc, together
with the oppoliuon he met with from thofe who had lately arri-
ved, induced him to leave the colony and return to Enghind,
which he accordingly did on the lull of September. Francis Weft,
his fucceffor in ofEce, foon followed him, and George Piercy was
elcfted prefidcnt.

1610. — The year following, the South Virginia or London
company fealed a patent to Lord De lu War, conftituting him
Governor and Captain (General of South Virginia. He foon af-
ter embarked for America witli Capt. Argal ajid one hundred and
fifty men, in three fhips.

-The unfortunate people, who, the year before, had been fliip-
wrecked on the Bermudas Ulands, had employed themfelves du-
ring the winter and fpring, under the dire£lion of Sir Thomas
Gates, Sir George Somers, and admiral Newport, in building a
floop to tranlport themfelves to the continent. They embarked
for Virgmia on the 10th of May, with about one hundred and fif-
ty perli^ns on board, leaving two of their men behind who chofe
to ftay, and landed at James-Town on the 23d of the fame month.
Finding the colony, which at the time of Capt. Smith's departure,
confifted of five hundred fouls, now reduced to fixty, and thofe
few in a diftrefled and wretched fituation, they with one voice
refolved to return to England ; and for this purpofe, on the nth
of Jvine, tlie whole colony repaired on board their vellels, broke
up their lettlement, and failed down tlie river on their way to
their native country.

Fortunately, Lord De la War, who had embarked for James-
Town the March before, met them the day after they f?iled, and
perfuaded them to return with him to James-Town, where they
arrived and landed the 10th of June. The government of the
colony of right devolved upon Lord De la War. From this tifne
we may date the effeftual lettlement of Virginia. Its hiftory,
from this period, will be given in its proper place.

As early as the year 1608, or 1609, Henry Hudfon, an En-
glifhman, under a commiflion from the King his mafter, difcover-
ed Long Ifland, New-York, and the river which ftill bears his
name, and afterwards fold the country, or rather his right, to the
Dutch. Their Avriters, however, contend that iludfon was fcnt
out by the Eaft-India company in 1609, to difcover a north-weft
paffage to China ; and that having firft dilcovered Delaware Bay,
lie came and penetrated Hudfon's river as far as latitude 43®. It
is faid however that there was a fale, and that the Englifh objeft-
ed to it, though for fome time they ncglcfted to oppofe the Dutch
fettlement of the country.

i66 DISCOVERIES AND. SETTLEMENTS

1610. — In 1610, Hudfon failed again to this qountry, then
Cimed by the Dutch New Netherlands, and four years after, the
States-peneral granted a patent to fundry merchants for an ex-
clufive trade on the North river, who the fame year^
1614 (1614) built a fort on the weft fide near Albany. From
this time we may date the fettlement of New-York, the
hiftory of which will be annexed to a dcfcription of the State.

Conception Bay, on the Illand of Newfoundland, was fettled
in tl>e year 1610, by about forty planters under governor John
Guy, tQ \yhom I^ing James had given a patent of incorporation.

Champlain, a Frenchman, had begun a fettlement at Quebec,
1608, St Croixj Mount Manfel, and Port P.oyal were fettled
about the fame time. Thefe fettlements remained undlflurbed till
1613, -vvheji the Virginians, hearing that the French had fettled
within their limits, fent Captain Argal to diflodge them. For
this purpofe he failed to Sagadahok, took their forts at Mount
Manl'el, St. Croix, and Port Royal, with their veffels, ordnance,
catjtle, ^nd proyifipns, and carried thern to James-Town in Vir-
girji.^. jOuebec \yas left in pofTefTion of the French.

1614. — This year Capt. John Smith, with two fhips and forty-
five men and boys, made a voyage to North Virginia, to make ejc-
periments upon a gold and copper mine. His orders were, tcx
fifh apd tr^de with the natives, if he lhoul4 fail* in his expefta-
tJQfis with regard to the ijiirie. To facilitate this bufiuefs, he
took with him Tantum, an Indian, perhaps one that Capt. V/ey-
jnouth carried to England in 1605. In April he reached the
Iftand Monahigan in latitude 43*^ 30'. Here Capt. Smith was
direfted to flay and keep polTelTion, with ten men, for the pur-
pofe of making a trial of the whaling bufmefs, but being difap-
pointed in this he built fcvcn boats, in which thirty-feven merx
ma,de a very fuccefsful hfning voyage. In the mean time the cap-
tain himfelf, with eight men only, in a fmall boat, coalled from,
Penobfcot to Sag^idahok, Acocifco, Paffataquack, Tragabizanda,
novy called Cape Ann, thence to Acomak, where he fl^irmiflied
with ibme Indians ; thence to Cape Cod where he let his Indian,
Tantum, alhore and left him, and returned to Monahigan. In
this voyage he found two French fhips in the Bay of Maflfachu-
fetts, who had come there fix weeks before, and during that
time, had been trading very advantageoully with the Indians. It
was conjeftured that there was, at this time, three thouland In-
dians upon the Maffachufetts Iflands.

In July, Capt. Smith embarked for England in oae of the vef-
fels, leaving the other under the command of Capt. Thomas
Hunt, to equip for a voyage to Spain. After Capt. Smith's de-
parture, Hunt perfidioufly allured twenty Indians (one of whom

OF NORTH AMERICA. 167

^as Sq^mnto, afterwards fo ferviceable to the Englifli) to come on
board his fhip at Petuxit, atid feven more at Naufit, and carried
them to the Ifiand of Malaga, where he fold them for twenty-
pounds each, to be flaves for life. This conduft, which fixes an
inddible ftigma upon the charafter of Hunt, excited in the breafts
of the Indians fuch an inveterate hatred of the Eniglifli, as that,
for many years after, all commercial inlercourfe with thein was
rendered exceedingly dangerous.

Capt. Smith arrived at London the lad of AuguH;, whej-e he
drew a map of the ccuhtry, and called it New-England. From
this time North- Virginia alTumed the name of Nezu- England, and
the name Virginia was confined to the fouthern colony.

Between the years 1614 and 1626, leveral attempts were made
by the Plymouth Company to fettle New-England, but by various
means they were all rendered inefFeftual. During this time how-
ever, an advantageous trade was carried oh with the natives.

1617. — In the year 1617, Mr. S.obinfon and his congregation
influenced by leveral weighty reafons, meditated a removal to
America. Various difficulties intervened to prevent
1620. the fuccefs of their defigns, until the year 1620, when
a part of Mr. Robinfon*s congregation came over and
i^ttled at Plymovith. At this time commenced the fettlemcnt of
New-England.

The particulars relating" to the firfh emigrations to this northern
part of America; the progrefs of its fettlement, &c. will be given
in the hiftory of New-Enghnd, to which the reader is referred.
In order to preferve the chronological order in which the le-
veral colonies, not grown into independent ftates, were firft fet-
tled, it will be neceflary that I fhould juft mention,
a 621 that the next year after the fettlement of Plymouth,

Captain John Mafon, obtained of the Plymouth council
a grant of a part of the prefent ftate of New-Hamp-
1623 fhire. Two years after, under the authority of this

grant, a fmall colony fixed down near the mouth of Pif-
cataqua river. From this period we may date the fettlement of
New-Hampfhire.

1627. — In 1627, a colony of Swedes and Fins came over and
landed at Cape Henlopen ; and afterwards purchafed of the Indi-
ans the land from Cape Henlopen to the Falls of Delaware on
both fides the river, which they called New Swedeland Stream.
On this river they built feveral forts, and made fettlements.

1628. On the igthof March, 1628, the council for New-Eng-
land fold to Sir Henry Rofwell, and five others, a large traft of
land, lying round Maffachufetts Bay. The June following, Capt.
John Endicot, with his wife and company, came over and fettled

i68 DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS

at Naumkeag, now called Salem. This was the firfl fcttlemenf.
which was made in Maffachufetts Bay. Plymouth, indeed, which"
is now included in the Commonwealth of Maffachufetts, was fet-
tled eight years before, but at this time it was a feparate colony,
under a diflinft government, and continued fo until the fecond
charter of Maffachufetts was granted by William and Marv in
1691 ; by which Plymouth, the Province of Maine and Sagadahok
Were annexed to Maifachufetts.

June 13, 1633. — In the reign of Charles the Firffc, Lord Bal-
timore, a Roman Catholic, applied for and obtained a grant of a
traft of land upon Chefapeek Bay, about one hundred and forty
miles long, and one hundred and thirty broad. Soon after this,
in confequence of the rigour of the laws of England againfl the
Roman Catholics, Loi^d Baltimore, with a number of his perfecu-
ted brethren, came over and fettled it, and in honour of queen
PIcnrietta Maria, they called it Maryland.

The firfl grant of Connefticut was made by Robert, Earl of
Warwick, prefident of the council of Plymouth, to Lord
1631 Say and Seal, to Lord Brook and others, in the year 1631.
In confequence of feveral fmaller grants made afterwards
by the patentees to particular perfons, Mr. Fenwick made
a fettlement at the mouth of Connefticut river, and called
1635 it Saybrook. Four years after a number of people from
Maffachufetts Bay came and began fettlements at Hart-
ford, Wethersfield, and Windfor, on Connefticut river. Thus
commenced the Englifh fettlement of Connetlicut.

Rhode Ifland was firft fettled in confequence of religious per-
fecution. Mr. Roger Williams, who was among thofe who ear-
ly came over to Maffachufetts, not agreeing with fome of his
brethren in fentiment, was very unjuflifiably baniflied the
1G35 colony, and went with twelve others, his adherents, and
fettled at Providence in 1635. From this beginning arofe
the colony, now flatc of Rhode-Ifland.

1664. — On the 20th of Marfh, 1664, CLarles the Second
grajited to the Duke of York, what is now called New-Jerfey,
then a part of a large traft of country by the name of New Ne-
thcrland. Some parts of New-Jerfey were fettled by the Dutck
as early as about 1615.

1662. — In the year 1662, Charles the Second granted to Ed-
ward Earl of Clarendon, and feven others, almoft the whole ter-
ritory of the three Southern dates, North and South Ca-
1664 rolinas and Georgia. Two years after he granted a fecond
charter, enlarging their boundaries. The proprietors, by
virtue of authority veiled in them by their charter, engaged Mr.
Locke to frame a fyflcm of laws for the government of their in-

OF AMERICA, 169

tended colony. Notwithftanding thefe preparations, no
i66g effcftual fcttlcnicnt wis made until theyear i66g, (thoughone

was attempted in iG^-y) when Governor Sayle came ovci'
with a colony, and hxcd on a neck of land between Afliley and
Cooper Rivers. Thus commenced the Icttlement of Carolina,
which then included the whole territory between the 29th and
.36th 30' degrees, north latitude, together with the Bahama Iflands,
lying between latitude 22° and 27" north.

1681. — The Royal charter for Pennfylvmia was granted to Wil-
liam Penn on the 4th of March, i68i. The firfb colony
1682 came over the next year, and fettled under the proprietor,

William Pen^i, who afted as governor fronj October 1682
to Augiift 1684. The firft affembly in the province of Pcnnfyl-
vania was held at Chefter, on the 4th of December, 1682. Thus
William Penn, a Quaker, juftly celebrated as a great and good rnan,
had the hoiiour of lav'ng the foundation of the prefent populous
and very flourifliing State of Pcnnfylvania.

The proprietory government in Carolina, was attended with fo
many inconveniences, and occafioired fuch violent diflentions
among the fettlers, that the Parliament of Great-Britain was indu-
ced to take the province under their immediate care. The pro-
prietors (except Lord -Granville) accepted of £.29., ^00 fterling,

from the crown for the property and jurifdiftion. This
I'jsg agrecment'was ratified by aft of Parliament in 1729. A claufe

in this aft rclevvcd to Lord Granville his eighth flaare of
the property, and arrears of quit-rents, which continued legally
vefted in his family till the revolution in 1776. Lord Granville's
fhare made a part of the prefent fhate of North-Carolina. About
the year 1729-, the extenfive territory belongin*^ to the proprietors,
was divided into North and South Carolina. They remained fepa-
rate royal governments until they became independent ftates.

For the relief of poor indigent people of Great-Britain and Ire-
land, and for the fecurity of Carolina, a projeft was formed for
planting a colony between the rivers Savannah and Alatamaha.

Accordingly application being made to king George the
1732 Second, he ilTued letters patent, bearing date June 9th, 1732,

for legally carrying into execution the benevolent plan. In
honor of the king, who greatly encouraged the plan, they called
the new province Georgia. Twen^y-one truftees were appointed
to conduft the affairs relating to the fettlcment of the province.
The November following, one hundred and fifteen perlons,
one of whom was General (^'^glethorpe, embarked for Georgia,
where they arrived, and landed at Yamacraw. In exploring the
country, they found an elevated pleafant fpot of ground on the
Vol. I. Z

ip DISC0VERI£:S AND SETTLEMENTS

bank of a navigable river, upon "vvhich they marked out a town,
and from the Indian name of the river which paffed by it, callecl
it Savannah. From this period we may date the fettlement of
Georgia.

The country now called Kentucky, was well known to the In-
dian traders many years before its fettlement. They gave a def-
tription of it to Lewis Evans, who publifhed his firft map
175?, of it as early as the year i'7rj2. James Macbride, with fome
-754 others, explored this country in 1754. Col. Daniel Boon
vifited it in 1769.

^773- — Four years after Col. Boon and his family, with five
otliej- families, v/ho we're joined by forty men/rom Powle's valley,
began the fettlement of Kentucky*, which is now one of the moft
9;rowing colonies, perhaps, in the world, and wis erefted into an
independent ftate,by an aft of Congrefs, December 6th, 17-90, and
received into the Union, June ift, 1792.

The traft of country called Vermont, before the late war, was
claimed by both New-York and New-Hampfliire. When hoflilities
commenced between Great-Britain znd her Colonies, the inhabi-
tants confidering themfelves as in a ftate of nature, as to civil go-
vernment, and not witlim any legal jurifdiftion, affociated and
formed for themfelves a conflitution of government. Under this
conftitution, they have ever fmce continued to exercife all the
powers of an independent ftate. Vermont was not admitted into
union with the other ftates till March 4, 4-791, yet we may venture
to date her political cxiftence as a feparate government^
I'l']'] from the year 1777, becaufe, fince that time, Vermont has
to all intents and purpofcs, been a fovereign and indepen-
dent State. The firft fettlement in this ftate was made at Benning-
ton as early as about 1764.

The extenfive traft of country lying north-weft of the Ohio
River, within the limits of the United States, was erefted into a
feparate temporary government by an Ordinance of Congrefs
1787 pafl'ed the 13th of July, 1787.

Thus we have given a fummary view of the firft dilGoveries and
progreihve fettlement of North America in their chronological
order. The following recapitulation will comprehend the whole
in one view.

* This fettlement was made in violation of the Treaty, in 1768, at Fort Stanwjx,
Vr'hich exprcfsly ftipulates, that this traft of country flionld be rclerved for the
weflern nations to h.unt upon, until they and the crown of England fhould other-
wife agree. This has been one great caufe of the enmity of thofe Indian nations
t(J ^le Virginians.

OF AMERICA.

Names of pLues. WhenfcLtbjd,

Quebec,
Vi-ginia,
Newfoundland,
New- York "1
New-Jeriey, /

Plymouth,

1608

June 10, i6io

June, 1610

about 1614
1620

New-HampQiire,

Delaware, \

Pennfylvania J
M-iflachufett's Bay,

Maryland,

Connefticut,

Rhode-Ifland.

New-Jerfey,

■South Carolina,
Pennfylvania,

North- Carolina,

Georgia,

Kentucky,

Vermont,

Territory N. W. 1
of Ohio river, J

J623

1627
1628

1633
-635
•3635

1664

16^9
1682

about 1728

1732
1773

about 1764
1787

By whom.

By the French.

By LopA De la War.

By Governor John Guy.

By the Dutch.

r By part of Mr. Robinfon's con-
\ gicgaticn.

J By a Imall Englifh colony nea*"
\ the mouth of Pifcataqua rivei.

By the Swedes and Fins. '-

By Capt. John Endicot & comp.
J By Lord Baltimore, with a co-
\ lony of Roman Catholics. '
By Mr. Fenwick, at Saybrook,
near the mouth of Conncfticut
river,

r By Mr. Roger Williams and
\ his pcrfecuted brethren.
"Granted to the Duke of York
by Charles II. and made a
diftinft government, and let-
j tied fome time before this by
[_ the Englifh.
By Governor Saylc.
j By William Penn, with a co-
\ lony of Quakers.

Erefted in a feparate govern-
ment, fettled before by the
Englifh.
By General Oglethorpe.
By Col. Daniel Boon.

By emigrants from Connefti-
cut and other parts of New
England,
By the Ohio and other compa-
nies.

The above dates are from the periods, when the firfl permanefit
Settlements were made.

% ?.

NORTH AMERICA.

BOUNDARIES AND EXTENT.

N

ORTH America comprehends all that part of the weftern
continent which lies north of the Ifthnius of Darien, extending
north and. fouth from about the loth degree north latitude to the
north pole ; and call and %veft from the Atlantic to the Pacific
Ocean, between the 45th and 165th degrees weft longitude from
London. Beyond the -yoth degree N. Lat. few dilcoveries have
been made. In July 1779, Capt. Cook proceeded as far as lat.
']i°, when he came to a lolid body of ice extending from con-
tinent to continent.

Bays, Sounds, Straits, axd Islands. — Of thefe (except
thofe in tire United States, which we fhall defcribe under that
head) we knov/ little more than their names. Baffin's Bay, lying
between the 70th and 80th degrees N. Lat, is the largcft and r.ioft
nothern, that has yet been difcovercd in North America. It
opens into the Atlantic ocean through Baffin's and Davis's Straits^
between Cape Chidley, on the Labrador coaft, and Cape Fare-
well. It communicates with Hudfon's Bay to the fouth, thrsugh
a clufter of iflands. In this capacious bay or gulph is James Ifl-
and, tlic louth point of which is called Cape Bedford ; and the
fmaller iflands of Waygate and Diflco. Davis's Straits feparatc
Greenland from the American continent, and are between Cape
Walfingham, on James Ifland, and South Bay in Greenland, wlierc
they are about 60 leagues broad, and extend from the 67th to the
^ifi: degrees of latitude above Diflio ifland. The mod fouthern
point of Greenland is called Cape Farewell.

Hudfon's Bay took its name from Henry Hudfon, who difco-
vercd it in 1610. It lies between 51 and 69 degrees of north la-
titude. The ealtcrn boundary of the Bay is Terra de Labrador J
the northern part has a ftraight coaft, facing the bay, guarded with
a line of iflcs innumerable. A vaft bay, called the Archiwinnipy
Sea, lies within it, and opens into Hudfon's Bay, by means of
gulph Hazard, through which the Beluga whales pafs in great
numbers. The entrance of the bay, from the Atlantic ocean, af-
ter leaving, to the north, Cape Farewell and Davib's Straits, is
between Refolution ifles on the north, and Button's iflcs, on the
Labrador coaft, to the fouth, forming the eaftern extremity of
Hudfon's Straits.

KO RTH AMERICA. iy3

The coafls are very high, rocky and rugged at top ; in fome
places precipitous, but fomctimcs exhibit cxtcnfive beaches. The
iflands of Sahfbury, Nottingham, and Diggcs arc very lofty and
naked. The depth of water in the middle of the bay is 140 fa-
thoms. From Cape Churchill to the fouth end of the bay are re-
gular foundings; near the fliorr, flaallow, with muddy or fandy
bottom. To the northward of Churchill, the foundings arc irre-
gular, the bottom rocky, and in (omc parts the rocks appear above
the fur face at low water.

James's Bay lies at the bottom, or mofl fouthern part of Hud-
fon's Bay, with which it communicates, and divides New Britain
from South Wales. To the northweflv/ard of Hudfon's Bay is an
cxtcnfive chain of lakes, among which is Lake Menichlich, lat. 61",
long. ioj° \V. North of this is Lake Dobount, to the northward of
which lies the extenfive country of the northern Indians. Weft
of thcfc lakes, between the latitudes of 60 and 66 degrees, after
pafTing a large clufter of unnamed lakes, lies the lake or fea Ara-
thapelcow, whofe louthern fhores are inhabited by the Arathapef-
cow Indians, North of this, and near the Arftic circle, is Lake
Edlande, around which live the Dog ribbed Indians. Further
north is Buffaloe lake, near which is Copper Mine river, in lat.
72* N. and long, iig'* W. of Greenwich. The Copper Mine In-
^dians Inhabit this country.

Between Copper Mine river, which, according to Mr. Herne,
empties into the Northern fea, where the tide rifes 12 or 14 feet,
,and which in its whole courfe is encumbered with flioalsand falls,
and the north-weft coaft of America, is an extenfive traft of unex-
plored country. As you defcend from north to fouth on the wcft-
ern coaft of America, juft fouth of the Arftic circle, you come to
Cape Prince of Wales, oppofite Eaft Cape on the eaftern continent ;
and here the two continents approach neareft to each other. Pro-
ceeding fouthward you pafs Norton Sound, Cape Stephen's, Shoal-
nefs, Briftol Bay, Prince William's Sound, Cook's River, Admi-
ralty Bay, and Port Mulgravc, Nootka Sound, &c. F"rom Nootka
Sound proceeding fouth, you pafs the unexplored country of New
Albion, thence to California, and New Mexico.

DIVI-

DIVISIONS OF NORTH AMERICA.

X H E vafl; traft of country, bounded weft by the Pacific Ocean,
fouth and caft by California, New Mexico, and Loviifiana — the
United States, Canada and the Atlantic Ocean, and extending as
far north as the country is habitable (a few fcxttered Englifh,
French, and fome other European fettlements excepted) is inhabit-
ed wholly by various nations and tribes of Indians. The Indians
alfo poffef's large t rafts of country within the Spanifh, American,
and Britifh dominions- Thofe parts of North America not inha-
bited by Indians, belong, if we irtclude Greenland, to Denmarkj
Great-Britain, the American States, and Spain. Spain claims Eaft
and Weft Florida, and all weft of the MinKTippi, and fouth of the
northern boundaries of Louifiana, New Mexico and California.
Great Britain claims all the country inhabited by Europeans, lying
north and eaft of the United States, except Greenland, which be-
longs to Denmark. The remaining part is the territory of the
Fifteen United States. The particular Provinces and States, are
exhibited in the following table;

TABLE.

Belong- Countries, Provinces,
ing to _ and States,

Vermont
New-Hampfhire
Mafrachufetts
Diibift of Maine
Rhode Ifiand
Connefticut
New-York
New-Jerley
, Penniylvania
"% Delaware
Maryland
Virginia
Kentucky
North Carolina
South Carolina
Georgia

Territory S. of Ohio
.Territory N. W. of Ohio

C ■ ■

Nev/ BritaiD

Upper Canada

Lower Canada )

£ J Cape Breton I. \

New-Brunfwick

Number of

Inhabitants. Chief Tozcas.

^5^539 Windfor, Rutland

141,885 Portfmouth, Concord

387,787 Bofton, Salem, Newbury Port

g6;540 Portland, Hallowell

68,825 Newport, Providence

237,946 New-Haven, Hartford

340,120 New-York, Albany

184,139 Trenton, Burlington, Brunfwick

434,373 Philadelplria, Lancafter

59,094 Dover, Wilmington, Ncwcaftle

319,728 Annapolis, Baltimore

747,610 Richmond, Peterfbu-rgh, Norfolk

73,677 Lexington

353,751 Newbcrn, Edenton, Halifax

249,073 CharleRon, Columbia

82,548 Savannah, Augufla

[351^91 Abingdon
Mai-ietta

unknown

20,000

1 30,000

1,000

35,000

Nova-ScDtia J

St. John's Ifiand in 1783 5,000

Newfoundland Ifiand 7,000

Kingflon, Detroit, Niagara

Quebec, Montreal

Sidney, Louifburgh

Frcdencktown

Halifax

Charlottetown

Placeutia, St, John's

, < Greenland

f Eaft Florida
1 Weft Florida
! J^ouihana
"> New Mexico

California

Mexico, or New-Spaia

10,000 New Heijnhut

Auguftine
Penfacola
New Orleans
St. Fee
St^Juan
Mexico

THE UxMITED STATES.

SITUATION AND EXTENT,

Miles. Degrees.

^ , ^ r 31 -^ and 46^ North Latitude.

Leagth 12501^ Between \ 8« E. and 24^' W. Long, from Philad.

Breadth 1040 J ^g « ^^^ 5^. ^^ l from London.

Boundaries.

B

o u N n E D north and call by Britifh America, or the provin-
ces of Upper and Lower Canada, and New Brunfwick ; foutheaft,
by the Atlantic Ocean ; fouth, by eaft and weft Florida ; weft, by
the river MiOfiftippi.

In the treaty of peace, concluded in 1783, the limits of tht; Ame-
rican United States are more particularly defined in the words fol-
lowing : " And that all dilputes which might arife in future on the
fubjsft of the boundaries of the faid United States may be pre-
vented, it is hereby agreed and declared, tloat the following are
and fhall be their boundaries, viz. From the north-weft angle of
Nova-Scotia, viz. That angle which is formed by a line drawn due
north from the fource of St. Croix River to the Highlands, along
the faid Highlands, which divide thofe rivers that empty them-
felves into the river St. Lawrence, from thofe which fall into the
Atlantic Ocean, to the north-wefternmoft head of Connefticut
river ; thence down along the middle of that river to the forty-
fifth degree of north latitude ; from thence by a line due weft on
the faid latitude, until it ftrikes the river Iroquois or Cataraquy ;
thence along the middle of the faid river into Lake Ontario,
through the middle of the faid Lake, until it ftrikes the communi-
cation by water between that Lake and Lake Erie ; thence along
the middle of the faid communication into Lake Erie, through the
middle of the faid lake, until it arrives at the water communication
between that lake and Lake Huron ; thence through the middle
of the faid lake to the water communication between that lake and
Lake Superior ; thence through Lake Superior northward of the
Ifles Royal and Philipcaux to the Long Lake ; thence through the
middle of the faid Long Lake, and the water communication be-
tween it and the Lake of the Woods to the faid Lake of the
Woods ; thence through the faid lake to the moft northweftern
point thereof, and from thence, on a due weft courfe, to the Ri-
ver MifTiirippi ; thence by a line to be drawn along the middle of
Che faid River Miftifllppi, until it ftiall interfeft the northcrnmoft
part of the thirty-faft degree of north latitude. South, by a line
to be drawn due eaft from the determination of the line laft men-
tioned, in the latitude of thirty-one degrees north of the equator.

i'j6 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

to the middle of the River Apalachicola, or Catahouche ; tTience'
along the middle thereof to its junftion with the Flint River j
thence flrait to the head of St. Mary's River ; and thence down
along the middle of St. Mary"s River to the Atlantic Ocean ; eafty
by a line to be drawn along the middle of the River St. Croix^
from its mouth in the Bay of Fundy, to its fource ; and from its
fourcc direftly north, to the aforcfaid Highlands, v/hich divide the
rivers that fall into the Atlantic Ocean, from thofc which fall into
the River St. Lawrence, comprehending all iflinds within twenty
leagues of any part of the flK)rcs of the United States, and lying
between lines to be drawn due call from the points where tiie
aforefaid boundaries between Nova-Scotia on the one part, and
Eaft-Florida on the other, fhall refpc6lively touch the Bay of Fun-
dy and the Atlantic Ocean, excepting fuch illands as now are, or
heretofore have been, within the limits of the faid province of
Nova-Scotia.

The folloiving calculations were midi from aSiaal meafurement of ih^
bed maps by Thomas IIutciuxs, geographer to tke United StUes.

The territory of the United States, contains by computation a
million of iquare rades, in which are 640.000,000 of acres

Deduft for water 51.000.000

Acres of land in the United States, 589,000,000

That part of the United States comprehended between the wcic
boundary line of Pennfylvania on the eaft, the boundary line be-
tween Great Britain and the United States, extending from the
river St. Croix to the north-weft extremity of the Lake of the
Woods on the north, the river Miffinippi, to the mouth of the
Ohio, on the weft, and the river Ohio, on the fouth, to the afore-
mentioned bounds of Pennfylvania, contains by computation
about four hundred and eleven thoufand fquare miles, in which
are 263,040,000 acres

Dedu6b for water 43.040,000

To be ddpofed of by order of Congrefs 1 r

, ^ , ,- 1 -r .1 T J- > 220.000.000 of acres,

when purchaled or the Indians. J

The whole of this immenfc extent of unappropriated weftern
territory, containing as above ftated, 220,ooo„ooo of acres, and fe-
veral large trafts fouth of the Ohio*, have been by the cefTion

* Ceded by North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, with certain refcrva-
tion for the Indians and olher purpofes, as will be mentioned hereafter.

OF THE UNITED STATES. ,-77

lof fome of the original thirteen ftates, and by the treaty of peace,
transferred to the federal government, and are pledged as a fund
for finking the debt of the United States. Of this territory the
Indians now polTefs a very large proportion. Mr. JefFcrlon, iri
his report to Congrefs, Nov. 8, 1791, defci-ibes the boundary
line between us and the Indians, as follows : " Beginning at the
mouth of the CayahogAna, which falls into the louthernmoft part
of Lake Etie, and running up the river to the portage, between
that and the Tufcarofo or N; E. branch of Mu{]<.ingum : then
-down the faid branch to the forks, at the crofhng place above
Fort Lawrence ; then weftwardly, towards the portage of the
Great Miami, to the main branch of that river, then down the
Miami, to the fork of that river, next below the old fort, which
was taken by the French in 1752 ; thence due weft to the river
De la Fanfe, a branch of the Wabafli, and down that river to the
Wabafh. So far the line is precifely determined, and cleared of
the claims of the Indians. The trafl comprehending the whole
country within the above defcribed line, the Wabafh, the Ohio, and
the weftern limits of Pennfylvania, contains about 55,000 fquare
mileSi How far on the weftern fide of the Wabafh, the fouthern
boundary of the Indians has been defined, we know not. It is
only underftood, in general, that their title to the lower countiy,
between that river and the Illinois, was formerly extinguifhed by
the French^ while in their poflieflion. >

Efiimate of the number of acres of water, north and weflward of the
river Ohio, within the territory of the United States,

Acres,
in Lake Superiot, - _ » - _ 21,952,780

Lake of the Woods ----- 1,133,800

Lake Rain, &c. ------ 165,200

Red Lake, -----__ 551,000

Lake Michigauj ----- 10,368,000

Bay Puan, ------ 1,216,000

Lake Huron, ______ 5,0095920

Lake St. Clair, ------ 89,500

Lake Erie, weftern part, - - - _ 2,252,800

Svmdry fmall lakes and rivers, - ^ ~ 301,00a

43,040,000

A A

178 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

EJltmate of the number of acres of zvater zoithin ike Thirteen United

States.

In the lakes as before mentioned - - 43,G4a,ooo

In Lake Erie, weflward of the line
cJitending from the north-weft corner
of Pennfylvania, due north, to tlie
boundary between the Britifli tcrri-
fory and the United States, - 410.000

In Lake Ontario, - - 2,390,000

Lake Champlain, - - 500.000

Chefapeek bay, - - - 1,700,000

Albemarle bay, . . ^ 330.000

Delaware bay, . _ , 630,000

All the rivers within the thirteen

flates, including tlie Ohio, - 2,000,000

7,96o,0t5o
Total 51,000,000

LAKES' A is^D RIVERS..

It may in truth be faid, that no part of the world is fo well
watered with fp rings, rivulets, rivers and lakes, as the territory
of the United States, By means of thefe various ftreams and col-
leftions of water, the Avhole country is chequered into iflands and
peninfulas. The United States, and indeed all parts of North
America, feem to have been formed by nature for tlie moft inti-
mate union. The facilities of navigation render the communica-
tion between the ports of Georgia and New-Hamplhire, far more
expeditious and prafticable, than between thole of Provence and
Picardy in IF ranee ; Cornwall and Caithnefs, in -Great-Britain ;
or Gallicia and Catalonia, rn Spain. The canals propofed be-
tween Sufquehannah, and Delaware, between Pafquetank and
Elizabeth rivers, in Virginia, and between the Schuylkill and
SufqiiehJnnah, will open a communication from the Carolinas to
the weftcrn countries of Pennfylvania and New-York. The im-
provements of the Potomak, will give a pafTage from thefouthern
States, to the Weflcrn parts of Virginia, Maryland, Pennfylvania,
aud even to the lakes. From Detroit, to Alexandria, on the Po-
tomak, fix hundred and Icven miles, are but two carrying places,
which together do not exceed the di fiance of forty miles. Ths
canals of Delaware and Chefapeek will open tlic communication
from South-Cirolina to New-Jcrfev, Delaware, the moft popii-

OF THE UNITED STATES.

79

lous parts of Pcniifylvania, and the midland countries of New-
York. Were ihcfe and the propofed canal between Afliley and
Ccjopers river in South Carolina, the canals in the northern parts
of the ftatc of New-York, and thofc of Maffachufetts and New
llampfliirc all opened, North America would thereby be convert-
ed into a cluftcr of large and fertile illands, communicating with
■each other with cafe and little cxpcncc, and in many inflanccs
without the uncertainty or danger of the (eas.

There is nothing in other parts of the globe which refembles
the prodigious chain of lakes in this part of the V/orld, They
may properly be termed inland feas of frefh water ; and even
thofe of the fecond or third clals in magnitude, arc of larger cir-
cuit than the greatcfl lake in the caftern continent. Some of the
moft northern lakes belonging to the United States, have never
been furveyed, or even vifited by the white people ; of courfe we
have no dcfcription of them which can be relied on as accurate.
Others have been partially furveyed, and their relative fituation
determined. — The bell accoun-t of them which we have been able
to procure is as follows :

The Lake of the Woods, the moil northern in the United
States, is fo called from the krge quantities of wood growing on
its banks ; fuch as oaks, pines, firs, fpruce, &c. This lake lies
nearly eaft of tlie fouth end of Lake Winnepeck, and is fuppoied
to be the lource or conduftor of one branch of th.e river Bour-
bon, if there be fuch a river. Its length from eaft to weft is faid
to be about leventy miles, and in lomc places it is forty miles
wide. The Killiftinoe Indians encamp on its borders to flfli
and hunt. This lake is the communication between the Lakes
Winnepeck and Bourbo5i,--and Lake Superior.

Rainy or Long Lake lies eaft of the Lake of the Woods,
and is faid to be nearly an hundred miles long, and in no part
more than twenty miles wide.

Eaftward of this lake, lie I'everal fniall ones, which extend in a
ftring to the great carrying place, and from thence into Lake Su-
perior, Between thcle little lakes arc feveral carrying places^
which render the trade to the north-weft difficult, and exceeding-
ly tedious, as it takes two years to make one voyage from Michil-
limakkinak to thefe parts.

Lake Superior, formerly termed the Upper Lake, from its
northern fituation, is fo called from its magnitude, it being the
largeft on the continent. It may juftly be termed the Cafpian of
America, and is fuppof'ed to be the largeft body of frefh water on
the globe. According to the French charts it is fifteen hundred
tnilcs in circumference. A great part of the coaft is bounded by

A A 2

i8o GENERAL DESCRIPTION

rocks and uneven ground. The water is pure and tranfparentj^
and appears, generally, throughout the lake, to lie upon a bed of
huge rocks. It has been remarked, in regard to the waters of
this lake, with how much truth I pretend not to fay, that al-
though their furface, during the heat of fummer, is impregnated
with no imall degree of warmth, yet on letting down a cup to
the depth of about a fathom, the water drawn from thence is cool
and refrcfhinjT.

o

The fituation of this lake, from the moft accurate obfervations
which have yet been made, lies between forty-fix and fifty de-
grees of north latitude, and between nine and eighteen degrees of
weft longitude, from the meridian of Philadelphia.

Ihere are many iflands in this lake, two of them have each
land enough if proper for cultivation, to form a confiderable pro-
vince efpecially Ifle Royal, which is not lefs than an hundred
miles long, and in many places forty broad. The natives fuppofe
theie iflands are the rcfidence of the Great Spirit.

Two ver)r large rivers empty themfclves into this lake, on the
north and north-eafl fide ; one is called the Nipegon, which leads
to a tribe of the Chipeways, who inhabit -the borders of a lake of
the iame name, and the other is the Michipicooton river, the
fource of which is towards James's Bay, from whence there is but
a ihort portage to another rivei", which empties iticlf into that
bay.

Not far from the Nipegon is a fmall river, that jufl: before it
enters the lake, has a perpendicular fall from tlie top of a moun-
tain, of more than one hundred feet. It is very narrow, and ap-
pears at a diftince like a white garter fufpended in the air.
Ihere are upwards of thirty other rivers, which" empty them-
felves into this lake, fome of which are of a confiderable fize.
On the i'outh fide of it is a remarkable point or cape of about
fixty miles in length, called Point Chcgomegan. About a hun-
dred miles wefh of this cape, a confiderable river falls into the
lake, the head of which is compofed of a great affemLlage of Imall
ftrcams. This river is remarkable for the abundance of virgin
copper that is found on and near its banks. Many fmall iflands,
particularly on the caftcrn Ihores. abound with copper ore, lying
in beds, with the appearance of copperas. This metal might be
erfily made a very advantageous article of commerce. This lake
abounds with fifh, particularly trout and flurgeon ; the former
weigh from twelve to fifty pounds, and are caught almoft any fea-
fon in the vcar in great plenty. Storms affeft this lake as much
,;s they do the Atlantic Ocean ; the waves run as high, and the
navigation is equally dingerous. It dilcharges its waters from
jhe I'outh-eaft corner through tlie Straits of St. Marie, which are

OF THE UNITED STATES. 181

jibput forty miles long. Near the upper end of thefe flraits is a
jrapid, which though it is impofTiblc for canoes to alcend, yet,
■when conduced by pareful pilots, may be dcicendcd without
danger.

Though Lake Superior is fupplied by near forty rivers, many
of which aj-e large, yet it does not appear that one tenth part of
the waters which are conveyed into it by thefe rivers, is difcharg-
ed by the above-mentioned flrait. Such a fuperabundance of
water can be difpoled of only by evaporation*. The entrance into
this lake from the ftraits of St. Marie, affords one of the moft
pleating proipcfts in the world. On the left mav be ieca many
beautiful little iflands, that extend a confiderable way before you ;
and on the right an agreeable fucceflion of fmail points of land,
that project a little way into the water, and contribute with the
iflands, to render this delightful baton calm, and fecure from thofe
tempcftuous winds, by which the adjoining lake is frequently
troubled.

Lake Huron, into which you enter through the (traits of St.
Marie is next in magnitude to Lake Superior. It lies between
43^ 30 and 46° 30' of north latitude, and between fix and eight
degrees weft longitude. Its circumference is about one thoufaud
miles. On the north fide of this lake is an ifland one hundred
miles in length, and no moi'c than eight miles broad. It is cal-
led Monatauiin, fignifying a place of fpirits, and is confidered as
facred by the Indians. On the fouthweft part of this lake is Sa-
ganaum Bay, about eighty miles in length, and about eighteen or

* That fuch a fuperabundance of water fhould be difpof ed of by evaporation is
no fingular circumllance. There are foine feas in which there is a pretty juft ba-
lance between the waters received from rivers, brooks, &c. and the wafte by eva-
poration. Of this the Cafpian Sea, in Alia, affords an inflance ; which, though
it receives feveral large rivers, has no outlet. There are others, to fpeak in bor-
rowed language, v.'hofe expence exceeds their income ; and thefe would loon be-
come bankf-upt, were it not for the fupplies which they conftantly receive iiom
larger coUeftions of water, with which they are connefted ; fuch are the Black
and Mediterranean Seaj ; into the former of which there is a conftaiit current from
the Mediterranean, through the Bofphorus of Thrace ; and into the latter from the
Atlantic, through the Straits of Gibraltar. Others again derive moje from their
tributary llreams than they lofe by evaporation. Thefe give rife to large rivers.
Of this kind are the Dambea in Africa, the Winipifeogee in Ncw-Hamplbire,
Lake Superior, and other waters in North America ; and the quantity they
difcharge, is only the difference between the influx and the evaporation. It
is obfervable, that on the fliores the evaporation is much greater than at a diftance
from them on the ocean. The remarkable duller of lakes in the middle of North
America, of which Lake Superior is one, was doubtlefs defigned by a divine Pro-
vidence, to furnifh the interior parts of the country with that fupply of vapours,
without which, like the interior parts of Africa, they mufl have been a meredcfert.
It may be thought equally furprizing that there Ihould be any water at all dif-
t.harged from them, as that the quantity Ihould bear io Iniall a proportion to what
:hey receive.

i83 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

twenty miles broad. Thunder Bay fo called from the thunder
that is frequently heard there, lies about half way between Sapa-
naum Bay and the north-weft corner of the lake. It is about
nine miles acrofs eitlier way. The fifli are the fame as in Lake
Superior. At the north- weft corner, this lake communicates with
Lake Michigan by the ftraits oi Michillimakkinak.

Many of the Chipeway Indians live fcattered around this lake ;
particularly near Sagpnaum Bay, On its banks arc found amazing
quantities of land cherries.

Michigan Lake, lies between latitude 42° 10' and 46® 30'
north; and between ii*^ and 13'"' weft long, from Philadelphia.
Its computed length is 280 miles from north to fouth : its breadth
from fixty to feventy miles. It is navigable for fliipping of any
burthen; and at the north-eaftern part communicates with Lake
Huron, by a ftrait fix miles broad, on the fouth fide of which
ftands fort Michillimakkinak, which is the name of the fhrait. In
this lake arc feveral kinds of fifli, particularly trout of an excel-
lent quality, weighing from twenty to fixty pounds, and fomc
have been taken in the Straits of Michillimakkinak, of ninety
pounds. Weftward of this lake are large meadows, laid to extend
to theMiiTiftippi. It receives a number of rivers from the weft and
eaft, among which is the river St. Jofeph, very rapid and full of
lilands; it fprings from a number of fmall lakes, a little to the
north-weft of the Miami village, and runs north-weft into the
fouth-eaft part of the lake. On the north fide of this river is
fort St. Jofeph, from which there is a road, bearing north of eaft
to Detroit. The Powtewatamie Indians, who have about two
hundred fighting men, inhabit tiiis river oppofite fort St. Joleph.

Between Lake Michigan on the weft, and Lakes Huron, St.
Clair, and the weft end of Erie on the eaft, is a fine traft of coun-
tiy, peninfulatcd, more than two hundred and fifty miles in length,
and from one liundred and fifty to two hundred in breadth. The
banks of the lakes, for a few miles inland, arc fandy and barren,
producing a few pines, fhrub oaks, and cedars. Back of this, from
cither lake, the timber is heavy and good, and the foil luxuriant.

Lake St. Ci,air, lies about halfway between Lake Huron
<ind Lake Eric, and is about ninety miles in circumference. It
receives the waters of the three great lakes, Superior, Michigan
and Huron, and difcharges them through the river or ftrait, called
I>ctroit, into Lake Erie. This lake is of an oval form, and navi-
gable for large veftels. The foit of Detroit is fituatcd on the
wcftern bank of the river of the fame name, about nine miles be-
low lake St. Clair. The fcttlcments are extended on both fides
of the ftrait or river for mairy miles towards Lake Erie, and fomc
few above the fort.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 183

Lake Erie, is fituated between forty-one and forty-three de-
grees of north latitude, and between 3® 40' and 8'^ degrees weft
longitude. It is nearly three hundred miles long, from eaft to
weft, and about forty in its broadeft part. A point of land pro-'
jefts from the north fide into this lake, fcvcral miles, towards the
fouth-eaft, called Long Point. Theiflands and banks towards the
weft end of the lake are fo infefted with rattle-fnakes, as to render
it dangerous to land on them. The lake is covered near the banks
of the iflands with the large pond-lily; the leaves of which lie
on the furface of the water fo thick, as to cover it entirely for
many acres together; on thefe, in the fummer feafon, lye myriads
of water-fnakes bafking in the iun. Of the venomous fcrpents
which infeft this lake, the biffing fnake is the moft remarkable.
it is about eighteen inches long, fmall and fpeckled. When you
approach it, it flattens itfelf in a moment, and its fpots, which are
©f various colours, become vifibly brighter through rage; at the
fame time it blows from its mouth, with gieat force, a fubtile wind,
faid to be of anaufeous fmetl; and "if drawn in with the breath
cf the "unwary traveller, will infallibly bring on a decline, that
in a few months muft prove mortal. No remedy ha& yet been
found to counteraft its baneful influence. This lake is of a more
dangerous navigation than any of the others, on account of the
craggy rocks which projeft into the water, in a perpendicular di-
reftion, many miles together from the northern fliore, afl'ording no
fhelter from ftorms.

Prefquelfle is on the fouth-eaft fhore of this lake, about lat. 42^
10'. From this to Fort Le Beuf, on French Creek, is a portage
of fifty-one miles and a half. About twenty miles north-eaft of
this is another portage of nine miles and a quarter, between Cha-
toughque Creek, emptying into Lake Eric, and Chatoughque
Lake, a water of Allegany river.

Fort Erie ftands on the northern ftiore of Lake Erie, and the
weft bank of Niagara river, in Upper Canada. This lake at its
north-eaft end, communicates with lake Ontario by the river Ni-
agara, which runs from fouth to north, about thirty miles, includ-
ing its windings, embracing in its courfe Grand Ifland and re-
ceiving Tonewanto Creek, from the caft. About the middle of
this river arc the celebrated falls of Niagara, which arc reckoned
one of the greateft natural curiofities in the world. The waters
which lupply the river Niagara rife near two thoufand miles to
the north-weft, and palling through the lakes Superior, Michigan,
Huron, and Erie, receiving in their courfe, conftant accumulations ;
at length, with aftonifhing grandeur, rufh down a ftupendous pre-
cipice of one hundred and fifty feet perpendicular ; and in a
ftrong rapid, that extends to the diftancc ©f eight or nine mile^^

184 GENERAL DESCRIPTION'

belpw, fall near as much more : the river then iofesitfclf in Lake
Ontirio. The noife ofthefe falls, in a clear day and fair wind,
may be heard between forty and fifty miles. When the water
ftrikes the bottom, its fpray rifes a great height in the air, occa-
fioning a thick cloud of vapours, on which the fun when it
fliines, paints a beautiful rainbow. Fort Niagara is . fituated on
the eaft fide of Niagara river, at its entrance into Lake Ontario.
This fort, and that at Detroit, contrary to the treaty of 1783, are
yet in pofleflion of the Britifli Government.

Lake Ontario, is fituated between forty-three and forty-five
degrees north latitude, and between one and five weft longitude.
Its form is nearly oval. Its greateft length is from fouth-weft to
north-eaft, and in circumference about fix hundred miles. It
abovmds with fifh of an excellent flavour, among which are the
Ofwego bafs, weighing three or four pounds. It receives the
waters of the Cheneffee river from the fouth, and of Onondago,
at Fort Ofwego, from the fouth-eaft, by which it communicates,
through Lake Oneida and Wood Creek, with Mohawk river. On
the north-eaft, this lake difchargcs itfelf through the rives- Catara-
qui, which at Montreal, takes the name of St. Lawrence, into the
Atlantic Ocean.

About eight miles from the weft end of Lake Ontario, is a cu-
rious cavern, which the Meffifaugas Indians call Manito'ah wig-
wam, or hoiife of the Devil. The mountains which border on the
lake, at this place, break ofiF abruptly, and form a precipice of
two hundred feet perpendicular delcent ; at the bottom of which
the cavern begins. The firft opening is large enough for three
men conveniently to walk abreaft. It continues of this bignefs
for feventy yards in a horizontal direftion. Then it falls almoft
perpendicularly fifty yards, which may be dcfcended by irregular
fteps from one to four feet diftant from each other. It then con-
tinues forty yards horizontally, at the end of which is another
perpendicular dcfcent, down which there are no ftcps. The cold
here is intenfe. In fpring and autumn, there are, once in about
a week, explofions from this cavern, which fhake the ground for*
lixteen miles round.

Lake Champlain', is next in fize to Lake Ontario, and lie*
nearly eaft from it, forming a part of the dividing line between
the ftate of New-York, and the ftate of Vermont. It took its
nam-e from a French governor, whofe name was Champlain, wlio
was drowned in it. It was before called Corlser's Lake. It is
about eighty miles in length from north to fouth, and in its
broadeft part, fourteen. It is well ftored with fifh, and the land
on its borders and ou the banks of its rivers, is good. Crown
Point and Ticonderoga are fituated on the banks of this lake,
near the fouthern part of it.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 185

Lake George, lies to the fouthward of Champlain, and is a
tnoft clear, beautiful cclleftion of water, about thirty-fix miles
long, and from one to feven miles wide. It embofoms more than
Wo hundred iflands, fomc fay three himdred and fixty-five ; very-
few of which are any thing more than barren rock, covered witli
heath, and a few cedar, fpruCe, and hemlock trees, and fhrubs,
'that harbour abundance of rattle-fnakes. Oa each fide it is {kirt-
cd by prod'gious mountains, from which large quantities of red
cedar are every year carried to New^York for fliip-timber. The
lake is full of fifhes, and fome of the befl kind ; among which are
the black Ofwego bafs and large fpeckled trouts. The water of
this lake is about one huhdred feet above the level of Lake Cham-
plain. The portage between the two lakes is one mile and a half;
but with a fmall expence might be reduced to fixty yards; and
with one or two locks might be made navigable through for bat-
teaux. This lake, in the French charts, is called Lake St. Sacra-
ment ; and it is faid that the Roman Catholics, in former times,
"were at the pains to procure this water for facramental ufes in all
their Churches in Canada: hence probably it derived its name.

The Mississippi River, is the great rcfervoir of the waters of
the Ohio and Illinois, and their iaumerous branches from the eafk;
and of the Mifl'oufi and othel: rivers from the weft. Thefe migh-
ty flreams united, are borne dow« with incrcafing impetuofity,
through vafl forefts and meadows, and difcharged into the Gulpli
of Mexico, The great length and uncommon depth of this river,
and the excelTive muddinefs and faliAirious quality of its waters,
after its juntlion with the Miffouri, are very fingular*. The di-
reftioh of the channel is fo crooked, that from New Orleans to
the mouth of the Ohio, a diftance which does not exceed four
hundred and fixy miles in a ftrait line, is about eight hundred and
fifty-fix by water. It may be fliortcned at lead two hundred and
fifty miles, by cutting acrols eight or ten necks of land, fome of
which are not thirty yards v/idc. Charlevoix relates that in the
year 1722, at Point Coupee, or Cut Point, the river made a great
turn, and fome Canadians, by deepening the chaimel of a fmall
brook, diverted the waters of the river into it. The impetuofity
of the dream was fo violent, and the foil of fo rich and loofe a
quality, that, in a fhort time, the point wa:j-cntircly cul through,

* In a half pint tumbler of this water has been found a fedimcnt of one inch.
It is, notwithftanding, extremely wholefome and well tailed, and very cool in
the hotteft feafons of the year; the rowers, wlio are there employed, drink of it
when they are in theffrongeft. perfpiration, and never receive any bad effciEls from
it. The inhabitants of New Orleans uie no other water than that of this river,
which, by being kepi in jars, becomes perfectly clear.

Vol. I. B u

iB6 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

and travellers favcd fourteen leagues of their voyage. The ofd
bed has no water in it, the times of the periodical overflowings
only excepted. The new channel has been fmce founded with a
line of thirty fathoms, without finding a bottom. Several other
points, of great extent, have in like rhanner, been fince cut off,'
and the river diverted into new channels.

In the fpring floods the MiffilTippi is A''ery high, and the current
fo ftrong, that it is with difficulty it can be aicended; but this
dil'advantage, is in part compcnfated by eddies or counter-currents,
v/hich are found in the b^nds clofe to the banks of the river,
v/hich runs with nearly cc^ual velocity agaiaft the fbream, andallift
the aiccnding boats. The current at this feafon deicends at the
rate of about five miles an hour. In autumn, when the waters are
low, it does not run fafter than two miles, but it is rapid in fuch
parts of the river as have cluflcrs.of iflands, fhoals, and land-banks.
The circumference of mgny of thefc fhoals being fcveral miles,
the vovage is longer, and in fome parts more dangerous than in the
Ipring. The merchandize neceffary for the commerce of the
upper fettlements on or near the Miiriflippi, is conveyed in the
fpnng and autumn in batteaux, rowed by eighteen or twenty men,
and carrying about forty tons. From New Orleans to the Illinoisy
the voyage is commonly performed in eight or ten weeks. A pro-
digious number of iflands, fome of which are of great extent, in-
terfperfc this mighty river. Its depth increafes as you afcend it.
Its waters, after overflowing its banks below the river Ibberville
on the eaft, and the river Rouge on the weft, never return within
them again, there being many outlets or ftreams, by which ihey
are conducted into the bay of Mexico, more efpecially on the weft
fide of the Miffiflippi, dividing the country into numerous iflands..
Thefe iingularities diftinguifli it from every other known river in
the world. Below the Ibberville, the land begins to be very low
on both fides of the river acrofs the countiy, and graduallv de-
clines as it approaches nearer to the fea. The ifland of New Oi-
lcans, and the lands oppoiite, arc to all appearance of no long date;
for in digging ever fo little below the iurfiice, you find water and
great quantities of trees. The many beaches and breakers, as
well inlets, \vhich have arifen out of the channel within the laft
half century, at /the feverai mouths of tlie river, are convincing
proofs that this peninfula was wliolly formed in the lame manner.
And it is certain that when La Salle failed down the Mifliifippi to
the fea, the opening of that river was very difTerent from what
it is at prefent.;

The nearer you approach to the fea, this truth becomes more
ftriking. The bars that crols moft of thefe fmall channels opcn-
td by the current, have been multiplied by meaus of the trees

OF THE UNITED STATES. 187

tarried down with the ftrcarus; one of which ftopped by its roots
or branches in a fliallow part, is Tufiicicnt to obftruft the palFage
of thoufands more, and to fix them at the fame place. Aftonifli-
ing coUeftions of trees are daily feen in pafling between the Ealizc
and the Milfouri. No human force being fufhcient for removing
them, the mud carried down by the river ferves to bind and
cement them together. They arc gradually covered, and every
inundation not only extends their length and breadth, but adds
another layer to their height. In iefs than ten years time, canes,
fhrubs, and aquatic timber grow on them, and form poinds and.
iflands, which forcibly fhift the bed of the river.

Nothing can be affcrtcd with certainty, rcfpeftihg the length
of this river. Its fource is not known, but luppofcd to be up-
wards of three thoufand miles from' the fea, as the river runs.
We only know, that from St. Anthony's falls, in lat. 45^", it glides-
with a pleafant, clear current, and receives many large and very
extenfive tributary ftreams before its junftion with the Mifl'ouri,
without greatly increafmg the breadth of the Ivliffifllppi, though
they, do its depth and rapidity. The rauddy waters of
the Miffouri difcolour the lower part of the river, till it empties
itfelf into the bay of Mexico. The Miflburi is a longer, broad-
er, and deeper river than the MinilTippi, and affords a more
extenfive navigation ; it is, in faft, the principal river, contri-
buting more to the common flream than does the MiiTilfippi. It
has been afcended by French traders about twelve or thirteen
hundred miles, and from the depth of water, and breadth of the
river at that diftance, it appeared to be navigable many miles
further.

From the Miffouri river, to nearly oppofite the Ohio, the weft-
ern bank of the Miilifuppi, is, fome few places excepted, higher
than the eaftern. From Mine au fer, to the Ibberville, the eaftern
bank is higher than the wePtern, on which there is not a fingle
difcernible rifmg or eminence for the diftance of feven hundred
and fifty miles. From the Ibberville to the fea there are no
eminences on either fide, though the eaftern bank appears rather
the higheft of the two, as far as the Englifh turn. Thence the
banks gradually diminifh in height to the mouths of the river,
where they arc not more than two or three feet higher than the
common furface of the water.

The flime which the annual floods of the river Miffiffippi
leaves on the furface of the adjacent fhores, rnay be compared
v/ith that of the Nile, which dcpoiits a fimilar manure, and
for many centuries paft has infured the fertility of Egypt. When
its banks fhall have been cultivated as the excellency of its

Bft 2

1^8 GENERAL DESCRIPTION-

foil and temperature of tlie climate defcrve, its population wrll
equal that of any other part of the world. The trade, wealth
and power of America, may, at fome future period, depend, and
perhaps centre, upon the MifTifTippi. This alfo refcmbles the
Nile in the number of its mouths, all iffuing into a fea, that may
be compared to the Mediterranean, which is bounded on the
north and fouth by the two continents of Europe and Africa, as
the Mexican Bay is by North and South America. The fmaller
mouths of this river might be eafily Hopped up, by means of thofc
floating trees with which the river, during the floods, is always
covered. The whole force of the channel being united, tlie
only opening then left would probably grow deep, and the bar.
be removed.

Whoever for a moment will caft his eye over a map of the
town of New Orleans, and the immenfc country around it, and
view its advantageous fituation, muftbc convinced that it, at fome
place near it, muft, in procefs of time, become one of the grcateft
marts in the world.

The falls of St. Anthony, in about latitude 45°, received their
name from Father Lewis Hennipin, a French rniflionary, who
travelled into thefe parts about the year one thoufand fix hundred
and eighty, and was the firfl; European ever feen by the natives.
The whole river, which is more than two hundred and fifty yards
wide, falls perpendicularly about thirty feet, and forms a moft
pleafmg cataraft. The rapids below, in the fpace of thi'ec
hundred yards, render the defcent confiderably greater ; fo that
when viewed at a diflance, they appear to be much higher than
they really are. In the middle of the falls is a fmall ifland, about
forty feet broad, aud fomewhat longer, on which grov/ a few
cragged hemlock and fpruce trees ; and about half way between
this iiland and the eaftern fhore is a rock, lying at the very edge
of the fall, in an oblique pofition, five or fix feet broad, and thir-
ty or forty long. Thefe falls are peculiarly fituatcd, as they are
approachable without the lead obftruftion from any intervening
hill or precipice, which cannot be laid of any other confiderable
fall, perhaps, in the world. The country around is exceedingly
beautiful. It is not an uninterrupted plain where the eye finds
no relief, but compofed of many gentle afcents, which in the
fpring and fummer are covered with verdure, and interfperfed
with little groves, that give a plcafing variety to the profpeft.

A little diflance below the falls, is a Irnall ifland of about an
acre and an half, on which grow a great number of oak trees, al-
moft ail the branches of which, able to bear the weight, are, in the
proper feafon of the year, loaded with eagles nefts. Their in-

OF THE UNITED STATES. 189

ftinflive wifdom has taught them to choofc this place, as it is fe-
curCj on account of the rapids above from the attacks either of
man or beaft.

From the ^)eft accounts that can be obtained from the Indians,
we learn that the four moft capital rivers on the continent of North
America, viz. the St. Lawrence, the MiirifTiippi, the river Bour-
bon, and the Oregon, or the river of the Well, have their fourccs
in the fame neighbourhood. The waters of the three former, arc
laid to be within thirty mijes of each other ; the latter is rather
farther weft.

This fhews that tlfcfe parts are the higheft lands in North Ame-
rica ; and it is an inftance not to be paralleled in the other three
quarters of the globe, that four rivers of fuch magnitude fhould
take their rile together, and each, after running feparate courfes,
diiciiarge their waters into different oceans, at the diftance of more
than two thoufand miles from their fources. For in their paffage
from this ipot to the bay of St. Lawrence, eaft; to the bay of Mexi-
co, louth ; to Hudfon's Bay, north ; and to the bay at the ftraits
of Arinian, weft ; whei-e the river Oregon is fuppofed to empty
itfelf, each of them traverfes upwards of two thoufand miles.

The Ohio is the moft beautiful river on earth : its current gen-
. tie, waters clear, and bofom fmooth and unbroken by rocks and
rapids, a fingle inftance only excepted. It is one quarter of a
mile wide at Fort Pitt : five hundred yards at the mouth of the
Great Kanhaway : twelve hundred yards at Louifville ; and the
rapids, half a mile, in fbme few places below Louifville : but its
general breadth does not exceed fix hundred yards. In fome
places its width is not four hundred, and in one place particular-
ly, far below the rapids, it is lefs than three hundred. Its breadth
in no one place exceeds twelve hundred yards, and at its junftion
>vith the MiflifTippi, neither river is more than nine hundred yards
wide. ^

Its length, as meafurcd according to its meanders by Captain
Hutchins, is as follows ;

I From Fort Pitt Miles. Miles.

g Mufkingum 25 ■£

10 Little Kanhaway 12 |

11 Hockhocking 16

12 Great Kanhaway 82 ^

13 Guiandot 43 I

1 4 Sandy Creek 142"

15 Sioto 48 I

3

jDig iScavcr Creek lo

4

Little Beaver Creek 13

5

Yellow Creek 1 1

6

Two Creeks 21

7
8

Long Reach 53
End Long Reach 16

go GENERAL DESCRIPTION

16

To Liitlc Miami

1 26

I

+

^7

Licking Creek

8

in

Grcai Miami

26

3

4-

^9

Big Bones

32

1

20

Kentucky

44

1
4

21

Rapids

77

I

4

22-

Low Country

155

4-

23 BufFalo River 64 |

24 Wabiifh Q-j i

25 Big Cave 42 I

26 Shawancc River 52 -j
2-7 Cherokee River 13

28 Mn{r,)c 11

29 Miinffippi 46

In common winter and fpring floods, it affords thirty or forty
feet water to Louifville, twenty-five or thirty feet to La Tartes's
rapids, forty miles above the mouth of the Great Kanhaway, and
a fufficiency at all times for light batteaux and canoes to Fort Pitt.
The rapids are in latitude 28'' 8'. The inundations of this River
begin about the laft of March, and fubfide in July, although they
frequently happen in other months, fo that boats which carry three
hundred barrrels of flour, from the Monongahela, or Youhio?any,
above Pittfburg, have feldom long to wait for water only. Dur-
ing thefe floods a firll rate man of war may be carried from Lou-
ifville to New Orleans, if the fudden turns of the river and the
ftrength of its current will admit a lafe fl.eerage ; and it is the
opinion of Col. Morgan, who has had all the means of informatioHj
that a veffel properly built for the ica, to draw 12 feet water,
when loaded, and carrying from tweb^e to fixteen hundred bar-
rels of flour, may be more eafily, cheaply, and lafely navigated
from Pittflaurgh to the fea, than thole now in ufe ; and that
this matter only requires one man of capacity and cjiterprize to afcer-
tain it. He obferves that a veffel intended to be rigged as a bri^.
antine, fnow, or fllip, fhould be double decked, take her mafts on
deck, and be rowed to the Ibberville, below which are no iflands,
or to New Orleans, with twenty men, fo as to afford reliefs of tea
and ten in the night. — Such a vefl"el, without the ufe of oars, he
fays, would float to New Orleans, from Pittfburg, in twenty times-
twenty-four hours. If this be fo, what agreeable profpefts are
prefented to thofe who have fixed their refidence in the wefliern
country.

The rapids at Louifville defcend about ten feet in a length of a
mile and a half. Tlie bed of the river there is a folid rock, and
is divided by an ifland into two branches, the fouthern cf which
is about two hundred yards wide, but impaffable in dry feafons,
about four months in the year. The bed of the northern branch
is worn into channels by the conftant courfe of the water, and at-
trition of the pebble ft;ones carried on with it, fo as to be paffable
for batteaux through the greater part of the year. Yet it is thought

OF THE UNITED^STATES. Igt

that the fouthern arm may be the moft eafily opened for conftant
navigation. The rife of the waters in thefe rapids does not ex-
ceed twenty or twenty-five feet. The Americans have a fort, fi-
tuated at the head of the falls. The ground on the fouth fide riles
very gradually.

At Fort Pitt the river Ohio lofes its name, branching into the:
Monogahch and Allegany.

The Monongahela is four hundred yards wide at its mouth.
From thence is twelve or fifteen miles to the mouth of Yohogan)%
where it is three hundred yards wide. Thence to RedRone by
water is fifty miles, by land thirty. Then to the mouth of Cheat
riyer by water forty miles, by land twenty-eight, the width con-
tinuing at three hundred yards, and the navigation good for
boats. Thence the width is about two hundred yards to the
weflern fork, fifty miles higher, and the navigation frequently
interrupted by rapids ; which however with a Iwell of two or
thi'ee feet, become very paffablc for boats. It then admits light
boats, except in dry feafons, fixty-five miles further to the head
of Tygart's valley, prefenting only fome fmall rapids and falls of
one or two feet perpendicular, and leffening in its width to twen-
ty yards. The wellern fork is navigable in the winter ten or fif-
teen miles towards the northern of the Little Kanhaway, and will
admit a good waggon road to it. The Yohogany is the princi-
pal branch of this river. It palTes through the Laurel mountain,
about thirty miles from its mouth ; is fo far, from three hundred
to one hundred and fifty yards wide, and the navigation much
obftrufted in dry weather by rapids and fhoals. In its pafiage
through the mountain it makes very great falls, admitting no na-
vigation for ten miles to the Turkey foot. Thence to the great
croffing, about twenty miles, it is again navigable, except in dry
feafons, and at this place is two hundred yards wide. The four-
ces of this river are divided from thofe of the Potomak by the
Allegany mountains. From the falls, where it interlefts the Lau-
rel moutain, to Fort Cumberland, the head of the navigation on
the Potomak, is forty miles of very mountainous road. Will's
creek, at the mouth of which was Fort Cumberland, is thirty or
forty yards wide, but affords no navigation as yet. Cheat ri^-^er,
another confiderable branch of the Monongahela, is two hundred
yards wide at its mouth, and one hundred yards at the Dunkard's
fettlement, fifty miles highei-. It is navigable for boats, except
in dry feafons. The boundary between Virginia and Pennfylva-
nia crofTes it about three or four miles above its mouth.

The Allegany river, with a flight f<vell, affords navigation for
light batteaux to Venango, at the mouth of French creek, where
it is two hundred yards wide ; and it is praftifcd even to Le Boeuf>

192 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

from whence there is a portage of fifteen miles and a half to'
Prefque Iflc on Lake Erie.

The country watered by the MifTifTippi and its eaftern branch-
es, conftitutes five-eights of the United States ; two of which five-
eights are occupied by the Ohio and its waters ; the refiduary
flrcams, xvhich run into the Gulf of Mexico, the Atlantic, and the
St. Lawrence, water the remaining three-eights.

Before we quit the fubjeft of the weflcrn waters, we will take
a view of their principal conneftions with the Atlantic. Thefe
are four, the Hudfon's river, the Potomak, St. Lawrence, and the
MifTifTippi. Down the lafl will pafs all the heavy commodities.
But the navigatiorj through the Gulf of Mexico is fo dangerous,
and that up the MifTifTippi fo difficult and tedious, that it is
thought probable that European merchandize will not be convey-
ed through that channel. It is moft likely that flour, timber,
and other heavy articles will be floated on rafts, which w'll them-
felves be an article for fale as well as their loading, the naviga-
tors returning by land, as at prefent. There will therefore be a
competition between the Hudfon, the Potomak, and the St.
Lawrence rivers for the refidue of the commerce of all the coun-
try weflward of Lake Erie, on the waters of the lakes, of the
Ohio, and upper parts of MifTiiTippi. To go to New- York, that
part of the trade which comes from the lakes or their waters mull
firft be brought into Lake Erie. Between Lake Superior and its
waters and Huron are the rapids of St. Marie, which will permit
boats to pafs, but not larger veflels. Lakes Huron and Michigan af-
ford communication with Lake Erie, by vefTels of eight feet draught.
That part of the trade which comes from the waters of the MifTifTippi
mufl pafs from them through fome portage into the waters of the
lakes. The portage from the Illinois river into a water of Michi-
gan is of one mile only. From the Wabafh, Miami. Mufkingum or
Alleg^ny are portages into the waters of Lake Eric, of from one
to fifteen miles. When the commodities are brought into, and
have pafTed through Lake Erie, there is between that and Ontario
an interruption by the falls of Niagara, where the portage is of
eioht miles ; and between Ontario and the Hudfon's river are
portages of the falls of Onondago, a little above Ofvvego, of a
quarter of a mile ; from Wood creek to the Mohawk river two
miles ; at the little falls of the Mohawk river half a mile, and
from Schencftady to Albany fixteen miles. Befidcs the increafe
of expence occafioned by frequent change of carriage, there is an
encreafed rifk of pillage produced by committing merchandize to a
greater number of hands fucceffivcly. The Potomak offers itfelf
under the following circumftance. For the trade of the lakes and
their waters weflward of Lake Erie, when it Ihall have entered

OF THE UNITED STATES. 193

that lake, it muft coad along its fouthern fhore, on account of the
number and excellence of its harbours, the northern, though th^
'Ihorteft, having few harbours, and thefe unfafc. Having reached
Cayahoga, to proceed on to New-York it will have eight hundred
and twenty-five miles, and Rvc portages: whereas it is but four
hundred and twcnty-five miks to Alexandria, its emporium on the
Potomak, if it turns into the Cayahoga, and paffes through that,
Big Beaver, Oliio, Yahogany, or Monongalia and Cheat, and Poto-
mak j and there are but two portages; tlie firfl of which between
Cayahoga and Beaver may be removed by uniting the fources of
thefe waters, which are lakes in the neighbourhood of each other,
and in a champaign country ; the other from the waters of Ohio
to the Potomak will be from fifteen to forty miles, according to
the trouble which fhall be taken to approach tlic tvvo navigations.
For the trade of the Ohio, or that which fliall come into it from
its own waters or the Miffiflippi, it is nearer through the Potomak
to Alexandria than to New- York, by five hundred and eighty
miles, and it is interrupted by one portage only. There is ano-
ther circumfhance of difference too, The lakes thcmfelves never
freeze, but the communications between them freeze, and the
Hudfon's river is itfelf Ihut up by the ice three months in the
year: whereas the channel to the Chcfapeek leads direftly into a
warmer climate. The fouthern parts of it very rarely freeze at
all, and whenever the northern do, it is io near the lources of the
rivers, that the frequent floods to which they are there liable break
up the ice immediately, fo that veffels may pafs through the whole
winter, fubjeft only to accidental and fhort delays. Add to all
this, that in cafe of a war with their neighbours of Canada, or the
Indians, the route to New-York becomes a frontier through al-
moft its whole lengtli, and all commerce through it, ceafes from
that moment. But the channel to New-York is already known
to prafticc; whereas the upper waters of the Ohio and the Poto-
mak, and the great falls of the latter, are yet to be cleared of their
fixed obftruftions.

The route by St. Lawrence is well known to be attended with
many advantages, and fome diladvantagcs. But there is a fifth
route, whirti the enlightened and enterprizing Pennfylvaninns coh-
template, which, if effeftcd, will be the cafieft, cheapeft, and
fureft paflagc from the lakes, and the Ohio river ; by me:ins of
the Suiquehannah, and a canal from thence to Philadelphia. The
latter part of this plan, viz. the canal between Suiquehannah
and the Schuylkill rivers, is nov/ atlually in execution. Should
they accomplifli their whole fchcme, and they appear confident of
fuceefs, Philadelphia in all probability will become, in fome fi.U'.H-e
period, the largcd city that has ever yet exifted.
Vol. I. ' Co

194 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Particular dcfcriptions of the other rivers in the United Slratc^,
arc refervcd to be given in the geographical account of the dates,
through which they refpeftively flow. One general obfervation
relpefting the rivers, will, however, be naturally introduced here,'
and that is, that the entrances into almoftall the rivers, inlets and
bays, from New-Hampfliire to Georgia, arc from fouth-caft to-
north-weft,

^ AY S.

The toaft of the United States is indented with numerous bays,
fomc of which are equal in fize to any in the known world. Be-
ginning at the north eafterly part of the continent, and proceed-
ing fouth-wefterly, you firft find the bay or gulph of St. Law-
rence, which receives the waters of the river of the fame name.
Next are Chedabukto and Chcbukto Bays, In Nova-Scotia, the
latter diftinguifhcd by the lofs of a French fleet in a former war
between France and Great-Britain. The bay of Fundy, between
Nova-Scotia and. New-Brunfwick, is remarkable for its tides,
which rife to the height of fifty or fixty feet, and flow fo rapidly
as to overtake animals which feed upon the fhore. Paflamaquody,^
Penobfcot, Broad and Caico Bays, lie along the coaft of the diftrift
of Maine. MaffaChu-fetts-Bay fpreads eaftward of Bofton, and is
comprehended between Cape Ann on the north, and Cape Cod
on the^fouth. The points of Bofton harbour are Nahant and Al-
dcrton points. Pafling by Narraganfet and other bays in the ftate
of Rhode-lfland, you enter Long-Ifland Sound, between Montauk- '
point and the Maine. This Saund, as it is called, is a kind of in-
land fea, from three to twenty-five miles broad, and about one
hundred and forty miles long, extending the v/hole length of the
ifland, and dividing it from Connefticut. It communicates with
the ocean at both ends of Long-Ifland, and afi'ords a very fafe and
convenient inland navigation*

The celebrated ftrait, called HcH-Gate, is near the weft end of
this found, about eight miles eaftward of New-York city, and is
remarkable for its whirlpools, which make a tremendous roaring
at certain times of tide. Thefe whirlpools are occafioned by the
narrownefs and crookednefs of the pals, and a bed of rocks which
extend quite acrofs it; and not by the meeting of the tides from
eaft to weft, as has been conjeftured, becaufe they meet at Frogs-
point, feveral miles above. A fkilful pilot may with fafety con-
duft a fliip of any burden through this ftrait with the tide, or at
ftill water with a fair wind*.

* The following ingenious geological remarks of Dr. Mitchell's, on certain ma-
ritime parts of the ftate of New-York, deferve a place ia tlu's connexion :

CF THE UNITED STATES. ig^

Delaware Bay is fixty miles long, from the Cape to the entrance
of the river D« la^varc to liombay-hook ; and fo wide in fome paits, as
that a fliip, in the middle of it, cannot be feen from the land.
It opens into the Atlantic north-weft and fouth-eaft, between
Cape Henlopen on the right, and Cape May on the left. Thcfe
Capes are eighteen or twenty miles apart^

The Chefapeek is one of the largcll bays in the known world.
Its entrance is nearly E. N. E. and S. S. Vv\ between Cape
Charles, lat. 37'' 12', and Cape Henry, lat. 37«-, in Virginia;
it is twelve miles wide, and extends two hundred and feventy
miles to the northward, dividing Virginia and Maryland. It is
from feven to eighteen miles broad, and generally as much as nine
fathoms deep -, affording many commodious harbours, and a fafc
.and ealy navigation. It receives the waters of the Sufquehannah,
fotomak, Rappahinnolij York and James river, which are all
large and navigable.

" From the furvey of the foffils in thcie parts ol the American couftone become>
.convinced, that the principal fhare ol them is GRAmriCAL, compafcd of the fame
forts oj malerials with the highefi Alps, Pyrenea, Caucafus, and Andes, and like them
dfl'tutc of mtals and pctrejatlions.

The occurrence of no horizontal llrata, and the freqnency of vertical layers*
lead us further to fuppofe that theft are not fecondary collcClions of minerals, but are
certamly in a /late of primeval arrangement.

The Steatites, Amianthus, Shoerl. FelJfpath, Mica, Garnet, Jajpar, Shifius, Ajbeflas,
and Quartz, muft all be confidcred '^^ puinitivejojils, and by Ki) jneans cf an mlluxiial
ji&tur'e .

What inference remains now tQ be drawn from this ftatemect of fa£ls, but that
the fafhionable opinion of confidering thcfe maritime parts of our country as HatSj
hove up from the deeps by the fea, or brought dov/n from the heights by the ri""
vers, ftands unfupported by rtafon, and coniradidted by experience ?

A more probable opinion is, that Long liland, and the adjacent continent,
were in former days contiguous, of only feparated by a fmall river, and that the
ftrait which now divides thfm, was formed by fuccelTive inroads of the fea from
the caftward and weftward in the courfc of ages. This conjefture is fupportedby
the fa£is which follow, to wit : a. The foflil bodies on both fhoj-eshaye a near re-
femblance. 2. The rocks apd iflands lying between are formed of fmiilar mate-
rials. 3. In feveral places, particularly at White-Stone and Hell-Gate, the dif-
tance from land to land is very fmall. ^. Wherever the fhore is not compofed of
folid rock, there the water continues to make great encroachments, and to caufe
the high banks to tumble down, not only here, but at Monfton, Newton, a nd
clfcwhere, at this very day. 5. The rocky piles in the Sound, culled Execution,
and Stepping-Stones, and thofe named Hurtleberry ifiand, Pea Ifland, Heart
Iliand, and many more that lie up and down, are ftrong circumllances in favour
of this opinion , for from feveral of them a}l the earthy matter, as far as the high-
eft tides can reach, has long fmce been carried away, and from the rell, the fand
and gravel continue to be removed by daily attrition ; as is the cafe with the Bro-
thers, Rykcr's, Blackwcll's, and other iflands. 6. There is a tradition among
that race of men, who, previous to the Europeans, poffeffed this traft of country ;
ihat at fome diftant period, in former times, their anccftors could ilcp from rocjc
U) rockj and crofs this arm of the fea on foot at Hell- Gate."

C C 2

196. GENERAL DESCRIPT-JON

FACE OF TME COUNTRY.

The tra£t cf: country belonging to the United States, ishappi^
ly variegated with plains and mountains, hills and vallies. Some>
parts, are rocky, particularly New-England, the north parts of-
New- York, and New-JeiTey, and a broad fpace, including the
levcral ridges of the long range of mountain^ which run fouth-
weflward through Penniylvania, Virginia, North-Carolina, and
part of Georgia, dividing the waters which flow into the Atlantic
from thofe which fall into the Mifliilippi. In the parts, eafl: of.
the Allegany mountains, in tlie louthcrn dates, the country for fe-
vei-al hundred miles in length, and fixly or fevcnty, and fome»
times more in breadth, is level and intirely free of ftone. It h.i$-
been a quellion agitated by the curious, whether the extenfive
traft of low, flat country, which fronts the leveral flutes fouth of
New-York, and extends back to the hills, has remained in its
prefent form and htuation ever fmce the flood : or whether it has
been made by the particles of eartl^ which have been wafhed
down from the adjacent mountains, and by the accumulation of
foil from the decay of vegetable iubflances ; or by earth wafhed
out of the bay of Mexico by the gulf ftream. and lodged on the
coaft ; or by the recefs of the ocean, occafioned by a change in
lome other part of the earth. Several phenomena delerve confi-
deration in forming an opinion on this queftion.

1. It, is a faft, well known to every pcrlon of obfervationivha,
has lived in, or travelled through the louthern ftates, that marine ■
fhells and other fubfl,ances which are peculiar to the fea fhore, arc
aljnofl; iiivari3bly found by digging eighteen or twenty feet below
the furface of -the earth.. A gentleman .of veracity has afferted ;
that in finking a well many miles from the lea, he found, at the
depth of twenty feet, every appearance of a fait marfh ; that is,
marfh grafs, rnarfh rnud, and brackilh water. In all this flat coun-
try until you come to the hilly land, wherever you dig a wnll,
ypu fipd the water, at a certain depth, frefii aiid tolerably good ;
bi^t if you exgeed that depth two or three fcet^ you come to a ,
faltifli or brackifh . water that is fcarcely drinkable, and the earth
dug up, refemblcs, in appearance and f:ncll. that which is dug up
on the edaes of the fait marflies.

o

2. On and near the margin of the rivers arc frequently found
land hills, which appear to have been drifted into ridges by the
force of water. At the bottom of fomc of the banks in the rivers,
fifteen or twenty feet below the furface of the earth, are wafhed
out from the ftjid ground, logs, branches, and leaves of trees ;
and the whole bank, from bottom to top, appears ftreaked with
layers of logs, leaves and fand. Thcfe appearances are fccn far up
tlie rivers, from eighty to one hundred miles from, the fea.

OF THE UNITED STATES. ,

97

vs-'here, when the rivers. arc. low, the banks are from fifteen to'
twenty feet high. As you proceed down the riviars towards the
fea. the banks dccrcafe in height, but dill arc formed of layers of
fand, leaves and logs, I'ome of which arc entirely found, and ap-
pear to have been fuddenly covered to a confiderable depth.

3. It has been obfcrvcd, that the rivers in the fouthern States
frequently vary their channels; that the fwamps and low grounds
arc conftantly filling up: and that th-c land in many places ammal-
ly infringes upon the ocean. It is an authenticated faft, that no.
longer ago than 1771, at Cape Look-out on the coaft of North-
Carolina, in about latitude 34" 50', there was an excellent harbour,
capacious enough to receive an hundred fail of fhipping at a:
time, in a good depth of water; it is now entirely filled up, and?
is folid ground, Inllances of this kind are frequent along the
coaft.

It is obfervable, likewife, that there is a gradual defcent of about
eight hundred feet, by meaiurement, from the foot of the moun-
tains to the lea board. This defcent continues, as is demon ftra-
ted by foundings, far into the fea.

4. It is worthy of oblervation, that the foil on the banks of the
rivers is proportionably coarfe or fine according to its diflance
from the mountains. When you firft leave the mountains, and .
for a confiderable diftance, it is obfervable, that the foil is coarfe,
with a large mixture of fand and flaining heavy particles. As you
proceed tojvard the fea, the foil is lels coarfe, and fo on ; in pro-
portion as you advance, the loil is finer and finer, until, finally,
is depofited a foil fo fine, that it confolidates into perfeO; clay ;
but a clay of a peculiar quality, for a gi-eat part of it, has intermix-
ed with it reddifh ftreaks and veins, like a fpecies oi ochre; brought
probably from the red-lands which lie up towards the mountains.
This clay, when dug up and expofed to the weather, will diffolve
into a fine mould, without the leaft mixture of fand or any gritty
lubftance whatever. Now we know that running waters, when
turbid, will depofit, firft, the coaricft and heavieft particles, medi-
ately, thofe of the fcvxral intermediate degrees of finenefs, and
ultimately, thdfe which are the moft light and fubtle ; and fuch in
faft is the general quality of the foil on the banks of the fouthern
rivers.

5. It is a well-known faft, that on the banks of Savannah river,
about ninety miles from the fea in a direft line, and one hundred
and fifty or two hundred, as the river runs, there is a very re-
markable colle£lion of oyfter fhells of an uncommon fize. They
run in a north-eaft and fouth-wcft direftion, nearly parallel to
fhe fea coaft, in three diftinO: ridges, which together occupy a
fpace of fcven miles in breadth. The ridges commence at Savan-

i9» GENERAL DESCRIPTION

nah river, and have been traced as far fouth as the northern
branches of the Alatamaha river. They are found in fuch quan-
tities, as that the indigo planters caj-ry them away in large boat
loads, for the purpofe of making lime water, to be ufed in the
manufafture of indigo. There are thoufands and thoufands of
tons ftill remaining*. The queftion is, how came they here ?
It cannot be fuppofed that they were carried by land. Neither
is it probable that they were conveyed in canoes, or boats, to fuch
a diflance from the place where oyfters are now found. The
uncivilized natives, agreeable to their roving manner of living,
would rather have removed to the fea fiiore, than have been at
fuch immenfe labour in procuring oyflers. Befides, the difficul-
ties of conveying them would have been infurmountable. They
would not only have had a ftrong current in the river agaiaft them,
an obilacle which would not have been eafily overcome by the
Indians, who have ever had a great averfion to labour ; but could
they havQ furmounted this difficulty, oyfters conveyed fuch a
diftance, either by land or water, in fo warm a climate, would
have fpoiled on the paffage, and have become ufelefs. The cir-
camftance of thefe (hells being found in fuch quantities, at fo great
a diftance from the fea, can be rationally accounted for in no
other way, than by fuppofing that the fea ftiore was formerly near
this bed of fhells, and that the ocean has fince, by the operation
of certain caufes not yet fully inveftigated, receded. Thefe'
phenomena, it is prefumed, will authorize this conclu-Son, that a
great ^art of the flat country which fpreads eafterly of the Alle-
gany mountains, had, in fome paft period, a fupcrincumbent fea ;
or rather, that the conftant accretion of foil from the various
caufes before hinted at, has forced it to retire.

* " On the Georgia fide of the river, about 15 miles below Silver Bluff, the
high road croffes a vidge of high fwelling hills of uncommon elevation, and per-
haps 70 feet higher than the furface of the river. Thefe hills arc from three feet
below the common vegetative furface, to the depth of 20 or 30 feet, compofed en-
tirely of folTil oyller fhells, internally of the colour and confilfency of clear white
marble ; they are of an incredible magnitude, generally 15 or 20 inches in length;
from 6 to 8 wide, and from 2 to 4 in thicknefs, and their hollows fufficient to re-
ceive an ordinary man's foot. They appear all to have been opened before the pe-
riod af petrefaftion ; a tranfmutation they feem evidently to have fuffered. Tliey
are undoubtedly very ancient, and perhaps antideluvian. The adjacent inhabitants
burn them to lime, for building, for which purpofe they ferve well j and will un-
doubtedly afford an excellent manure, when their lands require it, thefe hills now
being remarkably fertile. The heaps of fhells lie upon a JlnUum of yellowifh
fand mould, of feveral feet in depth, upon a foundation of foft white rocks, that
has the outward appearance of free ffone, but on ftrift examination is really a tef-
taceous concrete, or compofition of fand and pulverifed fea (hells. In (hort, this
teftaceous rock approaches near m quality and appearance to the Bahama or Ber»
madiaa White Rock." Bartram's Ttavels, page 318.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 199

MOUNTAINS.

The traft of country eaft of Hudfon's river, comprehending
part of the State of New-York, the four New England States,
and Vermont, is rough, hilly, and in fome parts mountainous.
Thefe mountains will be more particularly defcribed under New
England. In all parts of the world, and particularly on this
weftern continent, it is obfervable, that as you depart from the
ocean, or from a river, the land gradually fifes ; and the height
of land, in common, is about equally diftant from the water on
either fide. The Andes, in South America, form the height of
land between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. The high lands
between the diftrift of Maine and the province of Lower Canada,
divide the rivers which fall into the St. Lawrence, north, and
into the Atlantic, fouth. The Green Mountains, in Vermont,
divide the waters which flow eallerly into Connefticut river,
from thofe which fall wcHerly into Lake Champlain, Lake George,
and Hudfon's River.

Between the Atlantic, the MiUifiippi, and the lakes, runs a
long range of mountains, made up of a great number of ridges.
Thefe mountains extend north-eafterly and fouth-weflerly, nearly
parallel to the fea coaft, about nine hundred miles in length, and
from fixty to one hundred and fifty and two hundred miles in
breadth. Mr. Evans obferves, with refpeft to that part of thefe
mountains which he travelled over, viz. in the back part of Penn-
fylvania, that fcarcely one acre in ten is capable of culture. This,
however, is not the cafe in all parts of this range. Numerous
trails of fine arable and grazing land intervene between the ridges.
The different ridges which compofe this immenie range of moun-
tains, have different names in different ftates.

As you advance from the Atlantic, the firft ridge in Pennfyl-
vania, Virginia, and North-Carolina, is the Blue Ridge, or South
Mountain, which is from one hundred and thirty to two hundred
miles from the fea. Between this and the North Mountain fpreads
a large fertile vale ; next lies the Allegany ridge ; next beyond
this is the Long Ridge, called the Laurel Mountains, in a fpur
of which, about latitude 36**, is a fpring of water fifty feet deep^
very cold, and it is faid, to be as blue as indigo. From thefe ie-
veral ridges proceed innumerable namelefs branches or fpurs. The
Kittatinny mountains run through the northern parts of New
Jerfey and Pennfylvania. All thefe ridges, except the Allegany,
are feparated by rivers, which appear to have forced their paffages
through folid rocks.

The principal ridge is the Allegany, which has been defcrip-
tivcly called the back-bone of the United States. The general

200 GENERAL DESCRIPTIO.V

name for thdfe mountains, taken colleftively, fecms not yet to hate
been determined. Mr. Evans calls them the Endlefs Mountains !
others have called them the Appalachian Mountains, from a tribe
of Indians who live on a river w^hich proceeds from this mountain,
called the Appalachicola. But the mod common name is the
Allegany Mountains, fo called, either from the principal ridge of
the range, or from their running nearly parallel to the Allegany
or Ohio river ; which, from its head waters, till it emtics into
the Miffinippi, is known and called by the name of Allegany
River, by the Seneca and other tribes of the Six Nations, who
once inhabited it. Thefe mountains are not confufedly fcattered
and broken, rifing here and there into high peaks, overtopping
each other, but ftretch along in uniform ridges, fcareely half a
mile high. They fpread as you proceed fouth, and fome of them
terminate in high perpendicular bluffs. Others gradually fubfide
into a level country, giving rife to the rivers which run foutherly
into the Gulf of Mexico.

They afford many curious phenomena, from which naturalifts
have deduced many theories of the earth. Some of them hav&
been whimfical enough ; Mr. Evans fuppofes that the moft obvious,
of the theories which have been formed of the earth is, that it
was originally made out of the ruins of another. " Bones and
fhells which efcaped the fate of fofter animal fubftances, we find
mixed with the old materials, and elegantly pieferved in the loofe
ftones and rocky bafes of the highefh of thei'e hills." With
deference, however, to Mr. Evans's opinion, thcfc appearan-
ces have been much more rationally accounted for by fup-
pofing the reality of the flood, of which Mofes has given us an
account, Mr. Evans thinks tliis too great a miracle to obtain
belief. But whether is it a gieater miracle for the Creator to
alter a globe of earth by a deluge, when made, or to create one
new from the ruins of another ? The former certainly is not ler&
credible than the lattei'. *' Thefc mountains," fays our author,
" exiflcd in their prefcnt elevated height before the deluge, but
not fo bare of foil as now." How Mr. Evans came to be fo cir-
cumflantially acquainted with thefe pretended fafts, is difficult to
determine, unlefs we fuppofe him to have been an Antediluvian,
and to have lurveyed them accurately before the convulfions of
the deluge ; and until we can be fully affured of this, we muft
be excufed in not affenting to his opinion, and in adhering to the
old philofophy of Mofes and his advocates. Wc have every
reafon to believe that the primitive ftate of the earth was totally
metamorphofcd by the firfl convulfion of nature at the time af
the deluge ; that the fountains of the great deep zverc indeed- broken

OF THE UNITED STATES. zoi

ttp, and that the variousjratn of the earth were diffevered, and
thrown into every pofTiblc degree of confufion and diforder.
Hence thofe vaft piles of mountains which lift their craggy cliffs
to the clouds, were probably thrown together from the floating
ruins of the earth : and this conjefture is remarkably confirmed
by the vaft number of foffils andothermarine^xa^-z^which are found
imbeded on the tops of mountains, in the interior parts of continents
remote from the fea, in ail parts of the world hitherto explored-
The various circumftances attending thefc marine bodies leave us
to conclude, that they were attually generated, lived and died in
the very beds wherein they are found, and therefore thei'e beds
muft have originally been at the bottom of the ocean, though now
in many inftances elevated feveral miles above its furface. Hence
it appears that mountains and continents were not primary produc-
tions of nature, but of a very diftant period of time from the cre-
ation of the world ; a time long enough for the Jlrata to have ac-
quired their greateft degree of cohefion and hardnefs ; and for the
tcftaceous matter of marine fhells to become changed to a ftony
fubftance ; for in the fiffures of the lime-ftone and other ftrata,
fragments of the fame fliell have been frequently found adhering
to each fide of the cleft, in the very ftate in which they were ori-
ginally broken ; fo that if the feveral parts were brought together,
they would apparently tally with each other exaftly. A very confi-
derable time therefore muft have elapfed between the chaotic ftatc of
the earth and the deluge, which agrees with the account of Mofes,
who makes it a little upwards of fixteen hundred years. Thefs
obfervations are intended to fliew, in one inftance out of many
others, the agreement between revelation and reafon, between the
account which Mofes gives us of the creation ^nd deluge, and the
prefent appearances of nature.

SOIL AND VEGETABLE PRODUCTIONS.

In the United States are to be found every fpecies of foil that
the earth affords. In one part of them or another, they produce
all the various kinds of fruits, grain, pulfc, and hortuline plants
and roots, which are found in Europe, and^ have been thence
tranfplanted to America, and befides thefc, a great variety of na-
tive vegetable produftions.

The natural hiftory of the American States, particularly of New-
England, is yet in it* infancy. Several ingenious foreigners,
fkilled in botany, have vifited the fouthern, and fome of the mid-
dle ftates, and Canada ; and thefe ftates have alfo had ingenious
botanifts of their own, who have made confiderablc progrels in
drfcribing the produftions of thofe parts of America which they

D u

202 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

have vifitcd; but New-England fecms not to have engaged the
attention either of foreign or American botanifts. There never
was an attempt to defcribe botanically, the vegetable produftions
of the eaftern flates, till the Rev. Dr. Cutler, of Ipfwich, turned
his attention fo the fuhjcft. The rcfult of his ftrfl enquiries has
been publifhed in the firfl volume of the " Memoirs of the Ame-
rican Academy of Arts and Sciences," Since that period, the
Doftor has paid very particular attention to this, his favourite
fludy ; and the public m.ay fhortly expcft to be gratified and im-
proved by his botanical dclcriptions and difcoveries.

The produftions of the foutliern ftatcs are likewife far from
being well dcfcribed, by any one author, in a work profeffedly
for that purpofe ; but are moftly intermixed with the produftions
of other parts of the v/orld ; in the large works of European
botanifts. This renders it difficult to fclcft and to give an accurate
and conncftcd account of them. To remedy this inconvenience,
and to refcue the republic from the reproach of not having any
authentic and fcientific account of its natural hiftory, Dr. Cutler,
who has already examined nearly all the vegetables of New-Eng-
land, intends, as foon as his leifurc will admit, to publifh a botani-
cal work, of confiderable magnitude, confined principally to the
produftions of the New-England ftates. Dr. Barton, of Philadel-
phia, I am informed, is collecting materials for a work of a fimi-
lar nature, to comprehend the middle and fouthern ftates ; fo that
both togetlier ^vill form a complete natural hiftory of the Ameri-
can ftates. As far as poffiblc to take advantage of thefe, as well
as of other works of a fimilar kind, the natural hiftory of the ve-
getables, animals, birds, reptiles, infefts, fifties, &c. peculiar to
the American continent, will be leparately confidcred in the lafli-
volume of this work ; to which the reader is referred.

POPULATION.
According to the cenfus, taken by order of Corigrcfs, in 1790,
the number of inhabitants in the United States of America, was
three millions nine hundred and thirty thoufand, nearly. In this
number, none of the inhabitants of the territory N. W. of the ri-
ver Ohio, are included. Thefe added, would undoubtedly have
increafed the number to three millions nine hundred and fifty
thoufand, at the period the cenfus was taken. Theincreafe fince,
on iuppolition that tlie inhabitants of the United States double
once in twenty years, has been about four hundred thoufand : io
that now, 1794, they are increafed to four millions three hundred
and' fifty thouland. To thefe muft be added, the vaft influx of
inhabitants into the States, from the different countries of Eu»-
rope ; with their natural increafe ; which taken at a moderate cal-
cul.ition will inakc the nuruber at leaft five millions of fouls.

OF THE UNITED STATES.

203

Tlie American republic is compofed of almoft all nations, lan-
guages, charafters, and religions, which Europe can furnifh ; the
greater part, however, are defcended from the Englilli ; and all
■may, perhaps with propriety, he diftinguifliingly denominated
Federal Americans.

It has generally been confidered as a faft, that, of the human
race, more males than females arc born into the world. The pro-
portion commonly fixed on, is as thirteen to twelve, Hence an
argument has been derived againft Polygamy. The larger num-
ber of males has been believed to be a wile appointment of Pro-
vidence, to balance the dcflruftion of the males in war, by fea,
and by other occupations more hazardous to life than the domef-
tic employment of the female fex. The following table, formed
from the cenfus of the United States, in which the males and
femiles are numbered in different columns, furuifl-ies a new-
proof of the truth of the common opinion, as it relpcfts the
United States* ;

[TABLE.

Males. Females.

Excefs.

Sex.

Vermont

44,763 40,505

4,258+

Males.

New-Hampfhire

70,937 70,160

777

do.

Diftrift of Maiiiel

Maffachufetts

182,742 190,582

7.840

Females.

^hode Ifland

31,818 2>"fib~

834

do.

Connefticut

ii4;926 117,448

2,522

do.

New-York

161,822 152,320

9,502

Males.

New-Jerfey

86,667 83,287

3.380

do.

Pennfylvania

2171736 206,263

11.373

do.

Delaware

23,926 22.384

1,540

do.

Maryland

107,254 101,395

5.859

do.

Virginia

227.071 215,046

12,025

do-

Kentucky

32,211 28,922

3.289

do.

North Carolina

147.494 140:710

6,784

do.

South Carolina

73,298 66,880

6,418

do-

Georgia

27.147 25,739

1,408

do.

Territory S. of Ohio

16.548 15.365

1,183

do.

It is remarkable, that the excefs in all the States is on the fide
of males, except in Maffachul'etts, Rhode Ifland, and Conncfticut.

* Mr. Bruce, in his Travels, affirms, that in that traft of country from the Ifth-
mus of Suez to the Straits of Babelmandel, which contains the three Arabias, the
proportion is iaWfour women to one man.

t In the columns of the cenfus, in which are noted all otfierfiee perfons zndjlaves,
the males and females are not diftinguifhed, and are therefore not regarded in this
table.

X the males and females arc not diftinguilhcd iu the diftrift of Maine, in the late
cenfus.

D D 2

OCA GENERAL DESCRIPTION

In thcfe States the females are confiderably the moft numerous.
This difference is obyioufly to be afcribed to the large migrations
from all thcfe States to Vermont, the northern and weftcrn parts
of New- York, the territory N. W. of Ohio. Kentucky, and Penn-
fylvania, and fome to almoft all the fouthern States. A great pro-
portion of thefe migrants were males ; and while they have ferv-
ed to increalc the proportion of males in the States where they
have fettled, as is ftrikingly the cafe in Vermont and Ken-
tucky, to which the migrations have been moft numerous, and
where the males are to the females nearly as ten to nine, they have
ferved to leffen the proportion of males in the States from whence
they emigrated.

The number of flaves, in 1790, in all the States, was fix hun-
dred ninety-fcven thoufand fix hundred and ninety-fevcn. The
increafe of this number fince, owing to falutary laws, in feveral of
the States, and the humane exertions of the government in fa-
vour of their emancipation and the prevention of any further inv
portation, has happily been fmall, and will be lefs in future.

CHARACTER and MANNERS.

Federal Ameriqans, coUcfted together from various coun-
tries, of different habits, formed vmder different governments,
have yet to form their national charafter, or we may rather fay. it
IS in a forming ftate. They have not yet exifted as a nation long
enough for us to form an idea of what will be, in its maturity,
its prominent features. Judging, however, from its prefent pro-
mifing infancy, we are encouraged to hope, that, at Ibme future
period, not far diftant, it will, in every point of view, be rcfpcft-
able.

Until the revolution, which was accompliflicd in J 783, Euro-
ropeans were flrangely ignorant of America and its inhabitants.
They concluded that the new world niu/l be inferior to the old.
The count de Buffon fuppofed, that even the animals in that coun-
try were uniformly lefs than in Europe, and thence concluded that,
*''on that fide the Atlantic there is a tendency in nature to belittle
her produftions." The Abbe Raynal, in a former edition of his
works, fuppofed this bejuiling tendency, or influence, had its cf-
fefts on the race of whites tranfplanted from Europe, and thence
had the prefumption to affcrt. that *• America had not yet produ-
ced one good poet, one able mathematician^ nor one man of ge-
nius, in a fingle art or fcience." Had the Abbe been juftly in-
formed refpefting the Americans, we prefume he would not have
xnade an affertion fo ungenerous and injurious to their genius and

OF THE UNITED STATES. 205

literary charaftcr. This afTei-tion drew from Mr. Jefferfon the
following reply :

" When wc fhall have exiflcd as a people as long as the Greeks
did before they produced a Homer, the Romans a Virgil, the
French a Racine and Voltaire, the Englifli a Shakefpeare and Mil-
ton, fliould this reproach be fbill true, we will inquire from what
unfriendly cauies it has proceeded, that the other countries of
Europe and quarters of the earth, fhall not have infcribed any
name in the roll of poets. In war we have produced a Wafhing-
ton, whofe memory will be adored while liberty fhall have vota-
ries, whofe name will triumph over time, and will, in future ages
affume its juft ftation among the moft celebrated worthies of the
world, when that wretched philofophy fliall be forgotten, which
would arrange him among the degeneracies of nature. In phyfics
we have produced a Franklin, than whom no one of the prefent
age has made more important difcoverics, nor has enriched philo-
fophy Math more, or more ingenious folutions of the phjenomena
of nature. We have fuppofcd Mr. Rittenhoufe fecond to no
aftionomer living : that in genius he muft be the flrft, becaufe he
is felf-taught. As an artift, he has exhibited as great proofs of
mechanical genius as the world has ever produced. — He has not
not indeed made a world; but he has, by imitation, approached
nearer its Maker than any man man who has lived from the cre-
ation to this day. As in philofophy and war, fo in government,
in oratory, in painting, in the plaftic art, we might fhew that
America, though but a child of yefterday, has already given hope-
ful proofs of genius, as well of the nobler kinds, which aroufe the
beft feelings of man, which call him into aftion, which fubflantiate
his freedom, and conduft him to happinefs, as of the fubordinate
which ferve to amufe him only. We theixfore fuppofe, that this
reproach is as unjufh as it is unkind; and that, of the geniufes
which adorn the prefent age, America contributes its full fliare.
For comparing it with thofe countries, where genius is moft culti-
vated, where are the moft excellent models for art, and fcaffold-
ings for the attainment of fcience, as France and England, for in-
stance, we calculate thus: the United States contain tlnxe mil-
lions of inhabitants, France twenty millions, and the Britifli iuands
Xcn. We produce a Wafliington, a Franklin, a Rittenhoufe^
France then fliould have half a dozen in each of thcfe lines, and
Great Britain half that number equally eminent. It may be true
that France has; we are but jufl becoming acquainted with her,
and our acquaintance fo far gives us high ideas of the genius of
her inhabitants. It M'ould be injuring too many of them to nama
particularly a Voltaire, a BuiFon, the conftellation of Enc-vxiope-

£o6 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

difts, the Abbe Raynal, himfelf, &c. &c. We therefore have
rcafon to believe (he can produce her full quota of genius."

The two late important revolutions in America, which have
been fcarccly exceeded fince the memory of man, 1 mean theft of
the declaration and efhablifliment of independence, and that of the
adoption of a new form of government without bloodflied, have
called to hiftoric fame many noble and diflinguifhed charafters
who might otherwife have fli^pt in oblivion.

But while we exhibit the fair fide of the charafter of the Fe-,
DERAL Americans, we would not be thought blind to their faults.

" If there be an objeft truly ridiculous in nature, it is an Ame-
rican patriot, figning refolutions of independency with one hand,
and with the othex brandifhing a whip over his affrighted flaves."

Much has been written to fhew the injuflice and iniquity of
enflaiving the Africans ; fo much, as to render it unneceffary here
to fay any thing on that part of the fubjeft. We cannot, howe-
ver, forbear introducing a few obfcrvations refpefting the influ-
ence of flavery upon policy, morals, and manners. From calcula-
tions on the fubjeft, it has been found, that the expence of main-
taining a flave, efpecially if the purchale money be included, is
much greater than that of maintaining a free man : this, however,
is difputcd by fome ; but fuppoie the expence in both cafes be
equal, it is certain that the labour of the free man, influenced by
the powerful motive of gain, is, at leaft, twice as profitable to
the employer as that of the flave. Befides, flavery is ihe bane of
induflry. It renders labour among the whitos, not only unfafh-
ionable, but difreputablc. Induftry is the offspring of necefTity
rather than of choice. Slavery precludes this necefTity ; and in-
dolence, which ftrikcs at the root of all focial and political hap-
pinefs, is the unhappy confequence. Thefc obfcrvations, with-
out adding any thing upon the injuflice of the praftice, fhew
that flavery is impolitic.

Its influence on manners and morals is equally pernicious.
The negro wenches, in many inftances, are nurles to their mif-
trelTes children. The infant babe, as foon as it is born, is deliver-
ed to its black nurfc, and perhaps feldom or never taftes a drop
of its mother's milk. The children, by being brought up, and
conflantly afTociatmg with the negroes, too often imbibe their
low ideas, and vitiated manners and morals, and contract a negrolfli
kind of accent and dialeft, which they often carry with them
through life.

To thefe I fhall add the obfervations of a native'-' of a ftate
M-hich contains a greater number of fl.aves than any of the others.
Although his obfervations upon the influence of flavery were in-
* Mr. Tefierfon.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 207

tended for a particular flate, they will apply equally well to all
places where this pernicious prafticc in any confiderablc draree
prevails.

"^- There mufl doubtlefs," he obferves, " be an unhappy influ.
ence on the manners of our people, produced by the cxiftcnce of
flavery among us. The whole commerce between mafter and flavc
is a perpetual cxcrcife of the moft boifterous paffions, the mcft:
unremitting dcfpotifm on the one part, and degrading fubmiihons
on the other. Our children fee this, and learn to imitate it ; for
man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all edu-
cation in him» From his cradle to his grave, he is learning to do
what he i'ccs others do. If a parent could find no motive either
in his philanthropy or his felf-lovc, for rellraining the intemper-
ance of a paffion towards his flave, it fhould always be a fufficient
one, that his child is prefent. But generally it is not fufficient.
The parent florms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of
wrath, puts on the fame airs in the circle of fmaller flaves, gives
a loofe to his worft of paffions, and thus nurfed, educated, and
daily exercifed in tyranny, cannot but be damped by it with odi-
ous peculiarities. The man muft be a prodigy who can retain his
manners and morals undepraved by fuch circumftances. And
with what execration fliould the ftatelman be loaded, who, per-
mitting one half of the citizens thus to trample on the rights of
the other, transforms thole into dcfpots, and theie into enemies ;
deftroys the morals of the one part, and the amoi- patrite of the other.
For if a flave can have a country in this world, it muft be any
other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labour
for another ; in which he mufl lock up the faculties of his nature^
contribute, as far as depends on his individual endeavour, to the
evanifliment of the human race, or entail his own miferable con-
dition on the cndlcfs generations proceeding from him. Witli the
morals of the people, their induftry alfo is deftroyed. For in a
warm climate, no man will labour for himfclf who can make ano-
ther labour for him. This is fo true, that of the proprietors of
flaves a very fmall proportion indeed arc ever feen to labour.
And can the liberties of a nation be thought fccure when we have
removed their only firm bafis, a conviction in the minds of the
people that thefe liberties are the gift of God ? That they are not
to be violated but with his wrath ? Indeed I tremble for my
country when I refloft that God is juft ; that his juftice carnot
fleep for ever : that confidering numbers, nature, and natural
means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange
of fituation, is among poffible events : that it may become pro-
bable by fupernatural inference ! — The Almighty has no attribute
which can take fide with us in fuch a contefb. But it is impoffi-

2o8 CEXERAL DESCRIPTION

ble to be temperate and to purfue this fubjeft through the various
confiderations of policy, of morals, of hiftory, natural and civil.
We muft be contented to hope they will force their way
into every one's mind. I think a change already perceptible,
fince the origin of the prefcnt revolution. The fpirit of the
mafter is abating, that of the flave rifing from the duft, his con-
dition mollifying, the way I hope preparing, under the aufpiccs
of Heaven, for a total emancipation, and that this is difpofcd, ia
the order of events, to be with the confent of their maftcrs, ra-
ther than by their extirpation."

Under the Federal government, from the meafures already-
adopted, we have reafon to believe that all flaves in the United
States, will in time be emancipated, in a manner moft confiflent
with their own happinefs, and the true intereft of their proprie-
tors. Whether this will be effefted by tranfporting them back to
Africa ; or by colonizing them in fomc part of the American ter-
ritory, and extending to them their alliance and proteftion, until
they fhall have acquired ftrength fufficient for their own defence ;
or by incorporation with the whites ; or in fome other way, re-
mains to be determined.

In the middle and northern dates, there are comparatively but
few flaves ; and of courfe there is lefs difficulty in giving them
their freedom. In Mafl'achufctts alone, and we mentioh it to
their diftinguifhed honor, there are none. Societies for the
manumiflion of flaves have been infbituted in Philadelphia, New-
York, and other places, and laws have been enafted, and other
meafures taken, in the New-England States, to accomplifh the
fame purpofc. The Friends, commonly called Quakers, have
evinced the propriety of their name, by their goodnefs in origi-
nating, and their vigorous exertions in executing this truly hu-
mane and benevolent defic'n.

o

The Englifh Language is univerfally fpokcn in the United
States, and in it bufmefs is tranfafted, and the records are kept.
It is fpoken with great purity, and pronounced with propriety in
New England, by perfons of education ; and, excepting fome few
corruptions in pronunciation, by all ranks of people. In the
middle and fouthern States, where they have had a great influx of
fo:-eigners, the language, in many inftances, is corrupted efpecially
in pronunciation. Attempts are making to introduce an unifor-
mity of pronunciation throughout the States, which for political,
as well as other reafons, it is hooed will meet the approbation
and encouragement of all literary and influential charafters.

Intermingled with the Americans, are the Dutch, Scotch, Irifii.j
French, Germans, Swceds, and Jews ; all thefj, except tlie

OF THE UNITED STATES. 209

S'cotch and Irifh, retain in a greater or Icfs degree, their native
language, in which they perform their public woriliip, ccnverfe
and tranlaft their bufinefs with each other.

The tims, however, • is anticipated, when all improper diflinc-
tions fliall be abolifhed ; and when the language, manners, cuftoms,
political and religious icntimcnts of the mixed mals of people who
inhabit the United States, fh.ill become fo affimilatcd, as that
all nominal difhinftion fliall be loll in the general and honourable
name of Amkricans.

GOVERNMENT.

Until the fourth of July, 1776, the prefent United States
were Britifli colonies. On that memorable day, the Reprefen--
tatives of the United States of America, in Congrefs affcmblcd,
made a folemn declaration, in which they afligned their reafons
for withdrawing their allegiance from the King of Gfcat Britain.
Appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rcftitudc
of. their intentions, they did, in the name and by the authority
of the good people of the colonics, folemnly publifh and declare.
That thefe United Colonies were, and of right ought to be, Free
and Independent States ; that they were ablolvcd from all allegi-
ance to the Britifh crown, and that all political connexion be-
tween them and Great Britain, was, and ought to be, totally dii-
folved ; and that as Free and Independent States, they had full
power to levy war, conclude peace, contraft alliances, cfl^ablifli
commerce, and do all other afts and things, which Independent
States may of right do. For the fupport of this declaration,
with a firm reliance on the proteftion of Divine Providence, the
delegates then in Congrefs, fifty-five in number, mutually pledged
to each other their lives, their fortunes, and their lacrcd honour.

At the fame time they publifned articles of Confederation and
Perpetual Union between the States, in which they took the title
of " The United States of America," and agreed, that each State
fliould retain its fovereignty, freedom, and independence, and
every power, jurifdiftion, and riglit, not exprcisly delegated to
Congrefs by the confederation. By thefe articles, the Thirteen
United States fevcrally entered into a firm league of hicndmip
with each other for their common defence, the lecurity of their
liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, and bound thcm-
felvcs to a ill ft each other, againft all force, oflcred to, or attacks
that might be made upon all, or any of tlunn, on account of
religion, fovereignty, commerce, or any other pretence whatever.

E :; '

210 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

But for the more convenient management of the general intcrefts
of the United States, it was determined, that Delegates fhould
be annually appointed, in fuch manner as the Legiflature of each
State fliould direft, to meet in Congrels the firft «^1onday in
November of every year ; with, a power rcferved to each State
to recall its delegates, or any of them., at any time within the
year, and to lend others in their (lead for the remainder of the
year. No State was to be reprefented in Congrefs by lefs than
two, or more than fcvcn members ; and no perfnn could be a
delegate for more than three years, in airy term of fix years, nor
was any perfon, being a delegate, capable of holding any ofhcc
under the United States, for which he, or any other for his
benefit, fhould receive anv falarv. fees, or emolument of any kind.
In determining qucftions in Congrefs, each State was to have
one vote. Every State was bound to abide by the determinations
of Congrefs in all queftions which were fubmitted to them by
the confederation. The articles of confederation were to be in-
variably obferved by every State, and the Union to be perpetual :
nor was any alteration at any time afterwards to be made in any
of the articles, unlefs fuch alterations were agreed to in Congrefs,
and afterwards confirmed by the legiflatures of every State. The
articles of confederation were ratified by Congrefs, July, 9th,

^778-

Thefe articles of confederation being found inadequate to the
purpofes of a federal government, for reaions hereafter mention-
ed, delegates were chofen in each of the United States, to meet
and fix upon the neceffary amendments. They accordingly met
in convention at Philadelphia, in thefummer of lySy, and agreed
to propofe the following conflitution for the confideration of
their conflituents :

CONSTITUTION.

WE, the people of the United States, in order to form a more
perfeft union, eftablifh juflice, infure domeflic tranquility, pro-
vide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and
fecure the blefTings of liberty to ourlelvcs and our pofterity, do
ordain and eftablifh, this Conftitution for the United States of
America,

ARTICLE r.

Sect. 1. All legiflativc powers herein granted fliall be vefted
in a Congrefs of the United States, which fhall confift of a
Senate and Houfc of Reprefentatives.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 211

Sect. ii. The Houfc of Reprefentatives fhall be compofcd
of members chofen every fecond year by the people of the fevc-
ral ftates, and the eleftors in each ftate fhall have the qualifica-
tions requifite for eleftors of the moft numerous branch of the
flate Icgiflaturc,

No perion fhall be a reprefentative who fhall not have attain-
ed to the age of twenty-five years, and been feven years a citizen
of the United States, and who Ihall not, when elected, be an in-
habitant of that ftate in which he fliall be chofen.

Reprefentatives and direft taxes, fhall be apportioned among
the feveral ftates which may be included within this Union, ac-
cording to their relpeftive numbers, which fliall be determined
by adding to the whole number of free perfons, included thofe
bound to fervice for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
taxed, three-fifths of all other perlons. The aftual enumeration
fhall be made within three years after the firft meeting of the
Congrefs of the United States, and within every fubfequent term
of ten years, in fuch manner as they fliall by law direft. The
number of reprefentatives fhall not exceed one for every thirty
thoufand, but each ftate fhall have at leaft one reprefentative ; and
until fuch enumeration fhall be made, the ftate of New-Hampfliire
fhall be entitled to choofe three, Maftachufetts eight, Rhode-
Iflandand Providence Plantations one, Connefticutfive, New-York
fix, New-Jerfey four, Pennfylvania eight, Delaware one, Mary-
land fix, Virginia ten, North-Carolina five, South-Carolina five,
and Georgia three.

When vacancies happen in the reprefcntation of any ftate, the
executive authority thereof, fhall iiTue writs of cleftion to fill
fuch vacancies.

The Houfe of Reprefentatives fhall choofe their Speaker and
other officers ; and fhall have the fole power of impeachment.

Sect. hi. The Senate of the United States fhall be compofed
of two fenators from each ftate, chofen by the legiflature thereof
for fix years ; and each fenator fhall have one vote.

Immediately after they fhall be alTembled, in confequence of
the firft eleftion, they fhall be divided as equally as may be into
three clafTes. The feats of the fenators of the firft clafs fhall be
vacated at the expiration of the fecond year ; of the fecond clafs
at the expiration of the fourth year ; and of the third clafs at the
expiration of the fixth year, fo that one third may be chofen
every fecond year ; and if vacancies happen by refignation, or
otherwife, during the recefs of the legilbture of anv ftate, the exe-
cutive power thereof may make temporary appointments initil
the next meeting of the legiflature, which fliall then fill fuch
vacancies. E e 2

212 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

No perfon fhall be a fenator who fliall not have attained to the
age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United
States, and who fliall not, when elcftcd, be an inhabitant of that
flatc for wluch lie fliall be chofen.

The vice-prcfident of the United States fliall be prefident of
the fenate, but Ihall have no vote, unlefs they be equally divided.

The fenate fliall clioole their other officers, and alio a prefident
pro tempore, in the abfence of the vice-prchdent, or when he fhall
exercife the office of preudent of the United States.

The fenate fliall have the fole power to try all impeachments.
When fitting for that purpofe, they fhall be on oath or affirma-
tion. When the prefident of the United States is tried the chief
jufhice fhall prcfide : And no perfon fliall be convifted, without
the concurrence of two-thirds of the members prefent.

Judgment in cafes of impeachment, fhall not extend further
than to removal from office, and dilqualification to hold and en-
joy any office of honour, truft, or profit under the United States;
but the party convifted ffiall ncvcrthclefs be liable and fubjctl to.
indiftment, trial, judgment, and punifliment accoi'ding to law.

Sect, iv. The times, places, and manner of holding elec-
tions for fcnators and reprefentatives, fliall be fubfcribed in each
ftate by the legiflature thereof; but the Congreis may at any time
by law, make or alter fuch regulations, except as to the places of
choofing feijators.

The Congreis fhull alfcmble at Icafh once in every year, and
fuch meeting fliall be on the firft Monday in December, unlefs
they fhall by law appoint a different day.

Sect. v. Eacii houfe fliall be the judge of the elcftions,
returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of
each fliall conftitute a quorum to do bufuicls ; but a fmaller num-
ber may adjourn from day to day, and may be authoriled to com-
pel the attendance of abfent members, in fuch manner, and under
fuch penalties as each houle may provide.

Each houle may determine the rules of its proceedings, punifh
its members for diforderlv behaviour, and, with the concurrence
of two thirds, expel a member.

Each houle fhall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from
time to time publiffi the fame, excepting i'uch parts as may in
their judgment require iecrccy; and the veas and nays of the
members of cither houle, on any queftion, fliall at the dcfirc of
cue fifth of tliofe preient, be entered on the journal.

Neither houfe, during the feffion of Congrefs, fliall, without
the conient of the other, adjourn for moie than three days, nor
to any other place than that in which the t\v;o houles fhall be
fitting.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 2,3

Sect. vi. The Senators and Rcpicfcntatives fliall receive a
compcnlation for their Icrvices, to be afccrtained by law, and
paid out of the treafury of the United States. They fhall, in all
cafes, except treafon, folony, and breach of the peace, be privi-
ledged from arreft during tlieir attendance at the feflion of their
refpeftivc houfcs, and in going to and returning from the fame ;
and for any fpecch or debate in either houfe, they fhall not be
queftioned in any other place.

No fenator or rcprefcntative fliall during the time for which he
was elcftcd, be appointed to any civil office under the authority
of the United States, which fhall have been created, or the emo-
luments whereof fliall have been increafed during fuch time; and
no perfon holding any office under the United States, fliall be a
member of either Houfe during his continuance in office.

Sect. vii. All bills for raifmg revenue fhall originate in the
Houfe of Reprefcntatives ; but the Senate may propofe or con-
cur with amendments, as on other bills.

Every bill which fhall have paffed the Houfe of Reprefcnta-
tives and the Senate, fhall, before it becomes a law, be prefented
to the Prefident of the United States; if he approve, he ffiall fign
it, but if not, he fliall return it, with his objeftions, to that houfe
in which it originated, who fhall enter the objcftions at large on
their journal, and proceed to rc-confider it. If, after fuch re-
confideration, two thirds of that houle fliall agree to pafs the bill)
it fhall be fent, together with the objeftions, to the other houfe,
by which it fliall likewifc be re-confidered, and if approved by
two thirds of that houfe, it fhall become a law. But in all fuch
cafes the votes of both houfes fhall be determined by yeas and
nays, and the names of the perfons voting for and againfb the bill
fhall be entered on the journal of each houfe refpeftively. If
any bill fhall not be returned by the Prefident within ten days,
Sundays excepted, after it fliall have been prefented to him, the
fame ffiall be a law, in like manner as if he had figned it, unlefs
the Congrefs, by their adjournment, prevent its return, in which
cafe it ffiall not be a law.

Every order, refolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of
the Senate and Houfe of Reprefcntatives may be neceflary (except
on a queftion of adjournment) fliall be prefented to the Prefident
of the United States ; and before the fame ffiall take eff^eft, ffiall
be approved by him, or, being difapproved by him, ffiall be re-
pafl'ed by two thirds of the Senate and Ploufe of Reprefcntatives,
according to the rules and limitations prefcribcd in the cafe of
4 bill.

214 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Sect. vm. The Congrefs fhall have power,

To lay and colleft taxes, duties, impofts, and excifes ; to pay
the debts and provide for the common defence arid general wel-
fare of the United States ; but all duties, impoft, and excifes fhall
be uniform throughout the United States ;

To borrow money on the credit of the United States ;

To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the fe-
veral States, and with the Indian tribes ;

To eflablifh an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform
laws on the fubjeft of bankruptcies throughout the United States ;

To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin,
and fix the flandard of weights and meafures ;

To provide for the punifhment of counterfeiting the fecurities
and current coin of the United States ;

To eflablifh poft offices and pofl roads ;

To promote the progrcfs of fcience and ufeful arts, by fecuring
for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclufive right to
their refpeftive writings and difcoveries ;

To conflitute tribunals inferior to the fupreme court ;

To define and punifh piracies and felonies committed on the
high feas, and offences againfl the law of nations ;

To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprifal. and make
rules concerning captures on land and water ;

To raife and fupport armies, but no appropriation of money tQ
that ufe fhall be for a longer term than two years ;

To provide and maintain a navy ;

To make rules for the government and regulation of the land
and naval forces ;

To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of
the union, fvipprefs infurreftions, and repel invafions ;

To provide for organizing, arming, and difciplining the militia,
and for governing fuch part of them as may be employed in the
fervice of the United States, referving to the States refpeftively,
the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the
militia according to the difcipline prelcribed by Congrefs ;

To exercife exclufive legiflation in all cafes whatfoever, over
fuch diflrift, not exceeding ten miles fquare, as may by ceflion of
particular States, and the acceptance of Congreis, become the
feat of government of the United States ; and to, exercife like
authority over all places purchafed by the confent of the legifla-.
ture of the State in which the fame fliall be, for the ereftion of
forts, magazines, arfcnals, dock-yards, and other needful build-
ings ; — And

OF THE UNITED STATES. 215

To make all laws which (hall be nccefTary and proper for car-
rying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers
veiled by this conilitution in the government of the United
States, or in any department or officer thereof.

Sect. ix. The migration or importation of fuch perfons, as
any of the States now exifling fhall think proper to admit, fliall
not be prohibited by the Congrefs prior to the year one thgufand
eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be impofed on
fuch importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each perfon.

The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus fliall not be fufpend-
ed, unlefs when, in cafes of rebellion or invafion, the public
fafety may require it.

No bill of attainder or ex pod fafto law fhall be paffed.

No capitation, or other direft tax, fhall be laid, unlefs in
proportion to the cenfus, or enumeration, herein before direfted
to be taken.

No tax or duty fhall be laid on articles exported from any
State. — No preference fhall be given by any regulation of com-
merce or revenue to the ports of one State over thofe of another :
nor fhall veffels bound to or from one State, be obliged to enter,
clear, or pay duties in another.

No money fhall be drawn from the treafury, but in confequence
of appropriations made by law ; and a regular ftatement and ac-
count of the receipts and expenditures of all public money fliall
be publiflied from time to time.

No title of nobility fliall be granted by the United States. — -
And no perfon holding any office of profit or truft under them,
fhall, without the confent of Congrefs, accept of any prefent,
■emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king,
prince, or foreign flate.

Sect. x. No flate fhall enter into any treaty, alliance, or
confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprifal ; coin money ;
emit bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and filver coin a
tender in payment of debts ; pafs any bill of attainder, ex poft
fafto law, or law imparing the obligation of contrafts, or grant
any title of nobility.

No State fliall, without the confent of the Congrefs, lay any
impofts or duties#on imports or exports, except what may be ab-
folutely nccelfary for executing its infpc£lion laws ; and the net
produce of all duties and inipofl:s, laid by any State on imports
or exports, fliall be for the ufe of the Treafury of the United
States ; and all fuch laws fliall be fubjeft to the revifion and con-
troul of the Congrefs. No State fliall, without the confent of
Congrefs, lay any duly of tonnage, keep troops, or fiiips of war,
in time of peace, enter into any engagement or compact with

2i6 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unlcfs
aftually invaded, or in fuch imminent danger as will not admit of
delay.

