/^^^ '€: J > ■ ■ \ .i*' J- . ^ jr ^ ^ SCO Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2010 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library http://www.archive.org/details/historyofcolonizationonOOalex TAIN w MAP OF ILIIlBjiJliillA. ('()|ii|>i1(mI, IVoiii (liiiii (111 lilc III Ihi- oniic of Ihc AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. under llic (liicclinii 111' Ihc RKV°W.M'LAIN,.SE('; 1845. /yy ^ ^ Tfif -ibaftifowiii Oatu I/,i/fy w Tobaauirr and Irom 7a.i (Awe fhom liighy la Capr Mount, li-nm Tobaconte i. ffliir Barir lo ttock Town ■ 7?ir Mkrylaiid Sonelr umu thorn Hnck ntwn to Gmi, mill 1>adf IIS li-fhemi nn the Ahip bv thr broltrii i o ^ i vT^ ,.,.jr .V A HISTORY X^GICAIS^-^ OP COLONIZATION ON THE WESTERN COAST OF AFRICA BY ARCHIBALD ALEXANDER, D.D., PROFESSOR IN THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY AT PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY. PHILADELPHIA: WILLIAM S. MARTIEN, No. 37 SOUTH SEVENTH STREET. NEW YORK, No. 23 CENTRE STREET. 1846. Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1846, by William S. Martien, In the office of the Clerk of the District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. ADVERTISEMENT. The following history was commenced several years since, and was continued until the year 1834, when the author, in conse- quence of other publications on the same subject, and the pressure of professional duties, laid the work aside, and re- linquished the design of publishing what he had written. But being earnestly solicited by some of the friends of Colonization to complete the history, and bring it before the public, he has been induced to revise what he had written; and not being disposed at his time of life to encounter the labour of continuing the history himself, he has committed the work to two young gentlemen, students in the Theological Seminary at this place, who have with great care continued the narrative, and brought it down to the decease of Governor Buchanan, near the close of the year 1841. The more recent events are fresh in the memory of all who take an interest in the prosperity of the colony of Liberia. Princeton, New Jersey, January 6, 1846. CONTENTS, Iktrobuction . CHAPTER I. DESCRIPTION OF THE WESTERN COAST OP AFRICA. Face of the Country. Soil. Climate. Productions. Native Tribes. Govern- ment. Tribes in the vicinity of Sierra Leone. Their Habits, Language, and Religion. Topography of Sierra Leone. The Slave Trade. Effects of Colonization , 25 CHAPTER H. ORIGIN OP THE COLONY AT SIERRA LEONE. Disasters attending the First Settlement. A second company is sent from Nova Scotia. Settlement at Freetown. Great Mortality. Unexpected cost of the undertaking. Visit of a French Squadron. Arrival of Ma- roons from Jamaica. State of the Colony. Church Missionary Society for Africa and the East , 39 CHAPTER HI. ORIGIN OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. Dr. Hopkins. His Missionary Scheme. Dr. Styles joins him. Public Ap. peal. Reply from the Christian Knowledge Society of Scotland. Bristol Yamma and John Quaniine sent to Princeton. Letter of Philip Quaque. Salmur Nuba. A Second Circular issued. The Enterprise frustrated by the War. Dr. Hopkins' Scheme first suggested the idea of African Colonization. Labours after the War. Remarkable Case of Newport Gardner. After the lapse of lialf a century Gardner and Nuba are or- dained Deacons in a church formed at Boston for Liberia. 48 CHAPTER IV. HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. American Slavery at the close of the Revolution. Thomas Jefferson. Afri- can Colonization first seriously contemplated by Dr. Thornton, of Wash- ington. Great attention to tiie subject of Slavery in Virginia. Plan of A* VI CONTENTS. Mr. Craighead. Plan of Judge Tucker. Action of the Virginia Legis- lature. Letters between President Jefferson and Governor Monroe. In- tention of the Resolution of the Virginia House of Delegates in Secret Session. Jefferson's Letter to Governor Page. Consequent action of the Legislature. Ann Mifflin's Scheme. Letters to and from Jefferson. Charles . Fenton Mercer. His Speech at a Public Dinner. Dr. Robert Finley, the^' Father of the American Colonization Society. Some Notice of his Life. The First Public Meeting in America to consider the subject of Coloni- zation, held at Princeton, Newr Jersey 59 CHAPTER V. PROCEEDINGS AT WASHINGTON. Dr. Finley goes to Washington. Public Meeting there. Speeches of Messrs. Clay, Caldwell, Randolph, and Wright. Preamble and Resolutions offered by Mr. Caldwell and adopted. Formation of the American Colonization Society. Constitution. First Meeting January 1, 1817. Officers. Memo- rial to Congress. Report of the Committee of the House of Representa- tives. Suggested Negotiations. Joint Resolutions. Effect of the action of Congress 80 CHAPTER VI. VOYAGE OP MESSRS. MILLS AND BURGESS. Rev. Samuel J. Mills. His Colonization Scheme. His Plan for Educating the People of Colour. Approves of Dr. Finley's Plan, and devotes himself to the cause. With Dr. Burgess sails for Africa. Visit England on the way. Arrive at Sierra Leone, Extracts from Mills' Journal. John Kiz- zell — account of him. Letter of Governor Columbine. Kizzell's Com- munications. Sail for Sherbro. Extracts from Journal. Return. Death of Mills 98 CHAPTER VH. FIRST EXPEDITION TO AFRICA IN THE ELIZABETH. Congress pass an act authorizing the institution of an Agency in Africa. Rev. Samuel Bacon and Mr. John P. Bankson appointed Agents. Dr. Samuel Crozer Agent of the Colonization Society. Rules for Emigrants. Sailing of the Elizabeth in company with the Sloop-of-war Cyane. Arri- val of the Elizabeth. Cyane arrives. After consultation determine to locate on Sherbro Island. Kizzell suspected. Conference. Troubles of the Colo- nists. Sickness and death among them. Death of the Agents 112 CHAPTER VHI. STATE OP THE COLONY AFTER THE DEATH OF THE AGENTS. The Board not discouraged. Rev. Daniel Coker acts as Agent. He visits Sierra Leone. Consults Governor McCarthy. Arrival of the John Adams. Captain Wadsworth. His kind and efficient assistance. His Letter to CONTENTS. Vll Elias B. Caldwell. Captain Trenchard's Letter to the Secretary of the Navy. Coker removes the people and stores to Sierra Leone. Arrival of Messrs. E. Bacon and Winn, Government Agents, and the Society's Agents, Messrs. Andrus and Wiltberger. Anniversary Meeting of the Society 1821. Case of the Schooner Pluttsburg 128 CHAPTER IX. THE COLONY UNDER MESSRS. E. BACON AND ANDRUS. Extracts from Bacon's Journal. Tiie Voyage. Arrival at Sierra Leone. Health of the Emigrants. Messrs. Bacon and Andrus explore the Coast. Their Journal. Their Return. Arrival of the Alligator. Death of Mr. Andrus, and Mr. and Mrs. Winn. Resolutions of the Society 134 CHAPTER X. LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES RESPECTING THE SLAVE TRADE. Laws prohibiting the Slave Trade. Law of the state of Georgia and action under it. Mr. Mead's visit to Georgia and his success. Supplementary Act of Congress. President Monroe appoints Agents to go to Africa. Auxiliaries. Reputation of the Society abroad. Interesting Account of Recaptured Africans 157 CHAPTER XI. AGENCY OF DR. ATRES, AND PURCHASE OF CAPE MESURADO BY HIM AND CAPTAIN R. F. STOCKTON. Dr. Ayres offers himself to the Board. Sails in the Shark. Arrives in Africa. Purchase of Cape Mesurado in conjunction witli Captain R. F. Stock- ton. Agreement for the purchase of the land. Removal of the Colonists from Foura Bay to Cape Mesurado. Large meeting of tlie Kings, and their consent that the Colonists should remain. Dr. Ayres proposes to return to America. Appoints a Superintendent, and sails Juno 7th, 1822. . 167 CHAPTER XII. AGENCY OF MR. JEHUDI ASHMUN. Perilous condition of the Colony. Providential arrival of Mr. Ashmun. Re- captured Africans from Georgia. State of the Colony. Sickness. Ashmun makes preparation for the defence of the Colony. Attack of the Natives. Battle. Dispersion of the enemy. Second attack. Again repulsed. Peace restored, with the assistance of Major Laing 177 CHAPTER XIII. THE COLONY UNDER MR. ASHMUN. Death of Midshipman Gordon. Famine threatened. Arrival of the Cyane. Noble conduct of Captain Spencer. Communication of Mr. Seaton. Mr. Viii CONTENTS. Ashmun's despatch. Dr. Ayres returns as Principal Agent. Condition of the Colony. Description of Cape Mesurado 198 CHAPTER XIV. ADMINISTRATION OF ASHMUN CONTINUED. Mr. Ashmun's relations to the Board. Just resentment. He still takes charge of the Colony. Efficient labours. Arrival of the C3'rus with Emi- grants. Great distress of the Colony. Gurley's visit to Africa, with despatches from the Board. He approves of Ashmun's conduct. His Return. Despatches from Ashmun 207 CHAPTER XV. ashmun's ADMINISTRATION CONTINUED. Arrival of the brig Hunter. Settlement on the St. Paul's. Action of the Board. State of the Colony. Expeditions. Great mortality among the Emigrants. Arrival of recaptured Africans. Mr. Ashmun's health. Pur- chase of territory. Ashmun sails for the United States. His death at New Haven 219 CHAPTER XVI. LOTT CARET MISSIONS IN AND NEAR THE COLONY. Colony left in charge of Lott Carey — his Life — his Letters to the Board — his sudden Death. Death of Dr. Thornton. Dr. Randall appointed Agent, and sails in the ship Harriet with one hundred and sixty Emigrants 241 CHAPTER XVII. Randall's administration. Dr, Randall arrives at Monrovia. His opinion as to the state of tlie Colony. He penetrates into the interior. King Boatswain's Town. Coloniza- tion in Hayti by the Society of Friends. Failure of the scheme. Gerrit Smith's plan for raising funds. Subscription to the plan — note. Commu- nication from Dr. Randall, containing an Account of his Exploring Tour. His Death. Notice of his Life. Resolutions of the Board 257 CHAPTER XVIII. operations at home. Annual Meeting 1827. Speeches of Messrs. Clay and Mercer. Anniversary of 1828. General Harper's Speech. Remarks of Messrs. Latrobe, Har- rison, Key, Custis. Expedition in the ship Doris. Decree of the Su- CONTENTS. IX preme Court of the United States concerning recaptured Africans. Further Expeditions. Prosperity of the Society. Death of Judge Washington. Visit of Swiss Missionaries to this country on their way to Africa. Mr. Russwurm sails. Visit of two Kroomen to the United States. Dr. Mechlin appointed Agent. Constitution of the Commonwealth. Aslimun's Digest ,' of Laws. Address from the People of Monrovia to the Coloured People of I' the United States. Formation of Auxiliary Societies 273 CHAPTER XIX. THE COLONY UNDER DR. MECHLIN, 1830. Mr. Hodgson's Letter to the Board. Annual Meeting of the Society. Reso- lutions of the Board. Mr. Clay's Speech. Increased opposition to the cause of Colonization. Formation of the African Education Society. Dr. Mechlin's Report on the State of the Colony. Description of Caldwell. Printing press established in Monrovia. Sailing of the Montgomery. Return of Dr. Mechlin. Death of William Henry Fitzhugh. Statements of Mr. Devany concerning the Colony. Extracts from Captain Sherman's Letter. Mr. Erskine goes to Africa. His death 295 CHAPTER XX. AFRICAN EDUCATION EVENTS IN THE UNITED STATES. Death of Dr. Anderson. Obituary notice. Sailing of the Caroline. Mr. Robert S. Finley, Agent at Home. Action of the Board on Education. In- ' stitution of the African School Society at Hartford. Unfavourable feeling in the Southern States. Fourteenth Annual Meeting of the Society. Dr. Mechlin's despatch. His Letter to Elliott Cresson. Resolutions of the Maryland Legislature. Letter of Captain Woodside. Movement in Ken- tucky. Captain Kennedy's Letter. Southampton Insurrection. Sailing of vessels to Africa. Captain Weaver's Letter 345 CHAPTER XXI. EVENTS OP 1832. Fifteenth Annual Meeting. Mr. Madison's Letter. Judge Marshall's Letter. Arrival of the Criterion at Monrovia. Captain Abel's Letter. Proceedings in the Virginia Legislature. Resolutions in Congress. Mr. Cresson's eervices in Enorland. State of the Colony. Disturbance among the Na- tives. Attack of the Colonists. Their victory, and its effects upon the Natives. Letter of Dr. Mechlin. Situation of the recaptured Africans, Simpson and Moore visit the Colony, and their Report. Hannah Kilham. ^ Mr. Clarkson's view of Colonization. Opposition to the Colonization cause. ''' Garrison's attack. Action of the Abolitionists. The Liberator. Captain Crowell's Letter 364 X CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXII. AFFAIRS OF THE COLONY IN 1833. Dr. Hodgkins' Letter. Anniversary Meeting. Accession of Territory. Health of the Colony — its Commerce and Education. Sailing of Mr. Pinney as Missionary. Embarrassment of the Society. Action of tlie Maryland Legislature. Vindication of the Society. Bequests. Jacob W. Prout. Despatches on the state of the Colony. Abandonment of friends. Letter from Mr. Pinney 386 CHAPTER XXIII. FORMATION OF THE MARYLAND SOCIETY. Reasons for their separate action. Determine to form a separate Colony. Departure of their first Expedition in the brig Ann, under the charge of Dr. James Hall. Dr. Hall's Treaty with the Natives. Favourable state of the Emigrants. Further Expeditions. Arrival of Native Africans in Bal- timore. Communication from Dr. Hall. Arrival in Africa of Mr. and Mrs. Wilson as Missionaries. Dr. Hall's firmness with the Natives. Mr. Holmes sent out to relieve Dr. Hall. Letter of Dr. Hall, note. His despatch, 405 CHAPTER XXIV. CAPE PALMAS. Mrs. Wilson's Letter. Her devotion to the cause. Sickness of the Missiona- ries. Flourishing state of the Colony. Treaty with the Natives. Mr. Burt's Letter. State of the currency. Sailing of the Financier, and Niobe. John B. Russwurm appointed Agent. Letter of Dr. Hall 423 CHAPTER XXV. AFFAIRS AT HOME. Seventeenth Annual Meeting. Gerrit Smith's speech. His conversion to Abolitionism. Death of Dr. Balch. Expeditions sent out in the Ajax, America, Jupiter, and Argus. Mortality among the Emigrants. Bassa Cove purchased by Dr. Mechlin. Agriculture and Education. Messrs. Cox and Pinney. British Emancipation. Abolition in the United States. Mr. Thompson 433 CHAPTER XXVI. COLONIZATION SOCIETIES OF PENNSYLVANIA AND NEW YORK. Organization of the Pennsylvania Society. Dr. Hawes' slaves. Messrs. Cres- son and Naylor's commission — Proceed to Virginia — Their Report. Re- CONTENTS. XI port concerning the first Expedition. Mr. Tyson's Oration. Extracts from Phrenological Journal of Edinburgh. Formation of the New York Coloni- zation Society. Union of the two for the establishment of a Colony. Sailing of Dr. Skinner in the Jupiter. Resolutions of the New York Colonization Society. Annual Meeting of the New York Society. George Thompson. Testimonies. Letter of Captain Nicholson — Of Captain Sherman— Of Captain Abels — Of Simpson and Moore — Of Captain Voorhees 445 CHAPTER XXVII. AGENCY OF THE REV. J. B. PINNEV. Arrival of the Jupiter. Mr. Finney's reception. Letter of Captain Voorhees. Population of the Colony. Difficulties at home. Exertions to remove the debt. Revision of the Laws. Situation of the new Emigrants. Descrip- tion of the Bendoo country. State of the Colony on Mr. Finney's arrival. His successful labours. " Half-way farms." Moral and Religious state of the Colony. Arrival of Dr. Skinner. Report of Mr. Jones. State of Edu- cation. Resignation of Mr. Pinncy 472 CHAPTER XXVIII. AGENCY OF DR. E. SKINNER, 1835. Character of Dr. Skinner. He enters upon the duties of his office. Pros- perous condition of the Colony. Simpson and Moore. Sailing of the Rover. Testimonies in favour of the Colony. Schools. Cedar Park Liberian Association. Native Wars. Religion in the Colony 487 CHAPTER XXIX. COLONIZATION, AND THE COLONY IN 1836. Sailing of the Luna. Departure of the Swift. Second passage of the Luna. McElroy's Letter. Extracts from Miss Moore's Letter, State of the Colony. Letter of Mr. Buchanan. Ynamby's Palaver. Maryland Colony. Simleh Balla. Extracts from Bockwell's Sketches 502 CHAPTER XXX. VICE-AGENCY OF MR. A. D. WILLIAMS, 1837. . Mr. Clay appointed President of the American Colonization Society. Aux- iliary Societies. Charter of the Society. Account of Moro. Missionary Operations. Meeting in Liberia in favour of Colonization. Dr. Bacon's Letter. State Societies. Governor Matthias' Letter. Influence of the Colony upon the Natives. Testimonies in favour of the Colony. Mr. Button's Letter. Captain Nicholson's Letter. Simleh Balla 520 XU CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXXI. THE COLONY IN 183S. Mr. Garland's Speech. Embarrassments of the Society. Samuel Wilkin- son— his project. Elliott Cresson. Auxiliary Societies. Situation of Emi- grants, Lewis Sherridan. Expeditions. Greenville — Virginia State Society. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Williams. Difficulty with the Natives. Missionary Operations. Dr. Taylor's Letter. Statement of Mr. Brown. Dr. Gohcen's Letter. Affairs of the Colony. Thomas Buchanan appointed Governor 546 CHAPTER XXXn. COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERIA UNDER GOVERNOR BUCHANAN. State of the Colony. Health of Governor Buchanan. His Letter. Attack upon the Baracoons. Battle and Capture. Captain Bell's Letter 570 CHAPTER XXXni. WARS WITH THE NATIVES. Attack of Gatoomba. Governor Buchanan's Measures of Defence. His Negotiation. Second Attack. Buchanan's march against Gatoomba's town. Finney's Letter. Embargo Laid. Sailing of the Saluda. Diffi- culty respecting Slavers. Arrival of the Boxer and Grampus. War near Bassa Cove. Capture of New Cesters by Captain Denman. Captain Bell's Letter. State of the Colony . , 581 CHAPTER XXXIV. GOVERNOR Buchanan's administration, 1841. Arrival of the Cyane. Commander Latimer's Letter. Union of the Ameri- can Colonization Society and the Mississippi State Colonization Society. Niger Expedition. Expeditions— R. Groning, Union, Rcgulus, Saluda. Death of Governor Buchanan. Dr. Day's Letter 596 INTEODUCTION. The best method of disposing of the free people of colour, so as to promote the highest interests both of them and the citizens of this country, among whom they dwell, is a subject of momentous consequence, concerning which very different opinions have been entertained. The idea of providing a place for them on the coast of Africa, met the views of a large number of the most intelligent and benevolent men in this country; and the apparent difficulty, if not impracticability, of removing so great a number of persons to such a dis- tance, furnished, for a long time, the only objection to the enterprise. The obstacles were indeed very formi- dable, and would have discouraged the efforts of any men not animated by a noble enthusiasm in the cause of humanity. The first difficulty was to obtain a ter- ritory on the coast of Africa — a country possessed by numerous savage tribes, all deeply engaged in the slave trade, and jealous of every body, and every measure, which might possibly interfere with this nefarious traffic. The legislature of the state of Virginia had made an effort, through the President of the United States, to acquire such a territory, but without success. How then could it be expected, that a voluntary association, 1 INTRODUCTION. without funds, and without the aid of civil government, would be able to plant a colony on the shores of a con- tinent more than three thousand miles distant? But great as were the obstacles in the way of success in this enterprise, they have been overcome. Liberia, not only exists, but is in a flourishing condition. Perhaps no colony has ever existed where so much that is calcu- lated to render society respectable and happy, was to be found. An undoubted right to a territory of considera- ble extent has been secured, by fair purchase, from the native kings and chiefs. The country is uncommonly beautiful and fertile, and to the natives, or those who are acclimated, as healthy as any country in the world. The people of the colony live in comfortable houses, and are plentifully supplied with food, with moderate labour. The country is also well situated for commerce, by attention to which, a number of persons have ac- quired a handsome property, and live in as much ele- gance and affluence as the majority of merchants in this country. The privileges and security of a regular republican government are fully enjoyed. The people choose their own representatives, and have a legislature and judiciary of their own choice, and their own colour; the only officer appointed by the board of managers in this country is the governor; and for some years, this office has been filled, both at Monrovia, and Cape Pal- mas, by coloured men. From all accounts, there is as much good order, morality, and subjection to law, in Liberia, as in any other country; and the evidence of it is, the peaceful state of society, and the small num- ber of convictions for transgression of the laws. The community of Liberia is also distinguished for INTRODFCTIOX. its schools and religious privileges. Nearly all the children of the colony have the opportunity of attend- ing school ; and almost the whole population are in the habit of regular attendance on public worship, on the Sabbath ; and we do not know any community upon earth, where so great a proportion of the people are serious professors of religion. All intelligent persons who have visited the country, however strong their pre- judices against the colony before, have come away very favourably impressed in regard to its prosperous condi- tion ; and all visiters have concurred in declaring, that the people appeared, almost universally, to be contented with their condition, and to entertain no wish to return to this country. The problem has been fairly solved, that the coloured race are as capable of improvement as the whites, and in every department of government, they have manifested sound sense and discretion, equal to what could have been expected from people of any other nation, with no greater advantages of education, than they have enjoyed. Indeed, we have not seen any state papers which indicate a sounder judgment, and more just discernment of the true interests of the colony, than those of Governor Roberts. Even in his correspondence with officers of the British navy, on points of international law, he appears to great advan- tage; and we understand, that the administration of Governor Russwurm has given such entire satisfaction to the Maryland Colonization Board, that they are ex- tremely unwilling that he should resign his office. Two things, in relation to the native Africans, deserve special attention ; the first is, that several hundred na- tives recaptured from slave ships, have been settled in INTRODUCTION. the colony, in a village by themselves, and are now among the most orderly and industrious of the citizens, having, for the most part, embraced Christianity, and possessing schools and churches, where young and old attend with as much order and solemnity as in any civilized country. The other is, that many thousands of the natives choose to reside within the territory of Liberia, for the sake of security and peace, which they there enjoy; and willingly obey the laws of the colony. And although hostile and formidable attacks were made on the colonists, when they were few in number, so that their preservation must be ascribed to the re- markable interposition of Providence — yet, now, they are free from all apprehension of danger, and are at peace with all the surrounding tribes. And so high is the opinion entertained of the government of the colony, that frequently, the disputes among the neigh- bouring tribes are referred to them for arbitration. The influence of the colony in putting an end to the slave trade, has been confessedly great. The coast now possessed by the colony, had long been famous for this inhuman traffic; but now along a coast of three hun- dred miles, there is not more than one or two places, where any slaver dares enter. It may truly be said, that more has been done by the establishment of this little republic of freemen, to suppress the slave trade, than by the combined operations of both the British and American navies. Reflecting men, both in Great Britain and in this countrj^, seem now to be convinced, that the only efl"ectual method of putting an end to the slave trade is to plant colonies along the coast, and to INTKODUCTION. make trading and agricultural establishments in every accessible part of the interior. Whether this colony was commenced in wisdom, or imprudently, it now exists, and cannot be abandoned. There it stands on the savage coast of Africa, and is likely to exist for a long time to come. Hitherto, no ill consequence has followed from the prosecution of the scheme of colonization ; except the sacrifice of a number of valuable lives on a coast peculiarly unfavourable to the constitution of white men. It has provided a home for some thousands of coloured people, a large portion of w^hom exchanged slavery for freedom, and a degraded condition in society for one of independence and dignity. Who can doubt that the colonists of Liberia are in a far more eligible state, than if they had remained in this country? And who can tell the beneficial influence w^hich they may hereafter exert on the native inhabi- tants of the dark continent of Africa ? This little free republic may, for aught we know, be the germ of a great and flourishing empire. Look back three hun- dred years, and you will see a few feeble colonies of Europeans, struggling with the most formidable diffi- culties, and often on the very verge of extinction, and now behold these small colonies grown to be one of the most powerful nations upon earth ; extending its com- merce to every quarter of the habitable globe; produc- ing by agriculture, in rich abundance, all the articles most necessary for man's subsistence; and manufac- turing clothing far more than is needed by its twenty million of inhabitants. Let it be considered, that the same benignant Providence which watched over this rising country, and raised it to its present eminence 1* 10 INTRODUCTION. among the nations of the earth, has also smiled on the infant republic of Liberia. The indications of Divine favour toward this colony have been most marked, and some of them truly extraordinary, as will most fully appear, in the events recorded in the following history. The principal difficulties have been encountered and overcome. A work has been achieved, by a few inde- fatigable and philanthropic men, w^hich, to posterity, w^ill, we doubt not, appear the most interesting and re- markable event of the first part of the nineteenth cen- tury. No such work was ever before accomplished by means so inadequate. Unless Providence had signally prospered the enterprise, the object could never have been realized. It is to us, who have with interest marked every disaster, and every step of the progress, a most astonishing object of contemplation, that a private association, in a little more than twenty years, should, by voluntary contributions, without the aid of the general government, have been able to establish a well ordered and happy republic on the desert shores of Africa, at the distance of three or four thousand miles! This is, indeed, a thing which would scarcely be cre- dited, if its truth depended on common historical testi- mony. The idea of removing all the coloured population of this country, has been ridiculed as fanciful and imprac- ticable. But however short the enterprise may come of accomplishing all that would be desirable, in regard to this unhappy race, j^et let it be kept in mind, that what- ever may be accomplished, is so much clear gain ; gain to those wlio go, by greatly meliorating their condition ; gain to those who stay, by diminishing their number ; INTRODUCTION. 11 gain to the white population who desire to be exempt from this class of people, and prospectively an incon- ceivable gain to Africa, by kindling on her borders the lights of Christianity, civilization, and useful science. If not another individual should be added to the colony from this country, Liberia may still flourish and in- crease, and become a rich blessing to benighted Africa. It should be remembered, however, that the American Colonization Society never proposed such a thing, as the object of its institution, as the removal to Africa of the whole coloured population of this country. Their plan embraced no others than free people ; they careful- ly avoided any interference with those held in bondage by the laws of the States w^here they reside. The only influence which the Colonization scheme can have on slavery is indirect: by furnishing a comfortable asylum for such as are free. Many conscientious and benevo- lent slaveholders, who were restrained from emancipat- ing their slaves, from the consideration that there was no place to which they could be advantageously sent, upon seeing that the colony in Africa furnished such an asylum as they wished, have been induced to liberate their slaves, and in a number of instances, to furnish them with every thing necessary for the voyage, and in some cases, besides giving them an outfit, have gene- rously paid their passage. The Colonization Society, therefore, while it never proposed emancipation as its object, has done more incidentally, to promote emanci- pation, than all the Abolition societies in the country. Indeed, these have, as far as is known to us, redeemed no slaves from bondage, but without intending it, have, by the course which they have pursued, riveted the 12 INTRODUCTION. chains which confine the slaves more closely than ever. No one has a right to complain on account of the eman- cipation of slaves, by the will and free consent of their owners. The abolitionists if sincere in their professions, ouo-ht to rejoice in every instance of the kind ; and the advocates of slavery, have no right to complain, for the fewer the number left, the more valuable their services. But if Liberia should continue to flourish and increase, it is not so improbable as many suppose, that the greater part of the African race, now in this country, will in the inscrutable dispensations of Providence, be restored to the country of their fathers. Why so many of this un- happy race w^ere ever permitted to be brought to Ame- rica, begins now to appear. They were sent here by a benignant Providence overruhng the wicked passions of avaricious men, that they might be christianized and civihzed, and might carry back to their benighted coun- trymen, the principles of religion, freedom, and repre- sentative government. But whether these hopes shall ever be realized or not, much good for Africa may be effected by the Coloniza- tion enterprise, much good has already been effected, and the beneficial results of the colony will not stop here. Every thing is in progress; and the time, even the set time to favour this long benighted land, is drawing near. No instrumentality is so likely to be effectual to bring light and civilization to her tribes, as the return of her own sons. If the pagans of Africa are ever converted, as we believe they will be, it must be by the preaching of the gospel, and in order to this, missionaries must be sent; and it is manifest, that the existence of Christian INTRODUCTION. 13 colonies in that country, will furnish a degree of safety to preachers of the gospel which they could not other- wise enjoy; and afford facilities for introducing the gospel into the interior, which in no other way could be had. Already these little settlements on the coast of Africa, have become fields for missionary labour; for the natives continue to dwell in the territory ceded to the colony, and while they are under the civil jurisdiction of its government, they retain their own towns and personal property. It is true, that at Cape Palmas, some misunderstanding took place between the govern- ment and the missionaries of the American Board, but this furnishes no argument against the utility of colo- nies as auxiliaries to missions. The occasion of this difference may have been owing to undue rigour in administering the laws, or it may have been owing to unreasonable demands and expectations on the part of the missionaries; on this subject we wish to express no opinion ; but surely this difference of opinion between the officers of government and the missionaries, does not in the least prove that the existence of colonies may not be highly beneficial to the operations of missionaries among the heathen. Other missionaries at this same place have found the vicinity of the colony important; and in one instance, a worthy missionary was exposed to imminent danger from the violence of the savages, from which he was delivered by the seasonable arrival of one of our vessels of war; but had there been no colony there, no such relief would have been experienced. Missionaries greatly need the aid and protection of civil authority, as appears by the present unhappy condition of the islands in the Pacific. All that can reasonably 14 INTRODUCTION. be inferred from the unpleasant disagreement alluded to, is, that missionaries should be very careful to submit to the laws and obey the orders which may be found necessary for the welfare of the colonies where they reside, and gratefully to accept the protection and facili- ties for introducing the gospel, afforded by the colonies. And Christian rulers in these colonies, should do everv thing in their power to aid the missionaries in their arduous work of propagating the gospel among the surrounding pagan tribes. But it is not an unfounded expectation, that the colonists themselves will establish missions among the heathen in their vicinity, for they have already commenced the work. Both the Methodist and Baptist denominations have engaged in this work, and not without encouraging success. Indeed, it is our belief, that this great work of evangelizing Africa, will be accomplished, not so much by missionaries sent from abroad, as by the zeal and Christian enterprise of the various colonies which from time to time will be planted along the whole western coast of Africa. Some very interesting facts have recently occurred, in relation to this subject, in the colony of Sierra Leone. A number of recaptured Africans from countries in the interior, after being instructed in the doctrines of Christianity, were desirous of revisiting their native land ; and ac- cordingly were furnished with the means of returning to their friends. The communications of these con- verted Africans, prepared the way for a visit from mis- sionaries, sent out from Sierra Leone, who have been cordially received by the king of a region of which little was heretofore known; and there is now a pleasing prospect of propagating the gospel in this benighted INTRODUCTION". 15 region. And it is a well ascertained fact, that some of the African nations, among the most cruel that ever lived upon earth, appear now disposed to receive mis- sionaries, and pay attention to the gospel. Were it not that the climate of Africa is so inimical to the constitu- tion of the white man, there is not a country on the globe, where there is stronger encouragement to mis- sionary efforts. But it seems the ordination of Heaven, that xA-frica shall be regenerated by the instrumentality of her own sons, chiefly. And it is an interesting fact, that already from among the emancipated slaves of the West Indies, missionaries have gone, or are preparing to go to Africa, to carry the glorious gospel to their benighted countrymen. This view of the effect of the Colonization scheme, is to our minds the most animating of all others. The redemption of Africa from the cruel tyranny of the prince of darkness, and from the most miserable and degrading bondage of the crudest super- stition upon earth, is the object on which our hopes are fixed ; and w^e do believe from the signs of the times, that the period is not far distant, when "Ethiopia shall stretch out her hands unto God," and we confidently expect, that the American Colonization scheme will act an important part in achieving this great work. A most unreasonable opinion was hastily taken up by Abolitionists, founded on some unguarded expressions of Southern men, at the first public meeting to form a Colonization society at AVashington, that one object, or rather tendency of the institution was, to render the property in slaves more valuable, by removing from among them the free people of colour, by whom they were greatly corrupted. These declarations of indivi- 16 INTRODtrCTION. dual slaveholders, perfectly innocent when properly understood, were attributed to the society, and tortured into a meaning as foreign from the views of Coloniza- tionists, as they are from those of Abolitionists. As has been repeatedly said, the originators and founders of this society, whatever they might think of slavery, de- termined to engage in a benevolent enterprise, which should aim to accomplish a great good, without meddling with a subject so exciting, and so difficult to be disposed of, as that of American slavery. They did not even sup- pose that the scheme which they intended to prosecute, would either stand in the w^ay of any efforts to bring about emancipation, or that it would be a substitute for schemes of this kind. They did, indeed, foresee that, if the enterprise should prove successful, and a well ordered colony should be established in Africa, it would enable those slaveholders, who, from whatever motive, wished to get clear of their slaves, to send them to an asylum, where they would have every opportunity of enjoying the privileges of freemen. But this is in perfect harmony with the laws of most, if not all the slavehold- ing States, which permit every man who chooses, to libe- rate his slaves, provided he send them out of the State. But how the Colonization scheme should have any tendency to perpetuate slavery, is utterly inconceivable. For, though it interfere not with the existing relations between master and servant, as established by law; yet the more slaves are emancipated, the greater w^ork is before them, and the greater the need of some plan by which they might be removed. And so far from tending to perpetuate slavery, if all the slaves in the country were now emancipated, the need of such a scheme INTRODUCTION. 17 would be ten times more urgent than it is at present ; because there would be ten times as many persons thrown into a helpless, degraded state, without the means of comfortable subsistence. The Abolitionists, therefore, instead of setting themselves in opposition to this scheme, ought to have hailed it as one calculated to provide a comfortable residence for all whose emancipa- tion they might be able to eifect. Two races of men, nearly equal in numbers, but differing as much as the whites and blacks, cannot form one harmonious society in any other way than by amalgamation; but the whites and blacks, in this country, by no human efforts, could be amalgamated into one homogeneous mass in a thou- sand years; and during this long period, the state of society would be perpetually disturbed by many con- tending factions. Either the whites must remove and give up the country to the coloured people, or the coloured people must be removed ; otherwise the latter must remain in subjection to the former. And the ques- tion for the philanthropist to decide is, whether the rela- tion of master and servant as now existing, or a state of degradation, such as the free people of colour are now labouring under, be the most eligible. In the former case, the weak and poor have a patron and protector, and a kind feeling is generated betAveen the master and servant, where they are disposed to perform, respectively, their relative duties; but, in the other case, the poor coloured race are mere outcasts from society; and no feeling of kindness, but only of contempt and dislike, is generally entertained towards them by the whites, be- cause they are everywhere considered, with few excep- tions, bad members of society. And their condition in 2 18 INTRODUCTION. the free States is not better than in the slave States, but worse. It does appear, therefore, that we cannot benefit the slaves by obtaining liberty for them in this coun- try; and that liberty which brings with it no benefit, but an increase of misery, is a poor boon. It does ap- pear to me — and I have for a long time most earnestly considered the subject — that we can confer a real benefit on the African race in no other way than by separating them from the whites, and removing them to the country of their fathers, which is still congenial to their constitu- tion. There are thousands of slaveholders who would give up their slaves, if they were fully satisfied that Liberia would be permanently a safe and comfortable abode for them. The attention of many people of the South is now directed intensely towards this rising colony; and more, many are now educating their younger slaves, with some view to a future residence in that land of promise. And the noble example of McDonogh will be followed substantially by many. In the vast continent of Africa, there are extensive regions which lie uncultivated. It is for the benefit of the human race that men should not be crowded to- gether in dense masses, while so many countries, natu- rally fertile, are inhabited only by wild beasts, or are roamed over by a few miserable savages. Large cities are justly termed, by a sagacious politician, "great sores" on the body politic. Even in our largest cities, which are comparatively of modern origin, one-fifth of the population, so far from adding to the strength or riches of the community, hang as a dead weight upon the industrious and useful inhabitants. How much better would it be, to have a large portion of these INTRODUCTION. 19 settled on the fresh soil of our extensive territories! America, however, is in a fair way of having all her valuable lands inhabited and cultivated. The discovery of this continent, and its colonization by Europeans, has been one of the most important events which has occurred for centuries. Millions have found an asylum and a comfortable home here, who, with their posterity, would have been poor and miserable in their native countries. But who shall people the wild regions of Africa? Undoubtedly it is the will of the great Parent of the human race, that this wide continent should be possessed and cultivated by mankind. But Africa is not the country for white men. Europeans cannot colonize these regions, the climate is so deleterious to their constitution : and the same is true of Americans. If ever Africa is settled and occupied, it must be by her sons, scattered over the face of this western world. For although generations have passed away since the forefathers of the present race of coloured people were dragged from their native land, yet it is found by ex- perience, that Africa is a climate adapted to the consti- tution of the coloured men of this continent. As far as experience has been had, no people are more exempt from disease, after the acclimating fever has been passed throuo-h, than the inhabitants of Liberia. It seems plainly, therefore, to be the duty and the interest of the coloured race in this country, where every thing is so unfavourable to their rising to their proper level in society, to turn their eyes to Africa, where there is a free and happy repubhc, composed and governed en- tirely by men of their own colour ; and where every honest citizen feels that he stands upon an equality 20 INTRODUCTION. with any other man in the world. And it behoves those who industriously sow prejudices against Coloni- zation, in the minds of the free people of colour, to consider what injury they may be inflicting on them and their posterity. Let them either propose some method by which these degraded and trodden down people may be rendered more comfortable knd respect- able here, or let them not throw obstacles in the way of their emigration to a country where they might have the opportunity of enjoying the real blessings of freedom. It is in vain to declaim about the prejudice of colour ; however unreasonable, it will long continue to exist, and will prove an effectual bar to the possession and en- joyment of the same privileges and advantages which the white population enjoy. If I were a coloured man, I would not hesitate a moment to relinquish a country where a black skin and the lowest deo^ree of de^rada- tion are so identified, that scarcely any manifestation of talent, or course of good conduct, can entirely overcome the prejudice which exists; and which is as strong, if not stronger, in the free, than in the slaveholding States : and I would use every exertion to reach a land, where it is no crime, and no dishonour, to appear in a coloured skin — a country where no white superiors exist to look down with contempt upon the coloured race ; but where they are the lords of the soil, and the rulers of the nation. I cannot but admire the honest ambition and noble daring of the first emigrants from this country to Africa. Then, no Liberia existed. The Society did not own one foot of ground on that continent, and it was extremely doubtful whether they would be able to obtain any territory for a colony. Yet, these lion-hearted INTRODUCTION'. 21 men, resolved to run every risk ; took, as it were, their lives in their hands. They went out, like Abraham, not knowing whither they went, or what destiny awaited them. And the event has proved, that they were called by the Providence of God, to engage in this hazardous enterprise. And I cannot but feel pity for the grovel- ing views of many coloured men, now residing in a state of degradation, in this country, who, in Liberia, might rise to wealth and independence, and, perhaps, to high and honourable office. One of the first laws given to man, and which is still in full force, was, " Replenish the earth and subdue it;" and after the deluge, God signally rebuked the de- termination of the people to remain together, by con- founding their language, and thus scattering them over the face of the earth. The object of the multitude in erecting this immense tower is plainly declared to have been, "lest they should be scattered abroad on the face of the whole earth;" and the object of the Almighty in the stupendous miracle, now wrought, by which the language of the people was confounded, is distinctly declared to have been, " to scatter them abroad upon the face of all the earth." It is, therefore, plainl}^ the will of God that the human race should not collect in dense bodies in some particular parts of the world, while large tracts of habitable land lie desert and uncultiva- ted. The command " to replenish the earth and sub- due it," is still in full force. And to what people does it equally belong to possess and cultivate the extensive and fertile regions of Africa, as to the sons of Africa in this country, who need a home, where they may enjoy equal privileges with others, and where 22 INTRODUCTION. they may be the instruments of diffusing among the barbarous natives the lights of Christianity and civiliza- tion? If ever the negro race are raised from their de- graded state of ignorance and vice, in Africa, it will probably be by the return of the descendants of that race spread over so large a part of this western conti- nent, and over the West India Islands. If the wise and benevolent plan of civilizing Africa, and putting an end to the slave trade, devised by Sir Folsom Buxton, and which was attempted to be carried into effect at so great expense of life and money, had adopted the principle of sending back the emancipated negroes from the British colonies in the West India Islands, instead of attempt- ing to settle colonies of white Europeans in the delete- rious climate of Africa, the object sought, so important and desirable, would, in all probability, have been ac- complished. And if the colony of Sierra Leone, should need to be recruited, it will be found expedient to in- vite the most enterprising and best educated of the negroes of the West Indies, to emigrate to that country. The present difficulties of Liberia, in consequence of the ungenerous conduct of certain officers of the British navy towards the unoffending colonists, will, it is pre- sumed, be of short duration. It would be an indelible reproach to the magnanimous government of Great Bri- tain, to be the means of destroying or injuring an infant republic, just starting into existence, under the most favourable auspices. Liberia may be considered as a star of promise which twinkles in the dense darkness which overshadows the African continent. This com- munity may be said, without exaggeration, to be the most extraordinary upon earth, when all the circum- INTRODUCTION. 23 stances of its origin and progress are taken into view. Providence has evidently and remarkably smiled on the enterprise, and, we trust with confidence, will de- fend it against all who may attempt its destruction. Let those, then, who oppose the scheme of African Colo- nization, beware, lest they be found resisting what God approves. As for himself, the writer is as fully per- suaded that the plan of colonizing the free people of colour in Africa, is wise and benevolent, as he ever was of the wisdom and benevolence of any human enter- prise. ARCHIBALD ALEXANDER, Princeton, New Jersey, January Gth^ 1846. HISTOEY OF AFKICATs' COLONIZATION. CHAPTER I. DESCRIPTION OF THE WESTERN COAST OF AFRICA. From Sierra Leone to Cape Palmas the bearing of the Coast of Africa is south-east. Thence it turns ahnost due east for more than fifteen degrees of longitude, whence it again turns to the south-east. The general face of the country around Sierra Leone is un- commonly beautiful and attractive. It is covered with stately and umbrageous trees, among which the elegant palm-tree is not the least conspicuous. The soil is various, but is generally fruitful, and yields abundantly all the necessaries of life. The savannahs are least fruitful and consist chiefly of beds of sand or rock. They are usually overflowed in the rainy season, and are covered wuh tall coarse grass, and a few stunted trees. Our division of the year into winter and summer, spring and autumn, is not applicable to the climate of this country. They have but two seasons, the wet and the dry; but the rainy sea- son does not occur on all parts of the coast at the same time, but seems to move progressively from one place to another. A continued, heavy rain of thirty hours, without intermission, occurs but seldom, and more frequently twelve hours of heavy rain, are succeeded by a day or two of clear and remarkably pleasant weather. This part of the year from its coldness, is most agreeable to Europeans, and North Americans, but at the same time, it is undoubtedly the most unhealthy. The con- tinuance of this season is about four months. Its commence- ment and termination are marked with tornadoes. These are violent gusts of wind, attended with thunder and lightning, which come from the east, and are usually accompanied with heavy rain. The violence of the wind seldom lasts more than 3 26 HISTORr OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. half an hour; but while it continues, the scene is one of the most awfully sublime in nature. The heat has been observed at Sierra Leone, as high as 103° of Fahrenheit, but the mean degree is about 84°; the heat, how- ever, is greater in places inland, than on the coast. The longest day at Sierra Leone, is nearly twelve hours and a half, and the shortest eleven and a half. During the dry sea- son, there is a haziness in the atmosphere, which prevents ob- jects from being seen at as great a distance as in clear weather. The freeness with which perspiration flows, and an almost con- stant breeze, seem to mitigate the severity of the heat on this coast, so that persons are not sensible of its intensity, but expe- rience a refreshing degree of coolness. The quickness and luxuriance of vegetation in Western Africa is such, that without much exaggeration, the plants may be said visibly to grow. As the trees are not despoiled of their leaves at once, but have a constant succession, they always retain the appearance of summer. Agriculture is practised along the whole coast, but is in a rude and infant state. About Sierra Leone the rice is thrown upon the groimd and scratched into the earth with a kind of hoe. When the crop is nearly ripe, some children or old people are sent to drive away the birds which now appear in amazing numbers, and are ever on the watch to commit depredations. The harvest, of which there is only one in the year, occurs about four months after the time of sowing. The plantations are cultivated by the inhabitants of a whole village, in com- mon, and the produce divided among the families in proportion to their numbers; except that the head man of the village claims a larger quantity, as it is his duty to exercise hospitality to strangers and others. Along the whole coast from Gambia to the Gold Coast, rice constitutes the chief support of the na- tives; but they also cultivate plantain, yams, sweet potatoes, cassada, &c. A variety of excellent fruits grow on the coast, but are little cultivated. Pine apples and oranges are in great perfection ; and there are also grapes, cocoa-nuts, guavas, water-melons, plums, &c. The palm here, as in some other countries, is the most valuable tree, and answers the greatest variety of purposes. The leaves furnish an excellent covering for houses, and their fibres fishing lines ; while their inner bark is manufactured into a species of coarse cloth ; and from the HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 27 outer bark of the young tree, baskets, mats, &c. are made. The fruit also, which is nearly as large as a hen's egg, when roasted is esteemed a great delicacy; and the palm-oil is almost a necessary of life, as it is used in all dishes, as butter is in other countries. The palm-wine is also in high esteem among the natives. The diet of the people is very simple, con- sisting chiefly of rice and palm-oil, with occasionally a small portion of animal food. They have but two meals in a day; the one about ten o'clock in the forenoon, and the other about sunset. The nations living near the coast have oxen, sheep, and goats ; and of wild animals, deer, buffalo, wild hogs, &c. The guinea-fowl is abundant, in a wild state, on the Gambia, but not at Sierra Leone. Fish are caught by those on the coast, or in rivers ; and in some places, dogs, rats, and mon- keys are eaten ; and also a large worm, found on the palm-tree, is esteemed a great delicacy. The Foolahs and Mandingoes, who are Mohammedans, ab- stain from intoxicating liquors, and from such animal food as is forbidden in the Koran ; but the Pagan nations are very fond of ardent spirits, and often drink to excess. All however are ad- dicted to the use of tobacco. Their villages are commonly situated in places difficult of access, to avoid kidnappers, and are commonly built in a circular form, enclosing an area, in the midst of which is placed the palave?- house, or town hall. The houses are so near together that when one takes fire, the whole are involved in the conflagration. They are usually of no more than one story, and are either of a round or square form. They are composed of posts placed at the corners, and sunk a foot and a half into the ground, and the intermediate space is filled up with smaller posts and branches, and then plastered outside with clay. They seldom contain more than one apart- ment. By the projection of the roof, which is composed of bamboo, there is formed a sort of piazza, where they spend much of their time. The government of Africa is generally monarchical, but not hereditary. Among the Timmanees, and Bulloms, the crown remains in the same family, but the head inan on whom the right of election devolves, may choose a very distant branch of the family. By Europeans many are denominated kings, who have scarcely the shadow of a title to this dignity. Each town or village is usually under the jurisdiction of some person of 28 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. age, and distinguished for his good sense and knowledge of the laws of the country, who is called the head man, to whom it appertains to judge in every dispute, and to represent his town at any meeting to consult for the general good. The whole village are accustomed to treat him with respect, and to yield him implicit obedience. That part of the coast in the vicinity of Sierra Leone is inhabited by three distinct races of people : first, the Moors, the descendants of the ancient Numidians, Carthaginians, Ro- mans, Vandals, &c. Between the conquest of Africa by the Arabians, and the year G98, all the inhabitants received the Mohammedan faith. The second race are the Arabians, who under the Caliphs, the successors of Mohammed, subdued Africa. Some of these penetrated as far south as the Gambia, and the Foolahs appear to be among their descendants. The third race are the Negroes ; they are found from the Gambia to the Cape of Good Hope. Many of the countries inhabited by the negroes are yet undiscovered, and others little known. The Mandingoes inhabit the banks of the Gambia, and are a numerous race, who have long since embraced the Mohammedan religion. They are very strict in adhering to their profession, and solicitous to make proselytes. When the Portuguese conquered this country, about 1420, they setded colonies in it, and intermarried with the natives — hence the Mandingoes will not admit that they belong to the negro race, but consider themselves as belonging to the whites. North of the Gambia there is a people called Jalofs, extending far into the interior. They are remarkable for the glossy blackness of their colour, and the beauty of their features. They are also a warlike people, and are careful to preserve the firmness and hardihood of their character. The Foolahs live at a considerable distance from the sea. Their capital Teembo is in the latitude of 16° north. They are also Mohammedans, and are chiefly employed in agricul- ture. The evidence of their being descendants of the Arabians is strong, for their colour is about as tawny, and they speak the Arabic language, which is taught in their schools. Their laws are also written in the same. Although strangers in the coun- try, the Foolahs are the greatest planters in it. They are in- dustrious and frugal, and raise more cotton and grain than they HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 29 need for themselves, which they dispose of to the neighbouring nations, by whom they are held in high esteem. They breed many cattle and understand the management of them. They are also great huntsmen, often going in large companies to hunt the elephant and the tiger. Although this is the country of the Foolahs, yet, from the travels of Clapperton and Denham it appears, that by conquest and by emigration they are extend- ing themselves very far into the interior and to the south ; and by the Landers they were found upon tlie river Niger, or Quorra, below the part where it was discovered by these brothers. The Kroomans are a very remarkable race. They are in colour a dirty black, and their whole appearance is unsightly. They are found along the coast almost every where for fifteen hundred miles, and perform all the hard work which is needed in loading and unloading vessels, and in other laborious employ- ments. They are an honest, industrious, plodding, tractable peo- ple, who seem to be formed for mercenary labour, of which they never complain. The country where most of them live, is from Cape Mount to Cape Palmas. They seem to pay little attention to religion, but they are generally Pagans.* The Kroomans, although they bear the heat of the climate without inconve- nience, and have little sickness among them, are exceedingly sensible of the cold at Sierra Leone during the rainy season. Their only clothing is a piece of cloth around the body, although they are fond of wearing the cast clothes of Europeans. In their expenditures they are most rigid economists ; a little tobacco is the only luxury in which they indulge; in every other respect they are contented with bare necessaries. The Krooman will go abroad and labour hard for eighteen months or two years, when he will return home with his earnings. Of this the head man receives a portion, his mother a present, and something for every one of his relations, if it is only a leaf of tobacco. All this is done "to get him a good name ;" the remainder is given to his father to buy him a wife. After a few months he sets off again to Sierra Leone or some other part of * Although the Kroomans are found every where along the coast from the Gambia to Cape Palmas, yet they have a country of tlieir own which lies on the coast between Bassa Cove and Cape Palmas. In this country, at Settra Kroo, the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions have a missionary station, where the prospects of usefulness are very great, if only missionaries can be found capable of bearing the climate. 3* 30 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. the coast to get more money, and feels proud of being acquainted with the "white man's faith," and takes some raw inexperi- enced youth to be initiated into the mysteries of the craft, a large part of whose earnings he appropriates to himself for his trouble. When his coffers are once more replenished, he returns home again, and gives the money he has gained to his father to " buy him another wife." In this way they will often proceed for a dozen years or more, increasing the number of their wives, and establishing a great character among their countrymen, but applying scarcely a pemiy of their earnings to their own use. Their wealth consists very much in the number of their wives. A Krooman being asked what he intended to do with so much money as he possessed, answered that he would buy two more wives in addition to the two he already had, and then he would return to Sierra Leone and get more money. His father, he said, had eighteen wives. Their wives, it must be remem- bered, are their slaves, to labour not only in the house, but in the field. In this country the Mohammedan races have a manifest superiority over the Pagan, through their attention to education and general improvement, although at the same time they are characterized by greater pride and self-importance. They have gained proselytes chiefly by their attention to the children, to whose education they pay assiduous regard, and in this respect have set an example which may safely be followed by Chris- tian missionaries. The smaller nations immediately aroimd Sierra Leone are the following, viz : Tlie Timmanees, who formerly lived at a distance from the sea coast, but being of an enterprising and warlike disposition, they forced their way down the river Sierra Leone among the Bulloms. When this change of residence took place their tra- ditions give no information. The Bnlloms inhabit the north side of the Sierra Leone river, as far as the river Scarcies, from the banks of which, however, they have been driven by the Timmanees. Northward they occupy chiefly the sea coast as far as the river Kissee. The Susoos, who have also made aggressions on the Bulloms, extend from the river Kissee to the river Munes. But often we find no certain boundary between two neigh- bouring nations, for they are often considerably advanced with- in each other's territories. They all have languages peculiar HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 31 to themselves, most of which are not merely dialects of the same language, but essentially distinct. Although the extent of the Gold Coast is not above sixty miles, yet within this space seven or eight different languages are spoken. For one hun- dred and fifty miles north of Sierra Leone, the Susoo language is spoken. It is also understood by a great part of the Foolah and Mandingo tribes. This language is remarkably simple and easy of acquisition, and has been reduced to writing. Like the languages of all Barbarian people, those of West Africa are exceedingly figura- tive, and those north of Sierra Leone are said to be softer and more harmonious to European ears, than those to the south. Those of the Timmanees and the Bulloms are considered agreeable to the ear, but the Susoo language excels them all in softness, and may be termed the Italian of Western Africa. The jNIandingo, however, is the fashionable language of this region, although it is more difficult of acquisition, and abounds with guttural sounds. The languages to the south of Sierra Leone are generally harsh, and, especially that of the Kissees, is excessively disagreeable, not merely on account of its guttural sounds, but the singing pronunciation given to it. The frequent visits of Europeans on the coast, and their intercourse with the natives, has produced a jargon made up of English, French, Dutch, Portuguese, &c. The Coast of Guinea is divided into the Windward and Lee- ward Coast. The first extends from Senegal, in latitude 16° north, to Cape Palmas, in 4° 26' north. The leeward reaches from Cape Palmas to an indefinite distance to the south and east. The latitude of Sierra Leone is 8° 30' north, and its longitude from Greenwich 13° 43' west. The name signifies mountain of lions, and was given to the place by the Portuguese. The original name of Sierra Leone was Tagrin or Mitomba. The river is conspicuous for its magnitude, and is one of the most beautiful in Africa. Its entrance is formed by two capes, or projecting points; the one on the north-west which terminates the BuUom shore, called Leopard's Island ; the other on the north-east extremity of Sierra Leone, and is a narrow strip of lowland, called Cape Sierra Leone. The breadth of the river here is fifteen miles; from this it gradually decreases in width, until it reaches St. George's Bay, about six miles above the 32 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. entrance, where it does not exceed seven miles, and for twenty miles up, the breadth of the river varies very little from this. There it ceases to be navigable for large vessels, and is divided into Port Logo and Rokelle rivers. " The land forming the peninsula of Sierra Leone, when viewed from the sea, or from the Bullom shore, appears like a number of hills heaped on each other, in a very singular manner. On a nearer approach, the face of the country assumes a more beautiful aspect. The lower grounds, which are under cultivation, preserve a consid- erable degree of verdure through the whole year, which, con- trasting with the darker hues of the distant hills, forms a spec- tacle highly grateful to the eye." " The flat land on the opposite side of the river called Bul- lom, which signifies low land, is also extremely beautiful, and the land finely shaded by lofty, spreading trees. The soil also is remarkably fertile, and though in some places swampy, is for the most part bordered by a fine sandy beach." It is known to all, that the Western Coast of Africa has been the scene of the nefarious slave trade. From time imme- morial slavery has existed in Africa among the natives, and in all cases where their avarice got the better of their cruelty, the conquered nations, or as many as they could get possession of, were reduced to slavery, and carried off from their country. But the slave trade, as carried on by Europeans, commenced about the beginning of the sixteenth century. It has been fre- quently asserted, but by some contradicted, that this detestable traffic originated in motives of humanity; that Las Casas, the distinguished friend of the aborigines of America, had recourse to the expedient of importing African slaves into the Spanish colonies, to save his beloved Indians from servitude. We will leave it to the historians of South America to settle this point. If the fact is true, it is a most glaring instance of the incon- sistency of a great philanthropist, who spent his life and fortune in attempts to promote the happiness of the natives of America. There is here no room for one European nation to cast reproach upon others; for it appears that every nation which had pos- sessions in America resorted to this mode of supplying labour- ers to their colonies. England, France, Spain, Portugal, Rus- sia, Denmark, Sweden, and Holland, have been engaged in it. The government of the United States, since the Declaration of Independence, has never participated in the African slave trade: HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 33 neither has any of the States in their separate capacity, except South Carolina; and by the existing laws of the United States, this traffic is declared to be piracy. Before the Independence of the United States some of the colonies were aggriev^ed by the multitude of slaves imported into the country, and the House of Assembly of Virginia, re- monstrated and petitioned against the growing evil, but in vain. Accordingly, in the Declaration of Independence, this is put down among the reasons why a separation from the mother country was justifiable and necessary. The English continued to carry on the slave trade, without restraint, until the year 1805, when an act of the British Parliament interdicted the importation of slaves into certain colonies, except in certain specified cases. In 1S07 a law was enacted, prohibiting British subjects supplying foreign colonies with slaves. In ISOS this traffic was entirely prohibited, and in 1811 it was declared felony. And in 1824, traffic in slaves was made piracy, by the laws of England. And in 1S34 an act was passed to abolish slavery throughout the colonies of Great Britain ; and that those who under the sanction of law had acquired this property might have no reason to complain of injustice, ^20,000,000 were appropriated for the remuneration of slaveholders in the West India Islands. The atrocities and enormities practised in carrying on this trade need not be here described ; the feelings and imagination of the Christian public have been sufficiently excited and har- rowed by the most vivid, and sometimes the most exaggerated, descriptions of these cruelties. It has, for a long time, been a favourite theme of pathetic declamation, by which the people have been roused almost to fanatic madness. While all men of sound moral sense must agree in condemning this traffic, the cool and impartial will agree, that Divine Providence has over- ruled the slavery of the Africans, and their importation to America, so as to render that which in its origin was most un- just and cruel, the occasion of unspeakable good to multitudes of the African race. While, then, we abhor the iniquity of the slave trade, we may piously rejoice that these degraded heathen were brought to our shores, where they have had the opportu- nity of knowing the Lord Jesus Christ, the only name given under heaven whereby we must be saved. Hundreds and thousands of native Africans and their descendants, have here 34 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. embraced the gospel of Christ, and found eternal life, for it is the glory of the gospel that it brings redemption and salvation as freely to the slave in his chains as to the king on his throne ; yea, it is the very genius of the gospel to bring glad tidings to the poor and distressed, and deliverance to the captives. Bat the providence of God, in that remarkable dispensation, by which several millions of the descendants of Africa are found in America, is but partially developed, as yet. The signs of the times at present indicate that there is something still more important hidden in the counsels of Heaven, in regard to this people, than any thing which has yet been developed. It may confidently be hoped, that the sons of Africa, now resident in America, will be the honoured instruments of spreading the light of the gospel through the benighted nations of a whole continent. There is something truly animating and sublime in the idea, that the descendants of those brought here in fetters and manacles shall, not only as freemen, but as Christians, carry back to their father-land the Bible, and the various arts and institutions of the civilized world. The dawn of a glorious day for Africa has already appeared. Several colonies have already been auspiciously commenced on her shores; and the very ground which has for ages been the scene of her degrada- tion and wrongs, is now become the site of flourishing Christian colonies, which, by their religion, their morality, their laws, their order, their agriculture, their trade, and their schools, are attracting the attention of all the surrounding nations, and already producing an effect beyond the expectations of the most sanguine. And at this time the colonies oppose a more effectual barrier to the slave trade, than all the laws and navies of Great Britain and America. Indeed, if these colonies prosper as they have done, and others which are in contemplation should be formed, the disgraceful traffic will be excluded from all that part of Western Africa which lies north of the equator. No event which has occurred in the present generation, seems likely to be attended with more momentous and beneficial effects, than the planting of these colonies on the very verge of the kingdom of darkness ; and seldom in any period of the world, have colonies been begun under more auspicious cir- cumstances. Almost the only drawback to uniform prosperity has arisen from the deleterious character of the climate ; but it possesses this character solely in relation to the white man. No HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 35 people appear to enjoy more health than the natives ; and the coloured people who have gone from this country, after a short season of acclimation, attended with some danger, appear to be as free from disease as when they resided in the United States. It has added unspeakably to the success and good influence of these infant colonies, that from the commencement, they have been associated with missionary eftbrts. Thus far the mission- ary stations have been necessarily within the colonies;* and the presence of such devoted, pious men, has had a benign influ- ence on the emigrants. The prejudice which has been indus- triously excited among the coloured people of this country, against African colonization, though widely spread, has thus far been overruled for good. The greatest danger to be appre- hended in this whole business, is that the colonists might be disposed to assume the reins of self-government, before they are properly prepared for it. If the colonization scheme had been popular among the free people of colour, the colonies would have filled up too rapidly, and there could not have been so good a selection of emigrants, as it has been in the power of the American Colonization Society to make. The colonies in the meantime are growing in stability, and acquiring, every day, more and more that experience in self-government, which is so important to their prosperity; and as the accession to their numbers is not great, at any one time, the new emigrants natu- rally fall into the spirit of the Society, and under the regular operation of the laws established : so that they can be incorpo- rated into the body politic without any inconvenience, just as the materials for the growth of the natural body are without pain or commotion, assimilated to the parts before existing. Even the recaptured pagan slaves have, under these favourable circumstances, made progress in improvement which has as- tonished all who witnessed it. The growth of the colonies has been less rapid, than if multitudes had desired to avail them- selves of the advantages of the plan: but this very slowness of growth has been for its health, and perhaps for its salva- tion. The virulent opposition of the abolitionists, so unreasonable and unexpected, has also been overruled for the benefit of the * Since the above was written, mission stations have been established both by the Methodist and Baptist societies without the limits of Liberia. 