POLYBIUS THE HISTORIES II

Translated by W. R. PATON

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POLYBIUS (born c. 208 B.c.) of Mega- lopolis in the Peloponnese (Morea), son of Lycortas, served the Achaean League in arms and diplomacy for many years, favouring alliance with Rome. From 168 to 151 he was hostage in Rome where he became a friend of Aemilius Paulus and his two sons, especially adopted Scipio Aemilianus whose campaigns he attended later. In late life he was trusted mediator between Greece and the Romans whom he admired; helped in the discussions which preceded the final war with Carthage; and, after 146 B.c., was entrusted by the Romans with details of administration in Greece. He died at the age of 82 after a fall from his horse. The main part of his famous historical work covers the years 264-146 B.c. With two introductory books, it described the rise of Rome to the destruction of Carthage and the domination of Greece by Rome. It is a great work; accurate, thoughtful, largely impartial, based on research, full of insight into customs, institutions, geography, causes of events and character of people; it is a vital and most interesting achievement of first rate importance, despite the incomplete state in which all but the first five of the forty books have reached us. Polybius’ overall theme is how and why the Romans spread their power as they did.

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POLYBIUS II

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POLYBIUS

THE HISTORIES

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY W. ee ALeON

IN SIX VOLUMES

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD

MCMLXXIX

American ISBN 0-674—-99152-4 British ISBN 0 434 99137 6

First printed 1922 Reprinted 1954, 1960, 1967, 1975, 1979

Printed in Great Britain

CONTENTS OF VOLUME II

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6 emynvynoO var Kai mpoeKBecIar. waAiora yap ovTwWS 2

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

BOOK III

1. In my first Book, the third, that is, from this count- ing backwards, I explained that I fixed as the starting- points of my work, the Social war, the Hannibalic war, and the war for Coele-Syria. I likewise set forth in the same place the reasons why I wrote the two preceding Books dealing with events of an earlier date. I will now attempt to give a well attested account of the above wars, their first causes and the reasons why they attained such magnitude ; but in the first place I have a few words to say regarding my work as a whole.

The subject I have undertaken to treat, the how, when, and wherefore of the subjection of the known parts of the world to the dominion of Rome, should be viewed as a single whole, with a recognized beginning, a fixed duration, and an end which is not a matter of dispute; and I think it will be advan- tageous to give a brief prefatory survey of the chief parts of this whole from the beginning to the end.

3

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 1.6-2.3

For I believe this will be the best means of giving students an adequate idea of my whole plan. Since a previous general view is of great assistance to the mind in acquiring a knowledge of details, and at the same time a previous notion of the details helps us to knowledge of the whole, I regard a preliminary survey based on both as best and will draw up these prefatory remarks to my history on this principle. I have already indicated the general scope and limits of this history. The particular events comprised in it begin with the above-mentioned wars and culminate and end in the destruction of the Macedonian monarchy. Between the beginning and end lies a space of fifty-three years, comprising a greater number of grave and momentous events than any period of equal length in the past. Starting from the 140th Olympiad I shall adopt the following order in my exposition of them.

2. First I shall indicate the causes of the above war between Rome and Carthage, known as the Hanni- balic war, and tell how the Carthaginians invaded Italy, broke up the dominion of Rome, and cast the Romans into great fear for their safety and even for their native soil, while great was their own hope, such as they had never dared to entertain, of capturing Rome itself. Next I shall attempt to describe how at the same period Philip of Macedon, after finishing his war with the Aetolians and settling the affairs of Greece, conceived the project of an

5

220-168 B.O,

220-216 B.C.

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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3 xai dua Tivwy Kal Ti Td TéAos EoxE, TOUTW OUV-

6

BOOK III. 2.4-3.3

alliance with Carthage ; how Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopator first quarrelled and at length went to war with each other for the possession of Coele-Syria, and how the Rhodians and Prusias, declaring war on the Byzantines, compelled them to stop levying toil on ships bound for the Euxine. Interrupting my narrative at this point, I shall draw up my account of the Roman Constitution, as a sequel to which I shall point out how the peculiar qualities of the Constitution conduced very largely not only to their subjection of the Italians and Sicilians, and subse- quently of the Spaniards and Celts, but finally to their victory over Carthage and their conceiving the project of universal empire. Simultaneously in a digression I shall narrate how the dominion of Hiero of Syracuse fell and after this I shall deal with the troubles in Egypt, and tell how, 0. the death of Ptolemy, Antiochus and Philip, conspiring to parti- tion the dominions of his son, a helpless infant, began to be guilty of acts of unjust aggression, Philip laying hands on the islands of the Aegean, and on Caria and Samos, while Antiochus seized on Coele-Syria and Phoenicia.

3. Next, after summing up the doings of the Roman and Carthaginians in Spain, Africa, and Sicily I shall shift the scene of my story definitely, as the scene of action shifted, to Greece and its neighbourhood. I shall describe the sea-battles in which Attalus and the Rhodians met Philip, and after this deal with the war between the Romans and Philip, its course, its reason, and its result. Following on this I shall

7

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 3.3-4.1

make mention of the angry spirit of the Aetolians yielding to which they invited Antiochus over, and thus setablaze the war from Asia against the Achaeans and Romans. After narrating the causes of this war, and how Antiochus crossed to Europe, I shall describe in the first place how he fled from Greece ; secondly how on his defeat after this he abandoned all Asia up to the Taurus; and thirdly, how the Romans, suppressing the insolence of the Galatian Gauls, established their undisputed supremacy in Asia and freed its inhabitants on this side of the Taurus from the fear of barbarians and the lawless violence of these Gauls. Next I shall bring before the reader’s eyes the misfortune that befel the Aetolians and Cephallenians, and then make mention of the war of Eumenes with Prusias and the Gauls and of that between Ariarathes and Pharnaces. Subsequently, after some notice of the unification and pacification of the Peloponnese and of the growth of the Rhodian State, I shall bring the whole narrative of events to a conclusion, narrating finally the expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt, the war with Perseus, and the abolition of the Macedonian monarchy. All the above events will enable us to perceive how the Romans dealt with each contingency and thus subjected the whole world to their rule.

4. Now if from their success or failure alone we could form an adequate judgement of how far states and individuals are worthy of praise or blame, I could here lay down my pen, bringing my narrative and this whole work to a close with the last-mentioned

9

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 4.2-9

events, as was my original intention. For the period of fifty-three years finished here, and the growth and advance of Roman power was now complete. Besides which it was now universally accepted as a necessary fact that henceforth all must submit to the Romans and obey their orders. But since judgements regarding either the conquerors or the conquered based purely on performance are by no means final —what is thought to be the greatest success having brought the greatest calamities on many, if they do not make proper use of it, and the most dreadful catastrophes often turning out to the advantage of those who support them bravely—I must append to the history of the above period an account of the sub- sequent policy of the conquerors and their method of universal rule, as well as of the various opinions and appreciations of their rulers entertained by the sub- jects, and finally I must describe what were the pre- vailing and dominant tendencies and ambitions of the various peoples in their private and public life. For it is evident that contemporaries will thus be able to see clearly whether the Roman rule is acceptable or the reverse, and future generations whether their government should be considered to have been worthy of praise and admiration or rather of blame. And indeed it is just in this that the chief usefulness of this work for the present and the future will lie. For neither rulers themselves nor their critics should regard the end of action as being merely conquest

11

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 4.10-5.4

and the subjection of all to their rule ; since no man of sound sense goes to war with his neighbours simply for the sake of crushing an adversary, just as no one sails on the open sea just for the sake of crossing it. Indeed no one even takes up the study of arts and crafts merely for the sake of knowledge, but all men do all they do for the resulting pleasure, good, or utility. So the final end achieved by this work will be, to gain knowledge of what was the condition of each people after all had been crushed and had come under the dominion of Rome, until the disturbed and troubled time that afterwards ensued. About this latter, owing to the importance of the actions and the unexpected character of the events, and chiefly because I not only witnessed most but took part and even directed some, I was induced to write as if starting on afresh work. 5. This period of disturbance comprises, firstly the war waged by Rome against the Celtiberians and Vaccaei, that between Carthage and Massinissa the King of the Libyans and that between Attalus and Prusias in Asia. Next, Ariarathes, King of Cappadocia was expelled from his kingdom by Orophernes through the agency of King Demetrius and recovered his ancestral throne by the help of Attalus. Then Demetrius, son of Seleucus, after reigning in Syria for twelve years lost both his kingdom and his life, the other kings combining against him. Next the Romans restored to their homes the Greeks who had been accused in consequence of the war with Perseus, acquitting them of the charges brought against them.

13

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 5.5-6.4

A little later the Romans attacked Carthage, having resolved in the first place on changing its site and subsequently on its utter destruction for the reasons that I shall state in due course. Close upon this followed the withdrawal of the Macedonians from their alliance with Rome and that of the Lace- daemonians from the Achaean League, and hereupon the beginning and the end of the general calamity that overtook Greece.

Such is the plan I propose, but all depends on Fortune’s granting me a life long enough to execute it. However I am convinced that in the event of my death, the project will not fall to the ground for want of men competent to carry it on, since there are many others who will set their hands to the task and labour to complete it.

Now having given a summary of the most important events, with the object of conveying to my readers a notion of this work as a whole and its contents in detail, it is time for me to call to mind my original plan and return to the starting-point of my history.

6. Some of those authors who have dealt with Hannibal and his times, wishing to indicate the causes that led to the above war between Rome and Carthage, allege as its first cause the siege of Saguntum by the Carthaginians and as its second their crossing, contrary to treaty, the river whose native name is the Iber. I should agree in stating that these were the beginnings of the war, but I can by no means allow that they were its causes, unless we call Alexander’s crossing to Asia the cause

15

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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16

BOOK III. 6.4-12

of his war against Persia and Antiochus’ landing at Demetrias the cause of his war against Rome, neither of which assertions is either reasonable or true. For who could consider these to be causes of wars, plans and preparations for which, in the case of the Persian war, had been made earlier, many by Alexander and even some by Philip during his life, and in the case of the war against Rome by the Aetolians long before Antiochus arrived? These are pronouncements of men who are unable to see the great and essential distinction between a beginning and a cause or purpose, these being the first origin of all, and the beginning coming last. By the beginning of anything I mean the first attempt to execute and put in action plans on which we have decided, by its causes what is most initiatory in our judgements and opinions, that is to say our notions of things, our state of mind, our reasoning about these, and everything through which we reach decisions and projects. The nature of these is evident from the instances adduced above; it is easy for anyone to see the real causes and origin of the war against Persia. The first was the retreat of the Greeks under Xenophon from the upper Satrapies, in which, though they traversed the whole of Asia, a hostile country, none of the barbarians ventured to face them. The second was the crossing of Agesilaus, King of Sparta, to Asia, where he found no opposition of any moment to his projects, and was only compelled to return without effecting anything owing to the disturbances in Greece. From both of these facts Philip perceived and reckoned on the

17

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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3

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6 Tas apoppas elAndev; ovUTE yap éKelvov Elkds OvdE-

18

BOOK III. 6.12-7.6

cowardice and indolence of the Persians as compared with the military efficiency of himself and his Mace- donians, and further fixing his eyes on the splendour of the great prize which the war promised, he lost no time, once he had secured the avowed good-will of the Greeks, but seizing on the pretext that it was his urgent duty to take vengeance on the Persians for their injurious treatment of the Greeks, he bestirred himself and decided to go to war, beginning to make every preparation for this purpose. We must there- fore look on the first considerations I have mentioned as the causes of the war against Persia, the second as its pretext and Alexander’s crossing to Asia as its beginning. 7. Similarly it is evident that the cause of the war between Antiochus and the Romans was the anger of the Aetolians, who (as I above stated) looking upon themselves as having been slighted in many ways by the Romans as regards their share in bringing the war with Philip to an end, not only invited Antiochus over, but were ready to do and suffer anything owing to the anger they conceived under the above circumstances. But the liberation of Greece, which they announced in defiance of reason and truth going round with Antiochus from city to city, we must consider to be a pretext of this war, and its beginning the landing of Antiochus at Demetrias.

In speaking at such length on this matter, my object has not been to censure previous writers, but to rectify the ideas of students. For of what use to the sick is a physician who is ignorant of the causes of certain conditions of the body? And of what use is a statesman who cannot reckon how, why, and whence each event has originated? The

19

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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g Aw mpaxbeior. ratta 8 eirwv pyou pera THY THs

20

BOOK III. 7.6-8.8

former will scarcely be likely to recommend proper treatment for the body and it will be impossible for the latter without such knowledge to deal properly with circumstances. Nothing, therefore, should be more carefully guarded against and more diligently sought out than the first causes of each event, since matters of the greatest moment often originate from trifles, and it is the initial impulses and conceptions in every matter which are most easily remedied.

8. Fabius, the Roman annalist, says that besides the outrage on the Saguntines, a cause of the war was Hasdrubal’s ambition and love of power. He tells us how, having acquired a great dominion in Spain, he arrived in Africa and attempted to abolish the constitution of Carthage and change the form of government toa monarchy. The leading statesmen, however, got wind of his project and united to oppose him, upon which Hasdrubal, suspicious of their intentions, left Africa and in future governed Iberia as he chose, without paying any attention to the Carthaginian Senate. Hannibal from boyhood had shared and admired Hasdrubal’s principles ; and on succeeding to the governor-generalship of Iberia, he had employed the same method as Hasdrubal. Con- sequently, he now began this war against Rome on his own initiative and in defiance of Carthaginian opinion, not a single one of the notables in Carthage approving his conduct towards Saguntum. After telling us this, Fabius says that on the capture of

21

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 8.8-9.4

this city the Romans came forward demanding that the Carthaginians should either deliver Hannibal into their hands or accept war. Now if anyone were to pose the following question to this writer—how opportunity could have better favoured the Cartha- ginians’ wishes or what could have been a juster act and more in their interest (since, as he says, they had disapproved Hannibal’s action from the outset) than to yield to the Roman demand, and by giving up the man who had caused the offence, with some show of reason to destroy by the hands of others the common enemy of their state and secure the safety of their territory, ridding them- selves of the war that menaced them and accom- plishing their vengeance by a simple resolution—if anyone, I say, were to ask him this, what would he have to say? Evidently nothing; for so far were they from doing any of the above things that after carrying on the war, in obedience to Hannibal’s decision, for seventeen years, they did not abandon the struggle, until finally, every resource on which they relied being now exhausted, their native city and her inhabitants stood in deadly peril.

9. One may ask why I make any mention of Fabius and his statement. It is not from apprehension lest it may find acceptance from some owing to its plausibility ; for its inherent unreasonableness, even without my comment, is self-evident to anyone who reads it. But what I wish is to warn those who consult his book not to pay attention to the title, but to facts. For there are some people who pay regard not to what he writes but to the writer himself and, taking into consideration that he was a contemporary and a Roman senator, at once accept

23

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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2 TavTnS Bvprous Tept TOUTWY SednAWKapeEV, W av xwpis ovx oldv T° Hv oupimreprevex Oijvat dedvTws ovTE TOIS vov Aeyopevous oUTE Tols peTAa TadTa pnOnocopEvots

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BOOK III. 9.4-10.3

all he says as worthy of credit. But my own opinion is that while not treating his authority as negligible we should not regard it as final, but that readers should in most cases test his statements by reference to the actual facts.

To return to the war between Rome and Carthage, from which this digression has carried us away, we must regard its first cause as being the indignation of Hamilecar surnamed Barcas, the actual father of Hannibal. Unvanquished in spirit by the war for Sicily, since he felt that he had kept the army at Eryx under his command combative and resolute until the end, and had only agreed to peace yielding to circumstances after the defeat of the Cartha- ginians in the naval battle, he maintained his resolve and waited for an opportunity to strike. Had not the mutinous outbreak among the mercenaries occurred, he would very soon, as far as it lay in his power, have created some other means and other resources for resuming the contest, but he was hampered by these civil disturbances which occupied all his time and attention. 10. When, on the suppression of this disturbance by the Carthaginians, the Romans announced their intention of making war on Carthage, the latter at first was ready to negotiate on all points, thinking that, justice being on her side, she would prevail (about this I have spoken in the preceding Books, without a perusal of which it is impossible to follow properly what I am now saying and what I am about to say); but as the Romans refused to negotiate, the Cartha- ginians had to yield to circumstances, and though deeply aggrieved they were powerless, and evacuated

25

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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26

BOOK III. 10.3-11.3

Sardinia, agreeing also to pay twelve hundred talents in addition to the sum previously exacted, in order not to be forced to accept war at that time. This, then, we must take to be the second and principal cause of the subsequent war; for Hamilcar, with the anger felt by all his compatriots at this last outrage added to his old indignation, as soon as he had finally crushed the mutiny of the mercenaries and secured the safety of his country, at once threw all his efforts into the conquest of Spain, with the object of using the resources thus obtained for the war against Rome. This success of the Carthaginian project in Spain must be held to be the third cause of the war, for relying on this increase of strength, they entered upon it with confidence.

Of the fact that Hamilcar, although he died ten years before the beginning of the Second Punic War, contributed much to its origin many evidences can be found; but the anecdote I am about to relate suffices, I think, to confirm this. 11. At the time when Hannibal on his final defeat by the Romans had left his native land and was staying at the court of Antiochus, the Romans, who saw through the pro- ject of the Aetolians, sent an embassy to Antiochus, wishing to be fully aware what the king’s purpose was. The legates, as they saw that Antiochus was lending an ear to the Aetolians and was disposed to go to war with Rome, paid many attentions to Hannibal, wishing to make Antiochus suspicious of him, as in fact they succeeded in doing. For as time went on, the king’s mistrust of Hannibal grew ever more strong; and it fell out on one occasion that

VoL, O B 27

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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8 vojcewv. tatr’ ody eiddta cadds Héiov Tov *Av- Tioxov, Ews prev av TL dvaxepes BovrAeUnTaL KaTa ‘Pwyaiwy, Gappetv Kal morevew, attov ovvepyov @ / > > 7 > A A ,

9 c€ew vopilovr’ aAnOwadtatrov. émav dé dSradvoets ] pirtay avvTiOntat mpos avrovs, TOTE [1 TPOO- SetaPat StaBoAjs, add’ amoretv Kat dvddrrecbat:

12 nav yap tt mpaéa Kar’ adrdv 6 Suvarcs ein. 6 A > ZA , 3 , A / b A

pev ovv “Avtioyos axovoas, Kal dd€as avtorabds,

dua 8° adnbuwds eipiobar, maons tis mpotimapxov-

2 ons Uroias am€oTn. THs mevTor ye Sucpeveias THs >A: iX \ a 5A Q , e Xv. ,

putAkov Kat THs OAns mpofdcews dpuodAoyovpevov Oeréov elvar todro paptipiov, ws Kal d&” adrav

3 davepov eyevero TOV TpayyaTwv. ToLlovTovs yap ? \ / ¢€ , > 7 A €xOpovs mapeoxevace ‘Pwyaiors "AcdpovPav te Tov 28

BOOK III. 11.3-12.3

they came to have a talk about the alienation which had been secretly growing up between them. In the course of the conversation Hannibal defended himself on various grounds, and at length, being at a loss for further arguments, resorted to the following. He said that at the time when his father was about to start with his army on his expedition to Spain, he himself, then nine years of age, was standing by the altar, while Hamilcar was sacrificing to Zeus. When, on the omens being favourable, Hamilcar had poured a libation to the gods and performed all the customary rites, he ordered the others who were attending the sacrifice to withdraw to a slight distance and calling Hannibal to him asked him kindly if he wished to accompany him on the ex- pedition. On his accepting with delight, and, like a boy, even begging to do it besides, his father took him by the hand, led him up to the altar, and bade him lay his hand on the victim and swear never to be the friend of the Romans. He begged Antiochus, then, now he knew this for a fact, as long as his intentions were hostile to Rome, to rely on him con- fidently and believe that he would have in him his sincerest supporter, but from the moment he made peace and alliance with her he had no need to wait for accusations but should mistrust and beware of him ; for there was nothing he would not do against the Romans. 12. Antiochus, listening to this, thought he spoke genuinely and sincerely and in consequence abandoned all his former mistrust. However, we should consider this as an unquestion- able proof of Hamilcar’s hostility and general pur- pose, and it is confirmed by the facts. For he made of his daughter’s husband Hasdrubal and his own

29

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Ths Ovyatpos avdpa Kal Tov adtob Kata dvow viov ’AvviBay worte 7) KaTaAurety brepBoAny Suvopeveias. 4° AodpovBas pev odv mpoatofavayv od macav Exdn- Aov Eeroinoe THY adtob mpdbecow, ’AvviBa 8€ mapé- dwKav of Katpol Kal Alay evarrodeiEacbat THY Ta- 5 Tpwav exOpav eis ‘Pwyatovs. 810 Kal Tovs emt TpayuaTwv TaTToLEvous XPT) TOV ToLovTwY OvdSEvOS BGAdov dpovtilew ws Tob py AavOdvew Tas mpo- aipécets THY Stadvopevwy tas ExOpas H ovvTie- peevwv Tas diAias, 7oTE Tots KaLpois ElKOVTES Kal mote Tats puyais yTTwpevor ToLvodyTar Tas ovvh7- 6 Kas, va Tovs pev ededpous vomilovtes elvar TaV Kaip@v aet dvddtTwvtat, Tots dé muaTEVoVTES, WS tankdots 7) didors aAnOwots, wav TO Tapatimtov e€ €Toluov mapayyé\Awow. 7 Airias pév ody tod Kar’ ’AvviBay mod€uou Tas Mpoeipynuevas nyntéov, apxyas dé Tas pwedAAovoas AE- 13 yeoOar. Kapynddvior yap Bapéws pev éfepov Kat Thv vmép LKedias Hrrav, cuverrérewe 5° adTov THY opynv, Kabdmtep énavw TpoEimov, TA KaTAa Lap- ddva Kal TO THv TeAEUTALov cuvTeDevTWY xpNUaTwWY 27AnO0s. Sidmep dua TH Ta wActoTa Kar’ "IBnpiav bf’ abtovds Tojoacbar pos mav EToipws SieKewTo 370 Kata ‘Pwyaiwy trodeKvipevov. mpoomecovons ovv ths >AcdpovBou teAcuTis, & peta Tov "ApiAKkov Oavarov eveyeipicav Ta Kata THv “IBynpiav, TO pev 4 7pQ@Tov exapaddkouv Tas Tv Suvdpwewv pas’ ap- uxomevns b€ THs ayyeAlas ex THY oTpaToTédwv STL ovpPaiver tas Suvduers OuoOvpadov ypjobar orpa- Tnyov *AvviBav, mapavtixa avvabpoicavtes tov 87j- 30

BOOK Ha: 1203 1324

son Hannibal such enemies of Rome that none conld be more bitter. As Hasdrubal died before putting his purpose into execution, it was not in his case fully evident, but circumstances put it in the power of Hannibal to give only too manifest proof of his inherited hatred of Rome. Therefore, statesmen should above all take care that the true motives of the reconciliation of enmities and the formation of friendships do not escape them. They should observe when it is that men come to terms under pressure of circumstances and when owing to their spirit being broken, so that in the former case they may regard them as reserving themselves for a favourable opportunity and be constantly on their guard, and in the latter they may trust them as true friends and subjects and not hesitate to com- mand their services when required.

We must consider, then, the causes of the Hanna- balic War to have been those I have stated, while its beginnings were as follows. 13. The Cartha- ginians could ill bear their defeat in the war for Sicily, and, as I said above, they were additionally exasperated by the matter of Sardinia and the exorbitancy of the sum they had been last obliged to agree to pay. Therefore, when they had sub- jugated the greater part of Iberia, they were quite ready to adopt any measures against Rome which suggested themselves. On the death of Hasdrubal, to whom after that of Hamilcar they had entrusted the government of Iberia, they at first waited for a pronouncement on the part of the troops, and when news reached them from their armies that the soldiers had unanimously chosen Hannibal as their com- mander, they hastened to summon a general assembly

31

221 B.G

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

fLov pug yvaon Kupiav emoincav Tv TaV oTparo- & 7TE0wY atpeow. “AvviBas dé mapahaBeov THY apynv ev0ews wpynoev ws KATAOTpEpopLevos TO TOV ‘OAka- dw eOvos~ dduxdpevos d€ mpos *AXOaiav rHv Ba- 6 pUTaTny avTay mdoAW KaTeoTpaToTédevaE. peTa dé TavTa xpnadevos evepyois Gua Kal KataTrAnKTiKats mpooPodats taxéws expatynce THs TOAEwWS. Ov CUL- Bavros ot Aowroi yevopevor KatamAayets evedwxav 7 avtovs tots Kapyndoviois. dpyuporoynoas d€ Tas moAets, Kal KUptevaas TOAA@Y ypnuLdTwr, vis Tapa- g XEluLaow Els Kawny ToAw. peyarodxus 6 € xp7- odpevos Tots UrorarTopevols, Kal Ta jeev Sovs TOV opwrviwy tots ovotpatevopevois, Ta 8 Umaxvov- pLevos, 7roAAnv evvotav Kal peyaAas eAmidas everp- 14 yadoato tais duvdueot. TH 8 emiywopevw Oéper TaXAw opuncas emt tovs Ovaxkaious ‘EAuavtixny prev €€ efddov moinaodpevos mpocBodds Katéoxer, "ApBouxdAny S€ dia TO péyeBos THs TéAEws Kal TO p 7 peyeBos TF mAnG0s, Ere S€ THY yevvaloTnTA THV olKnTOpwr, Leta TOAAfs TaAatrwpias ToALopKyGas KATA KpaTos Qetde. peta d€ Tabra Tapaddfws eis TOUS weyioTous Ade KwOovvoUS emavadywv, ovvdpapovTwy ém avrov TOV Kapmyotwy, 6 oxedov L loxuporarov €OTLW eOvos 3 TaY KaT jexeivous TOUS TOTOUS, opotes dé Kal Trav aotuye:tovww abporobévTwrv dua ToUToLs, oUs npe- Aicav pdAvora pev of THv "OAkddwr puyddes, ovv- e€é€xavoav 5€ Kal TOV ex THS “EAwavtixis ot dvacw- 4 Qévtes. mpos ods ei pev ek Trapatagews HvayKa- aOnoav ot Kapynddvo d:axwdvvevew, opodroyov- 5 pevws av nTTHOnocav. viv de Tpayparicds Kal vouvex@s e€ dTrooTpogijs dvaxwpncavTos *AvviBov, Kal mpoPAnua trounoapevov Tov Tdyov KaAovpevov 32

BOOK III. 13.4-14.5

of the commons, which unanimously ratified the choice of the soldiers. Hannibal on assuming the command, at once set forth with the view of subduing a tribe called the Olcades, and arriving before their most powerful city Althaea,t encamped there and soon made himself master of it by a series of vigorous and formidable assaults, upon which the rest of the tribe were overawed and submitted to the Cartha- ginians. After exacting tribute from the towns and possessing himself of a considerable sum, he retired to winter quarters at New Carthage. By the generosity he now displayed to the troops under his command, paying them in part and promising further payment, he inspired in them great good-will to himself and high hopes of the future. 14, Next summer he made a fresh attack on the Vaccaei, assaulted and took Hermandica at the first onset, but Arbacala being a very large city with a numerous and brave population, he had to lay siege to it and only took it by assault after much pains. Subse- quently on his return he unexpectedly found himself in great peril, the Carpetani, the strongest tribe in the district gathering to attack him and being joined by the neighbouring tribes, all incited to this by the fugitive Olcades, and also by those who had escaped from Hermandica. Had the Carthaginians been obliged to meet all this host in a pitched battle, they would assuredly have suffered defeat ; but, as it was, Hannibal very wisely and skilfully faced about and retreated so as to place the river Tagus in his front,

@ Livy calls it Castala. 33

220 B.c.

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

ToTapLov, Kal mrepl Tv TOO morapob dvaBaow ov- OTNTApLEVvov TOV Kiwdvvor, dpa dé ovyypnoapevov ovvaywviary TO TOTAL Kat Tots Onpious ols eiye Tept rerrapdKovTa, TOV apo, ovveBn TO 6a 6 mapadcgws Kal Kata Adyov avr@ Xwphoar. TaV yap BapBapwv émBadopevwv Kata ‘qAelous Témous Bid- ecOat Kal mepacotcba Tov moTapov, TO ev TAei- oTov avTav jLepos SuehOapy Tmept Tas exBdoets, TOpPATropEVvopLEeveny | Tov Onpiwy mapa To xetAos Kal 7 TOUS éxBatvovras a del mpoxatadapBavovrev: TmoAAot S€ Kar’ avrov Tov ToTapLOv Um0 THY inmméwy am- cshovto, dua TO Kpatety ev paAXov Tod pevpartos Tovs inmous, ef Urrepdefiov d€ mrovetoBar THY waynv 8 ToUs lmmeéas ™mpos Tos melous. TéAos be TovpTraAwy emidiaBavrTes ot mept TOV AvviBav émt tovs Bap- Bapous etpepavro mAelous 7 SéKa pupuddas avOpo- 9 mwv. WY rT Bevre ovdeis € ett THv evtos “IBynpos TOTAMLOU padiws mpos avrous avropbadretv eToAua

10 mAqy ZaxavOaiwy. tavrns S€ THs moAEws emetpGto Kata Svvauw arréxeobar, Bovdopevos pndeptay dpoppny oporoyouperny dotvar Tob mroh€Lov ‘Pw- jratots, ews Ta. a mavTa BeBaiws bp’ avTov Tour - TaLTo Kara Tas “ApiAkou Tob tratpos brobnkas Kal mTapawweoets.

15 Oc dé Laxavbaior auvexs e7reLTTOV eis THY ‘Papyy, du poev dywvudsvres TEept op@v Kal ™po- opedpevor TO peor, GLa. dé BovdAcpevor py) Aav- Odvew ‘Papatous Thy ywornevnv evporay Kapyndo-

2 viois TMV Kar “TBnpiav TpaypaTov. ‘Pwpator dé, mAcovaKis avray TApAkNKOOTES, TOTE mpeoBevtas efaméatetAay Tovs emoKkeopevous UTEp THY TpOG-

3 mumtovrwy. *AvviBas Sé€ Kata Tovs avtods Kat- 34

BOOK III. 14.5-15.3

and remained there to dispute the crossing, availing himself of the aid both of the river and of his elephants, of which he had about forty, so that every- thing went as he had calculated and as no one else would have dared to expect. For when the bar- barians tried to force a crossing at various points, the greater mass of them perished in coming out of the river, the elephants following its bank and being upon them as soon as they landed. Many also were cut down in the stream itself by the cavalry, as the horses could bear up better against the current, and the mounted men in fighting had the advantage of being higher than the unmounted enemy. Finally, Hannibal in his turn crossed the river and attacked the barbarians, putting to flight a force of more than one hundred thousand. After their defeat none of the peoples on that side of the Ebro ventured lightly to face the Carthaginians, with the exception of the Saguntines. Hannibal tried as far as he could to keep his hands off this city, wishing to give the Romans no avowed pretext for war, until he had secured his possession of all the rest of the country, following in this his father Hamilcar’s suggestions and advice.

15. But the Saguntines sent repeated messages to Rome, as on the one hand they were alarmed for their own safety and foresaw what was coming, and at the same time they wished to keep the Romans informed how well things went with the Cartha- ginians in Spain. The Romans, who had more than once paid little attention to them, sent on this occasion legates to report on the situation. Hannibal at the same time, having reduced the tribes he

35

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

povs TETOLN|LEVOS bh’ avTov ovs mpo€bero, Traphy avis pleTa Tay Suvapewy Tapaxeyrdowy els Ka- vay ToAw, TUS ws av el mpooxnpa Kal Bacinerov Hv Kapyndoviwy € ev Tots Kata THv “IBypiav torois. 4 KaTaAaBav be TH Tapa TOV ‘Pwraiwv mpeoBetav, Kal dovs avdTov els evrevéw, SunKkove mepl TOV ev- 5eoTwTwv. “Papaitor pev odv diewaptvpovto Zakav- Batwv dméxeoBar, Ketodau yap avrovs ev TH ode- TEpa mOTEL, al tov “IBnpa TOT OJLOV py) SvaBatvew 6 KaTa Tas em’ 'AadpovBou yevomevas opmoroylas. 6 oy “AvviBas, a dre véos pev wv, TAnpys b€ ToAELLKTS opLAs, eTLTUXNS 5 ev Tats emBodais, mdarat dé Tap 7 wppniLevos mpos THY Kata ‘Pwpaiwy éyOpav, mpos pe exelvous, Ws Kn OO[Levos LaxavOaiov, eveKaAet ‘Payators dudTt puKpots eum poobev xpovots, oTaoto.- Covrwy atdtav, AaBovres THV emUTpoTm™y [els TO dua- Aicat] adixws érravéAowTd Twas THY TpoecTwTwv: ods od Trepioisecbat Tapeorovdnuevous’ maTpLov yap elvat Kapyndoviois to pndéva tov adikoupévwr 8 meptopav: mpos d¢€ Kapyydovious dierréumeto, aruv- Pavopevos ti det rovetv, OTe ZaxavOator morevov- tes TH “Pwpaiwy cvppaxia twas Ta bd’ atbrovs 9 TATTOPLEVOY aduKovat. xaoov oe ap m™Arpns ado- ylas Kal Bvpod_ Buatov: 810 Kat Tats peev adnOwats aitiats ouK exphTo, Katepevye 0’ els mpopdcets aAd- yous: amep ciwlact mrovety ot dia Tas mpoeyKabn- pLevas avTots oppas dAvtywpobvtes TOO KabjKovTos. 10 70ow yap rv apewvov olecBat Setv “Pwyatous azo- Sobvar odiat Lapdova Kal Tovs émtayOevras dua TavTn popous, ous Tots Kaupots ouve ml ewevo m™po- TEpov adikws Trap adT@v eAaBov- ¢° dé uy, davar

36

BOOK III, 15.3-10

intended, arrived with his forces to winter at New Carthage, which was in a way the chief ornament and capital of the Carthaginian empire in Spain. Here he found the Roman legates, to whom he gave audience and listened to their present communica- tion. The Romans protested against his attacking Saguntum, which they said was under their protection, or crossing the Ebro, contrary to the treaty engage- ments entered into in Hasdrubal’s time. Hannibal, being young, full of martial ardour, encouraged by the success of his enterprises, and spurred on by his long-standing enmity to Rome, in his answer to the legates affected to be guarding the interests of the Saguntines and accused the Romans of having a short time previously, when there was a party quarrel at Saguntum and they were called in to arbitrate, unjustly put to death some of the leading men. The Carthaginians, he said, would not over- look this violation of good faith for it was from of old the principle of Carthage never to neglect the cause of the victims of injustice. To Carthage, however, he sent, asking for instructions, since the Saguntines, relying on their alliance with Rome, were wronging some of the peoples subject to Carthage. Being wholly under the influence of unreasoning and violent anger, he did not allege the true reasons, but took refuge in groundless pretexts, as men are wont to do who disregard duty because they are prepossessed by passion. How much better would it have been for him to demand from the Romans the restitution of Sardinia, and at the same time of the tribute which they had so unjustly exacted, availing themselves of the misfortunes of Carthage, and to threaten war in

37

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

11 Trohepnoew ; viv de Thy pev ovoay aitiav an Bornv TapacwwiT@v, TV 8 ovx dmdpxovoay mept Zakav- Baiwy mAatTwv, od povov adoyws, ete dé waddov

12 addikws Katdpyew eddKet TOO TroX€“ov. of dé THY ‘Pwpaiwv mpéoBeis, OTe wev etn ToAcunTéov cadds elddtes, amrémrAevoay eis Kapynddva, Ta mapatrAnoa

13 OéXovTes emrywapTvpacbar KaKeElvous’ od py ev ‘Ira- ia ye moNepinoew nAmoav, ad’ ev ‘IBypia, xpn- ceabar Sé mpds Tov TrdAEpLoV 6 opuentynpiw 7H Zakav- Oaiwv 7roXeu.

A A \ , ¢ / \ e /

16 Aco Kat mpos TavTHV appolopevou THY vrrobeow u) ovyKAnTos EKpwvev aopadicacbae TO. kata, TH ‘TMupioa mpdywara, TpoopwLev7) dvoTe peyas eorae Kat ToAVypovios Kal LaKpav dao THS oiKelas fe) 770 -

2 AejLos. ovveBawe yap Kat ékelvous Tovs KaLpovs Anprjrprov TOV Pdpvov, emAeAnapievov pev TOV MpoyeyovoTwy ets avTov EevepyeTnUaTWY bio ‘Pw- paiwy, KaTtatreppovynKota Sé€ mpOTEpov jLev Sua TOV > A ~ / \ \ \ > A , amo Takatav, tore d€ dia Tov amo Kapyndoviwy

3 poBov mrepreotHta ‘Pwyalous, macas 8° exovta tas b / b A / teal / \ A

eAmridas ev TH Maredovev otKia dua TO OU{LTTETTO- Acunevat Kal LETECXNKEVAL TOV mpos KAconevn kw- Svvey ‘Ayriyove, mropUeiv prev Kal kaTaotpepectar TAS Kata tH. "IAAvpiba moXeus Tas bad ‘Pawatous TaTToOMEVvas, TeTTAEvKEVaL 6 Ew Tob Aicaov mapa Tas avvOyKas mevTiKovtTa A€uBows Kat memopOy-

la \ ~ , la > “a 4

4 Kevat ToAAas THY KuKxAddwv vicwv. eis a Bré-

movtes “Pwyator, Kat Oewpobvres avOodcav thy

, Def, # > , A Makedovev OlKiayv, €a7TEVvdOOV aoparicacBar TO mpos EW THS ‘Iradias, TETELO[LEVOL KATATAXNGEW SvopPwodpevor pev thy “TAAvpidv dyvouay, emure- pjoavres 5€ Kat KoAdoavres THY ayapioriay Kai 38

BOOK III. 15.11- 16.4

the event of refusal! But as it was, by keeping silent as to the real cause and by inventing a non- existing one about Saguntum, he gave the idea that he was entering on the war not only unsupported by reason but without justice on his side. The Roman legates, seeing clearly that war was inevitable, took ship for Carthage to convey the same protest to the Government there. They never thought, however, that the war would be in Italy, but sup- posed they would fight in Spain with Saguntum for a base.

16. Consequently, the Senate, adapting their measures to this supposition, decided to secure their position in Illyria, as they foresaw that the war would be serious and long and the scene of it far away from home. It so happened that at that time in Illyria Demetrius of Pharos, oblivious of the benefits that the Romans had conferred on him, contemptuous of Rome because of the peril to which she was exposed first from the Gauls and now from Carthage, and placing all his hopes in the Royal House of Macedon owing to his having fought by the side of Antigonus in the battles against Cleomenes, was sacking and destroying the Illyrian cities subject to Rome, and, sailing beyond Lissus, contrary to the terms of the treaty, with fifty boats, had pillaged many of the Cyclades. The Romans, in view of those proceedings and of the flourishing fortunes of the Macedonian kingdom, were anxious to secure their position in the lands lying east of Italy, feeling confident that they would have time to correct the errors of the Illyrians and rebuke and

39

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

5 mpomereav Tv Anpntpiov. SrefedoOnoav d€ Tois Aoyropots: KaTETAYNGE ‘yap avrovs "AvviBas, 6c€edwy tHv Zaxavbaiwy modw. Kal Tapa TovTo ouveBn Tov moAepov ovK ev *[Bnpia, mpos avThH de TH ‘Pap Kal Kara macav yeveoDau THY "IraAiav. 7 ov pay aAAa. TovToUs Xpnodpevor Tots Svahoyt- opots “Pwyator wév v7 THY wpatav Aedicov Tov Aipidvov efamréotetAay pera Suvdpews € émt Tas KaTa TH TMupida mpaters KATA TO TpMWTOV ETOS THs eEKaTooTHs Kal TeTTApAKoOTHs oAvpmiddos. 17 ’AwiBas dé pera Tijs Suvdpews dvalevgas ex Tis Kawis TOoAEws mporye, TOLOULEVOS THY mopetav emt 2 Thy ZLaxavOav. 1 dé 7ods avTn KetTaL pev emt TO mpos OdAatrav KabyjKovte mpdotro0de THs Opewhs THs cuvamtTovons Ta Tépata THs “IBypias Kat KeAtt- Bypias, dméxet dé Tijs Badarrns as: émrd oTdo.a. 3 vepovTar dé x“pav ot KaTouKoovTes avTrv mdupopov 4 kal Suadepovoay a dpers maons Tijs “TByptas. 4 TOTE Tapactpatomedevoas “AvviBas € evepyos eyiveTo mept THY TmoAvopKtay, Troha Tpoopuevos eUXpnoTa mpos 5 TO peor € €x TOO KaTa KpaTos EXetv avriy. Tp@Tov pev yap tméAaBe mapeAcobat ‘Pwpatwr Thy eArriba Tov avoTiaacbat Tov TOAEHLOV € ev “IBypia: Sevrepov de Katamlngdpevos dmravras eUTaKTOTEpous pev ETETTELOTO TAPAGKEUACELY TODS op abrov 7190 Tar - TopLEvous, <VAaBeoréepous d€ Tovs ccpunyy avrokpa- 6 Topas Ovtas THY “IBrpwv, TO Sé péytotov, oddev’ droAumeny omobev mroh€ pov dopards moujoecbae 7 TH ets Ttobpmpoobev Topelay. xwpis TE TOUTWY ev- TOpHoeEW pLev Xopnyrav avTos drreAdpuBave m™pos TAs emBodds, mpoBvpiay &° évepydoecbar tats duvdpe- aw €k THs ecopevns ExdoTois Whedelas, mpoKadréae- 40

BOOK III. 16.6-17.7

chastise Demetrius for his ingratitude and temerity. But in this calculation they were deceived; for Hannibal forestalled them by taking Saguntum, and, as a consequence, the war was not waged in Spain but at the very gates of Rome and through the whole of Italy. However, the Romans now moved by these considerations dispatched a force under Lucius Aemilius just before summer in the first year of the 140th Olympiad to operate in Illyria.

17. Hannibal at the same time quitted New Carthage with his army and advanced towards Saguntum. This city lies on the seaward foot of the range of hills connecting Iberia and Celtiberia, at a distance of about seven stades from the sea. The territory of the Saguntines yields every kind of crop and is the most fertile in the whole of Iberia. Hannibal, now encamping before the town, set himself to besiege it vigorously, foreseeing that many advantages would result from its capture. First of all he thought that he would thus deprive the Romans of any prospect of a campaign in Iberia, and secondly he was convinced that by this blow he would inspire universal terror, and render the Iberian tribes who had already submitted more orderly and those who were still independent more cautious, while above all he would be enabled to advance safely with no enemy left in his rear. Besides, he would then have abundant funds and supplies for his projected expedition, he would raise the spirit of his troops by the booty distributed

41

219 P.O.

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

afar Se THY evvoiay THY ev oikw Kapyndoviwv dia 8 THY amoorahyaopevey avrots Aa pipe. ToLovTots d€ ypwevos Suaroyropois, evepy@s TPOOEKELTO TH mohopkia,, TOTE jeev vmodevy}La. TO mA Bev TmouBy avTov Kal yevojevos avroupyos THs ev Tois Epyous TaAaitwpias, €aoTt 8° ore TraparaAdy Ta 7AHOn Kal 9 mapaBoAws didovs adrov els Tovs Kwovvous. macav dé kakorrdGevay Kal epysvay Umropetvas Tédos ev

10 OKT pinot Kara patos etAe THY moh. KUpLOS dé VEvopLevos Xpnedrev ToANév kad owpedrov Kal KaTAaOKEUTS, TA pev Xpnwar: els Tas tdlas ém- Bodds mrapeBeTo Kata tiv &€ apyis mpobcow, ra. Sé owpata dreveye Kara THV agiav EKaOTOLS TMV GU- OTpaTEevonEevany, THV SE KATACKEUTY Tapax pha maoav

11 e€émrepife tots Kapyydsoviors. tabro. de mpagas ov dveevaOn Tots Aoyropiot is ovd’ dméTuXe Ths €€ apxns mpobecews, add TOUS TE oTparusTas mpolujorépous emroinoe T™pos TO KuOvvevely, Tous te Kapyndovious €TOlous TapecKkEevace mpos TO mapayyeAAcuevor, avrds te ToANA THY _Xpnotwov peta Tatra Kat- elpyadoato da Tis TOY Xopnydv trapablécews.

18 Kara éé Tos avTouvs Karpovs Anpnrptos dua TO ouveivar Thy éemBodAnv Tov ‘Pwyaiwv TapavTiKo, pev ets tv AiwddAnv as voxpewy ppoupay eloérrepupe Kal Tas appolovoas TavTNS Yopnyias, eK be TOV Aowrv mdAewv Tovs pev dvruToAurevopevous € €mrav- eilero, Tots oe adbrob pirous evexelpice Tas duva-

2 oreias, autos 8° é€x Tay dmoreTaypeveoy emAcfas Tovs dv8pwdeordrous eLaxvoxtAtous oUvEeoTnae TOU-

3 TOUS Els THY Ddpor. 6 6€ orparnyos To&v ‘Pwyaiwy, adixopevos eis THY ‘TMupioa peTa TAY Suvdpewy, Kat Jewpav rods brevavtiovs Oappodvras emt ri 42

BOOK III. 17.7- 18.3

among them and would conciliate the Carthaginians at home by the spoils he would send them. From all these considerations he actively pursued the siege, now setting an example to the soldiers by sharing personally the fatigue of the battering operations, now cheering on the troops and exposing himself recklessly to danger. At length after eight months of hardship and anxiety he took the city by storm. A great booty of money, slaves, and property fell into his hands. The money, as he had determined, he set aside for his own purposes, the slaves he distributed among his men according to rank, and the miscellaneous property he sent off at once to Carthage. The result did not deceive his expecta- tions, nor did he fail to accomplish his original purpose ; but he both made his troops more eager to face danger and the Carthaginians more ready to accede to his demands on them, while he himself, by setting aside these funds, was able to accomplish many things of much service to him.

18, While this was taking place Demetrius, getting wind of the Romans’ purpose, at once sent a con- siderable garrison to Dimale with the supplies requisite for such a force. In the other cities he made away with those who opposed his policy and placed the government in the hands of his friends while he himself, selecting six thousand of his bravest troops, quartered them at Pharos. The Roman Consul, on reaching Illyria with his army and observing that the enemy were very confident in

43

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

THs AyudAns dxupotnte Kal Tats mapacKevats, Tt d€ 7@ Soxety adriv avddAwrov trdpxyew, TavrTn Tp@Tov eyxeipetv expe, BovrAdpevos KataTrAnEacbat 4 Tovs TroAcuiovs. mapaxadéoas 5é Tos KaTa [Lépos NYELOVasS, Kal Mpooayaywv epya KaTa TAElous TO- 6 Tous, mparo ToAvopKeiy. AaBov de Kara, KpaTos Ev 7Lepals emra Tapaxpyhia mavTas nTTHOE TAs 6 puxais TOUS Urevavtious. Oudrrep evoews Taphaav EK TAaC@VY THY TOAcwY emiTpemoVTES Kal dLdOVTES 7 avtovs eis THY TOV ‘Pwyaiwy miotw. 6 dé mpoc- deSduevos exdorous emt Tats dppolovcats oporo- yiaes emovetto TOV TAObY Els THY Ddpov €m’ avTov 8 TOV Anynrprov. muvOavopevos b€ THY TE TOA’ oxupay elvav Kal mj 00s avOpurmev SvadepovTa els adn Opoicbar, mpos 6€ Kal tals yopnyiats e&npTbobax KaL Tats dAAats TapacKevais, dpewparo pn Svoxeph Kat moAuxpovtov oun BA yeveobas TV 9 Tohopkiay. 510 TMpoopusjuevos EKAOTO TOUT expy- caro Tap * avrov Tov KaLpov Toupee TWe yevel oTpa- 10 THYIHATOS. Tounadevos yap TOV emimAouy VUKTOS emt TIHV vov TAavTl TO oTparevpare, TO pev TrA€tov [pos THS SuvapLews drreBiBace els Twas bAwdeus 11 Kal KotAous Témovs, eloow dé vavow emuyevopLevns Hepas emAeu mpodrus € emt TOV Eyylora Tijs TroAews 12 Ayeva. ovvopavres de Tas vats of trepi Tov Anuy- Tplov, Kal Kkatappovobyres tod mAnOous, dpynoav eK THS Toews € emt TOV Ayséva, KwAvoovTeEs THV amr0- 19 Baow T@v drevavtiwv. aya dé TH ovppiEar ywvo- peevns toxupas THIS oupTrAoKys mpoaeBorBovv ael aA€lous Tov eK Tis moAews: TéAos b€ TaVTES ef 2 exvOnoay els TOV KivOuvov. TOV dé ‘Papateov ot THS vuKTOs atroBavtes eis TOV KaLpOV TOUTOV GUP- 44

BOOK III. 18.3-19.2

the natural strength of Dimale and the measures they had taken for its defence, there being also a general belief that it was impregnable, decided to attack it first, wishing to strike terror into them. Having given instructions to his officers and erected batteries in several places he began to besiege it. By capturing it in seven days, he at one blow broke the spirit of all the enemy, so that from every city they at once flocked to surrender themselves uncon- ditionally to Rome. Having accepted their sub- mission and imposed suitable conditions on each he sailed to Pharos to attack Demetrius himself. Learning that the city was very strong, that a large force of exceptionally fine troops was assembled within it and that it was excellently furnished with supplies and munitions of war, he was apprehensive that the siege might prove difficult and long. In view of this, therefore, he employed the following impromptu stratagem. Sailing up to the island at night with his whole force he disembarked the greater part of it in certain well-wooded dells, and at daybreak with twenty ships sailed openly against the harbour which lies nearest to the town. Demetrius, seeing the ships and contemptuous of their small number, sallied from the city down to the harbour to prevent the enemy from landing. On his encountering them (19) the struggle was very violent, and more and more troops kept coming out of the town to help, until at length the whole garrison had poured out to take part in the battle. The Roman force which had landed in the night now

45

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

pay, dua TOTWY adrjAwY TOLOUILEVOL THY Tmopetay. 3 Kal i karadaBopevor petakd THs moAews Kal TOO Ayse- vos Addov epuj.vov OveKAcuoay & d7r0 THs TOAEwS TOS 4 éxBeBonOnxoras. ot de mepl TOV Anpjtpvov, ouv- vonaavTes TO yeyoves, Tob prev diakwdvew Tovs daroBaivovras amréoTynoav, ovvabpoicarres de opas avTovs Kal mapakadéoavTes apynoay, kpivaytes eK maparagews dca wwouveveww mpos TOUS €7l TOV Acgov. § ol Oe ‘Papaior, dewpobvtes Ty Epodov ta&v *Iddv- pidv evepyov Kat OUVTETAYLEVIY, avTémecov Tats 6 oelpats KaTaTAnKTLUK@s. aya de Tots Tpoeipy ue - vols OL TETOLNMLEvoL THY aTOPaowW amo THY TAOwY, GUVOPOVTES TO YLVO[LEVOV, TPOGEKEWTO KaTOTW: Kal mavtayolev mpoamimtovtes OdpuBov Kai Tapaxyny od 7 puxpav ev Tots “[AAupiots Kateckevalov. e¢€ ov TOv pev Kara TpOowmov, Tov O€ KATA YOTOU mrovowv - TOV, TéAos ob mepl TOV Anpitpiov € eTpamoay: kad Twes ev avTaV epuyov ws mpos THY TOAW, ob dé g 7Acious dvodia Kara Tijs vyoou Seomdpyoay. 6 O€ Anpajtptos, Exwv €eToy.ous AduBouvs mpos TO oupL aivov ev TuoL TOrTroLs €pipuous dpoppobvras, emt TovTous emroujoaro TV aTOXWpYHGW. ets ovs euPas SH Manes Tijs vuKTos amémAevae, Kal Suexoploby mrapadoéws mpos TOV Baovhea Diturrov, Tap @ TO 9 Aourov duetpiPe TOD Biov [L€pos, av7p Opdoos pev Kab TOAwaY KEKTYLEVOS, adoyvorov d€ TavTnv Kal 10 reA€ws axpitov. 810 Kal THY KaTaoTpodiy Trapa- mAnaiav abtt@ avveBy yevéoVar TH Kata Tov dAov ll Biov mpoapéce. KataraBeobar yap eyyxeipyoas peta THS Dirizmov yvwpyns thy Tov Meconviwy mow ek Kal mapaBddAws, ev abT@ TH THs Tpakews Kaip@ SuehOdpn: epi wv nuets TA KATA Epos, 46

BOOK III. 19.2-11

opportunely arrived, having marched by a concealed route, and occupying a steep hill between the city and the harbour, shut off from the town the troops who had sallied out. Demetrius, perceiving what had happened, desisted from opposing the landing and collecting his forces and cheering them on started with the intention of fighting a pitched battle with those on the hill. The Romans, seeing the Illyrians advancing resolutely and in good order, formed their ranks and delivered a terrible charge, while at the same time those who had _ landed from the ships, seeing what was going on, took the enemy in the rear, so that being attacked on all sides the Ilyrians were thrown into much tumult and confusion. At the end, being hard pressed both in front and in the rear, Demetrius’ troops turned and fled, some escaping to the city, but the greater number dispersing themselves over the island across country. Demetrius had some boats lying ready for such a contingency at a lonely spot, and retreating there and embarking sailed away at nightfall and managed to cross and reach King Philip, at whose court he spent the rest of his life. He was a man of a bold and venturesome spirit, but with an entire lack of reasoning power and judgement, defects which brought him to an end of a piece with the rest of his life. For having, with the approval of Philip, made a foolhardy and ill-managed attempt to seize Messene, he perished in the action, as I shall narrate

47

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

12 OTav emt Tovs Katpovds €\POwpev, Siacadyoopev. 6 de otpatnyos TOv ‘Pwpyaiwy Aipidtos tHv pev Oa- pov eviews && epodou TrapadaBav KateoKarbe, THs d€ ours ‘TMupisos € eyKparys YEVOLEVOS, Ka TAVvTO dvatagas Kara TV avToo mpoaipeow, peTa Tatra Anyovans non THs Jepetas els THY ‘Pwpnv emaviGe, Kal (Ty ELOOOOV ETTOLIGATO peta OpedpBov Kal THS

13 dmdons evookias. €ddKer yap ov psovov emdeliws, ETL O€ p-adov avopwoas Kexphoba Tots mpdyyaow.

20 OF dé ‘Pwpyaitor, mpoorremTwKvias avrots 7180 THS tov Laxavbaiwy addcews, o} wa Ala zrepi Tob mo- A€pov tore dSiaBovAov ryov, KaBamep evior TaV avyypapewv pact, TpocKaTaTaTTOVTES ETL KAL TOUS els Exatepa pnbevtas Adyous, TavTwY aToTwTATOV

2 maya Tovotvtes. Tas yap oldov T Hv ‘Pwyatous TOUS EVLAUT@ TpOTEpoV eTNYyyeAKOTas TOAELOVv Kap- xndoviots, eav emiBaivwor THs ZaxavOaiwy ywpas, ToUTOUS KaTa KpaTtos €aAwKuias avris THs TOAEwS TOTE BovrevecBar ovveABovras TOTEpa mroAcunTéov

37) TovvavTior ; ; ms b€ Kal Tiva TpoTrov Opa ev THY oTuyvoTnTa TOU guvedpiou Taperadyouar Bavpaovov, dua de Tovs viovs amo Owdek’ eTa@V ayew pact Tovs TaTépas els TO ouvedpior, oUs peTéxyovTas TOV SvaBouriwy ovde TAY dvayKatwv ovdevi mpoteoau

4 TOV dmroppyrwv ovoev; ov ovr’ elkos our’ adn Bes €OTL TO Taparray ovdev, et pen) v7 Ala mpos Tots aAdots 7) TUXN Kal TOOTO Tpooeverfie ‘Pepaios, 70

5 ppoveiv avtovs ev0éws ek sveveriis. mpos jLev ovv Ta Towatra THY ovyypapparev ola ypadet Xaipéas Kal Lwavros ovdev av déot méov déyew* ov yap toropias, aAXa KOUpEaKs Kal mavonuou Aadas €novye Soxovar Taéw exew Kal Svvapwy.

48

BOOK III. 19. 12 - 20.5

in detail when we reach that date. Aemilius, the Roman Consul, took Pharos at once by assault and razed it to the ground, and after subduing the rest of Illyria and organizing it as he thought best, returned to Rome late in summer and entered the city in triumph, acclaimed by all, for he seemed to have managed matters not only with ability, but with very high courage.

20. The Romans, when the news of the fall of Saguntum reached them, did not assuredly hold a debate on the question of the war, as some authors allege, even setting down the speeches made on both sides—a most absurd proceeding. [Tor how could the Romans, who a year ago had announced to the Carthaginians that their entering the territory of Saguntum would be regarded as a casus belli, now when the city itself had been taken by assault, assemble to debate whether they should go to war ornot? MHowisit that on the one hand these authors draw a wonderful picture of the gloomy aspect of the Senate and on the other tell us that fathers brought their sons from the age of twelve upwards to the Senate House, and that these boys attended the debate but divulged not a syllable even to any of their near relatives? Nothing in this is the least true or even probable, unless, indeed, Fortune has bestowed on the Romans among other gifts that of being wise from their cradles. No further criticism, indeed, of such works as those of Chaereas and Sosylus* is necessary; they rank in authority, it seems to me, not with history, but with the common gossip of a barber’s shop.

4 Of Chaereas nothing is known. Sosylus was Hannibal's Greek teacher and accompanied him on his campaign. 49

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

6 ‘Pwpaior S€, tpoorecdvtos adiot Tod yeyovdros Kata tovs Zakavlaiovs arvxnparos, tapayphwa. mpeoBevtas €Adpevor KaTa oTovdny e€améoTetAav

7 ets THY Kapynddova, dvo mpotetvovres avtots, dv TO pev atoxvynv apa Kal BrAaBnv eddKxer hépew SeEape- vous Tots Kapyydovios, To 8° Erepov mpayparwv Kat

8 KWovVwY apxiV peydAwy. yap TOV oTpaTyyoV "AvviBav Kal tods pet’ abtod auvedpous [éexSdrovs diddvat] ‘Pwpatiors éexdoréov 7) mporyyyeAXov Tov

9 70Acuov. mapayevonevwy Sé Tav “Puyaiwy, Kat TrapeAGovrwy eis TO ovvedpiov Kai Svacadodvvrwv Taba, dvoxep@s yKovov ot Kapynddvioe T7v atpe-

10 cw tav mpoTewopevwv. cums d€ mpooTnodevor Tov emiTnderotatov e€ ad’Tav jpEavto mept ohdv

21 Sixaroroyeiofar. ras pev odv mpds *AcdpovBav Oporoyias mapeciimwr, ws obTE yeyevnpevas, Et TE yeyovaow, obdév ovoas mpos adtovs Sua TO Ywpis

27Hs aodetépas trempayOar yvwpns. éexpdvro 8 &€& avTav “Pwpaiwy eis robro mapadelypatt. Tas yap ent’ Avratiov yevouevas ovvOnkas év 7@ mroAcuw T@ epi Luxedlas, Tavras Efacay in cvvwuoroyn- pevas vo Avtariov peta tadra tov Shpov tev ‘Pwpaiwy axtpous toujoat Sia TO Ywpis THs adTOo

3 yeveoOar yrwns. émielov S¢ Kai mpocamypetdovro Trap oAnv tiv dixavodoyiay emt Tas TeAEvTALas ovV-

nkas Tas yevopevas ev TO Tept LixeAlas mroAcuw.

4 ev als epi pev “IBypias ovk edacav badpyew éy- ypagov ovdev, trept dé TOO Tols ExaTépwv ouppaxots ™mv map ayudotv dodddcav elvar pnta@s Kata-

5 reraxOar. ZakxavOalovs 5é mapedetxvuov obvK ovTas Tote ‘Pwyaiwy ovppdxous, Kal mapaveyivwoKov

8 mpos TovTO TAcovaKis Tas ovvOyjKas. “Pwpator dé 50

BOOK III. 20.6 - 21.6

The Romans, on hearing of the calamity that had befallen Saguntum, at once appointed ambassadors and sent them post-haste to Carthage, giving the Carthaginians the option of two alternatives, the one of which, if they accepted it, entailed disgrace and damage, while the other would give rise to extreme trouble and peril. Either they must give up Han- nibal and the members of his Council or war would be declared. On the Roman envoys arriving and appearing before the Senate and delivering their message the Carthaginians listened with indignation to this choice of alternatives, but putting up their most able member to speak, they entered upon their justification. 21. They said not a word of the treaty with Hasdrubal, considering it as not existent, or if existent, as not concerning them, since it was made without their approval. Here they quoted the precedent of the Romans themselves, alleging that the treaty made in the war for Sicily under Lutatius, though agreed to by Lutatius, had been repudiated by the Romans as having been made without their approval. In all their plea of justi- fication they founded and insisted on the treaty at the end of the war for Sicily, in which they said there was no mention of Iberia, but it was expressly set down that the allies of each power should be secure from attack by the other. They pointed out that at that time the Saguntines were not the allies of Rome, and to prove their point they read aloud several extracts from the treaty. The Romans

51

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Tov pev duxaoroyetobar Kabdraé ameyivwoKor, fdoKkovtes akepaiou pev ete Siapevovans THs TaV ZaxavOaiwy moAews emidéxyecbar Ta mpaypwara duxatoAoyiav Kat duvaTov elvaw Aoyw epi TaV 7 dpproByroupevwv duveEdyew TAvTNS d€ TOpEeaTrOV - mers 7 7 TOUS aittous €KOOTEOV elvau odio, du od avepov EOTAL mow ws ov HETETXTKACL THS dducias, GAN’ avev ths avT@v yvwpns mempaxGar tovTo 8 rovpyov, 7 7) BovAojevous TobTO Tovey, opoAoyobv- Tas d€ KoWwwveElv <THS adiKias Kal ovvavadexeaOat TOV 7r0AcLov. Oi juev > ovv Kaboducwrepov WS EXpy]TavTo Tots 9 Acyors. qe om dvayKatov elva Soxet TO [L1) TAapa- ele doKeTTOv ToUTO TO pLépos, wa EnP ols KaOnker Kai Suadeper TO capas elOevar TV ev ToU- Tous axpiBevay, TapaTaiwot THS adn Betas ev Tots

10 dvayKatoTarous diaBovdAtors, un? of prropabobyres mrepl TOUTWY doToxX@at, cinemas neo Tats ayvolats Kal piroryriats TOV ovyypapewy, GAN’ 7} Tus 6pL0A0- youpevn Oewpta TOV azo THS apyns drrapfdvTwv SuKatwv ‘Pooprators Kal Kapx7Soviors mpos aAAr- Aovs ews els Tods Kal? AULas KaLpous.

22 = Twovrar Tovyapobv ouvOjKat ‘Papratoes kat Kap- xndoviors TpOrat KATO. AevKvov *Tovviov Bpotrov Kal Mdpxov ‘Qparvor, Tovs mpwrTous KaTacTabevras UmadTouvs jLeTa THY TOV BaovAewv KataAvow, bp’ @v auveBy KabepwOjvat Kat To Tod Atos tepov

2700 KazetwXtov. tadra 5’ €ott mpdotepa THs Hép- fou SiaBacews ets TH ‘EAAdSa tpiaKov7’ €Tear Act- 3 movat dvetv. as Kal? Oaov iv SuvaTrov axpipeoTtata Sepunvetoarres 7 mets Urroyeypapafev. TyAuKavdTn yap 7) Suadopa yéyove THs SvadeKTov Kai Tapa ‘Pw-

o2

BOOK III. 21.6 - 22.3

refused definitely to discuss the matter of justifica- tion, saying that while Saguntum still stood unharmed matters admitted of a plea of justification and it was possible to reach a decision on the disputed points by argument, but now that the treaty had been broken by the seizure of the city either they must give up the culprits, which would make it clear to all that they had no share in the wrong, but that it had been done without their approval, or if they refused to do so and thus confessed that they were participators in the misdeed they must accept war.

On this occasion the question was dealt with in more or less general terms, but I think it necessary for myself not to neglect it, so that neither those whose duty and interest it is to be accurately in- formed about this may deviate from the truth in critical debates, nor students, led astray by the ignorance or partisanship of historians, acquire mistaken notions on the subject, but that there may be some survey generally recognized as accurate of the treaties between Rome and Carthage up to our own time.

22. The first treaty between Rome and Carthage dates from the consulship of Lucius Junius Brutus and Marcus Horatius, the first Consuls after the expulsion of the kings, and the founders of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. This is twenty-eight years before the crossing of Xerxes to Greece. I give below as accurate a rendering as I can of this treaty, but the ancient Roman language differs so

53

509-508

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

juatous Tis viv ee THY dpxatav WOTE TOUS ouveTo- 4 TdTous evia podis €€ € emvoTacews Sveuxpiveiv. eloi &° at ovvOjKat Tovaide Twes- “emi Totade diAtav elvat ‘Pwpyaios Kat Tots “‘Pwyaiwy ovpydxous Kat Kapyndoviots Kat tots Kapyndoviwy cvppayors: 5 1) wAetv <paxpats vavai> “Pwyaious undé tods ‘Pwpyatwy cvppaxous etéxewa Tod Kadob axpwrn- g plov, €av 47) UTTO YEyL@vos 7 TOAELIWV avayKacba- ow: eav d€ tis Pia KarevexOA, pw efoTw avr@ pendev ayopalew pede Aap Bavew mAqy doa Tos 7 motov € emLaKeviy i?) 7pos ‘epd, < ev mevTE 5° Tepaus 8 dmoTpeXeT. > tots dé Kat’ eproplav mapaywope- vous pndev € eoTw téAos mAiy € ETL KT}PUKL 1) YpapL are. 9 60a 8 av TovTwY TapdvTwY mpaby, dnpLoota moreL dgerréctu TO dmrodopeven, oga av 7 ev AtBin 7 10 €v Lapoove mpl. eav ‘Pawpatev Tis eis SirceMay TapayivyTat, As Kapyndovior émapxovow, toa EoTW 1174 ‘Pwyaiwy mavra. Kapynddve0t d€ p71) GdiKel- twoav Siuov “Apdcatav, “Avratdv, Aapevtivwy, Kipkauray, Tappaxwirav, ps ee pendeva. 12 Aativey, Gao av bmHKOOL éeav O€ TWES En wow UmIKOOL, TOV 7OAEwY amexecbwcav: av de AdBuoe, 13 ‘Pwpaious dmodboTwoay aKépatov. PpovpLov L7) evoixodopeiTwoay ev TH Aarivy. €av ws ToA€ Lo els TH Xwpav etcehOwow, ev TH xpa pt) evvuKTeE- peverwoar. 9357 Vo pev otv Kadov akpwrypiov éott TO TpoKet- peevov avTHs Tijs Kapxn doves ws ™mpos Tas GpKToUS* 2 08 xabdmag emexewa mActv as mpos peonpBptav ovK olovrat detv ot Kapynddvioe tods ‘Pwpaious pakpats vavot 61a To px BovAecbar ywwoKew ad- ToUs, WS Euol doKEl, UATE TOUS KaTa THY Bucodrw 54

BOOK III. 22.3- 23.2

much from the modern that it can only be partially made out, and that after much application, by the most intelligent men. The treaty is more or less as follows: ‘‘ There is to be friendship between the Romans and their allies and the Carthaginians and their allies on these terms: The Romans and their allies not to sail with long ships beyond the Fair Promontory unless forced by storm or by enemies: it is forbidden to anyone carried beyond it by force to buy or carry away anything beyond what is required for the repair of his ship or for sacrifice, and he must depart within five days. Men coming to trade may conclude no business except in the presence of a herald or town-clerk, and the price of whatever is sold in the presence of such shall be secured to the vendor by the state, if the sale take place in Libya or Sardinia. If any Roman come to the Carthaginian province in Sicily, he shall enjoy equal rights with others. The Carthaginians shall do no wrong to the peoples of Ardea, Antium, Laurentium, Circeii, Terracina, or any other city of the Latins who are subject to Rome. Touching those Latins who are not subjects, they shall keep their hands off their cities, and if they take any city shall deliver it up to the Romans undamaged. They shall build no fort in the Latin territory. If they enter the land in arms, they shall not pass a night therein.”

23. The “ Fair Promontory ’”’ is that lying in front of Carthage to the North. The Carthaginians forbid the Romans absolutely to sail south of this on its western side in long ships, the reason being, I think, that they did not wish them to become acquainted either with the district round Byssatis or

55

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

LTE TOUS KATA THY puuKpay Lvprw ToTous, a 5H 3 kadovow "Eyropua, dua THY apEeTHY THS YWpas. e€av d€ tus dro Xep@vos 7 moAEpiov Big Karevex Bets dena Tov Tay avay Katey mpos tepa Kal _ Tos emaKkeunv tAoiov, TadTa, mapeE dé pndev olovTau dety Aap Bavew, kai Kat’ avdyKny év révO” 7Lépats 4 dmahharrecba TOUS xaloppicbevras. els O€ Kap- xnSova Kal 7acav THY emt Tade TOD Kadod aKpw- THptov ths AuBins Kat Lapdova Kal LuKediav, Hs émapxovar Kapxndonmor, Kar epTopiay TAety “Pw- peacous efeort, Kal TO diKaLov dmaxvodvrTar BeBac- 5 wae ot Kapyndovor < dnpooig > TmorTEL. ex d€ Tov- TwWY TOV ovvOnKav mepl peev Lapdovos Kal ABuns eupaivovow ws mept (dias TOLOUPEVOL TOV Adyov: tmép dé Ledias tavavtia diacréAAovTar pyTas, Umép avTav TovTwy Trovovpevor TAS avvOyKas, doa THs LiKedias v7o THY Kapyndoviwy minrer duva- 6 OTELaV. opoiws d€ Kat ‘Pawpator Tept Tijs Aativns avris x“pas TmovobvraL TAS ovvOijKas, THs de Aoumijs ‘Iradas ov pvynpovevovor, dia TO ut) Timtew bad Tv avta@v e€ovoiav. 24 Mera dé TavTas éTépas mroLlobvTae ovvOnKas, év als mpoorepietAn pact Kapy7doror Tuptous Kal TOV 2 ‘Trucatwv Onuov. mpookertar de Kal TO Kado aKpwrnpi Maozia, Taponjuov: cov EKTOS OlovTat deiv ‘Pwpatous pene An feoBat pnre moAw Kile. Zeta de Towaide Twes: ‘emt Totade puriay elvau ‘Pwyatots Kal tots “Pwraiwy cuppdxo Kal Kapyydoviwy cat Tupiwy cat “Ituxaiwy djuq@ Kai 4 TOis TOUTwWY ovppdayots. Tod KaXod axpwrnpiov, Maorias, Taponiov, ur AjlecBar eméxewa ‘Pw- § falovs nd eutropevecOar nde moAw KTilew. E€ay 56

BOOK III. 23.2 - 24.5

that near the lesser Syrtis, which they call Emporia, owing to their great fertility. If anyone, carried there by a storm or driven by his enemies, requires anything for the purpose of sacrificing to the gods or of repairing his ships, he may have this, but nothing beyond it, and those who touch there must leave within five days. To Carthage itself and all parts of Libya on this side of the Fair Promontory, to Sardinia and the Carthaginian province of Sicily the Romans may come for trading purposes, and the Carthaginian state engages to secure payment of their just debts. The phrasing of this treaty shows that they consider Sardinia and Libya as their own, whereas they distinctly express themselves other- wise about Sicily, mentioning only in the treaty those parts of it which are under Carthaginian rule. Similarly, the Romans include in the treaty Latium alone, making no mention of the rest of Italy as it was not then subject to their authority.

24. At a later date they made another treaty, in 306 no. which the Carthaginians include Tyre and Utica, and mention, in addition to the Fair Promontory, Mastia and Tarseurm as points beyond which the Romans may not either make marauding expeditions, or trade, or found cities This treaty is more or less as follows: “‘ There is to be friendship on the following conditions between the Romans and their allies and the Carthaginians, Tyrians, and the people of Utica and their respective allies. The Romans shall not maraud or trade or found a city on the farther side of Fair Promontory, Mastia, and

57

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

bé Kapxndoveor AdBwouw € ev Th Aarivy moAw TW a) ovoav bam} KOOV ‘Papatas, TA XpyHpata Kal Tovs

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58

BOOK III. 24. 5-16

Tarseum. If the Carthaginians capture any city in Latium not subject to Rome, they shall keep the valuables and the men, but give up the city. If any Carthaginians take captive any of a people with whom the Romans have a treaty of peace, but who are not subject to Rome, they shall not bring them into Roman harbours, but if one be brought in and a Roman lay hold of him,? he shall be set free. The Romans shall not do likewise. Ifa Roman gets water or provisions from any place over which the Car- thaginians rule, he shall not use these provisions to wrong any member of a people with whom the Carthaginians have peace and friendship. The Carthaginians shall not do likewise. If either do so, the aggrieved person shall not take private vengeance, and if he do, his wrongdoing shall be public. No Roman shall trade or found a city in Sardinia and Libya nor remain in a Sardinian or Libyan post longer than is required for taking in provisions or repairing his ship. If he be driven there by stress of weather, he shall depart within five days. In the Carthaginian province of Sicily and at Carthage he may do and sell anything that is permitted to a citizen. A Carthaginian in Rome may do likewise.”

Again in this treaty they lay particular stress on Libya and Sardinia, asserting them to be their own private property and closing all landing-places to the Romans, but of Sicily they distinctly speak con- trariwise, mentioning the part of it subject to them. Similarly, the Romans in referring to Latium forbid the Carthaginians to wrong the people of Ardea, Antium, Circeii, and Terracina, the cities that stand

@ 4.6. claims him as his slave. VOL, 0 c 59

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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60

BOOK III. 24. 16 - 26.1

on the coast of that Latin territory with which the treaty is concerned.

25. A further and final treaty with Carthage was made by the Romans at the time of Pyrrhus’ invasion before the Carthaginians had begun the war for Sicily. In this they maintain all the previous agree- 279 B.o. ments and add the following: “If they make an alliance with Pyrrhus, both shall make it an express condition that they may go to the help of each other in whichever country is attacked. No matter which require help, the Carthaginians are to pro- vide the ships for transport and hostilities, but each country shall provide the pay for its own men. The Carthaginians, if necessary, shall come to the help of the Romans by sea too, but no one shall compel the crews to land against their will.”

The oaths they had to swear were as follows. In the case of the first treaty the Carthaginians swore by their ancestral gods and the Romans, following an old custom, by Jupiter Lapis, and in the case of this latter treaty by Mars and Quirinus. The oath by Jupiter Lapis is as follows. The man who is swearing to the treaty takes in his hand a stone, and when he has sworn in the name of the state, he says, ‘‘ If I abide by this my oath may all good be mine, but if I do otherwise in thought or act, let all other men dwell safe in their own countries under their own laws and in possession of their own sub- stance, temples, and tombs, and may I alone be cast forth, even as this stone,” and so saying he throws the stone from his hand.

26. The treaties being such, and preserved as they are on bronze tablets beside the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in the treasury of the Quaestors, who

61

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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62

BOOK III. 26. 2- 27.3

can fail to be surprised at Philinus the historian, not indeed for his ignorance of them, for that is by no means surprising, since still in my time, the most aged among the Romans and Carthaginians and those best versed in public affairs were ignorant of them ; but how did he venture and on what authority to state just the opposite, to wit that there was a treaty between Rome and Carthage by which the Romans were obliged to keep away from the whole of Sicily and the Carthaginians from the whole of Italy, and that the Romans broke the treaty and their oath by their first crossing to Sicily? There is, as a fact, no such document at all, nor ever was there ; yet in his Second Book he states this in so many words. I mentioned the subject in the introductory part of this work, but deferred until the present occasion the detailed treatment it deserves, in view of the fact that many people, relying on Philinus’ work, have false notions on the subject. True, if as regards the crossing of the Romans to Sicily any- one chooses to blame them for having ever consented to receive into their friendship and afterwards to help those Mamertines who seized treacherously not only Messene but Rhegium, he would have good reason for his disapproval, but if he supposes that they crossed contrary to treaty and to their oath he is obviously ignorant of the true facts.

27. At the close of the war for Sicily, then, they 241 8.0. made another treaty, the clauses of which run as follows: ‘The Carthaginians are to evacuate the whole of Sicily and all the islands between Italy and Sicily. The allies of both parties are to be

63

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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64.

BOOK III. 27.8-28.3

secure from attack by the other. Neither party is entitled to impose any contribution to construct public buildings, or to enrol soldiers, in the dominions

of the other, nor to form alliances with the allies

of the other. The Carthaginians are to pay twenty-

two hundred talents within ten years, and a sum of a thousand talents at once. The Carthaginians are

to give up to the Romans all prisoners free of ransom.” Later, at the end of the Libyan War, 238 se. after the Romans had actually passed a decree declaring war on Carthage, they added the following clause, as I stated above: “The Carthaginians

are to evacuate Sardinia and pay a further sum of twelve hundred talents.’’ The very last of this series of agreements is that made with Hasdrubal in Spain, that ‘‘ The Carthaginians are not to cross the 228 ae, Ebro in arms.’ Such is the diplomatic history of

the relations between Rome and Carthage up to the

time of Hannibal.

28. While therefore we find that the crossing of the Romans to Sicily was not contrary to treaty, for the second war, that in which they made the treaty about Sardinia, it is impossible to discover any reasonable pretext or cause. In this case everyone would agree that the Carthaginians, contrary to all justice, and merely because the occasion permitted it, were forced to evacuate Sardinia and pay the additional sum I mentioned. For from the charge brought by the Romans against them in justification of this, that in the Libyan war they inflicted wrongs on the crews of ships sailing from Rome, they had freed them on the occasion when they had received back from them all their sailors who had been brought into Carthage and in return gave back

65

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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66

BOOK III. 28.3 - 29.6

all their own prisoners as an act of grace and without ransom. Of this I have spoken at length in my previous Book.

Having established these facts it remains for us to consider, after thorough investigation, to which of the two states we should attribute the cause of the Hannibalic war.

29. I have already stated what the Carthaginians alleged, and will now give the reply of the Romans —a reply indeed which they did not make at the time owing to their indignation at the loss of Saguntum, but it has been given on many occasions and by many different people at Rome. In the first place they contend that the treaty with Hasdrubal should not be ignored, as the Carthaginians had the audacity to say ; for there was no conditioning clause at the end as in the treaty made by Lutatius: “ This treaty shall be valid if the Roman people also agree to it,” but Hasdrubal finally and unconditionally made the agreement in which was the clause, “ The Carthaginians shall not cross the Ebro in arms.” Again, in the treaty about Sicily there was, as the Carthaginians admit, the clause: ‘“ The allies of either party are to be secure from attack by the other,” and this does not mean “‘ those who were allies at that time,” as the Carthaginians interpret it ; for in that case there would have been a further clause to the effect either that neither party should enter into other alliances than their existing ones or that those subsequently received into alliance should not be admitted to the benefits of the treaty. But since neither of these clauses was appended, it is evident that each party undertook that all allies of the other, both those then existing and those sub-

67

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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68

BOOK III. 29.6 - 30.3

sequently admitted to alliance, should be secure from attack. This indeed seems a quite reasonable view ; for surely they would never have made a treaty by which they deprived themselves of the freedom to admit into alliance from time to time any peoples whose friendship seemed to be of advantage to them, nor, having taken such under their protection, was it to be supposed that they would ignore injuries done to them by certain people. But the chief meaning of the treaty to both parties when they made it was, that they would each leave unmolested the existing allies of the other and in no way admit any of those into their own alliance, whereas, regarding subsequent alliances, to which this clause particularly applies, they under- took not to enlist soldiers or levy contributions in the provinces of each or in countries allied to each, and that all allies of each in general should be secure from attack by the other.

30. This being so, it is an acknowledged fact that the Saguntines, a good many years before the time of Hannibal, placed themselves under the protection of Rome. The surest proof of this, and one accepted by the Carthaginians themselves, is that when a civil disturbance broke out at Saguntum they did not call in the mediation of the Carthaginians, although they were close at hand and already concerning themselves with Spanish matters, but that of the Romans, and with their help set right the affairs of the state. Therefore, if we take the destruction of Saguntum to be the cause of the war we must allow that the Carthaginians were in the wrong in beginning the war, both in view of the treaty of Lutatius, in which it was stipulated that the allies

69

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 30.3 - 31.6

of each should be secure from attack by the other, and in view of the convention made with Hasdrubal, by which the Carthaginians undertook not to cross the Ebro in arms. If, however, we take the cause of the war to have been the robbery of Sardinia and the tribute then exacted, we must certainly confess that they had good reason for entering on the Hannibalic war, since having yielded only to circum- stances, they now availed themselves of circumstances to be avenged on those who had injured them.

31. It might be said by some of these who look on such things without discernment, that these are matters which it was not necessary for me to treat in such detail. My answer is, that if there were any man who considered that he had sufficient force in himself to face any circumstances, I should say perhaps that knowledge of the past was good for him, but not necessary; but if there is no one in this world at least who would venture to speak so of himself either as regards his private fortunes or those of his country—since, even if all is well with him now no man of sense could from his present circum- stances have any reasonable confidence that he will be prosperous in the future—I affirm for this reason that such knowledge is not only good but in the highest degree necessary. For how can anyone when wronged himself or when his country is wronged find helpmates and allies; how can he, when desirous of acquiring some possession or initiating some project, stir to action those whose co-operation he wishes ; how, finally, if he is content with present conditions, can he rightly stimulate others to establish his own convictions and maintain things as they are, if he knows nothing at all of the

71

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 31.7- 32.2

past history of those he would influence? For all men are given to adapt themselves to the present and assume a character suited to the times, so that from their words and actions it is difficult to judge of the principles of each, and in many cases the truth is quite overcast. But men’s past actions, bringing to bear the test of actual fact, indicate truly the principles and opinions of each, and show us where we may look for gratitude, kindness, and help, and where for the reverse. It is by this means that we shall often and in many circumstances find those who will compassionate our distresses, who will share our anger or join us in being avenged on our enemies, all which is most helpful to life both in public and in private. Therefore both writers and readers of history should not pay so much attention to the actual narrative of events, as to what precedes, what accompanies, and what follows each. For if we take from history the discussion of why, how, and wherefore each thing was done, and whether the result was what we should have reasonably expected, what is left is a clever essay but not a lesson, and while pleasing for the moment of no possible benefit

for the future. $2. For this reason I must pronounce those to be much mistaken who think that this my work is difficult to acquire and difficult to read owing to the number and length of the Books it contains. How much easier it is to acquire and peruse forty Books, all as it were connected by one thread, and thus to follow clearly events in Italy, Sicily, and Libya from the time of Pyrrhus to the capture of Carthage, and 73

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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74

BOOK III. 32.3-10

those in the rest of the world from the flight of Cleomenes of Sparta on till the battle of the Romans and Achaeans at the Isthmus, than to read or procure the works of those who treat of particular transactions. Apart from their being many times as long as my history, readers cannot gather anything with cer- tainty from them, firstly because most of them give different accounts of the same matter, and next because they omit those contemporary events by a comparative review and estimation of which we can assign its true value to everything much more surely than by judging from particulars; and, finally, because it is out of their power even to touch on what is most essential. For I maintain that far the most essential part of history is the consideration of the remote or immediate consequences of events and especially that of causes. Thus I regard the war with Antiochus as deriving its origin from that with Philip, the latter as resulting from that with Han- nibal, and the Hannibalic war as a consequence of that about Sicily, the intermediate events, however many and various their character, all tending to the same purpose. All this can be recognized and understood from a general history, but not at all from the historians of the wars themselves, such as the war with Perseus or that with Philip, unless indeed anyone reading their descriptions of the battles alone conceives that he has acquired an adequate knowledge of the management and nature of the whole war. This, however, is not at all so, and I consider that my history differs to its ad-

75

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

aKovcal, ToOGOUTW Kal THY TpETepav iotopiav v7o- Aap Bava Svadepew T@V emt pépous ouvrdgewy. 83 Of S€ mapa tdv ‘Pwpaiwy mpécBers, THY yap mapéxBacw evred0ev emromodueda,, duaxovoavTes TA 27apa Tov Kapyndoviev aAXo pev ovdev elmav, 6 de mpeoButatos avTav deifas tots év TO ouvedpin TOV KoArrov, evrat0a Kal Tov mohepov avrois Eby Kal THY elpnvnv pepe: exBahay ovr, OmroTEpoV av 3 KeAevowouw drrodetpew. 6 dé BactAevs Tay Kap- xndoviwr, OmroTEpov avtots daivetar, TobdT éxBa- 4 Activ exéAevoe. Tod de ‘Papatov prjoavros TOV 710- Acwov éxBadeiv, avedwvncav aqua Kat melous Tay €k TOU ouvedpiov, déxeoIau pdoKovres. ot pev ovv mpeoBeus Kal TO GuvedpLov emt ToUTOUS exwptoOnaar. 5 “AvviBas dé, Tapaxeydley € ev Kaw# modu, T™pa- Tov pev SuadtKe Tovs “IBnpas € emi Tas €avT@v TroAets, BovAcpevos ETOLJLOUS KaL mpodvuous mapackevalew 6 mpos TO peor, devrepov 5 “AadpovBa TASEAGD duérate mas Sejoer TH Te TOV “TBipwv 4 apy Kai dv- vaoTeia xphoGar Tais Te 77pos ‘Pawpatous Trapa- 7 oxevats, eav avros xwpilnrat mov, Tpirov dmep THS dopadeias Tay ev AiBin 7 povvoetTo Tpayparwy. 8 mavy 5 epmreipwis Kal Ppovipws exhoytlopevos, €K pev ArBins eis "IBnpiay, € ex O° "IBypias els AeBony OveBiBale oTpatiwras, exdeopevenv THY exaTeépwy T- 9 OTL els aAAnAous Sua Tijs ToLavTns oiKovopias. Aaav 8 ot SvaBavres els THY ABoiny Ocpotrar, Maorta- 10 vot, mpos de TovTows ‘Opiires “IBnpes, ‘OAkddes, ot d€ ovpmavtes amo TOUTwY TOV eOvav immets pev xtAvoe dvaxdovot, melol de pupvoe TpioxiAvo. OKTa- 11 KOatot TEVTIKOVTA, Tpos de TovToUs BaAvapeis <6 OKTa- Kdavot €BdounKkovTa> ovs Kupiws ev Kadotar opev-

76

BOOK III. 32. 10 - 33. 11

vantage as much from the works on particular episodes as learning does from listening.

33. I interrupted my narrative to enter on this digression at the point where the Roman ambassadors were at Carthage. After listening to the Car- thaginians’ statement of their case, they made no other reply but the following. The oldest member of the embassy, pointing to the bosom of his toga, told the Senate that it held both war and peace for them : therefore he would let fall from it and leave with them whichever of the two they bade him. The Carthaginian Suffete bade him let fall whichever the Romans chose, and when the envoy said he would let fall war, many of the senators cried out at once, ““We accept it.” The ambassadors and the Senate parted on these terms.

Hannibal, who was wintering in New Carthage, in the first place dismissed the Iberians to their own cities hoping thus to make them readily disposed to help in the future ; next he instructed his brother Hasdrubal how to manage the government of Spain and prepare to resist the Romans if he himself happened to be absent; in the third place he took precautions for the security of Africa, adopting the very sensible and wise policy of sending soldiers from Africa to Spain, and vice versa. binding Ly this measure the two provinces to reciprocal loyalty. The troops who crossed to Africa were supplied by the Thersitae, Mastiani, Iberian Oretes and Olcades, and numbered twelve hundred horse and thirteen thousand eight hundred and fifty foot, besides which there were eight hundred and seventy Balearians, a popular appellation, derived from ballein, ‘‘ to throw,” and

17

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

dovnras, amo d€ THS xXpelas Taurns ovvevipws Kal To €Ovos atTav Tpooayopevovar Kal 7 viaov. 12 Tay dé Tpoetpn even TOUS jev mActous ets Ta Mera- ywovia THs Acorns, twas 8 és avray Kapxndova 13 Kateta€ev. amo 6€ THY 7OAEwv TOV Metraywuitav KaAdoupevav améatetAev aMous ets Kapyndova 7re- Covs TeTpaxioxtAtous,, opnpetas exovras kat Bon- 14 Belas dua tagw. ent de THs “TBnpias améAurev “AcdpovBa TADEAPA) TEVTIpELS peev TEVTIKOVTO., TE- Tpnpets de SVo0 Kat Tpinpets TEVTE. TOUTwWY ExoUaS TAnpapara TEvT pels pev Tpiakovta Ovo, Tpinpens 15 6€ wévte. Kal pny immets AiBudowikwv prev Kat ABiwv _TeTpaxootous TEVTHKOVTA, Aepyntav dé Tplaxoatous, Nopadwv oe MaoviXiwv Kat Macatou- Atay Kat Makxotwv Kal Mavpovotwy TOV Tapa TOV 16 @KeEaVvov XAtous | oxTaKootous, melous de AcBiwv pLupiovs X'Atous OKTAKOOLOUS TEVTHKOVTA, Atyvori- vous Tpeakoaious, BadAcapets 7revraxoatous, edépav- Tas elkoot Kal Eva. 1I7GeOu xen, dé Davpalew THY dxpiBevav THS. ava- ypadns, et TovavTn Kexpnucla smrept rev om “Avvi- ov Kat’ ’TBnpiav TET PAY LEVOY ota pores dy XpjoaiTo Tis avTos KEXEUpLwS Tas Kara, JL€pos 77pa- Eeus, ovdE MpoKaTaywaoKeu, El TETFOUT K OLED Tapa- mAnatov tots afvomriorws pevdopevors TaY ovy- 18 ypadéwr. npets yap evpovTes emt Naxwwid THY ypagry TAaUTHV év xa KOwaTe KaTareTaypevay bn’ “AvviBou, Kal’ ovs KaLpous ev Tots Kara TI ‘Ira- Atav TOTOLS dveoTpepero, TAVTWS evopicapey adray TEpl ye TOV TOLOUTWY avomaTov elvae: 610 Kal KaT- aKkoAovbetv ciAopieBa Th ypaph TaUTy. 34 ’AvviBas 5é mavta mpovoniels mept THs acda- 78

BOOK III. 33.11-34.1

meaning slingers, given to them owing to their skill with this weapon and extended to their nation and islands. He stationed most of these troops at Metagonia in Libya and some in Carthage itself. From the so-called Metagonian towns he sent four thousand foot to Carthage to serve both as a rein- forcement and as hostages. In Spain he left with his brother Hasdrubal fifty quinqueremes, two tetraremes, and five triremes, thirty-two of the quinqueremesand all the triremes being fully manned. He also gave him as cavalry Liby-Phoenicians and Libyans to the number of four hundred and fifty, three hundred Ilergetes and eighteen hundred Numidians drawn from the Masylii, Masaesylii, Maccoei and Maurusi, who dwell by the ocean, and as infantry eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty Libyans, three hundred Ligurians, and five hundred Balearians, as well as twenty-one elephants.

No one need be surprised at the accuracy of the information I give here about Hannibal’s arrange- ments in Spain, an accuracy which even the actual organizer of the details would have some difficulty in attaining, and I need not be condemned off-hand under the idea that I am acting like those authors who try to make their misstatements plausible. The fact is that I found on the Lacinian promontory a bronze tablet on which Hannibal himself had made out these lists during the time he was in Italy, and thinking this an absolutely first-rate authority, decided to follow the document.

34. Hannibal, after taking all precautions for the

79

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Actas trav te Kata AtBinv mpaypatwv Kal Tov ev "IBnpia Aowrov exapaddKer Kal mpoaedexeTo Tovs mapa Tov KeArav mpos avrov dmoareAopevous 2 caddis yap efnraxer Kal THY apEeTHVv Tijs b770 Tas "AArets Kat trepi tov Iladov TOT O4LOV xwpas Kal TO Aj Gos TOV KaToLKoUVTWwY avTHY, ETL be THY pos 3 Tos rohpous T@V avdpav ToAuay, Kal TO LeyLtoToV Thv UTapxovoay Suopeveav avTois ex TOO Tpoyeyo- voTos mroh€pov Tmpos ‘Pwpaious, baep ov Sup AB oper nets ev TH ™po Tavrns BvBAw xdpw Tov oupTrept- dhépecbar Tovs evTvyxdvovras Tots vov peMovor 4AdyecOar. Sidmep etxyeTo TavTns THs EAmidos, Kal mav UmLoxVvEtTO, SiaTrEepTropLEvos ETrLpLEA@S POS TOUS Suvaotas THv KeAta@v Kal rods emi Tade Kal Tovs ev Bavrats tais “AAmeow evoixobvtas, pdvws av v7o- AapBavwv év ‘Iradia avoTnoacbat Tov mpos ‘Papat- ous ToAcwov, el Surety Svarrepdoas Tas 770 Tod Svoxwptas els TOUS TpoetpniLevous adixéobar Td- mous Kal ouvepyois Kal oupyuaxous ypyoacba Ked- 6 TOls Els THY TpOKELLEernV emBodny. adikojrevwy de Tav ayyéAwy, Kal THY Te TOV KeATHv BovAnow Kai mpoodoxtay dmayyeAdvrev, THY Te TOV * AArrewav opav brrepBoAnv émimovov jev Kal Svaxephy Nav, ov piv advvarov elvat pacKkovrey, ouvaye Tas dv- va.eis EK THS TapaxeyLactas bro THY eapuynv opay. , 4 b 7 MpoomenTwWKOTWY € mpoopatws avT@ Kal TOV €kK Tis Kapynd0vos, errapbels T@ Ovpwd Kat TLOTEVWY TH TOY TrOATHV evvoig, mapendnev Tas duvdpes davep@s dn mpos Tov Kata “Pwyuaiwy moXdepor, g eudavilwy pev Ov Tpdmrov ExdoToOV avTov eyxelpy- caev airetobat ‘Pwyaitor kal mavras Tovs Tov oTpa- ToTéd0v MpoeoTMras, VroderkvUwy O€ THY THS XW- 80

BOOK III. 34.1-8

safety of Africa and Spain, was anxiously awaiting the arrival of the messengers he expected from the Celts. He had informed himself accurately about the fertility of the land at the foot of the Alps and near the river Po, the denseness of its population, the bravery of the men in war, and above all their hatred of Rome ever since that former war with the Romans which I described in the preceding Book to enable my readers to follow all I am about to narrate. He therefore cherished high hopes of them, and was careful to send messengers with unlimited promises to the Celtic chiefs both on this side of the Alps and in the mountains themselves, thinking that the only means of carrying the war against the Romans into Italy was, after surmounting, if possible, the diffi- culties of the route, to reach the above country and employ the Celts as co-operators and confederates in his enterprise. When the messengers arrived and reported that the Celts consented and awaited him, at the same time saying that the crossing of the Alps was very toilsome and difficult, but by no means impossible, he drew out his troops from their winter quarters in the early spring. As the news 218 no. of what had happened in Carthage had just reached him, his spirits were now high, and trusting in the favourable disposition of the citizens, he now called openly on his men to join him in the war against Rome, impressing upon them the demand of the Romans that he and all his principal officers should be given up to them, and pointing out at the same time the wealth of the country they were

81

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

pas aperiy, eis nv adi€ovrar, Kat tHv TOV KedATav

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8 motnodpevos S¢ mavTas bp” EavTov Kai Twas 77d-

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5 vowav. amepepioe S€ Kal THs Suvdauwews Hs elye TO pev “Avvewre meCods puptous, mets dé xtAlous, Kat Tas dmooKkevas améAure TOUTW TOV a’Tm ovveEop-

6 pwvrwv. eis 5€ THY Olkelay améAvcEe TOUS taoUS Tois mpoerpnuevors, BovAdpevos abtovs TE TOUTOUS edvous amodretv, Tois Te AouTOIs UroderkvUwy éA- mida Ths eis olkov émavddov, Kat Tots pel” Eavtod pev orparevopevois, ody ATTOV Se Kal Tots Ev OlKw pévovar tov "IBypwv, va mpoOvpws eopudct mav- TES, GV TOTE TIS EmLKOUPLAS YpEla yevyTaL trap av-

1 7Tav. TH Sé Aoumpy otpatiav avadaBav evlwvor, 82

BOOK III. 34. 8- 35.7

bound for and the friendly feelings of the Gauls who would be their allies. When he saw that the soldiers listened gladly and were as eager as himselt to be off, he commended their alacrity and after ordering them to be ready on the day fixed for his departure, dismissed the meeting.

35. Having completed the arrangements I men- tioned above during the winter and thus assured the security of Africa and Spain, he advanced on the day he had fixed with an army of about ninety thousand foot and twelve thousand horse. Crossing the Ebro, he set about subduing the tribes of the Ilurgetes, Bargusii, Aerenosii, and Andosini as far as the Pyrenees, and having reduced them all and taken some cities by assault, with unexpected rapidity indeed, but after many severe engagements and with great loss, he left Hanno in command of all the country on this side of the river, placing the Bargusii under his absolute rule, as he mistrusted them most, owing to their friendly sentiments toward Rome. He assigned to Hanno out of his own army ten thousand foot and one thousand horse, and he left with him all the heavy baggage of the expedi- tionary force. He dismissed at the same time an equal number of troops to their homes, with the view of leaving them well disposed to himself and encouraging the hope of a safe return in the rest of the Spaniards, not only those who were serving with him, but those who remained at home, so that if he ever had to call on them for reinforcements, they might all readily respond. With the rest of his force, thus lightened of its impedimenta and

83

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

melovs jev mevrakiopupious, immeis 5é€ mpos evva- Kuoxtnious 7) tye dia Tov [lupynvaiwv Acyoneveny 6 opa@v emt THY Tou ‘Podavod KaAoupevov TroTajLoo SaBa-

8 ow, Exwv ovx ovTws TroAAnv Suvapuy ws xpnotwny Kal yeyupvacpevny SvadepovTws ek THS ouvexetas TOV KATA THY “TBnpiav dycbvay.

86 “Iva 5€ px) THY TOTWY dyvooupevey mavTdmacw doadt) yiveoBau oupBatvy THY Sunynow, pntéov av ein 700ev Opunoas "Avi as Kal Tivas Kal TrOGoOUS SveAOaov TOrTrous els Tota HEpy KaThpe THs "IraAas.

2 pytéov | 5° ovK avras Tas 6 dvopactas TOV TOTWY Kal ToTapa@v Kal 7oAewr, OrrEp eviot Tmowodar T&v ovy- ypapewr, droAapBavovres év qavtt ™pos yaow

3 Kal capvevay avroteres elvar TobTO TO [4€pos. ol- par 8’, et pev TOV yrwprlopeveny Tomo ou jpuxpa, peydra dé ovpBadreobar TemoinKe mpos dvdpvnow n Tov ovomaTwy mapdBeats emt d€ TOV dyvooupe- vv eis TéAos opotay exer THV Sdvapuv 1) TOV OVvo- patwv eEnynors Tats ddravorjrors Kal KpovopaTiKats

4 A€~eou. THs yap Siavoias én’ ov ev dmepedouevs ovde Suvapevns epapporrew TO Aeyopevov émr ov- dev YVWpPlyLOV, AVUTTOTAKTOS Kal Kwpr) ye” 7) bu

5 HyNnOLs. Siomep drrodetkTEos av ety TpoTros, 3. ob Ouvarov € EoTau Teplt TOV dyvooupeveny A€yovras Kara Tmoaov eis aAnbwas Kal yvwpipous evvoias ayew TOUS dxovovTas

6 Tparn pev ovv Kal peyloTn yraus, eT O€ Kown maow dvOpurrrous €oTlv 7 Too TEpLeXOVTOS meas Staipeots Kat tafis, Kal” iv mdvTes, Mv Kat puxpov ddedos, avatords, duces, jeconpBpiay, apKToV,

7 yveopiloper™ SevTépa b€, Kad? ay exdory Svadopg TOV TPOELPHMEVWY TOUS ETL THS ys TOTOUS UTroTaT- 84

BOOK III. 35.7 - 36.7

consisting now of fifty thousand foot and about nine thousand horse, he advanced through the Pyrenees towards the crossing of the Rhone, having now an army not so strong in number as serviceable and highly trained owing to the unbroken series of wars in Spain.