ARTICLE II.
Sect. i. The executive power fliall be vefhed in a Prcfidcnt
of the United States of America. He fhall hold his office during
the term of four years, and, together with the Vice-Prefidcnt
chofcn for the fame term, be elefted as follows :

Each State fhall appoint, in fuch manner as the Icgillature
thereof may direft, a number of cleftors, equal to the whole
number of fenators and reprefentativcs to which the State may be
entitled in the Congrefs; but no fenator or reprefentative, or pcr-
fon holding an office of truft or profit under the United States,
fhall be appointed an eleftor.

The eleftors fliall meet in their refpcftivc States, and vote by
ballot for two perfons, of whom one at leaft fliall not be an inha-
bitant of the fame State with themfelves. And they fhall make a
lift of all the perfons voted for, and of the number of votes for
each ; which lift they fhall fign, certify and tranfmit, fealed, to
the feat of the government of the United States, dire£lcd to
the Prefident of the Senate. The Prefident of the Senate fhall,
in the prcfence of the Senate and Houle of Reprefentativcs, open
all the certificates, and the votes fhall then be counted. The
perfon having the greatcft number of votes fhall be the Prefident
if fuch number be a majority of the whole number of eleftors ap-
pointed ; and if there be more than one who have fuch majority
and have an equal number of votes, then the Houfe of Rcprefen_
tatives fhall immediately choofe, by ballot, one of them for Prefi-
dent ; and if no perfon have a majority, then from the five high-
eft on the lift, the faid houfc fhall in like manner chooic the Pre-
fident. But in choofing the Prefident, the votes fhall be taken
by States, the repicientations from each State having one vote ;
a quorum for this purpofe fliall confift of a member or members
from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States
fliall be neceffary to a choice. In every cafe, after the choice of
the Prefident, the perfon having the greatcft number of votes
of the clcftors fhall be the Vice-Prefident. But if there fhould
remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate fliall chooic
from them by ballot the Vicc-Prefident.

The Congrefs may determine the time of choofing the electors,,
and the day on which they fhall give their votes ; \A\ich day
Ihall be the fame thi-oughout the United States,

No perfon, except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the
United States at the time of the adoption of this ccnftitution,
ihall be elicrible to tlie office of Prefident ; neither fliall anv per-

CF THE UNITED STATES. 21-7

fori be eligible to that office who' fhall not have attained to the age
of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a rcftdent within the
United States. .

In cafe of the removal of the Pi-efident from office, or of his
death, refignation, or inability to difchargc the powers and duties
of the faid office, the fame fhall devolve on the Vice-Prehdent,
and the Congrcfs may by law provide for the cafe of removal^
death, refignation, or inability, both of the Prefident and V^ce-
Prefident, declaring what officer ffiall then a6l as Prefident, and
fuch officer ffiall a6l accordingly, until the dilability be removed^
or a Prefident ffiall be elefted.

The Prefident fhall, at flatcd times, receive for his fervices, a
compenfatibn, which ffiall neither be increafed or diminiffied
during the period for which he ffiall have been elcfted, and hci
fliall not receive within that period any other emolument from the
United States, or any of them.

Before he enters on the execution of his office, he flnll take
the following oath cr affirmation :

"I do folemnly fwear (or affirm,) that I will faithfully execute
" the office of Prefident of the United States, and will, to the beffc
*'of my ability, preferve, protcft, and defend the conftitution of
"the United States."

Sect. 2. The Prefident ffiall be Commander in chief of the
army and naVy of the United States, and of the militia of the fe-
veral States, when called into the aftual fervice of the United.
States ; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal
officer in each of the executive departments, upon any fubjeft
relating to the duties of their refpeftive offices, and he fhall have
power to grant reprieves and pardons for ofFeuccs againfl the
United States, except in cafes of impcachmpnt.

He ffiall have power, by and with the advice and confent of
the Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the fenators
prefent concur ; and he ffiall nominate, and by and with the ad-
vice and confent of the Senate ffiall appoint ambafiadors, other
public miniflers and confuls, judges of the fupreme court, and all
other officers of the United States, Avhofe appointments are not here-
in otherwife provided for, and which ffiall be eflabliffied by law.
But the Congrefs may by law veft the appointment of fuch in-
ferior officers, as they think proper, in the Prefident alone, in the
courts of law, or in the heads of departments.

The prefident ffiall have power to fill up all vacancies that may
happen during the recefs of the fennte, by granting commiffions
which ffiall expire at the end of their next fcffion.

F -

21 8 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Sect. 3. He fliall from time to time give to the Congrefs irt-
formation of the flate of the union, and recommend to their con-
fideration fuch meafures as he fhall JudgC necefTary and expedi-
ent ; he may, on extraordinary occafions, convene both houfes,
or either of them, and in cafe of difagrcemcnt between them, with
refpeft to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to fuch
time a8 he fhall think proper; he fliall receive ambalfadors and
other public minifters ; he fhall take care that the laws be faith-
fully executed, and fhall commiffion all the officers of the United
States.

Sect. 4. The Picfident, Vice-PrcfiJcnt, and all civil ofHcers
of the United States, fliall be removed from ofhce on impeach-
ment for, and conviftion of, treafon, bribery, or other high crimes
and mifdemearvors,

ARTICLE IIL

Sect, 1. The judicial power of the United States fhall be
vefteJ in one fupreme court, and in fuch inferior courts, as the
Congrefs may from time to time ordairr and eftablifh. The judges,
both of the fupreme and inferior courts, fhall hold their offices
during good behaviour, and fliall, at ftated times, receive for their
ferviccs, a compenfation, which fliall not be diminifhed during,
their continuance in ofnce.

Sect. 2. The judicial pov/cr fliall extend to all cafes, inlaw
and equitv, a rifing under this conftitution. the laws of the United
States, and treaties made, or which fliall be made, under their au-
thority ; to all cafes aifefting ambaffadors, other public minift;erSy
and confuls ; to all cafes of admiralty and maritime jurifdiftion :
to controverfics to which the United States fhall be a party ; to
controverfies between two or more States, between a State and
citizens of another State, between citizens of different States,
between citizens of the fame State claiming lands under grants
of different States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof,
and foreign States, citizens, or fubjtfts.

In all cafes affcfting ambaffadors, other public minifl;ers, and
confuls, and thofe in which a State fliall be party, the fupreme
court fliall have original jurifdiftion. In all the other cafes be-
fore mentioned, the lupreme court fliall have appelate jurifdiftion,
both as to law and faft, with fuch exceptions, and under fuch re-
gulations as the Congrefs fhall make.

The trial of all crimes, except in cafes of impeachment, (hall
be by jury ; and fuch trial fhall be held in the State where the
laid crime fhall have been committed ; but when not committed
within any State, the trial fhall be at fuch place or places as the
Congrefs may by law have direfted.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 219

Sect. 3. Trcafon againft the United States fliall confifhonly in
levying war againft them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving
them aid and comfort. No perfon fhall be convifted of treafon,
unlefs on the teftimony of two witiiefTcs to the fame overt aft,
■or on confefiTion in open court.

The Congrels fhall have power to declare the punifhmcnt of
treafon, but no attainder of ticafon fhall work, corruption of blood,
or forfeiture, except during the life of the perfon attainted.

A R T I C L E IV.

Sect. i. Full faith and credit fhall be given in each State to
the public afts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other
State. And the Congrels may by general laws prcfcribe the man-
ner in which fuch afts, records, and proceedings fhall be proved,
and the effeft thereof.

Sect. 2, The citizens of each State fliall be entitled to all pri-
vileges and immunities of citizens in the fcveral States.

A perlon charged in any State with trcafon, felony, or other
crime, who fhall flee from jufHce, and be found in ar^otheFState
fliall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from
which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having
jurifdiftion of the crime.

No perfon held to fervice or labour in one State, under the
laws thereof, efcaping into another, fhall, in confequence of any
law or regulation therein, be dilcharged from fuch fervice or la-
bour, but fliall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom
fuch fervice or labour may be due.

Sect. 3. New States may be admitted by the Congrefs into
this union, but no new State fhall be formed or erefted within
the jurifdiftion of any other State ; nor any State be formed by
the junftion of two or more States, or parts of Slates, without
the confent of the legiflatures of the States concerned as well as
of the Congrefs.

The Congrefs fhall have power to difpofe of and make all need-
ful rules and regulations refpefting the territory or other property
belonging to the United States ; and nothing in this conflitution
fliall be fo conflrucd as to prejudice any claims of the United
States, or of any particular State.

Sect. 4. The United States fliall guavrantee to every State in
this union a republican form of government, and fhall proteft
each of them againft invafion ; and on application of the legifla-
turc, or of the executive, when the legiflature cannot be con-
vened, againfl doraeflic violence.

F F 2

220 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

ARTICLE V.
The Congrefs, whenever two thirds of both houfes fliall deem
it neceffary, (hall propofe amendments to this conflitution, or, on
the application of the legiflatures of two thirds of the fevcral
States, fhall call a convention for propofing amendments, which,
In either cafe, fhall be valid to all intents and purpofcs, as part
of this conftitution, when ratified by the legiflatures of three
fourths of the feveral States, or by conventions in three fourths
thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be pro-
pofed by the Congrefs : provided, that no amendment which
may be made prior to the year one thoufand eight hundred and
eight, fhall in any manner affeft the firft and fourth claufes in the
ninth Icftion of the firfl article ; and that no State, without its
confentj fhall be deprived of its equal fulTrage in the Senate.

ARTICLE VL

All debts contrafted, and engagements entered into before the
adoption of this conftitution, fhall be as valid againft the United
States under this conftitution, as under the confederation.

This conftitution, and the laws of the United States, which
Ihall be made in purfuancc thereof; and all treaties made, or which
ihall be made, under the authority of the United States, fliall be
the fupreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State fhall
be bound thereby, any tiling in the conftitution or laws of any
State to the contrary notwithft^nding.

The Senators and Repreientatives before mentioned, and the
Members of the feveral State Legiflatures, and all Executive and
Judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the feveral
States, fhall be bound by oath or affirmation to lupport this cony
ftitution ; but no religious teft fiiall ever be required as a quali-
fication to any office or public truft under the United States.

ARTICLE VII.
The ratification of the conventions of nine States fhall be fuf-
f.cient for the eftablifhment of this conftitution, between the States
{o ratifying the faine.

DONE in Convenlion, by the unanimous conjcnt of the Stales prefcnt, the
feventi^enth day of September, in the year of our Lord One thoufand Se-
ven Hundred and Eighty f even . and of the Independence of the United
States of America the Tiuelfth. In Witnefs ivhereof, lue have here-
unto fubfcribed our names-

GEORGE WASHINGTON, Prefdcnt.
Signed alfo by all the Delegates which -were prefcnt from twelve States.

Atteji. WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 221

In CONVENTION, Monday, Scptanbtr 1-7, 178-7,

PRESENT,

'The States of New-HampjVtre, Mcjfachitfetts, Connedkiity Mr. Hamilton
from Neuu-Tork, Neio-Jerfey, Peimfyhania, Delaivare, Maryland^

Virginia^ North Carolina, South Carolina, and! Georgia.

Resolved^ The tlie preceding conftitution be laid before the
United States in Congrefs affembled, and that it is the opinion of
this Convention, that it fliould afterwards be lubmitted to a Con-
vention of Delegates, chofen in each State by the people thereof,
under the recommendation of its legillaturc, for their affent and
ratification ; and that each Convention afTenting to, and ratifying
the fame, fliould give notice thereof to the United States, in
Congrels afl'embled.

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Convention, that as
foon as the conventions of nine States fliall have ratified this conr
ftitution, the United States in Congrei's afl'embled fhould fix a day
on which eleftors fhould be appointed by the States which fhall
have ratified the fame, and a day on which the eleftors fhould
aflemble to vote for the Prefident, and the time and place for
commencing proceedings under this Conftitution. That after
fuch publication, the eleftors fhould be appointed, and the fena-
tors and reprefentatives elefted ; that the eleftors fhould meet on
the day fixed for the eleftion cf the prefident, and fhould tranf-
mit their votes certified, figned, fealed, and direfted, as the con-
ftitution requires, to the Secretary of the United States in Con-
grels afl'embled ; that the fenators and reprefentatives fhould con-
vene at the time and place aflTigned ; that the fenators fhould ap-
point a prefident of the fenate, for the fole purpofe of receiving,
opening, and counting the votes for prefident ; and that after he
fhall be chofen, the Congrefs, together with the prefident, fhould,
■jvithout delay, proceed to execute this confl;itution.
By the unanimous order of ih£ Convention,

GEORGE WASHINGTON, Prefident
WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary.

In CONVENTION, September 17, 1787.

S I R,

WE have nov/ the honour to fubmit to the confideration of the
ynitcd States in Congrefs affembled, that conftitution which has
appeared to us the moft advifeable.

The friends of our country have long feen and defired, that the
power of making war, peace, and treaties, that of levying money
and regulating commerce, and the correfpondent executive and
judicial authorities, ihould be fully and efi^eftually veiled in the

222 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

general government of the union ; but the impropriety of delegat-
ing fuch extcnlive truft: to one body of men is evident. Hence
ref'ults the ncceflTity of a different organization.

It is obvioufly imprafticable, in the federal government of thefc
States, to fecure all rights of independent fovereignty to each, and
yet provide for the intereft and fafety of all. Individuals enter-
ing into fociety muft give up a fhare of liberty to prcferve the reft
The magnitude of the facrifice muft depend as well on fituation
and circumftances, as on the objeft to be attained. It is at all times
difficult to drawwith prccifion the line between thofe rights which
muft be (urrendercd, and thofe which may be relerved ; and on
the prefent occafion this difficulty was increafed by a difference
among the; feveral States as to their fituation, extent, habits, and
particular interefts.

In all our deliberations on this fubjeft, wc kept fteadity in our
view, that which appears to us the greateft intcrcft of every true
American, the confblidation of our union, in which is involved
our profperity, felicity, (afety, perhaps our national exiflence.
This important conftderation, ferioufly and deeply impreffed on
our minds, led each State in the convention to be lefs rigid on
points of inferior magnitude, than might have been otherwife
cxpefted ; and thus the conflitution, which we now prcient, is
the lefult of a fpirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and
conceffion which the peculiarity of our political fituation ren-
dered indifpenfable.

That it will meet the full and entire approbation of every State
is not perhaps to be expeftcd : but each will doubtlefs confider,
that had her interefts been alone confulted, the conlequences
might have been particularly difagreeable or injurious to others ;
that it is liable to as few exceptions as could reafonably have been
cxpefted, we hope and believe ; that it may promote the lafling
welfare of that country fo dear to vis all, and fecure her freedom
and happinefs, which is our mofl ardent wifh.

With great refpeft, we have the honour to be, Sir, your Ex-
cellency's moll obedient, and humble fervants,

GEORGE WASHINGTON, Prefidcnt.

By unanimous order of the Convention'
His Excellency the Prefident of the Congrcfs.

Tlie conventions of a number of the States, having at the
time of their adopting the conflitution cxprcfled a dcfire, in order
to prevent miiconftruftion or abufe of its powers, that further
declaratory and rcftriftive claufcs fhould be added : and as ex-
tending the ground of public confidence in the government will
befl enfurc the beneficent ends of its inftitution, it was

OF THE UNITED STATES. 223

RESOLVED by the Senate and Houfc of Reprefentatlves of the
United States of America in Congrefs afTembled, two-thirds of
both houfes concurring, That the following articles be propofed
to the legifiatures of the fevcral States, as amendments to the
conflitution of the United States, all or any of which articles,
when ratified by three-fourths of the laid legifiatures, to be valid
to all intents and purpofes, as part of the faid conflitution : viz.

Art. I. After the firfl enumeration required by the firfl article
of the conflitution, there fhall be one rcprefentative for cvory
thirty thoufand, until the number fhall amount to one hundred,
after which the proportion fhall be fo regulated by Congrefs, that
there fhall be not lels than one hundred rcprefentatives, nor Id's
than one rcprefentative for every forty thoufand perfons, until
the number of rcprefentatives fliall amount to two hundred, after
which the proportion fhall be fo regulated by Congrefs, that there
Ihall not be lefs than two hundred rcprefentatives, nor more than
one rcprefentative for every fifty thoufand perfons.

Art. II. No law varying the compenfation for the fervices of
the fenators and rcprefentatives fhall take efleft, until an elc£llon
of rcprefentatives fhall have intervened.

Art. III. Congrefs fhall make no law refpefting an eflablifli-
ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercife thereof; or
abridging the freedom of fpeech, or of the prefs ; or tlie right of
people peaceably to afTcmble, and to petition the government for
a redrefs of grievances.

Art. IV. A well-regulated militia being neceffary to the (ccn-
rity of a free flate, the right of the people to keep and bear arms
fhall not be infringed.

Art. V. No foldier fhall in time of peace be quartered in any
houfe without the confent of the owner, nor in time of war, but
in a manner to be prefcribed by law.

Art. VI. The right of the people to be fecure in their peri'ons,
houfes, papers, and eflefts, againfl unreafonable fearches and feiz-
ures, fliall not be violated, and no warrants flrall iffuc, but upo!»
probable caufe, fupported by oath or affirmation, and particularly
defcribing the place to be fearched, and the perfons or things to
be feized.

Art. VII. No perfon fhall be held to anfwcr for a capital, or
otherwife infamous crime, unlefs on a prefentment or indictment
of a grand jurv, except in cafes arifing in the land or naval forces,
6r in the militia when in aftual fcrvice, in time of war or public
danger ; nor fliall be compelled in any criminal cafe to be a wit-
nefs againft himfclf, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or propeity,
without due procefs of law ; nor fliall private property be tukeu
i'or public ufe, without jufl compenfation.

224 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Art. VIII. In all criminal profecutions the accufed fhall enjoy
the right to a fpcedy and public trial, by an impartial Jury of the
State and diflrift wherein the crime fhall have been committed,
which diftrift fhall have been previoufly afcertained by law, and
to be informed of the nature and caule of the accufntion ; to be
confronted with the witneffes againft him ; to have compulfory
procefs for obtaining witneffes in his favour ; and to have the af-
fiftancc in couniel for his defence.

Art. IX. In fuits at common law, where the value in contro-
vcrly (hall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury (halt
be preferved, and no faft, tried by a jury, fhall be otherwife re-
examined in any court of the United States, than according to the
rules of the common law.

Art. X. ExcefTive bail fhall not be required, nor excefllve
fines impofed, nor cruel and unufual punifhments inflifted.

Art. XI. The enumeration in the confkitution, of certain
rights, fhall not be conftrucd to deny ordifparage others retained
by the people.

Art. XII. The powers not delegited to the United States by
t'he conflitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are referved
to the States refpeftively, or to the people.

The following States have ratified all the foregoing articles of
amendment to the conflitution of the United States, viz. Mary-
land, North Carolina, South Carolina, New-York, Virginia, and
Vermont. New Hampfhire, New Jerfey, and Pennfylvania rejeft
the fecond article ; and Delaware rejefts the firft article. Na
official returns, to our knowledge, have been made from the
other States,

Against this confhitution, thus ratified, organized and efla-
blifhcd, objeftions rhay no doubt be urged, and defefts pointed
out ; it may be faid that it contains no declaration of rights, and
that the laws of the general government being paramount to the
law-s and conflitutions of the fcveral States, the declarations of
rights in the feveral ftatc conflitutions are no fecurity — nor arc
the people fecured even in the enjoyment of the benefits of the
common law.

Owing to tlie fmall number of members in the houfc of lepre-
fentatives, there is not the fubftance, but the fliadow <mly of re-
prefentation, which can never produce proper information in the
Icgiflature, or infpirc confidence in the people — the laws will
therefore be generally made by men little concerned in, and un-
acquainted with, their elFefts and confequcnccs.

The Senate have the power of altering all money bills, and of
originating appropriations of money, althovigh they are not the im-
mediate reprefentativcs of the people, or amenable to them, thefe:

Of The united states. 225

and their other great powers, viz. their power in the appoirlt-
ment of Ambafladors, and all public officers, in making treaties,
and trying all impeathmcnts ; their influence upon, and connec-
tion witli, the fupreme executive. From thele circumflances,
their duration of office and their being a conilant exifling body,
almofl continually fitting, joined with their being one complete
branch of the Legiflature, will deflroy any and every balance in
the government, and enable them to accomplifli what ufufpation
they pleafe upon the rights and liberties of the people.

The Judiciary of the United States is fo conftrufted and ex-
tended as to abforb and deflroy the Judiciaries of the leveral
States, thereby rendering law tedious, intricate, and expcnfive, and
juftice in confequence unattainable by a great part of the commu-
nity, as in, thus enabling the rich, to opprefs the poor.

The Prefident of the United States has no conftitutional Coun-
cil— a thing unknown in any fafe and regular Government — he
will therefore be unfupported by proper information and advice,
and will generally be direftcd by minions and favourites, or he
will become a tool to the Senate ; or a Council of State will grow
out of the principal officers of the great departments, the worft
and moft dangerous of all ingredients for fuch a Council in a
free country ; for they may be induced to join in any dangerous
or oppreffive meafui^es to fhelter themfelves, and prevent an in-
quiry into their own mifconduft in office ; whereas, had a con-
ftitutional Council been formed, as was faid to have been pro-
pofed, of fix Members, viz. two from the Eaflcrn, two from the
Middle, and two from the Southern States, to be appointed by
vote of the States in the Houfe of Reprefentatives, with the
fame duration and rotation of office as the Senate, the executive
would always have had fafe and proper information and advice ;
the Prefident of fuch a Council might have afted as Vice Prefi-
dent of the United States, pro tempore, upon any vacancy or difa-
bility of the Chief Magiftrate, and the long-continued feffions of
the Senate would in a great meafure, have been prevented. From
this fatal defect of a conftitutional Council, has arifen the impro-
per power of the Senate in the appointment of public officers,
and the alarming dependence and connexion between that branch
of the legiflature and the executive. Hence alio fprung that un-
necelfary and dangerous office of the V^ice Prefident, who, for
want of other employment, is made Prefident of the Senate,
thereby dangerouily blending the Icgiflative and executive po\v-
ers ; befidcs always giving to fomeone pf the- States an upneccf- •
fery and unjuft pre-eminence over the others.

G G

226 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

The Prcfidcnt of the United States has the unreftrained power
of granting pardon for treal'ons, which may be fomctimes exer-
cifed to fcreen from puuifhment, thofe whom he had fecretly in-
ftigated to commit the crime, and thereby prevent the difcovery
of his own guilt. '

By declaring all treaties fupreme laws of the land, the execu-
tive and Icnate have, in manv caics, an exclufive power of icgilla-
tion, which might have been avoided by proper dillinftions with
refpeft to treaties, and requiring the ailent of the Houfe of Re-
prefentativcs, where it could be done with fafety.

Under their own conftrutlion of the general claule at the end
of the enumerated powers, the Congrefs may grant monopolies in
trade and commerce — conllitute new crimes — inflift unufual and
feverc punifhments, and extend their power as far as they fhall
think proper — lb that the State Legiflatures have no fecurity for
the powers now prefumed to remain to them, or the people for
their rights.

There is no declaration for prefcrving the liberty of the prefs,
the trial by jury in civil caufes, nor againft the danger of ftand-
ing armies in time of peace.

We admit thefe objeftions in part to be jufh, and view them as
unanlwerable : but we confider them as dedufting but little from
the beauty and order of the whole fyftem ; they may all be cor-
refted by the application of the fame principles on which the
Conflitution is founded, and if all circumftanccs are conhdered
we fhall, perhaps, rather be afloniflicd that its dcfcfts are fo few
and of (o little importance.

To form a good fyflem of government, for a angle city or ftatc^
however limited as to territory, or inconiiderable as to numbers,
h3S been thought to require the flrongeft efforts of human genius.
With wliat confcious diffidence, then, mull the members of the
cojivention have revolved in their minds, the immcnle under-
taking which was before them. Their views could not be con-
fiucd to a fmall or a fingle community, but weie expanded to a
great number of ftates; leveral of which contain an extent of
territorv, and relourccs of population, equal to thole of fome of
the moft relpcftable kingdoms on this, fide of the Atlantic. Nor
were even thcie the onfy objcfts to be comprehended within
their deliberations. Numerous ftatcs yet unformed : Myriads of
the human race, who will inhabit regions hitherto uncultivated}
were to be aft'eftcd by the refult of their proceedings. It was
nccelfary, therefore, to form their calculations, on a fcale com-
menfurate to fo large a portion of the globe.

Thus a very Important difficulty arofe from comparing the ex-
tent of the country to be governed, with the kind of govern-

OF THE UNITED STATES. 22

snent which it would he proper to eftablifh in it. It has been
an opinion, countenanced by high authority. " that the natural
property of imall ftates is to be governed as a republic ; of mid-
ling ones, to be fubjeft to a monarch ; and of large empires, to
be fwayed by a defpotic prince ; and that the conlcquence is,
that, in order to preferve the principles of the eftablifhed govern-
ment, the ftate mull be lupported in the extent it has acquired ;
and that the fpirit of the Hate will alter in proportion as it ex-
tends or contrails its limits.*" This opinion leems to be fup-
ported rather than contradifted, by the hiftory of the govern-
ments in the old world. Here then the difficulty appeared in
full view. On one hand, the United States containing an im-
menie extent of territory, according to the foregoing opinion, a
defpotic government was bed adapted to that extent. On the
other hand, it was well known, that, however the citizens of
the United States might, with pleafure fubmit to the legitimate
reftraints of a republican conftitution, they \y()uld rcjeft with
indignation, the fetters of delpotilm. What then was to be
done ? The idea of a confederate republic preiented itfclf. A
kind of conftitutioa which has been thought to have " all the
internal advantages of a republican, together with the external
force of a nionarchial government."'

Its delcription is, '' a convention, by which feveral ftates agree
to beetle members of a larger one, which they intend to efla-
blifli. It is a kind of affemblage of focieties, that conftitute a
nezo one, capable of increafing by means of farther a{rociation+.'*
The expanding quality of fuch a government is peculiarly fit-
ted for the United States, the grcntcft part of whofe territory is
yet uncultivated.

But while this form of government enabled them to rmmount
the difficulty laft mentioned, it condu6led them to another. It
left them almoft without precedent or guide ; and confequently
■without the benefit of that inftruftion, which, in many caies may
be derived from the conflitutlon, hiftory and experience of other
nations. Several affociations have frequently been called by the
name of confederate ftates, which have not, in propriety of lan-
guage, deferved it. The Swifs Cantons are conne£led only by
alliances. The United Netherlands are indeed an affemblage of
focieties ; but this affemblage conftitutcs no nerv one ; and there-
fore, it does not correfpond with the full definition of a confede-
i-ate republic. The Germanic body is compoled of fuch dilpro-
portionate and difcordant materials, and its ftrufturc is lb in-

* Montefquicu, b. 8. c. 20.
+ Montefquicu, b. 9. c. t. '

G G 2

228 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

tricatc and complex, that little ufeful knowledge could be drawn
from it. Ancient hiftory difclofes, and barely difclofes to our
view, feme confederate republics — the Achaen league — tlie Ly-
cian confederacy, and the Amphidionic council. But the fa£ls
recorded concerning their conftitutions are fo few and general,
and their hi (lories are fo unmarked and defeftive, that no fatisfac-
tory information can be collected from them concerning many par-
ticular circumftances ; from an accurate difcernment and compa-
nion of which alone, legitimate and praftical inferences can be
made from one conftitution to another. Befides, the fituation and
dimenfions of thofe confederacies, and the ftate of fociety, man-
ners and habits in them, were io different from thofe of the
United States, that the mofl correft defcriptions could have fup-
plied but a very fmall fund of applicable remarks. Thus, in
forming this fyftem, they wei-e deprived of many advantages,
which the hiftory and experience of other ages and other coun-
tries would, in other calcs, have afforded them.

We may add, in this place, that the fcience of government it-
felf, leems yet to be almofb in its ftate of infancy. Governments,
in general, have been the refult of force, of fraud, and of acci-
dent. After a period of lix thoufand years has elapfed, fmcc the
creation, the United States exhibit to the world, the firft inflance,
as far as we can learn, of a nation, unnttacked by external force,
unconvulfed by domeflic iniurrefticns, affembling voluntarily, de-
liberating fully, and deciding calmlv, concerning that fyftem of
goveniment, under which they would wifh that they and their
pofterity fhould live. The ancients, fo enlightened on other fub-
jefts, were very uninformed with regard to this. They fcem
fcarcely to have had any idea of any other kind of governments,
than tiie three fimple forms, defigned by the epithets, monarchial,
arift-ocratical and democratical. Much and pleafing ingenuity has
been exerted, in modern times, in drawing entertaining parallels
' iween iome of the ancient conftitutions and lome of the mixed
governments that have fince exiftcd in Europe. But on ftrift
examination, the inftances of rclemblance will be found to be few
and weak ; to be fuggefted by the improvements, which, in fub-
fequent ages, have been made in government, and not to be drawn
Immediately from the ancient conftitutions themfelves, as they
were intended and underftood by thofe who framed them. One
thing is very certain, that the doftrine of reprefcntation in go-
vernment was altogether unknown to the ancients. The know-
ledge and praftice of which, is effential to every fyftem, that can
poffefs the qualities of freedom, wifdom and energy.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 229

Reprefcntation is the chain of communication between the peo-
«le. and tliolo, to whom they have committed the exercife of the
powers of government. This chain may confift of one or more
links : but in all calcs it fliould be lufficicntly ftrong and dif-
ccrnablc.

To be left without guide or precedent was not the only diffi-
culty, in which the convention were involved, by propofing to
their conflituents a plan of a confederate republic. They found
themfelves embarraffcd with another, of peculiar delicacy and im-
portance ; I mean that cf drawing a proper line between the na-
tional government, and the governments of the leveral ftates. It
was cafy to difcover a proper and fatisfaftory principle on the
fubjeft. Whatever objeft of government is confined in its ope-
ration and effefts within the bounds of a particular ftate, fhould
be confidered as belonging to the government of that ftate ; what-
ever objeft of government extends, in its operation or efl'efts, be-
yond the bounds of a particular ftate, fliould be confidered as be-
longing to the government of the United States ; but though this
principle is found and fatisfa£lory, its application to particular
.cafes woilild be accompanied with much difficulty ; becaufe in its
application, room muft be allowed for great diicretionary latitude
of conftruftion of the principle. In order to lelfen, or remove
the difficulty, arifing from diicretionary conftruftion on this fub-
jeft, an enumeration of particular inftances, in which the applica-
tion of the principle ought to take place, has been attempted, with
much induftry and care. It is only in mathematical Icience that
a line can be defcribed with mathematical precifion. But upon
the ftrifteft inveftigation, the enumeration will be found to be
fafe and unexceptionable ; and accurate too in as great a degree
as accuracy can be expeftcd, in a fubjeft of this nature.

After all, it was necelTary, that, on a lubjcft fo peculiarly deli-
cate as this, much prudence, much candour, much moderation and
much liberality, fhould be exercifed and difplayed, both by the
federal government and by the governments of the feveral ftates*
And it is to be hoped, that thefe virtues will continue to be ex-
ercifed and difplayed, when we confider, that the powers of the
federal government and thole of the ftate governments are drawn
from fources equally pure. If a difference can be difcovered be-
tween them, it is in favor of the federal government, becaufe that
government is founded on the reprefcntation of the whole union ;
whereas the government of any particular ftate is founded only
on the reprefcntation of a part, inconiiderable when compared
Tivith the wliole. It is not more reafonable to fuppofe, that the
counlels of the whole will embrace the intcreft of every part,

23© GENERAL DESCRIPTION

than that the counfels of any part will embrace the interefts of
the whole ?

Having enumerated fome of the difficulties, which the conven-
tion were obliged to encounter in the courfc of their proceedings,
let us view the end, which they propofed to accomplifh.

In forming this fyftem, it was proper to give minute attention
to the interefl of all the parts ; but there was a duty of ftill high-
er import- — to feel and to fhew a predominating regard to the fu-
pcrior interefts of the whole. If this great principle had not
prevailed, the plan before us would never have made its appear-
ance.

The aim of the convention, was to form a fyftem of good and
efficient government on the more extenftvc fcale of the United
States. In this, and in every other inftance, the work fnould be
judged with the fame fpirit, with which it was performed. A
principle of duty as well as candour demands this.

It has been remarked, that civil government is necefTary to the
perfeftion of fociety : We remark that civil liberty is necefl'ary
to the perfeftion of civil government. Civil liberty is natural
liberty itfelf, diverted only of that part, which, placed in the go-
vernm.ent, produces more good and happinefs to the community,
than if it had remained in the individual. Hence it follows, that
civil liberty, while it reftgns a part of natural liberty, retains the
free and generous excrcife of all the human faculties, fo far as it
is compatible with the public welfare.

In confidering and developing the nature and end of the fyf-
tem before us, it is neceffary to mention another kind of liberty^
which may be diftinguifhed by the appellation of Jcderal liberty.
When a hngle government is inftitutcd, the individuals, of which
it is compoled. furrender to it a part of their natural independ-
ence, whicJi they before enjoyed as men. When a confederate
republic is inftituted, the communities, of which it -is compoled,
lurrender to it a part of their political independence, which they
before enjoyed as States. The principles, which direfted, in the
former cafe, what part of the natural liberty of the man ought to
be given up, and what part ought to be retained, will give fimi-
lar direftions ia the latter cafe. The ftates fliould reftgn, to the
national government, that part, and that part only, of their poli-
tical liberty, which placed in that government, will produce
more good to the whole, than if it had remained in the feveral
ftates. While they refign this part of their political liberty,
they retain the free and generous cxercife of all their other facul-
ties as ftates, fo far as it is compatible with the welfai"e of the ge-.
neral and fuperintending confederacy.

OF THE UNITED STATES, ogi

Since JiatesTi!^ wcW AS citizens arc reprefcnted in the conftitu-
tion before us, and form the objefts on which that conftitution is
propofed to operate, it was neccffary to notice and define federal
as well as civil liberty.

We now fee the great end which they propofed to accompli fii.
It was to frame, for their conftituents, one federal and national
conftitution — a conftitution, that would produce the advantages
of good, and prevent the inconveniences of bad government — a
conftitution, whofe beneficence and energy would pervade the
whole union ; and bind and embrace the interefts of every part

a conftitution, that would enfure peace, freedom and happinefs,

to the ftates and people of America,

We are now naturally led to examine the means, by which they
propofed to accomplifti this end. But prevloufly to our entering
upon it, it will not be improper to ftate fome general and leading
principles of government, which will receive particular applica-
tion in the courfe of our inveftigations.

There neceflarily exifts in every government, a power from
which there is no appeal ; and which, for that reafon, may be
termed fupreme, abfolute and uncontroulable. Where does this
power refide ? To this queftion, writers on different governments
will give different anfwers. According to Black ftone, in this
countrv, this power is lodged in the Britifh parliament, and ther
parliament may alter the from of government ; and its power is
abfolute without control. The idea of a conftitution, limiting and
fuperintcnding the operations of legiflative authority, feems not
to have been accurately underftood in this kingdom. There are,
at leaft no traces of praftice, conformable to fuch a principle.

To controul the power and conduft of the legifiature by an
over-ruling conftitution, was an improvement in the fciencc and
pi-aftice of government, refcrved to the American ftates.

Perhaps fome politican, who has not confidered, with fufEcIent
accuracy, their political fyftems, would anfwer, that in their go-
vernments, the fupreme power was vefted in the conftitutions.
This opinion approaches a ftep nearer to the truth ; but docs not
reach it. The truth is, that, in the American governments, the
fupreme, abfolute and uncontroulable power remains in the people.
As their conftitutions are fuperior to their legiflatures ; fo the
people are fuperior to their conftitutions. Indeed the fuperiori-
ty. in this laft inftance, is much greater ; for the people poffefs,
over their conftitutions, controul in acZ, as well as in right.

The confequence is, that the people may change the conftitu-
tions whenever, and however they plcafe. This is a right, of
■which no pofitive inftilution can ever deprive them.

232 GENERAL DESCRIPTION'

Thcfe important truths, are, far from being merely fpeculatuc :
To their operation, we are to afcribe the fccne, hitherto unparal-
leled, which America now exhibits to the world — a gentle, a
peaceful, a voluntary and a deliberate tranfition from one confti-
tution of government to another. In other parts of the world,
the idea of revolutions in government is, by a mournful and in-
diiToluble alTociation, conneftcd with the idea of wars, and all the
calamities attendant on wars. But happy experience teaches us^
to view fuch revolutions in a very different light — to confidcr
them only as progrelTive fleps in improving the knowledge of go-
vernment, and increafing the happinefs of fociety and mankind.

With filent pleafure and admiration we view the force and
prevalence, of this fentiment throughout the United States, that
the fupreme power refides in the people ; and that they never can
part with it. It may be called the Panacea in politics. There
can be no diforder in the community but may here receive a
radical cure. If the error be in the legiflature, it may be correfted
by the conftitution : If in the conllitution, it may be corrcfted by
the people. There is a remedy, therefore, for every diflemper in
government , if the people are not wanting to themfelves. For a
people wanting to themfelves, there is no remedy : From their
power, there is no appeal : To their error, there is no iuperior
principle of correftion.

The leading principle in politics, and that which pervades the
American conftitutions, is, that the fuprerac power refides in the
people ; their conftitution opens with a folemn and praftical re-
' cognition of this principle, "WE, the PEOPLE of the Uni-
ted States, in order to form a more perfeft union, eftablifh
juftice, &c. DO ORDAIN and ESTABLISH this conftitution,
for the United States of America." It is announced in their name^
it receives its political exiftence from their authority — they ordain
and cftablifn : What is the necefifary confequence ? — thofe who
ordain and eftablifh, have the power, if they think proper, to
repeal and annul. — A proper attention to this principle may fa-
tisfy the minds of fome, v/ho contend for the neceflity of a bill of
rights.

Its eftablifhment, I apprehend, has more force, than a volume
written on the fubject — it renders this truth evident, that the peo-
ple have a right to do what they pleafe, with regard to the go-
vernment.

Therefore, even in a fingle govern-ment, rf the powers of tlie
people reft on the fame eftablifhment, as is cxprefted in this con-
ftitution, a bill of rights is by no means a ncccifary meafure. In
a government pollclfcd of enumerated powers, inch a meafure
would be not only unneceftary, but prepofterous and dangerous :

OF THE UNITED STATES. 233

whence come this notion, that in the United States there is no fe-
curity wihout a bill of rights ? Have the citizens of South Carolina
no fecurity for their liberties ? they have no bill of rights. Are
the citizens on the eaftern fide of the Delaware lefs free, or lefs fe-
cured in their liberties, than thofe on the weftern fide ? The
State of New-Jerfey has no bill of rights. — The State of New-
York has no bill of rights. — The flates of Connefticut and Rhode-
Ifland have no bill of rights. I know not whether I have exaftly
enumerated the States who have thought it unneceffary to add a
bill of rights to their conftitutions : but this enumeration will ferve
to fhew by experience, as well as principle, that even in fmgle
governments, a bill of rights is not an effential or neceffary
meafure. — But in a government, confifting of enumerated powers,
fuch as is adopted by the United States, a bill of rights would not
only be unneceffary, but, in my humble judgment, highly impru-
dent. In all focieties, there are many powers and rights, which
cannot be particularly enumerated. A bill of rights annexed to a
• conflitution, is an enumeration of the powers referved. If we at-
tempt an enumeration, every thing that is not enumerated is pre-
fumed to be given. The confequence is, that an imperfe6l enu-
meration would throw all implied power into the fcale of the go-
vernment ; and the rights of the people would be rendered incom-
plete. On the other hand, an imperfeft enumeration of the pow-
ers of government, referves all implied power to the people ; and
by that means the conflitution becomes incomplete ; but of the two,
it is much fafer to run the rifk on the fide of the conflitution ; for
an omilTion in the enumeration of the powers of government, is
neither fo dangerous nor important, as an omifTion in the enume-
ration of the rights of the people.

In this conflitution, the citizens of the United States appear
difpenfing a part of their original power, in what manner and ia
what proportion they think fit. They never part with the whole ;
and they retain the right of re-calling what they part with. When
tlierefore, they poffefs the fee-fimple of authority, why fhould
they have recourfe to the minute and fubordinate remedies, which
can be neceffary only to thofe, who pafs the fee, and refervc only
a rent charge ?

To every fuggeflion concerning a bill of rights, the citizens of
the United States may always fay, WE reserve the right to

DO WHAT WE PLEASE.

This obfervation naturally leads to a more particular confider-
ation of the government before us. In order to give permanency,
liability and fecurity to any government, it is of effential import-
ance, that its legiflature fhould be reflrained •, that there fhould

H H

'34

GENERAL DESCRIPTION

not only be, what we call a pajfive, but an an'fve power over H j
for of all kinds of dcfpotifm, this is the mod dreadful, and the
mofl difficult to be corrected.

It is therefore proper to have efficient reflraints upon the legiL
lative body, Thefe reftraints arife from different fources : In
the American conflitution they are produced in a very confider-
able degree, by a divifion of the power in the legiflative body it-
felf. Under this fyftem, they may arife likewife from the inter-
ference of thofe officers, who are introduced into the executive
and judicial departments. They may fpring alfo from another
fource ; the eleftion by the people ; and finally, under this confli-
tution, they may proceed from the great and laft refort — -from the
PEOPLE themfelves.

In order to fecure the prefident from any dependence upon the
legiflature, as to his falary, it is provided, that he {hall, at dated
times, receive for his fervices, a compenfation that fhall neither
be increafed nor diminifhed, during the period for which he fhall
have been elefted, and that he fhall not receive, within that peri-
od, any other emolument from the United States, or any of them
individually.

To fecure to the judges independence, it is ordered that they
fliall receive for their fervices, a compenfation which fhall not be
diminiflied during their continuance in office. The Congrefsmay
be reftrained, by the eleftion of its conflituent parts. If a
legiflature fhould make a law contrary to the conflitution, or op-
pi-effive to the people, they haVe in it their power, every fecond
year, in one branch, and every fixth year in the other, to difplace
the men, who aft thus inconfiftent with their duty; and if this is
not fufficient, they have ftill a farther power ; they may affumei
into their own hands, the alteration of the conftitutiori itfelf —
they may revoke the Icafe, when the conditions are broken by the
tenant.

There is flill a further reftraint upon the legiflature — the quali.
fied negative of the prefident. This will be attended with very
important advantages, for the fecurity and happinefs of the people
of the United States. The prefident will not be a fbranger to the
country, to its laws, or its wiffies. lie will, under this conflitu-
tion, be placed in office as the prefident of the whole union, and
be chofen in fuch a manner, that he may juftly be filled the man
OF THE People; being eleftcd by the different parts of the
United States, he will confider himfelf as not particularly interefl-
ed for any one of them, but will watch over the wliolc with pa_
ternal care and affeft^on. This will be his natural coiiducl, to re-
commend himfelf to thofe who placed him in that high chair, and
it is a very important advantage, that fuch a man mufl have every
law prcfentcd to him, before it can become binding upon the

OF THE UNITED STATES. 235

Uiiited States. He will have before him the fulleft information of
their fituation, he will avail himfelf not only of records and offi-
cial communications, foreign and domeftic, but he will have alfo
the advice of the executive officers in the different departments of
the general governmeni.

If in confcfjuence of this information and advice, he exercife the
authority given to him, the eflcft will not be loft — he returns his
objeftions, together with the bill, and unlefs two thirds of both
branches of the legiflature arc noiv found to approve it, it does not
become a law. But even if his objeftions do not prevent its paf
fmg into a law, they will not be ufclefs ; they will be kept toge-
ther with the law, and, in the archieves of congrefs, will be valua-
ble and praftical materials, to form the minds of pofterity for legif-
lation — if it is found that the law operates inconveniently, or op-
preflively, the people may difcovcr in the prefident's objeftions, the
fourceofthat inconvenience or opprefTion. Further, when objeftions
fliall have been made, it is provided, in order to fecure the great eft de-
gree of caution and refponfibility, that the votes of both houfes
fhall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the per-
fons, voting for and againft the bill, fhall be entered in the jour-
J12X of each houfe refpeftively. Thus much with regard to the
Conftitution itfelf, the diftribution of the legiflativc authority, and
the reftraints under which it is exercifed.

On the whole, though there are lorae parts of the c-onftitution
which we cannot approve ; and which, no doubt, by the powers
vcfted in congrefs, and the legiflatures of the different ftates, for
that purpofe, will in due time be altered or correfted, as prudence
fhall diftate ; yet there is much, that entitles it to the refpeft of
every friend to the freedom and happincfs of mankind :— rthe peo-
ple retain the fuprcme power, and exercife it by reprefentation : —
the legiflativc, executive and judicial powers, are kept independ-
ent and diftinft from each other : — the executive power, is lo fet-
tled as to fecui-e vjtouR and energy with actual RESPONsini-
LiTY, in the perfon of the Prefidcnt, who fo far from being* above
the laws, is amenable to them, in his private charafter, of a citizen.
The line is draWn with accuracy between the powers of the gene-
ral government, and the government of the particular ftates, fo
that no diftruft can arife to difturb the harmony of their union
while the powers of both derived by representation from
THE people, muft effeftually prevent any dilagreement or dilcon-
tent from takingr place. — Thus a principle of democracy being
carried into every part of the conftitution, and repreicntation,
and dircft taxation, going hand in hand, the profpcrity of the
country and the ftabillty of its government, will keep pace with,
each other. II h 2

236 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

We cannot take leave of this fubjeft, better than in the energetic
and elegant language of Dr, Ramfey, with whofe lentiments we
agree, and with whofe wifhes we unite.

" Citizens of the United States ! you have a well-balanced con-
ftitution eftablifhed by general confent, which is an improvement
on all republican forms of government heretofore eftabliflied. It
poffefTes the freedom and independence of a popular aflembly,
acquainted with the wants and wiihes of the people, but without
the capacity of doing thofe mifchiefs which refult from uncon-
trouled power in one affembly. The end and objeft of it is public
good. If you are not happy it will be your own fault. No knave
or fool can plead an hereditary right to fport with your property
or your liberties. Your laws and your law givers muft all pro.
ceed from yourfelves. You have the experience of nearly fix thou-
fand years, to point out the rocks on which former republics have
been dafhed to pieces. Learn wifdom from their misfortunes.
Cultivate juftice both public and private. No government will or
can endure, which does not proteft the rights of its fubjefls-
Unlefs fuch efficient regulations are adopted, as will fecure pro-
perty as well as liberty, one revolution will follow another. Anar-
chy, monarchy, or dt-fpotilm, will be the confequence. By juft
laws and tke faithful execution of them, public and private credit
will be reftored, and the reftcration of credit will be a mine of
wealth to this young country. It will make a fund for agricul-
ture, commerce, and manufaftures, which will loon enable the
United States to claim an exalted rank among the nations of the
earth. Such are the refources of your country, and lo trifling are
your debts, compared with your refources, that proper fyflems,
wifely planned and faithfully executed, will loon fill your exten-
five territory with inhabitants, and give you the command of fuch
ample capitals, as will enable you to run the career of national
greatnefs, with advantages equal (0 the oldeft kingdoms of Europe.
What they have been flowly growing to, in the courfc of near two
thoufand years, you may hope to equal within one century. If
you continue under one government, built on the folid founda-
tions of public juftice, and public virtue, there is no point of na-
tional greatnefs to which you may not alpire with a well-founded
hope of fpeedily attaining it. Cheriih and lupport a reverence
for government, and cviltivate an union between the Eaft and
South, the Atlantic and the MiflTiflippi. Let the greateft good of
the greateft number, be the pole-ftar of your public and private
deliberations. Shun wars, they beget debt, add to the common
vices of mankind, and produce others, which are almoft peculiar
to themfelves. Agriculture, manufaftures, and commerce, arc
your proper bufinel:^. Seek not to enlarge your territory by con.
queft; it is already lufhcicntly extenfive. You have ample fcopc

OF THE UNITED STATES. 23^

for the employment of your mod aftive minds, in promoting your
own domellic happinels. Maintain your own rights, and let all
others remain in quiet poflTenion of theirs. Avoid ditcord, faftion,
luxury, and the other vices which have been the bane of com-
monwealths. Cherifh and reward the philofophers, the ftatefemcnj
and the patriots, who devote their talents and time, at the expence
of their private intercfts, to the toils of enlightening and direfting
their fellow citizens, and thereby refcue citizens and rulers of re-
publics from the common, and too often merited, charge of ingra-
titude. Praftice induflry, frugality, temperance, moderation, and
the whole lovely train of republican virtues. Banifh from your
borders the liquid fire of the Weft-Indies, which, while it entails
poverty and dileafe, prevents induftry, and foments private quar-
rels. Venerate the plough, the hoe, and all the implements of
agriculture. Honour the men, who with their own hands main-
tain their families, and raife up children who are inured to toil,
and capable of defending their country. Reckon the neceflity of
labour not among the curfes,-but the bleflings of life. Your towns
will probably ere long be engulphed in luxury and eflFeminacy. If
your liberties and future prolpefts depended on them, your career of
liberty would probably be {hort ; but a great majority of your
country, muft, and will be yeomanry, who have no other depen-
dence than on Almighty God for his ufual blefling on their daily
labour. From the great excels of the number of fuch independent
farmers in thefe States, over and above all other clafles of inha-
bitants, the long continuance of your liberties may be reafonably
prelumed."

" Let the haplefs African fleep undifturbed on his native Ihore,
■:.nd give over wifhing for the extermination of the ancient pro-
prietors of this land. Univerfal juftice is univerfal intereft. The
moft enlarged happinefs of one people, by no means requires the
degradation or deftruftion of another. It would be more glorious
to civilile one tribe of favages, than to exterminate or expel a fcore.
There is territory enough for them and for you. Inftead of in-
vading their rights, promote their happinefs, and give them no
reafon to curfe the folly of their fathers, who luffered your's to fit
down on a foil which the common Parent of us both hadpreviouUy
alTigned to them : but above all, be particularly careful that your
own defcendents do not degenerate into favages. Diffufe the
means of education, and particularly of religious inftruftion,
through your remotcfh fettlements. To this end, fupport and
ftrengthen the hands of your pul: 'ic teachers. Let your voluntary
contributions confute the difhonourable pofition, that religion can-
not be fupported but by compulfory eftablifhments. Remember
that there can be no political happinels without liberty ; that there

238 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

can be no liberty without morality : and that there can be no mo,
rality without religion."

" It is now your turn to figure on the face of the earth, and in
the annals of the world. You poffefs a country which in lefsthan
a century will probably contain fifty millions of inhabitants. You
have, with a great expence of blood and treafure, refcued your.
felves and your pofterity from the dominion of Europe. Pcrfeft
the good work you have begun, by forming fuch arrangements and
inftitutions, as bid fair for enfuring, to the prefent and future ge-
nerations, the bleflings for which you have fuccefsfuUy con-
tended."

" May the Almighty Ruler of the Univerfe, who has railed you
to independence, and given you a place among the nations of the
earth, make the American Revolution an era in the hiftory of the
world, remarkable for the progcflive increafe of human hap-
pinefs !" »

Having confidered the Conftitution in its theory, it now remains
to contemplate it as reduced to praftice ; or rather the government
arifing out of it ; and here the United States prefent to our view,
a pifture very different, from any we behold iri the yarious coun-
tries of Europe.

In the United States we fee the people raifed to their due im-
portance, reiorting to firft principles, afferting their own inde-
pendance and forming a government for themfelves ; and when
eleven years experience ha4 convinced them of its inlufficiency to
fecure the important ends for which they defigned it, we again be-
hold them laying it afide, and discarding the contemptible argu-
ments that would render innovatipn formidable, raifing a new and
more perfeft fyltem in its place, publifhing it in their own name
and giving it energy and effeft, by their own willing lubmifTion to
the laws and regulations it enjoins — -here then we contemplate the
government Ipringing from its right fource ; originating with the
people, and exerciicd under the guidance of a conftitution formed
agreeable to their fovercign will. On the contrary, if we carefully
examine the Conftitutions, or what are fo called, in Europe, we
fhall find that they have had their origin in governments, prior
formed by conqueft and ufurpation \ and that what appearance of
order they have alTumcd, what portion the people poffeis in them,
or what provifion they make for the fccurity of their liberties or
property, have all been gradually procured by the people, ftrug-
gling againft the leverity and oppreiTion of the feudal fyftem,
Such was the origin of our Magi:;i Charta, Habeas Corpus Aft, and
Bill of Rights, and fuch has been the origin of the fmall portion
of liberty, which the other European nations poffefs. It is to
America we muft look for the firft and bright example, of a nation

OF THE UNITED STATES.

239

fitting down in peace, caufing a defe£live government to pafs away
without a groan, and erefting another in its flead more beneficial,
and more congenial with its wifhes.

The goodnefs of a government, muft be eftimated by the fhare
which the people at large have in it, the benefits they derive from
it, and the imall portion of individual liberty and property fur-
fendered for its fupport. If we apply this criterion to the go-
vernment of the American empire, we fhall find that it has a
ftrong claim to our approbation, the whole of it may juftly be con-
fidered as in the hands of the people. Its beneficial influence,
may be fairly concluded from the rifing importance, and rapid
improvements of the United States ; and the fmall portion of pro-
perty furr^ndered for its fupport will appear evident, if we con-
fider the following eftimates laid before the Houfe of Reprefenta-
tives.

EXPENDITURE.
Eftimate of the Expenditure for the Civil "List of the United States ^ to.
gether nu'ith the Incidental and Contingent Expences of the fever al De-
partments and Offices t for the Tear 1794.
Presidents.

For compenfation to the Prefident of the United

States - -

Ditto to the Vice- Prefident

Judges,

Compenfation to the Chief Juftice

Ditto, to five affociate Judges, at 3,500 dollars
per annum each - - -

Ditto, to the Judges of the following diflrifts, viz,
Maine - - -

New Hampfhire

Vermont - - _

Mafiachufetts - - -

Rhode Ifland - - -

Connefticut - -

New York

New Jerfey - _ -

Pennfylvania •• - -

Delaware, - -

Maryland . - -

Virginia _ - _

Kentucky - - -

North Carolina - - -

South Carolina
Georgia

Attorney General _ « .

Dols,

25,000
5,000

Dols.

30,000

4,000

17,500

I5O00
1,000

800
1,200

800
1,000
1,500
1,000
I5600

800
1,500
1,800
1,000
*i,50o
1,800
1,500
1,900

- 43,200.

240 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

MEMBERS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
AND THEIR OFFICERS.

Compenfation to the Members of Congrefs, ejlimat'ing the attendance of the
ivhole for fix months.

Speaker of the Houfe of Reprefentatfves at twelve

dollars per day - - 2,190

One hundred and thirty-four members, at fix dol-
lars per day _ - _ 146,730

Travelling expenccs to and from the feat of go-
vernment - - . 25,000

Secretary of the Senate for one year's falary C 1,500

Additional allowance eftimated for fix <

months, at two dollars per day t. 365

1,865

Principal clerk to the Secretary of the Senate, for

365 days, at three dollars per day - I5O95

Two engrofling clerks to ditto, at two dollars per

day each, for 3.65 days - - 1,460

Chaplain to the Senate, eftimated for fix months,

at 500 dols. per annum - - 250

Door-keeper to the Senate, one year's falary 500

Afliftant door-keeper, do. do. - - 450^

Clerk to the Houfe of Reprefcntatives, one
year's falary

Additional allowance, eftimated for fix
months, at two dollars per day

1,865

Principal clerk in the office of the clerk of the
Houfe of Reprefcntatives, for 365 days at 3 ,
dols. per day I5O95

Two engroffing clerks at two dollars per day each,

for 365 days ... 3,460

Chaplain to the Houfe of Reprefcntatives, efti-
mated for fix months, at 500 dols. per annum 250

Serjeant at Arms for the fame time, at 4 dols. per day 730

Door-keeper to the Houfe of Reprefcntatives, one

year's falary ... 500

Aififlant door-keeper do. do. - - 450

185,890

VF THE UNITED STATES.

Treasury Department,

Secretary of the Treafury
Two principal clerks at 800 dollars each
Five clerks at 500 dollars each
Meffenger and office-keeper

Comptroller of the Treafury
Principal clerk - _ _

Thirteen clerks at 50O dollars each
Meffenger and ofhcc-keeper

Treafurer - - _ _

principal clerk _ - _

Two clerks at 500 dollars each - »

Meffenger and office-keeper

Auditor of the Treafury - - - _

Principal clerk - - -

Fourteen clerks at 500 dollars each
Salary of the meffenger

Dols.

35500

1,600

2,500

250

2

,650

800

6

,500

250

2,

,400

600

1

,000

100

,400
800

,000

2f,0

Commiflioner of the revenue - - 2,400

Principal and fix other clerks, on the bufinefs of
the revenue, light houfcs, general returns, and
flatements, &c. - - - 3j500

Meffenger and oihce keeper - - 250

Regifter of the treafury

Three clerks on the impoft, tonnage, and excife
accounts . . _

Two ditto, on the books and records relative to
the receipt and expenditures of public monies

Two ditto, on the duties affigned to the regifter,
by the a6ls concerning the regiflering and re-
cording, enrolling and licenfing fhips or veffcls

Three ditto, for drawing out, checking, and il-
fuing, and taking receipts for certificates of the
domeftic and affumed debts

Three ditto, on the books of the general and par-
ticular loan offices, comprehending the intereft,
accounts, and claimed dividends, at the ieveral
loan offices .. . „

1.500

,50-

241
Dols»

7,850

10,200

4,100

10,450

2,000
1,500
1,000

6,150

I I

242

GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Dols. Dols.

Six clerks on the books and records which relate
* to the public creditors, on the fc vera 1 defcrip-

tions of fhock and transfers
Two ditto, on the books and records of regiftcr-

cd debt, including the payment of its interefl 1,000
One ditto, to complete the arrangement of the

public fecurities in books prepared for their

reception in numerical order - 500

Two ditto, on the books of the late government i,ooD
One tranfcribing clerk - - 500

Two office-keepers incident to the fevcral chfRccs

of record, at 250 dollars per annum each 500

3,000

15,00©

Department of State.

The Secretary of State

Chief Clerk

Four clerks, at 500 dollars each

Clerk for foreign languages

Office-keeper and meffengcr

3^500
800

2,000
250
250

53)750

6.8o«

Mint of the United States.

Direftor of the Mint * - 2,000

Aflayer . . - 1,500

Chief coiner . _ - 1,500

Engraver - - - ^jSOO

* Three clerks, at 500 dollars each - 1j500
The Direftor ediniatcs tenor twelve workmen at

G5 dollars per week - - 3? 3^5

1 1,285

* The diieftor obferves, that three clerks are eflimated to provide againft a con-
Tjiigency; but of the three cdimated tor laft year, only one had been employed,
and that at 400 dollars pen annum, excepting three months lall winter, for vhi-ch
^ns stiver was paid at the rate of ^90 dollar* per annum.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 243

Dols. Dels.

Department of War.

The Secretary of the Department - 3jOOO

Principal clerk _ _ _ . 800

Six clerks, at 500 dollars each - - SjOOO

Meffenger and ofBce-keeper - - 250

Accomptant of the ^J^ar department - i,?0O

Seven clciks, at 500 dollars each r 3? £00

7..o:o

4,700

1 l,7.cO

Land Officers.

For New Hampfhire - - 650

MafTachufetts - - _ I5500

Rhode Ifland - _ - 600

Connefticut - - , - i.,oo,o

New-Yoik - - - ij^oo

New-Jerfey - - -yoo

^ Pennfylvania - - . ^,500

Delaware . _ _ _ 600

Maryland - - - - looo

Virginia . . _ - 1,500

North Carolina . . - 1.000

South Carolina - - ijOOP

Qeorgia > . . _ .yoo

13,250

Government of the Western Territory,

Dijirici North Wejl of the River Ohio.

Governor, for his falary as fuch, and for difcharg-
ing the duties of Superintendant of Indian

Affairs, Northern Department - 2.000

The Secretary of the faiddiftrift - "750

Three Judges at 800 dols. each - - 2,400

Stationary, office-rent, Sec, - - 350

i I 2

SjSoo

244 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Dols. Cts.

DiJiriEl South Wejl oj the River Ohio.

Governor, for his falary as fuch, and for dif-
charging the duties of Superintendant of In-
dian Affairs, Southern Department 2.00©
Secretary of the faid diftrift - - n ^o
Three Judges at 800 dols. each - 2,400
Stationary, ofHce-ront, &c. - - 350

^,,'^.00

Pensions granted bv the late Government.

Ifaac Van Voert, John Paulding, and David
Willia.ms, each a penfion of aoo dollars per
annum purfuant to an aft of Congrefs of
23d Nov. i-jSp - - £00

Dominique I'Eglize, per a6l of Congrefs of

8th Auguftj 1792 - - 1 2p

Jofeph Traverfe per ditto - - 1 20

Youngeft children of the late major-general

Warren, per aft of the j ft July, 1780 - 450

Samuel M'Kcnzie, Joleph Bruflcls, and John
Jordon, per aft of iQth Sep. 1783, entitled
to a penfion of 40 dollars each per annum 1 20

Eliz. Bergen, per aft of 2iftA'JgLift, 1781 53 33

Joleph Dc Bcauleau, per aft of 5th Auguft

1782 - - _ loo

Richard Gridley, per afts of 17th Nov. 1775,

and 26th Feb. 1781 - - 444 40

Lieut. Col. Toulard, per aft of 27th Oft. 1788 360

2.367 73

Gp.ant to Baron Steuben, &c.

His annual allowance per aft of Congrefs 2,500

Annual allowance to the widow and orphan
children of Col. John Harding, per aft of
27th February 1793 - 45Q

Annual allowance to the orphun children of Ma- -

jor Alexander Trueman, per fame aft 300

Annual allowance for the education of Hugh
Mercer, fon of the late major-general Mer-
cer, per aft dated 2d March, 1793 - 4^°

3:6££'

OF THE UNITED STATES. $45

Dols. Cts.
For THE Incidental' AND Contingent

expences relative to ths civil

List Establishment*.
Secretary of the Senate, his eftimate - S^OOO

Clerk of the Houfe of ReprelcntiUives, his do. 7.000

10,000

Treasury Department.
Secretary of the Treafury, per eftimate - 500

Comptroller of the Treafury, per do. - 800

Treafurer, per do, . - - 400

Commiflioner of the Revenue, per do. - 300

Auditor of the Treafury, per do. - 500

Regifter of the Treafury (including books for

the public flocks) per do. - - 2,000

Rent of the Treafury . - . 6^0

Ditto, of a houfe taken for a part of the office

of the Regifler _ _ _ 040

Ditto, of a houfe for the office of the Com-
miffioner of the Revenue, and for part of the
office of the Comptroller, and part of the
office of the Auditor - - 266 66

Rent of a houfe for the office of the Auditor,

and a fmall ftore for public papers - 440

Wood for the department (Treaiurers except-
ed) candles, &c. - _ .. 1,200

•7,296 66

Department of State.
Including the expence which will attend the
publication of the laws of the firft felfion
of the third Congrefs, and for printing an
edition of the fame to be dcftributed accor-
ding to law - _ _ __ 2,061 67

Mint of the United States.
The Direftor eftimates for the fcveral expcn-
ces of the mint, including the pay of a re-
finer, when employed, for gold, filver, and
copper, and for the completion of the melt-
ing furnaces _ _ _ 2.700

* Under this head are comprehended fire-wood and ftationary, together with
printing- work, and all the contingent expcnces of the two houies of Congrefs, rent
and office expenfes of the three feveral departments, viz, Treafury, State and Waft
and alfo for the Mint of the Uaited States.

246 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Department of War.

Secretary at War, per fhatcmcnt
Accomptant to the war department

Dols.
800
- 400

23>

Cts.

1,200

=58 33

Total Dollars 397,201 6

An additional EJtimatf, for viaking good deficiencies for thefupport of
the Civil Lifi eftablifJinient, for aiding the fund appropriated for th^
payments of certain officers of the Courts, Jurors and Witneffes^for
thtfupport of the Light-houfes, and for other purpofes.

Dob. Cts.

To make good deficiencies for the fupport of the

Civil Lift for the year 1793.
Extra clerk-hire, in the office of the Secretary of

State, in preparing documents for Congrefs 600
For an index to the laws of the 2d Congrefs 200

. 800

The Secretary at War, his eftimates to make good
fo much fhort, eftimatcd, for j:ontingent ex-
pences for the year 1793, - . - - 205 "76

Additional compenfation from 1 ft Oft. 1793, to
31ft December following, to certain public
officers, by aft pafl'cd the fecond of March,
1793*.
Auditor of the Treafury, at 500 dols. per ann. 1 25 300
Commiffioners of the Revenue, ditto - 125

Comptroller of the Treafury, at 500 dols. per

annum . . _ . 62 50

Regifter of the Treafury, ditto - - 62 50

■375

1,380 76

* By tlie faid aft, this additional compenfation commenced the firft of April,
1793, the two quarters preceding the fuft Oft. 1793, were paid out of the fum of
5,169 dollars, granted in the appropriation of 1,389,044 7 6- lOO dollars for the
purpofe of difcharging claims admitted in due courfs of fettlement of the Trea-
fury.

OF THE UNITED STATES, 547

Expences of Comviijftoners of Loans for Clerk-hire and Stationary,
from ifi March 1793, to ^ift December 1794.
The accounts of many of the faid coaimiflioners having been
tranfmittcd to the trcafury, under an idea that legiflative provi-
fion will be made for defraying the faid expences, the following
flatement, extrafted from their faid accounts, fo far as the fame
have been rendered, will fhew the amount thereof at each loan-
office, viz.

Dels. Cts.
New-Hampshire, Eftimate 697 1

Massachusetts,

Account rendered in the month of March 326 12

Do. from ift April to 30 June - 816 97

Do. from ift July to 30th Sept. - - 865 85

Eftimate from ift Oftober to 31ft December,

the fame as the preceding quarter - 865 85

68

83

190

74

381

48

2,874 79

Rhode-Island.
Account rendered from ift March to 31ft do.
Ditto from ift April to 3Qth June
Eftimate from ift July to 31ft Dec.

Connecticut.
Account rendered from ift March to 30th

June ------ 408 94

Do. from ift July to 30th Sept. - 256' 52

Eftimate from ift Oft. to 31ft Dec. - 256 52

641 .5

921 98

Ne W-YOR K..

Account rendered from ift March to 31ft

March - - -^ "51^5

Do, from ift April to 30th June - i)430 38

Do. from ift July to 30th Sept. - i;303 ^^

Eftimate from 6th Oft. to 31ft Dec. - 1 5 303 81

4.553

N E W - J £ ]l S E Y .

Account rendered from ift March to 31ft

March ------ 26

Do. from ift April to 30th June _ - 8

Do. from ift July to 30th Sept. - 54 52

Efttoats from ift Oft. to 31 Dec. - 54 52

248 geS^eral description

Pe nnsv l van I a.

Dols Ct5,
Acfount rendered from id Marcli to 31(1 do. 154 16
Ellimate from ifl April to 31(1 Dec. - ir3i'7 44

1.541 6s

Delaware.
Account rendered from ifl; March to 31 {I do. 25
Eflimate from ift April to 31 ft Dec. - 225

2.^0

I5IO2

Mary land..

Account rendered from ifl; to 31(1 March i 10 50

Eflimate from ift April to 31ft Dec. - 99 ^ ^o

Virginia.

Account rendered from 1 ft; to 31ft March 227 i5

Do. from ift April to 30th June - - -741 19

Do. from ift July to 30th September - ' 649 5

Eftimate from ift Oft. to 31ft Dec. - 649 5

2,266 45

North-Carolika.
Eftimate from ift March to 31ft Dec. 1793 80O

South-Carolina.

Account rendered frona ift to 31ft March la-y 4-7

Do. from ift April to 30th June - " 377 5^

Do. from ift July to 30th September - 380 43

Eftimate from ift Oft. to 31ft December - 380 43

1,265 S3

Georgia, .

Eftimate from tfl March to 31ft Dec. 1793 24Q

For clerk-hire and ftationary of the feveral
flate commifiioners of loans, from ift Janu-
ary, 1794, to the 31ft of Decern, follow-
ing, eftlmated on a reference to the claims
exhibited and referred to in the above
ftatemcnt, at _ . - - - 22,622 25

Clerks ojQ ourts,Jurie s, W i t n e s s e s, &c.
The fund ariiing from fines, forfeitures and pc-
" naltics, having laft year proved infuihcient for
thedifchargeoftheaccouhtsof clerkSj &c.to

OF THE UNITED STATES. 249

which they were appointed, a fum for the pre- Dels. Dols.

fent year is eftimated, in order to provide

againft a fimilar contingency, of - - 12, coo

For the maintenance and fupport of h'ght-h<»ufes
beacons, public piers and (leakage of chan-
hels, bars and fhoals, and for occafionnl im-
provements in the conftruftion of lanterns,
and of the lamps and materials ufcd there-
in • - - - - - 20,000

To make good a deficiency in the eflimate for

1792, for the fame objefts - - - 4,000

24;000

,5^500

For the expcnccs towards the fare-keeping and
profecuting of perfons committed for offences
againft the United States _ - . . 4.000

For the purchafe of hydrometers for the ufe of
the officers of the Cuftoms and Infpeftors of
Revenue for the year 1794 - _ _ 1,500

For the Coinage of Copper at the Mint
OF THE United States.

To replace fo much advanced at the Bank of the
United States, for the purpofe of an importa-
tion of copper, under the fuperintendency of
the Direftor of the Mint - - iO.ooo

To pay for copper purchafed in the year 1793 7^35°

For the purchafe of ditto 1794 - - 7535°

. . 24,700

Arrears of Pcnfion due to the Widow and Or-
phan children of Col. John Harding,

For their allowance from ift of July 1792, to
the 31 ft of Dec. 1793, per aft of Congrels, dat-
ed Feb. 27, 1793, at 450 dollars per annum 675

Arrears of Penfion due to the Orphan children
of Major Alexander Truman

For the allowance from ift July, ^792, to the
31ft Dec. 1793, per aft of Congrefs, dated
27th Feb. 1793, at 300 dollars per annum 450

For the indemnification of the eftimate of the • ■ 1,125

late major general Green, for certain bonds
entered into by him, during the late war,
upon the principles of the aft of Congrefs for
that purpofe, dated 27th April, 1792

K K

2JO GENERAL DESCRIPTION

For a balance ftateJ by the Auditor of the Trca- Dols. • DoU.

fury to be due to faid eRate, in which is in-
cluded interefl due on bonds from their dates,
to 12th April 1793 - - _ . 33)i8'7

To defray the expences incident to the ftating
and printing the public accounts for the year
1793^ in compliance with the order of tlie
Houfe of Reprefentativcs, of 30th Dec. 1791 800

For the difcharge of fuch demands againft the
United States, not otherwife provided for, as
fhali have been alcertained and admitted in
due courfe of fettlement at the treafury, and
which are of a nature according to the ulage
thereof to require payment in fpecie - - 5.000

• 5) 800

Total 147,689,78
EJimate of the Expences of the War Department, for the year 1 794.

AMOUNT OF PAY.

General Staff _ - - - -

The firft fub-legion . - - - -

fccond fub-legion - - - '-

third fub-legion . _ _ - -

fourth fub-legion . _ - - •

Subfiftence

Forage -------

Cloathing __-----

Equipments for the Cavalry - -

Horfes for the Cavalry

Bounty - . . - -

Hofpital dcprirtmcnt . _ . - -

ORDNANCE DEPARTMENT.

For the i^laries of llore-kcopcrs at the diflcrcnt Arfe-

nals " - - 3'9i2

Rents i>o83

L:;bourcrs, &c. ------- 1j720

The expences of new carriages for 230 pieces of brafs
field artillery, at the different arfenals of the United
States, averaged at 140 dollars each - - 3^J^°'^

Dols. Cts.

14,772
72.228

72,228

72,228

72,228

312,567

315632

112.000

75

7'3M
16,000

5

5,000

20,00?

OF THE UNITED STATES.

i • »>

The fexpcnces of new carriages for 134 iron cannon,
garriion carriages, averaged at 50 dollai"S each

The expence of 20 mortar beds, at 40 dols. each

Repairs of 14,000 arms at two dollars each

Clearing of 12,000 do. at 25 cents, in the different ar-
fenals . _ _

Repairs of foinifications at Weft; Point

The expence of calling 50 brais field pieces out of the
ulelels moitars - - -

One hundred tons of lead, at 8. 2-3 dols. per hun-
dred _ . _ .

Seventy-five tons of gun-powder, at 20 dols. per
hundred - - r

Gnc thouiand rifled mufl;.ets, at 12 dols. each

Ecjuipments for cavalry

Ten thoufand knaplacks, at 50 cents each

Ten tlioufand cartridge boxes, at one dollar each

7\vo thoufand tents, at 10 dollars each

One hundred horfeman's tents, at 20 dollars each

Twenty officers marquees, at 150 dollars each

For a magazine and buildings proper to conflitutc a
magazine and arienal above Albany, in the ftate of
New York . . -

For the purchafe of ground for ditto

For the lame objefts in a fuitable pofition abo\'e the
falls of Delaware - -

Dcfenfive protection of the frontiers

For defraying the expences of the Indian department

Quarter Maflcrs department

Contingencies of War department

Invalid Penfioners - . . -

251
Dols. Cts.

6,700

800

e8,ooo

3,000
10,000

2,500

i7'333 34

3O5O00
12,000

8,2^0

5.000
10,000
20 000

2,000

3; 000

5,000
1,000

6,OOQ

130,000

50,000
150,000

30,000

^o.-239 bS

Total. Dollars 1,45-7,835 69
Circumftanccs having rendered it neceffary to attend to the de-
fence of the frontiers, as well as the fortifications of the principal
■ports of the United States, a confiderable addition muft be made to
this eflimate for the prefent year.

TOTAL EXPENDITURE.

On the firfl of thefe eflimates relating to the civil lift,
or expenditure for the fupport of government du-
ring the year 1794, including the incidental and
contingent expences of the fcveral departments and.
offices - - . - - . 397.201 «>

K K 2

2,52 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Dols. Cts,
On the fccond relating to certain deficiencies in for-
mer appropriations for the fupport of government,
to a provifion in aid of the fund heretofore efl,abli{Vi-
ed for the ccmpenfation of certain officers of the
courts, jurors, witnefTes, &c. to the maintenance of
light-houfes, beacons, buoys and public piers, and
to certain other purpofes therein fpecified — x 47,689 78^

Xhe third relating to the department of war, compre-
hending tlie probable expenditure of that depart-
ment for the year 1794, including certain extraor-
dinaries for buildings, repairs, arms and military
ftores, amounting to 202,783 dollars and 34 cents,
and a fum of 80,239 dollars and 55 cents, for pen-
fions to invalids, . _ . - 1,457,835 69

Total amount 2,002,741 53

FINANCES,

The funds, out of M^hich appropriations may be made for the
foregoing purpofes, are — ift. The lum of 600,000 dollars relerved
annually for the fupport of government, out of the duties on im-
ports and tonnage, by tlie aft making provifion for the debt of
the United States, and which will atcrue in the year 1794. — 2d«,
The furplus of revenue and income beyond the appropriations
heretofore charged thereupon, to the end of the fame year 1794-
The ftatement herewith lubmittcd, fliews a furplus to the end of
1793, of 2,534,212 dollars, and 82 cents, which it is believed may
be relied upon.

Statefnent of the Revenue of the United States, and appropriations charged
thereon to the end of the year 1793.

REVENUE.

Dols. Cts.

Proceeds of the duties on imports and tonnage, and
of fines, penalties and forfeitures, from the com-
mencement of the preient government to the 31ft
of December 1791 - - . 6,534,263 84

Proceeds of duties on fpirits diftilied within the
United States, for half a year, ending the 31ft of
Dec. 1 791, agreeable to accounts fettled at the trea-
fury - . . - 141,849 98

OF THE UNITED STATES.

Dols.

253
Cts.

Proceeds of duties on imports and tonnage, and of
fines, penalties, and forfeitures for the year 1792,
agreeable to accounts fettled at the treafury 43615,559

Proceeds of duties ori fpirits diftilled within the
United States in the year 1792, agreeable to ac-
counts fettled at the treafury 294,344 35, to which
add the difference between the iaid funi, and the
amount eflimated for 1792, for accounts remain-
to be fettled 105,655 dollars and 6^ cents 400,000

Proceeds of duties on imports and tonnage, and of
fines, penalties and forfeitures for the year 1793,
efhimated nearly the fame as for the year 1792 4,617,510

Proceeds of duties on fpirits diftilled within the
United States, in the year 1793, eftimated at the
fame as for the year 1792

Cafh received into the treafury to the end of the

1791, from fines, penalties and forfeitures, and
for balances _ _ _

Cafh received into the treafury to the end of the year

1792, for arms and accoutrements fold, fines and
penalties, balance of accounts fettled, and on ac-
count of the dividend delared by the bank of the
United States, to June 30, 1792 - '

Cafh received into the treafury during the year 1793,
on account of patents, 630 dollars of cents and
half cents coined at the mint, 1,154 3-100 dol-
lars, balances due under the government 8,448,
58-100 dollars ; and on on account of dividends
declared by the bank of the United States, from
the ifl of July, 1792, to the 30th of June, 1 793,
38,500 dollars - - 48,-732 6^

Eftimated produft of the dividend to be declared
from the ift of July to the 31ft of Dec. 1793, be-
yond the intereft payable to the bank on the loan
of two millions

400,000

115335 93

21,860 87

10,000

t6,8oi,:

23

APPROPRIATIONS.

Dates of Aas.

I 789, Aug. 20. For treaties with the Indians

Sept. 29. For the ierviceofthe year 1789
1790, Mar. 26. For the fupport of government for
the year 1790

Dols. Cts.

20,000
693,000

754,658 9g

254 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Dols. Cts.

1790, July 1. For intercourfe with foreign nations,

for the years 1 790, 1791, and 1792 120,000
For fati.sfying the claims of Johr^

M'Cord - . _ 15309 71

July 22. For treaties with certain Indian tribes 20,000
Aug. 4. For intereft on the debts, foreign and
domcftic, for the year 1791, efti-
mated at - - 2,o6o,86r 40

For ditto ditto 1792 - 2,849,194 74

For ditto ditto 1793 - 2,849,194 73

For the eftabliniment of cutters 10,000

10. For finifhing the light-houfe on

Portland-head - i)500

For the relief of difabledfoldicrs and

leainen, and certain other perfons 548 57

12. For lundry objcfts - 233,219 97

For the rcduftion of the public debt,
being furplus of revenue to the end
of the year 1790 1,374,656 40

1791, Feb. II. For the fupport of government du-
ring the year 1791, and for other
purpofes - - 740,232 60

March 3. For a' recognition of the treaty with

Morocco - - 20,000

For compcnfations to the officers of
the judicial courts,jurors, and wit-
nefles, and for other purpoles ; be-
ing net proceeds of fines, penalties
and forfeitures to the end of the
year 1791 - . - 4,055 33

For raifing and adding another regi-
giment to the military cftablifh-
ment, and for making farther pro-
vifion for the protcftion of the
frontiers - - 312,686 20

Dec. 3^1. For the kipport of government for

theyeari792 - - 1,059,222 8i

1792, April 2. For finifliing the light-houfe on

Baldhcad - - - 4,000

For the mint eflablifhmcnt - 7,000

13. For compenfating the corporation of
truftces of the public grammar
fchooland academy of Wilmington 2,533 64

OF.THE UNITED STATES. 255

Dols. Cts.
May 2. For the protcftion of the frontiers,

and other purpofes - - ^TiiS^C*

For intcreft at 400,000 dollars receiv-
ed on account of a loan from the
bank of the United States of
523,500 dollars, to Dec. 31, 1793 28,753 4^
8. For fundry objefts _ _ - 84,^197 90

For compenfating the fervices of the

bte Col. George Gibl'on - 1,000

For an advance on account of the claim

of John Brown Cutting - - 2,000

17935 ^^^' 9* For intercourfe with foreign nations

for the year 1793 _ - - 40.000

28. For the fcrvice of the year 1793 155^95044 72

For interefl on a loan of 800.000 dol-
lars from the bank of the United
States, to 3 lit Dec. 1793 - * 8,333

For defraying the expence of clerks
of courts, jurors and witnefTes, be-
ing the net proceeds of fines, pe-
nalties and forfeitures, to the end
of the year 1792 . . . 3C1 46

March 2. For treaties with the Indian tribes

north weft of the river (^hio 100,000

For the relief of Elijah Boftwick 145 42

For defraying certain fpecific de-

hiands - . - . 595I07 41

14,2665899 41

Balance bein^the eftimated furplus of
revenue to the end of the year 1793,
coUefted and to be collefted, beyond
the appropriations charged thereon 2,534,212 82

Dols. 16,801,112 23

The produft of the duties on imports and tonnage, for the prc-
fcnt year, is eftimated, according to the afcertained amount, in the
preceding year. This eftimate is juftified by the abftraft herewith
alfo fubmitted, exhibiting the produft for the two firft quarters of
the prefent year, as founded on letuxns received at the treafury^
being 2,568,870 dollars and 22 cents, The produft for the two

256

GENERAL DESCRIPTION

remaining quarters is not computed as high as that of the tvrd
firft, becaufe circumftances and information render it probable,
that it will be lefs, and that the drawbacks payable within the
laft, will be more confiderable than thofe payable within the
firfl; half year. The afcertained produft of f 792, the rates of
duty being the fame, is deemed the fafefl guide. Some favings
vipon the fum appropriated for different purpofes may render
this cftimated furplus more confiderable than is dated : but
while the extent of thefc favings cannot be deemed very great*
their amount (thefe purpofes not being yet fully latisfied) can-
not be pronounced. If the produft of the year 1794, fhould equa^
that of the prefent year, the fund will be more than fufficicnt for
the appropriation propofed to be charged upon it. If this cannofe
entirely be counted upon, it is hoped that a reliance may be en-
tertained of its proving at Icafl adequate.

AhJlraB of the New Amount of Duties on Imports and Tonnage, ivhictf
have accrued in the United States during thefrfl andfecond ^/arters
of the Tear 1793.

STATES.

ifi Qr. Ending ^}Ji

zd Qr ending

^otJi June
Dols. Cents.

Total amount.

March 1 793,

Dols. Cents.

Dols. Cents;

N. Hampfhire

-

26,393 26

26,393 26

Maffdchufetts

7,823 52

3-4

340,621 5 3-4

348,444 58 1-2

Rhode inand

1,665 52

67,078 93

68,744 45

Connecticut

26,394 47

70.507 84

96,902 3 J

Vermont

-

-

_

New York

I22..4f9 49

532.542 45

<^54<96i 94

New Terfey

924 3t

1,879 4

2,803 35

Penniylvania

157^523 93

5S6.000

743:523 93

Delaware

129 7

2,319 71

2,44s; 78

Maryland

40,512 54

3-4

161,987 2S 3-4

211,499 83 I-Z

Virginia

40=993 15

104,182 62 1-2

H5>i75 77 1-2

Kentucky

-

-

N. Carolina

25.371 75

3-4

16.696 93

42,068 68 3-4

S. Carolina
Georgia

91,040 54

106.547 64

197,588 18

27.923 23

2,367 67

30,290 90

55'w2i 54

1-4

2,019,124 44

2,570,84598 1-4

Dedua N. Hamp.

1,893 42

1-2

-

Vermont.

-

82 33

^975 75 i-2'

Net amount.

549,828 II

3-4

2,019,042 II

2,568.87022 3-4

But there is a provifion alfo to be made for the payment of in-
tcrcft on the baknces found by the comraifTioncrs for fettling ac-

OF THE UNITED STATES. 957

xrounts between tlic United and individual States, in favour of certain
ftates. The annual fum of intereft upon thofe balances, is 1 20,978
dollars and 8 cents, computed according to the proportions by
which intereft is adjuflcd on the affumcd debt. If Congrefs fliall
think proper to make tlrerequihte provihon out of the duties on im-
ports and tonnage, it will be necelTary to its efficacy, that a pri-
ority be fecured to it : an objcft which will require attention
in making the appropriations above contemplated. It is con-
fidered, that there will be ftill no hazard of deficiency ; and if
there fhould bc^ny, it would lecm moft proper, that it fliould fall
on the appropriation for the current fervice, to be lupplicd, till
further provifiou can be made, by a loan.

A provifion for paying, during the year 1794, intereft on fuch
part of the domeftic debt, as may remain unlublcribed, will come
under a like conhdcration.

It appears proper, likewife, to notice, that no provifion has
yet been made, for paying the yearly intereft, on the two million
loan had of the bank of the United States. The bank has
hitherto difcounted the amount of that intereft out of its divi-
dends on the ftock belonging to the United States, but for want
of an approbation the bufinels cannot receive a regular adjuft-
ment at the treafury. An appropriation of lo much of the divi-
dends as may be necefiary towards the payment of the intereft
will obviate the difficulty. — The fecond inftalment of. that loan
has been comprifed in the foregoing view; becaufe it is imaomed
that Congrels may judge it expedient to provide for its p;'yment
out of the foreign fund, as they did with regard to the firft in-
ftalment. The ftatement herewith alfo communicated, exhibits
the prefent fituation of that fund, ftiewing a balance unexpended
of five hundred and feventy-feven thouland, two hundied and
eighty-four dollars, and fifty-fix cents, liable to the obfervation
at the bottom thereof.

State of Monies transferred to the United States, out of tire
proceeds of foreign Loans.
" To this fum paid to France for the ule of Dr.

St Domingo - - Dols. 726,020

Payment to France of 3 millions of livres,

purfuant to an agreement with M.

Ternaat - . . . 544,500

Ditto for mifcellaneous pui-pofes paid to

M. Tenant . - - . 49,400

Inftalment due to France, September 3d,

^793' 1,500:000 livres - - 272,250

No. V. L I.

^5S GENERAL DESCRIFTIOJT

Inftalmcnt due to France November 5th,

^793j 1;Ooo,ooo livrcs.
On which there has been paid Dols. 1-78,879 35
Balance to be paid - - 2,620 6^

Payment made to foreign of-
ficers - - Dols. 66,089 77
Rcfervcd to be paid - 125,227 13

101,500

191,316 9*

This fum expended in pur-
chafes of the public debt,
viz.

. -*7933 Feb. 4, Dols. 50,000

Ditto 19, 234,901 89

Sept. 2, 5,000

334,901 89

Inftalmcnt to the bank of the United States 200,000

Balance fubjeft to furthei* difpofition 577,284 56

Dols. 3,077>»73 35

By this fum drawn by the treafurer on the coramiflioners in Am-
flerdam.

Or.

Florins 5,649,621 8— -2,305,769 13

from which deduft
the amount of bills
fold to the bank of
the United States,
afterwards furren-
dered 495,000 — 200,000

5,154,621 2-8 1,105,769 If

By this fum applied in Europe to the payment of
intereft, for which provifion was made out of
domcftic funds, and thereby virtually drawn to
the United States, viz,

Intereft from the ift
of Feb. 4791, to
the ift of Dec.
1793, paid and to

OF THE UNITED STATES. £.59

be paid, Florins 2,940,790 13
From which deduft
this lum remitted
from hence 5 3^^5,5 ^'5 4

Florins 2,404,225 9*3136 4—11 971,404 2-^

Dels. 3,077,173 35

aiut in judging of the expediency of making the provilion inti-
mated, it is neceffary to take into coniideration, that on the firft
of June 1794, a fecond inflalment of 1,000.000 of florins, of
<;he capital of the Dutch debt, became payable ; for which, by the
iaft advices, it appeared problemati-cal, owing to the fituation of
the affairs of Europe, whether provihon could be made by a fur-
ther loan. This circumftance is an obftacle, to the immediate ap-
plication of the refidue of the foreign fund ac,cording to its defti-
nation — rthat being the only rcfource yet provided, out of which
the inftalment of the Dutch debt can be paid, if a farther loan
cannot be procured in time. More decifiye information on the
point may every day be expefted.

In the mean time, no inconvenience cari enfue from applying
a portion of that refidue to the payment of the iniialment of the
two million loan — the degree in which it will in.trenrh upon the
means in pofleflion for fatisfying 'the enfuing inflalment of the
Dutch debt, being eafily fuiceptible of a fubftitute. And there
will be time enough for providing one, if a loan fhould not be
/obtained.

By an arrangement made with the bank, the intejeft of tlie firft
inftalment ceafed the Iaft of December 1792, though the payment
could not legally be conlummated till July following.

A provilion for payment on the fecond inftalment at the end
of the prefent year will continue this defirable courfe, and work
a public faving ; though, owing to the long credits given for the
duties, antijcipations of their proceeds, by temporary loans, may
be neceffary to the being prepared for the exigences of the cur-
rent fervice.

Thus the prefent eligible fituation of the United States, com-
pared to that of Great Britain, or Europe at large, as it relpefts
taxes or contributions, for the payment of all public charges, ap-
pears manifeft.

* The precife account of fums thus paid for intereft, cannot be definitively
■pronounced till the completion of the I'ettlement of foreign accounts, now gc-ing
cn at the treafury.

26o GENERAL DESCRIPTION

In the United States, the average proportion of his carniagSj
■u-hich each citizen pays per annum, for the fupport of the civil,
military, and naval eflablifliments, and for the dilcharge of the
intcrefl: of tlie public debts of his country, &c. is about one dol-
lar and a quarter. In Great Britain, the taxes of thefe objefts,
on an average, amount to above two guineas per annum to -each
perfon. Hence it appears, that in the United States they enjoy
the blefilngs of a free government and mild laws, of pcrlonal li-
qerty, and proteftion of property, for neaily one tenth part of
the lum which is paid in England for the purchaic of fimilar be-
nefits, too generally without the attainment of them. The Ame-
rican citizen likewife has the profpeft of the taxes, which lie
pays, fmall as they are, being leilened, while the fubjcfts of all the
old European governments can have no expeftatiun but of their
burdens being incrcafed.

SOCIETY or THE CINCINx\ATI.

This Society, inflituted immediately on the clofc of the v/ar,
in 1783, has made fo much noife both in Europe and America,
and has derived fuch dignity and importance from the characters
who compofe it, that it is thought proper to inlert tlie in{litution
at large, for the information of the uninformed, and for the gra-
tification of the refpe6tib!e m.embers of the Cincinnati, v/ho wifl-i
to have their friendly and charitable intentions fully undcrfloo4
by all clalles of their fellow citizens.

It originated with General Knox, who, with the good inten-
tion of reconciling the minds of his military brethren to the pri-
vate life on which they were foon to enter, projcftcd the plan.
Knox irtipartcd his propcfals to certain ofRccrs, They were af-
terward communicated to the feveral regiments of the relpcftive
lines, and an ofHcer from each was appointed, v/ho, with the ge-
nerals, fhould take the fame into confideration at a meeting to be
held on the 10th of May, at which Baron Stubcn, the fenior
officer prefent, prefided. At their next meeting on the 13th, the
plan, having been reviled, was accepteci. The iubflance of it was
-— " The officers of the American army do hereby, in the mofl
folemn manner, aflociate, conflitute, and combine themlclves, into
one Society of Friends, to endure as long as they fhall endure, or
ANY OF THEIR ELDEST MALE POSTERITY ; and in failure tlierc-

Of, THE COLLATERAL BRANCHES, WHO MAY BE JUDGED WOR-
THY OF BECOMING ITS SUPPORTERS AND MEMBERS. The offi-

cers of the American Army, having generally been taken from
the citizens of America, poffefs high veneration for the chara£ler of
that IHullrious Roman, Lucius Ouintius Cinc ix.n'atus. and

OF THE UNITED STATES. 261

being refolvcd to follow his example, by returning to their citi-
zenfnip, they think they may with propriety denominate them-
fclves The Society of the Cincinnati. The following principles
rliall be immutable — an inceflfant attention to preferve inviolate
the exalted rights and liberties of human nature, for which they
have fought and bled — An unalterable determination to promote
and chcnlh between the refpeftive flates, union and national ho-
novn — To render permanent, cordial affeftion, and the fpirit of
brotherly kindneis among the officers — :ind to extend a£ls of be-
neficence toward thofe officers and their families, who may un-
iortunatcly be under tlie neceility of receiving it. The general
fociety will, for the lake of frequent communications, be divided
into fhatc focicties ; and thofe again into fuch diftritls as fhall be
dircfted by t!ie ftate focieties. The fhate focieties fhall meet on
the fourth of July annually, and the general fociety on the hrft
Monday in May annually, fo long as they fliall deem it neceffaryj
and afterward at leaft once in every three years. The ftate foci-
cties to have a preftdent, vice-prefident, fccretary, treafurer, and
affiftant-treafurer. The m.eeting of the general fociety fiiall con-
fift of its officei^s, and a reprefentation from each flate fociety, in
number not exceeding five, whofe expences fliall be borne by
their relpeftive ftjte iocieties. In the general meeting, the pre-
fidcnt, vice-prefident, lecretary, affillant-lecietary, treafurer, and
affiftant-treaiurcrs-general, fhall be chofen to lerve until the next
jTieeting. Tiiole officers who are foreigners, are to be confidered
as members in the focieties of any of the flates in which they may
happen to be. As there are and will at all times be men in the
rcfpcfiive Hates eminent for their abilities and patriotifm, whofe
views may be direfted to the fame laudable objefts with thofe of
the Cincinnati, it fiiall be a rule to admit fuch chara6lers, as ho-
norary members of the fociety for their own lives only : provid-
ed that the number of the honorary members do not exceed a ra-
tio of one to four of the officers and their defcendants. The
lociety fhall have an ordej; \by which its members fhall be known
dnd dillinguiflied, which fliall be a medal of gold of a proper ii/.e
to receive the propofcd emblems, and to be iufpended by a deep
blue ribbon, tvvo inches wide, edged with white, defcriptive of
the union of America and France,"

The lociety at the faid meeting dircftcd, that the prcfidcnt-gc-

neral fliould traiifmit. as fcon as might be, to each of t!)c foUow-

'. iig chjrafters. a medal containing the order of the focict)', viz,

he chevalier de la Luzerne, the Sicur Gerard, the count d'Jifta-

ng, the count de GraiTe, the count de Barras, the chevalier

I'lillouchcs, the count dc Rochambeau, and the generals and co-

ncls in the army : and fliould acquaint them, that "the lociety

£62 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

do themfelves the honor to confider them as members." They
alfo refolvcd, that the members of the feveral ftate focieties fliould
affemble as foon as might be for the choice of their officers ;
" that general Heath, Jsaron Steuben, and general Knox, be a
committee to wnit on the commander in chief, with a copy of tlie
inftitution, and requeft him to honor the fociety by placing his
name at tlie head of it." They likewife defired general Heath, to
tranfmit copies of the inftitution with the proceedings thereon,
to the commanding officer of the fouthern army, the fenior offi-
cer in each ftate, from Pennfylvania to Georgia inclufive, and to
the commanding officer of the Rhode-Ifland line, requefting them
to take fuch meifures as may appear to them neceffary for expe-
diting the eftablifhment of their ftate focieties. Circular letters
were accordingly written ; and the plan of the Cincinnati carri-
ed into execution, without the leaft oppofition being given to it
by any one ftate, or body of men in any,

A pamphlet was at length publifhed, figned Cass i us, dated
Charlefton, Oftober lo, 1783, entitled, Confiderations on the
Society or order of Cincinnati; with this motto, " Blow ye the
trumpet in Zion." It was thought to have been written by
j'Edanus Burke, Efq. one of the chief juftices of South Caro-
lina ; and is well executed. The author undertook to prove
that the Cincinnati erefted two diftinft orders among the Ame-
ricans— ift, a race of hereditary nobles, founded on the military,
together with the powerful families, and firft-rate leading men in
the ftate, whofe view it would ever be, to ruli: and zdly, The
people or piebians, whofe only view was, not to be opprefted ;
but whole fate it would be to fufFer oppreffion under the inftitu-
tion.- Remarking upon the realon for the members being called
the Cincinnati, he exclaims — " As they were taken from the citi-
zens, why in the name of God not be contented to return to ci-r
tizenlhip, without ufurping an hereditary order ? or with what
propriety can they denominate themfelves from Cincinnatus,
with an ambition fo rank as to aim at nothing lefs, than Otium cum
Dignitate, retirement and a peerage ? Did that virtuous Roman,
having fubdued the enemies of his country, and returned liome
to tend his vineyards and plant his cabbages, confer an hereditary
order of peerage on himfelf and his fellow foldiers ? I anfwer
No ; it was more than h.e dared to do. When near the end he
fays, — With regard to myfelf, I will be candid to own, ^hat al-
though I am morally certain the inftitution will entail upoi^ ns
the evils I liave mentioned ; yet I have not the moft diftant idea,
that it will come to a diffolution. The firft clafs, or leading gen-
try in the ftate [of South Carolina] and who will always hold the
government, will find their intereft in fupporting a diftinftion that

OF THE UNITED STATES. 263

will gratify their ambition, by removing them far above their
fellow citizens. The middling order of our gentry, and fubftan-
tial landholders, may fee its tendency ; but they can take no ftep
to oppofe it, having little to do with government. And the low-
er clafs, with the city populace, will never reafon on it till thcv
feel the fmart, and then they will have neither the power nor ca-
pacity for a reformation."

The alarm became general, tlie extreme jealoufy of the new
republics, fufpefted danger from the union of the leaders of
their late army, and efpcclally from a part of the inftitution
which held out to their poflerity the honor of being admitted
members of the fame fociety. To obviate all grounds of jealoufy
and fear, the general meeting of the fociety recommended an
alteration of their inftitution to the ftate focieties, which had
been adopted. By this recommendation it was propofed to ex-
punge EVERY THING THAT WAS HEREDITARY, and tO retain

little elfe than their original name, and a focial charitable infti-
tution for perpetuating their perfonal friendfliip, and relieving
the wants of their indigent brethren.

The Institution of the Society, as altered and amended at their
Jirji General Meeting at Philadelphia, May, 1784.

•• IT having pleafed the fupreme governor of the univerfe to
give fuccefs to the arms of our country, and to efhablifh the
United States free and independent : Therefore, gratefully to
commemorate this event — to inculcate to the lateft ages the duty
of laying down in peace, arms affumed for public defence, by
forming an inftitution which recognizes that moft important
principle — to continue the mutual friendfhips which commenced
under the preffure of common danger, and to efFeftuate the afts
of beneficence, diftated by the fpirit of brotherly kindnefs, to-
wards thofe officers and their families, who unfortunately may
be under the neceffity of receiving them; the officers of the
American army do hereby conftitute themfelves into A fociety of
Friends: and, pofleffing the highcfl veneration for the character
of that illuftrious Roman, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, denomi-
nate themfelves the society of the Cincinnati.

Sect. I. ' The perfons who conftitute this fociety, are all
the commiffioned and brevet officers of the army and navy of the
United States, who have ferved three years, and who left the
fervice with reputation ; all officers who were in aftual fervice at
the conclufion of the war; all the principal ftaff-officers of the
continental army ; and the officers who have been deranged by

264 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

the feveral refolutions of Congrefs, upon the different reforms
of the arm)%

Sect. II. 'There are alfo admitted into this fociety, the
late and prefent minifhers of his moft chriftian majefty to the
United States; all the generals and colonels of regiments and
legions of ahe' land forces; all the admirals and captains of the
navv, ranking as colonels, \vho have co-operated with the armies
of the United States in their exertions for liberty ; and fuch other
perfons as have been admitted by the relpeftivc (late-meetings.

Sec. III. ' The fociety fhall have a prefident, vicc-prefident,
fecretary, and affiftant fecrctary.

Sect. IV. 'There fhall be a meeting of the fociety, at Icaft
once in three years, on the firfh Monday in ivlay, at fuch place as
the prefident fhall appoint.

' The faid meeting fliall confifl of the aforefaid officers, whofe
expences fhall be equally borne by the ftate funds, and a repre-
fentation from each ftate.

' The bufinefs of this general meeting fliall be — to regulate the
diftribution of furplus funds; to appoint officers for the enluing
term — ^nd to conform the bye-laws of llate meetings to the ge-
neral objefts of the inftitulion.

Sect. V. ' The fociety ffiall be divided into ftate-meetings:
each meeting fhall have a prelident, vice-prefident, fecretary
and treafurer, refpeftively to be chofen by a m.ajority of votes
annually.

Sect. VI. ' The ftate meetings fhall be on the anniverfary
of ' independence. They fhall concert fuch meafures as may
conduce to the benevolent purpofes of the iociety; and the fe-
veral ftate meetings fhall, at fuitable periods, make application
to their refpeftive legiilatures for grants of charters.

Sect. VII. 'Any member removing from one ftate to
another, is to be conftdcred, in all refpcfts. as belonging to the
meeting of the ftate in which he ffiall atlually refide.

Sect, VIII. ' Tlie ftate-meeting fiiall judge of the qualifi-
cation of its members, admoniffi, and, if neceff^ary, expel any one
v/ho may conduft himfelf unworthily.

Sect. IX. ' The fecretary of each ftate-mccting ffiall rcgifter
the names of the members refident in each ftate, and tranlrnit a
copy thereof to the fecretary of the Iociety.

Sect. X. ' In order to form funds for the relief of unfor-
tunate members, their widows and orphans, each officer ffiall
deliver to the treafurer of the ftate-meeting, one month's pay.

Sect. XI. 'No donation ffiall be received but from the citi
zcns of the United States.

Of the united states. 26

a

Sect. XII. 'The funds of each ftate-meeting fhall be loaned
to the flate, by pcrmifTion of the kgiflaturc, and the intereft: only,
annually be applied for the purpofes of the fociety ; and if, ia
procefs of time, difficulties fhould occur in executing the inten-
tions of this fociety, the legiflatures of the feVeral ftates fhall be
entitled to make fuch equitable difpofition as may be moft corref-
pondent with the original dcfign of the conftitution.

Sect. XIII. 'The fubjefls of his moft Chriftian majefty,
members of this foeiety, may hold meetings at their pleafure, and
form regulations for their police, conformable to the objects of the
inftitution, and to the fpirit of their government.

Sect. XIV. 'The fociety fhall have an order; which fhall
be an eagle of gold, fufpcndcd by a deep blue ribbon, edged with
white, defcriptivc of the union of America and France, bearing
on its breaft the emblems defcribed, as follows.

'The principal figure to be Cincinnatus, three fenators pre-
fenting him with a fword and other military enfigns ; On a field
in the back ground his wife ftanding at the door of the cottage ;
near it a plough, and other inftruments of hufbandry. Round
the whole, omnia reliquit fervare rempuUicam. On the reverfe, the
fun rifing, a city with open gates, and vefTels entering the port ;
tame crowning Cincinnatus with, a wreath, infcribed, -virlutis prami-
wn. Below, hands joining, fupporting a heart, with the motto,
e/Io perpetua. Round the whole, Societas Cincinnatoruniy injiituta
A. D, 1783.'

AGRICULTURE.

Th E three important objefts of attention in the United States
are agriculture, commerce, and manufaftures. The richnefs of
the foil, which amply rewards the induftrious hufbandman : the
temperature of the climate, which admits of fteady labour ; the
eheapnefs of land, which tempts the foreigner from his native
home, lead us to confider agriculture as the prefent great leading
intereft of that country. This furniflies outward cargoes, not
only for all their own flaips, but for thofe alfo which foreign na-
tions fend to their ports ; or in other words, it pays for all their
importations -, it fupplies a great part of the clothing of the inha-
bitants, and food for them and their cattle. What is confumed
at home, including the materials, for manufafturing, is four or
five times the value of what is exported.

The number of people employed in agriculture, is at leaft three
parts in four of the inhabitants of the United States ; fome fay

M M

266 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

more. It follows of courfe that they form the body of the miII-»
tia, who arc the bulwark of the nation. The value of their pro-
perty occupied by agriculture, is many times greater than the
property employed in every other way. The Settlement of wafte
lands, the fubdivilion of farms, and the numerous improvements
in hufbandry, annually increafe the pre-eminence of the agricul-
tural intereft^ The refources they derive from it, are at all times
certain and indifpenfably neccfTary : befides, the rural life pro-
motes health, by its aftive nature ; and morality, by keeping the
people from the luxuries and vices of the populous towns. In
Ihort, agriculture is the fpring of their commerce, and the parent
ef manufafturcs.

COMMERCE.

Th e vafi extent of fea-coaft, which fpreads before the confe-
derated ftates ; the number of excellent harbours and fea-port
towns they poffels ; the numerous creeks and immenfe bays,
which indent the coafl : and the livers, lakes, and canals, which
pcninlulate the whole country ; added to its agricultural advan-
tages and improvements, give this part of America fuperior ad-
vantages for trade. Their commerce, including their exports,
imports, fhipping, manufaftures, and fifheries, may properly be
confidered as forming one interefl. This has been confidered as
the great objeft, and the moft. important intereft of the New
England States,

Since commerce has ever been confidered as the handmaid of
agricuhure, particularly in America, where the agricultural inter-
eft fo greatly predominates ; and finre neither can flourifh with-
out the other, policy and infereft point out the necefTity of fuch
a fyftom of commercial and agricultural regulations, as will ori-
ginate and effeftually preferve a proper conneftion and balance
between them.

The conlumption of fifli, oil, whale-bopc, and other articles
obtained through the nflieries, in the towns and countries that
are convenient for navigation, has become much greater than
is generally fuppofed. It is computed that no lefs than five
thouiand barrels of mackarel, falmon, and pickled codfifh, are
vended annually in the city of Philadelphia ; add to them the
dried fifli, oil, fpermaceti candles, whale-bone, &c. and it will
be found that a little fleet of floops and fchooners are employed
in the bufinels.

The demand for the forementioned articles is proportionably
great in the other parts of the union, efpecially in Bofton and the

OF THE UNITED STATES. 2R7

large commercial towns that lie along the coaft north-eaftward,
which enter largely into the fiftiing trade, and the vcflels employ-
ed in tranfporting them proportionably numerous. The increal'e
of their towns and manufa£lures will increafe the demand for
thefe articles, and of courfe the number of coafling veffels. In
the prefent ftate of their navigation, they can be in no doubt of
procuring thefe fupplies by means of their own veffels. This will
afford encouragement to the bufmefsof fhip-building, and increale
the number of their feamen, who muff hereafter form an impor-
tant part of the defence of their country. Add to thefe
their profpefts from the fur trade of Canada. The vaft fet-
tlements which are making at Pittfburgh, Geneffe, and in other
parts in the neighbourhood of Canada ; the advantages of their
inland navigation, by means of the lakes, the northern branches
of the Ohio, the Potomak, the Sufquehannah and the Hudfon,
with many other circumilances depending not only on the fitu-
ation, but likewife on the climate, proximity, &c. muft, in a few
years, put a large ftiare of the fur trade into their hands, and
procure them, at leaft, a proportionable fhare of the large profits
thence arifing, which Canada, fmce the year 1763, has enjoyed
almofl excluftvely. Thefe advantages, however, are ftill but in
profpcQ; ; and muff remain fo until the Britifh, agreeable to the
treaty of peace, fhall have evacuated the forts at Niagara, the large
fettlements of the Heights, and that of Michillimakinak. Al-
though the Britifh,"^ by the treaty of peace, are to enjoy with the
Americans the portages of the navigation of the lakes, yet, fliould
a difpute arife, it will not be convenient for the former to con-
teft it ; for the northern and north-eflern parts of the continent
included in the Britifh. limits, are much colder, more mountain-
ous and poorer than the United States, and have no rivers, but
fuch as are full of rapids and falls : confcquently, this trade can-
not be carried on by the Canadians with the fame facility nor adr
vantage as by the Americans, Still England will have left the
exclufive right to the communication from Montreal with the
High-lands, through the large river of the Ottowas, which flows
into the river St. Lawrence at the lake of the Two Mountains,
nine miles from that city ; but its rapids and falls render this,
way, if not imprafticable, at leaft always very expenfive and
precarious.

The quantity of furs, deer and elk ff;.ins, annually imported -
from the northern parts of America to England, is prodigious.
In 1784, the amount of fales for furs was more than tvv^o hundred
and forty-five thoufand pounds. It has not equalled this fum
every year fince, but has feldom varied more than from ten to

M M 2

268 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

twenty thoufand pounds. — When we confider the number of
animals dcftroycd to furnifl-i fuch extenfive produfts, the mind
feels itlelf lofl in contemplating the vaft traft of country that
could afford an habitation for them.

The following is a Correft ftatement of the number of furs,
&c. cxpofed to fale in London, in the prefent year, 1794, and
which may be taken as a fair average of the annual importations
for ten years paft.

191,452 raccoon 10,580 fox

^3'354 bP'ir 740 wolverin

27.670 martin 30,600 mufquafh

145)7^0 beaver 7)798 rabbit and white hare

25,890 otter 10,785 kidd '

6,700 fiflier 161,371 deer

11,760 cat 470 elk

32.540 mink 720 fcals

9,790 wolf 983 lamb.

To thefe mufh be added a fmall quantity of furs,- and about fix
or eight thouland deer not yet fold, the veflel having been de-
layed on her paiTage. In this enumeration, the quantity im-
ported by the Hudfon's Bay Company is not noticed. Of thefe
wc fhall fpeak when treating of that part of the Britifh fettle-
ments, — The chief of thefe furs are paid for in Englifh manu-
faftures. — .Not more than a fourth part of them, beaver and deer
Ikins excepted, if fo much, are done any thing more to in England
than beat, forted, and re-packed ; a great portion are re-fhiped
to Germany, and difpcrfed through the various parts of the Em-
pire, France, &c. — Some are fhipped from London direft for
France, and fome to RuiTia, China, &c. at immenfe profits.

This valuable trade, which is carried on through Quebec, will
a great part of it fall into the hands of the Americans, as foon as
the fortifications, which the Britifh poffefs in their northern
territories, fhall be reftored. To this confideration, rather than
to the pretended compaffion for the Royalifts, may be attributed
the delay of that reflitution. The period when this reftitution
mujl be made, is however arrived: a period which the Britifli go-
vernment have long anticiprtcd with Ibrrow. Such are fome of
the commercial refources and proipecls of the United States.

But for various realons, the advantages for trade which nature
has lo liberally given the Americans, have never, till fince the
eftablifhment of the prefent government, been properly improved,
Before the revolution, Great Britain claimed an exclufivc right
to the trade of her American colonies. This right, which fhe in-
flexibly maintained, enabled her to fix her own pripe, as well on

OF THE UNITED STATES. 269

the articles which ,fhe purchafcd from them, as upon thofe of her
own manufaftures exported for their confumption. The carrying
trade, too, was preferved abnoft excluftvely in her own hands,
■^vhich afforded a temptation to the carriers, that was often too
powerful to be withftood, to exaft exorbitant commifTions and
freights. Although we will not even hazard a conjecture how
much Great Britain enriched herfclf by this exclufive trade with
her colonies, yet this we may fi^y, that by denying them the pri-
vilege of carrying their own produce to foreign markets, fhe de-
prived them of tlie opportunity of realizing, in their full extent,
the advantages for trade which nature has given them.

The late war, which brought about the feparation from Great
Britain, threw the commercial affairs of America into great con-
fufion. The powers of the old confederation were unequal to
the complete execution of any meafures, calculated effeftually to
recover them from thefir deranged fituation. Through w^nt of
power in the oH Congrefs to colleft a revenue for the difcharge of
their foreign and domeftic debt, their credit was deftroyed, and
irade of confequencc greatly embarrafled. Each flate, in her de-
fultory regulations of trade, regarded her own intereft, while that

of the union was neolefted. And io different were the interefts
o

of the feveral ftates, that their laws refpefting trade often clafh-
ed with each other, and \yere produftive of unhappy confequen-
ces. The large commercial States had it in their power to opprefs
their neighbours; and in fome infhances this power was direftly
or indireftly exercifed, Thefe impolitic and unjuftifiable regu-
lations, formed on the imprelTion of the moment, and proceeding
from no uniform or permanent principles, excited unhappy jea-
lousies between tlie clafliing States, and occafioned frequent ftag-
nations in their trade, and in fome inftances, a fecrecy in their
commercial policy. But the wife meafures which have been
adopted by Congrefs^ under the prefent efficient government of
the United States, have extricated them almofl entirely from thefc
embarraffments, and put a new and pleafmg face upon tlieir pub-
lic affairs. Inverted with the adequate powers, Congrefs have
formed a fyftem of commercial regulations, which enable them to
meet the oppofers of their trade upon their own ground ; a fyftem
which has placed their commerce on a refpeftable, uniform, and
intelligible footing, acLipted to promote the general interefts of
the union, with the fmalleft injury to the individual States.

The countries with which the United States have had their
chief commercial intercourle are Spain, Portugal, France, Great
Britain, the United Nethherlands, Denmark, and Sweden, and
their American poffclfions, Ruffui, &c. &c. &c. and the articles

i-jo

GENERAL DESCRIPTION

of export which conftitute, at prefent, the bafis of that commerce
are as follows :

ORES, METALS, &C.

Copper Ore

Sheet

Manufaftured
Iron, the ton

. Pig

Shot for cannon

Bar

Nail rods, &c.

Hoops
Axes
Hoes

Drawing knives
Scythes

Locks and bolts
Shovels

Skimmers and ladles

Anchors

Grapnails

Mufkets

Cutlaffes

Knives and forks

Chefts of carpenters tools

Nails
Waggon boxes

Pots, kettles, and other caftinga
Cannon

Swivels

Shot for cannon

Lead, Sheet

Pig

Shot

KAVAL STORES.

Hemp

Cables and cordage

Pitch

Tar

Rofin

Turpentine
Sail cloth

PROVISIONS.

Rice

Flour

Ship fluff

Rye meal

Indian meal

Buckwheat meal

Oat meal

Muflard

Bread

Beef

Pork

Crackers

Hams and bacon

Venifon and mutton hams.

Dried fifh

Pickled filh

Cheefe

Lard

Butter

Saufages

Carcafes of mutton

Neats tongues

Oyfhers pickled

Potatoes

Onions

Other vegetable';.

Reeds

OF THE UNITED STATES.

SPIRITS, WINES, &C.

271

Molaffes

Madeira and other wine

Rum, American

Bottled ditto

Rum, Weft India

Vinegar

Brandy

EfTence of Spruce

Brandy, Peach

Beer

Gin

Ale

Ditto

Porter

Ditto

Ditto bottled

Cordials

LIVE STOCK.

Horned Cattle

Deer

Horfes

Hogs

Mules

Poultry

Sheep

DRUGS, MEDICINES, &C.

Glauber falts Saffafras wood or root

Pink, China and fnake root Genfang, &c. &c.
Saffafras bark

,

GROCERIES.

Caflia and cinnamon

Cocoa

Cloves

Chocolate

Pimento

Brown fugar

Pepper

Loaf fugar

Sago

Other fugars

Teas

Raifins

Coffee

GRAIN

SEEDS AND PULSI

Wheat

Madder

Rye

Garden feeds

Barley

Hay feed

Indian corn

Muftard feed

Oats

Cotton feed

Buck wheat

Flax feed

Peas and beans

SKINS

AND FURS.

Buffalo and cow hides

Beaver

Morocco

Martin

GENERAL DESCRIPTION''

f Skins and Furs contiyiucd.J

Calf in hair

Moufe and elk

Deer (kins

Seals

Bear, wolfe, and tyger

Otter

Raccoon,

Mink

Mufqviafli

Cat

Fox

Wolvcrcn

Squirrel, and

Sundry other {kins and furs.

■SADLERY, AND OTHER ARTICLES IN LEATHER.

Saddles, mens* Shoes, mens' and womens'

Bridles Boots

Whips Boot legs

Coach and other carriage hainefs Leather tanned and dreffed

Waggon and cart geers

TIMBER WORK,

Frames of veflels
fnows
boats

Frames of houfes

windows and doors

Tables
Bedfteads
Defks
Bureaus

Sophas and fettees

Coacliei,
Chariots.

HOUSE FURNITURE.

Clocks
Clock cafes
Chefts

Chairs, Windiu.
Chairs, Rufh

CARR lACES.

Phaetons, &c.
Waggons and cart>

Staves and heading

Shingles

Shook cafks

Cafks

Laths

Hoops

Hoop-poles

Mafts

Bowfpiits

Booms

Spars

Boxes and brakes

Blocks

Oars

Oars rafter^

Trunncls

Cedar and oak knees

Breafl hooks

Carlings

Anchor flocks

Cedar pofts

Oak boards aud plans.

OF THE UNITED STATES,

273

(Wood continued.)
Pine balk

Pine boards and plank
Ma ft hoops
Axe helves
Trufs hoops

Yokes and bowes for oxen
Lock ftocks
Worm tubs
Wheel barrows
Waggon and cart \vheels

Hand fpikes

Pumps

Other boards and plank

Scantling

C rOak, pine, &c,
1 <^ Ditto, ditto
{vU |_ Mahogany
Lignum vitae
Logwood and nicaragua
Mohogany, logwood, &c.
Oak, pine, &c. [kory, &c. Spokes and Fellies
Cards of Oak, pine, hie- Spinning wheels
Ditto of oak bark Tubs, pails, &c.

Oak bark, ground Bowls, difhes, platters, &c.

SUNDRIES.

Afhes, pot

Nutts

Afhes, pearl

Oil whale

Apples

Oil fpermaceti

Bricks

Oil linfeed

Boats

Spirits of turpentine

Bellows for fniiths

Porcelain or china ware

Brimftone

Powder, gun

Blacking or lampblack

Powder, hail-

Bayberries

Pomatum

Cider

Paints

Ditto bottled

.Pipes

Chalk

Printing prefTes

Cotton

Printing types

Candles, myrtle wax

Plaifter of paris

Wax

Soap

Tallow

Starch

Spermaceti

Snuff

Coals

Steel

Craneberries

Silk, raw-

Corks

Silver, old ^

Corn-fans

Salt

Duck Ruffia

Stone ware

Canes and walking-fticks

Feathers

American cotton & wool-cards Flints

Flax

Grindftones

Glafs ware

Nankeens

Vol. L

N X

274 GENERAL DESCRIPTION^

C Sundries continued. J

Ditto for windows Ditto manufadlured

Honey Tallow

Hops Twine

Ilay Towcloth

Hats Toys for children

Horns Tin

Horntips Ditto manufaflured

Indigo Varnifli

Lime Whalebone, &c.

Yellow or queen's ware Wax, bees

Tobacco Myrtle, &c.

The proportion of their exports, and their value to the natiorui
before mentioned, and to their dominions refpeftively, as they
flood in the year 1791, is as follows.

SUMMARY OF ExpoRifs, Ending Sept. 31, 1791.

Dols, Cts.

To the dominions of Ruflia - - - SjST^

To the dominions of Sweden - - 21,866. 2

To the dominions of Denmark - - 277,273. 53

To the dominions of the United Netherlands - 1,634,825. 6

To the dominions of Great Britain - - 7;95354i8. 21
To the Imperial ports of the Aufti'ian Netherlands

and Germany - . _ 362,010. 21

To Hamburg, Bremen, and other Hanfe towns - 64,259. 25

To the dominions of France - - 4,298,762. 2&

To the dominions of Spain - - - 1,301,286. 95

To the dominions of Portugal - - 1,039,696. 47

To the Italian Ports - . . 31,726. 90

To Morocco - . - . 3,660. 50

To the Eafl Indies, generally - - 318,628. 46

To Africa, generally _ _ . 168,477, 9^

To the Weft Indies, generally - - 59:434- 36

To the North Weft Coaft of America - - 3,380.
To Europe and the Weft Indies for a market

To the above, add the amount of two quar-
terly returns afterwards received from Char- ^ 827,651.
lefton, Soutli Carolina.

18,399,202 45

}

'-9^-

n,57h55^' 45

OF THE UNITED STATES. 275

The exports of the year ending 30th September 1792, amount-
ed in value to twenty-one millions, five thoufand five hundred
and fixty-eight pounds, from which time they have been gradur
ally on the increafe.

The exports of the year ending 50th September 1793, amount-
ed to 26,000,000 of dollars, being an excefs of 5,000,000 above
the preceding year.

The exports of the year ending 30th September 1794, exceeded
30,000,000 of dollars.

Mr. Tench Coxe in his View of the United States, fays, that
" Lefs than half the fhips and veffels belonging to the United
States, are fufficient to tranfport all the commodities they con-
fume or import."

The imports of America, confift moftly of articles on which
European induftry has been exhaufled, an idea of their extent,
as well 3S of that of the American navigation, depending on tlieir
commerce, will appear by the following tables, containing ab-
ftrafts of duties on the imports, and on the tonnage of veffels en-
tered into the different ports of the United States, in the yegf
1791.

SUMMARY
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O Bt

28o GENERAL DESCRIPTION'

It may be heceffary here to notice the principal reflri6lionsj
impofitions, and prohibitions fuftained' by the United States in
their trade with the different European kingdoms, in contraft
\vith thofe fuftained by them in their trade with the Britifll
Dominions.

Of their commercial objcfts, Spain receives favorably, their
bread, ftuff, laltcd fifh, wood, fhips, tar, pitch, and turpentine.
On their meals, however, as well as on thofe of other foreign
countries, when re-exported on their colonies, they have lately
impofed duties, of from half a dollar to two dollars the barrel,
the duties being fo proportioned to the current price of their owri
flour, as that both together are to make the Conftant fum of nine
dollars per barrel.

They do not difcourage tlie rice, pot and pearl afli, falted provi-
fions, or whale oil of the United States ; but thefe articles being
in fmall demand at their markets, are carried thither but in a fmall
degree. Their demand for rice, however, is increafing. Nei-
ther tobacco, nor indigo are received there. American commerce
is permitted with their Canary Iflands, under the fame con-
ditions.

The Spaniards, and their colonies, are the aftual confumers of
what they receive from the United States.

The navigation of the United States is free with the kingdora
of Spain ; foreign goods being received there in their fhips; on
the fame conditions as if carried in their own, or in the veffels of
the colintry of which fuch goods are the manufafture or produce,
Portugal receives favourably American grain, bread, falted
fifh, and other falted provilions, wood, tar, pitch and turpentine.
For flax-feed, pot and pearl-aih, though not difcouraged there is
little demand.

American fhips pay 20 per cent, on being fold to Portuguefe
fubjcfts, and are then free bottoms.

Foreign goods, except thofe of the Eaft Indies, arc received on
the fame footing in American veffels, as in their own, or any
others ; that is to fay, on general duties of from twentv to twenty-
eight per cent, and confequently their navigation is unobftrufted
by them. Tobacco, rice and meals are prohibited.

The Portuguefe and their colonies confume what they receive
from the American States.

Thefe regulations extend to the Azores, Madeira, and the Cape
de Verd iflands, except that in thefe, meals and rice are received
freely.

France receives favourably American bread ftuff, rice, wood,
pot and pearl afhes.

A duty of five fous the kental, or nearly four an half cents 13

OF THE UNITED STATES. 281

paid on American tar, pitch, and turpentine. Whale oils pay-
fix livres the kental, and are the only foreign whale oils admitted.
Of the ftates, indigo pays five livres on the kental ; their own
two and an half : but a difference of quality, ftill more than a
difference of duty, prevents its I'eeking that market.

Salted beef is received freely for re-exportation, but if for
home confumption, it pays five livres the kental. Other falted
provifions pay that duty in all cales, and falted fifh is made late-
ly to pay the prohibitory one of twenty livres in the kental.

American fhips are free to carry to France all foreign goods
which may be carried in their own or any other veffels, except
tobaccoes not the growth of the ftates ; and they participate with
the French Iliips in the excluiive carriage of whale oils and to-
baccoes.

During their former government, the tobacco was under a
monopoly ; but paid no duties, and American fhips were freely
fold in their ports, and converted into national bottoms. , The
firft national affembly took from American fhips this privilege :
they emancipated tobacco from its monopoly, but fubjefted it to
duties of eighteen livres fifteen lous the kental, carried in their
own, and twenty-five livres if carried in American veffels, a dif-
ference more than equal to the freight of the article.

The French nation have however offered to enter into a new
treaty of commerce with the United States on more liberal terms
and in the mean time have relaxed fome of the above reftraints
and feveritieSo

Great Britain receives from the ftateS pot and pearl afhes
freej while thofe of other nations pay a duty of two fhillingsand
♦.hree-pence the kental. There is an equal diftinftion in favour
of their bar iron, of which article, however, they do not pro-
duce enough for their ovv'n ufe. Woods are free from America^
whilft they pay forhe fmall duty from other countries. Their
tar and pitch pay iid. fterling the barrel; from other alien
countries they pay about a penny and a third more.

Their tobacco, for Britifh confumption, pay is. 3d, fterling
the pound, cuftorri and cxcife, befides heavy expences of collec-
tion. And rice, in the fame cafe, pays -ys. 4d. ^fterling the hun-
dred weight ; which, rendering it too dear as an article of com-
mon foodj it is confequently ufed in very fmall quantity.