36 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. colonization scheme. When it was first proposed to plant a colony of free coloured people on the coast of Africa, with their own consent, no one seemed to dream of any objection, unless it should come from a certain class of slave-holders; and for years no opposition was made, and the cause languished. Legislatures and ecclesiastical synods and conventions, passed resolutions approbatory of the scheme ; and there it rested. The public mind was not sufficiently excited to take much in- terest in tlie Society ; and its important bearings were unheed- ed. The violent action of the abolitionists, roused the public attention; led to a careful examination of the principles of the Society, and the important prospects which were open before it : and although the opposition swept off many of the former friends of colonization, yet the cause never prospered so much as since it was attacked and calumniated as the compound of almost all evil. None but a mind distorted by fanaticism could ever have discovered any point of collision between an aboli- tion and colonization society. In fact they aimed at entirely different objects: the one seeking a more favourable situation for as many of the free people of colour as might be disposed to leave this country, with the hope of bettering their circum- stances. With slavery, as a society, they had nothing to do: whereas the abolitionists aimed simply at the removal of slavery, and of course free people of any colour, were not the objects of their efforts. But though this is the theory, yet in fact, no two societies have ever existed, in a more hostile atti- tude to each other; and even slavery itself does not appear to call forth more indignant hatred, than the inoffensive, simple plan of finding a home in Africa, for a certain number of free people of colour, who did not feel themselves comfortably situa- ted in this country. But as the opposition has made new friends for the Colonization Society; so it has increased the zeal and activity of its old friends, many degrees. The prospects of ulti- mate and great success, have never been so flattering as at present. The plan of planting separate colonies by State socie- ties promises much good : the evil apprehended from a want of capacity for self-government, will by this means be greatly diminished ; and no doubt, in due time, all danger of collision between these separate colonies will be prevented by a wise system of confederation, which has already been proposed by the mother society; but for which the infant colonies are not HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 3 1 yet ripe.* It. will be good policy to maintain the connexion of the respective colonies with the societies in this country, which planted them, as long as it can possibly be done. The moment when this connexion is severed will be critical in the history of Liberia. It is a matter of surprise, as well as regret, that the minds of British Christians have been so much prejudiced against the colonization scheme, as conducted in America. This was the less to be expected, as they have on this very coast, a flourish- ing colony, the situation of which we have had under review, and the history of which we propose immediately to give.t It must doubtless be attributed, in a great measure, to the extraordinary excitement produced in the nation previously to the passing the act of abolition, by which all their slaves were liberated. Wlien this fever shall subside, they will return again to the habit of sober reflection, and be capable of exam- ining the principles of American colonization, exempt from prejudice. The writer in the JNIissionary Records, published in London by the Religious Tract Society, from whom I have borrowed the description of Sierra Leone, and the short account of the native tribes, concludes his views of the slave trade with the following just reflections: " The slave trade, which, like the Upas, blasts all ttrat is wholesome in its vicinity, has, however, in one important in- stance, been overruled for good in Africa. It has been made the means of assembling on one spot, and that on a Christian soil, individuals from almost every nation on the western coast of Africa. It has been made the means of introducing to civilization and religion, many hundreds from the interior of that vast continent, who had never seen the face of a white man, nor ever heard the name of Jesus. And it will be made the means of sending to nations beyond the Niger and the Zaire, * Such a plan was adopted in 1833, and Mr. Buchanan went out as the gover- nor of all the colonies planted by Americans, except Cape Palmas, which is pecu- liarly situated, and being connected with the state of Maryland, cannot adopt the same system which may be convenient to the other colonies. + Mr. Buxton, the leading man in promoting the abolition of slavery in the colonies of Great Britain, has recently published a book, in which he declares that all that has been done by the British government to abolish the slave trade has eventually tended to its increase, and that the object can never be effected but by establishing trading houses all along the coast. 4 38 ■ HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. native missionaries, who will preach the Redeemer in the utter- most parts of the country, and cause their countrymen to hear, in their own tongue, the wonderful works of God. European avarice, and native profligacy, leave no part of Africa unex- plored for victims, and these slaves rescued by our cruisers, and landed on the shores of our colonies, are received by our mis- sionaries, and placed in their schools. Not only by this means is positive good effected, but valuable information as to the country is procured, the various native languages may be com- pared and analysed, and under the divine blessing, the ferocious or despairing captive may become the active and zealous mis- sionary. " If these circumstances display the marvellous wisdo7n of God, whose ways are shown to be as far above our ways as the heavens are above the earth, there is also another circum- stance connected with the slave trade which displays the truth of God, in the strict fulfilment of a prophecy, which was deli- vered as early as the time of Noah. In Gen. ix. 24, 25, we read, ' And Noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger son had done unto him. And he said, Cursed be Ca- naan ; A SERVANT OF SERVANTS shall he be unto his brethren.' The following reflections are extracted from Bishop Newton on this passage : "The curse particularly implies servitude and subjection. ^Cursed be Canaan, a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren.' It is very well known that the word ' brethren' in Hebrew comprehends more distant relations. The descendants of Canaan, therefore, were to be subject to the descendants of Shem and Japhet. The same thing is repeated again and again in the following verse, ' and Canaan shall be a servant unto them,' or their servant ; so this is as it were the burden of the prophecy. "It was several centuries after this prophecy, when the Israel- ites, who were the descendants of Shem, under the command of Joshua, invaded the Canaanites, smote above thirty of their kings, took possession of their land, made the Gibeonites and others servants ; and Solomon, afterwards, slew the rest. The Greeks and Romans too, who were descended from Japheth, not only subdued Syria and Palestine, but pursued and con- quered such of the Canaanites as were any where remaining; as, for instance, the Syrians and Carthaginians, the former of HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATIOX. 39 whom were ruined by Alexander and the Grecians, and the latter by Scipio and the Romans. " This fate," says Mr. Mede, '' was it which made Hannibal, a child of Canaan, cry out with the amazement of his soul, " I acknowledge the fortune of Carthage." And ever since, the miserable remainder of this people have been slaves to a foreign yoke; first to the Sara- cens, who descended from Shem, and afterwards to the Turks who descended from Japheth, and they grieve under this do- minion until this day. The whole continent of Africa was peopled principally by the children of Ham ; and for how many ages have the better parts of the country lain under the domi- nion of the Romans, then of the Saracens, and now of the Turks ! In what wickedness, barbarity, ignorance, slavery, and misery live most of the inhabitants ! And of the poor negroes, how many hundreds every year are sold and bought, like beasts, in the market, and are conveyed from one quarter of the globe, to do the work of beasts in another !" CHAPTER II. ORIGIN OF THE COLONY AT SIERRA LEONE. In 1787 a number of gentlemen subscribed a few thousand pounds as a fund for assisting some destitute blacks, then in London, to settle at Sierra Leone. These were among the slaves who had taken refuge in the British army, during the war of the American revolution ; and who on the return of the troops accompanied them to England, The question may very naturally arise, why were they not encouraged to remain in London, or to seek a settlement in some other part of the country? This question is pecuharly pertinent at this time, when the British public, or a large portion of them, can see no good reason for the existence of the American Colonization Society ; and cannot understand why the free people of colour cannot be permitted peaceably to remain where they are. The fact, that when only a few hundred of these people were carried to London, under a strong pledge that they should be 40 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. provided for, they fell into such a miserable condition that men of a benevolent character felt themselves imperiously called upon to contrive a plan for. colonizing them in Africa, is a suffi- cient answer to all objections to African colonization. The English set us the example of seeking a residence for the de- scendants of Africa on the coast of that land from which their forefathers were forcibly and wickedly carried away. This colony had been fondly cherished by British Christians, and fostered and protected by the government ; and when Americans, influenced by the same motives, have engaged in colonizing the same kind of people, on the same coast, why is the enterprise viewed with suspicion, or calumniated as the fruit of unworthy motives, as it is in most of the religious periodicals of Great Britain ? But to return: the gentlemen alluded to procured from the native chiefs, a cession of a considerable district of land for the settlement of their little colony. The British government very liberally seconded their views by taking upon itself the expense of transporting the blacks thither, and of supplying them with necessaries diiring the first six oreightmonthsof their residence in Africa. During the passage of these unfortunate people to Sierra Leone they experienced some share of the same evils which have been so often pathetically described as taking place on board the slave ships, by being crowded into too narrow a space ; for out of four hundred and sixty who embarked, eighty- four died on ship board ; and when they were landed in Africa their troubles were not ended ; for before the close of the first rainy season, a hundred more of the infant colony fell victims to the climate or to intemperance. And in the year 1790, in consequence of being involved in a dispute between the natives and the crew of a British vessel, without any fault of their own, they were driven from the habitations which they had erected. The British vessel, by the imprudent conduct of the crew of which they had thus innocently suffered, had set fire to a town of a neighbouring chief. In 1791, they were again col- lected, through the agency of the agent of the Sierra Leone Company; and they now fixed themselves in Granville, two or three miles distant from Freetown, where they first settled. Some of the most distinguished philanthropists of the age were among the projectors of this colonization scheme, and became directors of the company. It will be sufficient barely to mention HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATIOK.' 41 the names of such men as Granville Sharp, William Wilberforce, Henry Thornton, Joseph Hardcastle, and Thomas Clarkson. The motives by which these men were actuated, are above sus- picion, and of the most benevolent kind ; and we unhesitatingly ascribe motives of the same kind to the founders of the Ameri- can Colonization Society. In neither case was there any room for any sinister motives to operate ; and we have reason to think, that the suggestion was from heaven, and that this enter- prise will to posterity appear to have been one of the most im- portant, as well as the most benevolent, conceived in the present age. The pure and elevated motives which led these excellent men to engage in this scheme, stamp an importance upon it, which would by no means belong to it, if it had originated in the usual motives which lead to such transactions. The company was incorporated, and a considerable capital appeared likely to be raised for carrying on the undertaking. Another company of negroes, who escaped from slavery during the American war, were conveyed by the British fleet to Nova Scotia. These, finding the severe climate of this northern province uncongenial to their constitutions, and having heard of the colony at Sierra Leone, despatched a delegate to England to request that they might also be transported to Africa. Besides the severity of the climate, they complained of the sterility of the soil ; and, especially, that the allotments of land promised to them, when they emigrated to Nova Scotia, had not generally been received. Their petition was received favourably by the directors of the Sierra Leone Company, who joined widi the delegate in an application to government to give them a free passage to Africa, which was readily granted. To superintend and expedite the emigration of these people of colour. Lieutenant Clarkson handsomely made a tender of his services to go to Nova Scotia and attend to the business. The agreement of the company was to receive all free blacks from Nova Scotia, who could produce testimonials of good character, more particularly as to honesty, sobriety, and industry, and to grant to each family a lot of land, in proportion to their num- bers. The company had been led to believe that only a few hundred persons would be the number of those who wished to emigrate, but to their surprise they proved to be no less than eleven hundred and ninety-six. This large and unexpected accession materially aff'ected the whole undertaking, and in- 42 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. tlnced the company immediately to take measures to increase their capital stock, which was now raised to two hundred and thirty-five thousand, two hundred and eighty pounds sterling. They also sent out immediately two vessels, with needful sup- plies for the colony, and a hundred white emigrants, part of whom were artisans, and part agriculturists. Soon after the arrival of these vessels from England, sixteen vessels came from Nova Scotia, bringing elven hundred and thirty-one blacks, many of them labouring under the effects of a fever, contracted in Halifax, of which sixty-five had died on the passage. These colonists were located on the ground at first occupied by the former emigrants, and by special direction, the place was named Freetown. Here, huts were erected after the fashion of the country, with as much expedition as possible, that they might be comfortably sheltered before the commencement of the rainy season. The directors at home, apprehending the danger of a want of suitable shelter during this season, had caused a large merchant vessel to be fitted up for their accommo- dation, which was sent out loaded with various stores, as well as frames of houses, and materials for building : but being driven back by a storm, she did not arrive in time to be of any service, during the first sickly season; though afterwards she was made a good use of, both as a storehouse, and floating factory. The sickness notwithstanding all the precautions used, was extensive ; it being supposed that eight hundred of the emi- grants were down at one time ; but the fever of the coast with which they were affected, proved much more fatal to the Euro- peans, than to the black emigrants; and what increased the dis- tress, the medical attendants, with but one exception, were laid lip with the disease. During the season, about one-half the white inhabitants on shore, and about one-tenth of the Nova Scotia emigrants died. Of twenty-six upper servants of the companj^, four, and of fifty-nine lower servants, twenty-nine died. Of the eighteen settlers, thirteen, and of the sixteen soldiers, eleven died. In the dry season which followed, the lots for the Nova Scotians were surveyed ; each of them had four acres assigned him; though twenty had been originally promised; but the land adjacent to the settlement turned out to be not as good as it had been represented. Several public buildings were now HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 43 erected, as a church, a hospital, a warehouse, and other build- ings, of which the frame work was brought from England, and some measures were taken for the defence of the colony. The next year the condition of the colony was evidently in an improving state ; some new arrangements were made in the police; and some gentlemen of experience were sent out to aid in the government; and the natives uniformly appeared friend- ly, and seemed to view the increase of the colony, with plea- sure. But this prosperity was of short duration. The break- ing out of the war in Europe damped the hopes, and interrupt- ed the progress of the rising colony. The destruction of their store-ship by fire, with a considerable quantity of goods, was a heavy disaster. The whole loss sustained was estimated at fifteen thousand pounds sterling, and no insurance had been effected on vessel or goods. The season, this year, when compared with the sickly season of the last, was marked with very little increase of disease; and contrary to what was then the fact, those on land were less subject to the fever than those on ship board. The expenses of tiie colony very far exceeded every calculation which had been made. With the loss incurred by the conflagration of the store- ship, it was found, that no less than eighty-two thousand pounds sterling had already been expended on the colony. The feel- ings of the directors, however, appear to have been of the right kind. They piously remark, " That they must leave the event of success, after all their endeavours, to the disposal of Him who can disappoint utterly if he pleases, the most favourite schemes of men ; can obstruct and suspend for a while their accomplishment, or can crown them if he sees fit, with the most signal and unexpected success." A scheme of pure philan- thropy, undertaken by men actuated by such sentiments, can hardly fail of ultimate success, however many trials and disap- pointments, may for a while, put their faith to a severe test. On the 27th of September 1794, a French squadron made its appearance on the coast ; and began to fire on the town. All resistance being vain against such a force, the colony was im- mediately surrendered into their hands. The conduct of the French Commodore and his men was ferocious, and even cruel, to this helpless, infant colony. They not only seized the goods of the company and of English residents, but robbed the houses of the poor blacks of whatever they could carry away; and 44 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. then set the town on fire. Even the church was pillaged, and the medicine store destroyed; which last proved the severest loss of all. After the first conflagration, a second was ordered, in which the church and all the remaining houses were con- sumed. And most unfortunately, while the French had pos- session of the colony, the company's largest ship, the Harpy, came in sight, having on board several passengers, and goods to the amount of ^10,000. Observing the demolition of the company's houses, she put back to sea, but was discovered and pursued by the French; and when captured, all the goods were seized, and even the property of the English passengers was also taken. None of these articles were landed, but im- mediately carried away. What rendered this calamity doubly severe was the fact, that in this vessel the company had sent out a plant hatch, containing many valuable articles received from the king's collection at Kew, which it was supposed would be likely to grow and flourish in this climate. Two other vessels of the company, employed in the coasting trade, were also taken. All the native chiefs appeared to be afflicted on account of the overwhelming calamity which had befallen the colony, except the slave dealers. These, from the beginning viewed the rising colony with an invidious eye, and as they cherished hostile feelings towards it, so they rejoiced in its de- struction. About three weeks after the French squadron had left the colony, sickness broke out among the white inhabitants, in- duced by fatigue and want of wholesome food ; and now the destruction of their whole store of medicines was severely felt. The French had put on shore one hundred and twenty cap- tured sailors, of whom eighty now died. The loss of the company by this liostile visit was estimated at ^40,000, exclusive of the buildings burned, which had cost £15,000. The only good result of the arrival of the French squadron on the African coast was, the robbing and breaking up of many of the English slave factories. The amount of property destroyed or carried away by them, on the whole coast, was about £400,000. The many disasters of the colony were repaired by the active exertions which the company continued to make. The settle- ment resumed its prosperity; extended its survey over the neighbouring coast, and received embassies even from remote HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 45 African states. For several years nothing remarkable occurred in the exterior or political relations of the colony; and as for the missionary operations prosecuted here, a particular account shall be given in another place. In the year 1800, a new accession was made to the colony by the Maroons, from Jamaica. The arrival of these emigrants was very opportune, for at that time the Nova Scotia blacks were in a state of insurrection, which these West Indians aided much in putting down. Shortly after this, a body of Timmanees headed by two of the fugitive blacks, made an attack upon the fort, but were re- pulsed with loss. The Nova Scotia blacks were so turbulent, that it became necessary to establish a more coercive govern- ment over them, and even to bring a small military force from Goree, to keep them in order. The British parliament allowed the company £7000 for erecting a fort, with a promise of £8000 more for the same object, and £10,000 for the expenses of settling the blacks from Nova Scotia, and £4000 for the expenses of the civil govern- ment of the colony. And in 1802, the parliament again voted £10,000 for the expenses of the settlement: and in 1803 it was suggested to the company by the ministry, that it would be for the benefit of the colony to transfer the civil and military power from the company to the government. The cession was accordingly made, and the colony is now under the authority of a governor who resides at Sierra Leone, appointed by, and amenable to the British government. Upon giving up the colony, the directors of the company published a statement, which demonstrated the success of the company, in the attain- ment of its most important objects; and was calculated to con- vince every proprietor that his money had been expended to a noble purpose. The following is the substance of the above mentioned statement. " However great may have been the company's loss in a pecuniary view, the directors are unwilling to admit, that there has been a total failure in their main object, or that their capi- tal has been expended without effect. It must afford satisfac- tion to reflect, that the company should both have conceived and attempted to execute those plans of beneficence which led to the institution of the colony; and that they should have con- 46 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. tinned to pursue them for so many years, in the face of opposi- tion, disappointment, and loss; in spite of severe calamities, arising from European as well as African wars, and much tur- bulence on the part of the colonists. The proprietors have the further satisfaction of knowing, that the company have con- tributed to the abolition of the slave trade, by exposing its real nature before the view of a hesitating legislature, and detecting the artifices and misrepresentations by which the persons en- gaged in it laboured to delude the public. '' The company have communicated the benefits flowing from a knowledge of letters, and from Christian instruction, to hundreds of negroes on the coast of Africa ; and, by a careful education in this country, they have elevated the character of several of the children of African chiefs, and directed their minds to objects of the very first importance to their country- men. They have ascertained that the cultivation of every valuable article of tropical export may be carried on in Africa; that Africans in a state of freedom are susceptible of the same motives to industry and laborious exertion which influence the natives of Europe ; and that some African chiefs are sufficiently enlightened to comprehend, and sufficiently patriotic to en- courage schemes of improvement. They have demonstrated that negroes may be governed by the same mild laws, which are found consistent with the maintenance of rational liberty even in this kingdom ; and that they may be safely and advan- tageously entrusted with the administration of those laws, not only as jurors, but even as judicial assessors. They have in some measure retrieved the credit of the British, it may be add- ed, of the Christian name, on the continent of Africa ; and have convinced its inhabitants, that there are Englishmen who are actuated by very different motives from those of self-interest, and who desire nothing so much as their improvement and happiness. To conclude, they have established in a central part of Africa, a colony, which appears to be now provided with adequate means both of defence and subsistence ; which by the blessing of Providence, may become an emporium of commerce, a school of industry, and a source of knowledge, civilization, and religious improvement to the inhabitants of that continent; and which may hereafter repay to Great Britain, the benefits she shall have communicated, by opening a continually in- HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 47 creasing market for those manufactures, which are now no longer secure of their accustomed vent on the continent of Europe." The settlement of a colony on the continent of Africa attract- ed the attention of some of the people of colour in the United States. At that time there sailed from the ports of Massachu- setts a very remarkable man of colour, by the name of Paul Cuffee. This man was born at New Bedford, Massachusetts, in 1759, of an American father and an aboriginal mother. His early years were spent in poverty and obscurity, but possess- ing a vigorous mind, by industry and perseverance, guided by practical good sense, he rose to wealth and respectability. He was largely engaged in navigation, and in many voyages to foreign countries commanded his own vessel. His desire to raise his coloured brethren in this country to civil and reli- gious liberty in the land of their forefathers, induced him to offer some of the free people of colour a passage to the western coast of Africa. About forty embarked with him at Boston, and landed at Sierra Leone, where they were kindly received. Only eight of these were able to pay their passage : the whole expense of the remainder, amounting to nearly ^4000, was de- frayed by the noble-minded Paul Cuffee. If Captain Cuffee had lived to see the commencement of the colony of Liberia, no man in America would have more re- joiced in the prospect of seeing a place provided for the free people of colour where they could enjoy the real blessings of liberty and independence. With the friends of African coloni- zation this man's name should be held in high estimation ; as being the first man who actually conducted emigrants from the United States to the coast of Africa; and that too at expense of his own funds greater than any other individual has ever laid out, in transporting colonists to that country. 48 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. CHAPTER III. ORIGIN OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. If the scheme of colonizing the free people of colour, on the coast of Africa, should eventually prove successful, it will here- after become a matter of curious and interesting inquiry, where, and with whom, the idea of such a colony first originated. As it relates to America, it has commonly been supposed, that the first distinct idea of transporting the descendants of Africans to the land of their forefathers was entertained by the Legislature of Virginia. But it is a fact well known, that the colony of Sierra Leone had been planted on the western coast of Africa, some time before the secret resolutions, on this subject, were adopted by the General Assembly and Senate of the state of Virginia. There is reason to believe that, in England, Granville Sharpe, always the zealous friend of the African race, was the projector of the scheme for colonizing the people of colour at Sierra Leone. The credit of originating this plan would seem then to belong to that distinguished philanthropist; but I must put in a plea for a person whose name has scarcely ever been men- tioned in connexion with African colonization. The person to whom I refer is the Rev. Samuel Hopkins, D. D., of Rhode Island. As the part which he acted in regard to the African race is very interesting, and very little known, I will, from the memoir of his life by the Rev. John Ferguson, extract such facts as have a bearing on this subject. Dr. Hopkins is well known, not only in this country, but in Great Britain and Ire- land, as a theological writer. In fact, he is the author of a system of theology, and of a number of lesser works, in which he maintains a number of tenets so much at variance with old Calvinistic opinions, that his system has, with his consent, been denominated Hopkinsianism. That Dr. Hopkins was an emi- nently pious man was never doubted by any who were ac- quainted with his character. But we are at present only con- cerned with his life so far as his conduct had relation to the African race. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 49 At the time when Dr. Hopkins settled at Newport, the slave trade was carried on by the merchants of Rhode Island to a great extent, and the lawfulness of the traffic had not been called in question. Slavery was common in New England; and in Newport nearly all persons able to purchase slaves, were slaveholders. Indeed, Dr. Hopkins himself, while he resided at Great Barrington, was the owner of a slave whom he sold before coming to Newport. The iniquity of the slave trade seems before this time to have occurred to none ; at least it had been denounced by no one. The subject was now taken up and seriously considered by Dr. Hopkins, and the result was a deep conviction of the injustice of the trade, and of the evils of slavery itself. He felt that some remuneration was due to Africa for the injuries inflicted on her by our country, and im- mediately began to think of a plan of educating some persons of the African race, and sending them back to civilize and evangelize the savages of that dark continent. Although the people of Newport were deeply engaged in the slave trade, and derived their wealth very much from this source, and his own people as much as others, yet he determined to lift up his voice against it ; and accordingly, several years before the com- mencement of the revolutionary war, he preached a sermon to his people pointedly condemning this iniquitous traffic. The effect of this discourse was very diffi^rent from what might have been apprehended ; for, instead of arousing their opposi- tion and resentment, as he feared, it produced a general convic- tion that the whole thnig was wrong. The people were sur- prized that they had never viewed the practice in the same light before. And it was not long before his church passed a resolution, " That the slave trade, and the slavery of the Afri- cans, as it has existed among us, is a gross violation of the righteousness and benevolence which are so much inculcated in the gospel, and therefore we will not tolerate it in this church." In furtherance of the scheme of educating Africans to be sent back to their own country to instruct their countrvmen. Dr. Hopkins appropriated the money which he had received for the slave sold by him while resident at Great Barrington. And as he knew that a solitary individual could accomplish little in such a work, he set himself to form an African mis- sionary society, to educate and send out missionaries to carrv the gospel to that benighted region. So much was his heart 5 50 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. engaged in this enterprise, that, besides the sum ah'eady men- tioned, contributed by himself, he borrowed, on his own respon- sibility, as much as was required to purchase a slave whom he ■wished, after preparation, to send to Africa. He also exerted himself to procure the emancipation of three others, and to ob- tain means for their education. To accomplish his object he corresponded with the society in Scotland " For the Promotion of Christian knowledge." Ahd in conjunction with Dr. Stiles, then a pastor of a congregation in Newport, but afterwards President of Yale College, he made an appeal to the public in behalf of the object which he had in view. This address was published in August 1773. The following is the substance of the address : — " There has been a design formed, and some attempts have lately been made, to send the gospel to Guinea, by encouraging and furnishing two men to go and preach the gospel to their brethren there. To all who are desirous to pro- mote the kingdom of Christ on earth, in the salvation of sin- ners, the following narrative and proposals are offered, to excite their charity and solicit their prayers. There are two coloured members belonging to the First Congregational Church in New- port, on Rhode Island, named Bristol Yamma and John Qua- niine, who were hopefully converted some years ago, and have from that time sustained a good Christian character, and have made good proficiency in Christian knowledge. The latter is the son of a rich man at Annamboe,and was sent by his father to this place for education among the English, and then to re- turn home. All this the person to whom he was committed promised to perform for a good reward. But instead of being faithful to his trust, he sold him for a slave for life. But God, in his providence, has put it into the power of both of them to obtain their freedom. These persons, thus acquainted with Christianity, and apparently devoted to the service of Christ, are about thirty years old ; have good natural abilities, are apt, steady, and judicious, and speak their native language; the language of a numerous, potent nation in Guinea, to which they both belong. They are not only ivil/ing, but desirous to quit all worldly prospects, and risk their lives in attempting to open a door for the propagation of Christianity among their poor, perishing heathen brethren. The concurrence of all these things has led us to set on foot a proposal to send them to Africa, to preach the gospel there, if in any good degree quali- HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATIOX. 51 fied for this business. * * * What is now wanted and asked, is money to support them at school, to make the trial, whether they may be fitted for the proposed mission, * * * As God, in his providence, has so far opened the way to this by raising up these persons, and ordering the remarkable concurring circum- stances and events which have been mentioned, and there is probably no other instance in America where so many things conspire to point out the way for a mission of this kind, with encouragement to pursue it, may it not be hoped that it will have the assistance and patronage of all the pious and bene- volent ? "And it is humbly proposed to those who are convinced of the iniquity of the slave trade, and are sensible of the great inhumanity and cruelty of enslaving so many thousands of our fellow men every year, with all the dreadful and horrible attendants, and are ready to bear testimony against it in all proper ways, and do their utmost to put a stop to it, whether they have not a good opportunity of doing this, by cheerfully contributing, according to their ability, to promote the mission proposed. And whether this is not the least compensation we are able to make to the poor Africans for the injuries they are constantly receiving by this unrighteous practice. " But aside from this consideration, may we not hope that all who are heartily praying, 'thy kingdom come,' will liberally contribute to forward this attempt to send the glorious gospel of the blessed God to the nations who now worship false gods, and dwell in the habitations of cruelty, and the land of the shadow of death, especially as the King of Zion has promised, that whosoever parts with any thing in this world for the king- dom of heaven's sake, shall receive manifold more in this pre- sent time, and in the world to come, everlasting life?" The preceding address was subscribed by Ezra Stiles and Samuel Hopkins, and dated August 31, 1773. The effect of this sensible, sober, and pious circular was, that contributions to the amount of more than one hundred pounds, were sent in, of which thirty pounds were received from the society in Scotland for promoting Christian knowledge. The answer to the circular from that society shows that they took a lively interest in the novel enterprise, and deserves to be pre- served. It is as follows: — "The perusal of this memorial, gave great satisfaction to the Directors, while it excited their admira- 52 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. tion at the various, secret, and most unlikely means, whereby an all-wise Providence sees meet to accomplish his gracious purposes. At the same time they rejoiced at the fair prospect now afforded, to extend the Mediator's kingdom to those na- tions, who dwell at present in the habitations of cruelty, and in the region and shadow of death. After saying so much, it is almost unnecessary to add, that the plan suggested in your memorial, received the warmest approbation of the directors of the society; and that they highly applauded your pious zeal in this matter, which they earnestly wish and hope may be crown- ed with success." They received also communications from several ecclesiasti- cal bodies, expressive of their cordial approbation of the enter- prise. To prepare the two young men before mentioned for their missionary work, it was judged expedient to send them to Princeton, New Jersey, to be for a season, under the tuition of the Rev. Dr. Witherspoon, the President of the New Jersey College. How long they continued in this place, or what pro- ficiency they made in their studies, we are not informed. The interest which Dr. Hopkins felt in every thing which related to the former history of these young Africans, was remarkable. Having heard that at Cape Coast Castle, there resided a native of Guinea, who had not only been converted from Paganism to Christianity, but had been admitted into the sacred ministry, and was then a missionary under " The Society in London for the Propagation of the Gospel," he wrote to him to inquire respecting the family of John Quamine ; and at the same time, informed him of the circumstance of his having been sold into slavery, and also described the several members of his family, who were left in Africa, as received from himself. Philip Quaque, for that was the name of the missionary, upon the re- ceipt of Dr. Hopkins's letter, made the requisite inquiries, and with complete success. This letter is so interesting, that we cannot deny ourselves the pleasure of laying a copy of it before our readers. " It is with inexpressible pleasure that I acquaint you, that my inquiries after the friends and relations of that gentleman have met with the desired success. The minute account he entertained you with, of his family and kindred, is just. His mother's name is as you have written it, who is still alive, and whom I had the pleasure of seeing. But the bowels HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 53 of maternal affection — in truth I declare it — seemed ready to burst, and break forth in tears of joy,hke Jacob when he heard that his beloved son Joseph was yet alive. The joy it enkin- dled in expectation of seeing once more, the fruit of her womb, before she with her grey hairs goes down to the grave, fills her with ecstacies of joy, resembling Jacob's; and she breaks forth, and says, ' It is enough — my son is yet alive. I hope, by God's blessing, to see him before I die.' His uncle is called by the same name as that which you have given him. In short, every circumstance is agreeable to the description given in your let- ter. A great personage in his family, whose name is Oforee, and now enjoys his father's estate, desires with great importu- nity, that I should petition you, that he may be returned to them, as soon as may be; and promises that nothing shall be wanting, to make him and all about him, comfortable and hap- py, among his own kindred. And the whole family join in re- questing me to render you all the grateful acknowledgments, they are able to return, for your paternal care and affection, exercised toward him ; and beg me to tell you that it is not iu their power to requite you for all your trouble; they, therefore, hope that the good God of heaven will recompense you hereaf- ter for your labour of love bestowed on him." In another letter, from the same person, he says, " The mo- ther is still looking with impatience for the return of her son, once dead and lost. She, and the principal cousin, who pos- sesses the estate of his father, join in earnestly entreating that you would, in your Christian love and charity to them, send the lad again, that he may receive their cordial embraces, looking upon themselves able to support him. " I received the charitable proposals, and sincerely thank you therefor. And I am joyful to hear there are Africans with you who partake of the blessings of the gospel, and in time may be the means of promoting the greatest and best interests, of Africans here. I wish to God for its speedy accomplishment when the nations who are not now called the children of Jeho- vah, shall become the prophets of the Lord, and the children of the living God. May the benediction of the Almighty prosper all your undertakings to the saving of many souls !" Some time after this infornlation respecting the family of John Quamine was received, a native of Annamboe arrived at Newport, and confirmed all the accounts given above. He ap- 5* 54 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. peared to be a sensible and inquisitive man, and of good moral character. He was also a relative of Quamine. He expressed a strong desire to learn to read, and to be instructed in the Christian religion. He appeared to be sensible that his coun- trymen were destitute of the knowledge of the true method of pleasing God and obtaining his favour, and said, that he had heard that the Christians were in possession of a revelation from Him, and he desired to become acquainted with its con- tents. He said, moreover, that there were many young men in his country who had a strong desire to read and write, and would even come to America to be educated, if they were not afraid of being deceived and sold, as was Quamine. He ap- peared to be much pleased when informed that there was a plan in contemplation for sending back some of the African race to teach the people. Besides the two already mentioned, who now only waited for a good opportunity of sailing for Africa, there was a third, named Salmur Nuba, a member of the Second Congregational Church, in Newport, then under the pastoral charge of Dr. Stiles; a promising young man, of about twenty years of age, possessing good talents, and, apparently, ardent piety. This young man had his freedom given to him, and was greatly de- sirous of attempting, in some way, the propagation of the gos- pel among the Africans. It was much desired to have this young man prepared to be a teacher or preacher in his native country, but the funds which the society had been able to col- lect were entirely inadequate. It was, therefore, resolved to make another appeal to the Christian public for further aid ; accordingly, another address was prepared, an extract from which is as follows: " Since it has pleased God so far to succeed this design, in his providence, and in such a remarkable manner to open the way from step to step, and given such hopeful prospects, and good encouragement to pursue it, we think it our duty still to prosecute it, and we ask the benefactions of all who are willing to promote an undertaking in itself so benevolent ; and which, though small in its beginning, may hopefully issue in something very great, and open the way to the happiness and salvation of multitudes; yea, of many nations who are now in the most miserable state, ready to perish in the darkness of heathenism. We beg leave, also, to observe, that the present state of our HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 55 public affairs is so far from being a reason for neglecting this proposal, that it seems rather to afford strong reason to encourage it. For while we are struggling for our civil and religious liber- ties, it will be peculiarly becoming and laudable, to exert our- selves to attain the same blessings for others, as far as it is in our power. And when God is so interposing, and ordering such a series of events in our favour, in this time of general distress, is there not a special call to pay this tribute to Him, as a likely method to obtain the continuation of his favour ?" This circular, as the former one, was subscribed by Ezra Stiles, and Samuel Hopkins, and was dated April 10, 1776, Newport, Rhode Island. But soon after the publication of the preceding address, the people of Newport, and Dr. Hopkins and his congregation among the rest, experienced the calamities of war. They were driven by the enemy from their homes, and the Africans from their studies. Thus, all opportunity of sending these designated missionaries to Africa was cut off; and not only so, but Ifce pecuniary resources of the country were exhausted, and the members of the missionary society were scattered. Besides these discouraging circumstances, before the war was concluded and peace restored, one of the young men who had been in training for this service, was called away by death. Thus, this promising enterprise, into which Dr. Hopkins had entered with so warm a zeal, was frustrated by the mysterious, but all-wise, providence of God. Yet the agitation of this subject was not without its salutary effects. It was the first movement in be- half of poor, injured Africa. A wave was now put in motion which we trust will not cease its agitations until it bears on its bosom all the sable descendants of Africa to the land of their fathers. Besides, we consider this extraordinary enterprise as one which has a real connection with the scheme of African colonization, now in a course of execution. The connection may be thus traced. It is an ascertained fact, that Dr. Hopkins corresponded on the subject of sending these Africans back to Africa, with Granville Sharpe, the celebrated philanthropist, by whom, in all probability, the plan of settling a colony at Sierra Leone was devised. And the recollection of this scheme of Dr. Hopkins, to send back to Africa some of her sons as mis- sionaries, in all probability suggested the idea of African colo- nization. Whether this conjecture is correct or not, it is evident 56 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. that Dr. Hopkins was the first who conceived the idea of send- ing converted Africans to their native land, for the sake of com- municating the knowledge of Christianity to their benighted countrymen. After the revolutionary war was terminated, by the acknow- ledgment, on the part of Britain, of the independence of these United States, Dr. Hopkins and his flock returned again to Newport ; and although the prospect of sending to Africa the persons who had been prepared for that mission was rendered impossible, by reason of the decease of one of the young men, and by the total want of adequate funds for the execution of that enterprise, yet his zeal in behalf of the African race was in no degree diminished. He wrote and published a pamphlet in favour of the emancipation of the Africans held in bondage in this country, which was, probably, the first treatise on that subject from any pen. He also reorganized the society which had been scattered during the war, to the funds of which, though poor, he was by far the largest contributor. Having received nine hundred dollars for the copy-right of his System of Theology, he gave one hundred to promote the objects of this society, and he still encouraged himself and his friends to proceed in their benevolent enterprise. " The way," said he " to the proposed mission still lies open, and the encouragements in it are as great as ever. All that is wanting is money, exer- tion, and missionaries to undertake it. There are religious blacks to be found who understand the language of the nations in those parts, who might be employed if they were properly encouraged; and if they were brought to embrace Christianity, and to be civilized, it would put an end to the slave trade and render them happy ; and it would open a door for trade which would be to the temporal interest both of the Africans and Americans. As attention to the propagation of the gospel appears to be now spreading and increasing in America, it is hoped that the eyes of many will now be opened to see the peculiar obligations they are under to attempt to send the gospel to the Africans, whom we have injured and abused so greatly, more than any other people under heaven, it being the best and only compensation which we can make them." It is truly wonderful how just and mature were the sentiments of this wise man, respecting the advantages which would accrue from the civilization and christianization of Africa. The very HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 57 reasons which are now urged by the friends of African coloniza- tion, namely, the suppression of the slave trade, the promotion of a trade mutually profitable to the parlies, and the establish- ment of peace and prosperity among the natives of that conti- nent, are here distinctly referred to. The preceding citation is from Dr. Hopkins's ' Life of Susannah Osborn.' But, although Dr. Hopkins was disappointed in the hope which he had so fondly entertained of sending missionaries to Africa, it is a remarkable fact, that two of those young Africans instructed by him with a view to this mission, in extreme old age went to Liberia, when the colony was planted there. One of these was Deacon Gardner, a man well known throughout New England, and especially in Boston. The history of this man is not only remarkable but somewhat romantic. He was a native of Africa, but was brought to this country in the year 1760, when only fourteen years old. He very soon manifested extraordinary talents, and after receiving a few elementary les- sons, he quickly learned to read by his own unaided efforts. In the same way he learned music, in which art he became such an adept that he composed a large number of tunes, some of which have been highly approved by good judges. He was long a highly esteemed teacher of vocal music in Newport, where many resorted to his school for improvement in this de- lightful art. One of the most extraordinary things in the his- tory of this man, was his ability to speak his vernacular tongue with ease and fluency at the age of thirty, when he had been absent from his country for sixteen years, having been brought away when only fourteen years of age. His uncommon talents attracted the attention of Dr. Hopkins, and his ardent piety gained his high esteem. He, therefore, marked him out as a suitable person to be sent as a missionary to Africa, and set himself to work to obtain his freedom, in which, after some time, he was successful. But there is a circumstance connected with his emancipation which is so extraordinary, that if it were not so well authenticated we should hesitate to mention it; as to some of our readers it may probably savour too much of enthusiasm. But in fact it is nothing else than an evident and somewhat extraordinary answer to prayer. Gardner was the slave of Captain Gardner, whose name he assumed. By the indulgence of his master he was allowed to labour for his own profit, in whatever scraps of time he could save from his daily 58 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. work ; and all that he gained was devoted to the obtaining his own freedom, and that of his family. Being often discouraged at the slow progress he made, he was advised by a pious deacon of Dr. Hopkins's church to try the efficacy of prayer and fast- ing, and see if he would not get along more successfully than by labour alone. In compliance with this advice, having gained a day, he determined to spend it in fasting and prayer, but communicated his purpose to no one but Dr. Hopkins and a few pious friends. His master, totally ignorant of the man- ner in which his slave was occupied, sent for him about four o'clock in the afternoon, but was told that Gardner was engaged about his own business, this being his gained day. "No mat- ter," replied his master, "call him." And when the slave ap- peared, he put into his hand a paper on which was written the following words, "I, James Gardner, of Newport, Rhode Island, do this day manumit and release, forever, Newport Gardner, his wife and children." Some conditions were an- nexed which were of easy performance. The slave, thus un- expectedly emancipated, expressed, of course, fervent gratitude to his late master, who now had become his benefactor, but still warmer thanks to his Father in heaven, who had so sig- nally answered the prayers which he had been offering up that day for his freedom, even before he had finished his supplica- tions. During a long life, this man had his mind directed to Africa, and when the colony of Liberia was established, though ad- vanced to his eightieth year, yet he embraced the opportunity of going to his native country. With a view to his going to Liberia, he and several others were, in Boston, constituted into a Christian church, of which he was immediately ordained a deacon, together with Salmur Nubia, another of Dr. Hopkins's promising young Africans, of whom mention has already been made. The solemn exercises connected with the constitution of this church, were conducted by Dr. Jenks, Dr. Wisner, Dr. Edwards, and Dr. S. E. Dwight. The public solemnity was closed by an anthem, composed by Deacon Gardner, and set to words selected from several passages of the sacred Scriptures, exceedingly appropriate to the interesting occasion. This little band of African Christians embarked for Africa on the 7th of January, 1826, in company with the Rev. Horace Sessions. This undertaking of Deacon Gardner, to return to his na- HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 59 tive land, at an age so advanced, was not the eifect of any sudden impulse or temporary excitement, but was the break- ing out of that flame of love to Christ and to his kinsmen according to the flesh, which had been enkindled in his bosom, in Dr. Hopkins's study, half a century before. Thus, after an absence of more than threescore years, this patriarchal man set sail for Liberia, to assist in laying the foundation of an in- fant colony, which he hoped would be the germ of a great and free and happy republic, which might shine as a light to illu- mine the dark regions of Africa, and be an asylum for the colour- ed race in this country, who are here destitute of those privi- leges, and that respectability which the colonists in Liberia so richly enjoy. What the end was, of this remarkable man, we have not been informed. He was too far advanced in years to take an active part in the affairs of the colony, but his example and his coun- sels may have been of eminent service to those engaged in this arduous enterprise. CHAPTER IV. HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. The inconsistency of holding men in slavery, while we our- selves were contending for liberty at the peril of every thing dear, could not but strike the minds of reflecting persons. No sooner, therefore, was independence declared, than several of the States took measures, gradually to put an end to slavery, by enacting laws, that all children born of slaves, after a cer- tain date, should be free, when they arrived at a certain age. When the slaves were few in number, there was no difficulty in this measure for the gradual emancipation of the slaves; but in the Southern States, where they were very numerous, the obstacles to the passing of such laws were so formidable, that the thing was never seriously proposed in any of their legisla- tive bodies. The obstacles were of two kinds. First, the oppo- 60 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. sition of the slave holders themselves. As under the laws of these States, they had acquired this species of property, for which they or their forefathers had paid a valuable considera- tion ; they insisted that the legislature had no right to deprive them of this property, without giving them a compensation for the same; and as the majority of the people, in all the Southern States, are slave-holders, it is evident, that until the people were willing, the legislatures, consisting of their representatives, an- nually chosen, could do nothing towards the accomplishment of this object. The other obstacle, which rendered the thing inex- pedient, even with the more enlightened and benevolent, who were the sincere friends of emancipation, was the difficulty of dis- posing of them, when liberated. The sentiment is almost univer- sal, among all classes of people in the Southern States, that it will never do to emancipate the slaves, and permit them to remain in the country. Hence, almost every scheme of emancipation in the south, has been accompanied by some plan of removal ; or which is the same thing, colonization, into some country or ter- ritory remote from their present owners. This subject, however, engaged the earnest attention of the leading politicians of the country. Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia, recommends the emancipation of the slaves by the most powerful arguments ; but it has been always understood that his plan was to remove them to some part of the extensive country north-west of the Ohio, which then belonged to the state of Virginia, and was en- tirely unoccupied, except by the Indians, and a few scattered French settlements. No effort, however, was ever made by Mr. Jefferson to carry his views into effect. If any man could, by liis influence, have secured the passing of a law, emancipating the blacks in Virginia, that man was Mr. Jefferson. But he saw, no doubt, that the obstacles in the way of emancipation, were insurmountable. He did no more, therefore, than give utter- ance to his own deUberate opuiions. He did not even give liberty to his own slaves. Perhaps he was convinced, before his death, that their condition would not be alleviated by giv- ing them their freedom ; as he had before him many examples of the degraded and unhappy situation of the free negroes in Virginia. Even those emancipated by the last will of General Washington, are said to have been great losers by the acquisi- tion of their freedom. Mr. Jefferson, however, always mani- fested a decided approbation of the African colonization scheme ; HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 61 and if he had been so disposed, he might have sent his slaves to Liberia. But the truth is, that Mr. Jefferson was so deeply in- volved in debt, at the time of his death, that no act of his in granting them liberty, would have taken effect, as they would have been seized to satisfy the demands of his creditors. As well as can be ascertained by a diligent research, the first man who ever seriously contemplated sending a colony to Africa, was Doctor Thornton, a native of Virginia, but at the time when he conceived this plan, a resident of the city of Washington, where he is still remembered, as at the same time a man of many eccentricities, arising from a vivid genius, and a real philanthropist. Dr. Thornton not only formed a plan of African colonization, but actually attempted its execution, in- tending to become himself the leader of the colony. Therefore, in the year 17S7,he published an "Address" to the free people of colour in Rhode Island and Massachusetts, inviting them to accompany him to the western coast of Africa, with the view of planting a colony in the land of their forefathers. Although Dr. Hopkins's plan preceded this many years, yet his was rather a missionary, than a colonization scheme; although, as we have seen, it probably suggested the first idea of the colony at Sierra Leone. But Dr. Thornton was undoubtedly the first who con- ceived, and attempted to carry into effect, a plan for a colony of free coloured people on the western coast of Africa. The en- terprise, as might have been expected, fell through for want of funds to carry it into effect. But it is pleasant to know, that this benevolent and enterprising man lived to see the Coloniza- tion Society formed, and in successful operation ; to which he gave his cordial approbation, and was one of its first mana- gers. The condition of the slaves occupied the attention of many serious, sagacious men in Virginia, about the close of the last century. It was often a subject of free conversation among enlightened men, and their opinions generally were favourable to the emancipation of the slaves, both on principles of justice and sound policy. But the great difficulty was to know what disposal to make of them. To obviate, this difficulty various plans were devised. Among the rest, the writer, then a resi- dent of Virginia, remembers to have heard a very plausible plan for the emancipation of the slaves, and for their coloniza- tion in the northwestern territory, given in detail by William 6 62 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. Craighead, Esq., presiding magistrate in Lunenberg county, Virginia. Mr. Craighead was a native of the state of Dela- ware, but in early Hfe settled in Hanover, where he became an elder in the church of the Rev. Samuel Davies,and an intimate friend of that celebrated evangelical preacher. During the revolutionary war he was an ardent, active patriot, and had the honour of suggesting some measures to promote unity and efficiency among the Americans, which were generally adopted. He was a man of sanguine temperament, strong good sense, and warm piety. The outlines of Mr. Craighead's plans as nearly as can be remembered were, that emancipation should be gradual, and that none should be sent to the new colony but such as were fitted for colonists by some suitable preparatory education. At first the numbers sent were to be small, but as the colony increased, and as the number prepared by a suitable education were mul- tiplied, the removal of them might go on in a ratio increasing every year. Their relation to the government of the United States was to be something analogous to that in which the In- dians now stand. This plan related entirely to the slaves in Virginia, though equally applicable to other States. That the subject of emancipating the slaves was a matter of serious inqiliry and discussion in the State of Virginia, toward the close of the last century, is evident from the fact, that St. George Tucker, one of the Judges of the Court of Appeals, professor of law in the College of William and Mary, and the editor of Blackstone's Commentaries, devised and published a plan for the gradual emancipation of all the slaves in the State. And although his scheme was by few considered feasible, yet the proposal of emancipation from such high authority created no excitement in the country. The plan was scanned, and its provisions discussed with as much calmness as ordinary politi- cal measures, in which all the citizens had an interest. It will not, after what has been said, appear surprising that the Virginia Legislature, as early as December 1800, should have turned their attention to the subject of colonization. Their immediate object, doubtless, was to get rid of the free negroes, who were considered as not only useless members of society, but as exercising a very pernicious influence on the character of the slaves. Their action on the subject appears to have been not only secret, but extremely cautious. The resolution HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 63 which they passed ahiiost unanimously, was couched in the following words, viz : In the House of Delegates, December 31, 1800. Resolved, That the Governor be requested to correspond with the President of the United States on the subject of purchasing lands without the limits of this State, whither persons obnoxious to the laws or dangerous to the peace of society may be removed. A copy from the House of Delegates. WILLIAM WIRT, Cleric, H. D. Taking this resolution by itself, we should not suppose that it had any reference to the free negroes, but that it was the object of the House to obtain a penal settlement for such per- sons as might be convicted of high crimes or misdemeanours against the la\ys of the State, Mr. Monroe, being then Governor of Virginia, in compliance with the foregoing resolution, addressed the following letter to Mr. Jefferson, then President of the United States : Richmond, June 15, 1801. Sir : 1 enclose you a resolution of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth, of the last session, by which it is made my duty to correspond with you on the subject of obtaining, by purchase, lands without the limits of this State, to which persons obnoxious to the laws or dangerous to the peace of society may be removed. This resolution was produced by the conspiracy of the slaves which took place in this city and neigh- bourhood last year, and is applicable to that description only. The idea of such an acquisition was suggested by motives of humanity, it being intended by means thereof to provide an alternate mode of punishment for those described by the reso- lution, who, under the existing law, might be doomed to suffer death. It was deemed more humane, and, it is hoped, would be found in practice not less expedient, to transport such offenders beyond the hmits of the State. It seems to be the more obvious intention of the Legislature, as inferred from the resolution, to make the proposed acquisi- tion of land in the vacant Western territory of the United States ; but it does not appear to me to preclude one without the limits of the Union. If a friendly Power would designate a tract of country within its jurisdiction, either on this continent or a neighbouring island, to which we might send such persons, 64 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. it is not improbable the Legislature might prefer it. In any event, an alternative could not be otherwise than desirable, since, after maturely weighing the condition and advantages of each position, the Legislature might still prefer that which appeared to it most eligible. It is proper to remark, that the latter part of the resolution, which proposes the removal of such persons as are dangerous to the peace of society, may be understood as comprising many to whom the preceding member does not apply. Whether the Legislature intended to give it a more extensive import, or, rather, whether it contemplated removing from the country any but culprits condemned to suffer death, I will not pretend to decide. But, if the more enlarged construction of the resolu- tion is deemed the true one, it furnishes, in my opinion, a strong additional motive why the Legislature, in disposing of this great concern, should command an alternative of places. As soon as the mind emerges, in contemplating the subject,beyond the contracted scale of providing a mode of punishment for offenders, vast and interesting objects present themselves to view. It is impossible not to involve in it the condition of those people, the embarrassment they have already occasioned us, and are still likely to subject us to. We perceive an exist- ing evil, which commenced under our colonial system, with which we are not properly chargeable, or, if at all, not in the present degree ; and we acknowledge the extreme difficulty in remedying it. At this point the mind rests with suspense, and surveys with anxiety obstacles which become more serious as we approach them. It is in vain for the Legislature to deliberate on the subject, in the extent of which it is capable, with a view to adopt the system of policy which appears to it most wise and just, if it has not the means of executing it. To lead to a sound decision, and make the result a happy one, it is necessary that the field of practicable expedients be opened to its election on the widest possible scale. Under this view of the subject, I shall be happy to be advised by you whether a tract of land in the Western territory of the United States can be procured for this purpose, in what quarter, and on what terms ? And, also, whether a friendly Power will permit us to remove such persons within its limits, with like precision as to the place and conditions ? It is possible a friendly Power may be disposed to promote a population of the HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION 65 kind referred to, and willing to facilitate the measure by co- operating with us in the accomplishment of it. It may be con- venient for you to sound such Powers, especially those more immediately in our neighbourhood, on the subject, in all the views which may appear to you to be suitable. You will perceive that I invite your attention to a subject of great delicacy and importance, one which, in a peculiar degree, involves the future peace, tranquillity, and happiness, of the good people of this Commonwealth. I do it, however, in a confidence that you will take that interest in it which we are taught to expect from your conduct through life, which gives you so many high claims to our regard. With great respect, I have the honour to be, &c. JAMES MONROE. Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, From this letter of Mr. Monroe, it does appear, that the im- mediate occasion of adopting the foregoing resolution, in the secret session of the House of Delegates, was a recent alarming conspiracy of the negroes, in the city of Richmond itself, in which two black preachers of the Baptist denomination were the leaders. So many persons were more or less involved in this conspiracy, which had nearly come to maturity, that it seemed desirable to the Legislature to have some territory at their command, whither such as were not principals in the con- spiracy might be sent, instead of inflicting capital punishment on so many. Whether any ulterior views were entertained by the House in regard to the free people of colour, in general, or even looking distantly to the removal of the slave population at a future time, does not appear. Mr. Monroe does, indeed, ap- pear to have extended his views thus far ; as part of his letter is taken up in deploring the evil of slavery, which had in their colonial state been inflicted on them. Mr. Jeflerson's answer to Mr. Monroe's letter is dated November 24, 1801, and is as follows, viz. WashingtOxX, November 24, 1801. Dear Sir: I had not been unmindful of your letter of June 15th, covering a resolution of the House of Representatives of Virginia, and referred to in yours of the 17th instant. The im- portance of the subject, and the belief that it gave us time for consideration till the next meeting of the Legislature, have in- 6* 66 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. duced me to defer the answer to this date. You will perceive that some circumstances connected with the subject, and neces- sarily presenting themselves to view, would be improper but for your and the legislative ear. Their publication might have an ill effect in more than one quarter ; in confidence of attention to this, I shall indulge greater freedom in writing. Common malefactors, I presume, make no part of the object of that resolution. Neither their numbers, nor the nature of their offences, seem to require any provisions beyond those practised heretofore, and found adequate to the repression of ordinary crimes. Conspiracy, insurgency, treason, rebellion, among that description of persons who brought on us the alarm, and on themselves the tragedy of ISOO, were doubtless within the view of every one; but many, perhaps, comtemplated,and one expression of the resolution might comprehend, a much larger scope. Respect to both opinions makes it my duty to understand the resolution in all the extents of which it is sus- ceptible. The idea seems to be, to provide for these people by a pur- chase of land ; and it is asked whether such a purchase can be made of the United States, in their Western territory? A very great extent of country north of the Ohio has been laid off into townships, and is now at market, according to the provisions of the acts of Congress, with which you are acquainted. There is nothing which would restrain the state of Virginia, either in the purchase or the application of these lands ; but a purchase by the acre might, perhaps, be a more expensive provision than the House of Representatives contemplated. Questions would also arise, whether the establishment of such a colony within our limits, and to become a part of our Union, would be desira- ble to the State of Virginia itself, or to the other States, espe- cially those who would be in its vicinity? Could we procure lands beyond the limits of the United States, to form a receptacle for these people ? On our North- ern boundary the country not occupied by British subjects is the property of Indian nations, whose titles would be to be ex- tinguished, with the consent of Great Britain ; and the new set- tlers would be British subjects. It is hardly to be believed that either Great Britain or the Indian proprietors have so disin- terested a regard for us as to be willing to relieve us by receiv- ing such a colony themselves 5 and as much is it to be doubted HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 67 whether that race of men could long exist in so rigorous a cli- mate. On our Western and Southern frontiers Spain holds an immense country; the occupancy of which, however, is in the Indian natives, except a few insulated spots possessed by Span- ish subjects. It is very questionable, indeed, whether the In- dians would sell — whether Spain would be willing to receive these people — and nearly certain that she would not alienate the sovereignty. The same question to ourselves would recur here also as did in the first case: Should we be willing to have such a colony in contact with us? However our precedent in- terests may restrain us within our own limits, it is impossible not to look forward to distant times, when our rapid multipli- cation will expand itself beyond those limits, and cover the whole Northern, if not the Southern continent, with a people speaking the same language, governed in similar forms and by similar laws. Nor can we contemplate with satisfaction either blot or mixture in that surface. Spain, France, and Portugal, hold possessions on the Southern continent, as to which I am not well enough informed to say how far they might meet our views. But either there or in the Northern continent, should the constituted authorities of Virginia fix their attention of pre- ference, I will have the dispositions of those Powers sounded in the first instance. The West Indies offer a more probable and practicable retreat for them. Inhabited already by a people of their own race and colour — climates congenial with their natural constitution, insu- lated from the other descriptions of men — nature seems to have formed these islands to become the receptacles of the blacks transplanted into this hemisphere. Whether we could obtain from the European sovereigns of those islands leave to send thither the persons under contemplation, I cannot say; but I think it more probable than the former proposition, because of their being already inhabited more or less by the same race. The most promising portion of them is the island of St. Domin- go, where the blacks are established into a sovereignty de facto, and have organized themselves under regular laws and government. I should conjecture that their present ruler might be willing on many considerations to receive even that descrip- tion which would be exiled for acts deemed criminal by us, but meritorious perhaps by him. The possibility that these exiles might stimulate and conduct vindictive or predatory descents 68 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. on our coast, and facilitate concert with their brethren remain- ing here, looks to a state of things between that island and ns not probable, on a contemplation of our relative strength, and of the disproportion daily growing ; and it is overweighed by the humanity of the measures proposed, and the advantages of disembarrassing ourselves of such dangerous characters. Africa would offer a last and undoubted resort, if all others more desirable should fail us. Whenever the Legislature of Virginia shall have brought its mind to a point, so that I may know exactly what to propose to foreign authorities, I will exe- cute their wishes with fidelity and zeal. I hope, however, they will pardon me for suggesting a single question for their own consideration. When we contemplate the variety of countries and of sovereigns towards which we may direct our views, the vast revolutions and changes of circumstances which are now in a course of progression, the possibilities that arrange- ments now to be made with a view to any particular place may at no great distance of time be totally deranged by a change of sovereignty, of government, or of other circumstances, it will be for the Legislature to consider whether, after they shall have made all those general provisions which may be fixed by legis- lative authority, it would be reposing too much confidence in their Executive to leave the place of relegation to be decided on by them, and executed with the aid of the Federal Execu- tive? They could accommodate their arrangements to the ac- tual state of things in which countries or powers may be found to exist at that day, and may prevent the effect of the law from being defeated by intervening changes. This, however, is for them to decide. Our duty will be to respect their decision. Accept assurances, &c. THOMAS JEFFERSON. Governor Monroe. From this letter it appears that Mr. Jefferson was at a loss to understand the full meaning and extent of the resolution; but judged it best to allow to it the utmost latitude of construction. His objections to the purchase of any territory within the limits of the United States were judicious, and his preference of the West Indies, especially of St. Domingo, seems to have been fovmded on just views. Upon the reception of Mr. Jefferson's letter, Mr. Monroe communicated it to the House of Delegates, accompanied with HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 69 the following message, evidently intended to elicit a more full expression of the object which they had in view, in their first resolution. The message is as follows: Richmond, December 21, 1801. Sir: I have the pleasure to communicate to the General As- sembly a copy of my correspondence with the President of the United States, in compliance with the resolution of 31st De- cember last, relative to the purchase of lands without the limits of the State, to which persons obnoxious to its laws or danger- ous to the peace of society may be removed. As it was known that the United States had lands for sale in the territory lying between the Ohio and iVIississippi, a proposition to make the acquisition by purchase conveyed the idea of a preference for a tract in that quarter; but as such preference was not declared, and a liberal construction of the resolution admitted a greater scope, I thought it my duty to open the subject in that light to the President. His reply has stated fully and ably the objec- tions which occur to such an establishment within the limits of the United States. He also presents to view all the other places, on the continent and elsewhere, which furnish alterna- tives, with the advantages attending each, and assures us of the promptitude that he will cooperate in carrying into effect what- ever plan the Legislature may adopt in reference to the object contemplated. It remains, therefore, for the General Assembly to explain more fully the description of persons who are to be thus transported, and the place to which it is disposed to give the preference. As soon as its sense is declared on these points, I shall hasten to communicate the same to the President, and shall not fail to lay the result before you at your next session. It is proper to add, that it is the wish of the President that the communication be considered as confidential. I am, sir, with great respect and esteem, your very humble servant, JAMES MONROE. This led to the following explanation by the House of Dele- gates, passed January 16, 1802, and agreed to by the Senate, January 23, 1802. In the House of Delegates, Saturday , January 16, 1802. The Legislature of the Commonwealth, by their resolution of December last, having authorized the Governor to corres- 70 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. pond with the President of the United States relative to the purchase of lands without the hmits of this State, to which per- sons obnoxious to the laws or dangerous to the peace of society might be removed, from which general expressions a difference of construction has prevailed, to reconcile which, recourse must be had to the actual state of things which produced the resolu- tion; therefore, resolved, that, as the resolution was not intend- ed to embrace offenders for ordinary crimes, to which the laws have been found equal, but only those for conspiracy, insur- gency, treason, and rebellion, among those particular persons who produced the alarm in this State in the fall of 1800, the Governor be requested, in carrying the said resolution into effect upon the construction here given, to request the President of the United States, in procuring the lands, to prefer the conti- nent of Africa, or any of the Spanish or Portuguese settlements in South America. Resolved, also, that the Governor be requested to correspond with the President of the United States, for the purpose of obtaining a place without the limits of the same, to which free negroes or mulattoes, and such negroes or mulattoes as may be emancipated, may be sent or choose to remove as a place of asylum; and that it is not the wish of the Legislature to obtain, on behalf of those who may remove or be sent thither, the sovereignty of such place. Resolved, also, that the Governor lay before the next General Assembly the result of his commu- nication, to be subject to their control. WILLIAM WIRT, C. H. D. January 23, 1802. — Agreed to by the Senate. H. BROOKE, C. S. A copy. — Test : JAMES PLEASANTS, Jr. C. H. D. Whatever might have been the views of the preceding Legis- lature, the present House of Delegates appear to have contem- plated the acquisition of a territory to which all free negroes, who should be willing, might be sent; and they also extended their views to such free negroes, and mulattoes as might here- after be emancipated. They seem also to have abandoned the idea of a colony within the limits of the United States, and ex- pressed their preference to the continent of Africa, or to some place in South America. Their objection to the West Indies, HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 71 and especially to St. Domingo, though not expressed, is obvious. That island was too near to the United States. Here the matter seems to have rested, until the year 1804, when Mr. Jefferson addressed a letter to Mr. Page, the then governor of Virginia, in which he himself relinquishes the idea of St. Domingo, and speaks of the territory of Louisiana, just purchased by the American government. The letter is as fol- lows: Washington, December 27, 1804. Dear Sir: Resuming the subject of the resolutions of the House of Delegates of December 31st, 1800, January 16th, 1802, and February 3d, 1804, 1 have it not in my power to say that any change of circumstances has taken place which enables me yet to propose any specific asylum for the persons who are the subjects of our correspondence. The island of St. Domingo, our nearest and most convenient recourse, is too unsettled in the conditions of its existence to be looked to as yet for any per- manent arrangements; and the European nations have terri- tories in the same quarter, and possess the same kind of popu- lation. Whether the inhabitants of our late acquisition beyond the Mississippi, or the National Legislature, would consent that a portion of that country should be set apart for the persons contemplated, is not within my competence to say. My last information as to Sierra Leone is, that the company was proposing to deliver up their colony to their Government. Should this take place, it might furnish occasion for another eftbrt to procure an incorporation of ours into it. An attack during the war has done the settlement considerable injury. I beg you to be assured that, having the object of the House of Delegates sincerely at heart, I will keep it under my constant attention, and omit no occasion which may occur of giving it effect. Accept my afiectionate salutations, and assurances of great respect and consideration. THOMAS JEFFERSON. Governor Page. This letter led to the following resolution of the House of Delegates, dated December 3, 1804, and agreed to by the Sen- ate, January 22, 1805. General Assembly begun and held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, Virginia, on Monday the third day of December, 73 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and four, and of the Commonwealth the twenty-ninth: Resolved, That the Senators of this State in the Congress of the United States be instructed, and the Representatives be re- quested, to exert their best efforts for the purpose of obtaining from the General Government a competent portion of territory, in the country of Louisiana, to be appropriated to the residence of such people of colour as have been or shall be emancipated in Virginia, or may hereafter become dangerous to the public safety: Pro?jz(/ec?, That no contract or arrangement respecting such territory shall be obligatory on this Commonwealth until ratified by the Legislature. H. HOLMES, Speaker of the House of Delegates. Agreed to January 22d, 1805. C. TAYLOR, Speaker of the Senate. A copy. — Test: JAMES PLEASANTS, Jr., C. H. D. On the suggestion contained in Mr. Jefferson's letter, the Legislature had their attention entirely turned to a portion of the vacant territory of Louisiana. And as their resolution con- tained instructions to the senators in Congress, and a request to the representatives of the State, to endeavour to procure such a territory, it was sent by Governor Page to them, accompanied by the following note, viz. Richmond, February 2, 1805. Gentlemen : I have the honour to enclose a resolution of the General Assembly, for an explanation of which I beg leave to refer you to the copies of letters which passed between the President of the United States and Governor Monroe, and to one written by the President to me, and by this mail transmit- ted to our Senators in Congress; but, for more satisfactory in- formation, I would refer you to the President himself, to whom I shall apologize for requesting you to trouble him on this oc- casion ; but 1 know that he will with pleasure give you all the information you may require. From the nature of the delicate business contemplated in the resolution, you will see the pro- priety of its being considered confidential. I am, gentlemen, with great respect, your obedient servant, JOHN PAGE. The Representatives /rojrt Virginia in Congress. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 1^ To render our history complete, it is proper to mention here, that Ann Mifflin, no doubt of the Society of Friends, had con- ceived the plan of a colony on the western coast of Africa, and through a Mr. Lynd, applied to Mr. Jefferson for his opinion, respecting the practicability of such an enterprise. Mr. Jeffer- son's answer is interesting, and contains several important items of information, no where else to be found. The letter is as follows. MoNTicELLo, January 21, 1811. Sir: You have asked my opinion on the proposition of Ann ;Mifflui,to take measures for procuring on the coast of Africa an establishment to which the people of colour of these States might, from time to time, be colonized, under the auspices of different governments. Having long ago made up my mind on this subject, I have no hesitation in saying that I have ever thought that the most desirable measure which could be adopted for gradually drawing off this part of our popula- tion— most advantageous for themselves as well as for us. Going from a country possessing all the useful arts, they might be the means of transplanting them among the inhabitants of Africa; and would thus carry back to the country of their origin the seeds of civilization, which might render their so- journment here a blessing in the end to that country. I received, in the last year of my entering into the adminis- tration of the general government, a letter from the Governor of Virginia, consulting me, at the request of the Legislature of the State, on the means of procuring some such asylum, to which these people might be occasionally sent. I proposed to him the estabHshment of Sierra Leone, in which a private com- pany in England had ah-eady colonized a number of negroes, and particularly the fugitives from these States during the revo- lutionary war; and at the same time suggested, if that could not be obtained, some of the Portuguese possessions in Soutli America as most desirable. The subsequent Legislature approving these ideas, I wrote the ensuing year (1802) to Mr. King, our minister in London, to endeavour to negotiate with the Sierra Leone company, and induce them to receive such of these people as might be colon- ized thither. He opened a correspondence with Mr. W and Mr. Thornton, secretary of the company, on the subject ; and, in 1803, I received, through Mr. King, the result; which 74 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. was that the colony was going on in but a languishing condi- tion; that the funds of the company were likely to fail, as they received no return of profit to keep them up; that they were then in treaty with the government to take the establishment off their hands; but that in no event should they be willing to receive more of these people from the United States, as it was that portion of settlers who had gone from the United States, who, by their idleness and turbulence, had kept the settlement in constant danger of dissolution, which could not have been prevented, but for the aid of the Maroon negroes from the West Indies, who were more industrious and orderly than the others, and supported the authority of the government and its laws. I think I learned afterwards that the British government had taken the colony into their own hands, and I believe it still exists. The effort which I made with Portugal, to obtain an estab- lishment from them, within their colonies in South America, proved also abortive. You inquired, further, "whether I would use my endeavours to procure such an establishment, secure against violence from other powers, and particularly the French." Certainly, I shall be willing to do any thing I can to give it effect and safety. But I am but a private individual, and could only use en- deavours with individuals ; whereas the National Government can address themselves at once to those of Europe, to obtain the desired security, and will unquestionably be ready to exert its influence with those nations to effect an object so benevo- lent in itself, and so important to a great portion of its constitu- ents; indeed, nothing is more to be wished than that the United States would themselves undertake to make such an establishment on the coast of Jlfrica. Exclusive of motives of humanity, the commercial advan- tages to be derived from it might defray all its exj^enses; but for this the national mind is not prepared. It may, perhaps, be doubted whether many of these people would voluntarily con- sent to such an exchange of situation, and but few of those who are advanced to a certain age in habits of slavery would be capable of governing themselves. This should not, however, discourage the experiment, nor the early trial of it. And pro- HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 75 positions should be made, with all the prudent caution and attention requisite to reconcile it to the interest, the safety, and prejudice of all parties. Accept the assurance of my respect and esteem. THOMAS JEFFERSON. This letter not only informs us of the efforts made by Mr. Jefferson, to obtain a suitable territory for the colonization of the free people of colour, but also gives us to understand the deep interest which he felt in the subject, and his readiness to cooperate with the Legislature of his native State, in carrying their views into full effect. All the proceedings of the Legislature of Virginia were in secret sessions; and their attempts to acquire a suitable territory for a colony having failed, nothing further was done until the year 1816, when Charles Fenton Mercer, Esq., having become a member of the Virginia Legislature, heard, by mere accident, of the secret resolutions which had been passed at a former session, and having satisfied himself of their nature, by refer- ence to the recorded minutes of the House, resolved to bring up the subject anew. But as we have Mr. Mercer's own ac- count of this matter in a speech delivered at a public dinner given to him in Charleston, Kenhawa county, we will give it in his own words. Having been complimented, among other things, on account of the part which he had taken in forming the Colonization Society, he replied as follows: "With respect to the first of them, (the secret resolutions,) I can truly say, that the intelligence broke in upon me like a ray of light through the profoundest gloom, and by a mere accident which occurred in the spring of 1816, that upon two several occasions, very early in the present century, the Gen- eral Assembly of Virginia had invited the aid of the United States to obtain a territory, beyond their limits, whereon to colonize certain portions of our coloured population. For the evidence of these facts, then new to me, I was referred to the clerk of the Senate, by the friend who revealed them, and in the private records of that body I found them verified. " It was then too near the close of the session of the Legis- lature to attempt immediate action on the subject; but in a few weeks after this, I concerted with Francis S. Key, of George- town, and Elias B. Caldwell, of Washington, in the District of 76 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. Columbia, a plan for doing so ; and bound to no concealment myself, though the facts which had been disclosed to me were from the secret journals of the Senate, I made them publicly known in several States, as well as through our own, on my way to the North during the ensuing summer, receiving every where promises of pecuniary aid, and of active cooperation, provided, as I announced it to be my intention, I renewed a similar proposition at the next session of our General Assembly. "Accordingly, in December 181 6, prior to the organization of the American Colonization Society, but with a view to its ap- proaching formation, of which I was apprised by Mr. Key, I presented to the House of Delegates a resolution which stands recorded on its journal, asking the aid of the general govern- ment, to procure in Africa or elsewhere, beyond the limits of the United States, a territory on which to colonize our free people of colour who might be disposed to avail themselves of such an asylum, and such of our slaves as their masters might please to emancipate. This resolution passed the House of Delegates with but nine, and the Senate with but one, dissent- ing voice. It was discussed and adopted in secret session, but the injunction of secrecy was taken off at the instance of the mover. The American Colonization Society was formed in the city of Washington early in the ensuing month of January." The following were the resolutions proposed by General Mercer, and adopted by the Legislature of Virginia. "Whereas, the General Assembly of Virginia have repeatedly sought to obtain an asylum beyond the limits of the United States, for such persons of colour as have been, or may be, emancipated under the laws of this commonwealth, but have hitherto found all their efforts frustrated, either by the disturbed state of other nations, or domestic causes equally unpropitious to its success ; " They now avail themselves of a period when peace has healed the wounds of Immanity, and the principal nations of Europe have concurred with the government of the United States, in abolishing the African Slave Trade, (a traffic which this commonwealth, both before and since the Revolution, zeal- ously sought to exterminate,) to renew this effort. Therefore, " Resolved, That the Executive be requested to correspond with the President of the United States, for the purpose of ob- taining a territory on the coast of Africa, or at some other place, not within any of the States, or territorial government of HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 77 the United States, to serve for an asylum of such persons of colour as are now free, and may desire the same ; and for those who may hereafter be emancipated within this commonwealth, and that the Senators and Representatives of this State in the Congress of the United States, be requested to exert their best efforts to aid the President of the United States in the attain- ment of the above objects; '■'■Provided, That no contract or arrangement, respecting such territory, shall be obligatory on this commonwealth until ratified by the Legislature. "After organizing in my immediate neighbourhood several auxiliary societies, at the request of the managers of the parent society in "Washington, I repaired to the city of Baltimore, where, by sundry addresses to the people, in one of which I was sustained by Francis S. Key, and by personal applications to the citizens, in which I was accompanied from place to place for many days by Robert Purviance, we succeeded in obtaining a subscription of near ^5000, to defray the expenses of the expedition of Messrs. Mills and Burgess, to explore the coast of Africa in order to select a suitable place for the proposed colony. At the same time Bishop Mead, of Virginia, was alike active and successful in procuring pecuniary aid for the same object in the opulent and liberal society in Frederick, Virginia, of which he was then the pastor." As these resolutions contain the very principles on which the Colonization Society was formed, and were prior, in time, to the formation of the American Colonization Society, it might, at first view, seem that the honour of being the father of the enterprise of right belonged to this gentleman, especially as it is more than probable that Dr. Finley, the brother-in-law of Elias B. Caldwell, Esq., had heard, during the summer of 1816, of what had been secretly transacted in the General Assembly of Vir- ginia, and of Mr. Mercer's intention again to bring the subject before that body at the earliest opportunity. The truth, how- ever, is, that Dr. Finley had the condition of the free people of colour on his mind early in the year 1815 ; for we find a letter from him addressed to John 0. Mumford, Esq. of the city of New York, dated February 15, 1815, of which the following is an extract : " Dear Sir — The longer I live to see the wretchedness of men, the more I admire the virtue of those who desire, and 73 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. with patience labour, to execute plans for the reUef of the wretched. On this subject the state of the free blacks has very much occupied my mind. Their number increases greatly, and their wretchedness, as appears to me. Every thing connected with their condition, including their colour, is against them. Nor is there much prospect that their state can ever be greatly meliorated while they shall continue among us. Could not the rich and benevolent devise means to form a colony on some part of the coast of Africa, similar to that of Sierra Leone, which might gradually induce many free blacks to go and settle, devising for them the means of getting there, and protection and support until they were established ? Could they be sent back to Africa, a threefold benefit would arise. We should be clear of them — we should send to Africa a population partly civilized and christianized, for its benefit — and our blacks themselves would be put in a better situation. Think much on this subject, and then write me when you have leisure." From the above letter, it is manifest that Dr. Finley had the scheme of a colony of free blacks on the western coast of Africa fully in his mind more than a year before Mr. Mercer knew any thing about the secret resolutions of the Virginia Legislature. As the Rev. Dr. Robert Finley must ever hold a conspicuous place in the history of African colonization, whatever may be tlie result of the enterprise, it cannot but be gratifying to the reader to know some particulars respecting him. Dr. Finley was a native of the borough of Princeton, New Jersey, to which place his parents had come from Scotland, in company with the Rev. Dr. Witherspoon, who was called to preside over the College of New Jersey, situated in that place. His parents were pious and respectable, but poor. Their son giving evidence of good capacity, was put to learning, and received his whole education under the tuition of Dr. Witherspoon and Dr. S. S. Smith. He was graduated when very young, and after spend- ing some time as tutor in the New Jersey College, he turned his attention to theology, and put himself on trial as a candidate for the ministry, under the Presbytery of New Brunswick, by which he was, in due course, licensed to preach the gospel. Soon after his licensure he received a call to settle in the con- gregation of Basking Ridge, in Morris county. New Jersey. Being convinced that his usefulness would be promoted by the HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 79 institution of a classical academy in this healthy place, he at once engaged in the enterprise, and was, in an eminent degree successful as a teacher of youth. His academy became cele- brated through the country, and a number of the most eminent men in New Jersey, both in church and state, laid the founda- tion of their eminence in the thorough training which they received in this school. And its beneficial influence was not confined to the State, for many from other and distant parts of the country resorted to the Basking Ridge Academy. Neither was he negligent of the spiritual interests of the flock com- mitted to his pastoral care. He was an able, evangelical, and uncommonly successful preacher, and under his ministry a large number was gathered into his church. Indeed, no man seemed to be actuated by a warmer zeal for the advancement of reli- gion and the conversion of souls than Dr. Finley, and his preaching was of that popular and impressive kind, which is calculated to be generally profitable, as well as popular. Some time before he commenced the plan of a colony for the free blacks on the coast of Africa, his mind appeared to be much excited and deeply impressed with the importance of devising and carrying into execution some benevolent enter- prise. To a friend in Princeton, still living, he said one day, with ardent and strong emotion, "that when he considered what many others had effected for the benefit of their suffering fellow creatures before they had reached his age, he was hum- bled and mortified to think how little he had done, and, at the same time, expressed a strong determination to engage in some benevolent enterprise which might tell upon the welfare of his fellow creatures." Not many months afterwards, meeting with the same friend, he disclosed to him the plan of a colony of free blacks on the western coast of Africa, and from this time seemed to have his mind completely occupied with the scheme, which he took every opportunity of proposing to his friends, endeavouring to show that the enterprise was not only good in itself, but practicable. All seemed to admit that the design was good, both as it related to the free negroes, and to the dark continent of Africa; but few of them could be persuaded that there was any probability that such a scheme could be carried into effect, and although they did not oppose it, they did not at once enter very zealously into his views. But his purpose was fixed, and nothing could dissuade him from making the attempt. 80 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. And accordingly lie began to take measures to have a coloniza- tion society formed. The first public meeting which ever took place to consider the subject of African colonization in this country, was held in the Presbyterian church in the borough of Princeton. It was called by Dr. Finley, when he explained to a small assemblage the plan of the society which he wished to be formed, and called on the writer to address the people. He made some observations on the object aimed at. The meeting was siTiall, but in the number of attendants were most of the professors of the College and of the Theological Seminary. It was apparent that the interest of those to whom the scheme was made known was increased the longer they thought upon it. CHAPTER V. PROCEEDINGS AT WASHINGTON. Dr. Finley, having matured his plan for colonizing the free people of colour on the western coast of Africa, proceeded to the city of Washington, when congress was in session, and having consulted with liis friends, particularly with Elias B. Caldwell and Francis S. Key, Esqs., who entered with all their heart into his scheme, it was thought expedient to call a public meeting, and particularly to invite some of the most distin- guished men then in Washington to attend. Accordingly, on the 21st day of December, 1S16, the Hon. Henry Clay was called to the chair, and Mr. Thomas Dougherty acted as Secretary. Mr. Clay, on taking the chair, made an address, of which the following is the substance as reported for the National In- telligencer. After expressing his regret that Judge Washington was not present to preside, lie said, " He understood the object of the present meeting to be, to consider of the propriety and practicability of colonizing the free people of colour in the United States, and of forming an association in relation to that object. That class of the mixed population of our country HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. ' 81 was peculiarly situated. They neither enjoyed the immunities of freemen, nor were they subject to the incapacities of slaves, but partook in some degree of the qualities of both. From their condition, and the unconquerable prejudices resulting from their colour, they never could amalgamate with the free whites of this country. It was desirable, therefore, both as it respected them and the residue of the population of the country, to draw them off. Various schemes of colonization had been thought of, and a part of our own continent, it was thought by some, might furnish a suitable establishment for them, but for his part he had a decided preference for some part of the coast of Africa. There ample provision might be made for the colony itself, and it might be rendered instrumental to the introduction, into that extensive quarter of the globe, of the arts, civilization and Christianity. There was a peculiar, a moral fitness in restoring them to the land of their fathers. And if, instead of the evils and sufferings which we have been the innocent cause of inflicting upon the inhabitants of Africa, we can transmit to her the blessings of our arts, our civilization, and our religion, may we not hope that America will extinguish a great portion of that moral debt which she has contracted to that unfortunate continent? We should derive much encouragement in the prosecution of the object which had assembled us together, by the success which had attended the colony at Sierra Leone. That establishment had commenced about twenty or twenty-five years ago, under the patronage of private individuals in Great Britain. The basis of the population of the colony consisted of the fugitive slaves of the Southern States, during the revolu- tionary war, who had first been carried to Nova Scotia, and who afterwards, about the year 1792, upon their own applica- tion, almost in mass, had been transferred to the western coast of Africa. The colony after struggling with the most unheard of diffi.culties — difficulties resulting from the ignorance, barbarity, and prejudice of the natives, from the climate, (which were however, found to be not at all insurmountable,) from wars, African as well as European, and such as are incidental to all new settlements, had made a gradual and steady progress, until it has acquired a strength and stability which promises to crown the efforts of its founders with complete success. We have their experience before us, and can there be a nobler cause than that which, while it proposes to rid our own country of a 82 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. useless and pernicious, if not a dangerous portion of its popu- lation, contemplates the spreading of the arts of civilized life, and the possible redemption from ignorance and barbarism of a benighted portion of the globe? " It was proper and necessary distinctly to state, that he un- derstood it constituted no part of the object of this meeting to touch or agitate, in the slightest degree, a delicate question con- nected with another portion of the coloured population of our country. IL was not proposed to deliberate on, or consider at all, any question of emancipation, or that was connected with the abolition of slavery. It was upon that condition alone, he was sure, that many gentlemen from the south and west, whom he saw present, had attended, or could be expected to cooperate. It was upon that condition only that he himself attended. He would only further add, that he hoped in their deliberations they would be guided by that moderation, politeness, and defer- ence for the opinion of each other which were essential to any useful result. But when he looked around and saw the respecta- ble assemblage, and recollected the humane and benevolent purpose which had produced it, he felt it unnecessary to insist further on this topic." As soon as Mr. Clay had ended his address, Elias B. Cald- well, Esq., rose and spoke as follows: " I feel peculiar embarrassment in obtruding myself upon the notice of so large and respectable a meeting, in which I find some of the most distinguished characters of our country. I ask your indulgence in offering to the consideration of the meeting the resolutions which I hold in my hand, and to a few explanatory observations. The objects of the meeting have been feelingly and correctly stated by the honourable chairman. The subject seems to be divided into — "1st. The expediency; and, 2dly, the practicability of the proposed plan. " The expediency of colonizing the free people of colour in the United States, may be considered in reference to its influ- ence on our civil institutions, on the morals and habits of the people, and on the future happiness of the free people of colour. It has been a subject of luiceasing regret and anxious solicitude among many of our best patriots and wisest statesmen, from the first establishment of our independence, that this class of people should remain a monument of reproach to those sacred HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. S3 principles of civil liberty which constitute the foundations of all our constitutions. We say in the Declaration of Independence, "that all men are created equal," and have certain "unaliena- ble rights." Yet it is considered impossible, consistently with the safety of the State, and it is certainly impossible with the present feelings towards these people, that they can ever be placed upon this equality, or admitted to the enjoyment of these "inalienable rights" while they remain mixed with us. Some persons may declaim and call it prejudice. No matter. Prejudice is as powerful a motive, and will as certainly exclude them as the soundest reason. Others may say they are free enough. If this is a matter of opinion let them judge — if of reason, let it be decided by our repeated and solemn declara- tions in all our public acts. This state of society unquestiona- bly tends, in various ways, to injure the morals and destroy the habits of industry among our people. This will be acknow- ledged by every person who has paid any attention to the sub- ject, and it seems to be so generally admitted that it would promote the happiness of the people, and the interest of the people, to provide a place where these people might be settled by themselves, that it is unnecessary to dwell on this branch of the subject. "As to the blacks, it is manifest that their interest and happi- ness would be promoted by collecting them together where they would enjoy equal rights and privileges with those around them. A state of degradation is necessarily a state of unhap- piness. It debases the mind, it damps the energies of the soul, and represses every vigorous effort towards moral or intellectual greatness. How can you expect from them any thing great or noble without the motives to stimulate, or the rewards to crown great and noble achievements? It not only prevents their climbing the steep and rugged paths of fame, but it prevents the enjoyment of the true happiness of calm contentment, satisfied with enjoying but a part of what we possess, of using only a portion of what is in our power. Take away, however, the portion that is not used, and it immediately becomes the object of our fondest desires. The more you endeavour to improve the condition of these people, the more you cultivate their minds, (unless by religious instruction,) the more misera- ble you make them in their present state. You give them a higher relish for those privileges which they can never attain, 84 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. and turn what we intend for a blessing into a curse. No, if they must remain in their present situation, keep them in the lowest state of degradation and ignorance. The nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy. Surely, Americans ought to be the last people on earth to advocate such slavish doctrines, to cry peace and contentment to those who are deprived of the privileges of civil liberty. They who have so largely partaken of its blessings, who know so well how to estimate its value, ought to be the foremost to extend it to others. " I will consider the practicability of colonization under three heads : The territory — the expense — and the probability of obtaining their consent. " 1. The territory. Various plans have been mentioned by different persons. A situation within our own territory would certainly possess some considerable advantage. It would be more immediately under the eye and control of our own government. But there are some real and some apprehended evils to encounter. Many apprehend that they might hereafter join the Indians, or the nations bordering on our frontiers in case of war, if they were placed so near us — that the colony would become the asylum of fugitives and runaway slaves. Added to these difficulties there are inveterate prejudices against such a plan in so large a portion of the country, which would be impossible to overcome or remove. Upon mature reflection, with all the light that has yet been shed upon the subject, I believe it will be found that Africa will be liable to the fewest objections. A territory might, no doubt, be procured there; the climate is best adapted to their constitutions, and they could live cheaper. But, Mr. Chairman, I have a greater and nobler object in view in desiring them to be placed in Africa. It is the belief that through them civilization and the Christian reli- gion would be introduced into that benighted quarter of the world. It is the hope of redeeming many millions of people from the lowest state of superstition and ignorance, and re- storing them to the knowledge and worship of the true God. Great and powerful as are the other motives to this measure, (and I acknowledge them to be of sufficient magnitude to attract the attention and to call forth the united efforts of this nation.) in my opinion, and you will find it the opinion of a large class of the community, all other motives are small and HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. S5 trifling compared with the hope of spreading among them the knowledge of the gospel. From the importance of this view of the subject permit me to enlarge a little upon it. Whatever maybe the difference of opinion among the different denomina- tions of Christians, I believe they will all be found to unite in the belief that the Scriptures predict a time when the gospel of Jesus Christ shall be spread over every part of the world; shall be acknowledged by every nation, and perhaps shall influence every heart. The opinion is, perhaps, as general, that this glorious and happy day is near at hand. The great movements and mighty efforts in the moral and religious world seem to indicate some great design of Providence on the eve of accom- plishment. The unexampled and astonishing success attending the various and numerous plans which have been devised and which are now in operation in different parts of the world, and the union and harmony with which Christians of different denominations unite in promoting these plans, clearly indicate a divine hand in their direction. Nay, sir, the subject on which we are now deliberating has been brought to public view nearly at the same time in different parts of our country. In New Jersey, New York, Indiana, Tennessee, Virginia, and perhaps other places not known to me, the public attention seems to have been awakened as from a slumber to this sub- ject. The belief that I have mentioned, leads Christians to look with anxious solicitude and joyful hope to every movement which they believe to be instrumental in accomplishhig the great designs of Providence. They will receive your proposal with joy, and support it with zeal; and permit me to say, that it will be of no small consequence to gain the zealous support and cooperation of this portion of the community. "On the subject of expense I should hope there would not be much difference of opinion. All are interested, though some portions of the community are more immediately so than others. We should consider that what affects a part of our country is interesting to the whole. Besides, it is a great national object, and ought to be supported by a national purse. And, as has been justly observed by the honourable gentleman in the chair, there ought to be a national atonement for the wrongs and injuries which Africa has suffered. For although the State Legislatures commenced early after our independence to put a stop to the slave trade, and the National Government interfered S 86 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. as soon as the constitution would permit, yet as a nation, we cannot rid ourselves entirely from the guilt and disgrace attend- ing that iniquitous traffic, until we, as a nation, have made every reparation in our power. If, however, more funds are wanting than is thought expedient to appropriate out of the public treasury, the liberality and humanity of our citizens will not suffer it to fail for want of pecuniary aid. I should be sorry, however, to see our government dividing any part of the glory and honour which cannot fail of attending the accom- plishment of a work so great, so interesting, and which will tend so much to diffuse the blessings of civil liberty, and pro- mote the happiness of man. " Among the objections which have been made, I must con- fess that I am most surprised at one which seems to be preva- lent, to wit, that these people will be unwilling to be colonized. What, sir, are they not men ? Will they not be actuated by the same motives of interest and ambition which influence other men ? Or, will they prefer remaining in a hopeless state of degradation for themselves and their children, to the pros- pect of the full enjoyment of their civil rights and a state of equality ? What brought our ancestors to these shores ? They had no friendly hand to lead them, no powerful human arm to protect them. They left the land of their nativity, the sepul- chres of their fathers, the comforts of civilized society, and all the endearments of friends and relatives, and early associations, to traverse the ocean, to clear the forests, to encounter all the hardships of a new settlement, and to brave the dangers of the tomahawk and scalping knife. How many were destroyed ! Sometimes whole settlements cut off by disease and hunger, by the treachery and cruelty of the savages ; yet were they not discouraged. What is it impels many Europeans daily to seek our shores, and to sell themselves for the prime of their life to defray the expenses of their passages ? It is that ruling, im- perious desire, planted in the breast of every man, the desire of liberty, of standing upon an equality vvtth his fellow men. If we were to add to these motives the offer of land, and to aid in the expense of emigration and of first settling, they cannot be so blind to their own interest, so devoid of every generous and noble feeling, as to hesitate about accepting of the offer. It is not a matter of speculation and opinion only. It has been satisfactorily ascertained that numbers will gladly accept of the HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 87 invitation. And when once the colony is formed, and flourish- ing, all other obstacles will be easily removed. It is for us to make the experiment and the offer; we shall then, and not till then, have discharged our duty. It is a plan in which all in- terests, all classes and descriptions of people may unite, in which all discordant feelings may be lost in those of humanity, in promoting ' peace on earth and good will to men.' " When Mr. Caldwell had concluded, the honourable John Randolph of Roanoke, rose and said, that it had been properly observed by the chairman, that there was nothing in the propo- sition submitted to consideration which, in the smallest degree, touched another very important and delicate question, which ought to be left as much out of view as possible. But it ap- peared to him that it had not been sufficiently insisted on, with a view to obtain the cooperation of all the citizens of the United States, not only that this meeting does not in any wise affect the question of negro slavery, but as far as it goes, must materially tend to secure the property of every master in the United States over his slaves. It appeared to him that this aspect of the question, had not been sufficiently presented to the public view. It was a notorious fact, that the existence of this mixed and intermediate population of free negroes was viewed by every slave-holder as one of the greatest sources of the insecurity and unprofitableness of slave property; that they serve to excite in their fellow beings a feeling of discontent, of repining at their situation, and that they act as channels of communication, not only between different slaves, but between (he slaves of different districts ; that they are the depositaries of stolen goods, and the promoters of mischief. In a worldly point of view then, without entering into the general question, and apart from those higher and nobler motives which had been presented to the meeting, the owners of slaves were inter- ested in providing a retreat for this part of our population. There was no fear that this proposition would alarm them; they had been accustomed to think seriously of the subject. There was a popular work on agriculture, by John Taylor of Caroline county, which was widely circulated, and much con- fided in, in Virginia. In that book, much read, because coming from a practical man, this description of people was pointed out as a great evil. If a place could be provided for their recep- tion, and a mode of sending them hence, there were hundreds, 88 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. nay thousands of citizens, who would by manumitting their slaves, relieve themselves from the cares attendant on their pos- session. Mr. Robert Wright, of INIaryland, said that he could not withhold his approbation of a measure that had for its object the melioration of the lot of any portion of the human race, particularly of the free people of colour, whose degraded state robs them of the happiness of self-government, so dear to the American people. "And, said he, as I discover the most deli- cate regard to the rights of property, I shall, with great plea- sure, lend my aid to restore this unfortunate people to the en- joyment of their liberty; but I fear gentlemen are too sanguine in their expectations, that they would be willing to abandon the land of their nativity, so dear to man. However, I have the disposition to give them that election, by furnishing all the means contemplated. But while we wish to promote the happiness of these free people of colour, we ought to take care not to furnish the means of transporting out of the reach of the master his property." Mt. Caldwell offered the following preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted. " The situation of the free people of colour in the United States, has been the subject of anxious solicitude with many of our most distinguished citizens, from the first existence of our country as an independent nation : but the great diffi- culty and embarrassment attending the establishment of an infant nation, when first struggling into existence, and the sub- sequent convulsions of Europe, have hitherto prevented any great national effort to provide a remedy for the evils existing or apprehended. The present period seems peculiarly auspi- cious to invite attention to this important subject, and gives a well grounded hope of success. The nations of Europe are hushed into peace ; unexampled efforts are making in various parts of the world to diffuse knowledge, civilization, and the benign influence of the Christian religion. The rights of man are becoming daily better understood; the legitimate objects of government, as founded for the benefit and intended for the happiness of men, are more generally acknowledged, and an ardent zeal for the happiness of the human race is kindled in almost every heart. Desirous of aiding in the great cause of philanthropy and of promoting the happiness and prosperity HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 89 of our country, it is recommended by this meeting to form an association or society for the purpose of giving aid and assist- ing in the colonization of the free people of colour in the United States, — Therefore Resolved, That an association or society be formed for the purpose of collecting information, and to assist in the forma- tion and execution of a plan for the colonization of the free people of colour with their consent, in Africa or elsewhere, as may be thought most advisable by the constituted authorities of the country. Resolved, That Elias B. Caldwell, John Randolph, Richard Rush, Walter Jones, Francis S. Key, Robert Wright, James H. Blake, and John Peter, be a committee to present a respect- ful memorial to Congress, requesting them to adopt such mea- sures as may be thought most advisable, for procuring a territory in Africa or elsewhere, suitable for the colonization of the free people of colour. Resolved, That Francis S. Key, Bushrod Washington, Elias B. Caldwell, James Breckenridge, Walter Jones, Richard Rush, and William G. D, Worthington, be a committee to pre- pare a constitution and rules for the government of the asso- ciation or society, above mentioned, and report the same to the next meeting for consideration." The meeting now adjourned until the ensuing Saturday, when they again assembled in the hall of the House of Repre- sentatives of the United States, when the following constitution was presented by the committee appointed for that purpose, and after being considered was unanimously adopted. "Article I. — This society shall be called, 'The American Society for colonizing the free people of colour of the United States.' Article II. — The object to which its attention is to be exclu- sively directed, is to promote and execute a plan for colonizing (with their consent,) the free people of colour, residing in our country, in Africa, or such other places as Congress shall deem most expedient. And the society shall act, to effect this object, in cooperation with the general government, and such of the States as may adopt regulations upon the subject. Article III, — Every citizen of the United States, who shall subscribe these articles, and be an annual contributor of one dollar to the funds of the society, shall be a member. On 8* 90 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. paying a sum not less than thirty dollars, at one subscription, lie shall be a member for life. Article IV. — The officers of this society shall be, a Presi- dent, thirteen Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer, a Re- corder, and a Board of Managers, composed of the above named officers, and twelve other members of the society. They shall be annually elected by the members of the society, at their annual meeting on New Year's day, (except when that happens to be the Sabbath, and then the next day,) and continue to discharge their respective duties till others are appointed. Article V. — It shall be the duty of the President to preside at all meetings of the society, and of the Board of Managers, and to call meetings of the society, and of the Board, when he thinks necessary, or when requested by any three members of the Board. Article VI. — The Vice-Presidents, according to seniority, shall discharge these duties in the absence of the President. Article VII. — The Secretary shall take minutes of the pro- ceedings, prepare and publish notices, and discharge such other duties as the Board, or the President, or in his absence the Vice- President, according to seniority, (when the Board is not sit- ting) shall direct. And the Recorder shall record the proceed- ings and the names of the members, and discharge such other duties as may be required of him. Article VIII. — The Treasurer shall receive and take charge of the funds of the society, under such security as may be prescribed by the Board of JNIanagers ; keep the accounts and exhibit a statement of receipts and expenditures at every annual meeting, and discharge such other duties as may be required of him. Article IX. — The Board of Managers shall meet on the first Monday in January, the first Monday in April, the first Monday in July, and the first Monday in October, every year, and at such other times as the President may direct. They shall con- duct the business of the society, and take such measures for effecting its object as they shall think proper, or shall be directed at the meetings of the society, and make an annual report of their proceedings. They shall also fill up all vacancies occur- ring during the year, and make such by-laws for their govern- ment as they may deem necessary, provided the same are not repugnant to this constitution. HISTORY or AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 91 Article X. — Every society which shall be formed in the United States to aid in the object of this association, and which shall cooperate with its funds for the purposes thereof, agreeably to the rules and regulations of this society, shall be considered auxiliary thereto, and its officers shall be entitled to attend and vote at all meetings of the society, and of the Board of JNIanagers." The American Colonization Society being now formed by the adoption of a constitution, held its first meeting on the first day of January 1817, when the following officers were chosen: President. — Hon. Bushrod Washington. Vice Presidents. — Hon. William H. Crawford, of Geor- gia, Hon. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Hon. William Phillips, of Massachusetts, Col. Henry Rutgers, of New York, Hon. John E. Howard, Hon. Samuel Smith, and the Hon. John C. Herbert, of Maryland, John Taylor, Esq., of Virginia, General Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, Robert Ralston, and Richard Rush, Esqs., of Pennsylvania, Gen. John Mason, of the Dis- trict of Columbia, Rev. Robert Finley, of New Jersey. Managers. — Francis S. Key, Walter Jones, John Laird, Rev. Dr. James Laurie, Rev. Stephen B. Balch, Rev. Obadiah B. Brown, James H, Blake, John Peter, Edmund J. Lee, Wil- liam Thornton, Jacob Hoffman, Henry Carroll. Secretary. — Elias B. Caldwell. Recording Secretary. — W. G. D. Worthington. Treasurer. — David English. It was, among other things, resolved by this meeting of the society, "That the Board of Managers be instructed and required, to present a memorial to Congress, on the subject of colonizing, with their consent, the free people of colour of the United States, in Africa, or elsewhere." The Board, as directed, had a memorial prepared and pre- . sented to both Houses of Congress, of which the following is a copy, viz: memorial. The memorial of the President and Board of Managers of the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Colour of the United States, Respectfully Shows — That your memorialists are delegated by a numerous and highly respectable association of their fel- low citizens, recently organized at the seat of government, to solicit Congress to aid with the power, the patronage, and the 92 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. resources of the country, the great and beneficial object of their institution; an object deenned worthy of the earnest attention, and of the strenuous and persevering exertions, as well of every patriot, in whatever condition of life, as of every enlight- ened, philanthropic, and practical statesman. It is now reduced to be a maxim, equally approved in phi- losophy and practice, that the existence of distinct and separate castes, or classes forming exceptions to the general system of policy adapted to the community, is an inherent vice in the composition of society; pregnant with baneful consequences, both moral and political, and demanding the utmost exertion of human energy and foresight to remedy or remove it. If this maxim be true in the general, it applies with peculiar force to the relative condition of the free people of colour in the United States, between whom and the rest of the community a com- bination of causes, political, physical, and moral, has created distinctions, unavoidable in their origin, and most unfortunate in their consequences. The actual and prospective condition of that class of people, their anomalous and indefinite relations to the political institutions and social ties of the community, their deprivation of most of those independent, poHtical, and social rights, so indispensable to the progressive melioration of our nature; rendered, by systematic exclusion from all the higher rewards of excellence, dead to all the elevating hopes that might prompt a generous ambition to excel; all these con- siderations demonstrate that it equally imports the public good, and the individual and social happiness of the persons more im- mediately concerned; that it is equally a debt of patriotism and of humanity to provide some adequate and effectual remedy. The evil has become so apparent and the necessity for a reme- dy so palpable, that some of the most considerable of the slave holding States have been induced to impose restraints upon the practice of emancipation, by annexing conditions which have no effect but to transfer the evil from one State to another, or by inducing other States to adopt countervailing regulations, end in the total abrogation of a right, which benevolent or con- scientious proprietors had long enjoyed under all the sanctions of positive law and ancient usage. Your memorialists beg leave, with all deference, to present, that the fairest and most inviting opportunities are now presented to the general government, for repairing a great evil in our social and political institutions, HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 93 and at the same time for elevating, from a low and hopeless condition, a numerous and rapidly increasing race of men, who want nothing but a proper theatre, to enter upon the pursuit of happiness and independence in the ordinary paths which a be- nign Providence has left open to the human race. These great ends, it is conceived, may be accomplished by making adequate provisions for planting, in some salubrious and fertile region, a colony to be composed of such of the above description of persons as may choose to emigrate; and for extending to it the authority and protection of the United States, until it shall have attained sufficient strength and consistency to be left in a state of independence. Independently of the motives derived from political foresight and civil prudence on the one hand, and from moral justice and philanthropy on the other, there are additional considera- tions and more expanded views to engage the sympathies and excite the ardour of a liberal and enlightened people. It may be reserved for our government, (the first to denounce an in- human and abominable traffic, in the guilt and disgrace of which most of the civilized nations of the world were partak- ers,) to become the honourable instrument under divine Provi- dence, of conferring a still higher blessing upon the large and interesting portion of mankind, benefitted by that deed of jus- tice, by demonstrating that a race of men, composing numerous tribes, spread over a continent of vast and unexplored extent, fertility, and riches, unknown to the enlightened nations of an- tiquity, and who had yet made no progress in the refinements of civilization, for whom history has preserved no monuments of arts or arms ; that even this hitherto ill-fated race may cher- ish the hope of beholding at last the orient star revealing the best and highest aims and attributes of man. Out of such materials to rear the glorious edifice of well ordered and polish- ed society, upon the deep and sure foundation of equal laws and diff'usive education, would give a sufficient title to be en- rolled among the illustrious benefactors of mankind, whilst it afi'orded a precious and consolatory evidence of the all-prevail- ing power of liberty, enlightened by knowledge and corrected by religion. If the experiment, in its more remote conse- quences, should ultimately tend to the diffusion of similar blessings through those vast regions and unnumbered tribes, yet obscured in primeval darkness, reclaim the rude wanderer, 94 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. from a life of wretchedness, to civilization and humanity, and convert the blind idolater from gross and abject superstitions, to the holy charities, the sublime morality and humanizing disci- pline of the gospel; the nation or the individual that shall have taken the most conspicuous lead in achieving the enterprise, will secure imperishable glory, founded in the moral approba- tion and gratitude of the human race, unapproachable to all but the elected instruments of Divine beneficence — a glory, with which the most splendid achievements of human force or power must sink in the competition, and appear insignificant and vulgar in the comparison. And above all, should it be considered that the nation or the individual whose energies have been faithfully given to this august work, will have secured, by this exalted beneficence, the favour of that Being whose compassion is over all his works, and whose unspeak- able rewards will never fail to bless the humblest efforts to do good to his creatures. Your memorialists do not presume to determine, that the views of Congress will be necessarily directed to the country to which they have just alluded. They hope to be excused for intimating some of the reasons which would bring that portion of the world before us, when engaged in discovering a place the most proper to be selected, leaving it, with perfect confi- dence, to the better information and better judgment of your honourable body to make the choice. Your memorialists, without presuming to mark out, in detail, the measures which it may be proper to adopt in furtherance of the object in view; but implicitly relying upon the wisdom of Congress to devise the most effectual measures, will only pray, that the subject may be recommended to their serious consideration, and that, as an humble auxiliary in this great work, the association, represented by your memorialists, may be permitted to aspire to the hope of contributing to its labours and resources." • In the House of Representatives, the memorial was referred to a respectable committee, consisting of Messrs. Pickering, Comstock, Condict, Tucker, Taggart, Cilley, and Hooks, who brought in the following report. " The committee to whom was referred the memorial of the President and Board of Managers of the ' American Society for colonizing the free people of colour of the United States,' HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 95 have had the same under their deliberate consideration. The subject is of such magnitude, and attended with so many diffi- culties, it is with much diffidence they present their views of it to the House. Were it simply a question of founding a colony, numerous and well known precedents show with what facility the work might be accomplished. Every new territory established by our government, constitutes, indeed, a colony, formed with great ease; because it is only an extension of homogeneous settlements. But in contemplating the colonization of the free people of colour, it seemed obviously necessary to take a differ- ent course. Their distinct character and relative condition, render an entire separation from our own states and territories indispensable. And the separation must be such as to admit of an indefinite continuance. Hence it seems manifest that these people cannot be colonized within the limits of the United States. If they were not far distant, the rapidly extending settlements of our white population would soon reach them, and the evil now felt would be renewed, probably with aggra- vated mischief. Were the colony to be remote, it must be planted on lands now occupied by the native tribes of the country. And could a territory be purchased, the transporting of the colonists thither, would be vastly expensive, their sub- sistence for a time difficult, and a body of troops would be required for their protection. And after all, should these diffi- culties be overcome, the original evil would at length recur, by the extension of our white population. In the meantime, should the colony so increase as to become a nation, it is not difficult to foresee the quarrels and destructive wars which would ensue, especially if the slavery of people of colour should continue, and accompany the whites in their migrations. Turning our eyes from our own country, no other, adapted to the colony in contemplation, presented itself to our view, nearer than Africa, the native land of negroes ; and probably that is the only country on the globe to which it would be practicable to transfer our free people of colour with safety, and advantage to themselves and the civilized world. It is the country which, in the order of Providence, seems to have been appropriated to that distinct family of mankind. And while it presents the fittest asylum for the free people of colour, it opens a wide field for their improvement in civilization, morals and 96 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. religion, which the humane and enUghtened memoriahsts have conceived it possible, in process of time, to spread on that great continent. Should the measure suggested be approved, an important question occurs — In what way shall its execution be essayed? A preUminary step would be to provide for the perfect neu- trality of the colony, by the explicit assent and engagement of all the civilized powers, whatever dissentions may at any time arise among themselves. The next important question is. Will it be expedient to attempt the establishment of a new colony in Africa, or to make to Great Britain a proposal to receive the emigrants from the United States into her colony at Sierra Leone? At Sierra Leone the first difficulties have been surmounted, and a few free people of colour from the United States have been admitted. A gradual addition from the same source (and such would be the natural progress,) would occasion no embar- rassment, either in regard to their sustenance or government. Would the British government consent to receive such an accession of emigrants, however eventually considerable, from the United States? Would that government agree, that at the period when that colony shall be capable of self-government and self-protection, it shall be declared independent? In the meantime, will it desire to monopolize the commerce of the colony? This would be injurious to the colonists, as well as to the United States. Should that country, from the nature of its soil, and other circumstances, hold out sufficent al- lurements, and draw to it, from the United States, the great body of the free people of colour, these would form its strength, and its ability to render its commerce an object of considera- tion. Now, as the great and permanent benefit of colonists was the fundamental principle of the establishment, will the British government decline a proposition calculated to give to that benefit the important extension which will arise from a freedom of commerce? To those, at least, at whose expense and by whose means the colony shall be essentially extended? Should an agreement with Great Britain be effected, no further negotiation, nor any extraordinary expenditure of money, will be required. The work already commenced will be continued — simply that of carrying to Sierra Leone all who are willing to embark. HISTORT OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 97 It would seem highly desirable to confine the migrations to a single colony. The two distinct and independent colonies, established and protected by two independent powers, would naturally imbibe the spirit and distinctions of their patrons and protectors, and put in jeopardy the peace and prosperity of both. Even the simple fact of separate independence, would eventually tend to produce collisions and wars between the two establishments, (unless indeed these were far removed from each other,) and perhaps defeat the further humane and exalted views of those who projected them. The spirit which animated the founders of the colony of Sierra Leone, would be exerted to effect a union of design, and the cordial cooperation of the British government with our own, and, it might be hoped, not without success. It would be in accordance with the spirit of a stipulation in the last treaty of peace, by which the two governments stand pledged to each other, to use their best endeavours to effect the entire abolition of the traffic in slaves, while the proposed institution would tend to diminish the quantity of slavery actually existing. If, however, such enlarged and liberal views should be wanting, then the design of forming a separate colony might be announced by the American ministers to the maritime pow- ers, and their guaranty of the neutrality of the colony ob- tained. Your committee do not think it proper to pursue the subject any further at this time, but that the government should wait the result of the suggested negotiations, on which ulterior mea- sures must depend. In conclusion your committee beg leave to report a joint resolution, embracing the views herein before exhibited. Joint Resolution for Abolishing' the Traffic in Slaves, and the Colonization of the Free People of Colour of the United States, February 11, 1817. Read, and committed to a Committee of the whole House on Monday next. Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of Jimerica, iii Coiigress Jlsseinhled, That the President be, and he is hereby, authorized to consult and negotiate with all the governments where ministers of the United States are, or shall be accredited, on the means of effect- ing an entire and immediate abolition of the traffic in slaves. And also to enter into a convention with the government of 98 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. Great Britain, for receiving into the colony of Sierra Leone, such of the free people of colour of the United States as, with their own consent, shall be carried thither ; stipulating such terms as shall be most beneficial to the colonists, while it pro- motes the peaceful interests of Great Britain and the United States. And should this proposition not be accepted, then to obtain from Great Britain, and the other maritime powers, a stipulation, or a formal declaration to the same effect, guaran- teeing a permanent neutrality, for any colony of free people of colour, which, at the expense and under the auspices of the United States, shall be established on the African coast. Resolved, That adequate provision should hereafter be made to defray any necessary expenses, which may be incurred in carrying the preceding resolution into effect." Although there appeared to be scarcely an appearance of opposition to the colonization enterprise, at this time, in Con- gress, yet other more urgent business continued to occupy the attention of the House, and the report of the committee was not called up and acted on during the session. Still something of importance was gained by these proceed- ings; the subject was formally presented to the public, and the sentiments expressed in the memorial and the report, made a salutary impression on the public mind. In a short time nume- rous auxiliary societies were organized, and strong recom- mendations of the object were given by various ecclesiastical bodies of different denominations. CHAPTER VI. VOYAGE OF MESSRS. MILLS AND BURGESS. The mind of the Rev. Samuel J. Mills seems to have been so thoroughly imbued with the spirit of benevolence, that he was ever meditating schemes and plans by which the happiness of the human race might be promoted. After having given the first impulse to foreign missions in this country, he turned his attention to the condition of the multitudes of settlers on our frontiers, who were living without the means of grace. While HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 99 travelling in the south-west and south, his mind was deeply- affected with the deplorable condition of the African race, in this country. He conversed freely with pious men of liberal minds, at the south, and found many of them well disposed to emancipate their slaves, if any disposal could be made of them, consistent with their own welfare, and the good of society at large. Finding that no plan was likely to meet the views of slaveholders, which did not provide for the removal of the emancipated slaves from among them, he set his fertile mind at work to devise a plan by which they might be disposed of advantageously. The outlines of the plan were, that a large tract of land in the western country should be appropriated by the government of the United States for this purpose, where emancipated slaves might be removed, and where they might be governed under such laws and regulations as were adapted to their situation, until they should become capable of govern- ing themselves. The scheme, indeed, was not new, and at first view seemed plausible, and upon being communicated to intelligent and philanthropic men at the south, met their appro- bation; but when the subject came to be more thoroughly examined, numerous difficulties seemed to encumber it, which need not be now mentioned, as no attempt was ever made to carry it into effect. Mr. Mills, however, having his mind still turned to the melioration of the condition of the people of colour, formed a plan, in concurrence with other benevolent persons, in and about Newark, New Jersey, where he then resided, for the establishment of a seminary for the education of coloured men of piety, in the hope, that these might greatly exalt and meliorate the condition of the African race. This scheme was commenced under flattering auspices, and for a while it seemed to promise great usefulness. The school was placed under the care and patronage of the Synod of New Jer- sey, who fixed its site at Parsippany, New Jersey, and placed it under the immediate tuition of the Rev. John Ford. The number of scholars was never large, but for some years the object was prosecuted with zeal, and favourable reports were received of the behaviour and progress of the pupils. But when an attempt was made to lessen the expenses of the institution, by requiring a certain amount of labour from each scholar, they became dissatisfied, and soon afterwards the insti- tution was broken up. It was at this time, as we have seen, that 100 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. the Rev. Dr. Finley came forward with his proposal of a society for colonizing the free people of colour on the coast of Africa, with their own consent. Although this plan had no direct reference to the slaves, yet it was foreseen that it would remove out of the way, one of the principal obstacles to emancipation, in regard to those slaveholders who desired to give liberty to their slaves, by providing a comfortable asylum for them, in the land of their forefathers. INIr. Mills, at once, perceived the benefits to the African race, likely to accrue from the prosecution of this scheme of coloni- zation; he therefore gave himself up to it with a zeal which nothing but death could extinguish. The great difficulty to be overcome was, to find and obtain a place in Africa for the commencement of a colony. Former efforts made by the highest authorities in the country, had failed of success; but still there seemed to be no insurmountable obstacle in the way of finding such a place, somewhere on the extensive western coast of Africa. And the Colonization Society, at Washington, were desirous of having that country explored, with the view of acquiring a territory, to which colonists might be advan- tageously sent. ■ To prosecute this difficult and dangerous mission, Mr. Mills offered his services; and as it was desirable that he should not go alone, but be accompanied by a man of like spirit with himself, the Rev. (now Dr.) Ebenezer Burgess was selected, and consented to go to Africa with Mr. Mills. These two devoted men took England in their way, and were the bearers of letters to His Royal Highness, the Duke of Gloucester, President of the African Institution, and to Lord Bathurst, Secretary of State for the colonial department of the British government, by whom they were courteously and kindly received, and every thing done which they required, to facilitate their voyage, and to render their mission successful. In February, ISIS, they sailed from the Downs, and on the 13th of March, came to anchor in the river Gambia. During the voyage, which was tedious, the missionaries were engaged in reading books which treated of the people, climate, soil, and productions of Africa. Here they paid their respects to the commandant, and became acquainted with most of the Euro- peans, resident at the place, from whom they learned several facts respecting the slave trade. They walked out from the settlement several miles, and found the country overgrown HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 101 with wild grass, resembling the prairies of Illinois and Mis- souri. On the 16th of March, they embarked for Sierra Leone, a voyage of four or five days. The appearance of the country as they entered the river, is described as presenting a grand and verdant prospect, and the town, that of a neat and pleasant village. They say, " several villages are in sight, the church on Leicester mountain is in full view, and aids us much in our devotional thoughts, on this sacred day. The altars on these mountains, which the natives had dedicated to devils, are falling before the temples of the living God, like the image of Dagon before the ark. The time is coming when the dwellers in these vales, and on these mountains, will sing hosannahs to the Son of David. Distant tribes will learn their song. Ethiopia will stretch forth her hands unto God, and worship." Governor Macarthy being absent. Lord Bathurst's letters were presented to the commandant. Chief Justice Fitzgerald, and the council; all of whom received them courteously, and offered to show them the different settlements in the colony. The minds of the leading men here were found favourable to the establishment of an American colony ; but some difference of opinion existed, as to the expediency of locating it in the vicinity of Sierra Leone ; the merchants there seemed to fear that it might interfere with their trade. Their visit to the schools in Freetown is thus described : " In the male school were about two hundred neat, active, intelli- gent boys, divided into eight classes, under the superintendence of Mr. Horton, whose perseverance and fidelity are entitled to high commendation. In the female school were about one hundred neatly dressed little girls, many of whom could read and sew. These schools would do no dishonour to an English or American village. There was not a white child in either of them. I believe schools of white children seldom give fairer proofs of good improvement. "The number in all the schools in the colony, including some adults, does not fall much short of two thousand. This is about one sixth part of the whole population." The missionaries had an interview, and free conversation, with the principal members of the " Friendly Society," insti- tuted at the suggestion of Paul Cuffee, whose memory is cherished here with warm affection. When they signified their 9* 102 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. purpose of visiting Sherbro, it was agreed that Mr. Kizell, and Mr. Martin, should accompany them. " Before we parted, we addressed our prayers to God, to whom the honour and glory of this great and benevolent enter- prise will belong, if it be carried into effect." The character and life of John Kizell being somewhat remarkable, we will give some further account of him, and of his description of_the natives and their mode of life. It is proper, however, to observe, that although this man was high in the confidence of Governor Columbine, of Sierra Leone, and made a very favourable impression on Messrs. Mills and Burgess, yet, afterwards, he fell under strong suspicion of being a selfish and deceitful man, when the first colonists from this country were placed on Sherbro island, and, in a manner, under his care. But we need not anticipate events which will be brought into view in their proper order. The following character of Kizell is taken from Governor Columbine. " John Kizell is a black man, a native of the country some leagues inward from the Sherbro. His father was a chief of some consequence, and so was his luicle. They resided at different towns; and when Kizell was a boy, he was sent by his father on a visit to his uncle, who was desirous to have him with him. On the very night of his arrival, the house was attacked; a bloody battle ensued, in which his uncle and most of his people were killed. Some escaped, the rest were taken prisoners, and amongst these was Kizell. His father, as soon as he heard of his son's disaster, made every effort to relieve him, offering them slaves and some grounds for him ; but his enemies declared they would not give him up for any price, and that they would rather put him to death. He was taken to the GaUinas, put on board an English ship, and carried as one of a cargo of slaves to Charleston, South Carolina. On the passage, one of the women pining away with grief, on account of her situation, was tied up to the mast and flogged to death, as a warning to others not to indulge their melancholy to the detriment of their health, and thereby to injure their value to their Christian owners. " He arrived in Charleston, a few years before that city was taken by Sir Henry Clinton. In consequence of the General's proclamation, he, with many other slaves, joined the royal HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 103 Standard. He was close to Co). Ferguson, v/hen he was killed at King's Mountain. After the war, he was remanded to Nova Scotia, from which place he came to Africa, in 1792. " He is an intelligent man, has always preserved an excel- lent character, and has the welfare of his native country sin- cerely at heart. The government of this colony have repeat- edly employed him in their negotiations with the Caulkers and the Clevelands, and other chiefs of Sherbro ; and he appears always to have discharged his duty with great integrity and address." The following anecdote is also worthy of notice. In March 1795, the brig Amy after a passage of forty days arrived at Freetown. " John Kizell, one of our negro Baptist brethren who came to England in the company's service, re- turned in this vessel, and was enabled to take out a venture with him, which he sold extremely well. The profits were to have been solely for his own use ; but though in the general havoc which was made in his absence (by the French) he- lost what property he had in the colony, he, of his own accord, in the generosity of his heart, divided the profits of his venture among his brethren; thus alleviating their distress, as far as he was able." Governor Columbine, to do what he could to put an end to the slave trade on the African coast, in the proximity of Sierra Leone, sent Kizell to Sherbro to reside, and gave him a letter to the head-man, of which the following is an extract. "I have sent Mr. Kizell to visit you on my part, in order that you may communicate to him any thing that you may wish to say to me I hope you will allow my friend, Mr. Kizell, to have a sufficient portion of ground or territory, for him to build a town, and to point out to you the proper mode of rearing those articles of trade which will supply you with all European commodities. You cannot have the least reason to be jealous of him, he is one of yourselves; and he has the welfare of you and his country, very earnestly at heart; and I entreat you to forward his views as much as possible, and to join him in a noble endeavour to make yourselves and your children great, and your country happy. I shall leave the transaction entirely to yourselves, as I do not intend to send a single European to live in Kizelltown; but I shall furnish him with tools, &c. for cultivation. 104 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. " I have no personal advantage to derive from your taking my advice on this subject; it arises merely from a sincere wish to see Africa in a better situation than it is at present. I beg leave to observe that Mr. Kizell is my friend. I am, gentle- men, &c. &c. (Signed) E. H. COLUMBINE. August, 1810." The communications made to the governor by himself are very interesting, and contain much valuable information re- specting the soil, climate, chiefs, customs, slave-trade, &c. We can only find room for a few short extracts. After giving an account of his interview with some of their kings, or head- men, he describes the people in the following manner. " I will now describe how the natives live in this country. They are all alike, the great and the poor; you cannot tell the master from the servant, at first. The servant has as much to say as his master, in common discourse, but not in a palaver, for that belongs only to the master. Of all people I have ever seen, I think they are the kindest. They will let none of their people want for victuals ; they will lend and not look for it again. They will even lend clothes to each other if they want to go any where. If strangers come, they will give them victuals for nothing; they will go out of their beds that stran- gers may sleep in them. The women are particularly kind. The men are very fond of palm wine. They love dancing ; they will dance all night. They have but little; yet they are happy while that httle lasts. At times, they are greatly troubled with the slave trade, by some of them being caught, under different pretences. A man owes money, or some one of his family owes it; or he has been guilty of adultery. In these cases, if unable to seize the parties themselves, they give him up to some one who is able, and who goes and takes him by force of arms. On one occasion, when I lived in the Sherbro, a number of armed men came to seize five persons living under me, who, they said, had been thus given to them. We had a great quarrel — I would not give them up — we had five days' palaver — there were three chiefs against me. I told them if they did sell the people they caught at my place, I would complain to the governor. After five days' talk I recovered them. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 105 " Sometimes I am astonished to see how contented they are with so little. I consider that happiness does not consist in plenty of goods. "Their land is so fertile, in some places, that it would sur- prise any man to see what a quantity of rice they will raise, on a small spot. As for fish, their rivers abound with it; they can get as much as they want. Their sheep and goats are very fine and fat. They have plenty of fowls ; also wild hogs, ducks, and geese. They do not salt their meat, but dry it over the fire. They do not work hard, except when they prepare their rice plantations, which is during two months in the spring, after which the men go and make canoes, or cut cam-wood, or carry the salt which the women have made, to sell for clothes or slaves. This is usually done in the rainy season, from June to September. They are not afraid of being wet, they will work in the rain. When they come home from working, their women give them warm water to wash their bodies, and oil to anoint themselves with. They (the women) have the hardest lot; they do all the drudgery; they beat the rice and fetch wood, make salt, plaster the houses, go a fishing with hand nets, make oil from the palm nuts which the men bring home. Their rice ripens in three months from the time it is sown; when it is cut, they put it under water, where it keeps sound and good. When they want to use it, they go into the water and get as much as they need. During the rainy season the low banks are overflowed; when the water goes away, it leaves the land moist, which is then planted, and will bring any thing to the greatest perfection. They have very good clay, of which the women make pots, which they sell for rice, cassada, and plan- tains. The cotton tree grows here in great abundance. I think the cotton would do for hats as well as fur. The men make straw hats. It is the men who sew the cloth into gar- ments; of the women, not one out of twenty knows how to sew. All the male children (of the Mahommedans) are cir- cumcised. " The king is poorer than any of his subjects. I have many a time gone into the houses of their kings; sometimes I have seen one box, and a bed made of sticks on the ground, and a mat, or two country cloths on the bed. He is obliged to work himself, if he has no wives and children. He has only the name of king, without the power; he cannot do as he pleases. 106 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. When there is a palaver, he must have it settled before the rest of the old men, who are looked npon as much as the king, and the people will give ear to them as soon as they will to the king." On Sabbath, March 29th, our missionary, in company with several gentlemen, attended public worship in Regent's Town, and visited the Christian Institution. "This is a large school established by the Church Missionary Society for the children of re-captured Africans. It stands on Leicester mountain, three miles from Freetown. Regent's Town is two miles beyond Leicester mountain, and has a population of twelve or thirteen hundred, who have been liberated from the slave-ships by the Vice-Admiralty court of Sierra Leone, within two or three years past. The boys in the Institution are taught to work, and had cleared eighty or a hundred acres of land. This Institution accommodates about two hundred children of both sexes, who are mostly named and supported by individual benefactors in England. Thus are children, once destined to foreign slavery, now fed, clothed, governed, and carefully taught in the Chris- tian religion. Assembled in the church to worship, they are a spectacle of grateful admiration, and their state happily exem- plifies the divine origin and holy principles of the religion in which they are taught. The wilderness buds and blossoms as the rose. We saw here two hundred children in the schools. On the Sabbath morning more than a thousand of the children and people were present in the church, neatly dressed, sober, attentive to the reading of the word of God, and uniting their voices to sing his praise." On Monday, March 30, IS 18, Messrs. Mills and Burgess, accompanied by Kizell, Martin, and Anderson, their pilot, left Sierra Leone. Every remark entered by Mills in his journal indicates the pious enthusiasm of his benevolent mind. While their little vessel was departing he says, "The high ridges of the mountains present a pleasing aspect, and the more so, as we know that hosannahs are sung to Zion's King, upon their very summit. So God has kindly ordered, the chain is broken, and the captive slave is free." On the 31st of March they sailed by the Bananas, and the appearance of the land is thus described: "The main land is in sight. The ridges run nearly parallel to the coast. Some HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 107 more inland ridges overtop the nearest. All are covered with trees and shrubs to their summits." Understanding that a man named Caulker, had influence with the chiefs along the coast, they called upon him, and explained the object of their visit to Africa. He expressed his approba- tion, and said their design was like Paul Cuffee's, whom he had known. He recommended Caramanca river as a suitable place; but this was too near the territory of Sierra Leone, which owns the land on the north bank of that river. He said, that he thought it would be a very good thing if a colony could be founded at Sherbro. To show his good will, he said he would send his son and nephew as far as the Plantains and to Sherbro with them, who would tell his desire to favour the enterprise; and his wish that the chiefs there should do the same. This man entertained our missionaries and their company hospitably, spreading a table for them, furnished with boiled fowls and cassada; and when they were coming away, gave them a sheep, which was about equal in value to the present which he had received from them. At the Plantains, they visited George Caulker, nephew of the former, who had been educated in England. When they laid before him their plan, he observed, that he was afraid, " that hereafter the colony might claim more territory than it ought: that Sierra Leone had now become powerful, and had already taken a considerable extent of territory under their direction." He said, " the kings would have less objection to an American colony, if the people of colour were to govern the colony themselves ; they are afraid that the white men will take their country from them; but they will not have the same fears of their brethren." He was assured that there would be no objection to this, so soon as suitable coloured men could be found to undertake the government; that the interference of the white people, would only be to give stability and security to the colony; and that they would be looking forward to the time when the people of colour should govern themselves. Upon this, he expressed his satisfaction ; and concurred with his uncle, in recommending the mouth of the Caramanca, as a suitable site for the colony. On the first of April they reached Sherbro Island, which is 103 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. usually estimated to be twenty-two miles long, and twelve broad. The water they found to be good, and the surface fifteen or twenty feet above the sea. They saw the mouth of the Bagroo river, which had been recommended as a good place to begin a colony. Within a quarter of a mile of the shore, they found seven fathoms depth of water. They also visited York Island, which is only two miles in length, and one in breadth; and is very low, but has a good soil. On the next day, they came to Bendou, where King Somano ruled over several villages. They found him in his palaver house, and another chief by the name of Safah, with him. Their palaver with these chiefs was not very pleasant, especially, as they would enter into no conversation until pre- sented with two jugs of rum; and when Somano returned their visit on board the vessel, he insisted on rum, as his undoubted right; and was not pleased, that he could not be gratified. The palaver house was nothing but a conical roof supported by posts. Near to it was a little thatched hut, not larger than a spread umbrella, called the Witch or Devil's house. It was filled with shells, bits of cloth, &c. There was also, at no great distance, a thicket of shrubs, and vines, almost impene- trable, called the deviVs bush. If a woman should be found in this bush, she would suffer death. " In this land," say they, "where altars are erected to devils, we sung the hymn, ' Salvation! 0 the joyful sound!' A num- ber of the natives were present at our evening prayer, and behaved well." On the fourth of April, they visited King Sherbro. Kizell had prepared the way by a palaver, in which he explained the object of the visit of the missionaries, and the advantages which would result to the natives from the establishment of such a colony. Couber, the Idng's son, introduced them to his father. The old man was sitting in his hut, barefooted, but wearing a three-cornered hat on his head, dressed in a calico gown, with a large silver-headed cane in his left hand, and in his right, a horse tail, which is the badge of royalty. He appeared to be about sixty years of age. The palaver was managed on the one side by Kizell, and on the other by Cou- ber. They complained that Caulker had sent them no present, and that Somano and Safah had been called upon before King HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 109 Sherbro. The palaver lasted between three and four hours, without coming to any point. The character which the missionaries give of Kizell is very pleasing. " He is," say they, " a second Paul Cuffee. He has a good mind and considerable knowledge. His writings dis- cover him to be a man of sense and worth. He has a good heart, and no one can be more anxious for the temporal and spiritual welfare of Africans and their descendants. He has enlarged views, and believes with the fullest confidence, that the time has arrived, when the descendants of Africans abroad, shall begin to return to their own country. His mind relies on the promise of God, 'Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth her hands unto God.' He says, if we can fix on a proper place for a colony, our people may come out by hundreds and thousands, and we need not fear the consequences, only sending some men of education to be their conductors and guides. Africa is THE LAND OF BLACK MEN, AND TO AFRICA THEY MUST AND WILL COME." " As to land," he says, " it belongs to Africans abroad as well as those in the country. (It is at present a wide and fertile wilderness; but it may be made to bud and blossom as the rose.) They have not forfeited their inheritance by being carried by force from their country. The good people in America have only to help them to get back, and assist them a year or two, until they can help themselves. Then if they will not work, the fault is their own. They certainly will not freeze nor starve. Let any class of the people of colour come, only give us a few who will be good leaders of the rest." He urges the plan of colonization, among other reasons, on the ground that "it will prevent insurrection among the slaves — remove bad men, who will not have the same opportunity to do mischief here as there — bring into this country some good men, who will shine as lights in this dark world — give an opportunity to masters who are disposed to release their slaves, and thus promote a gradual emancipation — provide a home for many oppressed freemen, and confer infinite blessings on this country." Mr. Kizell thinks, the greater part of the people of colour, who are now in America, will yet return to Africa. While Mr. Kizell was in Sherbro with the missionaries, he saved five or six persons from death, who had been condemned on suspicion of witchcraft to drink the red water. He con- versed much with the kings and people on the advantages of a 10 110 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. colony among them, and found the young people very favour- ably disposed. He would not allow that the colonization scheme originated in America, but insisted that it had its origin in heaven: and he has much greater confidence than the managers of the socie- ty, that their plans, if pursued with prudence and vigour, will be completely successful. On the subject of appointing a gov- ernor his opinions were, that, for a while, it may be best to place a white man at the head of the colony, unless such a coloured man as Paul Cuffee could be obtained, in which case it would be wise to appoint him. He insisted that great care should be taken in selecting the first colonists, that they should be men of good character ; and that some white men of firm integrity should accompany them as judges and counsellors. As Sherbro refused to carry on the palaver unless Samano and Safab were also present, they were sent for, and arrived on the Sth of April. After days of mutual consultation together, the missionaries were informed that the kings were ready to receive them into council. After long discussion, king Sherbro agreed that he would grant them a place for the reception of the colonists; but alleged, that before any territory could be granted, all the head-men must be consulted. The substance of the agreement was written in a book, and one copy left with him. The missionaries now visited some other places on the coast, and formed an acquaintance with some other chiefs, before their return to Sierra Leone. King Cauber offered to send two of his sons to America for education, if any captain of a vessel would take charge of them. And when the missionaries left Sherbro, he expressed a strong desire that they would return again. He gave them a goat, and walking along the shore as they embarked, said in Eng- lish, " May God bless you, and give you a good journey to your country!" The missionaries remarked, that "The Africans, generally, appear cheerful and happy. " This land was once more populous than at present. "It is doubtful whether the population is now increasing, though the proportion of small children is very great. " I think I never saw so great a proportion of healthy active children, in any country." HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION, 111 Oil Sabbath, April 19th, we find the following short entry in the jonrnal of the missionaries, which shows that their confi- dence of success in the enterprise, in which they were engaged, remained nndiminished. " Darkness, gross darkness, covers the nations aronnd us. But this darkness will be dispelled. The Sun of righteousness will yet arise npon them, with healing in his beams. In this consideration we do rejoice, and will rejoice." The missionaries ascended the Mano, a branch of the Ba- groo, a considerable distance, and found the country rising into hills and mountains. They say, " It seems desirable to obtain the country to the right of the Mano. It is high and airy. It extends back eighty or ninety miles to the Timmanee country. It is called a good country by those who have travelled over it. A brook is spoken of which empties into the Mano, one or two miles above the rapids, and extends far into the interior. After we leave the little villages on the Mano, there are no inhabitants until you reach the Timmanees. The extent, vacant population, and probable fertility, render it highly ehgible." — " To this may be added the peninsula between the Mano and Bagroo rivers, which includes the Mano mountain, as the other tract does the Perra mountain. These alone form a vacant region of three thousand square miles, and include mountains, rivers, forests, rapids, and springs of water." They went up the Banga, as far as Bandasuma, and paid a visit to Pa Poosoo, who received them very kindly, and ex- pressed liigh approbation of their design; and said, that when called upon to vote with the chiefs, he would say, '• Give land." Mr. Mills, after they left Sierra Leone, on his return, was seized with dysentery, and expired on the voyage. Althougli this man of God died early, he had accomplished much in a short life. He was the person who first suggested the idea of sending missionaries to the heathen from the American church- es; and fully intended to go himself, but was prevented by bad health. He entered with all his heart into every benevolent enterprise, whether proposed by himself or by others. A brief memoir of his life would be in place here; but his biography has already been written by the Rev. Dr. Spring of New York, where full justice is done to the memory of this distinguished philanthropist and eminent Christian. 112 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. CHAPTER VII. FIRST EXPEDITION TO AFRICA IN THE ELIZABETH. The American Colonization Society being satisfied from the report of the Rev, Mr. Burgess, and the journal of the lamented Mills, that the establishment of a colony on the western coast of Africa was a practicable enterprise, were solicitous, in the commencement of the year 1819, to send out a select company of black people, under suitable superintendence, to commence tlie contemplated settlement. And it seemed to be a special interposition of Providence in favour of their design, that Con- gress, on the 3d of March, the last day of their session, passed an act, authorizing the President of the United States to insti- tute an agency in Africa, for the purpose of providing an asy- lum for such Africans as should be liberated by our ships of war, from vessels seized in violation of the provisions of the law for the suppression of the slave trade. This act without recognizing the plan of colonization, as it had been repeatedly commended by the society to the favourable notice of Congress, authorized a collateral measure, so nearly identified with it, as in effect, to subserve nearly the same purpose. The society, therefore, resolved to improve the advantage which was thus oftered to them. In this view, it was determined to make the station of the government agency the site of the colonial settle- ment, and to incorporate in the settlement all the blacks deli- vered over by our ships of war to the American agent, as soon as the requisite preparations could be made for their accommo- dation. As a suitable person to be employed in this agency, the Rev. Samuel Bacon, a minister of the Protestant Episcopal church, was strongly recommended. This gentleman, though still young, had passed through an eventful life. Brought up in more than common ignorance, he was seized, when grown up, with an inextinguishable desire for learning ; and after encoun- tering and overcoming the most formidable obstacles, he suc- ceeded in completing a liberal education, at Harvard. He afterwards was occupied as a teacher, in Pennsylvania. He then received the commission of lieutenant in the corps of HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 113 marines, and, in a short time, was advanced to be a captain iu tlie same. Finding leisnre, however, from the duties of his profession, to study law, he quaUfied himself for the bar, and practised with success and reputation in the county of Adams, Pennsylvania, and adjacent counties. But having, about this time, come under very deep and abiding impressions of religion, he felt it to be his duty, as it was his strong desire, to preach the gospel of Christ. Being naturally of an active and enter- prising disposition, Mr. Bacon devoted; much attention to the institution of Sunday schools, and also to their instruction. His exertions, in this useful and benevolent department of labour, will be long held in remembrance in York, Pennsyl- vania, where he then resided. He first entered the communion of the German Lutheran church, of York, which is much the largest in the place; but, in a few months, he transferred his ecclesiastical relation to the Episcopal church, in the same town. After having pursued the requisite course of reading for some time, he visited Philadelphia, and received ordination from the hands of the venerable bishop White. Soon after Mr, Bacon's entrance into holy orders, he was selected as a suitable agent to travel through the State, and present the cause of the Bible, in behalf of the Philadelphia Bible Society. This work was congenial to his ardent mind. He entered on it with alacrity, and fulfilled the duties of his office with wisdom, energy, and fidelity. Scarcely had he brought this agency to a close, when he was fixed upon as a suitable person to be employed as a govern- ment agent, to go to Africa. But before he received his appointment from government, he entered with zeal into the service of the American Coloniza- tion Society, in which he continued until the eighth of January, 1820, when he received from the Executive of the United States, a commission and instructions, for the agency to which he had been previously designated. The government having determined to send a transport and a sloop of war to the coast of Africa, for the purpose of carry- ing out two agents, and as many mechanics and labourers as might be necessary to prepare a receptacle for any persons that might be liberated from American slave ships, the sloop of war Cyane was put in commission, and the Elizabeth, a merchant 10* 114 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION, ship of three hundred tons, was chartered for this service. The government agreed to receive on board the EUzabeth, such free blacks recommended by the society, as might be required for the purposes of the agency. Accordingly, about thirty families, comprehending eighty-nine individuals, of dif- ferent sexes and ages, were selected from a much greater number, and were directed to repair to New York, where the vessels were lying. Mr. Bacon was directed to proceed to New York, to receive these people. He, accordingly, left Philadelphia on the 26th of November. After encountering many difficulties, and experiencing much perplexity, Mr. Bacon left New York on the 27th of December for the city of Wash- ington. Here he remained until the 18th of January, 1821 — which time was profitably spent in preparation for the voyage; and especially in frequent conferences with the officers of government and the managers of the American Colonization Society. Having visited his friends in York, Pennsylvania, he repaired to New York again, where he was joined by the other govern- ment agent, Mr. John P. Bankson, and Dr. Samuel A. Crozer, the agent of the Colonization Society, and found the people se- lected for the colony, already assembled. Monday the 31st of January was fixed for their departure, and was an interesting day. The people assembled at the African church to the number of several thousand, to witness the solemnities expected on the occasion, and to join in a procession to the vessels, then lying in the North river. But it being apprehended that great con- fusion and perhaps tumult might be the result of admitting the multitude to rush into the church, the doors were kept closed. And Mr. Bacon foreseeing that some disaster might be the consequence of such a multitude assembling at the water, while the crowd were on their way to the vessel, mounted on a piazza, and addressed the multitude. In the mean time, the emigrants were secretly conveyed to the ship; and at the close of his address, he announced to the people the fact, that the emigrants were on board. Before the wind proved favourable for getting to sea, the Elizabeth became ice-bound, in which condition she remained until the 6th of February. In the organization of the scheme, Messrs, Bankson and Bacon had been appointed collegiate agents of the government HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATIOX. 115 of the United States to whom the direction of the expedition was entrusted. The people were all considered as attached to this joint agency, and to remain entirely subject to its control, as long after their arrival on the coast, as their services should be needful, or until they should receive a regular discharge. Their official instructions required them to make the Island of Sherbro, on the coast of Africa, their first destination ; and either there or on some more eligible situation to land the people and stores, and proceed to erect cottages for the accommodation of themselves, and at least three hundred captured Africans. They were likewise instructed to plant and cultivate corn and vegetables, and by their own industry to provide subsistence for themselves. Dr. Samuel A. Crozer was the sole agent of the American Colonization Society, who was entrusted with the goods and stores sent out by the society, for the purpose of conciliating the favour of the native chiefs, purchasing lands, and minis- tering to the health and comfort of the people. The selection and purchase of a territory, for the contemplated settlement, were committed to this agent ; who was instructed to avail himself of the advice and good offices of the agents of the gov- ernment. In planning this expedition great confidence had been placed in the statements of Messrs. Mills and Burgess, in relation to the friendly disposition of the natives on and near the Sherbro river, the salubrity of the climate, and the eligibility of the site which they had recommended as a place of settlement. The instructions of the agents were framed in general conformity to the views entertained by these exploring agents, when on the spot. But these gentlemen had not remained there long enough to become well acquainted with all the circumstances, which afterwards proved unfavourable. The American Colonization Society in the prospect of the purchase of lands and settlement of the emigrants in Africa, drew up and delivered to Dr. Crozer the following rules to be observed in the distribution of lands to settlers, which are here published as affording a view of the equitable principles on which the society intended to act. '• Every man arriving, married or marrying in the colony, within one year from its commencement, to receive twenty-five acres for himself, twenty-four for his wife, and ten for each 116 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. child, as near the town as convenient, and every family is enti- tled to a lot in town. " Every single man to receive thirty acres in the country, and a lot in town. " Minors, and females not included in the former classes, to be entitled each to twenty-five acres of land without the town. " Labourers and mechanics, as a motive to industry and good conduct, to receive, at the discretion of the agents, each ten acres in addition to the allotment above specified. " The agents only are entitled to buy or negotiate with the natives for land, "The colonists, in order to hold their lots and lands, must reside in the colony, and cultivate them, "Grants forfeitable by misconduct." The voyage was, on the whole, prosperous, and not very tedious ; but an unhappy quarrel arose between the ship's crew and some of the emigrants, which, at one time, exhibited a very threatening aspect. And, indeed, during the remainder of the voyage, it was evident that a mutinous spirit existed, which would be likely to break out and give trouble, as soon as a favourable opportunity should offer. On the 9th of March, the Elizabeth entered the harbour of Sierra Leone. The first people whom they saw in Africa, were the Kroomen, who are always waiting to perform any labour which may be needed by the ships which arrive. In- deed, they perform nearly all the hard work which is done at Sierra Leone. The following description is given of them in Mr. Bacon's journal. "Their country is on the Guinea coast, in latitude 5° north, whence they sail in their canoes to the different European ports, on the coast, and hire themselves at the rate of four dollars per month, and are frequently absent from home for several years. Their whole dress, when em- ployed in their work, consists of a single piece of cotton or bafta. Our people clothed those who came on board decently." As soon as they cast anchor, they were visited by a number of officers from shore, and saw several emigrants whom Paul Cuffee had brought from America; all of whom were respecta- ble in their appearance, and happy in their circumstances. At the time of the arrival of the Elizabeth, both the passengers and crew were in a state of perfect health; and the evening HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 117 after their arrival was spent by the agents and emigrants in thanksgiving and praise. It may be well to mark the first impression made on such a mind as Bacon's, by a view of the natives, in whose welfare he felt so deep an interest. Having visited the Kroomen's village, he exclaims, "What a field for evangelical labour amongst them ! How lamentable, that these fine people do not attract the notice of the religious world !" And in a letter to a friend, in Philadelphia, he says, "You may depend on it, there is work for us here; there is work for missionaries, for teachers, for good men of all descriptions. I am struck with wonder at the native Africans. The sickly and depressed countenance of a Philadelphia coloured man, is not to be seen amongst them. A noble aspect, a dignified mien, a frank and open countenance, is the entire demeanour of the wild man." The agents visited Governor Macarthy, and were courteously treated, and invited to dinner, which was a sumptuous one, supplied entirely from Africa. Mr. Bacon seems to have been filled with enthusiasm, when he surveyed the state of things at this colony. He even seemed to perceive a wisdom in the climate being so adverse to the health of the white man, and exclaimed, " 0 Africa, my heart bleeds for thee, and thy scat- tered and weeping children! Is it not of the justice of God, that we, the white people, cannot exist in this climate ? God only can keep it for Africa." The Cyane parted from the Elizabeth immediately after leaving the harbour of New York, and nothing had been seen of her during the whole voyage. The charter party of the Elizabeth gave the agents no authority to detain her over a few days, after their arrival on the coast. This was, undoubtedly, a great oversight in the plan of the expedition, and resulted in great misfortunes. Kizell, of whom we have in the former chapter given an account, and of whom Messrs. Mills and Burgess had formed a high opinion, both as to his intelligence and integrity, and had strongly recommended him to the Board, was at the distance of forty leagues; and as the soundings at the mouth of the Sherbro were unknown, it was doubtful whether the Elizabeth could be brought down to that place, on account of the shoalness of the water. Under these cir- cumstances Mr. Bankson, in a small vessel, undertook to ex- plore the Sherbro sound, and to provide a suitable place for 118 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. the lodging of the stores, and accommodation of the people, until a site could be obtained for a permanent settlement. Mr. Bacon, to expedite the business, purchased the schooner Augusta, of a hundred tons burden, on board of which a part of the Elizabetli's cargo was transferred; and both vessels immediately proceeded to sea. When they arrived at the entrance of Sherbro sound, it was found that the Elizabeth could proceed no further, with safety. Mr. Bankson having returned on board, from his visit to Kizell's residence, made a report highly ftivourable to the wishes of his colleagues, both as to the facilities of landing, and the conveniences for accom- modating the people, and depositing the stores, at that place. Kizell had also offered his services and influence with the king, to obtain land for them on the continent. Animated and en- couraged by this report, they determined without delay to have the people and stores conveyed from the Elizabeth to Kizell's town. The distance was about six leagues. On the 20th of March, Mr. Bacon arrived off Campelar, the name of Kizell's settlement. By Kizell he was received in the kindest manner. '•'He wept," says Bacon, "as we walked together to his house." The people were all landed on that day, and went into the huts provided by Kizell; and in the evening they all resorted to the little church and had a joyful season of prayer. " The sight of natives," says Bacon, " mingling in our morning and evening worship, and even joining the tune and some of the words of our songs of praise, was a refreshing one. Mr. Kizell," he goes on to say, "is a pious man, and has kept up worship among them, a long time. I exhorted in English; he in Sherbro. This was an affecting scene of devotion: it was worth living an age to participate in it, with our feelings." These favourable impressions of Kizell's piety were sadly changed, in the process of further intercourse: whether on just grounds, it is difficult for us to determine. We shall, however, state the facts as they occur, and leave the reader to form his own judgment of the sincerity and integrity of this man. The Cyane having now arrived at Sierra Leone, Mr. Bacon was sent for to advise in regard to the future employment of this vessel on the coast. He therefore left Campelar on the 24th of March. On his way, he visited George Caulker, at the Plantain Islands, of which he was the proprietor. The following HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 119 is the account which he gives of this slave-dealer. " On our arrival at the Plantains, about twelve o'clock at night, Caulker was in bed. He was awakened and received us at the gate of his fortress. He had a white robe wrapped about him, and wore a turban of figured cambric. His reception of us was friendly. His house is covered with thatch in the native style, but has in the centre, one room finished in the European style. He gave up to Lieutenant Stringham and myself, his own bed- room; and afforded comfortable accommodation to the boat- men. He has the air and manners of a Scottish chieftain. He was evidently suspicious of the motives of our visit, and was far from approving our errand to the coast. He has a battery of five dismounted guns, a high wall on two sides of his enclosure, and ranges of houses on the other sides. He is a man of intelligence; genteel in his address; has many wives; and possesses considerable influence." Having arrived on board the Cyane, and after consultation it being resolved, that the schooner Augusta should be manned from the Cyane, Mr. Bacon, Lieutenant Tovvnsend, and six men left Sierra Leone, in an open boat, and reached Campelar, on the 30th of March. From this time till the 3d of April, the agents were busily employed in removing to land the goods and stores on board the Elizabeth; in erecting store houses, and providing accommodations for the people. The island of Sherbro is about ten, leagues in length, and is covered with a luxuriant vegetable growth; and consists wholly of an alluvial soil, which, like the adjacent country, rises but a few feet above the sea. It is separated from that part of the coast which bears the same name, by a sound, from one and a half to four leagues in breadth, navigable for small vessels. Campelar is situated near the middle of the island, on the east side; and the ground on which it stands, with much of the contiguous country, is, during the rains, extensively inun- dated. In addition to the manifest insalubrity of its situation, the water is so strongly impregnated with foreign substances, as to be rendered highly offensive to the taste. On this unfa- vourable spot, they had been induced to place their stores, and to enter into an agreement with the proprietor, to have the emigrants remain, until they could procure a territory suitable for a permanent settlement, from some of the kings on the 120 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. neighbouring continent: in effecting which, Kizell promised all his influence and cooperation. The Sherbro country, on the continent, is distributed among a number of petty chiefs, who all acknowledge to their king a subjection which is merely nominal; for they possess absolute power in their respective districts. The territory which had been designated by the former agents, and was the subject of the approaching negotiation, commenced about thirty miles from Campelar, at the head of navigation, in the Bagroo river. King Fara, who resided on the island, was the reputed proprietor of the tract, but had not authority to cede it, without the advice and consent of King Sherbro and the chiefs. Mr. Bacon soon perceived in Kizell a disposition to procras- tinate the general council of the chiefs, for which he was unable to account; he therefore determined to visit Fara at his own residence. Of his reception, and the conference which ensued, the following narrative is given by Mr. Bacon. "We were received and seated in the palaver or council house, on native mats. The king and head-men of the tribe, were arranged on the opposite side: and after our presents had been produced and accepted, the palaver began. I stated through Mr. Kizell, the objects of our visit to Africa, and the improvements and benefits likely to accrue to the native tribes, from our religion, agriculture, and the mechanic arts. He lis- tened to my words, and said they were all true; and professed to be highly gratified. He said he owned the land, where we wanted to sit down, and would sell it; but king Sherbro must first be consulted, as he was king of the whole country. He promised to come in two days to Campelar, and give me further information. I am more and more pleased with the Sherbro people. They are kind and attentive to our wants. The country is capable of becoming a continued garden. My health is excellent: I know not that it was ever better." Mr. Bacon's solicitude led him to visit several other chiefs, from all of whom he obtained a ready consent to his plan of purchasing land; but still no steps were taken for a general council, and his confidence in Kizell began to be considerably shaken. When he remrned from this visit to Campelar, he found that several of the people exhibited unequivocal symp- toms of a violent attack of fever. These symptoms consisted HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 121 of pains in the head, back, and Hmbs, attended with lassitude, depression of spirits, and inflammation of the eyes. On the next day the number of the sick amounted to fifteen. Tlie people now manifested the utmost impatience to remove from Campelar, on account, both of the badness of the water, and the insahibrity of the situation. A spirit of dissatisfaction with the agents began also to be too evident to be mistaken. The freight of the Elizabeth was not yet entirely transferred to the depot on the island; and while Mr. Bacon was kept busy in attending to the safe deposit of the stores on shore, Mr. Bank- son and Dr. Crozer were engaged on board the ship, and re- ceiving but little aid from the emigrants, they became much exhausted. Mr. Bacon's entry in his journal on the 6th of April is as follows: "We have now twenty-one sick of a fever. We try the country practice of bathing, and ■find it successful in some cases. We have not tried it sufliciently to test its efficacy. The schooner is now absent for the remainder of the freight, and Dr. Crozer is with her. Mr. Bankson is sick: — I suppose on board the vessel. I have heard the complaints of the peo- ple, this day, because there is no good water to be had in the island — because they were brought to this place — because I did not take possession of the land by force — because the people are visited with sickness — because there is no fresli meat, sugar, molasses, flour, and other luxuries to be distributed to them — because I cannot give them better tobacco — because the ^pala- ver^ is not over — because I take the best measures I can to bring it to a conclusion — because the houses are not bet- ter— and because they have meat and bread to eat. They complain of every thing they have; and are clamorous for every thing they have not. We have suff'ered much from the depredations of our own people! Even our high-toned profes- sors have been repeatedly detected in petty thefts, falsehoods, and mischiefs of the most disgraceful nature. I am pained to the heart with these indications of gross hypocrisy. It is a dark picture — but its shades are truth." On the evening of the 7th of April, the number of the sick had increased to twenty-five. What rendered the afliiction greater. Dr. Crozer, who was almost the only individual attach- ed to the service, capable of prescribing and preparing the ne- cessary medicines, was absent. Mr. Bacon gave his own per- il 122 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. sonal attendance to the sick, and administered with his own hand, the best remedies which he could devise. On the same day he preached to those in health, preparatory to the commu- nion; and addressed the natives through Kizell. The affairs of the colony, every day, grew worse and worse. The 8th of April was a day of aggravated distress. The schooner returned bringing back Messrs. Bankson, Crozer, and Townsend, all seriously ill, as also were two of the schooner's crew. Five more on shore were added to the sick, reported the day before — making in all thirty-five. Of these, much the great- er part were adult persons. The most useful of the colonists were, nearly to an individual, in the number. Twenty-five of the sick exhibited symptoms of a dangerous character; and all appeared to be hourly getting worse. Almost the whole care of the sick, as well as of those in health, now devolved on Mr. Bacon. " I passed the day," he writes, " in visiting the sick, in- quiring into their wants, and administering medicines. Where- ever I move, I meet with little besides groans and tears. The fever is bilious, and in many cases attended with delirium. Among the causes of the sickness, 1 reckon the following as the principal: — a too free use of the country fruits — the neglect of personal cleanliness — alternate exposure to the sun, and the dampness of the night — the want of flooring in the huts — con- stitutions not seasoned to the climate; and in the case of those employed about the schooner, excessive fatigue and anxiety of mind, and remaining for hours in the water and in wet clothes, while landing the goods. Many of the sick absolutely refuse to take medicines; some declaring that they will sooner die than submit to do it." It is somewhat remarkable, that in this list of causes, Mr. Bacon makes no mention of the bad water, to which the sick- ness was afterwards almost solely attributed. The deleterious nature of the African climate, to those not acclimated, seems scarcely to have entered into their calcula- tion. It is now well understood, that the African fever must be expected to be endured, by all who settle in that region, unless their constitutions have been formed under a warm climate. No doubt, however, the causes mentioned greatly aggravated the disease; especially the fatigue, and exposure to the sun and night air. This acclimating fever, in many in- stances, has been very slight, and always the danger is tenfold HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 123 greater to the white, than the black man. It is to be hoped, however, that new methods of treatment will soon be disco- vered, which will disarm the disease of most of its terrors, even to the white man. It will readily be supposed, from the existing circumstances of the colony, that Mr. Bacon could not pay much attention to his own health. Indeed, he seems to have removed personal considerations entirely from his view, and to have devoted him- self unreservedly to the suffering people. In such cases the path of duty cannot be learned by the cool calculations of pru- dence ; and the censure sometimes passed on persons who thus forget themselves for the sake of others, is commonly unjust. The account which he gives of his daily labours and trials, at this time, will be best expressed in his own words. " Who can describe the burden under which I am obliged to struggle, in feeding this people, enduring their complaints, listening to their tales of trouble, inquiring into their sufferings, administering medicines, labouring with ray own hands for them, and toiling at the oar, and handling casks, in unloading the vessel, and landing the goods. In addition to all this, I have the spiritual concerns of the whole company to look after. I go without stockings entirely, often without shoes, scarcely wear a hat, and am generally without a coat ; I am up early, and not in bed till ten o'clock at night; I eat little, and seldom use other refreshment, except hard ship-bread, salt meat, and water. I labour more, and am more exposed to heat, and wet, and damp, and hunger, and thirst, than any one ; and yet, blessed be God, I continue in health. In addition to all this, I have the weight of the whole interest on my mind, all the care, all the responsibility, all the anxiety. But God be praised, I have peace within. There are eight entire families sick, amongst whom there is not one able to cook his own food, or wait upon a child. 