36. That my narrative may not be altogether obscure to readers owing to their ignorance of the topography I must explain whence Hannibal started, what countries he traversed, and into what part of Italy he descended. Nor must I simply give the names of countries, rivers, and cities, as some authors do under the idea that this is amply sufficient for a clear knowledge. I am of opinion that as regards known countries the mention of names is of no small assistance in recalling them to our memory, but in the case of unknown lands such citation of names is just of as much value as if they were unintelligible and inarticulate sounds. For the mind here has nothing to lean upon for support and cannot connect the words with anything known to it, so that the narrative is associated with nothing in the readers’ mind,* and therefore meaningless to him. We must therefore light upon and indicate a method which will make it possible when speaking of unknown places to convey to the reader a more or less real and familiar notion of them.

Now the primary and most general conception and one common to all mankind is the division and order- ing of the heavens by which all of us, even those of the meanest capacity, distinguish East, West, South, and North. The next step in knowledge is to classify the parts of the earth under each of these divisions,

@ Cf. Bk. v. 21. 4. 85

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

TOVTES Kal épovTes det TH diavoia TO Acyopevov em Tt Tov TpoerpnpLeveny ets yvwpiyiovs Kal ouv- 7Beus € emwotas epTrimTopLev Umep TOV dyveoTwv Kdo- 37 patwv Tomwv. TovTwy dé TeEpi THs OAns ys bro- KeyLevwv, akoAovOov av Ein TO Kal TEpL THS KA HGS otkovpevns ava Tov avtov Adyov dveAopévous 2 «is emaTaow ayayety Tovs dovovras. TavTNS bu mpnieerns ets Tpla pep Kal Tpets ovopLacias, TO pev Ev pE€pos abths *Aciav, To 5 ETEPOV AcBiny, To Se 3 tpitov Edpwanv mpocayopevovar. Tas dé duadhopas Tavtas opilovow o te Tavais motapos Kat NetAos 4 kat To Kal’ “Hpakd€ous orrjAas oropa. NetAov pev ovv Kat Tavados petraéd tHv ’Aciav Kketofar ovp- BeBe, mintew dé Tod TEeptexovTos U0 TO peTakd 5 didornpa Oepwov avatoAayv Kat peonuBpias. 7 de Bin Ketrar wev weTta€d NeiAov Kal ornAdy ‘Hpa- KAetwy, TOD Oe TEPLEXOVTOS TENT KEV bao TE THY peor Bptav Kal Kara, TO OUVEXES bmo Tas Xeupepe- vas dvcELs EWS THS lonwepias. Karapopas, 7) i) TITTEL 6 Kal’ “HpakAelous ot7Aas. abrac prev ovV al x@par kabo)ucostepov Dewpovpeva TOV mpos TH poeonpe- Bptav TOTIOV emeXovar THs «al? npLas Oadrarrns o a7r0 7 Tov avatoAav ws Tos Tas dvoets. 7 Oo Edipeian TAVTALS dpporépars ws Tpos Tas dpKTous avTiTapa- KELTAL, KATA TO GUVvEXes amo TOV avaToA@v Trap- 8 HKOVOa [Lev Aypt TpOs Tas SUaets, KEtTaL 5° adbTis TO pev OrAoaxepéatepov Kat Bab’tepov fLépos vm’ avTas Tas dpKTous meTa€d Tod Te Tavaidos zroTa- pod Kat-rod NapBavos, 6s od moAdyv améxet TOTOV ws mpos dvces azo Maocadias Kal tav Tob ‘Po- davod orouatwr, dv wy els TO Lapddviov 7éAayos 9 cEinow 6 mpoeipnuevos ToTapds. amo de Tob Nap-

86

BOOK III. 36.7 —- 37.9

ever mentally referring each statement to one of them until we arrive at a familiar conception of unknown and unseen regions. This once established as regards the whole earth, it remains for me to lay before my readers the division on the same principle of that portion of the world known to us. This is divided into three parts, each with its name, the one part being called Asia, the second Africa, and the third Europe. Their respective boundaries are the river Don, the Nile, and the straits at the Pillars of Hercules. Asia lies between the Nile and Don and falls under that portion of the heaven lying between the north-east and the south. Africa lies between the Nile and the Pillars of Hercules, and it falls under the portion of the heaven which extends from the south to the south-west and west, as far as the point of the equinoctial sunset, in which latter quarter are the Pillars of Hercules. These two divisions of the earth, then, regarded from a general point of view, occupy the part of it which lies to the south of the Mediterranean, reaching from east to west. Europe lies opposite to them on the north shore of this sea, extending continuously from east to west, its most compact and deepest portion lying due north between the Don and the Narbo, the latter river being not far to the west of Marseilles and of the mouths by which the Rhone discharges itself into the Sardinian Sea. The Celts inhabit the

87

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

~ A Bwvos Kat Ta mept Tobrov KeArot véwovrar péxpt Tav mpocayopevopevwy Ilupnvaiwy dpav, a d.a- onl > A 4 Teivel KATA TO GUVExXes amo THs Kal’ Huds Badar- 10 77s €ws els THY exTds. TO Se AowTov pépos TIS Evpuimns amo T&v Tpoeipnevwy dp@v TO auvarrov mpos Te Tas SUcets Kal mpdos ‘Hpakdetouvs ornAas “A A \ ~ Ud mepléxeTae pev 70 Te THs Kal” yds Kal THs E€w aA > ~ Oadarrns, KaXetrar 5é TO prev mapa THY Kal Nuds 11 wapfKov Ews ‘Hpakdrciwy ornddv “IBnpia, ro de \ Tapa THy €€w Kal weyaAnv Tpocayopevomevnv KoWnY [ev ovopaciav ovK exer Oia TO TpOTPHATws KATwWTTED- aA lan ~ \ oOat, Katouketrar dé 7av bro BapBdpwv ebvadv Kat A ~ A ToAvavOpwmwv, Urép wv jueis peta TadTa Tov A ~ 38 «ata pépos Adyov amoddcopev. Kabdmep dé Kal THs "A , A ~ / A , LAA: AN cias Kal THs AtBuns, Kabo ovvamrovaw aAAndAats \ A ? / > \ Mv / > ~ 4 mept tHhv Aidomiav, ovdels exer A€yew atpeKds Ews an > ~ ~ AY Tov Kal’ yuds Kaip@v mdoTEpov Hmeipds eat: KATA A TO Guvexes TA TOS THY LeonuBplav H Oadarrn TreEpt- A 9 €xXeTal, TOV adTOoV TpdOTOV TO peTakd Tavdidos Kal / ~ Cara NdpBwvos els tas apkTous aviKov ayvworov nuiv @ “~ A ~ €ws Tod viv éoTw, éav py Te peta TadTa TroAv- ~ e /, 3 Mpaypovobvtes taTopjawpev. Tovs dé A€yovTas TL A 4 mept TovTwy ddAws 7) ypddovtas ayvoeiv Kal mv- Bovs dcatribecbar voporéov. 4h ~ A > > / 0 4 lo A 4 QUTaA PEV OVV ELpx/OUW [LOL KAapPLY TOU [L7) TE- > ~ ~ Agws avurdraxrtov elvar Tots amelpors THY TOTWY A PS) 4, LAAG , A SA. A Ps) Tv dSunynow, aAAa Kata ye Tas oAocyxepets dia- \ 4 \\ , ra A ~ , dhopas ovvemiBadAew Kal dépew emi Te TH diavoig A ~ TO Aeyopevov, TeKpmalpopevous ek TOU TEpLexOVTOS. 5Kalarep yap éml Ths dpdcews ciSiopefa ovvemi- 88

BOOK III. 37.9 - 38.5

country near the Narbo and beyond it as far as the chain of the Pyrenees which stretches in an unbroken line from the Mediterranean to the Outer Sea. The remaining part of Europe beyond the Pyrenees reaching to its western end and to the Pillars of Hercules is bounded on the one side by the Mediter- ranean and on the other by the Outer Sea, that portion which is washed by the Mediterranean as far as the Pillars of Hercules being called Iberia, while that part which lies along the Outer or Great Sea has no general name, as it has only recently come under notice, but is all densely inhabited by bar- barous tribes of whom I shall speak more particularly on a subsequent occasion. 38. Just as with regard to Asia and Africa where they meet in Aethiopia no one up to the present has been able to say with certainty whether the southern extension of them is continuous land or is bounded by a sea, so that part of Europe which extends to the north between the Don and Narbo is up to now unknown to us, and will remain so unless the curiosity of explorers lead to some discoveries in the future. We must pro- nounce that those who either by word of mouth or in writing make rash statements about these regions have no knowledge of them, and invent mere fables.

I have said so much in order that my narrative should not be without something to range itself under in the minds of those who are ignorant of the localities, but that they should have some notion at least of the main geographical distinctions, with which they can connect in thought and to which they can refer my statements, calculating the position of places from the quarter of the heaven under which they lie. For as in the case of physical sight we

89

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

/ SN \ /, \ \ \ \ ” aTpepew ael TA TPOGWTA TPOS TO KATA TIV EvOEL- Ew drodeckvUpevov, OUTWS Kal TH Savoia yp7) cuv- duavevew Kal ouppeTelv Eel TOUS TOTOUS Gael TOdS

\ ~ / / > / A

39 61a tod Adyou ovvemiderkvupevous. adéuevor b€

ToUTwY Tpepoucla pos TO GUVEXES THS TpOKELpULE- vys nity dunyycews.

2 Kapxyndovor yap év tovtos Tots Katpots Tis prev AtBins éexupievov mavtwy TOV éml THY €ow OdAatray vevovtwy jep@yv amo TOv Diralvov Bw- Ov, ol KetvTae KaTa THY WeyadAnv Lptw, ews é’

3 ‘HpakdAgous o7ijAas. totro b€ TO uAKOS €oTL THS maparias vréep Tovs e€artaxtAlovs Kal fLupious oTa-

/ / \ \ Ed IG / ie

4 Otous. OvaBavres dé TOV Kab HpaxAetous ornAas Tmopov opolws EKEK PATH KELTGY Kal THS ‘TBnpias 4 amrd- ons EWS THS paxias, 0 7épas €ort “Tpos TH Kal? Huds Oadattn TeV Tlupyvatey opay, a Svopiler

\ ” \ /

5 tovs “IBnpas Kat KeArous. amexet be Tob Kal”

pakAelous aot7iAas OTOpLATOS obTos: 6 TOTFOS mepl

6 xTaKtaxtAtous oTadtovs. emt prev yap Kawnv m06- Aw a7T0 ornday etvat ovpBaiver TpLoxtAtous, obey ETOLELTO TI)V oppay "AvviBas tHv ets “ItaAtav> [rv de Kawzy moAw ¢ Evlol Néav Kapxndova KkaAovow: “ amo 8€ tavTys elolv émi pev Tov “IBypa morapov

7 €€axdovot oTad.ot mpos SiaxtAlous, azo dé TovTov

/ > > / / A ¢ [) > \ >

g mdAw els “Eymdpiov xiAvo adv e€axoatous, <amo § > / / ? / NC, / Eptropiov méAews ets NapBwva rept é€axoatovs, >

\ \ > ~ Jet \ a ¢ ~ 4 Kal pny evrevlev emt THv TOO Podavob diaBaow mept xtAious efaxoatous: Tabra yap vov BeBnya- TLOTaL Kal ceonpetwTa Kara otadtous oKTa dia

9 ‘Pwpaiwr empedds: amo O€ THs dvaBdoews Tob “Podavob TOpEvopevols Tap” avTov TOV TOT OJLOV ws Emi Tas TYAS EWS mpos THY avaBoAnv Tav ” AATrewv

90

BOOK III. 38.5 - 39.9

are in the habit of turning our faces in the direction of any object pointed out to us, so should we mentally ever turn and shift our glance to each place to which the story calls our attention.

39. Dismissing this matter I will now continue my narrative. At the time of which we are speaking the Carthaginians were masters of all that part of Africa which looks towards the Mediterranean from the Altars of Philaenus* on the Greater Syrtis as far as the Pillars of Hercules. The length of this coast-line is more than sixteen thousand stades. Crossing the straits at the Pillars of Hercules they had similarly subdued all Iberia as far as the point on the coast of the Mediterranean where the Pyrenees, which separate the Celts from the Iberians, end. This spot is about eight thousand stades distant from the mouth of this sea at the Pillars of Hercules, the distance being three thousand stades from the Pillars to New Carthage, from which place Hannibal started for Italy, two thousand six hundred stades from hence to the Ebro, and from the Ebro to Em- porium one thousand six hundred stades. From Emporium to Narbo it is about six hundred stades, and from Narbo to the passage of the Rhone about sixteen hundred, this part of the road having now been carefully measured by the Romans and marked with milestones at every eighth stade. From the passage of the Rhone, following the bank of the river in the direction of its source as far as the foot of the pass across the Alps to Italy, the distance is

* Originally the boundary between Egypt and Cyrene. VOL, 1 D 91

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

A > > , ’ / A > e 10 Tv eis “ItaAiav yidvoe TeTpaKdctor. Aourrai 8° at ~ Mw e€ / A , , tov “AAmewv trrepBodai, mepi xtAlous daxociovs: a“ e€ A ” 4 > A A ‘ / as UmepBadayv ewedrev HEew eis Ta trepi Tov I1ddov 11 wedia THs "ItaXias. wor’ elvar Tovs mavras ex Kac- vis moAews oradious mrept evvakioytAious, ovs edeL 12 dveAGetvy adrov. tovtwv 8) Tv ToOTwY KaTAa peéV A ~ v A A , , A TO pAKos non oxedov Tovs Tpicers SeAnAvder, Kata. dé THv Svoxéperav TO TAdov adT@ pépos azredeimreTO Tijs qopeias. 40 “AvviBas pev obv evexeiper tats dvexBoAais trav Ilupnvaiwy dpadv, catapoBos wv tods KeAtovs dia

2 Tas OxupdTnTas TOV TOTWY. ‘Pwpyaitor 5é kara Tovs avTovs Katpovs Svaxovcartes pev THv eLatroaTarév- twv eis Kapynddva mpecBevtav ta Sedoypeva Kat tovs pyévtas Adyous, mpoomecovTos dé Oarrov 7

/ > / 4 a aw” mpocedokwv *AvviBav dvaBeBynKévar tov “IBnpa mo- TOPOV PETA THS SuvdpwEews, TPOEXELploavTO mTéuTrELV

A / / A / > ? pera otpatomédwy IdzrAov prev Kopy7jAvov eis “IBn- piav, TeBépuov be Lepmpesviov eis AcBunv.

3 Ev dow 8’ odrou mepi tas Kataypadas é€ éylvovTo Tav otparonéSwy Kal thv GAdnv TapacKeunp, €omevoay emi TéXos ayayely Ta KATA TAS aTroLKias,

a A / ? , > L4 ot 51) mporepov haav eis Vadatiav amooréAXew mpo-

4 KEXEtPLOMEVOL, Tas pev obv moNets evepy@s eTelyiCov, Tovs & oiknTopas ev TLE paus TpidKovTa Tmapiyyeiday emTomous yiveoBar, TOV dpifpov 6 ovras eis exarépav

5 TH oA els efaxtaxtAtous: av THY pev peiav eKTU- Cov emi Tdde Tod ITddov mora.od, mpocayopevaar- tes [lAakevtiav, tiv 8° adAnv emi Odtepa, Katovo-

6 pacavres Kpeuawvnv. 75 d€ rovTwY ovvwKLopmevwr, ot Botot KkaAovpevoe T'addtar, mdAae peév olov Xo-

~ 4 A € / / ? 4 x@vtes THV Tpos “‘Pwpaiovs diAiav, odK ExovTes Se 92

BOOK III. 39. 10 - 40. 6

fourteen hundred stades, and the length of the actual pass which would bring Hannibal down into the plain of the Po, about twelve hundred. So that to arrive there he had, starting from New Carthage, to march about nine thousand stades. Of this, as far as distance goes, he had nearly traversed the half, but if we look to difficulty far the largest part lay before him.

40. While Hannibal was thus attempting to cross the Pyrenees, in great fear of the Celts owing to the natural strength of the passes, the Romans, having received from the envoys they had sent to Carthage an account of the decision arrived at, and the speeches made there, and on news reaching them sooner than they had expected that Hannibal had crossed the Ebro with his army, determined to send, with their legions, the Consuls Publius Cornelius Scipio to Spain and Tiberius Sempronius Longus to Africa.

While occupied in enrolling the legions and making other preparations they were pushing on the project of establishing in Cisalpine Gaul the colonies on which they had decided. They took active steps to fortify the towns, and ordered the colonists, who were about six thousand in number for either city, to be on the spot within thirty days. The one city they founded on this side of the Po, calling it Placentia, the other, which they named Cremona, on the far side. Scarce had both these colonies been established when the Boii Gauls, who had been for long as it were lying in wait to throw off their allegiance to Rome, but had hitherto found no

93

218 B.C.

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

7 TOTE KaLpoV, peTewprlojievor Kal muoTEevovTEs EK TMV DuarrepTropEvay TH Tapovoia TV Kapxndoviar, dméornoay amo ‘Pwyaiwy, eycatalumovres TOUS Opn pous, ovs edocav é€xBaivovtes ex Tob modeuov Tod MpoyeyovoTos, Umeép ov THhv e€nynow Tuets ev TH g mpotépa BUBAw ravTns émoinoducla. mapakare- caves de TOUS “IvcouBpas, Kal ovpppovijcavres KaTa TV mpoyeyevnwevny opyny, KaTéoupay THY KataxeKAnpouxnpLerny xopav bro ‘Papator, Kal Tovs hevyovtas ovvdiwEavtes eis Morivyv, amrokiav 9 Umapxovoav “Pwyaiwy, émodidpKovv. év ols Kal Tpets avodpas TaV emipavav oavvéKreoav Tods emt THV Statpeaw THs xWpas amectaAuevous: av els ev Hv Vdstos Avrdtios Kal tHv Uratov apynv «iAndas, 10 of dé do TH éEamédeKvv. olopméevwv dé dev Tov- twv eis Adyous adict ovveADeiv, bmjKovoay ot Boto.. r&v 8’ avdpdv e&eAPovtwv, tapacmovdy- aavtes ovveAaBov atrovs, éAmicavtes Sia TovUTwY ll Kopteiobat Todvs adt@v ounpovs. AevKios d€ MaA- Awos <EarréAeKus brdpywv, Kal mpoxabymevos él TOV TOTWY pLeTAa SuVapEws, akKOVGAS TO yeyovos, 12 €Bo7nJer Kata omrovdyv. ot S€ Botou ovvévtes abrob THV Tapovaiav, Ev TLoL Spupots ETOYWdoavTes eve- dpas, dua TH trapeAeiv els rods tAWders TOTOUS mavraxolev aja mpoomecovtes TOAAOvs arréKTewav 13 TOV ‘Papaiwv. ot dé Aowrol Tas prev apyas Wpyn- oay mpos duynv: eémel oe TOV dyn ray TppavTo xw- plwy, én mocov ouveoTnaay ovTws WOTE pods evoxyjLova Toijocacbar THY amoxwWpyow. ot O€ Botox KkataxoAovlnoavtes ouveKAevoav Kal ToUTOUS 14 els 77) Tavnros kadoumevany Kap. tots 8 &v TH ‘Pwpn mpoomecdvTos 6Tt TO TéTapTov aTpaTorredov

94

BOOK III. 40.7-14

opportunity, elated now by the messages they received assuring them of the near arrival of the Carthaginians, revolted from Rome, abandoning the hostages they gave at the end of the former war which I described in my last Book. Calling on the Insubres to join them, whose support they easily gained owing to their long-standing rancour against Rome, they overran the lands which the Romans had allotted to their colonies and on the settlers taking to flight, pursued them to Mutina, a Roman colony, and there besieged them. Among those shut up there were three men of high rank who had been sent to carry out the partitionment of the country, Gaius Lutatius, a former Consul, and two former Praetors. On these three requesting a parley with the Boii, the latter consented, but when they came out for the purpose they treacherously made them prisoners, hoping by means of them to get back their own hostages. When the Praetor Lucius Manlius, who with his troops was occupying an advanced position in the neighbourhood, heard of this, he hastened up to give help. The Boii had heard of his approach, and posting ambuscades in a certain forest attacked him from all sides at once as soon as he reached the wooded country, and killed many of the Romans. The remainder at first took to flight, but on getting to higher ground rallied just enough to give their retreat an appear- ance of order. The Boii following at their heels shut this foree too up in the place called Vicus Tannetis.* When the news reached Rome that the @ Near Parma.

95

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

TrepterAnppevov bro THv Boiwv mroAvopKetrat kara Kpdatos, Ta pev 7@ IlomAiw TpoKexetplopeva oTpatomeda Kata orrovdiv etanéoreNov emi T™v TovTwv BornJevav, Wyewova avoTnoavtes e€améAeKuy, aAAa dé ovvayew Kal Kataypadew ex TOV ovuUadywv avT® TmapyyyetAav.

41 Ta pev odv xara KedAtrod’s amo tis apyns ews els tTHv “AvviBouv mapovoiay év Ttovrous Hv Kal ToL- , >] /, / a ww A \ ~ avtTnv eiAnder du€Eodov, olay ev Te Tols mpo Tod 2 Kat viv dveAnAvbapev. of 5€ orpatynyot tav ‘Pw- paiwy eTouLacdpevor TA TMpOs Tas Ldias emBodds, e€émrAcov U0 THY wpalav éml Tas TpoKEpevas TPA- / \ > > > / (s (é , €eus, IldmAvos pev odv els “IBnpiav €Ejxovra vavai,

/ A 4 > 4, ¢e A e€ / TeBépios 5€ Leumpudvios eis AiBinv éExatov €EjKov- 3 ta oxadeot mevTnpiKkots. cls ovTws KaTaTrAnKTLKa@S emeBaAeto moAeuetv Kal TovavTas emoletro Tapa- oxevas ev T@ AtAvBaiw, mavtas Kal mavtaydbev

e / e +) /, » / , abpoiley, ws ev0éws €x KaTdzAov ToAopKnowy 4 avrny THY Kapx7d0va. ITozrAvos be Kopabels Tapa TV Avyvotuny 7 HKE TeumMTatos atro Ilvo@v eis Tous 5 kata MaocaXiav téomous, kat Kabopptobels mpos TO mp@tov otoua tod “Podavotd, tro Macoadwrtikov 6 Tpooayopevopevor, ameBiBale Tas Ouvdpers, GaKOUWY pev drrepBadew 7107), Ta Ilupyvaia TOV AvviBav Opn, TeTELOWLEVOS 0° ert poaxpay dméxew avrov dud Te TAS dvaxXwplas THY TOmwWY Kai dua TO TAHOOS

~ \ / ~ > , A

7 TOV peTagv KEULEVOY KeArav. AvviBas de mapa d0€ws, TOUS eV Xpnwace metoas tav KeAtrav, tovs de Bracdpevos, HKE [LETA TOV Suvdpewy, Sea EXWV TO Lapdoviov méAayos, emt tTHv Tob ‘Podavod 8 dudBaow. 6 Oe IIo7Avos, diacadnbevros avT® map- civar Tovs brevavriovs, Ta pev amotdv Sua TO

96

BOOK III. 40. 14- 41.8

fourth legion was surrounded by the Boii and besieged, they instantly sent off the legions destined for Publius under the command of a Praetor to its assistance, ordering Publius to enrol other legions from the allies.

41. The condition and course of Celtic affairs from the outset up to the arrival of Hannibal were such as I have narrated here and in the previous Book. The two Roman Consuls, having made all prepara- tions for their respective enterprises, set sail early in summer to take in hand the operations determined on, Publius bound for Iberia with sixty ships and Tiberius Sempronius for Africa with a hundred and sixty quinqueremes. With these he threatened such a redoubtable expedition and made such vast preparations at Lilybaeum, collecting all kinds of forces from everywhere, that it seemed as if he expected to sail up to Carthage and at once lay siege to it. Publius, coasting along Liguria, reached the neighbourhood of Marseilles from Pisa in five days, and coming to anchor off the first mouth of the Rhone, known as the Massaliotic mouth, dis- embarked his forces there, having heard that Han- nibal was already crossing the Pyrenees, but con- vinced that he was still at a distance of many days’ march owing to the difficulty of the country and the numbers of Celtic tribes between them MHannibal, however, who had bribed some of the Celts and forced others to give him passage, unexpectedly appeared with his army at the crossing of the Rhone, having marched with the Sardinian Sea on his right. Publius, when the arrival of the enemy was reported to him, being partly incredulous owing to the

97

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

TAYXOS THS Tmapovotas, Ta O€ Bovdcpevos eloevar THY axpiBerav, avros jeev dveAduBave Tas Ouvdpers eK Tod mAod, Kat dtevoeito peta THY yiALdpYwy TotoLs XpynoTéov THV TOTWY Kal GUppLKTCOV Tots BrrEevav-

9 Tlols* TpLakoatous dé Tov immo efamrearetic TOUS avdpwdeaTdrous, ovoTioas per avray Kabyyenovas aja Kal ouvaywviaras KeArovs, ot mapa tots Mac- cadiwras eTUyxavov puccbodopodrtes.

42 /AvviBas dé Tpoopieas TOUS TrEpL TOV TOTA[LOV TOTrOLS, evlews evexetpet mrovetabae TIP dudBaow KaTa Ty amAnv ptow, oxedov NILEP@v TeTT ap

2, odor a amex ov oTparomedw THS Oadarrns. KaL puro- Townoapevos TavTt TpoTm Tovs mapoucobvTas TOV TOTA{LOV efyopace Trap avTa@v Ta TE peovoguna mAota mavTa Kal Tos A€uPous, ovras iKavovs TO mAnfer dia TO Tats eK THS Badrarrys € epuTroptaus Ton-

3 Aovs xpHoba TOV TAPOLKOUVTWY TOV ‘Podavev. ETL dé THY app.olovoay EvAetav efeAaPBe T™pos THY KaTa- oKEUnVY TOV povotvhwv: e€ wy ev dvolv TLE pats TAnOos dvaptOunrov eyeveTo TropOpetwv, exdorou omevOovTos ay mpoodetobar Tob méXas, ev adr@ 5

4 exew Tas Tis dvaBdoews eAmidas. Karta dé TOV Kat- pov TOUTOy ev T@ Tépav aAn0os 78potc8n BapBa- pov xXdpw Too kwAvew THY TOV Kapyydovier dud- 5 Baow. els ovs amoBA€rey “AvviBas Kal avMoytlo- jlevos €K TOV TrapovTeay ws ovte dtaPaivew pera Bias Suvarov ein ToooUTwY TroAepiov epeaTuTuy, ovr’ eTTULEvEW, Ly) mavraxobev mpoadeenta TOUS

g U7revavTious, emLyevopLev7ns THs TpiTns VUKTOS e€- amrooTeAXer repos Tt Tijs Suvdpews, ovoTnoas Kab- nyewovas eyxwptous, emt d€ mavTov “Avvwva TOV

7 BoawtAkov tot Bactkéws. of mornodpevor THY To-

98

BOOK III. 41.8 —- 42.7

rapidity of their advance and partly desirous of ascertaining the exact truth—while he himself was refreshing his troops after their voyage and con- sulting with his Tribunes in what place it would be wisest to offer battle to the enemy—sent out three hundred of his bravest cavalry, giving them as guides and supports certain Celts who were in the service of the Massaliots as mercenaries.

42, Hannibal, on reaching the neighbourhood of the river, at once set about attempting to cross it where the stream is single at a distance of about four days’ march from the sea. Deing his best to make friends with the inhabitants of the bank, he bought up all their canoes and boats, amounting to a considerable number, since many of the people on the banks of the Rhone engage in maritime traffic. He also got from them the logs suitable for making the canoes, so that in two days he had an innumerable quantity of ferry-boats, every one doing his best to dispense with any assistance and relying on himself for his chance of getting across. In the meantime a large force of barbarians had gathered on the opposite bank to prevent the Car- thaginians from crossing. Hannibal observing this and concluding that as things stood it was neither possible to force a crossing in face of such a strong hostile force nor to put it off, lest he should find himself attacked on all sides, sent off on the third night after his arrival a portion of his army, giving them native guides and placing them under the command of Hanno, the son of Bomilcar the Suffete.

99

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

petav avtio. TH pevuatt mapa Tov moTapov eri duaxdoia oTddia, Trapayevopevoe pds TWA TOTOV, ev @ auveBawe Trepi Te xwpiov vnoilov mepioyile- 8 cla Tov moTapov, evraiba Katewewav. ek dé THs TapaKkeyerns VAns TA Lev OvTnyVvivTes TOV EVAWwY, Ta d€ auvdecpevovres, ev ddlyw xpovw Todds Ap- pocav oxedias, apKovoas TH xpEeia mpos TO TrapoV: ef als duexopiobnaav aodadds ovdevos KwAvovTos. g kataAaBomevor Se Tdmov exupov exelvny pev Thy nuépav ewewav avatavovtes ofds ex THs mpoye- yevnuevns Kaxorraetas, aja. be Trapackevaldjevor 4 \ lot mpos THV ETLovGaY XpEiavy KATA TO OUYTETAYpEVOD.

10 kat pnv “AvviBas 7d mapamAnjovov emote: mept Tas

11 pe” Eeavtod Katadepbeicas Suvdpers. puddvora 5° abt@ mapetxe Svcxypynotiay 7 Tdv ededavtwv duaBaots: odtor 8° Foav émta Kal TpidKovTa Tov apiOuov.

43 Ov pny add’ emyevouerns Tis méumTns vuKTos ot ev mpodtaBavres ek Tov mépav Uo TiHV éwht- vv mponhyov map’ avtov tov moTapov emt Tovs

2 avrimepa BapBdpous, 6 8 *AvviBas érotpous éxwv TOUS OTpatiwtas emetxe TH SiaBaoet, Tos ev A€u- Bous remrAnpwxws T&v teATopopwv imméwv, ta Se

3 povogvAa Tav evKwToTdtwr Teldv. elyov Sé TH pev €€ UrrepdeLiov Kal trapa TO peta Taw of r€u-

ot, THY 8 bd TOUTOUS TA AenTA TOV TOpOLElwr, iva 70 Todd Tis Tob pevuatos Bias amrodexowevwv tav AéuBwv acgadreorépa yivouto tots povotvAous

4 7) TapaKopy.dy dia TOO mOpov. Kata dé Tas mpvpvas ta&v rAuBwv efeAxew Srevooivto tovs tmmous véov- Tas, Tpets Gua Kal TérTapas Tois aywyebow Evos avdpos e€ éxatépov Tod pepous Tis mpUurns oiaxi- 100

BOOK III. 42.7- 43.4

Advancing up the bank of the river for two hundred stades they reached a place at which the stream divides, forming an island, and here they stopped. Using the timber they found ready to hand and either nailing or lashing logs together they soon constructed a number of rafts sufficient for their present need, and on these they crossed in safety, meeting with no opposition. Occupying a post of some natural strength they remained there for that day to rest after their exertions and at the same time to prepare for the movement which they had been ordered to execute. Hannibal, moreover, with the part of the army that remained behind with him, was similarly occupied. The question that caused him the greatest embarrassment was how to get the elephants, thirty- seven in number, across.

43. On the fifth night, however, the force which had already crossed began a little before dawn to advance along the opposite bank against the barbarians there, while Hannibal had got his soldiers ready and was waiting till the time for crossing came. He had filled the boats with his light horse and the canoes with his lightest infantry. The large boats were placed highest up stream and the lighter ferry-boats farther down, so that the heavier vessels receiving the chief force of the current the canoes should be less exposed to risk in crossing. They hit on the plan of towing the horses astern of the boats swim- ming, one man at each side of the stern guiding three or four horses by their leading reins, so that

101

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

lovtos, dare mAbs ¢ ikavov Urmwv ovvdiaKopile- 5 00at Kata Thy mpwTHV evews dud Baw. ot 8 BdapBapor, Bewpodvres Thy emiBoAny TeV drrevay- TIWY, GTAKTWS ex Tob xdpakos eSeXeovTo Kal o7o- pdday, memreropevor KwAvELW eUxep@s THY amdéBacw 6 Tay Kapxndoviev. "AvviBas S dua T@ ovvidetv év T@ Tépav eyytlovras 767 Tovs aap: adrob oTpa- TWWTAS, onunvayTav exelvov THY Tapovotay TO KaTv@ KaTa TO OUVTETAY[LEVOY, euBaivew aTraow dua mapijyyeNre Kal BidlecPae m™pos TO peda Tots 7 7 T@v Top jueleov TETAYMEVOLS. Tayv d€ TovTov yevouevov, KaL T@V eV Tots mAotots aptAAwmevwv jeev mpos aAAnAous peTa Kpavyijs; Siaywrilopevean 8 dé mpds THY TOU mora.08 Biav, tav de oTpatome- dwv duporepev ef ExaTEpov TOU j4€pous Tapa Ta xetAn TOD ToTALON 7 TapEecT@Tuy, Kal TOV peev iStewv CUvaywVviw@VvT wy Kal mapaxohouvBovvTawv jeTa Kpav- yas, TOY d€ KaTa Tpoowmov BapBapwv Travavelov- TwY Kab mpoxadoupevwy TOV KWduvoY, my TO ywo- 9 jLevov exTANKT LKOV Kl TAapAaoTAaTLKOV dyevias. év @ Kawp@ TOV BapBapwyv doAcAourorewy Tas oKnvas ETUTEGOVTES apven Kal Tapadcéws ot 7épav Kapyn- ddviot, TWES ev avTav eve pacay Ty oTpato- eee ot de mActous Gpunoav emi Tovs Thy dua- 10 Bacw trnpoivtas. ot de BapBapor, tapahdyou Tob mpdadypatos pavevTos avrois, ot jev emt Tas oKnvas €dépovTo Bonfijcovres, o 8 TvvovTo Kal Svewa- 11 xovTo pos Tous émurepevous. “AvyiBas dé, kara TV mpofeow av’T@ ovvtpexovTwv TV TpaypaTwr, ev8éws Tovs mpcrous dmoBatvovras ouviorTa kal 12 mapekdAer, Kal ouveTAeKeTo Tots BapBdpors. ot d¢€ KeArot cai 8a rH atagiav Kai dua TO mapddo€ov 102

BOOK III. 43.4-12

a considerable number were got across at once in the first batch. The barbarians seeing the enemy’s project poured out of their camp, scattered and in no order, feeling sure that they would easily prevent the Carthaginians from landing. Hannibal, as soon as he saw that the force he had previously sent across was near at hand on the opposite bank, they having announced their approach by a smoke-signal as arranged, ordered all in charge of the ferry-boats to embark and push up against the current. He was at once obeyed, and now with the men in the boats shouting as they vied with one another in their efforts and struggled to stem the current, with the two armies standing on either bank at the very brink of the river, the Carthaginians following the progress of the boats with loud cheers and sharing in the fearful suspense, and the barbarians yelling their war-cry and challenging to combat, the scene was in the highest degree striking and thrilling. At this moment, the barbarians having deserted their tents, the Carthaginians on the far bank attacked suddenly and unexpectedly, and while some of them set fire to the enemy’s encampment, the larger portion fell upon the defenders of the passage. The barbarians, taken quite by surprise, rushed some of them to save their tents, while others defended themselves against their assailants. Hannibal, all falling out favourably as he had purposed, at once marshalled those of his men who were the first to land, and after addressing some words of exhorta- tion to them, led them to meet the barbarians, upon which the Celts, owing to their disordered

103

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Tob avpPaivovros Taxéws TpamrévTes WpyNnoav Trpos puyyy.

44 ‘O éé oTpaTnyos tay Kapyndovie Gua THS TE SvaBdoews: Kal TOV UrrevavTiov KEKPaTHKWS Tapav- TUKQ MeV EyiveTO POS TH TapaKop9y TaV mépav

2 azroAeuropevewv avopav, maoas 5° ev Bpaxet xX pov Svarepauoas Tas Suvdpers exelvnv ev THY VUKTO 3 Tap” avrov Tov TOTAJLOV KareoTparoTredevce, THO emaviprov aKkovwy tov T&v ‘Pwyaiwy orddAov mept TQ OTOMATA TOO mrorapob kabuppicbar, Tpoxetpiod- JLevos TrevTakooious TAV Nopadixdy é immewy eam éorethe KaTaoKepopevous oo Kal TOGol TuyXdvou- 4 ow ovres Kal tl mparrovow | ot mroN€p.t0L. KaTa Oé TOV aUTOV Karpov Kal Tpos THY TOV edepavTwv dud- 5 Baow mpoexetpiaaro Tous emuTndetous. adtos 5é€ ouvayayav tas Suvdpets elonyaye TOUS Bactdtoxous TOUS mept Mdythov- ovTou ‘yap Tov mpos avrov eK TOV TEpl TOV Ilddov mediwv: Kat de épnvews 7a 6 Sedoypeva map avtadv dsuecader Tots dxAots. my dé Tav Acyonevey toxuporara mpos Gdpaos TOV TOAAGY TPA@Tov ev 7) Tijs Tapovaias evapyera TOV ET LOTTUDLEveDY Kal KoWwwvroew emrayyeMopeveoy Tob 7 7pos ‘Papatous moA€uov, devrepov dé TO THs ET- ayyeNias adray agiomorov, 6 ott Kabnynoovrat d1a. TOT TovovTwY bu cv ovdevos emBedpevor TOV dvayratoy ovvTopws Gua Kal per” dopadeias Trou- 8 NoovTaL THY els ‘IraXiav Tmopetay, mpos Se TovroLs nN THS Xwpas yevvalorns, els iV adi€ovrat, Kat 70 péyeBos, ert 5é€ tTaV avdpav n mpoBupia., pe? av pedovor mrovetabar Tovs ay@vas mpos Tas T@V ‘Pw- 9 palwy Ouvdpers. ob jev ouv KeArot To.adra dua-

10 AexOévres avexwpnoav. peta dé tovTous eiceAOwv

104

BOOK III. 43. 12 —- 44. 10

condition and to their being taken by surprise, soon turned and turned to flight.

44. The Carthaginian general, having thus made himself master of the passage and defeated the enemy, at once occupied himself in fetching over the men who had been left on the other bank, and having in a very short time brought his whole army across encamped for that night beside the river. Next morning, hearing that the Roman fleet was anchored off the mouths of the Rhone, he selected five hundred of his Numidian horse and sent them off to observe the whereabouts and number of the enemy and what they were about. At the same time he set the proper men to the task of bringing the elephants across and then called a meeting of his soldiers and, introducing Magilus and the other chieftains who had come to him from the plain of the Po, made the troops acquainted through a dragoman with what they reported to be the decision of their tribes. What encouraged the soldiers most in their address was firstly the actual and visible presence of those Gauls who were inviting them to Italy and promising to join them in the war against Rome, and secondly the reliance they placed on their promise to guide them by a route which would take them without their being exposed to any privations, rapidly and safely to Italy. In addition to this the Gauls dwelt on the richness and extent of the country they were going to, and the eager spirit of the men by whose side they were about to face the armies of Rome. The Celts, after speaking in this sense, withdrew, and Hannibal

105

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

avros mpa@Tov prev TOV mpoyeyevnpeveny mpdgeuwv avéuvnce Tovs dxAous: ev ais Eby Toots avTovs Kal mrapaBoAous Epyors Kal KuvdvvoLS emTUKEXELpN)- KoTas ev oddevi Svea paras, karaxodovdjaavras TH

ll ’xeivov yrwun Kat cvpBovrla. tovrois 3 efijs ev- Bapocis elvat mapexaner, ewpodvras dudTt TO pe- yeorov HvvoTar TAY epywy, émretO7) Tijs Te TOO TroTa- pod d.aBdoews KeKparyKagt Tis Te THY OULU AXwv

12 evvolas Kal mpodvpias avromrat yeyovact. Oudzrep @eTo Seiv mepl prev THY KATA [Epos padupeiv, WS adT@ peAdvtwy, weWapxobvras de Tots TrapayyeA- pacw dvdpas ayabovs yiweoUar Kat T@V mpoyeyo-

13 yoru epywy agious. TOU be TAnGous EmLonpLatvo- pevov Kal peyddny oppny Kal mpoBupiay eppaivov- TOS, ETalvéaas avTOvs Kal Tots Deots UmEep aTaVTwY evgdpevos duadjKe, mapayyetAas Depamevew opas Kal mapacKevdlecIa [eTa OTTOVOTS, Ws Els THY av- pov avaluyfs egomerns.

45 Avdetons d€ THs exxAnatas AKOV Trav Nopddwy ot mpoatrooTahévres € emt THY KaTacKomiy, TOUS [eV mAceiotous adTav dmoAwAeKores, ot dé Aoutrot Tm™po-

2 Tpomadny mepevyorTes. OUpTEDOVTES yap od waKkpav amo Tijs idias oTparorredeias Tois Tay ‘Pwpatwy inmedor Tots émt Thy avdTHV xpetav efatreataAwevous to TOU IlomAiov TOLAUTHV €m0L oavTO proripiav auporepor Kara, Thy oupmTioKny os date TOV ‘Pwpaiwy Kal KeAra@y els Exarov trets Kal TETTApaKovTa dia- plaphvar, Tov Oe Nopddwy & bmép Tovs Svaxoaious. 3 yevopevey d€ TtovtTwy ot ‘Pwyaitor ouveyyloavres KaTa TO Siwypa T@ Tov Kapyndoviwy xdpake Kat Karomretoartes, adOis e€ dTroaTpopis TmelyovTo, Siacadjoovres TH oTpaTny@ THv mapovaiay Tov 106

BOOK III. 44. 10-45. 3

himself now came forward and began by reminding them of their achievements in the past: though, he said, they had undertaken many hazardous enter- prises and fought many a battle they had never met with ill success when they followed his plans and counsels. Next he bade them be of good heart considering that the hardest part of their task was now accomplished, since they had forced the passage of the river and had the testimony of their own eyes and ears to the friendly sentiments and readiness to help of their allies. He begged them therefore to be at their ease about details which were his own business, but to obey orders and behave like brave men and in a manner worthy of their own record in the past. When the men applauded him, exhibit- ing great enthusiasm and ardour, he commended them and, after offering a prayer to the gods on behalf of all, dismissed them, bidding them get everything ready expeditiously as they would start on their march next day.

45. After the assembly had broken up _ the Numidian scouts who had been sent out to recon- noitre returned, the greater part of the force lost and the remainder in headlong flight. Not far from their own camp they had fallen in with the Roman cavalry sent out by Publius on the same errand, and both forces had shown such heroism in the engagement that the Romans and Celts lost about a hundred and forty horsemen and the Numidians more than two hundred. Afterwards the Romans carried their pursuit close up to the Carthaginian camp, and having surveyed it, turned and hastily rode off to report to the Consul the arrival of the

107

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBILUS

moXepiwv: adixdpevot 8° eis Thy mrapenBodny a avy

4 yewAar. TozAvos d€ TapauTika THY dmrooKeuny dva.- Oéuevos é€ emt Tas vats, avelevte mayrt T@ oTpatev- part, Kal mponye mapa Tov ToTapov, oTevSwv oUpL- pigae Tots drrevavTiows.

5 “AvviBas dé TH Kara Todas NEPA THS exkAnotas dpa T@ hwtt Tovs pev imaets mpoebeTo mdvTas WS mpos bédarray, ededpeias exovTas rat, TH de Tav mel@v exiver Ovvapuy €x Tob ydpakos ets 770-

6 petav. avros d€ Tovs eAdfavras efed€XeTO Kal Tous dua TOUTOLS dmroAceyupevous dv8pas. éyeveTo

46 7) Sraxoped) TOV Onpicov Toasty Ts. mcavres axedias Kal mAEtous dpapoTws, Tovtwy dvo mpos aAAnAas Cevgarres Biaiws Tpevoay dpporepas els TY yhv Kata thy euBacw Tod mroTapod, mAGTOS exovoas TO ovvappdoTEpov ws TEVTIKOVTO mooas.

2 TavTais dé oulevyvuvtes das € eK Tov €KTOS 7poo- Hppolov, mporeivovres THY KaTacKeyny tod levy-

3 patos «is TOV Tdpov. THY 5° amo Too pevpatos mAeupav japadilovro Tois €k THs yijs emyvors, els TQ TEpt TO xEtAoS mepuKora Tov d€vdpwv eva Tov~ TES, mpos TO ouprevew Kal pr) tmapwletobar TO

4 oAov epyov KaTa Tod TroTapOD. Toumaavres d€ mpdos dvo mhebpa T@ UHKEL TO may Cedypa tis mpoPodjs, peta Tadta Svo memnyvias oxedlas Svadepovrws [tas peyloras | mpooeBadAov tais €oxdras, ™pos auras pev Braiws dedepevas, mpos dé Tas aAXas ovTws wor evdtaxorrous avrav elvac Tovs deapovs.

5 pupara d€ Kal mAciw Tavrats evabay, ols eweov ot A€uBor pupovdKodytes | ovK edoew pepeodau Kara ToTasLov, Big de mpos TOV podv KATEXOVTES Tapa

6 Kopuety Kai Trepaimcew emt ToUTwWY Ta Onpia. pera 108

BOOK III. 45.3 - 46.6

enemy, and on reaching their camp did so. Publius at once put his baggage on board the ships and started with his whole army marching up the river bank with the view of encountering the Carthaginians.

Hannibal, on the day after the assembly, advanced his cavalry in the direction of the sea to act as a covering force and then moved his infantry out of the camp and sent them off on their march, while he himself waited for the elephants and the men who had been left with them. The way they got the elephants across was as follows. 46. They built a number of very solid rafts and lashing two of these together fixed them very firmly into the bank of the river, their united width being about fifty feet. To these they attached others on the farther side, prolonging the bridge out into the stream. They secured the side of it which faced the current by cables attached to the trees that grew on the bank, so that the whole structure might remain in place and not be shifted by the current. When they had made the whole bridge or pier of rafts about two hundred feet long they attached to the end of it two particularly compact ones, very firmly fastened to each other, but so connected with the rest that the lashings could easily be cut. They attached to these several towing-lines by which boats were to tow them, not allowing them to be carried down stream, but holding them up against the current, and thus were to convey the elephants which would be in

109

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

dé tatta yotv edepov emi macas trodvv, ews émt- BadXovres eEwpoiwoay, opadiy Kal ovyxpovy Tot- obvtes TH Sia THS XEpoov Pepovan mpos THv bia- 7 Baow 00@. TOV be npiov eOiopeven Tots ‘vdois péexpl Lev Trpos TO Dypov det medapxetv, eis d€ TO vowp euBaivew ovdapn@s ere TOAMA@VTwWY, Hyov da Tov Xopatos dvo mpobemevor OnActas, mevlapyouv- 8 Tw avrais t@v Onpiwv. emet 8° eri Tas teAev- Tatas emeoTyoay oxedias, Svaopavtes Tovs deapL0Us, ols mpoonptnvto mpos Tas aMas, Kal Tots AcuBous eTLOTATELEVOL Ta pupara, TAXEWS améomacay a7r0 Tov xwpuatos TA Te Onpia Kat Tas bm’ adbTots oye- g dias. o¥ yevojcévov diatapaylévta Ta CHa Kata plev Tas apyas eoTtpépeTo Kal KaTa TdavTa TOTTOV wpa mepexopeva S€ travtaxyobev bro Tob pevpua- Tos amredetNla Kal weve HvayKaleTo KaTa ywWpay.

10 Kat TovovTw 61) TpOTW Tpocappolopévwv del oye- du@v dveiv, Ta TActoTa TOV Onpiwy emt Tov’Twv

11 dtexopicOy, Twa d€ KaTAa fécov TOV mTdpov amép- pubev els Tov moTtapov atta dia Tov ddoBov: ay tovs pev “Ivdovs azroX€ofar ovvéBy mavras, Tods

125° éXédavtas diacwhhva. dua yap THY Svvapw Kal To wéyeOos THV TpoBocKidwy e€aipovtes TavTas bmép TO vypov Kal dtamrvéovtes, apa O° exdpvad@vres may TO TapeTintov, avréaxov, TO TOAD Kal” vda- tos OpUoi motovpevor THY TropeEtay.

47 Ilepawlévtwv 5€ T&v Onpiwv, avaraBav *Av- vipas tovs éAéhavtas Kal Tovs immets mponye TOU- Tols aGmoupay@v mapa Tov moTtapov amo BaAatrns Ws emi THV Ew, TOLOULEVOS THY TOpElay ws Eis THV

2 pecoyatov THs Kvp d¢ ‘Podavos exer Tas fev myas tmép tov "AdpiatiKov prvxov mmpos TV 110

BOOK III. 46. 6-47. 2

them across. After this they piled up a quantity of earth on all the line of rafts, until the whole was on the same level and of the same appearance as the path on shore leading to the crossing. The animals were always accustomed to obey their mahouts up to the water, but would never enter it on any account, and they now drove them along over the earth with two females in front, whom they obediently followed. As soon as they set foot on the last rafts the ropes which held these fast to the others were cut, and the boats pulling taut, the towing-lines rapidly tugged away from the pile of earth the elephants and the rafts on which they stood. Hereupon the animals becoming very alarmed at first turned round and ran about in all directions, but as they were shut in on all sides by the stream they finally grew afraid and were compelled to keep quiet. In this manner, by continuing to attach two rafts to the end of the structure, they managed to get most of them over on these, but some were so frightened that they threw themselves into the river when half-way across. The mahouts of these were all drowned, but the elephants were saved, for owing to the power and length of their trunks they kept them above the water and breathed through them, at the same time spouting out any water that got into their mouths and so held out, most of them passing through the water on their feet.

47. After the elephants had been put across, Hannibal, taking them and his cavalry and forming these into a rear-guard, advanced up the river bank away from the sea in an easterly direction as though making for the centre of Europe. The Rhone rises north-west of the head of the Adriatic on the northern

111

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

€omépayv vevovcas, ev Tots amoKAtvovat pépect TOV "AXrewv Ws mpdos Tas apKTous, pet dé mpos [tas] dvcELs YELepivas, exBadree 5° eis TO Lapo@ov 7é-

3 Aayos. peperar 8 emi modd bu’ atA@vos, ob ™pos jev Tas apKTOUS “Apoves KeAtoi katotxoto, TH 8 dro peeonuBptas avTou mAcupav opiCovat maoav at mpos apKTOV KekAyevat tov “AATewv Tapwperat.

47a d€ media Ta epi Tov Ilddov, brep wv Tyiv elpntat dua mAELovwv, amo Tod Kata Tov ‘Podavov avAdvos dalevyviovaw al THY TpoeipnuEevwv Opav axpwpetat, AaBavovoa THY apx7nv ato Macaadias

5 €ws emt Tov tod mavtos “Adpiov pvydv: as 760” tmepapas *AvviBas amo tHv Kata Tov ‘Podavov TOTTWY eveBadev eis “ItaAXlav.

6 “Evvoe de Tov yeypapota rept THS drrepBodrs TAUTNS, Bova OpLevor TOUS dvaywwoKovTas exTrAnT- TEW TH TEpl TAY Tpoerpn Leven TOTO mapadogo- Aoyia, AavOavovow €TUTTOVTES eis 600 Ta maons toropias aor pistara: Kal yap pevdoroyety Kal

7 pax opeva ypapew avrots dvayxalovrat. dpa peev yap Tov “AvviBav dypuinrov Twa Taperadyovres oTpaTnyov Kal TOAUn Kat Tpovotg TOUTOV opLodo-

g youevws amodeckviovaw 7uiy adoytoToTatov, aya de KaraaT pony ov Suvdjrevor Aap Bavew ove” e€- odov Tob pevddous feovs Kal dedv maidas ets mpay-

9 pareKny toroptay Tapevadyovow. drroBewevor yap Tas epupvoTntas Kal TpaxvTyTas TOV “Adrreway

4 oe opa@v Towavras WaoTe [in otov immous Kat oTpaTo- meda, avy de ToUToLS eAédartas, adda pnde melovs evCavous evXEpas ay ducADety, opoiws dé Kal Thy EpnLov Tovaurny Twa mept TOUS TOTOUS vTroypa- avres tuiy war ef pr Geds 7 Tis Tpws amav- 112

BOOK III. 47.2-9

slope of the Alps, and running in a south-westerly direction, falls into the Sardinian Sea. A great part of its course is through a deep valley, to the north of which lives the Celtic tribe of the Ardyes, while on the south it is bounded for its whole extent by the northern spurs of the Alps. The plain of the Po which I described above at length is separated from the Rhone valley by the lofty main chain of these mountains, which starting from Marseilles extends to the head of the Adriatic. It is this chain which Hannibal now crossed to enter Italy from the Rhone valley.

Some of the writers who have described this passage of the Alps, from the wish to impress their readers by the marvels they recount of these moun- tains, are betrayed into two vices ever most alien to true history; for they are compelled to make both false statements and statements which contra- dict each other. While on the one hand introducing Hannibal as a commander of unequalled courage and foresight, they incontestably represent him to us as entirely wanting in prudence, and again, being unable to bring their series of falsehoods to any close or issue they introduce gods and the sons of gods into the sober history of facts. By representing the Alps as being so steep and rugged that not only horses and troops accompanied by elephants, but even active men on foot would have difficulty in passing, and at the same time picturing to us the desolation of the country as being such, that unless

113

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

THoas Tots mept Tov ’AvviBav dréderke Tas ddoUs, efarropycavras av KkaTapbapivar mavras, opodoyou- evens eK TOUTWY ets EKATEPOV TOV TPoEtpn|LevaV 48 apapTnpycTwr €/LTUTTOVOL. Tp@Tov prev ‘yap dy tis pavety OTpaTyHyos aroytaTorepos “AvviBou Tis Kal 2 GKALOTEPOS NYELOW, Os TOGOUTWY TYOUpLEvos duvd- pewy Kal TAS jueyioras eArridas Ee ev ToUTOLs Tob Katopbuicew Tots dAois, oOUTE TAS OdOvS OUTE TOTOUS, WS ovUTOL hac, oUTE TOO TopeveTa TO 3 mapamav ovTe mpos Tivas éeyivwoKe, TO Oé Tépas ovo et KafdAov [totvvavtiov | duvatots émBaAderat 4 mpaypaow; ann’ Omrep ol Tots OAoLS ETTOLKOTES Kal Kara mavra TpoTrov e€amropouvTes ovx dropevovow, wor els am povontous Kabiévat TO7roUs pera duva- jews, TOUTO mepurBeaow ot t ovyypagets "AvviBa TO Tas peyioras eAmridas depaious EXOVTL Trept Tov 5 Kal’ avtov mpayuatwv. opolws d€ Kal Ta TrEpL THS Epynyiias, ETL O EpypVvoTyTOS Kal dUaXwplas TMV 6 TOTO exdaAov qrovet TO ipebdos: avTov. ovx toro pycavres yap ore ovpBaiver TOUS KeArovs Tovs Tapa Tov ‘Podavov motrapov oixobyras oux ama€ ovoe dis mpo THs AvviBov mapovoias, ov0€ uv 7aAaL, Tpoo- patws dé, pweydado.s oTpatomédois UrrepBavrTas Tas Tews TapateTaxOat nev ‘Pwpalors, cvvyywricbat

de Kedrots tots ta epi tov IIddov media Katou- Koval, Kabamep nuets ev Tots mpO TOUTWY e€dynAW- 7 oapev, mpos d€ TovTOLs OvK ElddTES OTL TAEtaTOV avOpurwrv dodrov Kar’ attas olketv ovpPaiver Tas "AdArets, add’ ayvootytes Exacta TaV elipnévwv npw Ttwd daow emipavevta ovvuTrodetEat Tas ddovs 8 avTois. e€ wy eikoTws etimtovoWw eis TO Tapa- wie Tots Tpaywodioypadois. Kal yap EeKelvols

BOOK 111. 47.9 - 48.8

some god or hero had met Hannibal and showed him the way, his whole army would have gone astray and perished utterly, they unquestionably fall into both the above vices. 48. For in the first place can we imagine a more imprudent general or a more incompetent leader than Hannibal would have been, if with so large an army under his command and all his hopes of ultimate success resting on it, he did not know the roads and the country, as these writers say, and had absolutely no idea where he was marching or against whom, or in fact if his enter- prise were feasible or not? What they would have us believe is that Hannibal, who had met with no check to diminish his high hopes of success, ventured on a course that no general, even after a crushing defeat and utterly at his wits’ end, would take, to march, that is, into a country as to which he had no information. Similarly, in what they say about the loneliness, and the extreme steepness and difficulty of the road, the falsehood is manifest. For they never took the trouble to learn that the Celts who live near the Rhone not on one or on two occasions only before Hannibal’s arrival but often, and not at any remote date but quite recently, had crossed the Alps with large armies and met the Romans in the field side by side with the Celts who inhabit the plain of the Po (as I narrated in an earlier Book) nor are they aware that there is a considerable population in the Alps themselves ; but in entire ignorance of all this they tell us that some hero appeared and showed the road. The natural consequence is that they get into the same difficulties as tragic dramatists all of whom, to bring

115

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

maow at Katactpopai THv Spayatwv mpocdéovrat Beod Kai pnxavns dua TO Tas mpwTas vrobcets 9 evdeis Kal tapaddyous AauBavew, Tovs Te cvyypa- géas avayKn TO tapamAnowv maoxew Kal trovetv jpwas te Kal Deods emupaivopevous, emerdav Tas apxas amBdvous Kat evdeis drooTiowvra. mas yap olov te trapaddyois apyais evAoyov émbetvat 10 téAos; *AvviBas ye nv, ody ws odtou ypddovan, Niav dé wept Tadra mpaypatika@s éxpHto Tais éem- 11 BoAais. Kai yap THv THs xwpas aperyy, eis Hv emeBareTo Kabiévar, Kal THY THY GxAwY aAdoTPpLO- tyTa mpos “Pwyatious e€ntdxer aadds, ets TE Tas petaty Svoxwpias ddnyois Kai cabnyeuoow eyyw- plots €xpiro tois tay adrav éAmidwv péAdovar 12 Kowwvetv. nuets 5€ wept TovTwv evOapads amo- paivopeba dua TO wept Tav mpdgewv wap adrav toTopnkévat THY TrapareTevyoTwY ToIs KaLpois, TOUS dé TOmOUs KaTwrTevKEevaL Kal TH Oia Tov “AArrewv avrot Kexpjabat mopeia yuwaews evera Kai Oéas. 49 Ov phy adda IIdmAwos pev 6 trav ‘Pwpaiwv OTpaTHyOs Huepais VaTEpov Tpiol THS avaluyys THs tav Kapyndoviwy mapayevopevos emt tiv Tod mo- tapod diaBaow, Kai KatadaBwv wpunkdtas Tovs tmevarvtious, e€evicOn pev ws evdéxerar pdAora, 2 wemrevopevos ovdemoT av avtovs ToAunoa THdE mrowmjoacbat tHv eis “ItaXdlav mopetay, dia TO ae Bos Kat thy abeciav THv KarotkovvTwy Tovs Td- 8 zous BapBdpwv. Dewpdv Sé reroAunkdras, adOs emt TAS vas HrrEelyeTO, Kal Tapayevomevos eveBiBale atas Suvdpers. Kal tov pev adeAdov eéreurrev emi tas ev "IBnpia mpdées, adros 5é wdAw drootpéas

116

BOOK III. 48.8 - 49. 4

their dramas to a close, require a deus ex machina, as the data they choose on which to found their plots are false and contrary to reasonable probability. These writers are necessarily in the same strait and invent apparitions of heroes and gods, since the beginnings on which they build are false and im- probable ; for how is it possible to finish conform- ably to reason what has been begun in defiance of it? Of course Hannibal did not act as these writers describe, but conducted his plans with sound prac- tical sense. He had ascertained by careful inquiry the richness of the country into which he proposed to descend and the aversion of the people to the Romans, and for the difficulties of the route he employed as guides and pioneers natives of the country, who were about to take part in his adven- ture. On these points I can speak with some confidence as I have inquired about the circum- stances from men present on the occasion and have personally inspected the country and made the passage of the Alps to learn for myself and see.

49. Now the Roman Consul Publius arrived at the crossing of the river three days after the departure of the Carthaginians, and finding the enemy gone was in the highest degree astonished, as he had es convinced that they would never venture to march on Italy by this route owing to the number and unruly character of the native inhabitants. On seeing that they had done so he returned with all speed to his ships and began to embark his forces. Sending his brother to conduct the campaign in Spain, he himself turned back and made sail for

117

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

eis “ItaXlav éemovetro Tov mAobVY, omevdwv KaTa- TaXnoa Tovs Urevavtious dia Tuppyvias mpos THv tav “AAmewv trepBohyy.

5 “AvviBas dé ToLnoapevos éfis emt TerTapas HuEepas THY Topeiav amo THs SiaBacews HIKE Tmpos THY kadoupevny Nijoov, xopav mrohvoxAov Kal avropopor, € éxovoav de THY mpoanyopiav am avToo

6 TOO cUuLTTwpaTos. 7 bev yap re} ‘Podavos, i) 8 “Iodpas Mpooayopevop.evos, peovres Trap" éxarepav THY mAcupav, dmoxopupodow avris TO OXAWA KaTG

7 THY mpos adAjAous oULTTWOW. €or O€ TapamAnota TO pejéjer Kal TH OXI ware TO Kar Atyumtov Kadovpevep AéAra, mkv éKelvov pay OdAatra TH play meupav Kal Tas TOV TOT OLY pvoets emlevy- uot, TavTns 5’ 6pn dSvompdcoda Kal Suc¢euBora Kal

8 oxedov ws etzetv ampoara. m™pos nV dpucdpevos, Kal KataAdaBwv év adrH bv’ adeApovs tmép THs BaotrAelas oracialovras Kal pera, oTparoTredwy

9 dvricabnwevous ardrAnAots, EMLOTWLEVOU Tob mpeo- Burépov Kat TmapaKadodvTos els TO oupmpag ae Kal OUILTIEPLTTOL GAL THY aPX7Ys [dre | dmiKouse, mpodrAov oxedov dmrapxovons THS mpos TO Tapov

10 €oopevns avre Xpetas. dud Kal ouveTépevos Kal ouver Bahay TOV ETEPOV moA\fjs émuKouplas eTUXE

li mapa TOU KpaTnoavTos* ov yap p.ovov oirw Kal tots aAdous emuTndetous ad 8oves EXOpIYIGE TO oTpaTomeov, adda. Kal TOV oTAWwY Ta madaia Kal Ta. mMemOvnKOTA mavTo. dvadAd&as exaworroinoe

12 maoav THY Ovvapuy evKaipws, ett O€ Tovs mAelaTtous eoOhre Kal Tpos ToUTOUS brrodEcet Koopnoas peyddny edxpnoTiay TapeaXeTo mTMpos Tas TMV op@v v7eEp-

18 Bodds. To de péytotov, evAaBOs dtaKeyrevous 118

BOOK III. 49. 4-13

Italy with the design of marching rapidly through Etruria and reaching the foot of the pass over the Alps before the enemy.

Hannibal, marching steadily from the crossing- place for four days, reached a place called the “Island,” a populous district producing abundance of corn and deriving its name from its situation; for the Rhone and Isére running along each side of it meet at its point. It is similar in size and shape to the Egyptian Delta; only in that case the sea forms the base line uniting the two branches of the Nile, while here the base line is formed by a range of mountains difficult to climb or penetrate, and, one may say, almost inaccessible. On arriving there he found two brothers disputing the crown and posted over against each other with their armies, and on the elder one making overtures to him and begging him to assist in establishing him on the throne, he consented, it being almost a matter of certainty that under present circumstances this would be of great service to him. Having united with him therefore to attack and expel the other, he derived great assistance from the victor; for not only did he furnish the army with plenty of corn and other provisions but he replaced all their old and worn weapons by new ones, thus freshening up the whole force very opportunely. He also supplied most of them with warm clothing and foot-wear, things of the greatest possible service to them in crossing the mountains. But the most important of all was, that the Carthaginians being not at all easy on the

119

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

a? a mpos THY Oia. TOV’ ANoBpiywv kadovpéevww Padarav A lol mopelav amoupaynaas weTa THS opeTépas Suvdyews dodady mapeokevace THY Siodov avrots, ews Hyyicav 7 tav “AAmewv drrepBoAj. ar ’ Saba en be 2 SZ ae AesGk 50 “AvviBas 5° ev quépais d€ka aropevOels Tapa Tov / , ” ~ TOTApMLOV Eis GKTAKOOLOUS GTAdious ApEaTO Tis Tmpos A MM > ~ \ 4, , > A ras “AAmets avaBoAjs, Kat ovveBn peyiotous avrov aA a A 2 mepureceiv KiwvdUvoLs. Ews pev yap ev Tots EmuTeE- Sois Hoav, ametyovto madvTes abta@v ot Kata jwépos A > A hyenoves TOV “Adofpiywv, Ta fev Tovs tmmeis , Sedudtes, Ta SE TOs Tapaméurrovtas PBapBdpovs- 3 émretd1) 8° exetvor pev els THY OiKkelav amndAdynoar, of Sé€ wept tov ’AvviBav jp€avto mpodyew eis Tas , / / e A > , Svoxwplas, TéTe avvabpoicavtes ot raHv “ANAoBpi- e a ywv wWyenoves ixavov tt TARB0s, mpoxateAaBovro > Tovs evKaipous TOmous, du” wy Ede TOUS TEpL TOV > , bY , A A > ? > 4’AvviBav Kat’ avdykny trovetobar tHhv avaBodnv. et pev odv Expuay tiv émivovav, odocxepds av d- épbeipay To oTpatevpa THv Kapyndoviwy: viv dé A /

Katapaveis yevopevor peydAa pev Kal Tovs TeEpt : ’ ” ’ 7 2 e , ‘ 5AvviBav €Brarpav, odk eAdtTw 5° Eavtovs. yvous yap 6 otpaTnyos TH Kapyndoviwy ort mpoxaréxov- ow of BapBapot Tovs evKaipous ToToUs, adTOs pev

, a A KaTaoTpatomedevoas pos Tais UTrepBodAats emEemeve, g mpoerepipe S€ Twas TOV Kabnyoupevwy avrois Ta- Aatav ydpw Tod KatacKépacba THY TV revav- 7 Tiwy émivovav Kal THY 6Anv dmdbeow. dv mpakav- A Twv TO avvTaxbev, emuyvods 6 aTpaTynyos OTL Tas pev Hepas emyseA@s Tapevtaktovar Kat Typodar Tovs TOmous of moAeulol, Tas S€ VUKTAS Els TE mapakeyevyy oAw amadAdrTovTaL, mpos TAavTHV € aA Tv d7dobecw apyolduevos auveoticato mpagw 120

BOOK III. 49. 13 - 50.7

subject of their passage through the territory of the Allobroges, he protected them in the rear with his own forces and enabled them to reach the foot of the pass in safety.

50. After a ten days’ march of eight hundred stades along the bank of the Isére “ Hannibal began the ascent of the Alps and now found himself involved in very great difficulties. For as long as they had been in flat country, the various chiefs of the Allobroges had left them alone, being afraid both of the cavalry and of the barbarians who were escorting them. But when the latter had set off on their return home, and Hannibal’s troops began to advance into the difficult region, the Allobrogian chieftains got together a considerable force and occupied advan- tageous positions on the road by which the Car- thaginians would be obliged to ascend. Had they only kept their project secret, they would have utterly annihilated the Carthaginian army, but, as it was, it was discovered, and though they inflicted a good deal of damage on Hannibal, they did more injury to themselves; for the Carthaginian general having learnt that the barbarians had seized on these critical positions, encamped himself at the foot of the pass, and remaining there sent on in advance some of his Gaulish guides, to reconnoitre and report on the enemy’s plan and the whole situation. His orders were executed, and on learning that the enemy remained most strictly at their post during the day-time but retired at night to a neighbouring township, he adapted his measures to this intelligence

4 Polybius says simply ‘‘ the river.” 12]

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

g ToLAUTHY. avarapwv THY dvvapy mponyev euda- vas, Kal ovveyyicas Tats dvoxwptars ov poaKpav 9 TOV TroAcuiwy KaTeaTpaToTredevoE. THS S€ vUKTOS emyevomevns, avvTd€as Ta Tupa Kaley, TO LEV mAetov pépos THs Suvayews adTod KaTeAimeE, TOUS 5° émrndevotatous edlwvous mroujoas dindGe Ta OTEvVa THY VUKTA Kal KaTéaxE TOVS U7r0 TMV TOXe- poteov mpoxataAnplevras Tomous, aTroKEeXwpnKOTwY T&v BapBapwr Kara TY ovr Gevav ets THhv ToAw. 51 od cupBdvros Kat THs Tepas emuyevopernys, ot i Bap- Bapor ovvOeacdpevor TO yeyoves Tas pev apxyas 2 améoTnoav THs emiBoAns: pweTa dé TadTa VewpotvrTes TO TaV Urolvyiwy mAnI0s Kal TOUS tmmets Sucye- p@s expnpvoyevous Kat waxpOs Tas dvaywpias, e€- exAnOnoav vio Tob cupPaivovtos e€antecbar Tijs 3 Topelas. TovTou O¢ yevouevou, Kal Kara, metus pepn mpoomecovTwy TOV BapBdpwv, ovx ovrws b7r0 TOV avop@v ws U0 TOV TOmeY mods é eyiveTo POo- pos TOv Kapyndoviwr, Kal pddora TOV Unrmwv Kal 4 TOV troluyiwv. ovons yap ov pOvov OTEVAS Kal Tpaxetas Tijs mpooBodjs, aAAa Kat Kpnuvedous, 4 d.r6 TAVTOS KWLATOS Kal mons TAPAXTS epepero Kara, TOV KpnuVva@v opoce Tots hoptios oAAa THv dzr0- 5 Cuyiwy. Kal udAvora THY ToLAUTHY Tapayyy emolovy ot TpavpaTilopevor THY inmwv: TOUTWY ‘yap ob pEV avTiou oupminrTovrTes Tois b7r0 Cuyiows, omore Svarrron - Oeiev € ex THs mAnyhs, ot dé Kara Thv €is TOUpTpo - abev oppnv eEwlotvres av TO Tapantmrov ev Tats 6 Svoywpias, peyaAnv ameipyalovto Tapaxyv. eis a Brerwv ’AvviBas, Kat ovAdoyilopevos ws ovd€ Tots duaduyodat Tov Kivduvov €oTe owTnpia ToD oKeEvO- dopov diapOapevtos, avaAaBwy tovs mpokatacxev= 122

BOOK Ill. 50.8- 51.6

and arranged the following plan. He advanced openly with his whole army, and on approaching the difficult points he encamped not far from the enemy. As soon as it was night, he ordered the fires to be lit, and leaving the greater part of his forces there, took the men most fitted for the enterprise, whom he had lightened of their accoutrements, and passing through the narrow part of the road occupied the posts abandoned by the enemy, who had retired as usual to the town. 51. At daylight the enemy observed what had happened and at first desisted from their project, but afterwards on seeing the long string of sumpter-animals and horsemen slowly and with difficulty winding up the narrow path, they were tempted by this to molest their march. On their doing so and attacking at several different points, the Carthaginians suffered great loss chiefly in horses and sumpter-mules, not so much at the hands of the barbarians as owing to the ground. For the road up the pass being not only narrow and uneven but precipitous, the least movement or disturbance caused many of the animals to be pushed over the precipice with their packs. It was chiefly the horses on being wounded which caused the disturbance, some of them, terrified by the pain, turning and meeting the pack-animals and others rushing on ahead and pushing aside in the narrow path everything that came in their way, thus creating a general confusion. Hannibal, on seeing this and reflecting that there would be no chance of safety even for those who escaped from the battle if the pack-train were destroyed, took with him the men

VOL, Il E 123

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Tas Ty vUKTQ Tas dmepBohas WpUnoe TrapaBonO7- qowy Tois 7H mopela mpoAaBotaw. od yevopLevov moot bev TOV TONEY amaAAvyTo dua TO mrovet- ofa TV epodov ef drrepdek iw TOV “AvviBay, ouK g eAdtTous O€ Kal THY (Oiwy: 6 yap Kata Ty Topetav AopuBos e€ dypoty nv&eTo dia THV T@v Tpoetpy- g evr Kpavyny Kal oupTAoKyy. eel O€ Tous juev mActoTous TOV” MoBpiywy a AMEKTELE, Tovs be Aou- mous Tpeyajrevos nvaykace duyety els THY olKEiay, tote 87) TO poev ETL TmeptAcumojevov mAnbos Tav Ur0- Cuyiwy Kal TOV immey pods Kat Ttahaurespws dunvve 10 Tas Svoxwpias, avros d€ auvalpoicas oaous 700- varo metaTous €K Tob Kwdvvov, mpooeBare ™pos Thy TOAw, €€ 7S eTOU]TAVTO TV oppy ot 7roA€moe. 11 katadaBor be ayedor € EpnpLov dua TO mavTas exkAn- O7var Tmpos TAS wderetas, € eyKpatns eyeveTo TAS. T70- Acws. eK de ToUTOU moAAd ovveBy TOV XpNolwwv 12 avr@ Tpos TE TO Trapov Kal T7pos TO eAAov. Tap auTika pev yap EKOULoaTO mTAHG0s tmmwv Kat br0- Cuyiwv Kal TOV cya ToUTOUS éeadwkoTav avopav, els be TO pueAAov eoxe ev Kal oiTov Kal Opeupa- 13 Twv em dveiy Kat TpLow TLEpaus eUmropiay, TO be Guvexov, poBov evetpyaoaro Tots €&js, Tmpos TO 411) TOApay avT@ padiws eyxeipety undéva THV Tapa- KELLLEVOV Tats. avaBoAais. 52 Tore bev oy avrob ToL adpevos TH Tape pBo- 2 oy KaL piav emelvas TLEPaV,, atOus wppee. Tats O° efys [expe fev TLWVOS aapak Os ounye TV OTpa- TLav* 7197 de TeTUpTatos ov avbes ets Kwdvvous 3 TrapeyevEeTo preyadAous. vb yap TEpt Thy dtodov ol- KodvTes auudpovncavtes emt SdAW auvVAVTWY aUT@,

124

BOOK III. 51.6 - 52.3

who had occupied the heights at night and hastened to render assistance to the head of the marching column. He inflicted great loss on the Allobroges, as he was charging from higher ground, but the loss was equally heavy among his own troops, since the column on the march was thrown into further con- fusion in both directions at once owing to the shouting and struggling of those taking part in this combat. It was only when he had put the greater part of the Allobroges to the sword and compelled the rest to take to flight and run for their own land, that the remainder of the pack-train and the horses got slowly and with great difficulty over the dangerous part, and he himself rallying as many troops as he could after the fight, attacked the town from which the enemy had issued to make their onslaught. He found it nearly deserted, as all the inhabitants had been tempted out by hope of pillage, and seized on it. This proved of great service to him for the future as well as the present; for not only did he recover a number of pack-animals and horses and the men who had been captured together with them, but he got a supply of corn and cattle amply sufficient for two or three days, and in addition to this he struck such terror into the next tribes that none of those in the neighbourhood of the ascent were likely to venture to molest him.

52. For the present, he encamped here, and after a stay of one day resumed his march. For the following days he conducted the army in safety up to a certain point, but on the fourth day he was again placed in great danger. The natives near the pass conspired together and came out to meet him with treacherous intentions, holding olive-branches

125

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Oaddrovs Exovtes Kat otepavous: Tobto yap ayedov maou tots BapBapots €or ovvOnpa dirlas, Kabamep 470 KnpUKeLov Tots “EM ow. evAaBas de dtaxel- pLevos mpos THY TowavTay mloTw “AvviBas efnrace prroripws THV EeTivotay avTa@V Kal THY oAqy emeBo- 5Ajv. tav de dackdvtwr Kadds €idévar Kal THY THS Todkews dAwow Kal THY TOV eyxYEeLpnodvTwy avTov adukety amrwAcvav, Kal dtacadovvTwy oT madpetot dua Tatra, Bovrdpmevor purjte Trovnoar ponte Trabeiv pndev duvoxepées, Umicyvoupevwy b€ Kal dwoew e& 6 adTa@v opnpa, moAvvy pev xpovov evAaBetro Kat dunmiorer Tots Acyouevors, ovMoyilouevos <S’ ws deEdpevos > jev Ta TpoTEWopLeva., TAX’ ay tows evAaBeorepous Kal TpaoTepous TroLnoaL TOUS Tapa- yeyovoras, pe) mpoadedpevos dé mpodiAous e€eu 770 Aeuiovs atbtovs, ovyKatévevoe Tots Aeyopevous Kal 7 ovvuTreKpiOn TiPecbar diriav mpos avrous. Tav be apBapwrv Ta ounpa TapadovTay Kal Opéupace xo- pyyovvtwy adfdvws, Kat Kalddrov SiddvtTwv odds avrovs eis TAS Xetpas AmapaTnpyTws, emt ToGOV ETi- oTevoay of mept tov *AvviBav, wore Kal Kabnye- poaw avtots xphaba. mpos tas «Ens Svaxywplas. 8 mpotropevopevwy © adT@v emi Ov’ huépats, cuvvabpot- abévTes of mpoeipnévor Kal ovvaxorovbjaarres emTifevrar, papayyd TWa dvoBarov Kal Kpnpvwon 53 meparoupevwv adtav. ev @ Kap@ mayras av ap- ony damor€aBar ouveBn TOUS _Trept TOV “AvviBay, et 47) dedidTes a Gacpav emt Toaov Kat Tpoopeprevoe TO peAXov Ta bev oxevoddpa Kat Tods tmzets elyov ev Th Mpwromopeia, Tovs 6 OmAitas emi THs ovpayias. 2rovtwv 8 ededpevdvtwy eAatrov ovveBn yevecBat To Ta00s: ovToL yap éoTe~av THY emupopav TAY Bap- 126

BOOK III. 52.3- 53.2

and wreaths, which nearly all the barbarians use as tokens of friendship, just as we Greeks use the herald’s staff. Hannibal, who was a little suspicious of such proffers of alliance, took great pains to ascertain what their project and general motives were. When they told him that they knew all about the capture of the city and the destruction of those who had attempted to do him wrong, and assured him that for this reason they were come to him, as they neither wished to inflict nor to suffer any injury, and on their promising to give him hostages from among themselves, he for long hesitated, dis- trusting their word. But, reflecting that if he accepted their offers, he might perhaps make them more chary of attacking him and more pacific, but that if he refused, they would certainly be his declared enemies, he finally agreed to their proposals, and feigned to accept their friendship. Upon the barbarians now delivering the hostages and providing him with cattle in abundance, and altogether putting themselves unreservedly into his hands, he trusted in them so far as to employ them as guides for the next difficult part of the road. But after two days’ march these same barbarians collecting and following on the heels of the Carthaginians, attacked them as they were traversing a certain difficult and precipitous gorge. 53. On this occasion Hannibal’s whole army would have been utterly destroyed, had he not still been a little apprehensive and foreseeing such a contingency placed the pack-train and cavalry at the head of the column and the heavy infantry in the rear As the latter now acted as a covering force, the disaster was less serious, the infantry

127

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

3 Bapwv. od pv adda Kai TovTov cuyKUpyoavTos Tord TL TAHOOS Kat TOV avdodv Kal Trav brolvyiwy 4kal TOV immwy duedOdpn. Tav yap Tomwy dreEp- defiwy ovTwy Tots troAemiots, avTuTapayovtes ot BapBapot tats 7apwpetats, Kal Tols ev Tas TéTpaS emikvAtovtes, ToUs 5° ex xeLpos Tots AiPous TUTTOVTES,

5 eis OAoaxEph Siatpomny Kal Kivduvoy Fyov, oUTwWS wor avayxaocbjvat tov ’AvviBav peta Tis Hpuwoetas duvdpews vuKTepedoar mrepi Te AevKOTTETpOV OXUPOV Xwpls Tav intwv Kal TOv troluyiwy, édedpevovTa ToUToLs, Ews ev OAN TH VUKTL TabTa porLs eEeunpv- 6 Gato THs xapdbpas. 7H Sd erravpiov THY TroAELioV xwpiabevtwr, ovvaibas Tots immetat Kat Tots brolv- ylous mponye pos Tas UmepBoAads Tas avwrdTw THY TEWY, odooxepet juev ovdevt TmepuTrimT wv ert ou- oTnpate THv BapBapwr, Kata HEpy de Kab Kara TO

7 TOUS mrapevoxAovpLevos tm atvt@v: av ot pev amo Ths ovpayias, of O° amo THs TpwToTOpeias aTéoTTwWY TOV oKevopopwv Evia, mpoominrovTes evKalpws. 8 peylorny oe avr@ TapelXeTo Ypelav Ta Onpia Kal? ov yap dy TOTIOV bmdpyor TS Topetas Tatra, mpos TovTO TO pepos ovK ETOAUWY Ot TrOAELLOL TPOGLEVaL, TO mapddofov exrAntropevor THS TOV Cw pavta- gatas. evatatos d€ dtavdoas els Tas UrrepBoAas avroo KaTEOTpAaTOTEdEVGE, Kal OU’ HiLEpas Tpocemewve, Bov- Aojrevos Giza juev dvaratoa TOUS Svaowlopevous, 10 Gua d€ mpocddEacbar Tovs dmrodeurropevous.. év @ Kaip@ ovveBn moAAovs ev immous THY aTreTTTONMLE- vv, toAAa 6° trolvyia THY arreppipdtwv Ta pop- Tia mapadcfws avadpapety tots oriBows émopeva 54 Kai ovvdibar mpos Tv trapeuBodAjv. ths 5€ xLovos

128

BOOK III. 53.3- 54.1

meeting the brunt of the attack. But in spite of all this a great many men, pack-animals, and horses were lost. For the enemy being on higher ground skirted along the slopes and either by rolling rocks down or by hurling stones from the hand threw the Carthaginians into such extreme peril and confusion that Hannibal was compelled to pass the night with half of his force at a certain place defended by bare rocks and separated from his horses and pack-train, whose advance he waited to cover, until after a whole night’s labour they managed to extricate themselves from the defile. Next day, the enemy having taken their departure, he joined the cavalry and pack-animals and advanced to the summit of the pass, encountering no longer any massed force of barbarians, but molested from time to time and in certain places by some of them who took advantage of the ground to attack him either from the rear or from the front and carry off some of the pack- animals. In these circumstances the elephants were of the greatest service to him ; for the enemy never dared to approach that part of the column in which these animals were, being terrified by the strange- ness of their appearance. After an ascent of nine days Hannibal reached the summit, and encamping there remained for two days to rest the survivors of his army and wait for stragglers. During this interval a good many of the horses which had broken away in terror and a number of those sumpter-animals which had thrown off their packs returned strangely enough, having followed the track of the march, and came into the camp. 54. As it was now close

129

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

70 Tept TOvs AKpous BOporCopevns dua TO CuvamTeELW tv THs Aewddos dvow, Pewpadv ta T7ANOn SvabV- pws duaketpeva Kal dia THY Tpoyeyevnuervny Ta- 2 AauTrwpiav Kal Ova THY ETL Too: oKwmErny, €7rEL- paro ovvabpoicas mapaxaheiy, pay EXOY apoppny ets ToUTO TI Tijs *IraXias evapyevay™ oUTwWs yap UTOTENTWKEL TOTS TPOELPNMLEVOLS OpEd WATE GUV- Dewpoupeveay appotv dxporoAews daivecbar dua- 3 Oeow exew tas "Adres THs OAns *ItaXlas. Sdid7rEp evoetKvUjpLevos avTots Ta mept Tov IIddov media, Kat KaldXov THs edvoias broutuviocKwy Ths TOV Katoikovvtwr atta Ladatav, apa d€ Kat Tov THs ‘Pawpns atrijs tomov brrodetkvdwr, emt toaov evbap- 4 gels erroinoe Tovs avOpwrous. TH dS éemavptov ava- levEas evipyeto Ths KataBaoews. ev 7 modEmiots pev ovKeTL Trepleétuxe TARY TOV AdOpa KaKoTOLOUV- Twv, UT0 bé TOV TOTWY Kal THS xLdvos od TrOAAG Aeimovras améBade TOV Kata THY avaBaow Plaper- 5 TWY. OVENS yap OTEVAS Kal KaTWHEpOUS THS KaTA- Bdaoews, THs dé xLovos adyAov ToLtovans EKaoTOLS Thv emiPaow, wav TO Tapatrecov TAS 6800 Kal 6 opahev epepeTo Kata. TOV KpnEvav. ov pny aAAa TAUTHY prev bmrépepov THY TaAaumepiav, aTE ouv- 7 H0es Ovtes HOH Tots TOLOUTOLS KaKots’ dua de TH mapayevécbat mpos TovlovTov TOomoV, Gv oUTE Tots O@npiots ovTE Tots broluytos Suvatov Hv mapeAOeiv dua THY OTEVOTHTA, OXYEdOV Emi TPL NutoTadia THs amTopp@yos Kal mpd Tob pev ovans, TOTE Sé Kal wad- Aov €Tt tpoodatws atreppwyvias, evTadla maAw abv- 8 pnoar Kal Suatpamjnvar cuveBn TO 7AHBos. TO wev obv mp@tov éemeBareTo mepteAeivy Tas Svaxwpias 6 TOV Kapyndoviwy orparnyds: emvyevonervns dé 130

BOOK III. 54. 1-8

on the setting of the Pleiads snow had already gathered on the summit, and noticing that the men were in bad spirits owing to all they had suffered up to now and expected to suffer he summoned them to a meeting and attempted to cheer them up, rely- ing chiefly for this purpose on the actual view of Italy, which lies so close under these mountains, that when both are viewed together the Alps stand to the whole of Italy in the relation of a citadel to a city. Showing them, therefore, the plain of the Po, and reminding them of the friendly feelings of the Gauls inhabiting it, while at the same time pointing out the situation of Rome itself, he to some extent restored their spirits. Next day he broke up his camp and began the descent. During this he encountered no enemy, except a few skulking marauders, but owing to the difficulties of the ground and the snow his losses were nearly as heavy as on the ascent. The descending path was very narrow and steep, and as both men and beasts could not tell on what they were treading owing to the snow, all that stepped wide of the path or stumbled were dashed down the precipice. This trial, however, they put up with, being by this time familiar with such sufferings, but they at length reached a place where it was impossible for either the elephants or the pack-animals to pass owing to the extreme narrow- ness of the path, a previous landslip having carried away about one and a half stades of the face of the mountain and a further landslip having recently occurred, and here the soldiers once more became disheartened and discouraged. The Carthaginian general at first thought of avoiding the difficult part by a detour, but as a fresh fall of snow made progress

131

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

XLovos Kal tavTnv advvatov troLovans TV Topelay, 55 dméorn ths émBodns. To yop oupBaivor ioLov HV Kal mapn\Aaypevov. emt yap THY mpoimdpxovoav xLova Kal Stapeuevnxutav € EK TOU 7pOTEpuV Keynes - vos Apt THs ém ETOUS menTwMKULAS, TavTyy jev ev- duaxomtov elvar ovveBawe Kat dia TO mpoadatov ovcav amadny trdpyew Kai dua TO nde Babos 2éyew. o7mdte de TavTnv diaTatHaavtes Emi THY UiT0- KaTW Kal cuveoTnkuiay eTPatev, OUKETL SLEKOTITOV, aN” e€mrémrAcov oAvobavovtes dpuporepous apa Tots moot, Kalamep emt TH YD ovpBaiver Tots dua TaV 3 dxpom7Acwy Topevoprevois. TO O€ ovvegaxorovboby 4 TOUTOLS ETL OVOXEPEGTEPOY UTHAPYEV. Ob ev yap av- Spes od Suvdpevor THY KATW XLOVa SLtaKdTTELW, OTT6TE meaovtes PovAnbetev Y Tots yovaow 7 Tats Xepat mpooe€epeicacbar ™pos THY efavdoraow, TOTE Kal pardXov ezreémAcov dpa maou Tots epelopaow, emt 5 7oAd Katahepav ovTwV TOV Xwpiov: Ta 8 v7ro- Cuyta OueKOTITEV, OTE TETOL, TH KATW XLdva, KaTa THY Svavdoraow, Siaxdiparra 5 Ejueve pLeTa TOV op- Tiwv olov Katamemnyora dud TE TO Bdpos Kat da 6 TO Tiypa Tis Tmpotrapxovons xuovos. Obev a.7r0 - oras THS TOLAVTYS eAmribos €oTparomedevae mepl TH pax, Stapnodpevos THY em avr h XLova, Kal eta TavTa Tapacrnaas Ta 7AnOn Tov Kpnyvov efvKo- 7 Oopet poeta, TOAAjs TaAauTupias. Tots [Lev Ov v7r0- Cuytors Kal Tots immous ieavyy ETOLNGE TApOdoV eV MPEPL pd. 810 Kat TadTa pev ev0éws diayaywv Kat i kaTaoTparomedevoas Tept Tous expevyovras 70n 8 THY xLOVva TOToUS OvaphKe T™pos Tas vopds, Tovs O€ Nopdoas ava. JL€pos mponye T™mpos THV oikodopiay, Kat L0ALs ev Huepats TpLGt KaKoTTaOjaas Sunyaye TA 132

BOOK III. 54. 8-55. 8

impossible he had to abandon this project. 55. The state of matters was altogether peculiar and unusual. The new snow which had fallen on the top of the old snow remaining since the previous winter, was itself yielding, both owing to its softness, being a fresh fall, and because it was not yet very deep, but when they had trodden through it and set foot on the congealed snow beneath it, they no longer sunk in it, but slid along it with both feet, as happens to those who walk on ground with a coat of mud on it. But what followed on this was even more trying. As for the men, when, unable to pierce the lower layer of snow, they fell and then tried to help themselves to rise by the support of their knees and hands, they slid along still more rapidly on these, the slope being exceedingly steep. But the animals, when they fell, broke through the lower layer of snow in their efforts to rise, and remained there with their packs as if frozen into it, owing to their weight and the congealed condition of this old snow. Giving up this project, then, Hannibal encamped on the ridge, sweeping it clear of snow, and next set the soldiers to work to build up the path along the cliff, a most toilsome task. In one day he had made a passage sufficiently wide for the pack-train and horses ; so he at once took these across and encamping on ground free of snow, sent them out to pasture, and then took the Numidians in relays to work at building up the path, so that with great difficulty in three days he managed to

133

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

} \ / / an ¢e \ A A Onpia. Kaitdde cvveBawe kak@s b710 Tod Ayod Sia- 9 7eDeicfar tadv yap “AATewv Ta ev dkpa Kal Ta \ \ ¢ \ > / 17 v A mpos Tas UmepPoAas avyiKovta TeA€ws ddevdpa Kat Yura mavt’ €or dud TO Cvvex@s eTysevew THY yLdva Kat Jépous Kat xeys@vos, Ta 8’ b70 peony THY Tap- / ’ > A A A e / \ wpevav €€ apdoty totv pepoty trAoddpa Kat Sev- dpopdpa Kat TO OAov olkyouw’ Eorw. ysN / PS A a , e ~ ~ A 5 , 56 vvipas d€ ovvabpoicas duot macav thy Svva- uv KateBawe, Kat TpiTatos amo TOV Tpoeipynucvwr 2Kpnuvav diavdoas nbato Tay émimédwv, moAAovs Lev aTroAwdeKws TOV OTpaTiLwTa@v b76 TE TOV TOXE- piwy Kal TOV TroTapav ev TH KaOdAov Topeia, ToA- Aovs 8 bro THY Kpnuvdv Kat Tov Svaxwpidv Kata A ” ? / w ” \ / 9 tas “AArzets od} povov avopas, €Tt d€ mAEelous immous 3 Kal Umolvyia. TéAos dé THY ev TaCaV TOpElaV eK WK > / \ / a \ \ Kawijs moAews ev mévte not mounoamevos, THhv Sé A ” € A ¢ / / A tav “AArewv brepBodny nuepats Sexarrevre, KaTHpE ToAunpas eis Ta Tept Tov Iladov media Kat TO TOV 4 *IvoduBpwv €Ovos, exwv 76 diacwlopevov pépos THs pev TOV AiBiwy duvapews mrelovs juuptous Kat duc- ~ ~ > xXAtous, Tis b€ THY "IBypwv els oxraKkiaytALous, tr- mets d€ TOUS TaVTAas Ov TAEloUsS eEaKLayLAlwY, Ws avtos ev TH oT7An TH TEpit TOO TANDovs exovon Thv emypagdyy emt Aaxwiw dtacadet. 5 Kara d€ tovs adrovs Katpovs, ws eavw mpoetna, / > A \ /, he > ~ IlomAvos azroXeAoutrws Tas Suvapers Vvatw TaderAhea, Kal mapakekAnkws abtov éxecOar THv ev *IBnpia / \ A > / > / mpayparav Kat mrohepety Eppwevens AodpouvBa, / 6 KaTémAevcE eT OAiywv attos eis Ilicas. mrownoa- eevos de THY Tropetav d1a Tuppnvias, kai maparaBav ~ 4 Ta. Tapa THv eLaTreheKewv oTpaToreda Ta TpoKaby- ~ a / \ AY eva Kat mpoomoAeuobyta Tots Boios, -Ke pds Ta 134

BOOK III. 55. 8 — 56.6

get the elephants across, but in a wretched condition from hunger ; for the summits of the Alps-and the parts near the top of the passes are all quite treeless and bare owing to the snow lying there continuously both winter and summer, but the slopes half-way up on both sides are grassy and wooded and on the whole inhabitable.

56. Hannibal having now got all his forces together continued the descent, and in three days’ march from the precipice just described reached flat country. He had lost many of his men by the hands of the enemy in the crossing of rivers and on the march in general, and the precipices and difficulties of the Alps had cost him not only many men, but a far greater number of horses and sumpter-animals. The whole march from New Carthage had taken him five months, and he had spent fifteen days in crossing the Alps, and now, when he thus boldly descended into the plain of the Po and the territory of the Insubres, his surviving forces numbered twelve thousand African and eight thousand Iberian foot, and not more than six thousand horse in all, as he himself states in the inscription on the column at Lacinium relating to the number of his forces.

About the same time, as I stated above, Publius Scipio, leaving his forces with his brother Gnaeus with orders to conduct operations in Spain and vigorously combat Hasdrubal, arrived by sea at Pisa with a small following. Marching through Etruria and taking over from the Praetors the frontier legions which were engaged with the Boii, he reached

135

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Trepi tov Ildadov media Kat KaTaoTpatomedevaas émeixe Tots moAeuiows, omevdowy ovpPadreiv eis pdxny.

57 ‘Hyets 8° é€zevd7) Kal THY Sunynow Kal TOUS TYE pLovas dpporepov Kal TOV moepov eis “Iradiav nhya- yomev, mmpo Tod Tav aywvev dpfactae Bpaxea

ovAcpeBa TeEpt Tov appolovTwy TH TpaypLareta 2 SueABeiv. tows yap 5 Tes emelnTjcovar mas te- TOUN}LEVOU Tov TAEt torov Adyov v brep TAV KATA AuBinv Kat kat “IBnpiav Tomo OUTE mept Tob Kal’ “Hpa- kAéous arias OTOpLaATOS ovdev emt metov elpnKa- prev ovTE mrept THS E€w Oadatrys Kal Trav év TavTy 3 ovpBawovtav (Oumpdtov, OvdE [LIV TrEpL TAV Bper- TAviKGY pow Kal Tis TOD Kar TuTepov KaTaoKevis, ET O€ TOV apyupeioy Kal ypvoelwy TOV KaT avTHY *[Bypiav, brép wav ot avyypadets auproByntobvtes Tpos adAnAous Tov mAetaTov duarifevrau Adyov. 4 jets & odxt voyilovtes aAAST prov eivat ToTO TO j€pos Tis toroptas dua TOTO _ Tapehetmopev, dAAd Tp@Tov prev ov Bovdopevor Trop: exaotTa Ovaomav Ty dunpynow ovo" dnoTrAavay aro THs TpaypLaruKTs d7r0- 5 Décews TOUS prnxoobvras, devrepov de KpwwovTes ov Sceppyypevay odd ev TapEepy Trounoacbar Thy mrepl avTav pyypnv, adda Kar’ idtav Kal TOTOV Kat Karpov dmrovelavTes TO j€pet ToUTw Kal” 6oov olol 7 eopev THY ddrjBevav Tept avr ay efny7joa- 6 ofa. 8107p ov Xp) Gavyalew odd’ év Tots efijs, €av emi Twas TOUS EPXO [EVOL TOLOUTOUS mapanet- mopev TOOTO (70 Lépos dua. TAS Tpoetpn|Levas airtas. 7 el O€ TWeES mavTws emulnrovar Kara TOTOv Kal KaTa pLepos TOV TOLOUTUY aKovewv, laws dyvoodat Tapa- mAjav Te maaxovTes Tois Aixvois TGV SermvnTav. 136

BOOK III. 56.6 - 57.7

the plain of the Po, and encamping there, waited for the enemy, being anxious to give him battle.

57. Now that I have brought my narrative and the war and the two generals into Italy, I desire, before entering upon the struggle, to say a few words on what I think proper to my method in this work. Some readers will perhaps ask themselves why, since most of what I have said relates to Africa and Spain, I have not said a word more about the mouth of the Mediterranean at the Pillars of Hercules, or about the Outer Sea and its peculiarities, or about the British Isles and the method of obtain- ing tin, and the gold and silver mines in Spain itself, all matters concerning which authors dispute with each other at great length. I have omitted these subjects not because I think they are foreign to my history, but in the first place because I did not wish to be constantly interrupting the narrative and dis- tracting readers from the actual subject, and next because I decided not to make scattered and casual allusions to such matters, but assigning the proper place and time to their special treatment to give as true an account of all as isinmy power. No one then need be surprised when in the course of my history I reach such localities, if I avoid for the reason here stated any description of them. But if there be any who insist on such descriptions of each place that may be mentioned, they are perhaps unaware that they are much in the case of gourmands at a supper party

137

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

g Kal yap exetvot mavro dmroyevopevor TOV Tapa- KEelLevWwY OUTE KATA TO Tapov ovdevos adnfwas amroAavovat TOY Bpwpdrev ouT ets To weAdov wdé- Aypov e€ auTa@y THY avdboow Kal Tpodny Kop.tCov-

g Tal, may d€ Tovvavtiov, of Te mrept THY dvdyvwcw TO See Oe TOLODVTES OUTE THS TapauTixa b- aywyjs aAnfwa@s ove THs ets TO weAAOv WdeXELas oroxalovrat OeovTws.