The falted fifli, and other falted provifions of the United States,
except bacon, are prohibited. Bacon and whale oil are under
prohibitory duties ; io are the grains, meals, and bread, as to our
internal confumptions unlefs in times of fuch fcarcity as may vaife

O o

Vol. I,

2^2 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

the price of wheat to 50s. f];eiling the quarter, and other grains
and meals in proportion.

American fliips, though purchafed and navigated by Britifli
fuhjcfts, are not permitted to be ulcd, even in our own trade
with them.

While the veffels of other nations are fecured by (landing laws,
tvhich cannot be ahcrcd, but by the concurrent will of the three
Branches of the Britifh Icgiflature, in bringing hither any pro-
duce or manufafture of the country to which they belong, which
may Be lawfully carried in any veffels, American fhips with the
lame prohibition of what is foreign, are further prohibited by a
ftanding law ( 1 2 Car. II. 28. i. 3,) from bringing hither all and
any of their own domeftic produftions and manufaftures, A fub-
fequent aft, indeed, has authorifed the executive power to per-
mit the carriage of their produftions in their own bottoms, at its
fole defcrction ; and the permifhon has been given from year to
vear by proclamation, but iubjcft every moment to be withdrawn
oh its fmgle will, in which event, American veflels having any
thing of the kind on board, ftand intcrdiftcd fiom the entry of all
Britifh ports. The difadvantage of a tenure which may be fo
fuddcnly difcontinued was experienced by the American mer-
chants on a late occahon, when an official notification that this
law would be Itriftly enforced, gave them juft apprchenfions for
the fate of their veilels and cargoes which they had difpatched or
deftined to the ports of Great Britain. The minifter indeed,
frankly expreffcd his perfonal conviftion that the words of the
order went farther than was intended, and fo he afterwards offi-
cially informed them ; but the cmbarrafTments of the moment
were real and great, and the poffibility of their renewal lays their
commerce to this country under the fame fpecies of difcourage-
ment as to other countries, where it is regulated by a fingle le-
giflator ; and the diftinftion is too remarkable not to be noticed,
that the navigation of the American States is excluded from the
fccurity of fixed laws, while that fccurity is given to the naviga-
tion of others.

American veffels pay in our ports is. gd. fterling per ton,
light and trinity dues, more than is paid by our own fliips, except
in the port of London, where they pay the fame as Britilh.

The greater part of v/hat we receive from them is re-exported
to ether countries, under the ulelels charges of an intermediate
dcpoiit and double voyage. From tables publilhed in London,
and compofed from the books of our cufl.om-houfes, it appears
that of the indigo imported here in the year 1773 — 4 — 5, one
4hird was re-exported ; and from a document of authority, wc

OF THE UNITED ST/ITES.

28'

iearn that of the rice and tobacco imported here before the war,
four-fiihs were re-exported. The quantities lent here for re-ex-
portation fmcc the w.ir, are confiderably diminilhcd, yet lefs fo
than rcafon and national intereft would diftate. The whole of
their grain is re-exported when wheat is below 50s. the quarter,
and other grains in proportion.

The principal fafts. relative to the quellion of reciprocity of
commercial regulations, between Great Britain and the United
States of America, have, by a gentleman who had accels to every
nccclLry information for the purpofe, been thrown into the form
of a table, wliich we will infett, in order that the citizens of one
country, and the fubjefts of the other, may have a clear and dii-
tin-B:. view of the fubjcft.

GREAT BRITAIN

THE U N' I T E D S f A T E S

Prohibits American vefTch
from entering into the ports of
feveral parts of her dominions,
viz. the Well Indies, Canada,
Nova Scotia, New Bruniwick,
Newfoundland, Cape Breton,
Hudfon's Bay, Honduras Bay,
and her Eaft India I'pice mark-
et.

She impofes double light mo-
ney on American vclfels in moft
of her ports.

She prohibits the navigating
ad libitum, of American veifels
by native or other fe.imen.

She prohibits the employ-
ment of American built fhips
by her own citizens, in many
branches of trade, upon any
terms.

She charges a duty on Ame-
rican fail cloth, made up in the
United States for Britifh fhips.

She prohibits the importati-
on of goods from feveral parts
of her dominions into others,
in American veffels, upon any
icrms.

She prohibits the importation

Oo

Admit Britifli veffels into all
their ports, iubjcQ;to a tonnage
duty of 44 cents, or 24 fterling
pence, more than American veU
Icls, and an addition of one tenth
to the amount of the impoll ac-
cruing on their cargoes.

They do not impofe extra
light money on Britifli veifels
in any of their ports.

They adrnit the navigating of
Britifh vellels by native or other
feamen, ad libituvi.

They admit the employment
of Britifh built fhips by Englifh
fubjefts, in every branch of
trade, upon the terms of 44 cents
extra per ton, and one tenth
extra on the impoft arifing from
their cargoes.

They do not charge a duty on
Britifli fail cloth, made up in
G. Britain for American fhips.

They admit the importation
of. goods from any part of their
dominions into another, in Bri-
tifh veffels, on the terms of 44
cents per ton extra on the vcfTel.
They admit the importation of

£84

GENERAL DESCRIPTION.

GREAT BRITAIN.

goods into Great Britain, by
American vellcls, from any
other country thaji the United
States.

She prohibits the importation
into Great Britain from the
United States, by American vef-
fcls, of all goods not produced
by the United States.

She prohibits the importation
of any goods previoufiy brought
into the United States, from
the faid States into Great Bri-
tain, even in Britifh veffcls.

She prohibits the exportation
pf feveral articles from Great
Britain to the United States.

She lay s duties of various rates
upon the exportation of many
articles to the United States.

She prohibits the importation
of all manufaftures from the
United States, into her European
dominions, and her colonies, un-
lefs it be fome very Iimple pre-
parations anddecoclions, requi-
site to her navy, fliippi^ig, and
manufaftures.

She impofes very confider-
able duties upon fome of the ag-
'/kidtural produftions of the
United States, and excludes o-
thers by duties equal to their
value.

THE UNITED STATES.

goods into the United States, ir^
Britifli vcffels, from every coun-
try whatever.

They do not prohibit the
importation into the United
States from Great Britain, by
Britifh vefTels, of any goods not
produced by Great Britain.

They do not prohibit the
importation of any goods pre-
vioufiy brought into Great Bri-
tain, from that kingdom into
the United States, in either Bri-
tifh or American bottoms.

They do not proliibit the ex-
portation of any article from
the United States to Great Bri-
tain.

They do not lay a duty on
the exportation of any article
whatever to Great Britain.

They do not prohibit the im-
portation of any manufafturp
whatever from Great Britain.

They impofe moderate du-
ties, lower than any other fo-
reign nation by 2, 3, and 4 for
pne, on the produce and manu-
factures of Great Britain, ex-
cept in a very few in (lances,
and excUide icarcely any arti-
cles by duties equal to their
value.

She prohibits, for confider- They prohibit none of the

able terms of time, fome of the agricultural produftions of Go
Drincipal agricultural produc- Britain or her dominions,
tions of the United States, and
others at all times.

OF THE UNITED STATES.

Ǥ5

GREAT BRITAIN

It is undcrftoocl that by trca-
|y fhe grants iome favours,
yhich are not extended to the
United States.

She pio])ibits the importation
of iomc American articles, in
American fhips, or nny but Bri-
tilh fiups, into her European
dominions.

She does not perriiit an Ame-
rica.!. ciLizen to import goods
inio Iome of her dominions,
and to leil them there, even in
Britilh velielb. In other parts
of her dominions, Ihe lays an
pxtra tax on him, or his fales.

She inipoies heavy duties on
cercin articici of the produce
of thr; American fiflieries, and
m; jpportable duties on others,
in iome parts of her dominions ;
pna m other parts, Ihe prohibits
their importation.

She prohibits the confump-
tion ol iome American articles,
of winch file permits the im-
portariun.

She prohibits tiie importa-
tion of American articles'from
foreign countries into the Bri-
tilh dominions, even in her own

ihlGS.

THE UNITED STATES

They treat Great Britain 35
favourable as any nation what-
ever, as to fhips, imports, and
exports, and in all other re-
fpcfts.

They do not prohibit the im-
portation of any Britifli article
in Britifli veffels, or any bu(
American veffels.

They permit a Britifli fubjeQ:
to import goods into all their
ports, in any veffels, and to fell
them there without any extra
tax on him, or his lales.

They impofe only five per
cent, on the produce of the
Britifh fifheries, which duty is
drawn back on exportation and
admit every article derived
from them.

They do not prohibit the
coniumption of any Britifli ar-
ticle whatever.

They do not prohibit the im-
portation of Britifh articles
from foreign countries in any
fliips.

Befides thefc advantages, which Great Britain derives from the
commuixe of America, there is no country that contributes {o
jnuch to the fupport of her navy as the United States, by the em-
ploy.nent they give to her fhips. From Auguft 1789, to Augufl
1790, no lels tlicin 230,000 tons of Britifli veffels cleared from
theic States; which much exceeds the quantity of veffels flie cm-
ployed the lame year in the Ruffian trade. — The whole Baltic trade
of Great Brituin, with all the countries of the various powers
that lie within the Sound, important as it is to her, does not fill
more. Her trade with Holland, France, Spain, and Portugal,
does not altogether employ as many veffels. — Her whole fiflieries
American colqnial trade, and Wefl India trade, do not employ

s86 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

and load more. And how, it may be afkcd, are the United
States requited for tlius ftrengthening the acknowledged bulwark
of Great Britain, by annually giving a complete lading to the
unequalled quantity of 230,000 tons of her private veU'els i*
Their fliips are leizcd, and detained, in the regular courfe of her
trade ; and their feamen are impreifed from their fervice, in or-
der to fight againft their friends and aUies !

The United Netherlands prohibit the pickled beef, pork,
meals and bread of all forts, comii.g from the United Stales, and
lay prohibitory duty on their fpirits diltillcd from grain.

All other of their produftions are received on varied duties,
which may be reckoned on a medium at about three per cent.

The United Netherlands conlumc but a fmall proportion of
what they receive from America ; the refidue is partly forward-
ed for confumption to the inland parts of Europe, and partly re-
fhipped to the other maritime countries. On the latter portion
they intercept between the Americans and the confumer, fo much
of the value as is abforbed by the charges attending an interme-
diate depofit.

P'oreign goods, except feme Eaft India articles, are received by
them in vcficls of any nation.

American fhips may be iold and naturalized there with exccj^-
tions of one or two privileges, which lomewhat IciTen their
value.

Denmark lays confiderablc duties on the tobacco and rice of
the United States, even if carried in their own vcllels; and
Iialf as much more if carried in theirs, but the exaft amount of
thefe duties is not perfeftly known here. They lay fuch as
amount to prohibitions on American ikidigo and corn,

Sweden receives favourably grains and meals, falted provi-
fions, indigo, and whale oil, from the United States.

They lubjefl their rice to dulies of fixteen mills the pound
weight, carried in their own velfels, and of forty per cent, addi-
tional on that, or 2?.,4io mills, carried in American or any
others. Being thus rendered too dear as an article of common
food, little of it is confumed with them. They confume more of
their tobaccoes, v/hich they take circuitoufly through Great Bri-
tain, levying heavy duties on them alfo ; their duties of entry,
town duties, and excifc, being four dollars, thirty-four cents the
hundred weight, if carried in ihcir own veflcls, and of forty
per cent, on that additional, if carded in American or any other
vefTels.

They prohibit akogcthci", American bread, fidi, pot and pearl'
afiics, flax-feed, tar, pitch, and turpentine, wood, except oak tim-
ber and mail, and all foreign manufaftur-^s.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 2^7

Under fo many reflriftions and prohibitions, the navigation of
America with them, is reduced almoft, to nothing.

With the neighbours of the States, an order of things much
harder preients itfelf.

Spain and Portugal refufe to thofc parts of America which
tliey govern, all direft intercourfe with any people but them-
felves. The commodities in mutual demand between them and
their neighbours mull be carried to be exclisnged in fome port of
the dominant country, and the tranfportation between that and
the fubjcft flate, mud be in a domeftic bottom.

France, by a {landing law, permitted her Weft India poffef-
lions, prior to the war, to receive direftly, vegetables, live pro-
vifions, horfes, wood, tar, pitch, turpentine, rice and maize, from
the States, and prohibited their other bread ftuff ; but a I'ufpcn-
fion of this prohibition having been left to the colonial legiflatures
in times of fcarcity, it was fufpen-ded occafionally, but latterly
without interruption.

American frefh and falted provifions, except pork, was receiv-
ed in their iflands under a duty of three colonial livres the kent-
al, and their veffels were as free as their own to carry their
commodities thither, and to bring away rum and molalTes.

Great Britain admits in her iflands, American vegetables,
live provifions, horfes, wood, tar, pitch, turpentine, rice, and
bread ftuff, by a proclamation of the executive power, limited
always to the term of a ^^ear. She prohibits their falted fifli,
and other falted provifions : fhe does not permit their veffels to
carry thither their own produce. Her veft"els alone may take It
from them, and bring in exchange, rum, molafl"es, fugar, coffee,
cocoa-nuts, ginger, and pimento. There are, indeed, fome
freedoms in the ifland of Dominica, but under fuch circumftances
as to be little ufed by the Americans. In the Britifli continen-
tal colonies, and in Newfoundland, all their produflions are pro-
hibited, and their veffels forbidden to enter the ports ; the go-
vernors however, in times of diftrcfs, have power to permit a
temporary importation of certain articles in their own bottoms,
but not in tlioi'e of the Americans.

American citizens cannot refide as merchants or faftors within
any of the Britifh plantations, this being exprefsly prohibited by
^he fame ftatute of i 2 Car. II. c. 18, commonly called the Na-
X'igation aft.

In the Danifh-Amcrlcan poffeffions, a duty of five per cent.
IS levied on the corn, corn-meal, rice, tobacco, wood, falted fiflr,
indigo, horfes, mules, and live ftock of the United States, and of
ton per cent, on their flo'ir, ialted pork, and beef, tar, pitch, and
turpentine.

i»8 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

In the American iflands of the United Netherlands and
Sweden, their veflels and produce are received, iubjeft to du-
ties, not fo heavy as to have been complained of; but they are
heavier in the Dutch poffeflions on the continent.

To fum up thele ReftriBions, fo far as they are important :

In Europe;

American bread ftufF is at mod times under prohibitory duties
in England, and confiderably dutied on exportation from Spain
to her colonies.

Their tobaccoes arc heavily dutied in England, Sweden, and
France, and prohibited in Spain and Portugal.

Their rice is heavily dutied in England and Sweden, and pro-
hibited in Portugal.

Their fifh and faked provifions afe prohibited in England, and
under prohibitory duties in France.

Their whale-oils are prohibited in England and Portugal.

And their veffels are denied naturalization in England, and of
late in France,

In the West I.N'DjfES.

All intercourfe is prohibited with the pofleffions of Spain and
Portugal.

Their falted provifions and fifh are prohibited by England.

Their falted pork, and bread fluff, except maize, arc received
under temporary laws only, in the dominions of France, and
their falted fifh pays theie a weighty duty.

In the article of Navigation.

The carriage of their own tobacco is heavily dutied in Sweden,
and lately in France.

They can carry no article, not of their own produftion, to the;
Britifh ports in Europe.

Nor even their own produce to her American pofTefTions.

Such being the reftnftions on the commerce and navigation of
the United States, the queflion is, in what way they may beft be
removed, modified, or counterafted ?

As to commerce, two methods occui;, By friendly arrange-
ments v/ith the feveral nations with whom thcR- rpflriftions exifl:
or. By the feparate a£l of their own legiflatuies for countervail-
ing their effects.

There can be no doubt, but that of thcfc two, friendly arrange-
ment is the moft eligible. Inflead of cmbarrafTing commerce

OF THE UNITED STATES. 2^9

tinder piles of regulating laws, duties and prohibitions, could it
be relieved from all its fhackles in all parts of the world — could
eveiy country be employed in producing that which nature has
beft fitted it to produce, and each be free to exchange with
others mutual furplulles for mutual wants, the greateft mafs poITi-
ble would then be produced of thofe things which contribute to
human life and human happincfs ; the numbers of mankind
would be increafed, and their condition bettered.

Would even a fingle nation begin with the United States this
fyftcm of free commerce, it would be advifcable to begin it with
that nation ; flnce it is one by one only that it can be extended
to all. Where the circumftances of either party render it expe-
dient to levy a revenue, by way of impoll, on conlmerce, its free-
dom might be modified, in that particular, by mutual and equiva-
lent meafures, preferving it entire in all others.

Some nations, not yet ripe for free commerce, in all its extent,
might flill be willing to mollify its reflriftions and regulations for
them in proportion to the advantages which an intercourfc with
them might ofFer. Particularly they might concur with them in
reciprocating the duties to be levied on each fide, or in compen-
fating any excefs of duty, by equivalent advantages of another
nature. Their commerce is certainly of a character to entitle it
to favour in mofh countries. The commodities they offer, are
either neceflaries of life, or materials for munufafture ; or con-
venient fubjefts of revenue ; and they take in exchange, either
manu failures, when they have received the lafh finifli of art and.
induflry, oi* mere luxuries. Such cuftomers may realonably ex-
peft welcome, and friendly treatment at every market ; cuftomers
too, whofe demands, increafing with their wealth and population^
muft very fhortly give full employment to the whole induftry of
any nation whatever, in any line of fupply they may get into the
habit of calling for, from it.

But fhould any nation, contrary to their wifhes, fuppofc it may
better find its advantage by continuing its fyflem of prohibitions,
duties, and regulations, it behoves them to protefl their citizens,
their commerce and navigation, by counter-prohibitions, duties
and regulations alfo. Free commerce and navigation are not to
be given in exchange for reftriftions and vexations ; nor are tlicy ,
likely to produce a relaxation of them.

Their navigation involves ftill higher confiderations. As a
branch of induftry, it is valuable ; but, as a refource, eftential.

Its value, as a branch of induftry, is enhanced by the depen-
dence of fo many other branches on it. In times of general peace
it multiplies competitors for employment in tranfportation, and:

P P

ago GENERAL DESCRIPTION

fo keeps that at its proper level ; and in times of war, that is ia
lay, when thofe nations who may be their principal carriers, fhall
be at war with each other, if they have not within themfelves the
means of tranfportation, their produce mufl be exported in bel-
ligerent vefiels, at the incrcnfed expcnce of %var-freight and in-
fu ranee, and the articles which will nut bear that, muft perifli on ■
their hands.

But it is as a refource for defence that their navigation will
admit neither tiegleft nor forbearance. The pofition and circum-
ilanccs of the United States leave them nothing to fear on their
land, and nothing to defire beyond their prefent rights. But or>
the lea they are open to injury, and they have there, too, a com-
merce which mufl be proteftcd. This can only be done by
poffcning a relpeftablc body of citizen-seamen, and of artifts
and eflablirtiments iri readinels for Ihip-buildirtg.

Were the ocean, which is the common property of all, open
to the induftry of all, fo that every perfon and veffel fliould be
free to take employment wherever it could be found, the United
States would, certainly not fet the example of appropriating to
themfelves, exclufively, any portion of the common ftock of oc-
cupation. They would rely on the enterprize and aftivity of
their citizens for a due participation of the benefits of the fea-
faring bufinefs, and for keeping the marine clafs of citizens equal
to their objeft. But if particular nations grafp at undue fhares,
and more efpecially if they leize on the means of the United
States to convert them into aliment for their own ftrength, and
withdraw them entirely from the fupport of thofe to whom they
belong, defenfive and protefting meafures become ncceflary on
the part of the nation whole marine refources are thus invaded,
or it will be difarmed of its defence ; its produftions will lie at
the mercy o"f the nation which has poffefTed itfclf exclufively of
the means of carrying them, and its politics may be influenced
by thofe who command its commerce. The carriage of their
own commodities, if once eftablifhcd in another channel, cannot
be refumed in the moment they may defire. If they lofe the fea-
men and artifts whom it now occupies, they lofe the prefent
means of marine defence, and time will be requilitc to raifc up
Others, when difgrace or loffes fhall bring home to their feelings
the error of having abandoned them. The materials for main-
taining their due fliare of navigation are theirs in abundance ; and
as to the mode of ufing them, they have only to adopt the prin-
ciples of thofe who thus put them on the defenfive, or others
equivalent and better fitted to their circumftances.

. The following principles being founded in reciprocity, appear
perftdly juft, a^d offer no caufe of complaint to any natioa.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 291

ill. Where a nation impofes high duties on their produftions,
•nr prohibits them aUogcther, it may be proper for them to do the
fame by theirs, firft; hurthening or excluding thofe produtlions
which they carry there in competition with their own of the
lame kind ; felc£ting next fuch manufaftures as they take from
them in grcatell quantity, and which at the fame time they could
the fooneft furnifh to themfelves, or obtain from other countries ;
impofing on them duties lighter at firft, but heavier and heavier
afterwards, as other channels of lupply open. Such duties hav-
ing the cffeft of indireft encouragement to domeftic manufa<£lurcs
of the fame kind, may induce the manufafturei, to come himfelf
into thcfe States ; where cheaper lubfiftence, equal laws, and a
vent of his wares, free of duty, may cnlurc him the highcft profits
from his fkill and induftry. And here it would be in the power
of the ftate governments to co-operate cf['entiaily, by opening the
relources ^f encouragement which are under their controul, ex-
tending them liberally to artifts in thole particular branches of
manufafture, for which their foil, climate, population, and other
circumftances have matured them, and foftering the precious
efforts and progrels of houfehold manufafture by fome patronage
fuited to the nature of its objefts, guided by the local informa-
tions they poffefs, and guarded againft abufe by their prefence and
attentions. The opprelTions on their agriculture in foreign ports
would thus be made the occafion of relieving it from a depen-
dence on the councils and conduft of others, and of promoting
arts, manufaftures, and population among themfelves.

?,d. Where a nation refufes permifBon to thei;.- merchants and
faftors to refide within certain parts of their dominions, they may
if it fliould be thought expedient, refufe refidence to theirs, in
any and every part of the ftates, or modify their tranfaftions.

3d. Where a nation refufes to receive in their vefTcls any pro-
duftions but their own, they may refuie to receive, in theirs, any
but their own produftions.

4th. Where a nation refufes to confider any veffel as belongs
ing to the United States, which has not been built within their
territories, they fhould refufe to confider as belonging to them
any veffel not built within their territories.

5th. Where a nation refufes to their vefTels the carriage even
of their own produftions to certain countries under their domina-
tion, they might refufe to theirs, of every defcription, the car-
risge of the fame productions to the fame countries. But as juf-
tice and good neighbourhood would diftate, that thofe who have
no part in impofing the rellriftion on them, fhould not be the vic-

P p 2

892 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

tims of the meafures adopted to defeat its effeft, it may be prop-
er to confine the reflriclions to vefTels owned or navigated 'oy any
fubjefts of the fame dominant power, other than the inhabitants of
the country to which the faid produftions are to be carried. —
And to prevent all inconvenience to the faid inhabitants, and to
their own, by too fudden a check on the means of tranfportation,
they may continue to admit the veflcls marked for future exclu-
fion, on an advanced tonnage, and for fuch length of time only, as
may be fuppo!"ed neceffary to provide againft that inconvenience.

The eflablifhment of I'ome of thefe principles by Great Britain
alone, has already loft the Americans, in their commerce with
that country and its poiTeiTions, between eight and nine hundred
vefTels of near 40,000 tons burthen, according to ftatements from
official materials. This involves a proportional lofs of feamcn,
fhipwrights, and fhip building, and is too ferious a lofs to admit
forbearance of fome dffeftual remedy.

It is true they muft expeft fome inconvenience in praftice, from
the eftablilhment of difcriminating duties. Btit in this, as in fo
many other cafes, they are left to chufe between two evils. Thefe,
inconveniences are nothing when weighed againft the lofs of
■wealth and lofs of force, which will follow their perfeverance in
the plan of indifcrimination. — When once it fliall be perceived,
that they arc either in the fyftem or the habit of giving equal ad-
vantages to thoie who extinguilh their commerce and navigation,
by duties and prohibitions as to thofe who treat both with libe-
rality and juflice, liberality andjuftice will be converted by all into
duties and prohibitions. It is not to the moderation and juftice of
others that thev are to iruft for fair and equal accefs to market with
their produft'ions, or for their due fhare in the tranfportation of
them; but to their means 9f independence, and the firm will to ufe
them. Nor do the inconveniences of difcrimination mrrit confi-
deration. Not one of the nations beforemcntioned, perhaps, not
a commercial nation on earth, is without them. In their cafe,
one diftiaftioa alone will fuffice; that is to fay, between nations
who favo'-ir their produftions and navigation, and thofe who do
not favour them. One let of moderate duties, fay the prefent
duties, for the firft, and a fixed advance on thefe as to fome arti-
cle, and prohibitions as to others, for the lafl.

Still muft it be repeated, that friendly arrangements are prefer-
able with all who will come into them ; and that they fliould carry
into fuch arrangements, all the liberality and fpirit of accommo-
dation, which the nature of the cafe will admit.

France has, of her own accord, propofed negociations for im-
proving, by a new treaty, on fair and equal principles, the com-
mercial relations of the two countries. But her internal diftur-

OF THE UNITED STATES. 293

bances have hitherto prevented the profecution of them to effcft,
though America has had repeated allurances of a continuance of
the dilpofition.

Propofals of friendly arrangement have been made on the part
of the United Slates, by the prefent government, to that of Great
Britain, but being ah-eadv on as good a footing in law, and a better
in faft, than the mofl favoured nation, they have not as yet dil-
covered any difpofition to attend to thofe overtures.

Vv'e have no reafon to conclude that friendly arrangements will
be declined by the other nations, with whom they have fuch com-
mercial.intercourle as may render them important. In the mean
while, it will reft with the wifdom of Congrefs to determine whe-
ther, as to thofe nations, they will not lurceale exparte regulations,
on the reafonable prefumption that they will concur in doing
vyhatevcr juftice and moderation diftate ftiould be done.

MANUFACTURES.

W E now come to the fubjeft of manufaftures, the expedi-
ency of encouraging of which in the United States, was not long
fmce deemed very quefhionable, but the advantages of which,
appear at this time to be generally admitted. The embarraffments
which have obftrufted the progrefs of their external trade with
European nations, have led them to ferious refleftions on the
neceflTity of enlarging the fphere of their domeftic commerce:
the reftnftive regulations which in foreign markets have abridg-
ed the vent of the increafing furplus of their agricultural produce,
have ferved to beget in them an earnefb defire, that a more ex-
tenfive demand for that furplus may be created at home : And the
complete fuccefs which has rewarded manufafturing enterprife, in
lonie valuable branches, confpiring with the promifing fymptoms
which attend fomc lefs mature effays in others, juflify a hope, that
the obftacles to the growth of this fpecies of induflry are lefs for-
midable than they were apprehended to be ; and that it is not
difficult to find, in its further extenfion, a full indemnification
for any external difadvantages, which are or maybe experienced,
as Vv'ell as an acceflion of reiources, favourable to national inde-
pendence and fafety.

There ftiil are, neverthelefs, among the Americans, many re-
fpeftable patrons of opinions unfriendly to the encouragement of
manufaftures. — The follov.'ing are, fubftantially, the arguments
by which thefe opinions are defended :

" In every country, fay thofe who entertain them, agriculture
is the mofl beneficial 3.Ti6. prodiiBive objeft of human induflry.
This pofition, generally, if not univerfally true, applies with
peculiar emphafis to the United States, on account of their im-

2.94 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

mcnfe trafts of fertile territory, uninhabited and unimproved.
Nothing can afford fo advantageous an employment for capital
and labour, as the converfion of this extcnfive wildernefs into
cultivated farms. Nothing, equally with this, can contribute to
the population, ftrength, and real riches of the country."

" To endeavour by the extraordinary patronage of governments
to accelerate the growth of manufafturcs, is, in fa6t, to endea-
vour, by force and art, to transfer the natural current of induftry,
from a more to a leis beneficial channel. Whatever has fuch a
tendency muft neceffarily be unwile: Indeed it can hardly ever
be wile in a government to attempt to give a dircftion to the in-
duftry of its citizens. This, under the quick-fighted guidance
of private intereft, will, if left to itfelf, infallibly find its own
way to the moft profitable employment ; and it is by fuch employ-
ment that the public prolperity will be mtaft effeftually promoted.
To leave induftry to itfelf, therefore, is, in almolt every cafe, the
founded as well as the fimpleft policy."

" This policy is not only recommended to the United States, by
confidcrations which affeft all nations; it is in a manner diftated
to them by the imperious force of a very peculiar fituation. The
fmallnci's of their population, compared with their territory, the
conilant allurements to emigration from the fettled to the unfettled
parts of the country; the facility with wiiich the lefs indepen-
dent condition of an artifan can be exchanged for the more inde-
pendent condition of a farmer; thcfe, and fimilar caufcs, conf'pirc
to produce, and for a length of time muft continue to occafion a
fcarcity of hands for manufacturing occupation, and dcarncfs of
labour generally. To theie dii'advantages for the profecution of
manufaftures, a deficiency of pecuniary capital being added, the
proi'pcft of a fuccefsful competition with the manufaftures of
Europe muft be regarded as little lefs than dcfperate. Extenfive
manufaftures can only be the offspring of a redundant, at Icaft of
a full population. Till the latter fhall charafterife the fituation
of this country, 'tis vain to hope for the former."

" If, contrary to the natural courfe of things, an unfcafonable
and premature fpring can be given to certain fabrics, by heavy
duties, prohibitions-, bounties, or by other forced expedients, this
will only be to facrificc the intercfts of the community to thofe
of particular claffes. Befides the mifdireftion of labour, a virtual
monopoly will be given to the perfons employed on fuch fabrics;
and an enhancement of price, the inevitable confequence of every
monopoly, muft be defrayed at the expence of the other parts of
the focicty. It is far preferable that thofe pcrfons fliould be
engaged in the cultivation of the earth, and that wc fhould pro-
cure, in exchange for its produftions, the commodities with

OF THE UNITED STATES. 295

which foreigners are able to fupply us in greater perfcftion, and
upon better terms."

This mode of reafoning is founded upon fafls and principles
which have certainly refpeftablc pretenfions. If it had governed
the conduft of nations more generally than it has done, there is
room to fuppofe, that it might have carried them fafter to prof-
perity and greatnefs than they have attained by the purfuit of
maxims too widely oppofite. Moft general theories, however,
admit of numerous exceptions, and there are few, if any, of the
political kind, which do not blend a confidcrable portion of error
with the trutlis they inculcate.

In order to form an accurate judgmeiit, how far that which
has been jull ftated ought to be deemed liable to a fimilar imputa-
tion, it is neceifary to advert carefully to the ronfiderations which
plead in favour of manufaftures, and which appear to recommend
the fpecial and positive encouragement of them, in certain cafes,
and under certain reafonable limitations.

It ought readily to be conceded, that the cultivation of the
earth, as the primary and moft certain fource of national fupply ;
is the immediate and chief fource of fubfiftence to man; as the
principal fource of thofe materials which conftitute the nutri-
ment of other kinds of labour ; as including a ftate moft favour-
able to the freedom and independence of the human mind ; one,
perhaps, mioft conducive to the multiplication of the human fpe-
cies; has intrinfically a ftrong claim to pre-eminence over every
other kind of induftry.

But that it has a title to any thing like an exclufive predilec-
tion in any country, oughfe to be admitted with great caution.
That it is even m;ore produftive than every other branch of indui-
try, requires more evidence than has yet been given in fupport
of the polition. That its real interefts, precious and impertant
as, without the help of exaggeration, they truly are, will be ad,-
vanced, rather than injured, by the due encouragement of manu-
faftures, may be fatisfaftorily demonftrated. And the expedien-
cy of fuch encouragement, in a general view, may be flicwn to
be recommended by the moft cogent and perluafive motives of
national policy.

It has been maintained, that agriculture is not only the moft
produftive, but the only productive fpecies of induftry. The
reality of this aflertion, in either refpeft, has, however, not been
verified by any accurate detail of fafts and calculations; and the
general arguments, which are adduced to prove it, are rather fub-
tlc and paradoxical, than folid or convincing.

Thofe which maintain its exclufive produftivenefs are to this
efteft: — Labour beftowed upon the cultivation of land produces

29^ GENERAL DESCRIPTION

enough, not only to replace all the ncceffary cxpences Incurred iri
the bufinefs, and to maintain the perfons who are emplovcd in it
but to afford, together with the ordinary profit on the (lock or
capital of the farmer, a nctt furplus, or rent for the landlord or
proprietor of the foil. But the labour of artificers does nothing
more than replace the flock v/hich employs them, or which fur-
nifhes materials, tools and wages, and yield tht ordinary profit upon
that ftock. It yields nothing equivalent to the rent of land; nei-
ther does it add any thing to tlie total value of the ivhole annual
produce of the land and labour of the country. The additional
value given to thofc parts of the produce of land, which arc
wrought into manufadures, is counterbalanced by the value of
thofe other parts of that produce which are confumed by the
manufafturers. It can therefore only be by faving, or parjimony,
not by the pofitive /ri96'«67/w«f/} of their labour, that the dalles'
of artificers can in any degree augment the revenue of fociety.

To this it has been anfwered, that inafmuch as it is acknow-
ledged that manufafturing labour re-produces a value equal to
th-at which is expended or confumed in carrying it on, and con-
tinues in exiftence the original ftock or capital employed, it ought
on that account alone to el'cape being confidered as wholly un-
produftive : that though it fliould be admitted, as allcd?ed, that
the confumption of the produce of the foil, by the claffes of arti-
ficers or manufafturers is exaftly equal to the value added by
their labour to the materials upon which it is exerted ; yet it would
not thence follow, that it added nothing to the revenue of the
fociety, or the aggregate value of the annual produce of its land
and labour. If the confumption for any given period amounted
\.o z given fum, and the increaftd value of the produce manufac-
tured in the fame period to a like fum, the total amount of the con-
fumption and produftion during that period would be equal tc^
the two f urns, and confequently double the value of the agricultu-
ral produce confumed. And though the increment of value pro-
duced by the clafles of artificers flrould at no time exceed the
value of the produce of the land confumed by them, yet there
would be at every moment, in confequence of their labour, a
greater value of goods in the market than would exifh indepcn-\
dent of it.

The pofition, that artificers can augment the revenue of a fo-
ciety only by parfimony, is true in no other fenfe than in one,
which is equally applicable to hufbandmen or cultivators. It
may be alike affirmed of all thefe claffes, that the fund acquired by
their labour, and dcftined for their fupport, is not, in an ordi-
naiy way, more than equal to it. And hence it will follow.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 297

that augmentations of the weahh or capital of the community,-
except in the inftance of fome extraordinary dexterity or fkill,
can only proceed, with refpeft to any of them, from the favmgs
of the more thrifty and parfimonious.

The annual produce of the land and labour of a country can
only be encreafed in two ways — by fome improvement in the
produ&ive powers of the ufeful labour, which a6lually exifts with-
in it, or by fome increafe in the quantity of fuch labour : that
with regard to the firft, the labour of artificers being capable
of greater fubdivifion and fimplicity of operation than that of
cultivators, it is fufceptible, in a proportionably greater degree,
of improvement in its produElive pozvers, whether to be derived
from an accelhon of fkill, or from the application of ingfenious
machinery ; in which particular,, therefore, the labour employed
in the culture of land can pretend to no advantage over that
engaged in manufaftures : that with regard to an augmentation
of the quantity of ufeful labour,, this, excluding adventitious
circumflances, mufh depend elfentially upon an increafe of capital^
which again muft depend upon the favings made out of the re-
venues of thofe who furnifh or manage that, which is at any
time employed, whether in agriculture, or in rnanufaftures, or in
any other way.

But while the exclufive produftivenefs of agricultural labour
has been thus denied and refuted, the fuperiority of its produc-
tivencfs has been conceded without hefttation. As this conceC-
fion involves a point of coniiderable magnitude, in relation to
maxims of public adminiftration, the grounds on which it refts
aix worthy of a diftinft and particular examination.

One of the arguments made ufe of, in fupport of the idea, may
be pronounced both quaint and fuperficial : it amounts to this —
that in the productions of the foil, nature co-operates with man;
and that the effeft of their joint labour muft be greater than that
of the labour of man alone.

This, however, is far from being a neceffary inference. It is
very conceivable, that the labour of man alone laid out upon a
work requiring great fkill and art to bring it to perfeftion, may
be more produflive in value, than the labour of nature and man
combined, when direfted towards more fimple operations and ob-
jects ; and when it is recolletled to what an extemt the agency of
nature, in the application of the mechanical powers, is made
auxiliary to the prolecution of manufaftures, the fuggeftioa which
has been noticed lofes even the appearance of plaufibility.

It might alfo be obfervcd, with a contrary view, that the
labour employed in agriculture is in a great meafure periodical

Vol. I. Q Q

298 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

and cccafional. depending on feafons, liable to various and lorrg
intermiflions; while that occupied in many manufactures is-
Gonflant and regular, extending through the year, embracing irk
lome inftances, night as well as day. It is alfo probable that
there are among the cultivators of land more examples of re-
milfnefs than among artificers. The fanner, from the peculiar
fertility of his land, or iome other favourable circumftances,
may freq:uently obtain a livelihood, even with a confiderable de-
gree of carelelsnels in the mode of cultivation ; but the artifan
can with great diffieulty effeft the lame objeft, without exerting
himfelf pretty equally with all thofe who are engaged in the fame
purl'uit. And if it may likewiie be allumed as a faft, that manu-
factures open a wider field to exertions of ingenuity than agricul-
ture, it would not be a ftrained conjefture, that the labour em-
ployed in the former, being at once more conftant, more uniform,
and more ingenious, than that which is employed in the latter,
will be found at the fame time more produftive.

But it is not meant to lay ftrefs on oblervations of this nature ;
they ought only to ferve as a counterbalance to thofe of a fimi-
lar complexion. Circumftances fo vague and general, as well as
fo abftraCl, can afford little inllruftion in a matter of this kind.

Another, and that which feems to be the principal argument
offered for the luperior produftivenefs of agricultural labour,
turns upon the allegation, that labour employed on manufactures
yields nothing equivalent to the rent of land; or to that nett
lurplus, as it is called, which accrues to the proprietor of the
foil.

But this diftinftion, important as it has been deemed, appears
rather verbal ih-a.nfubjlantiul.

It is eafily difcernible, that what in the firft inftance is divided
into two parts under tlie denomination of tlie ordinary profit of the
ftock of the frrmer and rent to the landlord, is in the fecond inflance
united under the general appellation of the ordinary profit on the
ilock of the undertaker; and that this formal or verbal diflri-
bution conftitutes the whole difference in the two cafes. It
feems to have been overlooked, that the land is itfelf a ftock or
capital, advanced or lent by its owner to the occupier or tenant,
and that the rent he receives is only the ordinary profit of a
certain ftock in land, not managed by the proprietor himfelf^
but by another to whom he lends or lets it, and who, on his part,
advances a fecond capital to ftock and improve the land, upon
which he alfo receives the ufual profit. The rent of the land-
lord and the profit of the farmer are therefore nothing more
than the erdinary profits of tioo capitals belonoing t» two difi'erent

GF THE UNITED STATES. 199

perfon.s, and united in the cultivation of a farm : as in the
other cafe, the furplus which arifes upon any manufaftory, after,
replacing the expences of carrying it on, anfwers to the ordi-
nary profits of one or more capitals engaged in the profccution of
fuch manufaftory. It is faid one or more capitals; becaufe in faft.
the fame thing which is contemplated in the cafe of the farm,
(omctimcs happens in that of a manuf itlory^ There is one who
furniflies part of the capital, or lends a part of the money, by
which it is carried on, and another who carries it on with the
addition of his own capital. Out of the furplus which remains,
after defraying expences, an interefh is paid to the money-lender
for the portion of the capital furniftied by him, which cxaftiy
agrees with the rent paid to the landlord; and the refidue of
that furplus conftitutes the profit of the undertaker or manu-
■fafturer, and agrees with what is denominated the ordinary
profits of the flock of the farmer. Both together make the
ordinary profits of two capitals employed in a manufaftory ; as
in the other ca(e the rent of the landlord and the revenue of
the farmer compofe the ordinary profits of two capitals, employ-
ed in the cultivation of a farm.

The rent therefore accruing to the proprietor of the land,
far from being a criterion of exclufive produftivenefs, as has been
argued, is no criterion e\'en of fuperior produftivenefs. The
queflion muft Hill be, whether the furplus, after defraying ex-
pences of a given capital, employed in the purchafr and improve-
ment of a piece of land, is greater or lefs than that of a
like capital employed in the profecution of a manufaftory ; or
whether the whole value produced from a given capital and a
given quantity of labour, employed in one way, be greater or
lefs than the whole value produced from an equal capital and an
equal quantity of labour employed in the other way ; or rather,
perhaps, v/hether the bufinefs of agriculture or that of manufac-
tures will yield the greateft produft, according to a compound
ratio of the quantity of the capital and the quantity of labour
which are employed in the one or in the other.

The folution of either of thefe queftions is not eafy ; it in-
volves numerous and complicated details, depending on an accu-
Tute knowledge of the objcfts to be compared. It is not known
that the comparifon has ever yet been made vipon futficient data
properly afcertained and analyfed. To be able to make it with
latisfaftory preeifion would demand much previous inquiry and
clofe inveftigation.

Some effays, however, have been made towards acquiring the
|-equinte information, which have rather ferved to throw doubt

Qq 2

30Q GENERAL DESCRIPTION.

upon, than to confirm the hypothefis under examination. But
it ought to be acknowledged, that they have been too little di-
verhfied, and are too imperfeft to autliorilc a definitive conclufion
either ivay, leading rather to probable conjefture than to certain
deduftion. They render it probable that there are various
branches of manufaftures in which a given capital will yield a
greater total produft, and a confidcrably greater nett produft than
an equal capital inverted in the purchafe and improvement of
lands; and that there are alfo fomc branches, in which both the
groce and the nett produce will exceed that of agricultural in-
duilry, according to a compound ratio of capital and labour.
But it is on this laft point that there appears to be the grcatcft
room for doubt. It is far lefs difficult to infer generally that the
nett produce of capital engaged in manufafturing enterprifes i§
greater than that of capital engaged in agriculture.

The foregoing fuggeflions are not defigned to inculcate an
opinion that manufafturing induftry is more pvoduftive than
that of agriculture. They are intended rather to fhew that the
reverie of this propofition is not afcertained ; that the general
arguments which are brought to eflablifh it are not fatisfatlory ;
and, confequently, that a fuppofition of the fuperior produftive-
nefs of tillage ought to be no obftacle to liftening to any fub-
ftantial inducement to the encouragement of manufaftures, which
may be otherwife perceived to exift, through an apprehenfion
that they may have a tendency to divert labour from a more to a
lefs profitable employment.

It is extremely probable, that on a full and accurate develope-
ment of the matter, on the ground of fa6l and calculation, it
would be difcovercd that there is no material difference between
the aggregate produftivenefs of the one, and of the other kind of
induftry; and thiit the propriety of the encouragements, which
may in any cafe be propoled to be given to either, ought to be
determined upon confiderations irrelative to any comparifon of
that nature.

But without contending for the fuperior produftivenefs of
manufafturing induftry, it may conduce to a better judgment of
the policy, which ought to be purlued by the United States re-
fpefting its encouragement, to contemplate the fubjeft under
fome additional afpecls, tending not only to confirm the idea,
that this kind of induftry has been improperly reprcfented as
unproduftive in itfelf ; but to evince in addition, that the efta-
blifhment and diffufion of manufaftures will have the eflcft of
rendering the total mafs of ufeful and produftive labour, in a
community, greater than it would otherwife be. In profecuting
this dilcuflion, it may be neceffary briefly to refumc and review
fome of the topics which have been already touched.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 301

To affirm that the hibour of the manufnftincr is unprndu6livc,
bccaule he confumc? as much ol" the produce of land as he adds
value to the raw materials v/hicli he maiiufafturcs, is not better
founded, tlian it would be to iininn, that the labour of the far-
mer, which furnifiics materials to the manufafturer, is unproduc-
tive, bccaufe lie confumes an equ .1 value of manufafturcd articles.
Each furnifhes a certain portion of tlic produce of his labour to
the other, and each dellroys a correfpondent portion of the pro-
duce of llic labour of the other. In the mean time the main-
tenance of two citizens, inftead of one, is going on ; the ftatc has
two members inftead of one : and they together confumc twice
the value of what is produced from the land.

If inftead of a farmer and artificer, there was a farmer only,
he would be under the ncccility of devoting a part of his labour
to the fabrication of cloathing and other articles, which he would
procure of the artificer, in the cafe of there being fuch a perfon ;
and of courfc, he would be able to devote Icls labour to the cul-
tivation of his farm, and would draw from it a proportionably
lefs proiluft. The whole quantity of production, in this ftate of
things, in provifions, raw materials and manufaftures, would cer-
tainly not exceed in value the amount of what would be produ-
ced in provifions and raw materials only, if there were an
artificer as well as a farmer.

Again — If there were both an artificer and a farmer, the lat-
ter would be left at liberty to puriue exclufivcly the cultivation
of his farm. A greater quantity of provifions and raw materials
would of courfc be produced, equal, at leaft, as has been already
cbierved, to the whole amount of the provifions, raw materials,
and manuf..clures, which would exift on a contrary fuppofition.
'I'hc artificer, at the fame time, would be going on in the produc-
tion of manufaftured commodities, to an amount hifficient not
only to repay the farmer, in thole commodities, for the provi-
fions and materials which were procured from him, but to fur-
nlHi tlie artificer himfelf with a fupply of fimilar commodities
for his own ufe. Thus, then, there would be two quantities or
values in cxiftcnce inftead of one; and the revenue and con-
fumption would be double in one cafe, what it would be in the
other.

If in place of both thefe fuppofitions, there were fuppofcd to
be two farmers and no artificer, each of whom applied a part of
his labour to the culture of land, and another pait to the fabri-
cation of manufafturcs ; in this cafe, the portion of the labour of
both beftowed upon land would produce the fame quantity of
provifions and raw materials only, as would be produced by the
entire fum of the labour of one applied in the fame mannner, and

302 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

the portion of the labour of both beftovved upon manuf.ifturcs,
would produce the fame quantity of manufaftures, only, as would
be produced by the entire lum of the labour of one applied in
the lame manner. Hence the produce of the labour of the two
farmers would not be greater than the produce of the labour of
the farmer and the artificer ; and hence it refuks, that the la-
bour of the artificer is as pofitively produftive as that of the far-
mer, and, as politively, augments the revenue of the locicty.

The labour of the artificer replaces to the farmer that portion
of his labour with which he provides the materials of exchange
with the artificer, and which he would otherwife have been com-
pelled to apply to manufaftures ; and while the artificers thvis
enables the farmer to enlarge his flock of agricultural induilry,
a portion of which he purchalcs for his own ufe, he alfo f up plies
himfdf with the manufaciured articks of which lit fl.inds in nerd.
He does ftill more — Befides this equivalent which he gives for
the portion of agricultui^al labour confumed by him, and this fup-
ply of manufaftured commodities for his own confumption, ho
furniflies flill a furplus, which compenfates for the ule of the
capital advanced either by himfclf or fome other perfon, for
carrying on the bufinefs, Tliis is the ordinary profit of the
Hock employed in the manufactory, and is, in every fenfe, as
cfiFcftive an addition to tlie income of the fociety as the rent
of Lnd.

The produce of the labour of the artificer, confcquentiy, may
be regarded as compofed of three parts-; one by which the pro-
vifions for his lubfilcence and the materials for his work are puv-
chaied of the farmer ; one by which he fupplies hinifelf with
manufactured neceffaries ; and a third which conflitutes the .pro-
fit on the flock employed. The two lafl portions feem to have
been overlooked in this fyftem, which reprefents manufacturing
indufkry as barren and unproduflive.

In the courfe of the preceding illullrations, the produfts of
equal quantities of the labour of the farmer and artificer have
been treated as if equal to each other. But this is not to be un-
derllood as intending to affert any fuch preclfe equality. It is
merely a manner of expreffion adopted for the lake of fimplicity
and perfpicuity. Whether tlic value of the produce of the la-
bour of the farmer be loniewiiat more or le(s than that of the
artificer, is not material to the main fcopc of the argument, which
hitherto has aimed at fliewing, that tlie one, as well as the other,
occafions a pofitive augmentation of the total produce and reve-
nue of the fociety.

It is now proper to proceed a ftcp farther, and to enumerate
the principal circuraftanccs, from wliich it may be inferred, That

OF THE UNITED STATES. goj

manufafturing eftablifhments, not only occafion a pofitive aug-
mentation of the produce and revenue of the lociety, but that
they contribute cflentially to rendering them greater than they
could poflibly be, without fuch cflabliflamcnts. Theie circum-
ftances are,

1. The divifion of labour.

2. An extcniion of the ufe of machinery.

3. Additional employment to claffes of the community not or-

dinarily engaged in the bufmefs.

4. The promoting of emigration from foreign countries.

5. The furnifhing greater fcope for the di\'erfity of talents and

difpofitions which difcriminate men from each other.

6. The affording a more ample and various field for enter-

prizc,

7. The creating, in fomc inflances, a new, and fecuring in all,

a more certain and fteady demand for the furplus produce
of the foil.
Each ofthefe circumftances has a confiderable influence upon the
total mafs of induftrious effort in a community : together, they
add to it a degree of energy and effeft, which are not eafily
conceived. Some comments upon each of them, in the order in
which they have been fhatcd, may ferve to explain their impor-
tance.

I. As to the divifion of labour. •

It has juftly been obferved, that there is fcarccly any thing of
greater moment in the economy of a nation, than the proper di-
vision of labour — The feparation of occupations caufes each to be
carried to a much greater perfection than it could poffibly ac-
quire, if they were blended. This ariles principally from three
circumftances.

ift. The greater fkill and dexterity naturally rcfulting from a
conftant and undivided application to a fingle objeft — It is evi-
dent, that thefe properties muft increafe in proportion to the
ieparation and fimplification of objefts, and the fteadinels of the
attention devoted to each ; and mufh be lefs, in proportion to the-
complication of objefts, and the number among which the atten-
tion is diftrafted,

2d. The economy of time, by avoiding the lofs of it, incident
to a frequent tranfition from one operation to another of a differ-
ent nature. — This depends on various circumftances ; the tranfi-
tion itfelf, the orderly difpofition of the implements, machines,
and materials employed in the operation to be relinquifhed, the
preparatory fteps to the commencement of a new one, the inter-
ruption of the impulfe, which the mind of the workmen acquires,
horn being engaged in a particular operation ; the diftraftione.

304 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

hefitations, and reluftanceSjWhich attend the paflage from otl^
kind of bufincft to another.

gd. An exte'nfion of t?ie ufc of machinery. — A man occupied
on a fmgle bhjcft, will have it more in his power, and will be
more naturally -led to exert his imagination in devifing methods
to facilitate -and abtidge labour, than if he ^vere perplexed by a
variety of independent »nd diffimilar operations. Befides this,
the fabrication ©f-machines,- in -numerous mftanccs, becoming it-
felf a diftinft trade, the artifh who follows it, has allthe advanta-
ges which have been enumerated, for improvement in his parti-
cular art ; and in both ways the invention and application of
machinery are extended.

And from thele caufes vinifcd, the mere feparatlon of the occu-
pation of the cultivator, from that of the artificer, has theeffeft
of augmenting tiie produftive powers of labour, and with them
the total mals of the produce or revenue of a country. " In this
lingle view of the fubjeft, therefore, the utility of artificers of
manufactures, towards promoting ari increafe of produftive indul-
try, is apparent.

II. As to an extenjion of the uje of machinery, a point which,
though partly anticipated, reijuires to be placed in one or two addition-
al Tights.

The employment of machinery forms an item of great impor-
portance in the general mals of national induftry. 'Tis an arti-
ficial force brought in aid of the natural force of man ; and, to
all the purpofes of labour, is an increafe of hands ; an acceffiort
of ilrcngth, unincumbered too by the expcnce of maintaining the
labourer. - May it not therefore be fairly inferred, that thole oc-
cupations, which give greateft. fcope to the ufe of this auxiliary,
contribute nioft to the general ftock of induftrious effort, and, in
GonfequetVce, to the general produO; of induftry ?

. Itiwill be. taken for granted, and the truth of the pofition re-
Icfr-ed to obfervation, that manufafturing purfuit's are fulceptible
ift a greater degree of the application of machinery, than thofe of
agriculture. ■ If fo, all the difference is loft to a community,
which, infteadof Ynafiufafturing for itfelf, procures the fabrics
requifue to its fupply from other countries. The fubftitution
of foreign for-domeftic manufaftures,* is a transfer to foreign na-
ti£)ns of the^ advantages accruing from the employment of ma-
ckineiVN', hi 4l>e.-mddes in which it is capable of being employed,
\\Sith mdft utHity' and to the greateft extent.

The cotton mill invented in England, within the laft twenty
years, is a lingle illuftration of the general propofition- which we
hst^ee advanced. In confequence of it, all the different procefTes
for fpinning cotton are performed by means of machines, which

01 THE UNITED STATES. 305

are put in motion by water, and attended chiefly Iby women and
children ; and by a fmallcr number of perions, in the whole,
than are rcquifite in the ordinary mode of fpinning. And it is
sn advantage of great moment that the operations of this mill
continue with convenience, during the night, as well as through
the day. The prodigious effeft of fuch a machine is eafily con-
ceived. To this invention is to be attributed effentially, the im-
menfe progrefs which has been fo fuddenly made in this country
in the various fabrics of cotton.

III. As to the additional employment of claffes of (he community^
not ordinarily engaged in the particular bufmejs.

This is not among the leaft valuable of the means, by which
manufafturing inflitutions contribute to augment the general ftock
of induftry and produftion. In places where thofe inflitutions
prevail, befides the perfons regularly engaged in them, they afford
occafional and extra employment to induflrious individuals and
families, who are willing to devote the leifure refulting from the
intermifTions of their ordinary puriuits to collateral labours, as a
refource for multiplying their acquifitions or their enjoyments.
The hufbandman himfelf experiences a new fource of profit and
fupport from the increafed induftry of his wife and daughters ;
invited and ftim.ulated by the demands of the neighbouring ma-
nufaftories.

Befide this advantage of occafional employment to clafTes hav-
ing different occupations, there is another of a nature allied to itj
and of a fimilar tendency. — This is the employment of perfons
who would otherwife be idle, and in many cafes a burthen on the
community, either from the bias of temper, habit, infirmity, of
body, or fome other caufe, indifpofing or difqualifying them for
the toils of the country. It is worthy of particular remark, that,
in general, women and children are rendered more ufeful, and
the latter more early ufeful, by manufafturing eftablifiiments, than
they would otherwife be. Of the number of perfons employed
in the cotton manufaftories of Great Britain, it is computed that
four fevenths nearly are women and children ; of v/hom the
grcateft proportion arc children, and many of them of a tender
£ge.

Thus it appears to be one of the attributues of manufaftures,
and one of no fmall confequence, to give occafion to the exertion
of a greater quantity of induftry, even by the fame number of per-
ions, where they happen to prevail, than would exift if there
were no fuch eftablifhmcnts.

IV. As to the promoting of ernigraiion from foreign countries.
Men relu£iantly quit one courfc of occupation and livelihood

3«6 cj::xj-:ral description

for anolht;}-,. uf^cfi?. invited to it by very apparent and proximaCe
advantages-.. Many, who would go. from one country to another,
:f thcyJiad a profpeft of continuing, with more benefit, the cal-
lings to whi:ch they have been educated, will often not be tempt-
ed to change tlieir -fituation by the hope of doing better in foine
other way, Msnufafturers whc,liftcning to the powerful invita-
tions of a better price for their fabrics, or their labour ; of great-
er cheupncfs.of provifions and vzv/ materials; of an exemption
from the chief part of the taxeb, burthens and reftraints, which
ihey endure in Europe ; of greater pc. fonal independence and
conicquence, under the operation of a more equal government ;
and of. wh-at is far more precious than mere religious toleration, a
perfeft equality of religious privileges ; will probably flock from
Europe to the United States to puriue their own trades or prc-
fclfions, if they are once made ienfiblc of the advantages they will
enjoy, and are inlpired with an affurance of cncourngem.ent and
employment.

If it be true then, that it is the intcrcft of the United States to
open every poniblc avenue to emigration from abroad, it affords
a weighty argument for their encouragement of manufaftures j
which, for the reafons juft afiigned, will have the flrongefl: ten-
dency to multiply the inducements to it.

Here is perceived an important refource, not only for extend-
ing the population, and with it the ufeful and produftive labour
of the country, but likewifc for the profecution of manufaflures,
without dcdufting from the number of hands, which might other-
wife be drawn to tillage; and even for the indemnification of
agriculture for fuch as may happen to be diverted from it. Many
whom manufafturing views may induce to emigrate, will after-
A^'ards yield to the temptations, which the particular fitualion of
the United States hold out to agricultural purfuits. And while
agriculture will in other rcfpcfts derive many fignal and unmin-
gled advantages from the growth of manufaftures, it is a problem
>vbcth'jr it will g^in or lole, as to the article of the num.ber of
pcrfons employed in carrying it on.

\'. As to the furni/Jiing greater fcope fur the diverjity of taUrits
and (Ufpofiiicns, lohich a ijlrin, incite viai from ecch ol/ur.

This is a much more powerful mean of augm.enting the fund of
natior«il induftrv, thanmav at firfl fight appear. It is a juftobfer-
valion, that minds of the ilrongcfh and moft aftive powers for
rhcir proper obiefts fall below mediocrity, and labour without cf-
fi-ft if coulined to uncoagenial purfuits : and it is thence to be
inferred, that the rcfults orhuiuau c.\ertion. may be immenfely in-
crcalicd by .divcrfifying its objefts.. . WJk.O, a^^ '■^^c diffcren't Jiinds
..f induftry cbtsin in a commiTnitv, each individ-ul can find h"-

OF THE UNITED STATES. 307

•proper clement,' anil Van "call into aftivity the whole vigour of his
■hature. And the community is 'benefitted by the fcrviccs cf its
rerpefti\a-. members, in the manner in which'; -each c&n^lcrvc it
with molt effect. ■ • '•'■' ' '

'If ther^be any thing in 3 remark often to l>c met with, namely^
that there is, in the genius of the people of America, a peculiar
aptitude for mechanical improverhcnts, it will operate as a forci-
ble rcafon for giving opportunities to the exercife of that fpecir--
«f talent by the 'propagation of manufa^lurcG,

\'I. As to the affording a mere anfileavd variousfieid for enter pnz{.

This alfo i-i of greater conl'cquence in the general fcale of na-
tional exertion, than might, perhaps, on a fupcrficial vievv be fup-
pofed, and has effeds rtcVt altogether diiTimilar fr'om thofe of thr
circumflances laft noticed. To cherifn and ftimulate the activity
of the Human mind, by multiplying the objeiEls of entcrprile, is
not among the leaft confiderablc of the expedients by which the
wealth of a nation may be promoted. — Even things in thcmrelvc"s,
not pofitively advantageous, fomctimes become fo by tlieir ten-
dency to provoke exertion. Every new fcene which is opened
to the bufy nature of man to roufe and exert itfclf, is the addi-
tion of a new energy to the general flock of effort.

The fpirit of entcrprife, uievul and prolific as it is, muft necel-
farily be contraftcd or e::pandcd in proportion to the fimplicity
or variety of the occupations and produftions which are to be
found in a focicty. It muft be Icfis in a nation of mere cultivators,
than in a nation of cultivntors and merchants ; lefs in a nation of
cultivators, and merchants, ilian in z na.iicn of cultivators, ajiifi-
cers, and merchants. ::;.

VII. As to the creating, infomeinflanctx, a niXVy.and fccuring m
al', a more certain and f^ tad \ demand Jor thi Jurplm- ■■produce of tlir
foil. ■ .

This is among the moft important of the circumftaqccs whicii
have been indicated. It is a principal mean by which the efta-
bliniment of manufafturcs contributes to an augmentation of the
produce or revenue of a country, and has an immediate and di-
retl; reiation to the profperity of agriculture.

It is evident that the exertions of the hufoandman will be flea-
dy or fluftaating, vigorous or feeble, in proportion to the fteadi-
nefs or fluftuation, adequatenel's, or inadequatcncfs of the markets,
on which he muft depend, for the vent of the Surplus, winch may
be produced by his labour ; and that fuch furplus in tm ordinary
courfc of things will be greater or lefs in the fame proportion.

Tor the p'urpofe of this vent, a domeftic market is greatly to be
preferircd £0 a foreign one ; becaufe it is in t,hc nature of thincr-
far more to be relied upon.

R .R 2

3o8 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

It is a primary obje£t of the policy of nations to be able to fup-
ply themfelves with fubuftence from their own foil ; and manu-
f::6luring nations, as far ascircumftanccs permit, endeavour to pro-
cure from the fame fource, the raw materials neceffary for their
own fabrics. This difpofition, urged by the i'pirit of monopoly,
is fomeiimes even carried to an injudicious extreme. It feems
not always to be recolle£led, that nations who have neither mines
nor manufafturcs, can only obtain the manufaftured articles, of
wliich they ftand in need, by an exchange of the produfts of their
foils ; and that if thofe who can bed furnifli them with fuch arti-
cles are unwilling to give a due courfe to this exchange, they muft
of neceffity make every polTible effort to manufafture for them-
felves ; the effeft of which is, that the manufafturing nations
abridge the natural advantages of their fituation, through an un-
willingnefs to permit the agricultural countries to enjov the ad-
vantages of theirs, and facrifice the intercfls of a mutually benefi-
cial intercourfe to the vain projeft of felling every tiling and buy-
ing nothing.

But it is alfo a confcqucnce of the policy, which has been no-
ted, that the foreign demand for the produft'i of agricultural coun-
tries, is, in a great degree, rather calual and occalional, tlian cer-
tain or conicant. To what extent inj-uious interruptions of the
demand for fome of the ftaple commodities of the United States
may have been experienced from that caiifc, muft be referred to
the judgment of thole who are cngrgcd in carrying on the com-
^ merce of the country ; but it may be fafely affirmed, that fuch in-
' terruption are at times very inconveniently felt, and that cafes
not unfrequently occur, in which markets are fo confined and
reflrifted, as to render the demand very unequal to the fupply.

Independent l-kcwife of the artificial impediments, \vhich arc
created bv the policy in queftion, there arc natural cauics tending
io render the external demand for the iurplus of agricultural na.
tions a precarious reliance. The differences of leafons in the
countries which arc the confumers, make immenfe differences in
the produce of their own foils, in different years, and confcqucnt-
ly in the degrees of their neceffity for foreign fupply. Plentiful
harvefts with them, efpecially if fimilar ones occur at the fame
time in the countries which are the furnifhers, occafion of courfe
a glut in the markets of the latter.

Confidering how faff and how much the progrefs of new fet-
tlcments in the United States m.uft increafe the furplus produce
of the foil, and weighing ferioufly the tendenc)' of the fyfterji
which prevails among moPc of the commercial nations of Europe,
whatever dependence may be placed on the force of natural cirr-
cumftiances to counteraft the effefts of an artificial policy, there

OF THE UNITED STATES.

JOO

apj^earftrohg rcafons to regard the foreign deinaiid foj^ tl^^e Xyr.pl^^.,
as too uncertain a reliance, aft'd to defirc a fubftitutc foiiit^in an;.
cx'tenfivc donic'ftic market; ' ^- ,,,•,«,-. ""• -•-- ---"■' -^

To fecure' fucha-market, there is no other expedient than for
the United States- ^ to promote manufatiuring, eftablifhmcnts.
ManufafturerV, wh6 conftitute the mod numerous clafa, ajTter the
cultivators of land, are for that reafon the principal confuraers of
the furplus of their labour.

This idea -of an extcnfive domcflic market for the furplus pro-
duce of the foil, is of the firfl conicqucnce to the United States.
It is of all things that which moft effeftually conduces to a flou-
rilfiing (late of agriculture. If the effcft of manufaftories were
to he the detaching a portion of the hands which v/ould be
otiicrwilc engaged in tillage, it might poflihly caufc a fmallcr
quantity of lands to be under cultivation; but by their ten-
dency to procure a more certain demand for the furplus produce
of the foil, they at the fame time, caufe the lands which are in
cultivation to be better improved, and m.ore produftive. And
while, by their influence, the condition of each individual farmer
is meliorated, the total mai's of agricultural produftion will pro-
bably be increaled : for this m.ufl' evidently depend as much, if
not more, upon the degree of improvement, than upon the num-
ber of acres under culture.

It merits particular obfcrvation, that the multiplication of ma-
nufaftories not only furnifhes a market for thole articles which
have been accuftomed to be produced in abundance in a country,
but itlikewifc creates a demand for fuch as were either unknown,
or produced in inconfiderahlc quantities. The bowels, as well
as the furface of the earth, ai'e ranfacked for articles which were
before neglefted. Animals, plants, and minerals acquire a utility
and value, which were before unexplored.

The foregoing confiderations feem fufEcient to eflablifli, as ge-
neral propofitions, that it is the interefbof nations, and particular-
ly of the United States, to diverfify the indufl:riou3,purfuits of
the individuals who compofe them — that the eftabhflim.ent of
manufatiurcs is calculated not only to increaie the general (l^ck
of ufeful and produftive labour^ but even to improve the ftate o^f
agriculture in particular; certainly to advance the iiite^-e.ft ,of .
thoie who are engacred in it. There are other vicws^ that, xe
lliall hereafter take of the liibjcft, which, it is cojiceiy e^,.. ,wi^. •
Icrve to confirm thefe inferences. i • ' «i -'(' •

Previous to a further difcufilon of the obje£l:ions to ihc epcoq-r
ragement of manufa£tures, which have been ftatcd, it will Be of .
ule to fee what can be faid in reference to the particulal- Gtuation

■. , ^ '. I. . ■ . ■ -T ■. ;• h' '■"' .

310 GENERAL D-ESCRI P TION

of .tlvfiiUnitca Statps ag-xinft the foncluf^ons, appearing to refult
fronj ,yrh^h9a h^Pl} already coffered.

It may hr. obferved, and tlie idea js of no inconfiderablcSveight,
that however true it may be, that a, fbte, which pofleltes large
trafts of Vdcantand fertile territory, and at the fame time fecludcd
from foreign commerce, would find its intereft, and the intereft
of agriculture, in diverting a part of its population from tillage
to manufafturcs ; yift it will not follow that the lame is true of a
ilate, which, having inch vacant and fertile territory, has at the
lame time am.ple opportunities of procuring fromabn->ad, on good
terms, all the fabrics of which it Hands in need for tbefupply of its
inhabitants. The power of doing this at leaft fccures the great ad-
vantage of a divifion of labour, leaving the farmer free to puriuc
cxclufivclv the culture of his land, and enabling him to procure
with its produfts the manufaflured fupplics requifite, either to Ixis
wants or to his enjoyments. And though it fhould bs true, tiiat
in fettled countries the diverfification of indullry is conducive to
an iricreafe in the produ&ive powers of labour, and to an augmen-
tation of revenue and capital, yet it is fcarcely conceivable that
there can be any thing of io foiid and permanent advantage to an
uncultivated and unpeopled country, as to convert its waftes into
cultivated and inhabited diftrifts. If the revenue, in the mean
time, fhould be lefs, the capital, in the event, muft be greater.

To thefe obfcrvations, the following appears to be a fatisfaftory
anfwer, at leaft i'o far as they concern the American States,

If the fyffcem of perfcft liberty to induftry and commerce
were the prevailing ivftem of nations, the arguments which dif-
fuadea country in the predicament of the United States, from the
zealous purfuit of manufaftures, would doubtlefs have great fc^rce.
It will not be affirmed, that they might not be permitted, with few
exceptions, to fcrve as a rule of n^itional conduft. In iiich a ftatc
of things, each country v.-ould have the full benefit of its pecu-
liar advantages to compenfate for its deficiencies or diiadvantages.
If one nation were in condition to fupply manufaftured articles,
on better terms than another, that other might find an abundant
indemnification in a lupcrior capacity to furnifh the produce of
the foil. "'"Arid a free exchange, mutually beneficial, of the com>.
moditics \vhicli each was able to fupply, on the beft terms, mighl
be carried on between them, fupporting in full vigour the indul-
iVry ot each,^' And though the circumftahces which hiivc. been
mentioned," and others which willbe unfolded herea-ftej-,' render
it probable, that "nations merely agt-icultural' would notenjoy tJib .1
fame degree of -opulence, in proportion" to>their numbci-s, as thofe
which utiitcd manufatkires with-agrifTMlfure ■ yet .the progrcflive J
irnprovcrreiit of the l.ndi of the former m;.^l-.t, in the end, atone for

OF THE UXITED STATES.

3**

an inferior degree of opulence in the mean time ; and in a cafe in
which bppoiitc confideration are pretty equally balanced, the op-
tion ought perhaps always to be, in favour of leaving induftry to
its dwn dir'^ftion.

'3ut the' fyftciri which has been mentioned is far from charscler-
izing' tlie general policy of nations. The prevalent one has
bceri regulated by an oppofite fpirit. The confequence of it is,
that the United States are to a certain extent in the fituation of a
country precluded from foreign commerce. They can indeed,
without difhculty, obtain from abroad the manufaftured fupplies
of which they are in want; but they experience numerous and
very injurious impediments to the cinifTion and vent of their own
comfnodities. Nor is this the cafe in reference to a fuigle forcjign
nation only. I'he regulations of levcral countries, with v/hich
they have the moll cxtcnfive intercourfe, throw ferious obflruc-
tifms in the way of the principal ftaples of the United States.

In fuch a pofition of things, the United States cannot exchange
with Europe on equal terms; and the want of reciprocity would
render them the viftim of a fyflem, which would induce them to
confine their views to agriculture, and refrain from manufaftures.
A conftant and increahng necefiity, on their part, for the commo-
dities of Europe, and only a partial and occafional demand for
their own, in return, could not but expofe them to a ftate of
impoverifhment, compared with the opulence to which their po-
litical and natural advantages authorile them to aipire.

Remarks of this kind are not made in the fpirit of complaint,
"Tis for the nations, whofe regulations are alluded to, to judge
for themfelves, whether by aiming at too m.uch, they do not lofe
more than they gain. 'Tis for the United States to conhder by
what means they can render thcmfelves lead dependent on the
combinations, right or wrong, of European policy.

It can be no Imall confolation to them, that already the. nica-
fures which have embarraffed their trade have accelerated their
internal improvements, which, upon the whole, have bettered
their affairs. To diverfify and extend thel'e improvements is the
lurell and fafeft method of indemnifying thcmfelves for any in-
conveniencies which thofe or fimilar meafures have a tendency to
beget. If Europe will not take from them the produfts of their
foil, upon terms confident with their intereft, the natural reme-
dy is for them to contraft as fall as pofTible their Vv ants of her.

The converfion of their waRe into cultivated land is certainly
a point of great moment in the political calculations of the United
States,, But the degree in which this may pofllbly be retarded by
the encouragement of munufaftories, does not appear to qounter-
vail the powerful inducements to affording that encouragement.

312 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

An obfervation made in another place is of a nature fo have
gi-eat influence upon this queftion — If it cannot be denied that
the interefts even of agriculture may be advanced more by having
fuch of the lands of a flate as are occupied under good cultiva-
tion, than by having a greater quantity occupied under a much
inferior cultivation; and if manuHiftories, for the rcafons affign-
cd, mull be admitted to have a tendency to promote a more flcady
and vigorous cultivation of the lands occupied, than would hap-
pen without them, then it will follov.-, that they are capable of
indemnifying a country for a diminution of the progrels of new
fettlements ; and may ferve to incrcafe both the capital value and
the income of its lands, even though they Ihould abridge the
number of acres under tillage.

But it does by no means follow, that the progrefs of new fettle-
ments will be retarded by the extcnhon of manufaftures. The
defire of being an independent proprietor of land is founded on
fuch ftrong principles in the human breall, that where the op-
portunity of becoming fo is as great as it is in the United States,
the proportion will be fmall of thole, whole fituations would
otherwiie lead to it, who will be diverted from it towards manu-
fafturcs. And it is highly probable, as already intimated, that
the acceflion of foreigners, who originally drav.-n over by manu-
fafturing views, will afterwards abandon them for agricultural,
will be more than equivalent for thole of her own citizens, who
may happen to be detached from them.

The remaining objections to ^particular encouragement of manu-
faftures in the United States now require to be examined.

One of thefe turns on the polition, that induftry, if left to it-
felf, will naturally find its way to the mod ufeful and profitable
employment : whence it is inferred, that manufaftures, without
the aid of government, will grow up as fooir and as faft, as
the natural fhatc of things, and the inteteft of the community may
require.

Againll the folidity of this hypothefis, in the full latitude of
the terms, very cogent reafons may be offered. Thefe have re-
lation to the ftrong influence of habit and the fpirit of imitation,
the fear of want of fuccefs in untried cnlerprifes, the intiinfic
difficulties incident to firfl effays towards a competition with thofe
who have prtvioufly attained to perfeftion in the bufmefs to be
attempted, the bounties, premiums, and other artificial encou-
ragements, with which European nations fecond tlie exertions of
their own fubjefts in the branches in which they are to be
rivalled.

Experience teaches, that men are often fo much governed by
what they are accuftomed to fee and pratlii'c, that the fimplcft^

OF THE UNITED STATES. 313

aiid mofh obvious improvements, in the mod ordinary occupa-
tions, are adopted with hefitation, reluftance, and by flow grada-
,tions. The fpontaneous tranfition to new purfuits, in a commu-
nity long habituated to different ones, may be expefted to be
attended with proportionably greater dilEculty. When former
occupations ceafc to yield a profit adequate to the fubliftence of
their fiillowers, or when there is an abfolute deficiency of em-
ployment in them, owing to the fupcrabundance of hands, changes
will enfue ; but thefe changes will be likely to be more tardy
than may confift with the intereft either of individuals, or of
the locicty. In many cafes they will not happen, wliile a bare
fupport can be enfured by an adherence to ancient courfes,
though a refort to a more profitable employment might be prac-
ticable. To produce the defirablc changes, as early as may be
expedient, may therefore require the incitement and patronage of
government.

The apprehenfion of failing in new attempts is perhaps a more.
fcrious impediment. There are uifpofitions apt to be attrafted
by the mere novelty of an undertaking ; but thefe are not always
the beft calculated to give it fuccefs. To this it is of importance
that the confidence of cautious, fagacious capitalifls, both citizens
and foreigners, fliould be excited. And to infpire this defcrip-
tion of perfons with confidence, it is elfcntial that they fhould
be made to fee in any projeft, which is new, and for that reafon
alone, if for no other, precarious, the prefpeft of fuch a degree
of countenance and fupport from government, as may be capable
of overcoming the obflacles infeparable from firfl experiments.

The fuperiority antecedently enjoined by nations, who have
preoccupied and perfefted a branch of indullry, confhitutes a
more formidable obllaclc, than either of thole which have been
mentioned, to the introduftion of the fame branch into a country
in which it did not before exift. To maintain between the re-
cent elliiblifliments of one country, and the long-matured efla-
bliChments of another country, a competition upon equal terms,
both as to quality and price, is in mofl cales imprafticable. The
difparity in the one or in the other, or in both, muft neceffarily
be fo confidcrable as to forbid a fucccfsful rivalfhip, without the
extraordinary aid and protection of government.

But the grcateft obfl:.\cle of all to the fuccefsful profecution of
a new branch of induflry in a country in which it was before
unknown, confifl;s, as fur as the inftances apply, in the bounties,
premiums, and other aids which are granted, in a variety of cafes,
by the nations in which the cftablifnmcnts to be imitated are
prcvioufly introduced. It is well known, that certain nations

S s

3:4 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

grant bounties on the exportation of particular commodities, t9
enable their own workmen to underfell and (upplant all competi-
tors, in the countries to which thofe commodities are fent. Hence
the undertakers of a new manufaflure have to contend not only
with the natural difadvantagcs of a new undertaking, but with
the gratuities and remunerations which other governments bellow.
To be enabled to contend with fuccefs, it is evident that the in-
terference and aid cf their own government are indifpenfible.

Combinations by thofe engaged in a particular branch of bufi-
nefs in one country to fruftrate the firfl efforts to introduce it
into another, by temporary facrifices, recompenfed perhaps by
extraordinary indemnifications of the government of fuch coun-
try, are belie^'cd to have exifhed, and are not to be regarded as
dcilitutc of probability. The cxiftcnce or affurance of aid from
the government of the country in which the bufinefs is to be
introduced, may be effential to fortify adventurers againfl the
dread of fuch combinations — to defeat their effcfts, if formed,
and to prevent their being formed, by demonftrating that they
mufh in the end prove fruitlcfs.

Whatever room there may be for an expeftation that the in-
duflry of a people, under the direction of private interell, will
upon equal terms find out the moft beneficial employment for
itfelf, there is none for a reliance that it will ftruggle againft. the
force of unequal terms, or will of itfelf furmount all the adtven-
titious barriers to a fuccefsful competition, which may have becji
crefted either by the advantages naturally acquired from praftice
and previous poflenion of the ground, or by thofe which may
have fprung from pofitive regulations and an artificial policy.
This general refleftion might alone fufHce as an anfwcr to the
objeftion under examination, exclufively of the weighty confidc-
vations which have been particularly urged.

The objections to the purfuit of manufaftures in the United
States, which next prefent thcmfelvcs to difcuffion, reprefent an
impmfticability of fuccefs, arifing from three caufes — icarcity of
hands, dcarnefs of labour, want of capital.

The two fijjl circumftances are to a certain extent real, and,
within due limits, ought to be admitted as obilacles to the fuccefs
of mnnufafturing entcrprii'e in the United States. But there are
various confidcratlons which leffen their force, and tend to afford
an aiTurance that they are not fufRcient to prevent the advanta-
'Tcous profccution of many very ufcful and extenfive manufac-
tories.

With regard to fcarcity of hands, the faft itfelf muft be appli-
ed with no fniall qualification to certain ps^rts of the United
States. There are large di drifts which may be confidered atf

OF THE UNITED STATES. 315

pretty fully peopled, and which, notwithftanding a continual
drain for diftant fettlcmcnts, are thickly interfpcrCed with flou-
rifliing and incrcafing towns. If thcfe diflrifts have not already
reached the point at which the fcarcity of hands ceafes, they are
not remote from if, and are approaching faft towards it : and hav-
ing, perhaps, fewer attraftions to agriculture than fome other
parts of the union, they exhibit a propcrtionably ftronger ten-
dency towards other kinds of induftry. In thefe diflrifts may
be difccrned no inconiiderable maturity for manufafturing efta-
blifhmcnts.

But tlieie are circurnftances, which have been already noticed
with another view, that materially diminifh every where the eftett
of a I'carcity of hands. Thefe circurnftances are — the great uie
which can be made of women and children ; on which point a
very pregnant and inftruftive faft has been mentioned ; the vaft
extenhon given bv late improvements to the employment of ma-
chines, which, fubftituting the agency of fire and water, has pro-
digioufly Icffcned the neceffity for manual labour ; the employ-
ment of perfons ordinarily engaged in other occupations, during
the feafons, or hours of leifure ; which, bcfides giving occafiun
to the exertion of a greater quantity of labour by the fame num-
ber of perfons, and thereby incieafmg the general ftock of labour,
as has been ellewhere remarked, may aUo be taken into the cal-
culation, as a refource for obviating the fcarcity of hands — laftly,
the attraction of foreign emigrants. Whoever infpecls with a
careful eye the compofition of their towns, will be made fenfible
to what an extent this refource may be relied upon, Thefe ex-
hibit a large proporf^in of ingenious and valuable workmen, in
different arts and trades, who, by expatriating from Europe, have
improved their own condition, and added to the induftry and
wealth of the United States, It is a natural inference from the
experience they have already had, that in proportion as the Uni-
ted States fhail prefent the countenance of a ferious profecution of
manufaftures, in proportion as foreign artifts fliall be made fenfible
that the ftate of things there affords a moral certainty of employ-
ment and encouragement competentnumbersof European workmen
will tranfplant thcmfelves, cffeftually to enfure the fuccefs of the
dcfign. How indeed Can it otherwilc happen, coafidering the various
and powerful inducements which the fituation of America offers,
addreffing themfclves to fo many ftrong pafiions and feelings, to
fo many general and particular interefts ?

■ It may be affirmed, therefore, in refpcft to hands for carrying
on manufaftures, that they will in a great meafure trade upon a
foreign ftock ; rcferving their own for the cultivation of their
: S s 2

3i6 GENERAL DESCRIPTION.

lands and the manning of their fhips, as far as charafter and cir-
cumfhances fhall incline. It is not unworthy of remark, that the
objctiion to the iuccels of manufafturcs, deduced from the fcarci-
ty of hands, is alike applicable to trade and navigation, and yet
thefe are perceived to flourifli, withou-t any fenfible impediment
from that caule.

As to the dearnefs of labour, another of the obflacles alledged,
this has relation principally to two clrcu-mflances ; one, that
v.'hich has been juft difcuffed, the fcarcity of hands ; the other,
the greatnefs of profits.

As far as it is a confequcnce of the fcarcity of hands, -it is miti-
gated by all the confiderations which have been adduced as leifcn-
jng that deficiency. It is certain too, that the dilparity in this
refpeft between iome of the moft manufafturing parts of Europe
and a large proportion of the United. States, is not nearly fo great
as is commonly imagined. It is alfo much lefs in regard to artifi-
cers and manufdfturers than in regard to country labourers ; and
while a careful compariion fhews that there is, in this particular,
much exaggeration, it is alfo evident, that the efFeft of the degree
of difparity which does truly exift, is diminifhed in proportion
to the ufe which can be made of machinery.

To illuftrate this lafh idea — Let it be fuppofcd, that the differ-
ence ol price, in two countries, of a given quantity of manual la-
bour requifite to the fabrication of a given article is as ten, and
that fome mechanic power is introduced into both countries,
which performing half the neceffary labour, leaves only half to
be done by hand, it is evident, that the difference in the cofl of
the fabrications of the article in queflion, in the two countries,
as far as it is connecTtcd with the price of labour, will be reduced
from ten to five, in coniequence of the introduftion of that

POWER.

This circumflance is worthy of the moll particular attention.
It diminiflies immenfcly one of the objections, moft ftrenuoufly
urged, againft the fuccefs of manufaftures in the United States.

For the United States to procure all fuch machines as arc
known in any part of Europe can only require a proper provi-
fion and due pains. The knowledge of feveral of the moft im-
portant of them they already pollels. The preparation of them
there is in mofl cafes prafticablc on nearly equal terms. As far
as thev depend on water, fome fuperiority of advantages may be
claimed, from the uncomm.on variety and greater cheapncls of
fituatioiis adapted to mill fcsts, with \vhich different parts of the
United States abound.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 317

So far as the dearncrs of labour may be a confequcnce of the
greatnefs of profits in any branch of bufinefs, it is no obflacle to
its fuccefs. The undertaker can afford to pay the price.

There are grounds to conclude, that undertakers of manufac,
turcs in America, can at this time afford to pay higher vyages to
the workmen thcv employ than arc paid to fimilar workmen in
Europe. The price of foreign fabrics in the markets of the
United States, which will for a long time regulate the prices of
the domcfhic ones, may be confidcrcd as compounded of the fol-
lowing ingredients: — The firft coft of materials, including the
taxes, if any, which are paid upon them where they are made ;
the cxpencc of grounds, buildings, machinery, and tools; the
wages of the perfons employed in the manufaftory ; the profits
on the capital or ftock employed; the commiffions of agents to
purchafe them where they are made ; the expence of tranfportation
to the United States, including infurance and ether incidental
charges ; the taxes or duties, if any, and fees of office which
are paid on their exportation ; the taxes or duties, aiid fees of
office which are paid on their importation.

As to the firft of thefe items, the coft of materials, the advan-
tage, upon the whole, is at prefent on the fide of the United
States, and the difference in their favour muff increalc, in pro-
portion as a certain and extenfive domeffic demand fiiall induce
the proprietors of land to devote more of their attention to the
produftion of thofe materials. It ought not to efcape obfervation,
in a comparifon on this point, that fome of the principal manu-
fafturing countries of Europe are much more dependent on
foreign fupply for the materials of their manufafturcs, than the
United States, who are capable of fupplying themlelves with a
greater abundance, as well as a ^eater variety, of the requifite
materials.

As to the fecond item, the expence of grounds, buildings, ma-
chinery, and tools, an equality at leaft may be affumcd; fince
advantages in fome particulars will counterbalance temporary
difadvantages in others.

As to the third item, or the article of wages, the comparifon
certainly turns againfl the United States; though, as before ob-
ferved, not in fo great a degree as is commonly fuppofed.

The fourth item is alike applicable to the foreign and to the
domeftic manufafture. It is indeed more properly a refult than
a particular to be compared.

But with refpeft to all the remaining items, they are alone ap-
plicable to the foreign manufafture, and in the llrifteft fenfe, ex-
traordinarics; conftituting a Turn of extra charge on the foreign

3i8 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

fibjic, which cannot be cftimated at lefs than from ij to 30 per
cent, on the cofl of it at the nianufyftory.

The fum of extra charge may conhdently hz regarded as more
than a counterpoifc for the real difference in the price of labour,
and is a fatisfaftory proof that manufafturcs may profper in defi-
ance of it in the United States.

To the general allegation, connefted with the circumftanccs of
fcarcity of hands and the dearnels of labour, that extenfivc ma-
nufaflures can only grow out of a redundant or full population,
it will be lufficient to anlwer generally, that the faft has been
olherwife. — That the fituation alledged to be an effential condi-
tion of fuccei's, has not been that of feveral nations, at periods
v.'hcn they had already attained to maturhy in a variety of manu-
faftures.

The fuppofed v't'ant of capital for the profecution of manu-
faftures in the United States is the moft indefinite of the objec-
tions which are ufually oppofed to it.

It is very difficult to pronounce any thing precife concerning
the real extent of the monied capital of a country, and ftill more
concerning the proportion which it bears to the objefts that in-
vite the employinent of capital. It is not lefs difficult to pro-
nounce, how far the effe£l of any given money, as capital, or, in
other words, as a medium for circulating the induftry and pro-
perty of a nation, may be incrcalcd by the very circumflance of
the additional mot'on which is given to it by new objects of em-
ployment. Tiiat effcft, like the momentum of defcending bodies,
miy not raiproperly be reprefented, as in a compound ratio to
Tuals and velocity. It feems pretty certain, that a given fum of
money, in a fituation in which the quick impulfes of commercial
aftivity are little felt, will appear inadequate to the circulation
of as great a quantity of induftry and property as in one in which
their full influence is experienced.

It is not obvious why the lame objection might not as well be
made to external commerce as to manufaftures, fince it is manifeft
that the immenie trafts ot land, occupied and unoccupied, are ca-
pable of giving employment to more capital than is aftually be-
ftowcd upon them. It is certain that the United States

OFFER A vast FIEI-D FOR THE ADVANTAGEOUS EMPLOYMENT

OF CAPITAL, but it does not follow that there will not be found,
in one way or another, a iufficicnt fund for the iuccefsful pro-
fecution of any fpccics of induftry which is likely to prove, truly
beneficial.

The following confidcrations are of a nature to remove all in-
quietude on the icore of want of capital.

OF THE UNITED STATES, 315

The introduftion of banks, as has been fhcvvn on another occa-
iion, has a powerful tendency to extend the aftive capital of a
country. Experience of the utility of thefe inftitutions is multi-
plying them in the United States. It is probable that they will
be eftublifhed wherever they can exift with advantage; and
wherever they can be fupported, if adminiftered with prudence,
they will add new energies to all pecuniary operations.

The aid of foreign capital may lafcly, and with confiderable
latitude, be taken into calculation. Its inflrumentality has been
long experienced in their external commerce; and it has begun
to be felt in various other modes. Not only their funds, but
their agriculture and other internal improvements have been
animated by it. It has already, in a few inftanccs. extended cx^cn
to their manufaftures.

It is a well known faft, that there are parts of Europe, which
have more capital than profitable domcftic objcfts of employment.
Hence, among other proofs, the large loans continually furniflicd
to foreign ftates. And it is equally certain, that the capital of
other parts may find more profitable employment in the United
States, than at home. And notwithflanding there are weighty in-
ducements to prefer the employment of capital at home, even at
Icfs profit, to an inveftment of it abroad, though with greater
gain, yet thefe inducements are over-ruled, either by a deficiency
of employment, or by a very material difference in profit. Both
thefe caufes operate to produce a transfer of foreign capital to the
United States. It is certain, that various objefts in America hold
out advantages, which are with difiiculty to be equalled elfe-
where; and under the increafingly favourable imprefTions, which
are entertained of its government, the attraftions will become
more and more ftrong. Thcfc imprefTions will prove a rich mine
of profperity to the country, if thcv are confirmed and ftrength-
cned by the progrefs of their affairs. And to feture this ad-
vantage, little more is neceffary, than to fofter induftry, and cul-
tivate order and tranquility at home and abroad.

It is not impofiible, that there may be perlons difpofed to look
with a jealous eye on the introduftion of foreign capital, as if it
were an inftrument to deprive their own citizens of the profits
of their induftry; but perhaps there never could be a more un-
reafonable jealoufy. Inftead of being viewed as a rival, it ought
to be confidcrcd as a moft. valuable auxiliary ; conducing to put in
motioD a greater quantity of productive labour, and a greater portion
of ufeful enterprife, than could exift without it. It is at leaft evi-
dent, that in a country fituated like the United States, with an infi-
nite fund of refources, yet to be unfolded, every farthing of foreign

3i!o GENERAL DESCRIPTION

capital, which is laid out in internal ameliorations, and in induf-
trious eflablifhmcnts of a permanent nature, is a precious acqui-
lition.

And whatever be the objects which originally atti'aO; foreign
capital, when once introduced, it miy be dircfted towards any
purpole of beneficial exertion, which is defircd. And to detain'
it in the United States, there can be no expedient fo efFeftual as
to enlarge the I'phcre, within which it may be ufefully employed;
though introduced merely with views to fpeculations in the
funds, it may afterwards be rendered fubfervient to tlie interefts
of agriculture, commerce, and manufafttires.

But the attraftion of foreign capital for the dircfl purpofc of
manufaftures ought not to be deemed a chimerical cxpcftation.
There are already examples of it, as remarked in another place.
And the examples, if the difpofition be cultivated, can hardly fail
to multiply. There are alfo inftances of another kind, which
ferve to ftrengthcn the expeftation ; enterprifcs for improving
the public communications, by cutting canals, opening the ob-
ftruftions in rivers, and erefting bridges, have received very ma-
terial aid from the fame lourcc.

When the manufafturing capitalift of Europe fhall advert to
the many important advantages which haVe been intimated in the
courfc of thefe remarks, he cannot but perceive very powerful
inducements to a transfer of himlielf and his capital to the United
States. Among the reflcftions which a mod intcrefting pecu-
liarity of fituation is calculated to fuggef!:, it cannot efcape his
obfervation, as a circumftance of moment in the calculation, that
the progreilive population and improvement of the United States,
enfurc a continually increafing domcllic demand for the fabrics
which he fhall produce, not to be affetted by any external caiual-
ties or vicifiitudes.

But while there are circumftances fufhciently ftrong to autho-
rife A confiderable degree of reliance on the aid of foreign capital^
towards the attainment of the objcft in view, it is fatisfaflory to
have good grounds of aifurance, that there are domeflic refources
of thcmlclvcs adequate to it. It happens, tliat there is a fpecies
of capital, aftually cxifting v/ithin the United States, Avhich re-
lieves from all inquietude on the fcore of want of capital — This
is the funded debt.

The CiTcft of a funded debt, as a fpecies of cipitnl, has been
noticed upon a former cccafion \ but a more particular elucidation
of the point feems to be required by the flrefs which is laid up-
on it.

. Public funds anfwer the purpole of capital, from the eftima-
tion in which they are ufually held by monied men ; and conic •

OF THE UNITED STATES. 321

<Juently from the eafe and difpatch with which they can be turn-
fed into money. This capacity of prorript controvertibility into
money, cnufes a transfei- of ilock to be in a great number of c?fes
iequivalent ^o a payment in coin.— And where it does not happen
to fuit the party who is to receive, to accept a transfer of ftock,
the party who is to pay, is never at a lojs to find elfewhere a pui-
chafer of his ftock, who will furnifli him in lieu of it, with the
coin of which he ftands in need.

JHence in a fdund and fettled flate of the public funds, a man
poffeflTed of a fum in them can embrace any fcheme of bufinefs
which offers with as much confidence as if he were poffefied of ari
equal fum in coin.

This operation of public funds, as capital, is too obvious to be
denied ; but it is objefted to the idea of their operating as an aug-
mentation of the capital of the community, that they lervc to oc-
cafion the deftruftion of fome other capital to an equal amount.

The capital whifch alone they can be fuppoled to deflroy, muft
Confift of — ^The annual revenue, which is applied to the payment
of intereft on the debt, and to the gradual redemption of the prin-
cipal— The amount of the coin, Which is employed in circulating
the funds, or in other words, in effefting the different alien-
ations which they undergo.

But the following appears to be the true and accurate vigw of
the matter — ■

As to the point of the annual i'evenue requifite for payment of
intereft and redemption of principal :

As a determinate proportion will tend to perfpicuity in the tea-
foningj let it be fuppofed, that the annual revenue to be applied,
correfponding with the modification of the 6 per cent, ftock of
the United States, is in the ratio, of eight upon the hundred ; that
is, in the firft inftance, fix on account of intereft, and two on ac-
count of principaU

Thus far it is evident, that the capital deftroycd {o the capital
Created, would bear «o greater proportion than 8 to loo. There
rveuld be withdrawn from the total mafs of other capitals a fum of
eight dollars to be paid to the public creditor ; while he would be
pofi'effed of a fum of one hundred dollars, ready to be applied to
any purpofcj to be embarked in any entcrprife, which mi^ht
appear to him eligible — -Here then the augmentation of capital^
or the cxcefs of that which is produced, beyond that whi«h
is deftroyed, is equal to ninety-two dollars.

Vol. I, Tt

g22 GENERAL DESCRIPTION/

To this conclufion it may be objefted, that the fum of eight dol-
lars is to be withdrawn aii'iually, until the whole hundred is ^x-
tinguifhcd, and it may be infen-ed, that in procefs of time a ca-
pital will be destroyed equal to that which is at firft created.
. But it is nex'crlhclefs true, that during the whole of the inter-
val, between the creation of the capital of loo dollars, and its
reduction to a fum not greater than that of the annual revenue
appropriated to its redemption — there will be a greater aftive
capital in exiflencc than if no debt had been contrafted. The fum
drawn from other capitals in any one year will not exceed eight
dollars ; but there will be at every inftant of time during the-
whole period in queftion, a fum correfponding with fo much of
the principal as remains unredeemed in the hands of fome pcrfon
or other, employed, or ready to be employed in fome profitable
undertaking. There will therefore conftantly be more capital in
capacity to be employed, than capital taken from employment.
The excefs for the firft y«?ar has been ftated to be ninety two dol-
lars ; it will diminifh yearly ; but there will always be an excefs,
>uitil the principal of the debt is brought to a level with the re-
deeming annuity, that is, in the cafe which has been affumed by
way of example, to eight dollars. The reality of this excefs be-
comes palpable, if it be fuppofed, as often happens, that the citi-
zen of a foreign country imports into the United States loo dollars
for the purchafe of an equal fum of public debt — here is an abfo-
lute augmentation of the mafs of circulating coin to the extent of
lOO dollars. At the end of a year, the foreigner is prefumed to
draw back eight dollars on account of his principal and intereft,
but he ftill leaves ninety-two of his original depofit in circulation,
as he in like manner leaves eighty-four at the end of the fccond
vcar, drawing back then alio the annuity of eight dollars : And
thus the matter proceeds ; the capital left in circulation diminifh-
ing each year, and coming nearer to the level of the annuity drawn
back. There are, however, fome differences in the ultimate ope-
ration of the part of the debt, which is purchalcd by foreigners,
and that which rcm-ains in the hands of citizens. But the general
efFeft in each calc, though in different degrees, is to add to the
active capital of the country.

Hitherto the rcafoning has proceeded on a conccffion of the
pofltion, that there is a deftruftion of fome oihcr capital, to the
ex.tent of the annuity appropriated to the payment of the intereft
and the redemption of the principal of the debt ; but in this too
much has been conceded. There is at moft a temporary transfer
of fome other capital, to tlie amount of the annuity, from thofc
who pay to the creditor who receives ; which he again reftores
to tlie circulation to refume the offices, of a e?.pual. This he doe •

01 THE UNITED STATES.

323

Wither immcdiaLely by employing the money in fomc branch of
induftrv, or mediately by lending it to fomc other perfon who
^oes fo employ it, or by fpending it on his own maintenance. lu
either fuppofition, there is no deftruftion of capital : there is no-
thing more than a fufpenhon of its motion for a time, that is, while
it is palling from the hands of thofc who pay into the public cof-
fers, and thence through the public creditor into lome other chan-
nel of circulation. When the payments of intcrefl are periodical
and quick, and made by the infkrumentaiity of b3nJs.s, the divci-
fion or fuipcnGon of capital may ?ilmo{l be denominated momen-
tary. Hence the deduj£tio;i on this account is far lefs than it at
iirft fight appears to be.

There is evidently^ as far as regards the annuity, ho deftruGion
nor transfer of any other capital, than that portion of 'the income
of each individual, which goes to make up the annuity. The
land which furnifhes the farmer with the fum which he is to con-
tribute remains the fame ; and the like may be obferved of other
capitals. Indeed, as far as the tax, which is the objeft of contri-
bution (as frequently happens when it docs not opprefs by its
weight) may havx been a motive to greater exe? tion in any occu-
pation ; it may even ferve to increafe the contributory capital.
This idea is not without importance iu the general view of the
iubjeft.

It remains to fee, v/hat further deduftiou ought to be made from
the capital which is created, by the exiftence of the debt, on ac-
count of the coin w^hich ig employed in its circulation. This is
fufceptible of much lefs precife calculation than the article which
has been juft difculfed. It is impoffible to fay, what proportion
of coin is neceffary to carry on the alicnatio^is v^^hicli any fpecici.
of property ufually undergoes. The quantity, indeed, varies ac-
cording to cireumliance^. But it may flill without hefitation be
pronounced, from the quicknefs of the rotation, or rather of the
tranfitions, that the medium of circulation always bears but a imall
proportion to the amount of the property circulated. And it is
thence fati^faftorily deducib.le, that the coin employed in the ne-
gociations of the funds, and which ferves to give them a6f ivity as
capital, is incomparably lefs than the lum of the debt negociated
for the purpolc of bufiriefs.

It ought not, however, to be omitted, that the ncgociation of
the funds becomes itfelf a diflinft bufinels, which employs, and
by employing, diverts a portion of the circulating coin from other
purluits. But making due allowance for this circumftance, there
is no reafon to conclude, that, the cffeft of tlie diverfion of coin
in the whole operation bears any conhderablc proportion to tliv

Tr 2

324 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

amount of the capital to which it gives aftivity. The fum of the
debt in circulation is continuallj' at the cdmmand of any ufeful
^nterprile ; the coin itfclf, "vvhich circulates it, is nevermore than
momentarily lufpended from its ordinary funftions. It experiences
an incefl'ant and rapid flux and reflux to and from the channels
pf indufl;ry to thofe of fpeculations in the funds.

There ^re ftrong circumflanccs in confirmation of this theory.
The force of rnonied capital which has been difplayed in Great
Britain, and the height to which every fpecies of induilry has
grown up under it, defy a folution from the quantity of coin
\<rhich that kingdom has ever pofl"c{Ted. Accordingly it has been
co-evil with its funding fyftem, the prevailing opinion of the
men of bufinefs, and of ihe generality of the moft fugacious theorifts
of that country, that the operation of the public funds as capital
has contributed to the effeft in que (lion. Among the Americans
appearances thus far favour the fame conclufion. , Induflry in
general feems to have been re-animatcd. There are fymptoms in-
dicating an extenfion of theii;- commerce. Their navigation has.
certainly of late had a confiderable fpring, and there appears to be
in many parts of the Union a con^mand of capital, which, till lately
Unce the revolution at leafl, was unknown. But it is at the fame
time to be acknowledged, that other circumflanccs have concurred,
and in a great degree, in producing the prefent ftate of things,
and that the sppeavances are not yet lufficienlly decifive to be
entirely relied upon.

In the queflion under difcuffion. it is important to diftinguifh
between an abfolute increafe of capital, or an acceflfion of real
wealth and an artificial increafe of capital, as an engine of bufinefs,
or as an inftrument of induftry and commerce. In the firfl: fenfe,
a funded debt has no pretenfions to being deemed an increafe of
capital ; in the lafl, it has pretentions which are not eafy to be
controverted. Of a fimilar nature is bank credit, and, in an in-
ferior degree, every fpecies of private credit.

But though a funded debt is not in the firll inftance, an abfolute
increafe pf capital, or an augmentation of real wealth ; yet, by
ferving as a new power in the operation of induftry, it has within
certain bounds a tendency to incrcalc the real wealth of a commu-
nity, in like manner as money borrowed by a thrifty farmer, to be
laid out in the improvement of his farm, may, in the end, add to
his ftock of real riches.

There are refpeftable individuals, who, from ay:/^'2 averfion to an
accumulation of public debt, arc unwilling to concede to it any kind
of utility, who can difcern no good to alleviate the ill with which
they fuppole it pregnant; who cannot be perfuaded, that it ought
in any fenfe to be viewed as an increafe of capital, left it fhoul^

OF THE UNITED STATES.

325

be inferred, as it has erroncoufiy been in Great Britain, that the
more ilebt the more capital, the greater the burthens the greater the
hJeJfmgs of the community.

But it interefls the public to have cftimated every objeft as it
truly is; to appreciate how far the good in any meafure is compen-
fated by the ill ; or the ill by the good ; cither of them is feldom
unmixed.

But it will not follow, that an accumulation of debt is defirable,
becaufe a certain degree of it-operates as a capital. There may
be a plethora in the political, as in the natural body; there may
be a ftate of things in which any fuch artificial capital is unne-
ceiTary. The debt too may be fwelled to fuch a fize, as that the
greateft part of it may ceafe to be ufeful as a capital, lerving only
as it does in England, to burden the labouring mechanic, and pam-
per the difljpation of idle and diffolute individuals; as that the
iums requij-ed to pay the intereft upon it may become opprefllve,
and beyond the means which a government can employ, con-
fidently with its tranquility, to raile them — as that the refources
of taxation to face the debt may have been fhrained too far to
admit of extenfions adequate to exigencies, which regard the pub-
lic fafety.

Where this critical point is, we cannot pronounce with preci-
fion, but it is impoffible to believe, that there is not fuch a point,
and almoft equally difHcult to doubt, but that mofl of the old go-
vernments of Europe are nearly arrived at it.

And as the viciflltudes of nations beget a perpetual tendency to
the accumulation of debt, there ought to be in every govern-
ment a perpetual, anxious, and unceafing effort to reduce that,
whiph at any time exifls, as fall as fhall be prafticable, confiflent-
ly with integrity and good faith.

Reafonings on a fubje£t comprehending ideas fo abftraft and
fomplex, fo little reducible to prccile calculation as thofe which
enter into the queflion jufl; difcuffed, are always attended with a
danger of running into fallacies. Due allowance ought therefore
to be made for this poflibility — But as far as the nature of the
fubje£l admits of, it there appears to be fatisfaftory ground for a
belief that the public funds operate as a refource of capital to
the citizens of the United States, and if they are a refource at all,
it is an extenfive one.

To all the arguments which are brought to evince the impraftl-
cability of fuccefs in manufafturing eftablilhments in the United
States, it might have been a fufficient anfwer to have referred to
the experience of what has been already done — It is certain that
feveral important branches have grown up and flourifhed %vith a
rapidity and fuccefs which furprifcs not only us, but the Arncri-

32b GENERAL DESCRIPTION

cans themfelvos ; affording an encouraging allurance of fucccfs it^
future attempts; of thefe it may not be improper to enumerate tlie
moft confidcrable,

I. Tanned and tawed leather, drcffed fkins, fliocs, boots and
flippers, harncfs, and fadlery of all kinds, portmanteaus and tx'unks,
leather breeches, gloves, muffs and tippets, parchment and glue.

II. Bar and fheet iron, fteel, nail rods, and nails, implements;
of hufbandry, ftoves, pots, and other houfehold utenfils, the flecl
and iron work for carriages, and Ihip-building, anchors, fcale-
beams and weights, various tools of artificers, arms of different
kinds, the manufacture uf thefe lafh has of late diminiflicd for
want of demand.

III. Ships, cabinet wares and turnery, wool and cotton cards,
and other machinery for manufaftures and hufbandry, mathema-
tical inRruments, cooper's wares of every kind.

IV^. Cables, fail-cloth, cordage, twine and pack-thread.
V . Bricks and coarfe tiles, and potters wares.
\'I. Ardent fpirits and malt liquors.

VII. Wi'iting and printing paper, fheathing and wrapping pa-
per, pafte-boards, fullers or prcfs papers, paper hangings.

VIII. Hats of fur and woolj and of mixtures of both. — Wo-
mens fluff and filk fhoes.

IX. Refined fugars.

X. Oris of animals and feeds, foap, fpcrmaceti and tallow
candles.

XI. Copper and brafs wares, particularly utenfils for diflil-
iCrs, fugar refiners and brewers, and irons and other articles for
houfehold ufe — philofophical apparatus, &c.

XII. Tin wares for mofl purpofcs of ordinary ufe.

XIII. Carriages of all kinds.

XIV. Snuff, chewing and fmoaking tobacco.

XV. Starch and hair powder.

XVI. Lampblack and other painters colours.

XVII. Gunpowder.

Befides manufaftories of ihcfe articles which are carried on as
regular trades, and have attained to a conhderable degree of matu-
rity, there is a vaft icene of houfehold manufafturing, which con-
tributes more largely to the fupply of the community than could
be imagined, without having made it an ob.je6i of particular in-
quiry. This obfervation is the plcafing refult of the invefhigation
to which the fubjett has led. and is applicable as well to the fouth-
crn as to the middle and northern flates; great quantities of coarle
cloths, coatings, fergcs, and flannels. linfey-wooHeys, hofiery of
wool, cotton, and thread, coarfe fuflians, jeans and muflins.
checked and llriped cotton and linen goods, bedticks, covcrh f

OF TkE UNITED STATES. 327

.rtid counterpanes, tow linens, coarfe ftiirtings, fiiectings, toweling
ind tabic linen, and various mixtures of w'ool and cotton, and of
cotton and fbx, are made in the houfehold way, and in.
niany inftances to an extent not only fufficient for the fupply
cf the families in which they are made, but for laic, and evert
in lomc cafes for exportation. It is computed in a number of
diftrifts, that two thirds, three fourths, and even four-fifths, of
all the clothing of the inhabitants are made by thcmlelves. The
importance of fo great a progrefs, as appears to have been made in
family manufactures within a few years, both in a moral and poli-
tical view, renders the faft highly interefting.

Neither docs the above enumeration comprehend all the articles
that are manufaftured as regular trades; many others occur which
are equally well efhablilhed, but which not being of equal impor-
tance have been omitted ; and there are many attempts flill in
their infancy, which though attended with very favourable ap-
pearances, could not have been properly comprifed in an enume-
ration of manufaftories already eftablifhed. There are other
articles alfo of great importance, which, though ftriftly {peaking,
manufaftures, are omitted, as being immediately connefted with
hufbandrv, fuch are flour, pot and pearl afii, pitch, tar, turpen-
tine, and the like.

There remains to be noticed an objcftion to the encouragement
of nicinufaftures, of a nature diiTerent from thofc which qucftion
the probability of fuccefs. — This is derived from its fuppo(c<:l tcn-
tency to give a monopoly of advantages to particular clafies at the
expence of the reft of the community, who, it is affirmed, would
be able to procure the requifite fupplies of manufaftured articles
on better terms from foreigners than from their own citizens, and.
who it is alledged, are reduced to the necelfity of paying an en-
hanced price for whatever they want, by every mealure which
♦jbftrufts the free competition of foreign commodities.

It is not an unreafonable fuppohtion, that meafures which fervi-
to abridge the free competition of foreign articles have a tendoncv
to occafion an enhancement of prices, and it is not to he denied
that fuch is the effeft in a number of cafes ; but the fa£l does not
uniformly correfpond with the theory, A rcduftion of prices
has, in feveral inftances, immediately fucceeded the eftabliflimcnt
of a domeftic manufafturc. Whether it be that foreign manufac-
tures endeavour to fupplant, by underfelling their own, or what-
ever elfe be the cauie, the eftcft has been fuch as is ftatcd, and the
reverfe of what might have been expefted.

But though it were true, that the immediate and certain effcdh
of regulations controuling the competition of foreign with domef-
tic fabrics was an incrcafc of price, it is univcrfally true, that the

328 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

contrary is the ultimate cfFeft with every fuccefsful manufafture.*
When a domeftic manufafture has attained to pcrfeftion, and has
engaged in the profecution of it a competent number of perfons, it
invariably becomes cheaper. Being free from the heavy charges
which attend the importation of foreign commodities, it can be
afforded, and accordingly fcldom or never fails to be fold cheaper,
in procefs of time, than was the foreign article for which it is a:
fubftitute. The internal competition which takes place, foon does
away every thing like monopoly, and by degrees reduces the price
of the article to the minimum of a reafonable profit on the capital
employed. This accords with the reafon of the thing and with
experience.

Hence it follows, that it is the interefl of the United States, with
a view to eventual and permanent economy, to encourage the growth
of manufaftures. In a national view, a temporary enhancement
of price mufl always be well Compenfated by a permanent reduc-
tion of it.

It is a refleftion which may with propriety be indulged here,
that this eventual diminution of the prices of manufaftured arti-
cles, which is the refult of internal manufafturing eftablifhments,
has a direft and very important tendency to benefit agriculture.
It enables the fanner to procure, with a fmaller quantity of his
labour, the manufaftured produce of which he ftands in need, and
oonfequently increafes the value of his income and property.

The objeftions which are commonly made to the expediency of
encouraging, and to the probability of fucceeding in manufaftur-
ing purfuits in the United States, having now been difcuffed, the
conftderations which have appeared in the courfe of the difcuf-
fion, recommending that fpecies of induflry to the patronage oi'
the American government, will be materially ftrengthened by a
few general and fome particular topics, which have been naturally
referved for fubfequent notice.

I. There feems to be a moral certainty, that the trad^ of a coun-
try, which is both manufa£luring and agricultural, will be more
lucrative and profpcrous than that of a Country which is merely
agricultural.

One reafon for this is found in that general efTort of nations, tw
procure from their own foils the articles of prime neceflity re-
quifitc to their own confumption and ufe, and which ferves to ren-
der their demand for a foreign fupply of fuch articles in a great
degree occafional and contingent. Hence, while the neceflities of
nations exclufively devoted to agriculture, for the fabrics of ma-
nufafturing ftates, are conftant and regular, the wants of the latter
for the produfts of the former are liable to very confiderable fluc-
tuation and interruptions. The great inequalities refulting from

OF THE UNITED STATES. 329

\ ■ .
difference of feafons have been elf'ewhere remarked ; this unifor-
mity of demand on one fide, and unileadinefs of it on the other,
muft necelT;u-ily have a tendency to caufe the general courfe of
the exchange of commodities between the parties to turn to the
difadvantage of the merely agricultural Hates. Peculiarity of
fituatioh, a climate and foil adapted to the produftion of peculiar
commodities, may fometimes contradift the rule ; but there is
every reafon to believe that it will be found in the main a jult
one.

Another circumftance which gives a fuperiority of corr^mercial
advantages to ftates, that manufacture, as well as cultivate, confifts
in the more numerous attraftions which a more diveriified mar-
ket offers to foreign cullomers, and in the greater fcope which it
affords to mercantile enterprife. It is a pofition of indifputable
truth in commerce, depending too on very obvious real'ons, that
the greatefh refort will ever be to thofe marts, where commodities,
while equally abundant, are moft various. Each difference of
kind holds out an additional inducement, and it is a pofition not
lefs clear, that the field of enterprife mufb be enlarged to the
merchants of a country, in proportion to the variety as well as
the abundance of commodities which they find at home for ex-
portation to foreign markets.

A third circumftance, perhaps not inferior to either of the
other two, conferring the fuperioiuty which has been ftated, has
relation to the flagnations of demand for certain commodities,
which at fome time or othe4- interfere more or lefs with the fale
of all. — 1 he nation which can bring to market but few articles,
is likely to be more quickly and fenfibly affefted by fuch flagna-
tions, thah one which is always poifeired of a great variety of
commodities : the former frequently finds too great a portion of
its flock of materials, for fale or exchange, lying on hand — or is
obliged to make injurious lacrifices to fupply its wants of foreign
articles, which are numerous and urgent, in proportion to the
imallneis of the number of its own. The latter commonly finds
itfelf indemnified by the high prices of iome articles for the low
prices of others — and the prompt and advantageous fale of thofe
articles which are in demand enables its merchants the better to
wait for a favourable change, in refpeft to thofe which are not.
There is ground to believe, that a difference of fituationj in this
particular, has immenfely different cflcfts upon the wealth and
prcifperity of nations.

From thefe circumlldncos coUeclively, two important inferences
are to be drawn ; one. that there is always a higher probability of
a favourable balance of trade, in regard to Countries in which ma-

Vol. I. U y

3SO GENERAL DESCRIPTION

nufaftures, founded on the baiis of a thriving agriculture, flourifh^
than in regard to thofe which are confined v/holly. or almoffe
wholly, to agriculture ; the other, v/hich is a conlequence of tlie
firft, that countries of the former defcription are likely to poffcls
more pecuniary wealth, or money, than thofe of the latter.

Fafts appear to correfpond with this conclufion. The impor-
tations of manufaftured lupplies fecm invariably to drain the mere-
ly agricultural people of their wealth. Let the fituation of the
manufdfturing countries of Europe be compared in this particular
with that of thofe countries which only cultivate, and the dif-
parity will be linking. Other ciuifes, it is true, help to account
for this difparitv between fome of them ; and among theic caules,
the relative flate of agriculture ; but between others of them,, the
mofl prominent circumfhance of diflimilitude ariies from the com-
parative flate of manufaftures. In corroboration of the fame idea,
it ought not to efcape remark, that the Wefh India iflands, the
foils of which are the moft fertile, and the nation, which in the
greatefl degree fupplies the refh of the world, with the precious
metals, exchange to a lofs with almofl every other country.

As far as experience in America may guide, it will lead to the
fame conclufion. Previous to the revolution, the quantity of
coin poifeffed by the colonies, which now compofe the United
States, appeared to be inadequate to their circulation, and their
debt to Great Britain was progreffive. Since the revolution, the
flates, in which manufafturcs have moft increafed, have recover-
ed fafteft from the injuries of the late war, and abound moft in
pecuniary refources.

It ought to be admitted, however, in this as in the preceding
cafe, that caufcs irrelative to the ftate of manufaftures account, in
a degree, for the phenomena remarked. The continual progrefi*
of new fettlements, has a natural tendency to occafion an unfa-
vourable balance of trade, though it indemnifies for the inconve-
nience, by that increafe of the national capital which flows from
the converfton of wafte into improved lands : and the different
degrees of external commerce which are carried on by the differ-
ent flatcs, may make material differences in the comparative ftate
of their wealth. The firft circumftance has reference to the
deficiency of coin, and the increafe of debt previous to the revo-
lution 5 the laft, to the advantages which the moft manufafturing
ftatcs appear to have enjoyed over the others, fmce the termina-
tion of the late war.

But the uniform appearance of an abundance of fpecie, as the
toncom.itant of a flourifliin? ftate of manufaftures. and of the re-

GF THE UNITED STATES. 331

Tcrfe where they do not prevail, afford a (Irong prcfumption of
iiieir favouvjble operation upon the wealth of a country.

Not only the wealth, but the independence and fecurity of a
country, appear to be materially conucfled with the profperity of
manufaftures. Every nation, with a view to thofe great objcfts,
ought to endeavour to polTcfs within itfelf all the effcntials of na-
tional fupply. Thefe comprilc the means of lubliftence, habita-
tion, cloathing, and defence.

The pofTcflion of thefe is neceflary to the peifciEtion of the bo-
dy politic, to the fafely as well as to the welfare of the fociety ;
the want of either js the v/ant of an important organ of political
life and motion ; and in the variou-S critical events which await a
Hate, it muil feverely feel the eiicfts of any fuch deficiency. The
extreme cmbarralTments of the United States during the late war,
from an incapacity of fupplying themfeivcs, are ftill matter of
I<ecn recoUeflion : a future war might be expefited again to ex-
emplify the miichiefs and dangers of a fituation, to which that
incapacity is ftill in too great a degree applicable^ imlefs changed
by timely and vigorous exertions. To effeil this change, as faft
as (hall be prudent, merits all the attention and all the zeal of their
public councils : it is the next great work to be accompiifhed.

The want of a navy to proteft the exterjial commerce of the
United States, as long as it fhall continue, muft render it a pe-
culiarly precarious reliance for the fupply of effential articles, and
muft ferve to ftrengthcn prodigioufly the arguments in favour of
manufaftures.

To thefe general confiderations arc added fome of a more par-
ricular nature.

Their diftance from Europe, the great fountain of manufaSbur-
ed fupply, fubjefts them, in the exifting flate of things, to incon-
venience and lois in two ways.

The bulkinels of thole commpdities which arc the chief pro-
ductions of the foil, neceffarily impoles very heavy charges on
their tranfportation to diftant markets. Thefe charges, in the
calcs in which the nations, to whom their produfts are fent,
maintain a competion in the fupply of their own markets, prin-
cipally fall upon them, and form material dedu£lions from the
primitive value of the articles furniflied. The charges on manu-
faftured fupplies carried from Europe are greatly enhanced by the
fame circumftance of diftance. Tliefc charges, again, in the cafes
in which their own induftry maintains no competition in their
own markets, aifo principally fall upon them, and are an addi-
tional caufe of extraordinary deduftion from the primitive value
)f their own produ6ls, thcle being the materials of exchange for
-he foreign fabrics which they confume.

U u 2

332 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

The quality and moderation of individual propertv, and the
growing lettlements of new diftrifts, occafioned in the United
States an unufual demand for coarfe manufaftures, the charges of
which being greater in proportion to their greater bulk, augment
the difadvantage which has been juft described.

As in mofl countries domeflic fupplies maintain a very confi-
derable competition with fuch foreign produftions of the foil a?
are imported for fale ; if the extenfive eflablifhment of manufafto-
ries in the United States does not create a fimilar competition in
refpe£t to manufaftured articles, it appears to be clearly deducible,
from the confiderations which have been mentioned, that they
mud fuflain a double lofs in their exchanges with foreign nations,
flrongly conducive to an unfavourable balance of trade, and very
prejudicial to their int^refts.

Thefe diladvantages prefs with no fmall weight on the landed
intereft of the country ; in fealons of peace they caule a ferious
deduftion frorn the intrinfic value of the produfts of the foil : and
in cafe of war, which fhould either involve them(elv«s, or any
other nation, poffcffing a confiderable fhare of their carrying
trade, the charges on the tranfportatioii of their commodities,
bulky as moft of them are, under fuch circumilances, could hard-
ly fail to prove a grievous burthen to the farmer, while obliged
to depend in io great a degree as he now does upon foreign mar-
kets for the vent of the lurplus of his labour.

As far as the profperity of the fifheries of the United States is
Impeded by the want of an adequate market, there arifes another
ipecial reaion for defiring the extenfion of manufafturcs. Befides
the fifn, which in many places would be likely to make a part of
the lubfifkence of the perfons employed, it is known that the oils,
bones, aud {kins of marine animals, are of extenfive ufe in vari-
ous roanufactures ; hence the profpetl: of an additional demand
for the produce of the fifheries.

One more point of view only remains, in which to confider
the expediency of the utrroft encouragement being given to ma-
nufa£lui-es in the United States.

It is not uncommon to meet with an opinion, that though the.
promoting of manuf^tlures mav be the intereft. of a part of the
Union, it is contrary to that of another part ; the northern and
fouthern regions are fometimes reprefented as having adverfe in-
terefts in this refpeft ; thofe are called manufafturing, thefe agri-
cultural ftates, and a fpecies of oppoiition is imagined to fubfifl;
between the manufacturing and agricultural interefts.

This idea of an oppofition between thofe two interefts has been
the common error of the early periods of every country, but ex-
perience gradually dilTipates it; indeed, they are pei;eived io

OF THE UNITED STATES. 333

pften to fuccour and to befriend each other, that they come at
length to be conlidered as one ; a fuppofition which has been
frequently abuled, and is not univerlally true. Particular encou-
ragemeots of particular manufa6lurcs may be of a nature to facri-
fice the interefts of landholders to thole of manufafturers ; but it
is nevcrthclcls a maxim well eftabliflied by experience, and gene-
rally acknowledged, where there has been fufficient experience*
that the aggregate profpertty of manufaftures, and the aggregate
profperity of agricultuie are intimately connctled. In the courfe
of this difcufhon, various weighty confiderations have been addu-
ced operating in fupport of this opinion. Perhaps the fuperior
fteadineis of the demand of a domeftic market for the lurplus pro-
duce of the foil is alone a convincing argument of its truth.

Ideas of a contrariety of interefts between the northern and
fouthern regions of the United States, are in the main as unfound-
ed as they are mifchievous ; the diverfity of circumftances, on
which fuch contrariety is ulually predicated, authorifes a direft
contrary conclufion ; mutual wants conftitute one of the fti"ong-
efk links of political connc6l:ion, and the extent of thefe bears a
natural proportion to the diverfity in the means of mutual fupply.

Suggeftions of an oppolitc complexion are ever to be deplored,
as unfriendly to the fteady purfuit of one great common caufe,
and to the pe-rfeft harmony of all the parts.

In proportion as the mind is accuflomed to trace the intimate
conneftion of interefts which fubftft between all the parts of a
fociety, united under the fame government ; and the infinite
variety of channels, which ferve, to circulate the profperity of .
each to and through the reft, in that proportion it will be little
apt to be difturbed by folicitudes and apprehenfions which ori-
•ginate in local diicriminations. It is a truth as important as it is
agreeable, andone towhich it is noteafy to imagine exceptions, that
every thing tending to eftablilli fubftantial and permanent order
ur the aftairs of a country, to increafe the total mafs of indullry
and opulence, is ultimately beneficial to every part of it. On
the credit of this great truth an acquiefcence may fafely be accord-
ed from every quarter to all inftitutionsand arrangements, which
promile a confirmation of public order, and an augmentation of
national refource.

But there are more particular confiderations which ferve to for-
tify the idea, that the encouragement of manufaftures is the inte-
rcft of all parts of the American Union. If the northern and
middle ftates fliould be the principal Icencs of fuch eftiiblifliments,
they would immediately benefit the more louthern bv creating a
demand for produftions, fome of which they have in common
with the other ftates, an.d others of which are either pccidiar to

334 GEMTERAL DESCRIPTION^,

There p.odua,ons pr.nc.p.lly are timber, flax, he:.p, cotton, wo" '
aw r,,, ,,a,go, n-on lead, furs, hides, fkins, and coals; of thefe
auicles cotton and md.go are peculiar to the fouthern ftates- as
are h.therto .kao and co.., flax and hemp are, or may be ra.fed in
g.eaer abundance there than in the more northern flates; and
he wool of V.rg,nu ,3 la,d to be of better qualuy than that of
ny other flatc; a orcumftance rendered thl more probable by
the reflea:on, that V.rgin.a embraces the fame latitud^es with th
^neft wool countr.es of Europe, and their paflure is fnnUar
.hc^^chmate of the fouth is alfo better adapted to the produd^on

The extenfive cultivation of cotton can, perhaps, hardly be
cxpeded, wuhout the previous cllabnfl.ment of dLefl:c manu-

bi fhT ; : '"'V ^"'^ ^" '^'^^ °^ '''' ^^^^- h-- been efta-
blfhcd, and have already arrived at a degree of perfeftxon and
.clpcaabUuy hardly to have been cxpefted in the time; and the
rf encouragement and vent for the others, wUl refult fr«m
hmilareltablifhments m refpca to them.