0 God ! who can help, but thou ?" It might naturally be expected, that such difficulties and calamities would have cooled Mr. Bacon's zeal for coloniza- tion. Let us hear then what he says on this subject. " Is it asked, do I yet say, colonize Africa ? I reply, yes. He that has seen ninety-five native Africans landed together in America, and remarked the effects of the change of climate through the first year, has seen them as sickly as these. Every sudden and unnatural transition, produces illness. The surprising fer- 124 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. tility of the African soil; the mildness of the climate during a great part of the year; the numerous commercial advantages; the stores of fish, and herds of wild animals to be found here, invite her scattered children home. As regards myself, I counted the cost of engaging in the service before I left America. I came to these shores to die, and any thing better than death, is better than I expected." On the 9th of April, which was Sunday, Mr. Bacon admin- istered the holy sacrament of the Lord's Supper to such of the company as were Episcopalians, and some Methodists, and at the close observed, ''We had a sweet season." Mr. Bankson and several of the people were delirious during the day. None appeared to have past the crisis of the disease, and some new cases had occurred. Those who were sick on board the schooner, had not been removed to land, and it was the wish of Dr. Crozer and Lieutenant Townsend, that she should be sent to Sierra Leone, but unfavourable winds prevented. The wet season was now approaching, and the impatience of the people to be removed from Campelar became so great, that in a written memorial which they presented, they expressed the intention of taking the direction of affairs into their own hands. Upon which they were assembled and remonstrated with, after which their groundless agitation subsided, and their disorderly purpose was abandoned. It had now become apparent, that Kizell had employed a secret influence to produce and aggravate the disaffection of the people. ]\Ir. Bacon determined, therefore, to rely no longer on his mediation or agency, in conducting the negotiations. As no evidence is given of this man's duplicity and dishonesty, we of course cannot judge of his conduct, except so far as the opinion of Mr. Bacon may be our guide; but it is difficult for ns to conceive, what motive he could have for promoting dis- affection among the people, as he did not wish them to leave his place. In such a state of distress and privation, the mind of the most judicious person may be easily infected with groundless suspicion. As this subject will come up again, it is best that the reader should suspend his judgment of Kizell's unfaithfulness, until the whole evidence is before him. Mr. Bacon, in his intense anxiety to obtain a place for a per- manent settlement, went himself to visit King Kouber, a son of King Sherbro, at his town, on the Bagroo; but the interview HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 125 was without any present beneficial result. When he returned on the 12th, he found the sickness not in the least abated. Dr. Crozer, apprehending a fatal issue in his own case, formally committed his agency to the Rev. Daniel Coker, a coloured man, of the Methodist denomination, to which he himself also belonged; and awaited the closing scene of his life with com- posure. One person died on shore, this day, and several new cases of fever occurred. On board the Augusta, a very un- pleasant event took place. Mr. Townsend in a fit of delirium, came out of his berth, on deck, and fell overboard, and was with great difficulty saved from a watery grave ; and the vio- lence of the fever was increased by the accident. On the 15th of April, the number of the sick amounted to forty; on which day, Dr. Crozer died on board the Augusta. On the 16th, Lieutenant John S. Townsend departed this life; and also, one of the sick on shore. The seamen of the Augusta carried the remains of Messrs. Crozer and Townsend on shore, and buried them with the honours of war. Mr. Bankson appeared to be convalescent, and was removed on shore; but Mr. Dugan, a young man who accompanied Mr. Bacon, was now seized: and on the following day, Mr. Bacon himself began to feel unwell; and on the two following days his disorder increased. He therefore adjusted his ac- counts; and began to contemplate the prospect of his own end. The heavy weight of care and anxiety which burdened his mind, proved very unfavourable to his recovery. His chief concern to the last, seemed to be for the people of his charge. In contemplating his own death, he saw little, except a bright and boundless expanse of glory, piercing with its light the gloom which hung over the dying scene. But his heart was wrung with the contemplation of the event, as it would affect the colonists and the success of the expedition. On this theme he vented his feelings in the most pathetic language. But even in this heaviest, and doubtless, his last trial, he found relief, by a vigorous effort of faith in the mercy of God; and by ulti- mately confiding in the wisdom and righteousness of all his purposes. The last expression which he committed to paper, arising out of the gloomy prospect of the colony, was accom- panied by the words, " Thy will be done." From the 22d of April, to the 28th, there was no intelligent friend near him to observe the progress of his symptoms, or 11* 126 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. administer the medicines and comforts which his case de- manded. He had resigned himself into the hands of God, and waited submissively, the result of his afflictive dispensation. The want of fraternal sympathy, and even common huma- nity was manifested, by the colony at Sierra Leone. Their own sufferings in a similar way, one would have thought might have taught them the duty of aiding their suffering brethren. But they not only neglected to send to Sherbro any medical aid, but when applied to for a physician, refused to comply with the request. While Mr. Bacon was lying sick, a schooner from Freetown anchored in sight of Campelar. Two persons were sent on shore in a barge, not to inquire after the health of the people, but on some trivial errand: one of them also was an acting physician; but no entreaties of the dying, suffer- ing people, could prevail with them to remain, or to administer any medicine to the sick, or to give any advice. Indeed, they manifested a most unfeeling indifference. It was with much difficulty they could be prevailed on to agree to receive Mr. Bacon on board, who was anxious to be taken from Campelar, and to be conveyed to Sierra Leone, in the hope of obtaining medical aid. But when the boat in which they carried him came in sight of the schooner, they weighed anchor and set sail for Sierra Leone. He directed the boatmen to row hard to overtake the vessel; and though they followed at a moderate distance for six hours, they were unable to overtake her, and the schooner never slackened sail to permit the boat to come up. Thus, for six hours was Mr. Bacon exposed to the burn- ing sun, while suffering under the African fever. He now directed the boatmen to make for the Plantain Islands. After spending the night on shore, he was on the 30th of April, con- veyed in the open boat to Cape Shilling, where he arrived in the evening of this day; and where he was very hospitably received by Captain William Randal, the superintendent of the station. And though he now received every friendly attention which his case required, his disorder was too far advanced to be subdued. His body and mind were both completely pros- trated; and though he made some feeble attempts to engage in conversation with his host, who seems to have been a pious man, his sentences were so broken, that it was evident that he was hastening rapidly to his end. On the first day of May, he uttered the last words which he HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 127 ever spoke, and at four o'clock next morning, he fell asleep in Jesus. He was interred on the same day, in the burying ground attached to the church in that settlement. And though depo- sited by the hands of strangers, on a foreign and a pagan shore, his body rests under the sure protection of the Christian's Savi- our, and in." the certain hope of a glorious resurrection." Mr. Bankson, the colleague of Mr. Bacon, continued to amend for a few days, when he suffered a fatal relapse, and was carried off on the 13th of May. Mr. Dugan recovered, and returned to the United States. The whole crew of the Augusta fell a sacrifice to the deleterious climate, and of the emigrants about twenty or twenty-five died. The remainder in a few weeks regained their health. The life of Bacon was written by the lamented Ashm.un, who followed in the same career, and lost his life in the same cause. Bacon's character was strongly marked; and his life, for its short period, was uncommonly eventful. Few cases are on record, in which any young man surmounted more obstacles in obtaining a liberal education ; but his energy and perseverance carried him through every diffi- culty ; so that he was enabled at last, to take his first degree in the arts, in one of the oldest and most respectable institu- tions in the country. His constitution was ardent, and his mind naturally vigorous, and inclined to be enthusiastic. En- terprises promising great good to society and posterity, took a strong hold of his feelings, and in the prosecution of objects of public interest and importance, he almost entirely forgot himself, and was willing to run every risk, and endure every fatigue. The scheme of the American Colonization Society was one exactly suited to his ardent and benevolent mind; and although he was aware of the dangers which surrounded it, he never drew back nor hesitated, but went forward with a zeal and confidence and energy which never forsook him, until under the pressure of disease he breathed out his soul. Minds of a cast so noble and enterprising, and actuated by a benevo- lence so pure and unremitted, deserve to be held in grateful remembrance by those who come after them ; and especially should the memory of Bacon be cherished by the friends of Colonization to the latest period of time. 128 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. CHAPTER VIII. STATE OF THE COLONY AFTER THE DEATH OF THE AGENTS. The Board at Washington had been greatly encouraged by the communications from their Agent, after the arrival of the Eliza- beth; but this bright prospect was soon clouded by the melan- choly accounts of the death of all the agents, and of a con- siderable number of the best of the colonists sent out. They were also deeply affected with the unhappy fate of the officer and boat's-crew of the Cyane. But though discouraged, they could not see in any or all these circumstances, the total failure of their attempt. They concluded, that the sickness and deaths which had occurred, did not prove that a fatal and inevitable disease rendered the whole coast of Africa uninhabitable to strangers ; for out of the whole number of eighty-eight emi- grants, about seventy who had been exposed, had survived and recovered; and many instances of a much greater mortality had occurred in various places, owing to other causes than a pernicious peculiarity of climate. The Board seem to have cherished some degree of delusion in regard to the climate of the western coast of Africa, especially as it relates to white per- sons. They were disposed to attribute the sickness and mor- tality which had taken place, almost entirely to local causes, and unfavourable circumstances in the situation of the colonists, and the unfortunate period of the Elizabeth's arrival; it being near the commencement of the rainy season. The want of preparation and accommodation for their reception, and the early death of Dr. Crozer, which left them without medical aid or advice, were also among. the unfavourable circumstances. That the sickness and mortality were not owing only or chiefly to the peculiar unhealthiness of the Island of Sherbro, is evident from the fact, that Lieutenant Townsend, Mr. Bankson, and Dr. Crozer, together with the whole crew of the boat, took the fever and died, although they had not resided on the island. And recent facts abundantly show, that all foreigners coming on this coast, are liable to a fever, which is more or less dan- gerous, according to the constitutions and circumstances of the HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 129 patients ; it being, in general, much more fatal to white than to black men. The Board encouraged themselves by the ultimate success of Sierra Leone, and the other colonies in this country, although many disasters attended their first settlement ; and the patrons of the enterprise appeared generally unwilling that the coloni- zation of the free people of colour on the western coast of Africa, should be abandoned, and manifested still a willingness to contribiUe to the funds of the society. It was, therefore, determined by the Board to persevere in their efforts in this benevolent cause. Much credit is due to them for their for- titude and zeal; and it is believed that their misapprehension of the true causes of the sickness and mortality, was overruled for good. The early death of the agents, had prevented the acquisition of a territory for the colony. Mr. Bacon, as we have related, exerted himself to the utmost to effect this object, but died be- fore it could be accomplished ; and Kizell, who, they trusted, would, by his influence with the native kings, greatly facilitate their negotiations, fell under a suspicion of unfaithfulness, and even by Mr. Bacon was judged to have failed in zeal and promptitude, in promoting this object. Dr. Crozer, the agent of the Colonization Society, when near his end, having solemnly committed the agency with which he had been entrusted, to the Rev. Daniel Coker, a coloured preacher, of the Methodist Episcopal denomination, and both the government agents being dead, the whole burden and responsibility of providing for the welfare of the colony de- volved on this man. In his communications to the society he informed them, that the sick were gradually recovering, and that the whole number of the emigrants who had died, did not exceed twenty-five. In his letter, he says, " Although we have met with such trials, and are here a small handful, and our pro- visions running low, and we in a strange and heathen land, and have not heard from America, and know not whether any more people or provisions will be sent out — and though we know not what is to become of us, far distant from our families and our friends; yet thank the Lord, my confidence is strong in the veracity of his promises, and in the honour of your society, and the government. Last Lord's day, I preached in the King's town, and administered the Lord's supper to our little 130 HISTORY OF AFRICAN* COLONIZATION. society, in presence of many natives. It was a glorious time ; some natives were affected. Tell my brethren to come — not to fear — this land is good — it only wants men to possess it." It seems, therefore, that the colonists themselves were not altogether disheartened by the disasters which they had suf- fered; at least, this was the fact with regard to Coker, whose wife and children were still in America. In another part of his letter, we find, that he had even begun to make some efforts to instruct the natives, " I have opened," says he, "a little Sunday-school for native children — I teach out of doors — some can spell. 0 sir, it would do your heart good, to see the little naked sons of Africa around me and Peck, and the parents looking on with wonder." " Tell the coloured people to come up to the help of the Lord — let nothing discourage the society, or the coloured people." Coker being thus left in sole charge of the colony, and of all the stores brought out in the Elizabeth, very naturally felt a heavy weight of responsibility resting on him, and was unwil- ling to take any step without the advice of some one, on whose judgment he could depend. He thereupon determined to go to Sierra Leone, and consult Governor McCarthy, what course it would be prudent for him to pursue. He was very kindly received by the Governor, and was invited to call frequently upon him. By the advice of Governor McCarthy, Coker resolved to re- main some time at Sierra Leone, in the hope, that an Ame- rican vessel would arrive; and to his great joy, the John Adams, arrived at Sierra Leone, bringing letters and some supplies for the colonists. Coker speaks in the highest terms of the conduct of Captain Wadsworth and his officers. One important service which they rendered was, repairing the little schooner which Mr. Bacon had purchased ; but they aided the colonists in various other ways. It will be satisfactory to hear from Captain Alexander S. Wadsworth himself, an account of the situation of these afflicted emigrants, which we find in a letter addressed to Elias B. Cald- well, Esq., the Secretary of the American Colonization Society. " 1 found Mr. Coker," says he, " on whom all the affairs of the settlement had devolved, by the death of the agents, at Sierra Leone, in a state of the greatest despondency, and on the point HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 131 of abandoning the settlement. I advised him to sustain him- self in his present situation, till he should receive instructions from the United States, as the ultimate success of the colony depended so materially on such a course. I delivered to him the presents I had brought out in the ship, with a few necessa- ries and groceries from the officers of the ship, and despatched an officer and a boat with him to Sherbro, to render him such aid as he might deem necessary, and to obtain all the informa- tion in his power. . . . He left us greatly encouraged, and in good spirits; and confident, with the assistance we afforded him, that he should be able to act so as to meet the wishes of the Colonization Society."* We have also a letter from Edward Trenchard, captain of the Cyane, addressed to the Secretary of the Navy. From this letter it appears, that the spirit of insubordination among the emigrants had been far more alarming, than would be inferred from any accounts which we have yet given. Coker informed Captain Trenchard, that this spirit had manifested itself on board the Elizabeth, during the voyage, and had continued to increase after landing, notwithstanding the unremitted efl'orts of Mr. Bacon and the other agents, to quell it; and that on the death of Mr. Bacon, the emigrants fell into a state of total dis- order, openly declaring that they knew no authority, and would not be controlled; stealing, and pilfering whenever an opportunity offered, and threatening the acting agent, if he attempted to restrain them. The natives, observing their dis- union and feuds, instigated by cupidity and avarice, took advantage of their ignorance and disagreement, and would not assist, or afford them any relief. Coker apprehending violence from the emigrants, if he remained at Sherbro, determined to remove the people and stores to Sierra Leone. Both the captains, Wadsworth and Trenchard, finding the agents of the government to receive re-captured slaves, dead, were at a loss what they should do with any slaves which they might capture; but both resolved to send them into Sierra Leone. It appears, however, that five slavers were sent into the ports of the United States, and condemned; four of these were taken by the Cyane, and one by the Hornet. By per- mission of the authorities of Sierra Leone, the emigrants were removed to a particular spot near Freetown. Novem- * See also Captain Wadsworth's letter to the Secretary of the Navy. 132 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION', ber 20th, Mr. Coker addressed a letter to tlie Secretary of the Colonization Society, but it contains no particular information. The officers of the John Adams, on leaving the coast, made up a handsome present which they sent to Coker, the acting agent. He never mentions the officers of the United States vessels, but with the warmest commendations. Early in 1821, the brig Nautilus, having on board two agents, the Rev. Mr. E. Bacon and Mr. Winn, appointed by the govern- ment of the United States to reside on the coast of Africa, and two agents of the Colonization Society, viz, the Rev. Joseph Andrus and Mr. C. Wiltberger, sailed from Norfolk for the coast of Africa. The same vessel also carried out a select company of coloured people, consisting of twenty-eight effective labour- ers and a number of children, to recruit the party sent out under the direction of the Rev. Samuel Bacon, the preceding year. The agents were instructed to proceed to Sierra Leone, and there debark the people under the temporary protection of the authorities of that colony; which, from the amicable disposition they had uniformly evinced in relation to the establishment contemplated by the society on that coast, it was presumed would be generously afforded. The temporary establishment at Sierra Leone seemed a matter of necessity, since the nego- tiations for the Bagroo territory had entirely failed. The Nautilus arrived at Sierra Leone on the 9th of March, and received readily from the acting government, the protec- tion which they solicited. An arrangement was concluded with the proprietors of an extensive and cultivated plantation, situated on Foura Bay, within the jurisdiction, and in the imme- diate vicinity of Freetown, by which they became possessed of every accommodation which their health and comfort required. Having secured a lease of this estate for an indefinite time, the agents had leisure to prosecute their inquiries and observations to different parts of the coast, with a view to the selection and purchase of a territory, the most advantageously situated for the purposes of the settlement; and to this object their atten- tion was immediately directed. After careful examination of all circumstances, they relinquished all idea of making any fur- ther attempt to acquire the Bagroo country, from king Sherbro. They were led to adopt this resolution, not only from the sup- posed sickliness of the country, and the difficulty of getting the chiefs to agree to a cession of the land on any reasonable terras; HISTORY OF AFRICAN' COLONIZATION. 133 but they were greatly influenced by the consideration, that this country lay too near to tlie possessions of the rapidly increasing colony of Sierra Leone, with which it was important to be on the most amicable terms. And in pursuing this course the agents were happy to find, that they met the views of the members of the colonial government of Sierra Leone. It was determined, therefore, to explore the coast as far south as Bassa Cove ; and Mr. Andrus, agent of the Colonization So- ciety, and Mr. Bacon, (brother of the person deceased,) agent of the government of the United States, undertook to perform this exploring tour: but as Mr. Bacon's journal has been pub- lished, and is highly interesting, an account of this coasting voy- age will be given in the next chapter. It may be proper before we proceed further, to take some notice of the proceedings of the Society at Washington, at their anniversary meeting on the 18th of January, 1821. Judge Washington being prevented from attending, by illness, Hon. Henry Clay was called to the chair, and delivered on the occa- sion, an eloquent and animating address. The whole proceed- ings manifest any thing rather than a spirit of despondency. Speeches of a highly encouraging nature were delivered by the Hon. Daniel P. Cook, Hon. C. F. Mercer, and Francis S. Key, Esq. A resolution was passed, expressing lively regret for the untimely death of the Rev. Samuel Bacon and John P. Bankson, agents of the government; and of Samuel A. Crozer, agent of the Colonization Society; with a respectful tribute to their memory. A resolution was also passed, giving the thanks of the socie- ty to Captains Trenchard and Wadsworlh, and to the officers and crews of their respective vessels, and also to Captain Ran- dall of Cape Shilling, for their kindness to the colonists and agents. The society, at this meeting, directed a memorial to be laid before Congress, on the subject of the suppression of the slave- trade, and the intimate connexion of that subject with the suc- cess of the colonization scheme. This memorial having been committed, a very favourable report was brought in; in which it was proposed to Congress, to make the offence of being concerned in carrying on the slave trade, piracy. In the Annual Report of the society for this year, (1821,) 12 134 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. there is an important and interesting report of the trial of the schooner Plattsburg. The opinion of Judge Van Ness is given in full, and is eloquent, and contains sound and discriminating views. This vessel sailed from Baltimore in December, 1819. In the following April, she was found on the coast of Africa, offi- cered and manned by Americans, except a Spaniard by the name of Gonzales, who was nominally the captain of the ves- sel. These circumstances, in the opinion of the Judge, justified the commander of the Cyane in seizing her, and sending her in for adjudication; and after a full examination of the case, it appeared very clearly, that this vessel had been fitted out in Baltimore, for the slave-trade; but that to cover the transaction this Spaniard had been put on board as the nominal commander of the vessel; and a fraudulent transfer of the cargo to a man who went out as supercargo had been made. After a fair and open trial, the schooner was condemned un- der the law of the United States prohibiting the slave-trade; and upon the facts, considered by the Judge sufficiently estab- lished by the evidence, that she was at the time of seizure, American property, and that the voyage originated in a port of the United States. CHAPTER IX. THE COLONY UNDER MESSRS. E. BACON AND ANDRUS. Although Mr. Bacon will repeat some things contained in the preceding chapters, yet we beheve that our readers will be gratified with the following details extracted from his journal, as it is the testimony of an intelligent eye-witness. "We left Norfolk on the 21st of January, 1821, and on the 23d sailed from Hampton Roads. For about thirty days we encountered head winds and strong gales, and made slow pro- gress. During this time I was very sea-sick, as were also Mrs. Bacon, and the Rev. Mr. Andrus. The other agents were less affected; some of the colonists suffered from the same malady. Our captain was remarkably kind and attentive to those who HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 135 were sick, and particularly to Mrs. Bacon and myself, when we were unable to wait upon ourselves, for which kindness 1 shall always feel myself under very many obligations to him; and I think I speak the sentiments of my colleagues. Nothing uncommon occurred during our voyage, except that we expe- rienced a very severe gale of wind, accompanied with a snow storm, which our captain told us was more violent than any he had known during the preceding twenty years. It was indeed a time to try our faith. "At the commencement of the voyage, we established morning and evening prayers in the cabin, as v/ell as in the steerage, where the coloured people were ; in these we enjoyed the consolations of the religion we profess. " We had all recovered from sea-sickness, and having arrived within the tropics, where the weather was fine and the wind favourable, our passage was more agreeable. Nothing un- common occurred during the remainder of our voyage. But a continuation of the mercies of our heavenly Father was daily bestowed on us. On the morning of the Sth of March, we had a distant view of the mountains of Sierra Leone, which was really animating to us after crossing the Atlantic. We felt our- selves approaching towards that much injured country, where we expected to labour, and to suffer many and great afflictions. We were cheered with the hope, that through the assistance of Divine grace, we should be, in a greater or less degree, useful among the degraded children of Africa. The wind was fair, but rather light, as is not uncommon in the dry season. We soon hove in sight of Cape Sierra Leone, when we discovered, for the first time, several native canoes approaching toward us. These excited our curiosity. They were manned by the native Kroomen, in a state of nudity, or nearly so. When I speak of naked people, it may be always understood that they wear a cloth about their loins, and that the men generally wear hats. These hats are manufactured out of a kind of grass. The chiefs and head-men often wear common Englisli hats. "We soon discovered a fine English barge approaching us, rowed by natives. In this were the harbour master, George Macaulay, and S. Easton, Esqs., (of the house of the honoura- ble K. JNIacaulay,) who very politely gave us much interesting information relative to our American blacks at Sherbro. As we approached near the harbour, they gave the American 136 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. agents a friendly invitation to go on shore in the barge, and take lodgings at their house. As the principal agent concluded to remain on board, Mrs. Bacon and myself thought proper not to slight their politeness, our accommodations in the brig being somewhat circumscribed, and the transition from Nor- folk, where the cold was excessive, to Sierra Leone, where the degrees of heat were at noon day from 85 to ST^ in the shade, making a visit to land desirable. Moreover the services of all the agents were not required to attend to the wants of the people. We accordingly went on shore, where we were poHtely and hospitably entertained for several days. " The agents of the United States, together with those of the society, soon had an interview with the Rev. Daniel Coker, by whom we learnt the condition of the American settlers at Sherbro. He informed us that the mortality, although severely felt in the loss of our valuable agents, and Mr. Townsend, commandant of the United States schooner Augusta, together with six of his men, and a boy, was not so great as at first reported. The whole number of blacks who died, did not exceed twenty-three, out of the eighty-eight sent out in the ship Elizabeth. Several of those deaths were not caused by the prevailing fever. The actual number of blacks who died with fever, did not exceed eighteen or nineteen, all of whom died at Kizell's Place. Although very many of the settlers were extremely ill when they left Kizzell's Place, and removed to Yonie, a more healthy part of Sherbro island, and the time of their removal was the month of August, in the midst of the rainy season, slill no deaths by fever occurred at Yonie; but on the contrary, a general recovery took place, notwithstanding there was no medical aid. The sickness at Kizell's Place was evidently in a great degree owing to local causes ; the water alone is said to be sufficiently bad to create malignant disorders, though Kizell was base enough to assert that it con- tained peculiar qualities highly conducive to health. That, and other false assertions, induced the former agents to receive his offer of friendship ; pretending, as he did, to unbounded influence among the native chiefs; an ardent desire to further the benevolent objects of our government and the society; to benefit America ; to meliorate the condition of the African race, and propagate the glorious gospel of God in a heathen land. t HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 137 "After making other necessary inquiries of Mr. Coker, and of those gentlemen in Sierra Leone, with whom we were most conversant ; also of some of the American blacks who went out with Paul Cuffee, and of Nathaniel Peck, who accompa- nied the first expedition ; we were fully satisfied that Mr. Coker had managed the business of the expedition, after the decease of the former agents, in as judicious a manner as the circumstances of the case would admit. "We lost no time after our arrival, in communicating with the acting governor, his honour John Grant, upon the subject of our mission. The American agents received a polite invi- tation to breakfast with him at the Government House on Saturday morning, the lOtli of March. We there met his excel- lency, together with his honourable council, after partaking of a sumptuous breakfast of great variety, served up in elegant style. "' The several benevolent objects of our government, and those of the society were fully explained, and an open and candid exposition of our instructions made after this friendly interview. His excellency gave us a very polite invitation to dine at the Government House, on Tuesday the 13th of March; which we did accordingly, and partook of an elegant dinner, served up in much splendour. There were at table a number of the principal gentlemen, officers of the colonial government, Spanish commissioners, English missionaries, and several ladies. "The very friendly disposition which the colonial authonties manifested towards the objects of our mission, may be seen by a reference to the Sierra Leone Gazette. " A meeting of all the agents, together with Mr. Coker, took place, when it was unanimously agreed to relinquish the idea of making any further attempt to negotiate for lands in the Sherbro country; and that two of the agents should cause the United States schooner Augusta, which was lying at anchor in the harbour at Sierra Leone, to undergo some slight repairs for the purpose of exploring the coast in search of a suitable site for an American settlement ; moreover, it was resolved that no time should be lost, as we were taught by our instructions to regard the acquisition of lands for a settlement, as a matter of primary importance. " Having a discretion on this subject, it was determined after advising with the English missionaries and agents at Sierra 12* 138 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. Leone, that the Rev. Mr. Andrus and myself should be deputed to the service of exploring the coast, and entering into negotia- tions with the native chiefs. At the same time it was arranged that Messrs. Winn and Wiltberger should disembark the people and goods from the Nautilus, after a suitable place for their temporary location should be determined upon, by and with the consent of the colonial authorities, who had politely prof- fered to provide such place, as soon as it could be selected. It was also agreed that Messrs. Winn and Willberger, should attend to the business at Sherbro — supply the wants of the people there, or remove them as should be found most expe- dient ; so that as nearly as possible an equal partition of duties was made. " A suitable place was found about two weeks after Mr. Andrus and myself had sailed on our hazardous excursion. We had been taught to expect the arrival of the Alligator, which was to accompany us. But it was not deemed advisable to wait, but to proceed immediately to execute that part of our instructions, which directed us to explore the coast; in this determination we were influenced by the following reasons. " 1. The assistance of all the agents was not necessary to administer to the wants of the people, circumstanced as they must be during their continuance at Sierra Leone ; and some of us, unless employed in obtaining the lands, must have remained almost or quite unoccupied, " 2. The period of the arrival of the Alligator on the coast, was entirely uncertain. But little more than six weeks re- mained before the rains. The business of exploring, therefore, must be commenced inmiediately, or not completed until the rainy season; and as the event showed, had we waited for the arrival of the Alligator, it could not have been begun before the commencement of the rains. '•' 3. But our principal reason for embarking in the business immediately, was the certainty that the presence of an armed force would hinder rather than assist our negotiations with the natives. In this opinion we were confirmed by the unanimous judgment of all our English friends consulted on the subject. It will be seen, by a reference to dates, that we had concluded our contract for the lands, and returned to Sierra Leone, two weeks or more before the arrival of the Alligator." ^^ Wednesday eve7iingj the 2\st of March. — Having been HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 139 much engaged in making preparations, I had not time to write to my friends; and expecting not to return until after the sail- ing of the brig Nautilus, (although the disembarkation had not yet commenced,) a letter was written approving of the judi- cious management of the Rev, Daniel Coker, in conducting the affairs of the first expedition after the decease of the former agents, and recommending him to the friendly notice of the Board of Managers of the American Society for colonizing the free people of colour. This letter was signed by J. B. Winn, J. R. Andrus, C. Wiltberger, jr. and E. Bacon, agents, " Thursday morning, the 22d of March. — The schooner is expected to be ready to-day: we are preparing for our depar- ture, and hope to sail this evening. " At 5 o'clock, P. M. all hands are on board, some of the sailors intoxicated; the captain appears to make unnecessary delays. At length we set sail. After doubling the cape, we stood out to sea, far enough to clear all the head lands and islands of the coast; and then proceeding coastwise, we made Cape Mount, about two hundred and fifty miles distant from Sierra Leone, on the 27th. This part of the coast we had pre- viously learned to be in the occupancy of King Peter, one of the most powerful and warlike chiefs of West Africa, and more deeply engaged in the slave-trade than any of his neighbours. The known hostility of his views to the objects of the Ameri- can government and society, dissuaded us from incurring any loss of time or expense in procuring an interview with him. We accordingly proceeded onward to the mouth of the Mesu- rado river, about fifty miles south of Cape Mount, where we came to anchor the next day, before two small islands, owned by John Mills, a yellow man, having an English education, and Baha,a black, and native African. Both of these men are slave dealers, and it is supposed that their islands are mere slave markets. Every appearance went to justify this suspicion. The neighbourhood of Cape Mesurado having been indicated as a part of the coast favourable to our purpose, we were induced to make the most particular inquiry and observations in our power, relative to the advantages and disadvantages that would attend a settlement here. " The appearance of this part of the left bank of the Mesu- rado river, which terminates in the cape of the same name, is sufficiently elevated, and inviting. The natural growth is lux- 140 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. iiriant and abundant; many of the trees attain to a large size, and present every indication of a strong and fertile soil. " The head-man is a dependent of King Peter, and has the same name. We attempted to obtain a palaver with him, and for this purpose went on shore with a present. He was not ignorant of the object of our visit, and sent by a messenger de- clining an interview, and refusing to receive our present, though we had reason to believe that if we had been mere mission- aries, he would have received us readily.* While we were at anchor, a schooner under French colours appeared, lying off", and apparently waiting for an opportunity to come in and re- ceive a cargo of slaves. We saw a great number of young Africans, who appeared as if intended for that vessel. "On the evening of the 29th, we got under way, and follow- ing the direction of the coast, which here stretches south-easter- ly, we had the prospect of a delightful country the whole dis- tance to St. John's river. The coast presents a sandy beach; in the whole of this extent, the country is gently elevated from the coast, and has a surface agreeably diversified with mode- rate inequalities. Most of the land visible from the sea, either has been, or now is, in a state of cultivation. The soil is pro- lific in the most substantial articles of food produced in tropical countries. The neglected parts of the land are covered with a thick growth of brush wood. The mountains in the interior are here about twenty or thirty miles from the sea, stretching in the direction of the coast, and come more distinctly into view, than at the northward of the Cape. Their elevation must be considerable. On the evening of the 31st we were be- calmed, and obliged to anchor opposite the mouth of the St. John's river, at the distance of between two and three leagues. This river is nearly a league over at the mouth. About six leagues from the sea, it is one mile wide, and has in no part of the main channel, less than nine feet water. Salt water ex- tends but six or eight miles from the sea; there is a rapid at six leagues' distance from the^moulh of the river, which is how- ever passable with canoes. Above, the batteau navigation ex- tends to a great distance in the interior. Five miles to the eastward of the mouth of St. John's, and discharging its waters into the same bay, is the Grand Bassa river, small in com- * This cape has since been negotiated for, together with a large tract of fertile country, and the American colony are settled on it. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 141 parison with the St. John's, and very shoal at the bar — but of considerable length and navigable for light balteau a number of leagues. " On the 1st of April, we brought the schooner to anchor off the mouth of the latter river, at the distance of three-fourths of a mile. We were soon surrounded with canoes, which brought on board a large number of natives. By one of them we despatched a small present to the king. This prince's name is Jack Ben, lately advanced to the supreme power, from the rank of principal head-man, in consequence of the death of King John, which occurred about four months before our visit. " Monday inorning, April 2d, Grand Bassa. — We were visited by ten or fifteen native canoes, bringing from two to five men each, who came to trade; their articles were fowls, fish, oysters, eggs, palm oil and palm wine, cassada, yams, plantains, bananas, limes and pine apples, for which they wanted in return tobacco, pipes, beads, &c. '•'Fowls are sold for one leaf of tobacco or one pipe each; oysters are very large and fine; half a pound of tobacco will buy one hundred; they are larger than the Blue Point oysters. " Mr. Andrus and myself went on shore in our boat, below the mouth of Grand Bassa, to take a view of the point of land which projects out into the sea. A fort, erected on this point, would completely command the whole harbour. After visiting the point, it was necessary to cross the Grand Bassa a short distance above its month, as tiie surf was turbulent below the bar. Our conductor was a Krooman, by the name of Bottle Beer. When we came to the left bank of the river, we saw no canoe or other means of crossing over as we thought; but Bottle Beer proposed to carry us over, and placed himself in a suitable position, and told one of us to sit upon his shoulders, when brother Andrus seated himself with one leg over each shoulder; then Bottle Beer walked deliberately through the river, carrying his burden safe to the other bank, and returned back and proposed to take me. I told him I was so fat and heavy that he would let me fall into the water; he put his hands upon his arms and legs, and said, " Me strong, me carry you. Daddy." At length 1 seated myself likewise upon Bottle Beer, and though he was not as heavy a person as myself, he carried me safe over without wetthig me; it was necessary, however, that I should hold my feet up, as the water was 142 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. about half a fathom deep. After this we walked about three hundred yards, to Bottle Beer's town, a little cluster of cottages inhabited by Kroomen, of which Bottle Beer is head-man; several of these people can talk broken English; the king placed Bottle Beer at this town as a factor or a harbour mas- ter, as it is a place for vessels to water. The population is perhaps from sixty to one hundred; we were conducted to the palaver house, where the people soon gathered together, and shook hands with us. After remaining a short time, we were conducted to another town (so called) where the people were boiling sea-water for salt, as they do at all the towns near the beach; this is called Salt Town; through this we passed to Jumbo Town, which is about one mile from Bottle Beer's town, and much larger. " In Jumbo Town there are from thirty to forty houses, and several hundred people. There is also a large palaver house, to which we were conducted. There we were accosted by Jumbo, the head-man, and the natives, and shook hands with them. The land is prolific beyond description. Indian corn grows luxuriantly and is in the ear. Indeed, the country is beautifully variegated, and the water is good and plenty. " About one o'clock, P. M. we returned back to our boat, which was at Bottle Beer's town. After the boat was in readi- ness, one of the Kroomen took me in his arms and carried me above the surf to the boat, and likewise Mr. Andrus, so that we were not wet; and all this kindness without being solicited. Indeed, they are very kind and hospitable; they gave us water to drink, and palm wine, and made us welcome to such as they had. As is customary, they begged for tobacco, of which we gave a small quantity to the head-men, who always distribute among the people. " After returning on board the schooner, we dined on fish and oysters sumptuously. We then went in our boat over the bar, into the mouth of the St. John's river, about four miles distance from the schooner, when we sounded on the bar, and found not less than nine feet water at ebb-tide. The river is about three miles wide at the bar: there is plenty of water and good anchorage: vessels of two or three hundred tons burden, may lie perfectly safe. It being nearly dark, and the tide be- ginning to make, which was against onr returning in the boat, over the bar, it was thought most prudent for ]\Ir. Andrus and HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 143 myself to go on shore and return by land to Jumbo Town, which we did accordingly. There was no path on the shore but the sand beach, which was fatiguing, as the sand was so loose that a great part of the way our shoes would sink two or three inches every step. JNIoreover, being exposed to the night air, is thought in Africa to be dangerous to foreigners; however, we arrived at Jumbo Town about eight o'clock, and waited for our boat, which soon came. The natives again carried us through the surf, and we returned on board much fatigued, having been in a profuse perspiration and exposed to night air, until nine o'clock. I was very weary. After having taken some refreshments, we had prayers and retired to rest. Heard nothing from the king, the Krooman not having returned. " Tuesday, *flpril 3d. — This morning brother Andrus was not in very good health, and did not go on shore, but took medicine. We were again visited by natives, with a great variety of fruit, vegetables, fowls, fish, &c. &c, " We this day sent another message to the king. At ten o'clock I went on shore, in company with Tamba and Davis, and walked about one mile into the country, where I found the land remarkably good. We passed through four or five towns, as they called them; the houses as in other towns ap- pear at a distant view more like the same number of stacks of straw or hay, as they are covered with a kind of grass, Davis and Tamba improve every opportunity to talk with their country people upon the subject of our mission. Davis saw some of the head-men to-day, who appear to be suspicious that we had some unfriendly object in view; but as he can speak their language fluently, he is endeavouring to remove their doubts. " Returned on board with not only my locks but my flannels drenched with perspiration; even while I am writing, if my handkerchief were not in my hand to wipe it from my face, I should be compelled to discontinue. No prospect as yet of seeing the king. " This evening brother Andrus's health is better. We com- mended ourselves and the cause in which we are engaged to God, who alone can accomplish all things, according to his purpose, and retired to rest. " Wednesday morning, April Ath. — At six o'clock, accord- ing to our arrangements made yesterday, we started in our 144 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. boat, with four boatmen and our interpreters, making eight of us; and five natives, two of which were head-men, in two of their canoes. We ascended the river St. John's to the first island. The banks of the river are rather low, but suitable for cultivation. This island was formerly occupied by a slave factor; but since the English and American cruisers have annoyed them, the traders have abandoned this and all the other islands. In this river their gardens are to be seen; in them is a variety of fruit. We breakfasted here upon some smoked beef and bread, which we brought from the vessel. Thence we proceeded on to another island, to which Davis said he was brought, and on which he was sold to an Ameri- can slave factor. " It was with great difficulty that we prevailed on the na- tives and our boat's crew to proceed any further, because they said, " White man never live above that place." It appeared that they doubted the efficacy of their gregres, which they never fail to wear when exposed to danger. We passed two other islands, formerly occupied by the same kind of despera- does. We still proceeded onwards until we came to rapids, which are from fifteen to twenty miles from its mouth. The land as we ascend the river becomes more elevated, with a fine growth of timber, admirably situated for settlements. We saw several small towns and farms, where rice and vegetables are cultivated. Davis read the twentieth chapter of Exodus, and spoke to the people upon the state of their souls. In one of those towns, people were very attentive; their reply to liim after he had ceased speaking, was, " Very well., we hear you, all very good what you say, we think 'bout it, lue no sabhy white man fash, we sabhy gregre.^' " We saw very fine goats, and sheep, and poultry. All the people wear gregres or charms; some of these are brass rings, which they wear around their ancles and wrists — one is a feather tied with a string around their neck — and what they consider more valuable, is the horn of a goat or a sheep, which the Dibbleman (as they say) prepares by filling it with a kind of glutinous substance, intermixed with pulverized charcoal, or black sand; some wear a little ball of clay tied up in a piece of white muslin. " At three o'clock we put our company in motion on our re- turn. At seven o'clock, the boat arrived at the mouth of the HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 145 river, and before crossing the bar, brother Andrus, myself, Tamba and Davis, went on shore, where we had a most fa- tiguing walk down the beach to Jumbo Town; our boat not being able to go over the bar before daylight, as the tide did not favour; therefore we had no boat in which we dare ven- ture, as the native canoes were small and unsafe for us. Having been twelve hours exposed to the scorching rays of the sun, and having walked four miles in the damp of the evening, with our clothes drenched in perspiration, and being obliged to lie down supperless, upon a floor composed of bam- boo sticks, without any covering but our wet garments — having no door to our cottage, and several hundred natives within twenty yards, drumming and dancing, until one or two o'clock in the morning. — Indeed these were times that the secret ejacu- lations of the heart ascended up to the throne of the Heavenly Grace, for grace to help in that hour of need. Nor was the ear of Jehovah heavy, that it could not hear; nor his almighty arm shortened, that it could not save; for we found ready help through our Lord Jesus Christ, strengthening us. " Thursday morning, Jljwil 5th. — We arose and felt some- what the worse for our hard lodging, after our extreme expo- sure in that climate, in which, it is said, foreigners are subject to fevers and agues. Our boat came to the beach for us, and we went on board the schooner. Having heard nothing from the king, we concluded to send Davis with one of the head- men, to seek his majesty. Davis was despatched with a pre- sent. We this day learned from a head-man, that we could have la^d, but that we must go to the king's town to-morrow. "We admired the friendly disposition of the inhabitants, but discovered their fears that we were connected with some ship of war. " Friday morning, April Qth. — We went on shore, and went to the king's town, but could not see him; it was said that he was not at home. The distance is from two and a half to three miles; the land is most excellent, elevated and dry; we saw very fine rice fields: this town was recently built, and the houses are much better than any I have hitherto seen in the Bassa country. " We returned back to the schooner, without seeing Davis, and sent Tamba to call him, but he remained. We are full of doubts and fears about obtaining a palaver with the king. 13 146 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. " Saturday, April 1th. — This day Tamba and Davis return- ed; it appears they have been labouring to convince the head- men, that we have not come with any hostile intention. '■^Sunday, April Sth. — Brothers Andrus and Davis went to old King John's town, for the purpose of holding a meeting. Returned in the evening, and said that they had seen King Ben, and that he would meet us in Jumbo Town, in palaver, the next morning. " They saw the body of King John, who had been dead four moons, yet not buried; he was laid in state in a palaver-house, dressed in a fine robe, with a pair of new English boots on the feet: a brisk fire is kept burning in the room. His grave is dug, which is eight feet square, for the purpose of admitting the body and the form upon which it lies, together with bul- locks, goats, sheep, tobacco and pipes, as sacrifices ! 0 Lord, when shall these superstitions cease ! " Monday, April 9th. — This morning the sea very rough. At 11 o'clock we went on shore with a present to the king, as it is impossible to get a palaver with the authorities of the country, without a respectable present ' to pay service' to the king, his princes, and head-men. We met his majesty, King Jack Ben, of Grand Bassa, together with several of his head- men in Jumbo Town, in the palaver-house, with a large con- course of people. After shaking hands with them, we laid down our presents, which consisted of one gun, some powder, tobacco, pipes, beads, &c. His majesty said in broken English, ^ me tanke you,' and caused the articles to be removed, and placed under the care of a sentinel, so that his people might not get them before he had divided them equally, as is their custom. This division takes place, that all may ' taste of the good things,' and a contract is made : all who have partaken of the present, are pledged to fulfil on their part. " The king asked us what we wanted, although he could not have been ignorant of our wishes. We stated our object to be, ' to get land for the black people in America, to come and sit down upon [to occupy]. We told him that the people were very many, and required much territory; that a few white men only would come along, to assist and take care of them ; that we should make a town where ships would come and trade with cloth, and guns, and beads, and knives, and tobacco, and pipes; and take in return their ivory, and palm oil, and rice, HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 147 and every other thing growing in the fields; that they would not then need to sell any more people, but might learn to cultivate the ground, and make other things to sell for whatever they wanted.' " We, at last, succeeded in making a favourable impression on their minds ; and convincing them that we had no unfriend- ly motive in visiting Bassa. The palaver was adjourned until the next day. It indeed requires much patience to deal with these children of the forest. We returned on board weary and faint: after partaking of some refreshment, and having im- plored the divine blessing of Him who has promised to give to his Son the heathen for his inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for his possession, we retired to rest. " Tuesday, April lOth. — This day is expected to be a day of importance, as the palaver will be much larger, and a certain condition will be discussed, whicji they have urged from the beginning; therefore, we look earnestly for Divine assistance. A small present will be necessary, as there will be more head- men than at any former palaver. At 10 o'clock we were con- vened. The present was placed before the king, and the usual ceremonies were performed. The king rose up and spoke to the case in the Bassa language, with great energy ; his naked arm presented to view from within his robes, which were made of the country manufactured cloth, something in the form of clerical robes. After him, a Krooman by the name of Brown, rose and spoke with much spirit; his speech was interpreted by Tamba ; the substance of it was, that we were emissaries from some slave-ship in the neighbourhood, and that we were not friends to them; on which the king and his council with- drew to the shade of a large silk cotton tree, in conclave, for the space of twenty or thirty minutes. They then returned and proceeded in discussing the condition, strenuously urged from the beginning by the king, as the basis on which alone he could accede to our wishes in relation to the lands. We had stated, that we came not with any hostile intentions, and that the character of the settlement was to be unwarlike and agri- cultural. They demanded of us a positive stipulation, to make book, as they term it, that the settlers and agents should act in consistency with this character, and in no way assist the armed ships sent to the coast to suppress the slave trade, by commu- nicating to them any information that might prove injurious to 148 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. the Bassa people. We represented to them the advantages which would attend their relinquishing the trade altogether; stating that in a very short time it must cease, as so many ships of war would be sent to the coast, as to catch every slave ves- sel, and put an end to the exportation of the people; still they insisted on the condition; and at the breaking up of the pala- ver, told us we should have the lands, provided we agreed to insert the condition in the contract [book]. They directed us to explore the country, and, as the king said, 'lookem straight,' laying down his palaver brush in a straight position, and fix upon the tract best adapted to our purpose, at the same time indica- ting the quarter where those lands lay, which they could best afford to spare. We returned on board the schooner somewhat encouraged, but still we felt dissatisfied with the condition upon which they insisted; however, considering that it could have no practical operation, inasmuch as if, while in our infant state, we were to show a disposition to use any other means than persuasion in urging them to abandon the traffic in slaves, we should incur their displeasure, and cause the destruction of the whole of our expectations of future success, we were toler- ably content. " Wednesday, Jlpril Wth. — This day went on shore, when it began to rain. There has been a little rain every day for six or seven days past. It appears that the rains are setting in. The king sent a servant to us, with a message, informing us that he would be ready to receive us after the rains had ceased. We arrived at the king's town. We had a short palaver, after ascertaining that we could not obtain land upon any better terms. It is however probable, that at no distant period the natives may be be induced to abandon the slave trade altoge- ther, without any coercive measures being used, as they will see other soiu'ces of trade present themselves to view. " The king directed some of his head-men to accompany us, to look at the country. We walked in various directions, and returned to the schooner, having previously explored the St. .John's river as far as the rapids, and viewed the country in various directions. We fully determined upon the territory which would be suitable for our purpose. We are more and more pleased with the appearance of the country and its inha- bitants. The king took one of his boys by the hand, who was about thirteen or fourteen years of age, and gave him to us to HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 149 learn Book. We took him on board, and put a pair of domes- tic pantaloons upon him, which pleased him very much. " Thursday, ^Ipril \2th. — This morning the king sent two of his head-men on board to go with us and fix upon a place to build our town. We sent back a message that we had fixed upon the place, and that we were ready to meet him in palaver, at any time he should appoint, at Jumbo Town. He did not send us his answer until evening, when two of his head-men arrived with a present from his sable majesty, which consisted of a fine fat goat. His answer was that he would meet us at eight o'clock the next morning at Jumbo Town, in grand pala- ver. We are very anxious to know the final result. ^^ Friday, April \3th. — We met in palaver; there were more head-men and princes, as well as people, than at any time pre- vious. Our present, of course, was much more valuable than before. We thanked the king for his present, and he returned the same civility for our presents. These people being ignorant of extent of territory, or of distances by measurement, we directed our interpreters to tell them that we wanted a large tract of land, and they described it thus : — Beginning at a cer- tain tree on the beach near Jumbo Town, running due east by compass to the top of Saddle Mountain, or two or three days' walk, either of which would be a distance of from forty to sixty miles ; from thence northwardly to St. John's river, a dis- tance of perhaps from fifty to seventy miles ; from thence down the St. John's river to its mouth ; from thence along the sand beach to the aforesaid tree near Jumbo Town, inclusive; sup- posed to be thirty or forty miles square of territory. To our having this tract, they readily agreed, and directed their names to be set to the instrument, the conditions before mentioned be- ing included. They all took hold of the pen and made their marks; they then cried aloud, " Palaver set ! Palaver set!" " The agent of the Colonization Society, engaged in behalf of said society, to give certain stipulated articles annually, which will not cost more than three hundred dollars. Pledges of mutual friendship were interchanged, whereby each party agreed to cultivate peace and harmony, and not to make war on, or trouble each other. " Thus we at last succeeded in convincing them that we were their friends. This, we were assured, we could not have done, had it not been for the presence of Davis, and the entire ab- 13* 150 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. sence of any display of military or naval force. We regard it as a most favourable providence that the Alligator did not bring, or accompany us to the Bassa, and that no naval officer was present at the negotiations, '' The king was much pleased at seeing his son with trowsers on; the people said, "He gentleman all one white man:" the king proposed to give us an elder son in lieu of the other, as he said if the younger went away, his " IVIama make palaver on me." We accepted his proposition, took the elder on board? put a suit of clothes on him, and gave him the name of Bush- rod Washington. His father was very much delighted to see him clothed. The king, princes, head-men, and people, went with us to the tree on the beach near Jumbo Town, one of the aforesaid boundaries, and a boy climbed up it, and cut off some of its branches, leaving one branch, which ascended consider- ably higher than the rest : to this he tied about six yards of an American pendant, which the people consider a white man's gregre or fetish, and according to their prejudice, regard as sacred. Near this spot it was thought proper to make our set- tlement. The king's son will go with us to Sierra Leone, where he will be put to school and taught to speak English. The king and people are all anxious that we should return im- mediately, even before the rains fully set in ; but we do not give them any encouragement of our speedy return. " These people are very kind, but are in a dreadful state of heathenish darkness ; they worship the " Dibbly man," [the devil,] and dedicate daily a part of their food to him. They profess to believe that there is a good and merciful Deity, who can and will do them good, and not evil : but that the devil is all powerful, and that it is necessary to appease his wrath. Every town has its peculiar devil. " The man who acts the part of devil is dressed up in a gar- ment of dried grass or rushes which covers him, and reaches to the ground; his arms and feet are concealed; a white coun- try-cloth covers his shoulders; round his head, and tied under his chin, are two or three cotton handkerchiefs; the face is frightful; the mouth and nose are black; two large teeth pro- ject far beyond the lips; a row of coarse shells is bound round above the eyes; on the head is a red cap, which reaches four or five feet in height, and is surmounted with a plume of fea- thers. HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 151 " Sometimes this figm-e would move about in a stately style ; and at others it would turn into all sorts of postures, and strike the plume of feathers on the ground, uttering a noise like that occasioned by blowing through a pipe, the mouth of which is immersed in water. " Every inducement was offered to the king to obtain posses- sion of the habiliments of this terrific figure, that we might carry them out of the country; but we could not prevail. The king said that the devil belonged to the people, and that they would kill him if he let it go. We trust that the light of the gospel will, ere long, expose to shame these delusions of cun- ning and superstition. "The people, like all other natives, are in a state of nudity, except that they wear about one and a half yards of narrow cloth about their loins; the men often wear hats, while the children are not burdened with any kind of clothes, but fre- quently, like the adults, wear many beads. Leopard's teeth are thought to he very valuable ornaments. " The king, when in general palaver, was clad in his robes, which covered his whole body; he had on, also, an elegant cap; at other times he wore a drab-coloured broad-cloth great coat, with a number of capes. His head-men were partially clad, some with blue cloth roundabouts, with military or naval but- tons. They wore no shirts. Many of them had belts of beads, which contained one or more pounds each. "There are many Kroomen in the towns along the coast. They are employed as agents or factors for the authorities of the country, who monopolize all the trade. These agents have each a number of certificates from masters of vessels who have employed them. They wished us to give them ' books,' like- wise, but we had no occasion to employ them as factors. Bot- tle Beer required us to pay for the water with which our vessel had been furnished. With this demand we did not comply, as we had not come ' for trade.' We informed the king of the demand, and he revoked it. The people all live in villages or clusters of cottages, in each of which is a head-man, who has a plurality of wives. If a native have but one wife, he is indeed very poor. The head-man is a slave-holder; he owns all the people in his town. The inhabitants of each town cultivate in common. The men seldom do any labour, except fish a little, and hunt. The females and small boys cultivate the land. 152 HISTORY or AFRICAN COLONIZATION. The men trade and direct those who are under them. I saw a fine looking female with iron fetters on her feet, which fetters, no doubt, were brought from a slave vessel, as we observed one under French colours, lying in the harbour at the same time. I made inquiry concerning the cause of her confinement, and was told that she was taken in adultery. It is said by the natives that ' wife palaver, very bad palaver.' It is punished with death, red water, or slavery, and most usually the latter. These people are indeed in gross darkness, depending upon their gregres and devil worship, A town is not complete which has not a Palaver House and Devil House. The latter has a small post standing near it, six or eight feet high, with a strip of white muslin about three-fourths of a yard in length, and two or three inches wide, tied round the top. There they daily offer sacrifice. " The Bassa country is situated between five and six degrees north latitude, and between ten and eleven west longitude, in the centre of the Grain Coast, which is about an equal distance from Sierra Leone and Cape Coast, where the English have commenced a settlement. Swine, herds of neat cattle, sheep, and goats are bred here. " At evening we took an affectionate leave of the king and some of the head-men ; the old king appeared to be much affected, and said, ' You have my son, you take him Sierra Leone learn book, when rain done you come Grand