58 core pev ovv €t Kat TL THY TiS toToplas epa@v dAdo, Kai ToDTO mpoodet Adyou Kat dropficews ee Guwwrépas, mpopaves ex mroAAdy, pdhora S°

QTOUTWY. cyYEdOV yap TavTWY, et be pn ye, TOV mAcloTwv cuyypagewy TeTTELlpapevww prev e€nyet- afar tas tOLoTHTas Kat Bécers THY TEpi Tas eoxa-

3 Tis TOmMWY THs Ka Tuas oiKovpéevns, ev moAXOIs d€ Tav mAcloTwY OunapTnKOTUW, Tapahetmety pev ovdayas Kabnket, prTéov 6€ TL mpos aurous ouK ek TapEpy you Kal OLeppipevns, AN e€ EmLoTAGEws,

4 Kal prréov OUK ETLTLULGYTAS: ove emimAnTTovTas, emawobyTas de padrov Kal OvopGoupevous TP a yrougy avTaV, ywwoKovTas OTL KaKetvou TOV viv KaipGv emdaPopevor moda TOW auTots elpnLeves

5 «ls dvopfwow av Kal petabecw Tyayov. 7 ev yap T@ MPOYEyOVETL Xpovwy aTaviovs av Epo TIS TOV ‘EMjve tous emipePAnpéevous trodAutpayyovetv Ta KATA Tas ecxaTias 61a TO THS EmPoAAs advva-

6 Tov. mroAdoi pev yap joay ot Kata GadaTTay TOTE Kivouvot Kat bvacEapiOunror, toAAamAdown be Tov-

7 Tw of KaTa via. GAN’ ei Kai Tis 7] Kar’ dvdyeny 7), Kare Tpoatpeaw e€ikouro ™mpos TA TEpaTa THS

g olKoupers, oud ouTws TIVUE TO TPOKELLEVOV. 6uc- XEpes pev yap emt mAdov Twav abtontyy yevécba 138

BOOK III. 57.8- 58.8

who taste everything on the table and neither truly enjoy any dish at the moment nor digest any enough to derive beneficial nourishment from it in the future. So those who act in the same way about reading do not properly attain either present entertainment or future benefit.

58. That no part of history requires more circum- spection and more correction by the light of truth than this is evident from many considerations and chiefly from the following. While nearly all authors or at least the greater number have attempted to describe the peculiarities and the situation of the countries at the extremities of the known world, most of them are mistaken on many points. We must therefore by no means pass over the subject, but we must say a word to them, and that not casually and by scattered allusions, but giving due attention to it, and in what we say we must not find fault with or rebuke them, but rather be grateful to them and correct them when wrong, knowing as we do that they too, had they the privilege of living at the present day, would correct and modify many of their own statements. In old times, indeed, we find very few Greeks who attempted to inquire into the outlying parts of the world, owing to the prac- tical impossibility of doing so; for the sea had so many perils that it is difficult to enumerate them, and the land ever so many more. Again, even if anyone by his own choice or by the force of cireum- stances reached the extremity of the world, that did not mean that he was able to accomplish his purpose. For it was a difficult matter to see many things at all closely with one’s own eyes, owing to

139

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

dia TO Tovs prev ExPeBapBapBobat, tors 8 epruovs elvat TOm0US, ETL de XaAEeTTWTEpOV TO TEP THY Opa- Gevrwy dia Adyou Te yvvat Kal pabety dia TO THs 9 puris eEnAdAaypévov. eav b€ Kal yr@ tis, ert TOV mpo Tod duvcxepeatepov 70 TAV EwpaKkdTwv TWA [eE- Tpiw xpjola tTpomw Kal Katadpovijcavta THs ma4- padogoroyias Kat Tepareias eavTobd yapw mpoTyh- cat THV aAjPevav Kat pndev TOV TapeE dvTwY Liv 59 avayyeirtar. didzep od dvayepots, add’ advvarou oxedov Urapyovans KaTd ye TOUS TpoyeyovoTas KaL- povs THs aAnbods iotopias brép THV mpoELpnwevwr, ovK €l TL TmapéAiTov ot ovyypadeis 7) Suijpaprov, 2emiTy.av avtois a€vov, arN’ ed’ doov éyvwady Tt Kal mpoePiPacay TV epTerplay THY TEpL TOUTWY eV ToLovToLs Kapots, emraivetv Kat Oavualew adtods 3 OiKaLov. ev de Tots Kal” Huds TOV ev KaTa THY *Aciav dua tHv AAcEavdpov duvacrtetav, TOv Sé Aow- ma@v ToTwv ova THY “Papaiwy brepoynv ayedov 4andvrwy TAWTadY Kal mopevT@v yeyovdTwv, amo- Aedvpevwy b€ Kat TOV TpaKkTiKOv avdpav ths Tept Tas ToAEwuKaS Kal TOATLKas mpatets pidoTyLias, EK de ToUTwWY TOAAGS Kal peydAas apoppas €lAnddtwv els TO roAumpaypovety Kal dpiropmabeiv wept TOV 6 mpoeipnevwy, Séov av ein Kal BéATiOv ywwoKew Kadnfwatepov trep THY TpdTEpov ayvoovjevwv. 6 OTEp TNLEts avTOL TE TrEeLpacopea TroLetv, AaBdvTeEs appolovra Tomov ev TH mpaypateia TO Leper TOUT, tovs te didorrevaTobvtas dAoaxEepéatepov BovAnad- 7 pea cuvertotica. Trept TOV TpoErpynpevwy, erELd1) Kal TO TAEtov TovTOU yap. redeEducOa TOs KW- dvvous [Kat Tas KaxorTrabeias | Tods ovpBavras Hiv ev tAavn TH Kata AiBinv Kat Kat’ "IBnpiav, ére dé 140

BOOK III. 58.8- 59.7

some of the countries being utterly barbarous and others quite desolate, and it was still more difficult to get information about the things one did see, owing to the difference of the language. Then, even if anyone did see for himself and observe the facts, it was even still more difficult for him to be moderate in his statements, to scorn all talk of marvels and monsters and, preferring truth for its own sake, to tell us nothing beyond it. 59. As, therefore, it was almost impossible in old times to give a true account of the regions I speak of, we should not find fault with the writers for their omissions or mistakes, but should praise and admire them, considering the times they lived in, for having ascertained something on the subject and advanced our knowledge. But in our own times since, owing to Alexander’s empire in Asia and that of the Romans in other parts of the world, nearly all regions have become approachable by sea or land, since our men of action in Greece are relieved from the ambitions of a military or political career and have therefore ample means for inquiry and study, we ought to be able to arrive at a better knowledge and something more like the truth about lands which were formerly little known. This is what I myself will attempt to do when I find a suitable place in this work for introducing the subject, and I shall then ask those who are curious about such things to give their undivided attention to me, in view of the fact that I underwent the perils of journeys through Africa, Spain, and Gaul, and of voyages on

141

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Tadariav Kai tHv eEwhev tavrais tats ywpats ovy-

gkupotoav Oddatrav, wva di0pAwodmevor tHy TeV MpOyeyovoTwv ayvorav ev TovTOLS yrwpyLa ToL}- awpev Tots “EAAnot kai tatira Ta wEepn THS olKOU- pevns.

9 Néov 8 avadpapdvres emi tiv mapéxBaow ris dunyjoews teipacdpeba SndAodv tods yevomevous ex mrapatagews ev “Iradia “Pwpaiors Kat Kapyn- doviois aya@vas.

60 To pev odv rAjbos tis Suvdews, doov exwv ’"AvviBas evéBarev eis “ItaXiav, dn SeSnAdKapev.

2 peta dé THY eioBoAnv KataotpatoTEdevoas Um ad- THY THY Tapwpeav TOV "AXArewv Tas ev apxas

3 aveAduBave Tas Suvdpers. od} yap povov bro TeV avaBacewv Kai KataBdoewr, ert d€ TpayuTnTwY TOV kata Tas vrrepBoAds, dewas TeTaAarTWpHKEL TO OUL- Trav avT@ oTpatoredov, aAAa Kal TH THY emiTHSElwy omaver Kal Tats TOV CwudTwv aleparevotats Ka-

4«@s am7nAAatTe. modo dé Kal KabudeivO’ Eavtods dAooxepas Sia THY evdevav Kal cuvéyevay TOV md- vwv. ovte yap diaxopilew eis TooavTas pupiddas dua ToLovtTwy Témwv SaYwAH Ta mpds THY TpodHv oloi 7’ joav, a Te Kal mrapexoutlov dua TH TOV vroluyiwy Katapbopa, Kal TovTwy Ta TAEtoTa ouV-

BamwrduTo. didtrEp Opunoas amo THs TOD ‘Podavod diaBadcews, melovds pev els oKTaKLaXLAloUS Kai TpLO- fLuptous exwv, immets dé mAelouvs oxtakicyirAwr, axedov Tov THY Huloevay THs Suvdpews, Kabamep

6 ETdvw Tpoetmov, év Tals brepBodats diePOepev. oF ye unv awlevres Kat tats émipavelats Kat TH AowrH diabécer dia THY ovveyeray THY TpoELpnuevwr TOd-

7vwv olov arroteOnpwwuevo. mavtes Hoav. moAAnv 142

BOOK III. 59.7 - 60.7

the seas that lie on the farther side of these countries, mostly for this very purpose of correcting the errors of former writers and making those parts of the world also known to the Greeks.

But now returning to the point at which I digressed from my narrative I shall attempt to describe the battles between the Romans and Carthaginians in Italy.

60. I have already stated the strength of Han- nibal’s army when he entered Italy. Once arrived there he at first encamped at the very foot of the Alps to refresh his forces. For his men had not only suffered terribly from the toil of ascent and descent of the passes and the roughness of the road but they were also in wretched condition owing to the scarcity of provisions and neglect of their persons, many having fallen into a state of utter despondency from prolonged toil and want of food. For it had been impossible to transport over such ground a plen- tiful supply of provisions for so many thousand men, and with the loss of the pack-animals the greater part of what they were carrying perished. So that while Hannibal started from the passage of the Rhone with thirty-eight thousand foot and more than eight thousand horse he lost in crossing the passes, as I said above, about half his whole force, while the survivors, owing to the continued hard- ships they had suffered, had become in their external appearance and general condition more like beasts thanmen. Hannibal, therefore, made every provision

143

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

ovv TrOLOUjLevos mpovovay “AvviBas Tijs emyueletas avTav dvekTaTO Kal Tas puxas 4, Gye Kal Ta owpara. 8 TMV avop@v, Oopmoiws S€ Kal THY immwv. peta Be Tatra, TpocaverAnputas 7100 Tijs duvdpews, TOv Tavpiver, ol TuyxXavouact mpos TH Tapupela KaTOL- Kobvtes, oTacvalovtTwy fev mpos Tovs “IvoouBpas, 9 amortovvtwy dé Tots Kapyndovios, To ev mpa- Tov avtovs els piAiay mpovKadetro Kal ovppaxiav: ovx UmakovdvTwv d€, TEeptaTpatoTredevoas THv Ba- putatyny moAw ev tpiolv nuepais e&erroAdpKnae.

10 katacdakas dé Tos evavtiwlevtas adTt@ Towobrov eveipyadoato PoPov Tots atveyyus KaToLKOvOL TOV BapBapwv ote mavTas ex XEupos TapayivecOat,

11 dvddvras abrovs els THV mor. TO O€ Aourov 7H fos Tov Ta Tedia KaToiKovvTwy Kedrav eo7r0v- dale wev Kowwvetv Tots Kapyndoviors THv mpaypa-

12 Tw Kata THhv e€ apxns emiBoAnv: mapnAAaxorwv Sé tov ‘Pwyaikdv orpatomédwv 7d Tovs mAelotous avTa@v Kal duakeKAerKoTwY, Novylav Hyov: Ties Se

13 Kal ovoTparevew jayKalovTo tots ‘Pwpatous. ets a Brérrev ’"AvviBas €. expe pen) pedArew, aAra m™po- dyew els Toupmpoatey Kal mparrew TU mpos TO Dap - phoa Tovs BovAopévous petéxew adhiot Tav adTav eAmidwv.

61 Ilpofduevos dé Taira, Kal TOV ITorrAvov aKovwy 7107 SvaBeByrevar TOV Iadov pera, TOV Suvdjewy Kal ovveyyus <ivat, TO pev mparov jriorer Tots

2 mpooayyeAAopevois, evOupovpevos rev OTL TPOTEpoV HwEepats OAlyats adrov azéAurre TrEpt THY TOD ‘Poda- vod dudBaow, Kat avAAoyifopevos Tov TE TAObY TOV amo MacoaAlas eis Tuppnviav ws pwaxpos Kai duc-

8 TapaKkdputotos €in, mpos dS€ TovToLs TV TopeElay 144

BOOK III. 60.7- 61.3

for carefully attending to the men and the horses likewise until they were restored in body and spirit. After this, his forces having now picked up their strength. when the Taurini who live at the foot of the mountains quarrelled with the Insubres and showed no confidence in the Carthaginians, he at first made overtures for their friendship and alliance, but on their rejecting these he encamped round their chief city and reduced it in three days. By massacring those who had been opposed to him he struck such terror into the neighbouring tribes of barbarians that they all came in at once and submitted to him. The remaining Celtic inhabitants of the plain were impatient to join the Carthaginians, as had been their original design, but as the Roman legions had advanced beyond most of them and cut them off, they kept quiet, some even being com- pelled to serve with the Romans. Hannibal, in view of this, decided not to delay, but to advance and try by some action to encourage those who wished to take part in his enterprise.

61. Such was the purpose he had in view when the news reached him that Publius had already crossed the Po and was quite near at hand. At first he refused to believe it, reflecting that he had left him only a few days previously near the crossing of the Rhone and that the coasting voyage from Marseilles to Etruria was long and difficult, and learning further by inquiry that the road through

145

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

e ~ A lo a ictopav tiv amo Tob Tuppynvixod meddyous dua. THs i | AL / \ \ 7A e \ \ taXias expt mpos Tas “AAzrets ws troAA7 Kat dvo- Siodos umapyer otpatomédois. mAecvwv de Kat / ») a\) / ’ , \ 4 cadeotépws det mpocayyeAAdvTwy, eOavpale Kat KatemémAnKto THv GAnv emBodAry Kal THY mpagw Tob otparnyod. To dé mapatAjo.ov cuveBawe ma4- Soyew Kat tov Idm\ov- tas pev yap apxas odd > 4, ~ \ ~ ” ” , A émtParéobat TH dia TOV “AAtrewv NAmioE Tropeta TOV > AvviBav Suvapecw addodvaAots: ef dé Kat ToAUy- / /, > ‘ e io cou, katapbapjoeabat mpod7jAws adrov breAduBave. Sidmep év Tovovtois Dv diadoytopois, ws emvvOa- 6 vero Kal cea@abat Kai modopKeiv adrov Hdn Twas / > > , / \ / A A roAeus ev “Iradia, KatetémAnKTo THY TOAWAY Kal TO / > 4, A > > A / \ a mrapaBoXov ravdpds. TOS adro ovvéBawe Kat Tots 7 év 7H ‘Pan werovOevar wept THv mpoomumTovTwy. dptt yap tis TeAevtaias dyuns Katadnyovans v7Ep 8 sav Kapyndoviwy 67 ZaxavOay eiAjpac., Kat pos ravTnv BeBovAevpévwy tiv évvoray, Kal Tov pev éva THY atpatnyav e€ameotaAKdéTwr ets THY At- Binv, ws adtiy tiv Kapynddva moAvopkyoovta, \ oe > >) > / e \ > / > A Tov €tepov 8° eis “IBypiav, ws mpos “AvviBav éxet StazroAejjoovra, maphy ayyeAia S.d7e mapeatw *Av- vias pera Suvdpews Kal moAvopKet Twas 75y 70- > > /, if A / / ? 9 Aes ev "IraAla. did7t Kal mapaddfov pavevtos av- roils Tob ywopevon, Siatapaybevtes Tapaxpywa. 7pos tov TeBépiov eis 7d AtAvBasov eEaréareAdov, dn- Aobvres ev THY mapovatav TAV TroAEpLiwy, oldjpevot dE Seiv ddéuevov TOV TpoKepevwy Kata arrovdyv Bon- an A 3Q7 ¢e \ / \ \ 10 Oety tots iStous mpaypacw. 6 dé TeBépios tovs pev amd Tob ordéAov mapautixa cuvabpoicas e&éreupe, mapayyeiAas movetcbar tov trAobv ws em oOiKoU" \ \ \ / > , \ ~ / tas 5é melixas Suvdpers eEdpxice Sia THv xLAudp- 146

BOOK III. 61.3-10

Italy from the Tyrrhenian Sea to the Alps was like- wise very long and not suited for the march of troops. But when more messengers continued to arrive bringing the same news in a more definite form, he was struck with amazement at the whole project of the Consul and the way he had carried it out. Publius had very much the same feeling; for at first he had never expected that Hannibal would even attempt to cross the Alps with foreign forces, and if he ventured on it he thought that certain destruction awaited him. So that, his anticipa- tions being such, when he heard that Hannibal was safe and was already besieging towns in Italy he was amazed too at his daring and venturesome- ness. In Rome itself the intelligence had much the same effect. The stir created by the last news of the Carthaginians—that they had captured Saguntum —had only just subsided, measures had been taken to meet this situation by sending one Consul to Libya who was to besiege Carthage itself, and the other to Spain to fight, as they thought, with Han- nibal there ; and now news came that Hannibal was in Italy with his army and already laying siege to some cities. The thing therefore seemed altogether astounding to them, and in great alarm they sent urgent orders to Tiberius at Lilybaeum, informing him of the arrival of the enemy and bidding him abandon his present project and hasten to the help of his own country. ‘Tiberius at once collected the crews of his fleet and dispatched it with orders to make for home. From his soldiers he exacted through the Tribunes an oath that they would all be

147

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

yw, Tagas 7 TLEpav ev i) Senoer TavTas ev “Apusive 11 yeveoBau KowTatous. auTn S° €OTL modus mapa TOV *Adpiav é emt TO mépate Keyevyn TaV mept Tov Iladov 12 medio WS aro peony Bptas. mavraxobev d€ Tod KW7LATOS Gia ylvoevov, Kal TOV ovpBacvovte maou Tapa dd€av mpoomimTovTwy, HY Tap EKAOTOLS emloTacis Umep TOD jLeAXOVTOS OUK EVKATAdppOVNToS. 62 Kara d€ tov Kaipov Tobrov dyn ovveyyilovTes adAnrots "AvviBas Kat IlomAos émeBaAovto mapa- KaXreiv Tas €avTav duvajets, ExaTEpos mpolejevos 27a mpémovta Tots wapotar Katpots. *AvviBas pev ovv d.a TOLoudE TWos evexetpet TpoTrov mrovetobat 3 THY Tapatveowy. ouvayayov yap Ta mx On Tap- nyaye veavioKous TOV aixpadcroy, ovs etAnpet KQKOTOLODVTAS THY TopElayv ev Tats Trept Tas "AAzreLs 4 dOvaywplats. ToUToUS d€ KaKa@s dxerierO, Trapa.- oKevalopevos ™mpos TO pedov- Kal yap Seopovs el- xov v Bapets Kal TO Awe ovvedyynVvTO Kal Tats mn 5 yais att@v ta cawpata dépbapto. Kablicas obv ToUTous Els TO wéaov mpoeOnKe TavoTrAias Tadatt- Kds, olats etwOaow ot Baoreis avTav, OTav jLovo- paxeiv peMwor, KaTaKogpe taba: mpos dé ToUTOLS Urmous TapeoTnoE Kal oayous elonveyKe Tohurehet is. 6 KaTELTA THY veaviokwy NpeTto Tives at’T@v Pov- Aovra duaywvicacBar Tmpos adAnArous, ef @ TOV fev ViKHoAaVTGA Ta. Tpoketweva AapBdvew aOAa, Tov 8° nrr7Oévra TOV TapovTey amnAAdy Bae KaKOV, 7 tTeAeuTHOavTa Tov Biov. mavTwy 5° avaBonoavTwy dpa Kat dnAovvtwr ott BovAovrar povopayety, KAn- pwoacba mpocérage, Kat dvo0 Tods AaxydvTas Kab- omAvcapevous éxéAevoe payeobat mpos aAArAouvs. 8 TapavTika ev OdV aKOVGaYTES Ot Veavickol TadTa, 148

BOOK III. 61. 10 - 62.8

at Ariminum on a certain day before bed-time. This is a city on the Adriatic at the southern edge of the plains of the Po. So that as there was great stir and activity all round, and as the news that arrived was what nobody expected, there was on both sides that intense concern for the future which an enemy cannot afford to neglect.

62. Hannibal and Publius were now near each other, and they both thought it proper to address their troops in a manner suitable to the occasion. The device by which Hannibal tried to encourage his men was as follows. Mustering the troops, he brought forward certain young men from among the prisoners he had taken molesting his march in the difficult part of the Alpine pass. He had purposely, with a view to the use he was going to make of them, ill-used them: they wore heavy fetters, they had suffered much from hunger, and their bodies were disfigured by the marks of blows. Placing them in the middle of the meeting he exhibited some Gaulish suits of armour, such as their kings are wont to deck themselves with when about to engage in single combat. In addition to these he placed there some horses and had some rich military cloaks brought in. He then asked the young men which of them were willing to do combat with each other, the prizes exhibited being destined for the victor, while the vanquished would be delivered by death from his present misery. When all shouted out with one voice that they were willing to fight, he ordered them to draw lots, and the two on whom the lot fell to arm themselves and do combat. The young men, the moment they heard this, lifted up their hands

149

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Kal Tas xetpas eEaipovres, evxovTo Tots Beois, amrev- 9 dwy ExaoTos avtos yevéoba: THY AaxdovTwr. eErrEt 5° edyAwOn Ta Kata TOV KAHpov, Hoav of pev Ei- 10 Anxores mepixapeis, ot & dAdo TovvarTiov. _yevo- peévns de THs paxns ovx ATTOV €waxdplov ot Tept- Acuropevor TOV aixwahwray Tov TeOvedTa TOO ve- VIKNKOTOS, WS TOAADY Kal peydAwy KaK@v éexeivor pev amoAeAupevov, odds 5° avtovs akpnv dro- 11 havo: nv oe TmapatrAnata Kat Tept TOUS moMous v Kapynooview 7 u] SuaAnypus: eK mupabecews yap Fah a Tis TOV d-yowevey Kal CwvTwr Tahav- Twplas, ToUTOUs pev NA€ouv, TOV dé TEOVEDTA Trav- 63 Tes euaxdapilov. *AvviBas dé dia THY Tpoeipnuevwv THhv mpokeyrevynv Sidbeow evepyacdpevos Tats TOV 2 Suvdpewy puyais, weTa Tabra mpoeAPav adros Tov- Tov ydpw é€pn mapetodyew Todvs aiyuadutovs, WwW emt TMV aAdoTpiwy ovuTTwWELAaTwY evapy@s Jeaca- prevot TO oupBatvoy BéAriov brép THY odiot Trap- 3 ovrwy Bovrevwvra Tpaypdrov ets maparrAnatov yap avtovs aydva Kal KaLpov THY TUXNY OVvY- KekAekevat Kal trapamAjoia Tots viv dbAa mpo- 47eferxevar. deity yap 7 wKav 7 OvyocKew 7 Tots €xOpois bmoxerpiovs yevéobar Cdvras. elvar 8 éx pev Tod viKav abAov ody tmmovs Kal aadyous, adda TO Tavtwy avOpumwv yevéobar pakapwrTatous, 5 Kparjjoavras THs “Pawpaiwy evdaovias, éK d€ Tob }eaxopevous TL mabe tv SvaywveCopevous ews THS €EOXaTs dvarvors vmeép Tijs kahNarns €Amidos jer adAdéat zov Biov ev Xelpav VOLW, pn devos KaKod 6 AaBovras metpav, Tots 8 HTT wpLEvoes Kal Oud THY m™pos TO ony em Bupiiav UrropLevouar pevyew 7 H KaT adAAov twa Tpdmov €Aopévois TO Civ tavTos KaKod 150

BOOK III. 62.8 - 63.6

and prayed to the gods, each eager to be himself one of the chosen. When the result was announced, those on whom the lot had fallen were overjoyed and the rest mournful and dejected, and after the combat was over the remaining prisoners congratulated the fallen champion no less than the victor, as having been set free from many and grievous evils which they themselves were left alive to suffer. The sen- timent of most of the Carthaginians was identical ; for looking on the misery of the other prisoners as they were led away alive, they pitied them on comparing their fate with that of the dead whom they all pronounced to be fortunate. 63. When Hannibal had by this means produced the disposition he desired in the minds of his troops, he rose and told them that he had brought the prisoners before them designedly in order that clearly seeing in the person of others what they might themselves have to suffer, they should thence take better counsel at the present crisis. “ Fortune,” he said, “ has brought you to a like pass, she has shut you in on a like listed field of combat, and the prizes and prospects she offers you are the same. For either you must conquer, or die, or fall alive into the hands of your foes. For you the prize of victory is not to possess horses and cloaks, but to be the most envied of mankind, masters of all the wealth of Rome. The prize of death on the battle-field is to depart from life in the heat of the fight, struggling till your last breath for the noblest of objects and without having learnt to know suffering. But what awaits those of you who are vanquished and for the love of life consent to fly, or who preserve their lives by any other means, is to have every evil and every mis-

151

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

7 Kal ma0ns aTuXlas petacxetv. ovdéva yap ovTwS dAdytorov ovoe veobpov avTa@v Umapxew, Os pLvn{Lo- vevov fev TOU pLnKOUS THS 0600 THs Ounvugperns ek TOV TaTplowy, pyyjLovevwy dé Tod mAnBous Tov peta€d Trorchiwv, eldws dé Ta peyeOn TeV TOTAPAY av Ouerepacer, éAmioae mot av ote pev- g ywr els Ty olxetav abi€eTar. Ovd7rEp weTo detv avrous, a GTO KEKOM[LEVS Kkabodov Tis rovavirns eAmt- dos, THY adtyy dudAnyuy TrovetoPar mept TOV Kal? QUTOUS TpPAyLaTwY yVTEp apTiws emoLobyTO TeEpt

97a@v aAdoTpiwy cvuTTMpdTwY. Kabdmep yap eT EKelvwy TOV fev vuKHoaVTa Kal TeOVe@TAa TavTES euakapilov, Tovs d€ Cavtas HAgovy, oUTwWs WeETO deity Kal mept TOV Kal” adbtods dvadapPavew, Kat mavrTas levat Tpos Tovs ayavas, wdAvoTa pLev VUKH- govras, av de p17) TOOT’ 7 SuvaTtov, amrofavoupe-

lo vous. THY dé Tod Civ yTTyMWEévovs eAmida KaTa

11 7d€va TpoTrov ngtov AapBaverv ev vO. TOUTW yap Xpynoapreveoy: avTav TO Aoyroua Kal TH mpobéce TAaUTH Kal TO ViKGY apa Kal TO o@leabae mpodiAws

12 optoe ovvefaxorovbijaew. TAVT OS yap TOUs 7) KaTa mpoaipecy 7 KAT avayKnv TOLAUTY) mpobecer KEXpN- [Levous ovdemore dteedobar Tod Kpatety TOV avTe-

13 Ta€apevwv. OrTav dé 67) Kal Tots mroAEpiots oUp- Saivn THY evavTiay eAmiba TavTNS Umdpxew, 0 vov eoTt Trept Paratous, wate hevyovat mpddnAov etvat Tots mAEioTOLs THY GwWTHplav, TapaKeywevns avTots THs oikelas, dfjAov Ws avuTOaTaTos yivolT’ av 7

14 TOV amnAmKdoTwv ToAua. Tv dé moAA@V armo- dEeXxoLEevwY TO TE Tapdderypa Kal Tovs Adyous, Kal AapBavovtwy opynv Kal mapdotacw oiav o Tapakada@v éoTrovdace, TOTE ev eTTaLvécas avTovs 152

BOOK III. 63.7-14

fortune for their lot. There is not one of you so dull and unreflecting as to hope to reach his home by flight, when he remembers the length of the road he traversed from his native land, the numbers of the enemies that lie between, and the size of the rivers he crossed. I beg you, therefore, cut off as you are entirely from any such hope, to take the same view of your own situation that you have just expressed regarding that of others. For as you all accounted both the victor and the fallen fortunate and pitied the survivors, so now should you think about yourselves and go all of you to battle resolved to conquer if you can, and if this be impossible, to die. And I implore you not to let the hope of living after defeat enter your minds at all. If you reason and purpose as I urge upon you, it is clear that victory and safety will follow; for none ever who either by necessity or choice formed such a resolve have been deceived in their hope of putting their enemies to flight. And when the enemy have the opposite hope, as is now the case with the Romans, most of them being sure of finding safety in flight as their homes are near at hand, it is evident that the courage of those who despair of safety wil] carry all before it.’ The object-lesson and the speech were well received by the troops, in whom they produced the enthusiasm and _ self-confidence that the speaker desired, and after commending

153

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Suadfnke, 7H 5° emravpiov avalvynv dua TH dwt mapnyyetre.

64 IlozAvos 5€ wept tas adtas yuépas tov I1ddov ToTapov 7O7n memEpatwuevos, Tov dé Tixwwov Kpi- vwv els Touptpoobev diaBaivew, Tots pev emt- Tndelots yeduporrotety trapyyyevre, Tas Oe Aouras

2 Suvapers ouvayayov mapeKdner. TQ pLev ovV TrOAAG TOV Acyonevan 7) Hv TEpL TE TOD THS marpidos af ves - patos Kal Tay mpoyovikdy m™pa ewy, TO be Tob

3 TapeoT@ros Katpob Towoe. edn yap Rae En- deuiav prev eiAnddtas mretpav emi tod mapdvTos TOV drevavTiwy, avTo d€ TOUTO ywuwoKoVTas OTL peAXovot mpos Kapyndovious Kkwouvevew, avappe-

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8 Topelia. mapetvar dé Kal viv édy tov *AvviBay, 154

BOOK III. 63. 14 - 64.8

them he dismissed them, ordering them to be ready to start at daybreak.

64. At about the same date Publius Scipio, who had already crossed the Po and had decided toadvance across the Ticinus, ordered those qualified for that task to build a bridge and, summoning a meeting of the rest of his forces, addressed them. Most of what he said related to the exalted position of their country and the achievements of their ancestors ; what concerned the present situation was as follows. He said that even if they had had no recent experi- ence of the enemy, the knowledge alone that they were going to fight against Carthaginians should give them unshaken hope of victory. They should regard it as altogether an outrageous and surprising thing that Carthaginians should dare to face Romans, by whom they had been so often beaten, to whom they had paid so much tribute, and whose slaves almost they had been for so many years. “ But now, he went on to say, “ when apart from this we can judge more or less by our own experience that these actual men here on the spot do not venture to look us in the face, what should our opinion be as to the future, if we estimate chances correctly ? Why! not even their cavalry when they met ours near the Rhone came off well, but after losing many of their number fled disgracefully to their own camp, upon which their general and all his forces, as soon as they knew our soldiers were coming, made a re- treat more resembling a flight, and contrary to their original intention chose the route through the Alps from pure fear of us. Hannibal has now arrived,”

VoL, 11 F 155

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 64.8 - 65.5

he said, “ but he has lost most of his army and the rest are weak and useless owing to hardship; he has lost most of his horses too, and those he has left he has rendered fit for nothing by the length and difficulty of his march.”’ From all this he tried to convince them that they had only to show themselves to the enemy. He bade them above all be encour- aged by his own presence, for never would he have abandoned his fleet and the Spanish expedition on which he was dispatched, and made such haste to reach Italy, had it not been evident to him that he was doing a necessary service to his country and that victory was a matter of certainty. When all the troops, owing to the authority of the speaker, and the truth of what he said, showed themselves most ardent for a battle, he commended their alacrity and dismissed them, bidding them hold themselves in readiness to execute his orders.

65. Next day they both advanced along the Po on the bank nearest the Alps, the Romans having the stream on their left and the Carthaginians on their right. Learning on the following day from their scouts that they were near each other, they both encamped where they were and remained there for the present. But next morning both generals took the whole of their cavalry, and Publius his javelineers also, and advanced through the plain with the object of reconnoitring each other’s forces. Upon their approaching each other and seeing the clouds of dust they at once got into order for action. Publius, placing his javelineers and the Gaulish cavalry which was with them in front and the rest

157

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 65. 6 — 66. 2

behind, advanced slowly. Hannibal, putting his bridled cavalry and all the heavier part of it in front, led them to meet the enemy, having his Numidian horse ready on each wing to execute an outflanking movement. Both of the leaders and their cavalry were so anxious to join battle that at the opening of the action the javelineers had no time to dis- charge their first volley, but gave way at once and retired through the gaps between the troops of their own cavalry, in terror of the impending charge and fearful of being trodden under foot by the horsemen who were bearing down on them. The cavalry met front to front and for some time maintained an evenly balanced contest, the engagement being both a cavalry and infantry one, owing to the number of men who dismounted during its progress. When, however, the Numidians outflanked the Romans and took them in the rear, the javelineers on foot who had at first escaped from the charge of the cavalry were now ridden down by the numbers and force of the Numidians, while the cavalry, who from the outset had been facing the Carthaginians, after suffering heavy loss and inflicting still greater on the enemy, being now attacked by the Numidians also in the rear, broke into flight, most of them scattering in every direction but a few gathering closely round the Consul.

66. Publius now broke up his camp and advanced through the plain to the bridge of the Po, hastening to get his legions across before it was too late. For since the country was all flat, since the enemy was superior in cavalry, and since he himself was

159

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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160

BOOK III. 66.2-9

severely wounded, he decided to place his forces in safety. Hannibal had at first supposed that the Romans would risk an infantry engagement, but on seeing that they had moved out of their camp, followed them as far as the bridge over the first river,* but finding most of the planking of it torn up, but the force set to guard it still remaining at their post by the river side, he took them prisoners to the number of about six hundred, and on hearing that the rest of the Romans were far in advance of him he now wheeled round and marched in the opposite direction up the Po with the object of reaching a place where it was easy to bridge it. After two days’ march he halted and, constructing a bridge of boats, ordered Hasdrubal to see to the passage of the army and he himself crossing at once gave a hearing to the envoys who had arrived from the districts round. For immediately upon his success, all the neighbouring Celts hastened, as had been their wish from the outset, to make alliance with the Carthaginians, to provide them with supplies and to send them contingents. He received them all courteously, and being now joined by his troops from the opposite bank, he advanced along the Po in the opposite direction to his previous march ; for now he marched down stream with the object of encountering the enemy. Meanwhile Publius, having crossed the Po and encamped at Placentia, a Roman colony, where he occupied himself with the cure of himself and the other wounded, and

* i.e, the Ticino. Livy wrongly makes it to be the bridge of boats over the Po. The engagement took place near Victumulae, the modern Vigerano, on the right bank of the Ticino,

161

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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6 Tav ‘Pwpyaiwy. apa dé TovTOLs Kai THY Botwy 7apa- yeyovoTwv, Kal Tovs Tpets avdpas eyxerprlovTwv 162

BOOK III. 66. 9 - 67.6

thinking that his forces were now firmly established in a safe position, made no move. But two days after his crossing Hannibal appeared close at hand and next day drew up his army in full view of the enemy. Upon their refusing his challenge, he encamped at a distance of about fifty stades from the Roman position.

67. The Celtic contingents in the Roman army, seeing that the prospects of the Carthaginians were now brighter, had come to an understanding with each other, and while all remaining quiet in their tents were waiting for an opportunity to attack the Romans. Allin the entrenched camp had had their supper and retired to rest, and the Celts, letting the greater part of the night go by, armed themselves about the morning watch and fell upon the Romans who were encamped nearest to them. They killed or wounded many, and finally, cutting off the heads of the slain, went over to the Carthaginians, being in number about two thousand foot and rather less than two hundred horse. They were gladly wel- comed on their arrival by Hannibal, who at once, after addressing some words of encouragement to them and promising suitable gifts to all, sent them off to their own cities to announce to their country- men what they had done and urge them to join him. For he was now quite sure that all would take his part on learning of this act of treachery to the Romans on the part of their own countrymen. When at the same time the Boii came to him and delivered up

163

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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164

BOOK III. 67. 6 - 68.4

to him the three Roman officials charged with the partition of their lands, whom, as I mentioned above, they had originally captured by treachery, Hannibal welcomed their friendly advances and made a formal alliance with them through the envoys. He gave the three Romans, however, back to them, advising them to keep them in order through them to get their own hostages back, as had been their original design.

Publius was much concerned at this act of treachery, and taking into consideration that as the Celts had been disaffected for some time, now with this addi- tional incentive all the Gauls round about would go over to the Carthaginians, decided to take pre- cautions for the future. In consequence he broke up his camp that same night a little before daybreak and marched towards the river Trebia and the hills in its neighbourhood, relying on the natural strength of the country and the loyalty of the neighbouring allies. 68. Hannibal, on being apprised of their departure, at once sent off his Numidian horse, and shortly afterwards the rest of his cavalry, and him- self with his army followed close behind. The Numidians, finding the camp deserted, stopped to set fire to it, which proved of great advantage to the Romans, for had the cavalry at once followed them up and overtaken the baggage-train they would have suffered great loss in the flat country. As it was, most of them succeeded in crossing the Trebia, but those who were left behind in the extreme rear were either cut to pieces or captured by the Car- thaginians.

165

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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166

BOOK III. 68. 5-14

Publius, crossing the Trebia, encamped on the first hills he reached and fortifying his camp with a trench and palisade awaited the arrival of Tiberius and his forces. In the meantime he attended care- fully to the treatment of his wound, as he was anxious to be able to take part in the coming battle. Han- nibal encamped at a distance of about forty stades from the enemy. The numerous Celtic population of the plain, enthusiastically taking up the cause of the Carthaginians, kept the camp furnished with abundance of provisions and were ready to take their part in any of Hannibal’s operations or battles.

When the news of the cavalry engagement reached Rome they were surprised that it had not resulted as they would have expected, but were in no want of pretexts to convince themselves that it was not a defeat, some of them putting it down to the Consul’s rashness and some to wilful poltroonery on the part of the Celts, assuming this from their subsequent desertion. But on the whole, as their infantry forces were still unimpaired, their trust in final success was likewise undiminished. So that when Tiberius and his legions arrived and marched through the city, the general opinion was that they had only to show themselves to decide the battle. On the soldiers, as they had pledged themselves by oath, assembling at Ariminum, the Consul put himself at their head and advanced with all speed to join Publius. When he had done so he encamped with his own forces near Scipio’s, to refresh his men after their forty days’ continuous march from Lilybaeum to Ariminum.

167

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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47@v Kaipav KataAapBavopevovs. tov dé mpodoTny eTiunoe peyahetws, exxarécacba omovddloy TOUS em. TpayuaTwv TaTToMEvous mpos Tas Kapyndoviwy eAmidas.

5 Mera d€ Taira ovvOewprjoas Twas tov Ked- TOV, Ol KATWKOUY peTagv Tob ITddov Kab Tob Tpefia TOTAMLOU, TETOLNJLEVOUS [LEV Kal TpPOS avTOV diALay, Svarreuropievous be Kal mpos ‘Papatovs, KQL TreTreL- opevous T@ TOLOVTW TPOTH THY Tap aupoty doga-

6 Acvav adrots dndpEew, eSamroaTeMet melovs ev Ovo- xtXlous, immets dé KeArovs Kal Nopddas els xAious,

7 mpootatas emOpajiety avTav Thy xydpav. tav oe mpakavTwyv TO mpoorax bev Kal TmoAAgy mreptBarope- vwv deiav, ebews of KeAtoi mapjoav ent tov xd-

8 paka TAY ‘Papaior, dedpevor odiot BonGetv. Te- Bépwos dé Kat mdAar Cnta@v adoppiyv tod mparrew Th, tote AaBav mpopacw e€atréatetAe Tay pev im méwv TO TActoTov pépos, melovs de ovv TOUTOLS

9 akovTiaTas eis xtAlous. omovdyn dé TovTwY mpoc- 168

BOOK III. 68. 14 - 69.9

Meanwhile he made all preparations for a battle and had many close conferences with Scipio, ascertaining the truth about what had occurred, and discussing the present situation with him.

69. At about the same time the town of Clastidium was betrayed to Hannibal by a native of Brundisium, to whom the Romans had entrusted it, the garrison and all the stores of grain falling into his hands. The latter he used for his present needs, but he took the men he had captured with him without doing them any hurt, wishing to make a display of leniency, so that those who were overtaken by adversity should not be terrified and give up hope of their lives being spared by him. He conferred high honours on the traitor, as he was anxious to win over those in posi- tions of authority to the Carthaginian cause.

After this, on observing that some of the Celts who lived between the Trebia and the Po had made alliance with himself, but were negotiating with the Romans also, under the idea that thus they would be safe from both, he dispatched two thousand foot and about a thousand Celtic and Numidian horse with orders to raid their country. On his orders being executed and a large amount of booty secured, the Celts at once came into the Roman camp asking for help. Tiberius had long been on the look-out for some ground justifying an active step and now that he had this pretext sent out the greater part of his cavalry and about a thousand javelineers on foot. Making all dispatch they met the enemy

169

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

pu€avrwyv répav tod TpeBia cai diayayonevewv Tots ToAcptous v7éep Tis Actas, eTparnoav ot KeArot ovv tois Nopdow KQL THD dmoxespnow emt TOV éauTay 10 emovobvTO xdpaka. TAXD dé ovvvoncavres TO ywo- pevov of Trpokabyevor THS TOV Kapyndoviwy map- euBodrAns evretbev tais epedpetars €Borfovv ois mueComevois* o08 yevouevouv tpamévtes ot “Pwpator maAw ero.obvTo THY amoAvow els THY EavTaV Trap- 11 euBodAnv. TeBépros 5¢ cvvopHv 76 yuwopevov, mavras eTraphKke TOUS immous Kal TOVs akovTLaTds. TOUTOU d€ ouuteadvtos, adfis eyxAivavtes ot KeArot mpos 12 rHv €avtadv aoddrevayv ameywpovv. 06 dé oTpatnyos Tov Kapyndoviwy, amapaaKkevos Mv mpos TO Kpivew Ta oda, Kal | vomileny dety undémote xwpis mpobécews pnd? ex maons a Poppi mrovetobae Tovs oAoaxepets 13 kwovvous, 6 Omep elvat paréov 7 TyEHOvos Epyov aya- O06, Tote pev eréaye TOUS Tap’ avdTo auveyyicavTas T@ XApAKt, Kal oTHvaL pev Ex eTaBoAjs NvayKace, dudKew dé Kat oupmAcceoBau tots moAetows exwAv- oe, dua Tav OampeT@v Kal cahnuyKr ay dvaxahovpe- 14 vos. ot d€ “Pwpator Bpaxdy é emiayOvTEs Xpovov av- é\voav, dAlyous ev atta@v amoBaddovtes, mAetous dé Trav Kapyndoviwy dvepOapKores. 702 0 dé TeBéptos perewpiobels Kal TrEeptyapns yevo~ pevos em T@ TpoTEpHpLare, prroripws elye mpos TO 2 TV taxlorny Kptvat Ta, ova. Tpo€KELTO Lev ovv avTa@ Kara, Tv idiav yreopny xpHola tots trapodot, dua TO TOV IldmAvov a dppworetv: opws de Bovdopevos mpoodaBéabau Kal TH Tob ovvdpxovTos yan, 3 EzroLetTo Adyous mepl TOUTWY Tmpos aurov. 0 oe [1dz71Avos THY evayTiay elye SiaAnyu mepl T&v ev- 4 coTWTwY' Ta yap aTpatoTeda YeysaoKycavTa Bed- 170

BOOK III. 69.9 - 70. 4

beyond the Trebia and on their disputing possession of the booty with them the Celts and Numidians gave way and began to retire on their own camp. Those in command of the advanced posts outside the Carthaginian camp soon understood what had happened and sent out a covering force to support the fugitives, upon which the Romans in their turn were put to flight and fell back on their camp. Tiberius on seeing this ordered out all his remaining cavalry and javelineers, and when these had joined the rest, the Celts again gave way and retreated to a position of safety. The Carthaginian general, as he was not at this time prepared for a general battle, and took the view that a decisive engagement should never be undertaken on any chance pretext and without a definite purpose—as we must pronounce to be the part of a good general—made the men in retreat halt and face about when they approached the camp, but he would not allow them to advance and engage the enemy, calling them back by his officers and buglers. The Romans after waiting for a short time retired after losing a few of their own number, but inflicting a larger loss on the Car- thaginians.

70. Tiberius, elated and overjoyed by his success, was all eagerness to bring on a decisive battle as soon as possible. He was, it is true, at liberty to act as he thought best owing to the illness of Scipio, but wishing to have his colleague’s opinion he spoke to him on the subject. Scipio’s view of the situation was just the opposite. He considered

171

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Tiw Ta Tap adTdv breAduBave yevnocoba, THv TE tav KeATa&v abeciav ovk eupevetv ev TH mlorer, TOV Kapyndoviwy arpayovvtwy Kat THY novxlay avay- Kalopevwr aye, adda KawoTouycew Te 7dAW KAT

5 exeivov. mpos d€ ToUTOLS avTOs dytaoBets €k TOD Tpavpatos aAn bun mapefeoar Xpetav WAmle Tots

6 Kowots mpdypace. 610 Kal TOLOUTOLS Xpwpevos do- yiopots pévew n&iov tov TeBépiov émi trav tro-

7 Keysevwv. 06 Oe TpoEerpynevos NOEL LEV EKAOTA TOU- twv adnbivds Acyoueva Kai SedvTws, bro dé THS didodokias eAavyvduevos Kal KaTamioTevwv Tots mpdaypact Trapardyws eomevde Kpivar du’ adrod Ta ora Kal pare Tov II6mAvov dvvacbar Taparuxe tv TH PAXN pnTE TOvs emucafeoTapevous: oTparnyous pbaca mapaAaBovras THY apxyy: ovTos yap Vy

86 yxpdvos. did7Ep ov TOV TOV Tpaypar cov KaLpoV exAeyopevos, GAAA Tov tdiov, eueAre TOD SéovTos aopadjccoba mpodavas.

9 ‘O & ’AvwiBas, wapamAnciovs éxwv émuvoias IlomAiw mepi t&v eveotmtwv, Kata TovvayTiov EaTTEVOE cup Barer TOlsS mroAepiots, OéAwy prev ™p@Tov aKEpatots dmoxpicacbae tats tav KeATOv

10 6ppais, SevTEpov dvacKrrous Kal veoovAdoyots cup Badeiv tots tHv ‘Pwpatwy otpatomédo.s, TpiTov advvatobytos étt Tob IlomAlov moujoacba tov KivOuvov, TO dé éytoToV mpaTTew TL Kal [41) Tpote-

ll oar dua Kevijs TOV xXpovov. TH yap ets dAAorpiav Kabevri xwpav orparomeda Kal mapadofous eyxet- podvre mpdypaow els TpoTros eorly ovTOS owrnpias, TO ovuvex@s KalvoToleiy del Tas THY ouppaxwy eAmidas.

12 *AvviBas pév obv, eldws THY eoomerny opunv 172

BOOK III. 70. 4-12

that their legions would be all the better for a winter’s drilling, and that the notoriously fickle Celts would not remain loyal to the Carthaginians if the latter were kept in forced inaction, but would throw them over in their turn. Besides he hoped himself when his wound was healed to be of some real service in their joint action. On all these grounds therefore he advised Tiberius to let matters remain as they were. Tiberius was quite conscious of the truth and cogency of all these reasons, but, urged on by his ambition and with an unreasonable confid- ence in his fortune, he was eager to deliver the decisive blow himself and did not wish Publius to be able to be present at the battle, or that the Consuls designate should enter upon office before all was over—it being now nearly the time for this. Since, then, he did not choose the time indicated by circumstances, but his own time, his action was bound to be mistaken.

Hannibal’s view of the situation was very much the same as Scipio’s ; so that he on the other hand was anxious to force a battle on the enemy, wishing in the first place to avail himself of the enthusiasm of the Celts while still fresh, secondly to encounter the Roman legions while still newly-levied and undrilled, thirdly to fight the battle before Scipio had recovered, but most of all to be up and doing and not let the time slip away resultlessly. For when a general has brought his army into a foreign country and is engaged in such a risky enterprise, his only hope of safety lies in constantly keeping alive the hopes of his allies.

Such, then, was the purpose of Hannibal, who

173

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

71 rod TeBepiov, mpos tovrois Hv. mada Sé ovvew- paxws petafd THv otpatoTréedwv TomTov, emimedov A \ 4 9 a A \ SEL, , ec a pev Kal wwAdv, edput Sé mpos eveédpav dia Te pet- pov €xov odpiv, emi dé tav’Tys axavOas Kat Ba- Tous ouvexets emiTepuKoTas, EviveTO TPOS T@ oTpa- 2 rel Tovs Urrevavtious. EpweAdre 8° edyepas Anoeuw: of yap ‘Pwpaior mpos pev TOUS dAwdeus TOTOUS UromTws elyov dua TO Tous KeArovs ael Teva Tas evédpas ev Tots TovovTois ywplots, Tots 8° ém- 3 médots Kal pAois dmemtoTevov, ovK ElOoTES OTL Kal mpos TO Aabeiv Kal mpos TO pndev maGetv TOUS evedpevoavTas eUpvearepor TvyXavovew ovTes TOV tAwdav, Sia TO dvvacBar pev ek moAAod mrpoopay mavra Tovs evedpevovtas, elvar 8 émumpocbjoes 4ixavas év Tots mAelotos TOTrOLS. TO yap Tuxov petOpov pera Bpaxetas ddpvos, tore dé KdAapou Kal TTEpELs Kat TT yévos dxavdav, ov pdvov melous, GAAa Kal Tovs immets eviore dvvarat KpuTTEW, éav Bpaxéa tis mpovonby tod Ta pev emionua TOV OmAwy vUmtia TiOdvar mpos Thy yhv, tas de TE pt- 5 Kepadaias vroTiWévar Tots OmAows. mAnv 6 ye Tay Ratan oTparnyos kowodoynbets Mayo Ta- d€AP@ Kati Tots cuvedpots mrepl TOU péMovros aya- vos, ovyKaraTiepevev avrTa mayToy tats émuBo- 6Aais, aqua TH SevrvorroujoacBat TO oTpatdmedov dvaxadeodpevos Mdywva Tov adeAdor, evra veov pe, opps de mArpn Kal mradop.a87 mepl Ta Tmode- puka, ouveoTnge Tov imrmewv dv8pas éKarov Kal 7 7eCovs Tovs taous. ete dé THS TpLEpas ovons e€ ddou TOU oTpatomédov onunvajLevos TOUS eUpwoTo~ TdTous mapnyyeAKet Seumvorroinoapevous TKEW emt 8 THY avTOD OKHYHV. Trapakadéoas Sé Kal TapacTHoas 174

BOOK III. 71.1-8

knew that Tiberius was sure to be aggressively in- clined. 71. He had long ago noticed a place between the two camps, flat indeed and treeless, but well adapted for an ambuscade, as it was traversed by a water-course with steep banks densely overgrown with brambles and other thorny plants, and here he proposed to lay a stratagem to surprise the enemy. It was probable that he would easily elude their vigilance ; for the Romans, while very suspicious of thickly-wooded ground, which the Celts usually chose for their ambuscades, were not at all afraid of flat and treeless places, not being aware that they are better adapted than woods for the concealment and security of an ambush, because the men can see all round them for a long distance and have at the same time sufficient cover in most cases. Any water-course with a slight bank and reeds or bracken or some kind of thorny plants can be made use of to conceal not only infantry, but even the dismounted horsemen at times, if a little care be taken to lay shields with conspicuous devices inside uppermost on the ground and hide the helmets under them. The Carthaginian general now consulted with his brother Mago and the rest of the staff about the coming battle, and on their all approving of his plan, after the troops had had their supper, he summoned Mago, who was still quite young, but full of martial enthusi- asm and trained from boyhood in the art of war, and put under his command a hundred men from the cavalry and the same number of infantry. During the day he had ordered these men, whom he had marked as the most stout-hearted in his army, to come to his tent after supper. After addressing

175

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

TOUTOLS THY TMpEeTOVOAY OpurY T@ Kapa, Taphy- yeAXe 5€xa Tods avdpwdeaTaTous ExaoTov éemA€cka- plevov €k TOV ldiwy Ta€ewv Kew els Twa TOTOV g dv noer THS oTpatoTedeias. TaV bé mpabavTwy TO ovvtaxlev, TovTous ev OvtTas Ummets xtAtous Kal melovs dAXouvs tocovtous eEaméateiXe vuKTos els T1HV evedpav, avaTyoas Odnyovs Kal TAdEAPa®

10 dtataéapevos mept TOO Katpod THs éemifecews: adTos om Gyo T® hwti tos Nopadskovs tameis ovvaya- yor, ovtas pepexakous Siadepdovtws, _Tapekahece Kai Twas Swpeas emayyetAdpevos Tots av8paya- Onoao. mpocérake meAdoavras TH THV evavTiwv Xdpare KQTA O7TrOvonV emduaBatverv Tov TOTO {LOV Kal mpocaKpoBodArcopevous Kkwety tous moAepious,

ou \opevos dvapiorous Kat mpos TO peMov a aTrapa-

11 oKevous AaBetv tovs dmevavtious. Tous O€ Aoumovs NYE LOvas aBpoicas Opmolws mapekdAece pos TOV Kiwouvor, Kal Taow dprotorovetobat mapnyyeire Kal Trept THY THY OTAWY Kal TOV inmwv yiveobat Oeparretay.

72 . Ode TeBépwos & apa TH ouvidety eyyilovras Tous Nopadixods immets mapavtixa fev avryy TH in- mov e€améateAXe, mpooraéas execBar Kai ovpmAé-

2Keo0at Tots TroXemios. €€As dé TovUTOLs e&émEuTE Tovs meCaKovTloTas ets eSaxcoxthiovs: exiver d€ Kal TIP Aowrny Svvauww €k Too Xdpaxos, ws e€ emupa.- velas KpiOncopevey Tov orwv, EmraLpopLevos T@ TE mn Ger Tov avo pav Kal TO yeyovore TH mporepaia. 3 mepl TovS imrets ednpepyware. ovons d€ THs Wpas ss XElEpivas TpoTas Kal Tijs Tpepas veperodous at wuypas SvapepovTws, tov & avdpav Kal Tov immwy oxedov wes eimeiv andvTwy avapioTwY éK-

176

BOOK Ile71'8= 72:3

them and working up their zeal to the required pitch, he ordered each of them to pick out ten of the bravest men from his own company and to come to a certain place in the camp known to them. They did as they were bidden and in the night he sent out the whole force, which now amounted to a thousand horse and as many foot, to the ambuscade, furnishing them with guides and giving his brother orders about the time to attack. At daybreak he mustered his Numidian horsemen, all men capable of great endurance, whom he ordered, after having addressed them and promised certain gifts to those who dis- tinguished themselves, to ride up to the enemy’s camp, and crossing the river with all speed to draw out the Romans by shooting at them, his wish being to get the enemy to fight him before they had breakfasted or made any preparations. He then collected the other officers and exhorted them like- wise to battle, and he ordered the whole army to get their breakfasts and to see to their arms and horses.

72. Tiberius, when he saw the Numidian horse approaching, sent out at first only his cavalry with orders to close with the enemy. He next dispatched about six thousand javelineers on foot and then began to move his whole army out of the camp, thinking that the mere sight of them would decide the issue, so much confidence did his superiority in numbers and the success of his cavalry on the previous day give him. The time of year was about the winter solstice, and the day exceedingly cold and snowy, while the men and horses nearly all left the camp without having had their morning meal.

177

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

TMETOpEU LEVEY, TO pev mpa@Tov OpuLy Kal mpobuuia 470 TAH Gos TEpuny: emuyevopLery)s de THs TOD TipeBia TOTALOU duaBacews, Kal mpooavaBeBnkoros TO pev- pare dua Tov ev TH VUKTL yevomevov ev Tots Umep Ta oTparomeda tomrots OuBpov, wort € Es TOY ja 6 GAav ot 7reCot Bamrilopevor dveBawov- e€ @v eKaKo- mabe TO otparomedov Umr6 Te Tob yvxous Kal THs evdeias, ws av 74dn Kal THs TL€pas mpoBawwovons. got de Kapx7doror, KaTa oKnVvas BeBpwxores Kal TETWKOTES, Kal TOUS immous 7 TTOLAKOTES, nAEeidovto 7 Kal kabwrrilovro mept Ta Trupa. mavtes. “AvviBas be TOV Karpov eTmLTNPaV, dua T@ ovvidety diaBeBy- KOTas TOUS ‘Pawpatous TOV morap.ov mpoBaddpevos epedpetav TOUS Aoyxopdpous Kal BaAcapeis, ovTas g els oxraxvaxtAiovs, efhye THY dvvayw. Kal T™po- ayayay ws OKTW orddua po THS orpatomedetas TovS piev areCovs emi play edetav TrapeveBadre, Tept dio- puptous ovras TOV apubuov, "IBnpas Kat KeArovs 9 Kal AiBvas, Tavs 5” immets dueAwv ep exdirepov TapeoTn ve TO Kepas, mAetous 6 ovras pLupiwy adv Tots mapa TOV KeAréy ovppdaxots, TA dé Onpia pepicas 10 7po TV Keparov, bu dyporepwv mpocBaAero. Te- Béptos 5€ Kata Tov adrov _Kaupov TOUS pev immets dvexaheiro, Dewpav ovK _€xovras 6 TL Xpycovrar To ts UmevayTious 61a TO Tos Nouddas a amoxwpety jeev EevxYEp@s Kal omopadny, emucetoau be maAuw ex peTa- Bodjjs ToAunpas Kal Opacews: TO yap THs Nopasée- ll an paxns Lvdy € €OTL TOUTO® Tous de mrelovs Tra.pev - € Kara, Tas eDopevas Trap’ avrots Td€eus, 6 ovras TOUS pev ‘Pawpatous els puupious eSaxvoxtdiovs, TOUS 12 6€ ovppdyous ets Svopupious. TO yap TéActov oTpa- Tomedov map’ adtois mpos Tas dAocxepets émBodas 178

BOOK III. 72.3-12

At first their enthusiasm and eagerness sustained them, but when they had to cross the Trebia, swollen as it was owing to the rain that had fallen during the night higher up the valley than where the armies were, the infantry had great difficulty in crossing, as the water was breast-high. The consequence was that the whole force suffered much from cold and also from hunger, as the day was now advancing. The Carthaginians, on the contrary, who had eaten and drunk in their tents and looked after their horses, were all anointing and arming themselves round their fires. Hannibal, who was waiting for his oppor- tunity, when he saw that the Romans had crossed the river, threw forward as a covering force his pikemen and slingers about eight thousand in number and led out his army. After advancing for about eight stades he drew up his infantry, about twenty thousand in number, and consisting of Spaniards, Celts, and Africans, in a single line, while he divided his cavalry, numbering, together with the Celtic allies, more than ten thousand, and stationed them on each wing, dividing also his elephants and placing them in front of the wings so that his flanks were doubly protected. Tiberius now recalled his cavalry, perceiving that they could not cope with the enemy, as the Numidians easily scattered and retreated, but afterwards wheeled round and attacked with great daring—these being their peculiar tactics. He drew up his infantry in the usual Roman order. They numbered about sixteen thousand Romans and twenty thousand allies, this being the strength of their complete army for decisive operations, when

179

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

eK ToooUTwy dvOpar € coTw, oTav opLob TOUS Umdrous 13 exarépous of Katpol ouvdywou. pera dé Tara TOUS immets éf’ Exatepov els TO Képas, dvTas els TETPA- KuaxtAious, ETHEL | Tots UrrevavTtous coPapas, ev rafer 73 Kal Badny Towovjevos THV Epodov. 7107 d€ ovv- eyyus évtwy addAnAos, ouveTtAeKnoav ot TPOKElLEvor 27av dvvdpewv evlwvot. TovTov Sé oupBavtTos, ot prev “Pwyator Kata mroAAovs tpdtrovs jAaTTObVTO, tots b€ Kapyndovios trepdEvov yivecbar ovveBawe 3 77v xpelav, ate 67 TV pev “Pwyaiwy melaKovte- oT@v KakoTrabovvtwv e€ opOpov Kat TpoEpevwrv TA mActora BéAn Kata THY mpos Tos Nouddas ovpTAo- Kynv, Tov € KaTademopevwnv Berddv nxpecwmevav 4 avtots dua THY vvexetayv THS voTIOOS. Tapa7rAnoa d€ TovToLs ovveBawe Kal mEpl TOUS immets yivecBar 5 kal mepl TO oUpTrav avrots oTparomedov. Tmept ye pny TOUS Kapxndovious Umipxe Tavavria. TOUTWY: aKpLatou yap TApAaTETayPEVvOL Kal vearets aet Tpos TO 6 déov evyproTws Kal mpobUjuws etyov. _Ovomrep GfLa. TO deSacba dua TOV Svactnparov TOUS TpoKwWdv- vevovras Kal OUpTETEL ° Ta Bapéa Tay o7rAwy addr - Aots, of prev inmets ot Tv Kapyndoviwy edbéws am’ dpdotv Totv Kepatow emielov Tovs U7evaytious, ws av T@ mr Gee ToAd Ovagpepovres Kal Tats aKpats avray TE Kal Tov immu Ova THY TpoerpnpLevnv OKE- 7 pasornTa TEpl TrHV <£000v" Tots de ‘Papators TOV imméwv drroxwpnodvTav Kal prwbevrov TOV THS parayyos Kepatov, ot Te Aoyxopopat TaV Kapyndo- viewy Kal TO Tov Nopddwv An Bos, UrrepatpovTes TOUS TMpoTeTayfEvous Tv tOlwy Kal mpos Ta képara. mpoonmimtovtes Tots ‘Pwpatois, moAAd Kat Kaka Sueipyalovro Kal paxeoba Tots KaTa Tpdcwrov OvK 180

BOOK III. 72.12- 73.7

the Consuls chance to be united. Afterwards placing his cavalry, numbering about four thousand, on each wing he advanced on the enemy in imposing style marching in order at a slow step. 73. When they were nearly at close quarters, the light-armed troops in the van of each army began the combat, and here the Romans laboured under many dis- advantages, the efficiency of the Carthaginians being much superior, since the Roman javelineers had had a hard time since daybreak, and had spent most of their missiles in the skirmish with the Numidians, while those they had left had been rendered useless by the continued wet weather. The cavalry and the whole army were in much the same state, whereas just the opposite was the case with the Carthaginians, who, standing in their ranks fresh and in first-rate condition, were ready to give efficient support wherever it was required. So when the skirmishers had retired through the gaps in their line and the heavy-armed infantry met, the Carthaginian cavalry at once pressed on both flanks of the enemy, being greatly superior in numbers and in the condition of themselves and their horses, having, as I explained above, started quite fresh, When the Roman cavalry fell back and left the flanks of the infantry exposed, the Carthaginian pike-men and the Numi- dians in a body, dashing past their own troops that were in front of them, fell on the Romans from both flanks, damaging them severely and preventing them

181

THE (HISTORIES: OF POLYBIUS

8 elu. ot e ev Tots Bapéow OmrAots, Tap audotv Tas TpwTas eXOVTES Kal péoas THs 6Ans TrapeuBodArs Tafeus, em mrohdy Xpovov €[4AXOVTO ovoradny, eda-

74 pddov TOLOU[LEVOL Tov KWWOuUvoV. ev @ Karp@ dvava- oTdvTw TOV EK THS evedpas Nopuddwv, Kal 7poc- TEGOVTOW agven KATA VWTOU Tots aywvelopevors mepl Ta peoa, peydAnv Tapayny Kat dvoypyotiav auveBawe yiveoBar wept Tas TOV “Pwpyatwy dvva-

2pers. TéAos 8 apddtepa Ta Kepata TaV TreEpt tov TeBépiov melovpeva Kata mpocwmov ev bro TOv Onpiwv, wépr€ 5é Kal KaTa Tas EK TOV mrayiwy éemdavetas bo THv edlwvwv, eTpaTnoaV Kat ouvewOotvto Kata TOV Siwypov mpos TOV

3 UmoKElpEvoy TroTaLov. ToUTOV de aupPavTos, ot KaTa [Legov TOV Kivduvoy TayDevTes TV “Pwpyaiwr, of pev Katomw efeotates to TMV EK THS EVve- Spas mpoorTecdvTwy aTrwAAvvTo Kal KaK@s ETAGXOV,

40t d€ wept Tas mpwTas xwpas emavayKacbevtes expatnoav tav KeAta@v Kai pepovs twos TaY AwBiav, Kal T1oAAovs adTa@v amroKTEivavTes duéxowpay

5 TY TOV Kapx7doviay ratw. Oewpodvres Oe Tous amo TOV (Stew Kepatov EKTIETILEGLEVOUS, TO pev emiBonfetv ToUToUs nH 7adAw els THY eauTav amrevat mapenBodny a amréyvwoar, Dpopurpevor [Lev TO TA Bos Tov immewv, kwAvopevor dé dua Tov TOTOLOV Kal THY emupopav Kal avoTpopyy Tob KaTO Kepahny

6 op.Ppov. TH pobvres de Tas Ta€ets abpdor per aodaXetas dmrexwpyoav els IlAaxevriar, OVTES OUK

7 eAdrrous puptov. Tov be Aounay ot per metaror mepl TOV TOTOJLOV edlapynoav bo Te TOV Onpiwv Kal

8 TOV imme, ot de duapuyovtes Tov meCav Kal TO mAeicTov pépos THY imméwv, TpOs TO TPOELpHLEVOV 182

BOOK III. 73.8- 74.8

from dealing with the enemy in their front. The heavy-armed troops on both sides, who occupied the advanced centre of the whole formation, maintained for long a hand-to-hand combat with no advantage on either side. 74. But now the Numidians issued from their ambuscade and suddenly attacked the enemy's centre from the rear, upon which the whole Roman army was thrown into the utmost confusion and distress. At length both of Tiberius’ wings, hard pressed in front by the elephants and all round their flanks by the light-armed troops, turned and were driven by their pursuers back on the river behind them. After this, while the rear of the Roman centre was suffering heavy loss from the attack of the ambuscade, those in the van, thus forced to advance, defeated the Celts and part of the Africans, and after killing many of them broke through the Carthaginian line. But seeing that both their flanks had been forced off the field, they despaired of giving help there and of returning to their camp, afraid as they were of the very numerous cavalry and hindered by the river and the force and heaviness of the rain which was pouring down on their heads. They kept, however, in close order and retired on Placentia, being not less than ten thousand innumber. Of the remainder the greater part were killed near the river by the elephants and cavalry, but the few infantry who escaped and most of the

183

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

ovoTna Towvpevor THY aToxwpNaW, aveKopi- g cnoav apa tovtTos eis IlAakevtiav. ro b€ Tdv Kapxyndoviwy otpatomedov, Ews Tob ToTapLod KaTa- du@Eav Tovs mroAEtous, U0 Fé TOD YEeyw@vos ovKETL Suvdjrevov TOppwTEpw mpoPatvew, emavy Ade mah 10 «ls THY mapeuBodyy. Kal TaVTES ETL wEev TH MAXY Tepixapets Hoav, ws kaTwpbwKores: ouveBawe yap oAlyous pev TOV “TBrjpwv Kat ArBdwyr, tods be Ll mAetous amoAwA€va TOV Kedrav: bro de TOV OuBpwv Kat Tijs emuywopLev7s xudvos ovTws dieri- Devto dewas wore Ta pev Onpta dvadPaphvar may évos, ToAAods 5€ Kal THY avdp@v amdAdAvabar Kat Tov intwv dia TO Pixos. 75° 7 Ovoe TeBéptos, elows ev TO oupBeByKora., Bov- Adprevos be KaTa /Svvap emuxpUrrrecbae TOUS eV TH ‘Pawn To yeyoves, emrepuipe Tovs amayyedobvras 6 OTt paxns yevouerns THY viKny avT@v oO Xeyov apet- 2XeTo. of dE ‘Papator TapavTiKa prev emtloTEvoV Tots mpoomimTovae pet ov moAd de muvOavdpevor Tous peev Kapxndovious Kal TP mapeBorny THY adray Typetv Kal TOUS KeAtovs mavTas dmovevevKevar T™pos 3 THY exetvev didiav, Tovs de Tap” avr ov doAcAou- TOTAS TH mapeuBorAnv € éx THS paxns dvaKexwpyKe- vat Kal ovv7 Ipotabae mavTas els Tas moAews, Kal xopnyetabat dé Tots avayKatous ex JaddtTys ava TOV Ildadov wotapov, Kai Alav caddis Eyvwoay Ta yeyo- 4v0Ta qept Tov Kivduvov. 610 Kal trapaddgou da- vevTos avTots TOU TpayLaTos mepl Tas Aowras mapa. oKEvas SvaepovTws € eyivovTo Kat mept dvdakiy Tov TpOKELEevVWY TOTWY, TE LMOVTES els Lapdova Kal LuKkeAtav oTparomeda, mpos O€ Tourous els Tépavra mpopvadakds Kal TOV dAAwy Témwr ets TOvs EvKAt- 184

BOOK III. 74.8- 75.4

cavalry retreated to join the body I just mentioned and with them got safely into Placentia. The Car- thaginian army, after pursuing the enemy as far as the river, being unable to advance further owing to the storm, returned to their camp. They were all highly elated at the result of the battle, regarding it as a signal success; for very few Africans and Spaniards had been killed, the chief loss having fallen on the Celts. They suffered so severely, however, from the rain and the snow that followed that all the elephants perished except one, and many men and horses also died of the cold.

75. Tiberius, though well knowing the facts, wished as far as possible to conceal them from those in Rome, and therefore sent messengers to announce that a battle had taken place and that the storm had deprived him of the victory. The Romans at first gave credence to this news, but when shortly afterwards they learnt that the Carthaginians still kept their camp and that all the Celts had gone over to them, but that their own forces had abandoned their camp and retreated from the field and were now all collected in cities, and getting their supplies up from the sea by the river Po, they quite realized what had been the result of the battle. Therefore, although they were much taken by surprise, they adopted all manner of steps to prepare for the war and especially to protect exposed points, dispatching legions to Sardinia and Sicily and sending garrisons to Tarentum and other suitable

185

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

pous: mapeoxevacay dé Kat vais €EnKovTa TevTnpets. 5 [vdsos 5¢€ Lepovidtos Kat Tasos PAapivios, otzep eTUXOV Urarou TOTE kadeorapevor, ouviyyov Tvs cuupaxous Kal Katéypadov Ta Tap’ adtois otpatd- 6 meda. TapHyov S€ Kal Tas ayopas Tas pev els ’Apipwvov, tas 8’ eis Tuppnviav, ws emt tovrois 7 Tomaopevor Tots ToToLs THY ELodov. emeEpsay d€ Kal mpos ‘Idpwva arepi BonBeias, 6s Kal mev- Takoalous avtois eaméotetAe Kpijras Kal ytAtous meAtopopous’ mavra dé Kat mavraxydbev evepyds ginTolwalov. tote yap elor PoBepwrato. ‘Pwaitor Kal Kowy Kal Kat idtav, Otay adtovs meEpLoTy poBos adrnbivos.

76 Kara d€ rods adrods Katpovs Tvdios KopyyjAuos 6 Katavepbels U0 TadeApod IlomAiov otpatnyos emt Ths vauTiKAs Suvduews, Kabdmep éemdvw Tpo- etmrov, avaylels amo tHv Tob ‘Podavot oroudatwy mavtt T@ oTOAw, mpoceaye THS “IBypias mpds Tovs

2 KaTa. TO KaAovpevov *Eyrrdépiov tomous. ap&dapevos 5° evred0ev amoBdoets érrovetto, Kal Tods peév armet- Boivras émoAwWpKes THY THY TrapaXiay KaTotKoUv- twv ews “IBnpos rotapov, Tovs b€ mpoadexouevous ediravOpwrer, THv evdexouevnv troLovpevos mept

3 avTav mpopnlevav. acpadtodpevos dé Tods mpoc- KexwpnKotas TOV Tmapabaharricv mponye Tmavrl TO OTPATEVUATL, TOLOVJLEVOS THY TOpElay Eis THY [LEGO-

4 yavov: Todd yap 7on Kal TO ovppaxyiKoY HOpoiker tav “IBypwv. aya d€ mpoiwy as ev mpooryyerTo,

5 TAs O€ KaTEoTpepeTO THV TéAEwWY. TaV dé Kapyn- Soviwy, ods éxywv emi TovTw ameAcihOyn TV TOTwWY *"Avvwv, avtiotpatoTedevodvtwy avtots trept mdAuw mpocayopevonevynv Kiooayv, avuRadwy 6 Tvdios éx 186

BOOK III. 75. 4-76. 5

places, and getting ready also a fleet of sixty quin- queremes. Gnaeus Servilius and Gaius Flaminius, the Consuls designate, were busy mustering the allies and enrolling their own legions, sending depots of supplies at the same time to Ariminum and Etruria which they meant to be their bases in the campaign. They also applied for help to Hiero, who sent them five hundred Cretans and a thousand light infantry, and on all sides they made active preparations. For the Romans both in public and in private are most to be feared when they stand in real danger.

76. During this time Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, who, as I said, had been left by his brother Publius in command of the naval forces, sailing from the mouths of the Rhone with his whole fleet to the place in Spain called Emporium, and starting from there made a series of landings, reducing by siege the towns on the coast as far as the Ebro, which refused his advances, but bestowing favours on those which accepted them and taking all possible precautions for their safety. After securing all the sea-board places which had submitted to him he advanced with his whole army into the interior, having now got together also a considerable force of Iberian allies. He won over some of the towns on the line of his march and subdued others, and when the Carthaginians who had been left to guard this district under the command of Hanno encamped opposite to him near a city called Cissa, Gnaeus

VOL. I G 187

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

TapaTagews Kal pucnoas a) paxn Tov pev xpn- pare eyever” eyKpaTys, Ws av amdons Tijs a.7r0- oKeuns TaV Eis ‘TraAtav Oppnodvrey mapa, TOUTOLS 6 dmoneheppevns, mavras Oé Tous evtos “IBypos rora- pod CUpLpLaXoUS €ToLnoaTo Kal girovs, Cwypia dé TOV TE TOV Kapyn oviwy otpatnyov “Avywva Kai 7 Tov TOV “TBj pw “AvdoBddny eAaBe. ToUTOv be ouv- éBawe TUpavvov prev elvar TOV Kara THY [LEeaoyaLov Tomwyv, evvouv de diadepdvtws aet mote Kapyydo- 8 vlots. Taxv dé auvels TO yeyovos “AadpovBas, Ke 9 mapaBon$ayv duaBas tov "IBynpa wotapov. Kal Kata- pabwv amoreAeyspevous Tovs amo TOD atdAov TV ‘Pwyaiwy, pabijuws Kat KatatebappyKdTtws ava- otpepopevous d1a TO mpoTepyua THY TreliK@v oTpa- 10 To7édwv, tapardaBwv amo THs €avTod duvapews melovs prev els oKtaKiaxtrliovs (immets S€ Trepi xiArlous), Kat KataAaBwv eoxedacpévouvs Kata TIS Xwpas Tovs amo THv TrAciwv, moAXovs pev adTav dmeKTEWVE, Tovs de AowTrovs nrayKace puyev em Tas ll vais. oDToS Lev obv dvaxwpnoas, Kal dvaBas aves TOV “TBnpa TOTO[OV, éyiveTo mept Tapackevyy Kal dvdakny THV €vTos TOD TOTALOD TOTWY, TrOLOULEVOS 12 THY Tapayeyaciay ev Kaw moder. 6 dé Tvauos ouvaibas TH oTOAW, Kal TOvs aitiovs TOV cupPefy- KOTWY KATA TOds Trap adTots EHiapovs KoAdGAasS, TO Aomrov On svvayayav em TAvTO THV Te meCnv Kal THY vauTuKny oTpariay ev Tappdxeve THY TOpaxer- 13 pactay €7r0LetTO. diadovds de THY Netav ¢ tows: Tots oTparesraus peyadAny evvorayv Kal mpolypiay everp- yaoaTo Tos TO peMov. 77 Kai ta pev xara THY “TBypiav ev ToUToLs nV. eviatapevns 5é€ THs e€apwhs wpas, Vdvos pwev DAa- 188

BOOK III. 76.5-'77.1

defeated them in a pitched battle, possessing himself of a large amount of valuable booty—all the heavy baggage of the army that had set out for Italy having been left under their charge—securing the alliance of all the tribes north of the Ebro and taking prisoners the Carthaginian general Hanno and the Iberian general Andobales. The latter was despot of all central Iberia and a strenuous supporter of the Carthaginians. Hasdrubal soon got news of the disaster and crossing the Ebro came to the rescue. Learning that the crews of the Roman ships had been left behind and were off their guard and unduly confident owing to the success of the land forces, he took with him about eight thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry from his own force, and finding the men from the ships scattered over the country, killed a large number of them and compelled the remainder to take refuge on board their vessels. He then retreated, and recrossing the Ebro busied himself with fortifying and garrisoning the places south of the Ebro, passing the winter in New Carthage. Gnaeus, on rejoining the fleet, inflicted the customary penalty on those responsible for what had happened, and now uniting his land and sea forces went into winter quarters at Tarraco. By dividing the booty in equal shares among his soldiers he made them very well disposed to him and ready to do their best in the future. 77. Such was the state of matters in Spain. In 2178.0 the early spring Gaius Flaminius with his army 189

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

pivios avahaBev Tas avtod duvapes Tponye dua Tuppyvias, Kal KATEOTPATOTEOEVOE TIPO THS TV 2’Appntivwy 7orews, Tvdvos b€ LepoviAvos TovuTraAw ws em” "Apiivov, TavTn TapaTnpHowy TV etoBoAny 3 TOV bmevavTiov. AvviBas d€ Trapaxeyudlanv € Ev TH KeAtixy Tovs jeev ‘Papatous TOV EK Tis pans aix- parwtwy ev pudakh ouvetye, TA peTpLa TOV emt 4 T1detwv d60Us, tous d€ ouppdayous av’Tav TO bev ™p@Tov ev TH maon prravOpwria dueSTVE, pera dé Tatra ovvayaywv mapekaAer, paoKay ovK exeivous Kew ToAceuncwy, adAAd ‘Pwpatous trep exeivwv. 5 duomrep edn Seiv adrovs, €av oplds fpovdou, 6 avtéxeo0ar THs mpos adrov gPiAtas. Trapetvar yap mp@tov prev THY eAevOepiav avaxtnadmevos “Iradww- Tals. OfjLolws € Tas TdAELS Kal THY XWpaV, HY U7r0 ‘Pwpuaiwy aroAwAeKotes ExacToL TUYYavovalL, GuV- 7 avacwowr. tabra 5 elmw@v adfnKe mavTas xwpis AUTpwr Eis THY oixetav, BovAdpevos apa. bey T™po- Karciobar dia TOLOUTOU Tpomrov ™pos avtov Tovs Katoxoovtas THY “Iradiav., dua 8 azmaddotpioby Ths mpos ‘Pawpatous edvoias, epeBilew de Tovs Sokobvtas TroAcow 7) Aysréow HAaTTaoOal Te Sia THs ‘Pwyaiwy apyjs. 78 ’Exypyjoato 5é tue Kat DowiktK® orpatynyypate 2TowvTW KATA TY Tapayeyaciay. aywridy yap tiv abeciavy tHv KeATtav Kat tas emBovdAdas Tas TEpt TO CMa dra TO Tpdachatov THs mpos avTovs ovoTacews, KaTeaKevaoaTo TrepileTas Tpixas, apLo- Covoas tais Kata Tas odooxepets duagopas TOV mpre- 3 KL émummpeTrelacs, eat TavTaus EXPHTO GUVEX@S petarBepevos: Opotws dé Kal Tas eobnras per 4 eAduBave Tas KabynKovoas det Tats mepiOerais. du 190

BOOK III. 77.1- 78.4

advanced through Etruria and encamped before Arretium, while Gnaeus Servilius advanced as far as Ariminum to watch for the invasion of the enemy from that side. Hannibal, who was wintering in Cisalpine Gaul, kept the Roman prisoners he had taken in the battle in custody, giving them just sufficient to eat, but to the prisoners from the allies he continued to show the greatest kindness, and afterwards called a meeting of them and addressed them, saying that he had not come to make war on them, but on the Romans for their sakes and there- fore if they were wise they should embrace his friendship, for he had come first of all to re-establish the liberty of the peoples of Italy and also to help them to recover the cities and territories of which the Romans had deprived them. Having spoken so, he dismissed them all to their homes without ransom, his aim in doing so being both to gain over the inhabitants of Italy to his own cause and to alienate their affections from Rome, provoking at the same time to revolt those who thought their cities or harbours had suffered damage by Roman rule.

78. During this winter he also adopted a truly Punic artifice. Fearing the fickleness of the Celts and possible attempts on his life, owing to his establishment of the friendly relations with them being so very recent, he had a number of wigs made, dyed to suit the appearance of persons differing widely in age, and kept constantly changing them, at the same time also dressing in a style that suited the wig, so that not only those who had seen him

191

5

6

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

dv ov povov Tots aipvidiws isobar dvoyvwaTos Tv GAAG Kal Tots ev ovvnbeia yeyovoot.

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19

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192

BOOK III. 78.4- 79.2

put for a moment, but even his familiars found difficulty in recognizing him.

Observing that the Celts were dissatisfied at the prosecution of the war in their own territory, but were eagerly looking forward to an invasion of that of the enemy, professedly owing to their hatred of the Romans, but as a fact chiefly in hope of booty, he decided to be on the move as soon as possible and satisfy the desire of his troops. As soon, then, as the weather began to change he ascertained by inquiring from those who knew the country best that the other routes for invading the Roman territory were both long and obvious to the enemy, but that the road through the marshes to Etruria was difficult indeed but expeditious and calculated to take Flaminius by surprise. As he was by nature always inclined to such expedients, he decided to march by this road. When the news spread in the camp that the general was going to lead them through marshes, everyone was very reluctant to start, imagining that there would be deep bogs and quagmires. 79. But Hannibal had made careful inquiries, and having ascertained that the water on the ground they would have to pass over was shallow and the bottom solid, broke up his quarters and started, placing in the van the Africans and Spaniards and all the most serviceable portion of his army, intermingling the baggage train with them, so that for the present they might be kept supplied with food. For as regards the future he did not trouble himself about the pack-animals at all, as he calculated that on reaching the enemy’s country he would, if defeated, have no need of provisions, and if he gained command of the open country

193

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

a 7 > ’ Qr “~ fd > Zz A 3 7ndeiwy. emi de Tots mpoetpnucvars eweBare Tods - ve me 2. a. _> = mx: e a“ ms a A sé 4 KeArous, emi 5€ waar Tous tavets. emyueAnrpy dé = : . ‘ =O ‘ an ’ = Tis odpaytas Tov adeAdov avweAiwe Maywva tév Te ~ \ i ~ _ 7 ~ AowrGy yapw Kai uadtora THs THv KeATav pada- , #3 > ~ Kias Kai dvyovovias, W éav Kaxo7aboivres Tpe- 7 ? 4 - mwrrat waAw eis Tovmicw, KwAUn da TOY imTéun 1 7 4 ~ = 7 e ‘ > a 5 Kal mpoodepy Tas xetpas avrots. ot pev ovv “IBn- ’ 2 3 > Ld ~ c -~ pes Kal AiSves Oe axepaiwy Tay eAdv Tovovpevor Thy wopetay weTpiws Kaxomabobyres 7} Hvvor, are Kal depéxaxor mavres dytes Kal curiBers tats rovadrais eo. a \- 1 Q se A > ¥ radaimwpiais. ot de KeATot ducyepa@s wer eis Tov - e na apocter mpovSawor, TeTapaypevww Kat SiaveTaTH- =: = = > pevew eis Bablos Tay EA@v, emtmoves S€ Kat TaXa- awpws Uméuevov Tv Kaxo7alear, azetpot 7ao7S ~ Z > Tis TovavTyS ovres KaKoUxXtas. exwAvorro d€ waAw an ovevew eis TouT tow da Tous edeoT@ras avrois gimmeis. wavTes wey oy exaxo7dBow, Kal udhora 2 4% % bia oe iypunviay, ws av €€qs _Tépas TéTTapas Kal tpets vuxtas ouvey@s &° vd aros TOLOULEVO! THY wopeitav- SiadepovTws ye pry emovouv Kai ' ’ eat See ‘ > © 27 ’ ~ 9 katedbeipovl’ tmep ztovs aAdous ot KeAroi. trav iS a -~ 7 &° txoluyiwy atrod 7a wAetoTa winrovra dia Tovs > Z 7 a anAovs azwAAuvro, play wapexopeva xpetay ev TO 10 wecety Tois GvOpurmos- Kabeloucvar yap én’ adrav a ~ > 4 1 ~ Kal TOY oKevay cwpndov UmrEp TO Dy pov vmepetxov, Kal T@ TowvrTw TpeTe Bpaxd p€pos Tis vUKTOS ll dwexous@vrTo. ovK oAtyou dé Kat tev inzwv Tas 6mAas améBadov da Thy cuvexeray Ths bua Tey - > 4 a 12 wnA@y wopetas. “AvviBas de wokis emt TOU 7eEpt- / Aeipberros Onpiov Sica On ueTa TmoMAijs tahaimw- pias, tbrepaAyns wr da 7 Thy Bapiryra Tis €7 evexdet- ons 6dbaduias at7@, dt’ Fv Kat réAos e€orepyOy Tis 194

na

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BOOK III. 79.3-

would be in no want of supplies. Behind the troops I mentioned he placed the Celts and in the extreme rear his cavalry, leaving his brother Mago in charge of the rear-guard This course he took for various reasons, but chiefly owing to the softness and aversion to labour of the Celts, so that if, owing to the hardships they suffered, they tried to turn back Mago could prevent them by falling on them with his cavalry. The Spaniards and Africans for their part, as the marshes were still firm when they marched over them, got across without suffering seriously, being all inured to fatigue and accustomed to such hardships, but the Celts not only progressed with difficulty, the marshes being now cut up and trodden down to some depth, but were much fatigued and distressed by the severity of the task, being quite unused to suffering of the kind. They were prevented, however, from turning back by the cavalry in their rear. All the army, indeed, suffered much, and chiefly from want of sleep, as they had to march through water for three continuous days and nights, but the Celts were much more worn out and lost more men than the rest. Most of the pack-animals fell and perished in the mud, the only service they rendered being that when they fell the men piled the packs on their bodies and lay upon them, being thus out of the water and enabled to snatch a little sleep during the night. Many of the horses also lost their hooves by the continuous march through the mud. Hannibal himself on the sole remaining elephant got across with much difficulty and suffering, being in great pain from a severe attack of ophthalmia, which finally led to the

195

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

pds opews, ovK em BEX O[LEVOU Tob Katpob KaTapLovnV ovde Peparretay dia TO THs TEpLoTacews advvarov. 80 Atarrepaoas dé mapadogas Tous eAwdets TOTTOUS, Kat kataAaBwy év Tuppyvia tov DAapiviov otpa- TomedevovTa ™po THs TOV ’"Appntivwr moAews, TOTE 2 Lev avTou Tos tots €Aeau KATEOTPATOTEDEUOE, Bov- Adpevos THY TE Svvapw dvaAaBetv Kab moduTpay- povyca, TA mrepl Tous brevavtious Kal Tovs Tpo- 3 KeyLevous TOV TOTWY. TuvOavopLevos d€ TH pev xwpav Tv mpoabev moMfjs yepwew wgereias, TOV de PAapirvov OxAoKOTTOV jLEV kal naywyov elvar TéXeLov, mpos adn bwav d€ Kal TroAepuKav Tpayya- Twv xEeipiaopov ovK evhuy, mpos Se Tourous KaTO- 4 TETLOTEVKEVaL TOS opETEpoLs mpaypact, ouv- edoyilero diote mapahrdgavros avrod THV EKELVOV orparoredetay Kal Kallévtos «eis Tovs eum poodev TOmMOUS, Ta pev aywridy Tov emTwBacpov TOV oxAwy od duvyceTat TrEeptopav Snoupevny THY xwpar, Ta Se KaTndynKes TapeoTat mpoxetpws els 7avTO. TOTov ETO}LEVOS, orovdd wy ou avdrob Tmouoacbat TO TPOTEpNLO.. Kal pn mpoodefacbar THY Tapovatay 5 TOO T7V lonv apxnV ExoVTOS. ef @ av mo\ovs avTov brreAdpBave Tapadwoew Karpovs mpos emriJeow. mavrTa © éudpovws edoyileto TabtTa Kal mpaypart- 81 Kas: ov yap elkos dws et7retv, ws El Tis OLETAaL KupicoTepov Tt [€pos elvat oTpaTnyias TOO yavat THY mpoaipeaw Kal dvow Tod THY evavTiov TYE HO- 2 vos, ayvoet Kal TETUPWTAL. Kabamep yap emt TOV Kat avopa kat Cuyov aywvicpdtwr Set Tov wéAAovTa. vurdv ouvbewpeiv mas Svvarov epiceobau Tov oKxoTr0b Kal Tt yupvov 7 Tmotov efomAov }€pos paiverat TOV 3 GVTAywVLOT@V, OUTWS xpT) Kal TOUS brrEp THY CAwY

196

BOOK III. 79. 12- 81.3

loss of one eye as he had no time to stop and apply any treatment to it, the circumstances rendering that impossible.

80. Having thus almost beyond expectation crossed themarshes, and, finding that Flaminius was encamped in Etruria before the city of Arretium, he pitched his camp for the present at the edge of the marshes, with the view of refreshing his forces and getting informa- tion about the enemy and about the country in front of him. On learning that this country promised a rich booty, and that Flaminius was a thorough mob- courtier and demagogue, with no talent for the practical conduct of war and exceedingly self- confident withal, he calculated that if he passed by the Roman army and advanced into the country in his front, the Consul would on the one hand never look on while he laid it waste for fear of being jeered at by his soldiery ; and on the other hand he would be so grieved that he would be ready to follow anywhere, in his anxiety to gain the coming victory himself without waiting for the arrival of his colleague. From all this he concluded that Flaminius would give him plenty of opportunities of attacking him. 81. And all this reasoning on his part was very wise and sound. For there is no denying that he who thinks that there is anything more essential to a general than the knowledge of his opponent’s principles and character, is both ignorant and foolish. For as in combats between man and man and rank and rank, he who means to conquer must observe how best te attain his aim, and what naked or unprotected part of the enemy is visible, so he who is in command must try to

197

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

MpocoT@Tas okoTEty OVX O7rou TU Tob CWLATOS yu- puvov, aAAa rob Tis pux7s eUXE(pwTov Tt mapapat- 4 vera Tob TOV eva Tio HyE[Ovos. eretd7) troMot pev 61a pabupiav Kal THY GUpTTAacaY apylay ov povov Tas Kowas mpakets, aAAd Kal Tovs idlovs KaTa- 5 mpotevtar Pious apdnv. roAAot dé dia THY mpos Tov oivov emOupiav 00S’ bmv@oar dSvvavtar xwpis 6 adAorwaews Kat webs, Evior dé dia Tas TOV adpo- Sisiwy oppas Kal THY ev TOUTOLS EKTTANEW od [LovoV moXets Kai Biovs avacTatous meToLnKaow, aAXG Kal 770 Chv avtTav adipynvra pet aicxyvyns. Kal pv detAia Kai BAakeia Kat’ (diay fev advrois dvetdos emipepet Tots EXovor, Trepl de TOV TOV OAwY HYyE- j20va, yevowevn Kowov €or Kal jeeyLorov oupmTa)= 8 LaTWY. Ov yap ovo ampaxrous Tovet TOvS UT0- TaTTomevous, moAAdKis dé Kal KWWdUVOUS émipepEt 9 ToUs peyiotous Tols TEmLOTEVKOOL. TMpoTréTELA YE pny Kat Opacvrys Kat Oupos aAoyos, ett dé Kevodo€kla Kat Todos, evxYEelpwra ev Tots exOpois, emuapare- otata d€ Tots didois. mpos yap macav emPovdAyy, 10 evédpav, amarnv ETOULOS 0 ye TovobTos. Sudzrep et TUS dvvairo ouvvoetv Ta mrept TOUS médas dpuapTn - patra Kal THE TOV mpoavevar Tots drrevavTiows, a padiota Kal dv’ dv edyelpwrds €o8 6 mpoeoTws TOV Trohepicov, TAXLOT” av TaY oAwy KaTaKpaTotn. ll xabdzep yap vews eav adéAn Tis TOV KuBepyaTny, TO OAov avravopt oKados UiroxXEtpLov ylvetau Tots €xOpois, tov avTov Tpomrov €av TOV MpoeoT@Ta, [aoAcuov] Suvduews xetlpwonTtai Tis KATA Tas ETTL- BodAas Kat ovddoytopots, adravdpt yiverat 7roA- AaKis Kpatety TOV avTitatTopevwy. 12 “A 67) Kal Tore mpoidopuevos Kat avdA\oyiodpevos 198

BOOK III. 81.3-12

see in the enemy’s general not what part of his body is exposed, but what are the weak spots that can be discovered in his mind. For there are many men who, owing to indolence and general inactivity, bring to utter ruin not only the welfare of the state but their private fortunes as well; while there are many others so fond of wine that they cannot even go to sleep without fuddling themselves with drink ; and some, owing to their abandonment to venery and the consequent derangement of their minds, have not only ruined their countries and their fortunes but brought their lives to a shameful end. But cowardice and stupidity are vices which, dis- graceful as they are in private to those who have them, are when found in a general the greatest of public calamities. For not only do they render his army inefficient but often expose those who confide in him to the greatest perils. Rashness on the other hand on his part and undue boldness and blind anger, as well as vaingloriousness and conceit, are easy to be taken advantage of by his enemy and are most dangerous to his friends; for such a general is the easy victim of all manner of plots, ambushes, and cheatery Therefore the leader who will soonest gain a decisive victory, is he who is able to perceive the faults of others, and to choose that manner and means of attacking the enemy which will take full advantage of the weaknesses of their commander. For just as a ship if deprived of its pilot will fall with its whole crew into the hands of the enemy, so the general who is his opponent’s master in strategy and reasoning may often capture his whole army.

And in this case too, as Hannibal had correctly

199

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

"AvviBas rept Tod T&v evavtiwy wyeudovos ov StecogdAn tis émPodjs. ws yap OatTov mownod- pevos avaluyny a6 Tv Kata THY DarodAay TOTWY Kal puKpov vmepdpas THY TOV “Pwywaiwy orpato- medelav eévéBadev eis THY TpoKEepevnvy xXwpar, 9 <dbéws peTéwpos Tv 6 DAapinos Kal Ovp.od wAnpns, Sofalwy éavtov b16 T&v evavtiwy Katappovetabar. 3 peta S€ TadTa TopPovpevys Tis xwpas, Kal TAVTO- xo0ev Tob Kamvod anpativovtos Thy Katad¢Qopav atris, éaxetAiale, Sewov ryovpevos TO ‘yuwvopevor. 4 810 Kal TWaV olopevwr Setv 147) TPOXELpws ETTAKOAOU- Oetv unde ovptrAcxeaBar Tots moAentows, pvdAdTreaHat Sé Kal mpocéxew TO TARO0S TOV inméwv, wddvora dE Kal tov €repov Unatov mpoodaBety Kal maow emt ravTs Tols oTpatomédois Oot mowjcacbar Tov 5 KivSuvov, oby olov mpoceixye Tots Aeyopevots, aAX’ 6 008’ dveixeTo TOV anofawopevwr Tabra, mapeKaret 8’ adrods ev vO AapBavew ti A€Eyew eixds Tovs EV TH marpide THs ev xwpas Kataplepopevns axedov €ws mpos adriy THY “Papny, abrdv dé katonw TaVv 7 ToAeiwy év Tuppyvia otpatoredevdvtwy. tEédos Sé tatr’ einwv, avalevéas mpojye peta THs Suva- pews, od Kaipdv, od Tdorrov Tpoopujrevos, dvov SE omevowy oupmecetvy Tots ToAEmiois, Ws mpodjAov 87s viens abtois tmapxovons’ THALKOdTOV ‘yap mpoeveBeBAjKer KaTeATiapov Tots OxAoLs WoTeE mAelous elvar TOV TA OrrAa hepovTwy Todvs EKTOS mapeTomevous Ths wphercias xapw, KopiCovTas dAvoets Kal méSas Kal mdcav TIVv ToLavTHY Tapa- OKEUNV. 9 "O ye piv “AvviBas dua pev els Tovpmpoober ws mpos TIv ‘Pauny mporer da THs Tuppyvias, ev- 200

BOOK III. 81.12- 82.9

foreseen and reckoned on the conduct of Flaminius, his plan had the success he expected. 82. For as soon as he left the neighbourhood of Faesulae and advancing a short way beyond the Roman camp invaded the country in front of him, Flaminius swelled with fury and resentment, thinking that the enemy were treating him with contempt. And when very soon they began to lay waste the country, and the smoke rising from all quarters told its tale of destruction, he was still more indignant, regarding this as insufferable. So that when some of his officers gave it as their opinion that he should not instantly pursue and engage the enemy, but remain on his guard and beware of their numerous cavalry, and when they especially urged him to wait until his colleague joined him and to give battle with all their united legions, he not only paid no attention to the advice, but could not listen with patience to those who offered it, begging them to consider what would be said in Rome if, while the country was laid waste almost up to the walls, the army remained encamped in Etruria in the rear of the enemy. Finally, with these words, he broke up his camp, and advanced with his army, utterly regardless of time or place, but bent only on falling in with the enemy, as if victory were a dead certainty. He had even inspired the people with such confident hopes that the soldiery were outnumbered by the rabble that followed him for the sake of the booty, bringing chains, fetters, and other such implements.