^^ if then it latisfaftorzly appears, that'k is the intereft of the
united States generally to encourage manufaaures. it merits par
^icular attention, that there are circumflances which render the'
pre ent a critical moment for entering with zeal upon the impor-
tant buhnefs; the effort cannot fail to be materially feconded by
a confiaerable and mcreafing innux of money, ariftng from the
numbers who have, and which ftJll continue to transfer themfclves
and capitals from the Old World to the different States ; m con-
lequence of foreign fpeculations in their funds-,and by the dif-
orders and oppreffions which exift in different parts of Furopc

The firfl circumflance not only facilitates the execution of ma
nufaaunng enterpnles, but it indicates them as a neccffary mean
to turn theu- mcreafing population and capital, to advantaj^e, and
to prevent their being eventually an evil. If ufeful employment
be not found for the money of foreigners who are daily taking up
tuen- rehdence in the United States, and for that which is carried
to the country to be invefted in purchafes of the public debt, it
will quickly be re-exported to defray the cxpence of an extraor-
dinary confuniption of foreign luxuries ; and diftrefTing drains of
their fpecie may hereafter be experienced to pay the intereft
and redeem the principal of the purchafed debt.

This ufeful employment too ought to be of a nature to produce
fohd and permanent improvements. If the money merely ferves
to give a temporary fpring to foreign commerce, as it cannot pro-
cure ncy. and lafling outlets for the produas of the country,
there will be no real or durable advantage gained ; as far as it
liiall find us way in agricultin-al ameliorations, in opening canals.

OF THE UNITED STATES.

ZZl

and in fimiliar improvements, it wiH be produftive of fubftantial
utility ; but there is reafon to doubt, whether in fuch channels
it is likely to find I'ufficient employment, and flill mere, whether
many of thofc who poffefs it will be as readily attrafted to objects
of this nature as to manufafturing purluits, which bear greater
analogy to thofc to which they have been accuflomed. and to the
Ipirit generated by them.

To open the one field, as well as the other, will at lead fccurc
a better profpeft of uleful employment, for whatever acceflion of
population and money there has been or may be.

There is at the prefent junfture a certain fermentation of mind,
a certain aftivity of fpeculation and enterpriie, which, if proper-
ly direfted, may be made fubfervient to vtfeful purpofes,; but
which, if left entirely to itfelf, may be attended with pcrniciou:^
effeas.

The difturbed fi;ate of Europe inclining its citizens to emigra-
tion, the requifitc workmen will be more eafily acquired for dif-
ferent manufaftures than at another time ; and the efFe6l of mul-
tiplying the opportunities of employment to thofe who emigrate,
may be an increafe of the number and extent of valuable acqui-
fitions to the population, arts, and induftry of the United States.

To find pleaiure in the calamities of other nations would be
criminal, but for the Americans to benefit themfelves by opening
an alylum to thole who fufFer in confequence of them, is as juf-
tifiable as it is politic.

A full view having now been taken of the inducements to the
promotion of manufaftures in the United States, accompanied
with an examination of the principal objeftions which are urged
in oppofition thereto by fome of their own citizens, it is proper,
in the next place, to confider the means by which the promotion
of them may be effefted, as introduftory to a fpecification of the.
objefts, which, in the prefent ftate of things, appear the moft fit to
be encouraged, and of the particular meafurcs which it would be
advifable for them to adopt in refpeft to each.

In order to a better judgment of the means proper to be re-
lorted to by the United States, it will be of ufe to advert to
thole which have been employed with fuccefs in other countries.

The principal of thcfe are —

I. Prote&ing duties — or duties on thqfe foreign articks which are
f}i£ rivals of the domejlic ones intended to be encouraged.

Duties of this nature evidently amount to a virtual bounty on
the domeflic fabrics, fince by enhancing the charges on foreign
articles, they enable the national manufaclurers to underfell all
their foreign competitors. Tlie propriety of this fpecies of en-
couragement need not be dwelt upon, as it is nor only a clear re-

336 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

fult from the numerous topics which have been fuggeftcd, but ii
lan£lioned by the laws of the United States in a variety of inftan-
ces; it has the additional recommendation of being a refource of
revenue. — Indeed all the duties impofed on imported articles,
though with an exclufive view to revenue, have the effeft in
contemplation, and, except where they fall on raw materials, wear
a beneficent afpeft towards the manufactures of the country.

II. Prohibitions of rival articles, or duties equivalent to prohibitions.
This is anotiier and an efficacious mean of encouraging their

national manufaftures, but in general it is only fit to be employed
when a manufafture has made (uch a progrefs, and is in fo many
hands as to enfure a due competition, and an adequate fupply on
reafonable terms. Of duties equivalent to prohibitions, there are
examples in the laws of the United States, and there are other
cafes to which the principle may be advantageoufly extended, but
they are not numerous.

Confidering a monopoly of the domeftice market to its own
manufactures as the reigning policy of manufafturing nations, a
fimilar policy on the part of the United States in every proper
inftance is diftated, it might almoft be faid, by the principles of
diflributive juftice ; certainly by the duty of endeavouring to fc-
cure to their own citizens a reciprocity of advantages.

III. Prohibitions of the exportation of the materials of vianufaEiures.

The defire of fecuring a cheap and plentiful fupply for the na-
tional workmen, where the article is either peculiar to the coun-
try, or of peculiar quality there, — thejealoufy of enabling foreign
workmen to rival thofe of the nation with its own materials, are
the leading motives to this fpecies of reftraint. It ought not to
be affirmed that this regulation is in no inftance proper ; but it is
certainly one which ought to be adopted with great circumfpec-
tioa, and only in very plain cafes. It is feen at once, that its im-
mediate operation is to abridge the demand, and keep down the
price of the produce of fome other branch of induftry generally
fpeaking, of agriculture, to the prejudice of thofe who carry it
on ; and though, if it be really effential to the profperity of any
very important national manufafture, it may happen that thole
Vv'ho are injured in the firft inftance, may be eventually indemni-
fied by the fuperior fteadinefs of an extenfive domeftic market
depending on that profperity ; yet, in a matter in which there
is fo much room for nice and difficult combinations, in which
fuch oppofite confiderations combat each other, prudei.ce fecms
to dictate, that the expedient in queftion eught to be iiidule. c
with a fparing hand.

OF THE UNITED STATES.

331

IV. Pecuniary bounties.

This has been found one of the moft efHcacious means of encou-
raging manufaftures, and it is, in ibme views, the beft. Though
it has not yet been much pratlifed upon by the government of the
United States, unlefs the allowance on the exportation of dried
and pickled fiih and lalted meat could be coniidered as a bounty
this method of encouraging martufafturcs, though lefs favoured by
public opinion than fome other modes, has its advantages.

1. It is a fpecies of encouragement more pofitive and direflb
than any other^ and, for that very reafon, has an immediate ten-
dency to flimulate and uphold new cnterprifcs, increafing the
chances of profit, and diminifliing the rifles of lols, in the firit
attempts.

2. It avoids the inconvenience of a temporary augmentation of
price, which is incident to fome other modes, or it produces it to
a lefs degree ; either by making no addition to the charges on the
rival foreign article, as in the cafe of prote£I;ing duties, or by mak-
ing a fmaller addition. The firft happens wheri the fund for the
bounty is derived from a different objeft, which may or may not
increafe the price of fome other article, according to the nature of
that objeft ; the fecond, when the fund is derived from the fame
or a fimilar objcCc of foreign manufacture. One per cent, duty on
the foreign article converted into a bounty on the domellic, will
have an equal effcft with a duty of two per cent, exclufive of fuch
bountv ; as the price of the foreign commodity is liable to be
railed, in the one cafe, in the proportion of one per cent. ; in
the other, in that of two per cent. But the bounty when drawn.
from another fource is calculated to promote a rcdufllion of price;
becaule, without laying any new charge on the foreign article, it
ferves to introduce a competition with it, and to increafe the
total quantity of the article in the raai-ket.

3. Bounties have not, like high prote£ling duties, a tendency
to produce fcarCity. An increafe of price is not always the im-
mediate, though, where the progrefs of a domeflic manufafturc
does not counteraft a rife, it is commordy the ultimate cfFe6t of an
additional duty. In the interval between tlie laying of the duty,
and a proportional increafe of price, it may difcourage importa-
tion, by interfering vv'ith the profits to be cxpe£ied from the fale
of the article,

4. Bounties are foinctimes not only the bcft, but the only pro-
per expedient, foi" uniting the encouragement of a new cbjcft of
'iriculture with that of a new obje£l of manufa£lure. It is the

ucrcfh of the farmer to have the produQiion of the raw m^iterial
promoted, by counteracting the interi\-rence of the foreign mate-

338 GEXERAL DESCRIPTION^

rial of the fame kind — It is the interefk of the manufaclurcr to have
the material abundant and cheap. If, prior to the domeflic pro-
fiuftion of the material in fufficient quantity to fupply the manu-
fafturcr on good terms, a duty be laid upon the importation of it
from abroad, with a vie\v to piomote the raifing of it at home,
the intereft both of the farmer and manufp.fturer will be difTerved
. — ^by either dcflroying the requifitc fupplv, or raifing the price
of the article beyond what can be afforded to be given for it by
the conduftor of an infant manufafture, it is abandoned, or fails,
and there being no domeflic manufaftorics to create a demand for
the raw material which is railed by the farmer, it is in vain, that
the competition of the like foreign article may have been de-
ftroyed.

It cannot efcape notice, that a duty upon the importation of aa
article can no otherwife aid the domeflic production of it, than
by giving the latter greater advantages in the home market. It
can have no influence upon tlie advuntageous fale of the article
produced in foreign markets, no tendency, therefore, to promote
ils exportation-

The true way to conciliate thefe two inttrcfts, is therefore to
lay a duty on foreign manufatlures of the material, the growth of
which is defired to be encouraged, and to apply the produce of
that duty by way of bounty, either upon the production of the
material itfelf, or upon its manufafturc at home, or upon both.
If this is done the manufafturer of the United States will com
mencc his entcrprife under every advantage which is attainable,
as to quantity or price of the raw material ; and the farmer, if the
bounty be immediately to him, is enabled by it to enter into a
luccefsful competition with the foreign material ; if the bounty
be to the manufafturer on fo much of the domeflic material as he
confumes, the operation is nearly the fame ; he has a motive of
intereft to prefer the domeflic commodity, if of equal quality,
even at a higher price than the foreign, fo long as the difference
of price is any thing fliort of the bounty which is allowed upon
tlie article.

Except the fimple and ordinary kinds of houfchotd manufac
ture, or thofe for which there are very commanding local advan-
tages, pecuniary bounties are in moil cafes indifpeniable to thf:
introduftion of a new branch. A ftimulus and a fupport not IcG
powerful and direct is, generally fpeaking, effential to the over
coming of the obftacles which arife from the com.petitions of fupe-
vior Tkill and maturity elfcwhcre. Bounties are efpecially effcn-
fial in regard to articles upon which thofe foreigners, who have
been accuftomed to fupplv a countrv, arc in the prafticc of grant
tng them.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 339

The continuance of bounties on manufafturcs long cftablifhed,
jnuft almoft always be of qucflionable policy ; becaufe a profump-
tion would arife in every luch cafe, lliat there were natuial and
inherent impediments to luccels. But in new undertakings tli^
are as juftifiablc, as they are oftentimes necelTary.

There is a degree of prejudice againft bounties, from an appear-
ance of giving away the public money, without an immediate
confuleration, and from a luppofition that they ferve to ennch
particular clalTes at the expencc of the community.

But neither of thefe fources of diflike will bear a ferious exa-
mination when applied to an infant ftate. There is nopurpofe to
which public money can be more beneficially applied, than to the
acquifttion of a new and ufeful branch of induftry ; no confidera-
tion more valuable than a permanent addition to the general flock
of produftive labour.

As to the fecond fource of objefiion, it equally lies againft other
modes of encouragement which are admitted to be eligible. As
often as a duty upon a foreign article makes an addition to its
price, it caufes an extra expence to the community, for the bene-
fit of the domcflic manufafturer. A bounty does no more. But
it is the intereft of the iocicty in each cai'e to fubmit to a tempora-
ry expence, v/hich is more than compenlatcd by an inr.reafe of in-
duflry and wealth, by an augmentation of refources and indepen-
dence ; and by the circumftance of eventual cheapnefs, which has
been noticed in another place.

It would deferve attention, however, in the employment of
this fpecies of encouragement in the United States, as a reafon for
moderating the degree of it in the inlhinccs in which it might be
deemed eligible, that the great diftance of the United States from
Europe impofes very heavy charges on all the fabrics which are
brought from thence, amounting from 15 to 30 per cent, on their
value, according to their bulk.

V. Premiu:r:s.

Thefe are of a nature allied to bounties, though diftinguifliable
from them in ibmc important features,

Bounties are applicable to the whole quantity of an article pro-
duced or manufatlured, or exported, and involve a correfpondcnt
expence. — Premiums ferve to reward fome particular excellence
or luperiority, fome extraordinary exertion or fkill, and arc difr
penfed only in a fmall number of cafes ; but their cfFed is to fti-
mulate general effort — contrived fo as to be both honorarv and
lucrative, they addrefs themfclves to different |>afiions, touching
the chords as well of emulation as of intereft. — They are accor-
dingly a very economical mean of exciting the entcrpril'c of a
whole community.

X .% 2

34© GENERAL DESCRIPTION

There jrre various focieties in different countries, whofe objeQ;
is the difpenfation of premiums for the encouragement of agricul-
ture, arts, msnufaftures, and commerce ; and though they are for
the moft part voluntary affociations, with comparatively flender
funds, their utility ha3 been immen'e. Much has been done by
this mean in Great Britain ; Scotland in particular owes materi-
ally to it a prodigious amelioration of condition. From a fimilar
c/lablifnment in the United .States, fupplied and fupported by the
Government of the Union, vaft benefits might reafonably be ex-
pcfted.

VI. The exemption of the materials of manufu Slur es from duty.
The policy of that exemption as a general rule, particularly in
relation to new eftablifhments, is obvious. It can liardly ever be
advifeable to add the obftruftions of fifcal burthens to the difHcul-
ties which naturally embarrafs a new manufafturc ; and where it
is matured and in condition to bccornc an objcft of revenue, it
is, generally fpeaking, better that the fabric, than the material,
fliould be the fubje£l of taxation. — Ideas of proportion between
the quantum of the tax and the value of the article can be more
eafily adjufted in the former than in the latter cafe. An argu-
ment for exemptions of this kind in the United States is to be
derived ,from the praftice, as far as their necelTitics have permit-
ted, of thofe nations whom they are to meet as competitors irj
their own and in foreign markets.

There arc, however, exceptions to it ; of which fome examples
■jivill be given under the next head.

The laws of the Union afford inftanccs of the obfervance of the
policy here recommended, but it will probably be found advifeable
to extend it to fome other cafes. — Of a nature, bearing iome affini-
ty to that policy, is the regulation which exempts from duty the
tools and implements, as well as the ^ooks, clothes, and houfc-
hold furniture of foreign artifls who come to refide in the United
States ; an advantage already fecured to them by the laws of the
Union, and which it is in every view, proper to continue.

VII. Draicbacks of the duties which are impofed on the materials
of vianiifcciures.

It has already been obferved, as a general rule, that duties on
tiiofe materials ouglit, with certain exceptions, to be foreborne.
Of thefe exceptions, three cales occur, v/liich may fcrve as exam-
ples— one, where tlie material is itfclf an objcft of general or ex-
tenfive confumption. and a fit and produftive fource of revenue — -
another where a manufafture of ? fimpler kind, the competition of
which with a like domeftic article is defired to be reftrained, par-
tykes of the nature of a raw material, from being capable, by a
further procefs, to be converted into a manufafturc. of a different
kind, the introduftion or growth of which is defired to be en-

GF THE UNITED STATES. 341

Gouratred — a third, where the material itielf is a produftion of
the country, and in lufiicient abundance to furnifh a cheap and
plentiful lupply to the national manufafturers.

Under the firft deicription comes the article of molaffes. It is
not only a fair objcft of revenue, but being a fweet, it is jufl that
the confumcrs of it fliould pay a duty as well as the conlumers of
fugar.

Cottons and linen in their white (late fall under the iecond def-
cription — a duty upon fuch as are imported is proper to promote
the domefl-ic manufafture of fimilar articles in the fame ftate— a
drawback of that duty is proper to encourage the painting and
flaining at horrje of thofe which are brought from abroad. When
the firft of thefe manufatlures has attained lufficient maturity in a
country to furnifli a full fupply for the fecond, the utility of the
drawback ceafes. '

The article of hemp either now does or may be expected foon
to exemplify the third cafe in the United States.

Where duties on the materials of manufa£lures are not laid for
the purpofe of preventing a competition with fome domeftic pro-
duftion, the fame reafons which recommend, as a general rule, the
exemptions of thofe materials from duties, would recommend, as
a like general rule, the allowance of drawbacks, in favour of the
manufafturer : accordingly fuch drawbacks are familiar in coun-
tries which fyftematically purfue the bufinefs of manufaftures ;
which furnifhes an argument for the obfervance of a ftmilar poli-
cy in the United States ; and the idea has been adopted by the
laws of the Union , in the infkances of fait and molalfes. And it
will be found advantageous to extend it to fome other articles.

VIII. The encourage riient of nezo inventions and dij^toveries, and of
the introduRion into the Umted States of fuch as have been made in other
countries, particularly thofe zuhich relate to machinery.

This is among the mofi: ufeful and unexceptionable of the aids
which can be given to manufaftures. The ufual means of that en-
couragement are pecuniary rewards, and, for a time, exclufive privi-
leges. The firft muft be employed according to the occafion, and
the utility of the invention or difcoveiy. For the lafl, fo far as
rcfpcfts " authors and inventors," provifion has been made by law.
But it is defircable, in regard to improvements and fccrets of ex-
traordinary value to be able to extend the fame benefits to intro-
ducers, as well as authors and inventors; a policy which has been
praftifed with advantage in other countries. Here, however, as
in fome other cafes, there is caufe to regret, that the competency
of the authoi-ity of the National Government to the good which
might be done, is not without a qucftlon. Many aids might be
given to indullry ; many internal improvements of primary ma^-

342 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

nitucle might be promoted, by an authority operating throughout
the Union which cannot be effefted by an authority confined with-
in the limits of a fingle flate.

But if the Legiflaturc of the Union cannot do all the good that
might be wifhcd, it is at lead defirablc, that all may be done
which is pra6licable.

It is cuRomary with manufafturing nations to prohibit, under
feverc penalties, the exportation of implements and machines,
which they have either in^'entcd or improved. There are already
objefts for a fimilar regulation in the United States : and others
may be expefted to occur from time to time. The adoption of
this line of conduft leems to be diftated by a principle of recioro-
city. Greater liberality in fuch refpcfts might better comport
with the general fpirit of the country ; but a felfifh and exclufive
policy in Europe will not always permit the free indulgence of a
fpirit, which would place America upon an unequal footing. As
far as prohibitions tend to prevent foreign competitors from de-
riving the benefit of the improvements made in the United States,
they tend to increafe the advantages of thofc by whom they may
have been introduced, and operate as an encouragement to ex-
ertion.

IX. judicious regulations f 07- the infpcElioa of rdanufutliired com-
inodities.

This is not among the leaft important of the means by which the
profperity of manufactures may be promoted. It is, indeed, ir>
many cafes, one of the moft elTential — contributing to prevent
frauds upon confumers at home, and exporters to foreign coun-
tries— to improve the quality and preferve the charafter of the
national manufaftures •, it cannot fail to aid the expeditious and
iidvantageous fale of tliem, and to ferve as a guard againit fucccfs-
ful competition from other quarters. The reputation of the flour
and lumber of fome flates, and the pot-afli of others, has been efla-
hlifhed by an attention to this point. And the like good name
might be procured for thofe articles, whercfoevcr produced, by a
judicious and uniform fyftem of infpeftion throughout the ports
of the United States. A like fyftem might alfo be extended with
advantage to other commodities.

X. Th: facilitating of pecuniary remittances from place to place —
This is a point of confiderablc moment to trade in general, and

to manufacture in particular ; by rendering more eafy the pur-
chafe of raw materials and proviuons, and the payment for
manufaftured fupplics. A general circulation of bank paper,
which is to be expe£lcd from the inftitution lately eflablifhed
in the United States, Avill be a moll valuable mean to tliis end.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 343

XI. The facilitating of the iranfportation of commodities.
Improvements favouring this objeft intimately concern all the •
domeftic interefts of a community : but they may, without im-
propriety, be mentioned as having an important relation to manu-
faftures. There is, perhaps, fcarcely any thing which has been
better calculated to afTifl the rnanufaftures of Great Britain than
the amelioration of the public roads, and the great progrefs which
has been of late made in opening canals. Of the former, mod
parts of the United States fland much in need ; for the latter they
prefent uncommon facilities.

The fymptoms of aUention to the improvement of inland navi-
gation, which have lately appeared in fome of the United States,
inuft fill with pleafure every bread warmed with a true zeal for
the profperity of that country. Thefe examples, it is to be hoped,
will ftimulatc the exertions of the government and citizens of
every ftate. There can certainly be no objeft more worthy of
the cares of the local adminiftrations ; and it were to be wifhed,
that there was no doubt of the power of the national government
to lend its direft aid on a comprehenfivc plan. — This is one of
thofe improvements which could be profecuted with more efficacy
by the whole, than by any part or parts of the union. There are
cafes in which the general interefl; will be in danger of being
facrificed to the coUifion of fomc fuppofed local interefts. Jea-
loufies, in matters of this kind, are as apt to exift as they are apt
to be erroneous.

The following remarks are fufficiently judicious and pertinent
to deferve a literal quotation : " Good roads, canals, and navigable
rivers, by diminifhing the expencc of carriage, put the remote
parts of a country more nearly upon a Icx^el with thofe in the
neighbourhood of the town. They are, upon that account, the
greateft of all improvements ; they encourage the cultivation of
the remote, which muft always be the moft extenfive circle of
the country; they are advantageous to the town, by breaking
down the monopoly of the country in its neighbourhood ; they
are advantageous even to that part of the country. Though they
introduce fome rival commodities into the old market, they open
many new markets to its produce. Monopoly, befidcs, is a great
enemy to good management, which can never be univcrlally cfta-
blifhed, but in confequence of that free and univcrfal competition
which forces every body to have recourle to it for the lake of
felf-defence. It is not more than fifty years ago that fome of the
countries in the neighbourhood of London petitioned the parlia-
ment againft the extenfion of turnpike roads into the remoter
counties. Thofe remoter counties, they pretended, from the
cheapncfs of labour, would be able to Icll their grafs and corn

344 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

cheaper in the London market than themfelves, and they -^'ould:
• thereby reduce their rents, and ruin their cuhivation. Their
rents, however, have arifen^ and their cultivation has been im-
proved fince that time."

Specimens of a Ipirit, fimilar to that which governed the coun-
ties here fpoken of, prefent themfelves too frequently to the eye
of an impartial obferver, and render it a wifh of patriotifm that
the body in' Artlefica, in whofe councils a local or partial fpirit is
leaft likely to predominate, were at liberty to purfue and promote
the general interefl in thofe inftances in which there mi^ht be
danger of the interference of fuch a fpirit.

The foregoing are the principal of the means by which the
growth of manufaftures is ordinarily promoted. It is, however
not merely neceffary that the meafures of government, which
have a direft view to manufaftures, fhould be calculated to aflift
and proteft them, but that thofe which only collaterally afFeft
them in the general courfe of the adminiftration, fliould be guard-
ed from any peculiar tendency to injure them.

There are certain fpecies of taxes which are apt to be oppreflive
to different parts- of the community, and, among other ill effcfis
have a very unfriendly afpc6l towards manufaftures.

Such are all taxes on occupations — which proceed accordino- to
the amount of capital fuppofed to be employed in a bufinefs, or of
profits fuppofed to be made in it : thefe are unavoidably hurtful
to induftry. It is in vain that the evil may be endeavoured to be
mitigated by leaving it, in the firft inflance, in the option of the
party to be taxed to declare the amount of his capital or profits

Men engaged in any trade or bufinefs have commonly wcicrhty
reafons to avoid difclolures which would expofe, with any thing
like accuracy, the real flate of their affairs. They moft frequent-
ly find it better to rifque oppreihon than to avail themfelves of
fo inconvenient a refuge : and the confequence is, that they often
fuffer opprcfTion.

When the difclofure too, if made, is not definitive, but con-
troulable by the difcretion, or, in other words, by the pafTions
and prejudices of the revenue officers, it is not only an inefFeclual
protcftion, but the poITibility of its being lb is an additional rca-
fon for not reforting to it.

Allowing to the public officers the mod equitable difpofitions,
yet where they are to exercife a difcretion, without certain data-
they cannot fail to be often mifled by appearances. The quantity
of bufinefs which feems to be going on, is in a vaft number of
cafes, a very deceitful criterion of the profits which are made, yet
it is perhaps the bell they can have, and it is the one on which
they will moll naturally rely ; a bufinefs, therefore, which may

OF THE UNITED STATES, ^45

jrallief require aid from the government, than be in a capacity
to be contributory to it, may find itfelf ci-ufhed by the miftaken
conjeftures of the aifefTors of taxes.

Arbitrary taxes, under which denomination are comprifed all
thole that leave the quantum of the tax to be raifed on each per-
ion to the dircrction of certain officers, are as contrary to the
genius of liberty as to the niaxims of indufhry. In this light
they have been viewed by the moft judicious obfervers on go-
vernment, who have beftowed upon them the fevered epithets
of reprobation, as confkituting one of the word features ufually
to be met with in the praftice of delpotic governments.

It is certain, at leaft, that fuch taxes are particularly inimical to
the fuccefs of manufafturing induftry, and ought carefully to be
avoided by a government which defires to promote it.

The great copioufnefs of this iubjeft has infenfibly led to a
longer preliminary difcuffion than was originally contemplated,
or intended. It appeared proper to inveftigate principles, to
confider the objcftions which have been brought forward againft
the eftablifhment of manufaftures in the United States, and to
endeavour to eflablifli their utility on genei^al principles, which
have long experience for their bafis : It now remains to fpecify
fome of the objefts which appear particularly to merit, and
which will require the encouragement of the government of the
United States to bring, them to perfeftion.

In the fcleftion of objefts, feveral circumftances feem entitled
to particular attention : The capacity of the country to furnifli
the raw material — the degree in which the nature of the manu-
fafture admits of a fubftitute for manual kbour in machinery —
the facility of execution — the extenfivencfs of the viles to which
the article Can be applied — its fublcrviency to other interefts,
particularly the great one of national defence. There are, how-
ever, objefts to which theie circumflances are little applicable,
which, for fomc fpecial reafons, may have a claim to encourage-
ment.

A defignation of the principal raw material of which each
manufacture is compofed, will ferve to introduce the remark^
upon it. — As, in the flrll place,

i R o N.-
The manufafturers of tliis article are entitled to pre-eminent
rank — None arc more ciTential in their kinds, nor fo extenfive
in their ufcs. They ccnflitute in whole or in part the imple-
ments or the materials, or both, of almofl every uleful occupa-
tion. Their inftrumentality is every where confpicuous.

Y Y

346 GENERAL DESCRIPTION.

It is fortunate for tJie United States that they have peculiaf
advantages for deriving the full benefit of this mofk valuable
material, and they have every motive to improve it with fyf-
tematic care. It is to be found in various parts of the United
States, in great abundance and of aimoil every quality ; and fuel,
the chief inftrument in manufafturiiig it, is both cheap and plen-
ty.— This particularly applies to charcoal ; but there are pro-
duftive coal mines already in operation, and ftrong indications
that the material is to be found in abundance in a variety of other
places.

The kinds of iron manufaftures, in which the greateft progrefs
has been made, have been mentioned in another place, and need
not be repeated ; but there is little doubt that every other kind,
with due cultivation, will rapidly fucceed. It is worthy of
remark, that feveral of the particular trades, of which iron is the
bafis, are capable of being carried on without the aid of large
capitals.

Iron works have very greatly increafed in the United States,
and are profecuted with much more advantage thftn formerly.
The average price before the revolution was about ftxty-four
dollars per ton, at prefent it is about eighty ; a rife which is
thiefly to be attributed to the increafe of the manufaftures of
the material.

The ftill further extenfion and multiplication of fuch manu-
faftures will have the double effeft of promoting the cxtraftion
of the metal itfclf, and of converting it to a greater number of
profitable purpofes.

Thofc manufaftures, too, unite in a greater degree than almofl
any others, the feveral requifites which have been mentioned, as
proper to be confulted in the fclcftion of objefts.

The only further encouragement of manufnftories of this
article, the propriety of which may be confidcred as unqueftion-
able. fecms to be an increafe of the duties on foreign rival com-
modities

Steel is a branch -which has already made a confiderablc pro-
o-refs in the United Slates, and fome new enterprifes, on a more
extenftve fcalc, have been lately fct on foot. The facility of
carrying it to an extent, which will fupplyall internal demands,
and furnifli a confidcrable furplus for exportation, cannot be
doubted. The duty upon the importntion of this article into the
Uniicd States, which is at prefent fcA'enty-five cents, per cwt
may, it is conceived, be fafely and advantageoufly extended to
lOO cents. It is dciirable, hy decifivc arrangemenis, to fecond
(he efforts 'vvhich are makino in lb vciv valuable a branch.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 347

The United States already in a great mcafure fupply them-
selves with nails and fpikes ; they are able, and ought certainly
to do it entirely. The- firfl and moft laborious operation in this
manufafture is performed by water-mills ; and of the perfons
r.ftcrwards employed a gi'eat proportion are boys, whole early
habits of indultry are of importance to the community, to the
prelent lupport of their families, and to iheir own future com-
fort. It is not lefs curious than true, that in certain parts of
the United States, the making of nails is an accafional family
manufafture.

The expediency of an additional duty on the importation of
ihefe articles is indicated by an important faft. About one mil-
lion eight hundred thoufand pounds of them were imported in-
to the United States in the courlc of one year, ending the 30i;h
of September, 1790. A duty of two -cents, per pound would,
it is prehameablc, Ipeedily put an end to fo conliderable an im-
portation. And it is in every view advantageous to tiie States
that an end fhould be put to it.

Tiie implements of hulbandry are made in feveral ftates in
great abundance. In many places it is done by the common black-
fmiths. And there is no doubt that an ample fupply for the
v/hole coui^itry £an with great eafe be procured among them-
felves.

Various kinds of edged tools for the ufe of mechanics are alfo
made, and a conhderable quantity of hollow wares ; though the
buhnefs of cafting has not yet attained the perfeftion which
jvjight be wifhed. It is hov/ever improving, and as there are
refpeftable capitals in good hands, embarked in the profecution of
tiiofe branches of iron manufaftories, which arc yet in their in-
L'.ncy, they m.ay all be contemplated as objefts not dif&cult to be
<iC quired.

To iniure the end, it feems equally i^afc and prudent for the
-Qvernment of the American States to extend the duty, ad valo-
;-::n, upon all imported manufaftures of iron, or of which iron is
the article of chief value, to ten per cent.

Fire arms and other military weapons may, it is conceived, be
placed, without inconvenience, in the clafs of articles rated at
fifteen per cent. There exift already in the American States
manufafilories of theie articles which only require the ftimu-
lus of a certain demand to render them adequate to the fupply
nccefiary.

It would alfo be a material aid to manufattories of this nature,
as well as a mean of public fecyrity, if provifion was made for an
(innual purchafe of military weapons, of their own manufafture,

Y Y 2

34ii. GENERAL DESCRIPTION

to a certain determinate extent, in order to the formation of ar-
fenals ; and to replace from time to time fuch as fhould be -with-
drawn for uie, fo HS always to have in ftore the quantity of each
kind, which friould be deemed a competent fupply.

Imported manuLftures of fleel generally, or of which fteel is
the article of chief value, may with advantage, be placed in the
clafs of goods rated at feven and an half per cent. As manu-
faftures of this kind have not yet made any confiderable progrefs
in the United States, it is a reaion for not rating them as high as
thofe of iron : but as this material is the bafis of them, and as
their cxtenhon is not lels prafticable than important, it is dcfir-
able to promote it by a fomewhat higher duty than the prefent.

COPPER.

The manufaftures of which this article is fufceptible are alfo
of great extent and utility. Under this defcription, thofe of
brafs, of which it is the principal ingredient, are intended to be
included.

The material is a natural produflion of the country. In many
parts of the United States, mines of copper have aftually been
wrought, and with profit to the undertakers. And nothing is
eEfier than the introduftion of it from other countries, on mo-
derate terms, and in great plenty.

Copper-fmiths and brafs-founders, particularly the former are
numerous in the United States ; fome of whom carry on bufinefs
to a refpeftable extent.

To multiply and extend maniifaftories of the materials in quef-
tlon, is worthv of the attention and efforts of the federal govern-
ment. In order to this, it is defirable for them to facilitate a
plentiful fupply of the materials ; and a proper mean to this end
is to place them in the clafs of free articles. Copper in plates
and brafs are already in this predicanaent ; but copper in pigs
and bars is not ; neither is lapis caUminaris, which, together with
copper and charcoal, conftjtute the component ingredients of
brals. The exemption from duty, by parity of reafon, ought to
embrace all inch of thele articles as are obje6ts of importation.

An additional duty on bjafs wares will tend to the general
end in view. Thefe now (land at five per cent, while thole of
tin, pewter, and copper, are rated at feven and an half. There
appears to be a propriety in every view in placing brafs wares
upon the fame level with them ; and it merits their confideratiori
\vhether the duty upon all of them ought not to be raifed to ten
per cent.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 349

L E A D ,

There are numerous proofs, that this material abounds in the
United States, and requires little to unfold it to an extent, more
than equal to every domeflic occafion. A prolific mine of it has
iong been open in the ibuth-weflern parts of Virginia, and under
a public adininiftration, during the late war, yielded a confider-
ablc fupply for military ufc. ' This is now in the hands of indi-
viduals, who not only carry it on with fpirit, but have eftablifh-'
ed manufafforics of it at Richmond in the lame flate.

Tiie duties already laid upon the importation of this article,
either in its unmanufaQ:ur-ed or manufatturcd flatc, infure it a de-
cifive advantage in the home market- — which amounts to confi-
derablc encouragement. If the duty on pewter wares fliould be
railed, it would afford a further encouragement. Nothing elfe
occurs as proper to be added.

FOSSIL COAL.

This, as an important inftrument of manufaftures, may, without
impropriety, be mentioned among the lybjefts of the prefent re-
marks.

A copious fupply of it would be of great confcquence to the
iron branch : As an article of houlehold fuel alfo it is an intereft-
ing produftion; the utility of which muft increafe in proportion
to the decreafe of wood, by the progrefs of fettlement and culti-
vation. And its importance to navigation, as an immenfe ar-
ticle of tranfportation coafh-wife, it fignally exemplified in Great
Britain.

It is known, that there are feveral coal mines in Virginia, now
worked, and appearances of their exiftence are familiar in a num-
ber of places.

The expediency of a bounty on all this fpecies of coal of home
produftion, and of premiums, on the opening of new mines, un-
der certain qualifications, appears to be worthy of the particular
attention of tiie American government. The great importance of
the article will amply juftify a realonable expence in this way,
if it fhall appear to be ncceliary to, and fhall be thought likely to
anfwer the end.

■WOOD.

Several manufaftures of this article flourlfli in the United
States. Ships are now here built in greater perfeftion, and cabi-
net wares, generally, are made little, if at all inferior to thofe of
Europe. Their extent is fuch as to have admitted of confider-
able exportation.

An exemption from duty of the feveral kinds of wood ordi-

35© GENERAL DESCRIPTION

narily ufed in thefe maniifa£lures Ieems> to be all that is requifite
by way of encouragement. It is recommended by the confider-
ation of a fimilar policy being purfued in other countries, and
by the expediency of giving equal advantages to their own work-
men in wood. The abundance of timber proper for fhip-build-
ing in the United States does not appear to be any objeftion to
it. The incrcafing Icarcity and the growing importance of that
article, in the European countries, admonifh the United States to
commence, and fyflematically to purfue meafures for the preferva-
tion of their (lock. Whatever may promote the regular eftablifli-
znent of laagaziues of iliip-timber is in various views dcrireable.

SKINS.

There are fcarcely any manufaftories of greater importance to
the United States than of this article. Their dirctl and very hap-
py influence upon agriculture, by promoting the raifing of cattle
of different kinds, is a very material recommendation.

It is pleafmg, too, to obferve the extcnhve progrefs they have
made in their principal branches; which are fo far matured as al-
moft to defy foreign competition. Tanneries in particular are not
only carried on as a regular bufinefs in numerous inftances, and
in various parts of the country, but they conflitutc in fome places
a valuable item of incidental family manufaftures.

Reprefentations however have been made to the government,
importing the expediency of further encouragement to the leather
branch in two ways; one by increafing the duty on the manufacr
tures of it. which are imported; the other by prohibiting the ex-
portation of bark. In fupport of the latter, it is alledged. that
the price of bark, chiefly in confequence of large cxportations,
has rifcn within a few years from about three dollars to four
dollars and a half per cord. The exportation of this article will
hov/ever be checked by the improvements made in this article
of manufafture in Europe, and by the extenfion of them to the
States.

Thefe improvements are, — ifl, A more judicious ufe of the
bark itfelf, by extrafting more of its qualities by boiling it after
it has been taken out of the pits in the hitherto common method
of ufing it. This method, if attended to properly, will render

two thirds of the quantity heretofore ufed unnecelfary.

adly, The fuperceding tlic uie of bark in tanning altogether by
the introduftion of articles of lefs expcnce in its Head, for which
a patent has been obtained by an inhabitant of England.

It is however, perhaps an additional reafon for the prohibition,
that one fpecles of the bark ufually exported from the United
States is in fome fort peculiar to the country, and the material of

OF THE UNITED STATES,

35*

a very valuable dye, of great ufe in fome other manufaftures, in
which the United States have begun a competition.

There may alfo be this argument in favour of an increafe of
duty. The objeft is of importance enough to claim decifive en-
couragement, and the progrefs which has been made, leaves no
room to apprehend any inconvenience on the Icorc cf fuppiy from
luch an increafe.

It would be of benefit to this branch, if glue, which is now
rated at five per cent, were made the objeft of an excluding duty.
It is already made in large quantities at various tanneries ; and,
like paper, is an entire economy of materials, which, if not ma-
nufaftured, would be left to perifh. It may be placed with ad-
vantage in the clals of articles paying fifteen per cent, on import
tation.

c R A I N.

Manufactures of the feveral fpecies of this article have a title
to peculiar favour, not only becaufe they are moft of them imme-
diately connefted with the fubfiftence of the citizens, but be-
caufe they enlarge the demand for the moft precious produfts of
the foil.

Though flour may with propriety be noticed as a manufaftuic
of grain, it were ufelefs to do it but for the purpofe of fubmit-
ting the expendency of a general fyftem of infpeftion throughout
the ports of the United States, which, if eftablifhed upon proper
principles, would be likely to improve the quality of their flour
every where, and would rife its reputation in foreign markets.
There are, however, confiderations, which ftand in the way of
fucb an arrangement.

Ardent fpirits and malt liquors, are next to flour, the two prin-
cipal manufaftures of grain : the firit has made a very extenfive,
the laft a confiderable progrefs in the United States; in refpeft to
both, an exclufive poiTeflion of the home market ought to be
fecured to the domeftic manufaftures as faft as circumftanccs
will admit. Nothing is more prafticable, and nothing more de-
firablc.

An augmentation of the duties on fpirits imported into the
States would favour as well the diftillation of fpirits from molaifes
as that from grain; and to fccurc to a nation the benefit of a ma-
nufafture, even of foreign materials, is always of great, though,
perhaps, of fecondary importance.

It would therefore be advantageous to the States that an addi-
tion of two cents per gallon be made to the duty on imported
fpirits of tiic firft ciHis of proof, with a proportionable increafe

352 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

on tliofe of higher proof; and that a reduftion of one per cent*
per gallon be made from the duty on fpirits diftillcd within the
United States, beginning with the firft clafs of proof, and a pro-
portionable deduftion from the duty on thofe of higher pfoof.

It is afcertained, that by far the greateft part of the malt li-
quors confumed in the United States are the produce of their do-
meftic breweries. It is defirable, and in all likelihood attainable,
that the whole confumption fhoul'd be fupplied by themfelves.

The malt liquors made in the States, though inferior to the
bell, are equal to a great part of thofe which have been ufually
imported ; the progrels already made is an earncft of what may
be accomplifhed ; the growing competition is an affurance of im-
provement ; this fhould be accelerated by mcalures tending to in-
vite a greater capital into this channel of employment.

To render the encouragement of domeftic breweries decifive,
it may be advifeable for the government to fubllitute to the pre-
fent rates of duty eight cents per gallon generally ; and it will
deferve to be confidered by them as a guard againfl invafions,,
whether there ought not to be a prohibition of their importation,
except in calks of confidcrable capacity. Such a duty would
banifh from their markets foreign malt liquors of inferior quality,
and the beft kind only would continue to be imported until fup-
planted by the efforts of equal fkill or care in the States.

Till that period, the importation fo qualified would be an ufe-
ful ftimulus to improvement ; and in the mean time, the payment
of the increafed price, for the enjoyment of a luxury, in ordei*
to the encourtgement of a mofb ufeful branch of domeftic in-
duftry, could not reafonably be deemed a hardfliip.

As a further aid to the manufaftures of grain, though upon a
fmaller fcale, the articles of ftarch, hair powder, and wafers, may
with great propriety be placed among thofe which are rated at
fifteen per cent. No manufaftures are more fimple, nor more
completely within the reach of a full lupply from their domeftic
fourccs ; and it is a policy, as common as it is obvious, to make
the importation of them the objcfts either of prohibitory duties,
or of expvefs prohibition.

FLAX AND H E \rp.

I\Ianufa6lure3 of thefe articles have fo much affinity to each
other, and they are fo often bknded, that they may with advan-
tage be confidered in conjun6lion. The importance of the linen
branch to agriculture — its happy effefts upon houfchold induftry
■—the eafe with which its materials can bs produced in the United
States to any requiflte extent — the great advances which havl

OF THE UNITED STATES. 333

been already made in the conrfer fabrics of therrt, efpecially in the
family way, conflitute claims of peculiar force to the patronage
of the American government.

This patronage maybe afforded in various ways; by promotinp-
the growth of tlie materials-, by increafing the impediments to ari
advantageous competition of rival foreign articles; by direft boun-
ties or premiums upon the home manufaftui'c.

Fii ft. As proi'Wting the grozoih of the viateriula.

A ftrong wifli naturally fuggefts itfelf to" the friends of Ame-
rica, that fome method could be deviled of affording a more direft
encouragement to the growth both of flax and hemp, fuch as
would be effeftual, and at the fame time not attended with too
great inconvcniencies. To this end, bounties and premiums offer
themlclvcs to .con fi deration ; but no modification of them h^is yet
occurred, which Would not either hazard too mucli expence, ar
operate unequally in reference to the circumftances of difiercnt
parts of the Union, and which Would not be attended with very-
great difficulties in the execution.

Secondly. As to increafing the hvpeaiments to an advantageous
coiupetition of rival foreign articles.

To this purpofe, an augmentation of the duties on importation is
the obvious expedient; M'hich, in regard to certain articles, ap-
pears to be recorrimended by fufHcient reafons.

The principal of thefe articles is fail-cloth, one intimately con-
nefted with navigation and defence; and of which a flourifliing
manufaftory is eflablifhed at Boflon, and very promifing ones at
feveral other places.

It is pfcfumed to be both fafe and advifcable for the American
government to place this in the clafs of articles ratijd at ten per
cent. A llrong rcafoii for it refults from the confideration, that a
bounty of two pence fterling per ell, is allowed in Great Britain
upon the exportation of the fail-cloth manufaftured in that
kingdom.

It would likewife appear to be good policy for the Stdtes to
raife the duty to feven and an half per cent, on the following ar-
ticles : drillings, ofnaburghs, licklenburghs, dowlas, canvas, brown
rolls, bagging, and upon all other linens, the firfl coft of which, at
the place of exportation, does not exceed thirty-five cents, per
yard, A bounty of twelve and a half per cent, upon an average,
on the exportation of fuch or fimilar linens from Great Britain,
encourages the manufacture of them, and increafcs the obflaclesto
a fucccfsful competition in the countries to which they are fent.

The quantities of tow and other houfehold linens manu-
faftured in different parts of the United States, and the expec-

Vol. I. Zz

354 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

tations winch are derived from fome late experiments, of being
able to extend the ufe of labour-faving machines in the coarfcr
fabrics of linen, obviate the danger of inconvenience from an
increafe of the duty upon fuch articles, and authorife the ex-
pedation of a fpecdy and complete fuccefs to the endeavours
which may be ufed for procuring an internal fupply.

Thirdly. As to difea bounties, or premiums upon the manufaaured
articles.

To afford more effeaual encouragement to the manufaaure,
and at the fame time to promote the cheapnefs of the article for the
benefit of navigation, it would be of great ufe for the American
government to allow a bounty of two cents per yard on all fail-
cloth which is made in the United States from materials of their
own growth; this would alfo affift the culture of thofe materials.
An encouragement of this kind, if adopted, ought to be eftablilh-
ed for a moderate term of years, to invite to new undertakings
and to an extenfion of the eld. This is an article of importance
enough to warrant the employment of extraordinary means in its
favour.

COTTON'.

There is fomething in the texture of this material, which
adapts it in a peculiar degree to the application of machines.
The fignal utility of the mill for fpinning of cotton, not long
fuice invented in England, has been noticed iri another place ;
but there are other machines fcarcely inferior in utility, which,
m the different manufaaories of this article, are employed cither
exclufivcly, or with more than ordinary effea. This very im-
portant circumflanee recommends the fabrics of cotton, in a more
particular manner, to a country in which a defea of hands confli-
tutes the greateft obflacles to fuccefs.

The variety and extent of the ufes to which the man«faaurea
of this article are applicable, is another powerful argument in their
favour.

And the faculty of the United States to produce tlic raw mate-
rial in abundance, and of a quality which, though alledged to be
inferior to fome that is produced in other quarters, is neverthelefs
capable of being ufed with advantage in many fabrics, and is pro-
bably fufceptible of being carried, by a more experienced culture,
to much greater perfeaion, fuggefts an additional and a very co-
gent inducement to the vigorous purfuit of the cotton branch in
its feveral fubdivifions.

How much has been already done has been flated in a preceding
X>avt of thcle remarks.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 3^5

In addition it may be announced, that a fociety is formed witlj
i capital, which is expefted to be extended to at lead half a
million of dollars; on behalf of Avhich meafures are already in
train for profecuting on a large fcale the making and printing of
cotton goods.

Thefc circumftances confpijc to indicate the expediency of the
government removing any obftruftions which may happen to exift
to the advantageous pi-ofecution of the manufaftories in queftion,
and of adding fuch encouragements as may appear neceffary and
proper.

Cotton not being, like hemp, an univerfyl produftion of the
country, it affords lefs affurancc of an adequate internal fupply ;
but the chief objeftion arifes from the doubts which are entertain*
ed concerning the quality of the national cotton. It is alledged
that the fibre of it is confiderably fhorter and weaker than tliat
of fome other places ; and it has been obferved as a general rule,
that the nearer the place of growth to the equator, the better
the quality of the cotton ; that which comes from Cayenne, Su-
rinam, and Demarara, is laid to be preferable, even at material
.difference of price, to the cotton of the ifiands.

While an expeftation may reafonably be indulged, that with due
care and attention the cotton in the United States may be made
to approach nearer than it now does to that of regions fomewhat
more favoured by climate ; and while fatts authorifc an opinion,
that very great ule may be made of it, and that it is a rciburce
which gives greater fecurity to the cotton fabrics of America than
can be enjoyed by any which depends wholly on external fupply^
it will certainly be wife, in every view, to let their infant manu-
fafturers have the full benefit of the bed materials on the chcapefh
terms. It is obvious, that the neceffity of having luch materials
is proportioned to the unfkilfulnefs and inexperience of the work-
men employed, who, if inexpert, will not fail to commit great
walle, where the materials they are to work with are of an in-
different kind.

To fecure to the national manufafturers fo effential an advan-
tage, a repeal of the prefent duty on imported cotton is indil-
penfable.

A fubflitute for this, far more encouraging to domeftic produc-
tion, will be to grant a bounty on the cotton grown in the United
States, when wrought at a home manufaftory, to which a bounty
on the exportation of 'it may be added. Either, or both, would
do much more towards promoting the growth of the article than
the merely nominal encouragement which it is propofed to abolifli.
The firfh would alfo have a direct influence in encouraging the
Kiiiufafturc,

Z?. 2

356 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

F The bounty, which has been mentioned as cxifting in Great
Britain, upon the exportation of coarfe linens not exceeding a
certain value applies iillo to certain defcriptions of cotton goods of
fnnilar value.

This fuiniflics an additional argument for allowing to the ma-
pufafturers the Ipe^ies of encouragement jufl luggcfted, and in-
dceJ for adding lome other aid.

One cent per yard, nof Icfs than of a given width, pn ajl goods
of cotton, or of cotton and linen mixed, which are manufactured
in the United States, with the addition of one cent per lb.
weiglit of the material, if made Qf national cotton, would amount
to an aid of confiderahle importance, both to the production and
to the manufafturc of that valuable article. And the cxpcuce
y/ould be well juftihed by the magnitude of the objccl. *

The printing and flaining of cotton goods is known to be a dif-
tinft bufinefs fiom the fabrication of them. It is one eafily ac-
complifhed, and which, as it adds materially to the value of thq
article in its white flate, and prepares it for a variety of new.
ufcs, is of importance to be promoted.

As imported cottons, equally with thofe which are made at
home, may be the objefts of this manufacture, it is worthy of
confideration, whether it would not be for the advantage of thq
States that the whole, or part of the duty, on the white goods,
ought not to be allowed to be drawn back in favour of thole who
print ox ftain them. This meafure would certainly operate as a
powerful encouragement to the bulinefs, and though it may in a
degree countera£t the original fabrication of the articles, it would
probably more than compenfate for this diiadvantage in the rapid
growth of a collateral branch, which is of a nature fooner to attain
to mat\nity. When a fufEcient progrefs fhall have been made
the drawback may be abrogated, and by that time the domeftic
fupply of the articles to be printed or fcained will have been ex-
tended.

If the duty of 7^ percent, on certain kinds of cotton goods
were extended to all goods of cotton, or of which it is the prin-
cipal material, it would probably more than counterbalance the
Cifc£t of the drawback propofed, in relation to the f;;brication of
the article; and no material objc£tion occurs to luch an extenfion.
The duty then, conudering all the circuniflances which attend
goods of this defcription, could not be deemed inconveniently
highland it may be inferred, from various cauics, that the prices
of them would dill continue moderate.

Manufactories of cotton goods, not long fince eltabliflied at Be-
verly, in Maffacufetts and at Providence, in the Itate of Rhodg
ifland, and at New-York, and condufted with a peifevcrancc cor-

OF THE UNITED STATES. 357

icfponding with the patriotic motives which begun them, leem to
have overcome the Hvft obftaclcs to iuccels, producing cordu-
roys, velverets, fudians, jeans, and other limilar articles, of a
quality which wiil bear a comparifon with the like articles from
Manchefter, The one at Providence has the merit of being the firft
in introducing into the United States the celebrated cotton mill,
which not only furnlfhes the materials for that manufaftory itfclf,
but for the iupply of private families for houichoid manufafture.

Otlier manufaftories of the lame material, as regular bufineffcs,
liave alio been begun at different places in tlie "State of Connefti-
cut, but all upon a imaller Icale than thole above mentioned.
Some efl'iys arc alfo making in the printing and ftaining of cotton
goods. There arc ievcral Imajl eftabliflimcnts of this kind alrea-
dy on foQt.

w o o L.
In a cour.trv, the climate of which partakes of fo confidenible
a proportion of winter, as that of a great part of the United States,
the woollen branch cannot be regarded as inferior to any which
relates to the cloathing of the inhabitants,

Houfehold manufaflures of this material are carried on, in
different parts of the United States, to a veiy interefting extent .
but there is only one branch, which as a regular bufinefs, can be
laid to have acquired maturity ; this is the making of hats.

Hats of wool and of wool mixed with fur, arc made in large
quantities in different ftates, and nothing fcems wanting, but an
adequate iupply of materials to render the raanufii6lure commen-
luraie Vi/ith the demand.

A promifing effay towards the fabrication of cloaths, calTimeres,
and other woolen goods, is likewife going on at Hartford, in
Connefticut, Specimens of the different kinds which are made,
evince, that thele fabrics have attained a very confiderable de-
gi^ee of perfcftion. Their quality certainly iurpaffcs any thing
ihat could have been looked for, in lb flrort a time and under fo
great dila4yantage6, and conlpires with the fcantinefs of the
means, which have been at the command of the direftors, to form
the eulogium of that public Ipirit, perfeverance and judgment,
which have been able to accomplilh io much.

Mcai'ures, which tend to promote an abundant fupply of wool
of good quality, would probably afford tlie moft efiicaciou*> aid
that prek'iit circumlbaccs permit to this and hmihr manufac-
tures.

To encourage the raifing and improving the breed of flieep in
the United States would certainly be the rnoll defirable expedient
: -r that purpofe ; bi'.t it may not be alone fufflcicit, efpccially as

358 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

it is yet a problem, whether their wool is capable of fuch a dc

gree of improvement as to render it fit for the finer fabrics

Premiums would probably be found the beft means of pro
motmg the domeftic and bounties the foreign fupply ; and they
ought of courfe to be adjufted with an eye to quality as xvell as
quantity.

A fund for this purpofe may be derived from the addition of
2i per cent, to the prefent rate of duty on carpets and carpetin.
imported into the flates ; an increafe to which the nature of the
articles fuggefts no objeftion, and which may at the fame time
furnifh a motive the more to the fabrication of them at home
towards which fome beginnings have been made. '

SILK.

The produaion of this article is attended with great facility in
moft parts of the United States. Some pleafing effays are makin,
m Conncaicut, as well towards that as towards the manufadur^
of what IS produced. Stockings, handkerchiefs, ribbons, and
buttons, are made, though as yet but in fmall quantities

A manufaftory oflace, upon a fcale not very extenfive, has
been long memorable at Ipfwich in the State of MalTachufets

An exemption of the material from the duty which it now

pays on importation, and premiums upon the produaion, feem

to be the only fpecies of encouragement advifeable as lo early a
Jtage, *-^ •

GLASS.

The materials for making glafs are found every where ; in thq
United States there is no deficiency of them. The fands and
ftones called Tarfo, which include flinty and chryftalline fub-
ftances generally, and the falts of various plants, particularly the
fea-weed kah, or kelp, conflitute the efTential ingredients. An
extraordinary abundance of fuel is a particular advantage enjoy-
ed by America for fuch manufaaures ; they, however, require
large capitals, and involve much manual labour.

Different manufaaories of glals are now on foot in the United
States. The prefent duty of i^ per cent, laid by the dates on
all imported articles of glafs amount to a confiderabie encourage-
inent to thofe manufaaories; if any thing in addition is judged
eligible, the moft proper would appear to be a dirca bounty on
window glafs and black bottles.

The firfl recommends itfelf as an objea of general conveni-
cnce, the laft adds to that charaaer the circumftance of being
an important item in breweries. A complaint is made of great
deficiency in this rcfpca. ^

OP THE UNITED STATES. 355

GUN POWDER.

Mo fmall progrefs has been of late made in the manufafture of
this important article ; it may, indeed, be Confidered as already
eftablifhed, but its high importance renders its farther extenfion
very defireable.

The encouragements Which it already enjoys, are a duty of ten
per cent, on the foreign rival article, and an exemption of falt-
petre, one of the principal ingredients of which it is compofed,
from duty. A like exemption of fulphuf, another chief ingre-
dient, would appear to be equally proper. No quantity of this
article has yet been produced from any internal fources of the
States. This confideration, and the ufe made of it, in finifhing
the bottoms of fhips, is an additional inducement to placing it
in the clafs of free goods. Regulations for the careful infpeftion
of the article would have a favourable tendency.

PAPER.

Manufaftones of paper are among thofc which are arrived at
the greateft: maturity in the United States, and are almoft adequate
to national fupply. That of paper hangings is a branch in which
refpeftable progrefs has been made.

Nothing material feems wanting to the farther fuccefs of this
valuable branch, which is already protcfted by a competent duty
en fimilar important articles.

In the enumeration of the feveral kinds made fubjeft to duty
on importation into the States, fheathing and cartridge paper
have been omitted ; thefe being the mod fimple manufaftures of
the fort, and neceffary to military fupply as well as fhip-buildingj
recommend themfelves equally with thofe of other defcriptions
to encouragement, and appear to be as fully withjn the compafs
of domeftic exertions.

PRINTED BOOKS.

The great number of prefles difleminated throughout the Un-
ion feem to afford an affurance, that there is no need of being in-
debted to foreign countries for the printing of the books which
are ufed in the United States. A duty of ten per cent, on the
importation, which is now charged upon the article^ will have
a tendency to aid the bufinefs internally.

It occurs, as an objeftion to this, that it may have an unfavour-
able afpeft towards literature, by raiftng the prices of books in
univerfal ufe, in private families, fchools, and other feminaries of
learning ; but the difference, it is conceived, will be without
cffeft.

As to books v/hich ufually fill the libraries of the wealthier
clalfes, and of profcfTional men, fuch an augmentation of prices

366 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

as might be occaHoncd by an additional duty of five per cent,
would be too little felt to be an impediment to the acquifition.

And \vith regard to books which may be fpccially imported
for the ufe of particular feminaries of learning, and of public
libraries, a total exemption from all duty would be advifeablc,
which would go far towards obviating the ol^jctlion jufi mention-
ed.

As to the books in moll general family ufe, the conftancy and
univcrfality of the demand would enfure exertions to furnifh
them in the different ft^tes, and the means are completely ade-
quate. It may alfo be expefted ultimately, in this and in other
cafes, that the extennon of the domeflic manufaclure would con-
duce to tlic chcapnefs of tlie article.

It ought not to pafs unremarked, that to encourage the print-
ing of books is to encourage the manufafture of pauer.

REFINED S U G A p. S AND CHOCOLATE

Arc rmong. the number of cxtenfive and profperous domcftic
manufaftures, in the United States,

Drawbacks of the duties upon the materials of which tlicv arc
refpctlively made, in cafes of exportation, would have a bene-
ficial influence upon the manufafture, and would conform to a
precedent which has been already furniftied in the inftance of
molaffos, on the exportation of diililled fpirits,'

Cocoa, the raw m.aterJTil, now pays a duty of one cent per lb.
while chocolate, which is a prevailing and very fimpic manufac-
ture, is como-rifed in the mafs of articles, rated at no more than
five per cent.

There would appear to be a propriety in encouraging the ma-
nufacture by a fomewhat Iiigher duty on its foreign rival, than i?
paid on the raw material. Two cents per lb. on imported choco-
late would, it is prcfumed, be without inconvenience.

w r N' E r.
The manufafture of wines, is an objeft' v/orthy of regiilative
attention and encouragement in the United States. Succefsful
experiiT>ents have already been made, by fome new fettlcrs of
French people, on the river Ohio, which evince the pr?.ftibilitv
of tiie manufafture of wines of excellent qualitv : and as grapes
are the fpontancous produftion of all the United States, and, bv
culture, might be raifed in any defirable quantity, and in great
pevftftion, this manufafture, with proper legiflative encourage-
ment, mig+it be carried on to fuch an extent, as greatly to di-
minifh. and in time, perhaps, wholly to preclude foreign im-
portations.

Of the united states. 361

MAPLE SUGAR.

)

The manufaftuie of maple fugar, though it has for many years
been carried on, in the fmall way, in the eadern States, has but
Very lately become an objcft of public attention. — The caftern
and middle States furnilh a fufficient number of maple trees to
fupply the United States with the article of fugar ; and, it is af-
ierted, of a quality "equal, in the opinion of competent judges,
to the bell fugars imported from the Weft India Iflands." A
perfon, whofe judgment on this fubjefl is mi;ch to be relied on,
as well from his experience in the bufinefs, as his eftabliftied
charafter for candor and integrity, has given it as his opinion,
*' That four aftive and induftrious men, well provided with ma-
terials and conveniencies proper for carrying on the bufinefsj
may make, in a common fealon, which lafts from four to fix
weeks, 40oolbs. of fugar, that is looolbs. to each man." If
fuch be the amazing produftof fix weeks labour of an individual,
what may be expefted from the labours of the many thoufands
of people who now inhabit, and may hereafter inhabit, the ex-
tenfive tra£ls of country which abound v</ith the fugar maple
tree ? This manufafture is fo important and interefbing, that it
refpefts the wealth and profperity of their country, and the
caufe of humanity, that it deferves the countenance of eveiy
good citizen, and even national encouragement. No Icfs than
eighteen millions of pounds of Weft India fugars, manufaftured
by the hands of flaves, is annually imported into and confumed
in the United States. In proportion as this quantity can be
lefTened by their own manufafturers, by the hands of freemen,
the wealth of the United States will be increafed, and the caufe
of humanity promoted.

The foregoing heads comprife the moft important of the feveral
kinds of manufactures which have occurred as requiring, and, at
the fame time, as moft proper for public encouragement in the
United States ; and ofier fuch meafufes for affording it, as have
appeared beft calculated to aniwcr the end propofed.

The meafures, which have been fubmitted, though fome of
thera may have a tendency to infure the revenue, yet when taken
aggregately, they will, for a long time to come, rather augment
tinn decreafe it.

There is little room to eicpeft that the progiefs of manufac-
tures will fo equally keep pace with the progrefs of population
as to prevent even a gradual augmentation of the produft of the
duties on imported articles.

As, nevertheleis, an abolition in fome inft^nces, and a feduc-

Vol. I. 3 A ■

3^2 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

tion ill others of duties which have been pledged for the publir
debt is propofed, it is effential that it fhould be accompanied
with a competent fubftitute. In order to this, it is rcquifite that
i\l the additional duties which fhall be laid be appropriated, in
the firfl inftance, to replace all defalcations which may proceed
from any fuch abolition or diminution. It is evident at firfi;
glance, that they will not only be adequate to this, but will yield
a coniiderable furplus.

There is reafon to believe that the progrefs of particular ma-
nufactures in the United States has been much retarded by the
want of fkilful workmen : and it often happens that the capitals
employed are rrot equal to the purpofes of engaging workmen of
a fuperior kind from Europe. Here, in cafes worthy of it, the
auxiliary agency of government would in all probability be life-
ful. There aie alfo valuable workmen in every branch who arc
prevented from erhigratihg folely by the want of means. Occa-
fional aiids to fuch perfons, properly adminiftered, might be a
lource of valuable acquifition to the States.

The propriety of flimulating by rewards the invention and
introduction of ufeful improvements is admitted without difficul-
ty. But the fucccfs of attempts in this way mufl evidently
depend much on the riianner of conducting them. It is proba-
ble that the placing of the difpeniation of thole rewards under
foms proper dii'cretionary dire£lion, where they may be accom-
jpanied by collateral expedients, will ferve to give them the fur-
eft efficacy. It feems imprafticable to apportion by svumerai
rules fpecific compenfations for difcoverics of unknown and dif-
proportionate utility.

The great ufe which any country m.ay make of a fund of this
nature to procure and import foreign improvements, is particu-
larly obvious. Among thefc, the article of machines form a moil
important item.

The operation and utility of premiums have been adverted to,
together with the advantages which have refulted from their dif-
penfation under the direftion of certain public and private foci-
eties. Of tliis, fomc experience has been bad in the inftance of
the Pennlylvania focietv for the promotion of mariufaftures and
ufeful arts ; but the funds of that affociation have been too con-
tracted to produce more than a very fmall portion of the good
to which the principles of it would have led. It may confident-
ly be affirmed, that there is fcarcely any thing which has been
deviled better calculated to excite a general fpirit of improve-
ment than the inftitutions of this nature. They are truly in-
valuable.

OF THE V NIT ED STATES. 363

In countries where there is great private wealth much may be
efYe£led by the voluntary contributions of patriotic individuals ;
but in a community htuated like that of the United States, the
pubKc Durfe muft fupply the deficiency of private refourcc. In
what can it be io uieful as in promoting and improving the ei-
forts of iuduflry ?

Connected with the agriculture, commerce, and manvifaftiires,
IS the bank of the United States, the happy effcfts, and benefits,
of v/hich, have been experienced to a very confidcrablc degree.
This bank was incorporated by aft of congrefs, February 25th,
i-jgi, by the name and (lile of The Prejident, DlreStors, and Com-
pany of the Bank of the United States.. The amount of the capital
Itock is ten million dollars, one fourth of which is in gold and
filvcr ; the other three fourths in that part of the public debt
of the United States, which, at the time of payment, bears an
accruing intcreft of fix per cent, per awnum. Two millions of
this capital Hock of ten millions, is fublcribed by the Prefident in
behalf of the United States, The ftockholders are to continue a cor-
porant body by the aft, until the 4th day of March 1811 •, and
are capable, in law, of holding property to an amount not ex-
-ceeding, in the whole, fifteen million dollars, including the afore-
laid ten million dollars, capital ftock. The corporation may not
at any time owe, whether by bond, bill or note, or other con-
traft, more thtin ten million dollars, over and above the monies
then actually depohled in the bank for fafe keeping, unleis the
jcontrafting of any greater debt fhall have been previoufly au-
jthorifed by a law of the United States, The corporation is not
at liberty to receive more than hx per cent, per annum for or
upon its loans or dlfcounts, nor to purchafe any public debt
whatever, or to deal or trade, dircftly or indireftly, in any
thing except bills of exchange, gold or fiiver bullion, or in tlie
fale of goods really and truly pledged for money lent, and not
redeemed in due time, or of goods which firall be the produce of
its bonds ; they may fell any part of the public debt of which
its ftock fhall be compofed. Loans, not exceeding 100,000
dollars, may be made to the United States, and to particular ftates,
of a fum not exceeding 50.000 dollars.

Officers for the purpofes of diicount and depofit only, nray
be cflablifhed within the United States, upon the fame terms,
and in the fame manner, as fhall be praftifcd at the bank. Four
f)f thefc offices, called Branch Banks, have been alreadv cfta-

3 A p.

364 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

blifhed, viz. at Boston, New York, Baltimore, and
Charleston. The faith of the United States, is pledged, that
no other bank fhall be eftablifhed by any future law of the
United States, during the continuance of the above corpo-
ration.

MILITARY STRENGTH.

The governments of Europe, for the mod part, though they
in matiy things cfifFer materially from each other, agree in keep-
ing up a large military force, the excufes for which, are the
jealouhes th°y entertain of each other, and the ncceflity of pre-
ierving a balar.ce of power. To render thefe excufes plaufible,
national prejudices and animofities have been artfully encourag-
ed, and the poople blinded by thefe, have been brought to ac-
quieice in the Ichemes of their governors, in creating a power
•which being entirely at the difpolal of the latter, has often been
ufed againll the juft rights of thofe whole property is exhaufted
for its iupport. But if the policy of keeping fbanding armies
■was fully inveftigated, it would be found to have its origin, not
in the jealoufies of one nation with rcfpeft to another, but in
the tyrannic principles and fears of diiferent governments, with
relpeft to their lubjcfts at home. The faft is notorious, that
the origin of moft of the old governments, has been in conqueft
and ulurpation. Few of them which fubfift in Europe, have
originated where they ought, (from the people) the confequence
of which has been, that princes, anxioully ccmceincd for the
preiervation of their own power, and dreading that their fub-
je£ls Ihould recover their jufi. rights, have found it necelTary to
detacli a lirge part of them from the general mafs, and by mili-
tary habits and rewards, to blind them to their own interefts,
and to unite tnvim more intimately to themlelves, Standing ar-
mies are therefore unnecelTary, and inconlillent in a republican
government ; America of courfe has none. Their military
flrength lies in a wcll-difciplined militia. According to the late
ccnlus, there were in the United Staces, eight hundred and four-
teen tiiouiaud men of fixteen years old and upwards, whites
and thele have fince rapidly increafed. Suppoie that the fu-
peranniK.ted, the ofP.cers of government, and the other dalles of
people who are excufed from military duty, amount to one hun-
ched and fourteen thouland, there will remain a militia of more
than Icven hundred thouland men. Of tlicle a great proportion
are wcll-diiciplined, veteran troops. Scarcely any nation or
kingdom in Europe can bring into the field an army of equal,
Bumbers or more formidable than can be raifcd in the United
States.

OF THE UNITED STATES. S^o

' five thoufand regular troops have, however, been er^lifted for

duaion of a military ftanding force.

>; AV A L STRENGTH.

Marine ftrength, in a ftria fenfe, the United States have

« n.vy e,.,l to .,« of any n«.o„ .„ ■';-- '^' ,^";-'i: /„
flf>tprmine ou fo doing, ana tmt mt) vmi^ ,■ , j u*

eft blT a„d luppovt a nav.l power, the.e can be hcde doubt,
it Ll habks of their ciu.ens attach ahem to commerce
Thev will e«,cif= it for then-felves. Wars then we fear, tnuft
Ittime be their lot-, and all the w.fe can do, w.U be to avo.d
hTt a If of them wh,ch would be produced by the.r own folhes
tdttlr aas of ,„jua.ce., and to maUe for the o.^er ha the beft
„ret>arations they can. Of what nature, it may be all.cd, Ihould
Thl b "a lanl army would be ufelefs for offence, and not the
left nor' fafcft inftrument of defence. For either of thefe pur-
!ofes the fea is the field on which they ftould meet an Euro
^- n e ,e„,y. On that element it is nece.Tary they ftould there-
Le p ff" f-e power. To a,m at fuch a navy - the greate
la oL of Eurone pollefs, would be a foolilh and wtcked wafte
: the ener.,es' of their citizens. It would be to pull on the.r
ow eads titat load of miUtary e.pencc, wh.ch -kcs t e E
„„r...» ...SOU..KCO sUPPS.rKssrOBBO,*.o .O.T. ,

• „,S BREAD WITH THE SWEAT OF HiS BROW. It Wd he

:: u^h if they enable themfelves ^o ,r..^'r^'^.s ^,«^^
nations of Europe which are weak on the fea, becaufe urcu.r
fiances cx.ft, wh.ch render even the ftronger ^"-^-^IZll
them Providence has placed the r.cheft and n^oft defct.celUs
EuTopean po.feffions at tLir door-, has obhged ^^^^^
cious commerce to pals as it were m revtew befo e the Unued
States. To protea this, or to affatl them ^ '-" P^^^ .^^'^^h
their naval force will ever be rilked acrofs the Atlant.c. Ihe
dangers to wh.ch the elements expofe them there are too wel
known and the greater dangers to which they -u U^-^V"
at home, were any general calam.ty to mvolve the.r whole

* 1794-

3^5 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

They can attack them by detachment only; and It will fuffice for
the United States to make themfelves equal to what they may
detach. Even a Imaller force than any of the nations of Europe
may detach, will be rendered equal or fupcrior by the quickne'-s
with which any check may be rcpanxd with the Americans
while lolles with European powers will be irreparable till too late'
A fmall naval force then is fufficient for tl^ States, and a fmall
one IS neceffary. What this fliould be, we will not undertake to
lay; it fliould, however, by no means be fo great as they are able
to make it. Mr. Jeffcrfon obferves, that Virginia alone, can
annually fpare without diftrefs, a million of dollars, or three
hundred thoufand pounds; fuppofe this lum to be applied to the
creating a navy, a fingle year's contribution would build, equip,
man, and fend to fea, a force which would carry three hundred'
guns. The reft of the confederacy, exerting themfelves in the
fame proportion, would equip in the fame time hftecn hundred
guns more, So that one year's contributions would let up a naw
of eighteen hundred guns. Britilh fhips of the line average fc-
venty-fix guns, and their frigates thirty-eight. Eighteen^'hun-
dred guns then would form a fleet of thirty fliips, eighteen of
which might be of the line, and twelve frigates. Allowing eight
men, tlie Britifli average for every gun, their annual expcnce
including lubhflcnce, cloathing, pay, and ordinary repairs, would
be about twelve hundred and eighty doUaf s for every gun,' or two
million three hundred. and four thoufand dollars for the whole,
This^is only ftated as one year's poflible exertion, without deci-'
^ing whether more or Icfs than a year's exertion fliquld be thus
iippliedj, or would be necelfary,

Jl £ L I G I o N.

The conftitution of the United States difcovers in no one in-
ftance more excellence than in providing againft the making of
any law refpc6ling an ejlablljliment of religion, or prohibiting the
free exercife of it. And the conftitutions of the rcfpeftivc
States arc equally entitled to praife in this reipeft, in them reli-
gious liberty is a fundamental principle. And in this important
article, the American government is diftinguiflied from that of
every other nation, if we except France. Religion in the
United States is placed on its proper bafis ; without the feeble
and unwarranted aid of the civil power, it is left to be fupportcd
by Its own evidence, the lives of its profellors, and the Almighty
care of its Divine Author.

All being thus Ic-ft at liberty to choofe their own relicrion,
the people,^ as might eafily be fuppoled, have varied in their
choice. The bulk of the people denominate themfelves Chrif.

OF THE UNITED STATES. ' ^6-j

ilans; a fmnll portion of them are Jews; fouie plead the fuffi-
ciency of natural religion, and rcjcft revelation as unneccfTary
and fabulous; and many, we have reafon to believe, have yet
their religion to choofe. Chriftians piofefs their religion under
various forms, and with different ideas of its doftriHCS, ordinan-
ces, and precepts. The following denominations of Chriftians
are more or Icfs numerous in the United States^ viz. Co nor e-
GATi ONAL I STS, Presbyter IAN s, Dutch Re r or me d Church,
Episcopalians, iJAPTisrs, Unitarians, Quakers or
Friends, Methodists, Roman Cathomcs, German Lu-
therans, German Calvinists or Presbyterians, Mora-
vians, Tunke rs, Mcnnonists, Un iversalists, and Shak-
ers.

congregation A lists.

Of thefe the Congregationalifls are the moft numerous. In
New England alone, befides thofe v/hich are fcattercd through
the middle and louthern States, there are not lefs than a thoufand
congregations of this denomination, viz.

In New Hampfhire _ . _ - 200

Maffachufetts - - - - 440

Rhode lUand - - - - 13

Connefhicut

197

Vermont (fay) - - - - 150

I

Total - 1000

It is difficult to fay what is the prcfent ecclefiaftical conflitu-
tion of the Congregational churches. Formerly their ecclefiafti-
cal proceedings were regulated, in Maffachufetts, by the Cam-
bridge Platform of church difcipline, eftablifhed by the iynod in
1648; and in Connefticut, by the Saybrook Platform of difci-
pline; but hnce the revolution, lefs regard has been paid to thefc
conftitutions, and in many inftanccs they are wholly dilufed.
Congregationalifts are pretty generally agreed in this opinion,
that, " Every church or particular congregation of vifiblc faints,
in gofpel order, being furnifhed with a Paftor or Bifhop, and
walking together in truth and peace ; has received from the Lord
Jefus full power and authority ecclefiaftical within itfelf, regular-
ly to adminifter all the ordinances of Chrift, and is not under any
other ecclefiaftical jurifdiftion whatever." Their churches, with
feme exceptions, difclaim the term Independent, as applicable to
them, and claim a fifterly relation to each other.

368 GENERAL DESCRIPTION.

From the anfwer of the elJers, and other meffengers of" the
churches alle'T.bk'd at Bofton, in the year 1662, to the queftions
propofed to them by order of the General Court, it appears that
the churches, at that period, profeffed to hold communion with
each other in the following afts, viz.

'• In hearty care and prayer one for another. In affording
relief, by communicating of their gifts in temporal or ipiritual
ncceflities. In maintaining unity and peace, by giving account
one to another of their public aftions, when it is properly de-
fired; to flrengthen one another in their regular adminiftrations ;
in particular by a concurrent teflimony againfl perfons juflly cen-
fured. To feek and accept help from, and afford help to each
other, in cafe of divifions and contentions, whereby the peace of
any church is difturbed ; in matters of more than ordinary impor-
tance, as the ordination, inftallation, removal, and depofition of
paftors or biflrops; in doubtful and difficult queflions and con-
troverfics, doftrinal or praftical, that may arife ; and for the refti-
fying of mal-adminifbration, and healing of errors and fcandals
that are not healed among themfelves. In taking notice, with a
I'pirit of love and faithfulnefs, of the troubles and difficulties,
errors and fcandals of another church, and to adminifter help,
when the cafe manifeftly calls for it, though they fhould fo neglefcl
their own good and duty, as not to feek it. In admonifhing one
another, when there is caufe for it ; and after a due courfe of
means, patiently to withdraw from a church, or peccant party
therein, obftinately perfifting.in error or fcandal."

A Gonfociation of churches was, at the period mentioned,
confidered by them as neeeffary to a communion of churches, the
former being but an agreement to maintain the latter, and there-
fore a duty. — The confociation of churches they defined to bcy
Their mutual and folemn agreement to exercife communion in the
afts above recited, amongd themielves, with fpecial reference
to thofe churches which, by Providence, were planted in a
convenient vicinity, though with liberty referved without
offence, to make ufe of others, as the nature of the cafe, or the
advantage of the opportunity might lead thereunto.

The miniflers of the Congregational order are pretty general-
ly affoeiated for the purpofes of licenfing candidates for the mi-
iiiftry, and friendly intercourfe and improvement ; but there
arc few congregational churches that are confociated on the
above principles ; and the praftice has very generally gone into
difule, and with it the communion of churches in moft of the
a£ls before recited. In Connefticut and the wellcrn parts of
Maffachufetts, the churches have deviated lefs from their original
conflitution. The degeneracy of the Congregational churches

OF THE UNITED STATES. 369

from that order, fellowfhip, and harmony, in difcipline,. doftrines,
and friendly advice and aiTiftance in ecclefiaftical matters, which
formerly fubfifled between them is matter of deep regi-et to
many, not to lay to moft people of the dcnomination» A refor-
mation, or a returri to a praftice conformable to the original
principles of the Congregational churches, is an event more ear-
neftly defued, than confidently expefted by them.

Congregationalifts are divided in opinion reipefting the doc-
trines of the gofpel, and the proper fubjefts of its ordinances.
The body of them are Calvinifts ; a refpeftable proportion arc
what may be denominated Hopkenfian Calvinifts ; befide^ thefe,
fome are Arminians, fome Arians, a few Socinians, and a number
who have adopted Doftor Chauncey's fcheme of the final falva-
tion of all men.

PRESBYTERIANS,

Next to the Congregationalifts, Prefbyterians are the moft nu-
merous denomination of Chriftians in the United States. They
have a conftitution by which they regulate all their ecclefiaftical
proceedings, and a confeflion of faith, which all church officers
and church members are required to fubfcribe. Hence they
have pixferved a fingular uniformity in their religious fenti-
ments, and have condufted their ecclefiaftical afi^airs with a great
degree of order and harmony.

The body of the Prefbyterians inhabit the middle and fouthem
States, and are united under the fame conftitution. By this con-
ftitution, the Prefbyterians who are governed by it, are divided into
five Synods and feventeen Prefbyteries ; viz. — Synod of New
York, five prefbyteries, ainety- four congregations and fixty-one fet-
tled minifters. — Synod of Philadelphia, five prefbyteries, nine-
ty-two congregations, and fixty fettled mini fters, befides the minif-
ters and congregations belonging to Baltimore prefbytery. — Sy-
nod OF Virginia, four prefbyteries, feventy congregations,
and forty fettled minifters, exclufive of the congregations and
minifters of Pennfylvania prefbytery. — Synod of the Caroli-
nas, three prefbyteries, eighty-two congregations, and forty-two
fettled minifters, the minifters and congregations in Abington
prefbytery not included. If we fuppofe the number of congre-
gations in the preftjyteries which made no returns to their fy-
nods, to be one hundred, and the number of fettled minifters in
the fame to be forty, the whole number of preft)yterian congre-
gations in this connexion will be four hundred and thirty-eight
which are fupplied by two hundred and twenty-three fettled
minifters, and between feventy and eighty candidates, befides

Vol. I. 3 B '

37°

GENERAL DESCRIPTION

a number of ordained minifters who have no particular charges*
Each of the fynods meet annually; befides which they have
a joint meeting, by their commiffioncrSj once a year, in general
affembly at Philadelphia.

The Prcfbyterian churches are governed by congregational,
prefbyterial, and fynodical affemblies : thefe aflemblies poffefs no
civil Jurifdiftion. Their power is wholly moral or fpiritual, and
that only minillerial or declallative. They poffefs by their confti-
tution the right of requiring obedience to the rules of their fo-
cicties, and of excluding . the difobedient from the privileges of
the church ; and the powers requilite for obtaining evidence and
inflifting cenlure ; but the higheft punifhment, to which their
authority extends, is to exclude the contumacious and irripenitent
from the congregation to which they belong.

The Church Session, which is the congregational affembly of
judicatory, confifts of the minifter or minifters and elders of a
particular congregation. This body is invefhed with the fpiritual
government of the congregation ; and have power to enquire
into the knowledge and Chriflian conduft of all its members; to
call b^'forc them offenders and witneffes, of their own denomina-
tion; to admonifh, fufpend, or exclude from church fellowfhip
luch as deferve thefe cenfures ; to concert meafures for promot-
ing the fpiritual intere.ft of the congregation, and to appoint dele-
gates to the higher judicatories of the church.

A Presbytery, confifts of all the minifters, and one rul-
ing elder from each congregation, within a certain diftrift. Three
minifters and three elders, conftitutionally convened, are com-
petent to do bufmefs. This body have cognizance of all things
that regard the welfare of the particr.lar churches within their
bounds, which are not cognizable by the feffion. Alfo, they
have a power of receiving and iffuing appeals from the feffions;
of examining and licenfing candidates for the miniftry ; of or-
daining, fettling, removing, or judging minifters; of refolving
qucftions of doctrine or difcipline ; of condemning erroneous,
opinions, that injure the purity or peace of the church ; of vifit_
ing particular churches, to enquire into their ftate, and redrefs
the evils that may have arifen in them; of uniting or dividing
congregations, at the requeft of the people, and whatever ellc
nertains to the fpiritual concerns of the churches under their
care.

A Synod, is a convention of feveral prffiyteries. The fynod
have power to admit and judge of appeals, regularly bi-ought
up from the pcrft)Vtcries — to give their judgement on all referen-
ces made to them of an ecclcliaftical kind ; to correft and regulate
the proceedings of prelbytcries ; to take effectual care that prefby-
tevics obfcrvc the conftitution of the church, &c.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 371

The higheft judicatory of the Prefbyterian church is fliled.
The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in
THE United States of America. This grand Aflembly con-
fifts of an equal delegation of bifhops and elders from each pref-
bytery within their jurifdiftion, by the title of Commiffioncrs to
the General AiTembly. Fourteen commiiTioners make a quorum.
The General AiTembly conftitute the bond of union, peace, cor-
refpondence, and mutual confidence among all their churches.
and have power to receive and iflTue all appeals and references
which may regularly be brought before them from inferior judica-
tories; to regulate and correft the proceedings of the fvnods, &c.
To the General Affembly alio belongs the power of confulting.
reafoning, and judging in controverfies refpefting doftrine and
difcipline ; of reproving, warning, or bearing teftimony againfl
error in doftrine, or immorality in practice in any church, prcf-
bytery, or fynod; of correfponding with foreign churches; of
putting a Hop to fchifmatical contentions and diiputations; of re-
commending and attempting a reformation of manners; of pro-
moting charity, truth, and holinefs, in all the churches ; and alfa
of ere£ting new fynods when they judge it neceffary.

The confeffion of faith adopted by the prefbyterian churcli,
embraces what are called the Calviniflic doftrines; and none who
difbelieve thefe doftrines are admitted into fcllowfhip with their
churches. The General Affembly of the Prefbyterian churchy
hold a friendly correfpondence with the General Affociation in
Connefticut, by letter, and by admitting delegates from their re-
fpeftive bodies to fit in each other's general meetings.

Unconnefted with the churches of which we have been fpeak-
ing, there are but four fmall prefbyteries in New-England, who
have a fimilar form of ecclefiaftical government and dilcipline,
and profefs the fame doftrines.

Bcfides thefe, there is the Associate Presbytery of Penn-
sylvania, having a feparate ecclcfiaftical jurildiftion in America,
and belonging to the Affociate Synod of Edinburgh, which they
declare is the only ecclefiaftical body, either in Britain or Ameri^
ca, with which they are agreed concerning the do£lrine and order
of the church of Chrift, and concerning the duty of confeffing the
truth, and bearing witnels to it by a public teftimony againfl the
errors of the times. This conncftion is not to be underftood as
indicating fubjeftion to a foreign juriidiftion; but is preferved

kfor the fake of maintaining unity with their brethren in the pro-
fcffion of the Chriflian faith, and fuch an intercourfe as might
be of fervice to the interefts of religion. This feft of Prefbytcri"
3 B 2
i

372 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

ans are commonly known by the name of Scceders, on account
of their having feceded from the national church of Scotland,
in 1736.

DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH.

The Dutch reformed Churches in the United States, who
maintain the doftrine of the fynod of Dort, held in i6i8, are
between feventy and eighty in number, conftituting fix claffes,
which form one fynod, ftiled. The dutch reformed synod of
New York and New Jerfey. The claffes confift of minifters
and ruling elders ; each clafs delegates two minifters and an elder
to reprefent them in fynod. From the firft planting of the
Dutch churches in New York and New Jerfey, they have,
under the direftion of the claffes of Amfterdani, been formed
exaftly upon the plan of the eftabliflied church of Holland as
far as that is ecclefiaflical. A ftrift correfpondence is maintained
between the Dutch Reformed Synod of New York and New
Jerley, and the fynod of North Holland and the claffes of Am-
ffcerdam. The afts of their fynods are mutually exchanged every
year, and mutual advice is given and received in difputes re-
fpefting doftrinal points and church difcipline,

PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH.

The Proteftant Epifcopal Church in the United States, tfie
churches of that denomination in New England excepted, met in Con-
vention at Philadelphia, in October 1785, and revifed the book of
Common Prayer, and adminiftration of the facrements, and other
rites and ceremonies, with a view to render the liturgy confiftent
with the American Revolution. But this revifed form was
adopted by none of the churches, except one or two in Phila-
delphia.

In Oftober 1789, at another meeting of their convention, a
plan of union among all the Pioteftant Epifcopal churches in the
United States of America was agreed upon and fettled : and an
adequate reprefentation from the feveral States being prefent, they
again revifed the book of common prayer, which is now publifli-
ed and generally adopted by their churches. They alfo agreed
upon and publifhed feventeen canons for the government of their
church, the firft of which declares, that " there fhall, in this
church, be three orders in the miniftry, viz. Bishops, Priests,
and Deacons."

At the fame time they agreed upon a Conftitution, which pro-
vides that there fhall be a general convention of the Proteftant
Epifcopal Church in the United States, on the fecond Tuefday in
September, of evfery third year from 1789 — That each ftate is

OF THE UNITED STATES.

373

entitled to a reprefentation of both the clergy and laity, or either
of them, and naay lend deputies, not exceeding four of each order,
choien by the convention of the State — That the bifliops of the
church, when three or more are prefent, fliall, in their general
conventions, form a feperate houfe, with a right to originate and
propofe afts for the concurrence of the houfe of deputies, com-
posed of clergy and laity ; and with a power to negative afts
paffed by the houfe of deputies, unlefs adhered to be four-fifths
of the other houfe — That every bifh op fliall confine the cxercife
of his epii'copal office to his proper diocefe — That no perfon
fliall be admitted to holy orders, until examined by the bifhop
and two prefbyters — and fhall not be ordained until he fliall
have lublcribed the following declaration — " I do believe the
Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Tefliamcnt to be the Word
of God, and to contain all things neceffary to falvation ; and I do
folemnly engage to conform to the doftrines and worfhip of the
Proteftant Epii'copal Church in the United States."

They have not yet adopted any articles of religion other than
thole contained in the Apoflles and Nicene Creeds. The num-
ber of their churches in the United States is not afcertained ; in
New England there are between forty and fifty ; but in the
fouthern ftates, they are much more numerous. Four Bifliops,
viz. of Connefticut, New York, Pennfylvania, and Virginia, have
been clefted by the conventions of their rcfpeftive States, and
have been duly confecrated. The former by the Bifhops of the
Scotch Church, the three latter, by the Bifliops of the Englifli
church. And thcfe, in September 1792, united in the confe-
cration of a fifth, clefted by the convention of the ftate of Ma-
ryland.

BAPTISTS.

The Baptifts, with fomc exceptions, are upon the C.alvlniflic
plan, as to doctrines, and independents as to church government
arid difciplinc. Except thofe who are flyled " open communion
baptifts," of whom there is but one aflbciation, they refufe to
communicate in the ordinance of the Lord's Supper with other
denominations ; becaui'e they holjd that immerfion only is the
true baptifm, and that baptifm is neccflary to communion ; it is,
therefore inconfiftent, in their opinion, to admit unbaptized per-
ions to join with them in this ordinance : though they allow
minifters of otlier denominations to preach to their congregations,
and to affift in ordaining their minifters.

The^"- have regular college eft.abliflimcnts, and maintain a
conftant communici*ion with each other bv means of annual and

374

GENERAL DESCRIPTION

half

year

1

2

3

4

5
6

7
8

9

lO

11

12

13

14

15
16

17
18

19

20

21
22

23

24

25
26
27
28

29
30

yearly aflbciations. — Thefe
1 790, were as follows :

Ajfociations.

Bowdoinham — ■

New Hamplhire —

Woodftock —

Vermont —

Warren —

Rhode Ifland — ■

Groton —

Stonington —

Danbury —

Shaftfbury —

Philadelphia —

Redftone —

Salifbury —

* Ketockton —

* Chapawamfick —

* Orange fjiftrift —

* Dover ditto —

* Lower do.+ & Kehukey

* Middle ditto —

* Upper ditto —

* Roanoak ditto —

* South Kentucky —
North Kentucky —
Ohio —
Holfton —
Sandy Greek —
Yadkin —
Charlefton —
Bethel —
Georgia —

aflbciations, as they flood in the

Slates ill zoJulJi they meet.

Maffachufetts — _

New Hampfliire —

New Hampfliire and Vermont

Vermont —

Maffachufetts —

Rhode Ifland and Maffachufetts

Connefticut —

Rhode Ifland and Connefticut

Connefticut —

Maffachufetts and New York —

Pennfylvania — •

Ditto —

Maryland and Virginia —

Virginia —

Ditto —

Ditto —

Ditto —

Ditto and North Carolina —

Ditto —

Ditto —

Ditto and North Carolina —

Ditto —

Ditto —

Ditto —

North Carolina —

Ditto —

Ditto —

South Carolina —

Ditto —

Georgia —

Note —The nine Affociations in the above lift marked * meet in a General

Committee by their reprsfentatives at

Richmond, in the month of May annually.

+ A reparation of thefe Affociations has fmce taken place, and this now bears
the name of the Virginia Portfmouth Affociation

OF THE UNITED STATES.

375

Times of Meeting. Min. Chs.

September — 8 8

Second Wednefday in June — 7 8

Fourth Wednelday in September — 14

Firft Wednefday in Oftober — 6

Tuefday after the firft Wed. in Sept, 25

Third Friday in September — 15

Third Friday in June — 8

Third Tuefday in Oftober — 10

Fourth Wednefday in September — 14

Firft Wednefday in June — 10

Firfl Tuefday in Oftober -— 49

Third Saturday in Oftober — 9
Third Saturday in Augufl and Oftober 6

Third Friday in Auguft — 10

Second Wednefday in Sept. — 7

Second Friday in Oftober — 22

Firft Friday in May and Pft. — 36

Fourth Saturday in May, &. 2d in Oft. 45

Firft Saturday in May and Oft. — 24

Fourth Saturday in May, & ift in Oft. 1 1

Second Sat. in June^ & 4th in Oft. 18

Fourth Friday in May and Oftober 15

May and Oftober — 10

4
10
10
1 1
16

9

Firft Saturday in June, & 2d in Oft.

Fourth Saturday i
Fourth Saturday
Fourth Saturday
Second Saturday

n Oftober

n April & Sept.

in Oftober —

n Auguft

24
11

41
12
1 1

13
15
22

56
1 1

14
12

14
32
26

51
25
18
18

14
12

5
17
13
14
19

Churches not belonging to AflToci-
ations.

Seventh Day Baptifts

452 533

50

Members.

500
500

950

500

3400

500
1500
1000

870
1500
4500

600
1400

650

850
4600
5100

5500
2000
1200
2200
1200
1100

300
1200
1200

800

Second Saturday in May and Oftober 22 31 2700

55^ 733
12 15

50970
8000

58970
2000

Total 564 743

60970

Since

376 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

Since the above period, accounts of fix other affociations haVd
reached England, and, according to an account taken by Mr.
John Afplund, a minifter of the baptifl denomination, who has
travelled through the United States, to afcertain their numbei'
and ftate. The ftatement of their churches, minifters and church
members, is as follows.

States.

Churches

ordained

licenced

Member

In New Hampfhire

32

23

»7

^732

MafTachufetts

107

95

31

7116

Rhode Ifland

^

37

39

3502

Connefticut

55

44

21

3214

Vermont

34

21

»5

1610

New Yoik

57

53

30^

3987

New Jerfey

26

20

9

2279

Pennfylvania

28

26

7

1231

Delaware

7

9

1

409

Maryland

12

8

3

776

Virginia

207

157

109

20157

Kentucky

42

40

21

3105

Weftern Territory

I

—

—

30

North Carolina

94

81

76

7742

Deceded Territory

18

15

6

889

South Carolina

68

48

28

4012

Georgia

42

33

9

3184

Total 868 710 422 64975

To this account, it is prefumed, that about two thoufand five
hundred members, and forty-five churches, ought to be added—
making the whole number of churches ab(iut nine hundred and
ten, and tlie members about fixty-fcven thouland. But at leaft
three times as manv attend their meetings for public woi-fliip as
have joined their churches, which, we may fuppofe, are in prin-
ciple Baptifts, thefe will make the ■whole number of that deno-
mination in the United States two hundred and one thoufand, or
a twenty-fifth part of the inhabitants.

The leading principles of the regular or particular Baptifls are
— The imputation of Adam's fin to his pofterity ; the inability of
man to recover himfelf ; efFcftual calling by fovereign grace ; juf-
tification by the imputed righteoufnefs of Chrifl ; baptifm by im-
merfion, and that on profefllon of faith and repentance ; congre-
gational churches, their independency, and reception into them
upon evidcn-cc of found converfion.

OF THE UNITED STATES.

Unitarians.

377

The Unitarians, or as tlicv are denoiiiinated, though not with
ilrift propriety, Socinians, are far from being numerous in the
United States, they have, however, received confiderable addi-
tions of late from different parts of Great Britain ; the generous
attachment of this body of Chriflians, to the caufe of civil and re-
ligious liberty, has marked them out aS objefts of the dread and
vengeance of the Britifh government, every manoeuvre has been
tried, and every influence exerted to fink them in the efteem of
their countrymen, the confequencc of which has been j that many
of them have found it necelfary to feek a refidence in a country
more congenial with their fcntiments and views of the rights of
mankind, and where they can enjoy their religious principles
without political degradation . Among the characters which are
an ornament to this clafs of Chriflians, and whom the ungrateful
and nnrelentlng hand of perfecution has driven to the holpitable
fliores of the United States, the nameS of Priestley, Russel,
and Cooper, deferve particular niotice-, the form.er of thefe
charafters has long been celebrated aS a philofopher, and the avow-
dd champion of the Unitarian Faith. In both thefe fituations,
however we may differ from him in opinion, his candour, zeal,
and perfeverance, entitle him to our admiration; but as the
FRIEND OF MANKIND, hc claims morc than admiration — he
COMMANDS OUR E ST E KM— the dircftion of his philofophical pur-
fuits to the benefit of his fellow creatures^— t lie warmth and abili-
ty with which he has efpoufed and defended tJic caufe of civil
and religious liberty, the patience, fortitude, and refignation
with which he has endured the moft cruel and unjuft perfecuti-
ons — -the difcovery of the mofi: amiable difpofition to thofe who
differed with, and even perfecutcd him, will endear his memory
to pofherity, and awaken the utmoft abhorrence and indignation
at that fpirit of bigotry and party rage, which forced him from
his country and friends, and obliged him, at an advanced period
of life, to feek an afylum acrofs the Atlan,tic : America will,
however, value what Britain defpifed, and will no doubt amply
reward him for all his pafh fufferings — his name will live in the
affeftions of fucceeding ages, while thole of his pcrlecutors v/iU
be configned to the infamy they merit.

It will he unneceffury here to fay any thing on the peculiar
tenets of the Unitarians, as they .have becti of late lo amply and
ably dicuffcd, and in a variety of forms,' adaoted to every clals of

Vol. I. 3 C

37S GENERAL DESCRIPTION

readers,* we fiiall therefore pafs to a confideration of the peopi^e*
called Quakers.

Quakers,

This denomination of Chriftians arofe about tlie year 1648, and
^ere firft coUefted into reh'gious fociefies by their highly refpeft-
ed elder, George Fox. They emigrated to America as early
as 1 656. The firfl fettlers of Pennfylvania were all of this deno-
mination ; and the number of their meetings in the United States,
at prefent, is about three hundred and twenty.

Their doftrinal tenets may be concifely exprefifed as follows —
In common with other Chriftians, they believe in One Eternal
God, and in Jcfus Chrifh the Meffiah and Mediator of the new
Covenant. To Chrift alone, in whofc divinity they believe, they
give the title of the JVord of God, and not to the fcriptures ; yet
they profefs a high efteem for the facred ■wrritings,- in fubordinati-
on to the Spirit who indited them, and believe that they are able,
through faith, to make men wife to fatvation — They reverence
the excellent precepts of Scripture, and believe them practicable
and binding on eVery Chriftian ; and that in the life to come,
every man will be rewarded according to his works. In order to'
enable mankind to put in pra£iice thefe precepts, they believe,
that every man coming into the world is endued with a meafure
of the Light, Grace, or Good Spirit of Chrift ; by which he is
enabled <to diftinguifh good from evil, and corrcft the diforderly
pafiions and corrupt propenfities of his nature, which mere reafon
is altogether infuffieient to overcome— ^that this divine grace is, to
ihofe who fincercly fcek it, an all-fufficient and prefent help in
time of need — and that by it the fnares of the enemy are detcfted,
his allurements avoided^ and deliverance experienced, through
faith ia its effcclual operation, and the foul tranftated out of the
kingdom of darkncfs into the marvellous light and kingdom of
the Son of God — Thus perfuaded, they think, this divine influ-
ence clpeclally neceflary to the performance of the higheft aft of
which the human mind is capable, the worfiiip of God in fpirit
and in truth ; and therefore confider, as obllruction to pure wor-
fhip, all forms which divert the mind from the fecrct influence
of this unftion of the Holy One — Though true worfliip is not
confined to time or place, they believe it is incumbent on church-
es to meet often together, but dare not depend for acceptance on.
a formal repetition of the words and experience of others — They
think it their duty to wait in filence to have a true fight cf theii

* If the reader fiioald wiih for information on the fubjcci, he is referred t«
ftindfey's hijhrkal Vicv of the Uniiurian Doclrim, &i.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 379

condition befkowed on them ; and believe even a fingle figh, aii-
fing from a fcnfe of their infirmities and need of divine help to
be more acceptable to God, than any performances which origir
nate in the will of man.

They believe the renewed alTiflance of the light and power of
Chrift, whix:h is not at command^ nor attainable by ftudy, but
thp free gift of God, to be indifpcnlably neceljTary to a true gof-
pcl miniftry: — Hence arifes their teftimony againft preaching for
hire, and coniclentious refufal to lupport any fuch miniftry by
tythes or other means. As they dare not encourage any minif-
try, but fuch as they believe to fpring from the influence of the
Jioly Spiz'it ; lo neither dare they attempt to reftrain this influ-
ence to perfons of any condition in life, or to the male fex — but
alloy/ fuch of the female fex as appear to be qualified, to exercile
their gifts for the general edification of the church.

They hold that as there is one Lord and one faiih, fo his bap-
tilm is one in nature and operation, and that nothing flrort of it
can make us living members of his myllical body ; and that bap-
tifm with water belonged to a difpenfation inferior to the pre-
fent. With refpcft to the Lord's Supper, they believe that
communication between Chrid and his church is not maintained
by that nor any other external ordinance, but only by a real
participation of his divine nature, through faith ; that this is the
iupper alluded to in Rev. iii. 20 — and that where the lubftancc
is attained, it is unncceffary to attend to the fhadow.

Believing that the grace of God is alone fuflicient for falva-
tion, they can neither admit that it is confcrzed on a few only,
while others are left without it ; nor, thus afl'erting its univer-
lality, can they limit its operation to a partial clcanfing of the
foul from fin, even in this life — rOn the contrary they believe
that God doth vouchfafctoafTifl; the obedient to fubmit to the guid^
ance of his pure Ipirit, through whofc alliftLance they are enabled
to bring forth fruits unto hoUnefs, and to fl:and pcrJcB. iir their
prefent rank.

As to oaths, they abide literally by Chrift's pofitive injunc-
tion, "Swear not at all." They believe that '^ wars and
fightings" are, in their origin and eifefts, utterly repugnant to
the Gofpel, which breathes peace and good-will to men*. They
alio are firmly perfuaded, that if the benevolence of the Gofpel
were generally prevalent in the minds of men, it would cifc(ftu-

* During the late war, fomc of their number, contrary to this article of their
faith thought it their duty to take up arms in defence of their couutry. This laid
the foundation of a fecelHon from their brethren, and they now form a feparaie
congregation in Philadelphia, by the name of the " Refifting or fighting Qus,

3 C 3

380 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

ally prevent them fi«om oppreffing much more from enflaving *
their brethren, of whatever complexion ; and would even influ-
ence their treatment of the brute creation, which would no
longer groan the victims of their avarice, or of their falle ideas
of pleafure.: — They profels that their principles, which inculcate
fubmifTion to the laws in all cafes wherein confciencc is not
violated, are a fecurity to the falutary purpofcs of government,
But they hold that the civil magiftrate has no right to interfere
in matters of religion, and think perlecutipn, in any degree un-
warrantable. They rejeft the ufe of thofe names of the months
and days, which, having been given in honour of the heroes or gods
of the heathen, originated in their flattery or fuperflition ; and
the cullom of fpeaking to a fingle peri'oii in the plural number,
as having arifen alfo from motives of adulation. Compliments,
fuperfluity of apparel or furniture, outward (hews of rejoicing
or mourning, and obfervations of days and times, they deem in-
compatible with the fimplicity and finccrity of a Chriftian life— —
and they condemn public diverfions, gaiming and other vain
amufements of the world. They require no formal fubfcription
to any articles, either r;s the condition of mcmbcrfhip, or to q^ua-
lify for the (ervice of the church.

To effect the falutary purpofes of difcipline, Monthly,
Quarterly, and Yearly meetings are eftablifnsd. A monthly
meeting is compofed of fcveral neighbouring congregations. Its
bufinefs is to provide fcr the fubfillcncc of the poor, and for the
education of their offspring — to jndge of the fincerity anti fit-
ncfs of perfous appearing to be convinced of the religious prin-
ciples of the iociety, and deiiring to be admitted to membcrfliip ;
to excite due attention to the discharge of religious and moral
duties -, to deal with diforderlv members — to apooint overfeers
to fee that the rules of their dilcipline are put in prj£i.ice— to
allow pf marriages, &c.+

■*' In the prefent ftruggle of liberality and humanity, aganift avarice and cruelty,
in deferxe of the Blacks, the Quakers have had the fignal honour of having firft
fet the illuRrious example of aiming at a total emancipation.

+ Their mode of marrying is as follows — Thofe v*^ho intend to marry, appeai;
tegethcr, and propofe their intention to tlic monthly meeting;, and if not attended
by their parents or guardians, produce a written certificivte of their confent, fign.
ed in the prefence of ^vitneffes. The meeting then appoints a committee to in-
quire whether they are clear of other engagements refpecliug marriage ; and if at
a fubfequent meeting, to which the parties alfo come and declare the conf.nuaiice
of their intention, no objeftions are reported, they have the meeting's content to
folemnize their intended marriage. This is done in a j:^blic meeting tor worfhip,
towards the clofe of which the parties fland up and folemnly take each other for
hufband and wife. A certificate of the proceedings is then publicly read, and
Mgned by the parties, and afterwards by the relations and others as witnefl'cs*
•ivhich clofcs the folemnity.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 381

' A quartcilv meeting is coiupofed of leveral monthly meetings.
At this meeting are produced written anl'wers from monthly
meetings, to certain queftions refpc£ling the conduft of their
members and the meeting's care over them. The accounts thus
received, are digcftcd and fent by rcprefentatives to the yearly
meeting. Appeals from the judgment of monthly meetings arc
brought to the quarterly meetings.

The yearly meeting has the general fuperintendance of the
iocicty in the country in which it is eftabliflied.* The bufinefs
of this meeting is to give foiuh its advice — make fuch regulations
as appear to be requifite, or excite to the obiervance of thofe
already made, &c. Appeals from the judgment of quarterly
meetings aie here finally determined ; and a brotherly correfpon-
dence, by epifllcs, is maintained with other yearly meetings.

As they believe women may be righlly called to the work of
the miniftry, they alio think they may fhare in the Chriflian dif-
cipline. Accordingly they have monthly, quarterly, and yearly
meetings of their own lex ; held at the fame time, and in the fame
place with thofe of the inen ; but feparately and without the
power of making rules,

Their elders and mini fler^ have meetings peculiar to themfelves.
Thefe meetings, called meetings of miniflers and elders, are ge-
nerally held in the compals of each monthly, quarterly, and
yearly meeting — for the purpole of exciting each other to the
dilchargc of their feveral duties — of extending advice to thofe
who may appear weak, 8cc. They alfo, in the intervals of the
yearly meetings, give certificates to thoie miniflers who travel
abroad in tlie work of the miniftry.

Ti\c yearly meeting, held in London, in i6'y5, appointed a
meeting to be held in that city, for the purpofe of advifing or
alhlling in cafes of luffering for confcience lake, called a meet-
ing for iufi'crings, \vhich is yet continued. It is compofed of
Friends under the name of correlpondents, chofcn by the feveral
quarterly meetings, who rcfide in and near the city. This
meeting is cn.truibed with the care of printing and diflributing
books, and with the management of its flock, and confidcred as a
ihinding committee of the yearly meeting. In none of their
riieetings have they a Prefident, as they believe Divine wildom
.ilone ought to prefide ; nor has any member a right to claim pre-
• ■ ninencc over the refl.

*Tlie Quakers have, in all, _/?ren yearly meetings. One in London, to which
. ome rcprefentatives from Ireland. The other fix are in the United States, i.
\'cw-lingland, a. New-York, 3. New Jcri'ey, and I'cnalylvaiiia, 4. Maryland, [,
Vii'^iuia; C- The Carolinas and Georgia.

382 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

METHODISTS.

The Methodift denomination of Chriftians arofe in England
in 1739; and made their firft appearance in America about twen-
ty-four years fince. Their general flyle is, " The United So-
cieties of the Methodift Epifcopal Church." They profcfs
themfelvcs to be " A company of men having the form and
feeking the power of godlinefs, united in order to pray toge-
ther, to receive the word of exhortation, and to watch over
one another in love, that they may help each other to work cut
their falvation." Each fociety is divided into clafTes of twelve
perfons; one of v/hom is ftiled the Leader, whofc bufinefs it is.
to fee each perfon in his clafs once a week, in order to enquires
how their fouls profper, to advife, reprove, comfort, or exhort
as occafion may require ; and to receive contributions for the
relief of Church and Poor. In order to admiflion into their
focieties they require only one condition, viz, " A dejire to Jles
Jrom the wrath to come, i. e. a defire to be faved from their fins."
It is expefted of all who continue in their focieties, that they
fliould evidence their defire of falvation, by doing no harm, by
avoiding all manner of evil, by doing all manner of good, ns
they have ability and opportunity, efpecially to the houiehold
of faith; employing them preferably to others, buying of one
another, unlefs they can be Jervcd better eljetclure. and helping each
other in bufineis — And alio by attending upon all the ordinan-
ces of God; fuch as public worfhip, the fupper of the Lord,
family, and private prayer, fearching the Icriptures, and fafting
or abftinence. The late Mr. John \\'^efley is confidered as the
father of this clafs of Methodifts, who, as they deny fome of
the leading Calviniftic doftrines, and hold fome of the peculiar
tenets of Arminius, may be called Armikian Methopists —
The late Mr. Whitefield was the leader of the Calvikistic
Methodists, who are not very numerous in the United States,
the greater part being now forme4 into independent Calvinili
churches, or mixed with Congrcgationalifts and Prefbyterians.

In 1-788, the number of Wcfuian Methodifts in the United
States ftood as follows :

- 1998

2004
Total 43,282

Georgia - -

20t 1

Dclav>'2rc

South Carolina

■ 3366

Pcanlylvani

North Carolina

- ^779

New Jcrlcy

Virginia

i4>356

Kcw York

Maryland -

1 1.01 "J

OF THE UNlfMD STAt£:S. 3^3

Since this cftimatc of their numbers was taken, fome few fcat-
tering focieties have been collctled in different parts of the New
England States, and their numbers increafed in other parts ; fo
that in 1790, the whole connexion amounted to fifty-fevcn thou-
land fix hundred and twenty-one. To fuperintend the metho-
difl connexion in America, they had, in 1788, two bifhops, thir-
ty elders, and fifty deacons.

Roman Catholics.

The whole nuitiber of Roman Catholics in the United
States is eftimated at about fifty thoufand ; one half of which are
in the State of Maryland. Their peculiar and leading doftrines
and tenets are too generally known to need a recital here. They
have a BiShop, who refides in Baltimore, and many of their
congregations are large and refpeftable.

German Lutherans and Calvinists.

The German inhabitants in thefe ftates, who principally be-
long to Pennfylvania and New York, are divided into a variety
of fefts ; the principal of which are Luthekans, Calvinists,
Moravians, Tunkers, and Mennionists. Of thefd the
German Lutherans are the moft numerous. Of this denomina-
tion, and the German Calvinifts, who are next to them in num-
bers, there arc upwards of fixty minifters in Pennfylvania — and
the former have twelve, and the latter fix churches in the ftate
of New York. Many of their churches are large and fplendid,
and in fome inflances furnifhed with organs. Thefe two deno-
minations live together in the greateft harmony, often preaching
in each other's churches, and fometimes uniting in the ereftion
of a church, in which they alternately worfhip.

Moravians.

The Moravians arc a rcfpeftable body of Chriftians in thefe
States. Of this denomination, there were, in 1788, about one
thoufand three hundred fouls in Pennfylvania ; viz. at Bethlehem,
between five and fix hundred, which number has fince increafed
' — at Nazareth, four hundred and fifty — at Liliz, upwards of
three hundred. Their other fettlemcnts, in the United States, are
at Hope, in New Jcrfcy, about one hundred fouls ; at Wachovia,
on Yadkin river. North Carolina, coittaining fix churches. Be-
fldcs thefe regular fettlements, formed by fuch onlv as are mem-
bers of tlie brethren's church, and live together in good order
and harmnnv, tl^cre are in d.iffcrcnt parts of Pcnnfylvaula, Ma-

384 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

ryhnd, and New Jerfey, and in the cities of Newport, (Rhode
Ifland) New York, Philadelphia, Lancafter, York-town, Sea
congregations of the brethren, who have their own churches and
minifters, and hold the fame principles, and doftrinal tenets, and
church rites and ceremonies as the former, though their local
Situation does not admit of fuch particular regulations, as are pe-
culiar to the regular fettlements.

They call themfelves "The United Brethren ok tht.
Protestant EpiseoPAL CiiURCH." They arc called Mora-
vians, becaufe the firfh (ettlers in the Englifh dominions were
chiefly emigrants from Moravia. Thefe were the remnant and
genuine defcendants of the antient United Brethren, eftablifhed
in Bohemia and Moravia, as early as the year 1456. About the
middle of the laft century, they left their native country to
avoid peifecution, and to enjoy liberty of ccnfcience, and the
true exercife of the religion of their forefathers. They were
received in Saxony, and other Proteftant dominions, and were
encouraged to fettle among them, and were joined by many fe-
rious people of other dominions. They adhere to the Augufline
Confeffion of Faith, which was drawn up by the Proteftant Di-
vines at the time of the reformation in Germany, in the year
1530, and prefented at the diet of the empire at Augfburg; and
which, at that time, contained the doftrinal fyftemof all the efta-
blifhed Proteftant churches. They retain the difcipline of their
ancient church, and make ufe of Epifcopal ordination, which'
has been handed down to them in a direft line of fuccelTion for
more than,three hundred years.*

They profefs to live in ftrift obedience to the ordinances of
Chrift, fuch as the ob,krvation of the Sabbath, In fart Baptifm,
and the Lord's Supper ; and in addition to thefe, they praftice
the foot wafliing, the kifs of love, and the ufe of the lot.

They were introduced into America by count Zinzendorf,
and fettled at Bethlehem, which is their principal fettlemcnt in
America as early as 1741. Regularity, induftry. ingenuity, and
economy, are charaftcrifbics of this people.

* See David Crantz' Hul. of ' Tlie ancient and modern United Brcthrens.
Ciiurch, tranflated from the German, by the Rev. Benjamin La Trobe.' London,
1780. Thole who wifh to obtain a thorough and impartial knowledge of their re.
ligious fentiments and cuftoms, may fee them excellently furamed up in a plain,
but nervous ftile, in ' An cxpoiitioa of Chriilian Doftrine, as taught in the Protef-
tant church of the United Brethren,' v/rittcn in German, by A. G. Spangenberg
and tranflated and publifhed in Englifh in 1784.

I

or THE UNITED STATES, 38;,

Tu X K E R S.

The TuNKERS are fo called in dcrifion, from the word Tunk-
JEN, to put a viorfd infauce. The Englifh word that conveys the
proper meaning of Tunkers is Sops or Dippers. They have been
alfo called Tumblers from the manner in which the)'- perform bap-
tifm, which is by putting the perfon, while kneeling, head firH
under water, fo as to refemblc the motion of the body in the ac-
tion of tumbling. The Germans found the letters;; and b like d
and p ; lience the words Tunkers and Tumblcirs, have been cor-
ruptly written Dunkers and Dumplers.

The firft appearing of thefe people in Ai'nerica was in the year
1719, when about twenty families landed in Philadelphia, and
difpcrfed themfelves in various parts of Pennfylvania. They are
what are called General Baptifts, and hold the doftrinc of gene-
ral redemption and general falvation. They ufe great plainnef;
of drefs and language, and toill ndthtr [wear nor Jight, nor go !a
law, nor take intcrcjl for the Money they lend. They commonly
wear their beards— keep the firft day Sabbath, except one con-
gregation—have the Lord's Supper with its ancient attendants of
Lovc-feafts, with wafhing of feet, kifs of charity, and right hand
of fellowfliip. They anoint the fick with oil for their recover}^
aird ufe the trine immertion, with laying on of hands and praver,
even while the perfon baptifed is in the water. Their church
government and difcipline are for the mofl part fimilar with
thofe of the Englifh Baptifts, except that every brotlier is al-
lowed to fpeak in the congregation ; and their bef]; fpeaker is
ufually ordained to be their miniftcr. They have deacons, and
deaconeffes, from among their ancient widows, and cxhorters
who are all licenfed to ufe their gifts ftatcdly. On the whole
notwithftanding their peculiarities, they appear to be humble
WELL-MEAN'iNG CHRISTIANS, and havc acquired the charaftcr
of the harmlefs* Tunkers.

Their principal fettlement is a Ephrata, fometlmes called Tun-
kers Town, in Lanpafter county, fixty miles weftward of Phila-
delphia. It confifts of about forty buildings, of which three are
places of worflrip ; one is called ^/mro«, and adjoins the fifter's
apartment as a chapel ; anothev, belonging to the brother's apart-
ment, is called Bethany. To thcfc the brethren and fifl^rs
refort, feparately to worfhip morning and evening, and fomc-r
times in the night. The third is a common church, called Zian
where all in the fettlement meet once a week for public worlliip,

* It would be exceedingly happy for mankind, if this epithet could be be?
{lowed on the profellcd followers of every other religiaus ficrfuafion.

Vol, 3 Q

586 GEKERAl DESCRIPTiaN

The brethren have adopted the White Frier's drefs, with fome
alterations; the fillers that of the nuns ; and many of both like
them liavc taken the vow of celibacy. All, however, do not
keep the vow. When they marry, they leave their cells and go
tmong the married people. They i'ubfift by cultivating their
knds, by attending a pi-inting office, a grift mill, a papep mill, an
oil mill, &c. and the fifhers by fpinning, weaving, fewing. Sec.
Thay at firft: flcpt on board ccfuches, but now on beds, and have
otherwifs abated much of their former feverity. Thi? congrega-
tion keep the feventh day Sabbath. Their fmging i§ charming,
©wing to the pleafantnefs of their voices, the variety of parts,
and the devout manner of performance. Befides this congrega-
tion at Ephrata, there were, in 1770, fourteen others in various
other parts of Fe»nfylvania, and fome in Maryland. The
■whole, exchifivc of thofe in Maryland, amoun{:ed to upwards of
two thoufand fouls.

M E N N O N I S T S.

The Mennonists derive their name from Mcnno Simon, a
native of Witmars in Germany, a man of learning, born in the
year 1505, in the time of the reformation by Luther and Calvin.
He was a famous Roman Catholic preacher, till about the year
1531, when Jic became a Baptift. Some of his followers came
into Pcnnfylvania from New-York and fettled at Germ:^n-town,
as ecrly as 1692. Tiiis is at preicnt their principal congregation,
and the mother of the reft. Their whole number, in 1770, in
Pennfylvariia, was upwards of four thoufand, divided into thir-
teen churches, and forty-two congregations, under the care of
fifteen ordained miniftcrs, and fifty-three licenfed preachers.

The Mennonifts do not, like the Tunkers, hold the doftrinc of
general falvation ; yet like them, they zl'UL neither [wear nor ^ght,
nor hear atry civil, ojice, nor go to law, nor take intcrejl for the money
they lend ; many, however, break this laft rule. Some of them
wear their beards; wafh each others feet, &c. and all ufc plain-
ness of fpeecli and drefs. Some have been expelled their fociety
for wearing buckles in their fiiocs, and having pocket-holes in
their coats. Their church government is der.iocratical. Thev
call thcmfelvcs the Harmless Christians, Revengeless
Christians, and WEAroNLESs Christians. They are Baptifts
rather in name than in faft ; for they do not ule immerfion.
Their C(Mnmon mode of baptifm is this ; the pcrlon to be baptifed
kneels; the minifter holds his hands over him, into which the
deacon pours water, which runs through upon the head of the
perlbn kneeling. After this, follows impofition of hands arid
prayer.

OT THE UNITED STATES.

UnIVERSAI-ISTS.

The denominatiori ftilcd Umiversalists, though their fchcmes
'axe very various, may properly enough be divided into two claf-
ics, viz. Thole who embrace tlie fcheme of Dr. Chauncey, exhi-
bited in his book entitled " The Salvation of all Men;" and the
dil'ciples of Mr. Winchcflcr and Mr, John Murray.

A judicious funimary cf Dr. Chauncey's fcntiments, has been
given in H. Adam's View of Religions, as follows :

" That the fcheme of revelation has the happincfs of all man-
kind lying at bottom, as its great and ultimate end; that it gradu-
ally tends to this end ; and will not fail of its accompiiflimcnt,
When fully completed. Some, in confequence of its operation,
as condufted by the Son of God, will be difpofed and enabled,
in this prefent flate, to make fuch improvements in virtue, the
only rational preparative for happinefs, as that they flin.ll enter
upon the enjoyment of it in the next flate. Others who havfi
proved incurable under the means which have been uled v. ith
them in this ftate, inftead of being happy in the next, will be
awfully miferable ; not to continue fo finally, but that tlicy may
be convinced of their folly, and recovered to a virtuous frame of
mind : and this will be the effcft of the future torments upon
many ; the confequence whereof will be their ialvation, they
being thus fitted for it. And there may be yet other flatcs, be-
fore the fcheme of God may be perfected, and mankind univer-
fally cured of their moral diiorders, and in this way qualified for,
and finally inflated in, eternal happinefs. But however many
flates fome of the individuals of the human fpecies may pafs
through, and of however long continuance they may be, the
whole is intended to fubferve the grand defign ©f univerfal hap-
pinefs, and will finally terminate iu it ; infomuch, that the Son of
God and Saviour of men w'M- not deliver up his truft into the
hands of his Fathtr, who committed it to him, till he has dif-
charged his obligations in virtue of it ; having finally fixed all
men in heaven, when God will be All in All."

The number of this denomination is not known. The open
advocates of this fcheme are few ; thoucrh the number is larger
who embrace the doclrine of the falvatiou of all men, upon prin-
ciples fomewhat fimilar, but Varioufiy differing from thole on
which the above-mentioned fcheme is grounded.

Article L'ttii'cjfiili/ls, \\ 'cere the reader may find slfo a fummary oftheargu-
mnts for and ag^inlt hU fcheme,

2 D 2

388 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

The latter clafs of Univerfalifts have a new fchcme, differing
effcntially from that of the former, v/hich they rejtft as incon-
fiflent and abfurd : and they cannot conceive how they who
embrace it, can, '• with any degree of propriety, be called
UxiVERSALisTs, On Apoftolic principles, as it docs not appear
that thev have any idea of being favcd by, or in the Lord, with
an everlafting, or with any falvation." Hence they call them
'• Pharisaical UniversalistSj who arc willing to pifilfy
themfdvis,*

It is difficult to fav what is the prefent fchemc of the denomi-
nation of which we are now fpeaking ; for they differ not only
from all other Univerlalifls, and from each other, but even from
thcmfclvcs at different periods. The reader, however, may form
an idea of iome of their tenets from what follows, collefted from
the letter referred to in the note. This letter, written by a man
of firfl: rate talents, and the head of *lie denomination, and pro-
fefTing to reftify miftakes refpcfting doftrines propagated under
the Chriflian name — to give the charaftep of a Consistent
Un'Iversalist — -and to acquaint the world with their real
fcntimcnts, we have rcafon to conclude, gives as true an account
of their fchemc as can be obtained.

From this letter it appears, that they believer " thaft Religion of
Come fort or otlur, is a public beneEt ;" and that every pcrfon i$
at liberty, and is bound to fuppovt what he conceives to be the
true Religion — 1 hat public worfhip on every firft day of the
week, is an incumbent duty on all real lovers of divine truth —
that prayer, as it indicates truft z«, and dependence en God, is
part of his v/oriliip — They believe that the Deceiver, who be-
guiled Eve, and not our Jirjl parents thcmfelves, did the deed
xvhich brought ruin and death on all the human race — That there
arc two clalfcs of fallen fmners — ^the Am gels who kept not
their firft eftatc, and the human nature, deceived by the for-
mer, and apparently deftroyed confequent thereon ; — that a jujt
God, in the law given by Moles, has denounced death and the
curfc on every one wlio cantinuelh not in ail things, zvritten in the
book of the law to do them — ^but that the Jame God was manifefled
in the flefh as the head of every man, ■inade under the law, to re-
deem them that are under the law, being made a curjejor ikem —
that he tajicd death for every man, being a Saviour, not of a few
only, but of all men — and that the declaration of this is the GofpeL
They believe that when God denounces on the human race,
woes, wrath, tribulation, death, damnation, &c. in the Sciipturcs,
he fpcaks in his Icgiflative capacit) , as the juft God who will by

* Mr. Murray's " Letter to 2 Friend,"' p?^- P' 4*- printed in Boften. 1-91

OF THE UNITED STATES. 389

iio^means clear the guilty — that when he fpeaks of mercy, grace,
peace, of life as the gift of God, and falvation in whole or in part,
he fpeaks in the charafter of the jujl God and Saviour^ — that the
former is the language of tlie law J the latter is the language of
the Golpel.

They believe that the Prince of Peace came to fave the hu-
man nature from the power and dominion of the Devil, and his
works — that he came to deftroy the latter, that he might lave the
former — That " Sin is the work of the Devil — that he is the
Worker and Doer of whatever gives offence" — That Jefus, as t^ic
Saviour of the world, fhall feparatc from his kingdom, both the
evil Worker and his evil works ; the evil Worker in the charafter
foi goats — the-eyiV tvorks in the charafter of tares. They fuppofe
that what is wicked in mankind, is reprefented by the evil feed
fown by the evil One in human nature, and that " when the
Sower of the evil feed, and all the evil feed fown, fhall be fena-
rated from the feed which God lowed, then the feed which is
properly God's feed, will be like him who fowed it, pure
and holy."