Bassa, then King Jack Ben give you plenty boys learn book.' The people are all apparently very anxious to have us return; they seem to have great confidence in us. " Grand Bassa, Saturday morninfi;, Jljiril I4th. — Many natives were on board with fruit, rice, fowls, eggs, and vegeta- bles to sell, which we bought, chiefly with tobacco. "At twelve o'clock we set sail on our return to Sierra Leone. We made slow headway; the wind is light. At six o'clock we are not more than three or four leagues from Bassa. "We are turning our attention to the state of our settlers at Sherbro, and those at Sierra Leone. We think of visiting Sherbro as we return. We are very anxious to hear from our friends. "We feel grateful to God for his mercy in preserving us, and enabling us to accomplish our wishes in some degree. Still, however, we have continual need of Divine assistance. Our HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 153 vessel leaks and requires much attention; but our trust is in God alone, who has hitherto mercifully preserved us, so that 'the sun hath not smitten us by day, neither the moon by night.' The pestilence which walketh in darkness hath not come near us; therefore we are under renewed obligations to praise the Lord for his goodness, and for his wonderful works in the great deep. " Sunday morning, Jlpril \5th. — At sea with a fair wind; we have just discovered Cape Mesurado. Had worship this morning as usual, and found it good for us to call upon the name of the Lord, to read his most holy word, to meditate upon his blessed promises, to praise him for past mercies, and implore the continuance of his most gracious aid. Our people having yesterday evening slaughtered the goat which the king presented lis, it is necessary to cook some of the flesh, though it is the Sabbath day. It is very fine and fat, and quite a luxury, notwithstanding we have had plenty of fowls, fish, and oysters, fruits and vegetables, "Prince Bushrod is a little sea-sick; he appears to be much pleased with his dress, and has been persuaded to take off his gregres, Davis having told him if he wore clothes, he must not wear gregres. We intend to let him go to Regent's Town, and stay with Davis and attend school, under the superintend- ance of the Rev. Mr. Johnson, where he will have the benefit of associating with some of his own countrymen, who are pious and useful people. ^'Monday, April \%th. — Last night there was a tremendous tornado, with much rain ; at the appearance of a tornado it is necessary to take in all sail immediately, as the wind generally blows powerfully. " Our Kroomen are easily intimidated in bad weather; they have on their gregres, those which they think contain the most virtue, and are best calculated to preserve them from the great- est danger. I endeavoured to persuade them that their gregres were useless, and advised them to throw them into the sea, but my entreaties were in vain; one had his gregre tied with a twine around his head above his ears; I took hold of the string and broke it. On examining it, I found it was composed of a ball of clay, tied up in a piece of white mushn, with a small feather in the end; he was angry, and sorry for his loss. One gave me his gregre, that I might view its contents; they con- 154 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. sisted of nothing more than a kind of black sand tied up in a piece of rag. I threw the gregre into the sea, which grieved him very much. " The Kroomen were all alarmed at their loss; and express- ed fears that 'tornado catch us,' or that some other accident would happen to us. They said that they ' make bad palaver on me,' when we arrived at Sierra Leone, and that I should have to pay twenty bars (equal to twenty dollars.) They are poor creatures indeed, in every sense of the word. They ap- pear to be very affectionate to each other. When we are visit- ed on board by other Kroomen, they beg food for them, or divide their own portion among the visiters. They prefer rice, which they boil and use with palm-oil, to animal food. They sit down around a large dish of rice, and make use of their hands instead of spoons. " Tuesday Tnorning, ^ipril \lth. — We were off the Galinas with a light wind, proceeding on towards the Shebar, which is the entrance into Sherbro Sound, near the eastern part of Sher- bro Island. We wished to cross over the Shebar, which is dif- ficult without a skilful pilot. A native, who resides at Bohol, within the bar, on discovering a vessel, generally goes out in his canoe to meet her. We hoped to be discovered by him, so that we might pass over in safety. Our object was to visit our people at Yonie, a native town on the island, opposite Bohol, which is on the main. At evening we heard the surf roar as its waves rolled over the Shebar; it is heard several leagues; the wind was ahead, and we made slow progress. Our vessel appeared to leak more than she had done, and the inexperience of our navigators gave us great anxiety; but our trust was still in God alone. " Wednesday ^^ipril ISih. — Still we were off the Shebar, but had made little progress during the night; at twelve o'clock there was a tornado; the wind blew powerfully twenty or thirty minutes, and was accompanied with considerable rain. These tornadoes are nothing to be compared with the hurri- canes which are common among the West India Islands. " Thursday tnorning, April 1 ^Ih. — We were within sight of the Shebar, and had a delightful air after the rains. Lying off and on with our vessel, hoping a pilot would come off to aur assistance, several guns were fired as signals for pilots, but none came ; therefore, we had but two alternatives, one was to HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 155 sail round the Island, which as the wind is light requires seven or ten days; the other was to send our boat over the Shebar for a pilot. As our sailors were unwilling to go in the boat, I prevailed upon them by proposing to accompany them. After approaching as near the Shebar as was thouglu prudent, the vessel- was brought to anchor at 4 o'clock, P. M. The boat was manned with the mate of the vessel and three natives, one a sailor, the others Kroomen. The mate, although a tolerably good boatman, apprehended more danger than I did, for I had. not much experience in crossing such bars. At length we started in the boat, and approached near the bar. It appeared dangerous indeed. The mate being at the rudder, gave direc- tions to the oarsmen to obey him promptly; he told them he should watch the motion of the waves, and that, when he or- dered them to pull at the oars, they must pull for their lives. We soon found our boat first soaring over the turbulent waves, then plunging into the deep, while the waves were rolling in quick succession after us, each appearing as if it would ingulf us in the ocean. One wave poured about sixty gallons of water into the boat, which caused me active employment in lading out the water; the boat having been brought quartering to the waves, it required quick exertion by the men at the oars, who were somewhat frightened, but were enabled to bring the the boat to its proper position before the succeeding wave came, which carried us over the greatest danger; by that time I had nearly laded out the water. Indeed, it was mercy to us that we were not swallowed up. Not unto us! not unto us! but unto thy name, 0 God, be all the glory, both now and for ever!" When Messrs. Bacon and Andrus had returned from this exploring voyage, they found Mr. Winn and the emigrants from America, comfortably situated at Foura Bay; some of tliose who had been located at Sherbro had joined them. The people continued, in general, to enjoy comfortable health up to this time ; except that within a few days some complaints had been made of slight fever. Mr. Bacon learning that his wife was sick, obtained a horse and proceeded to Regent's Town, where she had been hospitably and kindly entertained at the Rev. Mr. Johnson's. Here, morning and evening, she enjoyed in the church, the sight of the children of Ethiopia stretching out their hands unto God. Mrs. Bacon's health continued to 156 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. decline, and early in May, Mr. Bacon was also attacked by the African fever. The Alligator, under the command of Lieutenant Robert F. Stockton, which had been some time expected, about this time arrived. Mr. Winn and Mr. Bacon, the agents of the United States government, concluded that it would be expedient to remove the people as early as possible from Yonie, on the Island of Sherbro, to Bassa Cove, where they had made a con- tract for land for a settlement, as has been related. The health both of Mr. and Mrs. Bacon continued to decline; so that it was judged best for them to seize the first opportu- nity of returning to the United States, it being supposed that a sea voyage would be serviceable to their health. As the Nau- tilus had sailed, and no opportunity of a direct conveyance offered, they resolved to sail in a schooner bound for Barba- does. At the time of their departure, they were both exceed- ingly debilitated •, but after suffering much on the voyage, they both, through the goodness of God, arrived again in their na- tive country. The Rev. Mr. Andrus, agent for the American Colonization Society, was so deeply affected with the consideration of the wants of Africa, that he resolved to spend his life as a mission- ary among the natives ; but alas ! like many others, his race was soon run in this unfriendly climate. On the 2Slh of July, 1821, after a short illness, he died at Sierra Leone. And this was not the only victim of the company who came out in the Nautilus. In less than a month after the decease of Mr. An- drus, both Mr. and Mrs. Winn died at the same place. Mr. Winn's death occurred on the 25th of August, and Mrs. Winn's on the 31st of the same month. The Managers of the Colonization Society, in communicating these melancholy facts in their Fifth Report, give the following just tribute to the memory of these devoted persons. "The fidelity and zeal evinced by these meritorious and respected in- dividuals, during the period of their connexion with the service, in which they were so soon called to surrender, with the attrac- tions of country and of Christian society, their valuable lives, demand from the managers an honourable mention, and from all the friends of the cause a grateful and cherished recollec- tion." HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 157 CHAPTER X. LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES RESPECTING THE SLAVE TRADE, AND DISPOSAL OF RECAPTURED AFRICANS. By the compromise between the North and the South at the time of adopting the federal constitution, an article v/as intro- duced, by which Congress was prohibited from enacting any law to prevent the importation of slaves into any of the United States which might wish to introduce them, before the year 180S. The only State which availed itself of this reserved right was South Carolina. Shortly before the limited time had expired, the slave trade was briskly carried on in the ports of this State ; and a considerable number of Africans were imported. In all the other maritime States this traffic was forbidden. As soon as it could be done constitutionally, a law was passed by Congress entirely prohibiting the importation of slaves into the United States. This law was enacted as early as March 3cl, 1 807, to take effect at the very commencement of the follow- ing year. By the provisions of this law, the vessel which should be found engaged in the slave trade, with her tackle, furniture and lading, were subjected to forfeiture : one moiety to go to the United States, the other to those who should sue for the same. And the persons convicted of being engaged in this traffic, were made liable to punishment, by fine and impri- sonment. It was moreover provided, that no person or persons engaged in importing slaves, should possess any right to hold them in bondage, or to enjoy their labour; but " the same shall remain subject to any regulations, not contravening said pro- visions, which the Legislatures of the several States or Terri- tories, may at any time heretofore have made, or hereafter may make, for disposing of any negro, mulatto, or person of colour. ^^ The use which some of the States might be disposed to make of the power here given, was certainly unforeseen by Congress. And not only so, but the law was manifestly defec- tive, inasmuch as it authorized the capture of slaves and their 14 158 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. importation into the United States, without making any provi- sion for the disposal of them when taken ; nor even any provi- sion for the expense of their maintenance. The evil of these defects was soon experienced, for in June, 1817, the Legislature of the State of Georgia, in pursuance of the power granted to the States, enacted a law, authorizing and instructing the Gov- ernor of the State, to demand and receive all slaves, who being condemned under the act of Congress aforesaid, should be intro- duced into any of the ports of that State ; '< and to cause the said negroes, mulattoes, or coloured persons to be sold, after giving sixty days' notice, in a public gazette.^' This law, however, contained one saving clause, by which it was provi- ded, " That if previous to any sale of any such persons of colour, the Society for the Colonization of the free people of colour, within the United States, will undertake to transport them to Africa, or any other foreign place which they may pro- cure as a colony for free persons of colour, at the sole expense of said society, and shall likewise pay all expenses incurred by the State since they have been captured and condemned, his excellency the Governor is authorized and requested to aid in promoting the benevolent views of said society in such manner as he may deem expedient." It was not long after the passing of this law, before a case occurred to which it was applicable. Thirty-four African slaves, captured by a vessel of the United States, were brought into Georgia, and the Governor, according to the directions of the law, advertised the sale of these captur- ed slaves. This advertisement, published in a gazette of Mil- ledgeville, was communicated to the Board of Managers of the Colonization Society, by the Hon. William H. Crawford, one of the Vice-Presidents of the Society. The Board considered it a matter of high importance to prevent these unhappy Africans from being sold into perpetual slavery in this country; and that after the slave trade was entirely abolished by law. They needed a person of intelligence and character to proceed to Georgia; and in this emergency, that early and cordial friend of colonization, the Rev. Mr. (now Bishop) Mead, of Virginia, offered his ser- vices. A more competent and fit agent for this special busi- ness, could not have been found in the United States. As the sale was to take place at an early day, it was necessary for the agent to use much expedition. He was able by diligence, how- HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 159 ever, to reach ISIilledgeville in time to arrest the sale, and enjoyed the pecuHar pleasure of witnessing the joy of these unfortunate Airicans, upon receiving a deliverance so little expected. Indeed, he felt that the instrumentality which he was permitted to have in this rescue, was an ample reward for the time and labour of his long journey. The managers also, though by this means they incurred a heavy expense, were greatly delighted by the successful accomplishment of this desi- rable object. As this whole difficulty had arisen from the defects of the law of Congress, it became now an object of deep interest to get Congress to pass a supplementary act, providing against the recurrence of such an event. This was accomplished on the 3d of March, 1819, when Congress passed a law which pro- vided, that when any vessel containing slaves should be cap- tured by a vessel of the United States and brought into any of our ports, the President should be authorized " to make such regulations and arrangements as he may deem expedient, for the safe-keeping, support, and removal beyond the limits of the United States of all such negroes, mulattoes, and coloured per- sons, as should be brought within their jurisdiction; and to appoint a proper person or persons to reside on the coast of Africa, as agent or agents, for receiving the negroes, mulattoes, or persons of colour delivered from on board vessels seized in prosecution of the slave trade, by the United States armed ves- sels." This act also provided, " That a bounty of twenty-five dollars be paid to the officers and crews of the commissioned vessels of the United States, or revenue cutters, for each and every negro, mulatto, or person of colour, who should be de- livered to the marshal, or agent duly appointed to receive them." This act gave great pleasure to the friends of African coloni- zation. The managers of the Colonization Society, in their Third Report, say, " This act, by supplying the defects of pre-existing laws, and imposing new restraints upon a cruel and disgraceful traffic, shed a ray of light, dear to humanity, on the expiring moments of the Fifteenth Congress, and ele- vated the American character, in the view of the world." It was also a favourable circumstance, that President Monroe put a construction on this act, entirely conformable to the wishes of the managers; and immediately appointed agents IGO HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. to receive such liberated Africans as might be sent to them: whose duty it was made, if practicable, to restore them to their native country and friends; and if that could not be done, to provide, at the expense of the United States, for their support. It was under this law, and at this time, that the Rev. Samuel I3acon, and John P. Bankson, Esq., were appointed agents to go to Africa. Although the sale of the thirty-four Africans was prevented by the timely arrival of the Rev. Mr. Mead; yet they were not immediately delivered to the agent of the Colonization Society. Certain Spaniards had put in a claim for them as their property, and a legal decision in the courts of the United States was necessary, before they could be given up. Information was also received by the managers, that these were not the only captured slaves which had been introduced into Georgia; but that several hundred had been introduced into the State, in similar circumstances with the thirty-four; and that as many as sixty had been actually sold, and were in a state of hopeless slavery. The others, having been claimed, and the matter being still in dispute, had been hired out through the State; it being stipulated that they should be delivered when required. It was feared, however, that there would exist great difficulty in recovering them, as the securities on which they had been hired, were, in many cases, insufficient : and if reclaimed, they 7nust still be sold into hereditary slavery, unless Congress interposes; or unless the Colonization Society should become able to pay the expenses of their capture, and claim them under the provisions of the law of Georgia, before mentioned. It was also ascertained by the managers, that slaves, under similar circumstances, had been introduced into Alabama; but the manner of disposing of them is not known. These cases were laid before the president of the United States, in the hope, that he would bring the matter before Congress, and obtain the power — if he did not already possess it — to place them in the same situation as those brought into the country since March, 1819. In the year 1820, the managers of the Colonization Society received an interesting communication from General John H. Cocke, of Virginia; the sum of which was, that General Kos- ciusko had bequeathed a fund, exceeding twenty thousand HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 161 dollars to Mr. Jefferson, in trust, for the purchase of young female slaves, that they might be educated, and then emanci- pated. It was supposed, that by incorporating this fund with those of the society, the will of the testator might be carried into effect; which could not be done in Virginia, as by the laws, no slaves could be emancipated to remain in the State. Mr. JMead's visit to the South was not only the means of rescuing from slavery the Africans mentioned above, with the prospect of their being restored to their native country; but was, in other respects, highly beneficial to the colonization cause; especially, by the aid which he rendered in originating and organizing auxiliary colonization societies. During this year, the society evidently rose rapidly in the estimation of the public, as many auxiliaries were formed in almost every part of the United States, and many of the most distinguished citizens of the republic openly appeared in favour of the institution. We ought not, however, to omit to mention, that the Rev. jNIr. Mead's efficient services were not confined to his visit to Georgia; for he travelled as far as Maine, as the voluntary agent of the Board, and every where, by his weight of charac- ter, zeal, and eloquence, greatly promoted the interests of the Colonization Society. The communications from England, this year, were also very encouraging to the managers ; and at home, among the liberal contributors to their funds, they had the pleasure of inserting the name of his excellency, M. Hyde de Neuville, minister plenipotentiary of France. The President, in his message to both Houses of Congress, informed them, " that it had been decided to send a public ship to the coast of Africa, with two agents, who will take with them tools, and other implements which shall be necessary. To each of these agents a small salary had been allowed ; to the principal, fifteen hundred dollars, and to the other, twelve hun- dred." These measures of the government were well intended, and favourable to the cause of colonization ; but in the adop- tion of all such measures there seems to have been a great want of foresight, and careful attention to the circumstances of the case. For while agents were appointed, and the recaptured Africans ordered to be sent back, the government had made no 14* 162 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. provision for their reception or comfortable accommodation in that continent. The first object, undoubtedly, should have been to secure a territory, and this before any persons were transported to that country. But in the planting of colonies, as well as other things, wisdom is learned by painful experi- ence. We have already seen the disasters which attended this first emigration, and how many valuable lives have been sacri- ficed in the prosecution of this noble enterprise. The managers of the society, having it as one important object of the scheme which they had undertaken, to put an end to the slave trade, were grieved to learn, that notwithstanding the laws which had been enacted, prohibiting this nefarious traffic, still it was carried on, and that many slaves had been clandestinely introduced into the United States, were care- ful to call the attention of the government to this subject, which led to an inquiry, the result of which was, that the slave trade had been carried on to some extent on the south-western coast of the United States. When the second report of the Board was published, copies were forwarded through Mr. Rush, our ambassador, to His Roy- al Highness William Frederick, and to Lord Gambler. From both of these noble personages, letters were returned of a highly encouraging nature. The former, in his note to Mr. Rush, says, " It is no small gratification to me to receive the interesting report of the society for colonizing the free people of colour. The object is most important, and dear to the best feelings of human nature. It is, I trust, unnecessary for me to express the satisfaction 1 shall feel in perusing the account of the proceed- ings of an institution founded for such a benevolent object, and which is likely to be attended with such useful consequences. And I hope I may be allowed to express my anxious wish that the meritorious exertions of the gentlemen of this excellent society may be crowned with success." Lord Gambler addressed the following gratifying note to Mr. Rush. " Lord Gambler presents his compliments to the com- mittee of the society for colonizing the free people of colour of the United States, and returns them his best thanks for the honour they have conferred on him, in presenting him witli their second annual report to the society, through Mr. Rush. The society has Lord Gambler's cordial wishes for their suc- cess, and the advancement of the benevolent cause in which HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 163 they are engaged, and will be happy to avail himself of any occasion that may offer to promote the great objects of the institution." The following interesting account is borrowed from an arti- cle in the North American Review, attributed to the pen of Jared Sparks, Esq. It is embodied in the Seventh Annual Re- port of the Board to the Society, and is as follows: " Some weeks ago," says the writer, "a vessel came into the harbour of Baltimore, which from various circumstances was thought to have negroes unlawfully detained on board. So strong was the ground of suspicion, that a few individuals took on themselves the responsibility of searching the vessel, and they found concealed eleven negroes, who were foreigners, incapable of speaking or understanding the English language. A prosecution was accordingly entered against the captain as being engaged in the slave-trade; but as he affirmed, that the negroes were his own property lawfully acquired, and no proof to the contrary could be adduced, he was acquitted. The law demands that in all doubtful claims to the property of slaves, the labour of proof shall rest with the claimant, and as the cap- tain in the present case, could produce no such proof, the ne- groes were detained by the court, although he was permitted to escape. Through the humanity of some of the active mem- bers of the Colonization Society, these negroes were provided for, by being distributed among several families in the neigh- bourhood of Baltimore, to remain till they should learn the language, and be able to express their wishes in regard to their future destination. "Fortunately, about this time, a young African by the name of Wilkinson, a native of the Susoo country, on the Rio Pongas, arrived in Baltimore. Some years ago a chief of the Susoos entrusted two of his sons to the care of the captain of a French vessel, trading in the Rio Pongas, who promised to take them to the West Indies, have them educated, and return them at the end of four years. When the stipulated time had gone by, and nothing was heard of the boys, Wilkinson was despatched to the West Indies to search them out; he succeeded in finding them, but had the mortification to learn that the treacherous captain had not been true to his word ; he had deserted the boys, and they were turned over to work with the slaves. Wilkinson recovered them, however, without difficulty, sent 164 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. them to their father, and came huBself to Baltimore to take pas- sage home in the colonization packet. He had already been several years in England, and spoke our language with fluency. Soon after his arrival he visited some of the recaptured Afri- cans just mentioned, and discovered that they came from the region bordering on his own country, and spoke a dialect which he well understood, although it was not his native Susoo tongue. They were overjoyed at seeing a person with whom they could converse, but were incredulous when he told them that they were free, and might return home if they chose. They said he was deceiving them, that they knew they were slaves, and should never again see their native land, their rela- tives and friends; so thoroughly were they impressed with the melancholy conviction of being in slavery, that no protestations could make them bel|^ve in his entire sincerity. They exclaimed with raptures at the thought of freedom, and of going back to Africa, but would not hope that such a dream could ever be realized. The situation of these persons was made known by the Colonization Society to the President of the United States, who said, that if proper certificates were given of their desire to return, the government would pay the expense of transpor- tation. The navy agent at Baltimore was ordered to have them examined. They were brought together for that pur- pose, and as the examination could only be carried on through Wilkinson as interpreter, he gave his testimony under oath. We shall speak of this interesting examination nearly in the words of Mr, Coale, secretary of the Baltimore auxiliary so- ciety, who was present and took an account of the proceedings in writing. The general question was put to them severally, whether they wished to remain in this country as freemen, or be sent to Mesurado, and thence if practicable to their homes. Dowrey was the first who was called to answer. He was chief in his own country, of whom Wilkinson had some knowledge. He replied,'! wish to go home, I wish to see my father, my wife, and children; I have been at Mesurado, I live but three day's walk from that place.' Barterou an- swered, ' Let me go home, I have a wife, I have two children, I live a morning's walk from Dowrey.' The next person call- ed was Mousah, the son of a highly respectable chief, with whom Wilkinson was personally acquainted ; he had been Hv- ing with General Harper, and when asked if he was not dis- HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 165 posed to remain and be instructed, and go home hereafter and teach his comitrymen, he rephed; 'General Harper is a good man, he will give me clothes and food, and be kind to me, but he cannot give me my wife and children." When the general question was put to Cubangerie, he replied; ' Why do you ask this question over and over? I am so rejoiced at the thoughts of returning, that I want words to express myself Do you not know that nothing is so dear as a man's home?' Mazzey said, ' My mother is living, my father is living, I have two sis- ters, I shall be grateful to those who send me to my family and friends.' The answer of Fanghah was, ' I shall be joyful to go home, I have a father, mother, wife, sister, and three children to meet me in my own country.' Corree said that all he de- sired was to be landed in Africa, and he should soon find his way home. Banhah made nearly the same reply. " After these eight persons were examined, they expressed great anxiety to be joined by two of their companions not pre- sent. These had been placed with a man, who, it seems, was not willing to part with them, and had reported that they wish- ed to remain. This proved a false pretence set up with a view to profit by the labour of the negroes; and whatever may be the power of the law in such a case, it will be difficult to make it appear in the eye of justice, in any better light than the crime of being engaged in the slave-trade. A writ on a ficti- tious suit was taken out against the negroes, and they were thus released from thraldom and brought to the place of exam- ination. When they arrived, their companions sprang with ecstasies to meet them, embraced them again and again, caught them in their arms, raised them from the ground, and continued for half an hour at intervals to embrace and shake them by the hand. Nothing could exceed their joy at being told that they were free, and would sail in a day or two for Africa. " These ten persons, thus providentially rescued from perpe- tual slavery, and made happy in the anticipations of again be- holding their native land, and of carrying gladness to many a weeping disconsolate heart, owed their deliverance chiefly to the Colonization Society. They have gone home to prove to their countrymen and friends, that white men are not all bar- barians, traffickers in human flesh, and artificers of human misery; but that the flame of benevolent feeling may some- times kindle and burn even in the breasts of this portion of IQQ HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. their race whom they had liitherto known only as catchers of their own species, and workers in crime. "We know not the spring of other men's joys, but as for ourselves, call it weakness or enthusiasm, or what you will, we frankly confess, that the heartfelt delight of having been instrumental in restoring these men to freedom and happiness, would have been to us a double compensation for all the em- barrassments, rebuffs, and obstacles, numerous and severe as they have been, which the members of the society have thus far experienced. Had they brought to pass from the begin- ning only this one deed, we would lift up our voice in praise of their noble achievement, and say they had been blessed with a good reward. These rescued Africans, full of gratitude to their deliverers, sailed with Wilkinson in the Fidelity, for Mesura- do, in October last; Dr. Ayres had directions to send them home as soon as they arrived." HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 167 CHAPTER XI AGENCY OF DR. AYRES AND PURCHASE OF MESURADO BY HIM AND CAPTAIN R. F. STOCKTON. It was considered a circumstance peculiarly favourable and providential, that at this critical period of the society's affairs, Dr. Ely Ayres, a medical gentleman, believed to be possessed of every qualification for the office, offered himself to the Board to go out to Africa; and in the month of July 1822, sailed in the armed schooner Shark, Lieutenant Perry. Until the arrival of Dr. Ayres, the emigrants had never enjoyed the regular attendance of a physician. The society were also encouraged by the latest reports from Africa, for out of a population of one hundred people of colour, natives of America, some of whom had been exposed to two rainy seasons, not more than four deaths occurred during the year; and of these, it was believed, that only one was attributable to the climate. It was also ascertained by a comparison of facts at Sierra Leone, that the climate is much less noxious to black than to white men, coming from the same climate. Soon after the arrival of Dr. Ayres in the Shark, Captain Stockton, in the Alligator, came on the coast, and the opportu- nity was seized, in compliance with his instructions, to explore the coast, and select and purchase a territory ; and Captain Stockton's orders were to cooperate with the agents of the Colonization Society in securing a convenient territory for the settlement of the emigrants. It was also a peculiarly favoura- ble circumstance, that the services of an officer of so much in- telligence, energy, and personal courage should have been put into requisition, on this occasion. Dr. Ayres, leaving Mr. Wiitberger in charge of the affairs of the society at Foura Bay, accompanied Captain Stockton on an exploring voyage along the coast, in the schooner Augusta, IjS history of AFRICAN COLONIZATION. which, it will be recollected, had been purchased by the Rev. Samuel Bacon. On the 11th of December, they came to anchor in the Mesu- rado Bay, and the appearance of the coast in this quarter, con- firming the favourable reports which they had heard, they de- termined to land, and attempt a negotiation. After much delay they obtained a promise from the king to hold a " pala- ver," but to reach his residence they were obliged to leave the coast, and make their way by winding, narrow paths, through an almost impervious jungle. They were aware that they were putting themselves completely in the power of these bar- barians, in whose breasts every malignant passion had been fostered by the nefarious slave trade ; but they felt the import- ance of making a bold effort; and so they took, as it were, their lives in their hands, and conducted by a guide, proceeded until they arrived at the place where the palaver was to be held. Here they found the king and his head-men, with hun- dreds of people collected. At one time, the assembly became highly excited, and, indeed, so agitated, that Captain Stockton and Dr. Ayres were placed in imminent danger of their lives ; but the courage and presence of mind of Captain Stockton, on this trying occasion, extricated them, and restored the multitude to a state of tranquillity, and not only so, but they succeeded before the "palaver broke up" in forming a contract for the purchase of a territory, which was drawn up and executed with the usual solemnities. This contract or treaty was signed by six kings, by their marks, and by Captain Robert F. Stock- ton and Dr. Ely Ayres. The territory purchased, included the whole of the Cape, and the mouth of the river, and running back from the coast a certain distance ; but of necessity the boundaries must have been very indefinite, as so little was known of the country by the American agents. This part of the coast has always been considered very important, and fre- quent efforts had been made by Europeans to secure it, without success. Dr. Ayres, in his communication to the managers of the Colonization Society, says, " It has been the anxious desire of European powers, to get possession of this place, for more than one hundred years. Both the English and French liave made repeated trials to obtain it." Dr. Ayres also gives many reasons for preferring Cape Mesurado to Bassa Cove, which HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION". 169 had been selected by Messrs. Bacon and Andrus, which it is unnecessary here to detail. It may, however, be gratifying to the reader to see his account of the meeting at which the con- tract was made. " After waiting some time, they sent off an express for king Peter. It had been represented to us as unsafe to go on shore, without being armed, and that we should cer- tainly be murdered and robbed. But we determined to go unarmed, as an evidence that our aim was pacific. While sit- ting and waiting for the king under the shed of a Krooman, the people kept collecting, most of them with knives hanging to their sides. At length there came five or six armed with muskets. I began to think there might be some truth in the reports. We were now surrounded by fifty or sixty, armed in this way, and we without means of defence. I narrowly marked their countenances, as also that of Captain Stockton. 1 saw that he was no way concerned, and a little observation showed there was yet no hostility in their intentions. * * " Captain Stockton has shown himself throughout this busi- ness, to be the most consummate master of the human heart: and it is entirely owing to his address and penetration, that we have succeeded in obtaining a situation, the most desirable, in many respects, of any on the coast; and for which thousands of pounds Avould have been given by other persons, could they have obtained it." The consideration given for the territory, consisted of a large number of articles, enumerated in detail, which, though possessing no great intrinsic value, were such as are held in high esteem by savages. An incident of thrilling interest occurred in the progress of this negotiation. When the agents first made known to the king that their object was to obtain, by purchase, the Cape and the Island at the mouth of the river, he strongly objected to parting with the Cape, saying, " If any white man settle there, then king Peter would die — they would bury him, and then his woman would cry a plenty." Care was taken not to oppose the known pre- judices of the people, nor to present to them the advantages of civilization and Christianity, of which they could form no con- ception; but they urged upon the king the great advantages of trade, which from such a settlement would accrue to his people. After giving a vague promise that he would give the land, and 15 170 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. after seeing his head-men, the king said he would come again, the next day, and conclude the bargain. Accordingly, the pala- Ter was broken up, and the king departed. " Next day," says Dr. Ayres, " we went to meet his majesty. We found his head- men but no king : yet we sent an express for him. It was not until some time, and several messages had passed, that we could get him to meet us. When he came, the palaver was continued for about three hours; the unfortunate subject of the slave trade was broached, and we again broke up the palaver. Our pros- pect was now very dull ; we however determined not to give the subject up lightly; and the next day went on shore again, where the king had appointed to meet us. When we got there, we found neither the king nor any of his head-men. Our prospects now, were truly discouraging. We, as we had done before, sent an express for him. He sent word, he would not come nor let us have any land. It then became necessary to go and seek the king in his capital, or give np the thing as impracticable, as all persons had found it, who had attempted to negotiate for this place, before. To go to the town was to place ourselves entirely in the power of a nation, who had always been represented as so savage as to render it unsafe to land on their shore, without being completely armed. How- ever, we were determined to go; and were conducted by a Kroo- man, through dark dismal ways, at one time wading through the water, and at another wallowing through the mud; passing through thick and dark swamps, in narrow paths, for six or seven miles into the interior." When they arrived at king Peter's capital, they were shown into a palaver hall, spread with mats, to wait the coming of the king. The head-men came and shook hands, and said, that the king was dressing, and would see them in a short time. After about an hour, the king made his appearance; but instead of coming to shake hands, he went and seated himself in another palaver hall ; when his prime minister came and invited them to come to the king. He then shook hands, but looked very angry. The first thing which he said, was, " What you want that land for,?" Although this had been fully and repeatedly explained already, yet the matter was all gone over again. A large number of people had now collected, and appeared in no very pleasant humour. Captain Stockton, not liking the position which he HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 171 occupied, went and took his seat very near the king. Jnst at this time a man who was acquainted with the circumstance of a youth having been brought away from Bassa, who had unfortunately died at Sierra Leone, where he was left to obtain an education, now came forward and charged the agents with carrying away and killing the aforesaid youth. Another Kroo- man who had seen some of our colonists on board the vessel, gave information that these were the people who had been quarrelling at such a rate in Sherbro Island. The multitude were not a little excited by these communications. But to in- crease their difficulties and embarrassment, a mulatto fellow presented himself to Captain Stockton, and told him that he was one of those whom he had recently captured, and informed the assembly that this was the very person who liad captured several slave-vessels. The presence of these men accounted for the change which had taken place in the feelings of the king and his people. The situation of the agents was now critical in the extreme; surrounded by a multitude of savages, exasperated in the highest degree, by the communications which had been made to them by these men. They were also entirely unarmed, except that Captain Stockton had his pistols in his pocket. In a moment the vengeful feelings of the multi- tude broke out in a horrid war-yell, and every one of them rose to his feet, with the most menacing aspect. At this critical moment. Captain Stockton, perceiving that immediate violence was intended, deliberately rose, and drawing out one of his pistols presented it at the head of the king, while with the other hand raised to heaven, he solemnly appealed to the omniscient and omnipotent God, who was there present to witness what was going on, against the injustice with which they had been treated — on whose protection in this dangerous crisis he threw himself. This act of extraordinary courage and self-possession, doubtless, was the means, under God, of saving the lives of these two brave men. The king was intimidated, and the multitude fearing for the life of their sovereign, which they saw to be in imminent peril, fell flat on their faces; and in a little time, the first impulse of savage rage having subsided, they be- came calm, and the palaver went on more amicably than be- fore. Thus by the steady prudence and perseverance of Dr. Ayres, 172 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. and by the energy, chivalrous courage, and extraordinary self- possession of Captain Stockton, the greatest obstacle to the success of the colonization enterprise was overcome; and suffi- cient land for a settlement was purchased from those persons who were acknowledged to have an undisputed right to the country. The contract was made and signed in all due form, and part of the price immediately paid. The following is a literal and full copy of the original instrument by which this important territory was acquired: Agreement for the Cession and Purchase of Lands, entered into between the Agents of the American Colonization Society and the King and Headmen of Mesurado. Know all men, that this contract, made on the fifteenth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty-one, between King Peter, King George, King Zoda, and King Long Peter, their Princes and Headmen, of the one part; and Captain Robert F. Stockton and Eli Ayres, of the other part; witnesseth: that whereas certain persons, citizens of the United States of America, are desirous to esta- blish themselves on the western coast of Africa, and have in- vested Captain Robert F. Stockton and Eli Ayres with full powers to treat with and purchase from us, the said Kings, Princes, and Headmen, certain lands, viz : Dozoa Island, and also that portion of land bounded north and west by the At- lantic ocean, and on the south and east by a line drawn in a south-east direction from the mouth of the Mesurado river, we, the said Kings, Princes, and Headmen, being fully convinced of the pacific and just views of the said citizens of America, and being desirous to reciprocate the friendship and affection expressed for us and our people, do hereby, in con- sideration of so much paid in hand, viz: six muskets, one box beads, two hogsheads of tobacco, one cask gunpowder, six bars iron, ten iron pots, one dozen knives and forks, one dozen spoons, six pieces blue baft, four hats, three coats, three pair shoes, one box pipes, one keg nails, twenty looking-glasses, three pieces handkerchiefs, three pieces calico, three canes, four umbrellas, one box soap, one barrel rum: and to be paid the following — three casks tobacco, one box pipes, three barrels rum, twelve pieces cloth, six bars iron, one box beads, fifty knives, twenty looking-glasses, ten iron pots, (different sizes.) HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 173 twelve guns, three barrels gunpowder, one dozen plates, one dozen knives and forks, twenty hats, five casks beef, five barrels pork, ten barrels biscuit, twelve decanters, twelve glass tumblers, and fifty shoes: forever cede and relinquish the above described lands, with all thereto appertaining, or belong- ing, or reported so to belong, to Captain Robert F. Stockton and Eli Ayres, to have and to hold the said premises, for the use of these said citizens of America. And we, the said Kings, and Princes, and Headmen, do further pledge ourselves that we are the lawful owners of the above described lands, without manner of condition, limitation, or other matter. The contracting parties pledge themselves to live in peace and friendship, for ever; and do further contract not to make war, or otherwise molest or disturb each other. We, the Kings, Princes, and Headmen, for a proper con- sideration by us received, do further agree to build for the use of the said citizens of America six large houses, on any place selected by them within the above described tract of ceded land. In witness whereof, the said Kings, Princes, and Head- men, on the one part, and Captain Robert F. Stockton and Eli Ayres, of the other part, do set their hands to this covenant on the day and year above written. (Signed,) King Peter, ><1 his mark. King George, XI his mark. King ZoDA, X his mark. King Long Peter, X his mark. King Governor, X his mark. King Jimmy, XI his mark. Captain Robert F. Stockton. Eli Ayres, M. D. mtness SJohnS.Mill, ^ John Craig. As there were some houses on Cape Mesurado, owned or claimed by John S. Mill, these were also purchased, and the following contract entered into : Jigreement ivith J. S. Mill. — I hereby contract, for the con- sideration of one barrel of rum, one tierce of tobacco, one bar- rel of bread, one barrel of beef, one barrel of pork, and one piece of trade-cloth, to give to Captain Robert F. Stockton and 15* 174 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. Eli Ayres all my right ciiid title to the houses situated on the land bought by them on Cape Mesurado. In witness whereof I have hereunto signed my name, on this sixteenth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-one. (Signed,) John S, Mill. IV / 5 ^^^^''^^s Carey, X his mark. f^vicness ^^villiam Rogers, X his mark. We promise to present to Charles Carey one coat. (Signed,) Robert F. Stockton, Eli Ayres. The news of this felicitous transaction gave joy to all the friends of the cause in this country, and inspired the Board with new courage, as well as more confident hopes of ultimate success. Immediately after the purchase of a territory, Dr. Ayres took measures to have the colonists removed from Sierra Leone to Mesurado. Some of the people, while they resided at Foura Bay, manifested something of a spirit of insubordination; and when it was announced by Dr. Ayres, that on the first of January, a vessel would be ready to remove them to the pur- chased possession, a few of these refractory persons declared their unwillingness to remove, and accordingly remained as residents of the British colony, "an event," say the managers, "by no means to be regretted." The colonists arrived at Cape Mesurado on the 7th of Jan- uary, 1822. It was soon ascertained that King Peter had been condemned by the other chiefs of the country, for the sale of the land, and had been threatened with the loss of his head ; and that it had been decreed that our people should leave the coast. Notwith- standing this unpleasant information, the vessel was unloaded, and preparations made for building. It was found indispensa- ble, however, to have another interview with the kings, when it was found that their first intelhgence was but too well founded; but the energy and firmness of Dr. Ayres, the agent, checked the rising opposition and restored tranquillity. During the month of February, disease prevailed among the people, and prevented any vigorous exertions. Those of the colonists who could not obtain a passage among the first, or who were detained on other accounts at Foura Bay, found an HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 175 opportunity of following their brethren, in the Calypso, about the middle of February. The business of the colony requiring the agent to visit Sierra Leone, he went thither, and remained until the 7th of April, when on landing at Mesurado, he found the colony in a state of confusion and alarm. An unfortunate affair had like to have produced a failure of the whole scheme. A small vessel, a prize to an English cruiser, with thirty cap- tured slaves on board, and bound for Sierra Leone, put in for water at Perseverance Island, a part of the recently pur- chased territory, where the colonists were now stationed. Having parted her cable, she drifted on shore, and was wreck- ed. The custom of the coast appropriates to the petty chief on whose land a shipwreck takes place, the vessel and her entire contents. King George, to whom the land had be- longed before the late purchase, sent his people to take pos- session of the vessel and goods. Resistance was made by the captain and his crew, and the savages were repelled. While the natives were preparing to renew the attack, the cap- tain sent to the agent of the colony for aid, which was rea- dily granted. A boat was instantly manned and sent to his relief; and a brass field piece on the island was brought to bear on the assailants, who were put to the rout, with the loss of two killed, and several wounded. The crew and slaves were brought in safety to the land, but the vessel went to pieces, and most of the stores and property were lost. The natives were greatly exasperated, both at the loss of their prey, and the death of some of their people. On the following day they renewed their attack with a greater force, and a British soldier, and one of the colonists lost their lives. The state of feeling towards the colonists now became very vindictive; and the natives, fearing that their most valued rights were about to be invaded, and especially, that the slave trade, on which they depended for all their gains and supplies, was about to be destroyed, determined forthwith to extirpate the infant colony. Only a part of the goods stipulated in the treaty of purchase had been paid, and they now refused to receive the remainder, and insisted on returning what they had received. To this the agent would not consent, and to accomplish their purpose they had recourse to a stratagem. They invited him to an amicable conference, and as soon as they had him in their power they 176 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. made him a prisoner, and detained him, until he consented to take back the articles paid for the land. Then they insisted on the colonists leaving the coast; or, at least, leaving that place. He urged the difficulty of being obliged to go, when they had no place to which they could remove. They did, therefore, so far relax in their demands, as to permit them to remain until they could make a purchase elsewhere. In the meantime Dr. Ayres made an appeal to King Boatswain, who held a kind of supremacy among the kings, and who, on hearing the allega- tions on both sides, decided in favour of the colonists. He said, the bargain had been fair on both sides, and that he saw no grounds for rescinding the contract. He therefore decided, that the kings who sold the land, should receive the stipulated goods, and give up all claim to the territory purchased for the colony. With this judgment, though reluctantly, they were obliged to comply, for King Boatswain threatened them with vengeance if they refused to comply. But no sooner had Boatswain departed to his own territory, than they again resolved to de- stroy the colony. The colonists being informed of their inten- tion, determined to make the best preparation they could for resistance. The Dey tribe, which occupies this region, were thrown into a state of fervid excitement. They saw that a dangerous enemy had been introduced into their bosom. Old King Peter, the patriarch of the nation, was capitally impeached and brought to trial, on a charge of having betrayed the interests of his people, and sold the country to strangers. The accusation was substantiated, and for a while it was doubtful whether he would not be subjected to capital punishment for his treason. Another unfortunate accident occurred. An English sailor, by discharging a cannon in the immediate vicinity of the store- house, set the building on fire, and most of the provisions and clothing of the colonists were burnt, with the house. Dr. Ayres found it necessary to have another meeting of the kings. In this convention he gave a concise history of his pro- ceedings since his arrival in Africa, and maintained with spirit and boldness his right to the purchased territory. After some opposition and delay, the whole assembly, amounting to seven- teen kings, and thirty-four half-kings, assented to the settlement of the colonists ; and on the 25th of April, 1822, the Jimerican flag tuas hoisted on Cape Mesurado. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 177 Dr. Ayres now resolved on a visit to the United States, to make known the situation, and urgent wants of the colony, and to obtain supplies for its relief. Before his departure, he again visited Sierra Leone, obtained provisions for the colony, re- turned to Mesurado, appointed one of the most respectable colonists to act as superintendent during his absence ; and after witnessing with high satisfaction, the peace and comparative prosperity of the colony, he took passage for the United States on the 4th of June, 1S22. Among the colonists who distinguished themselves for their good conduct, fortitude, and active cooperation with the agent, were Elijah Johnston, Joseph Blake, Lot Carey, and Richard Sampson. CHAPTER XIL AGENCY OF MR. JEHUDI ASHMUN. Whether it was a prudent step for Dr. Ayres, the agent, to leave the colony in their present exposed and unsettled state, is a question which we shall not discuss; as all the circum- stances of the case cannot be now fully understood. No doubt, in taking this step, he believed that the necessities of the colony iH'gently required, that he should visit the United States with- out delay; but it is equally certain that he left the colony at a very critical time, and in a very perilous condition. Indeed had it not been for the unexpected and providential arrival of ]Mr. J. Ashmun, with a recruit of emigrants for the colony, all would, as far as human foresight goes, have been lost, and the little colony utterly extirpated. The Africans released from slavery in Georgia, being now ready to return, the Board of managers were anxious to find a suitable person to take charge of them, and some other emi- grants who were desirous of going to Africa. The government were to pay the expenses of those who had been brought into this country, and the brig Strong was chartered for their ac- commodation. 178 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. Jnst at this time Mr. J. Ashmun — a name which will ever be prominent in the history of African colonization — offered his services, and was appointed to superintend the expedition. As the brig was to sail from Baltimore, he spent about a month in that city, soliciting donations and purchasing supplies. On the 15th of May, 1823, all the passengers were assembled on board. And on the 20th, the vessel left Baltimore. Mrs. Ash- mun accompanied her husband, as it was uncertain liow long he might be detained on the coast of Africa, for he was re- quested by the Board, to take charge of the colony, if the other agents should not be there. The Strong was found to be a dull sailer, and experiencing much rough weather, she was eighty- one days on the passage. On the 9th of August, 1822, Mr. Ashmun stood on Cape Mesurado; and having ascertained that both agents had left the country, he assumed, agreeably to his pledge to the Board, the direction as principal agent of the affairs of the colony. He found a respectable emigrant in charge of the public property, and acting as agent during Dr. Ayres's absence; but he found no books or documents, defining the limits of the purchased territory, explaining the state of the negotiations with the na- tives, or throwing light on the duties of the agency. "Cape Mesurado, elevated from seventy-five to eighty feet above the sea, forms the abrupt termination of a narrow tongue of land, in length thirty-six miles, and from one and a, half to the three miles in breadth; bounded on the south-west by the ocean, and on the north-east by the rivers Mesurado and Junk, running in nearly opposite directions; their sources, how- ever, are very near together, but their course is crooked. The isthmus between them constitutes the junction of the Mesura- do peninsula to the mainland. The site chosen for the original settlement, (Monrovia,) is two miles from the point of the Cape, on the ridge, approaching here to within one hundred and fifty yards of the river, to which there is a steep descent. This site, and a large portion of the peninsula, was, when ceded to the society, covered with a lofty and dense forest, entangled with vines and brushwood, the haunts of savage beasts, and through which the barbarians were accustomed to thread their narrow and winding paths to the coast."* * Ashmun's Life by Gurley.' HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 179 When Mr. Ashmiin arrived, a small spot had been cleared, about thu'ty houses constructed in the native style, with a store- house entirely too small to receive any supplies, in addition to those it then contained. The rainy season was at its height, the public property had been chieiiy consumed by fire. Some of the settlers, already on the ground, were but imperfectly sheltered; and for those just arrived, no preparation had been made. The settlement had no adequate means of defence, while the chiefs of the country no longer concealed their hostile designs. The whole population, including those who had arrived in the Strong, did not exceed one hundred and thirty; of whom, thirty-five only were capable of bearing arms. Mr. Ashmun, after taking a comprehensive view of the con- dition of the colony, began to adopt such measures as were practicable for the safety and subsistence of the people. A colonial journal was opened with the design of recording all important transactions and events. Separate inventories were entered in a book of the public stores, found in the colony, and of those sent in the Strong; both by the United States and the society. Orders were given for the erection of a storehouse; for completing a building, just commenced, for the recaptured Africans; and for the best preparation that could be made for the other emigrants, who came out in the Strong, in the houses already occupied. Soon after her arrival, the Strong was forced from lier moor- ings, with the loss of one of her anchors; and the vessel for some time, was in the most imminent hazard of being driven ashore; and when she was got out of the bay, formed by Cape Mesurado and Cape Mount, and was again brought to a fixed position, it was at the distance of five miles from the settle- ment. During this disagreeable state of things, the agent and all the emigrants were on board. The people, however, were safely landed on the 13th and 14th of August; but it was four weeks before the agent had the satisfaction of seeing all the stores safely landed. Efforts were made, without delay, to ascertain, as far as this was practicable, the dispositions of the principal chiefs of the country; and by oifers of an honest and friendly trade, and by proposals to instruct their sons, to bind them in the most amicable relations to the colony. He entered into correspond- ence with King Peter, and King Bristol, who both expressed a 180 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. kind feeling towards the colony, and a willingness to trade with the people of the settlement. But under these plausible and friendly professions, there was lurking in the minds of many of the chiefs a spirit of determined hostility. The agent's principal hope of safety consisted in the difficulty of so many independent chiefs being able to unite, or to agree on any plan of hostile operation. The recaptured Africans were placed by JMr. Ashmun in a community by themselves, under a judicious superintendent, who was directed to regulate their hours, lead their family de- votion, and instruct them in reading, writing, arithmetic, and the principles of the Christian religion. They were also to be taught agriculture, and trained up in habits of cleanliness and industry. Orders were also given for a comfortable house to be erected for the agent, and that lots should be assigned to the new comers. It was also determined by the agent, that several natives, mostly sons of head-men, should be received into the colony as labourers, and for compensation, be instruct- ed in the English language ; that as soon as practicable, the grounds should be cleared, and planted with the most useful vegetables. But nothing appeared to him more important, than to give attention to works of defence. Still he had no apprehension of the imminent peril to which the colony, in a short time, would be exposed. But as Mr. Ashmun himself has written the history of the interesting and eventful period, which now follows, it is but just that he be permitted to speak in his own language. "So early as the ISth of August, the present martello tower was planned; a company of labourers, employed by the agent in clearing the ground on which it stands, and a particular survey taken of the military strength and means of the settlers. Of the native Americans, twenty-seven, when not sick, were able to bear arms ; but they were wholly untrained to their use ; and capable in their present undisciplined state of making but a very feeble defence indeed. Tliere were forty muskets in store, which, with repairing, were capable of being rendered serviceable. Of five iron guns and one brass attached to the settlement, the last only was fit for service, and four of the former required carriages. Several of these were nearly buried in the mud, on the opposite side of the river. Not a yard of abatis, or other fence-work, had been constructed. There was HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 181 no fixed ammunition, nor, without great difficulty and delay, was it possible to load the only gun which was provided with a sufficient carriage. ''It was soon perceived that the means, as well as an organ- ized system of defence, were to be originated, without either the materials or the artificers usually considered necessary for such purposes. In the organization of the men, thirteen Afri- can youths attached to the United States' Agency, most of whom had never loaded a musket, were enrolled in the Lieu- tenant's corps, and daily exercised in the use of arms. The guns were, one after another, with infinite labour, transported over the river, conveyed to the height of the peninsula, and mounted on rough truck carriages, which in the event proved to answer a very good purpose. A master of ordnance was appointed, who, with his assistants, repaired the small arms — made up a quantity of fixed ammunition, and otherwise aided in arranging the details of the service. " The little town was closely environed, except on the side of the river, with the heavy forest in the bosom of which it was situated — thus giving to a savage enemy an important advantage, of which it became absolutely necessary to deprive him, by enlarging to the utmost, Ihe cleared space about the buildings. This labour was immediately undertaken, and car- ried on without any other intermission, than that caused by sickness of the people, and the interruption of other duties equally connected with the safety of the place. But the rains were immoderate and nearly constant. " In addition to these fatiguing labours, was that of main- taining the nightly watch; which, from the number of senti- nels necessary for the common safety, shortly became more exhausting than all the other burdens of the people. No less than twenty individuals were every night detailed for this duty, after the 31st of August."* * " On this day, the strength of the colony was thus organized, and the accom- panying orders issued : 1. The settlement is under military law. 2. E. Johnson is Commissary of Stores. 3. R. Sampson is Commissary of Ordnance. 4. L, Carey, Health Officer and Government Inspector. 5. F. James, Captain of brass mounted field-piece ; and has assigned to his command, R. Newport, M. S. Draper, William Meade, and J. Adams. 16 182 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. « On the 25th of August, Mr. Ashmun experienced the first attack of fever; and on the next day his wife was seized. Sick- ness also prevailed among the recent emigrants; so that on the 10th of September, only two, of the whole number, remained in health. For four weeks the agent struggled with his disease. In the morning, after a night of delirium and suffering, he would be for hours employed in laying ofl' and directing the execution of the public works. " About the first of September, the intercourse between the settlement and the people of the country, had nearly ceased, and the native youths who had been residing in the colony, were daily deserting in consequence of recent intelligence con- veyed to them by their friends. " The plan of defence adopted was to station five heavy guns at the different angles of a triangle which should circum- scribe the whole settlement — each of the angles resting on a •point of ground sufficiently commanding to enfilade two sides of the triangle, and sweep a considerable extent of ground beyond the lines. The guns at these stations were to be covered by musket-proof triangular stockades, of which any two should be sufficient to contain all the settlers in their wings. The brass piece and two swivels mounted on travel- ling carriages, were stationed in the centre, ready to support 6. A. James, Captain of Long 18; and under his command, J. Benson, E. Smith, William Hollinger, D. Hawkins, John and Thomas Spencer. 7. J. Shaw, Captain of the Southern Picket Station, mounting two iron guns. To'his command are attached S. Campbell, E. Jackson, J. Lawrence, L. Crook, and George Washington. 8. D. George, Captain of Eastern Picket Station, mounting two iron guns; attached are A. Edmondson, Joseph Gardiner, Josh. Webster, and J. Carey. 9. C. Brander, Captain of a Carriage mounting two swivels, to act in concert with the brass piece, and move from station to station, as the occasion may re- quire ; attached are T. Tines, and L. Butler. 10. Every man is to have his musket and ammunition with him even when at the large guns. 11. Every officer is responsible for the conduct of the men placed under him, who are to obey him at their peril. 12. The guns are all to be got ready for action immediately — and every effec- tive man is to be employed on the Pickets. 13. Five stations to be occupied by guards at night, till other orders shall be given. 14. No useless firing permitted. 