Hannibal in the meantime while advancing on Rome through Etruria, with the city of Cortona and

201

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

wWvupov ev moAw exwv TiVv Tpocayopevopevnv Kupravov Kal Ta TaUTHS Gp, deErav é THY Tap- 10 owevyny kahoupevny Atwrny: apua dé mpodywv emupToAer Kal Katépbetpe THY xwpav, Bovdcjevos ll exxadécacbar tov Oupov tev drevavtiwv. e7et de tov DAapinov 757 ouvdTrrovra. kaewpa, ToTous oy edpvets cuvelewpnoe mpos THV xpetay, eylveTo 83 mpos To Siaxwdvvevew. dvtos dé Kara Ty diodov adhavos emimédov, TovTov dé mapa pev Tas els pKos mAevpas éExatépas Bovvods éxovtos bisynXAovs Kal ouvexeis, mapa d€ Tas els mAaTOS KaTa fev THY avtikpv Addov emikeipwevov epupvov Kal dvaBaTov, Kata O€ THY am ovpas Aiuvnv TeAEiws OTEVTV aTrO- Aetovaav mdpodov ws els Tov av’Adva Tapa THV 2 mapwpevav, dveAPwv tov avAdva mapa tHv Aiwvyy, TOV [eV KATA TpCGwTOV THS Tropetas Adhov adTos KkateAaBeto, Kai tovs “IBypas Kai tovs AiBvas 3 Ew em avTou KATEDTPATOTIEDEUE, Tovs O€ Badva- pets Kal Aoyxopopous. KATO. TV mpwToTropetay eKTrEpLdywv b7r0 Tovs ev befua Bovvovs Tay Tro,pa Tov avAdva Keymevwr, él moAd mapateivas UT- 4 €atetre, tovs 8 immets Kal tovs KeAtovds dpotws Tov evwvtuwv Bovvdy KikrAw Tepiayaywv trape€- éTEWe ouvexets, wore Tovs eaxdrous elvat Kat avTiy THY €UGOdoOV TH. mapa TE TV Aquyny Kal Tas Tapwpetas _pepoveay els TOV TpoEtpyLevov TOTOV. 5°) O'per ouv “AvviBas, TavTa TpokaTacKevacdpevos THS VUKTOS Kal 7repietAr Pos Tov avAdva Tas ev- 6 édpas, Thy naovxiav etyev. 6 d€ DAauinuos eimeto 7 KaTomu, omevdwv ovvarrar [Tay moAcp.teny | KaT- eatparomedevccss de 7H mporepala 7pos avry TH Nipvyn TeA€ws ose THs Wpas, weTAa TadTa THs huepas 202

BOOK III. 82.9 - 83.7

its hills on his left and the Thrasymene lake on his right, continued to burn and devastate the country on his way, with the view of provoking the enemy. When he saw Flaminius already approaching him and had also observed a position favourable for his purpose, he made his plans for battle. 83. The road led through a narrow strip of level ground with a range of high hills on each side of it lengthwise. This defile was overlooked in front crosswise by a steep hill difficult to climb, and behind it lay the lake, between which and the hill side the passage giving access to the defile was quite narrow. Han- nibal coasting the lake and passing through the defile occupied himself the hill in front, eucamping on it with his Spaniards and Africans; his slingers and pikemen he brought round to the front by a detour and stationed them in an extended line under the hills to the right of the defile, and similarly taking his cavalry and the Celts round the hills on the left he placed them in a continuous line under these hills, so that the last of them were just at the entrance to the defile, lying between the hillside and the lake.

Having made all these preparations during the night and thus encompassed the defile with troops waiting in ambush, Hannibal remained quiet. Flaminius was following close on his steps impatient to overtake him. He had encamped the night before at a very late hour close to the lake itself; and next

203

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

EMLYEVOLEVNS, evdéws bro THY ewOurny NYE Ty mpwroTopelav Tapa THY Aiuvyv els TOV UroKeEipe- vov avrAdva, Bovdcpevos e€amtec0ar THY TmoAcpiov. 84 ovons dé THS nyEpas opuxAwsdous duagepovTus, *Av- viBas dua TG TO mA€etoTov [-€pos THs mopetas. ets Tov avAdva mpoodeéacbar Kal GuvaTTeLy mpos avTOV 70 THY TOV evavTiwy mpwToTopeEtay, amrodovs TO. ovvOynuara Kat diamreuydpevos mpos Tovs ev Tats eveédpais, ouvetrexeiper mavtayolev aa Tots 7roXe- 2 petors. ot dé mepl TOV PAapiviov Tapadofou yevo- pevns avrots Tis emupavetas, ETL O€ SuoovvoTTov Tis KaTQ TOV aépa. TEpLaTacEws dmapyovons, Kal Tov TOAELiwv Kata TOAAOds Tomous &€€ UrrepdeEtou KatTadhepopevwv Kal mpoomimTovTwr, ody olov Tapa- BonBetv edvvavTo pos Tt Ta@V Seomevwy ot ragiap- xou Kal xAtapxor Trav ‘Papatwy, aAd’ ovde ouvvo?}- 3 cae TO yevopevov. cpa yap ol ev KaTG Tpoowmov, ot 0 am ovpas, ot 8 éx TMV TAayiwy adtots mpoo- 4 émimtov, 610 Kal avveBy Tovs TAElaTOUs ev adTa TH THS Topelas oXHpaTe KaTAKOTAVaL, 47) SvvapLevous avtots Bonfetv, ard’ ws av ef mpodedopevous v7r0 5 THs TOD TMpoeaT@Tos axpiatas. eT. yap diaBovdAevo- 6 plevor TL Set mpatrew amwdAdvvTo trapaddEws. ev @ Kaip@ kat Tov DAapinov adrov duvaxypnaTtovpevov Kal mepikaKobvTa Tots OAoLs TpoaTETOVTES TLVES TOV 7 KeAt@v améxtewav. émecov otv tav ‘“Pwpaiwy KaTa TOV avAdva axedov Els LUplous Kal TEVTAKLOXE- Alous, ot7’ etkew Tots Tapobow ovTE mpaTTew OvdEV duvapevot, TodTO 8 ex TOV COtap.@v avTo mrept TAE«t- OTOUV ToLOvpEVOL, TO 7) Pevyew pnde AEimew TAs 8 tates. of d€ Kata mopelay petakd THs Aiwvyns Kal THS Tapwpelas ev Tots aTevois ovyKAcabevTes ai- 204

BOOK III. 83.7 - 84.8

day as soon as it was dawn he led his vanguard along the lake to the above-mentioned defile, with the view of coming in touch with the enemy. 84. It was an unusually misty morning, and Hannibal, as soon as the greater part of the e1.eny’s column had entered the defile and when the head was already in contact with him, giving the signal for battle and sending notice to those in the ambuscades, attacked the Romans from all sides at the same time. The sudden appearance of the enemy took Flaminius completely by surprise, and as the condition of the atmosphere rendered it very difficult to see, and their foes were charging down on them in so many places from higher ground, the Roman Centurions and Tribunes were not only unable to take any effectual measures to set things right, but could not even understand what was happening. They were charged at one and the same instant from the front, from the rear, and from the flanks, so that most of them were cut to pieces in marching order as they were quite unable to protect themselves, and, as it were, betrayed by their commander’s lack of judgement. For while they were still occupied in considering what was best to do, they were being slaughtered without realizing how. Flaminius him- self, who was in the utmost dismay and dejection, was here attacked and slain by certain Celts. So there fell in the valley about fifteen thousand of the Romans, unable either to yield to circumstances, or to achieve anything, but deeming it, as they had been brought up to do, their supreme duty not to fly or quit their ranks. Those again who had been shut in between the hillside and the lake perished

205

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

aoxyp@s, ett de peahiov Ttahaumapws duefUetpovro. 9 ovvwbovpevor [ev] yap ets THV Atuyay ot pev dua THY Tapdoraow THs dvavotas oppavres € emt TO vnxeoOaL avy Tots OmAots amremviyovto, TO b€ TOAD TA Gos LeEXpL pev TOU dvvarod mpoBatvov ets THY Atwyny E[eve Tas Keparas adras bmép TO Dypov brepiaxov: 10 emLyevopLeveny dé TAY imméwv, Kal mpodmAov yevo- pLevns dmwAetas, efaipovres TAS Yetpas Kal dedpLevou Cwypetv Kal macayv mpoieuevor Pwvnv TO TeAEvTATov ot ev U0 THY TOAELIWV, TwWes 5é€ TapaxadréoavTes ll adtovs duedlapnoav. €€axroyxidtor 8’ iows THY KaTa Tov avA@va TOUS KATA TPCGWTTOY VIKYGAVTES TAapA- Bonet: prev tots idiots Kat mepiiotacbar Tods bmevavtious novvatouy, dia TO pndev GUVvopay TAaV ywouevwy, Kaimep eyaAny duvdapevo pos Ta GAa 12 mapexecbau xpetav: aet d€ Tob mrpdobev Opeyopmevot, Tponyov TETTELOLEVOL oupecetobai TLOW, ews e€Aa- ov eKTECOVTES. pos” TOVS Smepdeklous TOTTOUS. 13 yevopevor &° emt TaV aKpwv, Kal TIS. opixAns 7150 TETMTWKULAS, ovvEerTeEs TO yeyovos aruyn pL, Kad Totety ovdEev OVTES ETL OUVATOL ba TO TOLs GALS EemTL- Kparety Kal TaVTA TpOoKaTEexEW YOY TOvs TroAELLOUS, avotpadpevtes aTrexwpyaav ets Twa Kwpnv Tuppy- 14 vida. jreta O€ TV peaxny amoorahevros bmo Too oTpatnyod peta TOV “IBipwv Kal Aoyxopopwy Madpfa Kal TepioTparomredevaarTos THY KWELND, moukltAys avTots amoplas mepreaotwons, amobgwevor Ta 0: \a Tapedooay avTovs UmoaTOVOoUs, ws TEVEO- pevoe TIS owTnpias. ola poev ovv mept Tov oAov Kivdvvov TOV yevo- peevov ev Tuppyvia ‘Papratous Kal Kapyndoviors 85 TodTov emeteAdaby Tov tpdmov. *AvviBas dé, mpos 206

BOOK III. 84.8- 85.1

in a shameful and still more pitiable manner. For when they were forced into the lake in a mass, some of them quite lost their wits and trying to swim in their armour were drowned, but the greater number, wading into the lake as far as they could, stood there with only their heads out of the water, and when the cavalry approached them, and death stared them in the face, though lifting up their hands and entreating to be spared in the most piteaous terms, they were finally dispatched either by the horsemen or in some cases by begging their com- rades to do them this service. About six thousand of those in the defile, who had defeated the enemy in their front, were unable to render any assistance to their own army or to get to the rear of their adversaries, as they could see nothing of what was happening, although they might have been of very material service. They simply continued to press forward in the belief that they were sure to meet with someone until they found themselves isolated on the high ground and on reaching the crest of the hill, the mist having now broken, they perceived the extent of the disaster, but were no longer able to help, as the enemy were now completely victorious and in occupation of all the ground. They therefore retired in a body to a certain Etruscan village. After the battle, on Maharbal being sent by the general with the Spaniards and pikemen to surround the village, finding themselves beset by a complication of dangers they laid down their arms and surrendered on condition of their lives being spared.

Such was the result of the battle in Etruria between the Romans and Carthaginians. 85. Hannibal, when the prisoners who had surrendered

207

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

avtov eravaxlevtwy Tav UroaTdvéwr, ouoiws Se Kat T@v adAdAwy aiypaAwTwv, cuvayayav mavTas,

2 ovTas mAElous THY pupil Kal TEVTAKLOXIAwY, TPO- tov pev duecddyaev oTt MaapBas ovK ein KUptos avev THs avToo yeouns dd0vs THY aopdAcvay Tots Uroomovoos, wera Se rabra KaTnyoplav emoujoaro

3 ‘Pwpatov. Anéas 5€ tovTwr, dou jLev Hoa ‘Pw- patoe TeV eahwKoTw, SidSoxer els pudaxny € Em TO Tdypara, TOUS dé TUpLaXoUs amréAvae xwpis Avtpw

4 dmravTas els THY oikelay, emipbeyEdpevos TOV adrov ov Kal mpdcbev Adyov 6 OTL TapeaTe ToAcunowy OUK *Iradudtas, aAAa “Pwpaious brep tis “Itadkwwrav

5 edcevbepias. THY 5° €avTob dvvauw aveAduBave, kal TOV veKp@v TOV EK THS ogerépas duvdews TOUS emupaveatarous eGarpev, ovTas vets TpudKovTa TOV dprOuov: ot peev yap mavTEs els ytAtous Kal TeEVvTAKOGLOUS ETETOV, WV oay ot mAetous KeAroi.

g TadTa Sé mpdéas duevoetto peta TAdEAPOD Kal THY didwy mod Kai 7Hs Set trovetaPar THY Opn, ed0ap- ons wv 7797 rept T@Vv oAwY.

7 Eis dé THY ‘Podunv MpoaTredovTos 709 Tov yeyo- voTos ATUXNLATOS, otéAAeobar _pev Tamrewodbv TO oupBeBnKos of mpoeota@tes TOU ToAtTEvaTos Hdv- vatovv dua TO péye8os Tis ovppopas, déyew de Tots moMois nvayKalovto Ta yeyovoTa, ovvabpot-

8 caves TOV O7jwov els exkAnatay. Oudrrep Ga TH TOV oTpaTnyov elmrety tois dxAots amd TeV euBorwv ore Aeropeba paxn peyadn, THAuKadTaY ouveBn, ye- veoBat Svatpommy ob WoTeE TOLS TrapayevopLevoes ep’ eka TEpwv T@v Kalp@v TOAD petlov TOTE pavivat TO yeyovos 7 Tap avTov Tov THs paxys Kapov. Kal

9 TOUT elKdTWS auveBn. TOAAdY yap xpdvwr azreLpot 208

BOOK III. 85.1-9

on terms as well as the others were brought to him, assembled the whole body, more than fifteen thousand in number, and after informing them in the first place that Maharbal had no authority without consulting him to promise the former their safety, launched out into an invective against the Romans, and at the end of it distributed such of the prisoners as were Romans among his troops to keep guard over, and setting all the allies free, sent them to their homes, adding, as on a previous occasion, that he was not come to fight with the Italians, but with the Romans for the freedom of Italy. He now allowed his own troops to rest and paid the last honours to those of the highest rank among the fallen, about thirty in number, his whole loss having been about fifteen hundred, most of them Celts. After this he consulted with his brother and friends as to where and how it was best to deliver his attack, being now quite confident of final success.

On the news of the defeat reaching Rome the chiefs of the state were unable to conceal or soften down the facts, owing to the magnitude of the calamity, and were obliged to summon a meeting of the commons and announce it. When the Praetor therefore from the Rostra said, ““We have been defeated in a great battle,” it produced such con- sternation that to those who were present on both occasions the disaster seemed much greater now than during the actual battle. And this was quite natural; for since for many years they had had no

209

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THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 85.9- 86.7

experience of the word or fact of avowed defeat, they could not bear the reverse with moderation and dignity. This was not, however, the case with the Senate, which remained self-possessed, taking thought for the future as to what should be done by everyone, and how best to do it.

86. At the time of the battle Gnaeus Servilius, the Consul in command in the district of Ariminum (the district that is on the coast of the Adriatic where the plain of Cisalpine Gaul joins the rest of Italy not far from the mouth of the river Po), hearing that Hannibal had invaded Etruria and was en- camped opposite Flaminius, formed the project of joining the latter with his whole army, but as this was impossible owing to the weight of his forces he dispatched Gaius Centenius at once in advance, giving him four thousand horse, intending them, if the situation were critical, to press on and arrive before himself. When, after the battle, news reached Hannibal of the approach of these reinforce- ments, he sent off Maharbal with the pikemen and part of the cavalry. Encountering Gaius, they killed about half of his force in their first attack, and pursuing the others to a hill, made them all prisoners on the following day. Three days after the news of the great battle had reached Rome, and just when throughout the city the sore, so to speak, was most violently inflamed, came the tidings of this fresh disaster, and now not only the populace but the Senate too were thrown into consternation. Abandoning therefore the system of government by

211

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 86.7 - 87.3

magistrates elected annually they decided to deal with the present situation more radically, thinking that the state of affairs and the impending peril demanded the appointment of a single general with full powers.

Hannibal, now fully assured of success, dismissed the idea of approaching Rome for the present, but began to ravage the country unmolested, advancing towards the Adriatic. Passing through Umbria and Picenum he reached the coast on the tenth day, having possessed himself of so large an amount of booty that his army could not drive or carry it all off and having killed a number of people on his road. For, as at the capture of cities by assault, the order had been given to put to the sword all adults who fell into their hands, Hannibal acting thus owing to his inveterate hatred of the Romans. 87. He now encamped near the Adriatic in a country abounding in all kinds of produce, and paid great attention to recruiting the health of his men as well as of his horses by proper treatment. In consequence of the cold from which they had suffered while wintering in the open in Gaul, combined with their being unable to get the friction with oil to which they were accus- tomed, and owing also to the hardships of the subse- quent march through the marshes, nearly all the horses as well as the men had been attacked by so- called “ hunger-mange’”’ and its evil results. So that, now he was in occupation of such a rich country, he built up his horses and restored the physical and mental condition of his men. He also re-armed the Africans in the Roman fashion with select weapons,

213

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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2 %wpav, mapamAnsiws d€ Kal TOV avdp@v Tovs pev 214

BOOK III. 87.3 - 88. 2

being, as he now was, in possession of a very large quantity of captured arms. He also sent at this time messengers to Carthage by sea with the news of what had happened, this being the first time he had come in touch with the sea since he invaded Italy. The news was received with great rejoicing by the Carthaginians, who hastened to take steps to support in every possible manner the two campaigns in Italy and in Spain.

The Romans had appointed as Dictator Quintus Fabius, a man of admirable judgement and great natural gifts, so much so that still in my own day the members of this family bear the name of Maximus, ‘“‘ Greatest,’ owing to the achievements and success of this man. A dictator differs from the Consuls in these respects, that while each of the Consuls is attended by twelve lictors, the Dictator has twenty- four, and that while the Consuls require in many matters the co-operation of the Senate, the Dictator is a general with absolute powers, all the magis- trates in Rome, except the Tribunes, ceasing to hold office on his appointment. However, I will deal with this subject in greater detail later. At the same time they appointed Marcus Minucius Master of the Horse. The Master of the Horse is sub- ordinate to the Dictator but becomes as it were his successor when the Dictator is otherwise occupied.

88. Hannibal now shifting his camp from time to time continued to remain in the country near the Adriatic, and by bathing his horses with old wine, of which there was abundance, he thoroughly set right their mangy condition. In like manner he

215

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 88. 2-89. 2

completely cured his wounded, and made the rest of his men sound in body and ready to perform cheerfully the services that would be required of them. After passing through and devastating the territories of Praetutia, Hadriana, Marrucina, and Frentana he marched on towards Iapygia. This ee is divided amorg three peoples, the Daunii,

eucetii and Messapii, and it was the territory of the Daunii that Hannibal first invaded. Starting from Luceria, a Roman colony in this district, he laid waste the surrounding country. He next encamped near Vibo and overran the territory of Argyripa * and plundered all Daunia unopposed.

At the same time Fabius on his appointment, after sacrificing to the gods, also took the field with his colleague and the four legions which had been raised for the emergency. Joining near Narnia the army from Ariminum, he relieved Gnaeus the Consul of his command on land and sent him with an escort to Rome with orders to take the steps that circum- stances called for should the Carthaginians make any naval movements. Himself with his Master of the Horse taking the whole army under his command, he encamped opposite the Carthaginians near Aecae about six miles from the enemy.

89. When he learnt that Fabius had arrived, Han- nibal, wishing to strike such a blow as would effec- tually cow the enemy, led his forces out and drew them up in order of battle at a short distance from the Roman camp, but after waiting some time, as nobody came out to meet him, he retired again to his own camp. For Fabius, having determined not

# Otherwise Arpi.

217

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 89. 2-90. 2

to expose himself to any risk or to venture on a battle, but to make the safety of the army under his command his first and chief aim, adhered stead- fastly to this purpose. At first, it is true, he was despised for this, and gave people occasion to say that he was playing the coward and was in deadly fear of an engagement, but as time went on, he forced everyone to confess and acknowledge that it was impossible for anyone to deal with the present situation in a more sensible and prudent manner. Very soon indeed facts testified to the wisdom of his conduct, and this was no wonder. For the enemy’s forces had been trained in actual warfare constantly from their earliest youth, they had a general who had been brought up together with them and was accus- tomed from childhood to operations in the field, they had won many battles in Spain and had twice in succession beaten the Romans and their allies, and what was most important, they had cast to the winds everything else, and their only hope of safety lay in victory. The circumstances of the Roman army were the exact opposite, and therefore Fabius was not able to meet the enemy in a general battle, as it would evidently result in a reverse, but on due consideration he fell back on those means in which the Romans had the advantage, confined himself to these, and regulated his conduct of the war thereby. These advantages of the Romans lay in inexhaustible supplies of provisions and men. 90. He, therefore, during the period which followed continued to move parallel to the enemy, always occupying in advance the positions which his know- ledge of the country told him were the most advan- tageous. Having always a plentiful store of pro-

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THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 90. 2-10

visions in his rear he never allowed his soldiers to forage or to straggle from the camp on any pretext, but keeping them continually massed together watched for such opportunities as time and place afforded. In this manner he continued to take or kill numbers of the enemy, who despising him had strayed far from their own camp in foraging. He acted so in order, on the one hand, to keep on re- ducing the strictly limited numbers of the enemy, and, on the other, with the view of gradually strengthen- ing and restoring by partial successes the spirits of his own troops, broken as they were by the general reverses. He was, however, not at all disposed to respond to the enemy’s challenge and meet him in a set battle. But all this much displeased his col- league Marcus, who, echoing the popular verdict, ran down Fabius to all for his craven and slow conduct of the campaign, while he himself was most eager to risk a battle.

The Carthaginians, after ravaging the country I mentioned, crossed the Apennines and descended into the territory of the Samnites, which was very fertile and had not for long been visited by war, so that they had such abundance of provisions that they could not succeed either in using or in destroy- ing all their booty. They also overran the territory of Beneventum, a Roman colony, and took the city of Telesia, which was unwalled and full of all manner of property. The Romans continued to hang on their rear at a distance of one or two days’ march, refusing to approach nearer and engage the enemy. Hannibal, consequently, seeing that Fabius, while obviously wishing to avoid a battle, had no inten-

221

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 90. 10-91.7

tion of withdrawing altogether from the open country, made a bold dash at Falernum in the plain of Capua, counting with certainty on one of two alternatives: either he would compel the enemy to fight or make it plain to everybody that he was winning and that the Romans were abandoning the country to him. Upon this happening he hoped that the towns would be much impressed and hasten to throw off their allegiance to Rome. For up to now, although the Romans had been beaten in two battles, not a single Italian city had revolted to the Carthaginians, but all remained loyal, although some suffered much. From which one may estimate the awe and respect that the allies felt for the Roman state.

91. Hannibal, however, had sufficient reason for reckoning as he did. The plain round Capua is the most celebrated in all Italy, both for its fertility and beauty, and because it is served by those sea- ports at which voyagers to Italy from-nearly all parts of the world land. It also contains the most celebrated and finest cities in Italy. On the coast lie Sinuessa, Cyme, and Dicaearchea, and following on these Naples and finally Nuceria. In the interior we find on the north Cales and Teanum and east and south Caudium? and Nola, while in the very middle of the plain lies Capua, once the wealthiest of cities. The mythical tale concerning this plain,

@ The text has Daunili.,

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A , mapaAdyw mavras, eKeatpieiv dé Tovs TroXEptous dvyopaxotvras, adtol 8 e& dpoddyou davycecbat T&v vrailpwv Kpatobvtes.

2A / A Ss , 4 Xr 92 vvipas ev odv ToLvovToLs xpnodpevos Aoyt- “~ ~ A opots, Kat dueAPav é€x THs Lavviridos Ta oTeva A A 3 \ , , kata Tov “Ep.iBiavov Kkadovpevov Addov, KateoTpa- ToTredevce Trapa tov “Afupvov moTamov, Os oxe-

2 dov diva drape? Ta Tpoerpy Leva. media. Kal TV pev mapeupoAny ex Tod mpos ‘Payqy jL€pous elxe, Tats d€ mpovopais may émiTpéexwv emropbet TO me-

3 dlov adeds. DaBios dé KatemémAnKTo pev THY emt- BoAjv Kat téApav T&v trevavtiwvy, tocovTw Se

4 @GAXov emi THY KeKpysevwy Euevev. 6 Sé cuvdp- xwv adtod Mdpxos Kai mavtes of Kata TO OTpaTO-

/ \ / / > aA mredov xAapxor Kal Tag lapxor vopilovres ev KaA@ Tovs mroAcuiouvs amendévar, amevdew wovrTo Seiv Kal ouvaTTew eis Ta Tedia Kal fr) TEpLopay THY

224

BOOK III. 91. 7-92. 4

and other celebrated plains which like it are called Phlegraean, has indeed much semblance of proba- bility ; for it was quite natural that they should have been a special cause of strife among the gods owing to their beauty and fertility. Besides the above advantages the whole plain of Capua is strongly protected by nature and difficult of approach, being completely surrounded on one side by the sea and for the greater part by lofty mountain-ranges, through which there are only three passes from the interior, all of them narrow and difficult, one from Samnium, the second from Latium, and the third from the country of the Hirpini. The Carthaginians, then, by quartering themselves in this plain made of it a kind of theatre, in which they were sure to create a deep impression on all by their unexpected appearance, giving a spectacular exhibition of the timidity of their enemy and themselves demonstrating indisputably that they were in command of the country.

92. Such being Hannibal’s anticipations, he left Samnium and traversing the pass near the hill called Eribianus encamped beside the river Athyrnus,? which approximately cuts this plain in half. Estab- lishing his camp on the side of the river towards Rome he overran and plundered the whole plain unmolested. Fabius, though taken aback by the audacity of this stroke on the part of the enemy, continued all the more to adhere to his deliberate plan. But his colleague Marcus and all the tribunes and centurions in his army, thinking they had caught Hannibal famously, urged him to make all haste to reach the plain and not allow the finest part of

@ Otherwise Volturnus. 225

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

5 emupaveoTarny Xwpay Onouperny. @aBros be péxpe pev Tod ovvarpa Tots TOrroLs €oTTEvoe KAL CuVUT- expiveTo TO ts mpoOvpos Kal Prroxwdvvurs Sarerue-

6 vos, eyyloas de TO Dareprvep Tats pev Tropwpel- aus emuparvopievos a dvtumaphye Tots TroNepiows, a dare 47) Soxeiv Tots atrav oUppaxous exxwpety T&v brai-

7 Opwr, eis de TO mediov od Kabier THY SUvamu, ev- AaBovpevos TOUS odooxepeis Kwovvous dud TE Tas TpoetpnpLevas airtas Kal dua TO Tpopavas immoKpa- Telvy Tapa moAd Tovs Dzrevartious.

8 ’AvviBas 8 émeid7 Katameipacas THY moder Kai KatadQeipas mav to mediov Opowe Actas

gamAetov mAnGos, eyiveTo Tpos dvaluyny, Bovdo- frevos 7) KaTapbetpar THY Aetav, add’ eis Tovobrov dmepetcaoBar TOTOV, ev @ Suviioerat mounoacbat Kal THY TapaxeyLaciay, iva 17) p-ovov KAT. TO mapov edwxiav, adda ovvexas Sarbidevay éxn TOV émrn-

10 Setwv TO oTparorredov. MaBios dé Kat Karavody avrod THv emBoAnv, OTL mpoxerpilerar mrovetobae TY emravodov HmTEp ETOLNOATO Kal THV etaodor, Kat Jew- pa@v Tovs TOmrous oTEVvous ovras Kat Kal? v7repBo -

1L Any edduets mpos emifeow, én’ adbris ev THs duex- BoAjs zrepi TeTpaKroxtAtous emeOTNOE, TapakaAéoas xpjoacbas TH ™po upg, oov Kaip@ pera Ths Tay TOT edguias, autos b€ TO TOAD pépos EX THs Suvdpews, € emt twa Addov brrepdevov mpo TaV oTE- va KATEOTPATOTIEDEVOE. Tapayevopeveny de Tav Kapyndoviwy, Kal romoapevey Thy mapenBoryp € ev Tots emumedous bm’ avrTny THY Trapebpevav, THY peev delay atrav nAmcev adypitws mrepicupetv, ws Se TO TOAD Kal Tots GAots mrépas EemOjoew Sia THY TOV

2 romwy evkaipiay. Kai 57 mept Tatra Kal mpds TOv- 226

BOOK III. 92. 5-93. 2

the country to be devastated. Fabius did bestir himself to reach the district, sharing in so far the view of the more eager and venturesome spirits, but when he came in view of the enemy on approaching Falernum, while moving along the hills parallel to them so as not to appear to the allies to be aban- doning the open country, he did not bring his army down into the plain, avoiding a general action both for the above-mentioned reasons and because the Carthaginians were .obviously much his superiors in cavalry.

Hannibal, having thus done his best to provoke the Romans by laying the whole plain waste, found himself in possession of a huge amount of booty and decided to withdraw, as he wished not to waste the booty, but to secure it in a place suitable for his winter quarters, so that his army should not only fare sumptuously for the present, but continue to have abundance of provisions. Fabius, divining that his plan was to retire by the same pass by which he had entered, and seeing that owing to its narrow- ness the place was exceedingly favourable for deliver- ing an attack, stationed about four thousand men at the actual pass, bidding them act at the proper time with all spirit, while availing themselves fully of the advantage of the ground. He himself with the greater part of his army encamped on a hill in front of the pass and overlooking it. 93. When the Carthaginians arrived and made their camp on the level ground just under the hill, Fabius thought that at least he would be able to carry away their booty without their disputing it and possibly even to put an end to the whole campaign owing to the great advantage his position gave him. He was in fact

227

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Tos éyiveTo Tots diaBovdAiors, Svavoovpevos 7h Kal 7™@s xpyoeTae Tots TorroLs Kat tives Kat 700ev 7pd- 3 Tov éyyeipjoovot Tots drevartiow. “AwiBas $e, TavTa mpos TY Eemiodcay Hudpav mapacKevalopme- vwv T&v Todewiwv, avAoyilouevos ex THV EikO- TwY, OvK €dwKE xpdvov ovdS’ avacTpodHny tals ém- 4 Bodais avrav, dvaxaheodsevos dé Tov emt TOv rev- ToupyLa@v TETAyLEVvOV “Aodpov8av mapnyyeire Aap- mddas Seopevew € ex THs Enpas Kat _Tavrobamijs vAns KaTa Taxos os metoTas, Kal Tav epyaTav Boa exhefavt” €k maons THs Actas Tovs EUpwoToTaToUS 5 ets SuaxtAtous abpotcar 7™po TIS apeuBodjs. yevo- pevou d€ TovTov, cuvayaywr drredetke Tots “Aevroup- yots vmepBoAnv Twa peeTagd Kemeny Ths adrtob oTpatomedetas Kal TOV orev, du” dy EwedXe zrow- etoau TV Tropelay, T™pos Vy exéAeve pocedatvew tovs Bots evepy@s Kal weTa Bias, oTav 8005 TO 6 mapdyyeAua., péexpt cvvarswou Tots axpots. pera dé TOUTO devmvoTromoapevors avatravecbat Kal? dpav 7 Tmapnyyetrc méow. dua 6€ TH KXivar TO TpiTov pe- pos Ths vuKtos evOéws e€Fye Tovs Aettoupyous, Kat mpoadety exeAeuoe T™pos: Ta Képara. Tots Bovot Tas 8Aaumddas. tayd dé ToUToOU yevopievou bud TO TAR- fos, dvarar mapnyyeve macas, Kal Tous pev Bods eAavvew kal mpooBdAAew mpos Tas akpwpelas em 9 erage, tovs d€ Aoyyodopous Katomw emoTHoas TOU- Tols Ews ev Twos ouvepyety mapeKeevero tots edadvovow, 6 Otay d€ THY TmpwTHV dmag 6 oppany AdBn Ta Ca, TapaTpexovTas Tapa Ta TAdyia Kal ovy- Kpovovtas Gua TOV UrepdeLiwv avréyecbar Témwv Kai mpoxataAauPavew Tas axpwpeias, iva mapa- Bonbdor kai ovumrAékwvrat Tots mroAEemious, edv tov 228

BOOK III. 92. 2-9

entirely occupied in considering at what point and how he should avail himself of local conditions, and with what troops he should attack, and from which direction. But while the enemy were making these preparations for next day, Hannibal, conjecturing that they would act so, gave them no time or leisure to develop their plan, but summoning Hasdrubal, who was in command of the Army Service, ordered him to get as many faggots as possible of any kind of dry wood made promptly and to collect in the front of the camp about two thousand of the strongest plough oxen among all the captured stock. When this had been done, he collected the army servants and pointed out to them a rise in the ground between his own camp and the pass through which he was about to march. For this eminence he ordered them to drive the oxen whenever they received the word as furiously as they could till they reached the top. He next ordered all his men to get their supper and retire to rest early. When the third watch of the night was nearly over he led out the army servants and ordered them to bind the fagots to the horns of the oxen. This was soon done as there were plenty of hands, and he now bade them light all the fagots and drive the oxen up to the ridge. Placing his pikemen behind these men, he ordered them to help the drivers up to a certain point, but as soon as the animals were well started on their career, to run along on each side of them and keep them together, making for the higher ground. They were then to occupy the ridge, so that if the enemy advanced to any part of it, they

229

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

10 GvvavT@at mpos Tas UmepBoAds. Kata dé Tov Kat- pov TOUTOV avros dvaAaBov mara pev ta Bapéa Tv omrhww, em de Tovrous TOUS immets, effs de THY Actav, emt be mao Tovs "IBnpas Kat KeArous,

94 HKe pos TA oreva Kal TAS dvexBodds . Tov Oé ‘Pw- poateoy ol pev emt tots orevots puddrrovres, aa T@ ovvidetv Ta d@TaA mpooBaAdovra mpos Tas Umep- Bodrds, voutoartes TAUTN Trovetobat THY OppnYy TOV ‘AvviBav, amodmovtes Tas Svoxywplas trapeBor-

2 Gouvv tots axpos. eyyilovres 5é Tots Bovoly jm0- podvro dia ta Pra, petlov te tod ovpBaivovros Kal dewdrepov avamAattovtTes Kal mpocdoKa@rTes.

3 ETL EVOEVEY de THY Aoyyofddpwv, odTor pev Bpa- xEa mos aAAnAous dxpoBodadpevor, Tav Body avrois EM TLTTOVTWY, ewewav SvactavTes emt TOV akpwv aporepor, Kal Tpocavetyov KapadoKobvTes THV emupaveray THS Nuepas, da TO wn Svvacbat

4yva@var TO ywopuevov. DdBios 5é€ Ta pev azo- povpevos emt TH ovpBatvorte Kal KaTa TOV TrOLN- TH _Svaadpevos ddXov elvai, Ta S€ KaTa THY e& apxyns virdbeow ovdapds Kpivav exxuBevew ovde mapaBadrecBat Tots oAos, 7 Tye THY jouxtiay emt TO

5 Xdpakt Kai mpooedexeTo THY Hucpay. Kata dé TOV Katpov Tovrov ’AvviBas, mpoywpovvtwy atT@ Tdv Tpaypatwr Kata THY émPodrnv, THY TE SU¥vamLY duexopuce Ota THY OTEVav pet aodareias Kal THY Acta, Aedourorev Tavs TOToUs THY TrapadvAatTov-

6 Tw Tas Svoxwpias. aya d€ TH puri cuvidwv Tovs ev Tots akpots dvruxcaBnucvous Tois Aoyxopépors, emramreatetA€ Twas TaV “TBijpwv ot Kal ovppitavTes KatéBadov pev Ta&v “Pwpyaiwy eis xtAtous, padiws dé Tovs Tapa opdv edluvous exdeEdpevor katePiBacav. 230

BOOK III. 93. 10-94. 6

might meet and attack him. At the same time he himself with his heavy-armed troops in front, next them his cavalry, next the captured cattle, and finally the Spaniards and Celts, made for the narrow gorge of the pass. 94. The Romans who were guarding the gorge, as soon as they saw the lights advancing up the slope, thinking that Hannibal was pressing on rapidly in that direction, left the narrow part of the pass and advanced to the hill to meet the enemy. But when they got near the oxen they were entirely puzzled by the lights, faneying that they were about to encounter something much more formidable than the reality. When the pike- men came up, both forces skirmished with each other for a short time, and then when the oxen rushed in among them they drew apart and remained on the heights waiting until day should break, not being able to understand what was the matter. Fabius, partly because he was at a loss to know what was occurring, and as Homer says, deeming it to be a trick,* and partly because he adhered to his former resolve not to risk or hazard a general engage- ment, remained quiet in his camp waiting for day- light. Meanwhile Hannibal, whose plan had been entirely successful, brought his army and all his booty safely through the gorge, those who had been guarding the difficult passage having quitted their post. When at daybreak he saw the Romans on the hill drawn up opposite his pikemen, he sent there some Spaniards as a reinforcement. Attack- ing the Romans they killed about a thousand and easily relieved and brought down their own light infantry. ® Odyssey, x. 232.

231

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

7 °AviBas pev odv rovattny é€x tot Dadédpvov moinadpevos THv ELodov, Aowrrov HON oTpaToTrededwv dodards KaTEeCKEeTTETO KAl TPOVVOETTO TrEPL TIS XEL- pacias mot Kal mas moujoeTar, peyav Pdfov Kai moNAgy arroptay mTapeotaKkws Tais moAeou Kal Tots

8 Kata THY Iradtav avOpurrrous. MaBios dé Kakds pev TKove Tapa Tois Toots, ws dvdvipws € ék TOL ovTWY TOTWY TpoEmEvos TOvS UrrevavTiouvs, OD pV

9adioraTo ye THs mpolgcews. KaTavayKacbeis dé pet” OAlyas Hpepas emi Twas ameAPeiv Ouvoias eis thy ‘Papnv, tapédwKe TH ovvdpxovtTt TA OTpaTo- meda, Kal ToAAa ywpilopevos evereiAaTo 7 Tocav- TV Trovetobat omrovdny bmep TOU Pardipac TOUS 70- Acpious HAiKHY UTEP Tob p)dev avtovs maleiv deu-

10 vov. wv ovde puukpov ev V@ TUE wevos Mapkos é ert Aéyovtos atdtob tabra mpos TH TapaPdAdecBat Kai T@ Staxwdvvevev Gros Kal mas Hv.

Ta pev odv Kata tTHv “IraXiav Toradtnv etye THY

2 dudDeow. KaTa d€ TOUS avTovs Karpovs Tats mpo- eupnyLevaus mpaéeow “AodpouBas 0 TETAY|LEVOS emt THs s 'IBnpias oTparTnyos, KATY PTLKWS EV TH Tmapaxet- pacia Tas 0 bro TADEAPOH KataderpOeioas TpudKovTa vais, Kal d€Kka TmpootreTAnpwKas dMas, 4 apxYouwevns THS Depetas avnxOn TeTTapaKovTa vaval KaTappa- KTOLS EK Kawhs moAews, Tpoxerpradsrevos “Apidxav

3 tod orddov vavapxov. Gua dé Kal THY mel éK THis Tapaxeypacias TOpouceas OUVapLLV dvelevge: Kal Tais wév vavot Tapa, THhV Xépoov emovetTo Tov TrAobv, tots d€ melois THv Topetay Tapa Tov alyvaddv, omevowv dpuporepars dja tats duvdjreau Kataledga

4 mpos tov “IBnpa TOTOJLOV. Tyvduos dé Tas emBoddas auvMoyilouevos THv Kapyndoviwy, To ev mpa@Tov

232

BOOK III. 94. 7-95. 4

Hannibal, having thus effected his retirement from Falernum, remained now safely in camp and began to take thought where and how he should establish his winter quarters. He had spread great terror and perplexity through all the cities and peoples of Italy. Fabius, though generally reproached for his craven conduct in letting the enemy escape from such a situation, still did not abandon his policy. But a few days afterwards he was compelled to leave for Rome to perform certain sacrifices and handed over his legions to his Master of the Horse, enjoining on him strictly, in taking leave, not to attach so much importance to damaging the enemy as to avoiding disaster for himself. Marcus, instead of paying any attention to this advice, was, even while Fabius was tendering it, entirely wrapped up in the project of risking a great battle.

95. Such was the position of affairs in Italy. Con- temporaneously with these events Hasdrubal, the Carthaginian commander in Spain, after fitting out during the winter the thirty ships his brother had left him, and manning ten others, put out at the beginning of summer from New Carthage with his fleet of forty decked ships, appointing Hamilcar his admiral. At the same time he collected his troops from their winter quarters and took the field. His fleet sailed close to the shore and his army marched along the beach, his object being to halt with both forces near the Ebro. Gnaeus, conjecturing that this was the plan of the Carthaginians, first of all

233

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

emeBadeTo <KaTa yy Kal> Kata OadaTray ek Tis 5 Tapaxey.acias movetofar Thy amdvTnow. aKovwv de To TAGs THY Suvayewv Kal TO péyeDos THs Tapackevys, TO ev KATA yHv amavTay amedokti- pace, ovutrAnpwaas dé TrevTe Kal TpLdKoVTA vais, Kat AaBav €x Tod 7eliKob oTpatevatos Tovs emUTH- devoTdrous dvopas Tpos THV emBatuny xpetav dy- 1x9, Kal KaTHpeE devTepai tos ex Tappdxwvos eis Tovs 6 mepl tov “IBnpa zotapov témovs. kaboppabets de TOV Tokepiwy ev ATOOTHLATL TEpL TOUS dySonKOVTA aTadlous, mpoaTréatetre KatacKkeypopuevas SU0 vais taxutAoovcas MaccaXintikds: Kai yap mpoKaé- nyobvTo Kal mpoekwduvevov odToL Kal macay amo- 7 Tépws odiat Tapeixovto THVv xpelav. evyevOs yap, el Kal TWeES ETEpoL, KeKoWWVAKaat ‘Paatows mpay- patwyv Kat Maccaddrar, moAAdKis péev Kal peta Tatra, uddora O€ Kata Tov *“AvyPiaKxov mdodepov. 8 diacagovvtTwy b€ TOY emt THY KaTAaCKOTHY eKTEL- Pbevtav OTL Tepl TO oTOpa TOU 7TroTap“ou ovpBat- vet TOV Tav vUTevavTiwy opyety orddov, dviyero Kara. omovo7y, Bovdcpevos dadvwy mpoamecety Tots 96 Trohepious . ot 6€ Trepl Tov ‘AodpovBav, onunvay- Tw avrois Tav oKoTav ex toAdob Tov emimAovy TOv vTevavTiwv, aqua Tas melikas e&€rartov duva- pets Tapa TOV aiyvadoy, Kal Tots TAnpwyact Tap- 2 TyyedMrov ep Baivew ets Tas vads. 70n d€ Kal TOV wEaiwy ovveyyus OvTwr, onpnvavres TrOAE[LLKOV dviyyovTo, KplvavTes vavpayeiv. ovpBa\ovres dé Tots TroAep.tous Bpaxov pev Twa xpdvov dyremoun- cavTo THs viKns, pet od 7r0oAd S€ mpds 70 KAivew 3 wWpynoav. 7 yap epedpeta Tov TelC@v 7 Tept Tov alyvadov obx ovTWs adtovs wrynce Odpoos trapioTa- 234

BOOK III. 95. 4-96. 3

designed to quit his winter quarters and meet them both by land and sea, but on learning the strength of their forces and the extensive scale of their pre- parations he renounced the project of meeting them by land, and manning thirty-five ships and embarking on them as marines the men from his army most suited for this service, appeared off the Ebro two days after sailing from Tarraco. Anchoring at a distance of about eighty stades from the enemy he sent on two swift Massaliot ships to reconnoitre, for these used to head the line both in sailing and in battle, and there was absolutely no service they were not ready to render. Indeed if any people have given generous support to the Romans it is the people of Marseilles both on many subsequent occasions and especially in the Hannibalic War. When the scouts reported that the enemy’s fleet was anchored off the mouth of the river, he weighed anchor and advanced rapidly, wishing to fall upon them suddenly. 96. Hasdrubal, to whom his look- out men had given early notice of the approach of the enemy, drew up his land forces on the beach and ordered his crews toembark. The Romans being now close at hand, he gave the signal for battle, having decided on a naval action. The Carthaginians on meeting the enemy contested the victory only for a short time and then began to give way. For the covering military force on the beach did not benefit them so much by the confidence it inspired as it

235

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

—_ i a , 5 e =5) i \ arid yovoa impos Tov Kivduvoy ws EeBrawke tHv éAmida 477s cwrpias erouuTy mapacKevdlouved. mAnv dvo ev avravdpous vijas az roBaiorres, TeTtapwr dé TOUS Tapgous Kal Tous emSaras, Edevyov exkAt- 5 vavres €is yav. emixeyerwy 5€ TOv ‘Pwyaiwy ad- a > tA b) 5) 2 > ff > i 3 tots exGipws, tas pev vais é&€Barov eis tov ai-

, > 4 > > Qo 7 > ~ / yuarov, avtot 8 amomndjcartes ex TOV TAoiwy

6 €owlovro mpos Tovs mapateTaypevous. ot dé “‘Pw- patot ToAunpa@s ovuveyyicartes TH yf, Kai Ta Suva- pera Kweiobar TOV mAoiwwy dvadnoduevot, wera xa- pas SnepBaMotons amen deor, VEVLKTKOTES pev e€ €dddov Tous om evarTious, KpaTotyres d€ 7Hs Oa- Adrrs, €ixoot S€ Kai wévre vais Exovres TOV TroAemiwv.

7 Ta pev ov xara tH “IBnpiay azo TovTew > > ta > a = e 7 4 > f> emuxvoecTepas etAripet Tots Pupators tas eAmidas

8 d1a TO TpOELpTLEvoV Katoptwua. of d€ Kapyndo- LoL, 7 TpooTrEegovTos auTots TOU yeyoveTos edarTapa- Tos, Tapaxypyua TAnpwscavtes eRdou7KOrTE vnas efam meoTetAay, KpivarTes dvayKa tov elvat7 mpos mdoas

9 7as emPoras avréxecba tis Garatrys. at To pev mpa@tov eis Lapdov’, éxeilev S€ mpos Tovs 7eEpi

ul , ~ > a , , Ilicas zézovs tis “Iradias zpocéBadov, memevope- voy Tov emimdAcovTwy cuppifew evidde tots epi

1 > f 4 4 ~ e

10 Tov Awifay. TaXD b€ TOv Pwpaiwy dvaxFevre ém” avtous €€ auras THs ‘Pauns € EKaTOV €lKOGL OKG- deat mevrnpixois, mvGdpevor tov avazAovy, odTor

4 > > 7, > 4 / 4 \ pev avlis amémievoay eis tTHv Lapddva, peta Se

ll radra wddw eis Kapynddva. Tvadios 6€ Lepovidwos, Exwv Tov mpoeipynuévoy arddAov, ews pév Twos eT-

, ~ , , / nKodovbet Tois Kapyndovios, cvvarew meTevapevos,

12 7oAv be KabvotepGy anéyyw. Kal To ev TpP@Tov 236

BOOK III. 96. 3-12

damaged them by ensuring an easy and safe retreat. After losing two ships with all their crews and the oars and marines of four others, they fell back on the shore. On the Romans pursuing them vigorously they ran their ships aground and leaping out of them took refuge with the troops. The Romans very boldly approached the shore, and taking in tow such ships as were in a condition to float, sailed off in high spirits, having beaten the enemy at the first onslaught, established their supremacy at sea and possessed themselves of five and twenty of the enemy's ships.

Owing to this success the prospects of the Romans in Spain began thenceforth to look brighter. But the Carthaginians, on the news of their defeat, at once manned and dispatched seventy ships, regarding the command of the sea as necessary for all their projects. These ships touched first at Sardinia and then at Pisa in Italy, the commander believing they would meet Hannibal there, but on learning that the Romans had at once put to sea from Rome itself with a hundred and twenty quinqueremes to attack them, they sailed back again to Sardinia and thence to Carthage. Gnaeus Servilius, the com- mander of this Roman fleet, followed up the Cartha- ginians for a certain distance, believing he would overtake them, but on being left a long way behind, he gave up the chase. He first of all put in at

237

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Ths LuKeAas AdvBatep Tpoo€eaxe: pera d€ TadTa Ka- tamevoas THs ABins ws emt THY TOV Kepxwntav vijoov, Kat AaBov Tap avT@v xpypata TOO p17) Top-

13 Onoat TIP xwpav, ann May. Kata dé Tov ava- mAovv yevopevos KUpLos vycov Kooatpou, Kat ppov-

av els TO ToALGpAaTLOV elocayaywrv, atOis els TO

14 AvAvBavov Katipe. Kai To Aowrov obdtos pev ad- Tod ovvoppicas Tov oTdAov pet ov troAdY ypdvov avTos dveropicbn mpos Tas meCuKas Suvdpets.

97 Oi & &k tis ovyKAyrou, muopevor TO yeyovos TpoTepnHj.a ova rob I vatou Tepl THY vavpaxiar, Kal vop.icavTes Xpyouov eivat, padov 6° dvayKatov, TO pr mpoteatar Ta KATA THY “TBypiar, add’ éviora- ofa tots Kapyndoviors Kat TOV moAEpov avgew,

2 MPoxElpLodfLevor vats €iKoot Kal oTpaTnyov e7L- otjaavtes I1dzrAvov Ukuriwva kata Thy €€ dpxjs mpoleow, efarréateA\ov pera “onovdis Tos Tov adeAgov Tydaior, Kow sy mpagovra per exelvou Ta,

3 Kata THY “IBnpiav. aravu yap Tywovicoy py Kpa TH- cavres Kapx7dovoe T@V TOTTWY exetveny, Kal Tmept- Tounodevou xopnyias adpOovovs Kai yelpas, avTi- TOLOWVTAL LEV THs Daddrrns odoaxepeaTepov, ouv- emlOwvrar d€ Tots Kata THv “ItaXlav, orpatdéreda TéuTovTes Kal ypyaTta Tots mept Tov *AvviPav.

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5 paocw. ov émoTe yap TpOoTepov Oappyoavres dia- Bivav TOV "IBnpa TOTALLY, aAN’ dopevilovres Th Tov emt Tade diAia Kat ouppaxia, TOTE dueByoav Kal TOTE Tp@Tov eOappyncay avtitroretaPa THv Té- 238

BOOK IIT. 96. 12-97. 5

Lilybaeum in Sicily and afterwards sailed to the African island of Cercina, which he quitted after receiving from the inhabitants a sum of money on condition of his not laying the country waste. On his return voyage he possessed himself of the island of Cossyrus, and leaving a garrison in the small town returned to Lilybaeum. After laying up his fleet in harbour there, he very shortly went off to join the land forces.

97. The Senate on hearing of Gnaeus Scipio’s success in the naval] battle, thinking it advantageous or rather imperative not to neglect the affairs of Spain but to keep up the pressure on the Cartha- ginians and increase their forces, got ready twenty ships, and placing them, as they had originally decided, under the command of Publius Scipio, dispatched him at once to join his brother Gnaeus and operate in Spain together with him. For they were very apprehensive lest the Carthaginians should master that country, and, collecting abundance of supplies and soldiers, make a more serious effort to regain the command of the sea and thus support the invasion of Italy by sending troops and money to Hannibal. Treating this war, then, also as of great moment they dispatched Publius with his fleet, and on reaching Iberia and joining his brother he rendered great service in their joint operations. For the Romans, who had never before dared to cross the Ebro, but had been content with the friendship and alliance of the peoples on its north bank, now crossed it, and for the first time ventured to aim at acquiring dominion on the other side,

239

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

pav mpayyatwv, peydda Kal TavropdTou ouvepy}- GavTos oior m™pos TOUS TmepteoT@ras Kaupous.

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BOOK III. 97. 5-98. 5

chance also greatly contributing to advance their prospects in the following manner.

When after overawing the Iberian tribes dwelling near the crossing of the Ebro they reached Saguntum, they encamped at a distance of about five miles from the town near the temple of Venus, choosing a place well situated both as regards security from the enemy and facility for obtaining supplies from the sea, since their fleet was coasting down together with them. 98. Here a remarkable development of events occurred. When Hannibal was starting on his march for Italy he took as hostages from those cities in Iberia on which he did not rely the sons of their principal men, and all these he placed in Saguntum owing to the strength of the place and the loyalty of the officers he left in charge of it. Now there was a certain Iberian named Abilyx, second to none in Iberia in rank and wealth and with the reputation of being more devoted and loyal to the Carthaginians than anyone else. Reviewing the situation and thinking that the prospects of the Romans were now the brightest, he reasoned with himself in a manner thoroughly Spanish and barbarian on the question of betraying the hostages. For, being convinced that if he both rendered the Romans a timely service and gave them proof of his good faith, he would become very influential with them, he formed the scheme of playing the traitor to the Carthaginians and handing over the hostages to the Romans. The Carthaginian general, Bostar, whom Hasdrubal had sent to oppose the Romans if they tried to cross the Ebro, but who

241

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Oappyoas 5é TodTo Tovey, avakexywpyKws €aTpato- médeve THS LaxavOns ev Tots mpos OaAaTrav pépeEat, TOUTOV fev dkakov OvTa TOV avopa Kal TpGov TH 6 pice, muaTHs Sé TA POS avTov SiakeElpevov, TOL- ettar Adyous Urép TOV Opnpwv mpos Tov Bodoropa, packwy, érrevd1) SvaBeBy act ‘Pwpator Tov ToTapov, ovKeTt dvvacbat Kapyndoviouvs doBw ovvexew Ta Kata 77) IBynpiav, mpocdeiabat S€ Tos Katpovs THs TTa&v vrorattomevwv edvolas: viv ody TyyLKOTWY ‘Pwyaiwy, cat mpockabelopevwv TH ZakavOn, Kat Kuvduvevovons THs mdAews, eav eLayayav TOvS Ou7- pous atokatacTyon Tois yovetou Kal Tats 7roAEeow, exAvoew prev adtov Tov ‘Pwpatwy thy drrdoTystay’ TotTo yap avto Kal pddwora orovddlew ékeivous 8 apaéar, Kupievovtas TMV opnpwv: éxKkadeceobat d€ THv TOV IBijpwv mavrwy mpos Kapyndovious €v- volav, mpolddojevov TO weAAOV Kal mrpovonfevTa THs TOV ouynpwv aodaretas. THv dé xyapw avfjoew Edy To\AatrAaciav, avdTos yevopevos YELpLaTIs TOD Tpay- 9 watos. amoxabhiotavwv yap els Tas mdAEts TOUS matdas od povov THY Tap a’T@v evvoiay émomd- ccofa: THY yevvyoavtwv, adda Kal Tapa TaV TOA- ABv, bro THv ox Tels dia TOO cvpBaivovtos THY Kapyndoviwy mpos Tovs avppaxous alpecw Kal pe- 10 yadovyiav. mpoodoxday 8 adtov éxéXevoe Kat 60)- pwv mAHV0s (dia mapa THY Ta TéKVa KopLlomevwr: mrapaddEws yap éxdoTtous éyKpatets ywopevous TOV avayKaloTatwr dutAAav troujnceobat THs eis TOV KU- 1] prov t&v mpaypdrwv evepyecias. mapamdAnoa Seé TovUToLS ETEpA Kal TAEiwW mpos TOV adToV TPOTIOV

242

BOOK III. 98. 5-11

had not ventured to do so, had now retreated and encamped between Saguntum and the sea. Abilyx, perceiving that he was of a guileless and mild dis- position and placed full confidence in himself, approached him on the subject of the hostages, saying that now the Romans had once crossed the river it was no longer possible for the Carthaginians to control the Iberians by fear, but that present circumstances required the goodwill of all the subject peoples. So now, when the Romans had approached and were encamped close to Saguntum and the city was in danger, if he brought the hostages out and restored them to their parents and cities, he would in the first place frustrate the ambitious project of the Romans, who were bent on taking just the same step if they got the hostages into their hands, and further he would elicit the gratitude of all the Iberians to the Carthaginians by thus foreseeing the future and taking thought for the safety of the hostages. This act of grace, he said, would be very much enhanced, if Bostar would let him take the matter in hand personally. For in restoring the children to the cities not only would he gain him the goodwill of their parents but that of the mass of the people, by thus bringing actually before their eyes this evidence of the magnanimous conduct of Carthage toward her allies. He told Bostar also that he could count on numerous presents to himself from those to whom their children were returned; for each and all, on thus unexpectedly receiving back their dearest, would vie with each other in heaping benefits on the author of the measure. By these and more words to the like effect he persuaded

243

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

diarex els emreloe TOV Boioropa ovyKkatabéabar Tots 99 Acyopevors. Kal TOTE juev erravnrbe, Tagdpevos 7 Tpee- pav, | TapeoTa [LETA TOV ETTLTNOELWY TPOS THY dva.~ 2 Koulony TOV Taidwy. trapayevnfeis dé vUKTOS emt 70 TOV ‘Pwpyaiwy otparoredov, Kal ovppi€as Tiat TOV ovoTpatevopevwy exetvors “TBypwyv, da ToUTwY 3 €lo7nADe pos Tods oTpaTnyous. exAoyilopevos d¢ Sua TAevovev THY € Eoomevny oppay Kal peta Twow mpos avrovs Tov “IBnpwr, éav eyKparets yevavrat TOV OUYpw, emnyyelAato mapadwoew avTots Tovs 4maidas. Tov dé mept Tov IIdmAvov brepBorF mpo- Ovpws deEanevwy tHhv éArida Kai peydAas t7- uaxvoupevwy Swpeds, TOTE prev els THY (dav ar- nrArayn, cuvOgwevos Huepav Kal KaLpov Kal TOTOV, ev 5@ denoer TOUS exdeLopievous avTov Urromevewv. [LeTO. Se Taira mapadaBav TOUS emuTndetous TOV pidc 7KE 7™pos TOV Booropa, Kal mapadoBevrov avrTa TaV Taiowy ex THs ZaKxavOns, vuKTOs TronadpeEvos THY efodov, ws Gedwv dabeiv, Tmapamropevbets TOV xdpara Tov Todi HKE ™mpos TOV TETAYHLEVOV KaLpoVv Kal TOTOV Kal mavTas evexelpioe TOUS op 6 pous Tots NPEMOOE Tov “Pwpyaiwy. of d€ rept Tov IlomAvov € ETiLLNOGV TE OvagepovTws * TOV “ABidvya. Kal T™pos THY dmoxaTdoraow TOV OUnpwv Eis Tas T7O.- Tploas € expyaavTo TOUTW, ouprepipavres Tovs émury- 7 Selous. Os emuTopevdpevos Tas TOAEts Kal Sia TIS TOV Taidwy atoKaTtacTdcews Tels UO THY Ow THv TOV ‘Pwpaiwy mpadTynTa Kal weyadouytav Tapa av Kapxynooviwy amoriav kat BapvtnTa, Kal 7poc- mapatilets THY adtob petaleow, trodXovds *IBHpwv 8 Tapwppynce pos THY TOV ‘Pwyaiwy dirlav. Bob- oTwp dé TaLduKWTEpov 7) KaTA THY HAcKiav ddkas 244.

BOOK III. 98. 11-99. 8

Bostar to assent to his proposal. 99. For the present he left to return home, fixing the day on which he would come with his followers to escort the children. At night he went to the Roman camp, and having found some of the Iberians who were serving in the army, gained access through them to the generals. Pointing out at some length how the Iberians if they recovered their hostages would with one impulse go over to the Romans, he undertook to give up the children to them. Publius, to whom the prospect was exceedingly welcome, having promised him a great reward, he now left for his own country, having fixed a day and agreed on the hour and place at which those who were to take over the hostages should await him. After this, taking his most intimate friends with him, he came to Bostar; and on the children being handed over to him from Saguntum, he sallied out from the town by night as if to keep the matter secret, and marching along the enemies’ entrenched camp reached the appointed place at the appointed hour and delivered all the hostages to the Roman generals. Publius conferred great honours on Abilyx, and employed him in the restoration of the hostages to their respective countries, sending certain of his friends with him. Going from city to city, and bringing, by the repatriation of the children, the gentleness and magnanimity of the Romans into manifest contrast with the suspiciousness and harsh- ness of the Carthaginians, at the same time exhibiting the example of his own change of sides, he induced many of the Iberians to become allies of Rome. Bostar was judged in thus handing over the hostages

245

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 99. 8 - 100. 8

to the enemy to have acted more like a child than became his years, and was in serious danger of his life. For the present both sides, as the season was now advanced, broke up their forces for the winter ; chance in this matter of the children having materially contributed to assist the projects the Romans had in view.

100. Such was the position of affairs in Spain. Hannibal, whom we left in Italy looking out for winter quarters, learning from his scouts that there was plenty of corn in the country round Luceria and Geronium, and that the best place for collecting supplies was Geronium, decided to winter there and advanced to this district, marching past Mount Libyrnus. On reaching Geronium, which is two hundred stades from Luceria, he at first sent messages to the inhabitants asking for their alliance and offering pledges of the advantages he promised them, but as they paid no attention to them he began the siege. He soon took the city, upon which he put the inhabitants to the sword, but kept the walls and most of the houses uninjured, intending to use them as corn magazines for the winter. He encamped his army before the town, fortifying his camp with a trench and palisade. When he had completed this he sent two divisions of his army out to gather corn, ordering each to bring in each day for its own use the quantity imposed by those in charge of the commissariat. With the remaining third he guarded the camp and covered the foraging parties here and there. As most of the country was flat and easy to overrun, and the foragers were one

247

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 100. 8-101. 7

might say infinite in number, and the weather was very favourable for fetcning in the grain, an enormous quantity was collected every day.

101. Minucius on taking over the command from Fabius at first followed the Carthaginians along the hills, always expecting to encounter them when attempting to cross. But on hearing that Hannibal had already occupied Geronium, and was foraging in the district, and had established himself in a fortified camp before the city, he turned and descended from the hills by a ridge that slopes down to the town. Arriving at the height in the territory of Larinum called Calena he encamped there, being eager at all hazards to engage the enemy. Hannibal, seeing the approach of the Romans, left the third part of his army to forage, and taking the other two-thirds advanced sixteen stades from the town and encamped on a hill with the view of overawing the enemy and affording protection to the foragers. There was a certain hillock between the two armies, and observing that it lay close to the enemy’s camp and commanded it, he sent two thousand of his pikemen in the night to occupy it. Marcus, catching sight of them at daybreak, led out his light-armed troops and attacked the hill. A brisk skirmish took place in which the Romans were victorious, anc afterwards they transferred their whole army to this hill.

249

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 101. 8-102. 6

Hannibal for a certain time kept the whole of his forces within the camp owing to the propinquity of the enemy ; but after some days he was compelled to tell off a portion to pasture the animals, and send others to forage for corn, as he was anxious, according to his original plan, to avoid loss in the live stock he had captured and to collect as much corn as possible, so that for the whole winter there should be plenty of everything both for his men and also for the horses and pack-animals ; for it was on his cavalry above all that he placed reliance.

102. Minucius, remarking that the greater number of the enemy were dispersed over the country on these services, chose the time when the day was at its height to lead out his forces, and on approaching the enemy’s camp, drew up his legionaries, and dividing his cavalry and light-armed infantry into several troops sent them out to attack the foragers, with orders to take no prisoners. Hannibal hereupon found himself in a very difficult position, being neither strong enough to march out and meet the enemy nor able to go to the assistance of those of his men who were scattered over the country. The Romans who had been dispatched to attack the foraging parties, killed numbers of them, and finally the troops drawn up in line reached such a pitch of contempt for the enemy that they began to pull down the palisade and very nearly stormed the Carthaginian camp. Hannibal was in sore straits, but notwithstanding the tempest that had thus overtaken him he continued to drive off all assailants and with difficulty to hold his camp, until Hasdrubal, with those who had fled from the country for refuge to the camp before Geronium, about four thousand

VOL. 0 I 251

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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8 mpoeoT@Tos evAaBevav yeyovevat. 510 Kal Tov peev DMafrov 7; TTBvTo Kal KaTEMELLPOVTO TaVTES ws droA- pws XpwjLevov Tots Katpois, Tov dé Mdpxov é Em TO- aovTov nv€ov dia TO ovpBeBnxos o WOTE TOTE yeveotar

470 pnd€émToTE yeyovos: at’ToKpdtopa yap KaKketvov KaTéoTyGaV, TrEeTTELOMLEVOL TAXEWS adToV TéXOS em- 252

BOOK III. 102. 7-103. 4

in number, came to succour him. He now regained a little confidence, and sallying from the camp drew up his troops a short distance in front of it and with difficulty averted the impending peril. Minucius, after killing many of the enemy in the engagement at the camp and still more throughout the country, now retired, but with great hopes for the future, and next day, on the Carthaginians evacuating their camp, occupied it himself. For Hannibal, fearful lest the Romans, finding the camp at Geronium deserted at night, should capture his baggage and stores, decided to return and encamp there again. Henceforth the Carthaginians were much more cautious and guarded in foraging, while the Romans on the contrary, foraged with greater confidence and temerity.

103. People in Rome, when an exaggerated account of this success reached the city, were over- joyed, partly because this change for the better relieved their general despondency, and in the next place because they inferred that the former inaction and disheartenment of their army was not the result of any want of courage in the soldiers, but of the excessive caution of the general. All therefore found fault with Fabius, accusing him of not making a bold use of his opportunities, while Marcus’s reputation rose so much owing to this event that they took an entirely unprecedented step, investing him like the Dictator with absolute power, in the belief that he would very soon put an end to the

253

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Onoew tTois mpaypaou Kal 57) dvo SuKTaTopes eye- yoveicav emt Tas avTas mpdkets, 6 TpOTEpoV ovdE- 5 mote auveBePyKet Tapa ‘Pwyaious. 7H d€ Mapkw diacapnfetons THs Te TOO 7rANOovs edvoias Kal TIS Tapa TOU O7ov dedopevns apxns aura, dumrAaciws Tapwpyndn T™pos TO mapapadrecbar | Kat kararoN\uay 6 TV TrOAELiwV. KE. be Kat DaBros emi Tas Suvapers ovoev 7 Morwpeévos b70 TOV oupBeBnxotwr, & eTt O€ BeBatorepov pevanv emt THs €€ apxns duadrpews. 7 dewpayv d€ tov Madpxov exmrepuantLevov Kal Tpos mavr avtipiroviKkotvta Kat Kabdrov moAdy ovTa mpos T@ Owaxwdvvevew, aipeow avT@ mpovreive TOLAUTHV, 7) KATA }-€pos dpyew 7 SeAdpevov Tas Suvdpers xphoa Tots opeTEpols oTpatomédous Kara 877) avdTod mpoaipeaw. Tob O€ Kal Atay ALEVWS deLapévov Tov peptopov, deAdpevor TO TAHOOS Yw- i ? / > Ye > / e Uf pis eotpatorredevaav aAAjAwy, améxovtes ws dWdeKa 104 oradiovs. *AvviBas S€ Ta pev axotwv Tav aAioKo- pévwv atxpadatwv, Ta S€ Oewpdv ex TOV Tpatto- peeve 70€L THY Te TOV NYEHOveY pos a.dAnAous piAoTyiav Kal T7V oppny Kat THY prrodogiay TOU 2 Mdpxov. Ovorep od Kal’ adrtod, mpos avbrob de voiicas eivar Ta oupBaivovta Tept Tods evavTious, EyiveTo TeEpl TOV Mapkov, omovdaley THY ToApav adeheoBar Kal mpoxatadaBety avToo Thy open. 3 ovons d€ Twos Urepoys peTakd THs avrod Kal THS tod Mapkov otpatomedeias duvayeévns éKatépovs BAamreww, emeBddeto katadaBety TavTyv. cadds dé ywwokwy ek Tod TpoyeyovoTos KaTopJwpaTos OTe mapeotat Bonfdv ék yxeipos mpos Tavtnv Thy eme- 4 BoAnv, émwvoet te TowobTov. TOV yap ToTWY TAY mept Tov Addhov brapxovTwv YurADv pev, ToAAds Se 254

BOOK III. 103. 4-104. 4

war. So two Dictators were actually appointed for the same field of action, a thing which had never before happened at Rome. When Minucius was informed of his popularity at home and the office given him by the people’s decree, he grew twice as eager to run risks and take some bold action against the enemy. Fabius now returned to the army wholly unchanged by recent circumstances, and adhering even more firmly than before to his original determination. Observing that Minucius was unduly elated and was jealously opposing him in every way and altogether strongly disposed to risk a battle, he offered for his choice, either that he should be in full command on alternate days, or that he should take half the army and use his own legions in any way he thought fit. Minucius having readily agreed to the division of the army, they divided it and encamped apart at a distance of about twelve stades from each other. 104. Hannibal, partly from what he heard from prisoners and partly from what he saw was going on, was aware of the rivalry of the two generals and of Marcus’ impulsiveness and ambition. Considering, then, that the present circumstances of the enemy were not against him but in his favour, he turned his attention to Minucius, being anxious to put a stop to his venturesomeness and anticipate his offensive. There was a small eminence between his own camp and that of Minucius capable of being used against either of them, and this he decided to occupy. Well knowing that owing to his previous achievement Minucius would instantly advance to frustrate this project, he devised the following stratagem. The ground round the hill was treeless

255

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

mavtodamas éyovTwy tepikAdcets Kai KoLAdTHTAS, eféreue THs vuKTOs eis Tas EemiTndetoTdTas U70- BoAas ava dtaxocious Kai TptaKocious, TevTaKOGtoUS ev immets, purovs: d€ Kal melovs Tovs mavtTas €is 5 mevTaKioxtAtous. iva be un) ™mpa katomTevdGow imo Tay eis Tas Tpovopas EKTIOPEVOEVWWY, G, dua TO Siavydlew KateAduBave tots edlavois Tov Addov. 6° dé Mdpxos ewpav TO YOLEvor, Kal vouicas épuatov elvar, mapavutixa pwev e€aréatethe TOUS he- Aovs, xehevoas ayevilerbas Kal dvapdyeoPa Trepl 7700 TOmov, peta dé Tadta Tovs immeis: E€fjs Se roUTots KaTOmW attos Tye ovvexy Ta Bapéa TOv omrAwy, xaldzep Kal TpoTEpor, EKCOTWY Trovovpevos 1057 mapamkija.ov Tov XELpLopov. apt. de Tihs Tipépas d:a- pawvovars Kal mdvTow Tais Te dvavolaus Kal Tots 6upact TEPLEOTIAGLEVU Tepl Tovs ev TO yewrodw KwouvevovTas, dvimomTos Tv 7) TOV eveBpevdvreay 2 dzoBoAn. Tob &° *“AvviBov ouvex@s ev emamooTeA- Aovtos Tots ev TO dod TOUS BonBjoovras, € emrome- vov 5€ kata 7é5as abtod peta Tov inméwv Kal THs éuvdpews, TAXEWS ouveiy kal TOUS immets oupmecety 3 dAArjAors. ov YVOLEVOD, Kal me Lopeveny Tov ‘Pa- pat evlavwv v0 TOD Aj Gous TOV inméwv, dpa pev ovToL Katadevyovres eis Ta Papéa THY érrAwy 4 OdpuBov emotouv, dua 6€ tod cuvOjyatos amo- dofevros Tots ev Tais evedpais, mavraxobev emupar- vopwevey KaL TpoomumTovTay ToUTw, ovKére TrEpi TOUS edlavous j.dvov, dd rept 7av TO oTpdrevpa. 5 péyas KivOuvos CUVELOTT KEL Tots ‘Papators. Kara de Tov KaLpov Totrov Dafros, fewpav TO yevopevov KaL Sltaywvidaeas pa) aogaddar tois ddots, etiiye Tas Suvduers Kal Kata amovory €Borjfe. tots Kwédv- 256

BOOK III. 104. 4-105. 5

but had many irregularities and hollows of every description in it, and he sent out at night to the most suitable positions for ambuscade, in bodies of two or three hundred, five hundred horse and about five thousand light-armed and other infantry. In order that they should not be observed in the early morning by the Romans who were going out to forage, he occupied the hill with his light-armed troops as soon as it was daybreak. Minugius, seeing this and thinking it a favourable chance, sent out at once his light infantry with orders to engage the enemy and dispute the position. Afterwards he sent his cavalry too and next followed in person leading his legions in close order, as on the former occasion, operating exactly in the same manner as then. 105. The day was just dawning, and the minds and eyes of all were engrossed in the battle on the hill, so that no one suspected that the ambuscade had been posted. Hannibal kept constantly sending reinforce- ments to his men on the hill, and when he very shortly followed himself with his cavalry and the rest of his force, the cavalry on both sides soon came into action. Upon this, the Roman light infantry were forced off the field by the numbers of the Carthaginian horse, and, falling back on the legions, threw them into confusion, while at the same time, on the signal being given to those lying in ambush, they appeared from all directions and attacked, upon which not only the Roman light infantry but their whole army found itself in a most perilous position. It was now that Fabius, seeing the state of matters and seriously fearing a total disaster, came up in haste with his own army to

257

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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106 Tis dé ray dpxarpeciov wpas ouveyyilovons, ethovto OTpaTHyous ob ‘Pwpator Aevxvov Aipidor kat Tdwov Tepevtiov. dv xataorabévrwy ot pev

2 duxtatopes amréVevto THY apx7y, ot d€ mpotimdpyxov- tes Urratot, I'vdtos Lepovidvos Kat Mapxos ‘Pnyob- Nos 6 pera THY DAauwwiov TeAcuTHY émikataoTabets, 258

BOOK III. 105. 6-106. 2

assist. On his approach the Romans again plucked up courage, although they had now entirely broken their ranks, and collecting round the standards retreated and took refuge under cover of Fabius’ force after losing many of their light-armed troops, but still more of the legionaries and the very best men among them. Hannibal, being afraid of the legions, which, quite fresh and in admirable order, had come to the help of their comrades, abandoned the pursuit and brought the battle to a close. To those who were actually present at the action it was evident that all was lost by the rashness of Minucius, and that now, as on previous occasions, all had been saved by the caution of Fabius. And to those in Rome it became indisputably clear how widely the foresight, good sense, and calm calculation of a general differ from the recklessness and bravado of a mere soldier. The Romans, however, had received a practical lesson, and again fortifying a single camp, joined their forces in it, and in future paid due attention to Fabius and his orders. The Carthaginians dug a trench between the hill and their own camp, and erecting a stockade round the hill, which was now in their hands, and placing a garrison on it, made their preparations henceforth for the winter undisturbed.

106. The time for the consular elections was now approaching, and the Romans elected Lucius Aemilius Paulus and Gaius Terentius Varro. On their appointment, the Dictators laid down their office, and the Consuls of the previous year, Gnaeus Servilius and Marcus Regulus—who had _ been appointed after the death of Flaminius—were

259

216 BG.

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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260

BOOK III. 106. 2-11

invested with proconsular authority by Aemilius, and taking command in the field directed the operations of their forces as they thought fit. Aemilius after consulting with the Senate at once enrolled the soldiers still wanting to make up the total levy and dispatched them to the front, expressly orderirfg Servilius on no account to risk a general engagement, but to skirmish vigorously and uninter- mittently so as to train the lads and give them confidence for a general battle; for they thought the chief cause of their late reverses lay in their having employed newly raised and quite untrained levies. The Consuls also gave a legion to the Praetor Lucius Postumius, and sent him to Cisalpine Gaul to create a diversion among those Celts who were serving with Hannibal, they took measures for the return of the fleet that was wintering at Lilybaeum and sent the generals in Spain all the supplies of which they had need. The Consuls and Senate were thus occupied with these and other preparations, and Servilius, on receiving orders from the Consuls, conducted all petty operations as they directed. I shall therefore not make further mention of these, for nothing decisive or noteworthy was done owing to these orders and owing to circumstances, but only numerous skirmishes and minor engagements

took place in which the Roman commanders had the 261

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 106. 11-107. 8

advantage, their conduct of the campaign being generally thought to have been both courageous and skilful.

107. All through the winter and spring the two armies remained encamped opposite each other, and it was not until the season was advanced enough for them to get supplies from the year’s crops that Hannibal moved his forces out of the camp near Geronium. Judging that it was in his interest to compel the enemy to fight by every means in his power, he seized on the citadel of a town called Cannae, in which the Romans had collected the corn and other supplies from the country round Canusium, conveying hence to their camp from time to time enough to supply their wants. The city itself had previously been razed, but the capture now of the citadel and stores caused no little commotion in the Roman army; for they were distressed at the fall of the place not only owing to the loss of their supplies, but because it commanded the surrounding district. They continued, therefore, to send constant messages to Rome asking how they should act, stating that if they approached the enemy they would not be able to escape a battle, as the country was being pillaged and the temper of all the allies was uncertain. The Senate decided to give the enemy battle, but they ordered Servilius to wait, and dispatched the Consuls to the front. It was to Aemilius that the eyes of all were directed; and they placed their chiefest hope in him, owing to his general high character, and because a few years

263

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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264

BOOK III. 107. 8-108. 2

previously he was thought to have conducted the Illyrian war with courage and advantage to the state. They decided to bring eight legions into the field, a thing which had never been done before by the Romans, each legion consisting of about five thousand men apart from the allies. For, as I previously explained, they invariably employ four legions, each numbering about four thousand foot and two hundred horse, but on occasions of exceptional gravity they raise the number of foot in each legion to five thousand and that of the cavalry to three hundred. They make the number of the allied infantry equal to that of the Roman legions, but, as a rule, the allied cavalry are three times as numerous as the Roman. They give each of the Consuls half of the allies and two legions when they dispatch them to the field, and most of their wars are decided by one Consul with two legions and the above number of allies, it being only on rare occasions that they employ all their forces at one time and in one battle. But now they were so alarmed and anxious as to the future that they decided to bring into action not four legions but eight.

108. Therefore after exhorting Aemilius and put- ting before his eyes the magnitude of the results which in either event the battle would bring about, they dispatched him with orders to decide the issue, when the time came, bravely and worthily of his country. On reaching the army he assembled the soldiers and conveyed to them the decision of the Senate, addressing them in a manner befitting the

265

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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266

BOOK III. 108. 2-109. 2

occasion and in words that evidently sprang from his heart. The greater part of his speech was devoted to accounting for the former reverses, for it was particularly the impression created by these that made the men disheartened and in need of encouragement. He attempted therefore to impress upon them, that while not one or two but many causes could be found owing to which the previous battles resulted in defeat, there was at present, if they behaved like men, no reason at all left why they should not be victorious. “For then,” he said, ‘‘ the two Consuls never gave battle with their united armies, nor were the forces they disposed of well trained, but raw levies who had never looked danger in the face. But the most important con- sideration of all is that our troops were then so ignorant of the enemy that one might almost say they ventured on decisive battles with them with- out ever having set eyes on them. Those who were worsted at the Trebia had only arrived from Sicily the day before,* and at daybreak on the following morning went into action, while those who fought in Etruria not only had not seen their enemies before, but could not even see them in the battle itself owing to the condition of the atmosphere. But now all the circumstances are precisely the opposite of what they were then. 109. For in the first place we, the Consuls, are both present, and are not only about to share your perils ourselves but have given you also the Consuls of last year to stand by you and participate in the struggle. And you your-

@ This is not consistent with the statement in Chapter 69.

267

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

pakate Tovs KabomAvopovs, Tas Takats, TA TAHO TOV TroAcpiwv, aAAa Kal diapaydopevoe povov ov Kal’ éxdotynv judpav Sevtepov eviavTov 75n Siate- 3 dette. TavTwr obv TOV KaTa Epos evavTiws éxdv- TwV Tals TpoyeyevnpEevats payats EiKOs Kal TO TEAOS 4 evavtiov exBrnoeabat Tob viv ay@vos. Kal yap ato- mov, paAdov 8” ws eimeiv advvatov, ev pev Tots Kata jepos axpoBoAspots taouvs mpos tcovs oup- mimTovtas TO mAciov émKpateiv, ood dé mavTas mapatagapevous, mAeious dvtas 7 SutAacious TaV 5 Umrevavtiwy, eAatTwOnvar. Sidmep, @ avdpes, Tav- TwWY ULV TOpEcKEvaopEvey mpos TO VUKGV, €VOS mpoodetrat TO. mpdypara., Ths vpeTepas BovArjoews Kal mpobupias, v brrep Hs ovde mrapaxahetaba mAetw 6 mpere duty vroAauBavw. Tots péev ye puobod Tapa Tiot oTpaTevopevols 7) TOs KATA oUppaxlaV virep TOV TréAas peAAovor KWduvEvELW, ols KaT’ avd- Tov Tov aya@va Katpos éote Sewdratos, TAO eK TOV amoBawévrwy Bpaxetay exer Siahopav, avayKatos 70 THS TapakAjnocews yivetat TpdTos’ ols dé, Kaba- mep viv viv, ody Umep éTépwr, arr’ brép oddv avT@v Kal tatpidos Kal yuvak@v Kal Téxvwy 6 KiV- duvos ouvéoTnke, Kal moAAaTAaclay Ta peTa TabTa cuuPaivovta tHv Suadopav exer TOV eveotwTwv aeEl Kwodvvwv, DTopvicews pdovov, TapakAncews 8° ov 8 mpoade?. Tis yap ovK dv BovArAotTo pdAtoTa pev viKkav aywrildopuevos, ef Sé pn TodT ely Svvaror, teOvavat mpdabev payopevos Cav éemdety THv TOV 9 mpoe—pyevwv UBpw Kal Katapbopdav; Sdudz7ep, avdpes, xwpis THv br’ euod Aeyowevwv, adrot ap- 268

BOOK III. 109. 2-9

selves have not only seen how the enemy are armed, how they dispose their forces, and what is their strength, but for two years now you have been fighting with them nearly every day. As, therefore, all the conditions are now the reverse of those in the battles I spoke of, we may anticipate that the result of the present battle will likewise be the opposite. For it would be a strange or rather indeed impossible thing, that after meeting your enemies on equal terms in so many separate skir- mishes and in most cases being victorious, now when you confront them with your united forces and out- number them by more than two to one you should be beaten. Therefore, my men, every measure having been taken to secure victory for you, one thing alone is wanting, your own zeal and resolution, and as to this it is not, I think, fitting that I should exhort you further. For those who in some coun- tries serve for hire or for those who are about to fight for their neighbours by the terms of an alliance, the moment of greatest peril is during the battle itself, but the result makes little difference te them, and in such a case exhortation is necessary. But those who like you are about to fight not for others, but for yourselves, your country, and your wives and children, and for whom the results that will ensue are of vastly more importance than the present peril, require not to be exhorted to do their duty but only to be reminded of it. For what man is there who would not wish before all things to con- quer in the struggle, or if this be not possible, to die fighting rather than witness the outrage and destruction of all that is dearest to him? Therefore, my men, even without these words of mine, fix your

269

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Bavovres 7po opbaAnav THY ex Tod Acimecbau Kal Tob viKav dua opav Kal Ta ouvefaxorovfobvra Tov- TOUS, ovUTws éavrovs TapaoTnaeabe mpos THY paxny Ws THs maTpidos od Kuvduvevovons viv avtots Tots 10 oTpatomedots, aAXa tots Grows. TL yap Ete tpoadet ica tots DrroKEeyrevors, éav dAAws Tras Ta Tapovra. Kp.O7, 11 TEpuyevqjgeTat TOV ex9pay, ovK Exel. TACay yap THY abrijs mpobupiay Kal Suvapuy els vpLas dmr7jpevorat, Kat maoas Tas eAridas € EXEL THS owTnplas ev duty. 12 av dpets avTny Bn dcaevonre viv, GAN’ amddote pev Th TaTpioL TAs dppolovaas xapiras, pavepov dé maow dvOpasrrous Troujoare Lore Kal Ta TpoTepov edarra@para yéyovev od dia TO ‘Payatous XElpous dvdpas elvar Kapyndoviwy, adda 8.” azreipiay ra&v TOTE LAYOMEVWY Kal 01a Tas EK TOV KaLpOv TepoTa- 13 Gels. TOTE ev OY TADTA Kal TOLADTAa TapaKadécas 6 AevKios dtadtKe Tovs troAdous.

110 TH 8 emavpiov avalevéavtes Hyov THY Svvayw od Tovs TroAcuious AKOoVov oTpaToTredevewv. SeuTeE- pator 8° emBadovres trapeveBadov, mept TevTHKOVTA

2 aTAadlous aToaxdVTES THY TOAELiwV. 6 ev odv Acev- Kios, ovvOeacdpevos éemurédous Kai yrovs dvras Tovs mépr€ ToTous, odK Edn Sety cuuBdaAAew tmmo- Kpatovvtwy T&v troAewiwv, add’ emuomacba Kal mpodyew uadXdov eis Tomous ToLovToUs év ols TO mA€ov €oTar dua TOV mrelik@y otparomédwy 7 u) pax.

3 Tod d¢ Tatou bud TY amreiplav v7ep Tis evavTias Urdpxovros yreopns, ay dpproByrnors Kal ducxpn- oTia Tmept TOUS tryewovas, 6 mavTaw €ort opahepos

4 TATOV. Tijs om tyepovias T@ Daiw kaOyxovons els THY emotoay 7uépav da TO Tapa pilav eK TOV €O- opa@v peTaAauPdvew THY apynv Tovs UmaTous, ava- 270 :

BOOK III. 109. 9-110. 4

eyes on the difference between defeat and victory and on all that must follow upon either, and enter on this battle as if not your country’s legions but her existence were at stake. For if the issue of the day be adverse, she has no further resources to over- come her foes; but she has centred all her power and spirit in you, and in you lies her sole hope of safety. Do not cheat her, then, of this hope, but now pay the debt of gratitude you owe to her, and make it clear to all men that our former defeats were not due to the Romans being less brave than the Carthaginians, but to the inexperience of those who fought for us then and to the force of circum- stances.” Having addressed the troops in these words Aemilius dismissed them.

110. Next day the Consuls broke up their camp and advanced towards the place where they heard that of the enemy was. Coming in view of them on the second day, they encamped at a distance of about five miles from them. Aemilius, seeing that the district round was flat and treeless, was opposed to attacking the enemy there as they were superior in cavalry, his advice being to lure them on by advancing into a country where the battle would be decided rather by the infantry. As Terentius, owing to his inexperience, was of the contrary opinion, difficulties and disputes arose between the generals, one of the most pernicious things possible. Terentius was in command next day—the two Consuls according to the usual practice commanding on alternate days—and he broke up his camp and

271

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

oTpatomedevoas mponye, BovAdpevos eyytoa Tots moAep.tous, moa SvapapTupopevov Kal kwdovros 56700 Aevkiov. 6 8 *AvviBas avadaBwr tods €d- Cuvous Kal Tovs immets amvra, Kal TpooTecwr ETL KaTa TOpElav ovat Tapaddfws auveTrA€KETO, Kal T0- \ > ? A > A / e A, ¢ A A g Adv ev avtots errovetto OopuBov. ot dé “Pwyator rHv fev mpwrnv emupopav ede€avto, mpolepevoi Twas Tta@v ev tots Bapéo. KabomAcpois: peta Sé Tabra TOUS GKOVTLOTAS Kal TOUS im7Ets ETTapevTEs EmpOTE- pouv Kata THY OAnv cupTrAcKHy 81a TO Tots wEV Kap- xnSoviors pndev epedpevew agvoroyov, Tots dé ‘Pwpalos avapeutypevas Tots edlavous 6 Opoce KW 7 Ouvevew TWas omretpas. TOTE [Lev ovv emuyevouerns VUKTOS exwptabnaay am aAAjdwv, od Kata THY eAmida tots Kapyndoviois éxBaons ths émibécews: gels S€ tHv erravpiov 6 AevKios, ovTe pdxeoBar KplvwY OUTE LV aTrayew aopadds THY OTpaTLaV ETL Suvapevos, Tots ev Svat pépeo KaTEaTpAaTOTEdEUGE 9 7apa TOV Addidov KaAovpevov moTauov, Os povos tappet Tov “Amevvivov: todro 8’ €atw pos auvexes, 6 dteipyet maoas Tas Kata THY “ITaXiavy pvceis, TAs piev els TO Tuppnyixov méAayos, tas 8° eis Tov °A- Spiav: du” od péovra oupBaiver tov Auduidov Tas pev myas Exe ev Tots Tos: TO Tuppnvixov KAtwace THS *IraXas, mrovetoau be THY exBoAny eis TOV "Adpiav 19 T® S€é TpiTw mépay, amo SiaBdcews m™pos Tas ava- ToAds, eBaAeTo xdpaka, Tijs per idias maps uBolfs mept S€xa otadiovs amooxywr, Ths dé Tov brrevay- 1) THwv puKp@ theiov, BovAdpevos dua TOUTwWY Tpo- xabjoGar pev TOV EK THS mépay TrapeuBodjs Tpo- vomevovTwr, emKetobar dé Tots mapa THv Kapyxn- doviwv. 272

BOOK III. 110. 4-11

advanced with the object of approaching the enemy in spite of Aemilius’s strong protests and efforts to prevent him. Hannibal met him with his light- armed troops and cavalry and surprising him while still on the march disordered the Romans much. They met, however, the first charge by advancing some of their heavy infantry, and afterwards sending for- wards also their javelineers and cavalry got the better in the whole engagement, as the Cartha- ginians had no considerable covering force, while they themselves had some companies of their legions fighting mixed with the light-armed troops. The fall of night now made them draw off from each other, the attack of the Carthaginians not having had the success they hoped. Next day Aemilius, who neither judged it advisable to fight nor could now withdraw the army in safety, encamped with two-thirds of it on the bank of the river Aufidus. This is the only river which traverses the Apennines, the long chain of mountains separating all the Italian streams, those on one side descending to the Tyr- rhenian sea and those on the other to the Adriatic. The Aufidus, however, runs right through these mountains, having its source on the side of Italy turned to the Tyrrhenian Sea and falling into the Adriatic. For the remaining portion of his army he fortified a position on the farther side of the river, to the east of the ford, at a distance of about two miles from his own camp and rather more from that of the enemy, intending thus to cover the foraging parties from his main camp across the river and harass those of the Carthaginians.

273

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

111 ’AvviBas 5é€ Kata tov adrov Katpov Dewpdv Gre

KaXel Ta mpaypata pudyeoOa Kal ovuBdrAzw Tots moXeutos, evAaBovpevos dé py) Suatérpamtat TO mAnGos ex Tob mpoyeyovdtos éAaTTwpaTos, Kpivas mpoodetoVar tapakAjcews TOV KaLpoV OUVyE TOUS 2 7o0AXovs. abpo.cbevtrwy dé, mepiPrEbar KeAevoas mavrTas eis TOUS TépLE TOTTOUS, NpETO Ti pLEetlov Ev- Eac8a tots Beois Kata Tods mapdvras edvvavTo Katpovs, do0cions adrois e€ovaias, Tob mapa moAd TOy ToAcuiwy immoKpatobvTas é€v ToLoOvUTOLS TOTOLS 3 dvaxpiOjvar wept TOV CAwy. TavTwy dé TO pnOev emLonunvayevwy dia THY evapyerav, Tovrov Tot- yapooy, eon, ™p@Tov puev Tots Deots EXETE xdpw: exeivot yap 7H iv ovyKaTacKevdlovTes THv vik Ets 4 TovovTous TOmToUS HYaOL Tovs exOpovs: devTepov 8 Hiv, OTe Kal paxecBat Tods TroAEpLLous GvYnVvayKa- capev, od yap ere SUvavTat TobTo Siaduyetv, Kat paxeala tpofavds év Tots jweTEepots TmpoTEpHUact. 570 dé mapakadety buds viv bia mAcvovwv edbap- gets Kat mpoOvpous eivar pos Tov Kivduvov ovda- 6 ud@s por doxet KabyjKew. STE pev yap a7relipws duexecae THs mpos “Pwpyaiovs payns, €det ToUTO mrotetv, Kal wel” Sroderypatwv eya mpos buds TroA- 7 Aovs SieO€unv Adyous: Gte 5€é KaTA TO GUVEXEeS TPLOt payats THAcKavTas e€ duodAoyoupevou veriKHKAaTE ‘Pwpaiovs, motos av ett Adyos buiv ioyupdtepov 8 rapacrioa Odpoos abtOv THv épywv; dia ev odv TOV To ToD KWOUVaV KEKpaTHKaTe THs xXwpas Kal TOV EK TAUTNS ayabdav KaTa TAS TPETEpas emayye- Aias, dipevorovvTwy 1 7p@v év maou Tots Tmpos buds eipnuevois: 6 b€ viv aya evéoTnKe TEpt TOV T6- 9 Aew Kal TOV ev avtais ayabdv. od KpatyoavTes 274

BOOK III. 111.1-9

111. Hannibal now seeing that it was imperative for him to give battle and attack the enemy, and careful lest his soldiers might be disheartened by this recent reverse, thought that the occasion de- manded some words of exhortation and called a meeting of the men. When they were assembled he bade them all look at the country round, and asked them what greater boon they could in their present circumstances crave from the gods, if they had their choice, than to fight the decisive battle on such ground, greatly superior as they were to the enemy in cavalry. As they could see this for them- selves they all applauded and, he continued: “In the first place then thank the gods for this; for it is they who working to aid you to victory have led the enemy on to such ground, and next thank myself for compelling them to fight, a thing they can no longer avoid, and to fight here where the advantages are manifestly ours. I do not think it at all my duty to exhort you at further length to be of good heart and eager for the battle, and this is why. Then, when you had no experience of what a battle with the Romans was, this was necessary, and I often addressed you, giving examples, but now that you have beyond dispute beaten the Romans conse- cutively in three great battles, what words of mine could confirm your courage more than your own deeds? For by these former battles you have gained possession of the country and all its wealth, even as I promised you, and not a word I spoke but has proved true; and the coming battle will be for the cities and their wealth. Your victory will make

275

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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8 mapeuBodds. *AvviBas dé xpdvov txkavov peivas, ovdevos dvTegovros, TV peev Aoumny dvvapw av4is ets Xdpara KATEOTHOE, Tovs d¢ Nopuddas eragpyKe Tots HSpevojrevors amo THs eAdrrovos

4 mapeuBodfs. Tav Oe Nopddwv ews mpos avTov TOV xdpaka mpoomimTovT@ Kal SvaxwAvdvtev Thv vdpelav, O Te Tduos €re p.adov éml TovTots TrapwevveTo, Td. te mAnOn mpos Tov KiWduvov opi elye Kal vaxepas edepe Tas drrepHecets.

5 Bapuraros yap 87) maow avOpurtrous 0 Too peh- New yivetar ypovos: dotav 8 dak KpiOH, O Te av

276

BOOK III. 111. 9-112. 5

you at once masters of all Italy, and through this one battle you will be freed from your present toil, you will possess yourselves of all the vast wealth of Rome, and will be lords and masters of all men and all things. Therefore no more words are wanted, but deeds; for if it be the will of the gods I am confident that I shall fulfil my promises forthwith.” After he had spoken further to this effect, the army applauded him heartily, whereupon he thanked them and acknowledging their spirit dismissed them, and immediately pitched his camp, placing his entrench- ments by the same bank of the river with the larger camp of the enemy.

112. Next day he ordered all his troops to look to their persons and their accoutrements, and on the day following he drew up his army along the river with the evident intention of giving battle as soon as possible. Aemilius was not pleased with the ground, and seeing that the Carthaginians would soon have to shift their camp in order to obtain supplies, kept quiet, after securing his two camps by covering forces. Hannibal, after waiting for some time without anyone coming out to meet him, with- drew again the rest of his army into their intrench- ments, but sent out the Numidians to intercept the water-bearers from the lesser Roman camp. When the Numidians came up to the actual palisade of the camp and prevented the men from watering, not only was this a further stimulus to Terentius, but the soldiers displayed great eagerness for battle and ill brooked further delay. For nothing is more trying to men in general than prolonged suspense, but when the issue has once been decided we make

277

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 112. 5-113. 4

a shift to endure patiently all that men regard as the depth of misery.

When the news reached Rome that the armies were encamped opposite each other and that engage- ments between the outposts occurred every day, there was the utmost excitement and fear in the city, as most people dreaded the result owing to their frequent previous reverses, and foresaw and anticipated in imagination the consequences of total defeat. All the oracles that had ever been delivered to them were in men’s mouths, every temple and every house was full of signs and prodigies, so that vows, sacrifices, supplicatory processions and litanies pervaded the town. For in seasons of danger the Romans are much given to propitiating both gods and men, and there is nothing at such times in rites of the kind that they regard as unbecoming or beneath their dignity.

113. Next day it was Terentius’ turn to take the command, and just after sunrise he began to move his forces out of both camps. Crossing the river with those from the larger camp he at once put them in order of battle, drawing up those from the other camp next to them in the same line, the whole army facing south. He stationed the Roman cavalry close to the river on the right wing and the foot next to them in the same line, placing the maniples closer together than was formerly the usage and making the depth of each many times exceed its front. The allied horse he drew up on his left wing, and in front of the whole force at some

279

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 113. 6-114. 4

distance he placed his light-armed troops. The whole army, including the allies, numbered about eighty thousand foot and rather more than six thousand horse. Hannibal at the same time sent his slingers and pikemen over the river and stationed them in front, and leading the rest of his forces out of camp he crossed the stream in two places and drew them up opposite the enemy. On his left close to the river he placed his Spanish and Celtic horse facing the Roman cavalry, next these half his heavy-armed Africans, then the Spanish and Celtic infantry, and after them the other half of the Africans, and finally, on his right wing, his Numidian horse. After thus drawing up his whole army in a straight line, he took the central companies of the Spaniards and Celts and advanced with them, keeping the rest of them in contact with these companies, but gradually falling off, so as to produce a crescent-shaped formation, the line of the flanking companies growing thinner as it was prolonged, his object being to employ the Africans as a reserve force and to begin the action with the Spaniards and Celts.

114. The Africans were armed in the Roman fashion, Hannibal having equipped them with the choicest of the arms captured in the previous battles. The shields of the Spaniards and Celts were very similar, but their swords were entirely different, those of the Spaniards thrusting with as deadly effect as they cut, but the Gaulish sword being only able to slash and requiring a long sweep to do so. As they were drawn up in alternate companies, the Gauls naked and the Spaniards in short tunics bordered with purple, their national dress, they

281

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 114. 4-115. 5

presented a strange and impressive appearance. The Carthaginian cavalry numbered about ten thousand, and their infantry, including the Celts, did not much exceed forty thousand. The Roman right wing was under the command of Aemilius, the left under that of Terentius, and the centre under the Consuls of the previous year, Marcus Atilius and Gnaeus Servilius. Hasdrubal com- manded the Carthaginian left, Hanno the right, and Hannibal himself with his brother Mago the centre. Since the Roman army, as I said, faced south and the Carthaginians north, they were neither of them inconvenienced by the rising sun.

115. The advanced guards were the first to come into action, and at first when only the light infantry were engaged neither side had the advantage ; but when the Spanish and Celtic horse on the left wing came into collision with the Roman cavalry, the struggle that ensued was truly barbaric; for there were none of the normal wheeling evolutions, but having once met they dismounted and fought man to man. The Carthaginians finally got the upper hand, killed most of the enemy in the mellay, all the Romans fighting with desperate bravery, and began to drive the rest along the river, cutting them down mercilessly, and it was now that the heavy infantry on each side took the place of the light- armed troops and met. For a time the Spaniards

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THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK lll. 115. 5-116. 1

and Celts kept their ranks and struggled bravely with the Romans, but soon, borne down by the weight of the legions, they gave way and fell back, breaking up the crescent. The Roman maniples, pursuing them furiously, easily penetrated the enemy’s front, since the Celts were deployed in a thin line while they themselves had crowded up from the wings to the centre where the fighting was going on. For the centres and wings did not come into action simul- taneously, but the centres first, as the Celts were drawn up in a crescent and a long way in advance of their wings, the convex face of the crescent being turned towards the enemy. The Romans, however, following up the Celts and pressing on to the centre and that part of the enemy’s line which was giving way, progressed so far that they now had the heavy-armed Africans on both of their flanks. Hereupon the Africans on the right wing facing to the left and then beginning from the right charged upon the enemy’s flank, while those on the left faced to the right and dressing by the left, did the same, the situation itself indicating to them how to act. The consequence was that, as Hannibal had designed, the Romans, straying too far in pursuit of the Celts, were caught between the two divisions of the enemy, and they now no longer kept their compact formation but turned singly or in com- panies to deal with the enemy who was falling on their flanks.