They confider all ordinances as merely Jliadoios j yet they
celebrate the Lord's Supper, by eating and drinking wine — and
i'ome of them fuppofe that every time they eat bread and drink
wine, they comply with our Lord's injunftion, " Do this in
remembrance of me." Various other opinions prevail among
them refpcfting this ordinance, and that of baptifm. They
" admit of but one baptifm, the baptizer Jefus Chrift ; the ele-
ments made ufe of, the Holy Goft and fire" — yet they are wil-
ling, in order to avoid contention, " to become all things to all
men," and to baptize infants by sprinkling, or adults by
IMMERSION — or to omit thefc figns altogether, according as the
opinions of parents may vary upon this fubjeft — Some think it.
proper to dedicate their children to the Lord, by putting them
into the arms of the minifter, to be by him prefented to Chrift,
to be baptized with his baptifm, in the name of the Trinity, the
minifter at the fame time to blcfs them in the words in which
God commanded Aaron and his fons to blcfs the children of
Ifrael — " The Lord blefs thee, &c." It appears in fliort, that
their notions relpcfting thefe ordinances arc various, and with
many, vague and unfcttled.

They believe in a judgment paji and a judgment to come — that
the /'o/? judgment is either that in which the world was judged
in thefccond Adam, according to the word of the Saviour, " N'oztj
is the judgment of this world — nozv is the Prince of this zoorld cajt
out and judgment executed on them and on the whole human
nature^ according t© the righteous judgment of God — or that

390 OENERAL DESCRIPTION

■Which every man is to cxercife upon himlelf, according to the
words ^* judge your/elves and ye Jfiall not k judged" — " The judt^-
ment to come is that in which all who have not judged them-
felves — all unbelievers of the human race, and all the fallen
Angels, fhall be judged by the Saviour— ^but thefe two charafters,
viz. unbelievers of the hufnaii race, and the fallen angels, fhall be
placed, the/ormer on the right, the latter on the l^ft hand of their
Judge ; the one under the denomination ofjheep, for whofe fal-
vation the Saviour laid down his life — ^the other under the deno-
mination of goats, who are the accurfed, whofe nature he paffed
by — " The human nature," i. e. the fneep or unbelievers of th-
human race, " as the offspring of the evcrlafting Father, and the
tanfomed of the Lord- — fiiall be brought, by divine power, into
the kingdom prepared for them, before the foundation of the world
— the other nature, i. e. the goats, or fallen angels, " will be
fent into the fire prepared for them."* From which it appears,
that it is their opinion, that unbelievers of the hnman race, or
JJieep, :ind the fallen angels, or goats, will be the only claffcs of
creatures concerned in the awards of the laft, judgment — -and that
the righteous, or believers in Chrift, will not then be judged" ■
having previoufly judged themfclvcsh — " But the reft of man-
kind," lay they, " will be the fubjefts of this judgment, when
our Saviour fliall be revealed from heaven in ftaming fire, taking
vengeance on them that know not God, and obey not the gofpel i arid
they fnall then be punifhed with everlafing defl ruction from the pre-
fence of the Lord and the glory of his power." Their inferences
from, and expofition of this paffage, are peculiar, and will ferve
to give the reader an idea of their manner of explaining other
parallel palTages of Scripture. From this av/ful revelation of
the Saviour, to take vengeance on them that know not God, and
obey not the gofpel, they infer this confcqucnce, they fhall then
be made to know God, and obey the gofpcl. , The everlafting
deftruftion, from the prcfcncc of the Lord and the glory of his

* The reader will doubtlrfs notice that the plural pronoun ihcm, is feveral
limes ufed to exprefs the fingular noun hum in nature, and Prince of this world
as the human nature, &c. fliall be brought into the kingdom prepared for them;
the other nature will be fent into tlia fire prepared for them ; the Prince ofthit
world (liall be caft out, and judgment be executed oa them. This is a phrafeology
apparently peculiar to this denomination.

f In the following paffage, the contrary feems to be affrrted. Speaking of
the laft judgment it is faid, " Here, inftead of head and members being judged
together, by the head, Chriji, the divine nature, the members are confidcred in
their diftinft charaftcrs, as ^ood and evil, or believer and ucbelieverj as childien rf
light, and children of darknefs, inA judged by their ov/n head."

4

OF THE UNITED STATES. S9\

power, with which they Jliall be puniflicd, they fuppofe is fuf-
fcrcii by unbelievers, in confcqucnce of the revelation of the
cvcrlafting dcftruftion, previous to this awful period — and that
they will I'ufFcr no punifhment afler it — for " it is not faid," they
lay, " that they fliall be everla/iingly puniflied with deftruftion."
They explain their idea of evcrlajiing punijhment and fufering the
pain of eternal lire, thus, " Were it pojfibk to find a culinary
fire that never would be extinguiflicd, but remain in the ftrifteft
Icnfe of the word, everlajiing or eternal — fliould any member of
the body pafs throiigh that burning flame, though but a vioment
of time had been thus fpent in palTing through; yet even in that
moment, it would fuffer the pain of eternal Jir^." But whether
they believe it poffible that there fhould be fuch a fire, or that
unbelievers fhall be doomod to {xi^izi- ih(^. punijlimcnt of etnnal
fire by thus pa fling through it, I do not find exprcfsly afTerted,
but it is highly probable that they do.

They do not fuppofe that " all mankind will be on a level in
the article of death, but that they who die in unbelief, will lie
down in Jorrow, and rife to the refurreftion of damnation, or
condemnation ; and when the books fhall be opened, and the
dead, both fmall and great, fhall be judged out of the things writ-
ten in the books — every mouth ihall be flopped, and all the
world become guilty before God ; and while confcious of guilt,
but ignorant of a Saviour — they fhall call or) the rocks and
mountains to fall on them \o hide them from the wrath of the
Lamb — But that in this judgment the judge is the Saviour — they
will be judged by their own head ;" and as the head of every
man is Chrifl— all of courfe mufb be acquitted and faved.

Although they believe that the Devil is the doer or worker of
every thin? that gives offence ; yet tliey affert that " all men at
xi,ll times are finners, and come fliort of the glory of God" — but
they believe that \vhat Chrifl fufFered, " was confidered by the
Great Lawgiver, as done and fuffered by every man in his own
perfon ; and that every man is as much interefled in what Chrifl,
ithe fecond Adam did, as they were in what the firfl Adam did"
— This idea appears to be incongruous with any future judg-
ment of any kind. The Conjijlent Univerlali/is, therefore " does
not confider himfelf under the law any more than a woman con-
fiders herfelf under the direftion or dominion of a hufband
that is dead and buried — nor is he afraid of death, being af-
fured that Jefus hath abolifhed death, and left nothing of it but
the Jliadow."

The Univerfalifls of this denomination, in common with other
Chriflians, profefs l;hemfelvcs to be the advocates of piety, reli-
^ioyi, and 7norality. ^-They affert tha duty of doing right as men—

392 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

as members of civil fociety — and as Chriftians. As inert men,"
they hold, that " they muft follota nature, or they will fink be-
neath the level of the beafts of the field," — and yet they aflert
that " aii the rlghteoufnejs found in the beji of mere human nature
is but zjilthy rag" — -That as members of civil fociety they mufh
lubmit to the laws, or if thought too feverc, they may avoid them
by a removal from the flate." — That as Chriftians they muft be
under the direftion of Chrift, and do whatfoever he commands
them i and thefe are his commandments, " that we believe in him^
and love one another."

This denomination of Univerfalifts, arc not very numerous in
tlic United States, fome are in Pennfylvania— fome in different
parts of New-York, Conne6ticut, Rhodc-Ifland, and Ncw-Hamp-
fhire ; but the body of them are in Bofton, and Gloucefter, in
Maffachufetts. They have feveral conftituted churches, which
are governed by an ecclefiaftical conftitution, formed in 1789,
by a convention of their miniftcrs at Philadelphia.

SHAKER S.

This is a fmali and fingular feft of Chriftians, which have
fprung up in America as lately as 1774 ; when a few of this feft
went from England to New-York, and there being joined by a
few others, they fettled at Nifqueunia, above Albany, which is
their principal fettlemcnt : a few others are fcattcred in diff^crent
parts of the country.

The head of this party, while fhe lived,* was Anna Leefe,
ftiyled the Eleft Lady. Her followers affertcd, that flie was the
woman fpoken of in the twelfth chapter of tho Revelations, and
that fhe fpoke feventy-two tongues : and although thefe tongues
were unintelligible to the living, fire converfod with the dead
who underftood her language. They alledged alfo that fhe was
the mother of all the Elect ; that fhe travailed for the whole
world — that no blefTing could dcfcend to any perfon but only
by and through her, and that in the way of her being pofiefied
of their fins, by their confefTing and repenting of them, one by
one, according to her direction.

Their leading doftrinal tenets, as given by one of their owri
denomination, are, " That the firft refurreftion is already come,
and now is the time to judge themiclvcs. That they have power-
to heal the fick, to raife the dead, and caft out devils. That they

* This woman afferted, th?x fhe fhould never ilie ; but notwitliftanding
>ier prcdiftions and affertions to the contrary, fhe died in 1784 ; and was fuc-
ceedcd by one James Whitakcr, who alfo died in 1787. Jofeph Meacham. who.
has attained the reputation of a proplict among them, is at prefect tiicir leader.

OF THE UNITED STATES. 393

tiave a correfpondencc with angels, the fpirits of the faints and
their departed friends. That they fpeak with divers kind of
tongues in their public affemblics. That it is lawful to praflife
vocal mufic with dancing in the Chriftian churches, if it be prac-
tifed in praifing the Lord. That their church is come out of
the order of natural generation, to be as Chrift was ; and that
tiiofe who have wives are as though they had none. That by
thefe means heaven begins upon earth, and they thereby lo{e
iheir earthly and fcnfual relation to Adam the firfl:, and come to
be tranfparent in their ideas, in the bright and heavenly vifions
of God. That fome of their people are of the number of the
Hundred and forty-foUr thoufand, who were redeemed from the
earth, and were not defiled with women. That the word ever-
laflinor, when applied to the punifliment of the wicked, means
only a limited period, except in the cafe of thofe who fall from
their church : and that for fuch thefe is no forgivencfs, neither
in this world nof that which is to come. That it is unlawful to
fwear, game, or ul'e compliments- — and tliat water bnptifm and
the Lord's Supper arc abolifhed. That Adam's fin is not im-
puted to his pofterity— and that the doftrines of eleftion and
reprobation are to be rejefted,"

The difcipline of this denomination is founded on the fuppofcd
perfection of their leaders. The Mother, or the Eleft Lady, it
is faid, obeys God through Chrifl. Evropean elders obey her.
y^7«e7-/V(77j labourers, and comrnon people obey them : while con_
fefTion is made of every fecret thing, from the oldeft to the
youngeft. The people are made to believe that they are feen
through and through in the gofpel giafs of perfeftion, by their
teachers, who behold the ftate of the dead, and innumerable
worlds of fpirits good and bad,

Thefe people are generally inflruftcd to be very induftrious,
and to bring in according to their ability, to keep up the meeting.
They vary in their exercifcs. Their heavy dancing, as it is
tailed, is performed by a perpetual fpringnig from the houfe
floor, about four inches up and down, both m the mens and
womens apartment, moving about with extraordinary tranfport,
iinging fometimes one at a time, fomctimes more.

This elevation affects the nerves, fo that they have intervals of
JJiuddering, as if they were in a ftrong fit of the ague, they
fomctimes clap hands and leap fo as to fhrike the joifts above their
hcads. They throw off their outfide gnrmcnrs in thefe cxercilcs,
and fpcnd their ftrength very cheerfully this Way, Their chief
fpcaker often calls for attention ; when they all (lop and hear
fome harangue, and then fall to dancing again. They aiTcrt
that their dancing is the token of the great joy and haj^pinels

Vol. I. 3 E

394 GENERAL DESCRIPTION

of the new J^erufalem Jiale, and denotes the viftory over fin.
One of the poftures which increajes among them, is turning
round very fwift for an hour or two. This, they fay, is to
fhow the great power of God.

They fometimes fall on their knees and make a found like the
roaring of many waters, in groans and cries to God, as they fay,
for the wicked world who perfecute them.*

JEWS.

The Jews are sot numerous in the United States. They
have, however, fynagogues at Savannah, Charlefton, (South-
Carolina) Philadelphia, New-York, and Newport. Bcfides
thofe who refide at thefe places, there arc others fcattered in
different towns in the United States.

The Jews in Charlefton, among other peculiarities in bury-
ing their dead, have thefe : After the funeral dirge is fung, and
juft before the corpfe is depofited in the grave, the coffin is
opened, and a fmall bag of earth, taken from the grave, is ear-
fully put under the head of the deceafed ; then fome powder,
faid to be earth brought from Jerufalem, and carefully kept for
this purpofe, is taken and put upon the eyes of the corpfe, in
token of their remembrance of the holy land, and of their cx-
peftations of returning thither in God's appointed time.

The articles of their faith are well known, and therefore need
no defcription. They generally expect a glorious return to the
Holy Land, when they fluall be exalted above all the nations of
the earth. And they flatter themfelves that the period of their
return will fpecdily arrive, though they do not venture to fix
the precife time.

The whole number of perfons who profefs the Jewiffi religion,
in all parts of the world, is fuppofed to be about three millions,
who, as their phrafe is, are witneffes of the unity of God in all
the nations in the world.

Bcfides the religious fefts here enumerated, there are a few
of the German inhabitants in Pcnnlvlvania, who arc ftyled
SwiNSEiLDiANS, and, in Maryland, a fmall number called
NicoLiTES OR New Quakers; but the diftinguifhing fenti-
ments of thefe fefts are not material, confifting chiefly of a few
peculiarities.

* H, Adams's " View of religions." Aiticlc Shakers.

HI STORY

or THE

RISE, PROGRESS, and ESTABLISHMENT

OF THE

INDEPENDENCE

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

IN addition to what wc have already written of the difcovcry
and fettlemcnt of North America, we fhall give a brief hiftory
of the late war with Great Britain, with a Iketch of the events
which preceded and prepared the way for the revolution. This
general view of the hifbory of the United States will ferve as a
fuitable introduftion to the particular hiftories of the feveral
dates, which will be given in their proper places.

America was originally peopled by uncivilized nations, which
lived moftly by hunting and fifhing. The Europeans, who firfl
vifited thele Ihores, treating the natives as wild beads of the
foreft, which have no property in the woods where they roam,
planted the dandard of their refpeftive maders where they fird
landed, and in their names claimed the country by right of dif-
covcry.

Henry the Seventh of England granted to John Cabot and
his three fons a commiffion, " to navigate all parts of the ocean
for the purpofe of difcovering iflands, countries, regions, or
provinces, either of Gentiles or Infidels, which have been hi-
therto unknown to all Chridain people, with power to fet up
his dandard, and to take poffeflion of the fame as vaffals of the
crown of England," By virtue of this commiflion, iia 1498,

3 E 2

39^ HISTORY OF THE

Scbaftian Gabot explored and took poffefTion of a great part of
jhe North American continent, in the name and on behalf of the
King of Englnnd.

The countiy thus difcovered by Cabot, was poflefled by nu-
merous tribes or nations of people. As thefe had been till then
unknown to all other princes or fhates, they could not pofTibly
have owed their allegiance or fubjeftion to any foreign power on
earth ; they muft have therefore been independent communities,
and as fuch, capable of acquiring territorial property, in the
fame manner as otlicr nations. Of the various principles on
which a right to foil has been founded, there is none fuperior to
immemorial occupancy. From what time the Aborigines of
America had refided therein, or from what place they migrated
thitlier, were queflions of doubtful lolution, but it was certain
that they had long been fole opcupants of the country. In this
flate no European prince could derive a title to the foil from dif-
cover^', becaufe that can give a right only to lands and things
which either have never been owned or pofTelTed, or which, af-
ter being owned or polTefTed, have been voluntarily deferted.
The right of the Indian nations to the foil in their podefTion was
founded in nature. It was the free and liberal gift of heaven
to them, and fuch as no foreigner could rightfully annul. The
blinded fuperftition of the times regarded the Deity as the par-
tied God of Chriflians, and not as the comrnon father of faints
and favages. The pervading influence of philofophy, reafon,
and truth, has. fince that period, given us better notions of the
rights of mankind, and of the obligations of morality. Thefe
unqueflionably are not confined to particular modes of faith,
but extended univcrlally to Jews and Gentiles, to Chriflians and
Infidels.

Unfounded, howcv'er, a§ the claims of European Sovereigns
to American territories were, they feverally proceeded to aft
upon them. By tacit content they adopted as a new law of na-
tions, that the countries which each explored fhould be the
abiolute property of the difcoverer. While they thus fported
with the rights of unoffending nations, they could not agree in
their refpcftive fhares of the common fpoil. Tlie Portugueie and
Spaniards, inflamed by the fame fpirit of national aggrandize-
ment, contended for the exclufive fovereignty of what Colum-
bus hid explored. Animated by the rancour of commercial
jcdh uiy, the Dutch and Portuguefc fought for the Brazils.
Contrary to her genuine intercfls, England comimenced a war in
order that her contraband traders on the Mexican coafl claimed
by the King of Spain, might no longer be fearched. No farther
back than the middle of the prefent century, a conteil concern-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 39^

ing boundaries cf American territory belonging to neither, oc-
cafioned a long and bloody war between France and England.

Though Queen Elizabeth and James the Firfl denied the au-
thority of the Pope of Rome to give away the country of infidels,
yet they fo far adopted the fanciful diftinftion between the rights'
of Heathens and the rights of Chriflians, as to make it the foun-
dation of their refpeftive grants. They freely gave away what
did not belong to them with no other provifo, than that " the
territories and diftrifts fo granted, be not previoufly occupied and
poircflcd by the fubjefts of any other Chriftain prince or flate."
The firft Englifh patent which was given for the purpofe of
colonizing the country difcovered by the Cabots, was granted
by Queen Elizabeth to Sir Humphry Gilbert, in 1578, but this
proved abortive. In 1584, flie licenced Walter Raleigh, "to
fearch for Heathen lands not inhabited by Chriftian people," and
granted to him in fee all the foil "within two hundred leagues of
the places where his people fhould make their dwellings and
abidings." Under his aulpices an inconfiderable colony took
poflcflion of a part of the American coaft, which now forms
North-Carolina. In honour of the Virgin Queen his fovereign,
he gave to the whole country the name of Virginia. Thefe firfl
fcttlers, and feveral others who followed them, were either de-
llroyed by the natives, removed by fucceeding navigators, or
died without leaving any behind to tell their melancholy flory,
for they were never more heard of. No permanent fettlement
was effefted till the reign of James the Firft.

In the courfe of little more than a century, was the Englifh
North American continent peopled and parcelled out into diftinft
governments. Little did the wifdom of the two preceding cen-
turies forefee the confequences both good and evil, that were to
refult to the old world from difcovering and colonizing the new.
When we confider the immenfe floods of gold and filver which
have flowed from it into Europe, the fublequent increafe of
induftry and population, the prodigious extenfion of commerce,
manufaftures, and navigation, and the influence of the whole on
manners and arts, we lee fuch an accumulation of good, as leads
us to rank Columbus among the greateft benefaftors of the hu-
man race : but when we view the injuftice done the natives, the
extirpation of many of their numerous nations, whole names are .
no more heard ; — The havoc made among the firfl fcttlers ; —
The flavery of the Africans, to which America has furnifhed the
temptation ; and the many long and bloody wars which it has
occafioned, we behold fuch a crowd of woes, as excites an ap-
prchcnrionj that the evil has outweighed the good.

598 HISTORY OF THE

In vain do \vc look among ancient nations for examples of
colonics eftablilhed on principles of policy, fimilar to thofe of
the colonies of Great-Britain. England did not, like the re-
publics of Greece, oblige her Ions to form diftant communities in
the wiles of the earth. Like Rome fhe did not give lands as a
gratuity to foldicrs, who became a military force for the defence
pf her frontiers. She did not, like Carthage, fubdue the neigh-
bouring Hates, in order to acquire an exclufive right to their
commerce. No conquefl was ever attempted over the Abori-.
gines of America. Their right to the foil was difregarded, and
their country looked upon as wafte, which was open to the
occupancy and ufe of other nations. It was canfidered that fet-
tlements might be there formed for the advantage of thofe who
fhould migrate thither, as well as of the Mother Country. The
rights and interefls of the native proprietors were, all this time,
deemed of no account.

What was the extent of obligations by which colonies planted
under thefe circumftances were bound to the Mother Country,
is a fubjcft of nice difcuflion. Whether thefe arofe from nature
and the conflitution, or from compact, is a queftion neceffarily
connected with many others. While the friends of Union
contended that the king of England had a property in the foil
of America, by virtue of a right derived from prior difcovery :
and that his fubje£ls, by migrating from one part of his domi-
nions to another, did not leiTen their obligations to obey the
fupreme power of the nation, it was inferred, that the emigrants
to Englifh America continued to owe the fame obedience to the
king and parliament, as if they had never quitted the land of
their nativity. But if as others contended, the Indians were
the only lawful proprietors of the country in which their Creator
had placed them, and they fold their right to emigrants who, as
men, had a right to leave their native country, and as fubjefts,
had ordained chartered pcrmifiion to do lo, it follows from thefe
premifes, that the obligations of the colonifts to their parent flate
muft have refulted more from compact, and the profpeft of reci-
procal advantage, than from natural obligation. The latter opi-
nions feem to have been adopted by fevcral of the colonifts, par-
ticularly in New-England. Sundry pcrfons of influence in that
country always held, that birth was no necefiary caufe of fub-
jc£lion, for that the fubjeft of any prince or ftate had a natural
natural right to remove to anv other flale or quarter of the globe,
efpccially if deprived of liberty of confcience, and that, upon
luch removal, his fubjefl.ion ceaicd.

The validity of charters about which the emigrants to America
were unlverfally anxious, refls upon the fame foundation. If

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 399

tlie right of the fovercigns of England to the foil of America was
ideal, and contrary to natural juftice, and if no one can give
what is not his own, their charters were on fcveral accounts a
nullity. In the eye of rcafon and philofophy, they could give
no right to American territory. The only validity which luch
grants could have, was, that the grantees had from their fove-
rcign a permiflion to depart from their native country, and ne.
gociate with the proprietors for the purchafe of the foil, and
thereupon to acquire a power of jurifdiftion fubjeft to his crown.
Thefe were the opinions of many of the fettlers in New-England.
They looked upon their charters as a voluntary compaft between
their fovereign and themfelves, by which they were bound
neither to be fubjeft to, nor feek proteftion from any other
prince, nor to make any laws repugnant to thofe of England : but
did not confider them as inferring an obligation of obedience to
a parliament, in which they were unreprefented. The profpcfts
of advantage which the emigrants to America expefted from the
protection of their native fovereign, and the profpeft of aggran-
difement which their native fovereign expefted from the exten-
fion of his empire, made the former very folicitous for charters,
and the latter very ready to grant them. Neither reafoned
clearly on their nature, nor well underflood their extent. In lefs
than eight years one thoufand five hundred miles of the fea coaft
were granted away, and fo little did they who gave, or thcv who
accepted of charters, underftand their own tranfaftions, that in
feveral cafes the fame ground was covered by contradiftorv grants,
and with an abfurdity that can only be palliated by the igno-
rance of the parties, jfome of the grants extended to the South
Sea, over a country whofe breadth is yet unknown, and which
to this day is unexplored.

Ideal as thefe charters were, they an{\\-ercd a tempor;!ry pur-
pofe. The Colonifts repoled confidence in them, ;iud were
excited to induftry on their credit. They alfo dctened Euro-
pean powers from difturbing them, bccaufe, agreeable to the late
law of nations, relative to their appropriation of ncwlv dilcc-
vered Heathen countries, they inferred the prdtc/lion of the
fovereign who gave them. Tliev alfo oppofcd a barrier to open
and grols encroachments of the mother country on the rights of
the colonifts ; a particular detail of thefe is not now ncceiTarv,
Some general remarks may, neverthclc's, be made on the carlv
periods of colonial hiftory, as they caft light on the laic revolu-
lution. Long before the declaration of independancc, fcveral of
the colonics on different occafions declared, that they ought not
to be taxed but by their own provincial an'cmhlies, and that they
rnnlidored fubjcftion 10 att>. of a iiritifh Parliament, in which

400 HIS TORY OF THE

they had no reprefentation, as a grievance. It is alfo worthy
of being noted, that of the thirteen colonies, formed into flates
at the end of the war, no one (Georgia excepted) was fettled
at the expence of government. Towards the iettlemcnt of that
fouthcrn frontier, confiderable fums had at different times been
granted by parliament, but the twelve more northern provinces
had been wholly fettled by private adventurers, without any
advances from the national treafury. It does not appear, from
exifling records, that any compenlation for their lands was ever
made to the Aborigines of America by the crown or parliament
of England ; but policy, as well as juftice, led the colonifts to
purchafe and pay for what they occupied. This was done in
almoft every fcttlement, and they profpcred moft, who by juf-
tice and kindnefs took the greatcft pains to conciliate the good-
will of the natives.

It is in vain to look for well-balanced conftitutions in the early
periods of colonial hiftory. Till the revolution in the year
1688, a period fubfequent to tlie fettlement of the colonies,
England herfelf can Icarcely be faid to have had a fixed confU-
tution. At that eventful asra the line was firfl drawn between
the privileges of fubjefts, and the prerogatives or fovereigns.
The legal and conftitutional hiftory of the colonies, in their
early periods, therefore, affords but little inflruftion. It is fuf-
ficient in general to obferve, that in lefs than eighty years from
the firft permanent Englifh fettlement in North-America ; the
two original patents granted to the Plymouth and London Com-
panies were divided, and fubdivided, into twelve diftinfl: and
imconnefted provinces, and in fifty years more a thirteenth, by
the name of Georgia, was added to the louthcrn extreme of pre-
vious efhablifhments.

To each of thefe, after various changes,' there was ultimately
granted a form of government refembling, in its moft effential
parts, as far as local circumftances would permit, that which was'
eftablifhcd in the parent ftate. A minute dcfcription of confti-
tutions, which no longer cxift, would be both tedious and un-
profitable. In general, it may be obferved, that agreeably to the
ipirit of the Britifh conftitution, ample provifion was made for
tl'.e liberties of the inhabitants. The prerogatives of royalty and
dependance on the mother country, were but feebly impreffcd on
the colonial forms of government. In fome of the provinces
'he inhabitants chofe their governors, and all other public ofHcers,
and their legiflatures were under little or no controul. In
others, the crown delegated moft of its power to particular per-
fons, who were alfo inveftcd with the property of the foil. In
tltole which wore moft immediately dependent or), the king, he

American REVOLUTION. 401

pxercifed no higher prerogatives over the colotiifts than over
their fellow fuhjc£ls in England, and his power over the pro-
vincial Icgiflative- aflfemblies was not greater than what he wa?
conftitutionallv vcfLcd with, over the Houfb of Commons in the
mother cnuntvy; From the acquicfcencc of the parent ftate, the
fpirit of her conftitution, and daily experience, the colonifts
^vew up in a heliefj that their local aftemblies ftood in the fame
relation to them, as the parliament of Great-Britain to the inha-
bitants of that ifland; The benefits of legiflation were conferred
on both, onlv tlirough thcfe conftitiitional chatinels;

It is remarliable, that though tlie Englifh poffefTionS in Ame-
rica weie far inferior in natural riches to thole which fell to the
lot of other Europeans, yet the fecurity of property and of li-
berty, derived from the Englifli conflitutionj gaVe them a con-
fequencc to which the colonies of other powers, though fettled
at an earlier day, have riot yet attainedi The wife and liberal
policy of England towalds her colonies, during the fitd century
dnd half, after their fettlemcnt, had a confiderable influence in
exalting them to this pre-eminence. She gave them full liberty
to govern thcmfelveS by fuch laws as the local legiflatures thought
rieceil'arv, and left their trade open to every individual in her
dominions. She alfo gave them the amplefl: permiffion to pur-
f\ic their rcfpeftive interefts in luch manner as they thought
proper, and referved little for herfelf, but the benefit of their
trade, and thai of a political union under the fame head. The
Colonies, founded by other powersj experienced no fuch indul-
gencies. Portugal and Spain burdened theirs with many vexa-
tious regulations, gave encouragement only to what was for their
own intcreil, and punifhed whatever had a contrary tendency.
Fiance and Holland did not adopt fuch oppreffive maxims, but
were, in faft, not much leis rigorous and "(Toercive. They parted^
as it were, with the propriety of tlicir colonies to mercantile
allociations, which fold to the colonifls the commodities of Eu-
rope, at an enormous advance, and took the produce of their
lands at a low price, and, at the fame time, difcouragcd the
growth of any more than they could difpofc of, at exceffivc
profits. Theie opprelfive regulations were followed with their
natural conlcquence : the fettlements thus reflrifted advanced
but flowly in population and in wealth.

Tiie Englifh Colonies participated in that excellent form of
government with which their parent ille was bleded, and which
has railed it to an admirable height of agriculture, commerce
and manufa6lures. After many druggies, it had been acknow-
ledged to be eifential to the conftitution of Great-Britain, that
Vol. I. 3 F

4<52 HISTORY OF THE

the people could not be compelled to pay anv taxes, nor bd
bound by any laws, but fuch as had been granted or enaftcd with.
the confent of thcmfclvcs, or of their reprefentatiVcs. It was
alfo one of their privileges, that they could not be affe£led either
in their property, their liberties, or their perfons, but by the
unanimous confent of twelve of their peers.

From the operation of thefe general principles of liberty, and
the wife policy of Great-Britain, her American fettlements in-
creafed in number, wealth and refources, with a rapidity which
furpafTed all previous calculations. Neither ancient nor modern
hiflory can produce an example of Colonies governed with equal
wifdom, or flourifliing with equal rapidity. In the fhort fpace
of one hundred and fifty years their numbers increafed to three
'millions, and their commerce to fuch a degree, as to be more than
a third of that of Great-Britain. They alfo extended their fet-
tlements fifteen hundred miles on the fea coaft, and three hun-
dred to the weftward. Their rapid population, though partly
accelerated by the influx of {^rangers, was principally owing to
internal caufes. In confequence of the equality of fortune and
fimplicity of manners, which prevailed among them, their inha-
bitants multiplied far beyond the proportion of old nations, cor-
rupted and weakened by the vices of wealth, and above all, of
X'anity, than which, perhaps, there is no greater enemy to the in-
creafe of the human fpecies.

The good effefts of a wife policy and equal government were
not only difcernible in raifmg the Colonies ©f England to a pre-
eminence over thofe of other European powers, but in railing
fome among thcmfclves to greater importance than others. Their
relative population and wealth were by no means correfpondent
to their refpeftive advantages of foil and climate. From the com-
mon dilproportion between the natural and artificial wealth of
different countries, it feems to be a general rule, that the more
nature does for any body of men, the Icfs they are difpofed to do
for themfelves.

The New-England provinces, though poffelTed of comparatively
a barren country, were improved much fafter than others, which
were blelTed with a fuperior foil and milder climate. Their firft
fettlcrs were animated with a high degree of that religious fervor
which excites to great undertakings : they alio fettled their va-
cant lands on principles of the wilefl policy. Inftead of granting
large trafts to individuals, they fold the foil in fmall farms, to
thofe who perfonally cultivated the fame, Inflead of difTcminat-
ing their inhabitants over an extenfive country, they formed
fucceffive fettlements, in townfhips of fix miles fquare. They
alfo made fuch arrangements, in thefe townfliips, as co-extended
the blc {Tings of education and of religious inflruftion with their

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 403

fettlemcnts. By thefe means induflry and morality were propa-
gated, and knowledge was generally diffufed.

In proportion to their refpeftive numbers, it is probable that
no other country in the world contained more fober orderly citi.
zens, and fewer who were profligate and abandoned. Thofe high
crimes which are ufually puniftred with death, were fo rare in
New-England, that many years have elapfcd, in large populous
fettlement ., without a fmgle execution. Their lefs fertile foil
difpofed them to a fpirit of adventure, and their viftorious induf-
try rofe fuperior to every obftacle. In carrying on the whale
fiftiery, they not only penetrated the deepeft frozen recefles of
Hudfon's Bay, and Davis' Straits ; but pierced into the oppofite
regions of polar cold. While fome of them were ftriking the
harpoon on the coaft of Africa, others purfued their gigantic
game near the fhores of Brazil. While they were yet in theii:
infancy as a political fociety, they carried on this perilous bufinefs
to an extent exceeding all that the perfeverance of Holland, the
aftivity of France, or the vigour of Englifli enterprize, had ever
accomplilhed. A fpirit of liberty prompted their induflry, and
a free conftitution guarded their civil rights. The country was
fettled with yemonry, who were both proprietors, and cultiva-
tors, of the foil. Luxury was eftranged from their borders.
Enervating wealth and pinching poverty were both equally rate.
Early marriages and a numerous offspring, were common — thence^
population was rapid, and the inhabitants generally poflfefled that
happy ftate of mediocrity, which favours the improvement both
of mind and body.

New-York joined New-England, but did not increafe with
equal rapidity. A few, by monopolizing large trafts ©f lands
reduced many to the neccflity of being tenants, or of removing
to other provinces, where land could be obtained on more fa-
vourable terms. The increafe of population, in this province,
was neverthelefs great, when compared with that of old count-
tries. This appears from the following ftatemcnt of their num-
bers at diflereut periods. In 1756, the province of New-York
contained eighty-three thoufand two hundred and thirty-three
whites, and in 1771, one hundred and forty-eight thoufand one
hundred and twenty-four, an increafe of nearly two for one. in
the fpace of fificcn years,

Pennfylvania was at firft fettled under the aufpiccs of the ce-
lebrated William Pcnn, who introduced a number of induflirious
inhabitants, chiefly of the fe£l of Quakers. The populatio-n of
this country advanced equally with that of the New-England
provinces. Among the inducements operating on foreigners to
fettle in Pennfylvania was a mofl: excellent form of prtivincial

3F"^

404 HISTORY OF THE

government, which fccured the religious as well as the civil nohts
of its inhabitants. While the Mother Country laboui-ed under
an oppreflTivc ccclefiaftical cftabliflimcn|;, and \yhilc partialities of
the lame kind were fanftioncd by law, in fbrne of the Americaii
provinces, pcrfcft liberty of confciencc, and an c.\a£t ccunlity of
all fefts, was in eyery period, a part of the conilitution of Penn-
fylvania.

Quaker fimplicityj induftry, and frugality, contributed, in
like manner, to the flourifliing of that province. The habits of
that plain people correfpond, admirably, with a new country
and with republican conftitutions. Oppofed to idlenefs and extra-
vagance, they combined tlie whole force of religion, with
cuftoms and laws, to exile thefe vices from their fociety. Tho
firfl: quaker fettlers were foon followed by Germans, whofe in-
duftry was pot inferior to their own. The emigrants from other
countries who fettled in Pennfylvania, followed thefe good ex-
amples, and induftry and frugality became predominant virtues
over the whole province.

The policy of a Loan-Office was alfo eminently beneficial. The
proprietaries of Pennfylvania fold their lands in fmall trafts, and
on long credit. The purchafers were indulged with the liberty
of borrowing, on intereft, paper bills of credit, out of the Loan-
Office, on the mortgage of their lands. Perhaps there never
■yv'as an inftitution which contributed more to the happinei's of
the people, or to the flourifliing of a new countrv, than this land
Loan-Office fcheme. The province being enricjied by the clear
intereft of its loaned paper, was thereby enabled to defray the
expences of goverimicnt with moderate taxes. The induftrious
farmer was furniftied with the means of cultivating and ftockir.g
his farm. Thefe improvements, by increafing the value of the
land, not only eftabliflied the credit of the paper, but enabled
the borrower, in a few years, to pay off the original loan with the
produftions of the foil. The progreffive improvement of Penn-
fylvania may be eftimated from the increafc of its trade. In the
year 1704, that province imported goods from the Mother Coun-
try, amounting in value only to eleven thouiand four hundred
and ninety-nine pounds ftcrling, but in 1772, to the value of five
Jiundred and feven thoufand nine hundred and nine pounds, an
incrcafe of nearly fifty for one, in little more tlian half a cen-
tury.

In Maryland and Virginia, a policy lefs favourable to popula-
tion and fomcwhat different from that of Pcnnlyivania, took
place. The church of England was incorporated with the firft.
fettlcment of Virginia, and in the lapie of time, it alfo became the
cftablifiied religion of Maryland. In both thefe provinces, long

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 405

before the American revolution, that church poflfciTed a legal pre-
eminence, and was maintained at the expcncc, not only of its
own members, but of all other denominations. This deterred
great numbers, efpecially of the Prefbyterian denomination, who
had emigrated fri)m Ireland, from iettling within the limits of
th«fe governments, and fomented a Ipirit of diicord between thofe
who bclorjged to, and thole who difft*nted from the ellabliihed
church.

The firft emigrants from England for colonifing America, left
the Mother Country at a time when the dread of arbitrary power
was the predominant paffion of the nation. Except the very
modern charter of Georgia, in the year 1732. all the Englifli
Colonies obtained their charters and their grcateft number of
European fettlers, between th.e years 1603 and 1688, In this
period a remarkable fhrugglc between prerogative and privilege
commenced, and was carried on till it terminated in a revolution
highly favourable to the liberties of the people. In the vear
1621, when the Englifh Houfe of Commons claimed freedom of
Ipecch, " as their ancient and undoubted right, and an ipheritance
tranfmittcd to them from their anceftors ;" King Jarncs the Firfl
replied, " that he could not allow of their itylc, in mentioning
their ancient and undoubted rights, but would rather have
v^afhcd they had faid, that their privileges were derived from the
grace and permilhon of their fovereign." This was the opening
of a dilpute which occupied the tongues, pens, and fwords, of
the mofl aclive men in the nation, for a period of feventy years.
It is remarkable that the fame period is exaftly co-incident with
the fcttlement of the Englifli Colonies. James, educated in the
arbitrary fcntiments of the divine right of Kings, conceived his
fubjcfts to be his property, and that their privileges were mat-
ters of grace and favour flowing from his generohty. This high
claim of prerogative excited oppofition in fupport of the rights of
the people. In the progreis of the difpute, Charles the Firft,
fun of King James, in attempting to levy fliip-money, and other
revenues v/ithout conient of Parliament, involved himlelf in a
war with his fubjefts, in which, after various conflifts, he was
brought to the block and fufFcrcd death as an enemy to the con-
fUtution of his country. Though the monarchy was rcflored
under Charles the Second, and tranfmitted to James the Second,
yet the. fame arbitrary maxims being purfued, the nation, tenacious
of its rights, invited the Prince of Orange to the fovereignty of
the ifland, and expelled the reigning family from the throne.
While thcic fpiritcd exertions were made, in fupport of the li-
berties of the parent ifle, the Englifh Colonics, v/crc fettled, and
phicfly with inhabitants of that clufs of people, which wns mod

4o5 HISTORY OF THE

hoftile to the claims of prerogative. Every traufaftion in that
period of Engliih hiflory, fupported the pofition that the people
have a right to rciift their lovereign, when he invades their li-
berties, and to transfer the crown from one to another, when the
good of the community requires it.

The Englifh Colonifts were from their Erft fettlement in Ame-
rica, devoted to liberty, on EnglHh ideas, and Englifii principles.
They not only conceived thcmielves to inherit the privileges of
Englifhrnen, but though in a colonial lituation, actually poilcflcd
ihem.

After a long war between King and Parliament, and a Revo-
lution— -thefe privileges were fettled on the following tundamcn-.
tal principles : " That it was the undoubted right of Englifh
fubjctls, being freemen or freeholders, to give their property,
only by their own confcnt. That the Houfe of Commons exer-
cifed the fole right of granting the money of the people of Eng-
land, becaufe that Houfe alone, rcprefented them. The taxes
were the free gifts of the people to their rulers. That th« autho-
ritv of fovereigns was to be exerciled only for the good of their
fubjecls. That it was the right of the people to meet together,
and peaceably to connder of their grievances — to petition for a
redrcfs of them, and finally, when intolerable grievances were
unredrcffed, to feek. relief, on the failure of petitions and rcmon-
itranccs, by forcible means."

Opinions of this kind generally prevailing, produced, among
the Colonifts, a more determined Ipirit of oppoiition to all en-
croachments on their rights, than would probably have taken
place, had they emigrated from the Mother Country in the pre-
ceding century, when the doftrincs of paflive obedience, non-
refillance, and the divine right of kings, were generally received.

That attachment to their lovereign, which was diminifhed in
the firft emi<;rants to America, by being removed to a great dif-
tance from his influence, was fliU farther diminiflicd in their
defcendants. When the American revolution commenced, the
inhabitants of the Colonies were for the moH part, the third and
fourth, and fomctimes the filth or fixth generation, from the
original emigrants. In the fame degree as they were removed
from the parent flock, they were weaned from that partial attach,
ment, which bound their foiefaihers to the place of their nati-
vity. Tiie alTcCtion for the Mother Country, as far as it was a
natural palTion, wore away i_ fuctelTive generations, till at lail
it had icarccly any exiflencc.

The mercantile intcrcourfe, which connects different coun-
tries, was, in the early periods of the Englifh Colonies, far fliort.
of that dcgrcej v/hich is ncceifury !o perpetuate a friendly union.

AMERICAN RE VO LUTlO A', 457

thd the firfl great Colonial cftablifhmcnts been made in thcf
Southern Provinces, where the fuitablencfs of native commodi-
ties wonld have maintained a brifl;. and divcft trade with Eng-
land— the confiant exchange of good ofRces between the two
countries would have been more likely to perpetuate their fricnd-
fliip. But as the Eaflern Provinces Were the firft. which were
thickly fettled, and they did not for a long time cultivate an ex-
ten five trade with Enj^land, their defcendants fpeedily loft the
fond attachrhcnt, which their forefathers felt to thcin Parent
State. The bulk of the people in New-England knew little of
the Mother Country, having only heard of her as a diftant king-
dom, the rulers of which had, in the preceding century, -oerle-
cuted and banifhcd their anceftors to the woods of America.

The diftance of America from Great-Britain generated ideas in
the minds of the Colonifts favourable to liberty. Three thoufancl
miles of ocean feparated them from the Mother Country. Seas
t-ollcd, and months pafTed, between orders and their execution*
In large- governments the circulation of power is enfeebled at the
extremities. This refults from the nature of things, and is the
eternal law of cxtenfive or detached empire. Colonifts, growing
up to maturity, at fuch an immenfe diftance from the feat of go-
vernment, perceived the obligation of dependence much more
feeblv, than the inhabitants of the parent ifle, who not only faw
but dailv felt, the fangs of power. The wide extent and nature
of the country contributed to the fame effcft. The natural feat
of freedom is among high mountains and pathlefs delertSj fuch as
abound in the wilds of Am.crica.

The religion of the Colonifts alfo nurtured a love for liberty*
They were chiefly Protcftants, and all Proteftantifm is founded
on a ftrong claim to natural liberty, and the right of private judg-
ment. A majority of them were of that olals of men^ who, in
England, arc called Diffenters. Their tenets being the Proteftant-
ifm of the Proteftant religion, are hoftile to all interference of autho-
rity in matters of opinion, and prcdifpofe toajealoufy for civil liber-
ty. They who belonged to the Church of England were forthemoft
part independents, as far as church government and hierarchy
were concerned. They ufed the liturgy of tliat churcli, but
were without bifliops, and were ftrangers to thole fyftcms, which
make religion an engine of ftate. That policy, which unites the
loweft curate with the grcatcft metropolitan, and conne6ls botli
with the fovereign, was unknown among the Colonifts. Their
religion was their own, and neither impoled by authority nor
made fubfervient to political purpofes. Though there was a va-
riety of lefts, they all agreed in the communion of liberty, and all
reprobated the courtly doftrincs of palhve obedience, and non-

.loS HISTORY OF THE

refiftance. The fame difpofitions were fbfteied by the xifua!
modes of education in the Colonies. The ftudy of law was com.
mon and fafhionalMe, The infinity of difputes, in a new and free
country^ made it lucrative, and multiplied its followers. No or-
der of men has, in all ages, been more favourable to liberty, than
lawyers* Where they are not won over to tlic fervice of govern-
ment, they are formidable adverfaries to it; ProfefTionally taught
the rights of human nature^ they keenly and quickly perceive
every attack made on them. While others judge of bad princi-
ples by the aftual grievances they occafion, lawyers difcover them
at a diftantCj and traCe future milchicfs from gilded innovations*

The reading of thofe Colonies who were inclined to books,
generally favoured the caufc of libeftv; Large libraries were lan-
common in the New World. Diiquifitions on abftrufc fubje£tsj
and curious refcarehes into antiquity, did not accord with the
genius of a people^ fettled in an uncultivated country, where
every iurrounding objeft impelled to aftion, and little Icifurc was
left for fpeculationi; Their books were generally Imall in fizCj
and few in number: a great part of them confifted of thofe fafh-
ionable authors, who have defended the caufe of liberty. Cato's
letters, the Independent Whig, and fuch pfodu6lions, were com-
mon in one extreme of the Colonies,' while in the other, hifto-
ries of the Puritans kept alive the remembrance of the fufFerings
bf their forefathers, and infpired a Warm attachment, both to the
civil and religions rights of human nature;

In the Southern Colonies, ftavery nurtured a fpirit of liberty
among the free inhabitants. All mailers of flavcs who enjoy
perfonal liberty will be both proud and jealous of their freedom;
It isj in their opinion, not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank
and privilege. In them, the haughtinefs of domination combine*^
with the fpirit of liberty. Nothing could more efFe£lually ani-
mate the oppofftion of a planter to the claims of Great-Britain,
than a conviftion that thofe claims in their extent degraded him
to a degree of dependence onhisfellowfubjecls, equally humiliating
with that which exifted between his flavcs and himfelf. j

The ftatc of fociety in the Colonies favoured a fpirit of liberty
and independence. Their inliabitants were all of one rank. Kings
nobles, and bifhops, were unknown among them. From their
Hrft; fettlemcnts, the Englifh provinces zeccived impreflions fa-
vourable to democratic forms of government. Their dependent
fituation forbad any inordinate ambition, among their native fons,
and the humility of their fociety, abflrafted as they were from
the fplendour and amufements of the Old World, held forth few
allurements to invite the refidence of fuch from the Mother Coun-
try as afpircd to hereditary honours. In modern Europe, the

AMERICAN REVO LUTIO N. 40^

remains of the feudal fyftem have occafioned an aider of men
iuperior to that of the commonality, but, aS few of that clais
migrated to the Colonies^ they were fettled with the yeomanry.
Their inhabitants, unaccuftomed to that diftinftion of ranks, which
the policy of Europe has cftablifhed, were ftrongly impreffed
with an opinion, that all men are by nature equal. They could
not eafily be perfuadcd that their grants of hud, or their civil
rights, flowed from, the munificence of Princes. Many of them
had never heard of Magna Charta, and thole who knew the cir-
cumftanccs of the remarkable period of Englifh hiftoryj, when
that was obtained, did not reft their claims to liberty and pro-
perty on the tranfaftions of that important day. They looked
up to Heaven as the fource of their rights, and chimed, not
from the promifes of kingSj but from the parent of the univerfc*
The political creed of an American Colonift was fhort but fub-
ftantial. Hb believed that God made all mankind originally
equal: that he endowed them with the rights of life, property,
and as much liberty as was conhllent witli the rights of others.
That he had beftowed on his vafi; family of the human race,
the earth for their fupport, and that all government was a poli-
tical inftitution between men naturally equal, not for the aggran-
dizement of one, or a few, but for the general happinels of the
Whole community. Imprefied with fentiments of this kind,
tlicy grew up, from their earliePc infancy, with that confidence
which is vv^ell calculated to inlpire a love for liberty, and a prc-
poffeffion in favor of independence.

In confequence of the vaft extent of vacant country, cverv
Colonift was, or eafdy might be, a freeholder. Settled on lands
of his own, he was both farmer and landlord — -producing all the
ncceffaries of life from his own grounds, he felt himfelf both free
and independent. Each individual might hunt, fifn, or fowl
v/ithout injury to his neighbours. Hiefe immunities which, in
old countries, are guarded by the fanftion of penal laws, and
monopolized by a few, are the common privileges of all in Ame-
rica. Colonifts, growing up in the enjoyment of fuch rights, felt
the refi,raint of law more feebly than they, who are educated in
countries, where long habits have made fubmilTion familiar. The
mind of man naturally relifhcs liberty — wherever from the extent
of A new and unlcttled country, fonic abridgements thereof are
ufelefs, and others impracticable, this natural defire of freedom
is ftrcngthened, and the independent mind revolts at the idea of
lubjcftion.

The Colonifts were alfo preferved from the contagion of mini-
fterial influence by their diftance from the metropolis. Remote

Vol. I. 3 G

4to HISTORY OF TllL

from the feat of power and corruption, they were not 6ver-awC(i
by the one, nor debauched by the other. Few were the means
of detaching individuals from the tntereft of the public. High
offices were neithci' fufHciently numerous nor lucrative to pur-
chafe many adherents^ and the mofl valuable of thefe werf- Con-
ferred on natives of Britain. Every man occupied that rank
only, wliich his own induflry, or tliat of his near anceftors, had.
procured him. Each individual being cut off from all means of
rifing to importance, but by his pcrfonal talents, was encouraged
to make the moft of thofe with which he was endowed. Prof-
pcfts of this kind excited emulation, and produced an enterprif-
mg laborious fet of men, not eafily overcome by difficulties, and
full of projects for bettering, their condition.

The enervating opulence of Europe had not yet reached the
coionifls. They were defhitute of gold and filver, but abounded
in the riches of nature. A famenefs of circumflances and occu-
pations created a great fenfe of equality, and difpofed them to
tmioh in any common caufe, from the fuccefs of which, they
might cxpeft to partake of equal advantages.'

The Colonics were Communities of feparafe independent indi-
viduals, under no general influence, but that of their perfonal
feelings and opinions. They were not led by powerful families,
nor by great officers in church or flate. Refiding chiefly on
lands of their own, and employed in the wholclome labours of
the field, they were in a great meafure ftrangers to luxury. —
Their wants were few, and among the great bulk of the people,
for the moll part, fupplied from their own grounds.' Their en-
joyments were neither far-fetched, nor dearly purchafed, and
were fo' moderate in their kind, as to leave bcih miild and body
unimpaired. Inufedfrom their early years to the (oils of n coun-
try life, they d\<'eHed in the midfl of rural plcnly. Unacquain-
ted with ideal wants, they delighted in perfonal independence.
Removed from the prelfures of indigence, and (he indulgence of
affluence, their bodies were flrong, and their minds vigorous.

The great bulk of the Britiih colonifts were farmers, or
planters, who were alfo proprietors of the foil. The merchants,
mechanics, and manufafturers, taken colle£lively, did not amount
to one fifteenth o*^ the whole number of the inhabitants. While
tlie cultivators of the foil depend on nothing but Heaven and
their own induflry, other clalTes of men coniraft more or lels
of icrvilicy, from depending on the caprice of their cullomcrs.
The exccis of the farmers over the colleftivc numbers of all the
other inhabitants, gave a caft of independence to the manners
of the people, and difl'ufcd the exalting fentlmcnts, which have
always predominated among tholc -who arc cultivators of their

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 451

j^wn grounds: thefc were farther promoted by their moderate
.circumftances, which deprived them of all fuperfiuity for idle-
jiefs, or cfreminate indulgence.

The provincial conftitntions of the Englifh colonies nurtured
a fpiri^ of liberty. The king and government of Great Britain
held no patronage in America, which could create a portion of
attachment and influence, fufRcient to counteraft that fpirit iu
popular aifemblies, which, when left to itfelf, ill brooks any
authority that interferes with its own.

The inhabitants of the colonies from the beginning, cfpccially
in New England, enjoyed a government which was but little
Ihort of being independent. They had not only the image, but
the fubftance of the Englifh conftitution. They chofe moft of
their magiftrate*, and paid them all. They had in effeft the fole
direftion of their internal government. The chief mark of their
fubordination confi&ed in their making no laws r-epugnant to the
laws of their mother country ; in their fubmitting to have fuck
laws as they made to be repealed by the king; and their obeying
fuch reftriftions as were laid on their trade by Parliament. The
latter were often evaded, and with impunity. The other fmall
.checks were fcarcely felt, and for a long time were in no refpeSs
injurious to their interefts.

Under thefc favourable circumftances, colonies in the new
world had advaniced nearly to the inagnitude of a nation, while
the greateft part of Europe was almoft wholly ignorant of their
progrefs. Some arbitrary proceedings of governors, proprietary
partialities, or dcmocratical jcaloufics, now and then interrupted
the political calm which generally prevailed among them, but
thefe and other occaftonal impediments of their prolpcnty, for
the mod part, foon fubfidcd. The circumftances of the country
afforded but little fpope for the intrigues of politicians, or the
turbijlence of d^^magogues. The colonifts being but remotely
affefted by the buftlings of the old world, and having but few
pbjefts of ambition or contention among themfelvcs, were ab-
forbed in the ordinary cares of domeftic life, and for a long time
exempted from a great proportion of thofe evils, which the go-
verned too often experience from the paflions and follies of
ftatefmen. But all this time they were rifmg higher, and though
ijot fenftble of it, growing to ? gveater degree of political con-
fequence.

One of the firfl events which, as an evidence of their incrcaf-
iilg importance, drew on the colonies a fliare of public atten-r
tion, was the taking of Louifbourgh, in the year 1745, from
fjgnce, while that country was at war with Great Britain. This

3 O 2

412 HISTORY OF THE

cnterprifc was projcfted by Governor Shirley, of MafTachufetts,
and undertaken by the fole authority of the legiflature of that
colony. It was carricxl by only a lingle vote to make the attempt,
but after the adoption of the me^iure, there was an immediate
union of all parties, and all were equally zealous in carrying it
into execution. The expedition was committed to General Pep-
perell, and upwards of five thoufand men were fpeedily railed
for the lervicc, and put under his command. This force arrived
nt Canfo on the 4th of April; a Britifh marine force from the
Weft-Indies, commanded by Commodore Warren, which arriv-
ed in the fame rnonth, afted in concert with thcfe land forces.
Iheir combined operations were carried on with lo much judg-
ment, that (f>x\ the i-yth of June tlic fortrefs capitulated.

The war in which Louilbourgh was t^iken, was Icarcely ended
when another began, in which the colonies were dlftinguifhcd
parties. The reduftion of that fortrefs, by colonial troops, muil
have given both to France and England, enlarged ideas of the
value of American territory, and might have given rife to that
eagernefs for extending the boundaries of tlieir rclpeftive colonies
which fuon after, by a collifion of claims to the fame ground, laid
the foundation of a bloodv war between the two nations. It is
neither polhble nor necellary to decide on the rights of either to
the lands about which this conteft began. It is certain that the
profpects of convenience and luturc advantage had much more
influence on both, than the coniiderations of equity. As the
contending powers conndcred the rights of the native inhabitants
of no account, it is not wonderful that they fhould not agree in
fettling their own. The war was brought on in the following man-
ner: about the year 1749, ^ giant of fix hundred thoufand acres
of land in the neighbourhood of the Ohio, was made out in fa-
vour of certain perfons in Wellminfter, London, and Virginia,^
who had alfociated under the title of the Ohio Company. At
this time France was in poiVefiion of the country, on both fides
of the mouth of the Milliffippi, as well as of Canada, and wifhed
to form a communication between thele two extremities of her
territories in North America. She was, therefore, alarmed at
the icheme in agitation by the Ohio Cornpanv inafmuch as the
land granted to them lay between her northern and fouthern fet-
tlernents. Remonftrances againfh Britifli encroachments as thty
were called, having been made in vain by the Governor of Cana-
da, the French, at length, in 1753, fcized fome Britifn fubjefts
who were trading among the Twightwees, a nation of Indians
near tlic Ohio, as intruders on the land of his Moft Chriftian
Majcfly, and lent them to a fort on the fouth lide of Lake Erie,.
The Twightwees, by way of retaliation for capturing Britifh t^a-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 413

tlcPS, whom they deemed their allies, Icizcd three French tra-
ders, and lent them to Pcnnlylvania. The French perfifting in
their claims to the country on the Ohio, as part of Canada,
ftrcngthened theml'elves hy erefting new forts in its vicinity, and
at lensith began to fcize and plunder every Britifli trader found
on any part of that river.. Repeated complaints of thcfe violen-
ces being made to the Governor of Virginia, it was at length
determined to fend a fuitable perfon to the French commandant
near the Ohio, to demand the reafon of his hoflile proceedings,
nd to infill on his evacuating a fort he had lately built. Major
Wafliington, being then but little more than twenty-one years
of age, offered his fervice, which was thankfully accepted.
The diftance to the French fettlement was more than four hun-
dred miles, and one half of the rout led through a wildernefs,
inhabited only by Indians. He neverthelels fet out in an un-
commonly fevere feafon, attended only by one companion, F^'om
Winchefler, he proceeded on foot, with his provifions ori his
back. When he arrived and delivered his mcflage, the French
commandant refufed to comply, and claimed the country as be-
longing to the King his mafter, and declared that he fhould con-
tinue to feize and lend as prifoners to Canada, every Englifhmau
(hat fhould attempt to trade on the Ohio, or any of its branches.
Before Major Wafhington returned, the Virginians had ient out
workmen and materials, to ereft a fort at the conflux of the Oliio,
and the Manongahcla. While they were engaged in this w;..rK
the French came upon them, drove them out of the countryj^
and erefted a regular fortification on the fame fpot. Thells
fpirited proceedings ovcrfet the fchemes of the Ohio Company,,
but its members both in England and America were too power^
ful to brook the difappointment. It was therefore refolved to
mftruft the Colonies to oppofe with arms the encroachments of
the French on the Britifli territories, as thefe wcllern lands were
called. In obedience to thefe inftru6lions, Virginia railed three
hundred men, put them under the command of Colonel Wafh-^
ington, and fent them on towards the Ohio. May 28, 1754, an
engagement between them and a party of French took place, in
which the latter v/ere defeated, On this Mr. de Villier, the
French commandant, marched down with nine hvindred men,
befides Indians, and attacked the Virginians. Colonel Wafhing-
ton made a brave defence, behind a fmall unfiniflicd intrench-
ment, called Fort Necefhty; bat at length accepted of honoura-
ble terms of capitulation.

From the eagerncfs. difcovered by both nations for thefe lands,
it occurred to ail, that a rupture between France and England
could not be far diftant. It \va§ alio evident Iq the rulers of the

414 HISTORY OF THE

latter, that llie Colonies would be the moft convenient centre
of operation for rcpreiTing French encroachments. To draw
forth their Colonial refources, in an uniform fyftem of operations,
then, for the firil time, became an objeft of public attention. To
digefl; a plan for this purpoie, a general meeting of the Governors,
and moft influential members of the Provincial Aficmblics, was
held at Albany in 1754. The commifTioners, at this congrefs,
were unanimouflv of opinion, that an union of the Colonies was
neceflary, and they propofed a plan to the following effcft, "that
a grand council fhould be formed of members, to be chofcn by
the Provincial AiTemblies, which pouncil, together with a Go-
vernor, to be appointed by the Crown, fiiould be authorifed ta
make general laws, and alfo to raife money from all the Colonies
for their common defence," The leading members of the Pro-
vincial Alfemblies were of opinion, that if this plan was adopted,
thev could defend themfclves from the French, without any
affiftance from Great Britain. This plan, when fent to Eng-
land, was not acceptable to the Miniftry, and in lieu thereof,
they propofed, " that the Governors of all the Colorues attended
by one or two members of their rcfpeftive couucils," which were
for the mod part of Royal appointment, " fhould from time to
time concert mealures for the whole of the Colonics ; ercft forts,
and raife troops with a power to draw upon the Britifh treafurv
in the firft inftance: but to be ultimately rc-imburicd bv a tax to
be laid on the Colonies by an aft of Parliament." This was as much
difrelifned by the Colonics, as the former plan had been by the
Britifli Miniftry. I'hc principle of fo.ne general power, ope-
rating on the wliole of the Colonics, was flill kept in mind,
though dropped for the prefcnt.

The mlnillcrial plan laid down above was traiifmittcd to Go-
vernor Shirlcv. and bv him commiinicatcii to Dr. Franklin, and
liis opinion thereoii reoriell-Gd. Tl,ja: iagacious patriot fent to the
Governor afi anfwcr in writing, with remarks upon the propof-
ed plan, in which, by his flrong reafoning powers, on the firfh
view of the new fubjecl, he anticipated the fubllantc o.f a con-
iroverfy, which for twenty years employed the tongues, pens,
and fwords of both countries.

The policy of rcprelTing the enchroachments of the French
on the Britifh Colonies was generally approved both in England
and America. It was therefore refolved to take effctlual mca-
fures for driving them from the Ohio, and alfo for reducing Ni-
ag;!ra, Crown-Point, and the other polls, which they held with-
in the limits claimed by the King of Great Britain.

To efTcft the firft purpofc, General Braddock was fent from
Ireland to Virginia, with two regiments, and was there joined

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 4,3

ty as many more, as amounted in the whole, to two thoufand
two hundred men. lie was a brave man, but deftitute of the
other qualifications of a great officer. His haughtinefs difgufted
the Ainericans, and his leverify made him difagreeable to the re-
gular troo*ps. He particularly flighted the country militia, and
the Virginia officers. Colonel Wafhington begged his permiffion
to go before him, and fcour the woods with his provincial troops,
who were well acquainted with that fervicc, but this M'as re-
fufed. The General with one thoufand four hundred men pufh-
cd on incautioufly. till he fell into an ambufcade of French and
Indians, by whom he was defeated, and mortally wounded,
June 9, 1755. The regulars, as the Britifli troops at that time
were called, were thrown into confufion, but the provincials
more ufed to Indian fighting, were not fo much difconcerted.
They continued in an unbroken body under Colonel Wafliing-
ton, and by covering the retreat of the regulars, prevented their
being cut off entirely.

Nolwithflanding thefe hoftilities, war had not vet been for-
mally declared. Previous to the adoption of that mcalure,
Great-Britain, contrary to the ufages of nations, made prifoners
of eiglit thoufand French failors. This heavy blow for a long
time crippled the naval operations of France, but at the fame
time infpired her with a dcfire to retaliate, whenever a proper
opportunity fhould prefent it'clf. For two or three years after
!^raddock's defeat, the war was carried on againfl France without
vigour or lucccfs: but when Mr. Pitt was placed at the head of
the miniflry, public affairs alfumed a new afpcft. Viftory
every where, crowned the Britifh arms, and, in a fhort time,
the French were difpolfelfed, not only of all the BritiiTi territo-
ries on which they had encroached, but alfo of Quebec, the
capital of their ancient province, Canada.

In the courfc of this war, fome of the colonics made exertions
fo far beyond their realonable quota, t* merit a re-imburfemcnt
from the national trcafury, but this was not univerlally the cafe.
In conlequence of internal difputes, tcgclher witli their greater
•Jomeftic lecurity, the neceflary lupplies had not been railed in
due time by others of the Provincial Aflcmblics. Iliat a Britilh
Minifter iKould depend on colony Icgiflatures, for the execution
of his plans, did not well accord with the vigorous and decifive
genius of Mr. Pitt; but it was not prudent, by any innovation, to
irritate the Colonics, during a war, in which, from local circum-
flanccs, their exertions were peculiarly beneficial. The advan-
tages that would rcfult from an ability to draw forth the rcfources
of the Colonies, bv the fame authority, which commanded the
wealth of the Mother Country, might in t\\c.[c circumftancei'

4''6 HISTORY OF THE

have fuggefled the idea of taxing the Colonies by authority of
the Britifh parliament. Mr. Pitt is laid to have told Mr.
Franklin, " that when the war clofcd, if he fhould be in the
miniftry, he would take ineafures to prevent the Colonies from
having a power to refufe or delay the fupplics that mipht be
wanted for national purpolcs," but did not mention what thofe
meaiures fliould be. As often as money or men were wanted
from the Colonics, a rcquifition was mudc to their Icgiflatures,
Thefe were generally and cheerfully complied with. Their ex-
ertions with a few exceptions were great, and manifefted a feri-
ous defire to carry into effeft the plans of Great-Britain for
reducing the power of France.

In the prol'ccution of this war, the advantages which Great-
Britain derived from the Colonies were feverely felt by her
enemies. Upwards of four hundred privateers^ which were
fitted out of the ports of the Britifh Colonies fuccefsfuUy cruized
on French property. Thefe not only ravaged the Weft-India
iflands belonging to his moft Chriftian Majefty, but made many
captures on the coaft of France. Bcfides diftrefTing the French
nation by privateering, the Colonies furnifhcd twenty-thrcei
thoufand eight hundred men, toco-operate with the Britifh regular
forces in North-America. They alfo lent powerful aids, both
in men and provifions, out of their own limits which facilitated
the reduftion of Martinique", and of the Havannah. The fuc*
cefs of their privateers- — 'the co-operation of their land forces-^ —
the convenience of their harbours, and their contiguity to their
Weft-India iftands, made the Colonies great acquifitions to Bri-
tain, and formidable adverfaries to France. From their growing
importance the latter had much to fear. Their continued union
with Great-Britain threatened the fubverfion of the commerce
and American pofTelTions of France.

After hoftilitics had raged nearly eight years, in 1763 a gene-
ral peace was concluded, on terms, by which France ceded Ca-
nada to Great-Biitain. The Spaniards having alfo taken part
in the war, were, at the termination of it, induced to relinquifh
to the fame power, both Eaft and Weft Florida. This peace
gave Great- Britain polfcffion of an extent of country equal in
dimeniions to leveral kingdoms of Europe. The polTenion of
Canada in the North, and of the two Floridas in the South,
n\?.d'c her almoft fole miftrefs of the North-Americiin continent.

This laid the foundation t)f future greatnefs, which excited
the envy and the fears of Europe. Her navy, her commerce,
and her manufafliires, had greatly increafcd, when {lie held but a
part of the continent, and when fhc was bounded by the formi-
dable powers of France and Spain, Her probable future r;reai-

AMERICAN REVO LUTION. 417

hch, when without a rival, and with a growing vent for her
manufafturcs, and incr^iifing employment for her marine, threa-
tened to dedroy that balance of power, which European fove-
reigns liave for a long time endeavoured to prefervCi Kings
are republicans with rei'pcft to each other, and behold with de-
mocratic jcaloufy, any one of their older towering above the
reft. The aggrandizement of one, tends to excite the combina-
tion, or, at leaft, the wiflies of many, to reduce him to the com-
mon level. From motives of this kind, a great part of Europe
hot long fince combined againft Venice ; and fooh after againft "
Louis XlVth of France. With the fame fufpicious eye was the
naval fuperiority of Great-Britain viewed by her neighbours.
They were, in general, dilpoled to favour any convulfion which
promifed a diminution of her overgrown power.

The addition to the Britifli empire of new provinces, equal in
extent to old kingdoms, not only excited the j'^aloufy of Euro-
pean pov/ers^ but bccafioncd doubts in the minds of enlightened
Britifli politicians, whether or not fuch immenlc acquihtions of
territory would contribute to the felicity of the Parent State.
They faw, or thought they faw, the feeds of difunion planted in
the too widely extended empire^ Power, like all things human,
has its liinits, and there is a point beyond which the longeft and
fliarpeft fword fails of doing execution. To combine in one
uniform fyftcm of government, the cxtcnhve territory then fub-
jefted td the Britifli fway, appeared, to men of reflection, a work.
of doubtful prafticability ; nor were they miflaken in their
conjeftures.

The feeds of difcord were foon planted, and fpeedily grew up
to the rending of the empire. The high notions of liberty and
independence, which were nurtured in the Colonies, bv their
local fituation, and the ftate of fociety in the new world, were
increafed by the removal of hoftile neighbours. The events of
the war had alfo given them lome experience in military opera-
tions, and fome confidence in their own abilily. Forefeeing their
future importance, from the rapid increafe of their numbers, and
cxtenfion of their commerce, and being extremely jealous of
their rights, they readily admitted, and with plcafure indulged,
ideas and fentiments which were favourable to independence.
While combuftible materials were daily coUeCcing in the new
world, a Ipark to kindle the whole was produced in the old.
Nor were there wanting thofe who, from a jcaloufy of 'Great-
Britain, helped to fan the llame.

From the lirfl fcttlemcnt of lilnglifl-i America, till the clofc of
the war of J755, the conduct of Great-Britain towards her Co-

Vul. I. Q H

4i8 HISTORY OF THE

ionics affords an ufcfiil lefTun to thofe who are difpofed to coTo^
nization. From that acra, it is equally worthy of the attention of
thofe who wifh for the rcduftion of great empires to fmall ones.
In the firft period, Great-Britain regarded the provinces as inftru--
ments of commerce. Without charging herfelf with the care
of their internal police, or feeking a revenue from them, (he
contented herfelf with a monopoly of their trade. She treated
them as a judicious inotber does her dutiful children* They
fiiared in every privilege belonging to her native fons, and but
{lightly felt the inconveniences of fubordination. Small was the
catalogue of grievances with which even dcmocratical jealoufy
charg :d the Parent State, antecedent to the period before men-
tioned. The following appear to have been the chief. An aft
of the Britifh Parliament for prohibiting the cutting down pitch
and tar trees, not being within a fence or enelofure, and fundry
afts which operated againft colonial manufaftures. By one of
thefe, it was made illegal after the 24th of June, 1750, to ereftin
the Colonies, any mill or other engine for Hitting or rolling of
iron, or any plating forge to work with a tilt-hammer, or any
furnace for making fteel. By another, hatters were reflrained
from taking more than two apprentices at a time, or any for lefs
thnn fevcn years, and from employing negroes in the bufinefs.
The Coloniils were alio prohibited from tranfporting hats, and
home manufaftured woollens, from one province to another.
Thcfc regulations were for the moft part evaded, but if carried
into execution, would have been flightly inconvenieat, and only
to a few. The articles, the manufafturing of which were thus
prohibited, could be purchafed at a cheaper rate from England,
and the hands who made them, could be as well employed in
agriculture.

Though thefe reft;ii6):ions were a fpecles of affront, by their
implying, that the Colonifts had not fenfe enough to difcover
their own intercft, and though they feemed calculated to crufh
their native talents, and to keep them in a confhant ftate of infe-
riority, without any hope of arriving at thole advantages, to
which, hy the native riches of their country, they were prompted
to afpirc ; yet if no other grievances had been fuperaded to what
cxifled in 1763, thefe would have been foon forgotten, for their
prclfurc was neither great, nor univerlal. The good refulting to
the colonics, from their conncftion with Great-Britain, infinitely
DutwcTghed the tvil.

Till the year 1764, the colonial regulations feemed to have no
other objeft but the common good of the whole 'empire ; excep-
tions to the contrary were few, and had no appearance of fyftem.
When the approach cf the Colonies to manhood made them

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 419

tnore capable of rcfifting impofitions, Great-Britain changed, the
ancient lyftem, under which her Colonies -had long flourifhed.
When policy would rather have dictated relaxation of authorit) ,
ihe rofe in her dcroand, and multiplied her rcftraints.

From the conqucft of Canada, in 1759, fome have fuppofed,
that France began fecretly to lay fchemcs for wrefting thofe Colo-
nies from Great-Britain which fhe was not able to conquer. Others
alledge, that- from that period the Colonifts, releafed from all fears
of dangerous neighbours, fixed their eyes on in<lependence, and
iook fundry ileps pFcparatory to the adoption of that meafure.
Without recurring, to either of thele opinions, the known felfifhi-
nefs of human nature is fufficient to account for that demand on
the one fide, and that refufal on the other, which occafioncd the
revolution. It was natural for Great-Britain to wifh for an ex-
tenfion of her authority over the Colonies, and equally fo for
them, on their approach to maturity, to be more impatient of
fubordination, and to refift every innovation, for increafing the
degree of their dependence.

The fad ftory of Colonial oppreflion commenced in the year
1764. Great-Britain then adopted new regulations refpefting her
Colonies, which after difturbing the ancient harmony of the
two countries for about twelve years, terminated in the difmem-
berment of the empire.

Thefe conlilled in reftrifting their former commerce, but moie
efpecially in lubjcfting them to taxation, by the Britifli Parlia-
ment. By adhering to the fpirit of the navigation aft, in the
courfe of a century, the trade of Great-Britain had increafed far
beyond the expe6lation of her moll fanguine fons, but by rigidly
enforcing the ftrift letter of the fame, in a different fituation of
public affairs, efFcfts direftly the reverfe were produced.

From the enterprifing commercial Ipirit of the colonifts, the
trade of America, after filling all its proper channels, fwelled out
on every fide, and overflowed its proper banks with a rich re-
dundance. In the cure of evils, which are clolely connefted
with the caufes of national profperity, vulgar precaution ought
not to be employed. In feverely checking a contraband trade,
which was only the overflowing of an extenfive fair trade, the
remedy was worfe than the difcafe,

For fome time before and after the termination of the war of
1755, a confiderable intercourfe had been carried on between the
Britifh and Spanifh Colonies, confifting of the manufaftures of
Great-Britain, imported by the former, and fold by the latter; by
which the Britifli Colonies acquired gold and filver, and were
enabled to make remittances to the Mother Country. This trade.
Though it did not clafh with the fpirit of the Britifh navigatior^

3^1 a.

4CO HISTORY OF THE

laws, was forbiclden by their letter. On account of the advantages
which all parties, and particularly Great-Britain, reaped from this
intcrcourfe, it had long been winked at by perlons in power; but
at the period before-mentioned, fome new regulntions were a<^.opt-
ed, by which it was almoft deftroyed. This was effefted by
armed cutters, whofe commanders were enjoined to take the ufual
cuflom-houfe oaths, and to aft in the capacity of revenue officers.
So fuddcn a ftoppage of an accuftomed and beneficial commerce,
by an unuiually rigid, execution of old laws, was a feriousblow to
the Northern Colonies. It was their misfortune, that though
they flood in need of vafl quantities of Britifn manufaftures, their
country produced very little that afforded a direft remitta.nce to
pay for them, They were, therefore, under a ne^efTity of leeking
clfewhere, a market for their produce, and by a circuitous route,
acquiring the means of fupporting their credit with the Mother
Country. This they found by trading with the Spanifh and
French Colonies in ^heir neighbourhood. From thern they ac-
quired gold, filver, qncl valuable commodities, the ultimate
profits of which centered in Great-Britain. This intcrcourfe gave
life to bufmefs of every denomination, and cflablifhcd a reciprocal
circulation pf money ar^d me?:phandize, tq the benefit of all parties
concerned. Why a trade efl'ential to the Colonies, and which, fo
far from being detrirnental, w^as indireftly advantageous to Great-
Britain, fhould be fo narrowly watched and fo Icvercly reflrained,
could not be accounted for by the Americans, without fuppofing
that the rulers of Great-Britain were jealous of their adventurous
commercial fpirit, andof their incrcafing number of feamen. Thei^
aftual fufferings were great, but their apprehenfions were greater.
Inftead of viewing the Parent State as they had long done, in the
light of an affeftionate mother, they conceived her, as beginning to
be influenced by the narrow views of an illiberal ilep-dame.

After the 29th of September, 1764, the trade between the
Britifh, and the French, and Spanifli Colonics, was in fome degree
legaliled, but under circumflances, that brought no relief to the
Colonifls, for it was loaded with fuch enormous duties, as were
equivalent to a prohibition. The preamble to the aft for thi^
purpofe was alarming, " Whereas it 15 juft and neceflary, that a
revenue be railed in America, for defraying the expcnces of de-
fending, protefting, and fccuring the fame. We, the Commons,
&.C. towards raifing the fame, give and grant unto your Majcfly,
the fum of" (here followed a fpecification of duties upon foreign
clayed fugar, indigo, and coffee, of foreign produce, upon all
wines, except French, upon all wrought filk, and all calicoes, and
upon every gallon of molafics and fyrups, being the produce of a
polony not under the dominion of his Majcfly). It was alfo
cnaftcd, that the monies arifing from the importation of thcf*

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 421

articles into the Colonies, fhould be paid into the receipt of his
Majclly's exchequer, there to be entered feparate, and reiervcd
to be difpoicd of by Parliament towards defraying the ncceflary
expenccs of defending, protcfting, and fccunng America. Tilj
that aft palled, no aft avowedly for the purpofc of reve-
nue, and with the ordinary title and recital of fuch, was to be
found in the parliamentary ftatute book. The wording of it made
the Colonifts fear, that the Parliament would go on, in charging
them with fuch taxes as they pleal'cd, and for the fupport of fuch
military force as they fliould think proper. The aft was the morfe
diipufting, beoaufe the monies arihng from it were ordered to be
paid in fpecie, and regulations were adopted, againft colonial
paper money. To obftruft the avenues of acquiring gold and fil-
vcr, and at the fame time to interdift the ufe of paper money,
appeared to the Colonifts as a farther evidence that their intercfhx
were either mifunderftood or difrcgarded. The impohtion of
duties, for the purpofe of raifing a revenue in America, was
confidered as a dangerous innovation, but the methods adopted
for fecuring their colleftion, were refented as arbitrary and un-
conftitutional. It was enaftcd by Parliament, that whenever
offences fliould be committed againft the afts, which impofed
them, the profecutor mi_ght bring his aftion for the penalty in the
courts of admiralty, by which means the defendant lofl the ad-
(vantage of being tried by a jury, and was fubjefted to the neccflitv
of having his cafe decided upon bv a (ingle man, a creature of
of the Crown, whofe falary was to be paid out of forfeitures ad-
judged by himfclf ; and ^fo according to a courfe of law, which
exempted the profecutor from the trouble of proving his accula-
iion, and obliged the defendant, either to evince his innocence, or
to fuffer. By thefe regulations, the guards which the conftitution
had placed round property, and the fences which the anceft;;)rs of
both cpuntries had erefted againft arbitrary power, were thrown
down, as far as they concerned the Colonifts, charged with vio_
lating the laws, for raifing a revenue in America.

They who dircfted public affairs in Great Britain feared, that
if the colleftion of thefe duties was enforced only in the cuftoma-
ry way, payment would be often eluded. To obviate that difpo-
fition which the Colonifts difcovercd to Icrecn one another, in
difobeying offenfive afts of Parliament, regulations were ad.optcd,
bearing hard on their conftitutional rights. Unwilling as the
Colonifts were to be excluded by the impofitioa of enormous
duties, from an accuftomed and beneficial line of buliuefs. it is
not wonderful that they were difpofed to reprefent the innova.
tions of the mother country in the moft unfavourable point of
view. The heavy loffcs to which many individuals were fub-
jefted, and li^c general diftrefs of the mercuatilc intcrcft in fc-

42a fllS TO RY OF THE

veral of the oldcft Colonies, fourcd the minds of inanv. That
the Mother Country fhould infringe her own conflitution, to
cramp the commerce of her Colonies, was a fruitful fubjeft of
declamation; but ihefe murmurings would have evaporated in
words, liad ,Great Britain proceeded to no farther innovations,
Inftead of this, fhe adopted the novel idea of raifang from the
Colonies an efficient fevcnixe, by diic6l internal taxes, laid by
authority of her Parliament.

Though all the Colonifls diircliihed, and many, from the prefr
furc of attual fufferings, complained of the Britifh reflriftions on
rheir manufa&ures and commerce, yet a great majority was dif-
poicd to fubmit to both. Moft of them acknowledged that the
exercifc of thefe powers was incident to the fovereignty of the
Mother Country, efpecially when guarded by an implied contraft,
that thev were to be only ufed for the common benefit of the em-
pire. It was generally allowed, that as the planting of colonics
was not defigned to erecl an independent government, but to
extend an old one, the Parent Slate had a right to reftrain their
trade in every way, which conduced to the common emolument.
Thev for the moft part coniidcred the Mother Country as au-
thorifed to name ports and nations, to which alone their merchan-
dize iliould be carried, and with which alone they fhould trade;
but the novel claim of taxing them without their confent, was
univerfally rcprobatjiid, aj contrary to their natural, chartered,
and conflitutional rights. In oppofition to it, they not only
alledged the general principles of liberty, but ancient ufage.
During the firft hundred and fifty years of their exiftence, they
had been left to tax thcmfelves, and in their own way. If there
were any exceptions to this gx.'neral rule, they Avere too inconfir-
derable to merit notice. In the war of 1755, the events of which
were frcfli in the recolleclion of every one, the Parliament had
in nq inftancc attempted to raiie either mci^ or money in the
Colonies by its own autliority. As the claim of taxation on one
fide, and the refufal of it on the other, was the very hinge on
which the revolution turned, it merits a particular dilculhon.

Colonics were formerly planted by warlike nations, to keep
their enemies in awe, to give vent to a lurplus of inhabitants, or
to difcharge 4 riumbcr of difcontented and troublefome citizens.
But in modern ages, the fpirit of violence, being in fome mea-
furc flieathed in commerce, colonics liave been fettled, by tho
nations of Europe, for the puipofcs of trade. Thefe were to bo
attained by their raifing, for the Motlicr Country, fuch commo-
dities as fhe did not produce, and fupplying themfelves from her
with fuch things as they wanted. In fubfervicncy to thefe views,
Great Britain planted CclonieSj and made h^vs, obliging them to

' AMERICAN REVOLUTIOiV. 42^

carry to her all their produ6ls which fhe wanted, atid all their
raw materials which fhe chole to work up, Befidcs this reftric-
lion, {he forbad them to procure manufafturcrs from any other
part of the globe, or even the produfts of European countries,
which could rival her, without being firfl brought to her ports.
By a variety of laws flie regulated their trade, in fuch a manner
as was thought moll conducive to their mutual advantage, and her
own particular welfare. This principle of commercial monopoly
run through no lefs than twentv-ninc acls of Parliament, from
1660 to 1764. In all thefe a6ls the fyftem of commerce was efla-
blifhed, as that, from which alone, their contributions to the
flrength of the empire were expefted. During this whole period,
a parliamentary revenue was no part of the objeft of colonization.
Accordingly, in all the laws which regarded them, the technical
words of revenue laws were avoided. Such have ufually a title
purporting their being "grants," and the words "give and grant,"
ufually precede their enafting claufes, Although duties were im-
pofed on America by previous afts of Parliament, no one title of
"giving an aid to his Maje{ly,or any other of the ufual titles to
the revenue afts, was to be found in any of them. They were
intended as regulations of trade, and not as fources of national
fupplies. Till the year 1764, all flood on commercial regulation
and reftraint.

While Great Britain attended to this firfl fyPcem of colonization,
her American fettlements, though expofed in unknown climates,
and unexplored wildernefTes, grew and flouriflied, and in the
Gime proportion the trade and riches of the Mother Country in-
creafed. Some eflimatc may be made of this increafe, from the
following ftatement ; the whole export trade of England, includ-
ing that to the Colonies, in the year 1 704, amounted to /'G, 509,000
fterling: but fo immenfely had the Colonies increafed. that the
exports to them alone in the year 1772, amounted to £^6.022, 132
fterling, and they were yearly increafing. In the fliort fpace of
fixty-eight years, the Colonics added nearly as much to the export
commerce of Great Britain, as fiie had grown to by a progrefTivc
increafe of improvement in 1700 years. And this increafe of co-
lonial trade was not at the expencc of the general trade of the
kingdom, for that increafed in the fame time from fix millions to
fixtecn millions.

In this aufpicious period, the Mother Country contented her*
fclf with excrcifmg her fupremacy in fupcrintending the general
concerns of the Colonies, and in harmonifing the commercial in-
tcreft of the whole empire. To this the moflof them bowed down
with fuch a filial fuhmifTion as dcmonflratcd that they, though

4i4 History o f the

not fubjefted to parliamentary taxes, could be kept in due fubor-
dination, and in perfeft fubl'erviency to the grand views of colo^
nization.

Iminicdiatrly after the peace of Paris, 1763, a new fcene was
opened. The national debt of Great Britain then amounted to
one hundred and forty-eight millions, for which an intereft of
nearly five millions was annually paid; While the Britifh Minif-
ter was digefling plans foi- diminifhing this amazing load of debt,
he conceived the idejl of raiftng a fubftantial revenue in the Britifh
Coloijies, from taxes laid by the Parliament of the: Parent State.
On the one hand it was urged, that the late war originated oil
account of the Colonies— nhat it Was reafonable, more efpecially
as it had terminated in a manner fo favourable to their intereft,
that they fhould contribute to the defraying the expences it had
occafioned. Thus far both parties were agreed ; but Great Britain
contended, that her Parliament, as the fupreme power, was con-
ftitutionally veftcd with an authority to lay them on every part of
the empire. This doftrine, plaufible in itfelf, and conformable
to the letter of the Britifh conflitution, when the v/hole dominiJ
Ons were reprefented in one allembly, was reprobated in the Co-
lonics, as contrary to the fpirit of the fame government, when the
empire became fo far extended, as to have many diftinft reprefeu-
tative affemblies. The colonifts believed that the chief excellence
of the Britifh conftitution conhfted in the right of the fubjcfts to
grant, or withold taxes, and in their having a fhare in cnafling
the laws by which they were to be bound.

Th^y conceived, that the fuperiority of the Britifh conftitution,
toother forms of government was, not becaufe their fupreme coun-
cil was called a Parliament, but becaufe the people had a fhare in
it by appointing members, who conflituted one of its conftituent
branches, and without whofe concurrence, no law, binding on
them, could be enafted. In the Mother Country, it was afferted
to be efTcntial to the unity of the empire, that the Britifh Parliament
fhould have a right of taxation over every part of the royal domini-
ons. In the Colonies, it was believed, that taxation and rcpre-
fentation were infepcrable, and that they could neither be free
nor happv if their property could be taken from them without
their conlcnt. The-common people in America reafoncd on this
fubjeft in a fummary way : "If a Britifh Parliament," faid they,
"in which we are unreprefented, and over which we have no
controul, can take from us any part of our property, by d:re8:
taxation, they may take as much as they pleafe, and we have 7io
fccurity for any thing that remains, but a forbearance on their
part, Icfs likely to be exercifed in our favour, as they lighten thcm-
fclves of the burthens of government, in the fame proportion

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 4:5

Uiat they impofc them on us." They well knew, tliat communities
of mankind, as well as individuals, have a flrong propcnfity to
impofc on others, when they can do it with impunity, and, cfpe-
ciallv, when there is a prolpctl, that the impoiition will be at-
tended with advantage to themfelvcs. The Americans, from that
jealoufy of their liberties which their local fituation nurtured, and
which they inherited from their forefathers, viewed the cxclu-
five right of laying taxes on themfclves, free from extraneous in-
fluence, in the lame light as the Britifh Parliament views its pecu-
liar privilege of raifing money, independent of the crown. The
Parent State appeared to the Colonifts to ftand in the fame rela-
tion to their local legiflaturcsj as the jiionarch of Great-Britain to
the Britifh Parliament. His prerogative is limited by that palla-
dium of the peoples' liberty, the exclufive privilege of granting
their own money. While this right refls in the hands of the peo-
ple their liberties are fecured. In the fame manner realoned the
Colonics, " in order to be filled freemen, our local afTemblics,
elefted by ourfclves, mull enjoy the exclufive privilege of impof-
ing taxes upon us." They contended, that men ietllcd in foreign
parts to better their condition^ and not to fubmit their liberties —
to continue the equals, not to become the flaves of their lefs-ad-
venturous fellow-citizens, and that by the novel doftrine of par-
liamentary power, they were degraded from being the fuhjefts of
a king, to the low condition of being fubjefts of fubjefts. Thev
argued, that it was effentially involved in the idea of property,
that the poffcffor had fuch a right therein, that it was a contra-
diftion to fuppofe any other man, or body of men, poffeffcd a right
to take it from him without his confent. Precedents, in the
Hiftory of England, juflified this mode of reafoning. The love
of property ftrcngthened it, and it had a peculiar force on the
minds of Colonics, three thouland miles removed from the feat
of government, and growing up to maturity, in a new world,
where, from the extent of country, and the llate of focicty, even
the neceffary rcftraints of civil government were impatiently
borne. On the other hand, the people of Great-Britain revolted
againft the claims of the Colonifis. Educated in habits of fub-
milTion to parliamentary taxation,they conceived it to be the height
of contumacy for their Colonifts to refufe obedience to the power,
which they had been taught to revere. Not adverting to the
common interefl which cxifted between the people of Great-
Britain and their reprefentatives, they believed, that the fame
nght exifted, although the fame community of interefts was
wanting. The pride of an opulent, conquering nation, aided this
mode of reafoning. " What," faid they, " Ihall we, who have
fo lately humbled France and Spain, be diftited to bv our Colo-
Vol. I, , 3 J

426 HISTORY OF THE

nifls ? Shall our iubjcfts, educated by our care, and defended bv
our arms, prcfumc to queftion the rights of Parliament, to which
we are obliged to fubinit?" Reflections of this kind, congenial
to the natural vanity of the human heart, operated lo extenftvelv.
that the people of Great-Britain Ipoke of their Colonies and of
their Coionifts, as a kind of pofTeflion annexed to their perfons.
The love of power and of property on the one fide of the Atlantic
were oppoled by the lame powerful palhons on the other.

The dilpofition to tax the Colonies was alfo ftrengthened by
exaggerated accounts of their wealth. It was faid, " that the
American planters lived in affluence, and with inconfiderable
taxes while the inhabitants of Great-Britain were borne down by
fuch oppreffive burdens as to make a bare fubfiflence a matter of
extreme difficulty." Ihe officers who had ferved in America,
during the late war, contiibuted to this delufion. Their obfer-
vations were founded on what they had fecn in cities, and at a
time, v.'hen large funis were fpent by government, in lupport of
fleets and armies, and when American commodities were in great
demand. To treat with attention thofe who came to fight for
ihem, and alio to gratify their own pride, the Colonifts had made
a parade of their riches, by frequently and fumptuoufly entertain-
ing the gentlemen of the Britifh armv. Thefe, judging from what
they law, without confidering the general flate of the country,
concurred in rcprefcnting the Colonifts as very able to contribute
largely towards defraying the common expences of the empire.

The charters, which were luppofcd to contain the principles
on which the Colonics were founded, became the lubjeft of feri-
ous inveftioation on both fides. One claufe was found to run

o

through the whole of them, except that which had been granted
to Mr. Penn ; this was a declaration, " that the emigrants to Ame-
rica fhould enjoy the fame privileges, as if they had remained, or
had been born within the realm ;" but fuch was the fubtilty of
difputants, that both parties conftrued this general principle fo
as to favour their refpeftive opinions. The American patriots
contended, that as Englilh freeholders could not be taxed but by
rcprcfcntatives, in chufmg whom they had a vote, neither could
the Colonifts : but it was replied, that if the Conolifts had re-
mained in England, they muft have boen bound to pay the taxes
impofed by Parliament. It was therefore inferred, that though
taxed by that authority, tliev loft none of the rights of natiA-'e
Englifhmen rcfidinfj at home. The partifans of the Mother
Country could fee nothing in charters, but fecurity againft taxes
bv royal authority. The Americans, adhering to the Ipirit more
than to the letter, viewed their charters as a fhield againft all
taxes, not impofcu by rcprefcntatives of their own choice. This

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 427

conllruclion they contended to be exprcfsly recognized by the
charter of Maryland. In that, King Charles bound both himfelf
and his fucceffors, not to aflent to any bill, iiibjefting the inhabi-
tants to internal taxation by external legiflation.

The nature and extent of the conneftlon between Great-Bri-
tain and America was a great conflitutional queftion, involving
many interefts, and the general principles of civil liberty. To
decide this, recourfe was in vain had to parchment authorities,
made at a diftant time, when neither the grantors nor grantees of
American territory had in contemplation any thing like the pre-
fcnt ftate of the two countries.

Great and flourifhing Colonies, daily incrcanng in nu-.Tibers, and
already grown to the magnitude of a nation, planted at an irr-
menfe diftance, and governed by conftitutions rcfcmbling that of
the country from which they Iprung, were novelties in the hif-
tory of the world. To combine Colonies, fo circumflanced, in
one uniform lyflcm of government with the Parent State, requir-
ed a great knowledge of mankind, and an extenfive comprchen-
fion of things. It was an arduous bufinefs, far beyond the grafp
of ordinary ftatefmen, whofe minds were narrowed by the forma-
lities of lav/s, or the trammels of office. An original genius, un-
fettered with precedents, and exalted with juft ideas of the rights
of human nature, and the obligations of univerfal benevolence,
might have flruck out a middle line, which would have fecured
as much liberty to the Colonies, and as great a degree of lupre-
macy to the Parent State, as their common good required : But
the helm of Great-Britain was not in fuch hands. The fpirit
of the Britifh conftitution on the one hand revolted at the idea,
that the Britifh Parliament fhould exercifc the fame unlimited
authority over the unreprcfented Colonics, which it exercited
over the inhabitants of Great Britain. The Coloniflson the other
'hand did not claim a total exemption from its authority. They in
general allowed tlie Mother Country a certain undefined prero-
gative over them, and acquicfccd in the right of Parliament to
make many afts, bniding them in many fubjctls of internal po-
licy, and regulating their trade, Wliere parliamentary fupre-
macy ended, and at what point colonial independency begin, was
not afcertaincd. Hippy would it have been hud the qicflion
never been agitated, but mucl-i nioic lo, had it been coinpronuicd
by an amicable compaft, without the horrors of a civil war.

The Englifli Colonies were originally cflablilhcd, not for the
fake of revenue, but on tlie principles of a commercicd monopoly.
While England purfued trade and forgot revenue, her commerce
increafcd at lead fourfold. The Colonics took oft the manuf.ic-

3 I -

428 HISTORY OF THE

tures of Great-Britain, and paid for them with provifions ov raw
m;'.terials. They united their arms in war, their commerce and
their councils in peace, without nicely invclligating the terms on
which the connexion of the two countries depended.

A pcrfeft calm in the political world is not long to be expcft-
ed. The reciprocal happinels, both of Great-Britain and of tho
Col'>nIcs, was too great to be of long duration. The calamities
of the war of 1755 had i'carcely ended, when the germ of another
war was planted, which foon grew up and produced deadly fruit.
At tliat time (1764) fundry rcioiuiions paffed the Britifh Par-
liament relative to the impoiitiou of a ftamp duty in America,
which gave a general alarm. By them the right, the equity, the
policy, and even the neccihty of taxing the Colonies was for-
mally avo^\'cd. Thefe rclolutions being confidcred as the preface
of a fyflcm'of American revenue, were deemed an introdufticn
to evils of much greater magnitude. They opened a profpeft
of opprclhon, boundlefs in extent, and endlefs induration. They
were neverthelcis not immediately followed by any Icgiflative aft.
Time and an invitation were given to the Americans to fuggeft
anv other mode of taxation that might be equivalent in its pro-
duce to the {lamp acl ; but they objceled, not only to the mode,
but the principle, and ieveral of their affcmblics, though in vain,
petitioned againft it. An American revenue was in England a
very popular meaiu^e. The cry in fa^^our of it was fo fkrong, as
to confound and lilence the voice of petitions to the contrary.
The equity of compelling the Americans to contribute to the
common expences of the empire iatisficd manv. who, without
enquiring into the policy or juftice of taxing their unreprefented
fellow-fubjefts, readily alTcritcd to the meafures adopted by the
Parliament for this purpolc, The profpeft of eafmg their own
burdens, at the expencc of the Colonics, dazzled the eyes of
gentlemen of bnded intcicfl, fo as to keep out of their view the
probable conicquences of the innovation.

The omnipotence of Parliament was fo familiar a phrafe or\
both fides of the Atlantic, that few in America, and ilill fewer
in Great-Britain, were imprcffed in the firfh inftancc, with any
idea of the illegality of taxing the Colonies.

The illumination on tiiat lubjeft was gradual. The refolutions
in favour of an American ftamp aft, which paffcd in March
I'yS^j, met with no oppoiition. In the courfc of the year which
intervened between thelc refolutions, and the palling of a law
grounded vipon them, the lubjcft was better underflood, and
conftitutional objeftions ag-rinft the mcaiurc Vvcrc urged by feve-
ral bot]\ in Great-Britain and America. This aftoniflied and
phagriiied the Britifii miniflry ; but as the principle of taxing

AMEI^ICAN REVOLUTION. 429

America had been for fomc time determined upon, they were un-
willing to give it up. Impelled by a partiality for a long cherifh-
cd idea, Mr. Grenville brought into the Houlc of Commons liis
long expefted bill, for laying a ftamp duty in America. March,
it65. By this, after paffing through the ufual forms, it was
enaftcd, that the inftruments of writing which are in daily ufe
among a commercial people, fiiould be null and void, unlels they
were executed on flaniped paper or parchment, charged with a
duty impofed by the Britifli Parliament.

When the bill was brought in, Mr. Charles Townfend con-
cluded a fpeech in its favour, with words to the following cffeft,
^' And now will thefe Americans, children planted by our care,
nourifhed up by our indulgence, till they are grown to a degree
of ftrength and opulence, and proteftcd by our arms, will they
grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from the heavy
weight of that burden which we lie under?" To which Colonel
Barre replied, '* They planted by your care? No, your opprel-
fions planted them in America. They fled from tyranny to a
then uncultivated and inholpitable country, where they expoled
themfelves to aimoll all the hardfliips to which human nature is
liable; and, among others,* to the cruelty of a lavage foe the moft
fubtle, and I will take upon me to lay, the moft formidable of any peo-
ple upon the face of the earth; and yet, aftuatcd by principles of true
Englifh liberty, they met all hai-dfiiips with pleaiure compared with
thole they luffcred in their own country, from the hands of thole
that fhould have been their friends — They nourifhed up by yoar
indulgence? They grew up by your neglcft of them. As loon as
you began to cave about them, that care was exercifed in lending
perfons to rule them in one department and another, who <V€re»
perhaps, the deputies of deputies to fome members of this Houfe,
lent to fpy out their liberties, to milreprefent their aftions, and
to prey upon them. — Men whole behaviour on many occafions,
has caufed the blood of thelelons of liberty to recoil within them.
: — Men promoted to the higheft ieats of ju (lice, fome, who to my
knowledge, were glad, by going to a foreign country, to elcape
being brought to the bar of a court of juflice in their own. —
They protefted by your arms? They have nobly taken up arms
in your defence, have exerted a valour, amidft theij conftant and
laborious induRry, for the defence of a country whofe frontier
was drenched in blood, while its interior parts yielded all its
little favings to your emolument. And believe me, remember I
this day told you fo. that fame I'pirit of freedom which aftuated
that people at firft will accompany them flill: but prudence for-
bids me to explain my'clf farther. God knows, I do not at this
time fpeak h"om any motives of party hc?.t-. what I deliver are

430

HISTORY OF THE

the genuine fentiments of my heart. However fupenor to me in
general knowledge and experience the refpeftablc body of this
Houfe may be, yet I claim to know more of America than moft
of you, having fecn and been conv'erfant in that country. The
people, I belie\'e, are as truly loyal as any fubjefts the King has,
but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate
them, if ever they fliould be violated ; but the fubjecl is too deli-
cate— 1 will fay no more."

During the debate on the bill, the fupportcrs of it infiflcd
much on the Colonies being virtually reprelented in the fame
manner as Leeds, Halifax, and fome other towns were. A recur-
rence to this plea was a virtual acknowledgement, that there
ought not to be taxation without reprefcntation. It was replied,
that the connexion between the eleflors and non-eleftors, of
Parliament in Great Britain was fo interwoven, from both being
equally liable to pay the fame common tax, as to give fome fecu-
rity of property to the latter; but with refpetl: to taxes laid by
the Britifh Parliament, and paid by the Americans, the fituation
of the parties was reverfcd. Inftead of both parties bearing a
proportionable fliare of the fame common burden, what was laid
on the one, was exaftly fo much taken off from the other.

The bill met with no oppofition in the Houfc of Lords, and
on the 2 2d of March, 1765, it received the royal aflent. The
night after it paffed. Dr. Franklin wrote to Mr. Charles Thom-
fon, " The fun of liberty is fct, you muft light up the candles of
induflry and economy." Mr. Tiiomfon anfwercd, " Pie was ap-
prehenfive that other lights would be the confequence," and
foretold the oppofition that fhortly took place. On its being
fuggefled from authority, that the (lamp officers would not be
fcnt from Great Britain ; but fclecled from among the Americans,
the Colony agents were dcfired to point out proper pcrfons for
the purpofe. They generally nominated tlieir friends, which
affords a prcfumptivc proof, that they fuppofed the a£l would
have gone down. In this opinion they were far from being fin-
gular. That the Colonifls would be ultimately obliged to fubmit
to the flamp aft, was at firft commonly believed both in England
and America. The framcrs of it, in particular, flattered them-
felves that the confulion which would arile upon the difufe of
writings, and the infccurity of property, which wovdd refult
from ufing any other than that required by law, would compel
the Colonies, however reluftant, to ufe the (lamp paper, and
confequently to pay the taxes impolcd thereon : they therefore
boafted that it was a law which would execute itfelf. By the terms
of the ftamp r.ft, it was not to take effctt till the firfl day of No-
vember, a period of more than fcvcn mouths after its paffing*

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

43^

This gave the Colonifls an opportunity for leifurely canvadlng
the new fubjcft, and examining it fully on every fide. In the
firft pait of this interval, fhruck with aftonifhraent, they lay in
filcnt confternation, and could not determine what courfe to pur-
fue. By degrees they recovered their recoUeftion. Virginia led
the way in oppofition to the (lamp aft. Mr. Patrick Henry
brought into the Houfc of BurgefTes of that Colony, the follow-
ing rofolutions, which were fubftantially adopted :

Refolved, That the firft adventurers, fettlers of this his Alajef-
ty's Colony and dominion of Virginia, brought with them and
tranfmitted to their pofterity, and all other his Majefty's fubjefts,
fince inhabiting in this his Majefty's faid Colony, all the liberties,
privileges, and immunities that have at any time been held, en-
joyed, and poirefTcd by the people of Great Britain.

Refolved, That by two royal charters, granted by King James

■ the Frift, the Colonies aforefaid are declared, and entitled to all

liberties, privileges, and immunities of denizens, and natural fub-

jefts, to all intents and purpofes as if they had been abiding, and

born within the realm of England.

Refolved, That his Majefty's liege people, of this his ancient
colony, have enjoyed the rights of being thus governed by their
own affembly, in the article of taxes, and internal police, and
that the fame have never been forfeited, or yielded up, but have
been conftantly recognized by the king and people of Britain.

Refolved, therefore. That the general aftembly of this Colony,
together with his Majefty, or his fubftitutes, have, in their re-
prefentative capacity, the only exclufive right and power, to lay
taxes and irnpofts upon the inhabitants of this Colony, and that
every attempt to veft fuch power in any other perfon or perfons
whatfoever, than the general affembly aforefaid, is illegal, and
unconftitutional, and unjuft, and hath a inanifeft tendency to
deftroy Britifh, as well as American liberty.

Refolved, That his Majefty's liege people, the inhabitants of
this Colony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or or-
dinance whatever, defigned to impofe any taxation whatever
upon them, oths;r than tiie laws or ordinances of the general ai-
letnbly aforefaid.

Refolved, That any perfon, who fhall, bv fpeaking or wri-
ting, affert or maintain, that any perfon or perfons, other than
the general affembly of this Colony, have any right or power to
impole, or lay anv taxation on the people here, Iball be deemed
an enemy to this his Majefty's Colony.

Upon reading tlrefe refolutions, the boldnefs and novelty of
them aff^efted one of the members to fuch a degree, that he cried
out, " Treafon ! Treafon !" They v/ere neverthclefs, well re-

4^2 HISTORY OF THE

ceived by the people, and immediately forwarded to tlie otlier
provinces. They circulated extcnhvcly, and gave a fpring to all
the difcontentcd. Till they appeared, moft were of opinion, that
the aft would be quietly adopted. Murmurs, indeed, were com-
mon, but they fcemed to be iach, as would foon die away; The
countenance of io refpcftablc a Colony as Virginia, confirmed the
wavering and emboldened the timid. Oppofition to the llamp
aft, from that period affumed a bolder face. The fire of liberty
blazed forth from the preis ; (ome well-judged publications fet
the rights of the Colonifls in a plain, but ilrong point of view.
The tongues and the pens of tlie well-informed citizens laboured
in kindling, the latent fparks of patriotiihi. The flame fpread
from brcall to breaft, till the conflagration became general. In
this bufinefs, New-England had a principal fhare. The inhabi-
tants of that part of America, in particular, confidered their obli-
gations to the mother country for pall favours, to be very incon-
fiderable. They were fully informed, that their forefathef^s were
driven by perfecution to the woods of America, and had there,
■without any expence to the parent ftate, efFefted a iettlement
amidft rude creation. Their refentment for the invafion of their
accuflomed right of taxation was not lo much mitigated by the
rccoUeftion of late favours, as it was heightened by the tradition
of grievous fufFcrings, to which their anceftors, by the rulers of
England^ had been fubjefted. The dcicendants of the exiled,
perlecuted, Puritans, of the la ft century, oppofcd the ftamp aft
with the fame fpirit with which their forefathers were aftuated,
■when they fet themfelves againft the arbitrary iinpolitions of the
houfe of Stuart.

The heavy burdens, whicli the operation of the ftamp aft would
have impofcd on the Colonifts, together with the precedent it
•U'culd ertablifli of future exaftions, furniflied the American pa-
triots with arguments, cakulntcd as well to move the paffions, as
to convince the judgments of their Fellow Colonifts. In greafe
warmtii they exclaimed, " if the Parliament has a right to levy
the ftamp duties, they may, by the lame authority, lay on us
impofts, exciles, and other taxes, without end, till their rapaci-
ty is fatisficd, or our abilities are cxliaufted. We cannot at fu-
ture cleftions, difplacc thcfc men, who ib hvilhly grant away our
property. Ihcir Icats and their power are independent of us,
and it will reft with their gcnerofitv where to ftop, in transfer-
ring the expcnces of government from their own to our
fhoulders."

It was fortunate for the liberties of America, that news-papers
were the fubjcft of a heavy ftamp duty. Printers, when unin-
fluenced by government, have generally arianged themlelves on

AMERICAN revolution:

433

tTic fiJc of liberty, nor are they lefs remarkable for attention to
the profits of their profcfTion. A (lamp duty, which openly in-
vaded the firftj and threatened a great diminution of the laft, pro-
voked their united zealous oppofition. They daily prelcntcd to
the public, original dilfertations, tending to prove, that if the
ftamp aft was fufFercd to operate, the liberties of America were at
an end, and their property virtually transferred to their Trans-
Atlantic fellow-fubjcfts. The writers among the Americans,
lerioufly alarmed for the fate of their country, came forward,
with effays, to prove, that agreeable to the Britifli Conflitution,
taxation and reprefentation were infeparable, that the only con-
ftitutional mode of raifing money from the Colonifls was by afts
of their own Icgiflatures, that the Crown poffelTed no farther
power than that of requifition, and that the parliamentary right
of taxation was confined to the Mother Country, and there ori-
ginated, from the natural right of man, to do what he pleafed
with his own, transferred by confent from the electors of Great-
Britain to thofe whom they chofe to rcprelent them in parlia-
ment. They alfo infifted much on the mifapplication of public
money by the Britilh miniftry. Great pains were taken to in-
form the Colonifts of the large fums annually bellowed on penfi-
oned favourites, and for the various purpofes of bribery. Their
paflions were enflamed by high-coloured rcprelentations of the
hardfliip of being obliged to pay the earnings of their induftry
into a Britifh treafury, well known to be a fund for corruption.

The writers on the American fide were oppofed by arguments
drawn from the unity of the Empire ; the nccellity of one fu-
preme head, the _ unlimited power of parliament, and the great
numbers in the Mother Country, who, though legally dilquali-
fied from voting at eleftions, were, neverthelefs, bound to pay
the taxes impoled by the reprcientatives of the nation. To thefe
objeftions it was replied, that the very idea of fubordination of
parts excluded the notion of fimple, undivided unity. That as
England was the head, fhe could not be the head and the mem-
bers too — that in all extenfive empires, where the dead unifor-
mity of iervitude did not prevent, the fubordinate parts had many
local privileges and immunities — that between thefe privileges
and the luprcme common authority, the line was extremely nice ;
but neverthelefs, the luprcmacy of the head had an ample field
of exercife, without arrogating to itfelf the difpolal of the pro-
perty of the unreprefented fubordinate parts. To the alFcrtion,
that the power of parliament was unlimited, the Colonifts repli-
ed, that before it could conftituiionally excrcile that power, it
miift be conftitutionallv formed, and tJiat, therefore, it mull at

Vol. I. ' 3 K ' ■

434 ^^S TORY OF THE

Icaft, in one of its branches, be conflitutcd by tbe people over'
whom it exeicifed unlimited power. That with refpeft to'
Great-Britain, it was fo conftituted-^with refpeft to America it
was not. They therefore inferred, that its power Ought not to
be the fame over both countries. They argued nffo, thnt the dele-
gation of the people was the foarcc of power in regard to taxa-
tion, and as that delegation was wanting in Amci'ica. they con-
cluded, the right of parliament to grant away their property
could not exil^. That the defeftive reprefentafion in Great-
Britain fhould be urged as an argument for taxing the Americans,-
without any reprefentation at all, proved the iracroaching- nature
of power. Inftead of convincing the Colonifts of the propriety
of their fubmiffion, it demonflrated the wifdom of their rcfiftance ;
for, faid they, " one invafion of natural right is made the juflifi-
cation of another, much more injurious and oppreflive."

The advocates for parliamentary taxation laid great ftrefs on
the rights, fuppofedto accrue to Great-Britain, on the fcore of her
having reared up and proteft-ed the Englifh fettlerhents in Ame-
jica at graat expence. It was, on the other hand, Conterided by
the Colonifts, that in all the wars which were common to both
countries, they had taken their full fhare, but in ail their own-
dangers, in all the difficulties belonging feparatcly to their fitua-
tion, which did not immediately concern Great-Britain, they
were left to themfeiv^cs, and had to ftruggle through a hard in-
fancy ; and in particular, to defend themfelvcs, without any aid
from the Parent State, againft the numerous favages in their vici-
nity. That when France had made war upon them, if was not on
tiaeir own account, but as appendages to Great-Britain. That
confining their trade for the excl'ufive benefit of the Parent
StatCj was an ample compenfation for her protcftion, and a fuf-
ficient equivalent for their exemption from parliamentary taxa-
tion.- That the taxes impofed on the inhabitants of Great-Bri-
tain were incorporated v^ith their manufaftures, and ultimately
fell on the Colonifts, who were the confumers.

The advocates for the fi:a-mp aft alfo contended, that as the
Parliament was charged with the defence of the Colonies, it
ought to polTels the means of defraying the expences incurred
thereby. Thd fame argument had been u fed by King Charles the
Firft, in fupport of fhip money ; and it was nov/ anfwefed in the
fame manner, as it was by the patriots of that day. " That the
people who were defended or protcftcd were the fitteft to judge
of and to provide the means of defraying the expences incurred
on that account, " In the mean time, the minds of the Ameri-
cans underwent a total transformation. Inft;cad of their late
jjcaccable wild Heady attachment to the Britilh nation, they were

AMERICAN REVO LUTION. 435

.<iaily advancing to the oppofite extreme. A new mode of dif-
playing lefentment againfl the friends of the ilamp aft began in
Mallachufetts, and was followed by the other Colonics. A few
gentlemen hung out, early in the morning, Auguil 1 4, on the
iimb of a lar^e tree, towards the entrance of Bofton, two effigies,
one dcfigned for the flamp mailer, the olhcr for a jack boot,
%vith a head and horns pccning out at tli£ top. Great numbers
both from town and country came to lee them. A fpirit of en-
thufiidm was difFul'ed among the fpeftators. In the evening the
whole was cut down and carried iu proceflion by the populace
fliouting " liberty and property for ever 5 i;io flamps." They next
pulled down a new building, lately er^lcd by Mr. Oliver the
ftamp mafter. They then went to his houfe, before which they
beheaded his effigy, and at the fame time broke his windows.
Eleven days after, ^imilar violences were repeated. The mob
attacked the houfe .of Mr. William Storey, deputy regifter of the
court of admiralty — broke his windowsr — forced into his dwel-
ling houfe, and deftroycd the books and files belonging to the
laid court, and ruined a great part of his furniture. They next
proceeded to the houfe of Benjamin Hallowel, Comptroller of the
cuftoms, apd ;-epeated limilar exceiles, and drank and deJlroyed
his liquors. They afterwards pro.ceeded to the houfe of Mr.
Hutchinfon, and foon demoliflied it. They carried off his plate,
furniture, and apparel, and fcattered or deftroyed manufcripts and
xjther curious and uCeful papers which for thirty years he had
been colle6Jing^. About half a dozen of the ijicanefk of the mob
\yere foon after taken up ajid cpmmitted, but they either bi'oke jail,
o;r otherv/ife efcapcd all punifl:imejit. The town of Bofton con-
demned the whole proceeding, and for forne time, private gentle-
men kept watch at night, to preverit further violence.

Similar difturbances broke out in the adjacent Colonies, nearly
about the fame time. On the 2'7.th Auguft, 1765, the people irj
I^i^ew-Port in Pvhode-Ifland, exhibited three effigies intended for
McITrs. Howard, Moffatt, and Johnfon, iji ^ cart v/ith halters
about their necks, and after hanging them on a gal-lows for lumc
time, cut them down and burnt them, an?idll the acclamations of
thoulands. On the day following, the people coUeftcd at the
houfe of Mr, Martin Howard, a lawyer, who had written iu
defence of the right of parliament to tax the Americans, and de.
moliflied every thing that belonged to it. They proceeded tQ
Dr. Moffatt's, who, in converfation, had fupported ihe lame right,
and made a fimilar diavaftation of his property.

In Connefticut they exhibited effigies in iundry places, anj^'
.afterwards committed them to the llamcs.

43^ HISTORY OF THE

In New- York, the ftnmp mafter having rcfigned, the ftamp
papers were taken into Fort George, by Lieutenant Governor
Cohlen, Nov. i. The people, difliking his political fcntiments,
broke open his ftable, took out his coach, and carried it in triumph
through the principal ftreets to the gallows. On one end of this
they fufpended the efhgy of the Lieut. Governor, having in his
right hand a ftamped bill of lading, and in the other a figure of the
devil. After lome time, they carried the apparatus to the gate of
the fort, and from thence to the bowling-green, under the muz-
zles of the guns, and burned the whole amid the acclamations of
many thoutands. They went thence to Mayor James's houfe
laipped it of every article, and ccnfumed the whole, bccaufe he
w^as a friend to the ftamp aft.

The next evening the mob re-affemblcd, and infifted upon the
Lieutenant Governor delivering the ftamped papers into their
hands, and threatened, in cafe of a refuial, to take them by force.
After fome negociation, it was agreed that they fhouldbe deliver-
ed to the corporation, and they were depofited in the city hall.
Ten boxes of the fame, which came by another conveyance, were
burned.

The ftamp aft was not lefs odious to many of the inhabitants of
the Britifh Weft-India illands, than to thoic on the continent of
North America, The people of St. Kitts obliged the ftamp of-
ficer and his deputy to refign. Barbadoes, Canada, and HaUfax,
fubmitted to the aft.

But when the fhip which brought the ftamp papers to Phila.
delohia, firft appeared round Gloucefter Point, all the veflels in
the harbour hoifted their colours half maft high, Tlie bells were
rung muffled till evening, and every countenance added to the
appearance of fmcere mourning. A large number of people af-
fembled, and endeavoured to procure the refignation of Mr.
Hughj^s, the ftamp diftributor. He held out long, but at length
found it neceffary to comply.

As opportunities offered, the affemblies generally paffed refolu-
tions, alTerting their exclufivc light to lay taxes on their confti-
tuents. The people, in their towi:i meetings, inftrufted their repre,
lentatives, to oppoie the ftamp aft. As a Ipecimen of thele^, the
inftruftions given to Thomas Forfter, their reprclentativc, by the
freeholders and other inhabitants ofthe^town of Plymouth, are
fubjoined. In thefe the yeomanry of the country ipoke the
determined language of freedom. After exprcfting the higheft
tfteem for the Brilifti conftitution, and fettling forth their gric.
vanccs, they proceeded as follows :

'• You, Sir, reprelcnt a poople, who are not only delcended
from the firft fettlcrs of this country, but inhabit the very Ipot
th"y firft poffeired. liere was firft laid the foundation of the

AMERICAN RE VOLUTION. 437

Britifh empire, in this part of America, wliich, from a very fmall
beginning, has increaled and. fpread.in a manner very furprifingj
and ahnofi; incredible, efpecially, when we confider, that all this
has been effefted without the aid or alTiftance of any power on
earth ; that we have defended, protefted, and fccured ourlclves
againfl the invafions and cruelties of lavages, and the fubtlety and
inhumanity of our inveterate and natural enemies, the French;
and all this without the appropriation of any tax by ftamps, or
flamp a6ts, laid upon our fellow fubjefts, in any part of the Kinf>*S
dominions, for defraying the expence thereof. This place, Sir,
was at firft the alylum of liberty, and we hope, will ever be pre-
fcrved facrcd to it, though it was then no more than a barren
wildcrnefs, inhabited only by favage men and bcafts. To this
place our fathers, (whole memories be revered) poilefied of the
principles of liberty in their purity, diidained flavery, fled to en*
joy thofe privileges, which they had an undoubted right to, but
were deprived of, by the hands of violence and opprefTion, in
their native country. We, Sir, their pofterity, the freeholders
and other inhabitants of this town, legally alTembled for that pur_
pofe; pofTefled of the fame fentiments, and retaining the lame
ardour for liberty, think it our indifpenfable duty, on this
occafion, to exprefs to you thefe our fentiments of the
{lamp aft, and its fatal confequences to this country, and to en-
join upon you, as you regard not only the welfare, but the very
being of this people, that you (confiftent with our allegiance to
the King, and relation to the government of Great Britain) dilre.
garding all propolals for that purpole, exert all your power and
influence in oppofition to the flamp aft, at leaft till we hear the
fuccefs of our petitions for relief. Vv^e likewifc, to avoid dif-
gracing the memories of our anceftors, as well as the reproaches
of our own confciences, and the curies of pofterity, recommend
it to you, to obtain if poflible, in the honourable houfe of repre^
fentatives of this province, a full and explicit aifertion of our
I ights, and to have the fame entered on their public records, that
all generations yet to come may be convinced, that wc have not
only a jufh fenle of our rights and liberties, but that we never
Avith fubmiflTion to Divine providc;nce, will be flaves to any pow-
er on earth."

The expediency of calling a continental Congrefs to be compof-
cd of deputies from each of the provinces, had early occurred to the
people of Maffachufetts. The alTembly of that province palTed a
Velolution in favour of that meafure, and fixed on New-York as
tlic place, and the fecond Tucfday of Oftobcr, 1765, as the time
for holding the fame, Soon after, they fent circular letters to the
fpeakers of the fcvcral affcmblcs, requeuing their concurrrnce.

^gg HISTORY OF THE

This fiill advance towards continental union was fcconded ii^
South-Garolina, before it had been agreed to by any Colony to the
louthward of New-England. The example of this province had
a confidcrabie influence in rcc.ommci:ding the meafurc to others,
ivho were divided in their opinions, on the propriety of it.

The affcmbiics of Virginia, North-Carolina, and Georgia, were
prevented by their Governors, from fending a deputation to this
Congrcfs. Twenty-eight deputies from Maflachufetts, Rhode-
Ifland, Connefticut, New-York, New-Jerfey, Pennlyivania, De-
laware, Maryland, and South-Carolina, met at New-York ; and
after mature deliberation agreed on a declaration of their rights,
and on a fkatement of their grievances. They arterted in flrong
itcrms, their exemption from all taxes, not impoled by their own rc-
■prefentatives. They alfo concurred in a petition to the King,
and memorial to the Houfe of Lords, and a petition to the Houfc
of Conjmons. The Colonies that were prevented from fending
their reprefentatives to this Congrefs, forwarded petitions, i\.
iT.ilar to thofe which were adopted by the deputies which at-
tended.

While a variety of legal and illegal methods were adopted tp
oppofe the ftamp aft, the fall of November on which it was to
commence its operation, approached. This in Boflon was ufher-
cd in by a funeral tolling of bells. Many fhops and ftorcs were
fhut. I'he effigies of the planners and friends of the ftamp aft
w'cre cari'ied about the ftreets in public dcrifion, and then torn in
pieces by the eiiraged populace. It was remarkable that though a
large crowd was aflembled, there was not the lead violence or
difurder.

At Portfmouth in New-IiampPaire, the morning of Nov. i.
was uflicrcd in with tolling all the bells in town. In the courfe
of the dayj, notice was given to the friends of liberty to attend her
funeral. A coffin neatly ornamented, infcribed with the word
Liberty in large letters^ was carried to the gravG. The funeral
proceflion began from the ilate houfe, attended with two unbra-
ced drums. While the inhabitants who followed the coffin were
in motion, minute guns were fired, and continued till the corpfe
arrived at the place of interment. Then an oration in favour oi
the deceafed was pronounced. It was fcarely erjded before the
corpfe was taken up, it having been pcrpeived that fome remains
of life were left, at which the inlcription was immeniatciy altered
to •' Liberty revived." The bells immediately exchanged their
melancholy for a more joyful found, and fatisfaftion appeared ii'j
every countenance. The wliole was conduftcd with decency, and
without injury or inlult to any man's perfon or property.

In Maryland^ the effigy of the ftamp tnafter^ on one fide of

A M ERIC AN RE VO LUTIO K. 43^

■ivliich was wriHen, "Tyranny," on the other, " OpprefTion,"
and acrofs the bread, " Damn my' country, I'll get money," wns
carried through the flreets from the place of confinement to the
whipping pofl;, and from thence to the pillory. After fufl'cring
many indignities, it was firfl hanged, and then burnt.

The general avcrfion to the ftamp aft was, by fimilar methods^
in a variety of places demonflrated. It is remarkable, that the
preceedings of the populace on thefe occafions, were carried on
with decorum and legularitv. They were not ebullitions of a
thoughtlefs mob, but for the mofh part planned by leading men of
charafter and influence, who were friends to peace and order»
Thefe, knowing well that the bulk of mankind arc more led by their
fenfes than by their reafon, condufted the public exhibitions oa
that principle, with a view of making the ftamp aft and its friend?
both ridiculous and odious.

Though the ftamp aft was to have operated from the firft of No-
vember, yet legal proceedings in the court were carried on as
before. VefTels entered and departed without ftamped papers^
The printers boldly printed and circulated their newfpapers, and
found a fufRcient number of readers, though they ufcd common
paper, in defiance of the aft of parliament. In moft departments,
by common confent, bufinefs was carried on as though no flamp
aft had exifted. This was accompanied by i'pirited i-efolutions to
rilque all confec^ucnces, rather than fubmit to ufe the paper re-
quired by law. While thefe matters were in agitation, the Co-
lonifts entered intoaflbciations againft importing, Britifh manufac-
tures till the ftamp aft ftiouid be repealed. In this manner Britiih
liberty was made to operate againft Britifh tyranny. Agreeably
to the free conftitution of Great Britain, the fubjcCt was at liber-
ty to buy, or not to buy, as he pleaicd. By lufpending tiieir
future purchafes till the repeal of the ftamp aft, the Colonifts
made it the intereft of merchants and manufafturers to folicit for
that repeal. They had ufually taken off fo great a proportion of
Britifh manufaftures, that the fuddcn ftoppagc of all their orders^
amounting annually to fcveral millions ftcrling, threw fome thou •
fands in the Mother Country out of employjTicnt, and induced them
from a regard to their own intereft, to advocate the mcallires
wifhed for by America. The petitions fnim the Colonics were
feconded by petitions from the merchants and manufafturers of
Great Britain. XVhat the former prayed for as a matter of right,
and connefted with their liberties, the latter alfo folicitcd from
motives of immediate advantage. In order to remedy the deficiency
of Britifh goods, the Colonifts betook thcmfclves to a variety of ne-
cc(r,uy domeftic manufaftures. In a little time, large quantitcs of
coarl'c and comm.on cloaths were brouglit to market, and thele

j^o HISTORY OF THE

though dearer, and of a worfe quality, were cheerfully preferred
to fimilar articles imported from Britain. That wool might not be
wanting they entered into rclolutions to abftain from eating
lambs. Foreign elegancies were generally laid afide. The wo-
men were as exemplary as the rnenin various in (lances of fclf-denial.
With great readincfs, they rcfufed every-article of decoration for
their perfons, and of luxury for their tables. Thefc reftriftionsj
which the Colonifts had voluntarily impofed on themfelves, were
fo well obferved^ that multitudes of artificers in England were
reduced to .^reat difhrefs, and feme of their. moft flour ifhing manu-
faftories were, in a great mcafure at a ftand. An affociation was
entered into by many of the fons of liberty, the name given to
thofe who were oppoled to the ftamp aft, by which they agreed
" to march with the utmoft expedition, at their own proper coft
and expence, with, their whole force, to the relief of thofe that
fhould be in danger from the ftamp aft, or its promoters and
abettors, or any thing relative to it, on account of any thing that
may have been done in oppofuion to its obtaining." This was
fubfcribed bv fo many in New York and New England, that no-
thino- but a repeal could have prevented the immediate commence-
ment of a civil war.

From the decided oppofition to the (lamp aft, which had been
adopted by the Colonies, it became neceffary for Great Britain
to enforce or repeal it. Both methods of proceeding had fup-
portcrs. Th-e oppofers of a repeal urged arguments, drawn from
the dignity of the nation, the danger of giving way to the cla-
mours of the Americans, and the confequences of weakening
parliamentary authority over the Colonies. On the other hand,
it was evident, from the determined oppofition of the Colonies,
that it could not be enforced without a civil war, by which, in
every event, the nation mud be a lofler. In the courfe of thefe
difcufTions, Dr, Franklin was examined at the bar of the Houfe
of Commons, and gave cxtcnfive information on the ftatc of
American affairs, and the impolicy of the ftamp aft, which con-
tributed much to remove prejudices, and to produce a difpofition
that was friendly to a repeal.

Some fpeakers of great weight, in both Houfes of Parliament,
denied their right of taxing the Colonies. The moft diftinguilhed
fupporters of this opinion were Lord Camden in the Koufe of
Peers, and Mr. Pitt in the Houfe of Commons. The former, in
ftiong language laid, '-My pofition is this, I repeat it, I will
maintain it to my laft hour. Taxation and reprefentation are
infeparablc. This poiition is founded on the laws of nature.
It is more, it is itfelf an eternal law of nature. For whatever is
a man's own is abfolutcly his own. No man has a right to take it

A MER IC A N RE VO LUTIO N.' 441

from him without his confent. Whoever attempts fo do it,
attempts aii injuxy ; whoever docs it, commits a robbery." Mr.
Pitt, with an original boldnefs of expreffion, juftified the Colo-
nifts in oppofing the (lamp ail. " You have no right," faid he,
*' to tax America. I rejoice that America has refifled. Three
millions of our fellow fubjc£ls fo loft to every lenfe of virtue, as
tamely to give up their liberties, would be fit inftruments to make
flaves of the reft." He concluded with giving his advice, that
the ftamp aft be repealed abfolutely, totally, and immediately, — •
that the reafon for the repeal be affigned, that it was founded on
an erroneous principle. " At the fame time." faid he, " let the
fovereign authfjrity of this country over the Colonies, be afferted
in as ftrong terms as can be deviled, and be made to extend to
-every point of legillation whatfoever ; that we miy bind their
trade, confine their manufaftures, and excrciie every power,
except that of taking their money out of their pockets without
their confent." The approbation of this illuftrious ftatefman,
whofe diftinguifhed abilities had raifed Great-Britain to tlic highcft
pitch of renown, infpired the Americans with additional confi-
dence, in the rectitude of their claims of exemption from parlia-
mentary taxation, and emboldened them to farther oppofition,
when at a future day, as fliall be hereafter related, the projcft of
an American revenue was refumed. After much debating, and
two protefts in the Houfe of Lords, and parting an aft '• for fe-
curing the dependence of America on Great-Britain," the repeal
of the ftamp aft was finally carried Marcli 18, 1-66. This event
gave great joy in London. Ships in the river Thames difplayed
their colours, and houfes were illuminated all over the city. It
was no fooner known in America, than the Colonifts refcinded
their refolutions, and recommenced their mercantile intercourfc
with the Mother Country. They prefented their homefpun
cloaths to the poor, and imported more largely than ever. The
churches refounded with thankfgivings, and their public and pri-
vate rejoicings knew no hounds. By letters, addreffes, and other
means, almoft all the Colonics flicwed unequivocal marks oF
acknowledgemtent and gratitude. So ludden a calm recovered
after fo violent a ftorm, is without a parallel in hiftory. By the
judicious facrificc of one law, the parliament of Great-Britain
procured an acquiefcence in all that remained.

There were enlightened patriots, fully imprcHed with an idea,
that the immoderate joy of the Colonifts was dilproportioncu to
the advantage they had gained.

The ftamp aft, though repealed, was n)>t repealed on American
principles. The preamble aOigned as the realon thereof, " Th;;i

Vol. L ^ L

442 lit STORY OF THE

the collccling the feveral duties and revenues, as by tlic Taid a^
was direfted, would be attended with many inconveniences, and
produftive of confequcnces dangerous to the commercial interefls
of thefe kingdoms." Though this reafon was a good one in
England, it was by no means fatisfaftory in America. At the
fame time that the ftamp aft was repealed, the abfohitc, unlimited
fuprcmacy of parliament was, in words, afferted. The oppofers
of the repeal contended for this as effcntial ; the friends of that
mcafure acquiefecd in it to (Irengthen their party, and make fure
of their objeft. Many of both fides thought, that the dignity of
Great-Britain required fomethrng of the kind to'eounterbalance
the lofs of authority, that might refult from her yielding to the
clamours of the Colonifts, The aft for this purpofc was called
the Declaratory Aft, and was in principal more hoftile to Ame-
rican rights than the ftamp aft ; for it annulled thofe rcfolu-
. tions and afts of the Provincial Affemblies, in which they had
afferted their right to exemption from all taxes, not impofcd by
their own rcprelentatives ; and atfo enafted, " That the parlia-
ment had, and of right ought lo liave, power to bind the CoionieSy
in all cafes whatfoever."

The bulk of the Americans, intoxicated with the advantage
they had gained, overlooked this flatute, which, in one compre-
hcnfive fentenee, not only deprived them of liberty and property,
but of every right incident to humanity. They eonfidered it as a
falvo for the houoiH" of parliament, in repealing an aft, which
had fo lately received their fanftion, and flattered thcmfelves it
would remain a dead letter, and that although the right of taxa-
tion was in words retained, it would never be excrcifed. Unwil-
ling to contend about paper claims of ideal fupremacy, they re-
turned to their habits of good humour with the Parent State.

The repeal of the flamp aft, in a relative conncftion with all
its circumftances and confequences, was the firfl; dircft ftcp to
American independency. The claims of the two countries were not
only left undecided, but a foundation was laid for their extsnd-
ing at a future period, to the impolTibility of a compvomife. —
Though for the prefent Great-Britain receded from enforcing her
claim of American revenue, a numerous party, adhering to that
fyftem, referved thcmfelves for more favourable circumftances
to enforce it ; and at the fame time the Colonifts, more enlighten-
ed on the fubjct"^, and more fully convinced of the reftitudc of
their claims, vv-ere encouraged to oppofc it, under whatfoever
form it fiiould appear, or under whatfoever difguife it fhould
cover itfelf.

Elc\'ated with the advantage they had gained, from that day
forward, inftead of feeling thcmfelves dependent on Great-Bri-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 443

tarn, they conceived that, in rcfpcft to commerce, fhc was depen-
dent on them. It iuipiied them with furh high ideas of the im-
portance of their trade, that they confidered tiie Mother Country
to be brought under greater obligations to them, for purchaling
her manufifturcs, than they were to her for proteftion and the
adminiftration of civil government. The Freemen of Britifii
America, imprcfl'ed with the exahing fcntinients of patriotilm
and of liberty, conceived it to be within their power, by future
combinations, at any time to convuH'e, if not to bankrupt, the
nation from which they Iprung,

Opinions of this kind were flrengthened by their local fitua-
tion, favouring ideas, as extcnfive as the unexplored continent
of which they were inhabitants. While the pride of Britons re-
volted at the thought of their Colonics refufing fubjetlion to that
Parliament which they obeyed, the Americans with equal haugh-
tinefs exclaimed " fliall the petty ifland of Great-Britain, icarce a
fpcck on the map of the world^ controul the free citizens of the
gieat continent of America 1"

Thefe high founding pretenRons would have been harmlefs, or
Alt moll, fpcnt themfelvcs in words, had not a ruinous policy,
untaught by recent experience, called them into ferious a^ftion.
Though the flamp a£l was repealed, an American- revenue was
Hill a favourite object with many in Great-Britain. The equity
and the advantage of taxing the Colonifts by parliamentary au-
thority were very apparent to their underftandings, but the mode
of cfte£ling it, without hazarding the public tranquility, was not
i'o obvious. Mr, Charles Townfend, after-wards Chancellor of
the Exchequer^ pawned his credit to accomplifh 'what many f©
carneflly defired. He accordingly brought into parliament, in
i']S'j, a bill for granting duties in the Britifii Colonies on glafs,
paper, painters colours, and tea, wiiich was afterwards cnaflcd.
into a law. If the Imall duties impoled on thefe articles had
preceded the /lamp aft, they might liave pafl'eu unobfcrved : but
the late difcuflions occalioncd by that aft, had produced aniongft
the Colonifts, uot only an animated conviftion of their exemp-
tion from parliamentary taxation, but a jealouiy of the dchgns of
Great-Britain. The fentiments of the Americanson this lubjeft
bore a great refemblanpe to thofe of their Britifa countrymen of
the preceding century, in fhe cafe of fnip money. The amount
of that tax was very moderate, little exceeding twenty thouland
pounds. It was diftributed upon the people with cquifiity, and
expended for the honour and advantage of the kingdom, yet alj
thefe circumftances could not reconcile the people of England to
ihe impofition. It was entirely arbitrary. " By the fame right,'*

444 ///«S TO RY OF THE

faid they, '• any other tax m-^y he impofcd." In like manner
the Americans confidered thefe fnutil duties in the nature of an
entering vvcdgp, dcfigned to make way for others, which would
be greater and heavier. In a relative connection with late acls of
Parliament, rcfpefting domeftic manufrtliircs and foreign com-
merc*, laws for impofmg taxes on Britilh commodities exported
to the Colonics, formed a complete circle of opprefTion, from
■which there w.is no poRioility of clcaping. The Colonifls had
been, prev.ouflv, leftramcd from manufathiring certain articles
for ihcir owa conlumption. Other aCts confined them to the
exclufive uie of Britifh merchandize. The addition of duties
put tjiem wlioliy in the power and difcretion of Great-Britain ;
'' We are not," laid the-!', «• permitted to import from any nati-
on, other than our own Parent State, and have been lome in cafes
by her redrained from m.anufafturing for ourfelves, and fhe
claims a right to do fo in ever^' inllance which is incompatible
with her inteixft. To thefe rcflriftions we have hitherto fub-
mittcd, but fhc now riles in her demands, nnd impofes duties on
thole commodics, the nurchahng of which, cliewliere than at
her market, her law forbids, and the Jnanufa6luring of which for
our own uie, Ihe mpy, any nioyncnt flie ploa'cs, reftrain. If her
right is valid to lay a imail tax, it is equally lo to lay a large one,
for from the nature of the cafe, fhe muft be guided exclufivcly
by her own opinions of our ability, and of the propriety of the
duties llie may impofe. ' Nothing is left for us but to complain
and pa)." They contended that there was no real difference
between the principle of thefe new duties and the flamp aft, thcv
were both dehgned to raife a re^-enuc in America, and in the
fame manner. The payment of the duties impoied by the fhamp
aft, might have been eluded by the total difufe of damped paper,
and lo might the payment of thefe duties, by the total dilufc of
thclc articles on which they were h'.id, but in neither cafe, with-
out great difficulty. The Colonifls were therefore reduced to
the hard alternative of being obliged totally to diiufe articles of
the grcateft necelFity rn human life, or to pay a tax without
their conicnt. The fire of oppofition, which had been fmother-
cd by the repeal of the ftamp aft, burned afrefli againfl the fame
principle of taxation, exhibited in its new Icnm. Mr. Dick-
cnfon, of Pennlylvania, on this occafion prefcntcd to the public a
leries of letters iigncd the Farmer, proving tlie extreme danger
which threatened the liberties of America, from their acquicf-
ccncc m a precedent which might cilabliflr the claim of parlia-
mentary taxation. 'J'licy were written with great animation,
end were read with untcnnxii avidity. Their realoning was

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 445

10 convincing, that many of the candid and difintereflcd citizens
of Great Britain ackno\vledgcd that the American oppohtion to
parliamentary taxation was juftihitblc. The enormous fums which
the flamp aft would have collefted, had thoroughly alarmed the
Colonifts for their property. It was now demonftrated by feve-
ral writers, elpecially by the Pennfylvania Farmer, that a fmall
tax, though more fpecious, was equally dangerous, as it efla-
bliflicd a precedent which eventually annihilated American pro-
pertv. The declaratory aft, which at firft was the lubjcft of
but a few comments, was now dilated upon as a foundation for
every fpecies of opprefTion : and the hnall duties lately impofed
were confidered as the beginning of a train of much greater evils.

Had the Colonifts admitted the propriety of raifing a parlia-
mentary revenue among them, the ercftion of an American board
of commiffioners for managing it, which was about this time in-
ftituted at Bofton, would have been a convenience rather than
an injury; but united as they were in ientiments, of the contra-
riety of that mcafure to their natural and conftitutional rights,
they ill brooked the innovation. As it was coeval with the new
duties, thev conlidered it as a certain evidence that the projeft of
an extenfive American revenue, notwithftanding the repeal of
the ftamp aft, was dill in contemplation. A dillike to Bri-
tifh taxation naturally produced a diflike to a board which waste
be inftrumcntal in that bufmefs, and occafioned many infults to
its commiflioncrs.

The revenue aft of 176-7 produced refolvcs, petitions, ad-
drcffes, and remonftranccs, fimilar to thofe with which the Co-
lonifts oppofed the ftamp aft. It alfo gave rife to a fecond affo-
ciation for fulpcnding farther importations of Britifh manufac-
tures, till thefe oflFenfive duties fhould be taken off. Uniformity,
in thefe mea.furcs, was promoted by a circular letter from the
Affembly of Maffachufetts to the fpeakers of other Affemblies.
This ftated the petitions and reprefentations, which they had
forwarded againft the late duties, and ftrongly pointed out the
great difficulties, that muft arifc to thcmfclves and their confti-
tuents, from the operation of afts of parliament impofmg' duties
on the unreprefented American Colonics, and rcquefted a reci-
procal free communication on public affairs. Moft of the Pro-
vincial alfemblies, as they had opportunities of deliberating on
the fubjeft, approved of the proceedings of the Maffachufetts
Affembly, and harmonized with them in the mealures which they
had adopted. In refolves, they ftated their rights in firm but
decent language; and in petitions, they prayed for a repeal of
the late afts, which thev coufidcred as infringements on their li-
berties.

4i6 HIS TO RY OF THE

It is not unrcafonabic to fuppofc, that the Minifter who pian«
ned theCe duties, hoped that they would be regarded as regula-
tions of trade. He m\g\\i. alio prefurne, that as they amounied
only to an inconfiderabis fum, they would not give any alarm.
The circular letter of the Mahachuletts Ailenibly, which laid the
foundation for united petitions agaimfl them, g^ve, therefore,
great offence. Lord Hillfborough, who had lately been appoint-
ed Secretary of State for the American department, wrote letters
to the governors of the relpc£live provinces, urging them to
exert their influence, to prevent the alTcmblics fr<nn taken ariy
notice of it, and he called on the Malfachuletts Allcinbly to rei-
cind their proceedings on that iubjeft. This mcaiure was botli
injudicious and irritating. To require a public body to relcind a
refolution, for fending a letter which was already lent, anlwer-
ed, and afted upon, was a bid Ipccimcn of the wildom of the
new minifter. To call a vote, for lending a circular letter to
invite the affemblies of the neighbouring colonies to communi-
cate together in the purfuit of legal mealures to obtain a redrcfs
of grievances, "a flagitious attempt to difturb the public peace," ap^
peared to the Colonlfts a very injudicious application of harfh epi-
thets to their conilitutioniil riglit of petitioning. To threaten a
new houfe of afTembly with diHoIution, in cafe of their not
agreeing to rcfcind an aft of a former alicmbly which was not
executory, but executed, claflicd no lels with the diftates of
common fenfe, than-the conftitutional rights of Britiflr Coloniils.
The propofiiion for reicinding was negatived, by a majority of
ninety-two to fevcnteen. The alfembly was immediately diffoly-
cd, as had been threatened. This procedure of the new iSecrcr
tary was confidered by the Coloniils as an attempt to fupprefs all
communication of fentiment between them, and to prevent their
united fupplications from reaching the royal ear. It anfwered
no one valuable purpofc, but naturally tended to mifchief.

Thfe bad humour, which from fuccefiivc irritation already too
much prevailed, was about this time, June lo, i-C8, wrought
up to a high pitch of rclentmcnt and violence, on occafion of
the feizur.e of Mr. Hancocko lloop Liberty, for not having en-
tered all the wines fl^.c had brought from Madeira, The popu-
larity of her owner, the name of the Hoop, and the gcnerr.1 aver-
lion to the board of commiflioncrs and parliamentary taxation,
concurred to inflame t!ie minds of the people. They rcfcnted
the removal of the Hoop from the wharf, as implying an appre-
hcnfion of a refcue, '1 hey ufed every means in their power to
interrupt the ofHccrs in the execution of their bufmcfs ; and num-
bers {wore that they would be revenged. Mr. Harrifon the col-
leger, Mr. Hallowcll the comptriylicr, and Mr, Irwinc the i-i"

A MER ICA N R E VO LUTlOlt. ^0

rpcclor of imports and exports, -were fo roughly handled, as to
bring thc'r lives in danger. The windows of fortic of their houfes
were broken, and the boat of the colleftor was dragged through
the town, and burned on the common. Such was the temper
and difpofitinn of many of the inhabitants, thnt the commiflion-
crs of tlic cufloms thought proper to retire on board the Romney
man of war; and afterwards to Caflle Vv^illiam. The commif-
noners, from the firfl moment of their inilitution, had been an
cyc-fore to the people of Bofton. This, though partly owing
to their aftive zeal in dctcfting fmugglers, principally arofe fromt
the afTociation which exifted in the minds of the inhabitants,
between the board and an American revenue. The declaratory
atl of 1766, that revenue aft of t']6'j ; together with the pomp
and expcnce of this board, io diiproportionate to the fmall income
of the prefent duties, confpircd to convince not only the few
who were benefited by (muggling, but the great body of enlight-
ened freemen, that farther and greater impoiitions of parliamen-
tary taxes were intended. In proportion, as this opinion gained
ground, the inhabitants became more difrcfpeftful to the executive
ofEcers of the revenue, and more difpoled, in the frenzy of pa-
triotiim, to commit outrages on their perfons and property^
The conflant bickering that exifted bct^v'ecn them and the inha-
bitants, together with the fteady oppofition given by the latter to
the difcharg3 of the official duties of the form.er, induced the
comminioners and friends of the American revenue, to folicit, the
protection of a regular force, to be ftationed at Bofton. In com-
pliance with their wifhes, his Majefty ordered two rcgim.ents and
io;Tie armed veiTcls to repair thither, for fupporting and affifting
the ofBcers of the cuftoms in the execution of their duty. Thjs
reftrained the aftive exertion of tli-it turbulent fpirit, which fmcc
the pafTmg the late revenue laws had revived, but it added to
the pre-exifting caufes thereof.

When it was reported in Bofton, that one or more regiments
were ordered there, a meeting of the inhabitants was called, and
a committee appointed to requeft the Governor to ifTue precepts
ftor convening a general airembly. lie replied, "that he could
not comply with their requeft, till he had received his Majefty's
commands for that pin-pole." The anfwcr being reported, Sep-
tember 13, Tome fpirited refolutions were adopted. In particular,
it was voted, that the fcleft men of Bofton fliould write to the
fcleft men of other towns, to propofc, that a convention be held,
r deputies from each, to meet at Faneuil-hnll, in Bofton, on the
-.:d inftcint. It was afterwards voted, " That as tliere is apprc-
henfion in the minds of many, of dn ;ipproaching war wi.t]i

448 HISTORY OF THE

France, thofe inhabitants, who are not ppovidcd, be rcqucded to*
furnifh themfclvcs forthwith with arms."

Ninety-fix towns, and eight difhrifts, agreed to the propofal
made by the inhabitants of Bofton, and appointed deputies to attend
a convention, but the town of Hatfield rcfuled its concurrence
When the Deputies met, they condu6ted themfclvcs with mode-
ration, difclaimed all legiftative authority, advifed the people to
pay the greateft deference to government, and to wait patiently
for a redrefs of their grievances from his Majcfty's wiidom and
moderation. After Minting to the world the caufcs of their meet-
ing, and an account of their proceedings, they diffolved them-
felves, after a fhort fcfnon, and went home.

Within a day after the convention broke up, the cxpcfted.
regiments arrived, and were peaceably received. Hints had been
thrown out by fome idle people that they fhould not be permit-
ted to come on fliorc. Preparations were made by the captains
of the men of war in the harbour, to fire on the town, in cafe
oppofition had been made to their landing, but the crifis for an
appeal to arms was not yet arrived. It was hoped by fome that
the folly and rage of the Bofhonians would have led them to this
rafli meafure, and thereby have afforded an opportunity for giv-
ing them fome naval and military correftion, but both prudence
and policy induced them to adopt a more temperate line of con-
dua.

While the contention was kept alive by the fuccelTive irrita-
tions, which have been mentioned, there was, particularly in
Maffachufctts, a fpecies of warfare carried on between the royal
governors, and the provincial affemblies. Each watched the
other with all the jealoufy, which flrong diflruil could infpire.
The latter regarded the former as iaftruments of power, wifliing.
to pay their court to the Mother Country, by curbing the fpirit
of American freedom, and the former kept a ftrift eye on the
latter, left they might fmooth the way to independence, at which
they were charged with aiming. Lieutenant Governor Hutchin-
fon, of MafTachufctts, virtually challenged the affembly to a dif-
pute, on the ground of the controverfy between the two countries.
This was accepted by the latter, and the fubjecl difcuffed witii
iiU the fubtihy of argument, which the ingenuity of eitiier party
could fuggeft.

The war of words was not confined to the Colonies. While
the American alTemblics palled refolutions, affcrting their exclu-
iivc riglit to tax their conilitueats, the Pariiament by refolves
aiferted their unlimited fuprcinacy in and over the Colonic:.
Wliile the former, in their public acls, difclaimed all views of
intlependeuoe, they were fucccirivtlv rcprcfentcd in pariiamcntary

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 449

^efolves, royal fpecchcs, and addreffes from Lords and Commons,
as being in a (l;ite of dii'obedicnce to law and government, and
as having proceeded to meafures fubverlive of the conftitution,
and manifefting a difpcfuion to throw off all iubordination to
Great-Britain.

In February, 1769, both Houfes of Parliament went one fcep
beyond all that had preceded. They then concurred in a joint
addrefs to his Majcfty, in which they exprelfed their fatisfaftion
in the meafures his Majefty had purfued — gave the flrongefl af-
furanccs, that they would cfFcftually fupport him in fuch farther
meafures as might be found necclfary to maintain the civil magi-
ftratcs in a due execution of the laws, in Malfachufett's-Bay, and
beleeched hirn " to dire6l the governor to take the mofb efleftual
methods for procuring the fulleft information, touching all trea-
fons or mifprifions of trcafons committed within the government,
fmce the 30th day of December, 176-7 ; and to tranfmit the fame,
together with the names of the pcrfons who were moll aftive
in the commiffion of fuch offences, to one of the fecretaries of
ftate, in order that his Majefty might iffue a fpecial commiffion
for enquiring of, hearing, and determining, the faid offences,
As'ithin the realm of Great-Britain, purfuant to the nrovifions of
the ffatute of the 35th of King Henry the 8th. " The latter part
of this addrefs, v/hich propofcd the bringing of delinquents from
Maffachuietts, to be tried at a tribunal in Great-Britain, for crimes
committed in America, underwent many levere animadverfions.

It was affcrted to be totally inconfiftent with the fpirit of the
conftitution, for in England a man charged with a crime, had a
right to be tried in the country in v/hich his offence was fuppo-
fcd to have been committed. " Juffice is regularly and impartially
adminiflercd in our court," fjid the Colonifts, " and yet by di-
rcftion of Parliameift, offenders are to be taken by force, toge-
ther with all fuch perfons as may be pointed out as witneffes>
ind carried to England, there to be tried in a dillant land, by a
jury of ftrangers, andlubjeclto all the diladvantages which refult
from want of friends, xvant of v/itncffcs, and want of money."

The Houfe of Burgcffes of Virginia met foon after official ac-
counts of the joint addreffes of Lords and Commons on this fub-
jcft reached America ; and in a few days after their meeting, paf-
fed refolutions expreffmg "their exclufive right to tax their con-
ftituents, and their right to petition their Sovereign for redrefs
of grievances, and the lawfulnefs of procuring the concurrence
ot the other Colonics in praying for the royal intcrpolition in
favour of the violated rights of America ; and that all trials for
treaton, or for any crime whatfoever, committsd in that Colony,

\'ol. I. 3 M

45& in STORY GF THE

ought to te before his Majefly's courts within the faid Colony %
and that the fei/ing any perfon refiding in the fiiid Colony, fuf-
pcfted of any crime whatfoever committed therein, and fending
fuch perfon to places beyond the fea to be tried, was highly dero-
gatory of the rights of Britifli fuhjcfts." The next day Lord
Botetourt, the governor of Virginia, fent for the Houfc of Bur-
geffes and addrefi'ed them as follows : " Mr. Speaker and gentle-
men of the Houfe of Burgeflcs, I have heard of your refolves,
nnd augur ill of their effefts. You have made it my duty to dif-
lolvc you, and you are diffolved accordingly."

The AITembly of North-Carolina adopted rcfoliitions, fimilarto
thofe of Virginia, for which Tyron their governor diffolved them.
The members of the Houfe of Burgeffes in Virginia, and of the
Ail'cmbly of North-Carolina^ after their diffolution, met as private
gentlemen, chofe their late fpeakers moderators, and adopted rc-
folutions againfi importing Britifli goods. The non-importation
agreement was in this manner forwarded by the very meafurcs
which were intended to curb the fpirit of American freedom,
from wliich it fprung. Meetings of the affociators were regu-
larly held in the various provinces. Committees were appointed
to examine all veffels arriving from Britain. Cenlures were freely
paffed on fuch aS refufed to concur in thefe aiYociations, and their
names publiflrcd in the ncwfpapers as enemies to their country.
The regular afts of the Provincial Affcmblies were not fo much
refpefted and obeyed as the decrees of thefe committees, the af-
fociations Were in general, as well obiervcd as could be expeCled,
notwithflanding there were fome collufions. The fear of mobs,
of public refcntment and contempt, co-operating with patriotifm,
preponderated over private intereft and convenience. One of
the importing merchants of Boflon, who hefuated in his compli-
ance with the determination of the inhabitants, was waited upon
by a committc of tradelmen, with an axeman and carpenter at
their head, who informed him, " that one thouiand men were
Avaltiug for his anfwer, and that if he refufed to complv, they
could not tell what might be the confcquence." He complied, and
the ncwfpapers foon after publiflred, that he did it voluntarily.

In Bofton, Lieut. Governor Hutchinfon endeavoured to pro-
mote a counter-allociation, but without effeft. The friends of
importation ohjcflcd, that till Parliament made provifion for the
]>\iniflrment of the confederacies againll importation, a counter-
nllociatiorr would anlwer no other purpolc, than to expofe the
alTocintnrs to popular rngo.

The Boftonians, about this time, went one flop rirthcr. -They
if -fliippcd croods to (ireat-Britain, inllcad of floring them as for-
inv^^,. 1 iiii u'as ieIol\'cd upon in a town meeting, on the infor-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 451

jnation of an inhabitant, who communicated a letter that he had
lately received from a Member of Parliament, in which it was
faid, " that fliipping back ten thoufand pounds worth of goods
would do mere than ftoring a hundred thouland." This turned
the fcale, and procured a majority of votes for rc-fhippiiig. Not
only in this, but in many other in fiances, the violences of the
Colonifts were foftcrcd by individuals in Great-Britain. A num-
ber of thcfe were in principle with the Americans, in denying the
right of Parliament to tax them, but others were more influenced
hy a fpirit of oppofition to the minifterial majority, than by a re-
gard to the conftitutional liberties of either country.

The non-importation agreement had now lafled i'ome time, and
by degrees had become general. Several of the colonial aCTcm-
blics had been diffolved, or prorogued, for allcrting the rights of
their couftituents. The royal governors, and other friends to an
American revenue, were chagrined. The Colonifts were irrita-
ted. Good men, both in England and America, deplored thcfc
untoward events, and beheld with concern an increafing ill hu-
mour between thofe, who were bound by interefl and aifeftion to
be friends to each other.

In confequence of the American non-Importation agreement,
founded in oppofition to the duties in 176-7, the manufafturers
of Great-Britain experienced a renewal of the diftreifes, which
followed the adoption of fimilar relblutions in the year 1765, the
repeal of thefe duties was therefore folicited by the fame influ-
ence, which had procured the repeal of the flamp aft. Tire
rulers of Great-Britain aftcd without decifion, Inftcad of per-
fevering in their own lyftem of coercion, or indeed in any onq
uniform fyftem of colonial government, they ftruck out a middle
line, embarraiTed with the confequences, both of fevcrity and of
lenity, and which was without the complete benefits of either.
Soon after the fpirited addrcfs to his Majcfty, lafl; mentioned,
had palfed both Houles of Parliament, alfuranccs were given for
repealing all the duties impoled in 1767, exceptiag that of three-
pence per pound on tea.

Anxious on the one hand to ellablifh parliamentary fupremacy
and on the other, afraid to ftem the torrent of oppofition, tljcy
conceded enough to awaken the former, and yet not enough to
fatisfy the latter. Had Great-Britain generoufly repealed the
whole, and for ever rellnqulflied all claim to the right, or even
the exercilc of the right of taxation, the union of the two coun-
tries might have lafled for ages. Had flic {'erloufly determined to
compel the fubmUflon of the Colonics, nothing could have been
inovQ unfriendly to this dchgn, than her repeated conccflions to

3 M 2

452 HISTORY OF THE

their reitcrat.-'d affociations. The dcxhrntnry aft, and the rcfer-
vation of the duty on tea, left the caufe of contention between the
two countries in full force ; but the former was only a claim ou
paper, and the latter might he evaded, by refufing to purchale
any tea on which the parliamentary tax was impofcd. The Co-
lonifls, therefore, conceiving that their commerce might be re-
newed, without eftablifhing any precedent injurious to their li-
berties, relaxed in their affociations, in every particular, except
tea, and immediately recommenced the impoi'tation of all other
articles of merchandile, A political calm once more took place.
The Parent State might now have clofed the difpute for ever,
and honourably receded, without a formal relinquifnment of her
claims. Neither the refervation of the duty on tea, by the Britifh
Parliament, nor the exceptions made by the Colonifts, of import-
ing no tea, on which a duty was impofed, would, if they had
been left to their own operation, have diflurbcd the returning
harmony of the tv/o countries. Without frcfli irritation, their
wounds might have healed, and not a fear been left behind.

Thefe two abortive attempts to raife a parliam.entarv revenue in
America, caufed a f.-rmentation in the minds of the Colonifts, and
gave birth to many inquiries refpefting their natural rights. Re-
fleftions and reafonings on this fubjeft produced a high fenfe of
liberty, and a general conviftion that there could be no iecurity
for their property, if they were to be taxed at the difcretion of a
Eritifh Parliament, in which they were unreprcfentcd, and over
which they had no controul. A determination not only to op-
pofe this new claim of taxatto;i, but to keep a ftrift watch, left it
might be eftabliil^ed in foiiie diiguifed form, took poffclhon o^
their minds.

It commonly happens in the difcuffion of doubtful claims be-:
tween ftates, that the gi-ound of the original dilpute infenfibly
changes. When the mind is employed in invefligating one iub_
jeft, others affociated with it, naturally prcfent themlelves. In
the courle of inquiries on the iubjeft of parliamentary taxation
the reftriftion on the trade of the Colonifts — the neceffity that
was impofed on them to purchafe Britifh and other manufattures,
loaded with their full proportion of all taxes paid by thof'e who
made or fold them, became more generally known. While Ame-
rican writers v/ere vindicating their country from the charge of
contributing nothing to the common expences of the empire, they-
were led to iet off to their credit, the diladvantage of their being
confined exclufively to purchafe fuch manufactures in Britain,
They inftiiuted calculations, by which they demonftrated that the
monopoly of their trade, drew from them greater fums for the
fupport of governmentj than were ufuallv paid by an equal num^-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 453

bcr of their fellow citizens of Great Britain; and that taxation,
fuperaddecl to fuch a monopoly, would leave them in a flate of
pcrfcft uncompenrated llavcry. The inveftigution of thefc fubjcfls
brought matters into view which the friends of union ouglit to
have kept out of fight. Thefc circumftanccs. together with the
cxtcnlive population of the Eaftcrn States, and their adventurous
fpirit of commerce, fuggefted to fomc bold fpirits, that not only
Britifli taxation, but Britifh navigation laws, were unfriendly to
the intcrefts of America. Speculations of this magnitude fuited
well with the cxtcnfivc views of fomc capital merchants, but ne-
ver would have roufcdthe bulk of the people, had not new matter
brought the difpute between the two cyuntries to a point, in
v/hich every individual was interefted.

On reviewing the conduct of the Britifli miniflry refpeftinc^ the
Colonics, much weakncfs as well as folly appears. For a fucccf,
fion of years there was a ftcady purfuit of American revenue but
great inconfiflence in the projcfts for obtaining it. In one moment
the Parliament was for enforcing their laws, the next for repeaL
ing them. Doing and undoing, menacing and fubmitting, flrain-
ing and relaxing, followed each other in alternate fuccefiion
The objeft of adminiftration, though twice relinquifhcd as to
prefent efficiency, was invariably purfued, but without any unity
of fyftem.

On the 9th of May, i']^<^, the King in his fpecch to Parlia.
mcnt highly applauded their hearty concurrence, in maintaining
the execution of the laws in every part of his dominions. Five
days after this fpeech, Lord Hillfborough, Secretary of State for
I be Colonics, wi-ote to Lord Botetourt, governor of Virginia:
'■'• I can take upon mc to affure you, notwithftandingii^ormationsto
the contrary, from men with faftious and feditious views, that
his Majcfly's prefent adminiftration have at no time entertained a
dcfign to propofc to Parliament to lay any farther taxes upon
America, for the purpofc of raifing a revenue, and that it is
at prefent their intention to propofe the next fefTion of Parlia-
ment, to take off the duties upon glafs, paper, and colours
■upon confideration of fuch duties having been laid contrary to
the true principles of commerce." The governor was alfo inform.-
ed, that " his Majcfty relied upon his prudence and fidelity, to
make fuch an explanation of his Majcfly's mcafurcs, as would
tend to remove prejudices, and to rc-eftablifli mutual confidence
and affcftion between the Mother Country and the Colonies."
In the exaft fpirit of his inflruftions, Lord Botetourt addrcfled
: he \'i:ginia Affenibly as follows: "It may pollibly be objcfted,
.fiat as his Majcfty's prefent adminiftration arc not immortal, their
iucccilors liity be inclined to attcnpt to undo what the pvcfcnt

454 HISTORY OF THE

ininifters fliall have attempted to perform, and to that objcaion I
can give but this anfwer, that it is my firm opinion that the plan
1 have ftatcd to you will certainly take place, that it will ne-
ver be departed from; and fo detemiined am I for ever to. abide
by it, that I will be content to be declared infamous, if I do not
to the lift hour of my life, at all times, in all places, and upon all
occ:.fions, exert every power, with which I cither am, or ever
fhall be legally invefted, in order to obtain and maintain for the
cont4i||;nt of America, that latisfadion which I have been autho.
rifed to promifc this day, by the confidential fervants of our
gracious Sovereign, who to my certain knowledge, rates his
honour fo high, that he would rather part with his Crown, than
preferve it by deceit."

Thefc affurances were received with tranfports of joy by the
Virginians. They viewed them as pledging his Majcfty for fe-
cunty, that the late defign for raifing a revenue in America was
abandoned, and nevc^r more to be refumed, The Affembly of
Virginia, in anfwer to Lord Rotctourt, cxprefTed themfclvcs
thus ; " We are fure our mofl gracious fovereign, under what-
ever changes may happen in his confidential fervants, will re-
Hiam immutable in the ways of truth and juftice, and that he is
incapable of deceiving his faithful fubjc6h; and we efteem your
Lordfhip's information rjot only as warranted, but even fanftified
by the royal word."

How far thefe folemn engagements with the Americans were
obferved, fubfequent events will demonftrate. In a perfect reli-
ance' on them, moft of the Colonifts returned to their ancient
habits of good humour, and flattered themfelves that no fu-
ture Parliament would undertake to give or grant away their
property.

Prom the royal and miniftcrial affurances given in favour of
America in the year 1769, and the fubfequent repeal in 1770, of
five fixths of the duties which had been impofed in 1767, toge-
ther with the confequent renewal of the mercantile intercourfe
between Great Britain and the Colonies, many hoped that the
contention between the two countries was finally clofed. In all
the provinces, excepting MafTachufetts, appearances feemcd to
favour that opinion. Many incidents operated there to the pre-
judice of that harmony, which had begun elfewhere to return.
"I'he ftationing a military force among them was a fruitful fource
of uuearuiers. 1 he royal army had been brought thither, with
the avowed defign of enforcing (ubmilTion to tlic Mother Coun-
try. Speeches from the throne, and ad<lrcires from both Houlcs
of Parli.nnent, ]iad taught them to look upon the inhabitants a^a
taaious, turbulent people, who aimed at throvving off all I'ubor-

AMERICAN P.EVOLUTiON, . 455

dination to Great Britain. They, on the other hand, were accuC.
tomed to look upon the foldiery as inftruments of tyranny, fcnt
on purpofc to dragoon them out of their hberties.

Reciprocal infults foured the tempers, and mutual injuries
embittered tlie paffions, of the oppohto parties : bcfidcs, fomc
fiery fpirits who thought it an indignity tb have troops quartered
imong them were, conilantly exciting the towns-people to quarrel
with the foldiers.

On the 2d of March, a fray took place near Mr. Gray's rope-
walk, between a private folder of the 29th regiment and an inha-
bitant. The former was fupported by his comrades, the latter bv
rhc ropemakers, till feveral on both fides were involved in the
confequences. On the 5th a more dreadful fcenc was prefented.
The foldiers, when under arm.s, were prcfTed upon, infulted, and
pelted, by a mob armed with clubs, fbicks, and fnowballs cover-
ing fhopes ; they were alfo dared to fire. In this fituation, one of
the foldiers who had received a blow, in refcntment fired at the
fuppofcd aggreffor. This was followed by a fingle difchargc from
Ux others. Three of the inhabitants were killed, and five were
i ingeroufly wounded. The town was immediately in commotion.
Such was the temper, force, and number of the inhabitants, that
nothing but an engagement to remove the troops out of the town,
together with the advice of moderate men, prevented the townf-
mcn from falling on the foldiers. The killed were buried in one
vault, and in a moft refpeftful manner, to exprefs the indignation
of the inhabitants at the flaughter of their brethren by foldiers
quartered among them, in violation of their civil liberties. Prefton
the captain who commanded, and the party which fired on the
inhabitants, were committed to jail, and afterwards tried. The
captain and fix of the men were acquitted. Two were brought in
guilty of manflaughter. It appeared on the trial, that the foldiers
v>'cre abufed, infulted, threatened, and pelted, before they fired.
It was alfo proved, that only feven guns were fired by the eio^ht
prifoners. Thefe circumfhances induced the jury to make a fa-
vourable vcrdift. The refult of the jtrial rcflefted great honour
pn John Adams and Jofiah Quincy, the council for the prifoners
and alfo on the integrity of the Jury, who ventured to give an
upright vcrdift, in defiance of popular opinions.

The events of this tragical night funk deep in the minds of the
people, and were made fubfcrvient to important purpofes. The
anniverfary of it was <-)blerved with great folemnity. Eloquent
orators were fuccc(hvcly employed to deliver an annual oration,
to prcfcrve the remembrance of it frelh in their minds. On thefc
Gccafions the blefiings of liberty — the horrors of flavcry — the
dangers of «l (landing army — the rights of the CclonieSj and a

45^ HISTORY OF THE

variety of fuch topics were prefented to the public view, under
their moft plcsfing and alarming form?. Thcfe annual orations ad-
miniilered fuel to the fire of liberty, and kept it burning with an
{nccflant flame.

The obflacles to returning harmony, which have already been
mentioned, were increafed, by making the governor and judges
in Mafrachufetts independent of the province. Formerly, they
had been paid by yearly grants from the Affembly, but about this
time provifion was made for paying their falaries by the crown.
This was refented as a dangerous innovation, as an infraftion of
their charters, and as deftroying that balance of power which is
cficntial to free governments. That the Crown fhould pay the
falary of the chief juflice, was reprefented by the Aflembly, as a
fpecics of bribery, tending to bias his judicial determinations.
They made it the foundation for impeaching Mr. Juftice Oliver,
before the Governor, but he excepted to their proceedings as un-
conftitutional. The Aflembly, neverthclefs, gained two points;
they rendered the governor more odious to the inhabitants, and
increafed the public refpeO; for themfelves, as the counterpart of
the BritiHi Iloufe of Commons, and as guardians of the rights of
the people.

A perfonal animofitv between Lieut, Governor Hutchinfon and
fome diftinguifhed patriots in Maflachufctts, contributed to per.
petuate a flame of difcontent in that province after it had clfe-
where vifibly abated. This was worked up, in the year 1773, to
a high pitch, by a lingular combination of circumflances. Some
letters had been written in the courfe of the difpute, by Gover-
nor Hutchinfon, Lieut. Gox'ernor Oliver, and others, in Bofton,
to perfons in power and office in E-ngland, which contained a very
unfavourable reprefentation of the ft;ate of public affairs, and
tended to flicw the neceflity of coercive meafures, and of chang-
ing the chartered fyflem of government, to fecurc the obedience
of the province. Thefe letters fell into the hands of Dr Frank-
lin, agent of the province, who tranfmittcd them to Bofton. The
indignation and animofity which was excited on the receipt of
tliis, knew no bounds. The Houfe of Aflembly agreed on a pe-
tition and remonfl;rance to his Majefty, in •which they charged
their Governor and Lieut. Governor with being betrayers of
their trufls and of the people they governed, and of giving pri-
vate, partial, and falfe information. They alfo, Jan. 29, 1774
declared them enemies to the Colonics, and prayed for juftice.
againil them, and for their fprcdy removal from their places,
Thcfe charges were carried tbrougli by a majority of e'ghty-lwo
to twelve.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 457

This petition and remonflrance being tranfmitted to England,
the metits of it were difcuffed before his Majefty's privy-coun-
cil. After an hearing before that board, in which Dr. Franklin
reprefcnted the province of MalTachufetts, the Governor and
Lieut. Governor were acquitted. Mr. Weddcrburne, who de-
fended the accufed royal fervants, in the courfe of his pleadings,
inveighed againfl Dr. Franklin in the fevered language, as the
fomenter of the difputes between the two countries. It was no
protection to this venerable fage, that being the agent of Maffa.
chufetts, he conceived it his duty to inform his conftituents of
letters written on public affairs, calculated to overturn their char_
tered conftitution. The age, refpeftability, and high literary cha-
rafter of the fubjeft of Mr. Wedderburne's philippic, turned the
attention of the public on the tranfaftion. The infult offered to
one of their public agents, and eipccially to one who was both
the idol and ornament of his native country, funk deep in the
minds of the Americans. That a faithful fervant, whom they
loved and almoft ado ed, fhould be infulted for difcharging his
official duty, rankled in their hearts. Dr. Franklin was alfo im-
mediately difmilfed from the office of deputy poft-mafler general,
which he held under the crown. It was not only .by his tranf-
miffion of thefe letters that he had given offence to the Britifh
rainiftry, but by his popular writings in favour of America. Two
pieces of his, in particular, had lately attrafted a large fliare of
public attention, and had an extenfive influence on both fides the
Atlantic. The one purported to be an edi£t from the king of
Pruflia, for taxing the inhabitants of Great-Britain, as defcendants
of emigrants from his dominions. The other was entitled, " Rules
for reducing a great empire to a fmall one." In both thefe he
had expofcd the claims of the Mother-Country, and the proceed-
ings of the Britifh miniftry, with the feverity of poignant fatire.

For ten years there had now been but little intermiffion to the
difputes between Great-Britain and her colonics. Their refnec-
tlve claims had never been compromifed on middle ground. The
calm 'which followed the repeal of the ftanip aft, was in a few
months difturbedby the revenue aft of the year 1767. The tran-
quillity which followed the repeal of five fixths of that aft in the
year 1770, was nothing more than a truce. The rcfervation of
the duty on tea, made as an avowed evidence of the claims of
Great-Britain to tax her colonies, kept alive the jealoufy of the
colonifts, while at the fame time the ftationing of a (landing army
in MalTachufetts — the continuance of a board of commiffioners in
Bofton — the conftituting the governors and judges of that pro-
vince independent of the people, were conftant fources of irrita-
tion. The altercations which, at this period, were common be-

Vol. I. 3 N

4^8 niS TORY OF TllE

twecn the royal governors and the principal afTcmblics, toorethe/
with numerous vindications of the claims of America, made the
I'ubjecl familiar to the colonifts.^ The ground of the controverfy
Xvas canvaflfed in every company. The more the Americans read,
rcafoncd, and converfed on the fubjeft, the more were they con-
vinced of their right to the exclufivc difpofal of their property.
This was followed by a determination to refill all encroachments
on that palladium of Britifh liberty. They were as (Irongly con-
vinced of their right to rcfufe and refill parliamentary taxation, as
the ruling powers of Great-Britain, of their right to demand anci
enforce their fubmifilon to it.

The claims of the two countries being thus irreconcileably op-
pofed to each other, the partial calm which followed the concef-
fion of Parliament in 1770, was liable to dillurbanee from every
incident. Under fueh circumllances, nothing lefs than the moft
guarded conduft on both fides could prevent a renewal of the
controverfy. Inflcad of following thofe prudential mcafures
which wovild have kept the ground of the difpute out of fight
an impolitic fcheme was concerted between the Britifh miniftry
and the Eaft-India Company, which placed the claims of Great-
Britain and of her colonies in hoflile array againfl each other.

Matters were now ripe for the utmofl extremities on the part
of the Americans; and they were brought on in the following
manner : Though the colonills had entered into a non-importation
agreement againfl tea, as well as all other commodities from Bri-
tain, it had neverthclcfs found its way into America, though in
fmallcr quantities than before. This was fenfibly felt by the
Eall-India Company, who had now agreed to pay a large fum
annually to government ; in recompence for which compliance,
and to make up their lofles in other refpefts, they were empower-
ed to export their tea from any duty payable in Britain ; and in
confcquence of this permiffion, fevcral fliips freighted with the
commodity were fcnt to North-America, and proper agents ap-
])i.inl,ed for difpofing of it. The Americans now perceiving that
the tax was thus likely to be enforced whether they would or
not, determined to take every pofhble method to prevent the tea
from bcino landed, as well knowing that it would be impofTiblc to
liinder the fale, fhould the commodity once be brought on fhore.
For this purpofc the people aflembled in great numbers, forcing
thoic to whom the tea was configned to refign their offices, and to
promife folemnly never to refume them ; and committees were ap-
poir.tv^d to eximine the accounts of merchants, and make public
icll?, declaring fuchas would not take them enemies totheir coun-
tiy. Nor was this beh.aviour confined to the colony of Mafla-
chuffi-tV; B:iy; the rell of the provinces entered into the conteft

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 459

with the fame warmth, and manifcfted the fame rcfolution to
oppofe the mother-country.

In the midft of this confufion three fiiips laden with tea arrived
at Bofton ; but fo much were the captains alarmed at the dilpofi-
tion which fecmcd to prevail among the pcoj>le, that they ofTorcd,
providing they could obtain the proper difcharges from the tea-
confignees, cuftom-houlc, and governor, to return to Britain
without landing their cargoes. The parties concerned, however,
though they durll not order tl>e tea to be landed, rcfufed to
grant the difcharges required. The fhips, therefore, would have
been obliged to remain in the harbour; but the people, apprc-
hcnfive that if they remained there the tea would hz landed in
fmall quantities, and difpofed of in fpite of every endeavour to
prevent it, refolved to deflroy it at once. This refolution vvas
executed with equal fpeed and fccrccy. The very evening after
the above-mentioned difcharges had been refuled, a number of
people drelfed like Mohawk Indians, boarded the fliips, and
threw into the fea their whole cargoes, confifhing of three hun-
dred and forty-two chefts of tea ; after which they retired with-
out making any further diflurbance, or doing any more damage.
No tea was deftroyed in other places, though the fame fpirit was
every where manifefled. At Philadelphia the pilots were en-
joined not to conduft tlie veffels up the river ; and at New- York,
though the governor caufed fome tea to be landed under the
protcftion of a man of war, he was obliged to deliver it up to the
cuftody of the people, to prevent its being fold.

The deflruftion of the tea at Bofton, whicli happened in No-
vember 1773, was the immediate prelude to the difafters attending
civil dilcord. Government finding themfelves every where in-
fulted and dcfpifed, refolved to enforce their authority by all pof-
fible means ; and as Bofton had been the principal fccne of the
riots and outrages, it was determined to punifli that city in an
exemplary manner. Parliament was acquainted by a mefi'age from
his Majefty with the undutiful behaviour of the city of Bofton,
as well as of all the colonies, recommending at the fame time the
moft vigorous and fpirited exertions to reduce them to obedience.
The parliament in its addrefs promifcd a ready compliance ; and
indeed the Americans, by their fpirited behaviour, had now
loft many of their partifans. It was propofed to lay a fine on the
town of Bofton equal to the price of the tea which had been
deftroyed, and to Ihut up its port by armed vcifcls until the re-
fraftory ipirit of the inhabitants fnouldbe iubdued ; which it was
thought muft quickly yield, as a total ftop would thus be put to
their trade. The bill was ftrongly oppofed on the fame grounds

3 N 2

4^0 HISTORY OF THE

that the other had been ; and it was predifted, that inflead of
having nny tendency to reconcile or fubdue the Americans it
■would infallibly exafperate them beyond any pofTibility of recon-
ciliation. The petitions againft it, prcfentcd by the colony's
agent, pointed out ftlie fame confequences in the ftrongeft terms,
and in the mofl politive manner declared that the Americans ne-
ver would fubmit to it ; but fuch was the infatuation attending
every rank and degree of men, that it never was imagined the
Americans would dare to reiifc the parent (late openly, but in
the end would fubmit implicitly to her commands. In this con-
fidence a third bill was propofed for the impartial adminiflration
of jullice on fuch perfons as might be employed in the fuppref-
fion of riots and tumult? in the province of Maflachufetts Bay.
By this aft it was provided, that fhould any perfons afting in that
capacity be indifted for murder, and not able to obtain a fair
trial in the province, they might be fent by the governor to
England, or to fome other colony, if ncccflary, to be tried for the
fuppofed crime.

Thefe three bills 1-uving palled fo eafily, the miniflry propofed
a fourth, relative to the government of Canada ; wjiich, it was
faid, had not been fettled on any proper plan. By this bill the
extent of that province was greatly enlarged ; its affairs were put
under the dircftionof a council, in which Roman Catholics were
to be admitted ; the Roman Catholic clergy were fecured in their
poirefTions, and the ufual peiquifites from thofe of their own
profeflion. The council above mentioned were to be appointed
by the crown, to be removcable at its pleafure ; and to be inveft-
ed with every legiflative power, excepting that of taxation.

No fooner were thefe laws made known in America, than they
cemented the union of the colonies beyond any pofTibility of
diffolving it. The affcmbly of Maffachufetts Bay had palled a
vote againft the judges accepting falari^s from the crown, and
put tiie queilion, Whether they would accept them as ufual
from the general affembly ? Four anfwered in the affirmative ;
but Peter Oliver the chief-juflice refufed. A petition againft
him, and an accufaticn, were brought before the governor ; but
the latter refufed the accufation, and declined to interfere in the
matter ; but as they ftill infiftcd for what they called juftice
againft Mr, Oliver, the governor thought proj^er to put an end
to the matter by diffolving the affembly.

In this fituation of affairs a new alarm was occafioned by the
news of the port-bill. This had been totally uncxpefted, and
was received with the moft extravagant exprefTions of dilpleafure
among the populace ; and while thefe continued, the new gover-
nor, General Gage, arrived from England, He had been chofeu

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 461

J this office on account of his being well acquainted in Ameri-
ca, and generally agreeable to the people ; but human wif-
dom could not now point out a method by which the flame could
be allayed. The firflaft of his office as governor was to remove
the affembly to Salem, a town feventeen miles diftant, in con-
fequence of the late a£l. When this was intimated to the aifem-
bly, they replied by requefting him to appoint a day of public
humiliation for deprecating the wrath of heaven, but met with
a refufal. When met at Salem, they paffed a refolution, declar-
ing the neceihty of a general congrefs compofed of delegates from
all the provinces, in order to take the affairs of the colonies at
large into confideration ; and five gentlemen, remarkable for
their oppofition to the Britifh meafures, were chofen to reprefent
that of Maffachufetts Bay. They then proceeded with all expe-
dition to draw up a declaration, containing a detail of the griev-
ances they laboured under, and the neceffity of exerting them-
felves againfl lawlefs power ; they fet forth the difregard fnown
io their petitions, and the attempts of Great-Britain to deftroy
their ancient conftitution ; and concluded with exhorting the
inhabitants of the colony to obflrufl, by every method in their
power, fuch evil defigns, recommending at the fame time a total
renunciation of every thing imported from Great-Britain till a
redrefs of grievances could be procured.

Intelligence of this declaration was carried to the governor on
the very day that it was completed ; on which he dilfolved the
affembly. This was followed by an addrefs from the inhabitants
of Salem in favour of thofe of Bofton, and concluding with thefe
remarkable woi<!^ : " By fliutting up the port of Bofton, fome
imagine that the courfe of trade might be turned hither, and to
our benefit ; but nature, in the formation of our harbour, forbids
our becoming rivals in commerce with that convenient mart ;
and were it otherwifc, we mud be dead to every idea of juftice,
iofl to all feelings of humanity, could we indulge one thought
to feize on wealth, and raile our fortunes on the ruin of our fuf-
fering neighbours."

It had been fondly hoped by the minifterial party at home, that
the advantages which other towns of the colony might derive
from the annihilation of the trade of Bofton would make them
readily acquiefce in the meafure of fliutting up that port, and
rather rejoice in it than otherwife ; but the words of the addrefs
above mentioned feemed to preclude all hope of this kind; andfubfe-
quent tranfaftions loon m.anifefted it to be totally vain. No
fooner did intelligence arrive of the remaining bills paffed in the
Icffion of 1774, than the caufe of Bofton became the caufe of all
the colonies. The port-bill had already occafioned violent com-

462 HISTORY OF THE

motions throughout them all. It had been reprobated in provin-
cial meetings, and refiftance even to the laft had been recommend-
ed againfl; luch opprelTion. In Virginia, the ill of June, the
day on which the port of Bofton was to be fl-iut up, was held as
a day of humiliation, and a public interceffion in favour of Ame-
rica was enjoined. The ftyle of the prayer enjoined at this time
was, that " God would give the people one heart and one mind
firmly to oppofe every invafion of the American rights." The
Virginians, however, did not content themfclves with a6ls of
religion. They recommended in the ftrongcft; manner a general
congrels of all the colonies, as fully pcrfuaded that an attempt to
tax any colony in an arbitrary manner was in reality an attack
upon the whole, and muft ultimately end in the ruin of them
all.

The provinces of New-York and Pennfylvania, however,
were leis fanguine than the reft, being fo clofely conncfted in
the way of trade with Great-Britain, that the giving it up en-
tirely appeared a matter of the moft ferious magnitude, and not
to be thought of but after every other method had failed. The
intelligence of the remaining bills refpe£ling Bofton, however,
fpread a frefh alarm throughout the continent, and fixed thofe
who had Teemed to be the mod wavering. The propolal of
giving up all commerical intercourfe with Britain was again pro-
pofed ; contributions for the inhabitants of Bofton were raifed
in every quarter; and they every day received addreffes com-
mending them for the heroic courage with which they fuftained
their calamity.

The Boftonians on their part were not wanting in their endeavour^
to promote the general caufc. An agreement was framed, which,
in imitation of form.er times, th(»v called a Solemn League and
Covenant. By this the fubfcribers moft religioufly bound them-
fclves to break off all communication with Britain after the month
of Auguft enfuing, until the obix>xious afts were repealed ; at
the fame time they engaged neither to purchafe nor ufe any
goods imported after that time, and to renounce all connexion
with thole who did, or who refufed to fubfcribe to this covenant;
threatening to publifli the names of the refraftory, which at this
time was a punifhment by no means to be defpilcd. Agreements
of a fnnilar kind were almoft inftantaneouily entered into through,
out all America. General Gage indeed attempted to counteraft
the covenant by a proclamation, wherein it was declared an ille-
gal and traiterous combination, threatening with the pains of law
luch as fubfcribed or countenanced it. But matters were too far
gone for his proclamation to have any efFeft. The Americans
retorted the charge of illegality on his own proclamation, and in-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 463

iilled that the law allowed fubjefts to meet in order to confidef
of their grievances, and aflociate for relief from opprclTion.

Preparations Were now made for holding the general congrefs
fo often propofed. Philadelphia, as being the moil centrical and
confiderable town, was pitched upon for the place of its meet-
ing. The delegates of whom it was to be compofed were chofcn
by the rcprclcntativcs of each province, and were in number
from two to leven for each colony, though no privince had
more than one vote. The firft congrefs which met at Philadel-
phia, in the beginning of September 1774, confifled of fifty-
one delegates. The novelty and importance of the meeting ex-
cited an univerial attention; and their tranfaftiojis were iuch aS
could not but tend to render them relpeftable.

The firft aft of congrels was an approbation of the conduft of
Malfachufctts Bay, and an exhortation to continue in the fame
fpirit with which they had begun. Supplies for. the fuflFering
inhabitants, whom indeed the operation of the port-bill had re-
duced to great diftrefs, were llrongly recommended ; and it was
declared, that in cafe of attempts to enforce the obnoxious afts by
arms, all America fhould join to alTifl the town of Bofton; and
fiiould tlic inhabitants be obliged, during the courfe of hoftilities^
to remove farther up the country, the lolfcs they might fuilain
flrould be repaired at the public expencc.

They next addrefTcd General Gage by letter; in which, hav-
ing flated the grievances of the people of Mafl'achufetts colony,
they informed him of the fixed and unalterable determination of
all the other provinces to iupport their brcthcrn, and to oppofe
the Britifh afts of parliament; that tliey themfelves Avere ap_
pointed to watch over the liberties of America ; and intreated
him to difift from military operations, left fuch hoftilities might
be brought on as would fruftrate all hopes of reconciliation with
the parent ilate.

The next ftep was to publilli the following declaration of
Uieir rights.

Declaration of Rights.

The good people of the fcvcral Colonies of Ncw-IIamfhire,
Mafiachufetts-Bay, Rhode-Hland, and Providence Plantations,
Connefticut, New-York New-Jerlcy, Pcnnlylvania, Newcaflle,
Kent, and SulTcx on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Caro-
liiia, and South Carolina, alarm-ed at the arbitrary proceedings qf
the Britifh Parliament and Adminiftration, having fevcrally eleft-
cd deputies to meet and fit in General Congrels in the city of
Philadelphia, and thofc deputies fo chofcn being affembled on
ihe 5th day of Senlcuiber, after fettling fcveral nccellary preli-

464 HISTORY OF THE

minaries, proceeded to take into their mofl Icrious confiderstion
tlie beft means of attaining the redrefs of grievances. In the Fn f t
place, they, as Englifhmen, {and as their anccftors, in like calts,
have ufujlly done, for alferting and vindicating their rights and
liberties,) declare. ^

Tliat the inhabitants of the Englifh Colonies in North Ame-
rica, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the En-
glifh Confhitution, and the fevcral Charters or Compafts, have
the following rights: —

Refolved, nem. con. 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty,
and property; and have never ceded, to any lovereign power
whatever, a light to difpofe of either without their confent.

Refolved, n. c. 2. That our anceftors were, at the time of their
emigration from the Mother-Country, entitled to all the rights,
liberties, and immunities, of free and natural-born fubjcfts with-
in the realm of England.

Refolved, n. c. 3. That, by fuch emigration, they neither for-
feited, furrendered, nor loft, any of thofe rights.

Refolved, n. c. 4. That the foundation of Engliflr liberty, and
of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in
their Legiflative Council ; and as the Englifh Colonills are not
reprefented, and, from their local and other circumllances, can-
not properly be reprefented in the Britifli Parliament, they are
entitled to a free and exclufive power of legiflation, in their feve-
ral Provincial Legiflatures, where their right of reprefentation
can only be preferved, in all cafes of taxation and internal polity,
fubjeft only to the negative of their Sovereign, in fuch manner
as has been heretofore ufed and accullomed : but, from the ne-
cefiity of the cafe, and a regard to the mutual interefls of both
countries, we chearfully confent to the operation of fuch Afts of
the Britifh Parliament as are, bonna Jcde, reftraiucd to the regu-
lation of our external commerce, for the purpofe of fecuring the
commercial advantages of the whole Empire to the Mother-Coun-
try, and the commercial benefits of its refpe£live members, ex-
cluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raifing a
revenue, on the fubjsfts in America without their confent.

Refolved, n. c, 5. That the relpeftive Colonies are intitled to
the Common Law of England, and more cfpecially, to the great
and ineftimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vi-
cinage, according to the courfc of that law.

Pvcfolved, 6. That they are entitled to the benefit of fuch of
the Englifh Statutes as cxilled ;it the time of their colonization,
and which they have, by experience, refpeftively found to be
applicable to their fevcral local and other circumflances.

A M ERIC AN RE VO LUTIO N. 465

Refolvcd, n. c. 7. That thefc his Majcdy's Colonics, are like-
wife entitled to all the immunities and privileges, granted and
confirmed to them by Royal Charters, or Iccured by their ieveral
codes of Provincial Law's.

Refolvcd, n. c. 8. That they have a right peaceably to aflemblc,
confider of their grievances, and petition the King: and that all
profecutiods, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for
the fame, are illegal.

Relolved, n. c. 9. That the keeping a fhanding army in thefe
Colonies, in time of peace, without the confent of the legiflature
of that colony in which fuch army is- kept, is againfk law.

Refolved, n. c. id. It is indilpenfibly necclfary to good go-
vernment, and rendered effential by the Englifl:i Conftitution
that the conflitueht branches of the legiflature be independent of
each other; that, therefore, the exercile of legilLtive power, in
ieveral Colonies, by a Council appointed during pleafure by the
Crown, is unconftitutional, dangerous, and deflruftive to the
freedom of American legiilation.

All and each of which, the aforefaid Deputies, in behalf of
themlelves and their conflituents, do claim, demand, and infifl
on, as their indubitable rights aiad liberties, which cannot be le-
gally taken from them, altered or abridged by any power what,
ever, without their o\vn confent, by their Reprelentatives in
their fevcral provincial legiilatures.

Refolved, n. c. That the following A6ls of Parliament are in-
fringements and violations of the rights of the Colonifhs: and
that the repeal of them is eflcntially necelTary, in order to rc-
ftore harmony betv/een Great-Britain and the American colonies,
viz.

The fevcral Acts of 4 Geo. III. ch. 15. and. ch. 34. — 5 Geo.
III. ch. 25. — 6 Geo. III. ch. 5?. — 7 Geo. III. ch. 41. and ch.
46. — 8 Geo. III. ch. 22. which impofe duties for the purpofe of
raifing a revenue in America, extend the powers of the Admi-
ralty Courts beyond their ancient limits, deprive the American
fubjcft of trial by Jury, authorife the Judges' certificate to in-
demnify the profecutor from damages that he might otherwifc be
liable to, requiring oppreffive fecurity from a claimant of fhips
and goods fcized, befoic he fliall be allowed to defend his pro-
perty, and are fubverfive of American rights.

Alfo 12 Geo. III. ch. 24. intituled, " An A61 for the better le-
curing his NLijcfty's dock-yards, magazines, fhips, ammwnition,
and flores;" which declares a new offence in America, and de-
prives the American fubjefls of a conflitutional trial by Jury of
the vicinage, by authorifing the trial of any perfon charged with

Voi. I. 3 O

466 ni STORY OF THE

the committing any ofFcnce dcfcribcd in the faid Acl out of tliff
rciilm, to be indiftcd and tried for the lame in any fiiire or coun-
ty within the realm.

Alio the three Afts palled in the lafl SefTion of Parliament, for
flopping the port and blocking up the harbour of Bofcon, for al-
tering the charter and government of Maflachufetts-Bay, and that
\vhich is intituled, " An A£t for the better adminiftration of
juftice, &c."

Alio the Aft paffed in the fame Scflion for eftablifhing the
Roman Catholic religion in the Province of Quebec, abolifhing
the equitable fyftem of Englifli laws, andercfting a tyranny there,
to the great danger, from fo total a diflimilarity of religion, law,
antl government, of the neighbouring Britifh Colonies, by the
alTidanco of whole blood and treafure the faid country was con-
quered from France.

Alio the Aft paffed in the fame SeflTion for the better provid-
ing luitab'lc quarters for officers and foldiers in his Majefty's fer- .
vice in North-America.

Refolved, That this Congrefs do approve of the oppofition
made by the inhabitants of the Maffachufetts-Bay, to the execu-
tion of the faid kte Afts of Parliament ; and if the fame fhall be
attempted to be carried into execution by force, in fuch cafe, all
America ought to fupport them in their oppofition.

Refolved, That the removal of the people of Bofton into the
country, would be not only extremely difficult in the execution
but fo important in its conlequcnces, as to require the utmoft de-
liberation before it is adopted. But in cafe the Provincial Meet-
ing of that Colony fliall judge it ahJolu.te.ly neccffary, it is the opini-
on of this Coijgrefs, that all America ought to contribute towards
recorapenfing them for the injury they may thereby fuftain.

Rclolved, That this Congrefs do recommend to the inhabitants
of MafT.ichuietts-Bay, to fubmit to a fufpcnfton of the adminiftra.
tion of juftice, where it cannot be procured in a legal and peace-
able manner, under the rules of the charier, and the laws founded
thereon, until the effcfts of our application for the repeal of
the Afts by whith their charter-rights are infringed, is known.

Relolved unanimoufly. That every perfon who fliall take, ac-
cept, or att under any commiffion or authority, in any wife de-
rived froiu the aft palfed in the lafl: Seffion of Parliament, chang. ,
ing the form of Government, and violating the charter of the
province of Maffachuictts-Bay, ought to be held in deteflation.
and confidcrcd as the wicked tool of that defpotifm which is
preparing to dcflroy thofe rights which God, nature, and com-
paft, hath given to America.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 467

Refolved unanimotifly, that the people of Bofton and the Maf-
fachul'etts-bay, be advifcd ftill to conduft themlolvcs poiccably
towards his Excellency General Gage, and his Majefty's troops
now ftation-ed in the town of Bofton, as far as can poJTibly con-
fift with their immediate fafety and the fecuritv of the town;
avoiding and difcouutenancing every violation of his IVLijefty's
property, or any infult to his troops; and that they peaceably and
firmly perfevere in the line in which they arc i:ow conducing
themfelves on the defenfive.

Refolved, That the feizing, or attempting to feize, any perfon
in America, in order to tranfport fuch perfon beyond the fea, for
trial of offeaces, committed within the body of a county in Ame-
rica, being againfl law, will jufhify, and ought to meet with re-
fiftance and rcprifai.

A copy of a letter to General Gage was brought into Congrefs,
and, agreeable to order, figned by the Prefident, and is as fal-
lows :

Philaddplna^ Oct. 10, 1774.
''Sir,

" The inhabitants of the town of Bofton have informed us th^
Reprefentatives of his Majefty's faithful fubjefts in all the Co-
lonies from Nova-Scotia to Georgia, that the fortifications ereft-
ing within that town, the frequent invafions of private property,
and the repeated infults they receive from the foldicrv, hath piven
them great realbn to fufpefl; a plan is formed very diflruftive to
them, and tending to overthrow the liberties of America.

" Your Exellency cannot be a ftranger to the fentiments of Ame-
rica with refpeft to the late Afts of Parliament, under the execu-
tion of wliich thofe unhappy people are opprcil'cd; the approba.
tion univerfally expreffed of their condufl, and the determined
refolution of the Colonies, for the prefervation of their Common
Rights, to unite in their oppofition to thofe Afts. In confequence
of thefe fentiments, they have appointed us the guardians of their
rights and liberties, and we are under the dcepeft concern, that,
whilfl we are purfuing every dutiful and peaceable mcafurc, to
procure a cordial and effeftual reconciliation between Great Bii-
tain and the Colonics, your Excellency fliould proceed in a man.
ner that bears fo hoftile an appearance, and which even thofe op.
prcfTive Afts do not warrant.

We entreat your Excellency to confidcr, what tendency this
conduQ; mufl; have to irritate and force a people, however
well difpofed to peaceable meafures, into hoflilities, which may
prevent the endeavours of this Congrefs to reftore a good under-
flanding with a Parent State, and may involve us in the horrors
of a civil wart 3 O 3

468 HISTORY OF THE

" In order therefore to quiet the minds, and remove the reafon-:
able jealoufies of the people, that the)' may not be driven to a ftate
ai dcfperation, being fully pcrfuaded of their p:irific dilpontion
towards the King's troops, could they be affurcd of their own
fifetv; we hope, Sir, you will dilcontiniie the fortifications in and
about Bofton, prevent any further invafions of private property
reftiain the irregularities of the foldiers, and give orders that the
communications between that town and country may be open,
unmolcftcd, and free.

'• Signed, by order and in behalf of the General Congrefs,

PEYTON RANDOLPH, Prehdent."

Thev further dechrea in favour of a non-import?.tion and non-
confumption of Britifh goods until the atls were repealed by
which duties were inpofed upon tea, coffee, wine, lugar, and mor
lafles, imported into America, as well as the Bofton port-acl, and
the three others paffed in the preceding feffion of parlia:ncnt.
The new regulations againfl tlie importation and confumption Of
Britifli commodities were then drawn up with great lolemnitv;
and they concluded v/ith returning the warmcil thanks to thofe
members of parliament wlio had with fo much zeal, though with-
out anv fuccef?, oppoied the obnoxious acls of parliament.

Their next proceedings where to frame a petition to the King,
an addrefs to the Britifli nation, and another to the colonies; al^
of which where fo, mnch in the ulual flrain of American language
for fome time paft, that it is needlefs to enter into any particular
account of them. It is futTicient to lay that thev were all drawn
up in a mafterly manner, and ought to have imprcll'ed the people
of this country with a more favourable idea of the Americans
than they could at that tim.e be induced to entertain.

All this time the dilpofition of the people had correfpondecl
with the warmefl wifhes of Congrefs. T\\c firfl of June had been
kept as a faft, not only throughout Virginia, where it was firft
propofed, but through the whole continent. Contributions for
the diftreffes of Boll;on had been railed throughout America, and
people of all ranks feemed to be particularly touched with them*.
Even thofe who feemed to be mofl likely to derive advantages
from them took no opportunity, as has been already inftanced in
the cafe of Salem. The inhabitants of Marble-head alfo fliewed a
noble example of magnanimity in the prefent caie. Though fitu.
atcd in the neighbourhood of Bofton, and mofl likely to derive
benefit from their diftrefTes, they did not attempt to take any
advantage, but gcnerouflv offered the ufe of their harbour to the
Boflonians, as well as their wharfs and warelioufes, free of all
expence. In the mean time the Britifli forces at Bollon were

AMERICAN revolution: 469

continually incrcafing in number, which greatly augmented the
general jealoufy and difaffcftion ; the country were ready to rife
at a moment's warning; and the experiment was made by giving
a falfe alarm that the communication between the town and coun_
try was to be cut off, in order to reduce the former by famine to
a compliance with the a£ls of Parliament, On this intelligence
the country people allembled in great numbers, and could not be
fatisfied till they had fent meffengcrs into the city to enquire into
the truth of the report. Thcic meffengcrs were enjoined to in_
form the town's people, that if they fliould be fo puilUanimous
as to make a furrendcr of their liberties, the province would
not^^thifik itfelf bound by fuch examples; and that Britain, by
breaking their original charter, had annulled the contraft fub-
fifting between them, and left them to aft as they thought
proper.

Tlic people in every other rcfpeft manifefled their inflexible
determination to adhere to the plan they had lo long followed,
'1 he new counlcUors and judges were obliged to refign their
offices, in order to prelerve their lives and properties from the
fury of the multitude. In fome places they fhut up the avenues
to the court-houfes ; and when required to make way for the
judges, replied, that they knew of none but fuch as were ap-
pointed by the ancient ulage and cuflom of the province. Every
where they nianifefted the mod ardent defire of learning the ar^
of war; and every individual who could bear arms, was moll al_
fiduous in procuring them, and learning their exercife.

Matters at laft proceeded to fuch an height, that General Caere
bought proper to fortify the neck of land, which joins the town
of Bofton to the continent. This, though undoubtedly a pru-
dent mealure in his fituation, was exclaimed againft by the Ame-
licans in the moft vehement manner ; but the General, inflead of
giving ear to their remonftranccs, deprived them of all power of
pfting ngainft himfelf, by feizing the provincial powder, amuni«
tion. and military (lores, at Cambridge and Charleflown. This
excited fuch indignation, that it was with the utnioll difficulty
the people could be reftrained from marching to Bofton and at-
tacking the troops. Even in the town itfelf, the company of
cadets that ufcd to attend him difDanded t'nemfelves and return-
ed the ftandai'd, he had as ufual prelentcd them with on his ac-
ccffvon to the government. This was occafioncd by his having de-
prived the celebrated John Hancock, afterwards prelidcnt of the
ongrefs, of his cornmifiion as colonel of the cadets. A fimilar
'.Itance happened of a provincial colonel having accepted a feat
n the nev.' council; upon which twcrity-four officers of his rc-
rimcnt rcfigncd their commiirions in one day.

470 HISTORY OF THE

In the mean time a meeting was held of the principal inhabi.
tants of the towns adjacent to Boflon. The purport of this was
publicly to renounce all obedience to the late afts of parliament
and to form an engagement to indemnify fuch as fhould be pro-
fecuted on that account ; the members of the new council were
declared vioiaters of the rights of their country ; ail ranks and der
grees were exhorted to learn the ufe of arms ; and the receivers
of the public revenue were ordered not to deliver it Into the
treafury, but retain it in their own hands till the conflitution
fhould be refhored, or a provincial congrel's difpofe of it other-
wife.

A remonflrance againfl the fortifications on Boflon Neck was
next prepared ; in which, however, they ftill pretended their
unwillingnefs to proceed to any hoftile meafurcs ; aflferting only
as ufual their firm determination not to fubmit to the afts of par^
liament they had already io much complained of. The Gover-
nor, to reftore tranquility, if pofTible. called a general aflembly ;
but fo many of the council had refigned their feats, that he was
induced to countermand its fitting by proclamation. This mea-
fure, however, was deemed illegal •, the alfembly met at Salem ;
and after waiting a day for the Governor, voted themfelves into
a provovincial congrels, of which Mr. Hancock was chofen Pre-
fident. A committee was inftantly appointed, who waited on the
governor with a remonflrance concerning the fortifications on
Boflon Neck j but nothing of confequence took place, both par,
ties mutually criminating each other. The winter was now com-
ing on, and the Governor, to avoid quartering the foldiers upon
the inhabitants, propofed to ereft barracks for them ; but the lelc6l
men of Boflon compelled the workmen to defifl. Carpenters
were fent for to New-York, but they were refuted ; and it was
with the utmoft difficulty that he could procure winter lodgings
for his troops. Nor was the difficulty lefs in procuring clothes ;
as the merchants of New-York told him, that " they would
never fupply any article for the benefit of men fent as enemies
to their countrv."

This difpofition, known to be almofl univcrlal throughout the
continent, was in the higliefl degree fatisfa6lory to congrcfs.
Every one law that the eniulng fpring was to be the feaion for
commencing hoflilities, and the mofl indefatigable diligence was
ided for the colonies to be well provided againfl fuch a formida-
ble enemv. A lift of the fcncibie men in each colony was made
out, and cfpecially of thofe v/ho hud ferved in the former war ;
of v.'hom thev had the faLisfaCtion to find that two-thirds were
flill alive and fit to bear rr:ns. Magazines of arms were collec-
ted, and money was "provided for the payment of troops. Tlie
governors in vain attempted to put a ftop to ihef'e proceedings bv

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 4^1

pt-rclamations : the fatal period was now arrived; and the move the
jfervants of government attempted to reprel's the fpiritofthc Amcr
ricans, the more violent it appeared.

The beginning of ftrife between the Parent State and her Co-
lonies was like the letting out of waters. From inconfiderable
caufes love was changed into fufpicion that gradually ripened into
ill will, and foon ended in hoflility. Prudence, policy, and reci-
procal intcreft, urged the expediency of conccfiion ; but pride^
fulie honour, and mifconceived dignity drew it in an oppofite di-
rection. Undecided chiims and doubtful rights, which under the
influence of wifdom and humility might have been eafily com-
promiled, imperceptibly widened into an irreconcileable breach.
Hatred at length took the place of kind afFcftions, and the calami-
ties of war were lubftituted in lieu of the benefits of commerce.

From the year 1768, in which a military force had been ftati-
oncd in Boflon, there was aconflant fuccefiion of infulting words,
looks, and gcftures. The inhabitants were exafperated againfh
the foldiers, and they againft the inhabitants. The former looked
on the latter as the inftruments of tyranny, and the latter on the
former as feditious rioters, or fraudulent fmugglers. In this irri-
table ftate, every incident, however, trifling, made a fenfible im-
prefTion. The citizens apprehended conflant danger from an
armed force, in whole power they wci^e ; the foldiers, on the
other hand, confidered themfelves as in the mldft of their ene-
mies, and expofed to attacks from within and without. In pro-
portion as the breach between Great-Britain and her colonies
widened, the diftruft and animofity between the people and the
ai^my increafed. From the latter end of 1774, hoftile appear-
ances daily threatened that the flames of war would be kindled
from the coUifion of fuch inflammable materials. Whatfoever
was done by either party by way of precaution, for the purpofes
of fclf-defence, was conftrued by the other as preparatory to an
intended attack. Each diiclaimed all intentions of commencing
hoftilities, but reciprocally manifcfled fufpicion of the other's
fmcerity. As far as was prafticable without an open rupture,
the plans of one were refpeftively thwarted by the other. From
every appearance it became dailv more evident that arms mufl
ultimately decide the conteft. To iuiFer an army that was {oon
expefted to be an enemy, quietly to fortify themfelves, when the
inhabitants were both able and willing to cut them off, appeared
to lome warm fpirits the height of folly; but the prudence and
moderation of others, and cfpecially the advice and recommen_
dation of Congrefs, retrained their impetuofity. It was a for.
tvuiate circumflancc for the colonies that the royal army was poll-
ed :a New-England. The people of that nothcrn country have

472 HISTORY OF THE

their paffions more under the command of reafon and intcrcft,
than in the fouthcrn latitudes, wliere a warmer fun excites a
greater degree of irafcibiiity. One rafh ofrenfive acllon againft
the royal forces at this early period, though fucccfsful, might have
done great mifchief to the caufe of America. It would have loft
them European friends, and weakened the difpofition of the other
colonics to aihft them. The patient and politic New-England
men, fully fenhblc of their fituntion, (ubmitted to many infults,-
and bridled their refeutment. In civil wars or revolutions, it is
a matter of much confequencc who ftrikcs the firil bluw. The
compaffion of the world is in favour of the attacked, and the dif-
pleafure of good men on thole who are the firft to imbrue their
hands in human blood. For the fpace of nine months after the
arrival of General Gage, the behaviour of the people of Bofton is
particularly worthy of imitation, by thofc who wifh to overturn
eftabliflied governments. They condufted their oppofition witH,
exquifite addrefs. The)' avoided every kind of outrage and vio-
lence, preferved peace and good order among themfelves, fuccefs-
fully engaged the other Colonies to make a common caufe with
them, and counterafted General Gage fo effcftuallv, as to prevent
his doing 'any thing for his royal mafter, while by patience and
moderation they fkreened themfelves from cenfure. Though
rcfolved to bear as long as prudence and policy diftated, they were'
all the time preparing for the laft extremity. They were fur-
nilhing themfelves with arms and ammunition, and training their
militia.

Provifions were alfo collected and flored in different places,
particularly at Concord, about twenty miles from Boflon, G(
neral Gage, theugh zealous for his roy;il maker's intercft, dif-
covered a prevailing defire after a peiiceable accommodation.-
Ke wiflied to prevent hoftilitics by depriving the inhabitants of
the means neceffary for carrying them on. With this view he
determined to deftroy the ftores which he knew were collcfted
for the fupport of a provincial army; Wifliing to accomplifli
this without bloodfhed, he took every precaution to effcQ; it by
furprife, and without alarming the country. At eleven o'clock
at night on April 18, eiglit hundred grenadiers and light in-
fantrv, the flower of the royal army, embarked at the Common,'
landed at Phipps's farm, and marched for Concord, under the
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Smith. Neither the fecrecy
with which this expedition was planned, the privacy wich which
the troops marched out, nor an order that no one inhabitant
fiiould leave Bofton, were fufhcicnt to prevent intelligence frofti
being fent to the couatrv militia, of what was going on. Aboutj

AMERICAN REVO LU 2" I ON, 47^5

two in the morning one hundred and thirty oFthe Lexington mi-
litia had affembled to oppolc them, but the air being chilly, and
intelligence refpcfting the regulars uncertain, they were difmil-
I'ed, with orders to appear again at beat of drum. They colleftca
a feconJ time to the number of ievcnty, between four and five
o'ch^ck in the morning, and tlie Britifli regulars lonn after mads
their appearance. Major Pitcairn, who led the advanced corps,
rode up to them and called out, " Difperle, you rebels ; throw-
down your arms and diiperfc.*' They ftill continued in a body?
on which he advanced nearer — dil'chargcd hispiftol — and ordered
his foldiers to fire. This was done with a huzza. A difperfioj^
of the militia was the conlequcace, but the firing of the regulars
was neverthelefs continued. Individuals finding they were fired
upon, though difperling, returned the lire. Three or four of the
militia were killed on the green ; a few more weic fhot after they
had begun to difperfe. The I'oyal detachment proceeded on to
Concord, and executed their commiilion. They difahled two
twenty-four pounders — threw five hundred pounds of ball into
rivers and wellsj and broke in pieces about lixty barrels of flour.
Mr. John Butterick of Concord, major of a minute rcgiracnt, not
knowing what had pafled at Lexirigton, ordered his men not to
give the firil fire, that they might not be the aggrelTors. Upon
his approaching near the regulars, they fired, and killed Captain
Haac Davis, and one private of the provincial minute men. The
fire was returned, and a ficii-mifli enlued. The King's troops
having done their bufinels, began their retreat towards Bofton.
This was conducted with expedition, for the adjacent inhabitants
had afiembled in arms, and began to attack them in every direc-
tion. In their return to Lexington they were exceedingly an-
noyed, both by thofe who prelTed on their rear, and others who
pouring in on all fides, fired from behind llone walls, and fuch
like coverts, which I'upplicd the place of lines and redoubts. At
Lexington th\; regulars were joined by a detachment of nine
hundred men, under Lord Piercv, which had been fcnt out by
General Gage to fupport Lieutenant-colonel Smith. This rein-
forcement having two pieces of Cannon awed the provincials, and
kept them at a greater diftance, but thev continued a conflant,
though irregular and fcattering fire, which did great execution.
The dole firing from behind the walls by goodmarklmcn, put the
regular troops in no finall confufion, but they neverthelcls kept
up a brifk retreating fire on the militia and minute men, A little
alter iunlet the regulars reached Bunker's Hill, wtnn down with
exceifive fatigue, having marched that dny between thirty and
forty miles. On the next day they crofTcd Charle.^ov.'n ferry
and returned lo Bofton.

Vol. I. 3 P

474 HISTORY OF THE

There never were more than four hundred provincials engaged
atone time, and often not fo many ; as fomc tired and gave out,
others came up and took their places. There was fcarcely any
difcipline obfcrvcd among them ; officers and privates fired when
they were ready, and faw a royal uniform, without waiting for
the word of command. Their knowledge of the country enabled
them to gain opportunities by crofiing fields and fences, and to
aft as flanking parties againfl the King's troops who kept to the
main road.

The regulars had fixty-fivc killed, one hundred and eighty
wounded, and twenty-eight made prifoners. Of the provincials
fifty were killed, and thirty-eight wounded and miffing.

As arms were to decide the controverfy, it was fortunate for
the Americans that the firft blood was drawn in New-England.
The inhabitants of that country are io connetled with each other
by defcent, manners, religion, politics, and a general equality, that
the killing of a fingle individual interefh the whole, and made
them confider it as a common caufe. The blood of thofe who
were killed at Lexington and Concord proved the firm cement of
an extcnfive union.

To prevent the people within Bofton from co-operating with their
countrymen without, in cafe of an affiiult, which was now daily
expcftcd, General Gage, April 22, agreed with a committee of
the town, that upon the inhabitants lodging their arms in Faneuil-
hall, or any other convenient place, under the care of the feleft
men, all fuch inhabitants as were inclined, might depart from the
town, with their families and cfFefts. In five days after the rati-
ficr.tion of this agreement, the inhabitants had lodged one thou-
fand fcven hundred and feventy-eight fire arms, fix hundred and
thirty-four piTcols, two hundred and feventy-three bayonets, and
thirty-eight blunderbufies. The agreement was well obferved in
the beginning, but after a fhort time obftruftions were thrown in
the way f-f its final completion, on the plea that perfons who went
from Bofton to bring in the goods of thofe who chole to continue
witliin the town, were not properly treated. Congrefs remon-
flratcd on the infraftion of the agreement, but without effeft.
The General, on a fa: tlrcr confidcration of the confcquences of
moving thj whigs out of Bofton, evaded it in a manner not con-
fiftcnt with good faith. He was in fome meafure compelled to
adopt this dilhonourable meafure, from the clamour of the torics,
wlio allcdgcd, that none but enemies to the Britifli government
were dil'po/"cd to remove, and that when they were all fafe with
their families and effefts, the town would be fet on fire. To
prevent the provincials from obtaining fupplics which thcv much
wanted, a quibble was made on the meaning of the word effcfts.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 475

<>rhichwas conftrued by the general as not including merchandize.
By this conftru6lion, unwarranted by every rule of genuine in-
terpretation, many who quitted the town were deprived of their
ufual refources for a fupport. Paffports were not univerfally rc-
fufed, but were given out very flowly, and the bufuicfs was fo
condufted that families were divided, — wives were feparated
from their hufbands, children from their parents, and the aged
and infirm, from their relations and friends. The General dilco-
vered a difinclination to part with the women and children, think-
ing that, on their account, the provincials would be reflrainedfrom
making an affault on the town. The felecl-men gave i-epeated
affurance that the inhabitants had delivered up their arms, but as
a cover for violating the agreement, General Gage iffued a procla-
mation, in which he affcrted that he had full proof to the con-
trary. A fewmighthave fecreted lome favourite arms, but nearly
all the training arms were delivered up. On this flimfy pretence
the General facrificed his honour, to policy and the clamours of
the tories. Contrary to good faith he detained many, though
fairly entitled by agreement to go out, and when he admitted the
departure of others he would not allow them to move their fami-
lies and effcfts.

The Provincial Congrefs of Maffachufetts, which was in feflTion
at the time of the Lexington battle, dilpatched an account of it
to Great-Britain, accompanied with many depofitions, to prove
that the Britifh troops were the aggrefl'ors. They alio made an
addrels to the inhabitants of Great-Britain, in which, after com-
plaining of their lufferings, they fay, " thele have not detached
us from our royal Sovereign ; we profefs to be his loyal and duti-
ful fubjefts, and though hardly dealt with, as we have been, are
flill ready with our lives and fortunes, to defend his perfon,
crown, and dignity ; neverthclels, to the perfecution and tyranny
of his evil Miniflry, we will not tamely fubmit. Appealing to
Heaven for thejufliceof our caufc, we determine to die or be
free." From the commencement of hoftilities, the difpute be-
tween Great-Britain and the Colonies took a new direftion.

Intelligence that the Britifh troops had marched cut of Boflon
into the country on fome hoftilc purpofe, being forwarded by
cxprelfes from one committee to another, great bodies of the mi-
litia, not only from MafTachuIetts but the adjacent Colonies, graf-
ped their arms and marched to oppole them. The Colonics were
in fuch a flate of irritability, that tlie Icaft fiiock in any part was^
by a powerful and lympathetic alfeftion, inftantaneoufly felt
throughout the whole. The Americans who fell were revered
by their countrymen, as martyrs who had died in the caiile of

3 P 2

476 II I STORY OF THE

liberty. RcR-ntmcnt againfl the Eritifli burned more (Irongly
than ever. Martial rnge took podeffion of the breads of thou^
fands. Comiiinations were formed and allociations (ublcribed,
binding the inhabit;mls to one another by the lacred ties of ho-,
nour, religion and loye of country, to do whatever their public
bodies dircfted for the prefervation of their liberties. Hitherto
the Americans had no regular army. From principles of policy
they cautioufly avoided that meafure, left they might fubjcflthem-
lelvcs to the charge of being aggrcllbrs. All their military regu-
lations were carried on by their militia, and under the old efta-
bliflicd laws of the land. For the defence of the Colonics, the in"
habitants had been, from their earlv years, enrolled in companies,
and taught the ufe of arms. The laws for this purpole had never
been better obferved than for fome months previous to the Lex-
ington battle. Thcle military arrangements, which had been
previoufly adopted for defending the Colonies from hoftile French
and Indians, were on this occafion turned againft the troops of the
Parent State. Forts, magazines, and arfenals, by the conftitution
of the country, were in the keeping of his Majeily. Immediately
after the Lexington battle, thcfe were for the mod part taken
poircfTion of throughout the Colonics, by parties of the provin-
cial militia. Ticonderoga, in which was a fmall royal garrilon,
was lurprifed and taken by adventures fromdiilerent flates. Public
money which had been collcftcd in confcquence of previous
grants, was alfo feized for common ferviccs. Before the com-
mencement of hoftilities thcfe mcafures would have been condemn-
ed bv the moderate even among the Americans, but that event
juftified a bolder line of oppoiitioq than had been adopted, —
Sundry citizens having been put to death by Britifli troops
felf-prciervation dictated meafures which, if adopted under other
circuniRances, would have diluniied the Colonifts. One of the
moft important of this kind was the raiung an army. Men of
warm tempers, whole courage exceeded their prudence, had for
months urged the neccffity of raifing troops ; but they were rc-
flrained by the more moderate, who wifhed that the Colonies
might avoid extremities, or at leaft that thev might not lead in
bringing them on. The Provincial Congrel's of MaflTachufctts be-
ing in lefiion at the time the battle of Lexington was fought,
voted that " an army of thirty tlioulandmcn be immediately oifed,
that tliirteen thouland fix hundred be of their own province,
:Tnd that a letter and delegate be fent to the fcvcral Colonies of
?sew-Himplhire, Connetlicut, and Rhode-Ifland. In confequence
of this vote, the bufincfs of recruiting was begun, and in a fhort
lime a provincial army was paraded in the vicinity of Bofton,
\vhich. though far below what had been voted by the Provincial

AMERICAN REVOLVriON. 477

Cot^igrefs, was much fuperior in numbers to the royal army. The
command of this force was given to General Ward.

Had the Britifh troops confined themlelves to Boilon, as be-
fore the 18th of April, the afl'embling an American arm)-, thougli
only for the purpofe of obicrvation and defence, would have
appeared in the nature of a challenge, and would have made
many Icfs willing to fupport the people of MafTjchuretts, but af-
ter the Britifh had commenced hoftilitics the fame meafure was
adopted, without fubjcfting the authors of it to cenfure, and
Vv'ithout giving offence or hazarding the union. The Lexington
battle not only furnifhed the Americans with a juflifying apolo-
gy for raihng an army, but infpired tlicm with ideas of then- own
prowefs. Amidft the moft animated declarations of facrificing
fortune, and rifquing life itfelf for the fecurity of American
rights, a fecret figh would frequently efcape from the breads of
her mod determined friends, for fear that they could not ftand
before the bravery and difcipline of Britifli troops. Hoary lages
would fhake their heads and fay, " Your caufe is good, and I
wifli vou fuccefs, but I fear that your undiicij-.lined valour muft
be overcome in the unequal contcfh. After a few thoufands of
you have fallen, the Provinces muft ultimately bow to that power
which has fo repeatedly humbled France and Spain." So confi-
dent were the Britifli of their luperiority in arms, that they
fecmed dcfirous that the conteft might be brought to a military
dccifion. Some of the diftinguiflied fpeakers in Parliament had
publicly afferted that the natives of America had nothing of the
foldier in them, and that they were in no refpeft qualified to
face a Britifli army. European philofophers had publiflied theo-
ries, fctting forth that not only vegetables and beafts, ntit that
even men degenerated in the weftern hemiiplicre. Departing
from the fpirit of true philofophy, they overlooked the ftate of
fociety in the new world, and charged a comparative inferiority
on every produftion that was American. The Colonifts them-
lelves had imbibed opinions from their forefathers, that no peo-
ple on earth were equal to thofe with whom they were about to
contend. Impreffed with high ideas of Britifli lupcrioritv, and
diffident of themfelves, their beft informed citizens, though
\villing to run all rifques, feared the confequence of an appeal to
arms. The fuccefs that attended tlieir firft military enterprize
in fome degree baniflicd thcle fuggeflions. Perhaps in no fub-
fequent ba.t:Ie did the Americans appear to greater advantage
than in their firfl elfayat Lexington. It is almoft without parallel
in military hiftory, for the yeomanry of the country to come
f<n-ward in a finglc disjointed manner, without order, and for
U|e moft part without oiricors, and by an irregular fire put to

478 HISTORY OF THE

flight troops equal in difcipline to any in the world. In oppo-
fition to the bold affertions of fome, and the defponding fears of
others, experience proved that Americans might effeftually refift
Britifh troops. The diffident grew bold in their country's caufe,
and indulged in cheerful hopes that Heaven would finally crown
their labours with fuccefs.

Soon after the Lexington battle, and in confequence of the
event, not only the arms, ammunition, forts, and fortifications,
in the Colonies Vv'ere fecured for the ufe of the Provincials, but
regular forces were raifed, and money Itruck for their fupport.
Thcfe military arrangements were not confined to the New-Eng-
land ftates, but were general throughout the Colonics. The de-
termination of the King and Parliament to enforce fubmilhon to
their a£ts, and the news of the Lexington battle, came to the
diftant provinces nearly about the fame time. It was iuppofed
by many that the latter was in confequence of the former, and
that General Gage had recent orders to proceed immediately to
fubdue the refraftory Colonifls.

From a variety of circumftances the Americans had good reafon
to conclude that hoflilitles would foon be carried on vigoroufly
in Maflaqhufetts, and alio to apprehend that, fooner or later, each
province would be the theatre of -w^ar. " The more fpeedily,
therefore, faid they, we are prepared for that event, the better
chance we have for defending ourfelves." Previous to this peri-
od, or rather to the igth of April, 1775, the difpute had been
carried on by the pen, or at mofh by alTociations and legillative
afts ; but from this time forward it was condufted by the fword.
The crifis v^^as arrived when the Colonies had no alternative, but
either to fubmit to the mercy, or to refill the power of Great-
Britain. An unconquerable love of liberty could not brook the
idea of fubmilhon, while reafon, more temperate in her decifion*
fuggefted to the people their infufficiency to make effeftual op-
pofition. They were fully apprized of the power of Britain —
they knew that her fleets covered the ocean, and that her flag
had waved in triumph through the four quarters of the globe;
but the animated language of the time was, " It is better to die
freem.en than to live flaves." Though thejuftice of their caufe, -vnd
the infpiration of liberty gave, in the opinion of difinterefte4
judges, a fuperiority to the writings of Americans, yet in the
latter mode of condufting their oppofition, the candid among
themfelves acknowledged an inferiority. Their form of govern-
ment was deficient in that decifion, difpatch. and coercion, which
are necefiary in military operations.

In the year 1775, a martial Ipirit pervaded all ranks of men in
the Colonies. They believed their liberties to be in danger, and

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 479

were generally difpofed to rifqne their lives for their eilablifli-
ment. Their ignorance of the military art prevented their weigh-
ing the chances of war with that cxaftneis of calculation which,
if indulged, might have damped their hopes. They conceived
that there was little more to do tlian fight manfully for their
Country. They confoled themfelves with the idea, that though
their firft attempt might be unfuccefsful, their numbers would
admit of a repetition of the experiment, till the invaders were
finally exterminated. Not confidering that in modern war the
iongefl purfe decides oftener than the longed fword; they feared
not the wealth of Britain. They both expecled and wifhcd that
the whole difpute would be fpeedily fettled in a few decifive
engagements. Elevated with the love of liberty, buoyed above
the fear of confequences, by an ardent military enthufiafm, una-
bated by calculations about the extent, duration or probable ifTue
of the war, the people of America feconded the voice of their
rulers, in an appeal to Heaven for the vindication of their rights.
At the time the Colonies adopted thcfe fpirited refolutions, they
poflefTed not a finglc fliip of war, nor fo much as an armed veffel
of any kind. It had often been fuggefted, that their feaport
towns lay at the mercy of the navy of Great-Britain; this was
both known and believed, but difregarded. The love of pro-
perty was abforbed in the love of liberty. The animated vota-
ries of the equal rights of human nature, confoled themfelves
with the idea, that though their whole fea coafi; fhould be laid
in afhes, they could retire to the wefhern wildcrnefs, and enjoy
the luxury of being free: on this occafion it was obferved in
Congrefs by Chriflopher Gadfdcn, one of the South Carolina
delegates, "Our houfes being conftrufted of bfick, flone, and
wood, though dcftroyed may be rebuilt; but liberty once gone
is loft for ever."

The fober difcretion of the prefent age will more readily cen-
fure than admire, but can more eafily admire than imitate the
fervid zeal of the patriots of 1775, who in idea facrificed pro-
perty in the caulc of liberty, with the cafe that they now facri-
fice aimed every other confideration for the acquifition of
property.

The Revenues of Brit;iii"i were immcnfc, and her people were
liabituated to the payment of large fums, in every form which
contributions to government have alfumcd; bat the American
Colonies potlelTed neither money nor funds, nor were their peo-
ple accuftomed to taxes equal to the exigences of war. The
.contefk having begun about taxation, to have raifed money by
laxcs for carrying it on would have been impolitic. The temper
'of the times precluded tlie nccelTity of attempting the dangerous

48o ins TORY OF THE

expedient, for fuch was the cnthufiafm of the day, tliat the Co--
lonifls gave up both their perfonal ferviccs and their property to
the public, on the vague promifes that they fhould at a future
time be rc-iinburfed. Without enquiring into the folidity of the
funds, or the precife period of payment, tlie refources of the
country wei"e commanded on general allurances, that all expences
of the war fhould ultimately be equalifed. The Parent State
abounded with experienced (latehnen and officers, but the de-
pendent form of government exercifed in the Colonies, precluded
their citizens from gaining that praftical knowledge which is
acquired from being at the head of public departments. There
were very few in the Colonies who undcrftood the bufinefs of
providing for an army, and ftill fewer who had experience and
knowledge to dire£l its operations. The difpofuioa of the finan-
ces of the country, and the mofl effeftu^l mode of drawing forth
its refources, were fubjefts with which fcarce any of the inhabi-
tants were acquainted. Arms and ammunition were almofl
wholly deficient ; and though the country abounded with the
materials of which they are manufacilured, yet there was neither
time nor artifts enough to fupply an army with the means of de-
fence. The country was deflitute both of fortifications and en-
gineers. Amidft fo many diicouragements there were fome flat-
tering circumftances. The Vv'ar could not be carried on by
Great-Britain, but to a great difadvantage, and at an immenfe
expcnce. It was eaiy for Miniftcrs at St. James's to plan cam-
paigns, but hard was the fate of the officer from whoin the exe-
cution of them in the woods of America was expetlcd. The
country was l"o extcnfive, and abouilded fo much with defiles,
that by evacuating and retreating, the Americans, though they
could not conquer, yet might favc themfelves from bdng con-
quered. The authors of the a6ls of parliament for reflraining the
trade of the Colonies were mofl excellent recruiting officers fur
the Congrefs. They impoied a ncceffity on thoulands to become
loldiers. All other bufincfs being fufpcndcd, the whole refour-
ces of the country were applied in fupporting an army. Though
the Colonills were without diicipHne, they pofTcffcd native
valour. Though they had neither gold nor filvcr, they poircITcd
a m.ine in the cnthuiialin of their people. P<i'|)er for upwards of
two years produced to them more lolid advantages than Spain
derived from her fupcrabounding precious metals. Though they
had no Ihips to protect their trade or their towns, tlicy had fim-
phcUy enough to live without the former, and cnthufialm enough
to riique the latter, rather than fubmit to the power of Britain.
They believed their caufe to be juft, and that Heaven approved
their exertions in defence of tiieir ri'^lus. Zeal originating from

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 481

ruch motives fupplicd the place of difcipline, and inrphed a con-
fidence and military ardour which overleaped all difficulties.
Refinance being refolvcd upon by the Americans — the pulpit

the prcls — the bench, and the bar, fevcrally laboured to unite

and encourage them. I'he clergy of New-England were a nume-
rous, learned, and refpcftable body, who had a great afcendancy
over the minds of their hearers. They connefted religion and
patriotifm, and in their fcrmons and prayers reprelentcd the caufe
of America as the caufe of Heaven. The fynod of New-York
and Philadelphia alfo fent forth a pafloral letter, vi'hich was pub-
licly read in their churches. This earneftly recommended, luck
fcntiraeuts arid conduft as were fuitable to their fituation. Wri-
ters and printers followed in the rear of the preachers, and next
to them had the greatefl hand in animating their countrymen.
Gentlemen of the bench and of the bar denied the charge of
rebellion, and jullihed the refiftance of the Colonifts. A dif-
tinftion founded on law between the king and his miniftry v/as
introduced : the former, it was contended, could do no wrong.
The crime of treafon was charged on the latter, for ufing the
royal name to varnifh their own imconftitutional meafures.— —
The phrafe of a minifleiial war became common, and was uied d^
a medium for reconciling refiftance with allegiance.

Coeval with the rclolutions for organizing an army, was one,
appointing the 20th day of July, 1775, a day of public humilia-
iion, faftlng and prayer to Almighty God, " to blefs their right-
ful Sovereign King George, and to infpire him with wifdom to
ddccrn and puriuc the true interefl of his luhjefts ; and that the
Britilli nation might be influenced to regard the things that be-
longed to her peace, before they were hid from her eyes — :that
the Colonies might be ever under the care and prote6lion of a!
kind Providence, and be profpered in all their interefts — that
America might foon behold a gracious intcrpofition of Heaven
for the redrefs of her many grievances, the refloration of her
invaded rights, and a reconciliation with the Parent State on
terms conflitutional and honourable to both," The forces
■Which had been collefted in MalTachufetts, were flationed in
convenient places for guarding the country from farther excur-
fions of the regulars from Bofton. Breadworks were alfo erefted
in difterent places for the fanie purpofe. While both parties
were attempting to carry off Itock from the fcveral illands, with
which the bay of Bofton is agreeably diverfificd, fundry fkirmifhes
took place, Thc(e were of real fervice to the Americans. They
habituated them to danger, and perhaps much of the courage of
old foldiers, is derived from an experimental conviiiion that the
Vol. I. 3 Q

4^2 HISTORY OF TH£

chance of cfcaping unhurt from engagements, is much grcaCei"
than young recruits fuppofc.

About the latter end of May, a great part of the reinforce-
ments ordered from Great-Britain, arrived at Bofton. Three
Britifh generals, Howe, Burgoync, and Clinton, whofe behavi-
our in the preceding w^r had gained them great reputation, alfc
arrived about the fame time, May 25. General Gage, thus rein-
forced, prepared for afting with more decifion ; but before he
proceeded to extremities, he conceived it due to ancient forms
to iffue a proclamation, holding forth to the inhabitants the al-
ternative of peace or war. He therefore June 1 2, ofFered par-
don, in the king's name, to all. who fliould forthwith lay down
their arms, and return to their refpeftive occupations and peace-
able duties, excepting only from the benefit of that pardon
" Samuel Adams and John Hancock, whole offences were faid
to be of too flagitious a nature, to admit of any other confidera-
tion than that of condign punifhment."^ He alfo proclaimed,
that not only the perfons above named and excepted, bxit alfo
all their adherents, affociates, and correfpondents, fhould be
deemed guilty of treafon and rebellion, and treated accordingly.
By this proclamation it v/as alfo declared, " that as the courts
of judicature were fhut, marflial law fhould take place, till a
due courfe of juflice fhould be re-eftabliflied," It was fuppofed
that this proclamation was a prelude to hoftilities, and prepara-
tions were accordingly made by the Americans. A confiderablc
height, known by the name of Bunker's-Hill, juft at the entrance
of the peninfula of Charleftown, was fo fituated as to make the
poffeffion of it a matter of great confeouence to either of the
contending parties. Orders were therefore, June 16, iffuedby
the provincial commanders, that a detachment of a thoufand men
fhould entrench upon this height. By fome miftake Breed's
Hill, high and large like the other, but fituated near BofLon,
was marked out for the entrenchments, inflead of Bunker's
Hill. The provincials proceeded to Breed's Hiil, and worked
with fo much diligence, that between midnight and the dawn
of the morning, they had thrown up a fmall redoubt about eight
rods fquare. They kept fuch a profound filence, that they were
not heard by the Britifh, on board their veffels, though very
near. Thcfc having derived their fiid information of what was
2;oing on from the fight of the work near completion, began an
.inccffant fijing upon them. The proviticials bore this with
firmnefs, and though they were only young foldicrs, continued
to labour till tlicy had thrown up a fmall breallwork, extending
from the eaft fide of the breallwork to the bottom of the hill.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 4^3

As this eminence overlooked Boflon, General Gage thought it
neceffary to drive the provincials from it. About noon, there-
fare, he detached Major General Howe, and Brigadier General
Pigot, with the flower of the army, confiding of four battalions,
ten companies of the grenadiers, and ten of light infantry with
a proportion of field artillery, to effeft this bufmefs. Thefe
troops landed at Moreton's Point, and, June 1 7, formed after
landing, but remained in that pofition till they were reinforced
by a I'econd detachment of light infantry and grenadier compa-
nies, a battalion of land forces, and a battalion of marines, mak-
ing in the whole near three thoufand men. While the troops
who firft landed were waiting for this rc-inforcement, the pro-
vincials, for their farther lecurity, pulled up fome adjoining polls
and rail fences, and let them down in two paralled lines at a
Imall di fiance from each other, and filled the fpace between
with hay, which having been lately mowed, remained on the
adjacent ground.

The king's troops formed in two lines, and advanced flowlyj
to give their artillery time to demolifh the American works.
While the Britifli were advancing to the attack, they received
orders to burn Charlcftown. This was not done, becaufe they
were fired upon from the houfes in that town, but from the mi-
litary policy of depriving enemies of a cover, in their approaches.
In a fhort time this ancient town, confifling of about five hun-
dred buildings, chiefly of wood, was in one great blaze. The
ioftv llecple of the meeting-houfe formed a pyramid of fire above
the reft, and ftruck the aftonilhed eyes of numerous beholders
with a magnificent but awful fpeftacle. In Bofton, the heights
cf every kind M'cre covered with the citizens, and fuch of the
king's troops as were not on duty. The hills around the adja-
cent country which afforded a fafe and di{lin£l view, were occu-
pied by the inhabitants of the country.

THoufands, both within and without Bofton, were anxious
fpeftators of the bloody fcene. The honour of Britifli troops
beat high in the breafts of nianv, while others, with a keener
renfibiiity, felt for the liberties of a great and growing country.
The Britifli moved on but flowly, which gave the provincials a
better opportunity for taking aim. The latter, in general, re-
ferved tliemfdlves till their adverlaries were within ten or twelve
rods, but then began a furious dilcharge of fmall arms. The
ftream of the American fire was fo inceffant, and did io great
execution, that the king's troops retreated in diforder and pre-
cipitation. Their oificers rallied them, and pufhcd them forward
with their fv/ords, but they returned to the attack wich great

3 Q 2

484 HISTORY OF THE

reluftance. The • Americans again rcferved their fire till their
adverfaries were near, and then put them a fccond time to flight.
General Howe and the officers redoubled their exertions, and
were at iaft, fuccelsful, though the foldiers dilcovered a great
averfion to going on. By this time the powder of the Ameri-
cans began fo far to fail, that they were not able to keep up the
fame brifK fire as before. The Britifli al To brought fome cannon
to bear, which raked the infide of the breaflwork from end to
pnd. The fire from the fliips, batteries, and field artillery was
rcdoublcti — the loldlers in the rear were goaded on by their
officers. The redoubt was attacked on three fides at once. Un-
der thofe circumftances a retreat from it was ordered, but the
piovincials delayed, and made refiftancc with their diicharged
mufkets as if they had been clubs, fo long that the king's troops,
who ealily mounted the works, had half filled the redoubt before
it was given up to them.

While thcie operations were going on at the breaftvvork and
redoubt, the Britifh light infantry were attempting to force the
left point of the former, that they might take the American line
in flank. Though they exhibited the mod undaunted courage,
they met with an pppofition which called for its greateft exer-
tions. The prpvinpials here, in like manner, referved their fire
till their adverfaries were near, and then poured it upon the
light infantry, with fuch an inceflant ftream, and in fo true a
direction, as mowed down their ranks. The engagement was
kept up on both fides with great refoiution. The perfevering
exertions of the King's troops could not compel the Arnericans
to retreat, till they obferved that their main body had left the
hill. This, when begun, expoled thei^i to new danger, for it
could not be efFefted but by marching over Charleftown Neck,
every part of which was raked by the fhot of the Glafgow man
of war, and of two floating batteries. The inceffant fire kept up
acrofs this Neck prevented any confiderable re-inforcement from
joining their countrymen who were engaged ; but the few who
fell on their retreat over the fame ground proved, that the ap
prehenfions of thofe provincial officers who declined paffing
over to fuccour their companions, were without any folid
foundation.

The number of Americans engaged amounted only to one thou-
fand five hundred. It was apprehended that the conquerors
would puffi the advantages they had gained, and march immedi-
ately to American head quarters at Cambridge, but they advan-
ced no farther than Bunker's Hill ; there they threw up works
for their own fecurity. The provincials did the fame on Profpeil:

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 485

Hill in front of them. Both were guarding againft an attack, and
both were in a bad condition to receive one. The lofs of the
peninfula deprelTed the fpirits of the Americans, and their great
iofs of men produced the fame effeft on the Britifh.- There have
t)een few battles in modern wars, in which, all circumflanccs con-
fidcred, there was a greater deflruftion of men than in this fliort
«"ngagcment. The lofs of the Brilifli, as acknowledged by Ge_
neral Gage, amounted to one thoufand and fifty-four. Nineteen
commiUloncd oflicers were killed, and fcventy more were
wounded. The battle of Quebec in 1759, which gave Great-
Britain the Province of Canada, was not fo deftruftive to Britifii
officers as this affair of a flight entrenchment, the work only of
a few hours. That the officers fuffered fo much, muft be impu-
ted to their being aimed at. None of the provincials in this en^-
gagement were riflemen, but they were all good markfmcn, Tlie
whole of their previous military knowledge hnd been derived
from hunting, and the ordinary amufements of fportfmen. The
dexterity which by long habit they had acquired in hitting beafts,
birds, and marks, was fatally applied to the deftruftion of Britifii
officers. From their fall much confufion was expefted ; they
were therefore particularly fingled out. Moft of thofe who were
near the perfon of General Howe were either killed or wounded,
but the General, though he greatly cxpofed himfelf, was unhurt^
The light infantry and grenadiers loft three-fourths of their men.
Of one company not more than five, and of another, not more
than fourteen efcaped. The unexpefted rcfiftance of the Ameri-
cans was fuch as wiped away the reproaclies of cowardice, which
had been caft on them by their enemies in Britain. The fpirited
conduft of the Britilh officers merited and obtained great applaufe,
but the provincials were juftly entitled to a large portion of the
lame, for having made the utmoft exertions of their adverfarics
necelfary to diflodge them from lines, which were the work only
pf a fingle night, The Americans loft five pieces of cannon.
Their killed amounted to one hundred and thirty-nine. Their
wounded and miffing to three hundred and fourteen. Thirty of
the former fell into the hands of the conquerors. They particu_
larly regretted the death of General Warren, To the purcft
patriotilm and moft undaunted bravery, he added the virtues of
domcftic life, the eloquence of an ncccompliflied orator, and the
wifdom of an able ftatefman. Nothing but a regard to the liberty
of his country induced him to oppofe the lueaiures of Govern^
ment. He aimed not at a leparation from, but a coalition with the
Mother Country. He took an aftive part in defence of his coun-
ivy, not that he might be applauded and rewarded for a patriotic

486 HISTORY OF THE

fpirit, but becaufe he was, in the befl fenfc of the word, a real
patriot. Having no interefled or perfoual views to anfwer, the
friends of liberty confided in his integrity. The foundnefs of
his judgment, and his abilities as a public fpeaker, enabled him
to make a diftinguifhcd figure in public councils, but his intrepi-
dity and aftive zeal induced his countrymen to place him in the
military line. Within four days after he was appointed a Major
General, he fell a noble facrifice to a caufe which he had cfpoufed
from the purefl principles. Like Hampden he lived and like
Hampden he died, univerfally beloved and univerfally regretted.
His many virtues were celebrated in an elegarit eulogium written
by Dr. Rufh, in language equal to the illuftrious fubjcct. The
burning of CharleHov/n, though a place of great trade, did not
dilcourage the provincials. It excited refentment and execration,
but not any dilpofition to fubmit. Such was the high-toned ftate
of the public mind, and lo great the indifference for property,
when put in competition with liberty, that military conflagrations,
though they diftreffcd and impoverifhed, had no tendency to
fubdue the Colonifts. They might anfwer in the old world, but
were not calculated for the new, where the war was undertaken,
not for a change of mafters, but for feuring effential rights. The
aftion at Breed's Hill, or Bunker's Hill, as it has been commonly
called, produced many and very important confequenccs. It
taught the Britifh fo much refpefl; for Americans intrenched be-
hind works, that their fubfcquent operation were retarded with a
caution that wafted av/ay a whole campaign to very little purpofe.
It added to the confidence the Americans begin to have in their
own abilities; but inferences, very injurious to the future inter-
efts of America, were drawn from the good conduft of the new
troops on that meinorable day. It infpired fome of the leading
members of Congrefs with fuch high ideas of wh?t might be done
by militia, or men engaged for a fhort term of enliftment, that
it was long before they aflented to the eftablifliment of a perma-
nent army. Not diftinguifliing the continued exertions of an army
through afcrics of years, from the gallant efforts of yeomanry of the
country, led direftly to a£lion, thev were flow in atimitting the
necelTity of permanent troops. They conceived the country
might be defended by ' the occafional exertions of her fons, with-
out the expence and danger of an army engaged for the war. Irj
the progrefs of hoftilitics, as will appear in the fcquel, the militia
loft priuch of their firft ardour, while leading men in the councils
of America, trufting to its continuance, neglefted the proper time
of recruiting for a feries of years. From the want of pcrleverance
m the militia, and the want of a difciplincd ftajiiding army, the

A M ERIC AN RE VOL U TIO A*. 48-/

Caufe for which arms were at firfl taken up, was more than once
brought to the brink of deftruftion.

In other places the fame determined fpirit of rcfiftance appeared
on the part of the Americans. Lord North's conciliatory fcheme
was utterly rejcftcd by the afTemblics of Pennfylvanla and New-
Jerfcv, and afterwards in every other colony. The commence-
ment of hoftilitics at Lexington determined the colony of New-
York, which had hitherto continued to waver, to unite with the
reft ; and as the fituation of New- York renders it unable to refill
an attack from the fca, it was refolvcd, before the arrival of a
Britifh fleet, to fecure the military ftores, fend off the women
and children, and to fet fire to the city if it was fhill found inca-
pable of defence. The exportation of provifions was every where
prohibited, particularly to the Britifh fifliery on the banks of
Newfoundland, or to fuch colonies of America as fhould adhere
to the Britifh intercft. Congrefs refolved on the eftablifhment of
an army, and of a large paper carrency in order to fupport it. In
the inland northern colonies. Colonels Eallan and Ethan Allen,
without receiving any orders from Congrefs, or communicating
their defign to any body, with a party of only two hundred and
fifty men, furprifed the forts of Crown Point, Ticonderoga, and
the reft that form a communication betwixt the Colonies and Ca.
nada. On this occafion two hundred pieces of cannon fell into
their h^nds, bcfides mortars, and a large quantity of military
ftores, together with two armed vcffcls, and materials for the
conftru£lion of others.

After the battle of Bunker's Hill, the provincials ereftcd for-
tifications on the heights which commanded Charleftown, and
ftrengtliened the reft in fuch a manner that there was no hope of
driving them from thence, at the fame time that their aftivity and
boldnefs aftonifhed the Britifti officers, who had been accuftomed
to entertain too mean an opinion of their courage.

The troops, thus fliut up in Bofton, were foon reduced to dif-
trefs. Their neceftities obliged them to attempt the carrying off
the American cattle on the iflands before Bofton, which produ-
ced frequent flcirmilbes ; but the provincials, better acquainted
with the navigation of thcfe fhores, landed on the iflands, def-
troyed or carrycd ofl" whatever was of any ufc, burned the light
houfe at the entrance of the harbour, and took prifoners the
workmen fent to repair it, as well as a party of marines who
guarded them. Thus the garrifon were reduced to the neceftity
offending out armed vefTels to make prizes indifcruninatcly of ■
all that came in their way, and of landing in dilTerent places to
plunder for fubfiftcnce as well as they could.

48S HISTORY OF Til E

The Congrcfs, in the mean time, continued to acl with all the
vigour which its conftituents had expefted. Articles of confede-
ration and perpetual union were drawn up and folemnly agreed
upon ; by which they bound themfelves.

After the aftion of Bunker's Hill, however, when the power
of Great-Britain appeared lefs formidable in the eyes of America
than before, Congrefs proceeded formally tojuftify their proceed-
ings in a declaration drawn up in terms more expreffive, and wcU
calculated to excite attention.

" Were it polTible (faid they) for men who cxercife their rea-
fon, to believe that the divine Author of our exiflencc intended a
part of the human race to hold an abfolute property in and un-
bounded power over others, marked out by His infinite goodnefs
and v/ifdom as the objcfts of a legal domination, never rightfully
rcfiftablc, however fevere and opprcfTive ; the inhabitants of
thefe Colonies might at leaft require from the parliament of
Great-Britain fome evidence that this dreadful authority over
them had been granted to that body ; but a reverence for our
Great Creator, principles of humanity, and the diftates of com-
mon fenfe muft convince all thofe who reflect upon the fubjeft,
that government was inflituted to promote the welfare of man-
kind, and ought to be adminiflered for the attainment of that
end.

" The Icglflature of Great Britain, however, ftimularted By an'
inordinate paffion for power, not only unjuftifiable, but whichf
they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very conftitution
of that kingdom ; and defpairing of fuccefs in any mode of contefl:,
where regard fliould be had to law. truth, or right; have at length
dcferting thofe, attempted to cffeft their cruel and impolitic pur-
pofe of enflaving thefe Colonics by violence, and have thereby
rendered it neceffary for us to tlofe with thcii^ lafl; appeal from
rcafon to arms. Yet. however blinded that affembly may be, by
their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, fb to flight
juftice in the opinion of mankind, we eftccm ourfelves bound by
obligations to tlie reft of the world to make kno\rn the jufbice of
our caufc."

After taking notice of tlie manner in which their anceftors left
Britain, the liappinefs attending the mutual fiiendly commerce
betwixt that country and her Colonics, and the remarkable fuc.
ccfs of the late war, they proceed as follows : '• The new mini-
llry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated^
yet fliil contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them.
a hafly peace, and of then iubduing her faithful friends.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 489

** TKefe devoted colonies were judged to be in fuch a ftate aS
to prefcnt viftories without bloodfhed, and all the eafy emolu-
ments of ftatutablc plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of their
peaceable and refpe£lful behaviour from the beginning of their
colonization ; their dutiful, zealouS, and ufeful fervices during
the war, though lo recently and amply acknowledged in the moft
honorable manner by his Majefly, by the late king, and by par-
liament, could not fave theni from the intended innovations.
Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious projeft ; and
affuming a new power over them, has in the courfe of eleven
years given fuch decifivc fpecimens of the ipirit and confequen-
ces attending this power, as to leave no doubt of the eflFefts of ac-
quiefcence under it.

" They have undertaken to give and grant our money without
our confent, though we have ever exercifed an exclufive right
to difpofe of our own property. Statutes have been pafled for
extending the jurifdiftion of the courts of admiralty, and vice-
admiralty, beyond their ancient limits ; for depriving us of the
accuftomed and ineflimable rights of trial by jury, in cafes affeft-
ing both life and property ; for fufpending the legiflature of one
of our colonies ; for interdifting all commerce to the capital of
another ; and for altering fundamentally the form of government
efhablifhed by charter, and fecured by afts of its own legiflature ;
and folemnly confirmed by the crown ; for exempting the mur-
derers of colonifl;s from legal trial, and in effeft from punifliment ;
for erefting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint
arms of Great-Britain and America, a defpotilm dangerous to our
very exiftence ; and for quartering foldiers upon the colonifls in
time of a profound peace. It has alio been refolved in parlia-
ment, that colonifl:s charged with committing certain offences,
fliall be tranfported to England to be tried,

" But why fhould we enumerate our injuries in detail ? By
one fkatute it was declared, that parliament can of right make
laws to bind us in all cafes whatever. What is to defend us
againft fo enormous, fo unlimited a power ? Not a Angle perfon
who afl'umes it is cholen by us, or is fubjeft to our controul or
influence ; but on the contrary, they are all of them exempt fi'om
the operation of fuch laws ; and an American revenue, if not
diverted from the oftenfible purpofes from which it is raifed,
would aftually lighten their own burdens in porportion as it in-
creafes ours.

" We faw the mifery to which fuch defpotifm would reduce
us. We for ten years incellantly and ineff'cftually befieged the
throne as fupplicants ; we reafoned, we remonflrated with parlia-

Vol. I. ' 3 R

49<^ HISTORY OF THE

ment in the mofl mild and decent language; but adminiftration',
jcnfible tliat we fhould regard thefe meafures as freemen ought to
do, fent over fleets and armies to enforce them.

"We have purfucd CA^ery temperate, every refpeftful meafurc ;
we have even proceeded to break off all commercial intercourfe
with our fcUow-fubjcfts as our laft peaceable admonition, that
our attachment to no nation on earth Would fupplant our attach-
ment to liberty : this we flattered ourfelves was the ultimate ftcp
of the con'croverfy ; but fubfequent events have fliown how vain
was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies I

" The Lords and Commons, in their addrefs in the month of
February, faid, that a rebellion at that time aftually exifted in the
province of Maffachufett's Bay ; and that thofe concerned in it
had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations
and engagements entered into by his Majefty's fubjefts in feveral
of the colonies ; and therefore they befought his Majcfly that he
would take the mofl; effectual meafures to enforce due obedience
to the laws and authority of the fupremc legiflature. Soon after
the commercial intercourfe of whole colonies with foreign coun-
tries was cut ofF by an zSt of parliament ; by another, feveral
of them were entirely prohibited from the fifhcries in the feas
near their coafts, on which they always depended for their fubfift-
ence ; and large reinforcements of fhips and troops were immedi-
ately fcnt ovc\- to General Gage."

" Fruitl'efs were all the intreaties, arguments, and eloquence oF
an illufl.rious band of the mod diftinguiflied peers and commoners,
who nobly and flrenuoufly aflerted the juftice of our caufe, to
ftay, or even to mitigate, the heedlefs fury, with which thefe
accumulated outrages were hurried on. Eq.ually fruitlefs was the
interference of the city of London, of Briftol, and many other
refpeftable towns in our favour."