116. Aemilius, though he had been on the right wing from the outset and had taken part in the

285

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 116. 2-8

cavalry action, was still safe and sound; but wishing to act up to what he had said in his address to the troops, and to be present himself at the fighting, and seeing that the decision of the battle lay mainly with the legions, he rode along to the centre of the whole line, where he not only threw himself per- sonally into the combat and exchanged blows with the enemy but kept cheering on and exhorting his men. Hannibal, who had been in this part of the field since the commencement of the battle, did likewise.

The Numidians meanwhile on the right wing, attacking the cavalry opposite them on the Roman left, neither gained any great advantage nor suffered any serious loss owing to their peculiar mode of fighting, but they kept the enemy’s cavalry out of action by drawing them off and attacking them from all sides at once. Hasdrubal, having by this time cut up very nearly all the enemy’s cavalry by the river, came up from the left to help the Numi- dians, and now the Roman allied horse, seeing that they were going to be charged by him, broke and fled. Hasdrubal at this juncture appears to have acted with great skill and prudence; for in view of the fact that the Numidians were very numerous and most efficient and formidable when in pursuit of a flying foe he left them to deal with the Roman cavalry and led his squadrons on to where the infantry were engaged with the object of supporting the Africans. Attacking the Roman legions in the rear and delivering repeated charges at various points all at once, he raised the spirits of the Africans and cowed and dismayed the Romans. It was here that

287

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 116. 9-117. 4

Lucius Aemilius fell in the thick of the fight after receiving several dreadful wounds, and of him we may say that if there ever was a man who did his duty by his country both all through his life and in these last times, it was he. The Romans as long as they could turn and present a front on every side to the enemy, held out, but as the outer ranks continued to fall, and the rest were gradually huddled in and surrounded, they finally all were killed where they stood, among them Marcus and Gnaeus, the Consuls of the preceding year, who had borne themselves in the battle like brave men worthy of Rome. While this murderous combat was going on, the Numidians following up the flying cavalry killed most of them and unseated others. A few escaped to Venusia, among them being the Consul Gaius Terentius, who disgraced himself by his flight and in his tenure of office had been most unprofitable to his country.

117. Such was the outcome of the battle at Cannae between the Romans and Carthaginians, a battle in which both the victors and the vanquished displayed conspicuous bravery, as was evinced by the facts. For of the six thousand cavalry, seventy escaped to Venusia with Terentius, and about three hundred of the allied horse reached different cities in scattered groups. Of the infantry about ten thousand were captured fighting but not in the actual battle, while only perhaps three thousand escaped from the field to neighbouring towns. All the rest, numbering about seventy thousand, died bravely. Both on this occasion and on former ones their numerous cavalry had contributed most to the victory of the Cartha-

289

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 117. 5-118. 1

ginians, and it demonstrated to posterity that in times of war it is better to give battle with half as many infantry as the enemy and an overwhelming force of cavalry than to be in all respects his equal. Of Hannibal’s army there fell about four thousand Celts, fifteen hundred Spaniards and Africans and two hundred cavalry.

The Romans who were made prisoners were not in the battle for the following reason. Lucius had left a force of ten thousand foot in his own camp, in order that, if Hannibal, neglecting his camp, em- ployed his whole army in the field, they might during the battle gain entrance there and capture all the enemy's baggage: if, on the other hand, Hannibal, guessing this danger, left a strong garrison in the camp, the force opposed to the Romans would be reduced in numbers. The circumstances of their capture were more or less as follows. Han- nibal had left an adequate force to guard his camp, and when the battle opened, the Romans, as they had been ordered, delivered an assault on this force. At first they held out, but as they were beginning to be hard pressed, Hannibal, who was now victorious in every part of the field, came to their assistance, and routing the Romans shut them up in their own eamp. He killed two thousand of them and after- wards made all the rest prisoners. The Numidians also reduced the various strongholds throughout the country which had given shelter to the flying enemy and brought in the fugitives, consisting of about two thousand horse.

118. The result of the battle being as I have de-

291

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK III. 118. 1-10

scribed, the general consequences that had been an- ticipated on both sides followed. The Carthaginians by this action became at once masters of almost all therest of the coast, Tarentum immediately surrender- ing, while Argyrippa and some Campanian towns invited Hannibal to come to them, and the eyes of all were now turned to the Carthaginians, who had great hopes of even taking Rome itself at the first assault. The Romans on their part owing to this defeat at once abandoned all hope of retaining their supremacy in Italy, and were in the greatest fear about their own safety and that of Rome, expecting Hannibal every moment to appear. It seemed indeed as if Fortune were taking part against them in their struggle with adversity and meant to fill the cup to overflowing ; for but a few days after- wards, while the city was yet panic-stricken, the commander they had sent to Cisalpine Gaul was surprised by the Celts in an ambush and he and his force utterly destroyed. Yet the Senate neglected no means in its power, but exhorted and encouraged the populace, strengthened the defences of the city, and deliberated on the situation with manly coolness. And subsequent events made this manifest. For though the Romans were now incontestably beaten and their military reputation shattered, yet by the peculiar virtues of their constitution and by wise counsel they not only recovered their supremacy in Italy and afterwards defeated the Carthaginians, but in a few years made themselves masters of the whole world.

I therefore end this Book at this point, having

293

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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294

BOOK III. 118. 10-12

now described the events in Spain and Italy that occurred in the 140th Olympiad. When I have brought down the history of Greece in the same Olympiad to the same date, I shall pause to premise to the rest of the history a separate account of the Roman constitution ; for I think that a description of it is not only germane to the whole scheme of my work, but will be of great service to students and practical statesmen for forming or reforming other constitutions.

295

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296

BOOK IV

1. In the preceding Book after pointing out the causes of the second war between Rome and Carthage, I described the invasion of Italy by Hannibal, and the engagements which took place between the belligerents up to the battle on the river Aufidus at the town of Cannae. I shall now give an account of the contemporary events in Greece from the 140th Olympiad onwards, after 220-216 briefly recalling to the minds of my readers ris the sketch I gave in my second Book® of Greek affairs and especially of the growth of the Achaean League, the progress of that state having been surprisingly rapid in my own time and earlier. Beginning their history with Tisamenus, one of Orestes’ sons, I stated that they were ruled by kings

of his house down to the reign of Ogygus, after which they adopted a most admirable democratical constitution, until for a time their League was dissolved into cities and villages by the kings of Macedon. Next I went on to tell how they subse-

@ Chapters 41-71. 297

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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298

BOOK IV. 1. 6-2. 4

quently began to reunite, and which were the first cities to league themselves, and following on this I pointed out in what manner and on what principle they tried to attract other cities and formed the design of uniting all the Peloponnesians in one polity and under one name. After a general survey of this design, I gave a brief but continuous sketch of events in detail up to the dethronement of Cleomenes, king of Sparta. Summarizing, next, the occurrences dealt with in my introductory sketch up to the deaths of Antigonus Doson, Seleucus Ceraunus, and Ptolemy Euergetes, which all took place about the same time, I announced that I would enter on my main history with the events immediately following the above period. 2. This I considered to be the best starting- point, because in the first place, Aratus’s book terminates just at this period and I had decided on taking up and carrying on the narrative of Greek affairs from the date at which he leaves off, and secondly because the period following on this date and included in my history coincides with my own and the preceding generation, so that I have been present at some of the events and have the testimony of eyewitnesses for others. It seemed to me indeed that if I comprised events of an earlier date, repeating mere hearsay evidence, I should be safe neither in my estimates nor in my assertions. But my chief reason for beginning at this date, was that Fortune had then so to speak rebuilt the world.

299

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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300

BOOK IV. 2.5-3.1

For Philip, son of Demetrius, being still quite a boy, had inherited the throne of Macedonia, Achaeus, the ruler of all Asia on this side of the Taurus, had now not only the state, but the power of a king, Antiochus surnamed “ The Great” who was still very young had but a short time previously, on the death of his brother Seleucus, succeeded him in Syria, Ariarathes at the same time had become king of Cappadocia, and Ptolemy Philopator king of Egypt, while not long afterwards began the reign of Lycurgus, king of Sparta. The Carthaginians also had but recently appointed Hannibal to be their general in the campaign I mentioned. Since therefore the personalities of the rulers were every- where new, it was evident that a new series of events would begin, this being the natural and usual consequence. And such indeed was the case ; for the Romans and Carthaginians now entered on the war I mentioned, Antiochus and Ptolemy on that for Coele-Syria, and the Achaeans and Philip on that against the Aetolians and Spartans.

3. The causes of the latter were as follows. The Aetolians had for long been dissatisfied with peace and with an outlay limited to their own resources, as they had been accustomed to live on their neigh- bours, and required abundance of funds, owing to that natural covetousness, enslaved by which they always lead a life of greed and aggression, like beasts of prey, with no ties of friendship but regarding everyone as an enemy. Nevertheless up to now,

301

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK IV. 3. 2-10

as long as Antigonus was alive, they kept quiet owing 222 no. to their fear of Macedonia, but when that king died leaving Philip still a child to succeed him, they thought they could ignore this king and began to look out for pretexts and grounds for interfering in the affairs of the Peloponnese, giving way to their old habit of looking for pillage from that country and thinking they were a match for the Achaeans now the latter were isolated. Such being their bent and purpose, and chance favouring them in a certain measure, they found the following pretext for putting their design in execution.

Dorimachus of Trichonium was the son of that Nicostratus who broke the solemn truce at the Pamboeotian congress. He was a young man full of the violent and aggressive spirit of the Aetolians and was sent on a public mission to Phigalea, a city in the Peloponnese near the Messenian border and at that time in alliance with the Aetolian League ; professedly to guard the city and its territory, but really to act as a spy on Peloponnesian affairs. When a recently formed band of brigands came to join him there, and he could not provide them with any legitimate pretext for plundering, as the general peace in Greece established by Antigonus still continued, he finally, finding himself at a loss, gave them leave to make forays on the cattle of the Messenians who were friends and allies of the Aetolians. At first, then, they only raided the flocks on the border, but later, growing ever more insolent, they took to breaking into the country houses, surprising the unsuspecting inmates by

303

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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304

BOOK IV. 3. 11-4. 4

night. When the Messenians grew indignant at this and sent envoys to Dorimachus to complain, he at first paid no attention, as he wished not only to benefit the men under him but himself also by taking his share of their captures. But when such embassies began to arrive more frequently, owing to the continuance of the outrages, he announced that he would come himself to Messene to plead his cause against those who accused the Aetolians, and on appearing there when the victims approached him, he ridiculed and jeered at some of them, attacked some by recrimination and intimidated others by abusive language.

4, While he was still staying in Messene the banditti approached the city by night, and with the aid of scaling-ladders broke into the farm called Chyron’s, where after killing those who offered resistance they bound the rest of the slaves and carried them off together with the cattle. The Messenian Ephors, who had long been annoyed by all that took place and by Dorimachus’ stay in the town, thought this was adding insult to injury and summoned him before their college. On this occasion Scyron, then one of the ephors, and otherwise highly esteemed by the citizens, advised them not to let Dorimachus escape from the city, unless he made good all the losses of the Messenians and delivered up to justice those guilty of murder. When all signified their approval of what Scyron said, Dorimachus flew into a passion, and said they were utter simpletons if they thought it was Dorimachus they were now affronting and not the Aetolian

305

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK IV. 4. 4-5. 3

League. He thought the whole affair altogether outrageous, and they would receive such public chastisement for it as would serve them right. There was at this time a certain lewd fellow at Messene, one of those who had in every way renounced his claim to be a man, called Babyrtas. If anyone had dressed this man up in Dorimachus’ sun-hat and chlamys it would have been impossible to distinguish the two, so exact was the resemblance both in voice and in person, and of this Dorimachus was perfectly aware. Upon his speaking now in this threatening and overbearing manner, Scyron grew very angry and said, ‘“ Do you think we care a fig for you or your threats, Babyrtas?”’ Upon his saying this Dorimachus, yielding for the moment to circumstances, consented to give satisfaction for all damage inflicted on the Messenians, but on his return to Aetolia he continued to resent this taunt so bitterly, that without having any other plausible pretext he stirred up a war against Messene on account of this alone.

5. The Strategus of the Aetolians at this time was Ariston. Being himself incapacitated for service in the field by certain bodily infirmities and being related to Dorimachus and Scopas, he had more or less ceded his whole office to the latter. Dorimachus did not venture to exhort the Aetolians by public speeches to make war on Messene, since he really had no valid pretext, but, as every body knew, his animus was due to his own lawless violence and his resentment of a jibe. So he desisted from any such plan, and took to urging on Scopas in private to join

307

221 B.G

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

tis emBodfs abt@ ths Kata tov Meconiwv, droderkvuwy prev THY amd Makeddvwv acdddcav dua tTHV ALKiavy Tob mpoeot@Tos (od yap elye 4 mXetov erav tote Didirmos émtaxaidexa), mapa- TUeis Se tHv AaKkedayoviwy adAXoTpioTnTA mpds tovs Meconviovs, avapipvnoxwy dé ths ’HAetwv mpos apas evvoias kat ovppayias, e& dv aodady Thv eloBoAny thy eis tHv Meoonviay écopévnv 5 avrois anépawev. 7d Sé avvéxyov tis AitwruKijs m™potpomys, vmo0 thy opw e7ier Tas écopevas whereias ex THs Tav Meconviwy ywpas, ovens ampovontov Kal SvapeuevnKvias akepatov p.ovns ta&v ev IleAoTovvijow Kata Tov KXeomevikov mdAe- 6 ov. emt dS€ aot TovToOLs auvicTtave THY e€aKo- Aov#jaovear evvorav odiat rapa Tob Tav AitwAdv 7 7AnGovs. “Axaods 0°, av pev KwrAvowor TV diodov, odK epety eyKAjpata Tols dpvvopevots, eav 0° aydywou THY Hovyiav, ovK euTrodiety adrots 8 mpos THVv emiBoAnv. mpos S¢€ Meconvious mpo- pacews ovK amopnoew edn: mdadar yap avrovs aducetv, “Axaiois kat Maxeddow émnyyeAuévous 9 KoWwrncEW THS ovppaxylas. Tatra dS eimwy Kal TapamAnaa TovTois ETepa mpos THY adTyy b70beE- OW, TOLAVTHY OpunY TrapéoTHoE TH UkoTa Kal Tots tovtov pido wore ovTe Kownv trav Aitwrdv mpoodeEduevor avvodov otTe Tots amoKAyToOLs GULL- peraddvtes, o85€ nv ddAo Tav KabynKdvTwv oddEev 10 mpagavtes, kata S€ Tas avTav Opuas Kal Kpicets SiadaBdvres dua Meconviows ’Hrrerpwrats "Ayasois *Axapvaéou Maxeddau méAcpov e&jveyxay. 6 Kai xara pev Oaddatrav mapaxyphua meparas e€érreuipav, ol mapatuyovres mAoiw BacitK@ Tov 308

BOOK IV. 5.3-6.1

him in his project against the Messenians, pointing out to him that they were safe as regards Macedonia owing to the youth of its ruler—Philip being now not more than seventeen—calling his attention to the hostility of the Lacedaemonians to the Messen- ians, and reminding him that Elis was the friend and ally of the Aetolians; from all which facts he deduced that they would be quite safe in invading Messenia. But next—this being the most convincing argument to an Aetolian—he pictured to him the great booty that they would get from Messenia, the country being without warning of invasion and being the only one in Greece that the Cleomenic war had spared. Finally he dwelt on the popularity they themselves would gain in Aetolia. The Achaeans, he said, if they opposed their passage, could not complain if the Aetolians met force by force, but if they kept quiet they would not stand in the way of the project. Against the Messenians they would have no difficulty in finding a grievance, for they had long been inflicting wrong on the Aetolians by promising to ally themselves with the Achaeans and Macedonians. By these arguments and others in the same sense, he made Scopas and his friends so eager for the enterprise that without waiting for the General Assembly of the Aetolians, without taking the Special Council into their confidence, without in fact taking any proper steps, but acting solely as their own passion and their private judgement dic- tated, they made war all at once on the Messenians, Epirots, Achaeans, Acarnanians, and Macedonians. 6. By sea they immediately sent out privateers, who falling in with a ship of the royal Macedonian

309

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK IV. 6.1-8

navy near Cythera brought her to Aetolia with all her crew, and there sold the officers, the troops, and the ship herself. Afterwards they pillaged. the coast of Epirus, being aided in these outrages by the Cephallenian fleet. They also made an attempt to seize Thyrium in Acarnania. At the same time, sending a small force secretly through the Peloponnese, they occupied the fort called Clarium in the middle of the territory of Megalopolis, and continued to use it as a base for forays and a market for the sale of booty. This place, however, was shortly afterwards besieged and captured in a few days by Timoxenus, the Achaean Strategus, with the aid of Taurion, the officer left by Antigonus in charge of Peloponnesian affairs. I should explain that Antigonus continued to hold Corinth, which the Achaeans had given up to him, to further his purposes in the Cleomenic war, but that after storming Orchomenus he did not restore it to the Achaeans, but annexed and occupied it, wishing, as I think, not only to be master of the entrance into the Peloponnese, but to safeguard his interests in the interior by means of his garrison and arsenal at Orchomenus. Dorimachus and Scopas waited for the time when Timoxenus’ year of office had nearly expired, and Aratus, who had been appointed Strategus for the ensuing year by the Achaeans, would not yet be in office, and then, collecting the whole of the Aetolian forces at Rhium and preparing ferry-boats as well as the Cephallenian ships, they conveyed their men over to the Peloponnese and

31]

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

9 Meconviav. TOLOU [EVOL d€ THv Topeiav dia Tis Tlarpéwy Kat Daparewv Kai Tpitarcéwv xepas UrreKplvovTo pev BovAcoBar pondev adixnpa Trove ty

10 €ls Tovs “Axatous, ov Suvapevou be Too mAnQous dméxeoOau THs xwpas dua TH mpos Tas wohedelas aKpaciav KaKorrovobvTes avTny al Avparvopevor Sijecay, péxpe mapeyevOnoav els THY DiydAccay.

11 rounodpevou Se TH Oppay evted0ev aipyidios Kal pacéws eveBadov els THY TOV Meoonviwr xXwpav, ovre Tijs dmapxovons avtois ek madadv Xpoveny mpos TOUS Meconvious pidias Kal ouppaxias oud” jvrwvooy TounadfLevou Tpovovay ovTe TOV KaTa

12 Kowov wptopevwy Sixaiwv trap avOpwro.s, amavra & ev éddtrove Oéwevor ths adpetépas mAcovetias ade@s emrop0ovyv, od ToAuwrTwr érreErévar KaboAov TOV Meconviwy.

t) Oro “Axatot, KaOyxovons avTots ex Tov vopwy guvodov KaTa TOV Kaupov ToUTOV, HKOV ets Atyoy.

2 auveAdovtes 8° ets THv éexKAnoiav, Kal Ta Te Tlarpéwy Kal Daparewy dmohoyilomeveny Ta yeyo- voTa TEplL THY YwWpaV avTaV adiKHUaTa Kara THY tov Aitwrdv Sdiodor, TOV TE Meoonviwy tapovtwy KaTa mpeofetav Kat deouevwy adior Bonbetv

3 ddukoupevois Kal Trapaomrovdoupevols, Stakovcay- tes Tov Acyouevwr, Kal ouvayavaKTobyTes pev tots Ilatpeto. kat Daparedor oupmdoyovtes dé

4 tals TOV Meoonviwy aruxias, pddtora dé vopit- Covres elvar dewov ef pyjte ovyxwpnoavtos Tots Aitwdois pndevos tHv diodov, pte Kabarak émuBardpevor maparretabar, KkaTeToAunoay em Bh - va otparomedyy ths “Axatas mapa tas ovvOyjKas,

5 émi maou TovTOLs Trapokuvbevtes eysndicavro Bonbetv 312

BOOK IV. 6.9-7. 5

began to advance towards Messenia. On their march through the territory of Patrae, Pharae, and Tritaea, they pretended indeed not to wish to inflict any hurt on the Achaeans, but as the men could not keep their hands off the country, owing to their passion for pillaging, they went through it, spoiling and damaging, until they reached Phigalea. Thence by a bold and sudden rush they invaded Messenia, utterly regardless both of their long-existing alliance and friendship with the Messenians and of the established law of nations. Subordinating every- thing to their own selfish greed, they pillaged the country unmolested, the Messenians not daring to come out at all to attack them.

7. This being the time fixed by law for the meeting of their Federal Assembly, the Achaean deputies gathered at Aegium; and when the assembly met, the members from Patrae and Pharae gave an account of the injuries done to their country during the passage of the Aetolians, while an embassy from Messene arrived begging for help, as they had been treacherously and unjustly attacked. The Achaeans listened to these statements, and as they shared the indignation of the people of Patrae and Pharae, and sympathized with the Messenians in their misfortune, but chiefly since they thought it outrageous that the Aetolians without getting leave of passage from anyone and without making the least attempt to justify the action, had ventured to enter Achaea in arms contrary to treaty, they were so exasperated by all these considerations that they voted that help should be given to the Messenians,

313

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tots Meoonviois Kal cuvayew Tov oTpatynyov Tovs Ayauods ev tots mAs, 6 8 av Tots cvvedOotan 6 BovAevopevors 86&n, Tobr’ elvar KUpiov. oO pev otv Tuudgevos 6 ToTe ETL tTdpywy oTpaTnyos, Gcov ovmw Anyovons THs apxjs, agua de Tots ’"Ayatots amotaév dia TO pabvpws adrovs e€oxnKe- val KATA TO TrApoV TeEpl THY ev Tots OmAoLS yumVa- clay, avedveTo T7HV efodov Kal xabodov TV OUV- 7 aywyny Tov OxAwy: pera yap THY KAcopevous Tob Urapriaray Baorréws EKTITWOW Kapvovres pev Tots Tpoyeyovoat Trohéjous, muotevovtes dé Th Tapovon KaTaoTdcel mavres oAywdpynoav Ile- lorrovyjatot THS Tept TA TroepuKa TapacKeuns- 86 6 “Apatos oyetAalwy Kai mapo€vvdpevos emi TH TOAUY Tov Airway OuptKwrepov expijro Tots Tpayyaow, dre Kal mpotmapxovons avrois aA- 9 AoTpidTnTOS eK Tov emave Xpovonv. to Kal ouvayew éotevde tovs “Ayaods ev Tots dzrAots 10 Kal oupBarety mpoOvpos jv tots Aitwdois. Tédos dé rev nLEepats TpOoTepov Tod Kabr}KovTos abr xpovov mrapadaBwv Tapa Too Tyoégvou thy Onpootay oppayida mpos Te Tas moAeus eypage kal ouvinye Tovs ev Tais Trcxiaus peta TOV Orrhwy ll eis tHv MeydAnv modw. trép od SoKet pow mpé- mov elvat Bpayéa mpoeitetvy dia THY lduoTHTA TIS pioews. 8 “Apatos yap my Ta pev da Téhevos dvnp els 2 TOV TpayLaTLKOV Tporrov" Kal yap etzretv Kal Savon Oivar kal ote€ar TO Kpilev Suvaros, kal pay éveyKeiy Tas TohuriKas duadopas mpdws Kat pirovs évdjncacba Kai ouppdxous mpoodaBetv 3 ovdevos Sevtepos, Err Sé mpdbers amaras ém- 314

BOOK IV. 7. 5-8. 3

that the Strategus should call a general levy of the Achaeans, and that this levy when it met should have full power to decide on what was to be done. Now Timoxenus, who was still Strategus, both because his term of office had very nearly expired, and because he had little confidence in the Achaean forces which had latterly much neglected their drilling, shrank from taking the field and even from levying the troops. For the fact is that ever since the fall of King Cleomenes of Sparta all the Peloponnesians, worn out as they were by the previous wars and trusting to the permanency of the present state of tranquillity, had paid no attention at all to preparations for war. But Aratus, incensed and exasperated by the audacity of the Aetolians, entered upon the business with much greater warmth, especially as he had a difference of long standing with that people. He therefore 220 z.0, was in a hurry to call the levy of the Achaeans and to take the field against the Aetolians, and at length receiving the public seal from Timoxenus five days before the proper date of his entering office, wrote to the different cities with orders that all citizens of military age should present themselves in arms at Megalopolis.

Before proceeding I think I should say a few words about Aratus owing to the singularity of his character. 8. He had in general all the qualities that go to make a perfect man of affairs. He was a powerful speaker and a clear thinker and had the faculty of keeping his own counsel. In his power of dealing suavely with political opponents, of attaching friends to himself and forming fresh alliances he was second to none. He also had a

VOL. 0 he 315

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

BovAds ovotncacba Kata Tav ToAcuiwy Kal ravtTas emt tédos ayayeiv dia THS adToo KaKko- 4 7afeias Kal tToAuns Sewdratos. evapyn Sé Tov TolovTwWY jLapTUpia Kat TAciw fev expavy "ore Tots toTopnkdot KaTa mepos TEpl Te THS LiKv@vos kai Mavrwetas xatadjews Kat mept tHs Aitw- Adv éx Tis TleAAqvewy moXews eKBodjs, TO dé peyvoTov, mept THs em “Axpoxdpw6ov mpagews. 56 8 avros odtos 6Te THY drraib pov dy Turow - cacbar Bovdnfein, vwOpos pev ev tats emwoias, atoAuos 8° ev tats émtBodAais, év dyer 8 od pévwv 6 TO Seuvov. 510 Kal Tpotraiwy en’ avrov Brerrovtwv emAnpwoe THV IleAomownaov, Kal 7Ade m™_ Tots 7 ToAEmiots Get TOT Hy edXELpwToS. OvTWS at Tov avOpwmav diceis ov povov Tots cwpacw €xovat TL moAvetdés, ETL 5€ pGAAov Tais puvyaits, WoTE TOV avTov avdpa p47) ovov ev Tots diadepovat TAY evepynuaTwy mpos a pev evpvads exew mpos a dé evavtiws, aAAd Kal mepi Twa THv opoedav moAAaKis TOV avTOv Kal ovveTwraTov eivat Kal Bpadvtarov, opoiws dé Kal ToAunpoTaTov Kal 8 devAdrarov. od mapddofa tatra ye, ovv7jOn de 9 Kal yreopysa tots BovAopévots ouvepiaravew. TWES prev yap év tats Kuvnyias clot ToAunpot mpos Tas TOV Onptov ovykaTaoTacets, ot & avTot mpos o7rAa Kal mroNep.ious dyevvets, kal Tis ye Trohepux tis xXpetas Ths Kat avdpa pev Kat Kar’ idlav edyepets Kal mpaKTLKol, Kowh d€ Kal peta 10 TroAepurctjs [eview | ouvrdgews Gmpakro. ®erra- Ady yoov imeits Kar iAnv pev Kal parayyndov dvumootatot, xwpis d€ mapatagews mpos Katpov

316

BOOK IV. 8. 3-10

marvellous gift for devising coups de main, stratagems, and ruses against the enemy, and for executing such with the utmost personal courage and endurance. Of this we have many clear proofs, but the most conspicuous instances are the detailed accounts we possess of his seizure of Sicyon and Mantinea, his expulsion of the Aectolians from Pellene, and first and foremost his surprise of the Acrocorinthus. But this very same man, when he undertook field opera- tions, was slow in conception, timid in performance, and devoid of personal courage. The consequence was that he filled the Peloponnese with trophies commemorating his defeats, and in this respect the enemy could always get the better of him. So true is it that there is something multiform in the nature not only of men’s bodies, but of their minds, so that not merely in pursuits of a different class the same man has a talent for some and none for others, but often in the case of such pursuits as are similar the same man may be most intelligent and most dull, or most audacious and most cowardly. Nor is this a paradox, but a fact familiar to careful observers. For instance some men are most bold in facing the charge of savage beasts in the chase but are poltroons when they meet an armed enemy, and again in war itself some are expert and efficient in a single combat, but inefficient when in a body and when standing in the ranks and sharing the risk with their comrades. For example the Thessalian cavalry are irresistible when in squadrons and brigades, but slow and awkward when dispersed and

317

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Kal Tomov Kat avdpa Kuduvedoat Svcxypnotot Kat Spadeis- Atrwhoi be TOUT WY Tavavtia. 11 Kpjres 5€ Kat Kata yhv Kat Kata Oadatrav pods prev evédpas Kat Anoreias Kat KAoTas ToAeniwv Kal vuKtepwas émbécers Kal mdoas Tas peta ddAov Kal KaTa pépos xpelas avuTdaTaTot, mpos dé Hv €€ dpodoyou Kal Kara mpoowmov daday- yndov edodov dyevvets Kal mAdyvor Tats yvyxais: “Axatot d€ Kal Maxeddves TavayTia ToUTwY. 12 radTa pe etp7jo0u [Lou xdpw To p17) Svamorety Tovs dvaywoaxovTas Tots Aeyouevors, éav ov Tepi Tav atta@v avdpav evartias amodaces Towwpueba rept TA TapaTAjota THY emiTnSevpaTwv. 9 “A@poicbatwy 5€ T&av &y Tats AtKiats peTa T&v OmAwy eis THY MeydAny moAWw Kata ddéyya tav “Ayady (amo yap TovTwr mapegeBnev ), 2Kat Tov Meconviwy atbis émimopevbevTwv emt TO mARBos Kal Seouévwy pn mepudety odds ovTw mpodavas apaczovdoupevous, BovAopéevwy dé Kal Tis KoWwis ovuppaxlas petacyeiy Kal o7evddv- 3 Tw ouod Tots adXols emtypadjvat, mept ev THs cuppaxlas of mpoeota@tes Tav ’Ayatdv améAeyor, od ddoxortes Suvarov elvar ywpis Dirim7ov Kat 47av CULpa yoy ovdeva mpocdaBeiy ( (Ere yap év- opKos Epeve mdow 7 yeyernuery ouppaxta be "Avruydvov Kata tous KAeouevixods Kaipods *A- xatots “Heipwjtats Dwxeior Maxeddar Bowwrots 5 °Axapyaot Oerradois), e€eAcvoecBar de Kal Bon- Ojoew avrois édacay, edy unpa S@ow ot mapa- yeyovdres TOUS éauTay vies eis THY TOV Aaxedat- pLoviwwy moAw xdpw Too a) SiadvOijoecGa pos Aitwiots xwpis ths tav *Ayaidv BovdAjcews. 318

BOOK IV. 8. 10-9. 5

engaging the enemy single-handed as they chance to encounter them. The Aetolian horse are just the reverse. The Cretans both by land and sea are irresistible in ambuscades, forays, tricks played on the enemy, night attacks, and all petty operations which require fraud, but they are cowardly and down-hearted in the massed face-to-face charge of an open battle. It is just the reverse with the Achaeans and Macedonians. I say this in order that my readers may not refuse to trust my Judgement, because in some cases I make contrary pronounce- ments regarding the conduct of the same men even when engaged in pursuits of a like nature.

9. When the men of military age had assembled in arms at Megalopolis in accordance with the decree of the Achaeans—it was at this point that I digressed from my narrative—and when the Messenians again presented themselves before the people, entreating them not to disregard the flagrant breach of treaty committed against them, and at the same time offering to join the general alliance and begging that they should at once be enrolled among the members, the Achaean magistrates refused the latter request on the ground that they were not empowered to receive additional members without consulting Philip and the rest of the allies. For the alliance was still in force which Antigonus had concluded during the Cleo- menic war between the Achaeans, Epirots, Phocians, Macedonians, Boeotians, Acarnaneans, and Thessal- ians. They, however, agreed to march out to their assistance on condition that the envoys deposited in Sparta their own sons as hostages, to ensure that the Messenians should not come to terms with the Aetolians without the consent of the Achaeans. I

319

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

6 €otpatomédevov Sé Kat Aakedaidoviot, Kata THY , > , Les) A ~ cuppaxyiav e€eAnAvbdtes, emt tots tHv Meyado- ~ Ld >? / A ~ ~ bl modTa@v dopo, epedpwv Kat Oewpdv paddrov 7 7 ovppaxywv exovres ta€w. “Apatos dé Tov TpdoTrov tovrov ta mpos Meaonviovs duampagas émeptre A A > , ~ \ / mpos tovs Aitwiovs, diacapdv ta dSedoypeva Kal mapakeAevopevos éerravayew eK Ths Tov Meo- onvicy xwpas Kal Tijs "Ayatas p17) pavew: el d€ [2H, Ovore Xpycerau Tots emBatvovaw Ws Troneptots. 8 Likdzmas be Kal Awpipayos axovoavtes Ta Aeyo- peva. Kal ‘yvovTes 7)9povopevous tovs *Ayatous, Hyotvro ouudepew adior tote TiPecfat ois 9 mapayyeAopevors. TapavTiKa peev ovv efamare)- Aov Ypapparogopous els TE Koddjyay Kal pos ’ piorwva tov Tov AitwAdv otparnyov, a€vobvres KaTa oTovdnv avTtois amooréAAew Ta mopOpyeta ~ > / > \ / / ~ THs “Hdetas eis tHv Devdda Kadovpevny vijcov: 19 avrot 5é€ pera Svo Huepas avelevéav yeuovtes Tis delas, Kat mponyov Ws emt Thy "Hietav. det yap mote Ths TOV *HActev avtelyovto diAias Airwrot Xap Tob Sud TOUTW émuTAoKas Aap Ba- vew mpos Tas aptayas tas ek IleAomovvycov Kat Anoteias. 1 sok 9 , 7A eens \ , patos emyeivas dvo Nuepas, Kal TLOTEV- cas €v70ws ott Tounaovrat TV emTaVvooov xabamep drredetkvucay, Tovs ev Aowovs “Axavods Kal TOUS Aaxedatpovious _ Sadie mavTas els 7H 2 oiKeiav, TpuaxtAtous oe EX melovs Kal Tpeakoatous immets Kal tovs dua tm Tavpiwv otpatiwras mponye thy emi Ildtpas, avrimapayew tots Airw- 3 Aois mpoatpovjevos. ot S€ rept Tov Awpipayov muvbavepevot Tovs rept Tov “Aparov avTurapayew 320

BOOK IV. 9. 6-10. 3

should mention that the Spartans, too, had marched out according to the terms of the alliance, and were encamped on the borders of the territory of Megalo- polis, in the position rather of reserves and spectators than of allies. Aratus having thus carried out his intentions regarding the Messenians, sent a message to the Aetolians informing them of the resolutions, and demanding that they should evacuate Messenia and not set foot in Achaea, or he would treat trespassers as enemies. Scopas and Dorimachus, having listened to this message and knowing that the Achaean forces were assembled, thought it best for the time to cede to this demand. They therefore at once sent dispatches to Ariston, the Aetolian Strategus at Cyllene, begging him to send them the transports as soon as possible to the island called Pheias off the coast of Elis. After two days they themselves took their departure loaded with booty and advanced towards Elis; for the Aetolians have always courted the friendship of the Eleans, as through them they could get in touch with the rest of the Peloponnese for purposes of foraying and raiding.

10. Aratus waited two days: and thinking foolishly that the Aetolians would return by the way they had indicated, dismissed to their homes all the rest of the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians, and taking with him three thousand foot, three hundred horse, and Taurion’s troops, advanced in the direction of Patrae with the intention of keeping on the flank of the Aetolians. Dorimachus, on learning that Aratus was hanging on his flank and had not broken

32]

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

avrots kal CULPEVELY, TA pev Staywvidoarres 7) KaTa THV Ets Tas vats €uPaow emOavrar opior TEPLOTICD|LEVOLS Ta O€ amovdalovres: ovyxea TOV 4 oepov, 7 THY pLev Aciav dméorethav emt Ta TAota, ovoTHoavTeEs Tous tkavovs Kal Tovs emiTndelous pos THY Sraxopudyy, mpocevrerAdjievou Tots ék- TTE|LTTOJLEVOLS Tatra, mpos 70 ‘Piov dmavréy ws 5 evreblev TOLNGOMEVoL THY euBaow, avtolt dé TO peev mp@rTov eprdpevov TH THs Actas efaTroao TOA TEPLETIOVTES, preTa O€ tabra Tponyov eK petaBodjjs 6 ws én "Odupmias. dxovovTes d€ TOUS TreEpt TOV Tavpiwva pera TOU TpoetpnpLevou mAnGous mept TV KAecropiay elvae, Kat vopilovres ove Os Suvycecbat TV azo Tob “Piov dudBacw avev Ku- 7 dUvou moumoacba Kal oupTAoKijs, expway oUpL- hépew Tots operepors mpdyLacw ws TaXLOTA. ou pigae tots Tept Tov v parov akpunv dXtyous ovat 8 kal Tob peAAovTos dyuTovonrots, drrohaBovres, dy pev Tpeswvtat TovTous, Tpokaracvpavres THY Xwpav dopant moment Thv amo tod ‘Piov duaBaow, €v @ peMer Kat BovAeverat ovvabpot- 9 fec0ar wadAw To THY “Axaav: mjOos, av 6e KatatrAayevres puyopaydar kat p17 BovdAwvrar oupBaAeuw ob Tepl TOV “Aparov, dvev KWOUVOU trouncecbau THY dmodvow, omorav avTots SoKh 10 cuppepew. ovTOL pev ovvy ToLDUTOLS XpNodpevou oyiapois mponyoy, Kal KaTEOTpaTOTedEVGaY TeEpL MeOvdpiov Ths MeyadoroAiridos.

11 Ot de Tav “Ayarv 7 TIYEMOVES, OUvEVTES THY Trap ovaiay Tov Aitwidy, obTws KaKds eXpncavTo Tots mpaypacw wot tmrepBodty avolas 7) KaTaAurety.

2 avaatpepavtes yap x THs KAectopias Kateatpato- 322

BOOK IV. 10. 3-11. 2

up all his force, fearful on the one hand lest he should attack them while occupied in embarking and eager also to stir up war, sent his booty off to the ships, under charge of a sufficient force of competent men to superintend the passage, ordering those in charge of the ships to meet him at Rhium where it was his intention to embark, while he himself at first accompanied the booty to protect it during its shipment and afterwards reversed the direction of his march and advanced towards Olympia. There he heard that Taurion with the forces I mentioned above was in the neighbourhood of Cleitor, and judging that, this being so, he would not be able to embark at Rhium in security and without an engagement, he thought it most in his interest to make all haste to encounter Aratus, whose army was still weak and who had no suspicion of his intention. He thought that if he defeated him, he could first ravage the country and then embark safely at Rhium, while Aratus was occupied in taking measures for again mustering the Achaeans, whereas, if Aratus were intimidated and refused a battle, he could safely withdraw whenever he thought fit. Acting therefore on these considerations he advanced and encamped near Methydrium in the territory of Megalopolis.

11. The Achaean commanders, when they became aware of the approach of the Aetolians, mismanaged matters to such an extent that it was impossible for anyone to have acted more stupidly. For, returning from the territory of Cleitor, they encamped near

323

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

3 médevoav mrept Kadvas, Ttav o° Airwidv TOLOULEvOWY THY Topetay azo MeOvdpiov Tropa THY Trav ‘Opxo- peviwy moAw e€ayovtes todvs Axatods ev TA Tov Kagvewy medi mapeveBahov, mpoBAnja TOLOU[LE -

4 vou Tov dt avtov péovta troTapov. of O° Airwiot Kal dua tas petafvd Svoywpias (joav yap ére mpo Tod moTapot tadpot Kai mrAeiovs SvcBarTor) Kal dia THY emidacw THs éTOULOTHTOS TOV “Axatdv mpos Tov Kivduvov ToD pev eyyxelpety Tots Umevay- Tiois Kata THhv €€ apyns mpodcow aredeAlacar,

5 peta dé moAX\7s evTakias erovobvTo THY Tropeiay ws emt tas bmepBoras emi tov ’OdvyupTov, dope- vilovrTes et pu) Tis adTots eyxetpoin Kat Bidlouto

6 Kwoduvevev. of Se mept tov “Apatov, THs pev mpwrtotopeias THV AitwAdv dyn mpooBawovons mpos Tas vmepBodds, Tav 8 imméwy ovpayovvTwy dua Tov mediov Kal ovveyy.lovTwy TH mpocayo- pevonevw IIpdmobd: THs trapwpetas, e€arroaréAAovat Tovs immets Kal Tovs evlwvouvs, *Emiotparov emotnoavres tov “Axapvava, Kal ovvrdagavtes efantecbar THs ovpayias Kal Katameipalew TaV

7 Trohepicuv. Kalrou ye el ev AV KLVOUVEUTEOV, OU pos Ty ovpayiav éxphv ovpTAcceoBar SunvuKotwy 76n Tov ToAepioy Tovs opadovs Tédzovus, mpos d€ Tv mpwrotopetav evOews euPadrdgvTwy els TO

8 rediov' OUTWs yap av TOV ayadva ovveBn yevéobat Tov OAov ev Tots eE7lTedoLsS KAL TEdLVOLS TOTOLS, od tovs pev AitwdAodvs Svaypnototatous elvar ouveBawe Sia te Tov KafomAcpov Kal THY SAnv ovvragw, Tovs 5 *Ayatods edypnototdtous Kal SuvayukwTatouvs dia TavavTia THY mpoeipnuévwv.

Q9vov ° adéeuevor TOV olkelwy TOTWY Kal KaLpav 324

BOOK IV. 11. 3-9

Caphyae, and when the Aetolians began to march from Methydrium past Orchomenus, they led out the Achaean forces and drew them up in the plain of Caphyae, with the river which traverses it in their front. The Aetolians, both owing to the difficulties of the ground between the two armies—for besides the river there were several awkward ditches—and owing to the display of readiness for battle on the part of the Achaeans, were afraid of attacking the enemy as they had intended, but marched in admirable order towards the heights by Olygyrtus, thinking themselves lucky if no one attacked them and forced them to fight. But Aratus, when the van of the Aetolians was already beginning to mount the heights, and while their cavalry were protecting their rear and approaching the spot at the foot of the hill called Propous, or Foothill, sent out his cavalry and light-armed infantry under the command of the Acarnanian Epistratus, ordering him to get into touch with the enemy’s rear and harass them. Now if he had decided to engage the enemy, he should not have attacked their rear after they had already got over the level ground, but their van the moment they entered the plain; for thus the whole battle would have been on flat ground, where the Aetolians are very inefficient, owing to their accoutrement and general tactics, while the Achaeans, owing to their total difference in both these respects, are very capable and strong. But now neglecting to avail themselves of the time and place that suited

325

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

eis Ta TOV TOAELiWY mMpoTepHaTA avyKaTe- Byoav. tovyapobv axddovbov ro reAos e&eByn Tob 12 KwSvvov tats émPodais. eEattopévwy yap Tov edliovwv tnpodvres of Tav AitwAdv immeis THY raéw amexwpovv eis THY Tapwperav, amEevoovTES gavvdipar tots map adtav melois. of de mept Tov “Apatov ovte Katiddvtes KaA@s TO ywopevov odt exAroyiodpevor Sedvrws TO peta Tadra ovpBy- gojevov, Ga TH Tovs immeis Welty VToxwpodbvtas 3éA\nicavres adtods devyew, Tods pev amo Tov Kepdtwv Owpakitas e€anéoteav, mapayyetay- tes BonOeiv Kai ovvdrrew Tois map avTay ev- Ldvors, abrot 8 émi Képas KAivavtes THY SvvapLY 4 jyov peta Spdpov Kat amrovdis. ot d€ tov Aitw- Nav inmets Siavdcavtes TO Tediov, dua TH ovvarsat rots meLois adrot pev bro THY Tapwperav dmroaTEt- 5 Aavres Epevov, Tods S€ welods jOporlov mpos 7a mAdyia Kal mapexdAouv, EToipws TpOs THY KpavynV dvatpexsvtwv Kal mapaBonfovvtwy det TOV eK gTHs mopelas. eet 8 a&topdxous drédaBov elvat opas adrods Kata 10 mAHDos, ocvotpadgevtes évéBadov trois mpopaxopevors tav *Axaik@y tr- méwv Kal yurav: dvtes S€ mAclovs Kai Trovovpevot riv édfodov e& drepdekiov Toddv ev Xpovov eKw- Suvevoav, TéAos 8° erpésavto Tovs cvyKabeoTartas. 7 év 8€ tT TovTous eyKAwavtas pedyew ot mapafon- Qoivres Owpaxirar Kata Topeiay aTaKTws emt- mapayevouevor Kal amTopddnv, ot ev amopodvTes émt Tois yuwopevors, ot dé avpminrovtes avtiows tois pevyouar Kata THY amoxwpyow, avaoTpEepeww Sivayxdlovro Kai Td maparAnovov moveiv: e€€ od ouvéBawe Tos pev eK THS ovyKaTacTacews 326

BOOK IV. 11. 9-12. 8

them they yielded up every advantage to the enemy. In consequence the result of the battle was what naturally follows on such an open- ing. 12. For when the light-armed troops got in touch with them, the Aetolian cavalry retired to the foot of the hill in good order with the object of joining their infantry. But Aratus, who had neither observed well what was happening nor calculated properly what would follow, thinking, the moment he saw the cavalry retreating, that they were in flight, sent the cuirassed troops from his wings with orders to join and support his light-armed force, while he himself, forming his men in column, led them on at the double. The Aetolian horse, having traversed the plain, joined their infantry, and while halting there, themselves under the shelter of the hill, began to collect the infantry on their flanks by calling on them, the men on the march giving a ready ear to their shouts and running back and falling in to help. When they thought they were sufficiently strong, they formed up close and fell upon the leading lines of the Achaean horse and light infantry. As they were superior in number, and as they were charging from higher ground, after a somewhat lengthy struggle they at length put their adversaries to flight. When these gave way and ran, the cuirassed men who were hurrying up to help them, and kept arriving in no order and in batches, some of them being at a loss to know what was the matter and others coming into collision with the fugitives, were compelled to turn round and take to flight also. The consequence was that

327

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

ntrnbevtas py TAelous elvac TEVTaKOOLW, Tovs 9 de pevyovras mAelous SioxiAiwv. tov oe mpay- patos avrod diddcKovtos tovs AitwAods 6 det movety, elmovTo KaTOoTrUW emuTroAaorucas Kal KaTa- 10 KOpws XPOpLEvor TH Kpavy7}. TOLOULLEVOY d€ TOV Xaixav THY aTrOoYwpnaLW _Tpos TO Bapéa TOV Orc Ws peevov Tv b70 Tats dopahetacs emt Tis ef a apxins Trdfews, TO plev mp@tov evoxnuwy eyevel” 11 7 guyy Kal TwTpLos” ovvGeacdpevor de Kal tovtous AeAourdtas tas Tay Tomwy aadareias Kal pakpovs ovTas év mopeia Kal dtadeAvpevous, oi pev adtav ev0éws Siappéovtes aTaKTWS ETOLH- GavTo THY amoxwpynow emi Tas TapaKkemevas 12 mdAets, of S€ ovpmimtovTes avtiots Tots emipepo- pevois dadayyitats od mpocedéovto THY ToAEmiwv, avtot d€ adds adtods éexmAnttovtes nvayKalov 13 devyew mpotpotadny. expa@vto dé TH duyh Kara THY ATOXWPNOW, WS TpoEiTOpLEV, ETL TAS TrOAELS: 6 Te yap “Opyopevos al te Kadvar otveyyus odcat modXovs Wvnoav. p17 yap TovTOV cupBarTos aTrav- Tes av exwodvvevoav diadbaphvar mapaddoyws. 14 *O pev obtv mept Kadvas yevopevos xivduvos 13 Todrov améBn tov tpdmrov: ot 5é€ MeyadomoAtrat auvevtes Tovs AitwAovs wept To MeOvdpiov eotpa- TOTEOEVKOTAS, Tov amo cadnuyyos Travdnel Bon- 20obvtes TH Kata mddas Huepa Tis pans, Kal peD? av Corre nHAmicay Kwodvuvetcew Tpos Tovs brevavtious, TovTous jnvayKdalovto Oamrew wr0 3 THv exOpav tereXevTyKOTAas. opvEavtes dé Tadpov ev T@ TOV Kadvéwy mediw, Kal ovvalpoicartes ToUs vekpovs, exndevoav peta madons PpiAoTysias TOvS NTVXNKOTAS. 328

BOOK IV. 12. 8-13. 3

while those routed on the field were not above five hundred, the number of those in flight exceeded two thousand. The circumstances of the moment making it clear to the Aetolians what was to be done, they followed on the heel of the enemy with insolent and continued shouts. The retreat of the Achaeans was at first an honourable retirement, as it seemed, to a position of safety, since they imagined they were falling back on their heavy-armed troops whom they supposed to be still strong in their original position. But upon seeing that the latter also had quitted their strong position and were already far off and marching in a straggling line, some of them at once dispersed and fled in disorder to the neighbour- ing towns, while those who encountered the men of their own phalanx marching in the opposite direc- tion, had no need of the enemy, but threw their comrades as well as themselves into a panic and forced them to headlong flight. They fled, as I said, to the towns, Orchomenus and Caphyae being quite near and affording refuge to many: for if this had not been the case the whole force would have run the risk of a destruction as complete as unexpected.

Such was the issue of the battle at Caphyae. 13. The Megalopolitans, on hearing that the Aetolians were encamped at Methydrium, summoned their whole levy by trumpet and arrived to help the day after the battle, so that they were compelled to bury, slain by the foe, the very men side by side with whom they had expected to stand and meet that foe in battle. Digging a trench in the plain of Caphyae, they collected the bodies and interred the unfortunates with all due honours.

329

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

4 Of 8 Aitwdroi rapaddEws bv’ adt&v t&v inméwv Kal Tov YuAdv Torjoavtes TO TpoTépyua, Aourrov Nv > > / A /, / 76n pet aodaretas dia peons IleAomovvycov

5 dijeoav. ev @ Kalp@ KaTaTeipacavTes pev TIS

eAAnvéwv moAews, KaTactpartes dé THY UiKvwriav xwpav, téAos Kata TOV icbuov emotjncavTO THV amdAvow.

6 Thy puev ovr airtay Kal THY apopyny O oupa- XUKds moAepos € EaXEV ex TOUTWY, THY 5° opxny eK Tob pera Tadra yevojevov Sdyparos 4 amdavrwy TOV

7 ovppaxwv, 6 ovvedOovtes els THY TOV Kopwiwv moAw émekUpwoarv, SiatpuTavevoavtos To dtaBov-

14 Avov Dirimmov Tob Baciiéws. 7 5é ta&v ’Ayadv mAn00s peta Twas uepas abporsbev eis Ti KabjKkovoav ovvodov, mKp@s diéKerto Kal KoUWy

> a Kal Kat (Stay m™pos TOV , Aparov ws TobTov opodo- youpevens aiTov yeyovora TOU mpoEeipnievov oup-

2 TTwparos. 810 Kal Tay avtTimoAtevopevwy KaT- nyopovvTwy avTod Kal gepdvTwv azmodoytopovs evapyets, ett wGAAov yavdKTer Kal TrapwkvveTo

370 Anos. eddKeL yap mp@rov ayaprna mpo- paves elvat TO undéTw THs apyhs atT@ xabynkovons

/ A > / A > , mporAaBovtra tov adAddtpiov Katpov avadéxecbat Tovavtas mpagers ev als ovvyder moAAaKis atTa®

4 , \ \ A , \ 4 ducopaAwéevw: Sevtepov de Kal petlo vrovtov To A A > A > \ b 4 / dvadeivar Tovs “Ayatovs axpny ev weow LeAorzovvy- cov tav Aitwrdv trapxyovTwv, addAdAws te Kal 4 / if e A \ , mpod.etAngora dude orrevdovow ot Tept TOV UKoTrav kat Awpiwayov Kweiv ta KabeotHra Kal ovvta-

5 pagar Tov moAeuov: Tpitov dé TO cupBareiv Tots

b ) a Umevaytiois ovTw pet oAlywv pndepids KaT-

, > , 4 > ~ > A emevyovons avayKys, duvduevov acdadrds eis Tas 330

BOOK IV. 13. 4-14. 5

The Aetolians, having in this remarkable manner won a battle with their cavalry and light infantry alone, continued to advance henceforth in safety through the middle of the Peloponnese. After making an attempt on Pellene during their march and pillaging the territory of Sicyon, they finally withdrew by way of the Isthmus.

Such was the cause and origin of the Social War, its beginning being the resolution passed by all the allies, who assembling at Corinth under the presidency of King Philip, confirmed this measure.* 14. A few days afterwards the Achaean Federal Assembly held its regular general meeting, at which both the whole body and the individual members showed themselves very bitterly disposed towards Aratus as having indisputably caused the late disaster, and so when his political opponents accused him, producing clear proofs of his culpability, the Assembly became still more exasperated and em- bittered against him. For the general opinion was that he had manifestly erred in the first place in usurping his predecessor’s office before the time in order to undertake the sort of enterprise in which to his own knowledge he had often failed. His second and graver error lay in his having dis- banded the Achaeans while the Aetolians were still in the very heart of the Peloponnese, especially as he had been previously aware that Scopas and Dorimachus were doing their best to disturb the existing settlement and stir up war. Thirdly, he had engaged the enemy with such a small force, when there was no urgent necessity to do so, as he might

«© See Chapter 25. 331

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

TapaKkeyevas mdoAets atoywphaat Kal ouvayayetv TOUS “Axatods Kal TOTE ovpParety tots moAepious, 6 €l TobTo mavTos nyEtTo oujupe perv: TeAevraiov Kal _Heysorov To mpobguevov Kal ovpBaArcty ovTws eikh) Kal doKorws xpnoacbas | Tots Tpaypacw WOTE Tmapevra Ta TEdla Kal THY TOV omurav xpetav bu avTav TOV. edlavey Tats Trapwpetats mpos Airw- Aovs moujoacba TOV Kwodvvor, ols ovdev 7) Wy TOUTOU 7 mpovyplaitepov ovdé oiKELOTEpov. ov pny aA’ dua T@ mpoeAPovta tov “Apatov avayvicau pev TOV TpoTreTONTEVLEevwWY Kal TrETpPAyLevWY TpPOTE- pov avT@, hépew 5° amodoytopovs Tept TOV eyKa- Aovpevwv ws od yéyovev aitios TOV ovpBeBnKdTwr, airetoBae d€ ovyyvwpny ef Kal TL TapEecspaxe KaTa TOV YevopLevov Kivdvvor, oteobau d€ dety Kai KabdAou oKxoTretobar Ta mpdypara pn muKp@s GAN’ avOpwri- 8 vus, oUTWS Taxews Kal peyadoybixes perepwedAn On To TAHV0s woTe Kal tots cuvemitiepevots aire Tov dvrumohrevopeveny € éml 7oAd dvoapeotijoat Kal mepi Tov €Ens mavta Bovreveobar Kata THY “Apatov yvapny. 9 Tatra pee ou eis TH TpoTepav emecev ddupmdda, Ta 8 effs els THV TETTAPAKOOTHY émt Tals €KaTov. 15 jv de Ta dogavta tots “Ayatois Taira: mpeoBeveuv mpos “Hrewpwtas Bowwtovs (Puxéas "Axapvavas 2@Midimov, Kai Svacadeiy tiva tpdmov Aitwdot Tapa Tas ovvOnkas pel” orAwY dn Sis eloPe- BAnkotes elnoav eis tTHv ’Ayaiav, Kal tapaxadetv abtovs Bonfeiv kata tas Opodroyias, mpoodeEacbat 85€ Kai tods Meconvious ets THY ovppaxiay: Tov dé aotparnyov émaAdEa tav *Ayardv melods pev

332

BOOK IV. 14. 5-15. 3

have retired safely to the towns close at hand and reassembled the Achaean forces before giving battle. But his fourth and greatest error was, that when he had decided to fight he managed matters so casually and inconsiderately, that neglecting to

avail himself of the plain and make a proper use of

his hoplites, he elected to fight on the hill, with only his light-armed troops, against Aetolians to whom nothing is more advantageous and familiar than such conditions. Nevertheless, when Aratus rose, and after reminding them of his conduct of affairs and achievements in the past, defended himself against the accusations, maintaining that he was not responsible for what occurred; and when he asked their pardon if he had possibly been guilty of any oversight in the battle, and said he thought that in general it was better to view facts in no spirit of bitterness, but with human charity: he produced such a rapid and generous revulsion of feeling in the Assembly, that they remained for long displeased with those of his political opponents who had joined in the attack on him, and as to the immediate future adopted Aratus’ opinion in every matter. This took place in the previous Olympiad; what follows falls in the 140th.

15. The resolution passed by the Achaeans was ma

as follows: To send embassies to the Epirots, Boeo- tians, Phocians, Acarnanians, and to Philip, pointing out how the Aetolians had twice, in direct breach of the treaty, entered Achaea in arms, and begging for assistance according to the terms of their alliance and also for the admission of the Messenians into the confederacy. The Strategus of the Achaeans

333

224-220 B.C.

220-216 CG

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

mevtaxtaxiAtous ¢ immets Oe mevTakoatous, Kat Bon- Oetv Tots Meconvios, €av emPaivwow Atreono} 4THs xwpas abray: ovvrdgacbae d€ Kal pos Aaxedayrovious Kal mpos Meconvious 6 ogous denoou Tap _appoty badpyew tamets Kal melovs mpos Tas

5 Kowas xpelas. Bofdvrar de TOUTWY ot pev "Axatot pepovtes yevvaiws TO yeyovos ovTe TovS Meoon- vious eycaréumov ovre THY avT@V mpodeow, ot d€ pos TOUS ovpLdxous kabeorapevor Tas: Tpe-

6 oBelas emeréAovr, 0 de oTpaTnyos TOUS [Lev eK THs "Axatas avdpas emreheye KaTa TO Soypa, mpos dé TOUS Aaxedatpovious Kal Meoonvious ouveTarTEeTO melovs ev Tap éexatépwv vrapxew dicxtAlous Kat TEVTAKOGLOUS imTELS O€ TEVTINKOVTA Kal SLAKOGiOUS,

7 war’ Elva TO may ovoTnwa mpos Tas emywopevas xpetas melovs prev jruptous immets Oe xAious.

8 Ot & Alirwioi, mapayevonevns adbtots THs Kab- nKovons éxkAnoias, ouveAdovres eBovAevoavro ™mpos TE Aaxedaxyrovious kad Meoonviovs Kat Tovds ddAous Tavras elpyvyv dyew, Kakompay.ovobvTes kai BovAdpevoe POeipew Kal AvpaiveoBau Tovs TOV

9 “Axaray ouppaxovs: Tmpos avtovs d€ Tovs *A- xatovs, eay juev adiotT@vrat Tis TOV Meconviwy oULLpLaxias, dyew evn picavto THY ElpHVvny, el dé

10 2); Tronepety, Tpaywa TAavTwY dAroywrarov. ovTes yap avTot oUppaxor Kal Tov "Aya@y Kal TeV Meconviwy, el pev ovroL pos adAnAous diAtav Gyouev Kal ouppaxiar, TOV 7oAEmov tots “Axatots emnyyeMor, el dé éxPpav ehowTo pos ToUs Meo- onvious, Thy etpyyav avrois émrolouv KaTa juovas,

11 Wore pe bo oyov mimrew Ty adukiay avTay Sua TO mrapnAAaypevov altav Tay eyxeupnuatav. 334

BOOK IV. 15. 3-11

was to levy a force of five thousand foot and five hun- dred horse, and to go to the assistance of the Messen- ians, should the Aetolians invade their country. He was further to arrange with Sparta and Messene how many cavalry and infantry each state should contribute for the needs of the League. Having passed this resolution the Achaeans continued to bear their late reverse bravely, and neither aban- doned the Messenians nor their own purpose. The ambassadors sent to the allies executed their instruc- tions, and the Strategus enrolled in Achaea the number of men decided on, and arranged with the Lacedaemonians and Messenians that they should each send two thousand five hundred foot and two hundred and fifty horse, so that the whole force available for the coming campaign amounted to ten thousand foot and a thousand horse.

The Aetolians, when the time came for their regular annual Assembly to meet, voted to maintain peace with the Lacedaemonians, Messenians, and all the other states, with the mischievous design of corrupting and spoiling the allies of the Achaeans. As regards the Achaeans themselves they voted to be at peace with them if they abandoned the Mes- senian alliance, but if this alliance were maintained to go to war with them. Nothing could have been more unreasonable. For they were themselves allies of both the Achaeans and Messenians, and now if these two states remained in alliance with each other they threatened todeclare war on the Achaeans, but thev offered a separate peace to the Achaeans if they chose to be at enmity with the Messenians. So that no reasonable explanation can be given of their iniquity, so utterly wrong-headed were their designs.

335

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

16 Ot 8 ?Haewdra xcai Didimm0s 6 BaatAeds akovoavtes TOV mpécBewv Tos pev Meconvious

g€is TV ovppaylay mpocdAaBov, emi S€é tots taro tov Aitwray Trempayyevois TapauTika pev nyava- KTnoav, od pyv emt TrAEtov eBavpacav dia TO pndev mapadokov TaV eDuopevew d€ Te TeTrounKevar TOUS

3 Airwdovs. Sudmrep | oud” epyioOnoav emt Theiov, GAN’ ep picavro Thy elpnvyv ayew mpos avrous: ovTwWs 7 _ouvexis aducta ovyyvens Tuyxavet uadXov THs oTaviov Kal mapaddfov movnpias.

4 Airwiot yotv rov’tw 7H tTpoTw ypwpevor Kal Anatevovtes auvex@s TtHV ‘EXAdda, Kai moA€uous avettayyeATous dépovtes troAAois, odd’ azrodoyias ert KaTn€lovv Tovs éyKadobvtas, aAAa Kal mpoce- xAevalov ei Tis adtovs els Suxarodoaias mpoxadotro TEpt THY yeyovotwv 7 Kat vn Aia TOv peddOvTwv.

5 ot de Aakedatudcriot mpooddtws pev NAevbepwpevor dv ’Avtuydvov Kal dua THs Tav ’Ayady didot- putas, odeiAovtes 5€ Maxedoar kal Dirimmw pndev Umevavtiov mpatrew, Siatreuyapevor AdOpa zpos tovs Aitwdovs gidiav 80’ amoppitwy eBevto Kat ovpaytay.

6 ~Hdn 8 émaAcdeyperwv tav ’Ayaik@v veavioxwv Kal ovvreTaypevwy b7ép THS Bonfeias tTHv Aake- Sayovieny Kal Meconvioy, Ukepdiratdas opod Kal Anprjtptos 6 Mdpios erAevoay ék THs "Dv- pidos evevnKOVTa AduBous &&w Tob Atooov Tapa

7 Tas 7pos ‘Pwatovs cuvOrjKkas. ot TO ev 7pOTov 7H IvAw mpoopigarvres Kal Trowmodpevor mpoa-

8 Bodas dmérecov" peta d€ Tatra AnprjTpios pev EXwv TOUS TEvTnKOVTG TOV AcuBov Wpunoe emt vyowv, Kal qepitA€wy Twas pev Hpyupoddyer 336

BOOK IV. 16.1-8

16. The Epirots and Philip, after listening to the envoys, agreed to receive the Messenians into the alliance. They felt a momentary indignation at the proceedings of the Aetolians, but were not deeply shocked at them, as the Aetolians had not acted in a manner to surprise anyone, but simply as is their habit. Consequently their resentment was of brief duration, and they voted to remain at peace with the Aetolians. So true is it that persistent wrong- . doing is more readily pardoned than occasional and startling acts of iniquity. The Aetolians at least, continuing to behave in this manner, constantly pillaging Greece and committing frequent acts of war without declaration, not only never thought it worth the trouble to defend themselves against complaints, but ridiculed anyone who called them to account for their past offences or even for their future designs. As for the Lacedaemonians, though they had been so recently set free through Antigonus, and through the spirited action of the Achaeans, and should not have in any way acted against the Macedonians and Philip, they sent privately to the Aetolians and made a secret alliance with them.

The Achaean levy had been enrolled, and the Lacedaemonians and Messenians had contracted to send their contingents, when Scerdilaidas, together with Demetrius of Pharos, sailed from Illyria with a fleet of ninety boats and passed Lissus, thus breaking the treaty with Rome. They touched first at Pylos and made some attacks on it which failed. Deme- trius now with fifty of the boats started for the islands, and sailing through the Cyclades pillaged or levied

337

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

g twas 0° émdpfer Trav KuxAddwv, UKepdirAatdas dé movovjpevos TOV TAODY Ws em’ OlKOU TMpoDEtXE TpPOS Navmaxrov peta tettapdKxovta AduBwv, zrevobeis "Apuva T@ Bacirdet tdv "APaydvwv, ds éetvyxave

10 KnoeaTHS Urapywy avTov, Trornadpevos b€ auvby- Kas mpos Aitwdods du’ "AyeAdou rept Tob pepiopod tov rAadvpwv tréoxeTo auveuBadretvy opdce Tots Aitwdois eis tHv >Axatav.

11 LuvOdpevor 8é radra mpos Tov UKepdiAatdayv ot trepi tov AyéAaov cai Awpipayov Kat UKoTav, TpaTTo- pevns abrots Tis Tav Kuvaibéwv modews, avvabpot- cavTes Tavoynuet Tors AlitwdAods évéBadov eis tHv

17 ’Axyatav peta trav ) Mupiay. “Apiorw d° 6 Tov AitwAdy oTparnyos, ov mpooTrovovpevos ovdev TOV ywopevoy, HYE Tp novxlav emt THs OiKElas, paoxe ov 7roAepetv Tois "Ayatois adda dvarypety TV etpn-

27”, evnles Kal matStKov Tpaypo. Trovdv: d7jAov yap ws evnOn Kal para.ov eikos daiveobar Tov To.od- Tov, orav UToAapBavy Tots Adyots emuxpvpacbat Tas

3 TOV Tpay Lar wv evapyelas. of be mepi TOV Awpi- paxov dua THs “Axaudridos TOUnadLevot TH? Tropetav

4 HKov apve mpos THY KwvaBay. ouve awe de tovs Kuvaibeis dvtas "ApKkadas ek TroAA@v xpovev [ev] akatramavotos Kal peyddAats cuvecx7jobar oTaceat, Kal 7roAAds pev Kat’ adAjAwY meTrovjoOat agayas Kal duyds, mpos dé TovTois apmayas

5 drrapxydvTwy, ett Sé€ yrs avadacpnovs, tédos 8 emiKpaThnaar tos Ta Tov *Ayaiv aipovjevovs Kal kataoxetv THY moAw, pvrakny éxovras TOV TEL @v Kal aTparnyov Tis moAews e€ *Ayatas.

6 TOUTWY 5° ovtTws éxdvTwr, ddiyors euTrpoabev xpovos THs TOV AitwA@v tapovatas SiaTrewTrope- 338

BOOK IV. 16. 9-17. 6

blackmail on some of them. Scerdilaidas on his voyage home touched at Naupactus with his forty boats at the request of Amynas, the king of Atha- mania, who was his connexion by marriage. Here, having come to terms with the Aetolians through Agelaus about the division of the spoil, he promised to join them in invading Achaea.

Agelaus, Dorimachus, and Scopas were negotiating for the betrayal to them of the city of Cynaetha, and having made this arrangement with Scerdi- laidas, they collected the Aetolian forces en masse and invaded Achaea with the Ilyrians. 17. Mean- while Ariston, the Aetolian Strategus, in pretended ignorance of what was going on, kept quiet in Aetolia, asserting that he was not making war on the Achaeans but keeping the peace; which was most foolish and childish on his part. For it is obvious that a man who thinks he can cloak by words the clear evidence of facts must be regarded as a foolish and futile person. Dorimachus, marching through Achaea, appeared suddenly before Cynaetha. The people of Cynaetha, who are Arcadians, had been for many years vexed by the never-ending and embittered strife of factions; there had been constant mas- sacres, expulsions, robbery of goods, and confiscation of lands by the one party or the other, and now at length the Achaean party had the upper hand and were in possession of the city, the Achaeans fur- nishing them with a garrison to hold the walls and a military governor of the city. Such was the state of affairs, when a short time before the arrival of the Aetolians, upon the exiles sending frequent

339

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

vv Tav dvyddwv mpos Tods ev TH ToAEL Kal deo- péevwy SiadrvOjvar mpos atrovs Kal Katayew ofds Tels THY oikelav, tmevcPevtes of KaTéxovTES THV moAw eémpéoBevov mpos to tav *Axadv €Ovos, BovAdpevor peta THs exelvwv yvopns trovetobat Stas diadvces. emiywpnoavTwy 8° Eroipws dia To meTeEto8ar opiow apdotépovs edvorjcew, ATE TOV pwev KaTEXOvTWY THY TOAW ev Tots “Axatots exovTwy macas Tas éAmidas, T@v S€ KaTAaTOpEvO- pevwv pwedAdevtwv Tuyyavew THS Gwrnpias dua THY 9rHv ’Axaidv ovyxardbecw, otTws amooTelAavtes Thy TapadvAakny Kal TOV OTpaTHYyOV eK THS TOAEwS ot KuvaiBets dveAvcavto Kal Katnyayov Tovs g@vyddas, ovras axedov els Tpiakoolous, AaBovres miotets THY Tap avOpwrois voutlopevwv Tas 10 taxupordtas. ot dé Katavoorioavtes ovxX ws aitias 7 mpoddcews emuyevouevns tod Soxeiv adAns dSuadopas apynv adtois twa yeyevqoba, To 8 évaytiov mapaxphua KateABovtes ed0ews 11 ezeBovXAevov TH maTpidi Kal Tots Gwoact. Kal [ot doxotar, Kal’ Gv Kaipov emi t&v chayiwy Tous Opkouvs Kal Tas motes €diSocav aAArdots, TOTE pddtora Stavoetoba mepi te THs Els TO Oeiov Kal 12 ToVs moTeVoavTas aocBelas. dua yap TO pera- oxetv THs ToATEias evOews emeama@vTo Tovs Al- Twdrovs Kai ToUTOLs émparToV THv TOAW, oTreVdoVTES TOUS owoarTas dua Kat Tv Opépacav apdnv amo- Aéoat. 18 Thy d€ mpagw rogdé tur téAun Kal TovodTw 2Tpomw ouveotycavto. mod€uapxyo. tov Katedn-

340

BOOK IV. 17. 6-18. 2

messages to those in the city entreating them to be reconciled and permit them to return home, the party in possession sent envoys to the Achaean League, wishing the reconciliation to be with their consent. The Achaeans readily agreed, as the felt sure that they would thus gain the goodwill of both factions, since those who were masters of the city were entirely devoted to them and the home-coming exiles would owe their safe return to the consent of the League. Accordingly, the Cynaetheans dismissed the garrison and com- mandant from the city and recalled the exiles, who numbered about three hundred, exacting from them such pledges as are generally regarded among mankind as most binding. But these repatriated citizens, not because they had any cause or pretext subsequent to their readmission for suspecting that other contentions were imminent, but on the con- trary from the very moment of their return, set about conspiring against their city and their pre- servers. I am even inclined to think that at the very instant when they were mutually pledging their faith by solemn oaths over the sacrifice, their minds were full of the impious project of breaking their faith to heaven and to those who trusted in them. For no sooner were they again associated in the government than they began to solicit the Aetolians and offer to betray the city to them, taking the safest and swiftest means of bringing to utter destruction those to whom they owed their safety and the city in whose lap they had been nourished.

18. The coup de main by which they executed their project was as follows. Some among the returned

341

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

AvOotwv Twées eyeyovercav: ravrTnv dé ovpBaiver THv apxnv KAElew Tas TUAGS Kal TOV weTAaEd ypovov Kuptevew TOV KAELO@V, TrovetoBar Sé Kai TO Kal” 3 HLepav THv Siaurav emt TOV TUAMVwWY. ot eV OdV Alrwdolt dtecxevaopevor Kat Tas KAiwaKas €Tolpas 4 €xovTes emeTHpouv TOV Kaipov: ot S€ troAcuapxodv- Tes TOV duyddwv, Katacpdfavtes TOUS auvapxov- 5 Tas emi TOO muA@vos, avéwEav THY TUAnV. Oo cup- Bavros tiwes pev tav Aitwrdv da tav’rns eio- émimtov, twes S€ Tas KXipaKas mTpoceEpeicavTes éBudoavtTo 61a TovTwY Kal KaTteAduBavov TO TEtxos. Bot & ev TH mode mavTes ExTrAayeis dvTes emt Tots ouvtTeAoupevois, amopws Kat Sdvaxpnotws elxov mpos TO ovpPaivov: ovTe yap mpos Tovs dia THs mUAns elonintovtas oloi tr Haav Bonbetv amept- aomdotws dia TOvs mpos TA TEixn mpooBaAdovTas, ovde LnV Tots Teixeow Errapve Sia TOS TH UAH 7 Bralopevovs. oi 8° Airwhot dia Ta’Tas Tas airias TAXEWS eyKparets YEvopevor Ths moAews TeV adixcwy Epywv év Toor’ empagav OuKaLoTaTov" mpwTovs yap Tovs eloayayovras Kal mpoddvTas avtots THV mol katacpatavres OujpTacay Tovs 8 ToUTwy Bious. opolws d€ Kal Tots aAous €xXp7)- cavTo méow. To Sé€ teAevtaiov emuoKnvuscavTes €ml Tas oiklas e€eTorywpvynoay rev Tovs Bious, €otpeBAwoav dé modAdovs tav Kuvaléwv, ols nmloTnoay e€xew KeKpuppevov dSuddopov 7) KaTa- oKkevaoua 7) dAdo Tt TaV TAclovos a€iwv. 9 Todrov dé Tov Tpdmov AwBnodpevar Tovs Kuvai- Oeis aveatpatomédevoav, atoAirovrTes puAakyy TOV 10 rery@v, Kal mpofyov ws emi Aovowv: Kal mapa- yevopevou pos TO THs "Apréwidos tepdv, 6 Ketrat 342

BOOK IV. 18. 2-10

exiles held the office of Polemarch. It is the duty of these magistrates to shut the gates: they keep the keys in their custody until the gates are reopened and by day reside in the gate-houses. The Aetolians then lay in readiness with their scaling-ladders awaiting the moment for attack. The Polemarchs of the party which had been in exile, after murdering their colleagues at one of the gate-houses, opened the gate, upon which some of the Aetolians rushed in through it, while others, planting their ladders against the wall, took forcible possession of the forti- fications by this means. All the inhabitants were seized with consternation at this and knew not what course to take in these difficult circumstances. For neither were their hands free to oppose those who were streaming in through the gate, owing to the attack on the walls, nor could they defend the walls properly owing to the forcing of the gate. For these reasons the Aetolians soon made them- selves masters of the town, and thereupon, amid all their iniquities, performed one act of exemplary justice. For in the first place they killed and plundered the property of the traitors who had introduced them into the city. All the rest of the citizens were treated in the same way. Finally, they quartered themselves in the houses and thoroughly pillaged all the property, putting to the torture many of the Cynaetheans whom they sus- pected of having concealed money, plate, or other valuables.

After this cruel treatment of the Cynaetheans, they took their departure, leaving a garrison to guard the walls and advanced towards Lusi. On arriving at the temple of Artemis which lies between Cleitor

343

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

prev petaév KAeitropos Kai Kuvaifys, dovAov dé vevoutotat Tapa Tots “EXAnow, avereivovto s.ap- macew Ta Opeupata tis Beod Kai TaAAa Ta Tepl ll tov vadv. ot S€ Aovaratar vouveyds Sovtes Tia Tv KatacKkevacpatwy THs Geotd, mapynTicavto mv tav Aitwriev acéBerav [kat] tod pndev 12 waBety avyKeotov. ot dé deEduevor, tapayphua avalevéavtes, mpoceotpatomedevoay TH TOV KiAec- Topiwy ToXet. 19 Kara dé tovs Kaipods tovtTovs 6 THY "Ayar@v otpatnyos “Apatos e€améotei\e pev ampos Didimmov mapaxaAdv Bonleiv, avvAye Se Tovs eémAéKtous, petemeuTeTO S€ mapa Aake- Sayoviwy Kat Meconviwy tovs dratetaypévous 2 KaTa Tas Ouodroyias. of 6’ AitwAoi 76 ev Tp@rov mapekdAovy tovs KAecropiovs amoordvtas tay "Ayatdv alpetobar tHv mpos adtovs ovppayiar, 3 tay dé KrAectopiwy amAds 0d mpootenevwv rods Adyous mpooBoAds éemovodyTo, Kat mpocepetdortes Tas KAiwakas Tots Teiyeot KaTeTetpalov Tis 4m7oAews. apuvvouevwy d€ yevvaiws Kai toAunpds Ta&v evdov el€avtes Tols mpaypacw aveoTpato- médevoar, Kal Tpoayayorres avOis ws emt Thy KuvaiGay, Opus TO Opeupara THs Oeot mepi- 5 ovpavTes dmijyayov. kal TO pev mp@Tov mape- didocav tots “Hretors tiv KvvarBav: od Bovdo- peévwrv dé mpocdé£acba tav "Hreiwy ézeBadrovto pev &? attav Karéxew thy mddAW, oTpatnyov 6 émotnaavtes Evpimidav, peta 5€ Taira madAw Seicavtes €K TOV mpocayyeMopevwv Tv €K Maxedovias BonBevav, EL TPHOGYTES THY ToAw dmnAAaynoav, Kal mpojyov abtis ws emt To “Piov, 344

BOOK IV. 18. 10-19. 6

and Cynaetha, and is regarded as inviolable by the Greeks, they threatened to lift the cattle of the goddess and plunder the other property about the temple. But the people of Lusi very wisely induced them to refrain from their impious purpose and commit no serious outrage by giving them some of the sacred furniture. On receiving this they at once left the place and encamped before Cleitor.

19. Meanwhile Aratus, the Achaean Strategus, had sent to Philip begging for help, was collecting the Achaean levy, and had sent for the contingent which the Messenians and Lacedaemonians had agreed to furnish.

The Aetolians in the first place invited the Cleitor- ians to abandon their alliance with the Achaeans and form one with themselves. When the Cleitorians absolutely refused to listen to them, they began an assault, and attempted to take the town by es- calading. But on meeting with a gallant and deter- mined resistance from the inhabitants they yielded to the force of circumstances, and breaking up their camp advanced again towards Cynaetha, raiding and driving off the sacred cattle in spite of having undertaken not to do so. At first they wished to hand over Cynaetha to the Eleans; but on the latter declining they decided to hold the town themselves, appointing Euripidas commandant. But afterwards, as they were afraid from the intelligence they received of a relief force coming from Macedonia, they burnt the city and withdrew, marching again

345

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

qTavTn Kpivovtes trovetoOa. tiv didBaow. 6 Se Tauptwv muvavopevos Thy TOV Aitwrdy eloBoArv Kal Ta, Tept THY Kuva.lay TETPAYLEVG, Dewpav d€ TOV Anyntprov tov Ddpiov amo Tav nowy eis Tas EYXpEas katamemAevKora, mapeKdAeu ToOTov

onOycar trois “Ayavots Kat ducBuicayta Tovs A€uBous emitiVecbar TH Tov Airwidy SvaBdoer.

80 de Anpntptos AvowteAR pev ovK €VaXTLOVa be TETOUNMEVOS THY dro Tov viowy émavodov Sua TOV tov “Podiwy én’ adbrov avarAouv, doperos bm7- Kovoe T@ Tavpiwm, mpoodeEauevov éxelvov Hv

gels tHv vUrépBaow tadv EuBwv Sardvyv. obTos pev ovv wvrepioOuicas, Kai dvot Kalvoteproas HuEpas THs TOV AirwAdv diaBacews, mpoKata- avpas Twas TOTOUs THS Trapadlas THs TOV AiTw-

10 ABv KatHyOn madw eis tiv Kopwiov- Aaxedat- peovioe b€ TO prev TréuTrew Tas Bonfeias Kata TIV dudtakiw evexdkynoav, Bpayeis dé twas mavTeAds immeis Kat elovs, oroxalopuevor tod doxeiv

11 jdvov, e€émreuibav. “Apatos dé Tous “Axasovs Exe moduriKciTEpov 7 OTPATHYLKUTEPOV Omép

12 Tay TapovTwy eBovAevcato- EXPL yap TovTOU

TH novxiav Yes mTpocavexwy Kat Hepvnpevos THS Tpoyeyevnpevn|s ouppopas, ews ob avr. tampatdpevor KATA Tas avT@v mpoaipéecets ol mept Tov Ukomav kat Awpiwayov émavnAGov eis Tv oliKelav, Kaltrep da TOmWY TroLOvpEVOL TAS mopelas evermiférwy Kai otev@v Kat povov aad- TyKTOU Seopmevwv.

13 KuvaiBets d€ weyddAous atvyjpaow dm’ AitwArdyv Kal peydAats ovpdopais mepitecdvTes Opus Tmavtwy avOpwrwy edofav ATvynKkéevar SiKatoTaTa. 346

BOOK IV. 19. 7-18

to Rhium, whence they had decided to make the crossing. Taurion had learnt of the Aetolian invasion and the fate of Cynaetha; and seeing that Demetrius of Pharos had sailed back from the islands to Cenchreae, begged him to assist the Achaeans, and after conveying his boats across the Isthmus, to fall upon the Aetolians during their crossing. Demetrius, whose return from his expedi- tion to the islands had been much to his advantage indeed, but somewhat ignominious, as the Rhodians were sailing to attack him, lent a ready ear to Taurion, who had engaged to meet the expense of transporting the boats. But having traversed the Isthmus and missed the crossing of the Aetolians by two days, he returned again to Corinth, after raiding some places on the Aetolian coast. The Lacedaemonians had culpably omitted to send the stipulated contingent of men, but dispatched quite an insignificant number of horse and foot to save appearances. But Aratus who had his Achaeans, displayed rather on this occasion the caution of a politician than the courage of a general ; for he made no move, fearful of committing himself and mindful of his recent reverse, until Scopas and Dorimachus, having accomplished all they had purposed, returned home, and this although their march had taken them through narrow defiles, most advantageous for an attacking force and where a call of the bugle would have been sufficient.

20. The Cynaetheans, on whom the Aetolians had brought this terrible disaster, were, however, gener- ally esteemed to have deserved their fate more

VOL. ad 347

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

20 émrerd7) 5é Kowh TO Tov “ApKddwy Ovos exer Twa Tapa maar Tots “EXAnow en’ apetH dyunv, od povov bia THY Ev TOis 7Oect Kai Bios Prro€eviav Kal diravOpwriay, padvoTa 5€é dua THY els TO Oetov

2 evoeBerav, a€vov Bpaxvd Svatropfjoat mrepi THs Kuvac- Oéwv aypiotynTos, THs ovTes opodAocyoupevws *Ap- Kddes TOGOUTO Kat’ éKElvous TOvs KaLpods SunveyKay T&v ddAwv “EAXjvwv wpornt. Kat mapavopia.

3 Soxotar Sé pou, didte Ta KAADS UO THY apyatwv EMU EVONLEVOL Kal prods ovvreDewpnpeva, Tept mavTas Tovs KaToucobvras THY "Apkadiav, taba 87 mp@tor Kal povo. tav “Apkddwy eyKareAumov.

4 povoikrny yap, THY ye GAnOads povatkyv, maar pev dvOpesrrous 6 edos doxeiv, “Apxdot d€ Kat

5 dvayKaitov. ov yap ynTeov pLovotkyy, ws "Egopos dnow ev TH mpoowiw Tis dAns Tpaypareias, ovdapds dpydlovra Adyov abT@ pibas, én’ amdry

6 Kal yonteia mapevonydat tots avOpuzrois: ovde Tovs maAarovs Kpnrav Kal Aakedaypovicoy avAoy Kal puO Lov vets TOV 7rOAEMov dyrt oddmuyyos elk

7 VOMLLaTEOV eloayayeiv, ovde Tovs mposTous "Apka- Sw eis THY OAnv ToAtTEtaY THY pPovOLKTVY Trapa- AaBeiv emi tocotrov wate p17) povov TraLoly ovow aAAa Kal veavioKois yevomwevoits Ews TpiaKovT’ erOv Kat avayKnv ovvTpopov Trovety avrTny,

8 TaMa Tois Bious ovras avornpordrous. Tatra yap méotv €oTl yywpyia Kal ovv7In, dudTe oxedov Tapa povois >ApKaot mp@Tov pev ot mratdes eK vytiwv adew e0ilovrar Kata vopous Tods Uuvous Kal maldvas, ols ExaoTo. KaTa Ta TATpLA TOvS

9 emLxwplovs jpwas Kal Beods vtpvotor- peta dé

348

BOOK IV. 20. 1-9

than any men ever did. Since the Arcadian nation on the whole has a very high reputation for virtue among the Greeks, due not only to their humane and hospitable character and usages, but especially to their piety to the gods, it is worth while to give a moment’s consideration to the question of the savagery of the Cynaetheans, and ask ourselves why, though unquestionably of Arcadian stock, they so far surpassed all other Greeks at this period in cruelty and wickedness. I think the reason was that they were the first and indeed only people in Arcadia to abandon an admirable institution, introduced by their forefathers with a nice regard for the natural conditions under which all the inhabitants of that country live. For the practice of music, I mean real music, is beneficial to all men, but to Arcadians it is a necessity. For we must not suppose, as Ephorus, in the Preface to his History, making a hasty asser- tion quite unworthy of him, says, that music was introduced by men for the purpose of deception and delusion; we should not think that the ancient Cretans and Lacedaemonians acted at haphazard in substituting the flute and rhythmic movement for the bugle in war, or that the early Arcadians had no good reason for incorporating music in their whole public life to such an extent that not only boys, but young men up to the age of thirty were compelled to study it constantly, although in other matters their lives were most austere. For it is a well-known fact, familiar to all, that it is hardly known except in Arcadia, that in the first place the boys from their earliest childhood are trained to sing in measure the hymns and paeans in which by traditional usage they celebrate the heroes and gods of each particular

349

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Taira tovs Diro€dvov Kat Tyoléov vouous pav- Odvovres 7roAAH ptAotipia yopevovat Kat’ éviavTov tots Avovvotakots avAntats év tots Oedtpots, ot Lev mratdes Tovs TraLdLKOvS aydvas | ot de veavioKor

10 Tovs Trav avdpav Acyopevous. opotws ye py

il

12

21

Kal Trop: ohov TOV Biov tas adywydas Tas ev Tats auvovatais ovx oUTwWS ToLodvTaL Sid THY éTeELO- adkTwy akpoaydtwy ws 8 attadv, ava pépos adew dAXrAois Mpoorarrovres. Kal Tov pev dw palnpdrov apy Ojvac TL Ly) ywwookew ovdev aisxpov nyobvrat, THY ye pay ony ovr’ ap- vyOjvar Svvavrat dia TO Kat avayKyny mavTas pavOavew, ov8’ cpodroyoivtes amorpiBeoOar dud TO Tay alaxpav Tap. avTots vopilecbar ToUTO. Kal pny evBarnpra per avAod Kal Tafews a acKobv- TES, €TL opxToets extrovoby Tes pera, _Kows emuoTpopns Kal damdvns Kar eéviavTov év Tots Jedrpors emDetKVUVT AL Tots abrayv moXiTats ot veo. tatdta Tté pow Soxovow ot mdAau Trapeo- ayayeiy ov tpudjs Kat Tmepiovatas xdpw, aAAa Oewpotvres pev THY exdoTewv avroupyiav Kat ovAAn pony TO TOV Biwy €mimovov Kat okdAnpov, ewpobyres de Tv Tay nOav avoTnpiav, TLS avTots TmapemeTat dua. THY TOU TEpLEXOVTOS uxpo- THTa Kal oTUyVOTHTO. THY KaTa TO mAetoToV EV Tots TOTPOLS bmdpxyovoav, @ ovvegonorodabar Te

2 piKaev TAVTES avOpurrot Kar’ dvdyKny: ov yap

du’ GAXnv, Oud dé ravTnv Tv aitiavy KaTa Tas eOvikas Kal tas dAooxepets dvacrdoets mActorov GAA Ac Svadepopev nOeot Te Kal poppats Kal Xpwpacw, er. dé THv emurndevpatwv tots mdéei-

350

BOOK IV. 20. 9-21. 2

place: later they learn the measures of Philoxenus and Timotheus, and every year in the theatre they compete keenly in choral singing to the accom- paniment of professional] flute-players, the boys in the contest proper to them and the young men in what is called the men’s contest. And not only this, but through their whole life they entertain them- selves at banquets not by listening to hired musicians but by their own efforts, calling for a song from each in turn. Whereas they are not ashamed of denying acquaintance with other studies, in the case of singing it is neither possible for them to deny a knowledge of it because they all are compelled to learn it, nor, if they confess to such knowledge can they excuse themselves, so great a disgrace is this considered in that country. Besides this the young men practise military parades to the music of the flute and perfect themselves in dances and give annual performances in the theatres, all under state supervision and at the public expense. 21. Now all these practices I believe to have been introduced by the men of old time, not as luxuries and super- fluities but because they had before their eyes the universal practice of personal manual labour in Arcadia, and in general the toilsomeness and hard- ship of the men’s lives, as well as the harshness of character resulting from the cold and gloomy atmo- spheric conditions usually prevailing in these parts— conditions to which all men by their very nature must perforce assimilate themselves ; there being no other cause than this why separate nations and peoples dwelling widely apart differ so much from each other in character, feature, and colour as well as in the most of their pursuits. The primitive

351

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

3aTos. BovAdpevor de pahdrrew Kal Kupvav TO THS pvoews avbades Kal oxAnpov, Td. TE Tp0- ELp NEL mayo. TapELanyayov, Kal 7pos ToUToLs auvddous Kowas Kal O@vaias mActoras opotws avdpaot Kal yuvargt kateJicay, ett O€ Xopovs

4 mapHeve Omod Kal Traldwy, Kal ovdAnBdnv map eunxavnoavto, omevdovrTes TO THS puxis areé- papvov dia THs TOV eOvop@v Katackevfs e€nwe-

5 pobv Kal mpaivew. dv Kuvarbets oAvywpnaavres els téhos, Kal Tabra mAelatys Sedjrevot Tijs TovavTns emuKouptas oud TO oAnporarov Tapa mrohd THhS "Apkadias éxew adépa Kal Tomov, mpos avTas € Tas ev adAAnAots mapatpiBas Kat Pidotipias opp7-

6 cares, Téos ame Onpuabyoav oUTWS WoTE [ANd ev Omroia yeyovevar THY ‘EM qvidwv ToAEwy doe Bn - 7 para poetCova Kal oUVvEXEOTEpA. onpLetov be Tis Kuvailéwv atvyias mept todro TO pépos Kal THs tov dAAwy ’Apkddwy tots tovovTo.s THv emTy-

ae Svoapeotncews” Kal” ovs yap Kawpovs Thy peyar mW opaynv TOLNTAVTES. KuvaiBeis empe- oBevoav 7p0s Aaxedayiovious, els as mroNeus TOTE "Apkabdixas eto ABov Kara THhv Oddv, o& ev adrXou

9 Tapaxphya mTavTes avTous eSexrpugay, Mavruwvets € pera THY petad\ayny avT@v Kal _Kkabappov EOL TAVTO Kal opdyta TepujveyKav THS TE TO- Aews KiKhy Kal i THs x“pas maons.

10 Tadra per ody nuiv efpjobw yadpw tod pr da play moAw TO Kowov 700s daBdAdAccPar tav "Apkddwy, opoiws S€ Kal Tod fun vopioavTas évious Tv KaToiKovvTwy THY “ApKadiay Treptovaias xadpw Ta Kata povoikny emi mActov acKetobar map avtois dAvywpeiv eyxerphoat tovTov Tov 352

BOOK IV. 21. 3 - 10

Arcadians, therefore, with the view of softening and tempering the stubbornness and harshness of nature, introduced all the practices I mentioned, and in addition accustomed the people, both men and women, to frequent festivals and general sacrifices, and dances of young men and maidens, and in fact resorted to every contrivance to render more gentle and mild, by the influence of the customs they instituted, the extreme hardness of the national character. The Cynaetheans, by entirely neglecting these institu- tions, though in special need of such influences, as their country is the most rugged and their climate the most inclement in Arcadia, and by devoting themselves exclusively to their local affairs and political rivalries, finally became so savage that in no city of Greece were greater and more constant crimes committed. As an indication of the deplor- able condition of the Cynaetheans in this respect and the detestation of the other Arcadians for such practices I may mention the following: at the time when, after the great massacre, the Cynaetheans sent an embassy to Sparta, the other Arcadian cities which they entered on their journey gave them instant notice to depart by cry of herald, but the Mantineans after their departure even made a solemn purification by offering piacular sacrifices and carrying them round their city and all their territory.

I have said so much on this subject firstly in order that the character of the Arcadian nation should not suffer for the crimes of one city, and secondly to deter any other Arcadians from beginning to neglect music under the impression that its extensive practice in Arcadia serves no necessary purpose. I

353

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

, ” \ \ ? e o> » PY 11 pepous, ere d€ Kat Kuvaibéwv evexa, tv’ av mor avtois 6 Beos eb 50, Tpatévtes mpos Tratdelav nHuep@ow avTovs, Kat padvoTa Tav’TNS mpOs jLoOv- \ 5) ~ oiKnV: oUTwWs yap povws av An€atev THs TOTE > / A 12 7TEpl avTovs yevomevns aypioTnTos. ets 8’ errevd7) Ta mept Kuvabéwy drominrovra dednAdKapev, N > abtis emi THY exTpoTHY emavysev. 22 Airwdoi pev obv tovatra Svepyacdmevor Kata thv IleAomovynaov AKov eis THY oikelav acdadds, AY - ~ a > A 2 Didiamos dé peta duvayews Bonbdv tots ’Ayatois mapyv ets Kopwiov, votepjoas d5€ tod Kawpot > /, / A 4 A / améaretAe BiBAvapdpous mpos mavTas Todvs cuupa- ~ e , A yous, TapaxarA@y méumew Exdotous map av’Tav A A > / \ , Kata omovdnv eis Kopw8ov rods BovAevoopévous 3 UmTEép TOV KOWH aupdepovTwy. advTos 8 ava- > lon CevEas ws emt Teyeas mponye, muvOavopevos 4 A tous Aakedayovious eis ofayas Kal tapayas A > / 4 eumeTTwKEevar mpos aAAjAovs. of yap AaKedat- poviot ovvAOers ovtes BactAevecOar kat mavTws Tots ~ A td mpoeoT@ou TreGapyxetv, TOTE TpoopaTws pev Hr€Ev- ie Sh 33. / / > b) e Bepwuevor 5° *Avtvyovov, Baoiléws 8 ody ta- > a > U A ~ dpxovtos map avrois, eotacialov mpos adds, / A A ~ mavres vToAapBdvovtes tcov avTots petetvar THS > > ~ 5 7oATelas. Tas pev ovv apyas ot pev dvo TaY > 4 ¥ Sy \ 4 e \ A epopwr adnrov elyov Thy yvapnv, ot dé Tpets exowwvouv Tots AitwAots THv mpayyaTwv, memeEt- ld \ \ e , A / b) , opevor dia THY HAtKiav tov Didtrmov odvdérw duvycecbar Tots Kata THY [leAomévynoov mpdypacw gemapxeiv. emer 8 of pev AitwdAoi mapa tiv mpoodoxiav adrayv ex edotovvyjcov taxetav éerroun- A > / e A / > , gavto THv emavodov, 6 5é Didtamos éx Maxedovias 7étt Odtrw THY mapovoiav, amioTobvTes of TpeEis 354

BOOK IV. 21. 11-22. 7

also spoke for the sake of the Cynaetheans them- selves, in order that, if Heaven ever grant them better fortune, they may humanize themselves by turning their attention to education and especially to music; for by no other means can they hope to free themselves from that savagery which overtook them at this time. Having now said all that occurred to me on the subject of this people I return to the point whence I digressed.