After having reproached parliament, General Gage, and the
Britifli government in general, they proceeded thus : *' We are
reduced to the alternative of choofing an unconditional fubmif-
fion to tyranny or refiftance by force. The latter is our choice.
We have counted the coft of this conteft, and find nothing (b
dreadful as voluntary flavcry. Honor, juftice, and humanity,
forbid us tamely to furrender that freedom which we received
from our gallant ancefi:ors, and which our innocent poftcrity
have aright to receive from us. Our caufe is juft ; our union
is perfcft ; our internal refources are great ; and, if necelTary,
foreign afliftance is undoubtedly attainable. W^e fight not for
gloiyor conqucft ; wc exhibit to mankind the remarkable fpcfta-
cle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies. They boafl; of
tlicir privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder con-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 491

iiitions than fervitude or death. In our own native land, in de-
fence of the freedom that is our birthright, for the proteftion of
our property acquired by the honefl induftry of our forefathers
and our own, againft violence aftually offered, we have taken up
arms ; we fhall lay them down when hoftilitics Ihall ceale on the
part of our aggrelfors, and all danger of their being renewed flull
be removed — and not before."

Thcfe are fome of the mofl flriking paffages in the declaration
of congrefs on taking up arms againfL Great-Britain, and dated
July 6th, 1775. The determined fpirit which it Ihews, ought to
have convinced England, that the conquefl of America was an
event fcarce ever to be expefted. In every other refpeft an equal
fpirit was fliewnjandthe rulers of the Britiih nation had the
mortification to fee thole whom they ftylcd rebels and traitors,
fucceed in negociations in which they themfelves were utterly
foiled. In the pafling of the Quebec bill, miniflry had flattered
themfelves that the Canadians would be fo much attached to them,
on account of reftoring the French laws, that they would very
readily join in any attempt againft the colonifts who had reproba-
ted that bill in fuch flrong terms : but in this, as in every thing
clfe indeed, they found themfelves miftaken. The Canadians
having been fubjeft to Britain for a period of fifteen years, and
being thus rerjidered fenfible of the fuperior advantages of Britifh
government, received the bill itfelf with evident marks of difap-
probation ; nay, reprobated it as tyrannical and oppreffive, A
fcheme had been formed for General Carleton, governor of the
province, to raife an army of Canadians wherewith to aft againft
the Americans ; and fo fanguine were the hopes of adminiftration
in this refpeft, that they had fent twenty thoufand (land of arms,
and a great quantity of military flores, to Quebec for the purpole.
But the people, though they did not join the Americans, yet
^vere found immoveable in tneir pui"pofe to Hand neuter. Appli-
cation was made to the bifhop ; but he declined to interpoie his
influence, as contrary to the rules of the Popifh clergy : fo that
•the utmoft eff^orts of government in this province were found to
anfwer little or no purpole.

The Britifh adminiftration next tried to engage the Indians iu
their caule. But though agents were difperfed among them with
large prefents to the chiefs, they univcrfally replied, that they
did not underftand the nature of the quarrel, nor could they
difbinguifli whether thcfe who dwelt in America or on the other
fide of the ocean were in fault : but they were furprifed to fee
Englifhmcn aflv their afliftance againft one another ; and advifed
thciTi to be reconciled, and not to think of fliedding the blojd of

3R 2

492 HISTORY OF THE

their brethren. To the reprefentations of Congrefs they paid
more refpeft. Thefe let forth, that the Englifh on the other fide
of the ocean had taken up arms to enflavc, not only their coun-
trymen in America, but the Indians alfo ; and if the latter fhould
enable them to overcome the colonifts, they thcmfclves would
foon be reduced to a flate of flavery alfo. By arguments of this
kind thefe favages were engaged to remain neuter ; and thus the
colonifts were freed from a moft dangerous enemy. On this oc-
cafion the Congrefs thought proper to hold a folemn conference
with the different tribes of Indians. The fpeech made by tliern
on the occafion is curious, but too long to be fully inferted. —
The following is a Ipecimen of the European mode of addrefTing
thefe people :

*' Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors !

" We, the delegates from the Twelve United Provinces, now
fitting in general Congrefs at Philadelphia, fent their talk to you
our brothers.

" Brothers and Friends now attend !

*' When our fathers croflfed the great water, and came over to
this land, the King of England gave them a talk, alluring them
that they and their children fhould be his children ; and that if
they would leave their native country, and make fettlements, and
live here, and buy and fell, and trade with their brethi-en beyond
the water, they fhould ftill keep hold of the fame covenant-chain,
and enjoy peace ; and it was convenanted, that the fields, houfes,
goods, and pofTcflions, which our fathers fhould acquire, fhould
remain to them as their own, and be their childrens for ever, and
at their fole difpofal.

" Brothers and Friends open a kind ear !

*' We will now tell you of the quarrel betwixt the counfellors
of King Georg'C and the inhabitants and colonies of America.

" Many of his counfellors have perfuaded him to break the co-
venant-chain, and not to fend us any more good talks. They
have prevailed upon him to enter into a covenant againft us ;
and have torn afunder, and call behind their backs, the good
old covenant which their anccftors and ours entered into, and
took ftrong hold of. Tliey now tell us they will put their hands
into our pocket withuut afking, as though it were their own ;
and at their pleafure they will take from us our charters, or
written civil conftitution, which we love as our lives ; alio our
plantations, or houfes, and goods, whenever they pleafe, without
an<.ing our leave. They tell us, that our velTels may go to that
or this illand in the fea, but to this or that particular illand we fhall
not trade any more ; and in cafe of our non-compliance with thefe
new orders, they fhut up our harbours.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 493

''' Brothers, wc live on the fame ground with you; the fams
land is our common birth-place. We defire to fit down under
the fame tree of peace with you ; let us water its roots, and cher-
ifli the grpwth, till the large leaves and llourifliing branches fhall
extend to the fetting fun, and reach the fkies. If any thing dif-
agreeable fhould ever fall out between us, the Twelve United
Colonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our peace, let us
.mmediately feek meafures for healing the breach. From the
prefeut htuation of our affairs, we jucjge it expedient to kindle
tip a fm;ill fire at Albany, where we may hear each other's voice,
znd diiclofe our minds fully to one another."

The other remarkable tranfattions of this Congrefs were the
ultimate refulal of the conciliatory propofal made by Lord North,
of which fuch fanguine expeftations had been formed by the
Englifh miniftry; and appointing a generajifiimo to command
their armies, which were now very numerous. The perfon
cholen for this purpofe was George Wafhington : a man fo uni-
verfally beloved, that he was raiied to fuch an high ftation by the
unanimous voice of Congrefs : and his fubfequent conduft fliow-
ed him every way worthy of it, Horace Gates and Charles Lee,
two Englifh oiBcers of confiderable reputation, v/ere alio chofen;
the former an adjutant-general, the fecond a major-general. Ar-
temus Ward, Philip Schuyler, and Ifrael Putnam, were likewife
nominated major-generals. Seth Pomeroy, Richard Montgomery,
David Woolter, William Heath, Joieph Spencer, John Tho-
jnas, John Salllvan, and Nathaniel Green, were choien briga-
dier-generals at the lame time.

Coiigrels had now alio the fatisfaftion to receive deputies from
the colony of Georgia, expreffing a defire to join the confederacy. '
The reafons they gave for renouncing their allegiance to Britain
were, that the conduft of parliament towards the other colonies
had been oppreflTive ; that though the obnoxious afts had not
been extended to them, they could view this only as an cmifBonj
becaufe of the feeming little confequence of their colony : and
therefore looked upon it rather to be a flight than a favour. At
the fame time tliey framed a petition to the King, fimilar to that
fent by the other colonies, and which met with a fimilar re-
ception.

The fucccfs which had hitherto attended the Americans in all
their meafures, now emboldened them to think not only of de-
fending themfclves, but likewii'e of acting ofFenfively againfl
Great Britain. The conqueft of Ciinada appeared an obje£i:
within their reach, and that one would be attended with many
advantages; and as an invafion of that province was lately facili-
tated by the taking of Crown point and Ticondcrago, it was re-

494

HISTORY OF THE

folved if poflible, to penetrate that way into Canada, and reduce
Quebec during the winter, before the fleets and aTmies, which
they were well allured would fail thither from Britain, fhould
arrive. By order of Congrefs, therefore, three thouiand men
were put under the command of Generals Montgomery and Scliuy-
ler, with orders to proceed to Lake Champlain, from whence
they were to be convpyed in flat-bottomed boats to the mouth of
the river Sorel, a branch of the great river St, Laurence, and on
which is fituated a fort of the fame name with the river. On,
the other hand, they were oppofed by General Carleton, gover-
nor of Canada; a man of great a6tivity and experience in war;
who, with a very few troops, had hitherto been able to keep
in awe the difaffefted people of Canada, notwithflanding all the
reprefentations of the Colonifts. He had now augmented his
army by a confiderable number of Indians, and promiied even in
his prefent fituation to make a very formidable refi fiance.

As foon as General Montgomery arrived at Crown Point, he
received information that feveral armed veffels were (lationed at
St. John's, a (Irong fort on the Sorel, with a view to prevent
his crofling the lake ; on which he took pofl'eflion of the ifland
which commands the mouth of the Sorel, and by which he could
prevent them from entering the lake. In conjunftiun with Ge-
neral Schuyler, he next proceeded to St. John's: but finding
that place too ftrong, he landed on a part of the country conlidc-
lably diflant and full of woods ond fwamps. From thence, how-
ever, they were driven by a party of Indians whom General
Carleton had employed.

The provincial army was now obliged to retreat to the ifland
of which they had at firll taken poiTeilion ; where Generel Schuy-
ler being taken ill, Montgomery v/as left to command alone. His
firfl flep was to gain over the Indians whom General Carleton
had employed, and this he in a great meafure accompliflied ; after
which, on receiving the full number of troops appointed for his
expedition, he determined to lay fiege to St, John's. In this he
was facilitated by the reduction of Chamblee, a fmall fort in the
neighbourhood, where he found a large fupply of powder. An
attempt was made by General Carleton to relieve the place ; for
which purpofe he with great pains colleftcd about one thouiand
Canadians, while Colonel Maclean propoled to raile a reginurn^
of the Highlanders w'ho had emigrated from 'lilcix- own country
to America.

But. while General Carleton was on his m-arch with thcfe new
levies, he was attacked by a fuperior force of provincials, and
utterly defeated; which being .made known to another body of
Canadians who had joined Colonel Maclciin, they abandoned

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 495

ihim without ftiiking a blov\', and he was obliged to retreat to
■Quebec.

The defeat of General Carleton was a fufficient recompence to
the Americans for that of Colortel Ethan Allen, which had hap-
pened fome time before. The luccefs which had attended this
gentleman again ft Crown Point and Ticonderago had emboldened
him to make a fimilar attempt on Montreal ; but being attacked by
the militia of the place, fupported by a detachment of regulars,
he was entirely defeated and taken pi-ifoner.

As the defeat of General Carleton and the defertion of Ma-
clean's forces left no room for the garrifon of St. John's to hope
for any relief, they now confented to furrender themfelves pri-
foners of war ; but were in other refpefts treated with great hu-
manity. They were in number five hundred regulars and two
hundred Canadians, among whom were many of the French no-
bility, who had been very aftive in promoting the caufe of Britain,
among their countrymen.

General Montgomery next took meafures to prevent the Britifli
fhipping from pafling down the river from Montreal to Quebec.
This he accomplifhed fo effectually, that the whole were taken.
The town itfelf was obliged to furrender at difcretion; and it was
with the utmoll difficulty that General Carleton efcaped in an
open boat by the favour of a dark night.

No further obftacle now remained in the way of the Americans
to the capital, except what arofe from the nature of the country;
and thefe indeed were very confidcrable. Nothing, however,
could damp the ardour of the provincials. Notwithftanding in
was now the middle of November, and the depth of winter was
at hand, Colonel Arnold formed a defign of penetrating through
woods, moraffes, and the moft frightful folitudes, from New-
England to Canada, by a nearer way than that which Montgo-
mery had chofen ; and this he accomplifhed in fpite of every
difficulty, to the aftonifhment of all who faw or heard of the
attempt. This defperate march, however, cannot be looked
upon as conducive to any good purpofe. A third part of hi>s men
under another Colonel had abandoned him by the way, under
pretence of want of provifions; the total want of artillery ren-
dered his prefence infignificant before a place ftrongly fortified;
and the fmallnefs of his army rendered it even doubtful whether
he could have taken the town by furpiife. The Canadians in-
deed were amazed at the exploit, and their inclination torrevolt
from Britain v/as fomcwhat augmented; but none of them as yet
took up arms in behalf of America, The conllernation into
Avhich tlie town of Quebec was thrown, proved detrimental ra-
ther than olherwife to the expedition ; as it doubled the vigilance

4g6 HISTORY OF THE

and aftivity of the inhabitants to prevent any futpnl'e; zr\A. iht
appearance of common danger united all parties, who, before the
arrival of Arnold, were contending moft violently with one ano-
ther. He was therefore obliged to content himfelf with block-
ing up the avenues to the town, in order to diftrefs the garrifon
for want of provifions; and even this he was unable to do efFeftu-
ally, by reafon of the fmall number of his men.

The matter was not much mended by the arrival of General
Montgomery. The force he had with him, even when united
with that of Arnold, was too infignificant to attempt the re_
duftion of a place fo ftrongly fortified, efpecially with the aflif-
tance only of a few mortars and field-pieces. After the fiege had
continued through the month of December, General Montgome-
ry, confcious that he could accomplilh his end no other way than
by furprife, refolved to make an attempt on the laft day of the
year 1775. The method he took at this time was perhaps the
beft that human wifdom could devife. He advanced by break of
day, in thg midfl of an heavy fall of fnow, which covered his
men from the fight of the enemy. Two real attacks were made
by himfelf and Colonel Arnold, at the fame time that two feigned
attacks were made on two other places, thus to diflraft the garri-
fon, and make them divide their forces. One of the real attack?
was made by the people of New- York, and the other by thofe of
New-England, under Arnold. Their hopes of furprifing the
place, however, were defeated by the fignal for the attack being,
through fome miftake, given too foon. General Montgomery
himielf had the moft dangerous place, being obliged to pafs be-
tween the river and fome high rocks on which the Upper Town:
flands ; fo that he was forced to make Vk'hat hafte he could to
clofe with the enemy. His fate, however, was now decided.
Having forced the firfh barrier, a violent difcharge of mulketry
and grape-fhot frotn the fecond killed him, his principal officers^
and the mofl. of the party he commanded; on which thofe who
remained immediately retreated. Colonel Arnold in the mean
time made a defperate attack on the Lower Town, and carried
one of the barriers after an obflinate refiftance of an hour; but
in the aftion he himielf received a wound, which obliged him to
•withdraw. The attack, however, was continued by the officers-
whom he had left, and another barrier forced: but the garrifon,
now perceiving that nothing was to be feared except from that
quarter, colleftcd their whole force againft it; and after a defpe-
rate cng;)gcment of three hours, overpowered the provincials, and
obliged them to furrender.

In this aftion the valour of the provincial troops could not be
exceeded. Such a terrible difaflcr left no hope remaining of the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

497

accompliOnmcnt of thcii* purpofe, as General Arnold could novv
Icarce niinihcv eight hundred cfFcftive men under his command,
lie did not, however, abandon the province, or even remove to
a greater dillancc than three miles from Quebec ; and here he
flill found means to annoy the garrifon very conliderably by in-
tercepting their provilions. The Canadians, notwithftanding the
bad fuccefs of the American arms, Hill continued friendly ; and
thus lie was enabled to fuftain the hardfliips of a winter en-
campment in that mofl fevere climate. The Congrefs, far from
pafiing any ceniure on him for his misfortune, created him a
brigadier-general.

While hoftilitics were thus carried on with vigour in the
north, the flame of contention was gradually extending itfelf in
the fouth. Lord Dunmore, the governor of Virginia, was in-
volved in difputes fimilar to thofe which had taken place in
other colonies. Thefe had proceeded fo far that the ailembly
was diffolved ; which in this province was attended with a con-
fcquence unknown to the reft. As Virginia contained a great
number of flaves, it was neceffary that a militia fliould be kept
conftantly on foot to keep them in awe. During the diffolution
of the affembly the militia-law expired ; and the people, after
complaining of the danger they were in from the negroes, form-
ed a convention, which enafted, that each country fhould raile
a quota for the defence of the province. Dunmore, on this,
removed the powder from WalliamfDurg 5 which created luch dil-
contents, that an immediate quarrel would probably have enfued,
h^d not the merchants of the town undertaken to obtain iatis-
faftion for the injury fuppofed to be done to the community.
This tranquillity, however, was foon interrupted ; the people,
jlarmed by a report that an armed party on their way from the
man of war where the powder had been dcpofited, aifcmbled in
arms, and determined to oppofe by force any farther removals.
In fome of the conferences which paiTed at this time, the Gover-
nor let fall Ibme unguarded expreffions, fuch as threatening them
v.'ith fetting up the royal ftandard, proclaiming liberty to the
negroes, deflroying the town of Vv'iUiamfburg, &c. which were
afterwards made public, and exaggerated in luch a manner as
greatly to increaic the public ferment.

The people now held frequent aflcmblies. Some of them took
up arms with a dcfign to force the governor to reflorc the powder,
and to take the public money into their own poifefiion : but on
their way to Williamfhurg for this purpofe, they were met by
the receiver-general, who became fccuritv for the payment for

Vol. I. " 3 S '

4g3 HISTORY 0^ THE

the gunpowder, and. the inhabitants promU'cd to take care of the
magazine and public revenue.

By this infurre6lion the governor was fo much intimidated
that he feut his family on board a man of war. lie himielf,
however, ifi'ued a proclamation, in which he declared the beha-
viour of the perfon who promoted the tumult treafonable, ac-
cufed the people of difaffcftion, &c. On their part they were
by no means deficient in recriminating ; and fome letters of his
to Britain being about the fame time difcovered, conlequcnces
enfued extremely fimilar to thole which had been occafioned by
thofe of Mr. Hutchinfon at Bofton.

In this flate of confufion the Governor thought it neceffary to
fortify his palace with artillery, and procure a party of marines
to guard it. Lord North's conciliatory propofal arriving alfo
about the fame time, he ufcd his utmoll endeavours to caufe £he
people to comply with it. The arguments he ufed wc-re fuch as
muft do him honour ; and had not matters already gone to fuch
a pitch, it is highly probable that fome attention would have
been paid to them. " The view, he faid, in which the colonies
ought to behold this conciliatory propofal was no more than an
earneft admonition from Great-Britain to relieve her wants : that
the utmoft ccndefcendence had been ufcd in the mode of appli-
cation ; no determinate fum having been fixed, as it was thought
moll worthy of Britifli generofity to take what they thought
could be conveniently fpared, and likewife to leave the mode of
raifing it to themfelves," &c. But the clamour and diffatisfaftion
were now fo univerfal, that nothing clfe could be attended to.
The Governor had called an aflembly for the purpofe of laying
this conciliatory propofal before them ; but it had been little at-
tended to. The aflembly began their feflion by inquiries into
the ftatc of the magazine. It had been broken into by fome of
the townfmcn ; for v/hich realon fpring-guns had been placed
there by the Governor, which difcharged thenrl'elves upon the
offenders at their entrance : thcfe circumftances, with others of a
iimilar kind, railed fuch a violent uproar, that as foon as the pre-
liminary bufniefs of the feflion was over, the Governor retired
on board a man of war, informitig the aflembly that he durft no
longer trufl. himfelf on fhorc. This produced a long courfe of
diiputation, which ended in a pofitivc refufal of the Governor to
trull himfelf again in Williamlburg, even to give his afl"cnt to the
bills, which could not be pafled without it, and though the af-
iembiy offered to bind themfelves for his perionul fafeiy. In
his turn he rcquefled them to meet him on board the mnn of war,
where lie thtn was; but t'nis propoial was rejc6lcd,and all further

AMERICAN REVO L UTION. 499

correfpondence containing the leaft appearance of fricndfhip M'as
difcontinued.

LordDunmore, thus deprivea of his government, attempted to
reduce by force thoie whom he could no longer govern. Some
of the moft ftrenuous adherents to the Britifli caule, whom their
zeal had rendered obnoxious at h<5me. now repaired to him. He
was alfo joined by numbers of black flaves. With thefe, and the
affiftance of the Britifh fliipping, he was for forae time enabled ,
to carry on a kind of predatory war, fufficicnt to hurt and. exas-
perate, but not to iubdue. After fome inconfiderable attempts
on land, proclaiming liberty to the Haves, and fetting up the royai
ftandard, he took up his refidence at Norfolk, a maritime town
■of fome conicquence, where the people wer« better affeftcd to
Britain than in moft other places. A confiderable force, how-
ever, was collefted againft him ; and the natural impetuofity of
his temper prompting him to aft againfl them with more courage
than caution, he was entirely defeated, and obliged to retire to
his fliipping, which was now crowded by the number of thofe
"who had incurred the refentment of the Provincials.

In the mean time a fcheme of the utmoft magnitude and im-
portance was formed by one Mr, ConoUy, a Pennfylvanian, of
an intrepid and afpiring dilpofition, and attached to the caufe of
Britain. Tlie firfl flep of this plan was to enter into a league
with the Ohio Indians. This he communicated to Lord Dun-
more, and it received his approbation ; Upon which Conolly let
out, and aftually fuccecded in his defign. On his return he was
di (patched to General Gage, from whom he received a colonel's
commiiiion, and fet out in order to accoroplifli the remainder of
his fcheme. The plan in general was, that he fliould return to
the Ohio, where, by the affiftance of the Britifli and Indians in
thefe parts, he was to penetrate through the back fetclements into
Virginia, and join Lord Dunniore at Alexandria. But by an
accident very naturally to be expefted, he was difcovered, taken
prifoner, and thrown into a dungeon.

In the fouthcrn colonie-6 of Caroliri|a the governors were ex-
pelled and obliged to take refuge on board of men of war, as Lord
Dunmore had been and Mr, Martin, governor of North-Caro-
lina, on a charge of attempting to raife the b?.ck-fcttlers, confid-
ing chiefly of Scots Highlanders, againft the colony. Having
fccured thcmfelves againft any attempts from thefe enemies, how-
ever, they proceeded to regulate their internal concerns in the
fame manner as tlie reft of the colonies ; and by the end of tlie
year 1775, Britain beheld the whole of America united againft
her in the moft determir.cd oppoiition. Her vaft -Doficfrions of

3 S 2

500 HISTORY OF THE

that trafl of land were now reduced to the fmglc town of Bofion ;
in which her forces were beficgcd by an enemy with whom thcv
were apparently not able to cope, and by whom they muft of
courlc expcft in a very fhort time to be exoclled. The fituation
of the inhabitants of Bofton, indeed, was peculiarly unhappy.
After having failed in their attempts to leave the tov/n. General
Gage had confented to allow them to retire with their cffcfts ;
but afterwards, for what reafon does, not well appear, he refufed
to fulfil his promife. When he refigned his place to General
Howe in Oftobcr 1775, the latter, apprehenfivc that they might
give intelligence of the fituation of the Britifh troops, ilriftly
prohibited any pcrlbn from leaving the place under pain of mili-
tary execution. Thus matters continued till the month of March
1776, when the town was evacuated.

On the 2d of that month, General Wafhington opened a bat-
tery on the wefl fide of the tovv^n, from whence it was bombarded
with aheavy fire of cannon at the lame time ; and three days after,
it was attacked bv another battery from the eaftcrn fiiorc. This
terrible attack continiied for fourteen days without intcimifTion ;
when General Howe, finding the place no longer tenable, deter-
jnined if pofTible to drive the enemy from their works. Prepa-
rations were therefore made for a moft vigorous attack on an
hill called DorcheOer Neck, which the Americans had fori died
in fuch a manner as would in all probability have rendered the
enterprife next todsfperate. Mo difliculties, however, were luf-
ficient to daunt the fpirit of the general ; and every thing was in
readinefs, when a dorm prevented this inter.dcd exertion of Bri-
tifh valour. Next dav, upon a more dole infpctlion of the
works they were to attack, it was thought advileable to dehfl;
from the enterprife altogether. The fortifications were very
flrong, and extremely well provided with artillery ; and befides
other implements of dcllruftion, upwards of one hundred hogf-.
heads of flones were provided to roll dov/n upon the enemy as
they came up ; which, as the afcent was extremely flcep, muft
have d<one prodigious execution.

Nothing therefore now remained but to think of a retreat;
and even this was attended with the utinoft difRcultv and danger.
The Americans, however, kno^ving tliat it was in the power of
Britifh general to reduce the toww to afhes, whicli could not
have been repaired in m.any years, did not think proper to give
the leaO: molcfhation ; and for the fpacc of a fortnight the troops ^
were employed in the evacuation of the place, from whence they
carried along with them two thoufand ol the inhabitants, who
durfl not flay on account of their attachment to the Britilli cau'e.
From Boflcn they failed to Halifax ; but all their vigilance could

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 501

rot prevent a number of vahiable fliips from falling into ilie hanfls
of the enemy. A confiderable c[uantity of cannon and ammuni-
tion had alfo been left at Bvanker's Plill and Bofton Neck; and in
the town, an immenfe variety of goods, principally woollen and
linen, of which the provincials ftood very much in need. The
cftatcs of thole who fled to Halifax were confilcatcd ; as alfo thofo
wlio were attached to government, ajid had remained in the town.
As an attack was expeftcd as foon as the Britilh forces fliould
arrive, every method was employed to render the fortificatioi^«
already very ftrong, impregnable. For this purpofc lome foreip-n
engineers were employed, who had before arrived at Bofton ; and
io eager were people of all ranks to accomplifli this bufinefs, tliat
every able-bodied man in the place, without diftinftion of rank
let apart two days in the week, to complete it the fooner.

The Americans about this time began to be influenced by new
views. The military arrangements of the preceding year — their
unexpefted union, and prevailing enthufialm, expanded the minds
of their leaders, and elevated the fentiments of the great body of
their people. Decifive meafures which would have been lately
reprobated, now met with approbation.

The favourers of fubordination under the former conftitution,
urged the advantages of a fupreme head, to controul the dilputcs
of interfering colonies, and alfo the benefits which flowed from
imion; and that independence was untried ground, and fliould
not be entered upon but in the laft extrimcty.

They flattered themfelvcs that Great Britain was fo fully con-
vinced of the determined fpirit of America, that if the prefent
controverfy was compromiied, fhe would not at any future period
refume an injurious exercife of her fupremacy. They were there-
fore for proceeding no farther than to defend them.fclves in the
charafter of fubjefts, trufting that ere long tlie prefent hoflile
meafures would be relinquinied, and the harmony of the two
countries rc-eftabliihcd. The favourers of this fyftem were em-
barraffed, and all their arguments weakened by the perfevcrancc.
of Great-Britain in her fciiemes of coercion. A probable hope of
a fpeedy repeal of a few afts of Parliament would have greatly in-
creafcd the number of thofc who ■were advocates for reconciliation.
But the certainty ©f intelligence to the contrary gave additional
force to the arguments of the oppoRte party. Though new
weight v/as daily thrown into the fcale, in which the advantage^
of independence were weighed, yet it did not preponderate till
about that time in 1776, when intelligence reached the Colonifts
of the aft of Parliament paffed in December 1775, for throwing
them out of Britifh protcftion, and cf liiring foreign troops to
afiift in cfFefting their conqucft, Refpcfling ;he {n[\ it w«is laid,

502 HISTORY OF THE

"that protection and alle^ian-ce were reciprocal, and that the
refufalofthe fir ft was a legal ground of juftification for withhold,
in<T the laft." They confidcred thcm'elves to be thereby dif-.
charged from their allegiance, and that to declare themfelves in-
dependent was no more, than to announce to the world the rea*
political ftate in which Great Britain had placed them. This aft
proved that the Colonifts might conftitutionally declare them-
felves independent, but the hiring of foreign troops to make war
upon them, demonflrated the necefiity of their doing it immcdi"
ately. Tlicy reafoned that if Great-Britain called in the aid of
flrangcrs to crufli them, they muft feek. fimilar relief for their
own prefervation. But they well knew this could not be ex-
pefted, while they were in arms againft their acknowledged So-
vereign. They had therefore only a choice of difficulties, and
muft eitlier feck foreign aid as independent ftates, or coutinuc in
the aukward and hazardous fituation of fubjcfts, carrying on war
from their own refources, both againft the King, and fuch mer-
cenaries as he chofe to employ for their fubjugation. Neceffity
not choice, forced them on the decifion. SubmifTion, without
obtaining a ledrcfs of their grievances, was advocated by none
who pofl'effed the public confidence. Some of the popular lead-
ers may have fecretly wiflied for independence from the begin-
ning of the controverfy, but their number was fmall and their
fentimcnts were not generally known.

While the public mind was balancing on this eventful fubjefl-j
fcveral writers placed the advantages of independence in various
points of view. Among thcfe Thomas Paine in a pamphlet, under
the fignature of Common Senfe, held the moft diftinguiflied rank.
The ftile, manner, and language of this performance was calcu-
lated to intereft the paffions, and to roufc all the aftive powers of
hv'man nature. With a view of operating on tl\e fenfiments of a
religious people, Scripture was prelTed into his fervice, and the
powers, and even the name of a king was rendered odious in the
eves of the numerous Colonifts who had read and ftudied the hif-
tory of the Jews, as recorded in tliC Old 'I'eftament. The folly
of that people in revolting from a government, inftituted by Hea-
ven itfelf, and the opprefTions to which they were lubjefted in
confequence of their lufting after kings to rule over them, afford-
ed an excellent handle for pre-poffelfing the Colonifts in favour
of renublican inftitutions, and prejudicing them againft kingly
government. Hereditary fucceftion was turned into ridicule.
The abfurdity of fubjefting a great continent to a fmall ifland on
the other fide of the globe, was rcprefentcd in fwch ftriking Ian,
guagc. as to intereft the honour and pride of the Colonifts in re-
nouncing the government of Great-Britain, The necellity, the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 503

advantage, and prafticability of independence were forcibly de-
monftrated. Nothing could be better timed than this performance;
it was addrelTcd to freemen, who had jufl received convincina
proof, that Great- Britain had thrown them out of her proteftionj
had engaged foreign mercenaries to make war upon them, and
ferioufly defigned to compel their unconditional fubmifTion to her
unlimited power. It found the Colonifts moft thoroughly alarm-
ed for their liberties, and difpoled to do and fufFer any thing that
promifed their eflibliflimcnt. In union with the feelings and
fentiments of the people, it produced furprifing effefts. Many
thoufands were convinced, and were led to approve and long for
a feparation from the Mother Country. Though that meafure, a
few months before, was not only foreign from their wifhcs, but
the objeft of their abhorrence, the current ftjddcnly became fo
ftrong in its favour, that it bore down all oppofition. The multi-
tude was hurried down the ftream, but fome worthy men could
not eafily reconcile themfelves to the idea of an eternal feparation
from a country to which, they had been long bound by the moit
endearing ties. They faw the fword drawn, but could not tell
when it would be flieathed ; they feared that the diiperlcd indi-
viduals of the feveral Colonies would not be brought to coalefce
under an efficient government, and that after much anarchy, Ibme
future Casfar would grafp their liberties, and confirm himfelf on a
throne of defpotii'm. They doubted the perfeverance of their
countrymen in elFefting their independence, and were alfo appre-

\ henfive that in cafe of fuccefs, their future condition would be
lefs happy than their paft. Some refpeftable individuals whofc
principles were pure, but whofe fouls were not of that firm tex-
ture which revolutions require, fhrunk back from the bold mea.

' fures propofed by their more adventurous countrymen. To lub_
nit without an appeal to Heaven, though fecretly wilhed for by
fome, was not the avowed fentiment of any; but to perfevere in
petitioning and refilling, was the fyftem of fome mifguided honefl
men. The favourers of this opinion were generally wanting in that
dccifion which grafps at great objefts, and influenced by tha^
timid policy which does its work by halves. Moft of them dread-
ed the power of Britain. A few, on the Icore of intereft, or an
expectancy of favours from royal government, refufed to concur
with the general voice. Some of the natives of the Parent State,
who having lately fettled in the Colonics, hail not yet exchanged
European for American ideas, together with a few others, con-
fcientioufly oppofed the mcafurcs of Congrcis ; but the great bulk
of the people, and elpecially of the fpiritcd and independent part
of the community, came with furprifing unanimity into the pro- .

' jc6l of indcoendencc.

534 HISTORY OF THE

The Americans, thus cxafperated to the utmofl by the Dioceed-*
ings of parliament, now formally renounced all connexion with
Britain, and declared themfelves independent. This celebrated
declaration was publifhed on the 4th of July, 1776, and is as
follows :

" When, in the courfe of human events, it becomes neceffary
for one people to difTolve the political bands which have con-
ncftcd them with another, and to afTume among the powers of the
earth the feparate and equal (laticnto which the lawsof nature and of
nature's God entitle them, a decent relpeft to the opinions of man-
kind requires that they fhould declare the caufcs which impel
them to the leparation.

"We hold thefe truths to be felf-cvident : That all men are
created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with cer^
tain unalienable rights; that among thefe are life, liberty, and the
purfuit of happinefs; that to fecure thefe rights governments are
inftituted among men, deriving their juft powers from the con-
fent of the governed; that whenever any form of government
becomes deftruftive of thefe ends, it is the right of the people to
alter or to abollfh it, and to inftitute a new government, laying
its foundation on fuch principles, and organizing its powers in
fuch form, as to- them fhall fcem moft likely to effeft their lafety
and happinefs. Prudence, indeed, will diftate, that govern-
ments long eftabliflied fliould not be changed for light and tran-
fient caufes; and accordingly all experience hath fhewn, that
mankind are more difpofed to fuffer while evils are fufferable,
than to right themfelves by abolifliing the forms to- which they
are accuftomed. But when a long train of abufes and ufurpations,
purfuing invariably the fame objeft, evinces a deiign to reduce
them under abfolute defpotiim, it is their right, it is their duty
to throw off fuch go\'crnment, and to provide new guards for
their future fecurity. Such has been the patient fufferance of
thefe Colonies; and fuch is now the necefiity which conftrains
ihem to alter their former fyflems of government. The hiflory
of the prefent kin'g of Great-Britain is a hiftory of repeated inju-
ries and ufurpations, all having in dircft objeft the eftablifhment
of an abfolute tyranny over thefe States. To prove this, let facls
be fubmitted to a candid world.

" He has reful'ed his affent to laws the moft wholcfomc and ne-
ceflary for the public good.

" He has forbidden his governors to pafs laws of immediate and
prelTnig importance, unlcfs fufpcnded in their operation till his
affent Ihould be obtained ; and when fo fufpcnded. he has utterly
neglcded to attend to them,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 505

*' He hns rcFuft-d to pafs other laws for the accommodation of
iarge didri^U of people, unlefs thofe people would rclinquifli the
riglit of reprcfehtation in the Icgiflaturc ; a right ineflimablc to
them, and formidable to tyrants only.

" He has called together legiflative bodies at places unufual,
uncomfortable, and diftant from the depoutory of their public
records, for the Ible purpofe of fatiguing them into compliance
with his meafiircs.

" He has dilTolvcd reprefentative hoiifes repeatedly, for oppof-^
ing with manly firmnefs his invafions on the lights of the people.

" He has refuied, for a long time after fuch diiTolutions, to
caufe others to be elefted ; whereby the legiflative powers, inca-
pable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their
exercife ; the State remaining in the mean time expofed to all the
danger of invafion from without, and convulfions within.

" He has endeavoured to prevent the population of thefe
States ; for that purpoic obllrufting the laws for naturalization of
foreigners ; refufing to pafs others to encourage their migrations
hither; and raifing the conditions of new appropriations of lands.

" He has obftrufted the adminillration of juftice, by refufing
his affent to laws for eftablifhing judiciary powers.

*' He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the
tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their
falarics.

" He has erefted a multitude of new offices, and fent hither
fwarms of officers to harrafs our people and eat out their fub-
ftance.

" He has kept among us, in times of peace, Handing armies,
without the confent of our legiilatures.

" He has effcfted to render the military independcnit of, and
fuperlor to, the civil power.

" He has combined with othei's to fubjeft us to a jurifdiftion
foreign to our conftitution, and unacknowledged by our laws ;
giving his afi'ent to their afts of pretended legiflation :

" For quartering large bodies of armed troops among ps ;

" For protefting them, by a mock trial, from puniHiment for
any murders which they fliould commit on the inhabitsnts of Chcie
States :

" For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world :

" For impofing taxes on us without our confent :

" For depriving us, in many cafes, of the benefits of trial by
jury:

" For tranfporting us beyond feas to be tried for prcteiided
offences :

Vol. I. 3 T

5o6 HISTORY OF THE

" For abolifhing the free ly/lem of Englifh laws in a neighbour'-
ing province, c(l<iblifliing therein an arbitrary government, and
enlarging its boundaries, fo as to render it at once an example
and fit inflrument for introducing the fame abfolute rule into
thele colonies :

" For tiiking away our charters, abolifhing our mofl; valuable
laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments :

" For lufpcnding our own Icgiilatures, and declaring themfelves
inveiled with power to legiflatc for us in all cafes whatfoever.

" He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of
his protetlion, and waging war againll us.

" He has plundered our feas, ravaged our coafts, burnt our
towns, and deflroyed the lives of our people.

" He is, at this time, tranfporting large armies of foreign mer-
cenaries to complete the works of death, dcfolation, and tyianny,
already begun with circumflances of cruelty and perfidy fcarcely
paialleled in the mofl. barbarous agesj and totally unworthy the
head of a civilized nation.

" He has conftrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the
high feas, to bear arms agiinft their country, to become the
executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themfelves
by their hands.

" Fie has excited domeflic infurre6lions amongft u», ahd has en-
deavoured to bring on the inliabitants of our frontiers, the mer-
cileis Indian favnges, whofe known rule of warfare, is an undif*
tinguiflied deflruftion of all ageSj fexes, and conditions.

" In every flage .of thcfe oppreflions we have petitioned for
redrefs in the moft humble terms : our repeated petitions have
been anfwered only by repeated injury. A prince whofe cha-
racter is thus marked by every aft which may define a tyrant, ifi
unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

" Nor have we been wanting to our Britifli brethren. We
have warned them from time to time of attempts made by their
Icgiflature to extend an unwarrantable jurifdiftion over us. We
have reminded them of the circumftances of our emigration and
fettlement here. We have appealed to their native juflice and
magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the tics of our
common kindred, to difavow thefe ufurpations, which would
inevitably interrupt our conneftions and correfpondence. They,
too, have been deaf to the voice of juftice and conianguinity.—
We muli, therefore, acquiefcc in the neceflity which denounces
our feparation. and hold them, as wc hold the reft of mankind,
enemies in war. in peace friends.

<■'• We, therefore, the Reprefentatives of the United States of
Aiuericrt; In General Congrefsaflembled, appealing to the Supreme

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 507

Judge of the world for tlie reftitudc of our intentions, do, in the
name and by the authority of the good people of thele colonies*
folemnly publifh and declare, That thele United Colonics are,
and of right ought to be, Free and Independent States; that
they are abfolved from all allegiance to the Brililh crown, and
that all political conneftion between them and the State of Great-
Britain is, and ought to be, totally diffolved ; and that as Free
and Independent States, they have full power to levy war, con-
clude peace, contraft alliances, eftablifli commerce, and to do all
other a£ls and things which Independent States may of right do.
And for the fupport of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on
the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to eacii
other our lives, our fortunes, and our facrcd honour."

Previous to this a circular letter had been fent through each
colony, ftating the reafons for it ; and luch was the animofity
now every where prevailing againft Great-Britain, that it met
with univerfal approbation, except in the province of Maryland
alone. It was not long, however, before the people of that co-
lony, finding them (elves left in a very dangerous minority, thought,
proper to accede to the meafures of the reft. The manifefto it-
ielf was much in the ufual ftyle, ftating a long lift of grievances,
for which rcdrefs had been often applied for in vain ; and for
thefc reafons they determined on a final feparation ; to hold the
people of Britain as the reft of mankind, " enemies in war, in
peace friends,"

After thus publicly throwing off all allegiance and hope of re-
conciliation, the colonifts foon found that an exertion of all their
ftrength was required in order to fupport their pretenfions.
Their arms, indeed, had not, during tiiis fcafon, been attended
with fuccefs in Canada. Reinfoxcements had been promifcd to
Colonel Arnold, who ftill continued the blockade of Quebec ;
but they did not arrive in time to fecond his operations. Being
fenfiblc, however, that he muft cither defift from the enterprifcj
or finifh it fuccefsfully, he recommenced in form ; attcm-oting to
burn the fhipping, and even to ftorm the town itfelf. They were
unfuccefsful, however, by reafon of the fmallnel's of their num-
ber, though they fuccecded lo far as to burn a number of iioufes
in the luburbs ; and the garrifon were obliged to pull down the
remainder, in order to prevent the fire from fppeading.

As the provincials, though unable to reduce the town, kept the
garrifon in continual alarms, and in a very difagreeable fituation,
iome of the nobility coUcftcd themlclvcs, into a body under the
command of one Mr. Beaujcau, in order to relieve their capital;
but they were met on their march by the provincials, and lo en-

3 T 2

£o8 HISTORY OF THE

tircly defeated, that they were never afterwards able to attempt
any thing. The Americans, however, had but little reafon to
plume thcmfelves on this fuccefs. Their Want of artillery at lafl
convinced them, that it was imprafticable in their fituation to re-
duce a place To ftrongly fortified : the fmall-pox at the fame time
made its appearance in their camp, and carried off great numbers ;
intimidating the reft to fucha degree, that they dcferted in crowds.
To add to their misfortunes, the Britifli reinforcements uncxpcft-
cdly appeared, and the fhips made their way through the ice with
fiich celerity, that the one part of their army was feparatcd from
the other ; and General Carleton fallying out as foon as the rein-
forcement was landed, obliged them to fly with tlie utmoft preci-
pitation, leaving behind them all their cannon and military flores ;
at the fame time that their (liipping was entirely captured by vef-
fels fent up the river for that purpofe. On this occafion the
provincials fled with fuch precipitation that they could not be
overtaken ; fo that none fell into the hands of the Britifh except-
ing the fick and wounded. General Carleton now gave a fignal
inftance of his humanity ; Being well appnfed that many of the
provincials had not been able to accompany the reft in their re_
treat, and that they were concealed in woods, &c. in a very de-
plorable fituation, he generoufly ifTucd a proclamation, ordering
proper perfons to feek them out, and give them relief at the pub-
lic expence ; at the fame time, left, through fear of being made
priionres, they fliould rcfufc thefc offers of humanity, he promifcd,
that, as foon as their fituation enabled them, they fliould be at
liberty to depart to their refpeftives homes.

The Britifli general, now freed frorn any danger of an attack
was foon enabled to aft ofFcnfivcly againft the provincials, by the
arrival of the forces dcftined for that purpofe from Britain. By
thefc he was put at the head of twelve thoufand regular troops,
among whom were tnofe of Brvmlwick. With this force he in-
ftantly fct out to the Three Rivers, where he expefted that Arnold
would have made a ftand ; but he had fled to Sorel, a place one
hundred and fifty miles diftant from Quebec, where he was at
laft met by the reinforcements ordered by Congrels, Here
though the preceding events were by no means calculated to in-
fpire much military ardour, a very daring cntcrprife was under-
taken," and this was to I'urprife the Britifli troops pofted here un-
der Generals Frafer and Nefbit ; of wljom the former commanded
ihofe on land, the latter fuch as were on board of tranlports, and
were but a little way diftant. The enterprife was undoubtedly
■wcry hazardous, both on account of the ftrength of the parties
againft whom they were to aft, and as the main body of the Bri-
tifh forces were advanced within fifty miles of the place ; bcfidcs

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 509

it a number of armed vcffcls and tranfports with troops lay be-
tween them and the Three Rivers. Two tliouland chofen men,
however, under General Thomfon, engaged in this cnterprilc.
Their fuccels was by no means anlwciable to their fpnit and

lour. Though they palfcd the fiiipping without being obl-M v-

. General Frai'er had notice of their landing ; and thus being
prepared to receive them, they were foon thrown into difordcr,
at the fame time that General Nefbit, having landed his forces,
prepared to attack them iri the rear. On this occafion fome held
pieces difl prodigious execution, and a retreat was found to be
un.'void;ible. General Nefbit, however, had got between ithcni
and their boats; fo that they were obliged to take a circuit through
a deep fv/amp, while they were clofely purfued bv both parties
at the fam.e time, who marched for iome miles on each fide of the
fwamp, till at laft the miferable provincials were fheltered from
further danger by a wood at the end of the fwamp. Their Gene-
ral, however, was taken, with two hundred of his men.

By this difafter the provincials loft all hopes of accomplifliinT
anv thing in Canada. They demoliflied their works, and carried
off their artillery with the utmoft expedition. They were pur-
fued however, by General Burgoyne ; againfl; whom it was cx-
pcfted that they would collected all their force, and made a reio-
lute ftand. But they were now too much diipirited by misfortune
to make any further exertions of valour. On the 18th of June
the Britifli general arrived at Fort St. John's, which he found aban-
doned and burnt. Chamblee had fhared the fame fate, as well as all
the veffcls that were not capable of being dragged up againfh the
current of the river. It was thought that they would have made
fome refiftance at Nut IHand, the entrance to Lake Champlain ;
but this alio they had abandoned, and retreated acrofs the lake to
Crown Point, whither they could not be immediately followed.
Thus was the province of Canada entire! v evacuated by the Ame-
ricans: whofe lofs in their retreat from Quebec was not calculat-
ed at lefs than one thoufand men, of whom four hundred fell at
once into the hands of the enemy at a place called the Cedars,
about fifty miles above Montreal. General Sullivan, however,
who condufted this retieat after the affair of General Thomfon,
was acknowledged to have had great merit in what he did, and
received the thanks of Congrefs accordingly.

This bad fuccefs in the north, however, was fom.ewliat com-
penfated by what happened in the fouthern colonies. — Wc have
formerly taken notice that Mr. Martin, govcinor of North Caro-
lina, had been obliged to leave his province and take refuge on
board a man of war, Notwithftanding this, he did nf;t dcfpur
►. '" reducing it Pgain to obedience. For tlvis purpofo he applied

510 HISTORY OF THE

to the Regulators, a daring fct of b-^nditti, who lived in a kind
of independent ftate; and though confidcrcd by government as
rebels, yet had never been molcftcd, on account of their num-
bers and known fkill in the ufe of fire-arms. To the chiefs of
thefe people commifTions were fent, in order to raife fome regi-
ments; and Colonel Macdonald, a brave and enterprifing officer,
was appointed to command them. In the month of February he
ercftcd the king's ftandard, ilfued proclamations, &c. and col-
Icfted fome forces, expcfting to be foon joined by a body of re-
gular troops, who were known to be fliipped from Britain to aft
againft. the fouthern colonies. The Americans, fenhble of their
danger, dilpatched immediately what forces they had to aft againft
the royalifts, at the fame time that they diligently exerted them-
iclves to fupport thefe with fuitable reinforcements. Their
prefent force was commanded by a General Moore, whofe num-<
bers were inferior to Macdonald; for which reafon the latter
fummoned him to join the king's ftandard under pain of being
treated as a rebel. But Moore, being well provided with can-
non, and confcious that nothing could be attempted againft him,
returned the compliment, by acquainting Colonel Macdonald,
that if he and his party would lay down their arms, and fubfcribe
an oath of fidelity to Congrefs, they ftiould be treated as friends ;
but if they perfifted in an undertaking for which it was evident
they had not fufficient ftrength, they could not but expeft the
fevereft treatment. In a few days General Moore found himfelf
at the head of eight thoufand men, by reafon of the continual
fupplies which daily arrived from all parts. The royal party
amounted only to two thoufand, and they were deftitute of artil-
lery, which prevented them from attacking the enemy while they
had the advantage of numbers. They were now therefore obliged
to have rcfource to a dcfpcrate exertion of pcrfonal valour: by
dint of which they effefted a retreat for eighty miles to Moore's
Creek, within fixteen miles of Wilmington. Could they have
gnined this place, th.ey expcfted to have been joined by Governor
Martin and General Clinton, who had lately arrived with a
confiderable detachment. But Moore with his army purlued
them fo clofe, that tlicy were obliged to attempt the palfage of
the creek itielf, though a confiderable body of the enemy, under
the command of Colonel Cofwell, with fortifications well planted
with cannon, was pofted on the other fide. On attempting the
creek, however, it was found not to be fordable. They were
obliged therefore to crofs over a wooden bridge, which the pro-
vincials had not time to deftroy entirely. They had, however,
by pulling up part of tlic planks, and grcafing tlic remainder in
order to :eiider them llippory. made the paffage lo difficult, that

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 5:1

iie royalifts cculd not attempt it. In this fituation they were,

■ a the 2'7th of February, attacked by Moore, with his iuperior

urmy, and totally defeated with the lofs of their general and

molt of their leaders, as vvcll as tlie beft and braveil of their

men.

1'hus was the power of the Provincials eflablifhed in North-
Carolina. Nor were they lefs fuccelsful in the province of Vir-
ginia: where Lord Dunmore, having long continued an ufclefs
predatory war, was at laft, driven from every creek and road in
the province. The people he had on board were diftrefied to
the higheft degree by confinement in fmall vcffels. The heat of
the feafon, and the numbers crowded together, produced a pcfti-
Icntial fever, which made great havock, efpecially among the
blacks. At laft, finding themfelves in the utmoft hazard of pe-
rifhing by famine as well as dileafe, they fet fire to the lead valu-
able of their veffels, relerving only about fifty for themfelves, in
which they bid a final adieu to Virginia, fome failing to Florida,
fome to Bermuda, and the reft to the Weft Indies.

In South Carolina the Provincials had a more formidable ene-
my to deal with. A fquadron, whofe objcft was the reduftion.
of Charleftown, had been fitteft out in December 1775; but by
rcalon of unfavourable weather did not reach Cape Fear, in
North-Carolina, till the month of Miy 1776; and here it met
with further obftacles till the end of the month. Thus the Ame-
ricans, always noted for their alertnels in railing fortifications,
had time to ftrengthen thoie of Charleftown in fuch a manner as
rendered it extremely difficult to be attacked. The Britifh fqua-
dron confifted of two fifty gun fhips, four of thirty guns, two of
twenty, an armed Ichooncr, and bomb-ketch; all under the
command of Sir Peter Parker. The land forces were commanded
by Lord Cornwallis, with Generals Clinton and Vaughan. As
they had yet no intelligence of the evacuation of Bofton, General
iiowc difpatched a veftel to Cape Fear, with fome inftruftions;
but it was too late; and in the beginning of June the fquadron
anchored off Charleftown bar. Here they met with fome diffi-
culty in crolfing, being obliged to take out the guns from the
two large fhips, which were, notwithftanding, feveral times in
danger of fticking faft. The next obftacle was a ftrong fort on
Sullivan's Ifland, fix miles eaft from Charleftown ; which though
not completely finifhed, was very ftrong. However, the Bri-
tifli generals refolved without helitation to attack it ; but though
an attack was eafy from the ica, it was very difficult to obtain a
co-operation of the land forces. This was attempted by landing
them on Long-Ifland, adjacent to Sullivan's Ifland on the eaft,
! from which it is feparated by a narrow creek, faid not to be above

gii HisrORY OF THE

two feet deep at low water. Oppofite to this ford the Provin-
cials had pofled a ftrong body of troops, with cannon and en-
trenchments; while General Lee was polled on the main land,
with a bridge of boats betwixt that and Sullivan's Ifland, fo that
he could at plcafure lend reinforcements to the troops in the fort
on Sullivan's Ifland.

On the part of the Britifh, fo many delays occured, that it was
the 28th of June before matters were in veaUincIs for an attack;
and by this time the provincials had abundantly provided for
their reception. On the morning of that day the bomb ketch
began to throw fhells into Fort Sullivan, and about mid-day the
two fifty gun fhips and thirty gun frigates came up and began a
feverc fire. Three other frigates were ordered to take their (la-
tion between Charleftown and the fort, in order to enfilade the
batteries, and cut oft the communication with the main land ;
but through the ignorance of the pilots they all (luck fafh; and
though two of them were difentangled, they were found to be
totally unfit for fervicc : the third was burnt, that flie might not
fall into the hands of the enemy.

The attack was therefore confined to the five armed fliips and
bomb-ketch, between whom and the fort a dreadful fire enfued..
The Briftol fuffered exceflively. The fprings on her cable being.
Ihot away, fhe was for fome time entirely expofed to the enemy's
fire. As the enemy poured in great quantities of red-hot balls,
file was twice in flames. The captain (Mr. Morris), after receiv-
ing five wounds, was obliged to go below deck in order to have
his arm amputated. After undergoing this operation he returned
to his place, where he received another wound, but ft;ill refuied
to quit his fl.ation : at laft he received a red-hot ball in his belly
which inflantly put an end to his life. Qf all the officers and
icamen who flood on the quarter-deck of this vefl"el, not one
eicapcd without a wound excepting Sir Peter Parker alone; whofe
intrepidity and prelence of mind on this occafion was very re-
markable. The engagement laftcd till darknefs put an end to it*
Little damage was doAie by the Britifli, as the works of the ene-
my lay lo low that many of the fliot flew over ; and the fortifica-
tions, being compofed of palm-trees mixed with earth, were ex-
tremely well calculated to refill the impreflion of cannon. Dur-
ing the height of the attack, the provincial batteries remained for
fome time hlent, fo that it was concluded that they had been '
abandoned; but this was found to proceed only from want of
powder; for as foon as a fupply of this nr.ccfl'arv article was ob-
tained, the firing was rcfumed as brifli as before. During the
whole of this defperatc engagement it was found impofuble for
the land forces 10 eivc tlic Icafl; a{afl,ance to tha fleet. Tlie

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 513

enemy's works were found to be much flronger than they had been
imagined, and the depth of water effetlually prevented them from
making any attempt. In this unfuccefsful attack the killed and
wounded on the part of the Biitifh amounted to about two hun-
dred. The Briftol and Experiment were fo much damaged, that
it was thought they could not have been got over the bar ;
however, this was at laft accomplifhcd by a very great exertion
of naval {kill, to the furprize of the provincials, who had ex-
pefted to make them both prizes. On the American fide the lofs
was judged to have, been very confiderable, as moft ot their guns
were dilinoynted, and reinforcements had poured into the fort;
during the whole time of the aftion.

This year alfo, the Americans, having fo frequently made trial
of their valour by land, became defirous of trying it by fea, and
of forming a navv that migiu in fome meafure be able to protcft
their trade, and do eflential hurt to the enemy. In the begin-
ning of March commodore Hopkins was difpatched with five
frigates to the Bahama lHands, where he made himfelf mafler of
the ordnance and military (lores ; but the gunpowder, which had
been the principal objeft, was removed. On his return he cap-
tured feveral VelTcls ; but was foiled in his attempt on the Glaf-
gow frigate, which found means to efcape nothwithftanding the
efforts of his whole iquadron.

The time, however, was now come when the fortitude and
patience of the Artiericans were to undergo a fevere trial. Hi-
therto they had been on the whole fuccefsful in their operations :
but now they were doomed to experience misfortune, and mi-
fery ; the enemy overrunning their countrv, and their own ar-
mies not able to face them in the field. The province of New-
York, as being the moft central colony, and moft accefhbly by
fcHj was pitched upon for the objeft of the main attack. The
force fent againft it coniifted of fix fhips of the line, thirty fri-
gates, befides other armed veiTels, and a vaft ^number of tranf-
ports. The fleet was commanded by lord Howe, and the land
forces by his brother general Howe, who was now at Halifax.
The latter, however, a confiderable time before his brother arriv-
ed, h;:d let fail from Halifax, and lay before New-York, but with-
out attempting to commence hoftilitics until he fhould be joined
by his brother. The Americans had, according to cuftom, forti-
fied New-York and the adjacent iflands in an extraordinary man-
ner. However, general Howe, was fufFered to land his troops
on Staten Ifland, where he was foon joined by a number of the
inhabitants. About the middle of July, Lord Howe arrived with
the grandnrmament; andbeing cneof the comjiiiflioners appointed

Vol. I. 3 U

514 HISTORY OF THE

to receive the fubmiflTion of the colonifts, he publiflied a circular
letter to this purpofe to the feveral governors who had lately
been expelled from their provinces, defiring them to make the
extent of his commiflion, and the powers he was inverted with
by parliament, as public as polTible. Here, however, congrefs
faved him the trouble, by ordering his letter and declaration to b<*
publifhcd in all the newfpapers, that every one might fee the in-
fidioufnefs of the Britifh niiniftry, and that they had nothing to
truft to bcfides the exertion of their own valour.

Lord Howe next fent a letter to General Waflilngton ; but as
it was direfted ; " To George Wafliington, Efq." the general refu-
fed to accept of it, as not being direfted in the ftyle fuitable to
his Ibtion. To obviate this objeftion, Adjutant-general Paterfon
was lent with another letter, direfted " To George Wafhington,
&c. &c. &c." But though a very polite reception was given to
the bearer, General WafliingJon utterly refulcd the letter ; nor
could any explanation of the Adjudant induce him to accept of
it. The only interelling part of the converfation was that relat-
ing to the powers of the commiffioners, of which Lord Howe
was one. The adjutant told him, that thefe powers were very
extenfive ; that the commiffioners were determined to exert
themfelvesto the utmofl, in order to bring about a reconciliation ;
and that he hoped the general would conhder this viht as a ftep
towards it. General Wafhington replied, that it did not appear
that thefe powers confifted in any thing elfe than granting par-
dons ; and as America had committed no offence, flie afkcd no
forgiv^enefs, and was only defending her unqueflionable rights.

The decifion of every thing being now by confcnt of both
parties left to the fword, no time was loft, but hoftilities com-
menced as foon as the BritiPn troops could be colleftcd. This,
however, was not done before the month of Auguft ; when they
landed without any oppofition on Long liland, oppofitc to the
fhore of Statcn Illand. General Putnam, with a large body of
troops, lay encamped and ftrongly fortified on a peninfula on the
oppofite fliore, with a range of hills between the armies, the prin-
cipal pafs of which was near a place called I'lat-buJJi. Here the
centre of the Britifli army, confifking of Heffians, took pofl ; the
left wing, under General Grant, lying near the fhore ; and the
right, confifting of the greater part of the Brltilh forces, lay un-
der Lord Percy, Cornwallis, and General Clinton. Putnam hrd
ordejcd the p.iifcs to be fecured by large detachments, which was
executed ?.s to thofe at hand ; but one of the utmofi importance,
that lav at a diftance, was cntiiely ncglcfted. This gave an op-
portunity to a large body of troops under Lord Percy and Clinton
to pais tlic mountains and attack the Americans in the rear, whils

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 515

;Iaey were engaged with the Heflians in front. Through this
piece of negligence their defeat became inevitable. Thole who
were engaged with the HelFians iirft perceived their mifl.ike,
and began a retreat towards the camp ; but the paffage was in-
t-ercepted by the Britifh troops, who drove them back into the
woods. Here they were met by theHefTians; and thus were
tliey for many hours Qaughtered between the two parties, no way
of clcape remaining but by breaking throughi the Britifh troops,
and thus regaining their camp. In this attempt many periflied ;
and the riglit wing, engaged with General Grant, fliarcd the
fame fate. The viftory was complete ; and the Americans loft
on this fatal day (Auguft a-jth) between three and four thou-
fand men, of whom two thouland were killed in the battle or
purfuit. Among thele a regiment, confiding of young gentlemen
of fortune and family In Maryland, was almoft entirely cut iii
pieces, and of the furvivors not one efcaped without a wound.

The ardour of the Biitifh troops was now fo great, that they
could fcarce be reftraincd from attacking the lines of the provin-
cials : but for this there was now uc occafion, as it was certain
they could not be defended. Of the Britifli only fixty-one were
killed in this engagement, and two hundred and fifty-feven
wounded. Eleven hundred of the enemy, among whom were
three generals, were taken prifoners.

As none of the American commanders thought it proper to
rifk another attack, it was refolved to abando'n their camp as
foon as pofubie. Accordingly on the night of the 29th of
Auguft, the whole of the continental troops were ferried over
with the utmoft fecrecy and filence ; fo that in the morning the
Britidi had nothing to do but take poftefTion of the camp and
artillery which they had abandoned.

This viftory, though complete, was very far from being fo deci-
five as was at ftrft imagined. Lord Howe, fuppofing that it would
he fulhcient to intimidate the Congrefs into fome terms, fent Ge-
neral Sullivan, who had been taken prifoner in the late aftion,
to congrefs, with a meffage, importing, that though he could not
confiftcntly treat with them as a legd affcmbly, yet he would be
veiy glad to confer with any of the mernbcrs in their private
capacity ; letting forth at the fame time the nature and extent of
his powers as a commilTioncr. But the Congrefs were not to ha
intuTiidatcd to derogate in the leaft from the dignity of character
ihey had allumed. They replied, that the congrefs of the free
and independent ftatcs of America could not confiftcntly lend any
of its membeis in another capacity than that which they had
Dublicly aflumcd ; but as they were extremely defiruus of rcftor*

3 U z

5i6 HISTORY OF THE

ing peace to their country upon equitable conditions, they would
appoint a committee of their body to wait upon him, and learri
what propofals he had to make.

This produced a new conference. The committee appointe<i
by congrefs was compofed of Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and
Mr. Rutledge. They were very politely received by his Lord-
ihip ; but the conference proved as fruitlefs as before indepency
had been declared, and the final anfwer of the deputies was, that
they were extremely willing to enter into any treaty with Great-
Britain that might conduce to the good of both nations, but that
they would not treat in any other charafter than that of indepen-
dent ftates. This pofitive declaration iuftantly put an end to
all hopes of reconciliation; and it was refolvcd to profecute the
war with the utmofh vigour. Lord Howe, after publifliing a
nianifefto, in v/hich lie declared the refufal of congrefs, and that
he himielf was \\aliing to confer with all well difpolcd perfons
about the means of reftoring public tranquillity, fet about the moft
proper methods for reducing the city of New-York, Here the
provincial troops were polled, and from a great number of bat-
teries kept continually annoying the Britifli fhipping. The
Eaft River lay between them, of about twelve hundred yards in
breadth, whith the Britifh troops were extremely defirous of
paffing. At laft thefhips having, after an incellant cannonade
of feveral days, filehced the mo ft troublefome batteries, a body
of troops was fent up the river to a bay, about three miles dillant,
where the fortifications were lefs ftrong than in otiier places.
Here having driven off the provincials by the cinnon of the fleet,
they marched direftly towards the city ; but the enemy finding
that they fhould now be attacked on all fides, abandoned the
city, and retired to the north of the ifland, where their princi-
pal force was coUefted. In their paffage thither they fkirmilhed
with the Britifh, but carefully avoided a general engagement -,
and it was obferved that they did not behave with tiiat ardour
and impetuous valour which had hitherto marked their character.
The Britifh and provincial armies were not now above two
miles diflant from each other. The former lay encamped from
Ihore to fhore for an extent of two miles, being the breadth of
the ifland, v/hich though fifteen miles long, exceeds not two in
any part in breadth. The provincials, who lay directly oppofite,
had ftrengthened their camp with masy fortifications ; at the
fame time, being matters of ail the palfes and defiles betwixt the
two camps, they were enabled to defend themlelves againft an
army, much more numerous than their own ; and they had alfo
ftrongly fortified a pafs called King's Bridge, whence they could
i'ecure a palTage to the continent in cafe of any misfcrtune. Hev^

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 517

General Wafliington, in order to inure the provincials to aftual
fervice, and at the fame time to annoy the enemy as much as pofli-
ble, employed his troops in continual fkirmifhes; by which it
ovas obicrved that they foon recovered their fpirits, and behaved
M ith their ufual boldnel's.

As the fituation of the two armies was now highly inconvenient
for the Britifli generals, it was rcfolved to make fuch movementi>
as might oblige General "V\^^fllingtan to rclinquifli his ftrong fitu"
ation. The poffenion of New-York had been lefs beneficial than
was expeftcd. It had been concerted among the Provincials, that
the city fliould be burnt at the time of evacuation; but as they
were forced to depart with precipitation, they were prevented
from putting this fcheme in execution. In a few days, however,
it was attempted by fome who had been left behind for that pur-
pofe. Taking advantage of a high wind and dry weather, the
town was let on fire in feveral places at once, by means of com-
buftibles properly placed for that purpofe ; and notwithftanding
the mod atlive exertions of the loldiery and lailors, a fourth part
of the city was confumed.

On this occafion the Britifli were irritated to the highefl: degree
and many perfons, iaid to be incendiaries, were without mercy
thrown into the flames. It was determined to force the provin-
cial army to a greater diflance, that they might have it lefs in
their power, by any emiflaries, to engage others in a funilar at-
tempt. For this purpofe. Gen. Howe having left Lord Percy
with fufficient force to garrifon New-York, he embarked his army
in flat-bottom boats, by which they were conveyed through the
dangerous paffage called HcU Gate, and landed near the town of
Weft Cheller, lying on the continent tow^ards Connefticut. Here
having received a iupply of men and provifions, they moved to
New-Rochelle, fituatcd on the found which ieparates Long Ifland
from the continent. After this, receiving ftill frefli reinforce-
ments, they made fuch movemients as threatened to difkrefs the
provincials very much, by cutting ofF their convoys of provifioas
from Connefticut, and tlius force them to an engagement. This,
however. General V/afliington determined at all events to avoid-
He therefore extended his forces into a long line oppofite to the
way in which the enemy m.arched, keeping the Bruna, a river of
confiderable magnitude, between the two armies, with the North
River on his rear. Here again the provincials continued for feme
time to annoy and fliirmifh with the lloyal army, until at lail, by
fome other rnanceuvtes, the Britifli general found means to attack
them advantageoufly at a place called the IVhitc Plains, and drove
them from fome of their pofts. The viftory on this occafion was
fiiuch lefs complete than the former : however it obliged the pr^-

5i8 HISTORY OF THE

vincials once more to fhift their ground, and to retreat farther i.m
the country. General Howe purlued for fome time ; but at lafl
finding all his endeavours vain to bring the Americans to a pitch-
ed battle, he determined to give over fuch an uielefs chace. and
employ himfelf in reducing the forts which the provincials ftill
retained in the neighbourhood of New-York. In this he met
with the mofh complete luccefs. The Americans, on the approach
of the Britilh forces, retreated from King's Bridge into Fort
Wafhington; and this, as well as Fort Lee, which lay in the
neighbourhood, was quickly reduced, though the garriion made
their efc:ipe. Thus tlie Jerfeys' were laid entirclv open to the
incurfions of the Britifli troops; and fo fully were thcle provinces
taken poffenion of by the Royal army, that its winter-quarters
extended from New-Brunfwick to the river Delaware. Had any
number of boats been at hand, it is probable that Philadelphia
would now have fallen into their hands. All thefe, however,
had been carefully removed by the Americans. In lieu of this
enterprife, Sir Henry Clinton undertook an expedition to Rhode-
Ifland, and became mafler of it without lofing a man. His expe-
dition was aUo attended with this further advantage, that the Ame-
rican fleet under Commodore Hopkins was obliged to fail as far aj
pofTible up the river Providence, and thus remained entirely ufe-
lefs.

The fame ill fuccefs continued to attend the Am.ericans in other
parts. After their expulfion from Canada, they had crofTed the
lake Champlain, and taken up their quarters at Crown Point, as
we have already mentioned. Here they remained for fome time
in fafety, as the Britifh had no vefTels on the lake, and confe-
quontly General Burgoyne could not purine them. To remedy
this deficiency, there -was no poffible metliod, but either to con-
ftruft vcfTels on the fpot, or to take to pieces fome vclFcls already
conftruGcd, and drag them up tlie river into the lake. This,
hov/ever, was efFefted in no longer a fpacc than three months;
and the Britifli genera], after incredible toil and difficulty, faw
himfelf in poiTeilion of a great number of veflTcls, by which means
he was enabled to purlue his enemies, and invade them in hi^
turn. The labour undergone at this time by the fca and land for-
ces mull indeed have been prodigious; fmce there were convey-
ed over land, and dragged up the rapids of St. liaurence, no few,
er than thirty large long boats, four hundred batteaux, befides a
vaft' number of flat bottomed boats, and a gondola of thirty tons.
The intent of the expedition was to pufli forward before winter
to Albany, where the army would take up its winter-quarters,
and next fpring cffccl a junftion with that under Ciencral Howe
v;hcn it was not doubted that the united force and jkill of thefe
two commanders would Ipevdily put a termination to ihe war.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 519

By reafon of the difficulties with which the equipment of this
fleet had been attended, it was the beginning of Odobcr before
tlic expedition could be undertaken. It was now, however, by
every judge allowed to be completely able to anfwcr the purpofe
for which it was intended. It conhfted of one large vefTel with
three mafts, carrying eighteen twelve pounders ; two fchooners,
the one carrying fourteen, the other twelve fix-pounders ; a large
flat-bottomed radcau with fix twenty-four and fix twelve-poun-
ders ; and a gondola with eight nine-pounders. Befides thefe
there were twenty veffcls of a fmaller fize, called gun-boats, car-
rying each a piece of brafs ordancc from nine to twenty-four
pounders or howitzers. Several long-boats were fitted out in the
fame manner; and bcfidcs all thefe, there were a vafl number of
boats and tenders of various fizes, to be ufed as tranfports for the
troops and baggage. It was manned by a number of feleft feamen,
and the guns were to be ferved by a detachment from the corps of
artillery; the officers and foldiers appointed for this expedition
were alfo chofcn out of the whole army.

To oppofe this formidable armament the Americans had only a
very inconfiderable force, commanded by General Arnold ; who^
after engaging part of the Britiffi fleet for a whole day, took ad-
vantage of the darknefs of the night to fct fail without being per-
ceived, and next morning v/as out of fight: but he was io clofelv
purfued by the Britifh, that on the fecond day after he was over,
taken, and forced to a facond engagement. In this he behaved
with great gallantry; but his force being inferior to that of the
enemy, he was obliged to run his fliips afhore and fet them on fire,
A few only efcapcd to Lake George; and the garrifon of Crown
Point having deftroycd or carried off every thing of value, retired
to Ticonderago. Thither General Carleton intended to have pur_
fucd them ; but the difficulties he had to encounter appeared fo
many and fo great, that it was thought proper to march back into
Canada, and defifb from any further operations till next fpring.

Thus the affairs of the Americans feemed everv Vv'herc goin?
to wreck: even thofe who had been mod fanguine in their caule
began to waver. The time, alfo, for which the foldiers had cn-
liftcd thcmfelves was now expired ; and the bad fuccefs of the
preceding campaign had been (o very difcouraging, that no per-
fon was willing to engage himlclf during the continuaiicc of a
war, of which the event feemed to be lo doubtful. In confc.
quence of this, therefore. General V/afiiington found his army
dccreafing in flrcngth ; fo that from thirty-thoufand men, of whom
it confiflcd, when General Howe landed on Staten Illand, fcarce
a tenth part could now be mufhered. To affift the chief comman_
dcr as much as pofliblcj General Lcc had collefLcd a body of forces

5:o HISTORY OF THE

in the north; but on his wny fouthward, having imprudently-
taken up his lodging at lome di fiance from his troops, information
was given to Colonel liarcourt, who happened at that time to be
iin the neighbourhood, and Lee was made prifoner. The lofs of
this general was much regretted, the more efpecially as he was of
fupcrior quality to any prifoner in the pofrefTion of the colonifts
and could not therefore be exchanged. Six field-ofEccrs were
offered in exchange for him and refufed ; and the Congrefs was
highly irritated as its being reported that he Avas to be treated as a
deferter, having been a half-pay officer in the Britifh fervice at
the commencement of the war. In confequence of this they iffucd
a proclamation, threatening to retaliate on the prifoners in their
poffeffjon whatever punifhment fhould be inflifted on any of thofe
taken by the Britifh, and efpecially that their conduft fliould be
regulated by the treatment of General Lee.

In the mean time they proceeded with the mofl indefatigable
diligence to recruit their army, and bound their foldiers to ferve
for a term of thfee years, or during the continuance of the war.
The army defigned for the enfuing campaign was to confifl of
eighty-eight battalions; of which each province was to contribute
its quota ; and twenty dollars were offered as a bounty to each
foldier, behdes an allotment of lands at the end of the war. In
this allotment was ftipulated, that each foldier fliould have one
hundred acres; an enfign one hundred and fifty; a lieutenant
two hundred; a captain three hundred; a major four hundred;
a licutenant-coloEcl four hundred and fifty; and a colonel five
hundred. No lands were promifed to thofe who inlifted only for
three years. All officers or foldiers difabled through wounds
received in the fervice to enjoy half-pay during life. To defray
the e^pence, congrefs borrowed five millions of dollars at five
per cent ; for payment of which the United States became furety.
At the fame time in order to animate the people to vigorous ex-
ertions, a declaration was publifhed, in which they fet forth the
ricceffity there was for taking proper methods to inlure fuccefs in
their caufe : they endeavoured to palliate as much as poffible the
misfortunes which had already happened; and reprefented the
true caufe of the prefcnt diftrefs to be the ffiort term of cnlift-
rhcnt.

This dech'.ration, toget'ncr with the vmm-inent danger of Phila-
fklphia, determined the Americans to exert thcmfelves to the ut-
niofl in order to reinforce General Wafliington's army. They
f.-on received farther encouragement; however, by an exploit of
tiiat general ag:iinil the Hcffiaiis. As the Royal army extended
in (lificreiit cantonments for a great way. Gen. Vv afhington,
perceiving the imminent d;mgcr to whicii Philadelphia vva£

A M ERIC AN RE VO LUTION. 521

expofcd, rcfolvcd to make fome attempt on thofe divifions of the
enemy wliich l.iy ncarefl that city, Thefe happened to be tlie
HefTians, who lay in three divifions, the laft only twenty miles
diftant froiti Philadelphia. On the 25th of December, having
collefted as confiderablc a force as he coul^, he fct out with an
intent to furprife that body of the enemy who lay at Trenton. — •
His army was divided into three bodies ; one of which he ordered
to crofs the Delaware at Trenton Ferry, a little below the town ;
the fecond at a good diftance below, at a place called Bordentowfi,
where the fecond divifion of HefTians v/as placed ; while he him-
fclfwith the third, direfting his courfe to a ferry fome miles
above Trenton, interided to have pafTed it at midnight, and at,
tack the Heffians at break of day. But by reafon of various Im-
j)ediments, it was eight of the morning before he could reach the
jjlace of his deftination. The enemy, however, did not perceive
His approach till they were fuddenly attacked. Colonel Ralle,
who commanded them, did all that could be expeftcd from a
brave and experienced officer ; bat every thing was in fuch con-
fufion, that no efforts of valour or fkill could now retrieve matters.
The colonel himfelf vv^as mortally wounded, his troops were en-
tirely broken, their artillery feiied, and about one thoufand taken
prifoners.

This aftion, though fecmingly of no very ckcifive nature, was
fufficient at that time to turn the fortune of war in favour of
Arherica. It tended greatly to Icffen the fear which the provin-
cials had of the Hefllans, at the fame time it equally abated the
confidence which the Britifh had till now put in them. Rein-
forcements came into General Wafhington's army from all quarters ;
fo tha.t he was foon in a condition to leave Philadelphia, and take
up his quarters at Trenton. Emboldened by his fuccefs, he de-
termined to make an attempt on a divifion of the Britifli forces
(tationed at Maidenhead, a town fituatcd halfway between Tren-
ton and Princeton, This confiftcd of tliree regiments under the
command of Colonel Mawhood, an ©fficer of great merit. The
troops were furprifed on their march; but though they were
fcparately furrounded and attacked by a force fo vaftly fuperior,
they charged the enemy fo refolutely with their bayonets, that
they efFofted a retreat. Thefe attempts of the Americans how-
ever, with the hofhile difpofition of the people, fliowed the
impofTibility of maintaining pofts fo far advanced in the ene-
my's coiftjtry ; fo that it was refolved to retreat towafds Brunf-
wick, in order to prevent it, with the troops and magazines it
contained, from falling into the hands of the provincials. Gene-
ral Wafliington lofh no opportunity of recovering what had been
Vol. I. 3 X

£22 HISTORY OF THE

Igft ; and by dividing his army into fmall parties, which could h4
reunited on a few hours warning, he in a manner entirely covered
the country with it, and repoflctfed himfclf of all the important
places.

1'hus ended the campaign of i7-'6, with fcarce any real advan-
tage otlier than the acquifition of the city of New- York, and a
few fortreffes in its neighbourhood ; where the troops were obliged
to aft with 39 much circumlpeftion as if they had been bcfiegcd by
a viftorious army, inftead of being themfelves the conquerors.

The almy at New-York began in 177710 c:iercife a kind of
predatory war, by fending out parties to deftroy magazines, make
incurfions, and take or deftroy fuch forts as lay on the banks of
rivers, to which their great command of fliipping gave them accefs.
In this they were generally fuecefsful ; the provincial magazines
at Peck's-Hill, a place, of about fifty miles diftant from New-York,
were deftroyed, the town of Dunbury in Connefticut bui'nt, and
that of Ridgefield in the fame province was taken poffefTion of.
In returning from the laft expedition, however, the Britifh were
greatly harraffed by the enemy under Generals Arn6ld, Woofter,
and Sullivan ; but they made good their retreat in fpite of all op-
pofition, with the lofs of only one hundred and feVenty killed
and wounded. On the American fule the lofs was much greater;
General Woofter was killed, and Arnold in the moft imminent
danger. On the other hand, the Americans deftroyed the ftores
at Sagg-harbour, on Long-Ifland, and made prifoners of all ^vho
defended the place.

As this method of making war, however, could anfwcr but
little purpofc, and favoured move of the barbarous incurfions of
favagcs than of a war carried on by a civilized people, it was re-
folved to make an attempt on Philadelphia. At firft it was thought
that this could be dime through the Jcrfcys ; but General Wafli-
ington had received fuch large reinforcements, and pofted himfelf
fo fbongly, that it was found to be imprafticable. Many ftrata-
gcm* were i,fed to draw him from this ftrong fituation, but W-ith-
out luccefs ; fo that it was found nccelfary to m.ake the attempt
on Philadelphia by fea. While the preparations nceeffafy for this
expedition were going forward,- the Americans found means to
make amends for the capture of General Lee by that of General
Prefcot, who was leized in his quarters with his aid-de-eamp, in
■much the fame manner as General Lee had been. This was ex-
cccdirigly mortifying to the General himfelf, as he had not long
before let a price upon General Arnold, by offering a lum of
money to any one that jpprehended him ; which the latter an-
fwered by fetting a lower price upon General Prefcot.

The month of July was far advanced before the preparations
for the expedition againft Philadelphia were completed ; and it
Was the 23d before the fleet was able to fail from Sandy-Hook'

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 523

The force eniployed in this expedition confiiled of thirty-fix bat-
talions of Britifli and Heffians, a regiment of light liorfe, and a
body of loyalifts ralfed at New-York. The remainder of the{ej
with fcventeen battalions, and another body of light horfe, were
flationcd at New-York under Sir Henry Clinton. Seven batta-
lions were ftationcd at Rhode-Ifland. After a week's failing they
arrived at the mouth of the Delaware ; but there received certain
intelligence, that the navigation of the river was fo eiTcftually
obftrufted, that no polTibility of forcing a pafTage remained. Upon
this it was refolved to proceed farther fouthward to Chelapeak
Bay in Maryland, from whencr the diftance to Philadelphia was
not very great, and where the provincial army would find lefs
advantage from the nature of the country than in the Jcrlcys.

The navigation fi'om Delaware to Chcfapcak took up the bcft
part of the month of Auguft, and that up the bay ilfclf was ex-
tremely difficult and tedious. A: laft, having failed up the river
Elk as far as was prafticable, the troops were landed without op-
pofnion, and let forward on their intended expedition. On the
news of their arrival in Chefapeak, General Wafliington left the
Jerfeys, and haftened to the relief of Philadelphia; and in the
beginning of September met the Royal army at Brandy-wine
Creek about mid-day, between the head of the Elk and Philadcl-
phia. Here he adhered to his former method of Ikirmifliing and
haralTing the Royal army on its march ; but as this proved infuf"
ficient to flop its progrefs, he retired to that fide of the Creek nex
to Philadelphia with an intent to difpute the paffage. Thi^
brought on a general engagement on the 1 1 th of September, in
which the Americans were vvorfted through the luperior diici"
pline of the Britifh troops ; and it was only through the approach
of night that they were faved from being entirely deftroycd. On
this occafion the provincials loft about one thoufand in killed and
y.'ounded, befides four hundred taken priloners.

The lofs of this battle proved aHo the lofs of Philadelphia. — .
General Wafliington retired towards Lancafter, an inland town at
a confiderable diftance from Philadelphia. Jlcre, however, the
Britifh general took fuch meafures as muft have forced the pro-
vincials to a fecond engagement ; but a violent rain which laftcd
a day and a night prevented his dcfign. General Waihington
though he could not prevent the lofs of Philadelphia, ftill adhered
to his original plan of diftrefting the Royal party, by laying
ambuflics and cutting off detached parties : but in this he was lefs
lucccisful than formerly ; and one of his own detachments, v/hich
lay in ambufh in a wood, were thcmlclvcs furprifed and entirely
defeated, with the lofs of three hundred killed and wounded, bc-
l;4e.s a grqat number taken, and all their arms and baggage.

3 ^ 2

524 HISTORY OF THE

General Howe now perceiving that the Americans would no*
venture another battle even for the lake of their capital, took
peaceable poflFeffion of it on the 26th of September. His firft. care-
was then to cut off, by means of ftrong batteries, the communication
between the upper and lower parts of the river ; which was exe.
cuted notwithflanding the oppofition of fome American armed
vefTels : one of which, carrying thirty-fix guns, was taken. His
next tafk was to open a communication with it by fea ; and this
was a work of no fmall difficultv. • A vaft number of batteries and
Jorts had been erected, and immcnfe machines formed like chevaux
dejrize, from whence they took their name, funk in the river to
prevent its nagivation. As the fleet was f»:nt round to the mouth
of the river in order to co-operate with tlie army, this \vork, how-
ever difficult, was accompliflied ; nor did the provincials give much
oppofition, as well knowing that all places of this kind were now
untenable. General WaflMngton, however, took the advantage
of the royal army being divided, to attack the camp of the princi-
cal divifion of it tliat lay at German-town, in the neighbourhood
of Philadelphia. In this he met with very little fuccefs ; for
though he reached the place of deflination by three o'clock in the
morning, the patroles had time to call the troops to arms. The
Americans, notwithflanding, made a very refolute attack : but
they were rpceix'ed with fuch bravery, that they were compelled
to abandon the attempt, and retreat in great diforder ; with the
advantage, however, of carrying off" their cannon, though purfued
for a confiderable way, after having three hundred killed, fix
hundred wounded, and upwards of four hundred taken prifoners,
among whom were fifty-four officers. On the Kritilh fide, the
lol's amounted to four hundred and thirty wounded and priioners
and feventy killed ; but am.ong the lafl were General Agnew and
Colonel Bird, with fome other excellent officers.

There flill remained two ft;rong forts on the Delaware to be re
duced. Thefe were Mud Ifland and Red Bank. The variou
obfLrurtions which the Americans had thrown in the way render.
ed it neceff^ary to bring up the Auguffa, a fiiip of the line, and the
Merlin frigate, to the attack of Mud Iffand ; but during the heat
of the aftion both were grounded. Upon this, the Americans fcn^
down four fire-fhips, and direfted the whole fire from their
galleys againfl; them. The former wera rendered ineff^ec-
tual by the courage and fkill of the Brilifh leamen ; but
during the engagement both the Auguffa and Merlin look
fire and were burnt to afhes, and the other {hips obliged to with-
draw. The Americans encouraged by this uniucccLful attempt
proceeded to throw new obffrudlions in the way ; but the Britiffi
general having found means to convey a nuriiber of cannon, and

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 525

to ercfl batteries within gunfhot of the fort by land, and bringing
up three fhips of the line which mounted heavy cannon, the gar-
lifon, after making a vigorous defence for one day, perceiving
that preparations were making for a general affault on the next,
abandoned the place in the niglit. Thofe who defended Red
Bank followed their example, and abandoned it on the approach
of Lord Cornwallis. A great number of the American fhipping
now finding themfelvcs entirely deftitute of any proteftion, failed
up the river in the night-tiiiie. Seventeen, however, remained,
whole retreat was intercepted by a frigate and fome armed velfels;
on which the Americans ran them aOiore and burnt them, to pre-
vent their falling into the enemy's hands.

Thus the campaign of 1777 in Peniylvania concluded fuccefs-
fully on the part of the Britifh. In the north, however, matters
wore a different afpeft. The expedition in that quarter had
been projefted by the Britifh miniflry as the moft efFeftual me-
thod that could be taken to crufh the colonies at once. The
four provinces of New-England had originally begun the confe-
deracy againfl Britain, and were {fill confidered as the moft ac-
tive in the continuation of it ; and it was thought, that any
impreffion made upon them would contribute in an cffeftual man-
ner to the reduftion of all the reft. For this purpofe, an army
of four thoufand chofen Britifli troops and three thoufand Germans
v/ereput under the command of General Burgoyne; General Carle-
ton was directed toufe his intereft with the Indians to perfuade them
to join in this expedition ; and the province of Quebec was to
furnifli large parties to join in the fame. The officers who com-
manded under General Burgoyne were General Philips of the
artillery, Generals Frafei-, Powell, and Hamilton, with the Ger-
man officers Generals Reidefel and Speecht. The foldiers, as
Jias already been obferved, were all excellently difciplined, and
had been kept in their winter-quarters with all imaginable care^
in order to prepare them for the expedition on which they were
going. To aid the principal expedition, another was projefted
on the Mohawk River under Colonel St. Leger, who was to be
afTiftcd by Sir John Johnfon, fon to the famous Sir William
John Ion, who had io greatly diftuiguiflied himlelf in the war

of 1755-

On the 2 1 ft of June i"]""], the army encamped on the wefte'rn
fide of the Lake Champlain ; where being joined by a confidera-
ble body of Indians, General Burgoyne made a Ipcech, in which
he exorted thefc new allies to ky afidc their ferocious and barba-
rous manner of making war ; to kill only fuch as oppofed them
in arms; and to fpare prifoncrs, with fuch women and children
«s fhould fall into their hands. After iifuing a prcchmation. in

5>5 HISTORY OF THE

wliich the force of Britain and that which he commanded was
fet forth in very oflentatious terms, the campaign opened with
the fiege of Ticonderoga. The place was very flrong, and garri-
foned by fix thoufand men under General Sinclair ; neverthelels,
the works, were fo extenfive that even this number was fcarce fuf-
ficient to defend them properly. They had therefore omitted to
fortify a rugged eminence called Sugar Hill, the top of which
overlooked and effeftuallv commanded the whole works; vainly
imagining that the difficulty of the afcent would be lufficient to
prevent the enemy from taking pofleffion of it. On the approach
of the firft divifion of the army, the provincials abandoned and
fet fire to their outworks; and fo expeditious were the Britffli
troops, that by the 5th of July every polt wa§ fecurcd that was
^judged necelfary for invefting it completely. A road was loon
after made to the very lummit of that eminence which the Ame-
ricans had with fuch confidence luppoled could not be alcendcdj
and fo much were they now difheartened, that they indantly
abandoned the fort entirely, taking the road to Skenefborough, a
place to the South of Lake George : while their baggage, with
what artillery and military ftores they could carry off, were fent
to the fame place by water. But the Britifh generals weic de-^
termined not to let them pafs fo eafily. Both were purfucd and
both overtaken. Their armed veifcls confided only of five galleys;
two of which were taken, and three blown up ; on which they
fet fire to their boats and fortification at Skenefborough. On
this occafion the provincials loft two hundred boats, one hundred
and thirty pieces of cannon, with all their j^rovifions and bag-
gage. Their land-forces under Colonel Francis made a brave
defence againfl General Fraier; and being greatly fuperior in
number, had almoil overpowered him, v/hen General Rcidefei
with a large body of Germans came to his afliftance. The Ame-
ricans were now overpowered in their turn; and their commanr-
der being killed, they fled on all fides with great precipitation.
In this aftion two hundred Americans were killed as many taken
prifoners, and above fix hundred wounded, many of wliom per
jifhed in the woods for want of afiiftance.

During the engagement General Sinclair was at Cadleton,
about fix miles from the place; but inftead of going forward to
Fort Anne, the next place of flrength, he repaired to the woods
which lie between that fortrefs and New-England. General
Burgoyne, however, detached Colonel Hill with the ninth regi-
ment, in order to intercept fuch as fhould attempt to retreat
towards Fort Anne. On his way he met with a body of the enc
my, faid to be fix times as numerous as his own; but after an
engagement of three hours, they v/erc obliged to retire witii

AMERICAN REV GLUT 10 kK 527

j[rcat lofs. After fo many difafters, defpairing of being able to
make any fhand at Fort Anne, they fet fire to it and retired to
Fort Edward. In all thci'e engagements the lofs of killed and
Wounded in the royal army did not exceed tv/o hundred men.

General Burgoyne was now obliged to fufpend his operations?
for fortie time, and wait at Skcnefborough for the arrival of his
tents, provilions, Sec. but employed this interval in making roads
through the country about St. Anne, and in clearing a paflage
for his troops to proceed againfl the enemy. This was attended
with incredible toil; but all obfhacles were furmounted with equal,
patience and refolution by the army. In fhort, after undergoing
the utmoft difficulty that could be undergone, and making every
exertion that man could make, he arrived with his army before
Fort Edward about the end of July. Here General Schuyler
had been for fome time endeavouring to recruit the fhattered Ame-
rican forces, and had been joined by General Sinclair with the
remains of his army ; the garrifon of Fort George alfo, fituated
on the lake of that name, had evacuated the place and retired to
Fort Edward,

But on the approach of the royal army, they retired from:
thence alfo, and formed their head quarters at Saratoga. Not-
withftanding the great fucceflfes of the Britlfh General, they
fliowed not the leafl difpofition to fubmit, but feemed only to
conhder how they might make the mofl effeftual reliftance. For
this purpofe, the militia Was every where raifed and draughted to
join the army at Saratoga; and fuch numbers of volunteers were
daily added, that they foon began to recover from the terror into
which they had been thrown. That they might have a comman-
der whofe abilities could be relied on, General Arnold was ap-
pointed, who repaired to Saratoga with a confiderable train of ar-
tillery; but receiving intelligence that Colonel St^ Leger was
proceeding with great rapidity in his expedition on the Mohawk
River, he removed to Still-water, a place about half-way between
Siratoga and the junftion of the Mohawk and Hudfon's River.
The Colonel, in the mean time, had advanced as far as Fort Stan-
wix ; the fiegc of which he prcfTed with great vigour. On the
6th of Auguft, underllanding that a I'upply of provilions, efcort-
ed by eight or nine liundred men, was on the way to the fort,
he difpatched Sir John Johnfon with a flrong detachment to in-
tercept it. This he didrocftcclually, that befides intercepting the
provifions, four hundred of its guards were flain, two hundred
•^••kcn, and the red efcaped with great difficulty. The garrifon,
v.vevcr, were not to be intimidated by this diluilcr, nor by the
tlircats or reprefentations of the Colonel: on the contrary, they
made fevcral fuccefsful lallies under Colonel Willct, the iecond

528 History of the

in command; and this gentleman, in company with another evert
ventured out of the fort, and, eluding the vigilance of the ene-
my, paffed through them in order to hafhen the march of General
Arnold to their affiflance.

Thus the affairs of Colonel St. Legcr fecmed to be in no very
favourable fituation notwith (landing his late fuccefs, and they
■Were foon totally ruined by the defertion of the Indians. Thev
had been alarmed by the report of General Arhold's advancing
with two thoufand men to the relief of the fort ; and while the
Colonel was attempting to give them encouragement, another re-
port was fpread, that General Burgoyne had been defeated with
great flaughter, and was now flying before the provincials. On
this he was obliged to do as they thought proper; and the retreat
could not be effefted without the lofs of the tents and fomc of
the artillery and military flores.

General Burgoyne, in the mean time, notwlflanding all the
difSculties he had already fuftained, found that he muft ftill en-
Counter more. The roads he had made with fo much labour and
pains were deftroyed either by the wetnefs of the feafon, or by
the enemy; fo that the provifions he brought from Fort George
could not arrive at his camp without the mofl: prodigious toiL
On hearing of the ficgc of Fort Stanwix, by Colonel St. Legcr,
he determined to move forward in hopes of inclofing the enemy
betwixt his own army and that of St. Legcr, or of obtaining the
command of all the country between Fort Stanwix and Albany ;
or at any rate, a junftion with Colonel St. Legcr would be effcft-
cd, which could not but be attended with the mofl happy confc-
quences. The only difaculty was the want of provifions; and
this it was propofed to remedy by reducing the provincial maga-
zines at Bennington. For this purpofe. Colonel Bau:n, a Ger-
man ofRcer of great bravery, was chofen with a body of F.vc hun-
dred men. The place was about twenty miles from Iludfon's
River; and to fupport Colonel Baum's party, the. whole army
marched up the river's bank, and encamped almoft oppofite to
Saratoga, with the river betwixt it and that place. An advan-
ced party was ported at Batten Kill, between the camp and Ben.
nington, in order to fupport Colonel Baum. In their way the
Britifli Iclzed a large fupply of cattle and provifions. which were
immediately fent to the camp; but the badnefs of the roads retard-
ed their march fo much, that intelligence of their defign was lent
to Bennington, Underftanding now that the American force
was greatly fupcrior to his own, the Colonel acquainted the
General, who immcdiatelv difpalched Colonel Breyman with a
party to his affiflance: bat I'nough the fame caufcs that had re-
tarded the march of Colonel Baum, this affiflance could not am \-:

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 529

111 time, General Starke, in the mean time, who commanflcfl at
Bennington, determined to attack the two parties feparately ; and
for this purpofe advanced againll Colonel Baum, whom he fur-
rounded on all fides and attacked with the utmoft intrepidity.
The troops defended themfelves with great valour, but were to a
man either killed or taken. Colonel Brcyman, after a dcfperatc
engagement, had the good luck to effeft a retreat through the
darknefs of the night, which otherwife he could not have done,
as his men had expended all their ammunition, being forty rounds
to each.

General Burgoyne, thus difappointed in his attempt on Ben-
nington, applied himfclf with indefatigable diligence to
procure provifions from Fort George ; and having at length
amaffed a fufficicnt quantity to laft for a month, he threw
a bridge of boats over the river Hudfon, which he croffed about
the middle of September, encamping on the hills and plains near
Saratoga. As foon as h.e approached the provincial army, at this
time encamped at Stillwater under General Gates, he determined
to make an attack ; for which purpofe he put himfclf at the head
of the central divifion of his army, having General Frafer and
Colonel Breyman on the right, with Generals Reidefel and Phi-
lips on the left. In this pofition he advanced towards the e.ne-
my on the 19th of September. But the Americans did not now
wait to be attacked : on the contrary, they attacked the central
divifion with the utmoft bravery ; and it was not until General
Philips with the artillery came up that they could be reoulfed.
On this occafion, thougli the Britifh troops loft only three hun-
dred and thirty in killed and wounded, and the enemy no fewer
than fifteen hundred, the former were very much alarmed at the
obftinate rcfolution fhown by the Americans. This did not,
however, prevent them from advancing towards the enemy, and
pofting themfelves the next day within cannon-fhot of their
lines. But their allies the Indians began to defert in great num-
bers ; and at the lame time the general was in the higheft degree
mortified by having no intelligance of any aftiftance from Sir
Henry Clinton, as had been ftipubtcd. He now received a
letter from him, by which he was informed that Sir Henry in-
tended to make a diverfion on the North River in his favour.
This afforded but little comfort: however, he returned an an-
fv/er by fevcral trufty perfons whom he difpatched different ways,
ftating his prefent diftreffed fituation, and mentioning that the
provifions and other neceffarics he had would only enable him to
hold out till the 1 2th of Oftober.

In the mean time the Americans, in order to cut off the re.

Vol. I. 3 Y

530 HISTORY OF THE

treat of the Britifh army in the mofl: effeftual manner, undcrtooii
an cxpedtion again ft Ticonderoga ; but were obliged to abandon'
die entcrprifc after having furprifed all the out-pofts, and taken
a great number of boats with fome armed veffels, and a number
of prifoners. The army under General Burgoync, however
continued to labour under the greateft diftrclfcs ; fo that in the
beginning of Oftober he had been obliged to diminifh the fol-
diers allowance. On the -yth of that month he determined to
move tov^ards the enemy. For this purpofe he fent a body of
fifteen hundred men to reconnoitre their left wing ; intending-,
if pofliblc, to break through it in order to cffcft a retreat. The
detachment, however, had not proceeded far when a dreadful
attack was made upon the left wing of the Britifh army, which was
with great difficulty preferved from being entirely broken by a
reinforcement brought up by Genera) Frafer, who was killed in
the attack. After tlie troops had with the moft defperate efforts
regained their camp, it was moft furioufly afFaulted by General
Arnold ; who, notwithftanding all oppofition, would have forced
the entrenchments, had he not received a dangerous wound, which
obliged him to retire. Thus the attack failed on the left, but on
the right the camp of the German referve was forced. Colonel
Breyman killed, and his countrymen defeated with great (laughter
and the lofs of all their artillery and baggage.

This was by far the heavieft lofs the Briti^^ army had fuftained
fince the aftion at Bunker's Hill. The lift of killed and wound-
ed amounted to near twelve hundred, exclufive of the Germans \.
but the greateft misfortune was. that the enemy had now an open-
ing on the right and rear of the Britifh forces, fo that the army
was threatened v/ith entire deftruftion. This obliged General
Burgoyne once more to fhift his pofition, that the enemy migli
alfo be obliged to alter theirs. This was accon>plifhed on the
night of the -th, without any lofs, and all the next day he con-
tinued to offer the enemy battle ; but they were now too well
alTured of obtaining a complete viftorv, by cutting off all fup-
plics from the Britifh, to rifk a pitched battle. Wherefore they
advanced on the right fide, in order to inclofe him entirely ;
which obliged the General to direft a retreat towards Saratoga.
But the enemy had now ftationed a great force on the ford at
Pludfon's River, fo that the only poftibilitv of retreat was by
fecuring a pafllige to Lake George ; and to effcft this, a body of
workmen were detached, with a ftrong guard, to repair the roads
and brido'es that led to Fart Edward. As foon as they were gone,
however, the enemy fcemed ao prcjvare for an attack ; which ren-
dered it ncccffiry to rccal the guard, and the workmen being of
courfe left expoled could not proceed.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 531

In the mean time, the boats which conveyed provifions down
JHudion's Rivei- were expoled to be continual fire of the Ameri-
can markfmen, who took many of them •, fo that it became ne-
celTary to convey the provifions over land. In this extreme dan-
ger, it was relolved to march by night to Fort Edward, forcing
the paflages at the fords either above or below the place ; and in
order to efFeft this the more eafily, it was refolved that the fol-
diers fhould carry their provifions on their backs, leaving be-
hind their baggage and every other incumbrance. But before
this could be executed, intelligence was received that the enemy
had railed flrong entrenchments oppofite to thefe fords, well pro-
vided with cannon, and that they had likewife taken poffciTion of
the rifing ground between Fort George and Fort Edward, which
in like manner was provided with cannon.

All this time the American army was increafing by the conti-
nual arrival of militia and volunteers from all parts. Their par-
ties extended all along the oppolite bank of Hudfon's River,
and fome had even pafl'ed it in order to obierve the leafl movement
of the Britifh army. The whole force under General Gates was
computed at fixteen thoufand men, while the army under General
Burgoyne fcarce amounted to fix thoufand ; and everv part of the
camp was reached by the grape and rifle fliot of the enemy, be-
fides a dilchargc from their artillery, which \\'as ahnoft incclfant.
In this flate of extreme diftrefs and danger, the army continued
with the greateftconflancy andperfeverance till the eveningofthe
J 3th of Oftaber, when an inventory of provifions being taker,
it was found tliat no more remained than what were fufficient to
ierve for three days •, and a council of v/ar being called, it was
unanimoully determined that there was no method now remain-
ing but to treat with the enemy. In confequence of this, a nc-
gociation was opened next da)', which Ipeedily terminated in a
capitulation of the whole Britifli ainiy ; the principal article of
which was, that the troops were to have a free pafTage to Britair.,
on condition of not ferving againft America during the war. On
tliis occafion, General Gates ordered his army to keep within
their camp while the Britifli foldiers went to a place appointed
for them to lay down their arms, that the latter might not have
the additional mortification of being made Ipcfitacles of fo melan-
choly an event. The number of thofe who furrendei-ed Sara-
toga amounted to five thoufand leven hundred and fifty, accord-
ing to the American accounts ; the lift of fick and wounded left
in the camp when the army retreated to Saratoga, to live liundrcd
and twenty-eight ; and the number of thofe lofl; by other acci-
aeiits fince the taking of Ticonderoga, to near three thoulaiid.

3 Y 2

532 HISTORY OF THE

Thirty-five brafs field-pieces, feven thoufand fhand of aims, clotli-
ing for an equal number of foldiers, with their tents, military
theft, &.C. conflituted the booty on this occafion.

Sir Henry Clinton, in the mean time, had (ailed up the North
River, and deftroyed the two forts called Montgomery and Clin-
ton, with Fort Conftitution, and another place called Continental
Village, where were barracks for two tlumland men. Seventy
large cannon were earned away, beiides a number of fmaller ar-
tillery, and a great quantity of ftores and ammunition ; a large
boom and chain reaching acrols the river from Fort Montg'omery
to a point of land called St. Anthony's Nofe, and which coft
not lefs than ffiventy thoufand pounds fterling, were partly
deftroyed and partly carried away, as was alio another boom of
little lefs value at Fort Conftitution. The lofs of the Britifli
army was but fmall in number, though fome officers of great
merit were killed in the different attacks.

Another attack was made by Sir James Wallace with feme
frigates, and a body of land forces under General Vaughan. The
place which now luft'ered v/as named Efopus : the fortifications
were deftroyed, and the town itfclf was reduced t© afhes, as that
called Continental Villarge had been before.

But thefc fucceffes, of whatever importance they might be,
were now difregarded by both parties. Thev fervcd only to
irritate the Americans, flufhed with their fuccefs ; and they were
utterly inlufficient to raiie the fpirits of the Britifn, who were
now thrown into the utmoft diftnay.

On the i6th of March 1778, Lord North intimated to the
houfe of commons, that a p^per had been laid before the king by
the French ambaiiador, intimating the conclufion of an alliance
between the court of France and the United States of America.
The preliminaries of this treaty had been concluded in the end
of the year 1777, and a copy of them lent to congrcls, in order
to counteFc ft any propofals that might be made in the mean time
by the Britifh miniftiy. On the 6th of February 1778, the
articles were formally f]?ned, to the "reut latisfactiun of the
French nation.

They were in fubftancc as follows :

1. If Great Britain flioulii, in confcqucncc of tliis treaty,
proceed to hoftilities againft France, the two nations fliould mu-
tually a (Tift one another.

2. The main end of the treaty was in an efTcctual manner to
maintain the independency of America.

3. Should thofe places of North America ft ill iubj.- ft to Bri-
tain be reduced by the colonies, they lliould be confederated
with them, or lubjcftcd to their jurifdiftion.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 533

4. Should any of the Weft India iflands be reduced by France,
they fhould be deemed its property.

5. No. formal treaty with Great-Britain fhould be concluded ei-
ther by France or America without the confent of each other; and
it was mutually engaged that they fhould not lay down their arms
till the independence of the States had been formally acknow-
ledged.

6. The contrafting parties mutually agreed to invite thofe pow-
ers that had received injuries from Great-Britain to join the com-
mon caufe.

7. The United States guaranteed to France all the pofleffions
in the Wefl Indies which flie fliould conquer; and France in her
turn guaranteed the abfolute independencj^ of the States, and
their fupreme authority over every country they pofTelfed, or
might acquire during the war.

The notification of fuch a treaty as this coiild not be looked
upon as a declaration of war. On its being announced to the
houfe, every one agreed in an addrsfs to his Majefty, promifing
to (land by him to the utmoft in the prefent emergency : but it
was warmly contended by the members in oppofition, that the
prefent miniftry ought to be removed on account of their num,
berlefs blunders and mifcarriages in every inftance. Many were
of opinion, that the only way to extricate the nation from its trou-
ble was to acknowledge the independency of America at once ;
and thus we might flill do with a good grace what mufh inevitably
be done at laft, after expending much more blood and trcafure
than had yet been lavifhed in this unhappy contcfl. The minii-
terial party, however, entertained different ideas. Infligated by
ambition and folly, it was determined at once to refent the inter-
ference of France, and profccute hoflilitics agnirift America with
more vigour than ever, fliould the terms now ofTercd be rc-
jefted.

The Americans, in the mean time, affiduoufiy employed their
agents at the courts of Spain, Vienna, Pruffia, and Tufcany, in
order, if pofliblc, to conclude alliances with them, or at leaf!; to
procure an acknowledgment of their iadcpency. As it had been
reported that Britain intended to apply for afiiftance to RuiTia,t]ie
American commifTioncrs were enjoined to ufe their utmoft infiu-
encc with the German princes to prevent luch auxiliaries from
marching through their territories, and to endeavour to procure
the recal of the German troops already fent to America. To
France tlicy offered a celTion of luch V/cft India iflands as ihould
be taken by the united ftrenglh of France and America : and
fhould Britain by their joint endeavours be dilpolTcffcd of New-
foundland, Cape Breton, and Nova ocotia, thefc territories fliould

534 HISTORY OF THE

be divided betwixt the two nations, and Great-Britain be totally
excluded from the fifliery. The propolals to the Spanifli court
^^/ere, that in cafe they fliould think proper to crpoufe their quar-
rel, the American States fliould afTift in reducing Penfacola under
the dominion of Spain, provided their fubjefts were allowed the
free navigation of the MiflllTippi, and the ufe of the harbour of
Penfacola ; and they further offered, that if agreeable to Spain,
they would declare war againft Portugal, fliould that power expel
the American fhips from its ports.

In the mean time, the troops under General Burgoyne were
preparing to embark for Britain according to the convention at
Saratoga ; but in the interim, congrefs pofitively refufed them
permifTion fo to do, having difcovered that fome finifler dcfigns
Avere harboured on the part of Brit?in, and that they only wanted
an opportunity to join the other troops at Philadelphia or New-
York.

The feafon for aftion was now approaching ; and congrefs was
indefatigable in its preparations for a new campaign which it was
confidently faid would be the lafl. Among other methods taken
for this purpofe, it was recommended to all the young gentlemen
of the colonics to form themielvcs into bodies of cavalry to fervc
at their own expence during the war. General Wafliington at
the fame time, in order to remove all incumbrances from his ar-
my, lightened the baggage as much as poflible, by fubflituting
facks and portmanteaus in place of chefts, and boxes, and ufing
pack-horfcs inftead of waggons. On the other hand, the Britifli
army, expefting to be fpeedily reinforced by twenty thoufand
men, thought of nothing but concluding the war according to
their wiflies before the end of the campaign. It was with the ut-
moft concern, as well as indignation therefore, that they receiv-
ed the news of I,ord North's conciliatory bill. It was univerfally
looked upon as a national difgrace ; and fome even tore tha cock-
ades from their hats, and trampled them under their feet as a to-
ken of their indignation. By the colonifls it was received with
indifference. The Britifli commiflloners endeavoured to make it
as public as poflible ; and congrefs, as formerly, ordered it to be
printed in all the newipapcrs. On this occafion Governor Tryon
inclofed ieveral copies of the bill to General Wafliington in a let-
ter intrcating that he would allou' them to be circulated ; to which
tliat general returned for anlvv^er a copy of a newfpaper in whitii
the bill was printed, with the rcfolutions of congrefs upon it,
Thefe were, that whoever preiurned to make a feparate agrccmciit
with Britain fliould be deemed a public enemy ; that the United
States could not wirh any propriety keep correipondence with
the comnr.iflicncrs until their indepcndetice was acknowledged.

A MERiCAN REVOLUTIO N. 533

and the Britifh fleets and armies removed from America. At the
fame time, the colonics were warned not to fi-iffcr themfelves to
be deceived into fccurity by any offers that might be made ; but
to ufc their utmofl endeavours to fend their quotas with all dili-
gence into the field. The individuals v/ith whom the commif-
fioners converfed on the fubjcft of the conciliatory bill, generally
returned for anfwer that the day of reconciliation was pafl ; and
that the haughtinefs of Britain had extinguiflTied all filial regard in
the brcafls of Americans.

About this time alfo Mr. Silas Deanc arrived from France with
two copies of the treaty of commerce and alliance to be figned by
Conofrefs. Advices of the moft agreeable nature were alfo receiv-
ed from various parts, reprefenting in the moft favourable light
the difpofitions of the European powers ; all of whom, it was faid,
wiflied to fee the independence of America fettled upon the moft
firm and permanent bafis. Confidering the fituation of matters
with the colonifls at this time, therefore, it is no wonder that
the commifTioners found themfelves unable to accomplifli the
errand on which they came. Their propofals were utterly rejcft-
ed, themfelves treated as fpies, and all intercourfc with them
interdifted.

But before any final anfwer could be obtained from congrefs,
Sir Henry Clinton had taken the refolution of evacuating Phi-
ladelphia. Accordingly, on the 10th of June, after having made
all neceffary preparations, the army marched out of the city and
eroded the Delaware before noon with all its baggage and other
incumbrances. General Wafhington, apprifcd of this defign,
had difpatched expreffes into the Jerfeys with orders to colleft all
the force that could be affcmbled in order to obflruft the march
of the enemy. After various movements on both fides, Sir Hen-
ry Clinton, with the royal army, arrived on the a-jth of June at
a place called Freehold ; where, judging that the enemy would
attack him, he encamped in a very flrong fituation. Here Ge-
neral Wafhington determined to make an attack as foon as the
army had begun its march. The night was fpent in making the
ncceffary preparations, and General I,ce with his divifion was
ordered to be readv by day-break. But Sir Henry Clinton, juftly
apprehending that the chief objcft of the enemy was the baggage,
committed it to the care of General Knyphaufen, whom he order-
ed to fct out early in the morning, while he followed with the
reft of the army. The attack was accordingly made ; but thg
Britifli general had taken fuch care to arrange his troops pro-
pcrlv, and fo effcftually fupported his forces when engaged with
the Americans, that the latter not only made no imprefhon, but
were with difficulty prcfcrvcd from a total defeat by the advance

536 HISTORY OF THE

of General Wafliington with the whole army. The BritiHi troops
etfeftcd their retreat with the lofs of three hundred men, of whom
many died tlirough mere fatigue without any wound. In this
aftion Gener.il Lee was charged by General Wafnington with
difobedicncc and mifconduct in retreating before the Britifh army.
He was tried by a court-martial, and lentenced to a temporary
fufpenfion from his command. After they had arrived at Sandy
Hook, a bridge of boa-,s was by Lord Howe's diretlions thrown
from thence over the channel which feparated the ifland from the
main land, and the troops were conveyed aboard the fleet: after
which they failed to New- York. After fending fomc light de-
tachments to watcli the enemy's motions, General Wafhington
marched towards the North River, where a great force had been
collected to join him, and where it was now expefted that fome
very capital operations would take place.

In the mean time, France had let about her preparations for
the afTiftance of the Americans. On the 14th of April Count
d'Eftaing had failed from Toulon with a ftrong fquadron of fhips
of the line and frigates , and arrived on the coaft of Virginia in
the beginning of July, while the Britifh fleet was employed in
conveying the forces from Sandy Hook to New York. It con-
fifled of one fliip of ninety guns, one of eighty, fix of feventy-
four, and four of fixty-four, befides feveral large frigates ; and,
cxclufive of its compliment of fiilors, had fix thoufand marines
and foldiers on board. To oppofe this the Britifh had only fix
fhips of lixty-four guns, three of fifty, and two of forty, with
fome frigates and floops. Notwithftanding this inferiority, how-
ever, the Britifh admiral polled himielf fo advantageoufly, and
fliowed fuch luperior fl^ill, that d'Eftaing did not think proper
to attack him. He therefore remained at anchor four miles ofl^
Sandy Hook till the 22d of July, without efFefting any thing
more than the capture of fomc vctlcls, which, through ignorance
of his arrival, fell into his hands.

The next attempt of the French admiral \vas, in conjiinftion
with the Americans, on Rhode Ifland. It was propofed that
d'Eftaing, with the fix thoufand troops he had with him, fliould
make a defccnt on the fouthern part of the ifland, while a body of
the Americans fhould take and deftroy all the Britifli fliipping.
On the 8th of Auguft the French admiral entered the harbour as
was propoled. hut found himfclf unable to do any material damage.
Lord Howe, however, inftantly fct fail for Rhode-Ifland ; and
d'Eftaing. confiding in his fuperiority. immediately came out of
thch-irhour to attack him. A violent ftorm parted the two fleets,
and did lo much damige that they were rendered totally unfit for
action. Ti'.c- French however, fufl^ered moft : and feveral of

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 537

their fliips being afterwards attacked fingly by the Britini, very
narrowly efcaped being taken. On the 20th of Auguft he re-
turned to Newport in a very fhattered condition ; and, not think-
ing himfelf fafe there, failed two days after for Bofton. General
Sullivan had landed in the mean time on the northern part of
Rhode-Ifland with ten thoufand men. On the i-^th of Augufl
they began their operations by erecting batteries, and making their
approaches to the Britilh lines. But General Pigot, who com-
manded in Newport, had taken fuch effrftual care to fecure him-
felf on the land-fide, that without the affiftancc of a marine force
it was altogether impotfible to attack him with any probability of
fuccefs. The conduct of d'Eftaing, therefore, in abandoning
them when mafter of the harbour, gave the greateft difguft to the "
people of New- England, and General Sullivan began to thLnk of
a retreat. On perceiving his intentions, the garrifon fallied out
upon him with fo much vigour, that it was not without. difficulty
that he effefted his retreat. He had not been long gone when
Sir Henry Clinton arrived with a body of four thoufand men ;
which, had it arrived fooner, would have enabled the Britifli
commander to have gained a decihve advantage over him, as well
as to have deftroyed the town of Providence, which, by its vici-
nity to Rhode-Ifland, and the enterprifes which were continually
projefted and carried on in that place, kept the inhabitants of
Rhode-Ifland in continual alarms.

The firft Britifh expedition was to Buzzard's Bay, on the coaR:
of New-England and neighbourhood of Rhode-Ifland. Here
they deflroyed a great number of privateers and merchantmen,
magazines, with ftorehouies, &c. ; whence proceeding to a fer-
tile and populous ifland called Martha's Vineyard, they carried
off ten thoufand fheep and three hundred black cattle. Another
expedition took place up the North River, under Lord Corn,
wallis and General Knyphaufen ; the principal event of which
was the defl:ru6tion of a regiment of American cavalry, known
by the name of Wafliington's Light Horfe. A third expedition
was directed to Little Egg Harbour in New-Jerley, a place noted
for privateers, the dellruftion of which was its principal inten-
tion. It was conducted by Captains Fergufon and Colliiis, and
ended in the deflruftion of the enemy's veifels, as well as of the
phicc itlclf. At the lame time part of another body of American
troops, called Pulafki's Legion, was furprized, and a great numbf;r
of them put to the (word.

The Americans had, in the beginning of the year, projected the
conqueft of Weft-Florida ; and Captain Willing, with a party of
relolute men, had made a fucceliful incurfion into the country.

Vol. I. " 3 Z

538 HISTORY OF THE

This awakened the attention of the Britifh to the fouthern Co-
lonics, and an expedition againft them was refolved on. Georgia
was the place of dcftination ; and the more effcftually to enfure
lucccfs. Colonel Campbell, \vith a fufiicient force, under convoy
of fome fhips of war, commanded by Commodore Hyde Parker,
embaiked at New-York, while General Prevoft, who commanded
in Eafl Florida, was direftcd to fet out with all the force he could
fpare. The armament from New-York arrived off the coafl of
Georgia in the month of Decem.ber ; and though the enemy were
very ftrongly ported in an advantageous fituation on the fhore,
the Britifh troops made good their landing, and advanced towards
.Savannah the capital of the province. That very day they de-
feated the force of the provincials which oppofed them -, and took
poffeiTion of the town with fuch celerity, that the Americans had
not time to execute a refolution they had taken of fetting it on
fire. In ten days the whole province of Georgia was reduced*
Sunburv alone excepted ; and this was alfo brought under fub-
jeftion by General Prevoft in his march north wards. Every
method was taken to fecure the tranquillity of the country ; and
rewards were offered for apprehending committee or affembly
men or fuch as they judged moft inimical to the Britifh interefls.
On the arrival of General Prevoft, the command of the troops
naturally devolved on him as the fenior officer ; and the conqueft
of Carolina was next projcfted.

In this attempt there was no fmall probability of fuccefs. The
country contained a great number of friends to the Britifh go-
vernment, who now eagerly embraced the opportunity of declar-
ing themfclvcs ; many of the inhabitants of Georgia had joined
the royal ftandard ; and there was not in the province any confi-
derable body of provincial forces capable of oppofing the efforts
of regular and well diiciplined troops. On the firft news of Ge-
neral Prevoft's approach, the loyalifts affemblcd in a bodv, ima-
gining thcmfelves able to ftand their ground until their allies
iliould arrive ; but in this they were difappointed. The Ameri-
cans attacked and defeated them with the lofs of half their num-
ber. The remainder retreated into Georgia ; and after under-
going many difficulties, at laft cffefted a junftion with the Britifh
forces.

In the mean time. General Lincoln, with a confiderable body
of American troops, had encamped within twenty miles of
the town of Savannah : and another ftrong party had pofted
themfelves at a place called Briar's Creek, farther up the river of
the fame name. Thus the extent of the Britifh government was
likely to be tircumlcribed within very narrow bounds. General
Prevoft therefore determined to diflodge the party at Briar's

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 539

Creek : and the latter, trufting to their ftrong fituation, and being
remifs in their guard, fuffered themfelves to be furpriied on the
30th of March 1779; when they were utterly routed, with the
iofs of four hundred killed and taken, befides a great number
drowned in the river or the fwamps. The whole artillery, ftores
baggage, and almoft all the arms, of this unfortunate party were
taken, fb that they could no more make any (land ; and thus tlie
province of Georgia was once more freed from the enemy, and a
communication opened with thofe places in Carolina where the
royalills chiefly refidcd.

The viftory at Briar's Creek proved of confidcrable ferv'ice to
the Britifh caufe. Great numbers of the loyalifts joined the army,
and coniiderably increafed its force. Hence General Prevoft was
enabled to ftretch his pofls farther up the river, and to guard all
the principal palTes ; fo that General Lincoln was reduced to a
Hate of inaftion ; and at laft moved off towards Augufta, in order
to proteft the provincial aflembly, which was obliged to fit in that
place, the capital being now in the hands of the Britifh.

Lincoln had no fooncr quitted his poft, than it was judged a
proper time by the Britilh general to put in execution th« grand
fcheme which had been meditated againi^ Carolina. Many diffi-
culties indeed lay in his way. The river Savannah was fo fwellcd
by the excelTive rains of the feafon, that it feemed impaffable ; the
oppohte fhore, for a great way, was fo fidl of fwamps and marfhcs,
that no army could march over it without the grcateft difficulty ;
and, to render the paflage flill more difficult. General Moultrie
\vas left with a confidcrable body of troops in order to oppofe
the enemy's attempts. But in fpite of every oppofition, the con-
ftancy and perfeverance of the Britifli forces at laft prevailed.
General Moultrie was defeated, and obliged to retire towards
Charleftown ; and the victorious army, after having waded through
the marflies for fome time, at laft arrived in an opeu country,
through which they purfued their march with great rapidity to-
wards the capital ; while General Lincoln remained in a ftate of
fecurity at Augufta, imagining that the obftaclcs he had left in the
%vay could not be furmounted.

Certain intelligence of the danger to which Charleftown was
expofed, however, aroufed the American general from hislethargv.
A chofen body of infantry, mounted on horfeback for the greater
expedition, was dilpatched before him ; while Lincoln himlelf fol-
lowed with all the forces he could coUeft. General Moultrie too,
with the troops he had brought from the Savannah, and fome
others he had collefted fince his retreat from thence, had taken
poffcflion pf all the avenues leading to Charleftown, and prepared

3 Z a

540 HISTORY OF THE

for a vigorous defence. But all oppofition proved ineffeftual.
The Americans were defeated in every encounter; and retreating
continually, allowed the Britifh army to come within cannon (hot
of Charleftown on the 12th of May.

The town waR now fummoned to furrender, and the inhabi-
tants would gladly have agreed to obferve a neutrality during the
left of the war, and would have engaged alfo for the reft of the
province. But thefe terms not being accepted, they made prepa-
rations for a vigorous defence. It was not, however, in the
power of the Britifli commander at this time to make an attack,
with any profpeft of fuccefs. His artillery was not of fufficient
weight ; there were no fhips to fupport his attack by land ; and
General Lincoln advancing rapidly with a fupcrior army, threaten-
ed to inclofe him between his own foree and the town ; fo that
fhould he fail in his firft attempt, certain deftruflion would be the
confequence. For thefe reafons he withdrew his forces from be-
fore the town, and look poffeffion of two iflands called St. James's
and St. John's, lying to tne fouthward ; where having waited fome
time, his force was augmented by the arrival of two frigates. —
With thefe he determined to make himfelf mafter of Port Royal,
another ifland poflTelled^'of an excellent harbour and many other
natural advantages, from its filualion alfo commanding all the fea-
coaft from Charleftown to Savannah River. The American gene-
ral, however, did not allow this to be accompliflied without op-
pofition. Perceiving that his opponent had occupied an advan-
tageous poft on St. John's ifland preparatory to his cnterprife
againft Port Royal, he attempted, on the ?.oth of June to difiodge
him from it ; but after an obflinatc attack, the provincials were ob-
liged to retire with con'idcrable lofs. On this occafion the fuc-
cefs of the Britifh arms was in a great mcafure owing to an armed
float ; which galled the right flank of the enemy fo efFeftually,
that they could dircft their efforts only againft the ftrongeft part
of the lines, which proved impregnable to their attacks. This
diiappointment was inftantly followed by the lofs of Port Royal,
which General Prcvoft took poffelTion of, and put his troops into
proper ftations, waiting for the arrival of fuch reinforcements as
wereneceffary for the intended attack on Charleftown.

In the mean time, Count d'Eftaing, who, as we have already
obierved, had put into Bofton harbour to refit, had ufed his utmoft
eflVnts to ingratiate himi'elf with the inhabitants of that city,
ZcJ'lous alio in the caufe of his mafter, he had publifhed a procla-
mation to be diiperied through Canada, inviting the people to
return to their original friendftiip with France, and declaring that
all who renounced their allegiance to Great-Britain fnould cer-
tainly find a proteftor in the king of France, All his enueavourg,

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 541

however, proved infufficient at this time to produce any revo-
iution, or even to form a party of any coiifequence among the
Canadians,

As foon as the French admiral had refitted his fleet, he took
the opportunity, while that of admiral Byron had been fhattered
by a ftorm, of failing to the Weft Indies. During his operations
there, the Americans having reprefented his conduft as totally
unferviceable to them, he received orders from Europe to aflift
the colonies with all poffible fpeed.

In compliance with thefe orders, he dire£ted his courfe to-
wards Georgia, with a defign to recover that province out of the
hands of the enemy, and to put it, as well as South Carolina^
in fuch a pofture of defence as would effcclually fccure them
from any future attack. This feemed to be an eafy matter, from
the little force with which he knew he fnould be oppofed: and
the next objeft in contemplation was no lefs than the deftruftion
of the Britifh fleet and army at New-York, and their total expul=
fion from the continent of America. Full of thefe hopes, the
French commander arrived off the coaft of Georgia with a fleet
of twenty-two fail of the line and ten large frigates. His arrival
was fo little cxpefted, that feveral velTels laden with provifions
and military ftores fell into his hands: the Experiment alfo, a
veifel of fifty guns, commanded by Sir James Wallace, was taken
after a ftout refiftarice. On the continent, the Britifh troops
were divided. General Prevoffc, with an inconfiderable part,
remained at Savannah ; but the main force was under Colonel
Maitland at Port Royal. On the firft appearance of the French
fleet, an exprefs was difpatched to Colonel Maitland : but it was
intercepted by the enemy; fo that before he could fet out in or-
der to join the commander in chief, the Americans had fecured
ino't of the pafies by land, while the French fleet effeftually
blocked up the paflage by fea. But by taking advantage of creeks
and inlets, and marching over land, he arrived juft in time to
relive Savannah,

D'Eftaing, after making a gafconade of what had happened at
St. Virjcent's and Grenada, had allowed General Prevoft twenty-
four hours to deliberate whether he fliould capitulate or not. This
time the general employed in making the beft preparations he
could for a defence ; and during this time it was that Colonel
Maitland arrived. D'Eftaing's fummons was now rcjcfted; and
as on this occafion the fuperiority of the enemy was by no means
• fo much out of proportion as it had been at Grenada, there was
every probability of fuccefs on the part of the Britifli. The
garrifon now confided of three thoufand men, all of approved
valour and experience, while the united force of the French 3nd

542 HISTORY OF THE

Americans did not amount to ten thoufand. The event was an-
fwerable to the expeftations of the Britifh general. Having the
advantage of a ftrong fortification and excellent engineers, the
fire of the allies made To little impreflion, that D'Efbaing refolv-
cd to bombard the town, and a battery of nine mortars was ereft-
ed for the purpofe. This produced a requefl from General Pre-
voft, that the women and children might be allowed to retire to
a place of fafety. But the allied commanders refufed to comply ;
and they refolved to give a general aflault. This was accordingly
attempted on the gth of October : but the affailants were cverv
where repulfed with fuch flaughter, that twelve hundred were
killed and wounded; among the former were Count Polafki, and
among the latter was D'Eflaing himfelf.

This difafter entirely overthrew the fanguine hopes of the
Americans and French ; mutual reproaches and animolities took
place in the moft violent degree ; and after waiting eight days
longer, both parties prepared for a retreat ; the French to their
Ihipping, and the Americans into Carolina.

While the allies were thus unfuccefsfuUy employed in the
fouthern colonies, their antagonifts were no lefs affiduous in dil-
trefling them in the nothern parts. Sir George Collier was
fent with a fleet, carrying on board General Matthews, with a
body of land forces, into the province of Virginia. Their firfl
attempt was on the town of Portfmouth; where, though the ene-
my had deftroyed fome fhips of great value, the Britifli troops
arrived in time to fave a great number of others, On this occa-
fion about one hundred and twenty veflels of different lizes were
burnt, and twenty carried off; and an immenfe quantity of pro-
vifions defigned for the ufe of General Wafhington's army was
either deftroyed or carried off, together with a great variety of
naval and military ftores. The fleet and army returned \vith lit-
tle or no lofs to New-York.

The fuccefs with which this expedition was attended, foon
gave encouragement to attempt another. The Americans had for
iome time been employed in the ere£lion of two ftrong forts on
the river; the one at Verplanks Neck on the eaft, and tlie other
at Stoney Point on the M'eft fide. Thefe when completed would
have been of the utmoft ferviee to the Americans, as command-
ing the principal pafs, called the King's Fcrry^ between the nor-
thern and fouthern colonies. At prefent however, they were
not in a condition to make any effectual defence ; and it was
therefore dctcrmided to attack them before the work fliould be
completed. The force employed on this occafion was divided
into two bodies; one of which dircftcd its courfe againft Ver^
planksj and the other ai^ainft Sloney Point, The former was

AMERIC AN REVOLUTION, 543

'commanded by General Vaughan, the latter by General Pattifon^
while the fliipping was under the direftion of Sir George Collier.
General Vaughan met with no refiftancc, the enemy abandoning
their works, and fetting fire to every thing combullible that they
could not carry off. At Stoney Point, however, a vigorous de-
fence was made, though tlie garrifon was at lad obliged to capi-
tulate upon honourable conditions. To fecure the poffefiion of
this laft, which was the more important of the two, General
Clinton removed from his former fituation, and encamped in
fuch a manner that General Wafhington could not give any affif-
tance. The Americans, however, revenged themfelves by
diftrefling, with their numerous privateers, the trade to New-
York.

This occafioned a third expedition to Conne£licut, where thcfe
privateers were chiefly built and harboured. The command was
given to Governor Tryon and to General Garth, an officer of
know valour and experience. Under convoy of a confiderable
number of armed veffels they landed at Newhaven, where
they demolifhed the batteries that had been erefted to op-
pofe them, and deftroyed the fhipping and naval ftores ; but they
ipared the town itfclf, as the inhabitants had abflained from firing
out of their houles upon the troops. From Newhaven they
marched to Fairfield, v/here they proceeded as before, reducing
the town alfo to afhes. Norwalk was next attacked, which in
like manner was reduced to afhes ; as was alfo Greenfield, a fmall
leaport in the neighbourhood.

Thefe lucceffes proved very alarming as well as detrimental to
tlie Americans; fo that General Wafhington determined at all
events to drive the enemy from Stoney Point. For this purpofe
he fent General Wayne with a detachment of chofen men, di-
rcfting them to attempt the recovery of it by furprife. On this
occafion the Americans fhewed a fpirit and refolution exceeding
any thing they had performed during the courfc of the war.
Though after the capture of it by the Britifh the fortifications
of this place had been completed, and were very flrong, they
attacked the enemy with bayonets, after puffing through a heavy
fire of mufquetry and grape-fhot ; and in fpite of all oppofition,
obliged the furviving part of the garrifon, amounting to five hun-
dred men, to furrender themfelves prifoners of war.

Though the Americans did not at prefcnt attempt to retain
pofleffion of Stoney Point, the fuccefs thev had met with in the
cnterpriie emboldened them to make a fimilar attempt on Paulus
Hook, a fortified poft on the Jerley fide oppofite to New-York ;
but in this they were not attended with equal fuccefs, being oblig-
ed to retire with precipitation after they had made themfelves
mafters of one or two polls.

£44 HISTORY OF THE

Anotlier expedition of greater importance was now project-
ed on the part of the Americans. This was againft a poft on the
river Penobfcot, on the borders of Nova Scotia, of which the
Britifh had lately taken poileffion, and were they had begun to
ereft a fort which threatened to be a very great inconvenience to
the colonifts. The armament deftined againft it was fo foon got
in readinefs, that Colonel Maclane, the commanding officer at
Penoblcot, found himfelf obliged to drop the execution of part
of his fcheme; and inftead of a regular fort, to content himfelf
with putting the works already conftrufted in as good a pofture
of defence as poflible. The Americans could not cfTeft a land-
ing without a great deal of difficulty, and bringing the guns of
their largeft veiTels to bear upon the fhore. As foon as this was
done, however, they ere£led feveral batteries, and kept up a
brilk fire for the ipace of a fortnight ; alter which they propoled
to give a general affault: but before this could be effefted, they
perceived Sir George Collier with a Britifh fleet failing up the
river to attack them. On this they inftantly embarked their ar-
tillery and military ftores, failing up the river as far as poffible in
order to avoid him. They were fo tlofely purfued, however^
that not a fingle veflel could cfcape; fo that the whole fleet, con-
fifting of nineteen armed veffels and twenty-four tranfports, was
deflroyed ; moft of them indeed being blown up by themlelves.
The foldiers and failors were obliged to wander through immenfe
defei ts, where they fufl^^cred much for want of provifions ; and
to add to ihcir calamities, a quarrel broke cut between the fol-
diers and feamen concerning the caufe of their difafter, which
ended in a violent fray, wherein a great number were killed.

Thus the Arms of America and France being alnioft every
where unfuccefsful, the independency of the former fcemed yet
to be in danger notwithftanding the affiftance of lo powerful an
ally, when further encouragement was given by the acceffion of
Spain to the confederacy againft Britain in the month of June
iT-rg. The firft eftetl of this appeared in an invahon of Weft
Florida by the Spaniards in September J 779. As the country
was in no ftate of defence, the enemv eailly made themfelvcs
maftcrs of the whole almoft withor.t oppofition. Their next eri-
terprife was againft the Bay of Hunduras. wiiere the Britifh log-
wood-cutters were fettled. Theie finding themlelves too weak
to refill, applied to the governor of Jamaica for relief; who fent
them a fupply of men. ajnmuuition, and military ftores, under
Captain Dalrymple. Before the an ival of this detachment, the
pncipal lettioment in liu>ie parts, called St. George's Key. had
been taken by the Spaniards and retaken bv the Britifli. in his
way Captain Dalrymple fcil m with a iquadron from Admiral

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 515

Pavker in fearch of fome rcgiftcr fliips richly laden ; but which
retreating in the harbour of Omoa, were too ftrongly protcfted
by the fort to be attacked with fafcty. A pro)c£t was then
formedj in conju£tion with the people of Honduras, to reduce tliis
fort. The defign was to I'urprife it ; but the Spaniards having
difcovered them, they were obliged to fight. Viftory quickly
declared for the Brii-ifh : but the fortifications were lb ftrong,
that the artillery they h.ad brought along with them were found
too light to make any impreffion. It was then determined to
try the fuccefs of an efcalade ; and this was executed with fo
much fpirit, that the Spaniards flood aftoniflied without making
any refiftance, and, in fpite of all the efforts of the officers, threw
down their arms and furrendered. The fpoil was immenfc, be-
ing valued at three millions of dollars. The Spaniards chiefly
lamented the lofs of two hundred and fifty quintals of quick
fdver; a commodity indifpenfably neceffary in the worlcing of
their gold and filver mines, fo that they offered to ranfom it at
any price; but this was refufcd, as v/ell as the ranfom of tlic
fort, though the governor offered three hundred thoufand dol-
lars for it. A fmall garrifon was left for the defence of the
place; but it was quickly attacked by a fuperior force, and obliged
to evacuate it, though not without deflroying every thing that
could be of ulc to the enemy ; fpiking the guns, and even locking
the gates of the fort and carrying off the keys. All this was
done in the fight of the befiegers ; after which the garrilbn em-
barked without the lofs of a man.

As no operations of any conlequence took place this year in
the province of New-York, 'the Congrefs made ufe of the op-
portunity to difpatch General Sullivan with a confiderable force,
in order to take vengeance on the Indians for their ravages and
depredations : and the objetl of the expedition was, not merely
the reduftion of them, but if poffiblc their utter extirpation.
Of this the Indians v/ere apprifed : and collcfting all their ftrength,
refolved to come to a decifive engagement. Accordingly thcv
' took a ftrong poft in the moff woc^dy and mountainous part of
the country ; ere£ting a breaft-work in their front of large logs
of wood extending half a mile in length, wlule their right flank
was covered by a river, and the left by a hill of difficult accefs.
This advantageous pofition they had taken by the advice of the
refuges who were among them^ and of whom two or three hun-
dred were prclcnt in the battle.

Thus poffcd, the Indians v/aited the approach of the American
army : but the latter having brought fome artillery along Vvith
them, played it againft the breaft work of the enemy with fuch
fuccefs, that in two hours it was almoft deftroyed ; and at the

Vol. I. A A

3-\6 HISTORY OF THE

f;ime time a pnrty having reached the top of the hill, they dc^
ci:mc apprehenfive of being furroundccl, on which thcv inftantly
fled with precipitation, leaving a great nutnbsr ?)f killed and
•\vounded behind them. The Americans after this battle met
v/ith no further reGfcance of any confcquence. They were fuf-
fercd to proceed without interruption, and to execute in the
niofl: ample manner the vengeance they had projeftcd. On enter-
ing the country of the Indians, it appeared that they had been
acquainted with agriculture and the arts of peace far beyond
what had been fuppoled. From General Sullivan's account it
was learned, that the Indian houfes were large, convenient, and
even elegant ; their grounds were excellently cultivated, and their
gardens abounded in fruit-trees and vegetables of all kinds fit for
food. The whole of this fine country was now by the Ameri-
can general convcKtcd into a defart. Forty tov/ns and fcttlements,
bchdcs fcattercd habilatiotTs, were demolifl-ied ; the fielJs of corn,
the orchards, the plantations, were utterly laid wafle ; all the
fruit-trees were cut down ; and fo great had been the induflry of
the Indians, that in one orchard one thoufand five hundred of
thefe were deilroycd. The quantity of corn wafted on this occa-
i'lon wasfuppofcd to amount to one hundred and ftxty thoufand
buflicls. In foort, Inch was the defohtion, that on the American-
army's leaving the country, not a houlcy not a field of corn, nor
a fruit-tree, was left upon the oround, nor was an Indian to be
ieen throughout the whole track.

We mud now take a view of the tranfaftions in the fouthern
colonies ; to v/hich the war was, in the year 1780, fo effectually
transferred, that the opcrstion^ there became at Ltfl decilive. — ^
The fuccefs of General Prcvofl in advancing to the vev)' capital
of South-Carolina has been already related, together with the ob-
flacles which prev^ented hirn from becoming mafler of it at that
time. Towards the end of tlie year fjic), however, Sir Henry
Clinton fct fail from Nev,'-York with aconfidcrablc body of troop:'-,
intended for the attack of Charlcrhown, South-Carolina, in a
fleet of ihips of wai' and tranfoorts under the command of Vicc-
Admiral Aibulhnot. Th.ey had a very tedious voyage; the
Vv'eaihcr^ was uncommonly bad ; feveral c: the tranfports weic
loft, as were alfo the grealeft part of the liorfes which they car-
ried v/ith them, intended for cavalry or other public u!cs ; i.r.d
an ordnancc-fliip likcwifc foundered at iea. Having arrived oX
Savannah, where tliey endeavoured to repair the damages fuftain-
ed on tlieir voyage, they proceeded from thence on the 10th (,f
February 1780 lo North Edillo, the place of debarkation Vvhitli
iUid hccn prcvioufly appointed. They had a favourable and
ipeedy pan^gc thitlicr : and though it required time to have the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

547

Ijar explored nnd the channel marked, the tranfporls rdl entered
the harbour the next day ; and the army took ponefnon of John's
illand without oppofition. Preparations were then made for paf-
iing the Iquadron over Charlcfton bar, where the high-water
forinp-tidcs v/ere only nineteen feet deep : but no opportunity
offered of going into the harbour till the »oth of March, wh.cn it
was efi'efted Vv-ithout any accident, thcmgh the American gallexs
continually attempted to prevent the Englifli boats from found-
ipo- the clianncl. The Britifh troops had prcvioufly removed
from John's to Jame's ifland ; and on the 29th of the iarne mouth
they eflctlcd their landing on Cliarlcftown Neck. On the lit
of April they broke ground within eight hundred yards of the
A'Tserican works ; and by the .8th llaebcfiegcrs guns were mounted
in battcr^'-

As ioon as the aiTiiy began to ercil their batteries againfl the
town, Admiral Arbuthnot embraced the firil favourable oppor-
tunity of pafiing Sullivan's Ifland, upon v.'hich rherc was a ftrong
fort of batteries, the chief defence of tiie harbour. He weighed
on the gth., with the Pvoebuck, Pv.ichmoud, and Romulus, Blonde,
Virginia, Raleigh, and Sandwich armed fhips, the Renown bring-
ing up the rear ; and, palling through a fevcre fire, anchoied in
about two hours under James's Ifland. with the lofs of twenty-
fevcn feamen killed and wounded. The Richmond's fore-top-
mall was fliot away, and the fliips in general ludained damage in
tlieir m.afts and rigging, though not materially in their hulls. —
But the Acetus traniport, having on board j-omc naval (lores,
grounded Vv'ithin gun-fliot of Sullivan's ifland, and received fo
much damage that flie was obliged to be abandoned and burnt.'

On the icth, Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot ium-
inoncd the town to lurrender to his Majefty's aims ; but Major.
Gcncral Ivincoln, wiio commanded in Ch.arlcilown, returned
them an aniwer, declaring it to be Ins intcnticn to defend the
[ddce. Tlie batteries v/ere now opened againll the tov/n ; and
from their ciTect the fire of the American advanced works confi-
derably abated. It appears that the number of troops tuider the
command of Lincoln were by far too few for defending works of
luch extent asthofcof Charleftov/n ;. aqd that many of thc(c were
men little accuflomcd to mditary leivice, and very ill providini
with cloaths and other ncceiTarics. Gencial Lincoln had been
for lome time expelling' reinforcements and iupplies liom Vir-
ginia and otlicr places : but they came m very flowly. Earl
Cornv/allisand Lieutcnant-Colonal Tavleton under him. were alio
extremely aftive in intercepting fuch rcinlorcements and fup-
piics as were fen t to the American general. Th^y tot^dly d'^fc;aed

4 A 2

548 HISTORY OF THE

a confiJerablc body of cavalry and militia which was proceediner
to the relief of the town ; and alfo made themfelves mailers of
fome poils, which gave them in a great degree the command of
the country, by which means great fupplies of provinons fell
into their hands.

Such was the ftate of things, and Fort Sullivan had alfo been
taken by the king's troops, when on the i8<th of May General
Clinton again fummoned the town to furrender ; an offer being
made, as had been done before, that if they iurrendered, the lives
and property of the inhabitants fliould be prelerved to them. — ■
Articles of capitulation were then propofcd by General Lincoln ;
but the terms were not agreed to by General Clinton. At length,
however, the town being clofely invefled on all fides, and the
preparations to florm it in every part being in great forwardncfs,
and the fiiips ready to move to the ailault, General Lincoln, who
had been applied to for that purpoie hy the inhabitants, fur-
rendered it on fuch articles of capitulation as General Clinton
had before agreed to. This was on the 4th of May, which was
one month and two days after the tovv'n had been firft fummoned
to furrender.

A large quantity of ordnance, arms, and ammunition, were
found in Charlcftown ; and, according to Sir Henry Clinton's
account, the number of priioners taken in Charleftown amounted
to five thoufand fix liundred and eighteen men, excluhve of near
a thoufand failors in arms ; but according to General Lincoln's
account tranfmitted to the Congrefs, the whole number of conti-
nental troops taken prifoners amounted to no more than two
thoufand four hundred and eighty feven. The remainder, there-
fore, included in General Clinton's account, mufl have confided
of militia and inhabitants of the town. Several American fl'igates
were alio takv'u or dcflroyed in the harbour of Charleftown.

The lofs of Charleftown evidently excited a conhderable alarm
in America : and their popular writers, particularly the author of
the celebrated performance intitled Common Senfe, in lome other
pieces made ule of it as apoNverful argument to lead them to more
vigorous exertions againft Great-Britain, that they might the
more etleftually and certriinly fccure their independence.

While Sir Henry Clinton was employed in his voyage to
Charleftown, and in the iiegc of that place, the garrilon at New-
York feem not to have been wholly free from apprehenfions for
their own u.fet)'. An iatenfe froft, accompanied with great falls
of fnow, began about the middle of December lyyQ, and fhut
up the nagivation of the port of New-York from the lea, within
a few days after the deparcure of Admiral Arbuthnot and Gene-
ral Clinton. The fcvcrity of the weather incrcafcd to fo gi'cat

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 549

a degree, that towards the middle of January all communications
with New-York by water were entirely cut ofT, and as many new
ones opened by the ice. The inhabitants could fcarcely be faid
to be in an infular ftate. Horfes with heavy carriages could go
over the ice into the Jcrfeys from one iiland to another. The
palfage in the North River, even ia the wideit part from New-
York to Paulus Hook, which was two thouland yards, was
about the 19th of January pra6ticable for the heaviefl cannon ; an
event which had been unknown in the memory of man. Pro-
vihons were foon after tranl'ported upon fledges, and a datach-
mcnt of cavalry marched upon the ice from New-York to Statcn
Illind, which Avas a diftance of eleven miles.

Tlie city of New-York being thus circumrianced, was confider-
ed as much expofed to the attacks from the continental troops :
and it was ftrongly reported that General Wafhington was medi-
tating a great ftroke upon New-York with his whole force, by
different attacks. Some time before this. Major General Pattifbnj
commandant at New-York, having received an addrefs from
many of the inhabitants, offering to put themfelves in military
array, he thought the prefent a favourable opportunity of trying
the fincerity of their profeflions. Accordingly he iffued a pro-
clamation, calling upon all the male inhabitants from hxteen to
ftxty to take up arms. The requifition was fo readily complied
with, that in a few days, forty companies from the hx wards of
the city were inrolled, officered, and under arms, to the number
of two thoufand fix hundred, many fubftantial citizens ferving in
the ranks of each company. Other volunteer companies were
formed ; and the city was put into a very ftrong poflure of de-
fence.

No attack, liowever, was made upon New-York, whatever de-
fign might originally have been nieditated : but an attempt was
made upon Staten Ifland, where there were about eighteen hun-
dred men, under the command of Brigadier-general Sterling,
who were well intrenched. General Wafliington, whofe army
was hutted at Morris-Town, lent a dctaclnnent of two thouland
feven hundred m^en, with fix pieces of cannon, two mortars, and
i'omc horfes, commanded by Lord Sterling, who aj'rived at Statcn
Ifland early in the morning of the 15th of January. The advan-
ced pofts of the Britifli troops retired upon the approach of the
Americans, who formed the line, and made feme movements iu
the courl'e of the day; but they withdrew in the night, after
having burnt one houfe, pillaged fome others, and carried off
with them about two hundred head of cattle. Immediately on
the arrival of the Americans on Staten Ifland, Lieutenant-general
Knyphaufen had embarked lix hundred men to attempt a paflagej

550 HISTORY OF THE

and to fiipport General Sterling : but the floating ice compelled
them to. return. It is, however, imagined, that the appearance
of thcfe tranfports, with the Britilh troops on board, which the
Americans could fee towards the dole of the day, induced the
latter to make fo precipitate a retreat.

After Charlcflown had furrendered to the king's troops, Gene-
r?l Clinton iiVued two proclamations, and alfo circulated a hand-
bill amongft the inhabitants of South Carolina, in order to induce
them to return to their allegiance, and to be ready to join the
king's troops. It was faid, tliat the helping hand of every man
Avas wanted to re-ertablifli peace and good govercmcnt ; and that
as the commander in chief wiflied not to draw the king's friends
into danger, while any doubt could remain of their fucccfs; lo
now that this was certain, he truflcd that one and all would hear-
tily join, and by a general concurrence give elTeft to fuch necei-
fary meafures for that purpofe as from time to time might be
pointed out. Thofe who had families were to form a militia to
remain at home, and occafionally to alTemble in their own diftrifts?
\vhen required, under officers of their own choofing, for the
maintenance of peace and good order. Thoie who had no fami-
lies, and who could conveniently be fpared for a time, it was
prefumcd, would cheerfully anift his Majefty's troops in driving
their oppreflTors, afting under the authority of congrcfs, and all
the miferies of war, far from that colony. For this purpofe it
was faid to be neceffary that the young men fhould be ready to
affemble when required, and to ferve with the king's troops for
any fix months pf the enfuing twelve that might be found re.
quifite, under proper regulations. They might choofe officers to
each company to command them ;. and v»'cre to be allov.'cd, when
on fervice, pay, ammunition, and provifions, in the fame man-
ner as the king's troops. When they joined the army, each man
was to be furnifhcd with a certificate, declaring that he was only
engaged to ferve as a militia-man for the time fpecified ; that he
was not to be marched beyond North Carolina and Georgia ; and
that, when the time was out, he was freed from all claims what-
ever pf military fervice, excepting the common and ufual militia-
duty where he lived. lie would then, it was faid, have paid
his debt to his country, and be intitled to enjoy undillurbed that
peace, liberty and property, at home, which he had contributed
to lecurc. The procldmations and publications of General Clin-
ton appear to have produced Ibnic eQeft in South Carolina ;
though they probably operated chielly upon thole who were bcr
fore not much inclined to the caufe of American independence.
Two hundred and ten of the inhabitants of Ciiarlcitown figned
an addreJb to General CliMtya and Ad^niral Aibuthnot, iolicitint:

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 551

to be readmitted to the charafter and condition of Britifh fubjcfts,
the inhabitants of that city having been hitherto confidercd as
prifoncrs on parole; declaring their difapprobation of the doftrine '
of American independence; and cxprefTing their regret, that af-
ter the repeal of thofe ftatutes which gave rife to the troubles
in America, the overtures made by hrs Majefty's commifiTioncrs
had not been regarded by the congrels. Sir Henry Clinton, in
one of the proclamations iffued at this time, declared, that if any
pcrfons fhould thenceforward appear in arms in order to prevent
the eftablifhment of his Majefty's government in that county, or
fhould under a-ny pretence or authority whatfoever attempt to
compel any other perfon or perfons to do fo, or who fliould hin-
der or intimidate the king's faithful and loyal fubjefts from join-
ing his forces or otherwife performing thofe duties their allegi-
ance required, fuch perfons fhould be treated with the utmoft
leverity, and their eflatcs be immediately feized in order to be
confifcated.

Mean time the ravages of war did not prevent the Americans
from paying fome attention to the arts of peace. On the 4th of
May an aft paffed by the council and houfe of reprefentatives of
MafTjchufett's Bay for incorporating and eftablifliing a fociety for
the cultivation and promotion of the arts and fcisnces.

Some doubts having arifen in the Congrefs, towards the clofc
of the preceding year, about the proprietv of their aflembling in
the city of Philadelphia, it was now refolved that they fnould
continue to meet there: and a committee of three members was
appointed, to report a proper place where buildings might be
provided for the reception of the Congrefs, together with an efti-
mate of the expence of providing fuch buildings and the neceffary
offices for the feveral boards. It was alfo refolved by the con-
grefs, that a monument Ihould be ercfted to the memory of their
late general Richard Montgomery, who fell at Quebec, in tcfhi-
mony of his fignal and important fervices to the United States of
America, with an infcription exprcffive of his amiable charafter'
and heroic atchievements; and that the continental treafurers
fhould be direfted to advance a fum not exceeding three hundred
pounds to Dr. Franklin to defray the expence ; that gentleman
being defircd to cauie the monument to be executed at Paris, or
in fome part of France. It was likewife refolved by the congrefs,
that a court fhould be eflablilhed for tiie trial of all appeals from
the court of admiralty of the United States of America, in cafes
of capture: to confifl of three judges, appointed and commaffion-
ed by congrefs, and who were to take an oath of ofnce ; and
tiiat the trials in this court ihould be determined by the ulage of
ii at ions.

552 HI"; TORY OF THE

The difiiculties of the Congrefs and of the proplc of AireviC:?
had been greatly incrcafcd by the depreciation of their paper-cur-
rency. At the time when the colonics enga^?d in a war with
Great Britain, they had no regular civil governments eflablifhed
among them of fufficient energy to enforce the collection of taxes
or to provide funds for the redcmpticr of fuch bills of credit as
their nccelTitics obliged them to ilTue. In coT.fequrncc of this
flate of things, their bills increalcd in quantity far licyond the
fvnn nccelTary for the purpofe of a circulating medium ; and as
they wanted at the fame time fpecific funds to reft on for their
redemption, they faw their paper-currency daily fmk in value-
The depreciation continued, by a kind of gradual progrcfTion,
from the year 1777 to 1780; fo that at the ^.atter period, the con-
tinental dollars were pafTcd, by common confent, in moft parts
of America, at the rate of at leaft |~ths below their nominal va-
lue. The impoffibility of keeping up the credit of the currency
to any fixed ftandard, occafioncd gieat and almoft inftirmountable
embarraflTmcnts in afcertaining the value of property, or carrying
on trade with any fufficient certainty. Thofe who fold, ancJ
thofe w'ho bought, were left without a rule whereon to form a'
judgment of their profit or lofs : and every fpecics of commerce
or exchange, whether foreign or domeftic, was expofed to num-
berlefs and increafmg difficulties. The confccuences of the de-
preciation of the papcr-cUrrency v/crc alfo felt with peculiar fc-
verity by fuch of the Americans as ^\-ere engaged in their military
fervices, and greatly augmented by their other hardfhips. The
requifitlons made by the congrefs to the feveral colonies for fup-
plies, were alfo far^ from always being regularly complied with ;
nnd their troops were not unfrcquently in want of the moft com-
mon neceffarles; which naturally occafioned complaints and dif-
rontent among them. Some of thefe difiiculties, rcfulting froir*
their circumftances and fituation, perhaps no Avifdom could have
prevented; but they feem to have arifen in part from the con-
grefs not being fufficiently acquainted with the principles of
finance, and from a dcfcft of fyflcm in the departments of their
government. The caufc of the Americans- appears alfo to have
fuffered iomcwhat bv their depending too much on temporary
enliftmcnts. But the congrefs endeavoured, towards the clofe of
the year 1780, to put their army upon a more permanent footing:
and to give all the fatisfaftion to their officers and foldiers which
their circumftanccs Vv-ould permit. They appointed a committee
for arranging their finances, and made fome new regulations re-
fpcfting their v/ar-office and treafury-board, and other public de-
partments.

Notwithftanding the difadvantagcs under whicii tlicy laboured*
the Ameilcans fecmed to entertain no doubts but that tlicy fliould

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 553

be able to maintain their independency. The 4th of July was
celebrated this year at Thiladelphia with iorne pomp, as the
anniveriaiy of American ind>;pendence. A comrnjuccmciit for
tonferrihg degrees in the arts was held the fame dciy, in the hall
of the univeriity there ; at wirich the prefident and members of
the congrcfs attended, and other pcrions in public offices. The
Chevalier De la Lucerne, minifter plenipotentiary from the
French king to the United States, was alfo preient on the occa-
fion. A charge was publicly addrcITed by the provoi^ of the
univeriity to the ftudcnts ; in which he laid, that he could not
but congratulate them " on that aufpicious day, which, amidft
the confufions and delolations of war, beheld learning beginning
to revive ; and animated them with the pieaRng prolpecl of fee-
ing ihe lacred lamp of I'cience burning with a ftill brighter flame,
and fcaitering its invigorating rays over the unexplored deferts
of that extenfive continent, until the whole world fliould be in-
volved in the united blaze of knowledge, liberty, and religion.
When he ftretched his views forward (he fald), and Purveyed the
rihng glories of America, the enriching confequences of their de-
termined ftruggle for liberty, the extenfive fields of intelleftual
improverhent and uieful invention, in Icience and arts, in agri-
fculture and commerce, in religion and government, through
which the unfettered mind v.^ould range, with increafing delight,
in quell of the undiicovered trealure which yet lay concealed
in the anim<d, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms of that nev/
world, or in the other fertile fouices of knowledge with which
it abounded ; his heai't fwelled with the pleafing prolpect, tliat
the Ions of that inflitution wotild dillingulfh themfelves, in
the different walks of life, by their literary contributions to the
embellifhment and mcreafe of human happinelo."

On the 10th of July, M. Ternay, with a fleet confifting of
feven fhips of the line, befides frigates, and a large body of French
^troops, commanded by Count de Rochambeau, arrived at Rhode
Illand ; and the following, day fix thoufand men were landed
there. A committee from the general aifcnibly of Rhode Uland,
was appointed to congratulate the French general on lii.s arrival ;
whereupon he returned an anlwcr, in which he informed thcin,
that the king his mafter had lent him to the afiiflance of his gocd
and faithful allies the United States of America. At prcfent, he
faid he only brought over the vanguard of a much greater force
deftined for their aid ; and the king had ordered him to affure
them, that his whole power ihould be exerted for tliciv fupport.
Kc added, tliat the French troops were under the fi,i"i£lcil diJci-

Vol. I. 4 B

5M HISTORY OF THE

pline ; and, atting under the orders of General \\'aniin?tcn^
would live with the Americans as their brethren.

A icheme was foon formed, of making a combined attack witb
I-nghfli fhips and troops, under the conmnand of Sir Henry Clin-
ton and Adiniral Arbuthnot, againfl the French fleet and troops
at Rhode-Ifland. Accordingly a coniiderable part of the troops at.
New-^ (II k were embarked for that purpofc. General Wafh-
ington liaving received information of this, palfed the North
River, by a very rapid movcm.cnt, and, with an army increafcd to
txvclve thoufand men, proceeded with celerity towards King's
fjridge, in ord':r to attack New- York ; but. learning that the Bri-
t'.fh general .had changed his intentions, and difem.barked his
troops on tlie 31(1 of the month, General Wafhington rccroffed
the river and returned to his former ftation. Sir Ilenrv Clinton
rfnd ihe Admiral had agreed to relinquiOr their defign of attack-
ing the Frcp.ch and Americans at Rhode-Ifland as imprafticable
for the prclcnt.

An unlucccliful attempt was alfu made about this time in the
Jcricys bv General Knyphaulcn, with leven thoufand Britifh
troops under iiis command, to lurpriie the advanced polls of Ge-
neral Wailiington's army. They proceeded very rapidly towards
Springfield, niocting with little oppofition till they came to the
bridge there, wliicli was very gallantly defended by one hundred.
and levcnty of the continental troops, for fifteen minutes, againft
the Britilh army : but they were at length obliged to give w'r>
(o unequal a contelt, with the lois of thirty-leven men. After
I'ecuring this |,va!s, the Britifh troops marched into the place, and
fet fire to moTt of the houics. Tliey alio committed fome other
depredations in the Jerlevs ; but gained no laurels there, being
obliged to return about the beginning of July without elfcftmg ■
any thii^g ni-iterial.

But in South CartjHna the rt.-yal arms were attended with more
fuccels. Earl Cornwallis, who commanded the Britifh troops
there, obtaiijcd a very fignal viftory over General Gates on the
i6lh of Auguil. Ihc aftion began at break of day, in a fituation
ver'N' advantageous for the Britilh troops, but very unfavourable
to the Americans, The latter were much more numerous ; but
ih.c giound on which both anhies (tood was narrowed by Iwamps
on tlic right and left, I'o that the Americans could not properly
avail liicmlclves of tiieir fuperior numbers. There lee.ms to have
been lome want of generalfhip in Gates, in fuffering himlclf to be
furprilcd iii fo difadvantageous a pofition : but this circumflancc
was i;artly the cifctl; of accident ; for both armies fet out with a
dclig!) of attacking each other prccifely at the lame time, at ten
the preceding evening, auvl met together before day-light at the
place where the a6Lion happened. The attack was made by the
Britifli troops with 'j^reat vis^our, and in a few minute; the aftion

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

555

wis general along the whole line. It wds at this time a dead calm,
%viih a little hazinels in the air, which pievcniing ihc Imoke from
rifiRg, occafioned fo thick a darkncfs, that it was difficult to fee
the efFeft of a very heavy and wcU-fupported fire on both fides.
The Britifh troops either kept up a conftant fire, or made ufc of
bayonets, as opportunics offered; and after an obftinatc rcfiilar.cc
during three quarters of an hour, threw the Americans iiuo (otal
< onfufion, and forced them to give way in all quarters. The con-
tinental troops appear to have behaved well, but the militia were
foon broken, and left the former to oppofe tlie whole force of the
Britifli troops. General Gates did all in his power to rally the
militia, but without effeft: the continentals retreatc<l in fume order,
but the rout of the militia \\'as fo great, that the Britiili ca^'ahy
are faid to have purfued them to the diftancc of twenty-two miles
from the pjacc where the aftion happened. Ti:e iofs of tlic Ame-
ricans was very confidcrablc : about one thouiand prifoncrs \\,'cre
taken, and more are faid to have been killed and wounded, bi;t
the number is not accurately afcertained. Seven pieces of brafs
cannon, a number of colours, and all the ammunitiou-\\'aggon£ of
the Am.ericans, were alfo taken. Of the Britifli troops, the kil.
led and wounded amounted to two hundred and thirteen.—
Among the prifoncrs taken was Major-General Baron dc Kr.ib,
a Pruffian officer in the Ameilcan fcrvice, v.'ho was mortally
wounded, having exhibited great gallantry in the courfe of tlie
action, and received eleven wounds. . The Rritifli troops by
v/hich this great viftory was atchicvcd, did not mucli exceed two
thoufand, while the American army is laid to liave amounted toiix
tiioufand ; of whicli, however, the greatefl: part were miiiiia.

Lieutenant -Colonel Tarleton, who had greatly diftinguinicd
luip.lelf in this aftion, was detached the following day. with forne
cavalry and light infantry, amovnitlng to aboiu th.rec hundred and
fifty men, to attack a corps of Am.ericans under General Sur.ipter.
He executed tliis fervice with great aftivitv and military addrcfs.
He procured.- good information of Sumpter's movement : and by
forced and concealed marches came up with and iurprifed him in
the middle of the day on the i8th, near the Cata'-vba fords. He
totally deftroyed or difperfed his detachment, which confifted of
feven hundred men, killing one hundred and fifty on the f!;)ot,
and taking two pieces of brafs cannon, three liundred prifoiiers,
and forty-four waggons.

Not long after thele events, means were found to detach Ma-
jor-General Arnold, who had engaged fo ardently in the caufe of
America, and who had exhibited fo m.uch bravery in llic
iu;5port of it, from the interefts of the congrcfs. Major Andre,
Adjudant General to the Britifh army, wys a principal agent in

4 B 3

55^ HISTORY OF THE

this traniaftlon : or, if the overture ofjoir>-ing the King'* troops
came firfl from Arnold, this gentleman was the perfon employed
to concert the affair with him. More muft have been origi-
ri:vAy comprehended in the ichcme than the mere defertion of
the American caufe by Arnold ; but whatever defigns had been
formed for promoting the views of the Britifli government, they
■were fruftrated by the apprehending of Major Andre. He was
taken in diiguiie, after having affumed a falle name, on the 23d
of September, by three American folflieVs ; to whom he offered
confidcrable rewards if they would have fuflFered him to efcape,
but without effeft. Several papers written by Arnold were found
upon him ; and when Arnold had learned that Major Andre was
%vas feized, he found means to get on board a barge, and to efcape
to one of the King's .fhips. General Wafliington referred the
cafe of Major Andre to the examination and decifion of a board
of general officers^ confifting of Major General Green, Major
General Lord Sterling, Major General the Marques de la Fayette,
Major General the Bi'.ron de Steuben, two other Major Generals,
and eight Br;g;naicr Generals, Major Andre was examined before
them, and tlie particulars of his caie inquired into ; and they re-
ported to the American commander in chief, that Mr. Andre
came on fhore frorn the Vulture floop of War in the night, on an
interview with General Arnold, in a private and fecret manner ;
that he changed his drefs within the American lines • and, under
a feigned name, and in a difguifcd habit, paffed the American
works at Stoney and Verplank's Points, on the evening of the
sad of September ; that he was taken on the niorning of the 23d
at Tarry-town, he being then on his way for New- York ; and
that, w.hen taken, he had in his poffefrion fevcral papers which
contained intelligence for the enemy. They therefore determin-
ed, that he ought to be confidered as a fpy from the enemy : and
that, agreeable to the law and ufage of nations, he ought to luffer
death. ' Sir Henry Clinton, Lieutenant General Robcrtfon, and
tiie late American general Arnold, all wrote preiTmg letters to
General Vv^afiiington on the occafion, in order to preyent the
decifion of the board of ffoneral oiRcers from bein" put in force :
But their applications were ineffeftual. Major Andre was
hanged at Tappan, in the province of New- York, on the 2d of
Oftober. He met his fate witli crcat firmnels ; but appeared
fom.ewhat hurt tliat he was not allowed a more military death, for
■which he had folicited. He was a gentleman of very amiable
qualities, had a tafte for literature and tlie fine arts, and polleffed
many accompliflimcnts. His death, therefore, was regretted even
by his enemies ; and tlie Icverity of the determination concern-
ing him was much exrlaimcd again ft in Great-Britain. It was,
"acwcvcr, generally acknowledged by impartial perlbns, that there

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 557

r^ff3S nothing in the exeeution of this unfortunate gentleman but
what was perfeftly confonant to t'ne rules of war,

Arnold was made a brigadier general in the King's fcrvice, and
publiflied an addrefs to the inhabitants of America, dated from
New-York. Oftober y, in which he endeavoured to juftify his
defertion of their cauie. He faid that when he firfi: engaged in
it, he conceived the rights of his country to be in danger, and
duty and honour called him to her defence. A rcdrefs of griev-
ances was his onlv aim and objoft ; and therefore he acquiefred
unwillingly in the declaration of independence, becaufe he
thougiit it precipitate. But what no^y induced him to dcfcrt
their caufe was the difgnft he had concci^'cd at the French alli-
ance, and at the refulal of Congrels to comph' wuli rhc lafl terms
offered by Great-Britain, whicli he thouglit equal to nil theii
expfflations and to all their wiflies.

The Americans, however, accounted for the conduct of Ar,
nold in a different manner. They allcdged that he had fo in-
volved himfelf in debts and difficulties by his extravagant man.
ner of living in America, that he had rendered it very incon-
venient for him to continue there: that after the evacuation of
Philadelphia by the Britifn troops. General Arnold, being in-
veiled with the command of that city, had made the houic of
Mr. Penn, which was the bcfi: in the city, his head quarters.
This he had furnifhed in an elegant and expenilve manner, and lived
in a ilyle far beyond his income, It was manifeft, they ftid, that i e
could at firfl: have no great averfion to the French alliance, be-
caufe that when M. Gerard, minifter plenipotentiary from the
court of France, arrived at Philadelphia in July 1778, General
Arnold early and carneftly folicited that ininifter, with his whole
fuite, to talce apartments and bed and board at his houfe, until
a proper houfe could he provided by order of the Congreis. 'i'his
offer M. Gerard accepted, and continued with him I'ome wccki.
The French minider refided upwards of fourteen months in Phi-
ladelphia; during which time General Arnold kept up the ni<ul
friendly and intimate acquaintance v/ith him, and there ^vas a
continued interchange of dinners, balls, routes, and conceits :
fo that M. Gerard mud have believed, that in General Arnold
he had found and lel't one of the warmed friends the court of
France had iri America. lie was alio one ol the fird in congra-
tulating the Chevalier de la Luzerne' tlic iccond Freacli rninil-
ler. About this time complaints and acciiiations were exhibited
againd him by the government of Philadelphia for divers mal-
praftices: among which charges were, tlic ap})ropriation of goods
and merchandize to his own ufe, which lie Iiad jci/.cd as BritiHi
property in r'hihdcl;.h!a in July 1778, It v.as determined by

55^ HISTORY OF THE

a, court-martial that his con daft was highly rcpiehenfible; but he
was indulgently treated, and was tlierefore only reprimanded l>y
the commander in chief General Wr.niington. It was in thclc
circumftances, the Americans faid, bankrupted in reputation and
foi"tune. loaded with debts, and having a growing and expenfive
family, that General Arnold firft turned his tliouohts towards ..^r
joining the royal army.

After the defeat of General Gates by Earl Cornwallis, the
latter exerted hmifclf to the utmoll in extending the progrels
of the Britidi arms,' and with confiderable cfle£l. But one cn-
terprife wliicli was condufted by Major Fergufon, proved un-
luccefsful. Tliat officer had taken abundant pains to difcipline
lome of the toiy militia, as they were termed; and with a party
of thcfe and fome Briiifn troops, amounting in the whole to about
one thoufand four hundred racn, made incurfeons into the coun-
try. But on the 'yth of Oftober he was attacked by a fuperior
body of Americans at a place called King's Mountain, and totally
defeated. One hundred and fifty were killed in the aftion, and
eight liundrcd and ten made prifbners, of which one hundred
and fifty were wounded. Fifteen hundred fland of arms aifo
fell into tlie hands of the Americans, whofe lofs was inconfide-
rable. But the following month Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton,
who continued to exert his ulual activity and bravery, with a
party of one hundred and feventy, chiefly cavalry, attacked and
defeated General Sumpter, who is faid to liave had one thouland
men, at a place called Black Stocks. Suinpter was wounded^
and about one luuidred and twenty of the A^mericans killed,
wounded, or taken. Of the Britifn troops about fifty were kill-
ed and wounded.

On the 3d of September tlie Llcrcury, a congrefs packet, was
taken by the Veftal, Captain Kcppel near N'ewfoundland. On
board this packet was Mr, L-!urens, late Prefident of the Con-
grcls, who v/as bound on an cmbaily to Holland. He had thrown
his papers tnci board, but great ]);nt of them were recovered
without having received much damage. Me was brought to
London, and examined hcfoie tlie pt ivy council ; in confequence
of wliich he was committed clofe prifoner t'j the Tower, on the
6th of Oftobcr, on a charge of high trcaion. His papers were
delivered to the miniftry, and continued to facilitate a rupture
with Hollnnd, as among tliem was found tlie fkctcli of a treaty of
amity and romir.crce between tlie republic of Holland and the
Uriited States of Anierica,

At the beginning of tlic year I'jSi, nn alTair happened iu
America, from which expeftations were formed by Sir Heniy
Clinton, that iome confiderable advantage might be derived to the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 559

royal caufe. The long continuance of the war, and the difficul-
ties under which the Congrefs laboured, had prevented their
troops from being properly lupplicd with necelliuies and coveni-
encies. In coniec|;ienc2 of this, on the firft of January, the
American troops that were hutted at Morris Town, and who
formed what was called the Pennfylvania Line, turned out, be-
ing in number about one thoufand three hundred, and declared*
that they would fervc no longer, unlefs their grievances were rc-
dreffcd, as they had not received their pay, or been furnifhed
with the ricccffary cloathing or provificns. It is laid that they
were fomewhat inflamed with liquor, in conleauence of rum
having been diftributed to tiiem more liberally than ulual, New-
Year's Day being confidcred as a kind of feftival. A riot enfued,
in which an pfficer was killed, and four v/oundcd: five or fix of
the infurgents were alfo wounded. They then collefted the ar-
tillery, ftores, provifions, and waggons, and marched out of the
camp. They pa (Ted by the quarters of General Wayne, who fent
a meifiige to them, requefting them to defifl, or the conkquences
would prove fatal. They rcfufed, and proceeded on their march
till the evening, when they took poft on an advantageous piece
of ground, and elefted officers from among themfelves. On the
iccond, they marched to Middlcbrook, and on the third to
Princetown, where they fixed their quarters. On that day a flag
of truce was fent to them from the officers of the American camp,
with a melTage, defiring to know what were their intentions.
Some of them anlwered, that they had already ferved longer than
the time for which they were enliftL'd, and would ferve no lon-
ger ; and otliers, that they would not return, unlefs their griev-
ances were redrciled. But at the'fame time they repeatedly, and
in the ftrongeft terms, denied being influenced by the Icail dif-
afleftion to the American caufe, or having any intentions of
deferting to the enemy.

Intelligence of this tranfaftion was foon conveyed to New-York.
A large body of Britifli troops were Immediately ordered to hold
themfelves in readinefs to move on the fhorteft notice, it being-
hoped that the American revolters might be induced to join the
royal army. Mellengers were alfo lent to them from General
Clinton, acouainting them that thcv {aoukl dircftly be taken un-
der the protection of the Britifh government; that they fhcvild
have a free pardon for all former offences ; and that the pay due
to them from the ConLnefs lliould be faithfully paid them, with-
out any expctfation of military fervicc, unlefs it llrould be volun-
taiy upon condition of their laying down their arms and return-
ing to their allegiance. It %s'as alfo recommended to them to
riir.,vc beyond the South Paver; and they were alfured, that a

56o HISTOFtY Oi' T ME

body of Britifti troops fhould be ready to prote6I them whenevei^
they dffircd it. Thefe propofitions were rcjc6ted with difdain j
and they even delivered up two of Sir Henry Clinton's meffen-
gers to the congtefs. Jofeph Reed, Efq, prefident of the ftate
of Pennfylvdni;i. afterwards repaired to them at Prince-town, and
an accommodation toul; plar.e: /uch of them as had fervcd out
their full terms were permitted to return to their own homes,
and others again joined the American army, upon receiving fa-
tisfdftory alTurances that their grievances fliould be redrclTed.

Lord Cornvvallis now began to rhake very vigorous exertions,
in order to penetrate into North Carolina. On tlie i ith of Janu-
ary his Lordfhip's army was in motion, and advancing towards
that province ; but v/as fomewhat delayed by an attempt made by
the Americans^ under General Tvlorgan, to make themielves maf-
ters of the valuable diftrift of Ninety-fix^ In order to prevent
this, Lord Cornwallis detached Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton,
v.'ith three hundred cavalry, three hundred light infantry, the
fcventh regiment, the firPc battalion of the feventy-Srft regiment
and two three-pounders, to oppofe the progrefs of Morgan, not
doubting but that he would be able to perform this fervice effec-
tually. The Britifh. troops came up with the Americans under
General Morgan on the i -jth of January. The Americans were
drawn up in an open wood, and having been lately joined by
fome militia, were more numerous than the Britifli troops under
Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton; but the latter were fo much bettei"
diiciplined, that they had the utmoft confidence of obtaining a
ipeedy viftory. The attack was begun by the fn ft line of infant-
ry, confifting of the fevenrh regiment and a corps of light infant-
ry, with a troop of cavalry placed on each tlank. The firft bat-
talion of the feventy-firil and the remainder of the cavalry form-
ed the i-clcive. The American line foon gave way, and their
militia quitted the field ; upon which the royal troops, fuppofing,
the viftory alreadv gained, engaged with ardour in the purfu:t,
and were thereby thrown into fome delorder: General Morgan's
corps, who v>rere fuppoled to have been routed, then immediate-
ly faced about and threw in a heavy fire upon the king's troops,
which occaiioned the utmoft confufion amongft them; and they
were at length totally dcfealed by the Ai^ericans. Four hun-
dred of the Britifli itifantry were either killed, wourided, or
t.iked priloners: the lofs of the cavalry was mucii Icfs confidera-
ble; but the two threc-poundcrs fell into the hands of the Ame-
ricans, together witli the colours of the fevcnth regiment ; and
all the detachment of royal artillery were either killed or wound-
ed in defence of their colours. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton,
however, made another effort ; havinp- affcmblcd about fifty of

AMERICAN REVO LUTlO N. 561

iiis cavalry, he charged and rcpulfcd Colonel Wafhington's horfc,
retook hie baggage, and killed the Americans who were appointed
to guard it. He then retreated to Hamilton's ford, near the mouth
of Bullock's creek, carrying with him part of his baggage, and
deflroying tlie remainder.

This defeat of the troops under TarlctOn was a fevcre ftroke to
Lord Cornwallisj as the lofs of his light infantry was a great dii-
ndvantage to him. The day after that event, he employed in col„
lefting the remains of Tarleton's corps, and endeavouring to forin
a juntirion with General Lcflie, who had been ordered to march
tf)wards him with a body of Britiih troops from Wynnefborough.
Confiderable cxcrtiorkS were then made by part of the army,
without baggage, to retake the prifoners in the hands of the Ame-
ricans, and to intercept General Morgan's corps on its retreat to
tlic Catawba. But that American officer, after his defeat of Tarle-
ton, had made forced marches up into the country, and croffed
the Catawba the evening before a great rain, which fwelled the
river to fuch a degree, as to prevent the royal army from croffing
for fcveral days ; during which time the Britifli prifoners were
got over the Yadkin ; whence they proceeded to Dan River,
which they alfo palled, and on the t4th of February had reached
Court-houfe in the province of Virginia.

Lord Cornwallis employed a halt of two days in coUcfting fomc
flour, and in deilroying fuperfluous baggage and all his waggons
excepting thofe laden with hofpital flcres, lalt, and ammunition,
and four referved empty in rcadinefs for fick or wounded. Being
thus freed from all unneceffary incumbrances, he marched through
North Carolina with great rapidity, and penetrated to the remoteft
extremities of that province on the banks of the Dan. His pro-
grefs was fometimcs impeded by parties of the militia, and fomc
Ikirmilhes enfued. but he met with no very confiderable oppofl-
tinn. On tlio ifl of Februaiy, the king's troops eroded the
Catawba at M'Cowan's Ford, where General Davidfon, with a
parly of American militia, was pofted, in order to oppofe thcii"
paflTage ; but he fijlling by the Hrft difchargc, the royal troops
made good their landing, and the mditia rcti'eated. When LoM
Cornwallis arrived at Hilliborough, he erefted the king's flandard,
and invited, by proclamation, all loyal fubjcfts to repair to it, and
to ftand forth and take an aftivc part in afhTting his LordHiip to
leftore order and government. He had been taught to believe
that the king's friends were numerous in that part of tlie coun-
try : but the event did not confirm the truth of the rcprefcnta-
tions that had been given. The royalids were but few in num-
ber, and fomeof them too timid to join the king's ftandard. Ihers

Vd. L 4 C

rj62 HISTORY OP THE

were, indeed, about two hundred who were proceeding tr
Hillfborougli, under Colonel Pyle, in order to avow their at-
tachment to the royal caule ; but they were met accidentally, and
iiirroundcd by a detachment from the American army, by whom-
a number of them are faid to have been killed when they were
begging fur quarter, witliout making the lead refiftancc. Mearf
while General Green was marching with great expedition with
the troops under his command, in order to form a junftion with
other corps of American troops, that he might thereby be enabled
to put an efl'e6lual flop to the progrefs of Lord Cornwallis.

In other places lome confiderable advantages were obtained by
the royal arms. On the 4^h of January, fome fliips of war with
a number of tranlports, on board which was a large body of
troops under the command of Brigadier-General Arnold, arrived
at Wcftover, about one hundred andforty miles from the Canesof
\'^irginia, where the troops immediately landed and marched to
Richmond ; which they reached without oppofition, the militia
that was colletled having retreated on their approach. Lieute-
nant-Colonel Simcoe marched from hence with a detachment of
Britifh troops to Weftham, where they deftroycd one of the
fincft foundaries for cannon in America, and a large quantity of
{lores and cannon. General Arnold, on his arrival at Rich-
mond, found there large quantities of (alt, rum, fail-cloth, tobacco,
and other merchandile ; and that part of thefe commodities which
was public property he deftroyed. The Brilifla troops after-
v/ards attacked and difperled lome fmall parties of the Ameri-
cans, took (ome (lores and a few pieces of cannon, and the i;oth
of the fame month marched into Poftfmouth. On the 25th,
Captain Barclay, with feveral fliips of war, and a body of troops
under the conmiand of Major Craig, arrived in Cape Fear river.
The troops landed about nine miles from Wilmington, and on the
.:P)ih entered that town. It was underftood that their having
;)oricnion of that town, and being mafrcrs of Cape Fe.ir river,
would he produ6live of very beneficial clfetls to Lord Corn-
wallis's army.

General Greene having ciTcftcd a junction about the loth of
March with a c(mtinental regiment of what were called ci'^htcen
■:):o:ii/u ViCfi, and two large bodies of militia belonging to Virgi-
nia and North Carolina, formed a refolution to attack the Britifh
troops under the command of Lord Cornwr.Uis. The American
army m.n-chcd from the High Rock Ford on the : 2th of the
month, and on the 14th arrived at Guildford. Lord Cornwallis,
fror.i the inform-.ition he had received of the motions of the
American general, concluded what were his defigns. As they
v'npror.slied more nearlv to each other, a few Ikirniiihcs cnUicd

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

5«3

between feme advanced parties, in which the king's troops had
the advantage. On the morning of the J 5th, Lord Cornv/aliis
inarched with his troops at day-break in order to meet the Ame-
ricans, or to attack them in their encampment. About four
miles from Quildford. the advanced guard of the Britifh ajmy.
commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarlcton, fell in with a corps
of the Americans, confiding of Lieutenant-Colonel Lee's legion,
fom^e Back Mountain men and Virginian militia, with whom he
had a fevere {ki.rmifli, but whom he at length obliged to retreat.

The greater part of the ccuntr)' in which the a£tion happened
is a wilderncis, with a few cleared fields interfporrcd. l"he
Am.erican army, which \vas fuperior to the royal in point of
numbers, was polled on a rifing ground about a mile and a half
from Guildford court-houfe. it was drawn v:p in three lines :
the front line was compofcd of the North Carolinian militia.
under the command of the Generals Butler and Eaton ; the fecoiid
line of Virginian militia, commanded by the Generals Stephens
snd Lawfon, forming two brigades ; the third line, cnnfifting of
two brigades, one of Virginia and one of IMaryland Gontincntal
troops, commanded by General Huger and Coionei Williams,
Lieutenant-Colonel Wafhington, with the dragoons of the firlt
and third regiments, a detachnicnt of light infantry compofed of
continental troops, ajid a regiment of riflemen under Colonel
Lynch, formed a corps of oblervation for the fecurity of their
right flank. Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, with his legion, a detach-
ment of light infantry, and a corps of riflemen iinder Colonel
Campbell, formed a corps of obiervatiou for the iecurity of their
left flank. The attack on the American army was dirc£lcd to he
made bv Lord Cornwaliis in the following order: Oa the right,
the regiment of Bok and the feventy-firll regiment, led by
Major-Gencral Leflie, and fupported by the firfl battalion of
guards ; on the left, the twentv-third and thirty-third regiments,
led by Lieutenant-Colonel W'ebfter, and fupported by the grena-
diers and fccond battalion of guards commanded by Brigadier-
General O'lI'U'a: the Yagers and. light infantry of the guards
remained in a wood on the left of the guns, and the cavalry in the
road, ready to aclas circumftanees miglit rcquiic.

About half an hour after one in tJic afternoon, the aftion com-
menced by a cannonade, which lafted about twenty minutes ;
when the Britifii troops advanced in three columns and attacked
the North Carolinian brig.ides with great vigour, and loon obli-
ged part of thcfe troops, who behaved very ill, to quit the field :
hutthc Virginian militia gave them a warm reception, ar^dkcpt up
3 hcfvv fire for a long time, till being beaten back, the atlioo

1 ^' ?

5C4 HISTO RY OF THE

bccimc general nlmoU every where. The American corns unrier
the Lieutenant-Colonels Wafhington and Lee were hK'o warmK-
engaged, and did conftderable execution. Lieutena;it-Colonel
Tarlcton had directions to keep his cavalry compaft, and not to
charge without pofifive orders, excepting to prcte6l any of the
corps from the mod evident danger of being defeated. The
excefTive thick nefs of the v.'oods rendered the Britifli bayonets
of little ufe, and enabled the broken corps of Americans to make
frequent {lands with an irregular fire. The Iccond battalion of
the guards ftrll gained the clear ground near Guildfoid court-
lioufc, and found a corps of continental infantry, fuperior iri
number, formed in an open field on the left of the road. Dcfi-
rous of fignalizing thcmlclves, they immediately attacked and
foon defeated them, taking two fix-})oundeis : but as they pur-
fued the Americans into the wood with too much ardour, thcv
were thrown into coufufionbya heavy fire, and inftantlv charged
and driven bnck into tlic field by Lieutenant-Colonel Wafhing-
ton's dragoons, with the lois of the hx-poundcrs they had taken.
But the American cavalry were afterwards repnlfcd, and the
two fix-poundcrs again fell into the hands of the Britifli troops.
The fpiritrd exertions of Brigadier-General O'Hara and of Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Tarleton, greatly contributed to bring the aflion
to a teiniination. The Britifli troops having at Icr.gtii broken
the fccond Maryland regiment, and turned the left flank of the
Americans, got into the rear of the Virginian brig:>dc. and ap-
peared to be gaining their right, which would ha\e encircled the
whole of the continerital troops, when CJencral Greene thought
it prudent to order a retreat. Many of the American militia
clilpcricd in the woods; but the continental troops retreated in
good order to Reedy Fork River, and crolTcd at the Ford about
three miles from the field of a6lion, and tliere halted. When
they liad ct'llcftcd their flragglers, they retreated to the iron-
works, ten miles diPcant from Guildf^)rd, wlicre they encamped,
Tiiey loil their artillery and two waggons laden with ammuni-
tion. It was a hard fought aftion, and lailed an hour and an
half. Of the Britifli troops, the lofs, as flated by Lord Corn-
wallis, was five hundred and thirty-two killed, v/oundcd, and
muling. General Greene, in his account of the a61uMi tranfmit-
vcd to the congicfs, flated the lofs of the continenfd troops to
.imount to three hundred and twenty-nine I;i!icd, wounded, and
mifling ; biit ]>e made no cflimate of t.he lois of tlie militia. —
Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart v^-as killed in the aiiiion •, and LieutCr
riant-Colonel Wcbfler. and the Captains Schutz, Maynard, and
Goodnche, died of the ■wounds that they received in it. Bri^a-
dier-Gciieral O'Har?. Br. •sj.adicr- General llcwind, and Licuie-

AMERICA N R E VO LUTIO N, ^65

rnnt-Coloncl Tailcton were alfo wounded. Of the Americana
the princicnl officer killed was Mnjor Anderfon of the Maryland
line, and the generals Stephens and Pluger were wounded.

The Britifh troops underwent great hardfliips in the courfe of
this campaign ; and in a letter of Lord Cornwallis's to Lord
Gcor<^e Germain, dated March 17th, he obferved, that "the fol-
diers had been two days without bread." His lordfhip quitted
Guildford three days after the battle which was fought in that
place; and on the 7th of April arrived in the neighbourhood of
Wilmington. Soon after, General Greene, notwithftanding his
late defeat, endeavoured to make fome vigorous attempts againft
the kind's forces in South Carolina, Lord Rawdon had been ap-
pointed to defend the poft of Camden, with about eight hundred
Britifh and provincials ; and on the 19th of April General Greene
appeared before that place with a large body of continentals and
militia. He found it, however, impofTible to attempt to ftonr;
the town v/ith any prolpeft of luccefs ; and therefore endeavoured
to take fuch n pofitiori as fnould induce the Britifh troops to fally
from their works. He ported the Americans about a mile from
the town, on an eminence which was covered with woods, and
flanked on the left by an impaflable fwamp. But on the morning
of the 25th, Lord Rawdon marched out of Camden, and with
great gallantry attacked General Greene in his camp. The Ame-
ricans made a vigorous rcfiflance, but were at laft compelled to
give way ; and the purfuit is faid to have been continued three
miles. For fome time after the action commenced, General Gates
entertained great hopes of defeating the Britifli troops ; in which,
ns the Americans were fuperior in point of numbers, he would
probably have fucceeded, had not fome capital military errors
been committed by one or two of the officers who ferved under
him. On the Anierican fide Colonel Wafliington behaved ex-
tremely well in this aftion, having made upwards of two hundred
of the Engiilh prifoners, with ten or twelve offi.cers, before he
perceived that the Americans were abandoning the field of battle,
'i1ie lofs of the Englifli was about one hundred killed and wound-
ed, Upwards of one iiundred of the Americans were taken pri-
loners ; and, according to the account publiffied by General
Greene, they had -one hundred and twenty-fix killed and wound-
ed. After this aftion, Greene retreated lo Rugeley's mills, twelve
miles from Camden, in order to collect his troops and Wait for
veinlorccmcnts.

Notwithftanding the advantage which Lord Rawdon had ob-
tained over General Greene at Camden, tliat nobleman foon after
found it neceffary to quit that poft; and the Americans made
J.hcmrclvcs makers of fevcral other pofts that were occupied \>v

^oi^ HISTORY OF THE

the king's troops, and tlie gnirifons of which were Gbliaccl lo
lu'.rcndei- themfclvcs prifoncrs of M-ai. Thcfc troops were after-
wards c:<cl)angcd under a cartel which took phicc between l-ord
Cornwallis and General (ircene for the relcafc of all prilbners of
war in the fouthern diftrift. After thcfc events, General Greene
laid clofe ficge to Ninety-fix, which was confidercd as the mod
commanding and important of all tlie pofts in the back-countrv ;
and on tlie if)th of June he attempted to dorm the garrifon, but
was rcpullcd by the gallantry of the Britifli troops, with the lofs^
as it is laid, of fevcnty-five killed and one hundred and fifty
wounded. General Greene then railed the fiegc, and retired
with his army behind the Saluda, to a flrong fituation within fix-
tccn miles of Ninety-fix.

On the i8th of April a large body of Britifli troops, under ti)e
the command of Major-Gcncral Philips and Brigadier-General
Arnold, embarked at Portfmouth in Virginia, in order to proceed
on an expedition for the purpofc ofdcftroying fome of the Ame-
rican ftorcs. A part of light-infantry were fent ten or twelve
miles up the Chickahomany ; where they dcftro\'cd fevcral armed
fliips, fundry warehoulcs, and the American ftate fliip yards. At
Peterfburgh. the Englifh deflroyed four thoufand hogflieads of
.tobacco, one fliip, and a number of imall veffcJs on the flocks and
in the river. At Chefterfield court-houfc, they burnt a range of
barracks fox- two thoufand men and tlircc hundred barrels of
flour. At a place called Ofborn''s, they made thcmfelves mafler?
of Jevcral veiTcls loaded with cordage and flour, and (kilroyed
about two thoufand hogflieads of tobacco, and fundry I'cfTcls were
funk and burnt. At Warwick, they burnt a magazine of five
hundred barrels 6f flour, fome fine mills belonging to Colonel
Carey, a large range of public rope-walks and ftorchoufcs. tan and
bark houfes full of hides and bark, and great quantities of tobac-
co. A like d.cftrufi.ion of (lores and goods was made in other
parts of Virginia.

From the account already given of fome of the principal mili-
ary operations of the prefcnt year in America, it appears, that
though confidcrable advantages had been gained by tlie royal
troops, yet no event had tajccn piace frorn wliicli it could ration-
-.illy be expc£tcd that the final termination of the war would be
favourable to Great-Britain. It was alfo a difadvantagcous cir-
cum^Ttancc that there -i/as a mJluwderiianding between Admiral
Arbuthnot and Sir Ilcnrv Clinton, and a mutual difapprobation
'if each other's condutt. This v/as manifeft from their difpatches
to government, r>-id cipccially from thofe of General Clinton,
whofc e:;preiTior!S refTx-AMior ihccondnft of tlir A''".!' i! •\':v'- I-
;iT nc^xs cnuivoral.

AMERICAN REVO LUTIO N. s^l

On tlic t6lh of March 1781, a partial aftion happened ofF the
Capes of Vuginia, between the fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot,
confiftinq of leven fhips of the line and one fifty-gun Ihip, and a-
French Iquadron, conhfling of the fame number of fhips of the
line aad one forty-gun Ihip. Some of the (hips in both fleets re-
ceived confideruble damage in the aftion, and the lofs of the
Englifh was thirty killed, and feventy-thr'ee wounded; but no
ihip was taken on either fide. The Britifh fleet had, however,
confiderably the advantage ; as tlie French were obliged to retire,
and were luppofed to be prevented by this atlion from carrying
troops lip the Chefapeak, in order to attack General Arnold and
impede the progrefs of Lord Cornwallis. But it was an unfortu-
nate circumftance, that iome time before this engagement the
Romulus, a fhip of forty-four guns, was captured by the French-
olF the Capes of Virginia.

Lord Cornwallis, af^er his viftory over General Greene at
Guildford, proceeded, as we have feen, to V/ilmington, where'
he arrived on the -yth of April. But before he reached that
place, he publilhed a proclam.ation, calling upon all loyal fubjecls'
to Hand forth and take an active part in rcltoring good order and
government ; and declaring to all perlons who had engaged in the
prefent rebellion againfh his majefty's authority, but who were
now convinced of their error, and defirous of returning to their
duty and allegiance, that if they would furrender themfelves
with their arms and ammunition at head quarters, or to the officer
commanding in the diftrift contiguous to their rcfpcftivc places
of rcfidence, on or before the 20th of that month, they would be
permitted to return to their homes upon giving a military parole ;
they would he protefted in their pcrfons and properties from all forts
of violence from the Britifh troops and would be rcflorcd as foon
as pofTible to all the privileges of legal and conftitutional govern-
ment. But it does not appear that any confiderable number of
the Americans were allured by thcfc prom.ifes to give any evi-
■dcnces of their attiichmcut to the royal caufc.

On the 2oth of May, his Lordfl'iip arrived at Potcrfburgh in
Virginia, where he joined a body of Britifii troops that had been
under the command of Majnr-Gcncral Philips ; but tlie command
of which, in conlcquencc of the death of that oihcer, had devolv-
ed upon BrigadicF-gcncral Arnold. Before this junftion he had
encountered confiderable inconveniences from the dilhcultv of
procuring provifions and forag!;; fo that in a letter to Sir Henry
Clinton, he informed him, that his cav;;!ry wanted every tJiinw.
•and his infantry every thing but fliocs. He added, that he had ex-
perienced the diilrellcs ol marching hundreds of miles in a country
chiefly hoftile, without one active or ufcful iriend, wuhoiit intelli-
gence, and without communication witli any part of the counli\'.

568 ■ HISTORY OF THE

On the 26th bf June, about fix miles from "VVilliamfbiirgli,
Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe, and three hundred and fifty of the
Queen's rangers, with eighty mounted yagers, were attacked by
a much fu])crior body of the Americans; but whom they repulfed
with great gallantry and with equal fuccefs, making four officers
ind twenty private men prifoners. The lofs of the; Americans
in this aftion is faid to have been upwards of one hundred and
twenty, and that of the Britifh troops not more than forty.

On the 6th of July an aftion happened near the Green Springs
in Virginia, between a reconnoitering party of the Americans un-
der General Wayne, amounting to about eight hundredj and a
large part of the Britifh army under Lord Cornwallis ; in which
the Americans had one hundred and twenty-feVen killed and
wounded, and the lul's of the royal troops is fuppofed to have
been confiderably greater. It was an aftlon in which no fmali
degree of military fltill and courage was exhibited by the Ameri-
cans. In a Variety of fkirmifhes, the Marquis la Fayette very
much diftinguifhed hiirJ'clf, and difpl.iyed the utmofl: ardour in
the American caufe.

In South Carolina, an aftion happened on the gth of September
near Eata Springs, between a large body of Britifh troops under
the command of Lieutenant-colonel Stuart and a much fuperior
body of Americans, faid to amount to more than four thoufand,
under the command of General Greene.- It was an obftinate en-
gagement, and la fled near two hours; but the Americans were
defeated, and two of their fix-poundcrs fell into the hands of the
Englifli. The lols, however, of the royal troops was very conn-
dcrable: amounting to more than four hundred killed and wound-
ed, and upwards of two hundred milling.

In the courfe of the fame month, General Arnold waj fcrit on
an expedition againll New-London, in Conne6licut, where ha
deflroycd a great part of the fliipping, and an ininicnfe quantity
of naval itores, European mnnufaclures, and Eaft and Weft India
commodities. The town itfelf was alio burnt, wliicli is Hiid to
have been unavoidable on account of the explofions of great quan-
tities of gunpowder which happened to be in tiie llorehouCcs that
wore fet on fire. A fort, of which it was thought necefiary to
gain pofTeifion in this expedition, was not taken without confi-
uerablc lois. This was fort Grilwold ; wliich was defended by
the Aincricnns with great gdlanfry, and the affault was made by
the Hnglifh^with equal bravery. The Britifli troops entered the
works with fixed bayonets, and were oppolcd with great vigour
bv the gLirrikm with long ipcars. After a moft obllinate defence
of near forty minutes, the aifailants gained pod'clfion of the fort,
in which eiglity-five Americans were found dead, and hxiy

AMEklCAN REVOLUTION, 569

*vV-ounde(J, itiod of them mortally. Of the Britifli troops Major
Montgomery was killed by a fpear in entering the American.
works ; and one hundred and ninty-two men were alio killed and
Wounded in this expedition.

Notwithftanding the fignal advantages that Lord Cornwallis had
obtained over the Americans, his lituation in Virginia began by
degrees to be very critical : and the rather becaufe he did not re-
ceive thofe reinforcements and fupplies from Sir Henry Clinton,
of which he had formed expeftations, and which he conceived
to be necefiary to the fuccefs of his operations. Indeed, the
commander in chief was prevented from fending thofe reinforce-
Inents to Lord Cornwallis which he otherwife might have done,
by his fears refpefting New-York, againft which he entertained
great apprehenfions that General Wafhington intended to make a
very formidable attack. In faft, that able American general ap-
pears to have taken much pains, and to have employed great
fineffe, in order to lead Sir Henry Clinton to entertain this imagi-
nation. Letters, exprcflive of this intention, fell into the hands
of Sir Henryj which Were manifeftly written with a defign that
they fllould be intercepted, and only with a view to amufe and de-
ceive the Britifh Gencrah The projcft xvas fuccefsful ; and by a
variety of judicious military manoeuvres, in which he completely
out-Generalled the Britifli corhmander^ heincreafied his apprehen-
fions about New-York, and prevented him from fending proper
a-iTiftance to Lord Cornwallisi Having for a confiderable time
kept Sir Henry Clinton in perpetual alarm in New-York, though
with an army much inferiof to the garrifon of that city, Genci-al
Wafhington fuddenly quitted his camp at White Plains^ cioffed
the Delaware) and marched towards Virginia, apparently with a
defign to attack Lord Cornwallis. Sir Henry Clinton then re-"
ceived information that the Count de Graffe^ with a large French
fleet, was expefted every moment in the Chefapeak, in order to
co-operate with General Wafliington. He immediately endea-
voured, both by land and water^ to communicate this informatioii
to Lord Cornwallis; and alfo fent him alfurances, that he would
either reinforce him by every poffible means in his power, or
make the befl diverftons he could in his favour. In the mean time
Lord Cornwallis had taken poffelfion of the polls of York Town
and Gloucefter in Virginia, where he fortified himlclf in the befl
manner he was able*

On the 28th of Auguft, Sir 3femuel Hood, with a fquadron from
the Wcvt-Indies, joined the fquadron under the command ol Ad-
miral Graves before New-York. It was then necelTary, on ac-
count of the fituation of Lord Cornwallis, that they fliould im-

Vol. L 4 D '

j;-i lliS I 0 R y 0 !■ THE

mediately procctd to the Chefapcak ; but Ibme time appears to
have been needlefsly loft, though Admiral Hood was extremely
anxious that no delay might be made. They arrived, however,
in the Chefapcak, on the 5th of September, with nineteen fliips
of the line ; where they found the Count de Grade, who had
anchored in that bay on the 30th of Auguft with twenty-four fhips
of the line. The French Admiral had previoufly landed a large
body of troops, Avhich had been brought from Rhode Ifland, and.
who immediately marched to join the American army under Ge-
neral Wafllington. The Britifli and French fleets came to an
aflion on the fame day in which the former arrived in the Chefa-
peak. On board the Britifli fleet ninety were killed and two
hundred and forty-fix wounded : fome of the fhips were greatly
damaged in the engagement ; and the Terrible, a feventy-four gun
fliip, was fo much Ihattered, that it was afterwards found necef-
I'ary to let fire to it. That this aftion had not been favourable to
the Englifh, was manifeitcd from the event: the fleets continued
in light of eacli other for five days fuccefllvely, and fometimes
were very near ; but at length the French fleet all anchored with-
in the Cape, lb as to block up the paflagc. Admiral Graves, who
was the commander in chief, then called a counfel of war, in
which it was reiolved that the fleet fliould proceed to New-York,
that the fiiips might be there put in the beft ftate for the fervice -
and thus were the French left mafters of the navigation of the
Chelapcak.

Before tlic news of this action had reached New-York, a coun-
cil of war was held there, in which it was refolved, that five thou-
fand men fliould be embarked on board the kings fliips, in order
to proceed to the afllftance of Lord Cornwallis. But when it was
known that the French were abfolutc mafters of the navigation of
the Chefapcak, it was thought inexpedient to fend off^ that rein-
forcement immediately. In another council of war, it was re-
folved, that as Lord Cornwallis had pro-w-ifions to laft him to the
end of Oftober, it was advifable to wait for more favourable ac-
counts from Admiral Graves, or for the arrival of Admiral Digby,
who was expelled with three fhips of the line. It was not then
known at New-York, that Admiral Graves had determined to re-
lurn with the whole fleet to that port.

In 'he mean time, the moft efTeftual m.eafures were adopted by
General Wafbington for furrounding the Britifli army under Lord
Cornwallis. A large body of French troops under the command
of Licutcnant-Gcncral the Count dc Rorhambcau, with a very
cuniidcrable train of artillcrv, afiiftcd in the entcrprilc. The
Au-vericans amounted to near eight thouland continentals, and five
tjioulaiid militia. Cieneral Wafbington was invcftcd with the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 571

i;utboi'ily of commander in chief of thcfc combined forces of Ame-
rica and France. On the 29th of September, the invcftment of
York Town was complete, and the Britiili army quite blocked up.
The day following Sir Henry Clinton wrote a letter to Lord
Cornwallis, containing afl'uranccs that he would do every thing
in his power to relieve him, and fome information concerning tlie
fleps that would be taken for tliat purpofc. A duplicate of this
letter was fent to his Lordfliip by Major Cochran, on the 3d of
Oftober, That gentlemen, \vho was a very gallant olHcer, went
in a veffel to the Capes, and made his v.-ay to Lord Cornwallis,
through the whole French fleet, in an open boat. He got to
York Town on tlie ipth of the month ; and foon after )iis arrival
had his liead carried off by a cannon ball.

After the return of Admiral Graves to New-York, a council of
war was held, con il (ling of flag and general ofjicers, in which it
was refolved, that a IaJ"ge body of troops fhould be einbajked on
board the king's (hips as foo.n as they wore refitted, and that the
exertions of both fleet and army fliould be made in order to form
a junftion with Lord Cornwaljis. Sir Henry Clinton himfelf em-
barked on board the fleet, with upwards of fcvcn thouiand troops,
on the iStli ; they arrived off Cape Charles, at the entrance of the
Cheiapeak, on the 24th, where they received intelligence that
Lord Cornwallis hatj been obliged to capitulate five days before.

It was on the igtb of Oftober that Lord Cornwallis furrcndcr-
ed himfelf and his whole army, by capitulation, prifoners to the
combined armies of America and France, under the command of
General Waihingtpn, He made a defence fuitablc to the cliarac-
ter he had before acquired for courage and military flcill ; but was
compelled tofubmit to untoward circumflances and fuperior num-
bers. It was agreed by the articles of capitulation, that the Bri-
tifli troops were to be prifoners to the United States of America,
and the feamen to the French king, to whofe oflicers alfo tlie Bri-
tifli veflels found at York Town and Gloi^ieefter were to be deli-
vered up. The Britifh priloners arnounted to more than fix thou-
sand ; but many of them, at the time of furrendcr. were incapablp
of duty. A confidcrable pumber of cannon, and a large quantity
of military ftores, fell into the hands of the Americans on this
occaflon.

As no rational expeflation now remained of a fubjugatiop of the
colonics, the military operations that fuccceded in America were
pf little confequence, Some iriconfldcrabie aSions and fl^irmifhes
did indeed take place after that event ; in which the refugee?
chiefly diflinguiflied thcml'elves, and difcovered an inveterate
animoflty againft the Americans. On llic ..^th of May irSa, Sir

4 D ?, ' . '

572 HISTORY OF THE

Guy Carleton arrived at New-Yorlc, being appointed to the conj-
mand of the Britifli troops in America in the room of Sir Henry
Clinton, Two days after his grrival, he wrote a letter to Gene-
ral Wafhington, acquainting him, that Admiral Digby was joined
with himfclf in a commilTion to treat for peace with the people
of America ; tranimitting to him, at the fame time, fome papers
tending to manifeft the pacific dilpofition of the government and
people of Britain towards thofe of America. He alfo defi.red a
paffport for Mr. Morgan, who was appointed to tranfmit a fnnilar
letter of compliment to the congrels. General Wafhington de-
clined figning any paffport till he had taken the opinion of con-
grcis upon that meafur.e ; and by them he was direfted to refule
any paffport for fuch a purpofe, However, another letter was.
fent to General Wafliington, dated the ad of Auguft, and figned
by Sir Guy Carleton and Rear Admiral Digby, in which they
informed him, that they were acquainted by authority that ncgo-
ciations for a general peace had already commenced at Paris ; that
Mr. Grenyille was invcfhed vvith full powers to treat with aU
the parties at war; and was then at Paris in the execution of his
commiiTion. They farther informed him, that his Majefly, in
order to remove all obftacles to that peace which he fo ardently
M'iftied to rellore, had commanded his minidcrs to dircft Mr,
Grenvillc, that the independency of the thirteen provinces fhould
be propofed by him, in the firft inftance, inflead of making it the
condition of a general treaty, ^ut (ome jealoufies were enterr
tained by the Americans, that it was the defign of the Britifh
' court either to disunite them, or to bring then! to treat of a peace
feparately from their ally the king of France : they therefore re-
folved, that any man, or body of men, who fliould prefume to
make any leparate or partial convention or agreement with the
king of Great-Britain, or with any commilTioner or commiflioncrs
ynder the crown of Great-Britain, ought to be confidcrcd and
treated as open and avowed enemies of the United States of Ame-
rica ; and alfo that thofe ftates could not with propriety hold
any conference or treaty with any commifTioners on the part of
Gi'eat-Brltam, unlefs they fhould, as a preliminary thereto, either
withdraw their fleets and armies, or elfe, in polvtive or exprefs
terms, acknowledge the independence of the faid Hates. They
likewile relolved, that any proportions which might be made by
the court of Great-Britain, in any manner tending to violate the
treaty iubfifting between them and the king of France, ought to.
be treated with every mark of indignity and contempt.

On the ooth of November, 1782, the proyifional articles of
peace and reconciliation between Great-Britain and the Ameri-
ricafi SlatcSj were figned at Paris ; by which Great-Britain ac-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 573

knowledgcd the independence and fovereignty of the United
States of America. Theia articles were ratified by a definitive
aeaty, September 3d, 1783. This peace was negociated on the
part of Great-Britain by Mr. Ol'wald, and the definitive treaty
'vas figned by Mr. Hartley ; and on the part of the United States
by John Adams, John Jay, and Benjamin Franklin, Elquires.*

Thus ended a long and arduous confiift, in which Great-Bri-
tain expended near an hundred millions of money, with an hun-
dred thoufand lives, and won nothing. America endured every
cruelty and diftrefs from her enemies; loft many lives and much
trcafare; but delivered herfelf from a foreign dominion, and
trained a rank among the nations of the earth.

Holland acknowledged the independence of the United States
on the 19th of April, 1782; Sweden, February 5th, 1783J
Denmark, the 25th of February; Spain, in March, and JluiTia,
in July 1783.

1^0 fooner was peace jeftored by the difinitive treaty, and the
Britifh troops withdrawn from the country, than the United
States began to experience the defefts of their general govern-
ment. While an enemy was in the country, fear, which had
firft impelled the coloriies to affociate in mutual defence, con-
tinued to operate as a band of political union. It gave to the
Velolutions and recommendations of Congrefs the force of laws,
and generally commanded a ready acquiefcence on the part of the
State legiilatures. Articles of confederation and perpetual union
had been framed iri Congrefs, ap 4 fubmitted to the confidcration
of the States, in the year 1778. Some of the States immediately
acceded to them; but others, which had not unappropriated
lands, hcfitated to fubfcribe a compaft, which would give an ad-
vantage to the States which poffelfed large trafts of unlocated
lands, and were thus capable of a great fuperiority in wealth and
population. All objeftions, however, had been overcome, and
by the acceflion of Maryland, in March 1781, the articles of
confederation were ratified, as the frame of government for the
United States,

Thefe articles, however, were framed during the rage of war,
when a principle of common fafetv fupplied the place of a coer-
cive power in government, by men who could have had no ex-
perience in the art of governing an extenfivc country, and under
circumftances the moft critical and embarraffing. To have offer-
ed to the people, at that time, a fyftem of government armed
with the powers neceffary to regulate and controulthe contending
intciefts of Thirteen States, and the poireflions of millions of

* This Tfeaty, with other Papers, will be found in the Appendix to tlic
fourth Volume of this work.

674 n 2 STORY OF THE

people, might have raifed a jealoufy between the States or in the
minds of the people at large, that would havci weakened the ope-
I at ions of the war, and perhaps have rendered an union imprafti-
«:able. Hence the numerous defefts of the confederation.

On the conciufion of peace, thcfe dcfccls began to he felt.
Each {late aiVumcd the right of difputing the propriety of the re-
iolutions of Congrcfs, and the intercft of an individual State
was placed in oppofuion to the common intcred of the union.
In addition to tliis fource of divifion, a jealoufy of the powers of
Congrefs began to be excited in the minds of the people.

This jealouiy of tlie privileges of freemen liad been roufcd by
the oppreHive afts of the Britifli parliament: and no fooner had
the danger from this quarter cealcd, than the fears of people
clianged their objcft, and were turned againft their own rulers.

In this fituation, there were not wanting men of induftry and
talents, who had been enemies to the revolution, and who cm-
braced the opportunity to multiply the apprchenfjons of the peo-
ple, and increafethe popular difcontcnts. A remarkable inftance
of this happened in ^:onne£licut. As loon as the tumults of wap
had fubfided, an attempt was made to convince the people, that
the aft of Congrefs paffed in 1778, granting to the officers of the
army half-pay for life, was highly unjuft and tyrannical; and
that it M'as but the firft Hep towards the clbbliflimcnt of pen-
lions, and an uncontroulable dci'potiim. 'J"hc aft of Congrefs,
paffed in 1783, commuting half-pay for life, for five yeais full
pay, was deligned to appeale the apprehcnfions of the people,
and to convince them that this gratuity was intended merely to
indemnify the officers for their loiles by the depreciating of the
paper currency, and not to eftablifli a precedent for the granting
of penfions. This aft, however, did not (atlsfy the people, who
fupf^ofed that the officers had been generally indemnified for
the lofs of their pay by the grams made them from time to
lime by tiie legill.iturcs of the feveral States. Befidcs, the a£t,
wlailc it gave live years full pay to the officers, allowed but
one year's pav to the privates; a diftinftion which had great
influence in exciting and continuing the popular ferment, and
one that turned a large flvare of the public rage againft the
officers themfelvcs.

The moment an alarm was railed rcfpcfting this aft of Con-
grefs, the enemies of their independence became aftlvc in blow-
ing up the flame, by fpreading repoi ts unfavourable tothc general
go-\'Crnment, and tending to create public diileurions, Newipa-
pers, in fomc p;nfr. of the countiv, were hlled with inflammatoiy
publicatioiis: while falfe repoits, and groundlcfs infinuations
VL-cre induitrioufiy circu!;:(.cd to the prejudice of Congrefs, and

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 575

-he officers of the late army. Among a people feelingly alive to
every thing that could affccl the rights for which they had been
contending, thele reports could not fail of having a powerful
effeft; the clamour foon became general; the officers of the
army, it was believed, had attempted to raife their fortunes on
the diflreffes of their fellow-citizeus, and Congrefs become the
tyrants of their country.

Connefticut was the feat of this uneafmefs; although other
States were much agitated on the occafion. But the inhabitants
of that State accuftomcd to order, and a due fubordination to the
laws, did not proceed to outrages ; they took their ufual mode of
collefting the fenfe of the State — alTembled in town meetings —
appointed committees to meet in convention, and confult what
mcafures fhould be adopted to procure a redrefs of their grievan-
ces. In this convention, which was held at Middletown; fome
nugatory refolves were paffed, exprefiing the difapprobation of
the half-pay aft, and the fubfequent commutation of the grant for
five years whole pay. The fame fpirit alfo difcovered itlelf in
the aflembly at their Oftober feffion, 1783. A remonftrance
againft the afts in favour of the officers was framed in the Houfe
of Reprefentative^, and notwithftanding the Upper Houfe refufed
to concur in the meafure, it was fent to Congrefs.

During this htuation of affairs, the public odium againfl; the
officers was augmented by another circumftance. The officers,
jufl before the difbanding of the army, as has already been noticed
had formed a fociety, called by the name of the Cinciniiali.

Whatever were the real views of the framers of this inftitution
its dcfign was generally underftood to be harmlefs and honourable.
The oflenfible views of the fociety could not however fcreen it
from popular jcalouiy.

Notwithitaxiding the difcontcnts of the people were general,
znd ready to burll forth in fedition, yet men of information,
viz. the officers of government, the clergy, and pcrfons of liberal
education, were moilly oppoled to the unconftitutional fteps
taken by the committees and convention at Middletown. Tliey
fiipported the propriety of .the mcafures of Congrefs, both by
converfation and writing, proved that foch grants to the army
were neceiTary to keep the troops together, and that the expence
tvould not be enormous nor opprellive. During the clofe of the
year 1783, every pollible exertion was made to enlighten the
people, and fuch v/as the cffeft of the arguments ufed by the
minority, that in tf>e beginning of the fulhnving year, the oppoli-
tion fubfided, the committees were dlliiiiffcd, and tranquillity
icilurcd to the State. In May, the IcgilLiture wei;;c able to cany
.'i-vo.'il moalures wJiIch h-.d before been rxtrcniclv anpopulaj.

576 History of the

An aft was paiTed granting the impoft of five per cent, to Con-
grefs ; another giving great encouragement to commerce ; and fe-
veral towns were incorporated with cxtenfive privileges, for the
purpofe of regulating the exports of the State, and facilitating the
colleftion of debts.

The oppofition td the congrefiicnal afts in favour of the offii
fcers, and to the order of the Cincinnati, did not rife to the fame
pitch in the other States as in Conncfticut ; yet it produced much
diflurbance in Maffachufetts, and fbme others^ Jealoufy of
power had been univerfally fpread among the people of the
United States. The deftruftion of the old forms of governmentsj
and the licentioufnefs of war, had, in a great mfcafure, broken
their habits of obedience; their pafiions had been inflamed by the
cry of defpoti^i; arid like centinels, who have been fuddenly
furpriled by the approach of an enemy, the ruftling of a leaf
■was fufficient to give them an alarm. This fpirit of jealoufy
operated with other caufes to relax the energy of federal opera-
tions.

During the war, vaft fums of paper currency had been emit-
ted by Congrefs, and large quantities of fpecie had been intro-
duced, towards the clofe of the war, by the French army, and
the Spanifh trade. This plenty of money enabled the States to
comply with the firft requifitions of Congrefs; fo that during
two or three years, the federal treafury was, in fome meafure,
tupplied. But when the danger of war had ceafed, and the vaft
importations of foreign goods had leffened the quantity of circu-
lating fpecie, the States began to be very remifs in furniftiing
tiieir proportion of monies. The annihilation of the credit
of the paper bills had totally flopped their circulation, and the
ipecie was leaving the country in cargoes for remittances to
Great-Britain; flill the luxurious habits of the people, contrafted
during the warj called for new fupplies of goods, and private
gratification feconded the narrow policy of flatc intercft in de-
feating the operations of the general government.

Thus the revenues of Congrefs were annually diminifhing; fome
of the States wholly neglecting to make provifion for paying
the intereft of the national debt; others making but a partial
provifion, until the fcanty fupplies received from a few of
the richeft States, would hardly fatisfy the demands of the civil
lift.

Tliis weaknefs of the federal government, in conjunftion v/ith
the flood of cirtificates or public fccurities, which Congrefs
could neither fund nor pay, occafioned them to depreciate to a
very inconfiderable value. The ofncers and foldiers of the late
army, and tliofe who furnillied fupplies for public exigencies.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 577

were obliged to receive for wages thefe certificates, or pvomiffary
notes, which pafled at a fifth, and eighth, or a tenth, of their no-
minal value ; being thus deprived at once of the grcateft part of
the reward due for their fervices. Some indeed profited by fpe-
culdtions in thefe evidences of the public debt ; but fuch as were
under a neceffity of parting with them, were robbed of that fup-
port which they had a right to expeft and demand from their
countrymen.

Pennfylvania indeed made a provifion for paying the intcrcflof
her debts, both flate and federal ; afTuming her fuppofcd propor-
tion of the continental debt, and giving the creditors of her own
State notes in exchange for thofe of the United States. The re-
fources of that State are immcnfe, but flie was not able to make
punftual payments, even in a depreciated paper currency.

Maffnchufetts, in her zeal to comply* fully with the requlfi-
tlons of Congrels, and fatisfy the demands of her own creditors,
laid a heavy tax upon the people. This was the immediate caufe
of the rebellion in that State, in 1786. But a heavy debt lying
on the State, added to burdens of the fame nature, upon almoft
everv corporation within it ; a decline, or rather an extinftion of
public credit ; a relaxation and corruption of manners, and a free
ufe of foreign luxuries ; a decay of trade and manufaftures, with
a prevailing fcarcity of money ; and, above all, individuals in-
volved in debt to each other. Thefe were the real, though more
remote caui'es of the inIurre£lion. It was the tax which the peo-
ple were required to pay, that caufed them to feel the evils
which we have enumerated — this called forth all their other
grievances ; and the firfl aft of violence committed was the burn-
ing or dedroying of the tax-bill. This {edition threw the State
into a convulfion which laded about a year ; courts of juftice
were violently obftrufted ; the colleftion of debts was fufpended ;
and a body of armed troops, under the command of General
Lincoln, was employed during the winter of 1786, to difperfe
the infurgents. Yet fo numerous were the latter in the coun-
ties of Worcefter, Hampfhire, and Berkfhire, and fo obftinately
combined to oppofe the execution of law by force, that the go-
vernor and council of the State thought proper not to intruft
General Lincoln with military powers, except to aft on the de-
fenfive, and to repel force with force, in cafe the infurgents
fliould attack him. The leaders of the rebels, however, were iiot
men of talents ; they were defperate, but without fortitude ; and
even while they were fupported with a fuperior force, they ap-
peared to be imprciTed with that confcioufncfs of guilt, which
awes the mofl daring wretch, and makes him flirink from his

Vol. 1. 4 E

578 HISTORY OF THE

purpofe. This appears by the conduft of a large party of the'
rebels before the nnagnzi no at Springfield, where General Shepard,
witli afmall guard, was ftationed to protcfl the continental (lores.
The iniurgcnts appeared upon the plain, with a vafl fuperiority
of numbers, but a few fhot from the artillery made the multitude
retreat in difordcr with the lols of four men. This fpirited con-
duft of General Shepard, with the induflry, perfeverance, and
prudent firmnefs of General Lincoln, difpcrfed the rebels — drove
the leaders from the State, and reftored tranquillity. An aft of
indemnity was paffed in the legillature for all the infurprents, ex-
cept a few of the leaders, on condition they fhould become peace-
able citizens, and take the oath of allegiance. The leaders after-
wards petitioned for pardon, which, from motives of policy, was
granted by the legiflature.*

But the lofs of public credit, popular diflurbances, and infur-
rcftions, were n<,>t the only evils which were generated by the
peculiar circumflances of the times. The emifllons of bills o(
credit and tender laws were added to the black catalogue of
political difordei'S.

The expedient of fupplying the d. ficiencies of fpecie, by emif-
fions of paper hills, was adopted very early in tlie colonies. The
expedient w:\s obvious and produced good effefts. In a new
country, where population is rapid, and the value of lands in-
cre;tni)g, the farmer finds an advantage in paying legal intcreft
f .r money •, for if he can pay the interefl by his profits, the
incrcafing value of his lands will in a few years difcharge the
principal.

In no colonv was this advantage more fcnfibly experienced
than in Pcnniylvania. The emigrations to that province were
numerous — the natural population rapid — and thele circumftances
combined, advanced the value of real property to an aftonifliing
degree. As the firft fettlcrs there, as well as in other provinces,
were poor, the purchafe of a few foreign articles drained them of
fpecie. Indeed for many years, the balance of trade mufl have
neceffarily been greatly againft the colonics.

But bills of credit, emitted by the State, and loaned to the in-
duUrious inhabitants, lupplied the want of ipecie, and enabled
the farmer to purchafe flock. Thefc bills were generally a legal
tender in all colonial or private contrnfts, and the fums iffued
did not generally exceed the quantity requifite for a medium of
trade ; they retained their full nominal value in the purchafe of
commodities : but as they were not received by the Britifh mer-
chants, in payment of their goods, there was a great demand for

* Sec an elegant and impartial Hiftory of this Rebellion, by George Richards
Miuot, Efq.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 579

fpecie and bills, which occafioned the latter at various times to
appreciate. Thus was introduced a difference between the
Engli{h fterling money and the currencies of the colonics, which
remains to this day.*

The advantages the colonies had derived from bills of credit,
under the Britifh government, fuggefted to Congrefs, in 1775,
the idea of ilfuing bills for the purpole of carrying on the war ;
and this was perhaps their only expedient. Money could not be
railed by taxation — it could not be borrowed. The firft emiirions
had no other effcft upon the medium of commerce, than to drive
the fpecie from circulation. But when the paper lubftituted for
I'pecic had, by repeated emiffions, augmented the lum in circula-
tion, much beyond the ufual fum of fpecie, the bills began to
Jofe their value. The depreciation continued in propoition to
the furns emitted, until leventy, and even one hundred and fifty
nominal paper dollars, were hardly an equivalent for one Spanini
milled dollar. Still, from the year 1775 to 1 781, this depreciat-
ing paper currency was almoft the only medium of trade. It
fupplied the place of Jpecie, and enabled Congrels to lupport a
numerous army ; until the fum in circulation amounted to two
liundred millions of dollars. But about the year 1780, fpecie
began to be plentiful, being inti'oduced by the French army, a
private trade with the Spanifh iflands, and an illicit intercouie
with the Britifh garrilon at New-York. This circifmfLance ac-
celerated the depreciation of paper bills, until their value had
funk almoii to nothing. In 1 781, the merchants and brokers
in the fouthern States, apprehenfive of the approaching fate of
the currency, puflied immenfe quantities of it fuddeniy into
New-England — made vaft purchaies of goods in Bofton — and in.
ftantly the bills vanifhed from circulation.

The whole hiftory of this continental paper is a hiflory of
public and private frauds. Old fpecie debts were often paid in
a depreciated currency— and even new contrafts for a few weeks
or days were often discharged with a fmall part of the value re-
ceived. From this plenty and llu£luating ftate of the medium
fprung hofts of i'pcculators and itinerant traders, who left their
iioncft occupations for the profpeft of immenfe gains, in a fradu-
lent bufineis, that depended on no fixed principles, and the profits
of which could be reduced to no certain calculations.

* A Dollar in fterling money is 4s. 6d. But the price of a Dollar rofe in
New-England currency to 6s. in New-York to 8s. in Ncw-Jerfcy, Pennfylvania,
and Maryland to 7s. 6d. in Virginia to 6s. in North-Carolina to 8s. in South-Ca-
rolina and Georgia to 4s. 8d. This difference, originating between paper and
fpecie, or bills, continued afterwards to e.\ift in tlic nominal elUmatiuu of golsi
and lilver

58o HISTORY OF THE

To increafc thcfe evils, a projeft was formed to fix the prices
of articles, and reftrain perfons from giving or receiving more
for any commodity than the price dated by authority. Thefc
regulating a£ls were reprobated by every man acquainted with
commerce and finance ; as they v/ere intended to prevent ari
efFeft without removing the caufe. To attempt to fix the value
of money, while dreams of bilh were inceflantly flowing from the
treafury cf the United States, was as ridiculous as an attempt to.
reftrain the rifing of water in rivers amidft. fhowers of rain.

Notwithftanding all oppofition, fome States framed and at-
tempted to enforce thefe regulating afts. The effcft was, a mo-
mentary apparent ftand in the price of articles; innumerable acls
of coUufion and evafion among the difhoneft; numberlels injuries
done to the honeft; and finally a total difregard of all fuch regu-
lations, and the confequential coi;itempt of laws and the authority
of the maglftrate.

During thefe fluftuations of bufinefs, occafioned by the varia-
ble value of money, people lofl fight, in fome meafure, of the
fleady principles which had before governed their intercourfs
with each other. Speculation followed and relaxed the rigour
of commercial obligations,

Induftry likewife had fuflfered by the flood of money which
had deluged the States. The prices of produce had riien in pro-
portion to the quantity of money in circulation, and the demand
for the commodities of the country. This made the acquifitioa
of money eafy, and indolence and luxury, with their train of
defolating confequences, ipread themfelves among all defcriptions
of people.

But as foon as hoftilities between Great-Britain and America
were fufpended, the fcene was changed. The bills emitted by
Congrels had for fome time before ceafed to circulate; and the
fpecie of the country was foon drained off to pay for foreign,
goods, the importations of which exceeded all calculation.
Within two years from the clofe of the war, a fuircity of money
was the general cry. The merchants found it impoflible to col-
left their debts, and make punftual remittances to their creditors
in Great-Britain; and the confumers were driven to the neceffity
of retrenching their fuperfluities in living, and of returning to
their ancient habits of induilry and economy.

This change was however progreflive and flow. In many of
the States which fuffered by the numerous debts they had con-
trafted, and by the diilreffes of war, the people called aloud for
cmiflTions of paper bills to fupply the deficiency of a medium.
The depreciation of tlie continental bills was a recent example
of the ill efiefts of fuch an expedient, and the impofTibility of

A MER ICAN REVOLU TIO N, 58^

iupporting the credit of paper was urged by the oppofers of
the mealurc as a fubftantial argumerit againfl: adopting it. But
nothincr would filence the p®pular clamour; and many men of
the firft talents and eminence united their voices with that of
tlie populace. Paper money had formerly maintained its credit,
and been of fmgular utility; and paft experience, notwithllanding
a change of circumftanccs, was an argument in its favour that
bore down all oppofition.

Pennfylvaniaj although one of the richeft States ia the union,
was the firft to emit bills of credit, as a lubftitute for fpecic.
But the revolution had removed the neceflity of it, at the fame
lime that it had deftroyed the means by which its former credit
had been fupported. Lands, at the clofe of the war, were not
rifmg in value-7— bills on London could not fo readily be purcha-
fcd, as while the province was dependent on Great-Britain — the
State was fplit into parties, one of which attempted to defeat the
meafures moft popular with the other — and the depreciation of
continental bills, with the injuries which it had done to indivi-
duals, inlpired a general diftrufl of all public promifes,

Notwithllanding a part of the money was loaned on good land-
ed fecurity, and the faith of that wealthy State pledged for the
redemption of the whole at its nominal value, yet the advantages
of fpecle as a medium of commerce, fpecially as an article of re-
mittance to London, foon made a difFerence of ten per cent. be-,
tween the bills of credit and fpecie. This difference may be con-
{idered rather as an appreciation of gold and filver, than a
depreciation of paper; but its effefts, in a commercial ilate, mufh
be highly prejudicial. It opens the door to frauds of all kinds,
and frauds are ufually pra£lifed on the honeft and unfufpeiEling,
efpeciaUy upon all claffes of labourers.

North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, had recourfe to
the lame wretched expedient to fupply themfelves with money,
not rcflccling that induftry, frugality, and good commercial laws
are the only meajis of turning the balance of trade in favour of a
country, and that this balance is the only permanent fource of
folid wealth and ready money. But the bills they emitted fhared
a worfe fate than thole of Pennfylvania ; they expelled almoft all
t;he circulating cafh from the States; they loft a great part of their
nominal value, they impoverifhed the merchants, and embarrafled
^he planters.

The State of Virginia tolerated a bafc praftice among the inha-
bitants of cutting dollars and fmaller pieces of filvcr, m order to
prevent it from leaving the State, This pernicious practice pre-
vailed alfo in Georgia."^

* A Dollar was ufually cut in five pieces, and each paiTed by toll for a quarter ;
fo that the man who cut it gained a quarter, or rather a fifth.

582 HISTORY OF THE

Maryland efcaped the calamity of a paper currency. The
houfe of delegates brought forward a bill for the emiflion of bills
of credit to a large amount ; but the fenate firmly and fuccefsfuUy
refilled the pernicious fcheme. The oppofition between the two
houfes was violent and tumultuous; it threatened the State with
anarchy; but the queftioa was carried to the people, and the
good {enle of the Senate finally prevailed.

New-Jerfcy is fituated between two of the Jargeft commercial
towns in America, and confequently drained of fpecie. This
ftate alfo emitted a large (urn in bills of credit, which fervcd to
pay the intereft of the public debt ; but the currency depreciated,
as in other States.

Rhode Ifland exhibited a melancholy proof of that licentiouf-
nefs and anarchy which always follows a relaxation of the moral
principles. In a rage for fupplying the State with money, and
filling every man's pocket without obliging him to earn it by his
diligence, the legiflature pafled an aft for making one hundred
thouland pounds in bills; a fum much more than fufficient for a
medium of trade in that State, even without any Ipecie. The
merchants in Newport and Providence oppoied the aft with firm-
nefs ; and theij- oppofition added frcfii vigor to the refolution of
the affcmbly, and induced them to enforce the fcheme by a legal
tender of a moft extraordinary nature. They pafTod an aft, or-
daining that if any creditor fhould refufc to take their bills, for
any debt whatever, the debtor might lodge the fum due, with a
juflice of the peace, who fliould give notice of it in the public
papers; and if the creditor did not appear and receive the money
v/ithin fix months from the firfl notice, his debt fhould be for-
feited. This aft afhoniflied all honefh men ; and even the promo-
ters of paper money-making in other ftates, and other principles,
reprobated this aft of Rhode liland, as wicked and opprefllve.
But the State was governed by faftion. During the cry for paper
rnoney, a number of hoifterous, ignorant men were elefted into
the legiilature, from the fmaller towns m the State. Finding
themfelves united with a majority in opinion, they formed and
executed any plan their inclination fuggefted; thev oppofed every
meafure that was agreeable to the mercantile intereft j they not
only made bad laws to fuit their own wicked purpofcs, but ap-
pointed tlicir own corrupt creatures to fill the judicial and execu-
tive departments. Their monev depreciated fufficiently to an-
fwer all their vile purpoies in the difcharge of debts — bufinefs
almoft totally ceafed, all confidence was lofl, the State was thrown
into confufion at home, and was execrated abroad.

Maflachufetts Bay had tiio good fortune, amidft her political
calamities, to prevent an cmiliion of bills of credit. New Hamp-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 583'

ihire made no paper; but in the diftrcfTcs which followed her lofs
of bufmefs after the war, tlic legiflature made horfes, lumber,
and moft articles 'of produce, a legal tender in the fulfilment of
contrafts. It is doubtlefs unjufh to oblige a creditor to receive
any thing for his debt, which he had not in contemplation at the
time of the contraft. But as the commodities which were to be
a tender by law, in New Hampfhirc, were of an intrinfic value,
bearing fome proportion to the amount of the debt, the injuflice
of the law was lefs flagrant than that which enforced the tender
of paper in Rhode liland. Indeed a fimilar law prevailed for
fome time inMallachuletts ; and in Conncfticut it is optional with
the creditor, either to imprifon the debtor or take land on exe-
cution at a price to be fixed by three indifferent freeholders;
provided no other means of payment fhall appear to fatisfy the
demand. Itmuftnot, however, be omitted, that while the mofl:
flourifhing commercial States introduced a paper medium, to the
great injury of honeft men, a bill for an emilfion of paper in
Connefticut, where there is very little fpecie, could never com-
mand more than one eighth of the votes of the legiflature. The movers
of the bill have hardly efcaped ridicule ; fo generally is the mea-
fure reprobated as a fource of frauds and public mifchief.

The Ici^iflature of New-Yoik, a State that had the leafl; neccf-
fity and apology for making paper money, as her commercial
advantages always furnifh her with fpecie fufficient for a medium,
ifl'ued a large fum in bills of credit, which fupportcd their value
better than the currency of any other State. Still the paper raif-
ed the value of fpecie, which is always in demand for exporta-
tion, and this difference of exchange between paper and fpecie
ever expofes commerce to moit of the inconveniences refulting
from -a depreciated medium.

Such is the hifl:ory of paper money thus far ; a miferable fub-
ftitute for real coin, in a country where the reins of government
are too weak to compel the fulfilment of public engagements, and
where all confidence in public faith is totally defl:royed.

While the States were thus endeavouring to repair the lofs of
fpecie by empty promifes, and to fupport their bufinefsby fliadows,
rather than by reality, the Britifli minifl;ry formed fome commer-
cial regulations that deprived them of the profits of their trade
to the \Vefl:-Indics and Great-Britain. Heavy duties were laid
upon fuch articles as were remitted to the London merchants for
their goods, and fuch were the duties upon American bottoms,
that the States were almofl: wholly deprived of the carrying trade.
A prohibition was laid upon the produce of the United States,
Hiippedto the Englifh Wefl;-India Iflands in American buik vef-

5Si HISTORY OF THE

fcls, and in thofe manned by American fcamcn. Thefe reflric-
tions fell heavy upon the eaflern States^ which depended much
upon fhip-building for the fupport of their trade ; and they ma-
terially injured the bufinefsof the other States.

Without a union that was able to form and execute a general
fyftem of commercial regulations, fome of the States attempted to
impofe reftraints upon the Britifh trade that fhould indemnify the
merchant for the loffcs he had fuftcred, or induce the Britifh mi-
niftry to enter into a comrhercial treaty, and relax the rigour of
their navigation laws, Thefe meafures however produced no-
thing but mifchief. The States did not aft in concert, and the re-
ftraints laid on the trade of one State operated to throw the bufi-
nefs into the hands of its neighbour. Maffachufetts, in her zeal
to counteraft the efPeft of the Engliilr navigation laws, laid enor-
mous duties upon Britifh goods imported into that State ; but the
other States did not adopt a fimilar mcafure ; and the lofs of bufi-
nefs foon obliged that State to repeal or fufpcnd the law. Thus
when Pennfylvania laid heavy duties on Britifh goods, Delaware
and New-Jerfey made a number of free ports to encourage the
landing of goods within the limits of thofe States ; and the duties
in Pennfylvania ferved no purpofe but to create fmuggling.

Thus divided, the States began to feel their weaknefs : moft of
the legiflatures had neglefted to comply with the rcquifitions of
Congrefs for furnifhing the federal treafury ; the refolves of Con-
grefs were difregardcd ; the propofition for a general impofl to
be laid and coUeftcd by Congrefs was negatived, firfl; by Rhode-
Ifland, and afterwards by New- York. The Britifh troops conti-
nued, under pretence of a breach of treaty on the part of America,
to hold poffefllon of the forts on the frontiers of the States. —
Many of the States individually were infefled with popular com-
motions or iniquitous tender laws, while they were opprcfTed with
public debts ; the certificates or public notes had loft moft of their
value, and circulated merely as the objects of fpeculation •, Con-
grefs loft their refpcftability, and the United States their credit
and importance.

The untoward events which followed the rc-eftablifhment of
peace, though evils of themfclvcs, were over-ruled for great nati-
onal good. From the failure of their expeftations of ah immedi-
ate increafe of political happincfs, the lovers of liberty and inde-
pendence began to be lefs languine in their hopes from the Ame-
rican revolution, and to fear that they had built a vihonary fabric
of government on the fallacious ideas of public virtue ; but that
elafticity of the human mind, which is nurtured by free confti-
tutions, kept them from defponding. By an ejjertion of thofe
inherent principles of felf-prefervation, wiiich republics poffefs.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 585

a recurrence was had to the good fenfe of tlie people for the
rctlification of fundamental ditbrders. While the country, free
from foreign force and domeflic violence, enjoyed tranquillity, a
propofition was made by Virginia to all the other States to meet
in convention, for the purpofe of digefting a form of govern-
ment, equal to the exigencies of the union. The fiift motion
for this purpofe was made by Mr. Maddifun, and he had the
pleafure of feeing it acceded to by twelve of tlie States, and finally
to iffue in the eftablifhment of a New Confhitution, which bids
fair to repay the citizens of the United States for the toils,
dangers, and wafles of the revolution. The fundamental dif-
tinftion between the articles of confederation and the new con-
flitution lies in this ; the former afted only on States, the latter
on individuals ; the former could neither raife men nor money
by its own authority, but lay at the dilcretion of thirteen dif-
ferent legiflatures, and without their unanimous concurrence
was unable to provide for the public fafety, or for the payment
of the national debt. The experience of feveral years had proved
the impoflibility of a government anfwering the end of its infti-
tution, which was dependent on others for the means neceffary
for attaining thele ends. By the new conftitution, one legifla-
tive, executive, and judicial power pervades the whole union.
This enfures an uniform obfervance of treaties, and gives a ftabi-
lity to the general government, which never could be attained
while the atls and requiiitions of Congrefs were fubjc£l to the
revifion of thirteen legiflatures, and while thirteen diftinft and
unconneftcd judiciaries had a conftitutional right to decide on the
fame fubjeft. The people of the United States gave no new
powers to their rulers, but made a more judicious arrangement oi
what they had formerly ceded. They enlarged tlie powers of
the general government, not by taking from the people, but
from the State legiflatures. They took from the latter a power
of levying duties on the importation of merchandile from foreign
countries, and transferred it to Congrefs for the common benefit
of the union. They aUo invefted the general government witli
a power to regulate trade, levy taxes and internal duties on the
inhabitants. That thefe enlarged powers might be uled only
with caution and deliberation, Congrefs, which formerly con-
fifled of only one body, was made to confift of two; one of
which was to be chofen by the people in proportion to their
numbers, the other by the State legiflatures. The execution of
the afts of this compounded legiflature was committed to a
Supreme Magiftrate, with the title of Prefident. The conftitu-
tion, of which thefe were the prnicipal fcatvn-es, was iuhmitted
to the people for ratification. Animated debates took place on
the propriety of eftablifliing or rcjefting it. Some States, who
from their local fituation were benefited by receiving impofh du-
ties into their treai'uries, were averfe from the giving of them up
to the union. Others, who were confuming but not importinf^
Vol. I. 4 F

586 HISTORY Of THE

States, hnd an Intcreflcci inducement of an cppofitc kind, to fup-
port the propofed new conftitution. The profpefts of increalcd
employment for flipping, and the cnhrgcment of commerce,
weighed with thofc Slates which abounded in Tailors and fhips,
and alio with fcaport towns, to advocate the adoption of the new
lyftem ; but thole States, or parts of States, which depended chiefly
on agricuhure, were afraid that zeal for encouraging an American
marine, by narrowing the grounds of competition among foreigners
for purchafmg and carrying their produce, would leffeA their
profits. Some of this dcfcription therefore conceived that they"
had a local intcrcft in rcfuiing the new lyftem.

Individuals who had great influence in State Icgiflaturcs, or
who held profitable places under them, were unwilling to adopt
a government which, by diminifhing the power of the States,
would eventually diminifh their own importance : others, who
looked forward to feats in the general go'vcrnment, or for offices
under its authority, had the lame intcrcfled realon for fupporting
its adoption. Some from jealouly of liberty were afraid of giving
too much powea^ to their rulers ; others, from an honell ambition
to aggrandize their country, were for paying the way to national
grcatnels by melting down the feparate States into a national mafs.
'I'iie former feared the new conftitution : the latter gloried in it.
Almofl every paflion which could agitate the human breafl, in-
tcioftcd Stales and individuals for and againft the adoption of the
prcpoied plan of government : fome whole clafTes of people were
in its favour. The mafs of public creditors expefted payment of
their debts from the eftablifhment of an efficient goverrnnent,
and were therefore decidedly for its adoption. Suc^li as lived on
laliuies, and thole who, being clear of debt, wifhed for a fixed
medium of circulation and the free courfe of law, were friends of
a conftitution which prohibits the iffuing of paper monej' and all
interference between debtor and creditor. In addition to thefe,
the great body of independent men, who faw the ncccffity of an
energetic general government, and who, fiom the jarring interefts
of the diflcrcnt States, could not forefee any probability of getting
a better one than was propofed, gave their lupport to what the
federal conventicm had projefted, and their influence cfFefted its
eftabliiliment. After a full confideration, and thorough difcuf-
fion of its principles, it was ratified by the conventions of eleven
of the original 'i'hirteen States, and the aecefTion of the other two
was loon expefted.* The ratification of it was celebrated in mofl

* The following exhibits at one view the order, time, <5cc. in which the feve-
ral States raiificd ihe Fcdcrdl ConftiLulion :

Delaware, December 3, 1787,

Penrifylvania, December 13,

New-Jerfey, December ig,

Georgia, January 2, 1788,

Coii'—fticut, J.inuaiy g,

iWuli^whuleus, February 6,

Majority,

unanimoufly

46 to 23

23

unanimoufly

unanimoufly

128 to 40

88

18,7 to ib8

19

AMERICAN REVO L UTIO N. 587

,of the capitals of the States with elegant procefTions, which far
exceeded any thing of the kind ever before exhibited in America.
Time and experience only can fully difcover the cifcfts of this
new diftribution of the powers of government ; hut in theory it
feems well calculated to unite liberty with fafcty, and to lay the
foundation of national greatncfs, while it abridges none of the
rights of the States, or of the people.

The new conftitution having been ratified by eleven of the
Statt'S, and fenaiors and reprelentatives having been chofen agree-
ably to the articles thereof, they met at New- York, and commen-
ced proceedings under it. The old Congrels and confederation
like the continental money, expired without a figh or groan, iu
April 1-789. A new Congrels, with more ample powers, and a
new conflitution, partly national, and partly federal, fucceeded ia
their place, to the great joy of all who wifhed for the happincls
of the United States.

Though great diverfity of opinions had prevailed about the new
conftiiution, there was but one opinion about the perfon who
ihould be appointed its fupreme executive officer. The people,
as well antifederalifts as federulifts, (for by thefe names the parties
for and againft the new conftitution were called) unanimoufly
turned their eyes on the late commander of their armies, as tlie
meft proper perlbn to be their firlh Prefident. Perhaps there was
not a well-informed individual in the. United States, (Mr. Wafli-
ington himfelfonly excepted) who was not anxious that he fliould
be called to the executive adminiflratiori of the propofed new plaa
of government. Unambitious of farther honours he had retired
to his farm in Virginia, and hoped to be excufed from all farther
public lervice ; but his country called him by an unanimous vote
to fill the higheft ftation in its gift. That honcfl zeal for the pub-
lic good, which had uniformly influenced him to devote both his
time and talents to the lervice of his country, got the better of his
love of retirement, and induced him once more to engage in the
great bufmefs of making a nation happy. The intelligence of his
clcftion being communicated to him, wliile on his farm in Virginia,
he let out foon, after for New-York. On his way thither, the road
was crowded with numbers anxious to fee the Man of the people,
Elcorts of militia, and of gentlemen of the firll pharafter and fla,
tion, attended him from State to State, and he was every where
received with the highcll honours which a grateful and adinir-

Maryland,

April

28,

J 7 88,

63

to

12

51

South Carolina

May

23,

»49

to

73

76

New Hamp{hire

. June

21,

57

to

46

J 1

Virginia,

June

25.

89

to

79

iO

Ncsv-York,

July

26,

SO

to

25

5

iv'ortli Carolina

Nov.

27.

1789,

193

to

75

nS

PJiodc Uland,

May

29,

179O'

3

Vermont,

January

■ 10}

1791, 1

jy a great

. nia;

jority.

Kcji'.ucliy,

588 HISTORY OF THE

ing people could confer. Addreffes of congratulation were prc-
fented to him by the inhabitants ofalmoft every place of confc-
quencc through which he paffcd, to all of which he returned
iuch modcfl:, unaffuming anlwersas were in every refpcft luitable
to his fituation. So great were the honours with which he was
loaded, that they could fcarcely have failed to produce haughti-
nefs in the mind of any ordinary man ; but nothing of the kind
^vas ever diicovercd in this extraordinary perfonage. On all
occafions he behaved to all men with the affability of one citizen
to another. He was truly great in deferving the plaudits of his
country, but much greater in not being elated with them.

Gray's Bridge over the Schuykill, which Mr. Wafliington
had to pafs, v.as highly decorated \\'ith laurels and evergreens.
At each end of it were erefted magnificent arches compofed of lau-
rels, emblematical of the ancient Roman triumphal aiches; and
on each hde of the bridge was a laurel fhrubbery. As Mr. Wafli-
ington pafled the bridge, a youth ornamented with fprigs of
lavnel, aflilled by machinerv, let drop above his head, though
vmperceived by him, a civic crown of laurel. Upwards of twen-
ty thoufand citizens lined the fences, fields, and avenues, between
the Schuylkill and Philadelphia. Through thcle he was con-
duced to the city, by a numerous and reipcftablc body of the
citizens, where he partook of an elegant entertainment provided
for him. The pleafures of the day were fucceeded by a hand-
lome difplay of fireworks in the evening.

When Mr. Wafliington eroded the Delaware, and landed on
the Jerfey fhore, he was fakited with three cheers by the inhabi-
tants of the vicinity. When he came to the brow of the hill,
on his way to Trenton, a triumphal arch was erefted op the
bridge, by the direftion of the ladies of the place. The crown
of the arch was highlv ornamented with imperial laurels aifd
flowers, and on it was difplayed in large figures, December 26th
1776. On the fweep of the arch, beneath was this inicription,
The defender of the Mothers will alfo proieE their Daughters. On
the north fide were ranged a number of young girls drelfcd in
white, with garlands of flowers on their heads, and bafkets of
flowers on their arms; in the fecond row ftood the young ladies,
and behind them the married ladies of the town. The inllant he
paffcd the arch, the young girls began to fing the following ocl" «
" Welcome, miglity chief, once more,
*' Welcome to this grateful fliorc :
" Now no mercenary foe
" Aims again the fatal blow,
•■ Aims at thcc the fatal blow.
" Virgins fair, and matrons grave,
" Thele thy conquering arm did lave,
*' Build for thee triumphal bowers;
" Strew, ye fair, his way with flower?,
" Strew your Hero's way with flowcrb/'

AMEP.JCAN REVOLUTION. s^

As they lung the lad li<ics, they flrewcd their flowers on the
road before their beloved deliverer. His htuation on this oCca-
fion, contrafled with what lie had in Dec. 17 "76 felt on the lair.e
Ipot, when the affairs of America were at the lowcH ebb of dc-
preflion, filled with fenlations that cannot be dilcribed. He was
rowed acrols the bay from Elizabeth-Town to New-York in au
elegant barge by thirteen pilots. All the vcfTels in the harbour
hoiflcd their flags. Stairs were erefted and decorated for his
reception. On his la:Tding, univcrial joy diffufcd itlelf through
every order of the people, and he was received and congratulated
by the governor of the State, and oflicers of the corporation.
He was conduced from the landing-plape to the hoijfe which had
been fitted up for his reception, aud was followed by an elegant
proceflion of militia in tlieir uniforms, and by great numbers of
citizens. In the evening, the houles of the inhabitants were
brilliantly illumiriated. A day was fixed, foon after his arrival,
for his taking the oath of ofHce, which was in the following
words : " I do folemnly fwcar that I will faitlifuUy execute the
ofiice of Prehdent of the United States, and will, to the bcft, of
my ability, prei'crve, prote£l, and defend, fhe conflitution of
jhc United States.*' On this occafion he vvas wholly cloathcd iu
Ameri,can manufa£iures. In the morning of the day appointed
for this purpole. the clergy of different denominations alfemblcd
their congregations in their refpeftive places of worfliip, and
offered up public prayers for the Prelidcnt and people of the
United States. About noon a proceffion followed by a multi-
tude of citizens, moved from the Prefident's hpufe to Federal
H;dl. When they came v/ithin a fhort diftance from the Hall,
the troops formed a line on both ftdcs of the way. throusjh which
Mr. WafhingtoUj accompanied by the Vice-Prcfident, Mr. John
Adams, paired into 'the Senate Chamber, Immediatelv after,
'accompanied by both houles, he went into the gallery fronting
Broad-flreet, and before them, and an immenio concourfe of
citizens, took the oath prcfcribed by the conflitution, which was
adminiftcred by R. R. Livingflon, the Chancellor of the State
of New-York, An awful filencc prevailed among the fpeftators
during this part of the ceremony. It was a minute of the mofh
fublime political joy. The Chancellor then proclaimed him
Prelident of the United States. This was anfwered by the dif-
charge of thirteen gmis, and bv the cfFulion of fhouts, from
near ten thoufand grateful and affefl-ionate hearts. The Prehdent
bowed Jnofh rcfpctlfully to the people, and the air reloiuidcd
ugain with their acclamations. He then retired to the Senate
Chamber, where he made an animated ipeecli to both houles; iu
Whith his language net only exprgllcd his own feelings on this

69<^ BIS TO RY OF THE

iolemnoccanon, but likewllc d.fccvcrcd h.s anxiety and concern
for the wel^^re and happinels of the people in whofe caule he
had before nfked his life. «- uie ne

Several circumftances concurred to render the Icene of his in-
auguration unufually lolemn-rhe prelence of the beloved Father
and Dehverer of his country-the iniprefhons of gratitude for
his paft lervices—the vaft concourfe of fpe6lators— the devout
fervency with which he repented the oath, and the reverential
manner in which he bowed to kifs the facred Volume—thelc cir
cumftances together with that of his being chofen to the moil
d.gmfied office in America, and perhaps, in the world, by the
unanimous voice of more than tiiree millions of enlightened free
w^ all confpired to place this among the moll auguft and in-
tercfting fcenes which have ever been exhibited on this dobe *

Hitherto the deliberations of the leg-Hature of the Union have
been marked with wifdom, and the mealures they have adopted
have been produftive of great national profperity. The wile
appointments to office, which, in general, have been made-the
eflabliflamcnt of a revenue and judiciary fyftem, and of a national
bank— the aiTumption of debts of the individual States and the
encouragement that has been given to manufaaures, commerce
literature, and to ufeful inventions, open the faircll profpea of
the peace, union, and increafing refpca.bility of the American

♦ «'It feemed, from the number of witneffes," faid a fped>ator of the fcene
" to be a folemn appeal to heaven and earth at once. Upon the iubjcft of thi^ '
great and good man, I may perhaps, be an enthunaft; but, I confefs. I was
under an awful and rehgious perfuaHon. that the gracious Ruler of the Univerfe
.^.as looking down at that mpment with peculiar complacency on an aft, which
o a part o his creatures, was fo very important. Under this impreffion, whei!
tke Chancellor pronounced, m a very feelu.g manner, "Lo.xo live G.okge
W^s„,NCTo^^" my fenfib.lity was wound up to fucha pitch, that I could do no
more than w^ave my hat with the reft, without the power of joining in the reneat'
ca acclamations which rent the air,'t

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME

I