22. The Aetolians, after these exploits in the Peloponnese, had returned home in safety, when Philip appeared at Corinth with an army to help the Achaeans. As he arrived too late for this, he sent couriers to all the allies, begging them to send as soon as possible to Corinth representatives to discuss the measures necessary for the common service. He himself quitting Corinth advanced towards Tegea, as he had heard that intestine disturbances accompanied by massacres had broken out at Sparta. For the Lacedaemonians, who had been accustomed to be ruled by kings and to uncon- ditional obedience to their rulers, now having recently gained their liberty though Antigonus and finding themselves without a king, began to fall into factions, as they all thought they should have an equal share of political power. At first two of the ephors did not pronounce for either side, but the other three threw in their lot with the Aetolians, as they were convinced that owing to his tender age Philip would not yet be able to control Peloponnesian affairs. But when, contrary to their expectation, the Aetolians made a hasty retreat from the Peloponnese, and Philip was even quicker in arriving from Mace- donia, the three ephors in question, very suspicious

355

220 B.G

8

9

10

11

12

23

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

~ A A évt tav Sveiv "Adeuuavtw dia TO ouvedévar pev , 4, \ > ‘ y \ / A aA adiat macas Tas emBodds, un Alav de Tots ywo- a b] , / A wévois EddOKEIY, NYwViWY pL GuVEyyl\oavTos 100 \ \ / Bachéws mavTa TA TpaTTopeva mpos TOV DiAum7ov >’ / > “a \ 4 / ~ eEnynontar. dv a& 8 avdAdadnoavtés Tiot THY A ~ , 4 véwv exypuTtov eis TO THS XadAkvotkov Téwevos A a , A peta TOV OTrAWwY lévat Tos Ev Tats NALKLaLs WS TOV MakeSdvwv emt thy moAW Trapaywopevwr. Taxvd Sé dua TO mapadogov abporcbevtwy, dvcapeotav ’ASeiuavtos Tots ywopevois eTrelpaTo TpoTopev- fels mapaxadetv Kal didadoKew didte mpwnv Eder Ta Knpvypata Tabra Kai Tovs abpotopods Tous a >) év tots OmAows mapayyéAAew, Kal? dv Katpov Y >’ 4 A rovs AitwAodvs zrodciovs ovTas Kovopev Tots ~ e ~ / ~ Spois THS Xwpas Hudv ovveyyilew, od viv, Ore \ ~ Makeddévas tovs evepyéras Kal owthpas tuvia- , 4 A ~ / ” > voweba mAnoalew peta Tod Baoiléws. err 8 advTod TabT’ avakpovojevov, TpooTrecorTes ot Tapa- KeKkAnuevo. TOV vewr ToUTOV TE GUVEKEVTNOGY 3 Kal peta TovTov LOevéAaov *AAkapévn Ove- e ~ ~ oTnv Buwvidav, érépovs THv modit@v Kat mAelovs. e \ \ / , LA , ot dé mept IloAvdovtav Kat twes apa Tovrois, . A eudpovws mpoidduevor TO péAdov, amexwpynoav mpos Tov Dikiamov. Tatra de mpagavtes edbéws e ~ Ww ~ €meumov ol mpoecoT@res Epopor THY TpayudTwv Tovs KaTnyopyoovtas mpos tov Didiamov Ta&v \ A avnpnuevwy Kal tapaxadécovtas avTov emoxeiv 5S) ? ~ Tv Tapovolay, Ews av EK TOU yeyovdTos KWHLATOS eis THY amokatacTaow €Abn Ta KaTa THY TAL, ywwoKew dé Sudte mpoKertar Svatynpety avtois i, \ , A / \ / mavra Ta Sikaa Kal frravOpwra mpos Maxkedovas:

2o0t Kat ovuppi€avtes dn mept TO IlapPénov opos

856

BOOK IV. 22. 7-23. 2

of one of the other two, Adeimantus, as he was privy to all their projects and did not highly approve their attitude, were in much fear of his revealing all their designs to the king on his approach. Therefore, after a private conference with some of the younger men, they ordered by proclamation all those of military age to assemble in arms at the temple of Athene of the Brazen House as the Macedonians were advancing on the city. At an order so strange and unexpected all rapidly assembled, upon which Adeimantus, who disapproved of this proceeding, came forward and tried to address the people, pointing out that “These proclamations and orders to assemble in arms should have been made of late when we heard that our enemies the Aetolians were near our frontier, and not now when we learn that the Macedonians, our benefactors and preservers, are approaching with their king.” While he was still haranguing in this fashion, those young men who had been appointed to the task by the ephors fell upon him and ran him through as well as Sthenelaus, Alcamenes, Thyestes, Bionidas, and a good many other citizens. Polyphontas, however, and a few with him, foreseeing what was likely to occur, had wisely withdrawn and joined Philip. 23. After these proceedings the ephors now in power at once sent messengers to Philip bringing accusations against their victims, begging him to delay his arrival until the present disturbance had subsided and the town had resumed its normal condition, and informing him that it was their intention to maintain all their obligations to Macedonia and remain friendly. These messengers met the king near Mt. Parthenium and spoke

357

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

dvt. T@ PBaoret dreA€xOnoav axodovlws Tats 3 evtoAais. 06 dé diaKovoas mapeKdAece TOUS HKOVTAS KaTa oTrovony Troijocacbar THY els olkov emavodor, Kat dnrAoby Tots épdpois OTL KaTa TO GuUVEXES mopevleis attos pev ev Teyéa moujoetar Tr oTpatomredelayv, exeivous 8” olerar detv THY TaxioTHV exmreTew avdpas a€toypéous Tovs Kowodoynoope- 4 vous Tpos aUTOV UTEp TMV EVEOTWTWY. TOLNOAVTWY d€ TO mpootaxylev THV amavTnodvTwy, diaKov- cavtes Ta mapa tot Baoiléws of mpoeoTmres tav Aakedayoviwy é&érepyav avdpas déka mpos 5 tov Didummov: of Kai mropevbevres eis THY Téyeav Kal mapeABovres els TO Tob Baoréws ovvedpiov, ‘Quiov MpocoT@ros avTav, KaTnyopnoay pev TOV mept TOV “Adetpavrov Ws aiTiwy yeyovoTwy THs 6KWHoEWs, TavTAa 6 UmioxvodvTaL TroLnoEW adTot T® Dirinmw ta Kara THY ovppaxiav, Kal undevos ev pndevi havncecbar SevTepor Kata TV TpOS avrov evvoiav Tv SoKkovvTwy adnbwdv atTad 7 diAwy drdapxew. ot pev odv Aakedaipoviot tadra Kal ToUToLs TrapatrAjova SiarexOevTes eTeoTyaay, ot d€ petéxovTes TOD auvedpiov diedepovto mpos 8 aAAjAous Tats yvwpats. Kal Ties pev ElddTES THY KaKOTpaypLooUYny TaV ev TH LmdpTy, Kal meTrevajrevor Tovs mrept Tov “AdeiavTov amroAwAévat dua THY Tmpos avTovs eVvotav Tovs Te AaKedaipo- vious emBeBArjabae Kowompayeiv tots Aitwdois, ovveBovevov TO Didiamep mrapddevypa mroufjoau Tovs Aaxedayioviovs, xXpnodpevov avrois TOV avTOV TpoTrov OVv7rEp "Adeavdpos EXpH}oaTo OnBators 9 ev0ews mapahaBev THY apxny: ETE poL dé TeV mpeoBuTépwv tiv pev ToravTnv opynv BapuTépay 358

BOOK IV. 23. 2-9

according to their instructions. After listening to them, he bade them return home at once, and inform the ephors that for his own part he would continue his march and take up his quarters in Tegea, where he demanded that they should send him as soon as possible some persons of sufficient weight to discuss the present situation with him. The messengers obeyed, and the Lacedaemonian magistrates, on receiving the king’s communication, dispatched ten envoys to Philip, the chief of the mission being Omias, who on reaching Tegea and presenting themselves before the king’s council, laid the responsibility of the late disturbance on Adeimantus, and engaged themselves to observe faithfully the terms of the alliance with Philip, and be second to none of those who were regarded as his true friends in their devotion to him. So the Lacedaemonians after these and other similar assurances withdrew, upon which there was a difference of opinion among the members of the council. Some knowing the evil disposition of the Spartan government, and convinced that Adeimantus and the others had met their fate owing to their favouring Macedonia, and that the project of the Lacedaemonians was to join the Aetolians, advised Philip to make an example of Sparta, treating it in the same way as Alexander had treated Thebes at the outset of his reign. But some of the older councillors declared that such

359

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

anépawov elvar THv yeyovoTwr, emityujoa Se det Tots airtows, Kal peTaoTnOdpLevov TouTous eyxeuploa TO mroNirevpia. Kal Tas apxas Tois 24 adrod dirous. 6 de Baowdeds emt naow, ed xen Tod Bacwléws éyeww Tas TOTE yywpas: od yap €lKOS eMTAKALOEKAETH maida mept tyHALKOUTwY 2 Svvacbar TpaypLar cv SrevKpwvety. dA’ net joev Kanxer Tois ypadovat Tas Kupovoas TO diaBovAva yoopas avariBevae Tots mMpoeoTaat T@v oAwv: TovS pLevTOL ye akoVovTas avTOvS xp7) OUYUTTOVOEtV dudTt THY ovvdvTwyv, Kat pdadioTa THY TapaKet- pevenv, eikos €oTw elvat Tas TovavTas vmolecets 3 Kal Sadnipers, av "Apatw Ts eTLELKEOTAT av TpoodnTo THY TOTE pr Jetoay b70 Tob Baorréws 4 yvoopny. re) yap ihurmos Ta pev Kat diay TaYv UL pLaX wy els avdrovs aducnpara. KabyKeuw epnoev avT® peéxpt Adyou Kal ypaypdtwv d.iopfoby Kat 5 ovvemonpatvecBau Ta dé 7 pos TV KoWwnv aVv- HKOVTA. oUppaxiay, Tatr Edy [L0vo. dety Kowijs EmLOTpOPpHS Kal Svophacews TUyXavew v7 mavTov. 6 Aakedayoviwy dé undev els THY KoWWIY CUppaxtav exdaves HuapTnKoTwr, etayyeAAopévwv dé TmavTa Kal 7rovety Ta OiKaLa mpos Huds, ov KaAds Exov elvar to BovAeveobai te wept atta&v amapaitntov: 7 KQL ‘yap atomov TOV pev TAaTEpa Troheptcov Hee KpaTnoavTa pndev mrornoar Sewdv, adrov 8° éd’ ovrw pucpas aitias aviKeotov Tt Bovreveoat 8 mepl avTav. emikupwleions dé TavTHs THs yvw_ns, OTe det mapioetv TO yeyovds, evOews 6 Baatreds Iletpatov ta&v attrot didtwv dpa trois mept Tov ’"Quiav e€améoteAXe Tapakadéoovta tods moAAovs avréxecbar THs mpds avTov Kat Maxeddvas evvoias, 360

BOOK IV. 23. 9-24. 8

vengeance was heavier than the offence deserved. Philip, they said, should punish the guilty parties and, removing them from office, place the govern- ment in the hands of his own friends. 24. Finally the king spoke, if indeed we are to suppose that the opinion he delivered was his own ; for it is scarcely probable that a boy of seventeen should be able to decide about such grave matters. It is, however, the duty of us writers to attribute to the supreme ruler the expression of opinion which prevailed at his council, while it is open for the reader to suspect that such decisions and the arguments on which they rest are due to his associates and especially to those closest to his person. Among these in the present case Aratus is the one to whom we may most plausibly attribute the opinion delivered by the king. Philip said that, as far as regarded injuries inflicted by the allies on themselves, it was not incumbent on him to go beyond correcting and censuring such either by word of mouth or by letter ; but that only injuries inflicted on the whole alliance called for punishment and redress by the joint action of all. As the Lacedaemonians had not committed any manifest offence against the alliance as a whole, and had engaged to meet faithfully all their obliga- tions to himself, it would not be right to treat them with excessive harshness. Considering indeed that his father after conquering them as enemies, had done them no hurt, it would ill become himself to take extreme vengeance on them for such a trifling fault. When the council had voted to act thus and overlook the incident, the king sent Petraeus, one of his friends, together with Omias, to exhort the people in Sparta to remain faithful to their friend-

361

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

4 \ , \ / \\ Ld A Gua d€ dwaovta Kat Anyopevov Tovs OpKoUS TeEpt

9 ovppayias. adttos de pera Tijs duvdpews ava- Cevéas mporye maAw wes emt Kopivdov, Kahov delyya THs é€avtod mpoaipécews Tots ouppayots extefeyrevos ev TH mpos Tovs Aakedapovtous amopdcet.

25 KaradaBov be Tous amo «TOV ouppaxidev TapayeyovoTas eis THY KopuBov ovvndpeve Kal dveAduBave pera ToUTwy Tl det Tovey Kal mas

y) , \

2 xpnoacbat Tots Airwdois. eyxahovvTwy dé Bow- Tov jev O ore ovdArjoatev TO ths “A@nvas tis “Itwvias tepov etpnvns Umrapxovons, Pwxewy de Oude oTpatevoavtTes em “ApBpvoov kat Aavdov ém-

3 BaAowrTo KatadaPécbar Tas mroheus, ‘Hreppwrrav be Kabore tropOjcaev attav THY Xwpav, “Axap- vavewv Oé TapaderKvuovT av Tiva. | Tpomrov ovoTnod- pevot 7pakiv emi Ovpiov vuKtos Ere Kal mpooParetv

4ToAujncaeY TH MoAEL, mpos Sé TovTos “Axatwv amtoAoyilouevwy ws KataAdBowTo pev THs Me- yaNotroXitid0s KAdpiov, ropOrjcatev de dueEvdvtes av Ilatpéwv Kai Daparéwv ywpav, dvapmdaoarev dé Kvvaibav, ovdAjoaey d€ To THs ev Aovaots yet / 5 e / A / de KA ,

pTépuidos tepov, moAwopxnoaev de KAevropious, > , \ \ \ / / émBovdctoarev d€ Kata perv Oaratrav IlvAw, kata d€ yn dpe ouvouxrlopevy) TH Meydan mAet aomevdovTes eTA TOV TMupidy dvdorarov abryy

5 mowjoat, SuakovaavtTes TOUTWY Of TAY oVpLUAaXwWY

/ 4 ¢€ \ b) ld > 4 avvedpo. mavtes opobvpuadov éxdépew €Bovdcev-

6 oavro tots AitwAots Tov moXcpov. mpobduevou dE Tas mMpoeipynuevas aitias ev TH Sdypate mapa-

/ / lon LA KxateBdAovto wrndiopa, mpocdiacagpodbytes OTL Guv- avacwaovot Tois auppdxois €l TWA KaTEexXoVaLY 362

BOOK IV. 24. 8-25. 6

ship with himself and the Macedonians and to exchange oaths confirming the alliance. He himself broke up his camp and began to march back to Corinth, having in his decision about the Spartans given the allies an excellent specimen of the policy he meant to pursue.

25. As he found the deputies from the allied cities assembled at Corinth, he held a Council to deliberate on the measures to be taken with regard to the Aetolians. The Boeotians accused the Aetolians of having plundered the temple of Athene Itonia in time of peace, the Phocians of having marched upon Ambrysus and Daulium and attempted to seize both cities, and the Epirots of having pillaged their territory. The Arcadians pointed out how they had organized a coup de main against Thyrium and had gone so far as to attack the city under cover of night. The Achaeans related how they had occupied Clarium in the territory of Megalopolis, and during their passage through Achaea ravaged the country of Patrae and Pharae, how they had sacked Cynaetha and despoiled the temple of Artemis at Lusi, laid siege to Cleitor, and made attempts by sea on Pylos and by land on Megalopolis, which was only just in process of being repopulated, intending to reduce it again to desolation with the help of the Illyrians. The deputies of the allies, after hearing all these complaints, decided unanimously to make war on Aetolia. After reciting the above reasons in the preamble of their decree, they subjoined a declara- tion that they would recover for the allies any city

363

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

2 A > \ , 5 / DN , avtav AitwAoi xywpav 7 modAw, ad’ ob Anuyrpios e / \ VA \ /

706 Dirinrov Kata dvow tatip peTiAAake: trapa- mAnciws 5€ Kal TOUS UT0 THY KalpaV HvayKacjevous dkovoiws petéxeww tHS AitwAdv ovprodAtelas, OTL mavTas TovTOVS amoKaTaOTHOOVoW eis Ta matpia moAiTevaTa, ywpav exovTas Kal mdAeELs

\ ¢€ ~ > {if > / > /, Tas adTaV, appoupytous apopoAroyyHtous eAevbepous ovTas, moAiTElats Kal vopots xpwpevovs Tots

g matplois. ovvavakopwetabar dé Kal tots ’Apdu-

Uj KTVooWw eypayav Tovs vopous Kal THY TEpL TO e A > , a > A aA tepov e€ovoiav, nv Aitwdrot mapypnvtar viv, nA A A BovAcpevor THY KaTa TO Lepov émrLKpaTety avTol. 26 Tovrov d€ tot ddypatos Kupwhévtos KaTa TO ~ v “ ~ ~ Mp@Tov €ETOS THS EkKaTOOTHS Kal TETTAPAKOOTHS > / e A oAvpTIados 6 ev oUpLpAayLKOS mpocayopevdpeEvos moAenos apxnv eiAjper dtkatay Kal mpémovoav A > e 2701s yeyovoow adiKjpacw, ot S€ avvedpor Tapa- aA A Xphua mpeoPevtas eEarréotedXNov mpos Todvs ovppd- &) A ~ xous, tva map exdaoto.s dia TOV TOAADY emiKUpw- Oévros tot Sdypatos exdépwot mavtes Tots Aitw- A A 3 ~

3 Acis Tov amo THs xWpas ToAcWoV. Emepife SE Kal tots AitwdAots émoartodAnv 6 Didirmos Sdtacaddr, @ 3 ” / ” U e A A > / iv’ et Te A€yewv Exovar Sikatov dep THY éyKaAoupe- vv, eT Kal viv ovveAPdvtes Sia Adyou TotmvTat

\ / >] > e€ / iy \

a7iv dteEaywyynv: et & vrewrypaor, diudte ywpis

Kowod ddypatos AenAaTobot Kai TopJodcr mavtas,

ovK apuvvetobar Tods adiKovpevous, eav 8° apv-

vwvTat, vopicbycecfa. tovTovs KaTdpxew Tod

, \ 6 7roA€pov, TravTwv avTovs evnMeordtous Elva. Kopt- > e ~ > A

odpevot 8 ot Trav AitwAd@v dpxovres Thy ématoAnv

364

BOOK IV. 25. 6-26. 5

or land occupied by the Aetolians since the death of Demetrius, father of Philip ; and likewise concerning those who had been compelled by circumstances to join the Aetolian League against their will, they pledged themselves that they should be reinstated in their ancient form of government, and should remain in possession of their cities and lands, without garrisons, exempt from tribute, and completely in- dependent, in the enjoyment of their traditional constitution and laws. They also added a clause engaging to recover for the Amphictyonic Council its ancient laws, and its authority over the Delphic temple, of which it had been deprived by the Aetolians, who wished to control the affairs of the temple themselves.

26. This decree was passed in the first year of the 140th Olympiad and the war known as the Social 220 ac. War thus began, a just war and a fitting sequel to the crimes that had been committed. The Congress at once sent envoys to the allies, so that on the confirmation of the decree by the popular Assembly in each state they might all join in the war against the Aetolians. Philip also sent a letter to the Aetolians, informing them that, if they had any just defence against the accusations with which they had been charged, they still had time to meet and arrive ata settlement by conference. If, however, they imagined that because they pillaged and despoiled every part of Greece without any previous declaration of war by their League, the injured parties were not to retaliate, or if they retaliated should be considered to have broken the peace, they were the most simple-minded people in the world. The Aetolian magistrates on the receipt of this letter

865

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

A J

TavTnv, TO ev mp@rov €Amicavtes ody HEEew Tov

> Didixmov, ovvébevto pytnv nuépav ev % mpos TO 6‘Piov azmavricovows yrovtes Sé€ Tapaywopevov, anéotetAav ypappatropdpov diacadoivres ws ov Svvavrat mpo THs TOV AirwAv avvddov bu’ abtav Or € A ~ gy ? aA e > > 4 7 ovdev tmép THY OAwV oikovopetv. of 3 *Axatoi ouveNOovres eis tHv KabyjKovoay avvodov Td TE

A Sdéypua mavres eTexUpwoav Kat To Addupov émeKn- 4 A Ae ~ / A ‘ 8 pvéav Kata tav Aitwidv. ampoceAPdvTos Sé Kai a , A 4 A > Sd, A to} Baoiléws mpos tiv BovAnv ev Aiyiw Kat ? A) , WG - > 9 , dvadexPevros dia mAciovwr, Ta pybevta per edvoias Y oe (d amedéfavto Kal Ta mMpoimdpxyovta diAdvOpwra Tots mpoyovois avevewoavTo mpos avTov Tov DiArrov. \ A \ b] AY \ Ad A / 4

97 Kara dé tovs adrovs katpovs AitwAot, cvvdibavtos Tob THY apyaipeciwy xpdvov, oTpaTnyov adTav etAovro Ukdmav, os eyeyover TavTWY THY TpoEL- 2 pnuevav aSucn pdr wv airvos. dmép dv ovk olda mas xp1 A€yew. TO yap Kow®@ pev Soypare Ha TroAepeiv, mravdnpel dé oTparevovras diyew Kal dépew ta Ta&V Trédas, Kal KoAdlew pev pndéva T@V aiTtiwy, otparnyods 8 atpetoBar Kal Tidy Tovs mpoeoT@tas THY ToLovTWY epywy, Euol pev 3 doKel THs maons yee KakoTTpaypoovyns’ Ti yap dv GAdo tts Tas Tora’Tas Kakias Ovopacetev;

~ > N ‘ {2 > 4 4 d7jAov 8° Eotar TO Aeyopuevov ex To’Twv. Aake- , 4 U / la Sayovion THY Kadpetav DoiBidov zapaczmovd- gavrTos Tov pev airiov elnpiwoav THv dé dpoupav ovK e€nyayov, womep Avowevns THs adiKias dia Ths Tod mpakavtos BAdBys, 7apov TavavTia moveiv:

366

BOOK IV. 26. 5-27. 4

at first, in the hope that Philip would not come, named a day on which they would meet him at Rhium, but on hearing that he was come there sent a courier to inform him that before the General Assembly of the Aetolians met they could take no steps on their own responsibility concerning any matters of state. The Achaeans, meeting in their regular annual Assembly, unanimously confirmed the decree and made a pro- clamation authorizing reprisals on the Aetolians. Upon the king’s attending the Council at Aegium and addressing them at length, they received his speech favourably and renewed with Philip in person their friendly relations with the kings, his ancestors.

27. Meanwhile, it being the date of their annual election, the Aetolians elected as Strategus that very Scopas who had been the chief cause of all the outrages I have narrated above. I really scarcely find words in which to express myself about this matter. After declaring by a public decree that they were not going to war, to make an expedition in full force and pillage the countries of their neigh- bours and then, instead of punishing any of the guilty persons, to honour by electing to their chief offices the directors of these proceedings seems to me the very height of villainy ; for how can we characterize otherwise such base conduct ?—conduct the nature of which the following examples will serve to illustrate. When the Lacedaemonians gained possession of the Cadmea by the treachery of Phoebidas, they punished the guilty general but did not withdraw the garrison, as if the injustice of the act were atoned for by the perpetrator being made to suffer for it, while if they had chosen, they might have done just the reverse, for the ‘Thebans

367

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

5 TOdTO yap Suedepe Tots MnBaious. amdAw exjput- Tov adievtes Tas ToAeus eAevOepas Kal adrovopous Kara TV em” *Avradxidou yevoperny elpnvny, Tovs 5 apyootas ovK eS Hyov ex TaV mdoAEwr.

6 Mavtweis dirovs dvras Kai cuppaxous avaota- Tous ToinoavTes ovK edacay adiKeiv, EK juds

7 70Aews eis mAEiovs avrovs StotKicayTes, avoia peTa Kakias . . . TO doxeiv, edv Tis AUTOS emyLUn,

\ \ ff CLA > / U e ~ 2

g pnde Todvs méAas opav. apdorépots Toivuv 6 CiAos ovTos THs ToALTELas altos KaTéaTH THY pEeyloTwY oupTTwMpaTwy: ov ovdapas ovdauy CndAwréor,

4 t} bs Mv, ~ A > A ovte Kat idiay ovte KoWwh, Tovs op0as BovdAevo- Lévous. / a a

9 ‘Ode Bao.reds Didurrmos ypnparticas tois ’Ayatots 3 /, \ ~ , ESN , (2 avelevée peta THs Suvayews emt Maxedovias, ozrev-

10 Swv emi THY Tapackeuiy THV pos Tov mdAELOV, Od

4 A / > A ~ aA a7 A pLovov Tots ouppaxors aAAa maou Tots “KAAnot dia Tov mpoeipnuevov Ynpicpatos Kadas €Amidas Uz0- Sevxv¥wy mpacTnTos Kai peyarowvyias BacAuKas.

28 Taira 8 émpdrreto Kata Tovs avTovs KaLtpovs > a“ > / \ + ae ~ > A Kal” ovs “AvviBas, yeyovws non KUpLos THY évTOs "IBynpos motapob mavtwy, emovetto TV Opunv emt a7iv ZLaxavOaiwy modw. et pev odv Tas mpwTas emBoras tas “AvviBouv tais ‘EAAnvikais mpageow

> > bl] ~ ’ / ? rNé a / a am apyns «d0éws éemimerA€x Bar ovveBawev, dHAov Ws ev TH mpoTepa BUBAw epi TovTwY av Huds 9 ‘ “y \ A / a > Aa evarrXaé ede. Kal Kata mapdbeow Tots “IBnpiKxois meTrornoOar tiv e€nynow, axodovlodvras Tots

3 Katpots: émet d€ Ta Te Kata THY “ItaXiay Kai

A A e / \ A A 3 , A A Kata THY “EAAdda Kat Kata tHv ’Aciay tas peév

368

BOOK IV. 27. 5- 28.3

were concerned about the garrison, not about the man. Again by the terms of the peace of Antalcidas the same people proclaimed all Greek cities free and autonomous, but did not withdraw their harmosts from them, and again in expelling from their homes the Mantineans, who were their friends and allies, they maintained that they inflicted no wrong on them by transferring them from one city to several. In all this they exhibited their folly as well as their knavery, for they evidently thought that if a man shuts his own eyes his neighbours too are blind. Now to both states, the Aetolians and the Spartans, this unscrupulous policy resulted in the greatest calamities, and it should never be an object of imitation in the public or private life of men who are well advised.

King Philip now having finished his business with the Achaeans left with his army for Macedonia to hasten on the preparations for the war, having given by the above decree not only to the allies, but to all the Greeks a happy prospect of mildness in his rule and of that magnanimity which befits a king.

28. This took place at the same time that Hannibal, after subduing all Iberia south of the Ebro, began his attack on Saguntum. Now had there been any connexion at the outset between Hannibal’s enter- prise and the affairs of Greece it is evident that I should have included the latter in the previous Book, and, following the chronology, placed my narrative of them side by side in alternate sections with that of the affairs of Spain. But the fact being that the circumstances of Italy, Greece, and Asia

869

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

apxas Tov Troh€poo TOUTWW idtas ethnper Tas dé ovvre)etas Kowds, Kat THY e€nynow mepl adrav €xpivajev Tromoacba Kar’ (oiay, Ews av emt Tov KaLpov EAD wpev TobTov ev @ ouveAdnnoay at TpoErpnfLevat mpakeus ddojAaus Kal ™pos ey TéXos

4 Tpfavro TH Gvagopay € Exe (oUTWS yap 7 TE TeEpt Tas dpxas €kdoTwv €oTat Sunynors cagns nN TE ouptrAoKn KaTadpavys, mrepl HS ev dpxais evedet- fdueBa, mapadetEavtes OTE Kal mas Kat du’ as aitias yéyovev), Aourov ydn Kow?nV momoacbat

5 wept mavtwy TH toropiav. éyévero dé 7 ovpTrAoKT Tay mpagewv mept THY Tod moA€uov avvTeAcay KaTG TO TpiTov €TOS THS EKaTOOTHS Kal TeTTAPA- KooTHs OAvpmiddos. 810 Kal Ta preTa TATA KOW Tois Katpois axoAdovbotivres eEnynodpcba, Ta de

6 7™po Tob Kar (dtav, ws elma, TPOTavapLepvnOKOVTES [LOvov TAV KATA TOUS avrous xatpovs €v TH mpoTépa BEBrw Sednhupevon, & iva py) povov edrraparonou~ InTos dda Kal KaTaTrAnKTiKn ‘yivnTat Tots mpoc- éxovow 1 dunynots.

29 Widimmos 5é Tmapaxeafwy ev Maxedovia Kart- éypade Tas Suvdwers mpos THV peMovoay Xpetav emmpedirs, ¢ dpa dé TovTos Haparilero Ta mpos Tovs

2 drrepKeyevous THS Maxedovias BapBapovs. peta d€ Tatra ouveABov mpos Ukepdiratdav Kal ToAuN - pas Sods auTov els Tas _Xetpas. SueheyeTo TeEpt 8 diAias Kal ovppaxias, Kal Ta prev UmLaxvovpLEvos avT@ ovyKarackevacew THv Kata THY "lAAupidba TmpaypaTwyv, Ta de KaTnyopdv tev Aitrwrdv ovTwy edKaTHYyOpTTWY, padiws emreice ovyxwpetv

4 rois TmrapaKaAovpevors. pnrore yap ovdev dradéper Ta, Kar” iSiay dducjuata TH Kowdv, adAAa TAHOE 370

BOOK IV. 28. 3-29. 4

were such that the beginnings of these wars were particular to each country, while their ends were common to all, I thought it proper to give a separate account of them, until reaching the date when these conflicts came into connexion with each other and began to tend towards one end—both the narratives of the beginnings of each war being thus made more lucid, and a conspicuous place being given to that subsequent interconnexion of all three, which I mentioned at the outset, indicating when, how, and for what reason it came about—and, then upon reaching this point to comprise all three wars in a single narrative. The interconnexion I speak of took place towards the end of the Social War in the third year of the 140th Olympiad. After this 218 no date therefore I shall give a general history of events in chronological order; but up to it, as I said, a separate account of each war, merely recapitulating the contemporary occurrences set forth in the previous Book, so that the whole narrative may not only be easy to follow but may make a due impression on my readers.

29. While wintering in Macedonia Philip spent his time in diligently levying troops for the coming campaign, and in securing his frontiers from attack by the barbarians of the interior. In the next place he met Scerdilaidas, fearlessly putting himself in his power, and made him offers of friendship and alliance. By promising on the one hand to aid him in subduing Illyria and on the other hand by bringing accusations against the Aetolians, which was no difficult matter, he easily persuaded him to agree to his proposals. Public crimes, as a fact, differ from private ones only in the extent and quantity of their

371

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

psovov Kai peyéber TOV ovpBawdvTwyv. Kal yap KaT idlav TO THY padioupy@v Kat KrAemTav Poddov TovTw pdAdwoTa TH TpdoTw odddrXreTAL, TH moety GAAHAOLs TA Sikaa, Kal ovAANnPdynv dia TAs

Beis avtovs afecias. 6 Kal ToTe ovveBn yevecBar mept tovs AitwdAovs. ovvlduevor yap TH Ukepde- Aaida Suwcew pépos te THs elas, eav ovveroBadrn

6 per adta@v eis thy ’Ayaiar, mevaGevros Kal 70Un- gavros TobTo dvapmacavtes THY TV Kuvabewv woAw Kat moA\a mepreAacdpevor TWpLaro, Kal Opéupata tov UKepdiArAaisav oddevos pepityv E7oin-

7 cay TOV aAdvTuw. dudmrep UToKAOnpevns EK TOUTWY avr THS opyiis, Bpaxéa mpocavapvyaavTos Tod Dirin7ov tayéws OamKovoe Kal ovvebeTo pebeSew THS KOWNS ouppaxias, ef’ @ AapPavew pev elxoot TdAavra Kat’ eviavtov, TrAceiy Se AeBous TplaKOVTO Kal Trone prety Tots Atrwhois kata OdAaTTav.

30 ‘O pev odv Didurmos rept Tabra diérpiBev, ot 8° efatootadévtes mpéaBets mpos Tovs cuppdadyous aduxopevor mpa@tov eis *Akapvaviay éveTvyyavov

gTovTos. of 8 "Axapvaves to Te Sdypa yvnoiws gUveTTEKUpwoaVY Kal TOV amo xwpas TrOAELOV € nveykav tots AitwdAois: Kalmep tovTots, €f Kat Tiow éTépo.s, Sikatov Hv ovyyvwpnv exew v7eEp- TWepevors Kal KatapéAXovar Kal KabddAov ded.d08

8 TOV amo TY doTvyeltoOvwY mdoXepov Kal dLa TO mapaketobar ev auvteppovobvtas TH THv Aitwrdv xwpa, moAd 5é padAXov dia TO Kar’ idiav edyeipw- Tous trdpyew, TO Sé péyiorov, dia TO pLKpots eumpoabey Xpovors metpav eiAndévar TOV SevvoTaTwv

4dia Thy Tpos AitwaAods dméxGevav. dAAd pou Soxotow of yyjovot TaV avdpGv Kal Kown Kal Kat” 372

BOOK IV. 29. 4-30. 4

results. In private life also the whole tribe of thieves and swindlers come to grief most frequently by not treating their confederates justly and generally speaking by perfidy towards each other, and this was what happened now to the Aetolians. They had agreed with Scerdilaidas to give him a part of the spoil if he joined them in their invasion of Achaea, and when he consented and did so and they had sacked Cynaetha, carrying off a large booty of slaves and cattle, they gave him no share at all of their captures. As he had been nursing anger against them for this ever since, it only required a brief mention by Philip of this grievance to make him at once consent and agree to adhere to the general alliance on condition of receiving an annual sum of twenty talents, in consideration of which he was to attack the Aetolians by sea with thirty boats.

30. Philip, then, was thus occupied. Meanwhile the envoys sent to the allies proceeded first to Acarnania and communicated with the people. The Acarnanians acted with perfect straightforward- ness, confirming the decree and agreeing to make war on the Aetolians from Acarnania, although they, if any people, might have been excused for deferring and hesitating and generally for dreading a war with a neighbouring state, and this for three reasons: the first being the immediate neighbour- hood of Aetolia, the next and more important, their military weakness when isolated, but the gravest of all, the terrible suffering they had recently undergone owing to their hostility to the Aetolians. But really straight and honourable men, both in public and private, value, I think, no

373

220 B.6.

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

S27 b) / \ , ) \ A a idtav ovdéroTe mepl mActovos odMev TrotetaAar Tod > ~ A KaOnkovtos: omep “Akapvaves ev tots mAeiorous A ~ ¢ , e Katpots ovdevos tov EAAxveov WTTOV evploKovrat SvaTeTNpHKOTES, Kaimep a7ro puxpas OP[Le|LEVoL 3 4 5 duvapews. ols ovK OKVNTEOV Kara TAS TepiaTdcers KoWWwvEelvy Tpaypatwv, omevoTteov dé padrdXov, ef / e / “A € 4 A \ 17 A Kat Tiow éTépois THY “EAAjvwv: Kat yap (dia Kal ~ /, ” , \ 4 > 6 KOWH oTaoLov Exoval TL Kat PireAcVOepov. *H7eu- p@tar d€ €k mapabécews Stakovoavtes THY TpE- / oBewv TO pev Soya TaparAnciws éemeKUpwoar, \ \ / bd , > , A ’ A Tov de moeLov ekepeu ep pioavTo tots Aitwdois, 7 éemevoav Kat Didimmos 6 Bactvevds e€eveyxyn, Tots dé mapa tav AlitwAdv mpecPevtais aaexplOnoav ott d€d0KTat Tots “Hrewputats Sduatnpety mpods ’ > ~ avTovs THY ElpHvnV, AyEevVas Kal ToLKiAws XpwLEVvoL 8 Tots mpaypacw. ameotdAnoayv dé Kat mpos Bact- Aéa IroAepwatov mpeoPeus ot mapaxaheoovres avTov [LTE Xpyparo. me juTreLy Tots Airwdois pnt ardo pndev Xopnyety KaTa Dirir70v Kal Tov ULL PLAXwY. 31 Meoorrr101,6€, du’ os 6 7oAELOos THY apynv €AaBe, aA 3 Tols Tapayevouevols mpos avTOVS amreKpiOnaav OTe ~ \ a ~ THs Duyareias Keysevyns emt Tots dpos adra@v Kat 4 e > ? / > nn ’ Lf \ tatTopevys tm AitwdAovs, odK av emdéeEawTo Tov y > ~ x moAepov mp 7 TavTnv am AitwAdv arooracbjvat 2THv moAw. mept d€ THS atopdcews Tav’TNS KaT- icyvoay, ovdapas edvdoKovvtwy THv ToAAMy, [At- ~ e > (2 > \ , 4 Twrdv ot] efopevovtes Oivis Kat Nikummos Kat uj “ ~ ~ TWwes €ETepo. TOV dALyapyiK@Y, ayvoobvTes Kal ToAv Topamatovres tod déovTos Kard ye TI ep 3 yvopnv. eyo yap hoBepov pev etvat PTL TOV TroAepov, ov pay ovTw ye poBepov wate mav vmr0 / \ 4 eve ydpw Tod pr mpocdcEacba moAcnov, emet 374

BOOK IV. 30. 4-31. 4

considerations above their duty, and this principle the Acarnanians are found to have maintained on most occasions more firmly than any other people in Greece, although their resources were but slender. No one, then, should hesitate to seek the alliance of this people in a crisis; rather it should be embraced with more eagerness than that of any other Greek people ; for both in public and in private they are characterized by steadfastness and love of liberty. The Epirots, on the contrary, after receiving the envoys, while they also confirmed the decree and voted to make war on the Aetolians as soon as King Philip himself took the field, in their reply to the Aetolian embassy stated that they had passed a resolution to maintain peace with them, thus playing a part as ignoble as it was double-faced. Envoys were also sent to King Ptolemy requesting him neither to send funds to the Aetolians, nor to furnish them with any other supplies for use against Philip and the allies.

31. The Messenians, on whose account the war began, replied to the envoys sent to them, that seeing that Phigalea lay on their borders and was subject to the Aetolians, they would not undertake the war until this city had been detached from the Aetolians. This resolution was by no means generally approved, but was forced through by the ephors Oenis and Nicippus and certain other members of the oligarchical party, who in my opinion were much mistaken and took a course which was far from being correct. That war is a terrible thing I agree, but it is not so terrible that we should submit to anything in order to avoid it. For why do we

875

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

ti kal Opacvvowev tiv lonyopiay Kal mappnotay Kal TO THs eAevbepias dvoua mdvTes, et pndev

5éoTat mpoupytaizepov Ths elpyvys; ovde yap ©nBaiovs erawotpev kata ta Myédixa, dioTe TOV brép THs ‘EAAdSdos amooraytes KwWdvvwv Ta epadv etAovro dua Tov Pdfov, obdé IIivdapov tov avvaro- dnvapevov avtots ayew THv novxlav dua THVdE THV TOLNUATwr,

4 / > ~ bd] 2Q7 A 6 TO KoLVOV Tis aoTaV EV Evdia TLBEls > , / ¢ / A 4 , €pevvacaTw jeyadavopos javxias TO datdpov Paos.

/ A , ~ > 4 > 9 7 ddfas yap mapautixka miBavds elpnkévar, pet ov A uy > / e / A /, ToAD TavTWwY alaxioTny evpéOn Kal BAaBepwratny > lon 8 mETrOLNJLEVvOS aTOpacw: eEiprvn yap peTa pev TOU duxaiov Kal mpémovtos KaAAoTOV eoTL KTHMA Kal AvowreA€otatov, pweTa 5€ Kakias 7 SetAias Eerrovet- dioTov TavTwv atoxtoroy Kat BrAaBepwrartov. 32 Of dé trav Meconviwy mpoeota@tes, dvTes oALy- apxiKol Kal oToxalopevor TOO TmapavTa Kat’ idiav ~ ~ >

Avoitedods, didotidtepov tot Sdéovros aet &- 2ékewtTo mpos THY elpyyvnv. 810 moAAas pev TeEpt- oTdceis Kal Katpods é€yovtes, eviote dé ddBous A Ui / > / \ \ Kal Kwdvvovs SdiwAicbavov: nOpoilero dé Kata Thv mpoleow tavrnv del TO KepddAaov adrois, Kai peylorats émrolovy maAalew THv TaTpida ovpdopais. 3 50x 8 eywye tHv aitiav elvar tavTyv, OTe dvot yeitvia@vtes EOvect Tots peyiotors THY Kata Iledo-

, ~ \ \ A ~ ¢ ~ movvncov, uarXov S€é ayedov Kat TOV “EAAnuKav, déyw 5€ 7 Te THv "Apkddwyr Kai TH TOV Aakdvwr,

376

BOOK IV. 31. 4-32. 3

all vaunt our civic equality and liberty of speech and all that we mean by the word freedom, if nothing is more advantageous than peace? We do not indeed praise the Thebans because at the time of the Persian invasion they deserted Greece in the hour of peril and took the side of the Persians from fear, nor do we praise Pindar for confirming them in their resolution to remain inactive by the verses

Stablish in calm the common weal, Ye burghers all, and seek the light of lordly Peace that ever beameth bright.

For though at the time this advice seemed plausible it was not long before the decision he recommended proved to be the source of the deepest disaster and disgrace. Peace indeed, with justice and honour is the fairest and most profitable of possessions, but when joined with baseness and disgraceful cowardice, nothing is more infamous and hurtful.

32. The oligarchs who were then in power in Messenia, aiming at their own immediate advantage, were always too warm advocates of peace. Con- sequently though they often found themselves in critical situations and were sometimes exposéd to grave peril, they always managed to slip through without friction. But the sum of the evils caused by this policy of theirs continued to accumulate, and at last their country was forced to struggle with the worst calamities. The cause of this I believe to be, that living as they did on the borders of two of the greatest nations in the Peloponnese or even in Greece, the Arcadians and Laconians, of whom

* Pindar probably meant civic peace and Polybius accuses him unjustly. 377

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

A ~ A bd ~ \ > / Se, 4Kat Tot pev exOpHs Kal axatadAAdKtTws adel morte \ A Mv a mpos avtovs exovtos €€ 08 Kal KaTéayov T1)V fe ~ ~ ~ xwpav, Tod de diltKds Kal KNndemoviK@s, ovTE THY \ , ” > A > , mpos Aakedauovious €xOpav edyevas aveAdpPavor 4 \ \ > / ti A LA N 5 ouTe THY mpos “ApKddas piAlav. Aourov oTav per © \ > / ” \ ¢€ 4, ~ ovTot mpos aAAjAous 7 mpos ETEepous TroAEULOdVTES > A Ss A €v TeploTTacpois joav, eyivero TO déov adrois: GS \ HyoVv yap THY ElpHvynV del Trapevdialdpevor Sia THY ~ / > 6 TO TOmOU TapaTTWwoW: G6Tav O° evayoAoL KaTeEpi- omaoto. Aakedaypoviot yevnfévres erpamnoay mpos \ , ? / > > \ > Chins > 770 BAdmrew adtovs, ovT attot 8 a’tTav apvt- ofbadnety edv¥varto mpos to Bapos to Aake- dayoviwy, ovTE mpoKatecKkevacpevor didous Tovs > ~ aA adAnfivSs adttots mdvtTa ovvuTrooTncopevouvs 7 Sovreve jvaykalovto TovTois axPofopodivres, 7 / gpevyovtes TV SovArciav avdorato: yivecBar, AeEt- TOVTeES THY YWpav peTa TEKVWY Kal yuvaLKaY, ¢ A A 8 orrep 75y TAcovdKis adTots cuveBy Tafeiv od Tavu ~ on \ ~ 9 zoAAois ypovors. ein pev odv olovel cuudodvar THY vov brdpyovoav Kataotacw IleAorovvycios, wa 10 ppndevos dén Tav AdyecPar peAAovTwv: eav Se fond ~ ¢ ~ TOTe Kivnow Kal peTAOTAGW OX} TAdTA, play Opa | , \ / > / A / Meconvios kai MeyadomoAXitras €Amida tod dvva- cba véweobar THY adTaV ywWpav Tov TAELw xpovor, €av oupdpovncavtes Kata THY “Ezapwwvdov yvad- Env mavtos Katpod Kal mpaypatos eAwyTa KoWw- vetv adAjAous adnfuwwds. e \ / < + A ” A \ A 33 ‘O dé Adyos obros exer ev tows Kal dia TH e 7 \ 2mdAa yeyovotwr miorw. ot yap Meaorvioe mpos 378

BOOK IV. 32. 4-33. 2

the latter had been their implacable enemies ever since their first occupation of the country, while the former were their friends and protectors, they were never thoroughly frank and whole-hearted either in their enmity to the Lacedaemonians or in their friendship to the Arcadians. Consequently when the attention of these two peoples was distracted by wars between themselves or against other states, the Messenians were not ill treated, for they enjoyed tranquillity and peace owing to their country lying outside the theatre of war. But whenever the Lacedaemonians, finding themselves again at leisure and undistracted, took to maltreating them, they could neither face the might of Sparta alone, nor had they secured for themselves friends who would be ready to stand by them in all circumstances, and consequently they were compelled either to be the slaves and carriers of the Lacedaemonians, or if they wished to avoid slavery, to break up their homes and abandon their country with their wives and children, a fate which has overtaken them more than once in a comparatively short period of time. Heaven grant that the present tranquillity of the Peloponnese may be firmly established, so that the advice I am about to give may not be required; but should there be a change and a recurrence of disturbances the only hope I see for the Messenians and Megalopolitans of being able to continue in possession of their countries, is for them, as Epaminondas advised, to be of one mind and resolve on whole-hearted co-operation in all circumstances and in all action.

83. This counsel may perhaps find some support from circumstances that took place many years previously. For besides many other things I might

VOL, II N 379

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

aAdots moAAots Kat Tapa Tov Tob Avos tod AvKaiou Bwpov avéBecav oryAnv év tots Kar’ *Apioropevny “A / A / , / Katpois, Kabamep Kat KadArobévns pynotv, ypayav- TES TO ypapua TOOTO* 3 avTws 6 xpovos edpe Siknv adikw Baorrje, « \ / A \ \ / evpe d¢ Mecorjvn odv Au tov mpoddtyv e , \ \ a A + ’) 35) 9. / pydiws. yxademov dé Aabety Beov avdp’ emtopkov. A A “~ A / > , xatpe, Zed Baowred, kat odw ’Apkadiav.

4 “Evel yap ths attra eorepyOnoay, Olovel trept Sevrépas matpisos, as y’ euol Soxel, tots eois EUXOpLEvoL cwlew tHv “ApKkadiav, totr’ avélecav

5 70 YPapipa.. Kal TOUTO ElKOTWS ETOLOUY’ Ov yap povov adrovs “Apkddes dmodeFdpevor KATA TV EKTTWOW THY EK THS dias dmo Tov “AptoTomeveov moAEpLov OpeaTiovs €TonoavTo Kai ToXitas, adda

A \ ls > / A b) e / / Kal tas Ovyatépas eyndicavto Tots ev HAtKia 51d0-

6 vat TOV Meconviwy, mpos d€ TovTas avalyntjoavTes tiv “Apiotoxpatovs tot Baoiéws mpodociay ev TH wax TH KaAoupevy trept Tadpov adtov 7’ avet-

7 Aov Kal TO yevos avTod av Hhavicav. ov pny adda Kal xwpls TOv mdAa Ta TeAcUTAta yeyovdTa peTa tov MeyddAns moAews Kat Meoorvns ovvoikiopov ixavnv av mapaoxo. tiotw Tots bP jucdv elpnue-

8 vols. Kal? ods yap Katpovs, THs mept Mavrtiveray

¢€ / > / > / \ paxns TOV EM ver Gppioynpitov exovons TV vikny dua tov “Erapwuvdov Odvatov, €xwdvov ~ ~ , Aakedatpoviot petéxew THv orrovddv Meconviovs, a \ , akpnv aopetepilopuevor tats €Amior TV Meconviar, ~ A \ 4 9 emt ToaobTo Su€aoTrevoav MeyadoroXtrar Kat mravres ~ ~ ~ , of KowwvotvtTes “Apkddwv Tis avTav ovppaxias 380

BOOK IV. 33. 2-9

mention, the Messenians set up in the time of Aristomenes, as Callisthenes tells us, a pillar beside the altar of Zeus Lycaeus bearing the inscription :

Time faileth ne’er to find the unjust and bring A righteous doom on an unrighteous king. Messene now, with ease, for Zeus did speed, Found out the traitor. Yea, ’tis hard indeed For the forsworn to hide him from God’s eye. All hail, O Zeus, the king; save Arcady.

It was, as a fact, after they had lost their own country that they dedicated this inscription praying the gods to save Arcadia as if it were a second fatherland to them. And in this they were quite justified ; for the Arcadians not only received them on their expulsion from Messenia in the Aristo- menean War, taking them to their homes and making them citizens, but passed a resolution to give their daughters in marriage to those Messenians who were of proper age. In addition to this, after holding an inquiry into the treachery of the king Aristocrates in the battle of the Trench, they put him and his whole family to death.* But, apart from these remote events, my assertion derives sufficient support from the circumstances that followed the recent foundation of the cities of Megalopolis and Messene. For at the time when, after the battle of Mantinea, the result of which was doubtful owing to the death of Epaminondas, the Spartans refused to allow the Messenians to participate in the truce, as they still hoped to re- annex Messenia, the Megalopolitans and all the Arcadians in alliance with them were so active in

a For details see the account of the second Messenian war in Pausanias iv. 14-24.

381

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

@ , A A , wore Meconviovs péev b7r0 TOV ovppaywv mpoo- ~ \ A ~ A Sey Ojvat Kal petacyetv THY Opkwv Kal diaddcewr, , Aakedatpoviovs 5é pdvouvs exatrovdous yevéobar aA ¢€ fe a / ? A A b] 4 > 10 Tav “EAAjvwv. a Tis obK av THY ETuywopevwv Ev A / > tL ~ ree \ ~ v@ TiWepevos vopicete KaADS eiphalar TA purKp@ , CT hed eA ~ , mpoTepov vd nud dednAwWpEva; A A > > , , > / A 11 Tatra per ody eipjoOw por ydpw ’Apkddwv Kat , {) ~ Meconviwy, va pyvnpovevovtes TOV ovpBeBynKoTwv a > A avTots mEpt Tas TaTpioas aTuynuaTwy bo AaKe- U b] ~ A \ Sayoviwy adnOwas avtéxwvrat THs mpos avTovs % / A , A 4 / ¢e / 12 evvolas Kal mioTews, Kal pATE doBov Bhopwpevor (fp) > / > ~ > ff unr eiphvys éemOvpodstes eykatadeimwow addAyj- b] A Aous ev Tats drAooxEpeot TrEptoTaceow. A 4 34 Aakcdaycmor 5€ TdV cifiopévwy Emoinoay Tt A A Ss A (rodro yap auvexés Hv Tots mpoeipyevors): téAos A \ AN ~ yap Tovs Tapa TOV OVLUdKwY TpéaPeEts avaToKpiTovs 3 ~ 3 , améotetAav. ovTws e€nmopnoav vm0 THs adoyias A a A A PAD Died, \ Q Kal Kaklas THs avTaY. Kal pou SoKet TodT aAnbes elvat, dudte mroAAdKis ToAWav mepiTTOV eis avotay A A \ za ” b) \ 3 \ A 3 Kal TO pndev KaTavTav elwHev. od pny adda eT Tatra, KataoTabévtwy éeddpwv ddAdAwv, ot KwHocav- b) fond ~ tes €€ apyfs Ta mpdypata Kal yevouevor THS ~ A mpoeipnuervns apayns aitior dvetreptrovTo 7pos 47ovs Aitwdovs, éemomwmpevor mpecofevTyv. Tov e > d€ Kal pdr’ dopéevws vraKkovodvTwy KE [LET cd Le / > \ , A dXiyov mpeoBevwv eis THY Aakedaipova Mayaras. 5 kal mapavtixa mpooyjer Tots eddpois . . . olope- A ~ ~ cin | vou detv TH te Mayartad didocbar tiv edodov emt \ /, \ / / A A Tovs moAAovs, Kat Baoiréas Kabiotavar Kata Ta 382

BOOK IV. 33. 9-34. 6

their efforts, that the Messenians were received by the allies and included in the general treaty of peace, while the Lacedaemonians alone among the Greeks were excluded from it. Anyone in the future who takes this into consideration will agree that the opinion I advanced a little above is correct. I have spoken at such length on the subject for the sake of the Arcadians and Messenians, in order that, bearing in mind the misfortunes that have befallen their countries at the hands of the Lacedae- monians, they may adhere in the spirit as well as in the letter to their alliance and neither from fear of consequences or from a desire for peace desert each other in critical times.

34. To continue my account of the reception of the envoys, the Lacedaemonians acted in the manner usual with them, dismissing the envoys without making any reply at all; so utterly in- capable were they of arriving at a decision owing to the absurdity and viciousness of their late policy. Indeed it seems to me very true the saying that excessive daring ends in mere senselessness and nothingness. Subsequently, however, on the appoint- ment of new ephors, the original movers of the sedition and authors of the massacre I described above sent messengers to the Aetolians inviting them to negotiate. The Aetolians were quite happy to agree to this, and shortly afterwards Machatas arrived in Sparta as their envoy and at once presented himself before the ephors [accom- panied by members of the party which had invited him who] demanded that they should grant Machatas access to the general assembly and appoint kings in accordance with the ancient constitution, for

383

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

mdtpia, Kal 1) Teplopav Tov mAeiw xpovovy Tapa Tos vopous KkataAeAvpevny tiv tTav “Hpakredav 6 apyny. ol oo epopor Sucapeotoupievor peev Tots GAots Tpdypacw, ov duvdjevor dé pos THY OppLnV avrodbaduety adda dSedudTes THY TOV VéewY avoTpO- gyv, epi wev TOV Bacitéwv epacay peta Tabra ovAevcecbar, TH SE Mayatd ovvexwprnoav dwcew

a THY exKAnaiav. ovvaylevtos dé TOD mAnDous map- eMdwy 6 Mayatds mapexdAer dia mAcvovwv adtovs atpeta0ar tiv mpos AitwAods cuppaxlav, eikh pev Kat Opacéws Katnyopav Makeddvwy, addyws dé gKkat pevdds eycopudlov tovs AitwaAous. peta ordvTos d€ TovToU mons dpuproBytjcews eTUy- xXave TO mpaypa: TWeS jLEv yap ovvnyopouv tots irwAots Kal ovvTiBeobau mpos avTovs TapHVvoUV 9T7V ovppaylav, Evior d€ TovTOLs avTéAeyov. ov nv adda t&v mpecButépwv twes émiotioavTes TO TAHBos emi te Tas “Avtiydvov kat Maxkeddvwv evepyeaias emi Te Tas dia Xapi€evov cai Tyraiov BAdBas, ote orparevoavtes Aitwdoi mravdnpet KatTepeipay prev atta@v THY xwpav, e€nvdparo- dicavto dé Tas mepioikous, emeBovAevoav Sé€ TH Ladptn peta dodAov Kat Blas rods duyddas e- 10 ayayovres, én adAns éyévovTo YVOUNS; Kal Tédos emreloOnoav Tnpetv Tn Tos Didurrov Kat Make- 11 Sovas ouppaxiay. yevopeveny dé TOUT IOV 6 pev Maxaras a dmpaxros ETrAVEL maw els TH oiKelay, 35 of 8° e& apyis altior yeyovotes THs KWHcEws, ovdauas ci€ar Suvapevor Tois mapobow, avTis €mreBadovro mpayya Tovety mavTov dacBéoratov, 2 d0cipavrés twas TOV véwv. Kata ydp Twa Ovotay

384

BOOK IV. 34. 5-35. 2

they must no longer permit the royal house of the Heraclidae to be dethroned in defiance of law. The ephors, who were displeased by the whole proceeding, but were incapable of boldly con- fronting the party of violence as they were intimi- dated by the mob of young men, said that they would take time to decide about re-establishing the kings, but agreed to allow Machatas to address a meeting of the eommons. On the people assem- bling, Machatas came forward and in a speech of some length exhorted them to declare for alliance with the Aetolians, bringing random and audacious accusations against the Macedonians and praising the Aetolians in terms as absurd as they were false. On his withdrawal an animated discussion took place, some speaking on behalf of the Aetolians and advising the conclusion of an alliance with them, while other speakers took the opposite view. How- ever when some of the elder citizens reminded the people of the benefits conferred on them by Anti- gonus and the Macedonians and of the injuries they had received at the hands of Charixenus and Timaeus —when the Aetolians invading Laconia in full force devastated the country, enslaved the villages of the Perioeci and formed a plot to capture Sparta, combining fraud and force to reinstate the exiles— the people were brought round to another opinion, and finally persuaded to maintain their alliance with Philip and the Macedonians. Hereupon Machatas returned home without effecting his purpose; (35) but the original authors of the sedition had no mind to give way and again resolved to commit a most impiouscrime, having debauched for this purposesome of the younger men. Ata certain sacrifice of ancient

385

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

matpiov ede Tovs pev ev tats HAtKiats weTa TOV OTAwy moptevew emi tov THs “AOnvas THs XadAnw- oixov vewv, Tos 5 eddpovs ovvTedciv Ta rept 3 THY Ovoiav, adTod epi TO TéEvos SiatpiBovras. ev TOUTW TH KaLP@ THV TopTrevdovTwY ev Tots GmAoLS TwWes TOV veavioxwy advw mpoomecdvtes Aovar Tots epdpots anéapagav avToUs. KalToL mea Tots karaguyovat THV aopdhevav Tmapeokevale 70 4 tepov, Kav Bavadrou TUS a KATOKEKPULEVOS” TOTE 6é€ dia Thy wudrnTa THY ToALwYTwY Eis TOOT’ HAVe Katadhpovycews Wore trepi Tov Bwyov Kat THV tpamelav ths Be0od Katachayhvar tos éddpous 5 amavras. é&is 5é TovTov tTakdAovlov 7H mpobécet qovovvTes aveiAov pev todvs tept Tupiday tadv yepovTwy, epuyddevoav dé Tovs avTeiTovTas Tots Aitwdois, eiAovto 8° &€& adradv éeddpous, avvébevto 6 dé mpos tovs Aitwrods THY ovppayiav. ézolovy dé tadra, Kal THY Te mpos “Ayatods aréyferav Kal tv mpos Makeddvas axyaptotiay Kat Kaborou tiv mpos mdvras adoyiav trépevov, ody HKLioTa dia KnXeouevn Kat tHv mpos éxetvov evvovav, émeXmi- ovTes Gel KaL mpocdoKiay EexovTes THS ekElVvoOU 7 Tapovolas Gua Kal owrnplas. oUTwWs ot duvdpevor Tov avOpwrwrv éemodcEiws optrety Tots ovptrept- depopevors ov jrovoy mapdvTes aAAa Kal paKpav adeot@tes eyKatareimovoi twa Kal Xiav ioxyvpa 8 TIS mpos avTovs evvolas aid’ypaTa. ot ye, xwpis Tav dAAwy, Kal ToTE, ToALTEVOMEVOL KATA TA maTpia oxedov On TpEls EviavTOUS peTa TV KrXeopévous exmtwow, od’ emevonaav ovdémote 9 Baowre’s Katactioa. Ths Umdptys: apa bé TH thy dnunv adikéabar mept THs KAcopéevous TeAcuTAs 386

BOOK IV. 35. 2-9

institution the citizens of military age had to form a procession in arms and march to the temple of Athene of the Brazen House, while the ephors remained in the sanctuary to perform the sacrificial rites. Certain of the young men who took part in the procession chose the moment when the ephors were sacrificing for suddenly attacking and slaying them. It must be remembered that the holy place secured the safety of anyone who took sanctuary in it, even if he were condemned to death; and yet its sanctity was held in such slight esteem by those who had the heart to do this savage deed, that all the ephors were butchered at the very altar and table of the goddess. Continuing to pursue their purpose, they next killed Gyridas, one of the elders, expelled those who had spoken against the Aetolians, chose new ephors from their own faction and concluded the alliance with the Aetolians. Their chief motive for all these proceedings and for exhibiting enmity to the Achaeans, ingratitude to Macedonia, and a general lack of consideration in their conduct to all mankind, was their attachment to Cleomenes, to whose safe return they were always looking forward with confidence. So true is it that men who have the faculty of tactfully treating those about them do not only arouse devotion to their persons when present, but even when far away keep the spark of loyalty bright and alive in the hearts of their adherents. These men, apart from other considerations, had now during the three years they had passed under their old constitution since the dethronement of Cleomenes never thought of appointing new kings of Sparta; but the moment the report of his death reached them they at once

387

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

evlews wpunoav emt To Baoirets Kaftoravat Ta TE 10 7AnOn Kat To THY eddpwv apxetov. Kal KaTé- oTynGAaV of KoWWwvobvTEes Efopor THS aipé€cews Tots oTAGUITALs, ot Kal Ty mpos Aitwhovs ovvbepLevor ouppLaxiay, Ure p av TOV adptt Adyov émrovnoapny, TOV peev eva. voLipis Kal KabnxovTws, ’Aynoimodw, ovTa pev Talda THY HALKiav, viov dé “AynouToALdos 11 Tob ~KAcopBporov: tov dé ouveBaive BeBactdev- Kévat, Kal” os Katpods e€érece Aewvidns ex THs apxis, dua TO KaTa yévos Umdpxew Eeyy.oTa Tis 12 olkias TavTns. €miTpoTrov oe Too matoos €tAovTo KrXcopevn, KAcopBporov pev viov “AynouroAwos 13 dé adeAdov. amo be THS érépas. oikias OVvTwY eK ths ‘Immopédovtos Ovyarpos “Apxidduw dveiv maiowv, Os Wy vios Evdapidou, C@vros dé Kat “Immopédovtos aK EHV, Os Hv vlos ‘Aynathdov TOU Evdapidou, Kal eTEepwv dé TAcvoveny a7r0 Ths olklas UTapYOVvTW, ATWTEPW LEV THV TPOELPN|LEVEDY mpoonkovTwy d€ KaTa yevos, TOUTOUS eV aTraVTaS 14 dmepetoov, AvKotpyov 5é Baoitéa Karéorycar, ov TV mTpoyovwy ovdels eTETEVYEL THS TpooN- yopias: os Sods ExdoTw TOV epopav Ttddavrov “HpaxaAgous dmdyovos Kal Baotreds eveyover THS 15 Undprys. ovTws EVWVa TAVTAX | TO Kaha yéeyovev. Tovyapobv od maides Traidwr, add’ adrot mp@tot Ths avoias amétioav Tovs puaOovs of KaTaGTHOAVTES. 36 ‘O dé Mayatds mufdpevos Ta yeyovdta epi TOUS Aakedayovious Ke maAw dtrootpeas eis THV Lmaprnv, Kal mapexdder Tos éddpovs Kal Tovs Bacireas efeveyKetv TOUS “Axatois Tov moAEepov: 2 povens yap av ovTws eon Agar THY tov Nakedat- poviwy didroverkiay THY €kK TaVvTOS TpdTOU dLa- 388

BOOK IV. 35. 9-36. 2

urged the people and the ephors to create kings. The ephors belonging to the faction of disorder whom I mentioned above, the same who had con- cluded the alliance with the Aetolians, hereupon made a choice which was legal and proper in the case of the one king, Agesipolis, still a minor, but the son of Agesipolis son of Cleombrotus who had suc- ceeded to the throne on the deposition of Leonidas as being the next in blood of that house. They appointed to be the boy’s guardian Cleomenes, the son of Cleombrotus and brother of Agesipolis. But as for the other house, notwithstanding that Archi- damus, the son of Eudamidas, had left two sons born to him by the daughter of Hippomedon and that Hippomedon, who was the son of Agesilaus and grandson of Eudamidas, was still alive, there being also other members of the house more distant than these, but of the blood royal, they passed over all these and nominated as king Lycurgus, none of whose ancestors had borne this title, but he by giving each of the ephors a talent became a descendant of Heracles and king of Sparta, so cheap everywhere had distinctions become. But it happened in consequence that not their children’s children, but the very men who made the appoint- ment were the first to suffer for their folly.

36. When Machatas heard what had happened in Sparta, he returned there and urged the ephors and kings to make war on the Achaeans, for that he said was the only means of putting a stop to the factious policy of those Lacedaemonians who wished by any and every means to break the alliance with

389

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

bd KomTovTwy Tv mpos AitwAods cvppayiav, THv TE trav ev Airwita Ta TapatAjova TOUTOLS TPATTOVTWY. / \ ~ > / \ ~ / e \ 3 recabevtwr Sé TOV eddpwv Kat TOV BactAdwv o wev Maxarés evrav7jAGe ouvreteAeopevos Ty mpoleow 4 1a THY ayvotav Tov OULTpPATTOVT@, 6 de Avkotp- yos avaAaBav tovs oTparusras Kai Twas TOV ToATiK@Y eveBadev eis TIP “Apyetay, aduddkrws diakeyevwy eis tédos tTav “Apyeiwy dia TH 5 mpotmdpyovoay Kataotaow. Kat IloAixyvav pev Kat IIpacias kat AevKas kat Kidavta mpoomecwr Ld , / \ \ / advw Kxatécyev, TAvuméor S€ Kat Zapaxi mpoc- 6 meowY dméTece. toutrov dé tTadra mpafavros emenT/pug ay to Addupov ot Aaxedaysovioe Kata tav “Ayaidv. €émevcav dé Kat Tovs "Hietous of mept tov Mayarav, mapamAnoa A€yovtes amrep Kat mpos Tovs Aaxedaiovious, eEeveyKetv tots “Ayatois Tov 7OoAEpLOV. 7 IlapaddEws S€ Kai Kata vodv tots AitwAots TOY TpaypaTwv TpoKEexwpPHKOTWY OTOL fev EU- ~ pee! 4 > \ / e = aes \ Bapods éevéBawov eis tov mdoAepov, ot 8 *Ayatot b] ; U \ / 273 \ > / 8 tavavtia: Didimmos pev yap, ed’ d tas €Aridas elyov, axunv eylveTo Tepit mapackeuny, Hreipa@rac > A if = 5° éueAAov modepetv, Mecorjvior 8° Aovyxiav etyor, > \ / / A > , \ 9 AirwAot $8€, mpoceiAnddtres tv “HaAeiwy Kat Aaxkedatpoviwy ayvorav, mavtaydbev Treptetyov av- 37 Tovs TO ToAeuw. "Apdtw pev oby ouveBauve KaTa TOV Katpov TobTov 75 Arjyew TH PX, “Apatov d€ Tov viov avrod kabeorapevov bo TOV Xaav 2 mapadapBdvew TV oTpaTnyiay. Airwidv & €- oTpaTnyet ikdmas, 6 6é xpovos avT@ Tis dpx7is pdaAvora TOTE Tws Sujpyto: Tas yap apxaipecias AitwAoi peéev ézoiovy peta THY POwoTwpu7y 390

BOOK IV. 36. 2-37. 2

the Aetolians and of those in Aetolia who were working for the same end. Upon the ephors and kings consenting, Machatas returned, having accom- plished his purpose owing to the blindness of those who supported him. Lycurgus now, taking the regular army and some others of the citizens, invaded Argolis, the Argives being quite off their guard owing to the prevailing tranquillity. By a sudden assault he seized Polichna, Prasiae, Leucae, and Cyphanta, but was repulsed in his attack on Glympes and Zarax. After these achievements of the king the Lacedaemonians proclaimed the right of reprisal against the Achaeans. Machatas also persuaded the Eleans by the same arguments that he had used at Sparta to make war on the Achaeans.

Owing to their cause having thus prospered beyond their expectations the Aetolians entered on the war with confidence. But it was quite the opposite with the Achaeans; for Philip, in whom they chiefly trusted, had not completed his prepara- tions, the Epirots were putting off the commence- ment of hostilities, the Messenians were entirely inactive, and the Aetolians, supported by the mis- taken policy of Elis and Sparta, had enclosed them in a circle of war. 37. Aratus’ term of office was now expiring, and his son Aratus who had been elected in his place was on the point of succeeding him as strategus. Scopas was still the Aetolian strategus, his term of office being now about half through; for the Aetolians hold their elections after the autumn equinox, but the Achaeans in

391

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

> , 30 , ra A PS) A 4 A A Lond tonweptay evléws, “Axatot de tote TEpt THY THS / > / ” \ ~ / > 3 I]Aevddos erruroAqy. 76n de THs Oepetas evioTa.- pevns, Kal peterAndoros ‘Apdrou Too VEWTEPOV THY oTpaTnylay, cp mdyra Ta mpdypara Tas 4 emBodas éAapBave Kal Tas apyds. “AvviBas plev yap éveyelipe KaTa Tovs KaLtpovs TovUTovs Zad- KkavOav moAopketv, ‘Pwyator d€ Aevxrov Aipiduov > \ > / \ / ’ , > A eis THY “TAAupiba peta Suvdpews eEaréateAAov emi Anpjtpiov tov Dapiov: brép av ev TH mpoTepa 5 BuBAw SednAwdKapev. *Avtioyos dé, IroAcuaiba kat Tvpov TapadovTos avT@ Mecoddtov, Tots Kata KotAny Luptav eyxetpetv émeBd Mero" II roAcuatos d€ mepl mapacKeuny eyiveTo Too Tos °Avrioxov 6 7oAcuov. AvKotpyos 5° amo tav opoiwy Bovdd- wy ld A A ~ prevos apxeobar KAcouever, ro TOV MeyadoroXAurav *A@ / > r / 5 / 2A nvatov emoAdpKet mpooeoTpatoTedevKws. “A= \ A / ¢€ A A \ ”

xaot de pucPoddpous tmrets Kat melovs nOporlov 7 els TOV meptcoTMTa TOAcuov: Didimmos 8° éx Maxe- Sovias éxiver pera Tis duvauews, exwv Maxedovwv garayyiras peev puptous meATaaTas be TEVTAKLOXL=

Aious, apa de TovToUS immets oKxTaxoatovs. 8 Tatra pev ody dravr’ hv év TovavTas émBodrais Kal TapaoKevais: Kata d€ TOs adTovs KaLpovs e€- , ¢ / / / / 4, yveyKav ‘Pdd.or Bulavrious mdXepov did Twas ToLav- 8 tas airias. Bulavtio. xara pév OadAarrav edKat- potratov oikovat TémOV Kal pos aoddAeray Kal pos evdayroviay mdvTn TOV EV TH Kal? nas olkoupevn, Kara, dé viv ™pos dpupOTe pa, TmavTwy apvéorarov. 2 KaTa ev yap OdAdarrav ouvTMs emiKEWTAL TO OTOpare 706 IIdvrov Kupiws dete pir’ eiondedoat pyr extrAcdoar Suvatov ecivar . . TOV eTdpwv xwpis 3THs exeivwy BovdAjcews. Exovtos Sé Tod IIdvrTov

392

BOOK IV. 37. 2-38. 3

early summer at about the time of the rising of the Pleiads. The date at which the younger Aratus 219 z.c. assumed office, summer being then well advanced, marked the commencement of activity in all quarters. As J narrated in the previous Book, Hannibal at this date was opening the siege of Saguntum and the Romans were dispatching Lucius Aemilius to Illyria against Demetrius of Pharos. Simultaneously Antiochus, Ptolemais and Tyre having been surren- dered to him by Theodotus, was about to invade Coele- Syria, Ptolemy was preparing for the war against Antiochus, Lycurgus, wishing to rival Cleomenes at the outset of his campaign, had encamped before the Athenaeum in the territory of Megalopolis and was in- vesting it, the Achaeans were collecting mercenaries both horse and foot for the war which threatened them, and finally Philip was moving out of Macedonia with his forces consisting of ten thousand heavy- armed infantry, five thousand peltasts, and eight hundred horse, all the above being Macedonians. Such were the projects and preparations on all sides, and at the same time the Rhodians went to war with the Byzantines for the following reasons. 38. The site of Byzantium is as regards the sea more favourable to security and prosperity than that of any other city in the world known to us, but as regards the land it is most disadvantageous in both respects. For, as concerning the sea, it completely blocks the mouth of the Pontus in such a manner that no one can sail in or out without the consent of the Byzantines. So that they have complete

393

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

moAAa TeV mpos tov Biov eUXpHOTE tots ado dvOpusrots Trav TOOV Eloi TOUTW KUpLOL Bulavrior. 4 7pos ev yap Tas dvayKaias rob Biov Xpetas Td, TE péppara, Kal TO Tov ets Tas dovreias _dyopevoy cwudtwy mARGos of Kata TOV IIdvrov Tety TOTOL mapacKevalovat SaybA€orarov Kal ypnouwwTatov oporoyoupevus, T™pos- dé Tmepiovatay peAu Knpov 5 Tdpixos adboves jpiy _Xopnyodow. d€xovrat ye pay TOV ev Tots map jpiy TOToUS TE PLT TEVOVTWY éAavov Kal may olwvov yévos. oirw 5° dueiBovrar, more peev evKalpws ddvres more Sé AapBavortes. 6 Mayra 57) TOUT WY 7 KwArvecbar dSéov Hv drAoaxXEpas Tous "EAAnvas 77 7 TeAéws ddvouredh yiveobar odict Thv addAaynv avrav, Bulavriwy TOU BovAopevey eGedoxaxeiv Kal ouvdudlew MOTE bev Daddrais Tore dé metova. Opagiv, 7 TO Tapdrrav Ly) KaTOou- 7 KOvVTEV Tovs TOmous d Te yap TV OTEVvOTNTO, Tov mépov Kal TO Trapaxetpwevov mAHG0s tv Bap- Bape dmdous a dv 7p iv Hv oporoyoupevws 6 0 Ilovros. 8 péytoTa pev obv tows avTots exeivous TmepuywveTa voiteAn mpos TOUS Bious Oud Tas TOV Tomy 9 loudrnTas: amrav yap TO pev _ Teputredov Trap” avrois eSaywyijs, To dé Acizrov eloaywyns €Toipou Tuyxdvet Kat Avowtedods dvev mans kaxomrabetas 10 Kai Kivdvvou: mroAAd ye pay Kal Tots aAAous €v- xpnora. bu’ exeivous, ws etpyKajter, dmavr.. 810 Kal Kowol TWeEs ws evepyerau TaVvT wv Umdpxovtes elkoTWs av ov povov Xdpiros aAAa Kal emuKouptas KOWwnS Tuyxavoey v770 Tov ‘“EAAjvwv Kata Tas v70 TAV BapBdpww TepioTacels. 11 *Ezret 0€ rapa Tots mAcioTous dyvoetabat ovveBauve

394

BOOK IV. 38. 3-11

control over the supply of all those many products furnished by the Pontus which men in general require in their daily life. For as regards neces- sities it is an undisputed fact that the most plentiful supplies and best qualities of cattle and slaves reach us from the countries lying round the Pontus, while among luxuries the same countries furnish us with abundance of honey, wax, and preserved fish, while of the superfluous produce of our countries they take olive-oil and every kind of wine. As for corn there is a give-and-take, they sometimes supply- ing us when we require it and sometimes importing it from us. The Greeks, then, would entirely lose all this commerce or it would be quite unprofitable to them, if the Byzantines were disposed to be deliberately unfriendly to them, and had made common cause formerly with the Gauls and more especially at present with the Thracians, or if they had abandoned the place altogether. For, owing to the narrowness of the strait and the numbers of the barbarians on its banks, it would evidently be impossible for our ships to sail into the Pontus. Though perhaps the Byzantines themselves are the people who derive most financial benefit-from the situation of their town, since they can readily export all their superfluous produce and import whatever they require on advantageous terms and without any danger or hardship, yet, as I said, they are of great service to other peoples. Therefore, as being the common benefactors of all, they naturally not only should meet with gratitude from the Greeks, but with general support when they are exposed to peril from the barbarians.

Now since the majority of people are unacquainted

395

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

THv (OLoTynTA Kal THY EVpuULaV TOD TOTFOU OLA TO [LLKPOV e€w Ketodar THY eTLGKOTIOUJLEVWY [LEp@V THs OlKOU= 12 pevns, BovAdpeba S€ mdvres eidévat Ta ToLadra, Kal pdAvoTa jev avronrar yiveoBar TOV eXOvTEOY mapnAdayLevov TL Kal Svapepov TOT, et de pI) TOUTO duvarov, evvolas ye Kal TUTOUS exew ev 13 avrots Ws eyyloTa Tis dAdnBeias, p prytéov av ein Tt TO oupBaivov €OTL Kat Tl TO TOLODY TH TyALKavTHY KQL TOLAaUTHY EVTOpLaY THS TpoEpnwEevyns TOAEWS. 39 ‘O 81) Kadovpevos Iovros exer TH pev Trepipe- Tpov eyytoTa THY Siopupiwv Kal dioxiAiwy oTadiwy, oTopara be Oitt0 Kata Sidpetpov aAAjAots Keipweva, To prev ek THS Upomovtidos To bé €x THs Maudtid0s Aipvns, ATs adr Kal? avriy oxraKtoxiAtov exet 2 aTadiwv TV TEpLypapyy. els O€ TA Tpoelpn weve. Kowdipara ToMAay pev Kal peydAwy TOTAPLOV eK THs “Aaias eéxBadddvrwy, ete dé pelovwy Kat mAcvwovwv ex THS Edpaans, ovpBalver tHv pev Madr avardAnpoupevyy bro TovTwy pet els TOV IIdvrov 61a tot ordparos, tov dé Ilovrov els tH 3 ITporrovrida. KaXeirar de TO pev Tis Maveze60s oTopa Kuppepucos Boozopos, 6 TO pev TrAdTOS EXEL mept TpudKovra orddua TO O€ pAos efyKovTa, 47dv 8° éotw ddttevés: To 5€é tod Ilovrov mapa. mAnotws ovopalera prev Boozopos Opakcos, EoTe d€ TO pev HijKos eg eKaTOV Kal ELKOGL OTAOLA, TO 5 d€ mAdtos od mavTn TavTov. dpyeu Sé Tob oTd- patos amo pev ths I pomovtides to Kata Kad- xndova didoTrnpa Kal Bulavriov, 6 dexareTTdpwv 6 €oTl aoTadiwy, da0 d€ TOU ITovrou TO KaNovpevov ‘Iepov, ef” ob tém0v dact Kata tiv éex Kodywv avakop.onv "Idcova Oicat mpa@tov trois Swdexa

396

BOOK IV. 38. 11-39. 6

with the peculiar advantages of this site, as it lies somewhat outside those parts of the world which are generally visited, and as we all wish to have information about such matters, if possible visiting personally places so peculiar and interesting, but if this be out of our power, acquiring impressions and ideas of them as near the truth as possible, I had better state the facts of the case and explain what is the cause of the singular prosperity of this city.

39. The sea known as the Pontus is very nearly twenty-two thousand stades in circumference and has two mouths exactly opposite each other, one communicating with the Propontis and the other with the Palus Maeotis, which itself has a circum- ference of eight thousand stades. As many large rivers from Asia and still more numerous and larger ones from Europe fall into these two basins, the Maeotis being thus replenished flows into the Pontus and the Pontus into the Propontis. The mouth of the Palus Maeotis is called the Cimmerian Bosporus ; it is thirty stades in width and sixty in length and is all of no great depth. The mouth of the Pontus is similarly called the Thracian Bosporus and is a hundred and twenty stades long and not of the same width throughout. From the side of the Propontis its beginning is the passage between Calchedon and Byzantium which is fourteen stades in width. On the side of the Pontus it begins at the so-called Holy Place, where they say that Jason on his voyage back from Colchis first sacrificed to the twelve gods.

397

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Oeots: 6 Keira prev ent THS ’Acias, ATTEXEL de TS Etvpwrns emt dudexa otadia pos TO KaTavTUKpD 7 Kelwevov Lapametov THs Opakns. tod dé petv e€w Kata TO ovveyés THY TE Mat@tw Kal Tov Ilovrov eloiv airia dural, pia pev adrodev Kat mao mpopavys, Kal” xv, moAAdy elomemTovTey pevpLatwv ets Teprypapny ayyetoov CpLopevwv, 8 mActov ael Kal mActov yweras TO dypov, O pndeuias poev Umapxovons exptoews d€ov av Hv mpocava- Batvov aet pueilon Kal mAciw Tod Kothwatos Te pt- apBavew Tdomov, UTapxovady 8° éexpvcewv avayKy TO TpOGywWopLevov Kal TAcovalov Ureprintov amop- petv Kat dépecdar avvey@s Sia THY UrapxdovTwY 9 aTopdTtwr: dSevtépa dé, Kal’ AV, TOAD? Kal TravTO- damov yobv elodepovtwy els TA Tpoeipnpeva KoL- A®pata Tv ToTapav Kata Tas TOV ouBpwv émTaoes, exmuelouevov TO vypov Um0 THV auv- LoTapevwy eyywudtwr ae mpocavaPaiver Kal dé- peTau KAT TOV avrov Adyov dua TOV dTrapxovoay 10 €xptcewv. THs 8 eyX@oews Kal Tijs emippvacws advatravoTou Kal ouvexods yuwopevns €k TOV ToTaL@v, Kal THY amdoppvow adiaTavoTOY Kal ouvexn yivecBar dia TOV oTopdatwr avayKaiov.

ll Ad peév odv adnfets aitiae rob peiv ew Tov IIdvrov aid’ eiciv, odk e& eumopikadv éxovoar dunynpudtwy tiv miotw, add éx THs Kata dvow

40 Jewpias, 7s axpiPeotépav etpetv od padsov< eet 5° émt Tov Tomov éréoTHpev, ovdev adeTéov apyov ovd’ ev atTH TH Pdoer Kelpevov, OmEp Ot TrAEtoTOL gouty eiwlact TeV ovyypapewy, dmrodeuKTuch dé waddov 7H Sinynoer xpnotéov, iva pander a a7ropov amodcimwnev THY Cytovpévwy tois diAnkdors. 398

BOOK IV. 39. 6-40. 1

This lies in Asia and is about twelve stades distant from the opposite point in Thrace the temple of Sarapis. ‘There are two causes of the constant flow from the Palus Maeotis and the Pontus, one, at once evident to all, being that where many streams fall into basins of limited circumference the water constantly increases and, if there were no outlets, would continue to mount higher and occupy a larger area of the basin. In the case, however, of there being outlets the surplus water runs off by these channels. The second cause is that as the rivers carry down into these basins after heavy rains quantities of all kinds of alluvial matter, the water in the seas is forcibly displaced by the banks thus formed and con- tinues to mount and flow out in like manner through the existing outlets. As the influx and deposit of alluvium by the rivers is constant, the outflow through the mouths must likewise be constant.

The true reasons then of the current flowing from the Pontus are these, depending as they do not on the reports of traders but on reasoning from the facts of nature, a more accurate method than which it is not easy to find. 40. But since our attention is now fixed on this subject, I must leave no point unelaborated and barely stated, as is the habit of most writers, but must rather give a description of the facts supported by proofs, so that no doubts may be left in the reader’s mind. For this is the

399

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

2 TobTO yap ididv eoTt THY viv Kalp@v, ev ols mavTwY thutav Kal TmopevT@y YEyovoTiny ovK av ETL TpeTrOV ein Tmoutats Kal pvdoypagots xpjobar

3 pdprvov Tept TOV dyvooupevwv, OTEp Ol 7p0 HOV TTETOLnKAGL TrEpL Trav mAeloTwr, dmiorous dpproByToupevev TApEXO[LEVOL BeBarwras KaTa TOV “HpdxAecrov, TmewpaTeov de du adrijs THS ioTopias (kavnv TapLoTavat TioTW Tots AkovVovowW.

4 Wapev 57 xwvvvoba prev Kal mdAau Kal viv Tov Ilovrov, xpovw ye pay odooxepas eyxwobnacobau THY te Madre Kal TovTov, pevovons ye o7) Tijs avrAs Trafews mepl Tous TOTOUS, Kal Trav atric THs eyxwoews evepyouvTav Karo, TO ovvexes.

56 oray yap O pev Xpovos ATELPOS 7}, 7a de Kodpara TAVTN TAVTWS WpLopEeva, O7jAov ws, Kav TO TUXOV

6 elopepyrat, TAnpwbjcovrar TO Xpovw. KaTa pu- ow yap TO qTeTTEpAg[LEVoV € év dmretpy xXpovew ovvex@s ywopevov 7 Pleipdpevov, Kav Kat eAdxLOTOV yivn- Tau (trotTo yap voeiobw viv), avaykn TeAcwOjvar

TKata THY mpdleow. stay de ur TO TUxXOV adda Kal Alay mods Tis elodepytat yous, davepov ws ov MOTE TAXEWS dé oupBycerae yeveobar TO viv dy

8 Acyopevov op Hav. O 67 Kal haivetat ywomevov. TH puev ovv Maarw mon Kex@o0au oupBaiver: TO yap To. ‘wAetoTov avThs pepos ev emTa Kal méevTe opyutats éorw, d10 Kal mctv avTyy ovKETL Sivavrae vavol peyarais xwpis KabyyeLovos..

gotvoad 7 ef apyns OdAaTra avppous TO Ilovrw, Kabamep ot maXaot cvpdwvotcar, viv €are Alp yAuKeta, THs pev Oaddtryns exmeTLEopevns vb70 Tov eyywpatwv, THs 5é THY moTayav etoBoAjs

400

BOOK IV. 40. 2-9

characteristic of the present age, in which, all parts of the world being accessible by land or sea, it is no longer proper to cite the testimony of poets and mythographers regarding matters of which we are ignorant, “ offering,” as Heraclitus says, “ untrust- worthy sureties for disputed facts,” but we should aim at laying before our readers a narrative resting on its own credit.

I say then that the silting up of the Pontus has gone on from time immemorial and still continues, and that in course of time both this sea and the Palus Maeotis will be entirely filled, if the existing local conditions remain the same and the causes of the alluvial deposit continue to act. For time being infinite, and the area of these basins being certainly limited, it is evident that even if the accretions were quite insignificant, the seas will be filled up in time; for by the law of nature if a finite quantity continually grows or decreases in infinite time, even if the in- crease or decrease be infinitesimal—for this is what I now assume—it stands to reason that the process must finally be completed. But when, as in this case, the increase is no small one, but a very large quantity of soil is being deposited, it is evident that what I state will not happen at some remote date, but very shortly. And it is indeed visibly happening. As for the Palus Maeotis it is already silted up, the greater part of it varying in depth between five and seven fathoms, so that large ships can no longer navigate it without a pilot. And while it was once, as all ancient authorities agree, a sea continuous with the Pontus, it is now a fresh-water lake, the salt water having being forced out by the deposits and the inflow from the rivers prevailing.

401

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

10 émuxpatovons. €éoTat dé Kati arept tov IIdvrov mapamAno.ov, Kat yiverat viv: add’ od XAlav Tots moAdois é€ott Katadpavés dia TO péeyelos Tob KolAwpatos. Tots pevto. ye Bpaxéa ovvemioty-

41 caot Kal viv é€ote Sprov TO ywopevov. Tod yap “lorpov mAeloot oTdépacw amo THs Edvpaans els TOV ITovrov elaoBaAdovtos, oupBaiver mpos TobTov oxedov emi xidva orddia cuveotavat Tawwiav Huéepas Spopov améexouvcav THS yhs [jTis vdv ovveornKer |

2é€k THs Tots oTduacw elahepopevns idvos: éd’ hv ert mreAdytor TpexovTes ot TA€ovTes Tov IldvTov AavOdvovow émoKédXovtes vuKTOS ETL TOUS TOTOUS.

3 xadoto. 8 adrods ot vavtTiKol Ltn. Tob dé py) Tap avtyy ovviotacbar THY yhv add’ emi TO Todd mpowletcbar tov xotv ravTnv vopoTéov

4 elvar THY airtay. ed’ Goov pev yap at puoets Tov ToTapa@v dia THY Biav tHs popas emuxparovat Kal SunBobvrar THV Gadarrav, emt TooobT0 Kal Ty yiv Kal mavTa Ta hepdpeva Tots pevuaow avayKy mpowbletcB@ar Kal 7) AapBavew povnyv unde otraow

5amAd@s: otav S€ dia TO Bablos dn Kat 7AHOos THs Oadarrns éxAvnrat Ta pevpata, TOT’ EiKOs ON KATA dvow depopevoy KaTw povny Kal oTdow Aap

6 Bavew Tov xobv. be a 7) TOV [ev AdBpwy Kal peydAwy TOT OpLeV TQ pev Xeparo. pLaKpay ovvioTa- Tat Ta O€ Tapa THV XEpoov €oTlv ayyiBaby, TOV oe edar Tovey Kal mpdws peovTwy tap avTas Tas

7 eloBodas ot Dives avviotavtar. pdAvora 8’ Exdndov ylvetat ToUTO KaTa Tas THY ouBpwy ézmupopas: Kal yap Ta TuxOvTa ToTEe TOV pelDpwv, emerdav emikpaTnawot Tob KUpaTos Kata THY etaBoAnv, mpowbotar tov xotv eis OdAatTav emt ToaotTov 402

BOOK IV. 40. 10-41. 7

Some day it will be the same with the Pontus; in fact the thing is actually taking place, and although not very generally noticed owing to the large size of the basin, it is apparent to anyone who gives some slight attention to the matter. 41. For the Danube flowing from Europe and falling into the Pontus by several mouths, a bank formed of the matter dis- charged from these mouths and reaching out to sea for a day’s journey, stretches for about a hundred miles opposite them, and ships navigating the Pontus, while still far out at sea, often at night when sailing unwarily run aground on certain parts of this belt, which are known to sailors as ‘‘ The Paps.” The reason why the deposit is not formed close to the land but is projected so far we must consider to be as foliows. As far as the currents of the rivers prevail owing to their strength and force a way through the sea, the earth and all other matter carried down by the stream must continue to be pushed forward and not suffered to rest or subside at all; but when owing to the increasing depth and volume of the sea the rivers lose their force, then of course the earth sinks by its natural weight and settles. This is why in the case of large and swift rivers the deposits are formed at a distance, the sea near the coast being deep, but in that of small and sluggish streams the sand-banks are close to their mouths. This becomes especially evident during heavy rains; for then insignificant streams when they have overpowered the surge at their mouths push forward their mud out to sea for a

403

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

wote mpos Adyov ExdoTov yivecBar THY amdoTacLW

8 TH Bia tev eurunrovtwy pevparovs. Te O€ peyeber Tis TMpoetpnwevns Tawias Kal kaQdAou TO mrAn Ger TOV €lo Epopeveny AiBwv kal EvAwy Kal ys b70 TOY ToTaua@v ovdauds amuotntéov, evUnfes yap,

9 Jewpotvras bro Thy dw Tov TUYOVTA xXELpLappovV ev Bpaxet xpovw modAdkis éxxapadpobvTa pev Kat dvakdmTovra ToTouS 7ABarous, pépovra. de map yévos VAns Kal ys Kal ABwv, emLXwOELS de Trowov~ pevov THAKavTas WoT dNovody evloTe Kal _pnde ywwoKkew év Bpaxet xpdvw tods avtovs Tdmovs.

42 €€ dv ovk eixos Oavpdlew ms of tyAtKobToL Kal TOLOUTOL TOTaMLOL GuVEeX@s péeovTes amepydlovTat TL TOV Tpoeipnuevwy Kal TtéAos éKmAnpotot Tov

2 Ilovrov. od yap eikos add’ avayxatov yevécbat TovTO ~ye mpodaiverat Kata tov dpbdov Adyov.

3 onpetov dé tot péAXovTos: dow ydp éott viv 7 Madris yAvKutépa THs Lovricfs Oadrarrns, oUTWS Dewpetra Svapepovoa Tpopavas n TTovrun Tis

4xal’ nuds. &€ dv dHAov Os, oTav oO Xpoves ev @ metrAnp@obat ovuBaiver tHv Mar@tw, tobrov Ad By Tov Aoyov mpos TOV xpovov Ov EexeL TO péyeDos TOD Koiwpatos mpos TO KoiAwpa, TOTE GUpEPHCETAL kat tov IIdvrov tevaywdn Kai yAvKdy Kat AYuvwdy

5 yeveoar mapamAnciws TH Maidtide Avy. Kat Oarrov dé totrov btmodAnmréov, dow peilouvs Kat mAelous eiaiv at pices TV els TOUTOV eKTUTTOV- TWVY TOTALLY.

6 Tatra pev odv jyiv eipjobw mpos Tovs atiotws diaketevous, ef 61) Ywvvvcbat viv Kal ywolrjcecbat mote ovpPyoetat Tov Ilovrov, Kat Aiuvyn Kal Téevayos

7Téorat TO tTHAKOdTOv méAayos. ett de padAdov 404

BOOK IV. 41. 7-42. 7

distance exactly proportionate to the force of their currents. We must not at all refuse to believe in the extent of the bank at the mouth of the Danube and in the quantity of stones, timber, and earth carried down by the rivers in general. It would be folly to do so when we often see with our own eyes an insignificant torrent scooping out a bed and forcing its way through high ground, carrying down every kind of wood, stones, and earth and forming such vast deposits that the spot may in a short space of time be so changed in aspect as to be unrecognizable. 42. We should not therefore be surprised if such great rivers flowing continuously produce some such effect as I have stated, and finally fill up the Pontus; we must indeed anticipate this not as a probability but as a certainty if we reason rightly. The following is an indication of what may be expected. The Palus Maeotis is at present less salt than the Pontus, and we find that the Pontus correspondingly is decidedly less salt than the Medi- terranean. From which it is evident that when a period has elapsed which stands to the time it takes to fill up the Palus Maeotis in the same proportion as the cubic capacity of the larger basin to that of the smaller, the Pontus will become, like the Palus Maeotis, a shallow fresh-water lake. We must indeed anticipate this result still earlier, since the rivers that fall into the Pontus are larger and more numerous.

What I have said may suffice to satisfy the doubts of those who are unwilling to believe that the Pontus is filling up and will be filled up, and that so large a sea will be converted into a shallow lake. But I speak especially in view

405

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

eipyoIu Kal THs Tov TAoilomevev pevdoroytas Kal Tepateias yap, Wa pn TavTL TO Acyouevep TpookEexXnvEevat TmraduKd)s dvayralispeba bua THY ameiplav, €xovtes 8° ixvn THS aAnfeias emi mocov e€ avtav éemxpivew Suvapela To Aeyopevov bd

gtwwv ad7nfds 7 Tobvavtiov. émt d€ TO auvexes Ths evKatplas THv Bulavtiwy émdavysev.

43 Tod 5) ordpartos Tob tov [ovrov kat tiv Ipo- TOVTIOA GUVATTOVTOS OVTOS EKATOV ElKOOL OTAdLWY TO pyKos, Kabdmep aptiws elmov, Kal Too pev ‘Iepot ro mpos tov IId6vrov mépas opilovros, Tob dé kata Bulavriov diactipatos TO 7pos THY IIpo-

2 ovrida, peTagy TovTwyv éotiv ‘Epyatov Tis Ed- pwns emt Tpooxis TWos axpwrnpralovans ev TO oropart KELLEVOV, é THs peev ‘Actas ATrEXEL Tept TeVTE OTAOLA, KATA TOV OTEvwraTov dé TOTTOV Umapxe. TOO tavTos oTdpatos: 7 Kat Aapetov CedEat daor tov mépov, Kal” dv xpdvov ézotetro

\ bdo / / A \ \ A +

3 77)¥ emt LKvOas dudBaow. Kata pev 67 Tov addov tomov amo Tob IId6vrov trapamAjows e€oTw 7 dopa TOU pevpatos 61a THY OmoLoTHTA THV Tap’ EKaTEpOV

470 [Lepos TH oTOpmatt TapnKOvT@y ToT" ema 5’ eis TO aijs Edpwans ‘Eppaiov, 7 OTEVOTATOV éedapev elvat, pepopevos eK TOO Ilovrov Kal avykXewopevos 6 pots Bia mpoonéon, tote 51) Tpateis womep amo mAnyhs €umimres Tots avti-

5 mepas THs “Aoias tomo. eKxetbev 5é madw, olov e€ vrootpopys, THv avtamddocw moettat pds Ta Tept Tas ‘Kotias axpa kadovpeva THs Edpuirns.

6 00ev adlis opunioas mpoomimtes mpos tiHv Bodv Kadoupevny, os é€ott THs *Acias tomos, ép’ dv emloThvat pact mpa@tov ot woo. tHv “Iw mepaw- 406

BOOK IV. 42. 7-43. 6

of the falsehoods and sensational tales of seafarers, so that we may not be obliged owing to ignorance to listen greedily like children to anything that is told us, but having now some traces of the truth in our minds may be more or less able to form an inde- pendent judgement as to the truth or falsehood of the reports made by this or that person.

43. I must now resume my account of the specially favourable situation of Byzantium. The channel connecting the Pontus and the Propontis being a hundred and twenty stades in length, as I just said, the Holy Place marking its termination towards the Pontus and the strait of Byzantium that towards the Propontis, half way between these on the European side stands the Hermaeum on a promontory running out into the channel at a distance of about five stades from Asia and situated at the narrowest part of the whole. It is here, they say, that Darius bridged the straits when he crossed to attack the Scythians. Now the force of the current from the Pontus has been so far uniform owing to the similarity of the country on each bank of the channel, but when it reaches the Hermaeum on the European side, which is, as I said, the narrowest point, this current from the Pontus being confined and sweeping strongly against the headland, rebounds as if from a blow, and dashes against the opposite coast of Asia. It now again recoils from this coast and is carried against the promontory on the European bank known as the Hearths, from which its force is once more deflected to the place on the Asiatic bank called the Cow, where legend says that Io first

407

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

7 Jetoay. mAnv 6 ye pods TO TeAevtatov opnoas amo THs Boos én’ aire pépeTar TO Buldvrvoy, meptoxiobeis Se mept tHv moAWw Bpaxd pev eis Tov KOATov avTod Sd.opiler tov Kadrovpevov Keépas,

870 dé mAciov maAw amovever. SrevTovety prev ovv ovKére SUvaTat mpos THY avTitepas xwpav, ed’

? / 4 A A > /

97s eote Kadynduv: mXeovaKis yap THY avtamd- Soow memoinpéevos Kal Tod mopou TAdTOS éxovTos 757 mTept TovTOV TOV TOTTOV exAvopevos Oo pods ovKért Bpaxetas mos ogetav ywviav rovetrat Tas avakAdoets emt THV Tmepatay, aAAa pwaAdov pds

10 auBAciav, diudmep arodirar tHv THv Kadyndoviwy

44 m0Aw déperar dia mdpov. Kal TO TroLodY THY peEV tov Bulavtiwy modw edKatpotarny thy dé TeV Kadyndoviwy tdavavtia, totr’ éoti to viv td’ Hudv elpnuevov, Kaimep amo THs dysews opotas apporépais Soxovons elvat Tijs Décews T™pos THV

2 evKalplav. du > Ouws ets THY pev BovdnBevra KkatamAcbo" ov pqd.ov, mpos nv Od, Kav p17) Bovdn, pepe. KaT ardyKqy 6 pois, Kabdzrep apTiws elrro-

3pev. onuetov d€ tTovrov: ex Kadynddvos yap

e / / > 4 b) / ot BovAdpevor dtaipew ets Buldvriov od dvvavrat A > >? A \ A \ ca > A mActy Kat’ edOetav Sia Tov petaéd podv, adda mapayovow emi te THY Bodv Kat THY Kadovpevnv / a > a / / >

4 Xpvodmodw, nv “AOnvato. tote Katacyovtes “AXKt- Buddov youn, mapuywyrdlew émeBdAovto mpatov Tovs ets IIovrov mAgovtas, To & eumpoobev apvace Kata podv, @ dépovtar Kat avdayKynv mpos TO

5 Buldvriov. dpova 8é tovrois Kal Ta KaTd TOV eS / ~ > aA , / emt Oarepa mAoby €oTt THS Bulavrioy mrodews:

6 dy Te yap ag’ ‘EMqondvrov TPEXN Tis TOts VvoTOLS av vt émt tov ‘EXAjomovtov ex tod Ildvrov tots 408

BOOK IV. 43. 7-44. 6

found a footing after crossing. Finally the current runs rapidly from the Cow to Byzantium itself, and dividing into two near the city, sends off its smaller branch into the gulf known as the Horn, while the larger branch is again deflected. It has however, no longer sufficient force to reach the coast opposite, on which stands Calchedon; for as it has now several times crossed and recrossed the channel, which here is already of considerable width, the current has now become feebler, and ceases to make short rebounds to the opposite coast at an acute angle, but is rather deflected at an obtuse angle. It therefore fails to reach Calchedon and flows out through the strait. 44. What therefore makes the situation of Byzantium so favourable and that of Calchedon the reverse is the fact here stated. To look at them indeed you would say they were equally well placed, but nevertheless it is not easy to reach Calchedon by sea, if one wishes, while to Byzantium the current carries one whether one wishes or not, as I just said. Evidence of this is that those who wish to cross from Calchedon to Byzantium cannot sail in a straight course owing to the current between, but steer obliquely for the Cow and the place called Chrysopolis—which the Athenians once occupied by the advice of Alcibiades and used it when they first attempted to levy toll on vessels bound for the Pontus—and from hence commit themselves to the current which perforce carries them to Byzantium. The approaches by sea to Byzantium from the other side are equally favourable. For those sailing with a south wind from the Hellespont, or from the Pontus to the

409

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

> , \ \ \ ? / >’ ~ , ernatos, mapa. pev TIV Edpwrnv ex THs Bulavtiwv moAews opbos aya 8 edmapaKdpuoTos €oTW 6 ~ aS \ a / \ > 0 mArobs ent ta THs Ipomovridos oteva Kat’ “ABvdov \ / 3 A e 4 4 SEEN \ Kal Lnortov, KakeiVev woatvtws madw emi To Bu- (i? 3 A \ / \ \ > , 7 Cavriov, amo d€ Kadynddvos mapa tiv *Aciav Tavavtia TovTos dia TO KoATWSyn TOV TapdTAoUY , \ \ ~ an tmdpxew Kal mporetvew Tord THY TOV Kulixnvdv , 272 € , \ , > gxwpav. ad EMnonovrov yap Pepopevov els Kadxndova xpnoacbat TH Tapa. THY Edpaimnv 7hO, KaTrELTA. oweyyilovra Tots KaTa Bulavriov TOMOLS KALLTITEW Kal TpoaTpExELV mpos THY Kadyn- A A \ / dova Oia Tov podv Kal TA mpoE—pNnueva Svayepes. g Opoiws dé mdAw exmdAdovTa mpootpéxew cdbéws A , , > 7 / A \ TH Opakn teA€ws advvatov did Te Tov peTakd A A > podv Kal dua TO TOUS avemous EKaTEpous avTUTimTEw \ 10 mpos appotepas Tas emPodrds, emedymep elodyer \ > \ / ie ? / \ U4 \ prev ets tov Ilovrov votos e&dyer dé Bopéas, Kal > yp a TovTo.s avayKn xpHalat mpos ExaTepov Tov Spojov A > , Tots avepots. \ A x A AY 4 > / A 11 Ta pev obv TH Kata OdAatTav edKatplav ToLobyTa a >? , A fond Bularriots Tabr’ eoriv, Ta d€ THY KaTA yhv aKatpiav e , ~ \ 45 ra pedovra pyOyjcco8ar. Tis yap Opakns KiKrAw ~ \ mepiexovons avTav THY xXwWpav ovTwWSs WoT eK 4 >? / ? >7 ” Oadatrns «is OadAatrav KabyjKew aidivov éxovar ~ A 2moAeov Kal Svaxeph mpos TovToUs. ovTE yap \ ~ Tapackevacdpevot Kal KpaTHoartes avTav eioamta€ > / A / C es > > A A A A amotpipacbat Tov 7oAELov Otol 7” Etat dia TO TAROOS ~ \ ~ ~ 3 Kal TOV dyAwy Kal TOV SuvacTav: eav [Te] yap Evos TEpiyévwvTal, Tpets emPaivovow emi THY , , 4rovTwy xwpav dAdo. Bapvrepor Suvactar. Kal

410

BOOK IV. 44. 6-45. 4

Hellespont with the Etesian winds, find the course from Byzantium along the European coast to the com- mencement of the narrows at Sestus and Abydus a straight and easy one, and so is the return voyage to Byzantium. But the voyage from Calchedon along the Asiatic coast is the reverse of this, because one must follow the shores of a deep gulf, and the headland formed by the territory of Cyzicus runs out to a great distance. Nor can ships sailing from the Hellespont to Calchedon easily coast along Europe and then on approaching Byzan- tium turn and make for Calchedon, as the current and the circumstances mentioned above make it difficult. And similarly it is quite impossible for a ship leaving Calchedon to make the coast of Thrace at once owing to the current between, and owing to the wind. Both the south and north winds are adverse to both the attempts, since the south wind will carry one towards the Pontus and the north wind away from it, and these are the winds one must avail oneself of for the voyage from Calchedon to Hellespont or for the voyage back.

Such are the causes of the favourable position of Byzantium as regards the sea; its disadvantages on the land side being as follows. 45. As Thrace encompasses their territory so effectually as to extend from one sea to the other, they are engaged in perpetual and most difficult warfare with its inhabitants. They cannot on the one hand rid themselves of the war once for all by a carefully prepared attack resulting in victory, owing to the great number of the chieftains and their followers. For if they get the better of one, three other more powerful chieftains are sure to invade their territory.

VOL, 1 fe) 41]

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

pj ovd’ eifavres Kal ovyKkataBdvres eis ddpous kat avvOyKkas ovdév movotcr mAdov: dv yap evi mpowvral TL, mevtatrAacious Su’ abtd tobro mode- 5 tous evptoxovar. didmep aidiw ovvéyovra Kat Suvoxepe’ ToAcum: Ti yap emuapad€eoTepov doTuyel- 6 Tovos Kat BapBdpov troAduov; Ti Seworepov; od pnv aAAa tovTois TO Tapamav KaKois 7raAaiovTes KaTa yiv, xwpis Tov dd\Awy THv sraperopevwv T® ToAEUM KaK@V, brropevovol Tia Kal TYLwWplaV 7 TavraAewv Kara Tov ToinTHy. €xovTes yap xXw- pav yevvaoTaTnv, OTav Siatovyowot tavTynv Kat yevyTat TO T&V KapTr@v TAHVos TH KdAXeu Siadépov, Kkametta trapayevnévres of BapBapot tovs ev Katapleipwar Tods dé ovvabpoicartes anopépwat, 8 réte 57, xwpls TOV Epywv Kal THs Samdvys, Kab THv Katapbopav Bewpevor dia Td KaAAOS TeV KapTav axetAudlovor Kat Bapéws Pépovart To cup- Baivov. 9 °AA’ Guws Tov péev amo Tav Opaxadv mdAcuov KaTa THY ovv7Geav avadepovTes euevov emt tov 10 €€ apyfjs dixaiwy mpos tods “EAAnvas, mpocemtye- vowevwy d¢ Dadatav atrots taév mrept Kopovrdpiov 46 cis mav 7AOov mepiotdcews. odror 8 é€xivycay fev aya Tots mept Bpévvov é€x tis oikelas, d1a- puyovtes dé Tov rept AcAdods Kivduvoy Kal mapa- yevowevor mpos tov “EXAjomovrov eis pev THv *Aciav odk éemepatwOnoav, adrod Sé Karéuewav dia TO pioxwpiaat tots mept To Buldvriov réz7o1s.

20t Kal KpatjoavTes TOV Opaxdv, Kal KatacKkeva- 412

BOOK IV. 45. 4-46. 2

Nor are they at all better off if they give way and agree to terms and the payment of tribute; for the very fact of their making concessions to one chief raises against them enemies many times more numerous. So that they are, as I said, involved in a warfare both perpetual and most difficult ; for what can be more full of peril, what more terrible than a war with near neighbours who are at the same time barbarians? Nay, such being in general the adverse circumstances against which they have to struggle on land, they have in addition to the other evils attendant on war to suffer too something like the torments of Tantalus that Homer describes ; for, owners as they are of a most fertile country, when they have carefully cultivated it and a superb harvest is the result, and when the barbarians now appear and destroy part of the crops, collecting and carrying off the rest, then indeed, apart from their lost toil and expense, the very beauty of the harvest when they witness its destruction adds to their indignation and distress.

In spite of all, however, they continued to bear the burden to which they had grown accustomed of the war with the Thracians, without departing from their ancient engagements to the Greek states. But when they were attacked also by the Gauls under Comontorius, they found themselves in very grave danger. 46. These Gauls had quitted their homes together with Brennus and his Gauls, and after escaping from the disaster at Delphi reached the Hellespont, where instead of crossing to Asia, they remained on the spot, as they took a fancy to the country near Byzantium. Here when the had conquered the Thracians and had established

413

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

odpevor BactAevov THv TvAw, eis dAoaxEph Kivduvov

3 Hyov tos Bulavtiovs. Kata pev otv Tas apxas ev Tals edddots adTa@v, Tats Kata Kopovrdpiov Tov amp@tov BaotAevoavta, Mpa dreréAovy of Buldvrior dudovTes ava TpioxtAlous Kal TEeVTAKLOXLALOUS, TTOTE d€ Kal pupiovs xpuaods, ef” @ pr) KatapOeipew

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67Tav dé mAcioTwY TapoALywpotvTwY éevexeipnoaVv amavayKacbevTes tTapaywyialew Tods sels TOV

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3 Of yap ‘Pédzot ouvetevyeplevres a dua pev dua THY odetépav BAdBv dip. dé Kal dia Ty TOV méAas eddrTwow, TO pev ™p@tov mapahaBovres TOUS aupyidxous émpéaBevov mpos tovs Bulavrtiovs, agwobvtes Katadicew attods TO mTapaywy.ov

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BOOK IV. 46. 2-47. 4

their capital at Tylis, they placed the Byzantines in extreme danger. At first, during the inroads made under Comontorius the first king, the Byzantines continued to pay on each occasion three thousand, five thousand, and sometimes even ten thousand gold pieces to save their territory from being laid waste, and finally they were compelled to consent to pay an annual tribute of eighty talents down to the reign of Cavarus, during which the kingdom came to an end and the whole tribe were in their turn conquered by the Thracians and annihilated. It was in these times that, being hard pressed by the tribute, they at first sent embassies to the Greeks imploring them to help them and contribute to relieve them in their distress and danger. But when most states paid no attention to their solicita- tions they were driven by sheer necessity to begin exacting duties from vessels trading with the Pontus. 47. When general inconvenience and loss of profit was caused by the Byzantines levying duties on exports from the Pontus, all the traders were aggrieved and brought their complaint before the Rhodians who were considered the supreme authority in maritime matters. This was the origin of the war the history of which I am about to tell.

For the Rhodians, roused to action by the loss they suffered themselves and the detriment to neighbouring states, at first together with their allies sent an embassy to Byzantium demanding the abolition of the duty. The Byzantines were not disposed to make any concession, being convinced of the justice of their cause by the terms in which Hecatodorus and Olympiodorus, their chief magis-

415

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

"OdAvpmiddwpov mpos Tods T&v ‘Podiwy mpeoBevtds 5 (otro. yap Tore mpo€oracav TOU TOV Bulavrioy modurevatos), TOTE [Lev dnndAdynoay ot ‘Pddsor 6 mepdvavTes ovdev, emtraveADOvTEs be TOV 70epLov edndicavto tots Bulavrious d1a Tas Tpoetpyevas Tairias. Kal mrapautixa mpeoBevtas e€améoteAXov mpos IIpovciay mapakadobdvtes Kat TovTov ets Tov moAeuov: ydecav yap Tov IIpovciav mapa- 48 to.Bopevov €k Twwv mpos tovs Bulavtiovs. To d€ mapamAjovov émoiovv Kai Bulavrior- mpos Te yap “Atradov Kal mpos ’Ayavov ereptrov mpéofets, 2 dedprevor adict Bonfetv. 6 pev odv “Atrados jv mpoOvupos, etye 5€ Bpayetav tote pony ws av UT "Ayatod cuveAnAapeévos els THY TaTpwav apxnV: 36 dé “Ayatos Kpata@v pev Ths emi rade Tob Tavpov, BaotAéa dé TpooparTurs avTov avadedetyws Eemny- 4 yeMero Bon Ojcew, Srdpxewv 6° émt ravtns THs mpoatpécews Tots pev Bulavtiots peyddny eArrida mapeokevale, Tots de “Podious Kat IIpovoia ra- 5 vayrTia Kar dardn gw. "Ayatos yap yy pev *Avtio- xXov ovyyevi|s Too TaperAnporos TV eV Lupig, Baowretav, éyKpatns 8° eyeveTo THS Tpoerpnwevns 6 duvaoretas Sia Twas Tovavras aitias. LeAevKov peTadddgavros Tov Biov, os Hv “Avridxou Tob TpoElpyLevov TAT, Svadefapievov be THY Baothetav Ledevxou mpeoBuTarov TOV viGv, dpa TovT@ dua Tv oiKeloTnTa ovvuTepéBare tov Tatpov dvat padoTa ws ETEor TpOTEpov TaV viv Aeyouevwy TKaip@v. LéAevKos yap 6 véos ws Garrov mapéAaBe tThv Baowreiav, muvOavoueros “Attadov macav 70n THY emi tade Tod Tavpouv Suvacteiav td’ avTov memorno0a1, TapwpunOn Bonfetv Tots apereé- 416

BOOK IV. 47. 4-48. 7

trates at the time, replied to the Rhodian envoys. The Rhodians therefore took their departure without having accomplished anything, and on their return war was declared by Rhodes on Byzantium for the reasons above stated. They at once sent envoys to Prusias pressing him to take part in the war, for they knew that for various reasons he was offended with the Byzantines. 48. The Byzantines took similar measures, sending envoys asking for help to Attalus and Achaeus. Attalus was heartily disposed to help, but his support at this time was of very little weight, as he had been confined within the limits of his ancestral dominions by Achaeus. But Achaeus, who was now master of all the country on this side of the Taurus and had recently assumed the royal title, promised his aid, and his decision to do so greatly raised the hopes of the Byzantines, while on the contrary, it alarmed Prusias and the Rhodians. Achaeus was a relative of that Antiochus who had just succeeded to the throne of Syria and had acquired the dominion I stated by the following means. When on the death of Seleucus, father of this Antiochus, his eldest son Seleucus suc- ceeded him, Achaeus in his quality of a kinsman accompanied the king on his expedition across the Taurus about two years before the time I am speaking of. For the young Seleucus, immediately on ascend ing the throne, having learnt that Attalus had appropriated all his dominions on this side Taurus hastened there to defend his interests. He crossed

417

226 BO,

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

4 e A \ PS) \ LA 8 / g pois mpaypnaow, tvrepBadwy dé peyddAn Suvapet A A \ \ e / > / tov Tadpov, Kat Sorogorn Gels b70 TE Azarouptov tod ['adarov Kal Nuxdvopos, peti AAake TOV Biov. 9 “Axavos d€ KaTa TY dvayKaLornTa. TOV povov av- Too peTHiADe Tapayphwa, Tovs mept tov Nuxdvopa Kal tov ’Amarovptov dmoKretvas, TOV TE Surduewy Kal TOV dhwy TpayLareoy Ppovipos KaL peyado- 10 pixos Tpo€eorn. TOV yap Kaup@v TapovT@v air@ Kal THS TaV oxXAwV opeijs ouvepyovons els TO duddqua mepBeoban, TobTO ev ov mpoeiero Tounoat, Tnpav Se TV Baotdciav “Avrwxw TO vew- TEDW Trav vi@v, _evepyOs ETTUTOPEVOJLEVOS dvextaro 1l tH emt tade TOU Tavpouv macav. tay dé mpaypa- TwY avT@ Trapaddéws evpoovvTwY, émElL TOV [LEV ” eo AN \ , , A Artadov ets atro to Ilépyapov cuvéxAeioe TOV d€ Aoitdy mavtTwv Hv éeyKpatys, éemapleis Tots 12 edrvyjpuact mapa mddas eEwxKetre, Kal Sudo ua mepieuevos Kat Bactrda mpocayopevoas atrov Bapvtatos wv tote Kat doBepwtatos Tadv emt / ~ / 4, \ ~ e A 13 trade Tod Tavpouv Baoitéwv Kai duvactdv: @ Kat pariota tote Buldvriow muotevoavtes avedé€avTo Tov mpos Tovs “Podtovs Kat I[povatay méAepov. 49 € \ , ? ir \ , a O dé IIpovcias everdrce pév mpdtepov Tots Bufavtiows ore Uyndicapevwv twas eikovas adtob Travtas ovx avetifecav add’ eis emioupov Kat aA \ ~ 2AnOnv ayouev, Svoynpéoter 8’ adrots Kal emi TH macav mpooeveyKacbar diAroverxiav eis TO diadAboat A > ~ ‘ ” ” \ A / anv “Axatod mpos “Atradov €xOpav kai Tov 7éAEmov, vouilwv Kata moddodvs tpdmovs adAvotTteAH Tots avTod mpdyumacw vrdpyew THY ekelvwy dtALav. t / > b) A A A A , A 3 npeile 3° adrov Kai To SoKetvy Bulavtiouvs mpos ” Ay a“ > la > aA A pev “Arradov eis tods THs “AOnvas ayawvas tovs 418

BOOK IV. 48. 8-49. 3

the Taurus at the head of a great army, but perished assassinated by the Gaul Apaturius and Nicanor. Achaeus, as his kinsman, at once avenged his murder by putting Nicanor and Apaturius to death, and taking the command of the army and the direction of affairs in his hands, conducted both with prudence and magnanimity. For though the opportunity was favourable and he was eagerly urged by the troops to assume the diadem, he decided not to do so, and holding the throne for the younger brother Antiochus, advanced energetically and recovered the whole of the country on this side of Taurus. But when he met with a success that surpassed his expectations, having shut up Attalus in Pergamus itself and made himself master of all the rest of the country he was so elated by his good fortune that in a very short space of time he swerved clean away from rectitude, and having assumed the diadem and styled himself king he was at this moment the most imposing and formidable of all the kings and potentates on this side Taurus. This was the man on whom the Byzan- tines most relied when they undertook the war against Rhodes and Prusias.

49. One of Prusias’s grievances against the Byzan- tines was that after having voted certain statues of him they had never erected them, but had neglected and finally forgotten the matter. He was likewise displeased with them for having employed every effort to reconcile Achaeus with Attalus and put an end to the war between them, thinking that a friendship between these two princes was in many ways prejudicial to his own interests. He was also irritated because it was said that the Byzantines had sent to Attalus representatives to take part in the

419

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

ouvOdcovras e€ameotaAKkévat, mpos avrov 8° eis 47a Lwrijpra pndeva tremoupevar. Oudmrep eK mavTov TOUTWY UrrovkoupoupLerns map avT@ THS opyhs dopevos emeAdBeto ths TOV ‘Podiwy mpopacews, Kal avyKkataléewevos Tots mpeoBevtais éxeivous pev wero Setv Kata OdAatrav mrodeuciv, adros dé Kata yhv ovKk eAdrTw Brdpew edoke todvs brevav- tious. 5 @ pev ovv *Podicov pos BuCavrious T6AeLos 50 dua Tatra Kal TovavTaV éAaBe THY apxnv: ot be Bufavriot tT pev mpOtov Eppwievws emohepLouy, TETELO[LEVOL TOV pev “Axauov adiat Bon Beir, avrot be TOV TiBoirny é€x THs Makedovias emayayovTes dyrimeproTnoew TO IIpovoig poBous Kal Kwduvous, 26s KaTa THY. TpoetpnpEevny oppny trode av Tap- etAeTo pee avT@v TO kaNovpevov € emt Too oToparos 3 ‘lepov, 6 Buldvtiot puxpois avwrepov yxpdvois peydAwy wrvnoduevor xpnuatwv eadetepicavro dia Tv edKaiplay Tod Td7ov, BovAdpevor pndepiav ddoppnv pndevi Kkatadurety LTE Kara Tov ets TOV Ilovrov TAeovTw épmopwv pare TEept Tovs SovAous Kal Tas & auras: Tijs 0 dTTns €pyacias, 4 mapeirero Sé Kai THY emi THs “Acias ywpav, jv Katetyov Buldvrio. tis Muoias moddovs dn 5 xpovous. of Sé ‘Pddsot zAnpwoavtes vais E&, dua S€ tavTais tapa Ta&v ovpydxywv mpoodAaBovtes TETTAPAS, Kal VaVapYoV TpoxXELpLaapevot HevopavTov, 6 émAeov éf”? “EXnomdvrov Séka vavoiv. Kal tais prev Aoutrais Oppodyres wept Unotov éxwAvov Tovs mAgovtras eis tov IIdvrov, pid 8° exzdAevoas 6 vavapyos Katetreipale THv Bulavtiwv, et mws 7dn q weTapeAowTo KaTameTAnypevot TOV TOAqULOV. TAY 420

BOOK IV. 49. 3-50. 7

sacrifice held at the festival of Athene, whereas they had sent none to himself when he celebrated the Soteria. Therefore as he continued to nurse resentment for all these offences, he gladly availed himself of the pretext offered by the Rhodians and came to an agreement with their envoys demanding that they should undertake to carry on the war by sea, while he himself hoped to be able to damage the enemy no less severely on land.

Such were the causes and such was the beginning 220 s.c of the war between Rhodes and Byzantium. 50. The Byzantines at first fought with great vigour, being confident that Achaeus would come to help them and trusting by bringing Tiboetes from Macedonia to throw Prusias in his turn into alarm and peril. For Prusias having begun the war with the feelings I have indicated had taken the place called “ The Holy Place ”’ on the Bosporus, which a few years previously they had acquired by purchase for a large sum, owing to its favourable situation, as they did not wish to leave anyone any base from which to attack traders with the Pontus or interfere with the slave-trade or the fishing. He had also seized their Asiatic territory, a part of Mysia which had long been in their possession. The Rhodians, manning six ships and getting four others from the allies, appointed Xenophantus admiral and sailed for the Hellespont with the ten ships. Anchor- ing the rest off Sestos to prevent the passage of vessels bound for the Pontus, the admiral left in one to find out if the Byzantines were already sufficiently alarmed at the war to have changed their minds.

421

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

> b / > , A A A

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422

BOOK IV. 50. 7-51. 5

But as they paid no attention to his overtures, he sailed away and picking up the rest of his ships, left for Rhodes with the whole squadron. The Byzantines kept on sending to Achaeus, demanding succour, and sent a mission to bring Tiboetes from Macedonia; for Tiboetes was considered to have just as good a claim to the throne of Bithynia as Prusias, as he was his uncle on the father’s side. The Rhodians seeing that the Byzantines stood firm, thought of a plan for attaining their purpose likely to prove very efficient. 51. For observing that the chief cause of the Byzantines’ resolute endurance of the war lay in their hopes of support from Achaeus, and knowing that Achaeus’ father was a prisoner at Alexandria and that Achaeus above all things desired his deliverance, they decided to send an embassy to Ptolemy begging him to give up Andro- machus. They had indeed previously made this request without insisting much on it, but now they pressed it most seriously, in order that by doing this favour to Achaeus they might put him under such an obligation that he would do all they demanded. Ptolemy, on the arrival of the embassy, deliberated as to retaining Andromachus, whom he hoped to make use of at the proper time, considering that his differences with Antiochus had not yet been decided, and that Achaeus, who had just proclaimed himself king, could exercise a decisive influence in certain important matters; for Andromachus was Achaeus’ father and brother of Laodice the wife of Seleucus. But nevertheless, as his sympathies in general were with the Rhodians and he was anxious to do them any favour, he yielded and gave up Andromachus

423

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

e7 e > >? 4 A A B6vidv. ot 8° émiteAcodpevot TodTO, Kal mpoceTt- petpyjoavres Tots mept Tov “Axaov tTysds Twas, 4 A e€ , > / ~ mapeiAavto THY OAocxepeotatny eArriba THv Bulav- 7 Tiwy. ouvexipnoe dé TL Kal ETepov Tots Bulavriows atomov: 6 yap TiBoitns Kataydpwevos ek Tis , Ww \ > \ > aA Maxedovias éodrnre tas émBodas atvTdv, pert- e , 8 adAdéas Tov Biov. od ovpBdavtos ot pev Buldvrror A A \ Tats oppais avémecov, 6 dé IIpovatas émippwobeis Tats mpos Tov moAcuov eArricw dua ev adTos amo TOV Kat’ *Aciav pepav emroA€per Kal TpogeKetTo Tols mpayywacw evepy@s, dua d€ Tovs Opdxas prcbwodpevos ovK €la Tas mas e€tévar Tovs Bulavtiovs amo tHv Kata tiv Etpwrnv pepaov. e \ , ~ , bd , > /

9 of d€ Buldvrior THv oderépwv eAridwv epevopevor, A , A / > \ TO mop _movobyres _ Tavraxobev, eCaywyny 52 meptéBAeTrov evoxrpova THv mpaypatwv. Kavapov 6€ tod taév Tadatdv Baciéws mapayevopéevov

A \ / \ 4 ~ A m™pos TO Buldvtvov Kal omovddlovros dvadtoae Tov moe pov Kal OvéxovTos Tas xetpas diAdoTipws, ouvexwpnoay Tots TrapaKaAoupevos 6 O TE ITpovotas

20t te Buldvriot. mvOdpevor 8 of “Pods rH Te tot Kavdpov omovdiv Kat tiv évtpomnv tod IIpovoiov, orovddlovtes S€é Kal tiv adtrav mpdbeow tue , > A A sy > , emt téhos ayayety, mpeoBevthy pev “Apidixnv TpoexelpiaavTo m™pos Tovs Bulavtious, TloAepoxaAy d€ Tpets EXovTa TPLYPELS opod ouvameate\ay, 3 BovAdpevor, 70 57) Acyopevor, Kal TO ddpu Kal TO KyNpUKELoV aa mepmrew mpos TOUS Bulavriovs. 4émupavevtwy 5é€ tTovTwv eyévovto diadvcers emt Kw6wvos tot Kadduyeirovos tepopvnpovotvros ev 57 Bulavriw, mpos péev ‘Podlous amAat, Bulavrious A A pev pundéva mparrew To Siaywyvov Tdv eis TOV 424

BOOK IV. 51. 6-52. 5

to them to conduct back to his son. Having accom- plished this and in addition conferred certain honours on Achaeus they deprived the Byzantines of their most important source of hope. At the same time the Byzantines met with another mischance; for Tiboetes on his way from Macedonia foiled their hopes by his death, upon which the Byzantines relaxed their efforts, while Prusias, fortified in his expectations of success in the war, at one and the same time was himself attacking the enemy from Asia with his whole energy, and on the European side, by hiring the services of the Thracians, prevented the Byzantines from venturing out of their gates. The Byzantines, all their hopes being now defeated, were suffering on all sides from the war and began to look about for an honourable solution of the questions at issue. 52. Accordingly when Cavarus, the Gallic king, came to Byzantium and did his best to put an end to the war, intervening heartily to part the combatants, both Prusias and the Byzan- tines yielded to his exhortations. The Rhodians, on hearing of Cavarus’s efforts and Prusias’s compliance and being anxious to effect their purpose at once, appointed Aridices as envoy to Byzantium and at the same time dispatched Polemocles with three triremes, wishing, as we say, to send the Byzantines the spear and the herald’s staff at once.* Upon their appearance treaties were made in the year of Cothon, son of Calligeiton, hieromnemon” in Byzantium, that with the Rhodians being simple and as follows: “‘ The Byzantines engage not to levy toll on ships bound

* That is, war and peace; the iron hand in the velvet glove. > The eponymous annual magistrate.

425

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Iévrov mAcdvTar, “Podious dé Kal TOUS GULELaYoUS ToUToOU yevouevou THY etoryny dyew 7 mpos Bulev- 6 tious, mpos dé Hpouctay Towaide Tw és, elvat Ipov- cia Kal Bula Thots etpryay Kal duriay eis TOV dvavra xpovor, un) oTparevew be tre Bulavrious ézt Ilpovciay tpdzw pndevi prjre Ipovoiay ézi 7 Bulavrious, am odobvat dé Hpovctay Bulavrios Tds Te xWpas Kal 7a dpovpia Kal Tovs Aaods Kal Ta woAeuiKa cwpata xepls AvTpwr, mpos dé tovtois Ta mAota Ta Kat apyds And@evra Too moAguov Kat ta BéAn ta Katadndbérr’ ey ois épvpacw, duoiws dé Kat ta EvAa Kai THY Alay Kal Tov Képayov Tov ex Tod ‘lepod ywpiov (6 yap 8 Ilpovoias, aywradv thy tod TiBoitov Kaboédor, TavTa xabetre Ta Soxodyra Ta dpoupiwy ev- 9 Kalpws 7 mos tt Keto@at)- éx ravayKaoat de : Hpovotay Kai 60a tTwes TOV Bibuvdy eftyov éx tis Muatias xwpas ths tro Bulavriovs tatrouévns amododvar Tots yewpyots. 10 ‘O pev ody ‘Podtots cai Ilpovcia zpos Bulavrious auvotas moAcquos totavtas eAaBe tas apxds Kai 53 70 téAos: Kata 5é€ Tov Katpov Todrov Kywaaror mpecBevoarres mpos ‘Podious evelcav Tas TE META ToAewoxAdovs vats Kal Tpia TOY adpdkTwy m™poo- 2 KaTaomdcavras avtois amooreiiac. yevouevou de ToUTou Kal Tay TAciwy adikoweveov eis THY Korjrap, Kai exovTwy troviay TeV ‘EdevGepvatwy 6Tt TOV toXtny attaey Tiwapxov ot mepl Tov HoAewoxdy xapelouevor tots Kyweaciots avnpyKact, TO bev mp@tov pvowa Katiyyewlay tots “Podiois, peta dé tadra mdéAcuov eftjveyxar. 8 [lepiemecov 5€ kat Avtrio: Bpayd mp0 TtovTwr TOV 426

BOOK IV. 52. 5— 53. 8

for the Pontus, and on this condition the Rhodians and their allies shall be at peace with the Byzantines.” The terms they made with Prusias were these: “There is to be peace and friendship for all time between Prusias and the Byzantines and in no manner are the Byzantines to make war on Prusias or Prusias on the Byzantines. Prusias is to give up to the Byzantines the lands, the fortresses, the people, and the slaves taken from the enemy free from ransom, and in addition the ships taken at the outset of the war, the missiles captured in the forts; likewise the timbers, building stones, and tiles taken from the Holy Place ”—for Prusias, dreading the return of Tiboetes, had destroyed all strong places that seemed favourably situated for any hostile design—*“ Prusias is to compel any Bithynians occupying lands in that part of Mysia subject to Byzantium to give these up to the farmers.”

53. Such was the beginning and such the end of the war of Prusias and the Rhodians with Byzantium. At about the same time the Cnossians sent an embassy to the Rhodians and persuaded them to send the squadron under Polemocles to them with three undecked vessels in addition. Upon this, when the fleet arrived in Crete, the people of Eleuthernae, conceiving a suspicion that Polemocles to please the Cnossians had killed Timarchus one of their citizens, first of all proclaimed reprisals against the Rhodians and next made open war on them.

A little before this the people of Lyttus had met

427

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Karpav avnkéotw ovpdopa. xaboov yap Ta Kara THv ovptracav Kpirnv tajpyev év ToLvavTy TWi TOTE 4Kataotdoer. Kvacoror ovpdpovnoavtes Vopruvious macav étroujcavto THY Kpyrnv td’ adbtovs mAnv Tis Avuttiwvy moéAews, povns d€ tavrns azmelovons > / A 4 ) \ > / emreBadovro ToAcpety, omevoovres avriyy eis téAos dvdorarov Towjoar Kal Tapadeltyparos Kal poBov 5 xdpw Tdv addAwv Kpyraceéwy. TO ev ovv mp@Tov é€moAduovv mavtes ot Kpntatets tots Avrrious: eyyevouerns dé gdirotymias é€k THY TvYOVTWY, omep €0os é€ott Kpnoiv, éoraciacav mpos tovs »¥ \ / A \ / \ 6 aAAovs, Kai TIloAvppiHvior pév Kat Kepérar kat a \ \ / a thee / Aammatot mpos d€ tovTois “Optor pet “Apkddwyr e \ > / ~ ~ U / opobvupadorv atroararvtes THS THV Kywociwv didrlas ” A A A 7 €yvwoav Tots Auttious ovppaxetv, TOV d€ Lopruviwy ot pev mpeoBvtato. Ta Tav Kvwooiwv ot bé VEUTE POL Ta TOV Autrey atpovjevoe SteoTaciacav 8 mpos ddA Aous. ot be Kyacoor, Tmrapadogou yeyo- voTos avTots TOO Tepl Tovs GUUpaYoUS KWI[LATOS, emLom@vTat xtAtous ef Airwiias avOpas KaTa 9 ouppaxiar. ov yevouevov TapavTika TOv Dopru- view ot mpeoBvTepor katadapBavdpevor THY aKpav eladyovtat Tovs te Kvwooiovs Kai tovs Aitwdovs, A \ A ? / A ye 4 ~ / Kal Tovs pev e€€Badov Tovs 8 améxtewav THY vewr, 547»v 5é€ modAw evexeipicav tots Kvwooilois. Kata d€ Tovs adtovs Kaipods Auttiwv eEwd<evKdoTwv Eis THY ToAECuiav TaVvdnuel, avvvVoncavTes of Kywdaator TO yeyovos KataXapPavovtar tHv Avtrov eprnov A \ A 2ovcav tHv BorOnodvTwy: Kal TA pev TEKVA Kal A > Tas yuvaikas eis Kvwooov amémeppav, thy dé \ moAw éumpyoavtTes Kal KatacKkapavtes Kat AwPn- , > A e A 3 odpevol Kata mavTa TpoTov émavnAPov. ot Se 428

BOOK IV. 53. 3-54. 3

with an irremediable disaster. The general condition of affairs in Crete had been as follows. The Cnossians in alliance with the Gortynians had subjected the whole of Crete with the exception of Lyttus. This being the only city that refused obedience, they undertook a war against it with the object of its final extermination as an example and terror to the rest of Crete. At first all the Cretans took part in the war against Lyttus, but jealousy having sprung up from some trifling cause, as is common with the Cretans, some separated from the rest, the people of Polyrrhenia, Ceraeae, Lappa, Horium, and Arcadia? unanimously abandoning the alliance with Cnossus and deciding to take the part of Lyttus, while Gortyna was in a state of civil war, the elder citizens taking the part of Cnossus and the younger that of Lyttus. The Cnossians, whom these disturbances among their allies took by surprise, obtained the assistance of a thousand Aetolians in virtue of their alliance, and once these had arrived the elder Gortynians, seizing the citadel and intro- ducing the Cnossians and Aetolians, exiled or put to death the younger men and delivered the city to the Cnossians. 54. At about the same time the Lyttians having left with their whole force for an expedition into the enemy’s country, the Cnossians getting word of it seized on Lyttus which was left without defenders, and having sent off the women and children to Cnossus, and burnt, demolished, and in every way they could wrecked the town, returned

@ The town in Crete of that name. 429

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Avrriot tapayevouevor mpos THY TéAW ano THs efodelas, Kal ovvOeacdmevot TO Cup eByxos, OUTWwS mepirabets éyevovto Tats poxats WOTE ped? etoeABetv pndéva ToAujnoa, TOV TapovT@v els 77)

4 matpida: mavres dé mepiropevbevtes adtinv KUKAw, Kal moAAdKis avoiwwéavtes Kal Katorodupdpevoe THY TE THS TaTpidos Kal THY adTaY TUyHY, adOus e€ avaotpog¢ys emavndPov eis tHv Tov AarTaiwy

5r0Aw. didavOpdmws d5€ adrovs Kal peta TaonS mpobvpias tav Aanmaiwy trodeEapévwy, obdTot lev avtt trodut@v azroAwes ev Huépa pid Kat E€vor yeyovores émoAcpouv mpos Tovs Kvwooiovs dua

6 Tots UMPAEXOLS, Adrros any) Aaxedayrovier pev dmouKos ovoa Kal ovyyeris, dpxarorarn d€ TaY kata Kprrnv moXewv, avdpas 3 oporoyoupevws dpisrous ael tpepovoa Kpnrarewv, ovtws apdnv Kal Tapaddyws avypracbn.

55 loAvppyjvioe 5€ Kat Aammator Kal mavres of TovTwy ovppayot, Jewpotytes tovs Kvwaaious avTexouevous THS TOV AitwAOv ovppaxlas, Tovs 6° AitwAovs opa@vres trohepttous ovras T@ Te BaotAet Dirtame Kal Tots “Axavots, TEpTOVAL mpeoBets m™pos TE Tov Baowréa Kal Tos xavovs mepl Bon-

2 Qcias Kal ovppaylias. ot 8 *Ayaot cat DiA- LmTTros Ets Te THv KOWHY ovppaxiay adrtovs m™poo- ede€avTo Kal BonBevav efatréotetAay, TAuptods [ev TETpakoolous, WV Hyetro ITAdrwp, “Axatovs de

3 duaxoolious, DwKéas ExaTov, of Kal Tapayevdopmevot peydAnv emowjoavt’ eémidoow tots IloAvppyviots

4 Kal Tots ToUTwY ovppaxots’ mavu yap év Bpayet Xpovw Tetxnpers KaTaoTHOAVTES TOUS T *EAevbep- vaious kal Kuvdwvidtas étt dé tovs *“Amrepaious 430

BOOK IV. 54. 3-85. 4

home. When the Lyttians came back to their city from the expedition and saw what had happened, they were so much affected that none of them had the heart even to enter his native town, but one and all after marching round it and many times bewailing and lamenting the fate of their country and them- selves, turned their backs on it and retired to Lappa. The Lappaeans received them with the utmost kindness and cordiality ; and thus having become in one day cityless aliens instead of citizens they went on fighting against Cnossus with the other allies. Thus was Lyttus, a colony of the Spartans and allied to them by blood, the most ancient city in Crete, and ever, as all acknowledged, the breeding-place of her bravest men, utterly and unexpectedly made away with.

55. The Polyrrhenians, Lappaeans, and all their allies seeing that the Cnossians clung to the alliance of the Aetolians who were the enemies of King Philip and the Achaeans, sent envoys to the king and to the League requesting their assistance and alliance. The Achaeans and Philip hereupon received them into the general confederacy and sent them as support four hundred Illyrians under the command of Plator, two hundred Achaeans and one hundred Phocians. The arrival of this force was of the greatest advantage to the Polyrrhenians and their allies ; for in a very short space of time they shut the Eleuthernians, Cydoniats, and Apteraeans

431

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

nvdaykacav amootavras THs TOV Kywaciwy ovppa-

5 xlas KoWwaVhoa odpiat Tav adra@v eArridwr. TOUTWY de yevopevey efarréoretAav TloAuppyvioe prev Kal pera TOUTWY Ob OUpLaxou Dirtinmw Kal Tots ’Ayatois mevraxootous Kpqras, Kvdsoctor 8é puuKp@ mpotepov e€ameatdAKevoav xtAiovs tots Aitwdois: ot Kal ovuverroAcduouv apdpotépois Tov éveoTm@Ta

6 70Acuov. KateAaBovro Sé Kal Tov Ameva TaV Maotiwy of tHv Topruviwy duyddes, dpoiws dé Kal Tov avTa@v Tv Topruviwy mapaPorAws diaxar- etyov, Kal mpocemoAcuouy ek TOUTWY OpUawLEvOL TOV TOTTMY Tots €v TH monet.

56 Ta per’ oy KaTa 7H Kpyrny ev TovTo.s hv" mept S€ Tovs Katpods TovTOUS Kal Mibpidarns e€jnveyke Luwwrebat moAeuov, Kat tis olov apy? TOTE Kal Tpdpaacts eyéeveTo THs emt TO TEAOS axDetons

QgaTvxlas Luwwredow. els d€ TOV mdAELOV TOdTOV mpeofevodvrwy avtav mpos ‘Podious Kai tapaxa- Aovvtwv Bonbetv, ESo€e Tots ‘Podios mpoxetpicacbar Tpets avdpas, Kat dodvar tovTois Spaxypa@v Sexa- TéTTapas upiadas, Tovs dé AaBovras TapacKevdoat TA pos THY xpelav emitHdEeLa Tots Uwwredaw.

3 ot dé kataorabevres Hrotwacay olvov Kepdyua pupia., TPLXOS elpyaopevns TaAavTa TpLakdcta, vevpwv etpyagpLeveny eK arTOv TaXavTa, mavorrAas xiAias, xpuvaots émionpouvs TpioxtAious, ete dé

4 Afoddpovs rérTapas Kat Tovs adéras TovTois. a@ Kat AaBovres of Tav Livwréwv mpécBers errav7A- Oov. joav yap ot Lwerreis ev aywvig pa Trohop- Keiv opas 6 Mibpidarns eyxerpryjon Kal Kara yay Kal Kara, Oddarray: dud Kal Tas Tapackevas ™pos

5 ToUTO TO peépos emovodyTo Tacas. % Se Lwwan 432

BOOK IV. 55. 4-56. 5

inside their walls and compelled them to desert the alliance of Cnossus and share their fortunes. After this success the Polyrrhenians and their allies sent to Philip and the Achaeans five hundred Cretans, while the Cnossians had a little earlier sent a thousand to the Aetolians and both these Cretan forces con- tinued~ to” take “part. "m*“the “present ‘war.’ The Gortynian exiles seized on the harbour of Phaestus and even audaciously continued to hold that of Gortyna itself, and from both these positions made war on those in the city.

56. Such was the state of affairs in Crete. At the same period Mithridates too went to war with Sinope, and this proved as it were the beginning and first occasion of the misfortunes which finally befell this city. The Sinopeans sent an embassy to Rhodes begging for assistance towards this war and the Rhodians passed a decree to appoint three commissioners and to place in their hands a sum of 140,000 drachmae on receiving which they were to supply the requirements of the Sinopeans. The commissioners got ready ten thousand jars of wine, three hundred talents of prepared hair, a hundred talents of prepared bow-string, a thousand complete suits of armour, three thousand gold pieces, and four catapults with their artillerymen, on receiving which the Sinopean envoys returned home. These things were sent because the Sinopeans were in great dread of Mithridates undertaking the siege of the city by land and sea, and they therefore were making all their preparations with this view. Sinope lies

433

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Ketrau plev ev Tots d<fvois Hépeoe tod Ildvrov mapa TOV els DGow moby, oixetras 6° émi Twos XEppo- vngov mpoTewovans els TO méAayos, As TOV pLev avyéva TOV GuvaTTovTa mpos THY ’Aciav, 6s €aTLW ov mAciov Svety otadiwv, % moAUs émuKeymevyn 6 dvakAeten KUpiws: TO dé AoLTOV THS YEppovycov mpoKeltat jrev eis TO TéAaYos, €oTt 8 emimedov Kal mavevepodov emt tHv T7OAW, KUKAw 8 éx Oadarrns amoTojLov. Kal SvampoodpptaTov Kat mavteAds 7 oAlyas €xov mpooBdces. Sdudmep aywvidvrTes ot Livwrrets uy Tote Kata THY aro THS *Aaias 7rAcvpav 6 Mipiddtyns ovornodmevos Epya, Kal KaTa THY anévav7t tavTns opolws moimoduevos amdBaow Kata OdAarrav els Tovs Opadods Kal Tovs UTEpKEL- Hevous THs T7OAEwWS TOTOUS, eyXErpyon TmoAvoprety 8 avtous, emeBdAovro THs Xeppovnoov KUKAW TO vnoilov oxupody, amooTaupobvtes Kal _Trepixapa- Kobvtes tas ek Oaddtrns mpooBdces, aa dé Kal BédAn Kat orpatiwtas TilévrTes emt Tods edKaipous 97THv Tomwv’ é€oTt yap TO Trav péyelos adbrHs ov mod, TeA€ws 8° evKaTaKpaTHTOV Kal éTpLOV.

57 = Kaira pev rept Xivedarrns ev TovTots tv, 6 d€ Bact- devs Didurmos avalevéas ex Maxedovias peta Tis duvapews (ev yap TavTaLs tais emtBodrats amre- Airrapev dptTu Tov CULLAXLKCOV moAepov ) copynoev emt Oerradias Kat THs ‘Hzetpou, omevdwv Tavrn

2 trounoacbat THY eloBoAny thy ets Airwiiav. ’Aré- favo pos d€ Kal Awpipaxos KaTa TOV Kalpov TovTOV EXOVTES mpagi KaTa THs TOV Atyetparay Todcws, aBpotcarres tav Aitwrav mept xtdALious Kal dva- Kooious eis OidvOevav tis AltwAias, 7 Ketrae KATAVTLKPD THS Tpoeipnuevyns TOAEwWS, Kat TrOpOLEta, 434

BOOK IV. 56. 5-57. 2

on the southern shore of the Pontus on the route to the Phasis and is situated on a peninsula running out to the open sea. The neck of this peninsula connecting it with Asia is not more than two stades in width and is absolutely closed by the city which is situated upon it; the rest of the peninsula runs out to the open sea and is flat and affords an easy approach to the town, but on its sea face it is very steep, difficult to anchor off, and with very few approaches from the sea. The Sinopeans were fearful lest Mithridates should lay siege to them by throwing up works on the side of the city next Asia, while at the same time effecting a disembarkation on the opposite side and occupying the flat ground overlooking the city ; and consequently they busied themselves with strengthening all round that part of the peninsula which was washed by the sea, blocking up the approaches from the sea by means of stakes and stockades and placing soldiers and stores of missiles at suitable spots, the whole penin- sula being of no great size but quite easily defensible

by a moderate force. 219 B.0, 57. Such was the situation at Sinope. But King Philip starting from Macedonia with his army—for it was here that I interrupted my account of opera- tions in the Social War—marched on Thessaly and Epirus with the view of invading Aetolia from thence. Alexander and Dorimachus at this time having formed a project for surprising Aegeira, had collected about twelve hundred Aetolians at Oeantheia in Aetolia, which is situated just opposite Aegeira, and 435

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

TOUTOLS ETOULAGAYTES, mAotv éTHpovv mpos THY 3 emBodyy. Tov yap ndropLodnKdtev tus e€ Attw- Aias, Kal meiw xpovov Svarerpupws Tapa Tots Alyeipdtats Kai ouvvteDewpynKws tovs puAatrrovras tov am’ Alyiov mvuA@va pebvoKxopevous Kal pabijuws 4dteEdyovras Ta Kata THY gdvdakyv, mAcovaKis mapapaAAdpevos Kal SiaBatvey T™pos TOUS: Tept Awpipaxov eexeKAnro _T™pos THY mpakw avrovs ate lav oikelouvs ovtas TaV ToLOVTWY eyXEtpnuaTov. 57 5é€ trav Alyeipatradv modus extisTar prev TAS IleAotovvyjcov Kata Tov Kopwétakov KoAmov petagv Ths Alyvéwy Kal Likvwviwy moAews, Ketrar 8 emt Acodwv epupvav cai dvoBatwv, vever d€ TH Oécer mpos tov Ilapraccov Kal ratta Ta pépn TiS avrimepa xwpas, améyet d€ THs Oadatrns ws enTa BoTddia. mapamecovtos dé mAod Tots mepi Tov Awpipayov avnxy8ncav, Kat Kaboppyilovrar vuKtos ETL POS TOV Tapa THY TOAW KAaTAppeoVvTA TrOTA[LOV. 7 ot pev obv mrepi tov ’AX€Eavdpov Kai Awpipaxov, Gua de tovtois *Apyidayov tov Ilavradgovros viov, ExovTES TrEpl adtovs TO TAHVos THV AitwAdv mpoceBawov mpos THv TOAW Kata THY am’ Aiyiov 8 pépovoay dddv- 6 8 avrdouoros exw eEikoot Tovs emiTndevordtous, Siavloas tals avodiats Tovs Kpnuvovs Oatrov THv adAwv sia Ty epTreupiay, Kai d.advs Sud Twos ddpoppoias, ETL KOtpwLevOUS i) katéhaBe Tovs emt Tob mudédivos. kataopagas 5° avTovs akuTV ev tais KolTats ovtTas, Kal diaKdwas Tois meAéKeat Tous poxdAous, dvewee Tots Airwhois 10 Tas mas. ot de TOpEeLoTEGOVTES Aapmpa@s amept- vonTws expjoavTo Tots mpdaypaow. 6 Kal Tmapat- Tuv éeyéveto tots pev Alyeuparais THs owrnpias, 436

BOOK IV. 57. 2-10

having provided transports for this force were waiting for favourable weather to cross and make the attack. For a certain Aetolian deserter, who had spent some time at Aegeira and had noticed that the guards of the Aegium gate were constantly drunk and neglectful of their watch, had several times at some risk crossed over to Dorimachus and urged him to make the attempt, well knowing that such an enterprise was quite in his line. Aegeira is situated in the Peloponnese on the gulf of Corinth between Aegium and Sicyon and is built on steep hills difficult of access, looking towards Parnassus and that part of the opposite coast, its distance from the sea being about seven stades. The weather being now favourable, Dorimachus set sail and an- chored while it was still night at the mouth of the river which flows by the town. Then those with Alexander and Dorimachus and with them Archidamus the son of Pantaleon, now took the main body of the Aetolians and approached the city by the road leading from Aegium. The deserter with twenty picked men, leaving the path and mounting the precipice quicker than the others as he knew the ground, got in through an aqueduct and found the guard of the gate still asleep. Having killed them before they could rise from their beds and cut through the bolts with axes, he opened the gates to the Aetolians. They dashed brilliantly into the city, but afterwards conducted matters with such an entire lack of caution that finally the Aegeira- tans were saved and they themselves destroyed.

437

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

11 tots 5° Airwdots tis amwaAclas. taoAapBavovrtes yap todto téAos elvat Tob Katacyeiv addoTtpiav moAw, To yevéoOar TOV TVAWVYWY evTds, TOOTOV TOV

58 Tpomov éexypa@vTo Tois mpaypwact. O10 Kat Bpayvv TavTeA@s xpovov abpdot ouppetvayTes mEept TH ayopar, Aourrov exrradets o OVTES TpOS TAS _aperetas dueppeov, Kal mapelomimtovtes eis Tas oixtas

2 dunpmalov Tous Bious 707 pwtos OvToOs. ot 6 Aiyeipatat, Tod mpdypatos avrots dveAmiorou Kab Tapadogov Tehéws ovpBeBnKoros, ols juev emeoTnoOV ot TmoA€p.LoLe KaTa Tas oixlas, exmAayets Kal Te pl- poor yevopevor TAVTES eTpeTOVTO mpos pvynv ef Tijs moAews ws 7307) BeBaiws adTHs KekparnLev7s

3 770 tév Trodepiov, 6 doot d€ THS Kpavyjs dovovres e€ dkepaiwy tv oikiav e€eBonfovv, mavtes ets

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5 dia Tas mpoeipnucvas aitias. od pv adda ovp- op@vres ot epi Tov Awpipayov 76n TOV TrEpteacT@TA Kivduvoyv adtovs, ovotpadevtes Wpunoav emt Tovs Katéyovtas THv akpav, droAauBavovres TH Opacv- mT Kal ToAun KatamAnEdpevoe Tpéeacbat Tovs

6 HOporopevous emi tHv Borfevav. of 5° Atyeiparat mapakaXrécavtes odds avTovs HvvovTo Kal ouV-

7 emA€KovTo Tots Airwhois yevvaiws. ovens de THs dkpas dreixioTou Kal THS oupTroniis eK XEtpos Kat Kar’ | wopa. ywoperns, TO [ev T7p@Tov nv dyov olov eikos, are TaV ev Urep TaTpidos Kal TEKVWY Tov 3° Diep owTnplas dyoveopevev, teAos ye pay eTparnoav ot mapetomeTTWKOTES TOV AitwAdv.

soi 8 Alyeypdrar AaBovtes adopunv eyKAipwaros 438

BOOK IV. 57. 11-58. 8

For considering that the occupation of a foreign city is finished when one is once within the gates, they acted on this principle, (58) so that, after keeping together for only quite a short time in the neighbourhood of the market-place, their passion for plunder caused them to disperse, and, breaking into the houses, they began to plunder the property, it being now daylight. The people of Aegeira had been entirely taken by surprise, and now those whose houses had been attacked by the enemy were all in the utmost state of terror and consterna- tion, and fled out of the town in which they supposed the enemy to be already securely established. Those, however, who came to assist on hearing the shouting and whose houses were still intact, all ran to the citadel. Here they gradually increased in numbers and gained courage, while the collected force of the Aetolians on the contrary became ever smaller and more disordered for the reasons above- mentioned. But Dorimachus, seeing now the danger that menaced them, got his men together and attacked the occupants of the citadel, thinking that by this bold and vigorous effort he would intimidate and put to flight those who had gathered to defend the city. But the Aegiratans, cheering each other on, resisted and met the Aetolian attack most gallantly. The citadel was unwalled, and the combat was a hand-to-hand one between man and man, so that at first there was a struggle as desperate as one would expect when the one side is fighting for their country and children and the other for their lives, but at the end the Aetolian invaders were put to flight. The pursuit of the enemy by the Aegiratans, who took advantage of their higher

439

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

evepy@s eméexewTo Kal KatamAnKkTiK@s Tots mroAe- plots, €€ 08 aovveBn Tods mAcicTovs THv Aitwrdv dua THY TToLav adTovs ig abrav pevyovras év tais 9 mvAats oupTrarnOjvas. 6 pe obv “Ar€Eavdpos év Xetpav vom KaT’ avrov emece TOV KivduvoV, 6 bé "Apxidapos ev T@ tmept tas trUAas wOion®@ Kal 10 mye SvehOdipn. To O€¢ Aourrov 7A Gos TOV AirwAdv to pev ovverratnOn, To O€ KaTa Tov ri Kpnpvav pedyov tats dvodias efeTpaxnAioOn. TO é€ Kal Svacwbev avray p€pos mpos Tas vais, éppipos Ta O7rAa Travaicypws aya 6 aveATiotws €moinoato Tov arrdmAouv. 12 Alyeiparar pev odv d1a THY oAtywpiav azrofa- ovTEs THV marpide., dia THv evibvyiayv Kal yevvatdo- 59 7770 maAw Eowoav mapadogws* kata d€ Tovds avrovs _Kaupovs Evpimidas, és Hv dmecrahwevos tro t&v Aitwrdav otpatnydos tots *Hdeios, kaTadpapey TV Avpatoy Kal Paparewy eT O€ Tv TOV Tipuraéwy xpay, Kal Treptehacdpevos Acias mAjbos t ixavor, ETOLELTO THY aToXWpHaw ws 2émi tHv “HXeiav. 6 5é Mixxos 6 Avpatos, dorep eTUyyave KaT’ exeivous Tovs KaLpovs bTrooTpaTHYoS @v TOV “Axardy, exBonOnoas mavdnLel Tous TE Avpaious Kal Dapaeis a aya dé Kat Tpiracets €: EXOY, 3 TpoceKetTo Tots mroNep.tous dmahharropevors. év- epyotepov 5° . . . eumeowy eis evedpav eodddAn Kat moAAovs améBaXe tTa&v avdpav: teTTapdKovTa pev yap €mecov, édAwoay € trepi Suakoatous THY TEC Ov. 46 pev odv Kupimidas troujcas tobTo To mpoTépynma, Kal perewpiobeis emt TO yeyovort, per or.tyas Huépas adtis eLeADwv karéhape Tropa tov “Apafov dpovpiov trav Avpaiwy evKaipov To Kadovpevor 440

BOOK IV. 58. 8-59. 4

position, was so vigorous and formidable, that most of the Aetolians owing to the state of panic they were in trampled each other to death in the gate. Alexander fell fighting in the actual engagement and Archidamus perished in the suffocating crush at the gate. The rest of the Aetolians were either trampled to death there or were dashed to pieces in their attempt to escape down the cliffs where there was no path. The survivors who reached the ships after throwing away their shields managed, beyond hope and with the stigma of this disgrace, to sail away. Thus did the Aegiratans lose their city by their negligence, and recover it again beyond hope by their courage and valour.

59. About the same time Euripidas, whom the Aetolians had sent to the Eleans to command their forces, after an inroad on the territory of Dyme, Pharae, and Tritaea, in which he had collected a considerable amount of booty, was on his way back to Elis. But Miccus of Dyme, who was at this time the sub-strategus of the Achaeans, taking with him the complete levies of Dyme, Pharae, and Tritaea, marched out and attacked the enemy as they were retiring. Pressing on too vigorously he fell into an ambush and was defeated with considerable loss, forty of his infantry being killed and about two hundred taken prisoners. Euripidas, elated by this success, made another expedition a few days after- wards and took a fort of the Dymaeans called ‘‘ The Wall,’ favourably situated near the Araxus and

441

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

5 Tetyos, 6 daow of pi0o. TO madaov “Hpaxréea moXepobvta tots "HAetows érrovxodopjoat, BovdAd- 60 Hevov opuntnpiw ypjoba tovTw Kar atdTav. ot € Avpatos kai Dapatets Kai Tpitacets AaTTwpévor A A \ / / \ \ / > poev mept THY BonBevav, Sediudtes S€ TO beMov eK THs Tov dpoupiov Kkatadnpews, TO pev T™p@Tov ETTE|LTTOV ayyédous T™pos TOV OT paTHYyOV tov Ayay, dnAodvres TA yeyovora Kat Sedpevor odict Bonbetv, peta O€ tTatta mpeoBevtas e€améareAXov Tovs 2 Trepl Tav al’Tdv afuwoovras. 6 8 “Apatos | ore To evikov edvvato avoTycacbat dia TO KaTQ TOV KAcopevexov moAepwov €AdeAouTrévar TWa TOV osw- viwy TOUS “Axatods Tots pcaBopopors, Kabodov Te tats emBodais Kal ovAAn Bony maou Tots Tob moAé- [Lov mpdypacw aToAuws eXpyTO Kal vwlpads. 3 Sudtrep 6 O TE Avxodpyos elke TO TOV Meyadorrohurav "AOnvavov, 6 7 Evpuridas efis Tots eipnevous 4 ['éprvvayv THs TeAgovoias. ot Te Avpator Kal Dapaeis Kal Tpuraveis, duceAmiornaavtes emt Tats Too orparnyob BonBcias, ouveppovncav adAnAous els TO Tas pev KoWas eladopas Tots "Axatots uy 5 Tedety, idia de avoTyncacbar pcboddpous, melovs pev TptaKoalous immets. de TEVTHKOVTA, Kal Oud 6 TOUTWY dopanileoBar TV Xwpav. totTo o¢ m™pa- Eavres tmép prev tav Kal? adrovs TpaywaTov evdexopevws edogav BeBovAcicbar, mept Se Tadv Kowa TavavTia: Tovnpads yap efddov Kal mpopa- ews Tots Bovdopevous dvadvew to €Ovos eddKovV 7 apxnyor Kal Kkabnyepoves yeyovevat. Taurns be Ths ma ews TO Lev TAEtoToV THs airias émt TOV oTpaTnyov av Tis avadéepor Sikaiws Tov oAvywpobvTa. Kal KatapéAAovra Kal mpoiduevov del Tovs Seopevous. 442

BOOK IV. 59. 5-60. 7

fabled to have been built long ago by Heracles when he was making war on the Eleans to use as a place of arms against them. 60. The Dymaeans, Phar- aeans, and Tritaeans, thus worsted in their attack on the invaders and afraid of what might happen owing to the occupation of the fort, at first dispatched messengers to the strategus of the Achaeans inform- ing him of what had occurred and begging for help, and subsequently sent a formal embassy with the same request. Aratus could not get a foreign force together, as after the Cleomenic War the Achaeans had not paid their mercenaries in full, and in general he exhibited a great lack of daring and energy in his plans and his whole conduct of the war. So that Lycurgus took the Athenaeum in the territory of Megalopolis, and Euripidas, in addition to his previous successes, captured Gor- tyna in the territory of Telphusa. Hereupon the peoples of Dyme, Pharae, and Tritaea, despairing of help from the strategus, came to an agreement with each other to refuse to pay their contributions to the Achaean League and to collect a private mercenary force of three hundred foot and fift

horse with which to secure the safety of their lands. In acting thus they were thought to have taken a proper course as regards their own affairs, but the reverse of this as regards the League ; for they thus became the initiators and establishers of an evil precedent and pretext of which anyone who wished to dissolve the League could avail himself. It is true that the greater part of the blame for this action of theirs rested on the Strategus, guilty as he was of habitual negligence, delay, and inattention to

P

VOL, 1 443

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

g mds yap 6 Kuwdvvetwv, ews pev av Twos éAmidos avTEXNTAL ‘Trapa Tov olKelwy Kal ouppdxyov, Tpooavexew iret TavTais, OTav de SvoxpnoTav anmoyv@, TOT Hoy BonGet dvayKalerar avTa Kara

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50t yap "Hreipdrat 7d od€repov avayKatoTepov Tt-

€wevot TOD Kowod TOV cvppdaxwr, Kal peydAws 444

BOOK IV. 60. 8-61. 5

requests. For everyone in the hour of danger, as long as he keeps up any hope of assistance from his allies and friends, reposes his confidence on this, but when he abandons it in his distress he is forced to do all in his power to help himself. We should therefore not find fault with the Tritaeans, Pharaeans, and Dymaeans for hiring a private force when the Head of their confederacy delayed to take action, but they must be blamed for refusing to pay their contribution to the League. While duly considering their own interests, especially as they could well afford to do so, they should have observed their engagements to the League ; especially as according to the common laws they were perfectly assured of recovery ; and above all considering they were the actual founders of the Confederacy.

61. Such was the state of affairs in the Peloponnese. Meanwhile King Philip, after passing through Thessaly, had arrived in Epirus. Uniting with his Macedonians the complete levy of the Epirots, three hundred slingers who had joined him from Achaea and five hundred Cretans sent by the Polyrrhenians, he advanced and passing through Epirus reached Ambracia. Had he only not turned aside but advanced rapidly into the interior of Aetolia, he would by thus suddenly and unexpectedly invading with so formidable a force have put an end to the whole war. But as it was, letting himself be per- suaded by the Epirots to take Ambracus in the first place, he gave the Aetolians leisure to collect them- selves, to take precautionary measures and to make preparations for the future. For the Epirots, setting their own particular advantage above that of the

445

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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2 TOLOULLEVvOS THY Topetay ws em to Afov. exurrovTo dé TOV KATOLKOUVTY Tov TOTOV, etoe Oa Ta Telxn KatéoKaibe Kal Tas oikias Kal TO yupvadavoy, T™pos dé Tourous EveTpNOE TAS OTOAS TAS TIEPL TO TEMEVOS, Kal TQ Aoura dvebBerpe TOV dvabnuarav, 6 ooa Tmpos KOOLLOV 7 xpetav Umripxe Tots «is Tas Tmavnyupers oupTropevopevois: averpeye S5é€ Kal Tas E€iKOvas

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4 Deois Toe pov eLevnvoxws € emravijet, Kal Tapayevo- Hevos eis AitwAiav ovx ws joeBnKkws adr’ ws 446

BOOK IV. 61. 5-62. 4

allies and exceedingly eager to get Ambracus into their possession, implored Philip to besiege and capture this place in the firstinstance. They regarded it as of the highest importance to recover Ambracia from the Aetolians, and the only way they hoped to do so was by making themselves masters of this place and laying siege to the city of Ambracia from it. For Ambracus is a place strongly fortified by out- works and a wall and lies in a lake with only one narrow approach from the town, and it is so situated as to command effectually both the country and the town.

62. Philip, then, acting as the Epirots wished and encamping before Ambracus, began to make preparations for its siege. But while he was thus employed, Scopas raised a general levy of the Aetolians and marching through Thessaly invaded Macedonia, where he destroyed the crops in Pieria and after collecting a quantity of booty, turned back and marched towards Dium. On its inhabitants deserting this place he entered it and demolished the walls, houses, and gymnasium, burning also the colonnade round the sanctuary and destroying all the other monuments of piety which served for adornment or for the convenience of those who frequented the festival. He also threw down all the royal statues. Having thus at the very outset of the war and by his first action made war not only on men but on the gods, he now returned, and on reaching Aetolia, just as if he had not been guilty

447

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

ayabos dvnp els Ta KOoWa mpdypwata yeyovas éTysdro Kat tepteBAézreTOo, mAnpeus eArrideov KEv@V Kal dpovypatos addyou metoinKws Tos AitwdAovs: wv A > / 4 e ~ A > , 5 €oyov yap ek TovUTwr didAniw ws THs pev AitwdAias 993 39 / , > / 3 A \ , ovd eyyilew ToAuyncovtos ovdevds, ado. dé mophy- govTes adeds od provoy THv IleAomévvnoov, Kabamep ” > ? A 3 \ A A , A \ €Gos jv adtots, adda Kal THY Oetrariav Kat THYv [? / A \ \ A U 63 Maxedoviav. Midimmos dé Ta mept THY Maxedoviav dKovoas, Kal Tapaxphua THs “Hrreipwrav ayvotas Kal pirovercias TAaTLXELpA KEKO[LUO}LEVOS,, emroAuopxet 2 TOV “ApBpaxov. xpnodpevos Sé Tots TE YWpLAcLW evepya@s Kab Th AowrH TapacKevh Tayéws KaTeE- mAn€ato tovs evdvtas, Kal mapéAaBe TO ywptov 3 ev WUEepats TeTTApaKovTa Tats macais. adeis dE tovs dvddtrovras Umoomovdous, ovTas eis TeEV- taxooiovs Aitwiav, tHv pev tov *>Hreippwradv > emOujiav émrAnpwoe Tapadovs TOV “ApBpaxov, 4avtos 8 avadaBwv tiv Ovvapy mponye Tapa Xapddpav, omevdswv SdiaBhvar tov “AuBpakikov KaXovpevov KoATov, ob} aTevwraToV éoTL, KATA TO 57av “Axapyvavwy tepov Kadovpevov “Axriov. 6 yap mpoeipnuevos KdATos exminter pev eK TOU LuxeAukob meAdyous pretaéd THs "Haeipov Kat 677s “Axapvavias orev@ mavTeA@s otopate (Aetzret yap Tav mévTe oTadiwy), mpoBaivwy 8 els THY plecoyaray KaTa jLev TO TAATOS ed’ ExaTov oTadLA KetTat, Kata d€ TO jLHKOS a0 TO TeAdyous Tpo- mimTe. qept tTpiakoota orddia: Sduopiler dé THV M x Hzeipov kat tiv *Axapvaviav, exw THY pev "H > A ~ ” \ S° BN 4 Teipov amo THY apKTwY TV Kapvaviay Jamo peonuBpias. mepawwoas d€ KaTa TO T7pO- Elpynprevov oToua THY Svvayw, Kal dteAOav THv 448

BOOK IV. 62. 4-63. 7

of an impious outrage, but had done a great public service, he was universally honoured and admired, having succeeded in filling the Aetolians with empty hopes and foolish arrogance. For henceforth they had the notion that no one would ever dare even to approach Aetolia, but that they themselves might pillage unhindered not only the Peloponnese, as had been their constant practice, but Thessaly and Macedonia also. 63. Philip received the news from Macedonia, and having thus at once reaped the fruits of the folly and selfishness of the Epirots, began to besiege Ambracus. Pushing on his earth- works and other operations energetically he soon intimidated the defenders and in forty days captured the place. Letting the garrison, consisting of five hundred Aetolians, depart on terms, he satisfied the desire of the Epirots by handing over Ambracus to them, and himself advanced with his army by way of Charadra, with the object of crossing the gulf of Ambracia at its narrowest point by the Acarnanian temple called Actium. For this gulf is an inlet of the Sicilian sea between Epirus and Acarnania, entered by a quite narrow mouth, less than five stades across, but as it advances into the interior it expands to a width of a hundred stades and it reaches inland to a distance of three hundred stades from the sea. It divides Epirus from Acarnania, Epirus lying north of it and Acarnania south. After taking his army across at its mouth and passing through

449

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

>Axapvaviar, KE ths AitwAtas mpos THY KaAoupe- vynv moAw Pourias, oupTrapeAngus *Akapvavwy g melovs ducyiAious inmets de Svaoatovs « Tepe orpatomedevoas be THY TpoErpnjLevynv mow, Kal mpooBohas evepyous Kat KaTamAnkTiKas emt vo Huepas ToLnodevos, mrapéhaBe Kal’ opodoyiar, adets drroa7rovOous TOUS evovTas Tov Aitwddv. 9 THs 8° emovons vuKTos, ws ETt jrevovons avadcirou THs Toews HKov BonBobvres TEVTAKOOLOL Tov AtrwAdv: av thy tapovoiav mpoarabavdp.evos 6 Baoureds, Kabets emt Twas TOmTrous evKaipous evedpas, Tovs pev mAelous abt&v améxrewe Tovs dé Aourrovs droxetplous eAaPe mAqv TeAéws ody.

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BOOK IV. 63. 7-64. 3

Acarnania Philip reached the Aetolian city called Phoetiae, having been reinforced by two thousand Acarnanian foot and two hundred horse. He en- camped before this city and delivered for two days a series of assaults so vigorous and formidable that the Aetolian garrison surrendered upon conditions and were dismissed unhurt. During the following night a force of five hundred Aetolians arrived to help under the impression that the city still held out. The king got word of their approach and, placing an ambuscade in a favourable spot, killed the greater number of them and took all the rest prisoners, except a very few. After this, having dis- tributed enough of the captured corn to his troops to last thirty days—a large quantity having been found stored at Phoetiae—he advanced, marching on the territory of Stratus. Stopping at a distance of ten stades from the town he encamped by the river Achelous, and making forays from there, laid waste the country unopposed, none of the enemy venturing to come out to attack him.

64. The Achaeans at this time, finding themselves hard pressed by the war and learning that the king was close at hand, sent envoys asking for help. Encountering the king while still before Stratus they delivered the message with which they had been charged, and pointing out to him the large booty that his army would take in the enemy’s country, tried to persuade him to cross at Rhium and invade Elis. The king after listening to them kept the envoys with him, saying he would give their request consideration, and breaking up his camp advanced in the direction of Metropolis and

451

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

4 ws emt MntpomdAews Kat Kwvairrns. ot 8’ AitwAot nv plev akKpav THs MnrtporroAews KaTetxov, THY de moAw eéhurrov. 6 6¢€ ihurmos eumpnoas THY Mntpo7oAw Tporjer KaTa. TO OUVEXES emt TV 5 Kevamny. tov & Aitwrdv é imméwv aBporabevrey Kal ToAunodvTey dmavT ay Tpos T7V TOO ToTasLoo dudBaow, 7) Keita mp0 Tis ToAews ELKOGL OTAOLA dvexovca, Kal TETTELO EVD 7 KwAvoew Tedetws n KAKOTOLGEW moAXAa Tovs Maxedovas mepl TH 6 exBaow, avvvoncas avTav THv emPodAnv o Bact- devs Tmapnyyetre Tois meATaoTais mpwTo.s eupadretv els TOV TOTApLOV Kal mrovetabau THY éxBaow alpoous 7 KaTa Tdypo. ovvnomuKOTAS. Tov de mreBapxouv- TO, Cpa TH THY TPwWTHV OvaBhvar onuaiav Bpayéa Tavrns Karamepdoavres Ol TOV Airwhav immets, ev TO TaUTHY Te peivas ouvacticacav Kal TV Sevrépav Kat Tpirny dcaBawwovcas ouppparre Tots OmAots mpos THY UpecTHaar, dampayoovres Kal SvoxpHnoTws dmahharrovres dex chpouv m™pos TV 8 70Aw. Kal To Aowzov 7387 TO pev TOV Airwhav ppovnua auutredevyos eis Tas TOAELS HE Ty nov- 9 xlav, 6 S€ Didia7os emduaBas TO oTparevpare, Kal mropOiaas dde@s Kal TavTnv TH xepav Hcev ets THY "10wpiav: ToOTO 5° eorl Xwpiov 6 KetTaL ev emt THs mapodov Kupiws, OxupoTnTe dé puourh Kal 10 X€Lpotrounjtrw Suahéper. ouveyyilovtos 8 avrod katamayevres ot puddrrovres e€éAurrov TOV TOTO" 6 d€ Baoreds Kupiedoas Tob TOTroU els edagos 11 ere TapamrAnatws be Kal Tovs Aowrods mrUp- yous TovS KATA THY YwWpaVv emérate Tos Tmpove- 65 pevovat KaTapepew. dueAOaov dé Ta oTeva, TO Aourrov non Bdadnv Kat mpactay émovetro THY Topetay, 452

BOOK IV. 64. 4-65. 1

Conope. The Aetolians held to the citadel of Metro- polis, abandoning the town, which the king burnt and then continued his advance on Conope. When a body of Aetolian cavalry ventured to meet him, at the ford of the river which runs in front of the town at a distance of about twenty stades from it, trusting either to prevent his passage entirely or to inflict considerable damage on the Macedonians as they were crossing, the king, perceiving their design, ordered his peltasts to enter the river first and land on the other bank in close order shield to shield and company by company. His orders were obeyed, and as soon as the first company had passed, the Aetolian cavalry, after a feeble attack on it, finding that it stood firm with shields interlocked and that the second and third companies as they landed closed up with it, were unable to effect anything, and seeing that they were getting into difficulties made off for the town; and henceforth the Aetolians, with all their haughty spirit, kept quiet within the shelter of their walls. Philip crossed with his army, and having pillaged this country too unopposed, advanced on Ithoria. This is a place absolutely commanding the road through the pass and of singular natural and artificial strength; but on his approach the garrison were terror-stricken and abandoned it. The king on obtaining possession of it razed it to the ground, and ordered his advanced guards to demolish likewise the other small forts in the country. 65. Having passed through the defile he continued to advance slowly and quietly, giving his troops leisure

453

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

dvaotpogpry did0vs TH Suvdper pos Tas amo THS 2xwpas whereias. yepovtos d5é Tod oTpatomédov TavTWY TOV ETITNSELWY, HKE POS TOvs Oividdas. 3 KaTaoTpatoTedevoas dé mpos TO Ilatdviov TobTo mp@tov e€eActy Expwe* trounodpevos dé mpooBodrds ouvexeis eldev avro KaTa KpaTos, moAw Kara bev Tov mrepiBoAov ov peyddAny (eAdrre yap Hv énta oradiwy), Kata oe ay ovpTacav KaTaoKevny okay Kab TELX@v Kal TUpywv ovo” Orrotas TTY. 4 ravTys 5€ TO pev Tetxos KaTéoKate av els Edados, Tas 5” oikynoes Suadvwy ra EvAa Kal TOV KépapLov eis axedias Kkabyppole T@ ToTaLG pera ToAAfjs 5 pidorysias eis tovs OindSas. of 8 Airwhoi TO fev mpatov emeBadovto duatnpety THv aKpav THY ev tots Oividdais, aodadtodpevor TELXEOL Kal Th AowrH KatacKev7y: ouveyyilovros d€ tod Dirim7ov 6 Katamhayevres eSexwpnoar. 6 6¢€ Baotheds Tapa- AaBov Kat tadrnv tiv modw, e€ adrtis mpoedAOcw Kateotpatomédevce THs Kadvowvias mpos Tt xwplov oxupor, 6 KaXetrat prev ~EAaos nopddorat de TelXet Kal Tats Aourats Tapackevais dtadepovTws, ’Arradou tiv rept avro KaTacKeuny dvadef aprevou 7 Tots: Airwhois. VEVO[LEVOL be Kal ToUTOU Kb puor Kara, Kpatos ot Maxeddves, Kai mécav KkaTaovpavTes g77v Kadviwviay, heov madw eis tous Ounddas. Oo d€ Diduamos ovvPeacduevos tiv evKaipiay Tob ToTov mpos Te TaAAa Kai padtoTa mpos Tas ets IleAorovvnaov SiaBacers, emeBaAero Teryilew TH 9 70Aw. TOUS yap Oinadas Ketobar ovpBaiver Tapa Oddarray, emt TH mépate THs ‘Akapvavias TQ mpos AitwaAovs ouvdarrovre, TEept THY apxnv Tov 10 Kopw&taxod KéAmov. tis 6é IeAoTovwyaov réra- 454

BOOK IV. 65. 1-10

to pillage the country, and when he reached Oeniadae his army was abundantly furnished with provisions of every kind. Encamping before Paeonium he deter- mined to capture this city in the first place and after several assaults took it by storm. It is a town of no great size, being less than seven stades in circum- ference, but inferior to none in the fine construction of its houses, walls, and towers. Philip razed the wall to the ground, and taking down the houses made the timbers and tiles into rafts and sent down the stones on them with the greatest care to Oenia- dae. The Aetolians at first determined to hold the citadel of Oeniadae, feeling themselves safe behind walls furnished with all other defences, but on Philip’s approach took fright and retired. The king, taking possession of this town too, advanced from it and encamped before a strong place in the territory of Calydon called Elaus admirably fortified by walls and other defences, Attalus having undertaken for the Aetolians the expense of construction. The Mace- donians assaulted and took this place also and after laying waste the whole territory of Calydon returned to Oeniadae. But Philip, observing the natural advantages of the spot both in other respects and as a point from which to cross to the Peloponnese, con- ceived the plan of fortifying the town. Oeniadae lies at the extreme border of Acarnania on the coast of Aetolia, just at the entrance of the Corinthian Gulf. The part of the Peloponnese facing it is the coast

455

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK IV. 65. 10-66. 6

territory of Dyme, the nearest point being the pro- montory of Araxus which is not more than a hundred stades distant. Looking to these facts Philip forti- fied the citadel separately and surrounding the harbour and dockyards with a wall he intended to connect them with the citadel, using the building material he had brought down from Paeonium for the work.

66. But while the king was still thus engaged, a post arrived from Macedonia informing him that the Dardani, understanding that he contemplated a campaign in the Peloponnese, were collecting forces and making great preparations with the intention of invading Macedonia. On hearing this, he thought it necessary to hasten back to the help of Macedonia, and now dismissing the Achaean envoys with the reply that when he had done what was called for by the intelligence he had received he would make it his first object to assist them as far as was within his power, he broke up his camp and returned home with all speed by the same route as that by which he had come. As he was about to cross the Gulf of Ambracia from Acarnania to Epirus, Demetrius of Pharus appeared in a single frigate, having been driven by the Romans from Illyria, as I narrated in a previous Book. Philip received him kindly and bade him sail for Corinth and from thence make his way to Macedonia through Thessaly, while he him- self crossed to Epirus and continued his advance. When he reached Pella in Macedonia, the Dardani, hearing of his arrival from some Thracian deserters,

457

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK IV. 66. 6-67. 3

took fright and at once dismissed their army, although they were now close to Macedonia. Philip, on learning that the Dardani had abandoned their project, sent home all his Macedonians to gather in the harvest and returning to Thessaly spent the rest of the summer at Larisa.

It was at this same time that Aemilius, on his return from Illyria, celebrated a splendid triumph in Rome, that Hannibal after taking Saguntum by assault dismissed his army to winter quarters, that the Romans on hearing of the fall of Saguntum sent ambassadors to Carthage demanding that Han- nibal should be given up to them, and at the same time began to prepare for war after electing as Consuls Publius Cornelius Scipio and Tiberius Sem- pronius Longus. All these matters I have dealt with in detail in my previous Book, and now merely recall them to my readers in pursuance of my original plan that they may know what events were contemporaneous.

67. And so the first year of this Olympiad was drawing to its close. It was now the date for the elections in Aetolia, and Dorimachus was chosen strategus. As soon as he entered on office he summoned the Aetolians to arms and invading upper Epirus laid the country waste, carrying out the work of destruction in a thoroughly vindictive spirit : for the measures he took were all not so much meant to secure booty for himself as to inflict damage on the Epirots. On reaching the temple of Dodona he burnt the porticoes, destroyed many of the votive offerings and demolished the sacred building, so that

459

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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BOOK IV. 67. 4-68. 1

we may say that for the Aetolians no restrictions exist either in peace or war, but that in both circumstances they pursue their designs in defiance of the common usages and principles of mankind. Dorimachus after this and similar exploits returned home. As the winter was now advanced, everyone had given up any hope of Philip’s reappearance owing to the season, but suddenly the king taking with him three thousand of his brazen-shielded hoplites, two thousand peltasts, three hundred Cretans, and about four hundred of his horse guards, started from Larisa. Transporting this force from Thessaly to Euboea and thence to Cynus, he passed through Boeotia and Megaris and reached Corinth about the winter solstice, having marched with such expedition and secrecy that no one in the Peloponnese was aware of what had happened. Shutting the gates of Corinth and posting patrols in the streets, he sent next day to Sicyon for the elder Aratus, at the same time dispatching letters to the strategus of the Achaeans and to the different cities informing them at what date and place he required them all to meet him in arms. After making these arrangements he left Corinth, and advancing encamped near the temple of the Dioscuri in the territory of Phlius. 68. Just at this time Euripidas with two companies of Eleans together with his freebooters and mer- cenaries, so that his whole force of infantry numbered about two thousand two hundred, and with a hundred horsemen, had left Psophis and was marching through the territories of Pheneus and Stymphalus, knowing nothing of Philip’s arrival, but bent on laying waste

461

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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462

BOOK IV. 68. 2-69. 3

the district round Sicyon. On the very night on which Philip was encamped near the temple of the Dioscuri, he passed close by the king’s camp in the early morning and was just about to invade the territory of Sicyon. But some of Philip’s Cretans, who had left their ranks and were prowling about in search of plunder, fell in with Euripidas’ force. He questioned them, and on learning of the arrival of the Macedonians, without revealing the news to a soul, he led his force back by the road along which he had come, with the wish and hope of getting a start of the Macedonians and thus passing through the territory of Stymphalus and gaining the difficult highland country above it. The king, quite ignorant also of the enemy’s vicinity and simply in pursuance of his plan, broke up his camp early in the morning and advanced, intending to march past Stymphalus itself in the direction of Caphyae ; for it was there that he had written to the Achaeans to assemble in arms. 69. As the advanced guard of the Mace- donians was coming over the hill near the place called Apelaurus, about ten stades before you come to Stymphalus, it so happened that the advanced guard of the Eleans converged on the pass also. Euripidas, who understood what had happened from the intelligence he had previously received, took a few horsemen with him and escaping from the danger retreated across country to Psophis. The rest of the Eleans, thus deserted by their commander and thoroughly alarmed by what had occurred, remained in marching order at a loss what to do or

463

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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464

BOOK IV. 69. 3-70. 2

what direction to take. At first, I must explain, their officers thought it was an Achaean force which had come to oppose them, taken in chiefly by the brazen-shielded hoplites whom they supposed to be Megalopolitans, as the contingent from there had carried such shields in the battle at Sellasia against Cleomenes, King Antigonus having thus armed them for the occasion. They therefore kept their ranks and began to retire to some higher ground, not despairing of safety. But as soon as the Mace- donians advancing on them drew close, they realized the truth and all took to flight throwing away their shields. About twelve hundred of them were made prisoners and the remainder perished, either at the hands of the Macedonians or by falling down the precipices, only about a hundred escaping. Philip, sending the prisoners and captured arms back to Corinth, continued his march. This event exceed- ingly astonished all the Peloponnesians, who heard at one and the same time of the king’s arrival and of his victory.

70. Marching through Arcadia and encountering heavy snowstorms and many hardships in crossing the pass of Mount Olygyrtus, he reached Caphyae in the night of the third day. Having rested his troops here for two days and being joined by the younger Aratus and the Achaeans he had collected, so that his whole force was now about ten thousand strong, he advanced on Psophis through the territory of Cleitor, collecting missiles and ladders from the towns he passed through. Psophis is an paige

405

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

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6 ovvdewpav dé Thy OXUpOTNTA THS Fupidos 6 7 BacvAeds HTopEetTo tl Xp7) movety. THv yap ad’ €o7répas meupav avriis KaTapepeTau AdBpos Xet- pdppovs moTapos, 6s KaTa TO TAcioTOV épos TOD xeyavos aBards éorw, moet b€ Kal TO TapaTrav exupav Kal dvompdcodov THv TdAW dia TO péeyeBos Tov KolAwpatos, 6 KaTa Bpaxe TO _Xpovep Karetp~

8 yaorat depomevos ef drrepoeki tov TOT. Tapa dé TH am Hots 7 eupav exet TOV "EptpavGor, péyav kal AdBpov trotapov, vmep ob b Todds Kal b70 ToAAayv

9 TeOpvAnra Adyos. Tou be Xeyudppov mpoomimTovTos mpos tov “EptpavOov tao To Tpos: peony Bptav [L€pos THs mohews, ovpBatver TAS Lev TpEts ere- pavetas avTns v770 TOY ToTapev mreptapBavo- pévas dopahileoBar Tov TpOELpn|Levov TpoTrov *

10 TH dé Aourh, TH mpos dpxtoy, Bovvos épupvos ETLKELTAL TETELYLOJLEVOS, aKpas Eddpuods Kal mpay- parikns AapBavwy raéw. exer dS€ Kal Teixy

tagepovTa TH peyeOer Kal tats KatacKevais.

ll mpos dé rovTos Boneay ovveBawe rapa tov

466

BOOK IV. 70, 3-11

Arcadian foundation of great antiquity in the district of Azanis lying in the interior of the Peloponnese taken as a whole, but on the western borders of Arcadia itself and coterminous with the up-country of western Achaea. It commands with great advan- tage the territory of the Eleans, with whom it was then politically united. Philip, reaching it in three days from Caphyae, encamped on the hills opposite, from which one can securely view the whole town and its environs. When he observed the great strength of Psophis, the king was at a loss what to do; for on its western side there descends a violent torrent, impassable for the greater part of the winter, and rendering the city very strongly protected and difficult of approach on this side, owing to the depth of the bed it has gradually formed for itself, descending as it does from a height. On the eastern side of the town flows the Erymanthus, a large and rapid stream of which many fables are told by various authors. The torrent falls into the Erymanthus to the south of the city, so that three faces of the city are surrounded and protected by the rivers in the manner I have described. On the fourth or northern side rises a steep hill protected by walls, serving very efficiently as a natural citadel. The town has also walls of unusual size and admirable construction, and besides all these advantages it had just received a reinforce-

467

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

> A > HaAciwv elomentwKévar, Kat tov Evpiumidav ex THs puyjns Suaceqwopevov Uadpyxew ev avTh.

71 Tatr’ oty mavta ovvopdv Kai avrAdoyilopevos 6 Midtwmos ta pev adiorato Tots Aoyiopots Tod BidlecBar Kai moAvopKetv THY moAW, Ta S5€ TpO-

2 Oupws elye, THY evKaipiay Op@v Tob TdTo0U: Kal” ~ > A A Ogov yap eTEKELTO Tots Axavois TOTE Kal Tots *Apkaot Kal ToAepnTnplov bajpye tots °HAeious dopares, KaTa TocovTov maAw pat bev epLeAXe TOV pev *Apkddwv mpoxetobar Kara O€ TOV “HAetwv OpLNTnpLov Urdpeew Tots ouppedxors eVKALPOV. 3 dvd7rep éi toito TO pépos Oppnoas TH youn mapnyyede Tots Makedoow Gua TO puri méow apiotoTovetabar Kal Sucoxevacpevous € ETOLJLOUS UT- 4 dpyew. peta d€ tadra duaBas THY Kata Tov ’Epv- A pavOov yédupav, ovdevos eumodwy atavTos bua TO / lon A e A mapadofov ths émuBodjs, Ke mpos adrnvy THY 5 7oAw evepy@s Kal KatatrAnkTiK@s. of dé KaTa A b} / A / ¢€ \ A /, , tov Evpumidav Kal mavres of Kata THY TrOALW dunTr6- povv emt tots ovpBatvovor T@ meTetcAar punt av b) > , ~ \ {7 A e€ é€pddov tToAujoat Tods troAeuiovs mpoaBarety Kat PidleoOar mpos ovtTws oxupav moAW pyTeE xXpoviov av ovoTyicacbat moAwopKiay dua Thy Too 6 Kalpov “mepiotacw. aua oe Tatra AoyiCopevor ees aAAnAots, dedudTes ity mpagw o 0 MDidummos etn dia TOV evdov ouveotajLevos Kava Tis Todews. Teme 8 ovdev Ewpwv Towodrov e€ adTav ywopevov, oe @ppnoav ot prev mAElous emt Ta Tetyn BonOyaorTes, e A , “~ > , 4 ot dé pucboddpor tHv >HAciwy Kata twa mvAnV ¢€ 4 3) ~ ¢€ > , A birepdeEvov e€HADov ws emifnodpevot Tots mo- , e A A , A aA 8Acuiois. 6 d€ Baoireds dtatdéas Kata Tpets TOTOUS TOS TpodolaoVTas TH TEelyer TAS KAipaKas, 468

BOOK IV. 70. 11-71. 8

ment of Eleans, and Euripidas was present having taken refuge there after his flight.

71. Philip observing and reflecting on all this, was on the one hand deterred by his judgement from any attempt to carry the town by force or besiege it, but was again strongly disposed thereto when he considered the advantages of its situation. For just as it was now a menace to Achaea and Arcadia and a secure place of arms for the Eleans, so, if it were taken, it would be a bulwark defending Arcadia and an excellent base of operations for the allies against Elis. These considerations finally prevailed, and he gave orders to the Macedonians to get all of them their breakfasts at daybreak and then prepare for action and hold themselves in readiness. This having been done, he crossed the bridge over the Erymanthus, no one opposing him owing to the unexpectedness of the movement, and unhesitatingly marched on the town in formidable array. Euripidas and all in the town were wholly taken aback by this, as they had been convinced that the enemy would neither venture to attempt to assault by storm such a strong city, nor would open a lengthy siege at this disadvantageous season of the year. In this very conviction they now began to entertain suspicions of each other, fearing lest Philip had arranged with some of those inside the city for its betrayal. But when they saw no signs of any such project among themselves, the greater number of them ran to the walls to help, while the mercenaries of the Eleans issued from one of the gates higher up the hill to attack the enemy. The king ordered the bearers of the scaling-ladders to set them up at three separate

469

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Kal ToUTOLs Opoiws epiaas Tovs adAAous Maxeddvas, pera tadra da Tav cadmiyKTa@v amodovs Exdoros To ovvOnpa TavTaxdbev dua THY TpoaBoAny ezroLEetTo 9 Tots TelyeoL. TO LEV OdV TPATOV NUVVOVTO yevvaiws ot KaTeXovTes THY mohuy, Kal moods dar6 TOV 10 KAydke d dmréppumrov" emel O TE xopnyta TOV BeAOv Kat T&v du TOV mos TH Xpetav emery - detwv evedeurev ws av €x TOO Kaipod Tis TapacKeuhs yeyernuerns, ol Te Maxeddves ov KateTArTTOvTO TO ywopevov, aA’ én THY Tov pipevtos amo TaV KAiwaKwv xdpav 6 Katomw apyedAnTws éenéBawer, 11 TéAos ot prev ek THs mdAEws TpamevTes edevyov mavres mpos THY akpoTToAW, Tv Sé Tapa Tob Baorhéws ot yey Maxeddves emeBnoav Tov Telxous, ot d€ Kpares mpos TOUS KATA TI drrepdet tov mAqv emefeDovras TOV probodopwy ouppikavres 7 nvayKa- cav avtovs ovdevi Koopw pipavtas Ta dTAa hevyew. 120ls émuKeiwevor Kal mpooddepovtes Tas yetpas ouveicetrecov dia THS TUANs: €€ 0b cuveBy TavTA- 13 x00ev dua Katadndbjvar tHv modAWw. of peév odv VYoadidior peta Téxvwv Kal yuvark@v amexdpynoav eis THY Akpav, dua dé TOUTOLS of TEpt TOV Edvpimiday, opoiws dé Kat TO Aowrov TAHO0s TOV Stacwlopevwv: 72 ot d€ Maxeddves eiomecdvtes THY pev evdopeviav admacav ek TV oiki@v mapaxphua dunpmacayr, pera d€ TabTa Talis OiKlals EmLaKNnVWOaVTES KATETYOV 277v TOAW. of dé cvpTEpevyoTes Eis THY AKpoTOAL, ovdepitds odiou TapacKevys dmapyovons, mpoopw- pevou To péAdov é€ eyywoav eyxetpiCew adds avrovs 3 7O Dirirme. méupavTes obv Knpuka m™pos TOV Baowréa, Kal AaBovres ovyX@pnya TeEpt mpeoPetas, efatréotetAay Tovs dpxovTas Kal peTa TOUVTWY 470

BOOK IV. 71. 8-72. 3

spots, and similarly dividing the rest of his Mace- donians into three bodies, gave the signal by the sound of trumpet and attacked the wall simultane- ously from every side. At first the holders of the city offered a stout resistance and threw down many of the assailants from the ladders, but when their supply of missiles and other requisites began to fall short—their preparations having been made on the spur of the moment—and the Macedonians were showing no signs of fear, the place of each man thrown off the ladder being instantly taken by the man next behind him, the defenders at length turned their backs and all fled to the citadel, while of the king’s forces the Macedonians mounted the walls, and the Cretans, attacking the mercenaries who had sallied from the upper gate, forced them to fly in disorder, throwing away their shields. Pressing close on their heels and cutting them down, they entered the gate together with them, and thus the city was taken from every side at once. The Psophidians with their wives and children retreated to the citadel together with Euripidas’ force and the rest of the fugitives, (72) and the Macedonians, breaking into the houses, pillaged them at once of all their contents and afterwards lodged in them and took regular possession of the town. The fugitives in the citadel, as they were not prepared for a siege, decided to anticipate matters by surrendering to Philip. They therefore sent a herald to the king; and on obtaining a safe-conduct for an embassy dispatched the

magistrates accompanied by LEuripidas on this 471

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Evpimidav: of Kat mowmodpevor amovdas éAaBov Thv acpaXrevav tois ovpmedevycow opnod €&évois 4 kal moAirats. obrot pev ovv avtuis erravnAdov obev dpunoav, EXOVTES TapadyyeAua peeve KaTa Xwpav ews av 7 Ovvapus avalevén, 7) TwWes are) - Soavres THY oTpaTiwTdy Svaprdowow avrous: 6 be Bacwreds € emuyevopLevns Xedvos jvayKacOn pevew emt Tom0U Twas nuepas, ev als ouvayayov TOUS TapovTas Tay “Axau@v T™p@Tov pev THhV oXupoTyTa Kal THY EVKALPLAY ETEDELKVUE TIS modems mpos TOV 6 eveoT@ta TdAELoVv, ameAoyicaTo Sé Kal THY alpeow Kal THY EvvoLaY HY Exot POS TO EOVOS, emt 5é maawW epy Kal viv Tapaxwpeiv Kai diddvat Tots ’Ayatois THY TOAW: _mpoxetabar yap av7@ ta duvara yapi- 7 Seofau Kat pnBev eAAcimrew mpobvuias. ep’ ols EVXApLOTOUVTWY avra TOV TE qepl TOV “Aparov Kal ToY TOAAGY, Siaddoas THv exkAnatav 6 pev Didurmos pera THs Suvdpews avalevéas emi AaoiWdvos 8 ezovetro THY Tropelav, ot 5€ Lwdidior kataBavtes EK THS Akpas ékopicavrTo THY TOALW Kal TAs OiKHGELS EkaoTOL TAS AVTAYV, ot Sé trept TOV Edpimridav amHABov els TOV KopuwOov Kaneibev els AirwAtay. Tov 5 “Axaixay apxovrov ot Tapovres emt pev THY aKpav eméaTnoav pera, dvrakns tkavis Ipddaov Licvesvoov, € emt dé THY moAw IIvOiav IeAAnvéa. 10 Kat Ta pe mept ‘wdida todtov emereheoOn 73 Tov Tporrov" ot bé€ mapapurdrrovres tov Aaciva tav ’Hretwy ouvEevTes THY Tapovatay - Tov Maxeéo- vwv, tmemvopevor Oé€ kal TA YyeyovoTa TreEpt THY 2 Pudida, Tapaxphpa Ty moAw efeAumrov. 6 be Baoweds ws OGrrov Axe, Tavryy pev €& _€$ddou mapeAaBev, avvavgwy dé tHv mpodeow jv elyxe 472

BOOK IV. 72. 3-73. 2

mission, who made terms with the king, securing the lives and liberties of all the fugitives both natives and foreigners. They then returned whence they came with orders for all to remain where they were until the departure of the army, lest any of the soldiery might disobey orders and plunder them. The king, owing to a snow-fall, was obliged to remain here for several days, in the course of which he called a meeting of the Achaeans present, and first of all pointing out to them the strength of the town and its excellent situation for the purposes of the present war, and next protesting his affection and esteem for their state, finally told them that he now handed over the city to the Achaeans as a free gift, it being his purpose to favour them by all means in his power and never fail to consult their interests. Aratus and the Achaean troops having expressed their thanks to him for this, Philip dismissed the meeting and departed with his army, marching towards Lasion. Hereupon, the Psophidians coming down from the citadel, their city and houses were restored to them, and Euripidas went away to Corinth and thence back to Aetolia. The Achaean magistrates present put Prolaus of Sicyon in command of the citadel with an adequate garrison and Pythias of Pellene in command of the town.

73. So ended the incident of Psophis. The Elean garrison of Lasion, hearing of the approach of the Macedonians and learning what had befallen Psophis, at once abandoned the town. The king took the city immediately on his arrival and, as a further testimony of his generous intentions towards the

473

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

mpos TO €Ovos, TrapédOwKe Kat Tov Aaciwva Tots "Axaots. opoiws dé Kal THY Ltpdtov exAindvTwv tav “Hreiwy amoxaréornoe tots TeAdovoiois.

3 TavTa O€ Siatpakdpevos KE TEuTTatos eis “Odvp- miav. Qvcas d€ TH Oe Kai Tods Hyepdovas éoTidoas, agua d€ Kal 77v AoiTnY mpocavarratvoas Svvapw emt Tpeis uepas, weTa Tatra madw av-

4 eCevéev’ Kal mpoeAOav eis THY ’HAeiav Tas pwev Tp0- vouas éemadhke KaTa THs xwpas, adTos dé KaT- €oTpatomédevae Tept TO Kadovpevov *Aprepiovov.

5 mpoodeEdpevos 8 evradla tHv AEtav pweTEeByn AAW émt to Atookovpuov.

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9 podev eet. Soxodar dé pou mavra Tara Kal Sud TO TAHBos jLev Tijs xwpas TO maXatov € eTmUWOT TAL Kal vouolerhaat, TO d€ mAcioTov dia TOV DardpxovTa

10 70TE map’ avrots tepov Biov, ore AaBovres Tapa Tav “EXjvwv ovyywpnua Sua TOV dydva. TOV ‘Odvpurricov tepay | Kal amropOntov @& @Kouv anv Hear, Gmeipor Travtos ovtes Sewov Kal maons TroAcuUKTS 474

BOOK IV. 73. 2-10

League, gave up Lasion also to the Achaeans. He likewise restored to the Telphusians the town of Stratus, which had been evacuated by the Eleans, and after completing these arrangements reached Olympia five days later, where he sacrificed to the god and entertained his captains, and, having given all his army a three days’ rest, again moved on. Advancing into Elis he sent out foraging parties to scour the country, and himself encamped at the place called the Artemisium, where he waited for the booty and then went on to the Dioscurium. When the country was plundered, the number of captives was great, and still more numerous were those who escaped to the neighbouring villages and strong places. [Tor Elis is much more _ thickly inhabited and more full of slaves and farm stock than any other part of the Peloponnese. Some of the Eleans in fact are so fond of country life, that though men of substance, they have not for two or three generations shown their faces in the law- courts, and this because those who occupy themselves with politics show the greatest concern for their fellow-citizens in the country and see that justice is done to them on the spot, and that they are plentifully furnished with all the necessaries of life. As it seems to me, they have adopted such a system from old time and legislated accordingly in a measure because of the large extent of their territory, but chiefly owing to the sacrosanct life they formerly led, having, ever since the Greeks conferred immunity on them owing to the Olympian games, dwelt in a country which was holy and safe from pillage, with no experience of danger and entirely unmenaced

VOL. 0 Q 475

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

74 mepioracews. pera d€ tadra Sua THY "Apkdadwy dpproBntnow mept Aaovdvos Kal Tijs Iuodridos maons dvayKacbevres eTrapuvew Th X“pe Kal 2 peTadaBety Tas aywyas Tov Biwv, odKéte sept Tod maAw avaxtioacda: mapa Tav “EXAjvwv tiv maAaav Kat matpiov aovrlav ovdé tiv TUyodcay emrupeAerav Eoxov, aN” epewav emt TOV avTov, ovK oplas Kar, ye THY ep Tept Tob peeAAovtos mrovov-

3 [LEvoL mpovovav: el yap, Hs Mayes edxoueda. Tots Beots TuXet, Kal may Umropevoper t ietpovTes avuThs peTacxeiy, Kal povoy TotTo THv vouilopevev ayalav davaydicByirntéy éote map’ avOpuros,

éyw 07 THY ElpyvnVv, TAUTHV SuVdpeEVoL TIVES LET Tov dikaiov Kal KabyjKovtos Tapa tav “EAAjvwr els mavTa TOV xXpovoyv adnpiToV KTao0aL TrapoALyw- povow 7 mpovpytaitepov Te moLobyTat TOUTOV, TAS 400K av ouoroyoupevws ayvoeiv Sd€aev; vy Av GAN’ tows ever iferor Tots Tohepetv Kal _Trapa- omovoety mpobemevous ek Tis TOLAUTNS dywyiis

5 yivovra Tov Biwv. add’ éxeivo bev omdviov, Kav MOTE yevynTat, SuvaLevov KOWS V1r0 TOV EMiveoy

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7 TOV Kara, \Tomous 7 i) KaLpovs Tape edpevdvTw. viv de TO omdviov Kal trapadofov dedioTes, ev ouvEexeat mroh€pous kal KatapOopais tHv Te xwpayv Exovar Kal Tovs Bious.

g Taira pev ovv Hpi Tijs ’HAelwy dropwjcews etp}o0w xXapw, eed? Ta TOV Katp@v ovoemoTE mpoTepov evpvectépay Sidfeow eoxynKe THs vov

4.76

BOOK IV. 74. 1-8

by war. 74. But later, when, owing to the Arcadians disputing their possession of Lasion and all the territory of Pisa, they were compelled to defend their country and change their mode of life, they never afterwards showed the least concern to recover from the Greeks their ancient heritage of inviolability, but remained as they now were, acting wrongly in my judgement in thus neglecting their future interests. Peace is a blessing for which we all pray to the gods ; we submit to every suffering from the desire to attain it, and it is the ‘only one of the so-called good things in life to which no man refuses this title. If then there be any people which, while able by right and with all honour to obtain from the Greeks perpetual and undisputed peace, neglect this object or esteem any other of greater importance, everyone would surely agree that they are much in the wrong. Perhaps indeed they might plead that such a manner of life exposes them to the attack of neighbours bent on war and regardless of treaties. But this is a thing not likely to happen often and claiming if it does occur the aid of all the Greeks; while to secure themselves against any local and temporary damage, amidst a plentiful supply of wealth, such as will probably be theirs if they enjoy constant peace, they will be in no want of foreign mercenary soldiers to protect them at the place and time required. But now simply from fear of rare and improbable perils they expose their country and their properties to constant war and devastation. Let this be taken as said to remind the Eleans of the duty they owe themselves; since a more favourable opportunity never offered itself than the present for

417

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

m™pos TO Tapa TdavTwv opodAoyouperyy KTHGaGOaLt Tv aovriav: TiIVv d€ ywpav, KaNdmep eTradvw TpoO- etmov, ett THS TaXads cuvyOeias olov aibvypatwv 75 eupevovtwv oikovor Siadepovtws "Hector. 810 Kal kata Tv Dirdimmov tapovatayv dmAetov pev Hv TO Tov advoKopevwv mAnGos, ETL O€ mAciov TO THY 2 ovptrepevyotwv. mAcioTy 5’ atrookevi) Kal TAEtaTOS dxAos NOpoicbn cwpydtwr Kal Opeppdatrwv eis TO xwptov 6 Kadotor Madrdpas, dia TO THY TE XWpaV THhv Tréepié avTood oTevijy eivar Kat dvaEepPodrov TO 3 Te Ywplov ampayyLaTEUTOV Kal dSvaTpPdGOdOV. GKOVWY 5’ 6 Baowreds to mAi00s TOV ovpredevydtwr Eis TOV TpoELpH|LevOV TOTTOV, Kal Kpivas pndev aBaca- vioTov nO amépaytov atroAuTetv, Tots pev puobo- dopois mpoxareAdBeto Tovs emi tis elaBoAjs ev- 4 duds Keyevous Toovs, avros dé TIV aTrocKEUIV KaTaAdurwv ev TH yapake Kal TO TActov jLepos THS dvvdpews, avadaBwv tovs meATaaTds Kal Tods edlu- vous mponye dua TOV aTEVaV, ovdEVOS bé KWAVOVTOS B5HKE mpos TO Xwpiov. KatamAayevrov de TOV oupTrepevyoTwv TIP epodov dre 67) mpos macav Trohepuucny xpetav dimetpws Kal amapacKkevws d.a- KELLEVWV, Ope. € Kal ovvOedpayinKoTos oxAov 6 cuppeTadovs, Taxews Tmapedocav avrovs: ev ols joav Kal prcbodpopor OvaKdavot puydoes, ovs aKEV 7exwv “Apdidapos 6 OTpaTnyos tov ’HAetwv. 6 de Didummos Kuptevoas AMTOOKEVAS TE moXAijs Kal oupaTrov mAcovuwnv 7) TeEvTaKLaxiAiwy, mpos dé TOUTOLS THS TeTodT060s Actas dvaptOynrov eehacd- peevos AOS, TOTE pev emravynADe mpos xapaka, g peta b€ Tadra THs Suvdpews Urepyepmovons avT@ TmavrooaTns whercias Bapds wv Kal dvaxpyaTos 478

BOOK IV. 74. 8-75. 8

recovering by universal consent their immunity from pillage.

But, as I said above, since some sparks of their old habits are still alive, Elis is an exceedingly populous country ; (75) and therefore, upon Philip’s entering it, the number of captives was enormous, and the fugitives were still more numerous. A quantity of property and a vast crowd of slaves and cattle were collected at a place they call Thalamae or The Recess, because the approaches to it are narrow and difficult and the place itself secluded and not easily entered. The king, hearing of the numbers of fugitives who had taken refuge in this place and deciding to leave nothing unattempted or half- accomplished, occupied with his mercenaries such spots as commanded the approach, and himself, leaving his baggage and the greater part of his forces in the camp, advanced through the defile with his peltasts and light-armed infantry. He reached the place without encountering any opposition, and the fugitives, thrown into great dismay by the attack, as they had no knowledge of military matters and had made no preparations, and as it was a mixed rabble which had collected in the place, soon surrendered, among them being two hundred mer- cenaries of various nationalities brought there by Amphidamus the Elean Strategus. Philip, having captured a large amount of movable property, and more than five thousand persons, and having also driven off vast numbers of cattle, now returned to his camp, and shortly, as his army was loaded with booty of every variety and had become unwieldy

479

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

> , A ~ A , 4 >) A avexwper dia Tatra, Kai KatélevEe madw els THV *OdvpTiav. ~ a s ~ 76 “AzeddAjs 5é, 6s Hv pev els T&v br’ ’Avtiyovov Katadeplevtwy émitpommMv Tob mados, mAEetoTov >) ~ aA 8 érvyyave rote Suvduevos Tapa TH Bacrre?, 4 aw ~ aA BovAnfeis ro tay ’Ayatdv €Ovos ayayetv els Tapa- / 4 ~ ~ >) / ~ mAnciav didbeow TH Oetrradrdv éemeBareTo paypa 2 7ovetv woxOnpov. Wertarol yap eddKovv péev Kata , , A A 4 , vomous TroAurevew Kal TroAd diadépew Makeddvwy, / > >) 4 5 A ~ e , BA duepepov 8 ovdev, adda av opolws Eemacyov Makeddar Kai rav éroiovy TO TpootaTTopevoy Tots 3 BaowtKois. S10 Kal mpos tavrnv dappolopevos THv vroleow 6 mpoeipnucevos émeBdAeTo KaTa- 4 Teipalew THY cvaTpaTevouevwv. TO [Lev OvV TP@- > , aA , S ~ 9 ~ Tov emétpewe tots Maxedcoow éxBadetvy ex Tav ~ ~ >) ~ aTa0uav ae tovs mpoxatéyovras tav *Axyat@v iA e , \\ A A rd > A katadvoets, opotws d€ Kal THV Alay apatpetobar: 5 mera de Taira Tas Xetpas mpocepepe Ova TOV banpeT@v él Tats TvxXovcals aitiats, Tovs de auvayavaktobvtas 7 mpocBonfobvras Tots paott- t} 5 a youpevois tapwv attos els tHv daAvow armhye, A 4 6 mremrevajlevos Oia TOU ToLovTOV TpoTOV TO KATA A ~ 4 Bpaxd Ajoew eis cuvnferav ayaywv Tod pydeva A e A > J e A pndev nyetobar Sewdv, 6 mor av maoxn Tis B70 7700 Bactdéws, Kal Tadra piKpots ypdvots TPOTEpoV > 9 , pet “Avtiyovov ovveotpatevevos, Kal Tefeapevos A > ~ ~ aA tovs “Ayatods ott mavtos Sdewot AaBety zretpav e 4 >) >) A vrrepewav ep w@ p71 Trovety KAcowéver TO mpootar- , ~ > eo 8 Touevov. ov pv adda ovotpadevTwr TwWav °’Axat- aA A A 4 K@V veavickwy Kal mpoceA\Povrwy Tots meEpt Tov »” A Aparov kai diacadovvtwy tiv ’AmeAAod BovAnow, SUK A A 4A ” Heov émt tov Didtamov ot mept tov “Aparoyr, 480

BOOK IV. 75. 8-76. 8

and useless in the field, he for this reason retired and again encamped at Olympia.

76. One of the guardians of the young Philip left by Antigonus was Apelles, who had at this time very great influence with the king. He now entered on the base project of reducing the Achaeans to a position similar to that of the Thessalians. For the Thessalians, though supposed to be governed con- stitutionally and much more liberally than the Mace- donians, were as a fact treated in just the same way and obeyed all the orders of the king’s ministers. Apelles, therefore, in furtherance of this design began to test the temper of the Achaean contingent. He began by allowing the Macedonians to eject from their quarters such Achaeans as had secured billets, and also to appropriate their share of the booty, He next began to inflict personal chastisement on Achaeans by the hands of his subordinates for quite trivial reasons, and himself carried off to bondage anyone who protested against the floggings or attempted to help the victims, being persuaded that by these means he would gradually and imperceptibly accustom them to submit without remonstrance to any treatment the king chose to inflict on them— and this in spite of the fact that he had shortly before made the campaign with Antigonus, and seen how the Achaeans were ready to face any danger rather than obey the behests of Cleomenes. Some of the young Achaeans, however, met together, and coming before Aratus, pointed out the design that Apelles was pursuing, whereupon Aratus approached

48 |

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Kpivavres €v apyais mept TOV ToLOUTwY Sitoracbat 9Kal pL karapeArew. EVTUXOVTO 8 atvrav TO Barret mept TOUTW, dvaxovoas 6 Didir70s Ta yeyovoTa Tovs fev veavioKouvs trapeKdAer Oappetv Ws ovdevos adtots ert oupBnoopevou TOLOUTOU, To 8° “Aref Tmapnyyetre po dev emuTar Tew Tots ’Axatois Xwpis Tijs ToD atparnyob yroopns.

7 Dihurros pev ovv KaTa TH opudtay TH pos Tovs ev vraifpois ovvdsatpiBovras Kal KaTa THY ev Tois mroAeutKots mpaéw Kai tToAUay ov povov mapa Tots oTpatevopevois adda Kal mapa Tots

2 Aoumrois maou ITeAomrovynators EVOOKIMLEL. Baovrea yap metoow apoppats eK pioews KEXOPIYNILEVOV mpos TpaypaT oy KaTdKTnow ouK evjuapes _ebpety ;

3 Kal yap dyxtvoua Kal [LVN Kal xapis emHv avr

Lapepovoa,, mpos de ToUToUs emripaots Barr LK?) Kal Ovvaps, TO dé peyeorov, mpagis Kal TOE

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50 0€ Didtamos ex Tis ’OAvumias avalevéas tiv rele | , A 3 / > a ? emt Dapaiav maphv «is TéAdovoav Kaxeider els € Ud 4 \ A A / 2r / \ Hpatav. Kat thv pev Aciav eAadvpoTadrAEr, THv

A LA ? 4 \ \ A > 4 d€ yédupav émeoxevale tiv Kata tov *Addevov,

, 4 4 \\ 3 A , BovAdpevos Tavrn troijcacbar THv ets THY TpipvdAtav

6 cicBoAnv. Kata dé Tovs adTovs Katpovs Awpipuayos 6 tov AitwAdv orparnyos, deopévwv TOV ’HAeiwv

4 an / ¢€ / >) A odio BonBeiy mopJovupevois, eSaxoatous Aitrwhods

7 Kal oTparnyov Didribay avTots ef errepuipev: os mapayevopevos eis THv "HXeiav, Kai mapadaBwv 482

BOOK IV. 76. 8-77. 7

Philip, judging it better in such a matter to express his disapproval at the outset and without delay. He laid the matter before the king, who, when made aware of the circumstances, bade the young men lay aside all fear, since nothing of the kind would occur again, and ordered Apelles to issue no orders to the Achaeans without consulting their strategus.

77. Philip, then, both by his behaviour to those with whom he was associated in the camp and by his ability and daring in the field, was winning a high reputation not only among those serving with him but among all the rest of the Peloponnesians. For it would be difficult to find a prince more richly endowed by nature with the qualities requisite for the attainment of power. He possessed a quick intelligence, a retentive memory, and great personal charm, as well as the presence and authority that becomes a king, and above all ability and courage as a general. What indeed it was that defeated all these advantages, and turned a king of such good natural parts into a savage tyrant, is not easy to explain in a few words, and therefore the examina- tion and discussion of the matter must be left for a more suitable occasion than the present.

Setting out from Olympia by the road leading to Pharaea, Philip reached first Telphusa and thence Heraea. Here he held a sale of the booty and repaired the bridge over the Alpheus, intending to invade Triphylia by this road. At about the same time Dorimachus, the Aetolian strategus, on the Eleans requesting him to come to the aid of their country which was being ravaged, dispatched six hundred Aetolians under the command of Phillidas. On reaching Elis, he took over the Elean mercen-

483

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

\.\ / ~ > , 4 > tovs puacboddpous ta&v ’HAeiwv dvras eis mevTaKo- alous Kal moAitiKOvs XiAtous, Gua, d€ ToUTOLS TOUS 8 Tapavtivous, BRE BonBav eis THY Tpupvdcav, 7) Tis pev mpoonyoptas TETEUXE Tavrns a7r0 Tpudtou TOV “Apxados malowy €vos, KetTat Oe THs ITeAomrov- vycov mapa Oddarrav weratd tHs *HXetwv Kai Meconviwy xwpas, tTétpamra: dé eis TO AtBuKov méAayos, é€axatevovoa ths “ApKxadias ws mpds 9yeywepwas Svoes, exer 6 ey adTH oddAets ravtas, Layixov Aémpeov “Yzravav Paitetie 10 IIvpyov Atmov Boddaxa UrvAdyyvov Dpigav ; dXiyous ypovois TpOoTEpov eTUKPATHOAYTES > Hetou mpoceAdBovro Kat tHhv tTav “AXddeipéewv modAv, s > > A ( at ee) / A 4 / ovoav e€ apyns tm “ApKadiav Kat MeydAnv modu, Avéiddov tot Meyadomodirov Kata thy Tupavvida mpos Twas idias mpdéers adAaynv ddvtos Tots 78 ’Haelows. awAjv 6 ye DirAXbas Tods pev ’HAetovs > / AY \ /, >’ > / eis Aémpeov tovs b€ putoboddpovs eis “AXderpav > U b) \ \ \ > \\ 4 > amootetAas, avtos de tovs Aitwiovs exwv év 2 Tumavéas exapaddxes TO ovpBynodpevov. 6 Se Baotrcds dmoBewevos THY dmrooKeuny Kal Sofas TH yepupa tov “AAdevov TOTO}LOV, 6s pet map’ avrny THY TOV “Hpavéwy ToAw, Ke mpos THv “AXiderpar, 37 Ketrar pev emt Addov Kpynuvwdovs travtayobev, ” aA hal / / / ” > €xovtos rActov 7) Séxa oTadiwy mpooBacw, exer 6 akpav ev avTh TH KopudfH Tod avptravtos Addov A ~ > ~~ > 4, / A / Kat xaAkobv ’AOnvas avipravta KddAder Kai peyeber 4 SvagepovTa, od THY pev | airiav, amo qjoias mpoBecews H xopnyias €AaBe THY apxny Tis KataoKevs, apdioBnretoba ovpPaiver Kal Tapa Tots eyxwptous (ovTe yap me ovTe Tis dveOnKev EvpLOKETAL 5TpavOs), TO pevTor ye THS Téxvns amoTéAcopa 484

BOOK IV. 77. 7-78. 5

aries, about five hundred in number, and one thousand citizen soldiers, as well as the Tarentines,* and came to help Triphylia. This district derives its name from Triphylus, one of the sons of Arcas, and lies on the coast of the Peloponnese between Elis and Messenia, facing the Libyan Sea and forming the extreme south-west portion of Arcadia. It contains the following towns: Samicum, Lepreum, Hypana, Typaneae, Pyrgus, Aepium, Bolax, Stylangium, and Phrixa, all of which the Eleans had annexed, adding to them Alipheira which had originally belonged to Arcadia proper, but had been given to the Eleans during his tyranny by Lydiades of Megalopolis in return for certain private services they rendered him.

78. Phillidas now sent the Eleans to Lepreum and the mercenaries to Alipheira, and remained himself with his Aetolians in Typaneae to see what would happen. The king, after ridding himself of his heavy baggage, crossed by the bridge the Alpheus which runs past Heraea and arrived at Alipheira. This city lies on a hill defended on all sides by precipices, the ascent of which is more than ten stades. It has a citadel on the summit of the whole hill and a bronze statue of Athena, remarkable for its size and beauty. The origin of this statue— from what motive and at whose expense it was made —is a subject of dispute among the natives them- selves, as there is nothing to show definitely who dedicated it and why; but all agree as to the

* A particular kind of light mercenary cavalry were so called, whether they came from Tarentum or not.

485

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

ouppuvetrar Tapa maou dott TOV peyadopeperta.- Toy KQL TEXVLKWTATWY Epywv eotiv, ‘Exatodwpou Kat LwoTpatov KaTeckevaKkoTwv.

6 Od pny GAd’ exvyevopevns Huépas alPpiov Kat Aapmpas datakas bro THY EwOwhv 6 Bactdeds Kata TActous TOTrOUs TOUS TE TAS KAqwaKas pépovras Kal

7 Tas TOV prabopopuv epedpetas T™po TOUTWY, emt dé Tots TPoErpy}Levors TODS: Maxedovas Sinpnyevous KaTOTMW EKdOTOLS émLOTHOAS, Gua TH TOV Hh Lov em BarAew mot mpoaerage mpooBaivew mpos Tov

8 Aodov. mowovvTwy d€ TO mapayyeABev exOvpws Kal KatamAnktTiK@s Tov Maxedoveny, ovveBawve Tovs

“Adudetpets ™mpos TovUTous Opyav det Kal ouvTpé- xXewv TOvs TOmovs ols pdAvoTa Tovs Makeddvas ge€wpwv mpoomeAdlovtas. Kata dé TOV Kalpov TovTov avTos 6 Bactveds Exwv Tovs emiTySELoTaTOUS dud Twwv Kpnuvav édabe mpos TO THs aKpas 10 mpodoreov avaBds. amodobévros Sé tot avv0n- [aTos, TaVTES GLa mpocEepetcavTes Tas KAiwaKas ll Kateretpalov ths mdX\ews. mp@ros prev odv Oo Baotreds Katréoxye TO mpodoTetov THS axKpas, Epnuov KataAaBwv: rovtou 8 eumimpapyevov Tpo- iddprevor TO peMov ot Tots Telxeow eTrapLvvovTes, Kal Trepiocets yevdoplevoe 1) THS Akpas mpoKata- Anpbetons otepnbact Kal Tijs teXevTaias eArridos, wpunoav dmodumovres Ta TElyn Pevyew mpos Thy 12 axpomoAw. of d€ Makeddves yevoévov tovTov Tapaxphua Kal TOV Tery@v Kal THs mdAEws eKv- 13 pievoav. peta dé Tatra duampecBevoapevwv TOV ek Ths dkpas mpos tov Didirmov, Sods Tv aoddAevav trapéAaBe Kai tavtyv Kal” ouodoyiav. 79 LXvvrercoPévrwy Sé TovTwy KatamdAayeis ye- 486

BOOK IV. 78. 5-79. 1

excellence of the workmanship, it being one of the most magnificent and artistic statues in existence, the work of Hecatodorus and Sostratus.

The next day broke bright and cloudless, and at early dawn the king distributed at various points the ladder-bearers supported by the mercenaries in front, and dividing his Macedonians placed a body of them in the rear of each party. As soon as the sun was visible, he ordered them all to advance on the hill, and the Macedonians, executing his orders with great alacrity and in formidable style, the Alipheirians kept always running to whatever spots they saw the Macedonians approaching. But the king meanwhile with a picked force managed by climbing some precipitous rocks to reach unper- ceived the suburb of the citadel. The signal was now given and all at one and the same time planted the ladders against the walls and began the assault of the town. The king was the first to enter, taking the suburb of the citadel, which he found unoccupied, and when this suburb was in flames, the defenders of the walls, seeing what was likely to happen and in dread lest with the fall of the citadel they should find their last hope gone, left the walls and rushed to take refuge within it. Upon this the Macedonians at once captured the walls and the town; and afterwards the garrison of the citadel sent commissioners to Philip and, on his promising to spare their lives, they surrendered it to him by treaty.

79. All the people of Triphylia were much alarmed

487

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

yovotes Travtes ot Kata THY TpipvdAiay eBovAevovro 27ept od@v atvtav Kal Tv (diwy tatpibwy. o de MirrXjidas éexdumwy tas Tumavéas, mpoodiapmdcas Twas TOV olKLmY, amexwpycev eis TO Aémpeor g Taira yap emixelpa TOTE tots Aitwrav eyiveTo OU[LLAXOLS, TO p47) fovov ev Tots dvayKavoraToLs Kalpots eycataheimec Oar mpoPpavas,, GgAAa Kal duapmayevtas 7 mpodobévras TovTois mepimintew U10 THY ovpudaywv a Tols KpaTnbetow tro THY 4 moAcuiwy odeiveTar macyew. of € Tumavedrar mapedocav TH Dirlamw tiv modAw. TovTois SE TO. TapaTAjoov é€moinoav ot tTHv “Yaavav Katot- 5 KoUVTEs. dua dé TovTois Diareis, akovovTes TA mept thy Tpipvriav Kat ducapeotovpevoe TH TOV irwr@v cuppaxia, KatéAaBov peta THY OTrAwv 6 TOV Tepe TO ToAc udp Xvov ° TOTOV. ot de TOV Airwhav Tmewparat, dvatpiBovtes €v TAUT TH moAer dua Tas eK THS Meconvias wperetas, TO [Lev Tp@Tov oloi T nhoav eyxepety Kal KatatoAuadyv tav Diarewr, Top@vtes S€ tods moAitas oOpuobvpaddov abporlo- pLevous mpos Tv Bonfevav améotnoav THs emtBodAjs, omevodpevor d€ Kal AaBdvtes Tas adTaY aTrooKEvas 8amnOov €x THs moAEws. of 5€ Diarets dvampe- ofevoduevos mpos Tov Didimmov eveyelpicay adds avTous Kal Ty mod.

SOM Er 07, TOUT WY TparropLevenv ot Aempedrat KkataAaBopevor TOTOV TWA THS ToAews nE&lovv exywpelv THS akpas Kal THs mdAEws Tovs *HAetous Kat tovs Airwadous, opotws d€ Kat tous Tapa Aaxedayroviey: Ke yap Kal Tap: EKeiveuv avTots

2 Bonbeva. TO [Lev OvV ™p@Tov of mept Tov DiAAidav od mpocetxyov, aA euevov ws KatamAnfopevoe 488

BOOK IV. 79. 1-80. 2

by this achievement of Philip and began to consider how best to save themselves and their own cities. Phillidas now returned to Lepreum, evacuating Typaneae after plundering some of the houses. For this was the reward that the allies of the Aetolians used then to receive ; not only to be barefacedly deserted in the hour of need, but to be plundered or betrayed and suffer at the hands of their allies the treatment that the vanquished may expect from their enemies. The people of Typaneae now gave up their city to Philip and those of Hypana followed their example. At the same time the Phigalians, hearing the news from Triphylia and ill-pleased with the Aetolian alliance, rose in arms and seized on the ground round the Polemarch’s office. The Aetolian freebooters, who had quartered themselves in the city for the purpose of plundering Messenia, were at first disposed to put a bold face on it and attack the Phigalians, but when the citizens came flocking with one accord to the rescue, they desisted from their project, and came to terms, leaving the city with their possessions, upon which the Phigalians sent deputies to Philip and delivered themselves and the town into his hands.

80. While these transactions were in progress, the people of Lepreum, seizing on a certain position in the city, demanded the evacuation of the citadel and city by the Eleans, Aetolians, and Lacedae- monians (for a reinforcement had come from Sparta also). Phillidas at first paid no heed to the request but remained where he was, thinking to overawe

489

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

\ b) A 4 los A , b A A 3ToUs é€v TH mode: TOO dé Baoite€ws els prev THY Qidrerav Tavpiwva peta otpatiwtayv é€aro- ateiAavtos, avtod dé mpodyovtos eis to Aémpeov Kal ouveyyilovros On TH moAEeL, GuVevTES Ob TEpL tov WDiAAdav erarrewwOnoar, ot oe Aempearat 4 mpooerreppwabyoay Tats oppats. KaXov yap 67 , TobTO Aempearats Epyov qmémpaktar, TO xtAiwy prev évdov ovtwy *Hdciwv, yiAiwy dé adv Tots meipatais Airwi@v, mevTakociwy be probogopuy, SvaKxoatwy de Aaxedaysovier, mpos d€ TovToLS Tijs dKpas KATEXOLEVIS, Spuws avturoinoacbar THs €avT@v matpioos Kal p17 mpoeofar Tas odpeTépas 5 éAmidas. 6 5€ Diddidas cpa@v tovs Aempeatas > aA e lA \ \ / avdpwo@s wdioTrapévovs Kal Tovs Maxedovas pclae eSexwopnce Tis moAews apa Tots 6 *HActous Kal tots mapa tov Aakedaipoviwv. of fev ovv trapa Tov Umaptiatav Kpyres dia ris , >] A >) li > ~ ¢ \ A Meoonvias eis tiv olketav emaviAPov, ot de aept A , > A A > / e 2) Ay A tov Dirribav éerovobvTo THY amdAvow ws emt TO 7 Lapixov. To dé tov Aempeatav mAH00s eyKpatés yeyovos Tis maTploos eGamréore Me | mpeoPeuTas, 8 eyxerptCov 7® Didi THV moAw. o O€ Baotreds aicovoas TA YeyovoTa TV pev Nour Svvapww es to Aémpeov améotetXe, Tovs dé meATAGTAS Kal \ ? / > \ e A / /, Tovs evlavous avaraBwv nyetro, cuvaibar omrevdwv A A A / \ \ lon A g Tots mept tov DirXridav. KatadaBwv dé THs pev amooKeuns eyKpatis eyévero mdaons, ot de meEpt tov DiAdidav Kateradxynoav eis TO Lapikov trapa- 10 meaovTes. mpoootpatomedevoas dé TH yuwpiw, Kal 77)v Aourny émuoTacdpuevos ek Tov Aempeov dvvapw, Eeudacw emoier Tois evdov ws tmodopKy- ll owy TO xwpiov. of d’ Aitwdol wera Tav ’HAciwv 490

BOOK IV. 80. 3-11

the citizens. But when the king, having sent Taurion with some troops to Phigalia, advanced in person to Lepreum and was approaching the town, Phillidas on hearing of it lost his assurance, while the people of the town were strengthened in their resolution. It was indeed a fine action on the part of the Lepreates, with no less than a thousand Eleans, a thousand Aetolians counting the free- booters, five hundred mercenaries and two hundred Lacedaemonians within the walls and with the citadel occupied, yet to strive to vindicate their country’s freedom and not abandon hope. Phillidas, when he saw that the Lepreatans were gallantly holding out and that the Macedonians were approach- ing, quitted the city accompanied by the Eleans and the Lacedaemonian contingent. Those Cretans whom the Spartans had sent returned home by way of Messenia, while Phillidas retired in the direction of Samicum. The people of Lepreum being now masters of their city, sent envoys to Philip placing it in his hands. The king, on hearing of what had taken place, sent the rest of his forces to Lepreum, but placing himself at the head of his peltasts and light infantry, started in the hope of encountering Phillidas. He came up with him and captured all his baggage-train, but Phillidas and his men succeeded in throwing themselves into Samicum in time. Encamping before this place and fetching up the rest of his forces from Lepreum, Philip gave those within the impression of being about to besiege them. The Aetolians and Eleans had nothing

491

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

ovdev éxovTes EToywov mpos roAvopKiay aAnv xepav, KatarAayévtes THY Tepiotacw €AddAovv A > / A A / , \

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b) \ \ ~ Vv > ¢ / / avtov Kal Tay GAAwy pel” iketynpias, tapéAaBe

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trodetEar tiv é€Amrida THs KAnpovxias Kal TaYV

dvadacpar, TAXEWS émraxoAovbyjcew avT@ TO 3 7AABos, cepynoe mpos THY mpaéw. aupdpoviaas d€ mepi TovTwy mpos Tovs didovs, Kat AaBwv

492

81

BOOK IV. 80. 11-81. 3

wherewith to meet a siege but their numbers only, and alarmed by the prospect began to treat with Philip for their lives and liberties. On receiving permission to withdraw with their arms they marched off for Elis; and the king thus at once became master of Samicum, and afterwards, when repre- sentatives of the other towns came begging for grace, he took possession of Phrixa, Stylangium, Aepium, Bolax, Pyrgus, and Epitalium, and after these achievements returned again to Lepreum, having in the space of six days subdued the whole of Triphylia. After addressing the Lepreates in a manner suitable to the occasion, and placing a gar- rison in the citadel, he left with his army for Heraea, leaving Ladicus the Acarnanian in charge of Tri- phylia. On his arrival at Heraea he divided all the booty, and picking up here his heavy baggage reached Megalopolis in mid-winter.

81. At the same time that Philip was operating in Triphylia, Cheilon, the Lacedaemonian, considering that he was the lawful heir to the throne and deeply resenting having been passed over by the ephors when they selected Lycurgus as king, resolved to bring about a revolution. Thinking that if he followed in Cleomeres’ footsteps and held out to the multitude the hope of allotments and redivision of the land, he would soon have the masses behind him, he set to work on his design. Having come to an understanding with his friends on this subject

493

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

Kowwvovs THS TOAUNS eis dtakooiovs TO 7AOos, 4€ylveTo 7po0s TH ovvtedciv Tv emivotav. Oewpav de peyLorov €[LTTOOLOV dmapxov avr@ ™pos THY emtBoAjv tov AvKotpyov iat Tovs éfdpovs Tovs mepilévras ekewww TV BacActav, Wpunoe mpP@Tov 5 €ml TovTOUs. Tovs pev ovv eddpouvs SeuTvobvTas kataAaBuy mavTas avTou Katéaopake, THS TUXNS THY dppolovoay avrots emBetons diKnv: Kab yap op’ o0 Kal Umép Ov TAbT’ emabov, duKalws avrovs 6 av Tes droce tretrovOevar. 0 dé Xeidow Ta KaTa TovTous auvTeAcadmevos Taphv én THY oixtay Tob Avkovpyov, Kal katéhaBe _pev evoov, ov [LnV 7 €duv7 Oy y eyKpaTns attobd yevecbat: bua yap TIWwV oiKeT av Kal _yerroveny exkAarrets Kal Ovadpas eAabev avrov. obros prev ovv avexwpnoe Tats avodtats ets THY ev TH TpumoAe Tpooayopevopevny 8 TTeAAnyny: oO Oe XetAwy ateopadAwevos Tov Ku- piwtatov mpos tiv emPodrAnv abiuws déKeLTO, 9 mpatrew 5° Ouws nvayKaleTo TO ovvexes. Sid7TTEp els THY ayopav eioBadwy Tots pev €xOpots mpoc- épepe Tas xelpas, Tovs 8 oiKeiovs Kat giAous mapekdAer, Tois dé Aoimois bredeixvue TAS apTe 10 pnBeicas eAmidas. oddevos dé mpocexovTos atTo, Tavavtia d€ avaTpepopevwy em” avrov ta&v avOpw- TOV, ovvvonaas TO ywvo[Levov dmexcoper Aabpains, Kal SveAD av TV Xe@pav AKE jLovos els THV “Axatay ll é€xmeTTwKWws. ot de Aaxedayzoviot, deloavTes TV to DiNirmov mapovoiav, Ta amo Ths xwpas ameakevalovto Kat To THY Meyadomodtav *AG7- vatov Katackayavres e&€AuTrov. 12 Aakedardvor pev odv amo ths AvKovpyou vouobecias KadXiorn xpnoduevor moXtTeiqg Kal 494

BOOK IV. 81. 3-12

and secured the co-operation of about two hundred in the venture, he entered on the execution of the project. Perceiving that the greatest hindrance to the success of his plot lay in Lycurgus and the ephors who had set him on the throne, he directed his attack first on them. Falling on the ephors while they were at supper he slew them all on the spot, chance thus visiting them with the fitting penalty for their crime. For when we consider the person at whose hands and the person for whose sake they suffered death we must confess that they met with their deserts. Cheilon, after thus disposing of the ephors, hastened to the house of Lycurgus, where he found the king, but failed to get possession of his person; for he was smuggled out by some servants and neighbours, and got away unperceived, escaping afterwards across country to Pellene in the Tripolis. Cheilon, thus baulked of his most important object, had now little heart for his enterprise, but still was forced to continue its pursuit. He therefore advanced into the agora, cutting down his enemies, calling upon his relatives and friends to join him, and tempting the rest of the people by those hopes and promises I just spoke of. But as no one listened to him, but on the contrary a hostile crowd collected, as soon as he perceived how matters stood, he left Sparta secretly, and passing through Laconia arrived in Achaea, alone and an exile. The Lacedaemonians, now dreading the arrival of Philip, brought in all property from the country and evacuated the Athenaeum in the territory of Megalopolis after razing it to the ground.

Thus the Lacedaemonians who ever since the legislation of Lycurgus had enjoyed the best form

495

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

peylorny EXOVTES Svvapw ews Tijs ev AevKrpots \ >

paxns, avres emt ravaytia. _Tpametons avrois THS TUXNS, Kal Toummadw € eml TO xXEtpov aet Kal waAdov 13 THs mrodureias avrav mpoBawvovons, TéAos mAEcloTwv pev TOvwY Kal oTdcewy eudvAiwv metpav elyov, metarots 8° émddaocav dvadacpois Kal pvyais, mukpotatns Se dovdAeias meipay eAaBov ews Tis Ndf.idos rupavvidos, ot TO mpl ovde Tovvoua 14 SuvnPevtes avacyécbar padiws attis. Ta pev ovv mada Kai Ta mAciw rept Aaxedaioviwy ets ExaTEpov jLepos 0 moAAdv eipnray Tade, evap- yéorata 5 eoTw ad od Krcopevns odocyxepis katéhuae TO maT pLov mroAirevpia. vov oe bg’ Tpav pynOnoerar Kara TOUS dppolovras a det Katpous. g2 “O de Didurmos avalev&as é€K THs MeydAns moAews Kal mopevbets dua Teyéas Trophy els "Apyos, KaKet TO Aowrov pépos Tod yxeysdvos dueTpiBe, KaTa Te THY AoLTHVY avaoTpodny Kal KaTa Tas mpakers TeDavpacuevos Urép THY HALKiay ev gTais mpoeipynevais atpatetas. o O° *AmeAAs 00d ws EAnye THs emiBoAjs, ad\’ olds 7 Hv dyew bro tov Cvyov Tm Kata Bpaxyd tots *Ayaous. 3 Opa Se TH ToLa’Ty TpobeceL TOvs TrEpi Tov ”ApaTov €utrodwyv tatayéevovs Kat tov Didimmov adtois mpoaéxovTa, Kat padAdov 7 mpecButépw dia Te tv mpos “Avtiyovoy avoTaow Kal dia TO mA€ioToV ev tois “Ayawois ioxyvew, Kal pddiora dia THY emleELOTNTA Kal vouvexeLav TaVdpds, TTEpL TOUTOUS emeBddeto yiveoBar Kal KaKompaypovety Toimdée 47W. TpdTw. Eé€eTalwv Tovs avTitodTEevopevous tots mept tov “Apatov, tives eloiv, Exdotous ek T&v moAewv émeomdcato, Kal AapBavwy eis tas

496

BOOK IV. 81. 12-82. 4

of government and had the greatest power until the battle of Leuctra, when chance henceforth turned against them, and their system of government instead of improving began to go rapidly from bad to worse, finally had more experience than any other people of civic trouble and discord. No other nation was so harassed by banishment of citizens and con- fiscations of property, none had to submit to more cruel servitude culminating in the tyranny of Nabis, although formerly they could not even bear to hear the word ‘“tyrant’’ mentioned. However, the ancient history of Sparta and the subsequent history of her elevation and decline has been narrated by many. The progress of the latter is most con- spicuous since the entire subversion of the ancient constitution by Cleomenes; and I shall continue to speak of it whenever the occasion offers.

82. Leaving Megalopolis and passing through Tegea, Philip arrived at Argos, where he spent the rest of the winter, having won in this campaign universal admiration for a correctness of conduct and a brilliancy of achievement beyond his years. Apelles, however, had by no means given up his project, but was bent on gradually bringing the Achaeans under the yoke. Seeing that the elder and younger Aratus stood in the way of this design and that Philip paid great regard to them, especially to the elder owing to his former friendship with Antigonus and his great influence with the Achaeans, but still more owing to his talent and discernment, he formed a plan of damaging their credit in the following manner. Inquiring first of all the names of Aratus’ political opponents in each city, he sent for them, and when he made their acquaintance

497

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

ee esuyaywyer Kal mapexdrer Tpos THY éavToo cAiav, ouviorave be Kat TO Diam, Tpooemt- ere ade Tap €KaoToV ws €av pev “Apare TpoceXn, xXpnoerae Tois “Axavois KaTa TV éy- ypantov ovppaxtav, eav 8° atta metOnrau Kal TOLOUTOUS mpoorauBavy pidous, YXPTNTETAL mou 6 TleAorovynatous Kara Thy avtod BovAnow. rept Te TOV apyalpeciwy eds eamrovdale, BovAdmevos TOUTWY TW TrEpITOLHoaL THY OTpaTHYylaV, Tots dé 7 Tepl Tov “Aparov exBadetv ex THs drrobécews. bu’ a 89 Kat meiBeu Didurmov TmapayeveoBar mpos Tas TOV Axady apxaipecias eis Alytov Ws els THY 8’Hetav dua movovpevov THv Topeiav. mrevabévtos 8’ adt®@ Tod Baotléws, mapwv avros emt Tob Katpod, Kat Tovs plev trapakarAdv ols 8 avatewdpevos, porus ev avuce, KaTeKpatynce 8° odv Guws TOD yeveobat otpatnyov *Exrpatov Daparea, Tov de Tiyogevov exrecetv Tov d70 THV mept Tov “Apatov eloayopevoy.

83 Mera d¢ rabra avalevéas 6 Baotreus, Kai moinoa- pevos THY tropelay dia Ilatp@v Kat Advpns, Ke T™pos To ppovpiov 6 KaAeirat pev Tetxos, mpoKevrat d€ THs Avpatwy xwpas’ Karéaxyov 8° adro puKpois eumpoo0ev xpovois, Kalamep avwrepov elroy, ob

2mept tov Evpimidav. omevdwv 57) Tobro Kata MavTa TpoTrOV dvaxopicacbat tots Avpatots mpoc-

3 eoTparoTedevae peTa mTdons Suvdpews. KaTa- mAayevres | 5° of pudarrovres TOV "HAetwy Trop- édocav to dpovpiov 7H Dirirrw, Xwptov ov

4 péya pev jopadvopevov Se Svapepdvrwrs- THY pev a TepiLeTpov elyev od mAceiw Tpidiv HpLoTadiwy, to 8 vos Tob TEelxous ovdauA TpLaKOVTA THXEwWV

498

BOOK IV. 82. 4-83. 4

began to cajole them and solicit their friendship. He also presented them to Philip pointing out to him in the case of each that if he gave ear to Aratus he must deal with the Achaeans according to the letter of the treaty of alliance; “ but ’’ he would say, ‘‘ if you listen to me and secure the friendship of such men as this, you will be able to treat all the Peloponnesians exactly as you wish.” He at once began to occupy himself with the approaching election, wishing to procure the office of strategus for one of these men and oust Aratus and his son from affairs. With this object he persuaded Philip to be present at Aegium for the Achaean elections, under the pretence that it was a station on his march to Elis. The king having consented to this, Apelles himself came for the occasion, and partly by solicita- tions partly by threats contrived, with difficulty it is true, to bring in as strategus Eperatus of Pharae. Timoxenus, the candidate nominated by Aratus, being defeated.

83. After this the king left Aegium and marching through Patrae and Dyme came to a fort called “ The Wall,” which defends the territory of Dyme, but which, as I said above, had been a short time before seized by Euripidas. Being anxious at all hazards to recover this place for Dyme, he encamped before it with his whole army. The Elean garrison in dismay surrendered the fort, which, though not a large place, was admirably fortified. Its circum- ference did not exceed one and a half stades, but the wall was nowhere less than thirty cubits in height.

499

213 BG

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

5éAatrov. mapadods Sé totto tots Avpatous éemjes A A ~ > / / , A mopbav ty trav *Hirciwv xdpav: dbeipas dé 4 \ A , , 2) A TavTnv, Kai ToAAnY mepiBadopevos Aetav, eTrav7nAe pera TAS Suvduews eis THY Adpnv.

84 ‘Od ’AmedA\fjs Soxdv HvuKevat Tt THS TpoPecews T® Ot avtoth Kabeotacba tov tav “Ayadv aTpaTnyov, avlis evexeiper Tots mepi Tov “Apatov, Bovrouevos eis tédos amoomdcat tov Didim7ov 3 A A \ ’ ‘ , > / \ A amo THs mpos avtovs dirdias. emeBddAeto dé THV diaBoAny mAatrew dia ToLva’Tns TiWds émuwolas.

2°’Audidayos 6 ta&v "Hireiwy otpatnyds, ev tats Oardpars ddovs di aa Tots oupmepevyoow, Kabdrep dvosTepov Huty eppyOn mepl ToUTw, os KE LET tav adAAwy aixywadwtwv ayopmevos eis "OAvptiar, 4 4 ? / ? a ~ A €omrevoe Oud Tw eis Adyous eAbetv TH Baorre?, Brvxwv de TovTov dieAéyero, daoxwy elvar duvaros errayayéabat tovs *HAelous els tiv mpos avrov , \ , ¢ A / \ giAdiav Kal ovppayiav. 6 d€ Didimmos meiabeis 4 e€amréotetre Tov “Audidamov xwpis AUTpwv, KEeAEv- ’ / wa > / >A LA cas emayyedAcobar tois “Hielous, eav €Awvrat THY pos avrov diAiav, OTe Ta pev aixpddwra mavTa ywpis Avrpwr | dmodcaet, TH be Xope TV dopaAevay avros a7r0 mavT oy TOv €KTOS Trapa- BoKevdcet, mpos dé Tovros avrovs edevbepous adpoupytous adoporoyytous, XpwpLevous Tots lotots 6 TOATEVpacL, SiaTyproer. ol pev ovV *"HAetox diakovoavtes TovTwy ovdev mpocgaxov, Kaimep EMLOTIAOTLK@Y Kal jeydAwy elvar SoxovvTwy TOV 7 mpotewopevwv: 6 8 AmedAAfs €x rTovTov Tob mpaypatos mAdoas Tv diaBoAjnvy mpoonveyne TO Dirlamw, pdoxwy tods mept tov “Apatov ovK > ~ \ Vv) 4 \ / 2Q9 etAuKpwh tv didiay ayew mpos Maxeddovas ovd 500

BOOK IV. 83. 5-84. 7

Handing it over to the Dymeans he advanced, laying waste the territory of Elis. After pillaging it and collecting a quantity of booty he returned with his army to Dyme.

84. Apelles, thinking that he had succeeded so far in his plan, by the election of the Achaean strategus through his influence, renewed his attack on Aratus with the view of entirely alienating Philip from him. He devised the following plan for trumping up a false accusation against him. Amphi- damus, the Elean strategus, had been captured at Thalamae together with the other fugitives, as I above narrated, and when he was brought to Olympia with the rest of the prisoners begged urgently through certain persons for an interview with Philip, and on this being granted, he discoursed at some length stating that it was in his power to gain over the Eleans to the king’s side and persuade them to enter into alliance with him. Philip, believing this, sent back Amphidamus without ransom, bidding him promise the Eleans that if they Joined him he would return all captured men and animals without ransom, would assure the future safety of the country from any outside attack, and would maintain the Eleans in freedom without garrison or tribute and in the enjoyment of their own form of govern- ment. Attractive and generous as these offers seemed, the Eleans refused to listen to them, and Apelles, founding his false accusation on this circum- stance, brought it before Philip, telling him that

Aratus was not sincere in his friendship for the 501

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

adn Buds EUVOELV avre: Kat ‘yap vov Tijs ’HAeiwv 8 d.AAorpioTnTos ToUTous aitious yeyovevar. Kal” Ov ‘yap KaLpov “Ap pidapov e€ ‘Odvptias eis “HAw amrearetAev, TovTous edn Kar’ LOLaV AaBévras emitpipa. tov avOpwmov, Kat A€yew Ore Kat’ ovdéva Tpdmrov ouppeper Tots ITeAorrovynaious TO 9 yeveoDau MiAimmov >HAciwy Kvpiov: Kat dua Tavryy nv aitiav mav0’ vmepidovtas Ta mpoTEewopeva tovs *HAcious dtarnpetv prev tHv mpos AitwaAods gidiov, dropevew de tov mpos Maxeddvas ToA€|LOV. 85 70 pev ovv mpaTov @idurmos deSduevos Tovs Aoyous xadetv exédeve TovS mrepl tov "Apatov Kat 9 A€yew evartiov exeiwwv tadra Tov "AmeAAfv. Tav d€ mapayevouevwy eAeye Ta TpoEeipynueva TOA- pinp@s Kat KaramAnkrinds 6 *AmeAXis, Kat TL mpogetettre TOLOUTOV ETL cwwmavros Tob BactAéws: 3 ‘‘ émeimep oUTWs ayaploTous bpas re) Baowreds, "Apate, Kal Atay ayveopLovas evpioxet, Kptveu cuvayaywy tovs “Ayaods Kal mept TovTwY aTo- Aoyiapovs tromnodpevos amadXdtrecbar mdAw eis 4 Maxedoviav.”’ 6 dé mpeaButepos *Apartos troAaBav KaboAov pev néiov tov Didtrmov pryndevi trav Aeyonevwy oféws pnd’ axpitws pndémore m- 5 oTevew, OTaV O€ KaTA TWos TOV pidwy Kai cuLpaywv mpooméon Tis aura Adyos, TOV dx piBéorepov édeyXov movetoBat mpiv 7 deLacGar THY SvaBoAny: Kal yap Baowducov elvat To TowobTo Kab Tos mav g aupdepov. 510 Kal viv nElov TEpl TOV bar’ ‘AmreAob Aeyopeveny kaheiy Tous aKnKooras, ayew eis TO pécov TOV elpnKora mpos avrov, pundev mapadureiv Tov Swvarav els TO yvavat THY aAnOeav, mpi 7 mpos tovs “Ayatovs avakadvmrew TL ToOUTWwY. 502

BOOK IV. 84. 7-85. 6

Macedonians or really attached to the king; for it was to him on the present occasion that the coldness of the Eleans was due: for he had when Amphidamus was sent from Olympia to Elis taken him apart and set him against the project, saying that it was by no means in the interest of the Peloponnesians that Philip should become master of Elis; this was why the Eleans had ignored all the king’s offers and remaining faithful to their alliance with the Aetolians, chosen to persist in the war against the Mace- donians. 85. On receiving this report, Philip first ordered Apelles to summon Aratus and say the same thing in his presence, and when Aratus arrived, Apelles repeated his accusation in a confident and threatening manner, adding, before the king had spoken, some such words as these: “Since, Aratus, the king finds you to be so ungrateful and to have shown so little consideration for him he has decided to call a meeting of the Achaeans and after laying this matter before them to return to Macedonia.” Hereupon the elder Aratus, interrupting him, exhorted Philip to make it a general principle never to give credence to reports rashly or without duly weighing the evidence ; and especially when it was a friend or ally against whom he heard anything said, to examine most closely into the accusation, before accepting it. This he said was conduct becom- ing a king and in every way to his interest. Therefore he begged him now as regarded Apelles’ allegation to summon those who had heard the words attributed to him spoken, to demand the attendance of Apelles’ informant, and to take every possible means of getting at the truth before making any public statement to the Achaeans. 86. Upon the

503

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

86 700 Se BaotAéws edapeoTnoavTos Tois Aeyopuevots, Kal pyjoavros ovK oAvywprjoew aAd’ eerdcew, aTotTe pev SieAvOnoav, ev dé tais EAs yuépais 6 A > A > , > / a A pev “AmedAAAs ovdeniav amddeéwv mpoohye Tots eipnuevors, Tois dé mept tov “Apatov éyeveTo Tt 3avyKupnua Towdrov. ot yap “HXeio., Kal” dv Kkaipov 6 WDidurmos atbtdv émopber THY xdpar, e , A 3 / > 2. trontevaavtes Tov “Audidapov émeBadovto avAAa- 4 Betv Kal Srioavtes ets THY AitwXiav exméutre. 6 d€ mpoatadopevos adtav TH emivoray amexwpnoe Tas pev apxas els ‘Ohvpmriay, preva Oe Taira TruvBavepevos TOV Didurrrov ev TH Avun Tept THY Ttav Aadipwr oikovouiav SvarpiBew, éamrevoe Tpos 5 TovUTov Suamecetv. Bev of mepi Tov “Aparov, > 4 A > a dkovcavres TOV "Ap didapov ex THs “HAtdos EKTETTWKOTA Tmapetvat, yevopevot mepixapeis dua TO pndev avdtois avveidevar, mpocedOdvTes wovTo 6 Setv tov Bacidda Kareiv tov "Audidapov: Kai yap eidévau epi TOV KaTnyopoupevwr exeivov BeAtiora mpos ov epp79n, Kal Sn Adcew TV aAn Bear, mepevyora prev €€ olkov bud TOV Dihurrov, Tas So eAmidas EXovTa THS GwTnpias KaTa TO Tmapov eV > / \ \ A / € Z 7 Exeivy. mevabeis dé Tots Acyouevors Oo Bacirevs, Kal peramepydpevos TOV “Apdidapov, et pe THV 8 diaBoAry ovoav pevd7. 61d Kal tov pev “Apatov amo TavTNS THS Huépas det Kat waddAov amedéxeToO ‘ 7 \ \ A > ~ / Kal KkaTngiou, mpos d€ TOV ArredAqy Aogorepov elye> TH ye pv odooxepet TpoKaTEXSMeEvos aro Soy} moAAa mapopav jvaykdleto tav bm’ adrob YLVOLLEvw. 87 ‘08? ’AmeAXijs oddapds adiorato Tis mpobdcews, > > @ \ \ / A IeN ~ > GAN’ dua uev tov Tavpiwva tov emi t&v ev IleAo- 504

BOOK IV. 86. 1-87. 1

king’s consenting to this and engaging not to neglect the matter, but to make inquiries, they separated. During the days that followed Apelles produced no proof of his assertions, and now a happy accident, most helpful to Aratus, occurred. The Eleans, at the time when Philip was ravaging their country, conceived suspicions of Amphidamus and formed the design of arresting him and sending him in chains to Aetolia. But, getting intelligence of their project, he first fled to Olympia and then, when he heard that Philip was in Dyme engaged in dealing with the booty, he hastened to escape to him there. Aratus, in consequence, when he heard that Amphidamus had fled from Elis and arrived, was exceedingly joyful, as he had nothing on his conscience, and coming to the king, demanded that Amphidamus should be summoned: “ For the man,”’ he said, ““ who knew best about the accusation was he to whom he was said to have spoken the words, and Amphidamus would be sure to tell the truth, as he had been exiled from his home for Philip’s sake and depended on him now for his safety.” On the king’s consenting and sending for Amphidamus, he found the charge to be false, and henceforward he continued to like and esteem Aratus more and more, while becoming a little suspicious of Apelles. Prepossessed, however, as he was by his long pre- judice in favour of this minister, he could not but overlook many of his errors.

87. Apelles, however, by no means desisted from his design, but in the first place began to traduce Taurion, who had been entrusted with the super-

505

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

2 movnoW retaypevov deBadrev, od peyov aAX’ emaw@v Kal pdokav eTTLTHOELOV avrov elva mera Tou Baorréws ev Tots drraiBpous ovvd.aTpiBew, BovAdpevos eTEpov jemotabivar bu’ abrod Tots ev

3 TleAoTovvijow = mpdypacw. Kawos: yap 67 Tis odtos evpntat Tpdmros SiaBoAjs, TO py) Wéyovras

4aAN’ érawobdvras AvpaivesBat Tovs TéAas* EvpynTat d€ padioTa Kal mpatov TovavTn KaKkevTpéyera Kal Backavia Kal ddAo0s ex THY TEpt Tas avAds diaTpt- Bovrwy Kat THs ToUTwWY mpos aAAjAOUs CyAoTuUTias

5 kal mAeovegias. dpotws dé Kal TOV él THs Bepa- melas TETAYLEVOV “AdeLavdpov, OTE AdBou Katpov, dedaxvev, BovAdpevos Kal THY mrept 70 oGp.a. dvraxjyv tot Bacwiéws 8’ attod yevéofar Kal KaQoArov Kwicat THY vm *Avtiyovov KaTade.-

6 bOcicav Sarak. *Avriyovos yap Kadds pev Cav mpoeaTn Ths Te Bactrelas Kat Tod maidos avrTod, Kardds dé tov Bliov petadAdtTwv mpoevoyOn mpos

7 TO péAXov rept ravTwy TOV TpaypLarev. amoAray yap Sradjacny Eypage Makeddow bmep TOV SiwKn- peveny: opotws de Kal mepl Tov wéAdovtos détTake, m@s Kal dia tivwy Exacta Seroer xewpileaBar, BovAdpevos pn depcav apopunv Katadurety Tots mepl Thy anny mpos aAAnAcus pidorysias Kal

gSaTtdcews. év ols THY TOTE GVOTpAaTEVOLEVWY AUTOS pev “AmedAANs ev Tots emitpdmois amedéXeuTTO, Aedvrios 8 emt tT&v meAtacTav, Meyaréas 8° éni TOU ypapparetov, Tavpiwy o° éeml TOV KATO HeAomovvngov, "AreLavdpos 8° émt ris Oeparetas.

9 TOV pev ovP Aeovrvov kal MeyadAdav Op avTov elyev odooxeps, TOV eS “AreLavdpov Kal Tavpiwva

peTaoTyHGdpEvos amd THs xpelas Eomevde Kal 506

BOOK IV. 87. 2-9

vision of Peloponnesian affairs, not indeed by finding fault with him, but by praising him and saying that he was a most proper person to be attached to the king’s person in the camp, his object being to get some one else appointed by his influence to this post. This is indeed a new kind of calumny, to damage the fortunes of one’s neighbours not by blame but by praise, and this variety of malice, envy, and trickery is especially and primarily the invention of courtiers to serve their mutual jealousies and ambitions. He also, whenever he had an oppor- tunity, used to traduce Alexander, the Captain of the Body-guard, wishing to be himself charged with the protection of the king’s person, and generally to subvert all the arrangements established by the testament of Antigonus. For not only was Antigonus during his lifetime a good ruler and an excellent guardian of his son, but on his death, he made admir- able dispositions for the future regarding everything. In his will he gave to his people an account of his administration, and left orders how and by whom each matter was to be managed with the view of leaving no pretext for rivalries and quarrels among the courtiers. Of those officers who were on Anti- gonus’ staff at the time Apelles was left one of the king’s guardians, Leontius was made Captain of the Peltasts, Megaleas Secretary in Chief, Taurion High Commissioner for the Peloponnese, and Alex- ander Captain of the Body-guard. Apelles had Leontius and Megaleas entirely at his disposal, and his purpose was to remove Alexander and Taurion

VoL, I * 507

THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS

ratra Kat tdAAa mavra dv atrod Kai Sa rdv 10 (diay dirwv xeupilew. 6 87) Kal i padiws a av émreTéAcce pr) Tapackevdoas dvraywveorny "Apatov atta. viv dé TAXEws qetpav edaBe THs oderépas adpo- ll ovyns Kal Teovegias: 6 yap adTos emeBdAcTo mpagat KaTa Tay méXas, TOUT érabe Kat Atav ev 12 wavu Bpaye? xpdovw. mas dé Kal Tie TpomTWw TOUTO auvveBn yeveobar, Kata Lev TO TapoV UrepOnadpeba, Kal KataoTpepopev tHV BUBAov tavTnv, ev dé Tots éEfs mepacducba cadds vrep exaotwv eéay- 13 yeAXew. Didurzos dé Ta Tpoetpnireva diataéa- jeev'os emavAAGer els “Apyos kavradda THY Tapaxel- paciay émrole. peta TOV Pidwy, Tas dé duvduers améAvoev eis Maxedoviav,

BOOK IV. 87. 9-183

from their posts and direct these and all other matters through himself and his friends. And he would easily have accomplished this, had he not invited the opposition of Aratus ; but as it was he was soon to experience the consequence of his folly and greed of power; for what he had plotted to bring upon his colleagues, he had to suffer himself within a very short space of time. As to how and by what means this happened, I shall defer speaking for the present and bring this Book to a close; but in subsequent ones I shall try to give a clear account of the whole matter, Philip, after making the arrangements I mentioned, returned to Argos and there spent the remainder of the winter with his friends, dismissing his troops to Macedonia.

Enp oF Boox IV

509

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INDEX

ABILYX, ili. 98.2; 99.6 Abydos, iv. 44. 6 Acarnanes, iv, 5. 10; 9. 4; 152 es -2523);, 30: 2; 63. 4 Acarnania, iv. 6. 2; 30. 1; 63.6; 65.9; 66.4 Achaea, iv. 7.4; 9.7; 15. ae AS, GO IGE 10). Aves 20. 16% 61.2%, SI. 16 Achaei, iii. 3. 3; 5. 6; 32. Secive Ua 45 657,: des 8: 123 O51 : 1's 15.357 17 3.35)>: 3622; 37.6; 59; 60; 64.1; 66. 2; 67.8; 69; 71; 72; 76. 2; 82.2; 84.1; 85.3 Achaeus, Andromachi filius, iv. 2.5; 48; 49.2; 50; 51 Achelous, iv. 63. 11 Acrocorinthus, iv. 8. 4 Actium, iv. 63. 5 Adimantus, iv. 22.7; 23. 5 Adriatic sea, iii. 47. 2; 61. 11; 86; 88.1; 110.9 Aecae, iii. 88. 9 Aegaeum mare, iii. 2. 8 Aegira, iv, 57.2; 59 Aegium, iv. 7,1; 26.8; 57. 3; 82.7 Aegyptus iii. 2.8; 3.8; iv 2. 8

L. Aemilius Paulus, iii. 16. 7; 19. 12; 106. 1; 107. 8;

108. 1; 109. 13; 110. 8; 112.25 14426; 116.17; 117. 8; iv. 37.4; 66.8

Aepium, iv. 77.9; 80. 13

Aethiopia, ill. . 38. 1

Aetoli, iii. 2:3 3. 33 6:5: de As hE. oh iy 2. a eae 5.6; 6.8; 7; 8 4; 9.5; 11; 12; 13; 14; 15; 16; 17. 12; 18; 19; 25; 26; 29 ; 30; 34.3; 34.7; 35; 36 ; 53. 9; 55. 1; 58; 62. 45. 63. 3: 67. Is 7-6: 78.1; 79; 80; 84.9

Aetolia, iv. 4.9; 36.2; 53. Ss 57.:2 5 Biss = 62) 4: 64; 72.9; 86.3

Afri, ii. 33. 152 56:4". 72: 9) 14. 4 19; Ve ves oe 87. 3s 113; Fs TIS": L1G S 7

Afri¢a, it. 3. Tes, 85°22" 22" 10; 23. 4; 24. ll; 32. 74g 33. 7; 35.1; 37. 2; 38. 1; 39. 2; 41.2; 57.2; 59.7; 61. 8; 96. 12

Agelaus Naupactius, iv. 16. 10

Agesilaus, rex Lacedaemo- niorum, iii. 6. 11; iv. 35. 13

Agesipolis, iv. 85. 10

511

INDEX

Agesipolis, father of above, iv. 35. 10

Alcamenes, iv. 22. 11

Alcibiades, iv. 44. 4

Alexander, the Aetolian, iv. 57.2; 58.9

Alexander the Great, iii. 6. 4; 62145-5945); Iv. con 0

Alexander, Captain of the king’s bodyguard, iv. 87. 5 338048

Alexandria, in Egypt, iv. 51. 1

Aliphera, iv. 77. 10; 78. 1

Allobroges, iii. 49. 13; 50. aes en)

Alps, ili. 34. 2; 39. 9; 47. 2; 48:16 ;.49 >) 153.06; 54: Zi 55. 9) 5556.5) 60. 2; 61. 3 ; 62: 3; 64.:7

Alpheus, iv. 77. 5 ; 78. 2

Althaea, iii. 13. 5

Ambracus, iv. 61. 3 ; 63. 1

Ambrysus, iv. 25. 2

Amphidamus, iv. 75. 6; 84; 86. 3

Amynas, iv. 16. 9

Andosini, iii. 35. 2

Andromachus, iv. 51. 1

Antalcidas, iv. 27. 5

Antium, iii. 22. 11; 24. 16

Antigonus Doson, iv. 1. 9; 6. 45 99 45 16. 5 22. 14. 34. 9; 69.6; 76. 1; 82.3; 87. 6

Antigonatus Gonatas, iv. 3. 3

Antiochus the Great, iii. 2. 4 ; Soi toa os Ose: Teglaen lil Dee UD. Vice 32: Uy iveeend 37. 5; 48.5; 51.3

Apaturius, iv. 48. 8

Apelaurus, iv. 69. 1

512

Apelles, iv. 76. 1; 82. 2; 84. 1; 85; 86; 87

Apennines, mountains, iii. 90. 7; 110. 9

Apteraei, iv. 55. 4

Aratus of Sicyon, the elder, IV co des O. is der Sie Oe As Ue 7s LOS epee ie ale), Is ROW 2 8245 3)! 675.8% 165, 8); 82213 -MS4s Lies oe 86 ; 87. 10

Aratus the younger, iv. 37. Ls GO, 270) Qi 7287

Araxus, iv. 59. 4; 65. 10

Arbucala, iii. 14. 1

Areadia, iv. 20. 3); 21. 5; 3a. os dO. WN 70. Se aii: 10

Arcadians, iv. 17. 4; 20. 1; 21 TRhS2 Lae dda Se SS: bl 53) 650708 3% eT: 74. 1

Arcas. iv. 77. 8

Archidamus, son of Eumen- ides, iv. 35. 13

Archidamus, son of Panta- leo, iv. 57.7; 58.9

Ardea, iii. 22. 11; 24. 16

Ardyes, iii. 47. 3

Argives, iv. 36. 4

Argos, iv. 82. 1; 87. 18

Aridices, iv. 52. 2

Ariminum, ii. 61. 10; 68. 13s WOM Gist Wise2is C8ENely: 88. 7

Arirathes, iii. 3. 6; 5. 2; iv. 2.8

Aristocrates, iv. 33. 6

Aristomenes, iv. 33. 2

Ariston, iv. 5. 1; 9.9; 17. 1

Arpi (Argyripa), iii. 88. 6

Arretium, iii. 77. 1; 80. 1

INDEX

Artemisium, iv. 73. 4

Asias ant oy 13 566 5, S72 ; 38. 1; 59, 3; iv. 28. 3; 39. DAs? + 44..7%; 46. 195°50. 4:51. 8; 56. 5

Athenians, iv. 44. 4

Athyrnus, iii. 92. 1

M. Atilius Regulus, cos., iil. 106.2; 114. 6

Attalus, father of Eumenes, ii. 3.2 ;5.2 ; 48.1; 48. 11; 49. 2; 65. 6

Aufidas, iii. 110. 8; iv. 1. 2

Azinis, iv. 70. 3

BABYRTAS, iv. 4. 5

Balearic islands, iii. 33. 11; 33. 165/727 = 835 2 113.6

Beneventum, iii. 90. 8

Bionidas, iv. 22. 11

Bithynia, iv. 50.9; 52.9

Boeotians, iv. 9. 4; 15. 1; 25.2361

67. 6

Bolax, iv. 77.9; 80. 13

Bosphorus, Cimmerian, iv. 3053

Bosphorus, Thracian, iv. 39. 4

Bostar, fis 4985°5); 98e12; 99. 5

Brennus, iv. 46. 1

Britain, ili. 57. 3

Brundisians, iil. 69. 1

Byssatis, ili. 23. 2

Byzantines, lil. 2. 5; iv. 37. 8; 42. 8; 44. 1; 46. 2; 47; 48.13; 50; 51

Byzantium, iv. 39. 5; 43. 1; 43. 7; 46. 1; 52:1

CALCHEDON, iv. 39. 5; 43. 8; 44.3; 44.7

Calena, ili. 101. 3

Calligiton, iv. 52. 4

Callisthenes, iv. 33. 2

Calydonia, iv. 65. 6

Campanians, iii. 118. 3

Cannae, iii. 107. 2; 117. 1; iv. 1. 2

Canusium, iii. 107. 3

Caphyae, iv. 11. 3; 12. 13; 68765 70.41

Capitol, iii. 22. 1; 26. 1

Cappadocians, iii. 5. 2; iv.

Capua, iii. 90. 10; 91. 6

Caria, iii. 2. 8

Carpetani, iii. 14. 2

Carthage, iii. 15. 12; 20. 6; 23. Ls 32062 5° 33ers ; 34. 7; 40.2; 41.3; 61. 8; 87.4; 96. 10

Carthage, New, iii. 13. 7; 15. Seok ds, Lt wdade. Os oo Or 56.3; 76.11; 95.2

Carthaginians, iii. 2. 1; 3, 13 5S eh 024 5:; (ORES 9:/6 313.1 > 14: dae a: 20 = Bli-- 22. < 23.029 Gneo - 42. 4; 49; 54. 8; 59. 9; 60. 8; 61. 8; 62. 11; 64; 655.67 = 68; 69°. 71s "13; 74; 75; 84; 88; 89. 7; 91.10; 97;98;110; 115; 117 iv. 1; 2. 9; 66.9

Cavarus, iv. 46. 4; 52. 1

Celts, iii. 2. 6; 34. 1; 37.9; 39.4; 40.1;41.1; 41.9; 43.12;44.9;45.2; 48.6; 60/11 ; 66.7 ; 67. 1 5.6828 ; 69% 70°45 These TZ: §'; 714.4; 75.2; 78. 2; 83. 4;

513

INDEX

84. 6; 85.5; 93. 10; 106. 6; 113. 7; 115.2; 118.6

Celtiberia, iii. 5. 1; 17.2

Cenchreae, iv. 19. 7

C. Centenius, iii. 86. 3

Cephallenians, iii, 3. 6; iv. 6.2; 6.8

Ceraea, iv. 53. 6

Ceras (Képas), iv. 43. 7

Cercina, iii. 96. 12

Chaereas, iii. 20. 5

Charadra, iv. 63. 4

Charixenus, iv. 34. 9

Chilon, iv. 81

Chrysopolis, iv. 44. 3

Cissa, ili. 76. 5

Clarium, iv. 6. 4; 25. 4

Clastidium, iii. 69. 1

Cleombrotus, father of Agesi- polis, iv. 35. 10

Cleomenes, iii. 16. 3; 32. 3; iv. 1. S83 (ii s935.16 3037. 6; 69. 5; 76. 7; 81. 2; 81. 14

Clitor, iv. 10.6; 11.2; 18. 10; 25. 4; 70. 2

Cnossus, iv. 53 ; 55. 4

Coelesyria, iii. 1. 1; 2. 4; 2.8; iv. 2. 11; 37.5

Comontorius, iv. 45. 10 ; 46. 3

Conope, iv. 64. 3

Corinth, iv. 6. 5; 19. 9; 22. 2; 24, 9; 66. 5; 67.7; 69. 8; 72. 9

Corinth, gulf of, iv. 67. 5; 65. 9

Corinthians, iv. 13. 7

Cn. Cornelius Scipio, iii. 56. 5; 76. 1; 76. 5; 95. 4; 97.2

P. Cornelius Scipio, cos., iii. 40, 2; 41; 45. 2; 49. 1;

514

56. 5 ;61, 1 ;62,1;64,1; 65. 3; 66. 1; 66. 9; 67. 8; 68. 5; 68. 18; 70; 76.1; 88. 8; 97. 2; 99. 4; iv. 66. 9

Cortona, iii. 82. 9

Cossyrus, iii. 96. 13

Cothon, iv. 52. 4

Cremona, iii. 40. 5

Cretans, iii. 75. 7; iv. 8. 11; 20. 6; 55. 5; 61.3; 67. 6; 68. 3; 71. 11

Crete, iv. 53. 1; 64.6; 566.1; 80. 6

Cuma, Cyme, iii. 91. 4

Cyclades, islands, iii. 16. 3; iv. 16.9

Cyllene, iv. 9. 9

Cynaetha, iv. 16. 11; 17. 3; 18. 10; 19. 4; 25. 4

Cynaethenses, iv. 17. 9; 18. 8; 19. 13; 20. 2; 21. 5; 21. 11; 29. 6

Cyphanta, iv. 36. 5

Cythera, iv. 6. 1

Cyzicus, iv. 44. 7

DaRDANIANS, iv, 66. 1

Darius Hystaspis, iv. 43. 2

Daulium, iv. 25. 2

Daunia, iii. 88. 4; 91. 5

Delphi, iv. 46. 1

Delta, Egyptian, iii. 49. 6

Demetrias, iii. 6.4; 7.3

Demetrius, son of Antigonus Gonatas, iv. 25. 6

Demetrius of Pharos, iii. 16. 2; 16. 5; 18. 1; 19; iv. 16. 6; 19. 7; 37. 4; 66. 4

Demetrius Soter, iii. 5. 8

Dicaearchus, ili. 91. 4

INDEX

Dimalus, or Dimale, iii. 18. 1

Dioscurium, iv. 67. 9; 68. 2 73. 5

Dium, iv. 62. 2

Dodona, iv. 67. 3

Dorimachus, iv. 3. 5; 4; 6.5;9.8;10.3; 14.4; 16. ll; 19. 12; BT. 2. 67. 1; rie 6

Dyma, Dyme, iv. 59. 1; 65. 10; 83. 1; 86. 4

EsRo, river, cf. Iber

Elaus, iv. 65. 6

Elea (7 Hea), iv. 9.9 ; 73.4; 77.7; 80; 82.7

Eleans, iv. 5.4; 19.5; 36.6; 59. 1; 68. 1; 69.1; 70. 4; 71; 73. 1; 74. 8; 77. 6; 80 ; 83.3; 84; 86.3

Eleuthernaei, iv. 53. 2; 55. 4

Elis, town, iv. 59. 1 ; 64. 2

Emperatus, iv. 82. 8

Emporia, iii. 23. 2

Emporiun, iii. 39. 7 ; 76. 1

*Evuadvos = Quirinus, iii. 25. 6

Epaminondas, iv. 32. 33. 8

Ephorus, iv. 20. 5

Epirotes, iv. 5. 10; 9. 4; 15. 1; 16. 1; 25. 3; 30. 6; 36. 7; 61. 2; 63. 1; 67. 2

Epirus, iv. 6. 1; 57.1; 61.1; 63. 5; 66. 4; 67. 1

Epistratus, iv. 11. 6

Epitalium, iv. 80. 13

Eribanus, mountain, iii. 92. 2

Erymanthus, iv. 70. 8; 71. 4

Eryx, town, iii. 9. 7

Etruria, iii. 49.4; 56.6; 61. 2; 75. 6; 77. 1; 78. 6; 80.

10;

1; 82. 6; 84. 15; 86. 3; 108. 9

Etruscan, or Tyrrhenian, or Tuscan sea, iii. 61. 3; 110. 9

Euboea, iv. 67. 7

Eudamidas, iv. 35. 13

Eumenes, iii. 3. 6

Euripides, iv. 19. 6; 59. 1; 60. 3 ; 68. 1 ; 69. 2; 70. 11; Alb e i 12 Sah 1

Europe, iii. 3.4; 37. 2; 47. 1; iv. 39. 2; 41. 1; 43, 2; 44.6; 51. 8

Euxine, see Pontus

Q. Fasius Maximus, iii. 87. 6; 88. 7; 89; 90; 92. 3; 94.4; 101. 1; 103. 3; 105.

5 Q. Fabius Pictor, iii. 8.1;9 1 Fair Promontory, see p. 520 Faesulae (Fiesole), iii. 82. 1

Falernian mountain’ and territory, iii. 90. 11; 92. 6; 94,7

C. Flaminius, tribune, iii. 75. Brie e782 Bis, 80.41 * 82. 2; 83.6; 84.2; 86.3; 106. 2

Fossa, iv. 33. 6

Frentani, territory of, iii. 88. 3

GavaTia (Gallia Cisalpina), iii. 106. 6

Gaul, iii. 40. 3; 59. 7; 87. 2; 118. 6 Gauls, iii. 3. 5; 16. 2;

50. 6; 54.3; 67. 8; 6; 45. 10; 52.1

iv. 38.

515

INDEX

Gerunium, iii. 100. 1; 102. 6; 107. 1

Glympes, iv. 36. 5

Gortyn in Arcadia, iv. 60. 3

Gortyn in Crete, iv. 53. 4; 55. 6

Greece, iii. 3. 1; 3. 4; 5. 6; Gol 22s Sie (1G cde oniv. 28. 3

Greeks, iii. 2. 3; 5. 4; 6. 9; 52. 3; 58. 5; 59. 8; iv. 2. Bee 80853: 18.210:520. 27. 1OGSONes SES 33. 8; 38. 6; 45. 10; 46. 5; 73. 10; 74

Gyridas, iv. 35. 5

HADRIANUS AGER, ili. 88. 3

Hamilcar Barca, iii. 9. 6; 10; 13. 3; 14. 10

Hamilcar, Carthaginian Gen- eral in Spain, iii. 95. 2

Hannibal, son of Hamilcar Barca, ili. 6. 1; 8. 5; 9. 6; Pla 123 2933.45 1405 : 15; 16; 17; 20: 8; 30. 4; 33. 5; 34; 35; 36; 39. 6; 40. 1; 41. 1; 42; 43; 45. Bsa se 48>. 50 OL 152); 53.-.062.1 960: 1; "Gl. 5: 6). S. 62. 1-63-7648; 65. 6; 66. 3; 67; 68; 70. Orn ie. Wists: 79s As ae. 12); Sl. 12s 82. 9.5 83> 5: 84.8571 ; 86..3; 88. 1; 90. 10; 92; 93; 94; 96; 97; 98; 100. 1; 101; 102; VEE ee LPS. 17 satyet 2s. 9); 28. 1; 37. 4; 66. 8

Hanno, son of Bomilcar, iii. 42.6; 114.7

516

Hanno, Commander in Spain, iii. 35. 4; 76.5

Hasdrubal, son-in law of Hamilecar Barca, iti. 8. 1; 123.3% 13: 3. :1655 321; DT O28 2 a0F3

Hasdrubal, brother of Hanni- balwilicndas "Os ‘Sa. 14: 56. 6; 76. 8; 95. 2; 96. 1; 98. 5

Hasdrubal, iii. 66. 6; 93. 4

Hasdrubal, iii. 102. 6 ; 114. 7; 116. 6

Hectodorus, iv. 47. 4; 78. 5

Hellespont, iv. 44. 6; 46. 1; 50,5

Heracleidae, iv. 34. 5

Heraclitus, iv. 40. 3

Heraea, iv. 77. 5; 78. 2; 80. 15

Hercules, Column of, iii. 37. Sito oes sol. te

Hermaeum, iv. 43. 2

Hestiae, iv. 43. 5

Hiero, int 2. 6% 7507

Hieron (76), iv. 50. 2

Hippomedon, iv. 35. 13

Hirpini, iii. 91. 9

M. Horatius, cos., iii. 22. 1

Hypana, iv. 77.9; 79. 4

IAPYGIA, ii. 88. 3

Iason, iv. 39. 6

Iber (Ebro), river, iii. 6. 2; 14 O15... 5) 20: 9 2985 30:.2,2085. 2 39. G40 255 162252) (616 95a seta

llergetes, iii. 35. 2

Tilyria, ail. (LO: Vie; SiG 5218: Sis, ID. WILD shave? 16! Gisv29: 3; 565. 2; 66. 8

INDEX

Illyrians, iii. 16.4; 19.5; iv 16. 11; 25. 4; 37. 4; 66. 4

Indibilis (° Av8opaXns), ili. 76.6

Insubres, iii. 40. 8; 56. 4; 60. 8

Insula, iii. 49. 5

Io, iv. 43. 6

Isére, iii. 49. 6

Ister (Danube), iv. 40. 1

Isthmus of Corinth, iii. 32. 3

Italians: #1 725 63" 77; Gs 85. 4; 118. 5

Ttaly, aii. 2. 2 015.2135 16. 4. 27. AL sock waters 35's 39.) 67 445, SFA 72 15s 49: 2s 5452) OT. 19t59H9 = 613 5 TON thse One 90. 13); 190455 722962 915197. 2110, 92011. 9): ivci28: 3

Ithoria, iv. 64. 9

L. Iunius Brutus, cos., iii. 22. I

LACEDAEMON, iv. 34. 4

Lacedaemonians, iii. 5. 6; 6. Des ave 2.2 On Ondo. 5s 1056155. 42 195 1: 19: 9; 20° 6 R218 e273 28 - 24.6; 27.4; 32.4; 33.8; 34. 1; 36. 1; 54.6; 80. 1; Slyat

Lachinium, iii. 33. 18; 56. 4

Laconians, iv. 32. 3

Ladicus, iv. 80. 15

Laodice, wife of Seleucus II (Callinicus), iv. 51. 4

Lappaeans, iv. 53,6; 54.4; 55.

Larinun, iii. 101. 3

Larisa, iv. 66. 7; 67.6

Lasion, iv. 72.7; 74. 1

Latins, iii. 22. 11

Latium, iii. 23. 6; 24. 16; 91.9

Laurentines, iii. 22. 11

Leonidas, iv. 35. 11

Leontius, iv. 87. 8

Lepreum, ‘iv. 77. 9 = 718. 15 hoe 25 eSOLel

Lergetes, iii. 33. 15

Leucae, in Peloponnesus, iv. 36. 5

Leuctra, iv. 81. 13

Tepuraits, mountain, iii. 100.

Liby. phoenicians, ili. 33. 15

Ligurians, iii. 33. 16

Lilybaeum, town, iii. 41. 2; GI. .9.5- 682; 14 35°9G6.,012 ; 106. 7

Lissus, iii. 16.3; iv. 16.6

Lucaria, iii. 885; 100. 1

Lusi or Lusa, iv. 18. 9; 25.4

C. Lutatius Catulus, cos., i. 20.2 eee 0 sy 2 ents > 40. 8

Lycurgus, iv. 2.9; 35. 14;

36. 4; 37.5; 60.3; 81 Lydiadas, iv. 77. 10 Lyttus, iv. 53 ; 54

MACCcokI, iii. 33. 15

Macedonia, iii. 3. 8; iv. I. or 19. 69221160275 9 ; 29° 137s 8 350: Ts S17; bt. 1 = 62. le 66. 1 ;,85.°3 ; 87. 13

Macedonians, iii. 1. 9; 5. 6; 62. 12)- 716. 3 shiv. 2. 167: 6. 35.8: T2044: 16. 5; 19. 1; 22.8; 24.8; 34; 35.6; 61. 1; 63. 1; 64. 5; 65. 7; 68. 4; 69:°6; -7ls: 73: 1;

517

INDEX

76; 78. 7; 80. 5; 84. 7; 87.7

Machatas, iv. 34. 4; 36. 1; 36. 6

Maeoticus lacus, iv. 39; 40; 43. 3

Magilus, ili. 44. 5

Mago, Hannibal’s brother, iii. OF. 6379.42 :114. 7

Maharbal, iii. 84. 14; 85. 2; 86. 4

Mamertini, iii. 26. 6

L. Manlius, iii. 40. 11

Mantinea, iv. 8.4; 33. 8

Mantinaeans, iv. 21. 9 ; 27. 6

Marrucina, iii. 88. 3

Mars, iii. 26. 5

Masaesyli, iii. 33. 15

Massilia, iii. 37. 8; 47. 4; 6I.'2

Massilienses, iii. 41. 9; 95. 7

Massinissa, lil. 5. 1

Mastia, iii. 24. 2

Mastiani, iii. 33. 9

Megaleas, iv. 87, 8

Megalopolis, iv. 7. 11; 9. 1; BO. 10-33. Vio. 2504213: 7; 69. 4; 77. 10; 80. 16; 82.1

Megalopolitani, iv. 6. 3; 9. G= 63.010 3133493 S746; 60. 3; 81. 11

Megaris, iv. 67. 7

Messene, iii. 19. 11; 26. 6; iv.iSe 12 <4 SSa soos «tS 79. 6; 80, 6

Messenians, iv. 3. 6; 6; 7; 952 5°97 lb 2 SE..I s 32.1; 32. 10; 33.1; 33. Ss 36.83 479 S$

518

Metagonia (ra), iii. 33. 12

Methydrium, iv. 10. 10; 13.1

Metropolis, iv. 64. 3

Miccus, iv. 59. 2

M. Minucius, iii. 87. 9; 89. 6; 92. 4; 94. 10; 101. 1; 102 ; 103. 3; 104; 105

Mithradates, iv. 56. 1

Mutina, iii. 40. 8

Mysia, iv. 50. 4; 52. 9

NaRBO, iii. 37. 8 ; 38. 2; 39. 8

Narnia, iii. 88. 8

Naupactus, iv. 16. 9

Neapolis, iii. 91. 4

Nicanor, iv. 48. 8

Nicippus, iv. 31. 2

Nicostratus, iv. 3. 5

Nilus, iii. 37. 3

Nola, iii. 91. 5

Nucerini, iii. 91. 5

Numidians, iii. 33,15; 44.3; 45. 1; 55. 8; 65. 10; 68. 2; 69. 6; 69. 9; 72. 10; Co. eae tas: LED Sieg : PE? 22

OEANTHIA, iv. 57. 2

Oeniadae, iv. 65. 2

Oenis, iv. 31. 2

Ogygus, iv. 1.5

Olcades, iii. 13. 5; 14. 3;

33. 9

Olygyrtus, iv. 11.5; 70.1

Olympia, iv. 10. 5; 73. 3; 75. 8; 77. 5; 84.2; 86.4

Olympiodorus, iv. 47. 4

Omias, iv. 23. 5; 24. 8

Orchomenus, iv. 6. 5; 11. 3; 125 13

Oretes, iii. 33. 10

Orophernes, iii. 5. 2

INDEX

Panos, ili. 34. 2; 39. 10; 40. 5; 44.5; 47. 4; 48.6; 54. 3; 56.3; 56.6; 61. 1; 61. LPx64) 1s 6621 5:66:53 69. 5; 75.3; 86. 3

Paeanium, iv. 65. 2 ; 65. 11

Pantaleo, iv. 57. 7

Parnassus, iv. 57. 5

Parthenius, iv. 23. 2

Patrae, iv. 6. 9; 10. 2; 25. 4; 83.1

Pella, in Macedonia, iv. 66. 6

Pellene, in Achaea, iv. 8. 4; 13.5

Pellene, in Laconia, iv. 81. 7

Peloponnesians, iii. 3. 7; iv. Us ln tcvae. cos sOls 7s 69. 9; 77. 1; 82. 6; 84. 8

Peloponnesus, iv. 3.3; 5.5; 6.3; 6.8; 8.6; 9.10; 13.4; 14. 4; 22.1; 32.3; 57.5; 61.1; 64.5; 65.8; 66.1; 70. 3; 73. 6; 77. 8; 87. 1

Pergamun, iv. 48. 11

Persians, iii. 6; iv. 31. 5

Petraeus, iv. 24. 8

Peucetians, iii. 88. 4

Phaestus, iv. 55. 6

Pharae, Achaean town, iv. 6. 9; 25.4; 59.1; 77.5

Pharnaces, iii. 3. 6

Pharos, town, iii. 18. 2; 18. 7; 19. 12

Phasis, iv. 56. 5

Pheias, iv. 9. 9

Pheneus, iv. 68. 1

Phialia, Phigalia, iv.3.5; 6. 10; 31. 1; 79. 5; 80. 3

Philaenus, altar of, iii. 39. 2

Philunus, iii. 26.2; 26. 5

Philip, son of Amyntas, iii. 2.3;2.8;3.2;6.5

Philip, son of Demetrius, father of Perseus, iv. 2. 5; 5.4 580. 35. Sine 7NGs 1s 16. 1; 19.1322. 1; 23:24. 4; 26.3; 27.9; 29. 1; 30. iy: 34.10; S651 G08TS 7 - bo. 1 572k 961A 763.1 = 64. 2; 65. 5; 66. 5; 67.6; 68; 1) 3(6978.5.707 STS 72. SEMISAL OGL Tit) ISLS s 80;'81. 1; 81.: Eb; $2. 1: 83. 3; 84. 1; 85; 86. 3; 87. 13

Phillidas, iv. 77. 7; 78. 1; 79.2 -8032

Philoxenus, iv. 20. 9

Phlegraean plain, iii. 91. 7

Phlius, iv. 67. 9

Phocis, iv. 9. 4; 15. 1; 25.2; 55, 3

Phoebidas, iv. 27. 4

Phoenicia, iii. 2. 8

Phoetia, iv. 63. 7

Phrixia, iv. 77. 9; 80. 13

Picenum, iii. 86. 9

Pieria, iv. 62.1

Pindar, iv. 31. 5

Pisa, iii, 56. 6; iv. 74. 1

Placentia, iii. 40. 5; 66. 9; 74. 8

Plator, iv. 55. 2

Polemocles, iv. 52.2; 53.1

Polichna, iv. 36. 4

Polyphontas, iv. 22. 12

Polyrrhenians, iv. 53.6; 55. 1; 61. 1

Pontus (Euxine), ii. 2. 6; iv. 38. 2; 39; 40; 41; 42; 43.1; 44.4; 46. 6; 50. 3; 62.5; 56.5

519

96. 9;

INDEX

L. Postumius Albinus, praetor, ili. 106. 6

Praetutianus, ili. 88. 3

Prasiae, iv. 36, 5

Prolaus, iv. 72. 9

Propontis, iv. 39. 1; 43. 1; 44. 6

Propus, iv. 11.6

Prusias, iil. 2.4; 3.6; 5.2; iv. 47. 7; 48. 4; 48. 13; 50; 51; 52

Psophis, Lye OS-2 1h: EZ 0. 26) dOsulesat ls 13 ; W2. 76a |

Ptolemy Euergetes, iv. 1. 9;

Ptolemy Philopater, iii. 2. 4 ; DO cegiViari2e 8.5 GOn 40) « 31.2) Olek

Ptolemais, iv. 37. 5

Pyrenees, mountains, iii. 35. Zee h. Wo lol Oise loo mai 40. 1; 41. 6

Pyrgus, iv. 77. 9; 80. 13

Pyrrhus, iii. 25. 1 ; 32. 2

Pythias, iv. 72. 9

RHIUM, promontory, iv. 10. 4; 19.6; 64. 2

Rhone, river, iii. 35. 7; 37. 8; 39.8; 41.5; 42. 2; 47. 2; 48.6; 49.5; 60. 5; 61. 2; 64.6; 76. 1

Rhodes, iv. 50. 8

Rhodians, iii. 2.5; 3.2;3.7; iv. 19. 8; 37. 8; 47; 48; 50; 52. 2; 53; 56

Romans, iii. 2.1; 3.1; 4. 2; 4.12 Bo als) Oy, die eS. 6s 9.6; 10; 11; 15; 16; 17; 18; 20; 21; 23; 24; 25; 29; 34; 40; 44; 45; 48; 59. 3; 59. 9; 60. 12; 63.

520

5; 63. 13; 65. 1; 66. 9; 67; 69; 71; 72; 73; 74; 16; 77; 84; 85; 89; 90; 94; 95. 7; 96-98; 99; 107; 110; 115; 116; 117; iv. 1; 16.6; 37. 4; 66. 4 Rome, iii. 2. 2; 15. 1; 16. 6; 19. 12; 24. 13; 40. 13; 54. 3; 61. 6; 68. 9; 68. 13; 76. 1; 82. 6; 85. 7; 86. 6; 87. 8; 88. 8; 92.2; 94.9; 96. 10; 103. 1; 105. 9; 107. 6; 112. 6; 118. 4

SAGUNTINES, iii. 8. 1; 8. 7; 14.9; 15.1; 16.5; 21.5; 29-015 BOR tST 2 42 iv. 66. 9

Saguntum, ui. 6. 1; 17. 1; 20. 1s; 3053 ; 61.:8 97. 6; 98 ; 99; 5; iv. 28. 1

Salmantica, ti. 14. 1

Samicum, iv. 77. 9; 80. 6

Samnites, ili. 90. 7

Samnium, ili. 91. 9

Samos, ili. 2. 8

Sardinia, iii. 10. 3; 13. 1; 15. 27. 8; 30. 4; 75. 4; 96. 9 10 ; 22. 10; 23. 4; 24. 11;

Sardinian sea, iii. 37.8; 41. 7; 47.2

Scerdilaidas, iv. 16. 6; 16. 9; 16.11; 29

Sciron, iv. 4. 3

Scopas, iv. 5. 1; 5. 9; 6. 5; 9. 8; 14. 4; 16. 11; 19. 12 + 27.1.3 37. 1;; 62.,.1

Scythians, iv. 43. 2

Seleucus Callinicus, iv. 51. 5

Seleucus Ceraunus, iv. l. 9; 2.7; 48.6

Sellasia, iv. 69. 5

INDEX

T. Sempronius Longus, cos., ii. 40. 246 22 8159; 68. 6; 68. 12; 69. 8; 70; tae Bos 2. MO 4. 2 ioe 1; iv. 66. 9

Cn. Servilius Geminus, cos., His (75.401. 2s BBs 96211; 97. bs 106: 2: 107! 7; 114. 6

Sestus, iv. 44.6; 50.5

Sicilians, iii. 2. 6

Sicilian sea, iv. 63. 5

wieiy pi. 3. 1 5°9:.7 5 13: 1: 20 Fic Do Ol DR. A 84 12; 25. 1; 26. 4; 29. 4; 320 es 405, 426. 96. 12 108. 7

Sicyon, iv. 8.4; 57. 5; 67; 8; 68

Sinope, iv. 56. 1 ; 57.1

Sinuessa, iii. 91. 4

Sostratus, sculptor, iv. 78. 5

Sosylus, iii. 20. 5

Sparta, iv. 22. 8; 34. 9; 35. 8; 36. 1

Sthenelaus, iv. 22. 11

Stratus, iv. 63. 10; 64. 2; TR 3!

Stylangium, iv. 77. 9; 80. 13

Stympalus, iv. 68. 1; 68. 5 Syrtis maior, iii. 23. 2; 39.2

TAQUS, river, iii. 14. 5

Tanais, river Don, iii. 37. 3; 35. 2

Tannetis, iii. 40. 13

Tarentines, iii. 118. 3; iv. pire |

Tarentum, iii. 75. 4

Tarseum, iii. 24. 2

Taurini, iii. 60. 8

Taurion, iv. 6. 4; 10. 2; 10. 6;-. 19.VE2980.23: Sh 1: 87.8

Taurus, mountain, iii. 3. 4; iv. 2.7; 48.3

Teanitae, iii. 91.5

Tegea, iv. 22. 3; 23. 3; 82. 1

Telphusa, iv. 73. 3; 77. 5

C. Terentius Varro, cos., iii. 106. 1; 110; 112. 4; 114. 6: 116. 13

Terracina, iii, 22. 11 ; 24. 16; 716. 12-95. 5

Thalemae, iv, 75. 2; 84. 2

Thebans, iv. 23. 9; 27. 5; ae

Theodotus Aetolus, iv. 37. 5

Thersitae, iii. 33. 9

Thessalians, iv. 9. 4; 76. 1

Thessaly, sive Sao: (Olek: 62:1); 66; 5.6727

Thrace, iv: 39. 6; 44. 9; 45.1

Thracians, iv. 38. 6; 45. 9; 46. 2; 46. 4; 51. 8; 66. 6

Thyestes, iv. 22. 11

Thyreum, Thurium, iv. 6. 3; 745) 3

Tiboetes, iv. 50. 1; 52. &

Tichos, iv. 59. 5; 83.1

Ticino, river, iii. 64. 1

Timaeus, Aetolian general, iv. 34. 9

Timaeus, historian, iii. 32. 2

Timarchus, iv. 53. 2

Timotheus, iv. 20. 9

Timoxenus, iv. 6. 4; 7. 6; 82. 8

Tisamenus, iv. 1. 5

Trasimene, lake, iii. 82. 9

§21

ol:

INDEX

Trebia, iii. 67. 9; 68. 4; 69. | UmBrians, iii. 86. 9 5; 72.4; 108.7 Utica, iii. 24. 2 Triphylla, iv. 77. 5; 79. 1;

80. 15; 81.1 Vacoakl, iii. 5. 1; 14.1

Triphylos, iv. 77. 8 Venusia, iii. 116. 13 Tripolis, iv. 81. 7 ag 1 an Tet ee Triteen Tattaca, viv 169F Vibonium, iii. 88. 6 59. 1 Tula, Tulis, iv. 46. 2 XENOPHANTES, iv. 50, 5

Tympanae, iv. 77. 9; 78. 1; Xenophon, iii. 6. 9 79. 2 Tyre, iii. 24.1; iv. 37.5 ZABAX, iv. 36. 5

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Isarus. E.S. Forster.

IsocraTEs. George Norlinand LaRue Van Hook. 3 Vols.

[St. JoHN DAMASCENE]: BARLAAM AND IOASAPH. Rev. G. R. Woodward, H. Mattingly and D. M. Lang.

JOSEPHUS. 9 Vols. Vols. I-IV. H. Thackeray. Vol. V. H. Thackeray and R. Marcus. Vols. VI and VII. R. Marcus. Vol. VIII. R. Marcus and Allen Wikgren. Volo X.. 1. HW: Keldman:

JULIAN. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols.

LIBANIUS : SELECTED Works. A.F.Norman. Vols. I-II. Luctan. 8 Vols: Vols. LV. A: M. Harmon. Vol. VI. K. Kilburn. Vols. Vil and VIII. M.D. Macleod.

LYcoPpHRON. Cf. CALLIMACHUS.

Lyra GrRAaEcA. J.M. Edmonds. 2 Vols.

Lystas. W. R. M. Lamb.

MANETHO. W. G. Waddell; ProLEmMy : TETRABIBLOS. F. E. Robbins.

Marcus AURELIuS. C. R. Haines.

MENANDER. F. G. Allinson.

Minor Attic Orators. (ANTIPHON, ANDOCIDES, LYcuR- Gus, DrmaprEs, DiInarcHus, HYPERIDES). K. J. Maidment and J.O. Burtt. 2 Vols.

MusarEus : HERO AND LEANDER. Cf. CALLIMACHUS.

Nonnos : Dionystaca. W.H.D. Rouse. 3 Vols.

Oppian, COLLUTHUs, TRYPHIODORUS. <A. W. Mair.

Papyri. Non-LITERARY SELECTIONS. A.S. Hunt and C. C. Edgar. 2 Vols. Lirzerary SELECTIONS (Poetry). DL: Page:

PARTHENIUS. Cf. DAPHNIS AND CHLOE.

PAUSANIAS : DESCRIPTION OF GREECE. W. H. S. Jones. 4 Vols. and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E. Wycherley.

Puito. 10 Vols. Vols. I-V. F. H. Colson and Rev. G. H. Whitaker. Vols. VI-IX.° F. He Colson. Vol. X. F. H. Colson and the Rev. J. W. Earp.

Two Supplementary Vols. Translation only. Ralph Marcus.

PHILOSTRATUS : THE LIFE OF APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. F. C. Conybeare. 2 Vols.

PHILOSTRATUS : IMAGINES ; CALLISTRATUS : DESCRIPTIONS. A. Fairbanks.

PHILOSTRATUS AND EuNaApPius: LIvEs OF THE SOPHISTS. Wilmer Cave Wright.

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

Pinpar. Sir J. E. Sandys.

PiLatTo : CHARMIDES, ALCIBIADES, HIpPpARcHUS, THE LovERS, THEAGES, MINOS AND EPINOMIS. W. R. M. Lamb.

PLatTo : CRATYLUS, PARMENIDES, GREATER HIPPIAs, LEssER Hippras. H.N. Fowler.

Piato : EUTHYPHRO, APOLOGY, CRITO, PHAEDO, PHAEDRuS. H.N. Fowler.

PuaTo : LACHES, PRoTAGORAS, MENO, EUTHYDEMUS. W. R. M. Lamb.

Prato: Laws. Rev. R. G. Bury. 2 Vols.

PuaTo : Lysis, Symposium, Gorertas. W.R. M. Lamb.

PLaTo : RErPuBLic. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols.

PLATO : STATESMAN, PHILEBUS. H.N.Fowler;Ion. W. R. M. Lamb.

PLaTo : THEAETETUS AND SopuHist. H. N. Fowler.

PuatTo : TIMAEUS, CRITIAS, CLITOPHO, MENEXENUS, EPISTULAE. Rev. R. G. Bury.

Piotinus. A. H. Armstrong. Vols. I-III.

PLourarce,: MORArTA. 916) Vols; 1Volsa. avin, Boones Babbit. Vol. VI. W. C. Helmbold. Vols. VII and XIV. P. H. De Lacy and B. Einarson. Vol. VIII. P. A. Clement, H. B. Hoffleit. Vol. IX. E. L. Minar, Jr., KF. He Sandbach, W.. ©: Helmbolds, Volk 2xo\. Hi. N. Fowler. Vol. XI. L. Pearson and F. H. Sandbach. Vol. XII. H.Chernissand W.C.Helmbold. Vol. XIII, Parts 1 and 2,H.Cherniss. Vol. XV. F.H. Sandbach.

PLUTARCH : THE PARALLEL Lives. B. Perrin. 11 Vols.

PotysBius. W.R. Paton. 6 Vols.

Procopius: History OF THE Wars. H.B. Dewing. 7 Vols.

PToOLEMY : TETRABIBLOS. Cf. MANETHO.

QuInTUS SMyRNAEUS. A.S. Way. Verse trans.

Sextus Empiricus. Rev. R. G. Bury. 4 Vols.

SopHocites. F.Storr. 2 Vols. Verse trans.

StraABO : GEOGRAPHY. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols.

THEOPHRASTUS : CHARACTERS. J. M. Edmonds; HERODES, ete. A. D. Knox.

THEOPHRASTUS: DE CausiIs PLANTARUM. G. K. K. Link and B. Einarson. Vol. I.

THEOPHRASTUS : ENQUIRY INTO Puants. Sir Arthur Hort, Bart. 2 Vols.

THucypiIpEs. C.F.Smith. 4 Vols.

TRYPHIODORUS. Cf. OPPIAN.

XENOPHON : CYROPAEDIA. Walter Miller. 2 Vols.

8

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

XENOPHON : HELLENICA, ANABASIS. C. L. Brownson. 3 Vols.

XENOPHON : MEMORABILIA AND OkEcoNomicus. E. C. Marchant. APpoLoGy AND Symposium. O. J. Todd. XENOPHON: ScripTA MINORA. E. C. Marchant. CONSTITUTION OF THE ATHENIANS. G. W. Bowersock.

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HERODOTUS THUCYDIDES XENOPHON DIODORUS ARRIAN APPIAN DIO CASSIUS JOSEPHUS PLUTARC