15. In case of an alarm, every man is to repair instantly to his post and do his duty." HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 183 the post which might be exposed to the heaviest attack. After completing these detached works, it was the intention of the agent, had the enemy allowed the time, to join all together by a paling to be carried quite around the settlement; and in the event of a yet longer respite, to carry on, as rapidly as possible, mider the protection of the nearest fortified point, the construc- tion of the martello tower; which, as soon as completed, would nearly supersede all the other works ; and by presenting an impregnable barrier to the success of any native force, pro- bably become the instrument of a general and permanent paci- fication. Connected with these measures of safety, was the extension to the utmost, of the cleared space about the settle- ment, still leaving the trees and brushwood, after being sepa- rated from their trunks, to spread the ground with a tangled hedge, through which nothing should be able to make its way, except the shot from the batteries. " This plan was fully communicated to the most intelligent of the people ; which, in the event of the disability or death of the agent, they might, it was hoped, so far carry into effect as to ensure the preservation of the settlement." " On the sixth of September, the agent convened the people, read to them the instructions of the Board, and published such laws, by-laws and regulations as he deemed essential to the public welfare. ' Taken together,' he remarks, ' they comprise all the special written laws which exist in the settlement.' In addition to sundry explanations touching the particular laws, he offered on the occasion several remarks, in substance, as follows : " ' That the government of the colony ought to be a govern- ment of reason, rehgion, and law, and not that of a master over his refractory servants; that the agent should comply with the instructions of the society, consult the interest of the colony, and abide strictly by the sense of the constitution as far as he understood them in all the regulations he should establish; that he intended to represent the society as if present; that no more nor more rigid laws should be passed than were judged necessary; and that laws once passed, it need not be said, must be obeyed, or the penalty suffered; that he sincerely, devoted himself, while Divine Providence should continue him in his present situation, to the welfare of the settlement. And his first wish was to see it prosperous. He sympathized with not 184 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. a few present, who had encountered and sustained dangers and hardships of a trying nature. It was the wish of the society, it was his wish to see them as soon as possible, rewarded for all their sufferings, by a home abounding with peace and all the comforts of this life, and the best means of preparing for one infinitely better. He had the satisfaction to regard himself as the personal friend of many present, and hoped these feel- ings would be interrupted by no fault or indiscretion on either part.' "On the 12th of September, the agent wrote the following sentences in the Colonial Journal. " ' Rain falls in floods. The sick all seem better except Mrs. Ashmun. She is speechless, and almost without the use of her reason. There is no rational hope of her recovery. All reme- dies on which her husband dares to venture, have been tried in vain. He now with a burdened heart, resigns her up to her God, and scarcely able to support himself, painfully watches over what he considers the last hours of her mortal existence. When last possessed of the power of reflection, she declared herself happy in her God — and to possess not a wish which was not absorbed in His holy will. The reading of the Scrip- tures seemed perceptibly to feed and revive her faith in the precious Redeemer. She seemed to have intercourse with God in prayer. Her husband may follow her in a few days, or weeks at most; and he here ventures to record it as the first wish of his heart, that the will of the Lord may be done.' " Mr. Ashmun strove manfully against the power of his dis- ease, and the tide of distressing thoughts which rushed upon him as he beheld his wife, ' a female of most delicate constitu- tion, lying under the influence of a mortal fever, in the corner of a miserable hut, (to ventilate which in a proper manner was impossible,) on a couch literally dripping whh water, which a roof of thatch was unable to exclude — circumstances rendering recovery impossible, and in which even the dying struggle almost brought relief to the agonized feelings of surviving friendship.'* She expired on Sunday the 15th of September. * Her life,' observes he who knew her best, ' had been that of uncommon devotion and self-denial, inspired by a vigorous and practical faith in the Divine Saviour of the world; and her end, * Mr. Ashmun's Letter to Captain Spence. HISTORY or AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 185 according to his promise, was ineffable peace.' To this, we add, that in the recollections of her friends, are the impressions still vivid of her zeal and charity in behalf of the neglected and ignorant of this, and the wretched heathens of other lands; and how, from early youth, it had been her chief desire, that it might be her work and honour, to guide the untaught children of some uncivilized regions to the God of her hope and sal- vation. " It was a kind dispensation of Providence, that the agent was spared to make the most important arrangements for the defence of the settlement, before the hand of disease rendered him entirely incapable of exertion. From the middle of Sep- tember, mitil the first week of November, he remained in an extremely low and dangerous state, nearly incapable of motion, and conscious of little but suffering. As soon as the force of his disease was somewhat abated, he discovered that much had been effected by the industry of the people; that on the whole southern quarter of the settlement, the trees had been cleared away, and so thrown together, as in a good measure to ob- struct the approach of an enemy. Their routine of daily labour and nightly watching, however, had been such as to forbid their completing the preparations; the western station was still uncovered; and the long gun, intended for its chief defence, unmounted. On the 7th of November, the agent was able to 'recommence entries in the Journal, and thereafter daily to take an increasing share in the operations of the people.' " In the mean time, the kings and head-men of the country had held secret meetings to discuss and decide upon measures of hostility to the colony. By the diligence and fidelity of an individual whose name has not been divulged, the agent ' was informed of the sentiments of each, and often furnished with the very arguments used in their debates.' Some diversity of opinion existed in the war-council. Two or three of the chiefs were opposed to the war, but a large majority, not fewer than nine or ten, resolved to unite their forces and make an early attack upon the settlement. The agent, through one of their number who was undecided on his course, informed them 'that he was perfectly apprised of their hostile deliberations, not- withstanding their pains to conceal them; and that if they pro- ceeded to bring war upon the Americans, without even asking 16* 186 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. to settle their differences in a friendly manner, they would dearly learn what it was to fight white men.'* " On the 7th of November," says Mr, Ashmun, " intelligence was received at the Cape that the last measures had been taken preparatory to an assault on the settlement, which was ordered within four days. The plan of attack being left to the head warriors, whose trade it is to concert and conduct it, was not to be learnt. " The agent was able, with assistance, to inspect the works, and review the little force the same evening. He stated to the people the purport of the intelligence just received; that ' war was now inevitable; and the preservation of their pro- perty, their settlement, their families, and their lives, depended under God, wholly upon their own firmness and good conduct; that a most important point in the defence of the place, was to secure a perfect uniformity of action, which should assure to every post and individual the firm support of every other. To this end, they must as punctiliously obey their officers as if their whole duty were centered, as it probably was, in that one point; and every man as faithfully exert himself, as if the whole de- fence depended on his single efforts. A coward, it was hoped, did not disgrace their ranks; and as the <;ause was emphatically that of God and their country, they might confidently expect his blessing and success to attend the faithful discharge of their duty.' — Every thing was then disposed in order of action, and the men marched to their posts. They lay on their arms, with matches lighted, through the night. " On the 8th the agent, by an effort which entirely exhausted his strength, proceeded to examine the obstruction thrown in the way of the avenues to the settlement; and perceived to his extreme mortification, that the west quarter was still capa- ble of being approached by a narrow path-way, without diffi- culty; and that the utmost exertions of the workmen had accomplished only the mounting of the revolving nine pounder at the post; by which the path was enfiladed; but that the platform was still left entirely exposed. The eastern quarter was about equally opened to the approach of the enemy, but * A phrase by which civilized people of all colours and nations, are distin- guished in the dialect of the coast. HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 187 the station was protected by a stockade, and a steep ledge of rocks made the access difficult. " Picket-guards of four men each were detailed, to be posted one hundred yards in advance of each of the stations, through the night. No man was allowed to sleep before the following day, at sun-rise; and patrols of native Africans were dispersed through the woods in every direction. An order was given to families occupying the most exposed houses, to sleep in such as were more centrally situated.* " Throughout the 9th, the order established on the preceding day continued; and some progress was made in the labour of falling trees, and otherwise obstructing every practicable ac- cess to the settlement, " Sunday, November lOlh. The morning was devoted, as usual, to the refreshment of the settlers, none of whom had slept for the twenty-four hours preceding. At 1 P. M. all were remanded to their fatigue and other duties, till sun-set; when the order appointed for the preceding night was resumed. The women and children attended divine service. " Intelligence had reached the agent early in the day, that the hostile forces had made a movement, and were crossing the Mesurado river a few miles above the settlement; but the patrols made no discovery through the day. At sun-set, how- ever, the enemy again put themselves in motion, and at an early hour of the night, had assembled, as was afterwards learnt, to the number of six to nine hundred men, on the peninsula, where, at the distance of less than half a mile to the westward of the settlement, they encamped till near morning. Their camp, afterwards examined, extended half a mile in length, and induces a strong probability that the number of warriors assembled on this occasion, has been altogether under- rated,! " The most wakeful vigilance on the part of the settlers, was * In the multitude of cares devolving on the agent, who dictated most of his instructions from his bed, the measures necessary to secure the proper observance of this order were unhappily omitted; and the rashness of the misguided indi- viduals who disobeyed it, met with a signal punishment. t The number given above, is deduced from the discordant accounts given by the kings of the country, after the termination of hostilities; some of whom rated it much liigher; but all were ignorant of the true number, and all were interested to state it as low as would obtain credit. 188 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. kept up through the night. — But, with a fatality which was quite of a piece with all the hindrances tliat had impeded the progress of the defences on the western quarter, the picket- guard in advance of that post, ventured on a violation of their orders, by leaving their station at the first dawn of day; at which it was their duty to remain till sun-rise. The native force was already in motion, and followed directly in the rear of the picket-guard. The latter had just rejoined their gun, about which ten men were now assembled ; when the enemy suddenly presented a front of ten yards in width, at sixty distant, delivered their fire, and rushed forward with their spears to seize the post. Several men were killed and disabled by the first fire, and the remainder driven from their gun without discharging it. These, retiring upon the centre, threw the reserve there stationed into momentary confusion; and had the enemy at this instant pressed their advantage, it is hardly conceivable that they should have failed of entire success. Their avidity for plunder was their defeat. Four houses in that outskirt of the settle- ment, had fallen into their hands. Every man on whose savage rapacity so resistless a temptation happened to operate, rushed impetuously upon the pillage thus thrown in his way. The movement of the main body was disordered and impeded; and an opportunity afforded the agent, assisted principally by the Rev. Lot Gary, to rally the broken force of the settlers. The two central guns, with a part of their own men, and several who had been driven from the western station, were, with a little exertion, brought back into action, and formed in the line of two slight buildings, thirty yards in advance of the enemy. " The second discharge of a brass field-piece, double-shotted with ball and grape, brought the whole body of the enemy to a stand. That gun was well served, and appeared to do great execution. The havoc would have been greater, had not the fire, from motives of humanity, been so directed as to clear the dwellings about which the enemy's force was gathered in heavy masses. These houses were known at that moment to contain more than twelve helpless women and children. " The eastern and southern posts, were, from their situation, precluded from rendering any active assistance on the occasion ; but the officers and men attached to them, deserve the highest HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 189 praise, of doing their duty by maintaining their stations, and thus protecting the flank and rear of the few whose lot it was to be brought to action. " A few musketeers, with E. Johnson at their head, by pass- ing round upon the enemy's flank, served to increase the con- sternation which was beginning to pervade their imwieldy body. In about twenty minutes after the settlers had taken their stand, the front of the enemy began to recoil. But the numerous obstructions in their rear, the entire absence of dis- cipline, and the extreme difficulty of giving a reversed mo- tion to so large a body, a small part only of which was directly exposed to danger, and the delay occasioned by the practice of carrying off" all their dead and wounded, rendered a retreat for some minutes longer, impossible. The very violence employed by those in the front, in their impatience to hasten it, by in- creasing the confusion, produced an effect opposite to that in- tended. The Americans perceiving their advantage, now regained possession of the western post, and instantly brought the long nine to rake the whole line of the enemy. Imagina- tion can scarcely figure to itself a throng of human beings in a more capital state of exposure to the destructive power of the machinery of modern warfare ! Eight hundred men were here pressed shoulder to shoulder, in so compact a form that a child might easily walk upon their heads from one end of the mass to the other, presenting in their rear a breadth of rank equal to twenty or thirty men, and all exposed to a gun of great power, raised on a platform, at only thirty to sixty yards distance ! Every shot literally spent its force in a solid mass of living hu- man flesh ! Their fire suddenly terminated. A savage yell was raised, which filled the dismal forest with a momentary horror. It gradually died away, and the whole host disappeared. At eight o'clock the well known signal of their dispersion and return to their homes, was sounded, and many small parties seen at a distance, directly afterwards, moving off" in different directions. One large canoe employed in reconveying a party across the mouth of the Mesurado, venturing within the range of the long gun, was struck by a shot, and several men killed. " On the part of the settlers, it was soon discovered that con- siderable injury had been sustained. 190 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. " One woman* who had imprudently passed the night in the honse first beset by the enemy, had received thirteen wounds, and been thrown aside as dead. Another,! flying from her house with her two infant children, received a wound in the head, from a cutlass, and was robbed of both her babes; but providentially escaped. A young married woman,J with the mother of five small children, finding the house in which they slept surrounded by savage enemies, barricadoed the door, in the vain hope of safety. It was forced. Each of the women then seizing an axe, held the irresolute barbarians in check for several minutes longer. Having discharged their guns, they seemed desirous of gaining the shelter of the house previous to reloading. — At length, with the aid of their spears, and by means of a general rush, they overcame their heroine adversa- ries, and instantly stabbed the youngest to the heart. The mother, instinctively springing for her suckling babe, which recoiled through fright, and was left behind, rushed through a small window on the opposite side of the house, and providen- tially escaped to the lines, unhurt, between two heavy fires. " The agent had caused a return to be made at 9 o'clock, which certainly exhibited a melancholy statement of the loss sustained by the little company. But it was animating to per- ceive that none, not even the wounded in their severest suffer- ings, were dispirited, or insensible of the signal providence to which they owed the successful issue of their struggle. "It has never been possible to ascertain the number of the enemy killed or disabled on this occasion. The only entry made on the subject in the Colonial Journal, is dated Novem- ber 15th; and states, ' The following circumstances prove the carnage to have been, for the number engaged, great. A large canoe, from which the dead and wounded could be seen to be taken, on its arriving at the opposite side of the Mesurado, and which might easily carry twelve men, was employed up- wards of two hours in ferrying them over. In this time, not less than ten or twelve trips must have been made. It is also known, that many of the wounded were conveyed away along the south beach, on mats ; and that the dead, left of necessity * Mrs. Ann Hawkins ; who after long and incredible sufferings recovered, and is yet living. t Mrs. Minty Draper, t Mary Tines. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 191 in the woods, where many fell, are carried off by their friends every night. But two days ago, twenty-seven bodies were discovered by a party of friendly Condoes employed by the agent for the purpose. On entering the wood, the offensive effluvium from putrid bodies, is at this time intolerable.' " The numerical force of the settlers amounted to thirty-five persons, including six native youths not sixteen years of age. Of this number, about one half were engaged. " At nine o'clock, the agent, after advising with the most sensible mechanics, and others of the settlers, issued an order for contracting the lines, by excluding about one-fourth part of the houses, and surrounding the remainder, including the stores, with a musket-proof stockade; at the angles of which, all the guns were to be posted. The fence palings and building ma- terials of individuals, were taken for this palisade, of which, before night, more than eighty yards were completed. " This work was resumed early the next day, and far ad- vanced towards a completion, before it was judged safe to devote an hour even to the melancholy duty of burying the dead; which was performed on the evening of the 12th. By contracting the lines, the number of men necessary to guard them, was considerably reduced; and thus a relief for the peo- ple obtained, which their sickly and feeble state absolutely called for. As early as the 14th, one-half of their number were released from camp duty, after eight o'clock in the morning; but every man remanded to his post through the night. An additional gun was mounted and posted on the same day : on the 17th, the artillerists were newly organized; and every day witnessed either some improvements in the discipline of the men, or in the means of defence and annoyance. " It could not fail, in the state of utter abandonment and soli- tude to which this little company was reduced, to be felt as an encouraging circumstance, that Tom Bassa, a prince of some distinction, should, at this moment, have sent a message to assure the colony of his friendship; and in testimony of his sincerity, to have forwarded a small present of the productions of the country. "The enclosure was completed on Sunday morning, the 17th; when about one-half of the people had the privilege of celebrating divine service — a privilege which many of them very highly appreciated. 192 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. "It is not to be either concealed, or made the subject of a too severe censure, that several of the people should have yielded, as soon as leisure was afforded for reflection, to the discourag- ing circumstances of their situation. There were not at this time, exclusive of rice, fifteen days' provisions in store. Every individual was subjected to an allowance which could not sus- tain animal strength, under the burden of so many severe and extraordinary labours. Nothing could be obtained from the country. Seven infant children were in the hands of an enemy infuriated by his recent losses. The native forces were cer- tainly not dispersed; but it was no longer in the agent's power either to learn the intention of the chiefs, or to convey any message through to them. Add to these unpleasant ingredients of their lot, the more cruel circumstance, perhaps of all, that the ammunition of the colony was insufficient for a single hour's defence of the place if hotly attacked, and an apology may surely be found for the very alarming despondency which was invading the minds of several of the settlers. It was a happy providence that, at this critical moment, the agent's health was so far mended, as to put it in his power often to attend the men, at their posts and labours, by night and day — to animate them by every method which his invention could suggest — and when these failed, to draw from their despair itself, an argument for a faithful discharge of their duty. In this difficult labour, he was ably and successfully supported by several of the most sensible and influential of the colonists. " An earnest, but ineffectual effort was now made to engage the kings in a treaty of peace. The state of the settlement, as well as motives of humanity, urged that no proper means should be neglected of bringing the war to a termination. " The enemy was assured ' that the Americans came with friendly intentions; that they had evinced those friendly inten- tions in all their intercourse with the people of the country; that they were willing to settle a peace, but were also prepared to carry on the war, and render it immensely more destructive than it had yet been found to their foes.' — But though mes- sages were daily exchanged with the chiefs for a time, and though they professed a pacific disposition, it was known that they were earnestly engaged in securing allies from all quar- ters, and the agent made diligent preparations for a second attack. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 193 "'The 23d of November was devoted to humiliation thanks- giving, and prayer, both on account of the recent success, and losses, and the actual perilous state of the settlement. Two days afterwards, the most pressing wants of the people were relieved by a small purchase from a transient trader touching at the Cape,' "A generous foreigner, Captain H. Brassey, of Liverpool, arrived on the 29th, ' and nearly exhausted his own stores to relieve the distresses of the sick and wounded, and exerted an extensive influence, acquired by long acquaintance with the chiefs, to disarm their hostilities.' But in vain. ' It was ascer- tained to be their purpose to renew that very night, with a large reinforcement, their eff"orts to destroy the settlement. The presence of Captain Brassey's large ship in the harbour, induced them to defer the attack.' " In a letter dated November 30, addressed to the Board, Mr. Ashmun writes: 'AH the tribes around us are combined in war against us. Their principal object is plunder. We are surrounded only with a slight barricade, and can only raise a force of thirty men; have not time, limits, nor the means to erect an eff'ectual and permanent fortification, nor any means except what casually offers of sending to Sierra Leone for aid. We endeavour to make God our trust. I have no idea but to wait here for His deliverance — or to lay our bones on Cape Mesurado.' After many suggestions in regard to supplies by future expeditions, he concludes : ' Dear sir, pray for us fervently, that if living, God Almighty ivould be with us.' " Mr. Ashmun thus describes the contest on the morning of the 2d of December: "' The agent, for the first time, spent the whole night (29tb) at the different posts ; and had the satisfaction to perceive every man attentive to his duty, and every thing connected with the defence in a state of the most perfect preparation. The wood had been cleared for a considerable space about the town. The enemy in order to approach within musket shot of the works, was obliged to place himself unsheltered, in the open field; and could advance upon no point which Avas not exposed to the cross-fire of two or more of the posts. The stockade, for a distance on each side of all the several stations, was rendered impenetrable to musket shot ; and in every part afforded a shelter, behind which the defenders might indulge the confi- 17 194 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. dence of being nearly secure — a point of the very first import- ance to be secured to the unpractised soldier. " ' November 30th was spent by the people in the order of action, as it was known that the enemy in the neighbourhood were in the actual observation of all that passed within the lines. No pickets could be safely trusted during the ensuing night, without the enclosure ; but the men attached to the dif- ferent stations were ranged along the stockade at five yards' distance from each other, with orders to repair to their guns on the moment the alarm was given. The agent, spent with the fatigue of waking two successive nights, had reclined at thirty minutes past four, the 2d inst., upon the light arms which he carried, when the onset was made. The works were attacked at the same moment on nearly opposite sides. The enemy's western division had made their way along the muddy margin of the river, under the protection of the bank, to the north- western angle of the palisade; when, on rising the bank so as to become visible from the western post, they had opened upon it a sudden and brisk fire, which was promptly and very steadily returned by the iron gun, supported by the reserve field-piece from the centre. The assailants were repulsed with considerable loss. Ten minutes afterwards they renewed the onset, and forcing their way higher up the bank than before, contended with great obstinacy, and suffered still more severely. A third attempt was made to carry this post, but with the same ill success. " ' On the opposite quarter the assault had commenced at the same moment, with still greater vigour. A large body had concealed themselves under a precipitous ledge of rocks forty yards distant; whence they crept nearly concealed from view, within the same number of feet of the station; when they sud- denly rose, delivered their fire, and rushed forward with the utmost fury. At this moment, the two-gun battery was un- masked, and opened upon them with immediate effect. After a very few discharges, the body of the enemy having thrown themselves flat upon the earth, disappeared behind the rocks. Their marksmen had taken their stations behind projecting rocks, fallen trees, and large ant-hills, and still kept up a con- stant and well directed fire ; under the cover of which the main body rallied and returned to the attack not less than four times, HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 195 and were as often repulsed by the well directed fire of the large guns, which were purposely reserved for those occasions. " ' The agent, at this moment, perceiving the enemy in motion towards the right, under cover of a small eminence which favoured their design, proceeded to the southern post, which had not yet been engaged, and ordered it to open upon them the moment their movement brought them within the range of its guns. The order was punctually obeyed; which exposed a large number of the assailants to a galling cannonade both in front and flank, in a situation where their own arms could prove of no effectual service to them. The assault on the op- posite side of the town had been already repulsed ; and the signal for a general retreat immediately followed. This order was obeyed with such promptitude, that the most entire silence succeeded, and every warrior disappeared almost instanta- neously. " 'Not the most veteran troQps could have behaved with more coolness, or shown greater firmness than the settlers, on this occasion. Such had been their hardships, and distressing sus- pense for the last twenty days, that the first volley of the enemy's fire brought sensible relief to every breast; for it gave assurance that the time had arrived which was to put a period to their anxieties. " ' The final repulse of the assailants on the western quarter, took place in seventy minutes from the commencement of the contest; the attack upon the eastern post, was prolonged ninety minutes ; and of the two, was much the most obstinate and bloody. Three of the men serving at the guns of that station, Gardiner, Crook, and Tines, were very badly, the last mortally, wounded. The agent received three bullets through his clothes, but providentially escaped unhurt. As the natives in close action load their muskets (which are of the largest calibre) with copper and iron slugs, often to the enormous measure of twelve inches, their fire is commonly very destructive. In this conflict of scarcely an hour and a half, the quantity of shot lodged in the paling, and actually thrown within the lines, is altogether incredible ; and that it took effect in so few cases, can only be regarded as the effect of the special guardianship of Divine Providence. " ' The number of assailants has been variously estimated, but can never be correctly ascertained. It is known to be 196 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. much greater than of those engaged on the 11th, Their loss, although from the quantity of blood with which the field was found drenched, certainly considerable, was much less than in the former attack. " 'The agent has often said that their plan of assault was the very best that they could have devised. It was certainly sus- tained and renewed with a resolution that would not disgrace the best disciplined troops. But they were not fully apprised of the power of well served artillery. None of the kings of this part of the coast are without cannon. But to load a great gun, is with them the business of half an hour; and they were seriously disposed to attribute to sorcery the art of charging and firing these destructive machines from four to six times in the minute.' " The result of this action disheartened the foe, and animated for a moment, the hopes of the colonists. But the situation of the latter, was most distressing. The small number still more reduced — no aid near — provisions scanty, so that for six weeks they had been on an allowance of meat and bread; the suffer- ings of the wounded, relieved by little surgical knowledge, less skill, and no proper instruments, indescribable; and on an equal distribution of the shot among the guns, not three rounds remaining to each! 'We cried unto God,' says Mr. Ashmun, (in his letter to the Board of the 7th of December,) ' to send us aid, or prepare us, and the society at home, for the heaviest earthly calamity we could dread.' "On the following night, an officer at one of the stations, alarmed by some movement in the vicinity, discharged several muskets and large guns, and this circumstance was providen- tially the means of bringing relief to the almost despairing settlement. " The British colonial schooner, Prince Regent, laden with military stores, and having on board Major Laing, the cele- brated African traveller, with a prize crew commanded by Midshipman Gordon, and eleven seamen of his Britannic Ma- jesty's sloop of war Driver, was at this time passing the Cape on her way to Cape Coast Castle, when her officers, arrested by the sound of cannon at midnight from the shore, resolved to ascertain the cause of so extraordinary a circumstance. No sooner did they learn the truth, and behold a little company of brave men contending for their lives against the leagued forces HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 197 of nearly every barbarous tribe on that part of the coast, than they generously offered all the aid in their power. By the influence of Captain Laing, the chiefs were bound to a truce, and to refer all matters of difference between them and the colony, to the judgment of the Governor of Sierra Leone; while jNIidshipman Gordon, with eleven seamen, voluntarily consented to remain, and see that the agreement was preserved inviolate. As the chiefs had no just grounds of complaint, the provision for a reference was never afterwards recollected. The Prince Regent left at the colony a supply of ammunition, and took her departure on the 4th of December. From that hour the foundations of the colony were laid in a firm and last- ing PEACE. " And who was he, that ' single white man,' on that distant forest-clad shore, unbroken in spirit, though bowed beneath the heavy hand of sorrow and sickness, casting fear to the winds, directing and heading by day and night, a feeble, undisciplined, dejected, unfortified band of thirty-five emigrants, against whom the very elements seemed warring, while a thousand to fif- teen hundred armed savages were rushing to destroy them ? Who was he, that in reliance on God for wisdom and might, imparted such skill and courage to this little company, — so ordered every plan and guided every movement, that the fierce foe retired panic-struck before them, and they stood rescued and redeemed from impending destruction? " Was he a veteran soldier, inured to danger, familiar with suffering, and bred amid scenes of battle and blood.' Was he there adorned by badges of military honour, conscious of a reputation won by deeds of ' high emprise,' and stimulated to valour by hopes of glory and fears of disgrace? " That was no tried, no ambitious soldier. He was a young man bred to letters, of retired habits, educated for the ministry of Christ, unknown to fame, — the victim of disappointment, burdened with debt, and touched by undeserved reproach. He had visited Africa in hope of obtaining the means of doing justice to his creditors; and impelled by humanity and religion, had consented, without any fixed compensation, to give, should they be required, his services to the colony. He found it in peril of extinction. He hesitated not. He failed not to redeem his pledge. He gathered strength from difficulty, and motive from danger. No thronging and admiring spectators cheered 17* 198 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. him; no glorious pomp and circumstance were there to throw a brightness and a beauty even upon the features and terrors of death. He stood strong in duty, covered by the shield of faith. His frame shaken by disease; the partner of his life struck down by his side; amid the groans of the afflicted and m the shadow of hope's dim eclipse, he planned and executed, with the ability of the bravest and most experienced general, measures which saved the settlement, and secured for liberty and Christianity, a perpetual home and heritage in Africa. Raised up and guided by an Almighty, though invisible hand, to build a city of righteousness on that shore of oppression, before which the makers of idols should be confounded, and those in chains come over* to fall down in worship, and exclaim as they beheld her light, " surely God is in thee," no weapon formed against him could prosper, no wasting destruction by day, or pestilence walking in darkness, had power to defeat the work."t CHAPTER XIII. THE COLONY UNDER MR. ASHMUN. The Prince Regent, which had arrived so opportunely at the Cape, and to whose captain, officers, and crew, the colonists were so much indebted for their aid and protection, when she departed from the Cape, left midshipman Gordon, as we have seen, and eleven seamen, as a kind of guard for the colonists, and to see that the agreement into which the chiefs had entered was fulfilled. But these generous Englishmen had scarcely set foot on the African shore, to assist the feeble colony, when they were swept away by the fell malaria of this climate, so unfriendly to the constitution of white men. The funeral of midshipman Gordon was attended by nearly all the colonists, and by the officers of several vessels who hap- pened to be in port. Mr. Ashmun announced the melancholy event to Lieutenant Rotheray of the British navy, in a letter of * Isaiah xlv. 14, 16. tGurley's Life of Ashmun. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 199 cordial gratitude for the services secured, and tender sympathy for the loss of so promising a young man. Important services were also rendered to the infant colony by the officers and crew of a Colombian armed schooner, which arrived on the 4th of December, 1822, and remained four weeks at the colony. Her mechanics assisted in putting the settle- ment into a better state of defence. Mr. Ashmun's health continued to be ])Oor; it was evidently injured by excessive exertion; so that it was not until Feb- ruary that he was again capable of active service. He felt that much was requisite to be done before the rainy season. Besides the public store, there was but one shingled roof in the settlement. Many of the cabins were without floors, covered with thatch, and afforded a very imperfect shelter. The war had occupied the attention of all the colonists for several months, and deranged all their habits of industry and economy. Pro- visions began also to run low, and every prospect was gloomy rather than cheering. But the stout-hearted agent was not easily discouraged: as he stood firm in the midst of his little band, when assailed by fifty times the number of his own men, and came off victorious, so now, when disease and famine threatened the little lonely colony, he still put his trust in God. In a letter to the Board he says: — "Our last barrel of salted provisions, is to be opened on next Saturday. But we do not coniplain. God has not, and will not fail to be our Provider. I have only to regret that the war has put back our improvements nearly a whole year." And again, to the secretary of the society, he says: "Divine Providence has, since my last, been gradually dispersing the clouds which then hung over us. We have opened a trade with a wealthy tribe in the interior for bullocks. They cost fifteen bars each.* Our people begin to breathe freely. We still keep up a strict watch at night, but are able with safety to reduce it, so as to make it very little burden- some to the colonists. Our wounded, though unable to labour, are once more moving about with their crutches, and their slings, and we have just begun to build and repair the houses in which ourselves, and the fresh emigrants, (if any arrive,) are to spend the rains. Finally, the progress of the colony is now forwards, and not as it has been for months past, retrograde. My health is nearly restored. I stand a monument of God's * About eight dollars. 200 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. mercy; and behold the graves of fifteen white persons around me, all of whom have died since I landed on the Cape. Help me to praise the Lord, and pray, fervently pray, that I may spend a life thus astonishingly preserved, in some humble way of usefulness to his blessed cause in Africa and in the world."* On the 5th of March 1823, Mr. Ashmun wrote, "We have all our captives back again. The kings met and agreed to send them without any demand. It was, however, expected that we would make them a present. This I did. The little things were all very much uncivilized. Some had forgotten the Eng- lish language; some had forgotten their own parents; others had actually gone wild, and to avoid their friends, would scud like fawns into the bushes." The American ship of war Cyane having arrived on the African coast. Captain Robert Trail Spence, though his health was impaired, and his crew enfeebled by a cruise of twelve months in the West Indies; yet upon hearing of the state of the colony, determined to adopt efficient measures for its relief and safety. He saw the importance of leaving an armed vessel on the coast, and by the most energetic exertion, he fitted up and repaired the old schooner Augusta, bearing six guns, and manned her with twelve men, under the command of Lieu- tenant Dashiell, to guard the coast, and aid the colony in any exigency. Captain Spence discovered every disposition to place the col- ony in a state of safety and comfort before he left the coast, and therefore not only incurred a heavy expense by purchasing at Sierra Leone necessary articles for the settlement, but em- ployed a large part of his crew for twenty days in assisting the people to build a commodious house for the agent, and a stone fortress, which might prove " a tower of strength." But in the midst of his benevolent exertions, he had the afliiction to see Dr. Dix, the surgeon of his ship, expire, after a few days' illness, with the fever of the climate. This valuable man had been a warm friend to the colony from the beginning; had vis- ited and administered relief to the emigrants, when at Sherbro; and now the tears of a grateful people fell into his grave. The rapid progress of disease among the seamen on shore, compel- led Captain Spence to leave incomplete the works he had com- menced; but with all his precautions and exertions, he could * Gurley's Life of Ashmun, p. 153, 154. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 201 not prevent the loss of a large number of his crew. As many as forty men fell victims to this deleterious climate. The works which Captain Spence had commenced were all planned and superintended by Mr. Ashmun, who possessed not only undaunted resolution in time of danger, but extraordinary activity and versatility of mind. Upon leaving the coast of Africa, Captain Spence consented that Mr. Richard Seaton, the first clerk of the Cyane, should remain at the Cape, to assist Mr. Ashmun, who saw, that with impaired health and increasing burthens, it was impossible for him alone to fulfil the numerous and arduous duties of the agency. But having now an assistant to whom he could in- trust the affairs of the colony, he determined to make a coasting voyage to convey home about forty Kroomen, who had per- formed labours in the colony upon this condition, that they should be, without expense, conveyed to Settra Kroo, two hundred miles south of the Cape. He was absent twenty-one days on this expedition, and made accurate observations of every thing which he saw, and returned on the 13th of May, 1823. In his communications to the Board, he remarks, " that the whole African coast was once populous, and the land cleared and cultivated; and that the present dense forests and entangled jungles, are a second growth; that the native towns are nu- merous but not large. The people raise their own rice,cassada, and palm oil; and procure their guns, powder, clothes, tobacco, knives, cooking utensils, and luxuries from French slave-tra- ders." "We saw," says he, "at least three vessels of this description." The chief men of every tribe which he visited, declared it to be their purpose to live in friendship, and trade with the colony. The report of the late war had spread every where among them, and had produced a high opinion of the strength and invincibility of the colony. Although, during his short absence the colonists had plied the work on hand, under the direction of one of their own number; yet he found that Mr. Seaton had been confined with a severe attack of fever. After languishing about two months, Mr Seaton determined on a return to the United States, in the Oswego, which had just come out with Dr. Ayres, and a company of emigrants. But it was determined that he should never see his native country. 202 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. On the fifth day of the voyage, he breathed his last. The affec- tionate memorial of this interesting young man, given by Mr. Ashmun, deserves a place in this history. "The bloom of youth had just ripened into the graces of manhood, and given to a person naturally prepossessing, the higher ornament of a benevolent and highly accomplished understanding. He per- ceived his services were needed by a colony which had inte- rested his heart, and he gave them. Becoming the voluntary companion and assistant of the solitary agent, he saw the Cyane sail from the coast, with composure, on the 21st of April. His conciliating manners, aided by a judicious procedure, deepened in the hearts of the colonists, the impression first made by his disinterestedness. Seldom has the longest friendship power to cement a more cordial union, than had begun to unite to this generous stranger the heart of the writer." Mr. Ashmun, notwithstanding his ill health and pressing engagements, omitted no opportunity of advising the Board of the state of the colony, and of suggesting such plans for its im- provement, as occurred to his observing mind. The following extract will be read with interest. " Our little school is kept in operation, but it is a feeble affair. Our poor liberated cap- tives work hard and cheerfully, but receive little instruction. My heart often bleeds for them, and others in similar circum- stances. When can you send out a pious and accomplished schoolmaster ? Permit me to say a word about a minister of the gospel. We are starving for want of the able, and regular administration of the word and ordinances. Does not even the colony deserve the attention of some missionary society? Let it be considered, that a zealous minister, catechists, &c., residing in the town, may bestow any part of their labours on the hea- then. They may open schools on the opposite side of the river, which will be immediately filled with heathen youth and children. They may form in town a missionary family. The people of this part of the coast have no inveterate, anti-religious prejudices to prevent them attending every Sabbath or oftener, to hear the divine word. Very good interpreters can be pro- cured for a trifling compensation. I am certain that an able minister of the gospel, clothed with all the authority and pre- rogatives of a commissioned ambassador of the Lord Jesus, is the man now wanting. Let catechists attend him." The horrible nature of the slave trade as carried on in Africa, HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 203 by those who engage to supply the slave ships, will be under- stood from the following account of the proceedings of King Boatswain, one of the staunchest friends of the colony. " Having received a quantity of goods from a French slaver, for which he had stipulated to pay young slaves; and making it a point of honour to be punctual, and yet not having at present the means of fulfilling his contract; what does he do, but looking round on the peaceable tribes about him, he singled out the Queahs, a small agricultural and trading people, of most in- offensive character. His warriors were skilfully distributed to the different hamlets, and making a simultaneous assault on the sleeping inhabitants, in the dead of night, accomplished without difficulty or resistance, the annihilation of the whole tribe, a few towns excepted. Every adult man and woman was murdered; every hut fired; very young children generally shared the fate of their parents. The boys and girls alone were reserved for the Frenchman." On the 24th of May, Dr. Ayres had returned to the colony, as principal agent, both of the government and society. By despatches that came with him, Mr. Ashmun had the mortifica- tion to learn, that his drafts, both on the government and society had been dishonoured; that neither had made any appropriation for his benefit; that he had been appointed to no agency by the government; that the society had invested him with no authority; but while it gratefully acknowledged his services and engaged Uberally to reward them, had left his compensation for the past undetermined; and for the future, a matter for negotiation with the principal agent. By the return of the Oswego, he informed the Board, "That by ordinary success in trade on the coast, he could realize at least four times the sum he should ever ask or expect, ehher of the government or the society; that it was his wish, however, to lend his services to the cause of the society, as long as they should be required; — that he felt unworthy of the vote of thanks passed by the Board, for endeavouring to perform, as well as he could, the arduous and perilous duties connected with the defence of the colony; and that to know that any part of his conduct merited the approbation of the Board, was amongst the most powerful motives for endeavouring in future to de- serve it." He continued to give the Board an exact account of the con- 204 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. dition and wants of the colony. He says, " A missionary and two schoolmasters, with a female teacher, are needed beyond measure," — Speaking of emigrants, he says, "They will come, I believe, as fast as the good of the colony shall require. It is not desirable, at present, That more than three or four shipments, of sixty persons each, be made in the course of the year. But the proportion may increase, and that largely, every year. Let one hundred families be well settled with a good house and perfectly improved lot to each, in town, and a plantation with- out, well cultivated: — let a warehouse and temporary recep- tacles for new comers be prepared — and the wheels of the machine — its schools, courts, &c., get a good momentum on them, in a proper direction, and you may throw in new settlers as fast as your funds will admit," Again, '< The delays and dangers encountered in acquiring secure possession of a terri- tory will endear it, and greatly enhance its value to the settlers for a long time to come. They have, even the most worldly, been driven by the extremity of their circumstances to suppli- cation and prayer. The truly pious among us, have thus contracted the habit of regarding and acknowledging the hand of God in all their ways; and of trusting his gracious promises more implicitly, both for soul and body, for this world and the next. "We are now one hundred and fifty strong, all in health, have about fifty houses, including three store-houses, and a heavy substantial stone tower, fourteen feet high, mounting six pieces of ordnance. We have a good framed house surrounded with a piazza: Dr. Ayres has brought out the frame of another of equal dimensions. Harmony and a good degree of industry, at present, prevail. Thus you see that we are prepared to go on and fulfil the anxious wishes of the friends of the cause, in relation to the cultivation of the lands, and the formation of a moral, regular, and happy society," The death of Mrs. Ashmun took place in the year 1822. She died about the middle of September. The entry in the Colonial Journal for September 12th, says, "There is no rational hope of her recovery. All remedies have been tried in vain. Her husband, with a burthened heart, resigns her up to God. When last possessed of the power of reflection, she declared herself happy in her God, and to possess not a wish not absorbed in his holy will. She seemed to have intercourse with God in HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 205 prayer. Pier husband ventures to record it as the first wish of his heart, that the will of the Lord may be done." It may now with propriety be mentioned, that Lieutenant Dashiell left by Captain Spence, in the command of the schooner Augusta, sickened, and died on the 22d of June, 1823. He was succeeded in the command of the schooner by Lieutenant McMullin. We will bring this chapter to a close, by adding some further description of Cape Mesurado, from the pen of Mr. Ashmun. (See Appendix to Sixth Report B. C. S.) "The whole cape (I mean the promontory of four miles in extent) is of nearly equal elevation throughout the whole ex- tent, running m a north-westerly, and south-easterly direction, and terminating in a double or bifurcated point. The river washes the north side of this promontory two miles before it falls into the sea; and its width from the river and sea on the north side, to the ocean on the south, is from two miles to three-fourths of a mile. The acclivity from the north side is abrupt, the descent towards the south, gentle; and near the sea contains an excellent tract of table land. The whole of this cape, except the alluvial table on the south side, is of volcanic origin. Two kinds of stone only are found, and these are abundant. The first is lava, in a state of partial decomposi- tion, and exceedingly friable: the other is of the limestone spe- cies, and almost incapable of being split or reduced, with the heaviest hammers. Tlie wood on the cape is as lofty and nearly as heavy as that of our sturdiest forests, in America. On the table lands it is lighter. Some extensive tracts, and containing a rich soil, are nearly covered with brushwood. Our force here can clear for planting, ten acres of it in a day. Whole forests here are strongly bound together, and rendered nearly or quite impervious, by a profusion of rank vines of all sizes; some nearly as large as a small cable, which creep, wind, and intertwine with other trees and themselves in all possible directions. Often a dozen trees must be separated from their trunks before one can be brought to the ground. " Fish, in the river's mouth, are very numerous, especially iu the dry season — many of them are large — all that I have seen, excellent. " Every day I bless anew the favouring providence which eventually led your agents to establish the settlement on Cape 18 206 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. Mesurado. Not an hour have I spent here without feeling the refreshing and sahitary influences of a fresh breeze from the ocean. The settlement can never be without it. When comfortable habitations are built, a foreigner would endanger his health by a residence here no more than spending the same time in sailing down the coast." ..." Could a person from America spend one week of the rainy season on this coast, on board a ship or on shore, he would find no dilficulty as to the great cause of fever to new comers. In other parts of Africa it may be different; but on Mesurado, the cause of sickness is not marsh miasma, nor exhalations from the earth, nor the influence of the sun, but an atmosphere loaded with oceans of vapour. For months, this humid quality of the air receives not the least correction or abatement, day or night. Contrary to all former prejudices, I have indulged daily in the use of spirits, wine, and bark, for the purpose of giving tone to the system, and bracing it against the relaxing influence of a soaked and. watery atmosphere, and have found benefit from the practice. I will say of Mesurado, that no situation in West Africa is more healthy. " The sea air does all for it that can be done in this climate. One peculiarity is, that the night air is nearly as pure as any other. The fevers with which our company have been visited^ are all nearly of the same type; quotidian and tertian inter- mittent, rather of the putrescent than inflammatory character — commonly gentle in degree, and easily subdued by remedies. Such has been the character of the sickness so far. The vio- lent symptoms of the Sherbro fever have not manifested them- selves in a single instance. "The rapidity and luxuriance of vegetation here, can scarcely be imagined by natives of temperate latitudes. A crop of beans now on the ground, grows without supporters, three and a half feet high. The pods on an average are eleven inches long. The seed was brought from America. I now find great ad- vantage in having been bred a farmer. When the cape is a little more cleared away; and dry, airy, and substantial dwel- lings built, I do not conceive it a matter of the greatest impor- tance to the health of the settlers, at what season they land here. The commencement of the rains would be the least favourable, but of any other season, there is little to choose. The constitution will be tried by the climate, arrive when they may." HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 207 CHAPTER XIV. ADMINISTRATION OF ASHMUN CONTINUED. Dr. Ayres having returned to the colony as principal agent, both of the Colonization Society, and the government of the United States, Mr. Ashmun was relieved from his heavy bur- den of anxieties and public duties; but his mind was too vigorous and active to be contented with indolent repose; he therefore availed himself of this season of leisure to pursue his studies ; which for several months he did with unusual alacrity and steadiness. Dr. Ayres did what he could to promote the comfort and health of the emigrants who came out with him in the Oswego ; but it was not long before his own health was seriously im- paired; so that he was no longer able to visit the sick, and in his prescriptions, was obliged to trust to the representations of the Rev. Lot Gary, and of the most intelligent of the colonists. The houses which had been prepared for these emigrants were also miserably defective; and there was a want of suitable medicines; on account of all which circumstances, the mortality amongthese people was considerable; eight out of sixty having fallen victims of the fever of the country. Mr. Ashmun, though not aware of the extent to which his reputation was suffering in the United States, yet was not a little mortified at the neglect with which he had been treated by the Board; and was not satisfied with the indefinite pro- posals made for his compensation for past services ; and that in relation to the future, they had left every thing to the discre- tion of the agent. He determined, however, to be so explicit, that no future difficulty might arise on this score. He proposed that he would continue in the service of the Board, provided they would allow him a salary of ^1250, the greater part of which he desired might be applied to the payment of his debts, in the United States, contracted before he went to Africa. The agent did not feel authorized to promise this sum, and the proposal was sent home for the decision of the Board. 20S HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. This subject was considered by tlie Board, at a meeting on the 25th of September, 1823; and it was resolved, "that consider- ing the resources of the Institution, they could not make the appropriation for the salary which was required; but that they would make him a full and fair compensation for any services which he might be desired by Dr. Ayres to render to the affairs of the colony, as their funds would enable them to do; and that while residing with Dr. Ayres, and assisting him, he should be maintained and provided for, at the expense of the society." This resolution was communicated to Mr. Ashmun in Decem- ber, just about the time that Dr. Ayres had determined to sail for the United States, on account of his declining health. The vessel which had arrived from America, and in which Dr. Ayres intended to return home, brought eleven recaptured Africans, sent out by the government, who were speedily re- stored to their friends, residing at no great distance from the colony. The intelligence brought by this vessel, of the affairs of the society, was by no means encouraging. Their resources were very low; so that a bill drawn by Mr. Ashmun for arti- cles of indispensable necessity, was returned protested. She had also disposed of nearly her whole cargo at Rio Pongas, and did not leave goods at the Cape, exceeding one hundred dollars in value. Under existing circumstances, it became a serious question with Mr. Ashmun, whether, treated and dishonoured as he had been, lie should now continue in the service of the Board. They had neither made any definite arrangements to remune- rate him for his past services, nor made any definite proposals for his future support; and his bills drawn for the necessary expenses of the colony, had been returned, dishonoured. Cer- tainly he was under no obligations to the Board; but he saw that his relinquishment of the colony now, must be followed by its ruin. The colonists were in a state of much discontent, in consequence of the manner in which the town lots had been distributed; and their confidence, both in the Board and their agents, was greatly diminished. Indeed, evident signs of in- subordination began to be manifested. One individual declared, that neither he nor his associates would submit to government twenly-four hours after the Fidelity sailed. But Mr. Ashmun was the man for such an exigency. He declared that subordi- nation should be enforced, even at the expense of life; and HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 209 compelled the person who had uttered the forementioned words, to revoke the threat, and pledge himself to the main- tenance of the laws. Urged by the necessities of the colony, and forgetting or passing by his own injuries, he resolved to exert himself to the utmost to preserve the settlement from ruin, and to promote its best interests. The provisions, when Dr. Ayres left the colony, were suffi- cient, with strict economy, to last four months, with such sup- plies as might be expected from the natives. The prospect however was not flattering. Many slavers were on the coast, in consequence of which, the price of rice was greatly en- hanced; but the most alarming feature in the condition of the colony was, that several of the leading colonists were prepared to set at defiance the authority of the agent, and openly avowed their purpose, to aid in no survey of the lots, or in any public improvements; and to leave uncleared and uncultivated, the land which had been assigned them, until they should receive a reply to the remonstrance sent home to the Board. One of the regulations of the society was, that every adult male emi- grant, should, while receiving rations from the public store, contribute the labour of two days in the week, to some work of public utility. Before Dr. Ayres's departure it had been an- nounced, that on the 5th of June, 1S24, all rations would cease, except in cases of special necessity, and it was now made known, that unless those who had appealed to the Board on the subject of their lands, would cultivate some portion of land designated by the agent, they should be expelled from the colony. About twelve of the colonists, however, persisted in their mutinous course ; and not only threw off the restraints of authority themselves, but used their influence to seduce others form obedience. JNIr. Ashmun, who was not the man to be in- timidated, or driven from the plain course of duty, immediately published a notice, " That there then were in the colony, more than a dozen healthy persons, who will receive no more pro- visions out of the public store, until they earn them." The only effect of this was, to increase the irritation of the disaffected persons, which led them to express more seditious opinions, ana more openly to violate the laws. Matters were now approachino- a crisis. The agent, on the 19th of June, directed the rations of the offending individuals lo be stopped. The next mornins-, they assembled in a riotous manner, at the agency-house and 18* 210 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. endeavoured by angry denunciations to drive the agent from his purpose ; but finding him immovable, they proceeded to the store-house, where the commissary was at that moment issuing rations for the week; and seizing, each, a portion of the provisions, hastened to their respective homes. Towards the evening of the same day, Mr. Ashmun ad- dressed a "circular" to the colonists, setting forth the crimi- nality of this mutinous proceeding; stating that a full represen- tation thereof, would be transmitted to America, by the earliest opportunity — exhorting all to energy and industry in the con- struction of their houses, and the cultivation of their lands, during the dry season : and, finally warning them against dis- order and rebellion, as they would avoid guilt, confusion, dis- grace, shame, and ruin in this world, and in a future one the still more terrible judgments of God. They were reminded, that their oaths were as binding as when first taken ; and the pros- pect for themselves, their friends, and their children depended upon their conduct ; and that the agent, while disposed to use the language of friendship, would act as he had ever done, with the authority becoming the representative of the American Colonization Society. The effect of this judicious, seasonable, and solemn address, was happy. The well-disposed were en- couraged ; the wavering confirmed ; and the rebellious struck with awe. The leader in the sedition, almost immediately con- fessed and deplored his error. And thus a speedy termination was given to this alarming mutiny, by the firmness, and wisdom of the agent. On the 13th of February, 1824, arrived the ship Cyrus, only thirty-two days from the United States, bringing one hundred and five emigrants, mostly from Petersburg, Virginia, and in- ferior as a company, to none of their class, in intelligence, industry, and morality. Universal health had attended them, during the voyage; all were safely landed; some had property; supplies of ordinary provisions had been sent out for all ; the season was delightful for building and clearing their grounds ; and a mutual affection seemed to bind them together, as in one harmonious family. Mr. Ashmun was deeply affected with the goodness of God in this most seasonable relief. He assembled these emigrants, and explained to them the views of the Society, and the regulations of the Board, and of the colony. They were exhorted and encouraged to proceed HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 211 diligently to build their bouses, cultivate the soil, and with forti- tude to meet and subdue the difficulties which might stand in the way of their prosperity. Thirty houses had been partially constructed since the departure of Dr. Ayres ; and a new maga- zine was also commenced. By the return of the Cyrus, Mr. Ashmun communicated to the Board a full and detailed account of the affairs of the colony, since the departure of Dr. Ayres; and entered into an earnest vindication of his own conduct, in relation to the purchases which he had made ; the bills for the payment of which, had been protested. This defence, as far as can be now judged, amounted to a complete justification. But the bright prospects which the arrival of the Cyrus had opened to the colony, were soon overcast, by a series of dis- asters. The whole company, which had come out in the Cyrus, without any exception, were attacked by the fever. No regu- lar physician was in the colony ; and the only substitute was the Rev. Lot Cary, whose skill resulted entirely from his good sense, observation, and experience. Not a pound of rice (an article most important to the sick,) was in the public store: nor had the agent either goods or credit, by which he could obtain a supply. Out of his own private stock, however, he advanced to the value of two hundred dollars, and despatched the colonial schooner to Bassa, which at the end of nine days, returned with only twenty bushels of rice. The spirit of mutiny, which had for a while appeared to be subdued, still existed ; and a number of persons continued secretly to fan the flame of rebellion. On the 19th of March, it was found necessary to reduce the rations to one-half the usual quantity ; which gave occasion to the malecontents to accuse the agent of oppression, and they did not hesitate to address to him the most opprobrious language. This induced Mr. Ashmun to assemble the inhabitants, and to make to them a solemn and affecting address, in which he showed them that they were bound by a solemn contract to the Colonization Society; and that by the solemnity of an oath, they had all bound themselves to the performance of certain duties. He explained to them the articles of the constitution, by which important privileges were secured to them and their children — that they had sworn to obey the government, and not attempt to overthrow it — that their peace and security de- 212 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION, pended essentially on their submission to rightful authority, and obedience to the laws ; — and that hitherto, their greatest suffer- ings had resulted from disrespect to the agents, and disobedience to the orders of the society. He proceeded then in the most pungent and impressive style to represent to them the disorderly course which they had pursued ; and especially, held up in its naked deformity, the crime of those twelve, who had openly rebelled, had threatened his life, and had violently and un- righteously seized a part of the public stores. He, moreover, set fully and clearly before them the present deplorable con- dition of the colony, and the speedy ruin which must inevitably come upon them, if they did not return to a course of industry and obedience. He assured them, that they would not be up- held either by the Colonization Society, or the government of the United States, in their present course of opposition to the agent. In the conclusion, he called upon every well-disposed man to give him a pledge of his submission to lawful authority ; and promised for himself, that while he would not consent to possess the mere shadow of authority, he was ready to exert himself to the utmost, to avert the impending calamity. Most of the colonists tacitly assented to the truth and justice of this address; and Mr. Ashmun proceeded to adopt every measure in his power to relieve and preserve the colony. But they afforded him no vigorous support ; and he had already communicated to the Board his opinion, " that the evil was in- curable by any of the remedies which fell within their existing provisions." Since the departure of Dr. Ayres, he had heard nothing from the Board of Managers. He had the pain, however, of seeing that his conduct had been held up for censure in one of the public journals of the United States. The prospects were such, that Mr. Ashmun began to medi- tate a withdrawal from his present painful situation, where for his services he received calumny instead of remuneration. He therefore, on the 15th of March, addressed a letter to the Board, desiring to be released from any further duties to the colony, which might require his residence in Africa. His letter to the Board, on this occasion, is the effusion of a generous and bene- volent mind, deeply sensible that he had not received full jus- tice at their hands ; but expressing a confidence in the equity HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 213 of their decision, when they should be fully informed of all the existing circumstances in which he was obliged to act. Being fully persuaded that government, without an armed force, had become impossible, he now determined on a visit to the Cape de Verd Islands, in the hope that a sea voyage might be serviceable to his health ; and being unwilling longer to hold an office, the duties of which he had not the power to enforce. Whether he should ever return was in his own mind doubtful; but he took the best measures he could to establish a provision- al government daring the absence of all the agents. He there- fore appointed Elijah Johnson to take charge of the property and books of the colony, with particular instructions as to his duties, until a properly authorized agent should arrive from the United States. In his fatiguing exertions to prepare for his departure, Mr. Ashmun ruptured an artery in the mouth, which had been in- jured in a bungling attempt to draw a decayed tooth, and a profuse bleeding commenced which could not be stopped. Ad- vantage was taken of his helpless state by some unprincipled persons in the colony, to rob him of a considerable part of the little stores which he had provided for the voyage, and other property, to the value of a hundred and seventy-five dollars. Before leaving the Cape he left a paper, to be delivered to his successor in the agency ; of which, as being characteristic of the man, an extract will be inserted. "J. Ashmun has cheerfully spent on this Cape nearly two of the best years of his life. He is now about to leave it, probably for ever. He has tried to do his duty — detected himself in occa- sional errors; and without asking or expecting any recompense from his fellow-men, wishes only to avoid the hard destiny of his predecessors in the agency — the curses and false accusations of those whom it has been his constant aim to serve. His pre- decessors have been accused of transmitting false accounts of the colony to the Board. J. Ashmun here leaves it on record, that if any man, after his absence, brings this accusation against himself, that m.an is a slanderer and a liar." In the same style, the paper goes on to speak of the slanders against former agents for embezzling public property, revelling on the society's bounty, and pinching the people to furnish their own wardrobe and table luxuriously. All such accusations against himself he denounces as false and slanderous ; and men- 214 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. tions one man by his initials, who had deserved the pillory for slandering the agents. In the conclusion he says: "I do not wish to be remembered at all after I am gone. But if any of the colonists do me that honour, as it is unsolicited and gratuitous, I require it of them, as they must answer for it hereafter, to re- member with me the command of the Most High, ' Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour.' " And he re- quests his successor to preserve this paper, and read it to any one who should accuse him in the premises. Of Mr. Ashmun's retirement from the duties of general agent, which had devolved upon him after the departure of Dr. Ayres, the Board speak in the following respectful terms: " Mr. Ashmun, whose health had long been impaired by dis- ease— whose mind was oppressed by a weight of cares, which no single individual ought to sustain — continued to discharge his duties until a short retirement from his station, and a change of air, seemed to offer the only chance of life." For the benefit of any one who might succeed him, he left a full statement of the condition and necessities of the colony; appointed E. Johnson, a man of tried integrity and ability, ge- neral superintendent of affairs ; provided for the instruction of the recaptured Africans; and took passage for the Capede Verd Islands on the 2d of April, 1824. The remonstrances sent home by some of the colonists, and the communications of Mr. Ashmun, had convinced the Board that immediate and strong measures were required, in order to prevent the subversion of the colony, and the total extinction of their hopes. And being struck with the lucid, manly, and can- did style of his communications, they were persuaded that his indefatigable labours and anxieties deserved to be remunerated ; therefore, just about the time of his leaving the colony the Board resolved to comply with the terms which he had offered, and sent home in Dr. Ayres's letter, and they now appropriated five hun- dred dollars for his benefit. They also gave their sanction to a reply to the remonstrants, and an address to the colonists in ge- neral, depicting vividly the ruin which must ensue in any com- munity that dared to violate, or even ceased to venerate, the majesty of the law ; but especially a feeble and exposed settle- ment,, such as that to which they belonged. They earnestly exhorted them to industry, order, and the strict performance of every duty, by warnings, appeals, motives of interest, and the HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 215 solemn sanctions of religion ; and finally, did not omit to threaten to punish offenders, while they would assist and encourage all the sober and virtuous who should exert themselves to maintain the peace, and guard the authority of the laws. This address was chiefly prepared by Elias B. Caldwell, Esq., the Secretary of the Society, and one of the most early and efficient friends of colonization. But scarcely had these despatches been sent off, when the Board received new communications from the colony, in which Mr. Ashmun was charged with oppression, neglect of duty, and carrying away the goods of the Society. Certain naval officers also, who had visited the Cape after Mr. Ashmun's departure, had their minds prejudiced by the rumours which they heard from the colonists, and therefore brought home an unfavourable report of the agent. Those who had before doubted the inte- grity of Mr. Ashmun, now thought it certain that he had none; and those who had never questioned it before, now began to doubt. In this uncertain and alarming state of affairs, the Managers of the Society represented strongly to the Executive of the United States the importance of sending an armed vessel to the colony, with some individual duly commissioned both by the Government and the Society to examine into the condition of the agency ; and to make such temporary arrangements as the exigence of the case required. The person selected for this service was Mr. R. R. Gurley, so extensively known since as the Secretary of the Board ; and without incurring the censure of invidiousness towards others, we may be permitted to say, the most active, zealous, and efficient friend of colonization in the United States. Towards the last of June, 1824, Mr. Gurley embarked on board the Porpoise, at Norfolk, under the command of Captain Skinner ; and on the 24th of July, the vessel having anchored at Porto Praya, Mr. Ashmun came on board. The first im- pressions of Mr. Gurley upon seeing him are thus described : " There was that in his presence and aspect which, once seen, is never forgotten. The officers of the ship, who were strangers to him, felt that he w'as an extraordinary man. In his whole appearance were blended dignity and humility. The serene light of reason, of goodness, of meekness, softened the stateliness of sorrow, and threw a charm on the grandeur of his 216 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. Storm-shaken, but self-sustained spirit. His soul seemed re- freshed by tidings from his native land, and his social affections to gush forth, pure and simple, as those of childhood, from the deeply-stirred fountains of his heart." Mr. Gurley explained to him the object of his mission, and informed him truly of the unfavourable impression made on the public mind respecting his agency. His purpose was sooii formed to accompany Mr. Gurley to Africa, expressing the hope that he might be "enabled to render him some aid in the ardu- ous duties of his mission." Captain Skinner having offered him accommodations on board the Porpoise, which he accepted, they came to anchor at Cape Mesurado on the 13th of August. It must have been of unspeakable benefit to Mr. Gurley, in the execution of his trust, to have Mr. Ashmun's company for three weeks; by which means he was enabled to acquire a thorough knowledge of the state of affairs, the temper of the people, and the difficul- ties with which he would have to contend. Every day's conversation increased Mr. Gurley's esteem for his companion; and after his arrival he found that there was not a shadow of evidence to convict him of any impropriety or mismanagement. Not a man in the colony dared to accuse him of an unwise or an unworthy action. Mr. Gurley found some things encouraging in the state of the colony; and many others of an unfavourable nature. Among the former were the health of most of the people — their improvements and fortifications — their morality and religion, especially their Sunday schools — and the warm gratitude which they appeared to feel towards the Board for sending a special mission to promote their prosperity. But of the latter, were their dissatisfaction at the decision of the Board — the protracted weakness of the emigrants by the Cyrus, and the want of medi- cines and a skilful physician ; and, above all, the want of strict subordination to authority, and obedience to the laws. The causes of these evils were seen to be various ; but it does not comport with the brevity of our history to enter into details. While Mr. Gurley remained at the Cape, a plan for the more perfect government of the colony was determined on, with the full concurrence of Mr. Ashmun. Harmony between the agent and colonists seemed to be fully restored; and the new regula- tions went immediately into force. It was not the purpose of HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 217 Mr. Gurley to continue long on the coast of Africa, at this sea- son ; and before he left Washington he had received his orders to return in the vessel which carried him out. When he returned to the United States he fully expected to be able to remove every cloud of doubt or suspicion which still shaded Mr. Ashmun's character; but, to his disappointment, he found that this was not so easily effected as he had appre- hended. And when the regulations adopted by him for the government of the colony were laid before the Board, to his great mortification he found that they were not approved. The committee to whom these proceedings were referred ar- ranged them, in their report, under six heads : upon each they pronounced an unfavourable judgment ; and this report, adopt- ed by the Board, was sent to Mr. Ashmun. But on the 15th of December, 1824, communications of a very cheering kind were received by the Board, from Mr. Ashmun. These furnished, at the same time, conclusive evi- dence of the zeal, ability, and industry of the agent; and of the great, and even extraordinary, improvement of the colony. His own account is: "After the severe struggles, reiterated disappointments and nameless evils, which had for so many years filled the annals of the establishment, to see the whole course of things suddenly reversed, — a horizon without a cloud, — and unmingled, uninterrupted prosperity, such as, per- haps, never before marked the early progress of a similar set- tlement, may well excite in an individual situated as I am, feelings but little compatible with the coolness which ought to dictate an official despatch." — "The official decisions conmiu- nicated to them, along with the new modification of the gov- ernment^ were received with an unanimity of acquiescence, which I confess was painful to me. I feared either that they could not understand them, or thought opposition at that moment, unseasonable. But the event has proved my fears unfounded; and I now consider myself authorized to state, that there is an enlightened and growing attachment rooted in the bosoms of the great body of the people, to their laws, their officers, and the authority of the society. The participation of the magistrates and council (according to the new form of gov- ernment,) in the deliberations of the agent, and the administra- tion of justice, has tended chiefly to form the officers themselves to a modesty of deportment and opinion, which they never 19 218 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. manifested before, and to secure to the government the united support of the people." — "I witness with the higliest pleasure, the increasing sense of the sacredness of law ; and, as far as I know, the feehng is universal. The system of government has proved itself practicable." — "The agent has adopted the rule, never to interpose his authority, where that of. the proper offi- cer, however inferior, is adequate to the emergency." And among all the items of pleasing intelligence communicated in this letter of the agent, none was so important as the last — an increased attention to religion among the colonists. "It hath," says he, "pleased the God and Father of our Lord Je- sus Christ, in the sovereignty of his mercy, to visit the colony with an abundant effusion of his Spirit. This great event, an era in the history of the settlement, which has been marked in heaven, and will long be celebrated by its witnesses and mon- uments on earth, occurred in all the month of September. About the middle of that month, were witnessed the first ap- pearances which gave evidence of the holy work." — "About thirty of our colonists, of all ages and characters indiscrimi- nately, have, as the fruits of the work, publicly professed their faith in the Redeemer. They have so far walked as the regen- erate children of God. A change in their character and whole deportment, was as obvious as would be their transformation to another order of being. From lovers of sin and the world, they have become lovers of God and his people. Bad hus- bands, wives, children, and subjects, are changed to affectionate relatives, industrious, sober, and useful citizens. As far as mortal instrumentality was concerned in this blessed work, it was exerted by silent, humble supplications to Almighty God, a holy deportment of Christian professors, and a plain, simple and serious inculcation of the saving doctrines of Christ and his apostles." These despatches also gave information of the rapid progress of public improvements in the colony, and in the organiza- tion of the militia. A stone pier, one hundred feet in length, had been constructed in the river; several schools had been put in operation; and two new churches were in progress. Friendly negotiations had been entered into with the chiefs of the tribes in the vicinity, to encourage mutual intercourse in the way of trade, and by which they agreed to surrender any fu- gitives from justice, who might seek refuge among them. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 219 The committee of the Board, to whom these despatches were referred, reported : " That in their opinion Mr. Ashmun had shown great attention to the important charge committed to him ;" had conducted himself with " much prudence and propriety, generally :" and recommended that the Society should express their cordial approbation of his conduct. After this, the clouds which had overshadowed Mr. Ash- mun's character began to break ; and it must have afforded a rare gratification to Mr. Gurley to find, that the new form of go- vernment which he, with Mr. Ashmun, had given to the colony, and which had met with so little favour from the Board, proved in practice to work well. Men, however intelligent and up- right, who undertake to judge of the state of a people among whom they have never been, and to determine, on general principles, what system of government is best adapted to them, are almost sure to err. After two years' experience of the diffi- culties of governing the colony, Mr. Ashmun knew better what might and ought to be done to restore peace and preserve or- der, than all the wisest politicians in the United States. He had the enlarged views of a thorough statesman ; and the de- vout feelings of an humble and sincere Christian. Doubtless, Mr. Gurley, though specially invested with the power of esta- blishing such regulations as he judged most expedient, did not fail to avail himself of the longer experience and sagacious judgment of Mr. Ashmun. Indeed, it has occurred to us, that when this fabric of colonization is complete, the foundation of which has been so auspiciously laid, though in the midst of troubles, these two congenial spirits, Ashmun and Gurley, should have assigned to them niches, side by side. CHAPTER XV. ASHMUN'S ADMINISTRATION CONTINUED. On the 13th of March, 1825, the brig Hunter, with sixty-six emigrants, arrived at the Cape. Most of these had been brought up to agriculture ; and now it was seen by Mr. Ashmun that 220 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. there would be a great convenience and advantage in having an addition to the territory of the colony. He therefore enter- ed into negotiations with the chiefs who owned the land, for a tract on the river St. Paul's. This was more especially deemed expedient, because he had observed that the attempts at agri- culture had failed, because the land belonging to the colony was not favourable to cultivation : it was either too high and rocky, or too low and wet; or otherwise mere sand. The agent, to obtain a good tract of land, proceeded far up the Me- surado river ; but was disappointed in finding such as he wish- ed. He therefore turned his attention to St. Paul's river. The tract of country stretching along the south bank of this river met his views fully ; and after a variety of delays, always inci- dent to negotiation with the natives, he obtained a cession of the whole territory in question, and paid down part of the pur- chase money. This desirable tract of country Mr. Ashmun re- presents as having been once densely populated, and well im- proved, but has been desolated by the slave trade. The deed of purchase includes all the territory bounded north by St. Paul's river, and west by Stockton creek ; except such scatter- ed settlements as are now actually in the possession of the na- tives. The importance of this acquisition the agent considered very great ; the advantages of which he explained to the Board in a long communication on the subject. " It will," says he, "en- able the Society to dispose of ten thousand settlers in a compass of ten miles from town : whereas, with the original territory, that number could not be comfortably settled within twenty miles ; and the settlement will be capable of an extension of twenty miles, without leaving the St. Paul's, or big eastern branch of Mesurado, more than three miles. " This acquisition of territory will secure to the colony, in a short time, the entire command of the St. Paul's, and with it the trade of that river. " The country on St. Paul's being much more salubrious than the Mesurado, future emigrants will suffer less in their health." Some ferment was produced by the dissatisfaction of some of the chiefs, who violently remonstrated against the sale of so large a tract of country ; but the whole subsided without seri- ous consequences. Immediately, a number of families were designated to lay the HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 221 foundation of a new settlement, to be named St. Paul's ; and a large passage-boat was soon placed on the river, to ply be- tween the Cape and St. Paul's. And on the 13th of Novem- ber, 1825, the agent accompanied the first settlers who com- menced the town of St. Paul's. They hired from the natives two small houses, until they could provide shelter for them- selves. " Such," says Mr. Ashmun, " are the small beginnings of this settlement. The blessing of God Almighty, in whose name, and for whose praise, those beginnings have been made, and are humbly consecrated, alone can raise its head to the ele- vation which it is the prayer of the agent — who makes this re- cord, seated on a bamboo pallet, in a solitary native cabin, on the margin of St. Paul's — that it may attain at no great distance of time." By the Hunter, the decision of the Board respecting the new form of government, and new regulations, was received. It threw a momentary damp on the agent's hopes ; but being fully persuaded that they had acted under imperfect informa- tion of the state of things, he sent them by the return of the Hunter a full view of the present state and prospects of the colony. He also informed them how well the new system had operated in practice, and of the great increase of his own con- fidence in its full and ultimate success. The Board, on the 25th of April, 1825, rescinded their former act, disapproving the new form of government ; and having at a former meeting appointed Dr. Peaco, the United States' agent, the agent of the Board also, they now reconsidered and rescinded that act, in lieu of which they resolved, " That Mr. Ashmun be appointed colonial agent to the Society ; and that Dr. Peaco, the Government agent, be authorized and requested on his arrival in the colony, to assist Mr. Ashmun with his counsel; and fully authorized to take upon him all the duties of colonial agent, in the absence, inability, or death of Mr, Ashmun." This places Mr. Ashmun's relations to the Board in their proper light; but still all were not satisfied. An influential member of the Board, not present at the foregoing proceedings, at an ensuing meeting, had a committee appointed to investi- gate certain charges which had been brought against Mr. Ash- mun's character. The report of this committee was highly fa- vourable to the agent; and thus the last cloud which oversha- 19* 222 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. dowed the character of this distinguished man was dissipated: and his friend and biographer remarks with apparent exulta- tion, "He NOW STANDS ON AN EMINENCE IN CLEAR DAY." Mr. Ashmun also possessed now the undivided confidence of the colony, whose best interests he endeavoured assiduously to promote by every means in his power. But unclouded days, in this dark world, are few. The emi- grants brought to Africa by the ship Hunter were nearly all at- tacked with the fever during the first month of their residence; and there was no physician to attend them, for even Mr. Lot Gary was laid up with a hurt. In these painful circumstances the mind of Mr, Ashmun was agitated and distressed; but the disease did not prove so fatal as was expected. The mortal- ity was chiefly confined to children. In the month of April, 1825, he made an accurate survey of the territory, and drew a map for the satisfaction of the Board. At the close of the year 1825, Mr. Ashmun prepared and sent to the Board, a very full and detailed account of the state and progress of the colony. Health was restored; adults, some time resident in Africa, preferred this climate to any other, and enjoyed as good health as in America. The government had proved efficient and popular; the laws were venerated and obeyed ; the sentiments of the people had been purified and elevated. The settlement on St. Paul's river, opened a pleasing prospect of greater prosperity in agriculture. The colonists are represented as living in a style of neatness and comfort, approaching, in many instances, to elegance, unknown before their arrival in this country. Not a family, scarcely, but could set a plentiful table, and appear in decent apparel. Mechanics and labourers received an ample remuneration for their work, and all found as much employment as they wished. Several important public buildings had been commenced, some of which were nearly completed. Two beautiful chapels had been erected, and dedicated to the worship of God. Four schools, besides Sunday schools, were in successful operation. The militia were organized and exercised. Moreover, the good effects of the colony on the native tribes, began to appear. Sixty of their children had been adopted, as the children of the colony, and had already learned something of the great and interesting truths of the Christian religion. "Our influence over them," said Mr. Ashmun, "is unbounded; it is increas- HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 223 ing ; it is more extensive than at this early period I dare risk my character for veracity by asserting." — " No man of the least consideration in the country, will desist from his impor- tunities until one, at least, is fixed in some colonist's family." In this communication, he called loudly on the philanthropists of the United States, to come forth in the cause of education, in relation to this people, so solicitous to receive instruction. In the close, we have his views of the work achieved by the Col- onization Society. "To the lasting honour," says he, "of the American Colonization Society, it has founded a new empire on this continent, of which the basis is Christianity, intelhgence, and rational liberty." — "The society has demonstrated to the world, experimentally, the soundness of the views with which they appeared before it in 1817-18, without funds, patronage, or a precedent in the annals of the human race." The year 1826 opened on the colony under very favourable auspices. Mr. Ashmun, in writing to the Board, says: "Our town begins to assume the appearance of a beautiful little West India sea-port, and certainly is one of the most delightful situ- ations on the face of the globe. In beauty, and grandeur of prospect, no station can be taken on the Potomac, half so charming, or half so commanding." The Board were contemplating the appointment of a Board of Assistants, as they had already a constitutional rule for the appointment of a Board of Agents. Mr. Ashmun freely ex- pressed his opinion, as being entirely adverse to both these Boards. In regard to the latter, it had been tried, and had utterly failed. He insisted on the vast importance, in a colony like that, of having one directing head ; and predicted, that if the Board of Agents should be restored, the anarchy of former years would return. Two expeditions were fitted out this year. The first, con- sisting of thirty-four emigrants, in the brig Vine, mostly from Newport, Rhode Island. Eighteen of these, before their depart- ure, were organized into a church. The Rev. Calvin Holton, as missionary, and a printer, accompanied them. The Rev. Horace Sessions went out also in the same vessel, intending to return in her. The Vine sailed from Boston on the fourth of January, and arrived at Liberia on the seventh of February. A press, with its necessary appendages, many valuable books, and other 224 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. important articles, were sent out in this vessel by the generous citizens of Boston, who assumed the entire expense of printing for the first year. The other vessel was the Indian Chief, which with a hun- dred and fifty-four emigrants, left Norfolk on the fifteenth of February, and reached Monrovia on the twenty-second of March. In this went Dr. John W. Peaco, agent for the Gov- ernment for recaptured Africans, who was also empowered to act as Assistant Agent and Physician for the colony. By the return of the Vine, Mr. Ashmun expressed the high sense which he entertained, of the importance of the printing press, and also of the arrival of snch a missionary as Mr. Holton, who was about to introduce a general system for the education of the colonists. This plan embraced, (1,) the children of the colonists; (2,) native children, living in the settlement; (3,) re- captured Africans, of whom there were one hundred and twenty; (4,) a class of young men and women, with a view to prepare them to be teachers. It was also determined to introduce the Lancasterian plan of instruction. Mr. Holston was a member of the Baptist denomination, and went out under the direction of the Baptist Board of Missions. Mr. Ashmun, to encourage their efforts, made to it a grant (sub- ject to the decision of the Board,) of a tract of land adjoining to Monrovia, on the condition, that a school-house should be erected on it immediately, and that it should for ever be devo- ted to missionary purposes. In the mysterious dispensations of Providence, the joy which pervaded the colony on the arrival of the Vine, was converted into sorrow and lamentation. These emigrants were attacked with the worst forai of the African fever, and one half of them, including Mr. Sessions, Mr. Holton, and Mr. Force the print- er, were carried off by the disease! The Rev. Horace Sessions demands a particular mention in this history. He had but just entered on the public duties of the ministry; and as an agent, had done much to arouse the attention of New England to the subject of colonization. He superintended the embarkation of the emigrants in the Vine, and accompanied them to Liberia, but had no intention of remaining. He wished to obtain such knowledge of the colony as could only be obtained accurately, by a visit to the place. He did not die in Monrovia, but on the passage home, HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 225 and his remains sleep in the same ocean with those of the lamented Mills. The Rev. INIr. Helton went out to Africa, under the influence of that divine charity, "which seeketh not her own." For some time after iiis attack, he was not thought to be in danger. He even appeared at one time to be convalescent; but in July, he gradually declined, until on the twenty-third of that month, he gently expired. " His spirit was uniformly sustained by a steadfast faith in the promises of Christ, to whom at an early stage of his sickness, he had resigned himself without reserve; and never afterwards appeared to admit for a moment, any distressing anxiety as to the termination of his afliiction." With one exception, all the emigrants by the Vine, were natives of the Northern States, or had long resided there; and leaving Boston in the depth of winter, they arrived at Liberia in the very hottest season of the whole year. The dilference of arriving in Africa from a southern climate and from a northern, could not have been more manifest, than in the case of the emigrants in the Vine, and the larger number in the Indian Chief. These last suffered very little, and some who left Virginia in bad health, found themselves much improved by the voyage. Most of the emigrants by these two vessels, were stationed by Mr. Ashmun on the territory recently purchased, of which mention has been made ; so that in the month of June, there were thirty-three plantations on Stockton Creek, and seventy-three at Caldwell. During Mr. Ashmun's absence from the agency-house, with four of his family, at the anniversary of the Liberia Missionary Society, the house was struck with lightning, and the house- keeper— the only person at home — instantly killed. This was indeed a very remarkable interposition of providence, to pre- serve his life. While some vessels were in port, Mr. Ashmun proposed an expedition to Trade Town, with a view of putting an end to the slave trade, carried on very extensively, at that place. This expedition was successful, and a number of slaves were found in the place. During the year lS26,the commerce of the colony had rapidly increased: between the 1st of January, and the 15th of July, fifteen vessels had stopped at Monrovia. Five of the most im- portant stations on the coast, between Cape Mount and Trade Town, were occupied by the colony, either by purchase, or by 226 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. agreement to be used by them, on deeds of perpetual lease. This includes an extent of one hundred and fifty miles. The country at the mouth of the Sesters river, which is very fertile, and abounding in palm oil, and camwood, and extending up the river to its source, was obtained. Also the right of occu- pancy to a tract, nine miles south of Sesters, was secured. Be- sides, a perpetual grant, rent free, had been secured of an inde- pendent territory, lying between the two Junk rivers, from thirty to forty miles south of Cape Mesurado. Mr. Ashmun regarded this as a very important acquisition. The confidence in Mr. Ashmun, by the natives, increased daily ; so that they began to give him the title of " Head-man of all their country," and " father of we all." In one of his letters to the Board, in this year, (1826) he says: " All this region of Africa opens its bosom for the reception of her returning children. I rejoice in the testimonials furnished in different ways, of a growing and enlightened interest in your Board, among the American people. It is one of those great and benevolent designs on which the merciful Father of all mankind loves to smile, which the American Colonization Society has undertaken. Its root is deep, and its growth, how- ever gradual, I entirely believe, will be sure. But the greatest difficulties, for difficulties the cause has always struggled with, I never supposed to be on this side the ocean. To obviate pre- judices, unite the exertions, and secure the enterprise of the ■whole American people — this is the great labour ; and to such as engage in it and prosecute it, will be chiefly due the ac- knowledgments of posterity." The colony had now risen from weakness to strength; and many who had been incredulous, now began to change their opinion, and to admit that the scheme of colonizing the free people of colour on the coast of Africa, was practicable. And as to Mr. Ashmun, his reputation, both in Africa, and among the friends of colonization in America, was as high as it well could be. On the 1 1th of April, 1827, arrived at Monrovia, after a pass- age of forty days, the Brig Doris, Captain Mathews, with ninety-three emigrants, most of them from North Carolina. These, like those who went out in the Indian Chief, suffered but slightly from the climate, and at an early day, took up their residence at Caldwell, on the St. Paul's. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 227 The ship Norfolk sailed from Savannah, on the 10th of July, with one hundred and forty recaptured Africans, and arrived at Liberia, on the 27th of August. Of this whole number, within one week after their arrival, not more than twenty re- mained an expense to the United States. They were taken by the older settlers into their families, for their services for two or three years; or were bound out for a reasonable time; or, when adult, hired out to receive equitable wages, at the year's end. And Mr. Ashmun's purpose was, as soon as they were prepared for it, to treat them, in all respects, as the other colonists. This was the last year of Mr. Ashmun's agency for the colony: and as if he had anticipated that his time was short, he appears to have been more active and energetic in his opera- tions, than ever. At one time, he had fully made up his mind to visit the United States, but pressing engagements led him to relinquish his purpose ; yet Providence had determined that his useful labours in Africa, should, this year, be brought to a close. The vschooner of the colony having been driven on shore, in attempting to cross the bar, was seriously injured. Mr. Ash- mun, in attempting to save her, exposed himself for four hours, and thus contracted a rheumatic fever, from which, however, by the skilful prescription of Lot Gary, he recovered gradually; but being in a state of great debility, he was carried on board a ship going to Sierra Leone, that he might enjoy the benefit of the sea air. After his return, his health continued to be feeble ; but the business of his agency was increasing daily, so that if he had been in perfect health, he could not have attended to all the con- cerns which pressed upon him. Indeed it is evident that he sacrificed his valuable life to the interests of the colony. Early in the year, 1828, he made a fatiguing visit to the fac- tories south of Monrovia ; and on his return, found the com- manders of several vessels waiting to settle concerns of business, and hasten their departure. The same evening the brig Doris arrived from Baltimore, with one himdred and seven emigrants, principally from Maryland ; sixty-two of them liberated slaves. This arrival was on the 14th of January, 1828. And on the 17th arrived the schooner Randolph, from South Carolina, and twenty-six slaves, manumitted by a single individual. And on the 19th of February, the brig Nautilus, fifty-four days from Hampton Roads, with one hundred and sixty emigrants : mostly from the lower counties of North Carolina. There were now, 228 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. at one time, six vessels in port, requiring the attention of the agent. In regard to the pressure of business, Mr. Ashmun says, " Such an accumulation of labour, I never felt before" — " Days and nights are too short." And in addition, he had much trouble to defend the colony from a piratical, and strongly armed Spanish vessel, in which service he was much exposed. He was also, for three days and nights, continually engaged in negotiation, with the kings in the vicinity, which terminated in the conclusion, that a number of the colonists should occupy, without delay, the beautiful tract of country now bearing the honoured names of Mills and Burgess. This was succeeded by a laborious session of court, for two days. Thus he was occu- pied, until on the 5th of February, he was seized with a violent fever, which for a few days threatened his life ; but his recovery was rapid. Still, however, it was evident, that his enfeebled constitution must sink under the pressure of business devolving on him at the colony ; and his physician informed him that a visit to the United States had become necessary to the preserva- tion of his life, and the restoration of his health. Accordingly he embarked on board the Doris, and left Africa for ever. The passage was long, forty-seven days to St. Bartholomew's, in the West Indies, during which time, his sufferings were nearly indescribable, on account of bodily illness, so that sometimes he despaired of ever seeing land again. But on the 16th of May he arrived at that island, but was unable to proceed farther. Upon leaving the colony, he committed all the weighty con- cerns of the agency to Mr. Lot Gary, already mentioned, as a preacher of the Baptist denomination, and a physician, who had become skilful by experience, combined with strong good sense. Mr. Ashmun arrived at New Haven on the 10th of August. But he had only reached his native land, that there he might breathe his last breath, and there have his mortal part deposited in its kindred earth. He expired, "gently, and in a moment," says his biographer, on the 25th of August, 1828. During his illness his mind appears to have been calm, and much occupied with spiritual and eternal concerns, as appears by the devo- tional papers written about this time, which he left behind. Thus fell another martyr to his zeal for African colonization. It seems to be the order of Providence, that every cause of real importance should be established and rise to prosperity only by HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 229 costly sacrifices of human life. So it was with Christianity, the best of all causes ; and so it has ever been with the cause of civil liberty. Already our catalogue of martyrs to colonization is large for the time : — Mills, Bacon, Andrus, Sessions, Holton, Ashmun. Before concluding this chapter, we shall introduce some par ticulars which were omitted in the preceding narrative. Early in the year 1827, a treaty of peace was concluded be- tween the colonial agent and the principal chief of Trade Town, by which the parties were bound mutually, to maintain and encourage friendly intercourse and an equitable trade ; and to regard as inviolable, the persons and property of each other. About the same time, the factory at Young Sesters was sus- pended, in consequence of the depredations of the surrounding people; and especially on account of a war breaking out be- tween the people of this and Trade Town. Mr. Ashmun spent three days in endeavouring to reconcile the two parties; but in. vain. This war, however, terminated more speedily than had been anticipated, and to the advantage of Freeman, the princi- pal chief of Sesters. During this year (1827) Mr. Ashmun founded an infirmary for invalids, on a plan which, while it secured to the aged, in- firm, and sick, the means of a comfortable subsistence, good at- tendance and medical aid, provided that such as were able to do anything to help to support themselves and families, should have the opportunity. It was not intended, however, for emi- grants, suffering merely by a change of climate. The whole system of schools which had been suspended by the death of Mr. Holton, was re-organized under the care of the Rev. G. McGill, an experienced coloured teacher, from Balti- more. The schools were sufficiently numerous to receive all the children in the colony, and all were required to attend. The best method of providing for emigrants on their first coming out to Africa, had engaged much of Mr. Ashmun's at- tention ; and the result of his thoughts was, that to purchase African provisions with trade goods was incomparably the most economical course that could be adopted. All emigrants should bring their tools ; but those who came unprovided should be supplied with them at the expense of the Society. That they should be provided with houses for a reasonable time ; and while on the sick list should be supported at the public expense. 20 230 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. It was stated as an indisputable fact, that the aged emigrants are peculiarly liable to fall victims to the African climate. Such, therefore, should not be encouraged to go out, as they, at best, can gain little by emigration. Objects of public utility were never lost sight of by this agent, and he exerted himself greatly to infuse public spirit into the minds of the colonists ; and not without good success. A com- pany was formed to improve the navigation of the river Mesu- rado, with shares amounting to one thousand dollars, with the privilege of increasing the stock to four thousand. No fact connected with the colony is more pleasing than the orderly and industrious behaviour of the recaptured Africans. Accustomed to the climate, and acquainted with the African methods of agriculture, they went on with but little interruption in the improvement of their grounds. In the month of December, 1829, the United States ship of war Ontario touched at the colony, on her return to the United States from the Mediterranean. Captain Nicholson had had the benevolent forethought to collect a variety of seeds on the borders of the Mediterranean, which he presented to the colo- ny, which donation was gratefully acknowledged by the colo- nial agent. When Captain Nicholson arrived in the United States, he gave a very favourable testimony of the contentment and general industry of the colonists. Every means was used to encourage the pursuits of agriculture, but still the strong in- clination of the colonists was more to commerce, on account of the speedy returns for their investments, and as being attended with less labour. At this time, by means of a coasting trade with the schooner of the colony, nearly the whole expense of the agency of the Board, and also that of the United States, had been defrayed. The net profits of this trade, during the year, amounted to little less than five thousand dollars. Much additional territory, of great value, had also been ob- tained during the last years of Mr. Ashmun's agency : and as many as eight stations had been so far secured as that the colonial government had the privilege of founding settlements at these points ; and the plan of the agent was, to open a farm at each of these stations. One of the colonists penetrated one hundred and forty miles into the interior, and found a numerous population, industrious HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 231 and intelligent, possessed of a written language, with some knowledge of agriculture and the useful arts, and sharing largely in the comforts and enjoyments of social life. Mr. Ashmun attributed the success of the colony, in a great degree, to the Christian religion; the good effect of which he had heard of before, but had never seen realized, until its effects on the colony of Liberia were manifested. We attempt no sketch of the character of Mr. Ashmun. The actions of his life, and his success in sustaining the colony of Liberia, have raised for him a monument more enduring than brass or marble. He needs no sculptured honours to preserve his memory from oblivion. As long as the colony of Liberia exists, or as long as its history is preserved, the name of Ash- mun will be famous. And when this infant colony shall have grown into a great republic, and shall have diffused the lights of religion and science over a benighted continent, no name will be more honoured than that of Jehudi Ashmun. The Board at Washington, were so impressed with convic- tion of the importance of Mr. Ashmun's services, and the excel- lence of his character, that they passed a resolution to have a handsome monument erected for him in New Haven, where his remains were deposited, and another in Monrovia, the scene of his incessant labours. Although we approve of such testimonies of respect to the real benefactors of their race — and such, undoubtedly, was Mr. Ashmun — yet we are of opinion, that Mr. Gurley has erected a more valuable, and a more lasting monument to his friend, by the ample Memoir of his Life with which he has favoured the public. We sincerely wish it were in our power to turn the attention of the public to this interesting and eloquent perform- ance. It has not yet ascended to its proper level among the biographies of the distinguished philanthropists of the age. And we take this opportunity of acknowledging how much we have been indebted to this work in compiling this History of African Colonization. Indeed, our temptation was to extract much more from this interesting volume than would have been compatible with the nature of this work. But as we have de- rived much instruction and pleasure from Mr. Gurley's Life of Ashmun ourselves, we cannot do less than cordially recom- mend it to all our readers. Few men have furnished such am- ple materials for biography in so short a life; and few could 232 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. have used such materials more skilfully than the author — than whom no one l)as more imperious claims on the respect of the friends of this noble and benevolent enterprise. We shall conclude this chapter by noticing several things relating to the society at home, which were omitted for the sake of preserving the thread of the narrative of Ashmun's administration uninterrupted. At the annual meeting of the American Colonization Society, in February, 1S24, General Robert Goodloe Harper, a gentleman well known in the political world and at the bar, attended and took a prominent part in the business of the society. And this was not an occasional and temporary paroxysm of zeal in this distinguished man; but ever after, as long as he lived, he yield- ed to none of the friends of Colonization, in active, persevering efforts, to promote the interests of the society. On this occasion, he arose and addressed the meeting to the following effect: "Mr. President, — I will call the attention of the society to a matter of some, though not, perhaps, of very great mo- ment. It is to the proposition for giving a name to our African colony. Names are at all times matters of convenience, and sometimes of advantage. Our colony has -at present no name. It is situated, indeed, near a Cape called Mesurado, and has hitherto taken its name and designation from this circumstance; but that is not a name appropriate to its object; a name- that means nothing. In reflecting on this circumstance, I have thought of a name that is peculiar, short, and familiar, and that expresses the object and nature of the establishment. It is the term, Liberia, and denotes a settlement of persons made free; for our colony may with truth be called the home and country oi freedmeyi, in contradistinction to those slaves, of whom they once formed a part. This name, if I mistake not, will be found easy and apt, and it certainly has the merit of being very concise." This proposal was then submitted in the form of a motion, and unanimously adopted. He then rose again, and after pay- mg a handsome and deserved compliment to President Monroe, offered another resolution, — "That the town laid out and established at Liberia, be called and known by the name, Monrovia," which was also unanimously adopted. General Harper then addressed the society in an eloquent speech, tiie HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 233 object of which was to show, that the grand object which they had in view could not be accomplished by merely private funds and voluntary associations ; but that, in an enterprise so humane and patriotic, the aid of Congress should be earnestly and respectfully sought. At the close of his speech, therefore, he offered a resolution, "That a respectful memorial be pre- sented to Congress, on the part of the society, stating the pro- gress that has been made in establishing a colony of the people of colour, at Liberia ; and praying for aid from the national Government, in the prosecution of this great and national un- dertakina:." General Mercer, who has been among the earliest and most efficient friends of colonization, gave his views on the state and prospects of the colonization scheme ; but was of opinion, that it would not be expedient to apply to Congress at present. After some further discussion, it was finally concluded, that the resolution offered by General Harper should be referred to a committee of five, to inquire into the expediency of an imme- diate application to Congress, and to report at a subsequent meeting, to be held in March. Dr. Ayres, on his first return to the United States from Africa, exerted himself much to excite an interest among the people, in favour of colonization. In company with the Rev. Mr. Boyd, of the Episcopal church, he took a tour through New England, to promote this desirable object. Every where he gave an interesting statement to the public, of the urgent wants of the colony; and of the absolute necessity of its being speedily strengthened, to prevent its utter destruction. This journey was attended with many advantages to the cause; especially by diffusing correct information relative to the state of things in Africa. The Board, also, in their Sixth Report, appealed to the benevolence of the public for contributions to enable them, at that critical moment, when the very existence of the colony was in jeopardy, to preserve the enterprise from absolute destruction. They say, "At this crisis of intense in- terest, when the weakness of the colony renders it exposed to disasters; when causes which could not impair a firmer estab- lishment, may work its destruction; when the momentous question is. Shall Africa be freed, enlightened, saved, or shall all her hopes be extinguished, perhaps for ever ? the Board 20* 234 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. cannot believe, that they shall be denied the liberal contribu- tions of their countrymen. They trust, that the editors of public papers and literary journals will aid their design, by diffusing correct information concerning it; that the patriot will think of his country, and give it his influence; and that all the ministers of religion will plead for it, in the name of Heaven." In the Seventh Annual Report of the Board to the Society, we are informed, that after much difficulty and delay, they at length succeeded in chartering a vessel, and collecting emi- grants. The brig Oswego, Captain Wightman, was the vessel obtained by the Board, to carry out the emigrants, sixty-one in number, and the stores for the colony which they were able to provide. Dr. Ayres, whose previous exertions had been so important, consented to return. Just as the Oswego was ready to sail, information of a very alarming kind was received from the colony, relative to the hostile attack of the natives, of which an account has already been given. The reason for mentioning it here is, to give a proof of the candour, honesty, and good-will of the Board towards the emigrants whom they had collected to send out. They observe — "that duty as well as policy demanded that it should not be concealed; that those who were about to link all their temporal interests with the establishment in Africa, should not be left ignorant of its condition and prospects." A full statement was therefore made of all the facts which had come to the knowledge of the Board. They were plainly told that trials, perhaps death, stood in their way; "that a colony in Africa could only survive, through the efforts of energetic, pa- tient, and fearless men; that regrets would be too late, when they were landed on a distant shore; but that they were now at full liberty to remain in this country." It is recorded as an honourable instance of resolution, that no change was expressed in the purpose of a single itidividual. The Oswego sailed from Baltimore, on the 16th of April, and arrived at Cape Mesurado on the 24th of May. The joy pro- duced in the colony by the arrival of this reinforcement, cannot be described. Soon, however, their trials commenced. Sick- ness attacked the new colonists; and it was an unfavourable circumstance, that Dr. Ayres himself was among the first at- tacked by the disease, in consequence of which the others were deprived of his medical skill and services. The mortality, HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 235 however, was not remarkably great. Only eight persons out of the whole died. And the Board were not discouraged by all the disasters and losses which had been sustained. By compar- ing Liberia with Plymouth, they found that the circumstances of the Puritan Pilgrims were much more disheartening, than any thing which had yet occurred in their colony. They remark, that, "since the origin of the society, two hundred and twenty- five emigrants, exclusive of those now on their passage, in the ship Cyrus, have sailed to Africa, under the patronage of the Board. The census received, with the last letters from Dr. Ayres, states the number then at the colony to be one hundred and forty. Let it not be supposed, that this diminution of num- bers, has resulted from mortality alone. Previous to the pur- chase of Cape Mesurado, several discontented individuals abandoned the colony and settled at Sierra Leone, others re- turned to this country. Information of forty-six deaths only has been received by the Board. That more have occurred, the Board have no reason to believe. Twenty-two of these were among the passengers in the Elizabeth, the first vessel sent by the society to Africa, and occurred soon after her arrival, near the commencement of the rains, through the unheal thiness of the spot on which, for a season, they were compelled to re- side; and various other causes, by which future emigrants can never be affected." The last year, 1823, may be considered the critical year for the colony : its perils were never so great, and never can be again, from the same cause. At home the prospects of the society were unfavourable, and the funds exhausted. But in this report, they say, "The evidences of public favour which the Board have received during the year, have afforded the highest encouragement, and they can no longer doubt, that a general knowledge of their plans, will be succeeded by the common, vigorous efforts of the country to execute them, and that the design of the Colonization Society, notwithstanding the opposition it has experienced, will be consummated by the con- tinued energies of a nation, and approved by the civilized world. A thousand powerful minds scattered through the Union, are at work for this institution. The objects which it is intended to promote, are every where becoming subjects of thought and conversation, and the spirit of deep concern for its result is 236 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. rapidly extending, securing to it the counsels of wisdom, the donations of wealth, and the prayers of religion."* In the year 1825, the expressions of public opinion in favour of the Colonization Society, both from distinguished individuals and public bodies, became more explicit and decided than ever before. The Baptist Board of Foreign Missions passed a resolu- tion, in which they declared their cordial ai)probation of the ob- jects of the American Colonization Society ; expressed their plea- sure at the success which had attended the effort to estabHsh a colony at Liberia, in Africa; and earnestly recommended it to their brethren to patronize it ; and when practicable, make collec- tions for its funds. The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, at their annual meeting, expressed their " high gratifica- tion at the progress of the American Colonization Society," which they call, " a great work of humanity and religion." They did not hesitate to say, that they believed, "that the tem- poral prosperity and moral interests of an extensive section of our country, of a numerous, degraded, and miserable class of men in the midst of us, and of the vast continent of Africa, un- civilized and unchristianized, are ultimately connected with the success of this institution. They therefore resolved, unani- mously, to recommend to the churches under their care, to pa- tronize the objects of the American Colonization Society, and particularly, that they take up collections in aid of its funds, on the fourth of July, or on the Sabbath immediately preceding or succeeding that day: and where that might be thought inex- pedient, to give their assistance, in such manner as might be most conducive to the interests of the society." The General Synod of the Protestant Reformed Dutch Church, resolved to recommend to the churches under their care, the American Colonization Society; and also, wherever meet- ings should be held on the fourth day of July, they earnestly recommended that collections be made in behalf of this insti- tution. At the annual Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Virginia, a resolution was passed, declaring, that the Conven- tion had witnessed with the deepest emotions of gratitude to God, the success with which it hath pleased him to bless the efforts of the American Colonization Society; that they observe with * Seventh Report, page 23. HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 237 pleasure an increasing interest in its prosperity every where manifested, throughont the Union. They, therefore, recom- mended continued and increasing exertions in its favour, and that collections he made in the respective churches under their care, on the fourth of July, or on the Sabbath immediately pre- ceding that day. A flourishing colonization society had been formed in New Hampshire, embracing some of the most considerable men in the State, both lay and clerical. At the anniversary of this auxiliary, the Rev. Dr. Daniel Dana delivered an elegant ad- dress, which was published. The sentiments which it contains are in perfect harmony with the principles on which the Ame- rican Colonization Society was founded. In this same year the Rev. Dr. Meade delivered an animated address to a crowded audience in Winchester, Virginia. This gentleman has already received honourable mention, as one of the earliest and most efficient friends of the American Coloniza- tion Society; to which we may now add, that his whole fa- mily participate in his zeal and benevolence in promoting this good cause, of which they have given to the world the most substantial evidence. The society found another able, zealous, and eloquent advo- cate, in the Rev. Leonard Bacon, of New Haven. This gen- tleman first distinguished himself as the enlightened and cordial friend of colonization, in a review of the Reports of the Socie- ty, which embodied in an eloquent style the principal transac- tions of the society, up to the time when it was written. This able review was first published in the Christian Spectator, but was copied from that work into various other periodicals, and was read every where by the friends of colonization, with peculiar interest and pleasure. During the current year, (1825) Mr. Bacon came forward again with " A Plea for Africa." This work, though not comprehending so much information as his " Review," yet is written with more animation and ele- gance. Some passages, in which he describes the miseries of Africa, are truly touching, and eloquent. Among his conclud- ing sentences are these: "The voice of public opinion in favour of this enterprise is becoming louder and louder. In every sec- tion of our country the ministers of Jesus have been pleading for it to-day. From hundreds of churches the cry of supplica- tion has gone up in its behalf. And not a few are the freemen 23S HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. who, in the midst of their rejoicings to-day, have remembered the miseries of Africa, and offered their contributions for her rehef. Can you withhold from such an enterprise your voice of approbation ? Can you, if you pray for any thing — can you refuse to pray for this undertalfing? Can you look round on the abundance wherewith God has blessed you, and refuse to bestow some little offering on such a cause ?" It is pleasant to be able to record, that the torrent of aboli- tionism which has swept away so many of the former friends of colonization, has produced no unfavorable effect on this gen- tleman. He continues to be the warm friend of this only plau- sible and practicable scheme for the amelioration of the condi- tion of the African race, either here or on the continent of Africa. Auxiliary societies sprang up so fast, that it would be tedious, as it is unnecessary, to name them all : and even in remote parts of the country, speeches were delivered and published, which did credit to the speakers, and evinced, beyond a doubt, that the talent and eloquence of the country were enlisted in this cause. The Society received much encouragement also from the fact, that the hopes entertained that many conscientious persons would embrace the opportunity to emancipate their slaves, began to be realized. Nathaniel C. Crenshaw, near Richmond, Virginia, informed the society of his wish to send his slaves to Liberia. And the Rev. Cave Jones, a chaplain in the United States navy, manumitted two men of colour, and directed them to be delivered to the society, in order that they might take passage to the colony at Liberia. The society also received some seasonable donations of arti- cles peculiarly suited to the wants of the infant colony. Among these, one deserves a particular notice, from Mr. E. S, Thomas, of Baltimore. This gentleman had with great pains collected a large quantity of seeds, which he presented to the Coloniza- tion Society; among which were no less than twelve hundred pounds of turnip seed, of various sorts. A more appropriate present for a young colony could not have been devised. The American Board of Foreign Missions began to turn its attention to Africa as a missionary field. They authorized the Prudential Committee to admit the descendants of Africa into the Foreign Mission School, which was then in successful ope- HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 239 ration at Cornwall, Connecticut, with a view to their prepara- tion for missionary labours on the coast of Africa. They also resolved to recommend to the committee to establish a mission in Africa, as soon as they shall find it practicable, and be able to make the requisite preparations. Legislative bodies, also, had their attention turned to the sub- ject of making some provision for emancipated slaves in a suit- able colony. The Hon. Rufus King, a Senator of the United States from New York, submitted for consideration to the august body of which he was a member, a resolution, that after the public debt was paid, all the proceeds of the sales of public land should constitute a fund to aid the emancipation of such slaves within the United States, and to aid in their removal, and the removal of such free persons of colour as by the laws of any of the States may be allowed to be removed, to any territory or country without the limits of the United States of America. Mr. Tucker, of Virginia, March 2d, made a motion in Con- gress, that the Secretary of War be requested to ascertain the probable expense of extinguishing the Indian title to a por- tion of the country lying west of the Rocky INIountains, that may be suitable for colonizing the free people of colour, &c. The State of Virginia, as early as 1816, as we have already seen, requested the Executive of the State to correspond with the President of the United States on the subject of obtaining a territory on the coast of Africa, or upon the shore of the North Pacific, or at some other place not within any of the States or Territories of the United States, to serve as an asylum for such people of colour as are now free, and may desire the same, and for those who may hereafter be emancipated within the Com- monwealth of Virginia. The State of Maryland, in ISIS, by their Legislature, resolv- ed unanimously, that the Governor be requested to communi- cate to the members of both Houses of Congress from Mary- land, the opinion of the Legislature, that " a wise and provident policy suggests the expediency, on the part of our National Government, of procuring, by negotiation, by cession, or pur- chase, a tract of country on the Western coast of Africa, for the colonization of the free people of colour of the United States." A similar resolution was also passed by the Legislature of the State of Tennessee. 240 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. The Legislature of New Jersey also adopted a resolution, that in their opinion a system of foreign colonization, with cor- respondent measures, might be adopted, that would, in due time, effect the entire emancipation of the slaves of our country, and furnish an asylum for the free blacks, without any viola- tion of the national compact, or infringement of the rights of individuals. The State of Connecticut adopted resolutions very similar to those of New Jersey; concluding with the expression of an opinion, " That a system of colonization, under the patronage of the National Government, might be deemed conducive to the desirable end of freeing the country from the evils of slavery." During their sessions in 1824, the Legislature of Ohio re- commended the gradual abolition of slavery, in connexion with a system of foreign colonization. In May, 1S28, the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, passed the following resolutions: 1. "That this Conference highly approve of the objects pro- posed, and the measures taken, by the American Colonization Society, in reference to the colonization of the free people of colour, on the coast of Africa. 2. That this Conference look to the settlement of Liberia, as opening a door for the diffusion of all the benign influences of the gospel over the continent of Africa ; and, therefore, recommend it to our ministers and membership, to aid by their exertions and influence in the formation and support of auxiliary societies, and the making collections to aid in carrying on the benevolent designs of the parent institution. 3. That the Secretary be, and he is hereby instructed, to communicate the foregoing resolutions to the Board of Managers of the American Colonization Society." Among the warm friends of African colonization, we have the pleasure of recording the name of that distinguished friend of liberty and of America, General Lafayette. In a letter, dated Lagrange, November 29, 1829, this venerable and beloved man observes, " I am delighted to hear, that the accounts from our very interesting Liberia, are so satisfactory. The honour I have received, in being elected an officer of the society, no one could more highly value." In the same year, the Legislature of Pennsylvania passed a resolution in favour of the American Colonization Society, both HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 241 houses concurring with great unanimity. After a preamble of some length, they adopted the following: "Z?e it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met: That in the opinion of this General Assembly, the Amer- ican Colonization Society eminently deserves the support of the National Government, and that our Senators be directed, and the Representatives in Congress be requested, to aid the same, by all proper and constitutional means." CHAPTER XVI. LOTT CARY— MISSIONS IN AND NEAR THE COLONY. When Mr. Ashmun's health was so impaired that he was under the necessity of leaving Liberia, to which place he was never permitted to return, he left the colony in the charge of the Rev. Lott Cary, of whom mention has frequently been made already. But as he was among the earliest colonists, and a very extraordinary man for his opportunities, I propose, in this chapter, to give a sketch of his life.* Lott Cary was born a slave, about the year 1780, thirty miles below the city of Richmond, in Virginia. His father was an eminently pious member of the Baptist denomination; and his mother, though not a member of any visible church, was believed by her acquaintances, to be truly pious. He was their only child. It may be inferred from the character of his parents, that he was trained up under the influence of sound religious and moral principles, but of his early life no memo- rials remain. In the year 1804, when just four-and-twenty years of age, he was removed to the city of Richmond, and employed as a common labourer, in the Shockoe tobacco ware- liouse. At that time, his habits were rather irregular; he was frequently intoxicated, and had contracted the vicious habit of profane swearing: and for two or three years after his coming * The author is indebted for this sketch of the early history of Cary to the Memoir of him, by the Rev. J. B. Taylor. 21 242 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. to Richmond, he appeared evidently to increase in wickedness. But he was a chosen vessel of divine mercy, and destined to act an important part in one of the noblest enterprises of the present day. Having been led to the discovery of his ruined condition as a rebel against the skies, he turned to the Lord with full purpose of heart, and was baptized by Elder John Courtney, and was received as a member, in the first Baptist church in Richmond, in the year 1S07. Lott Gary, though endowed with strong natural powers, was at the time of his conversion, extremely ignorant, not knowing a single letter of the alphabet. But hearing his minister read the discourse of our Lord to Nicodemus, he was seized with an earnest desire to learn to read, and did not cease until he had accomplished his purpose ; and soon after- wards, he learned to write. About this time, he began to hold meetings with the coloured people of Richmond, and to exhort sinners to 'flee from the wrath to come:' the church observing that he had gifts to be useful as a public speaker, encouraged him to exercise them in preaching the gospel. Having now the treasures of English literature unlocked to him, by the acquisition of the art of reading, he was not back- ward in availing himself of every opportunity of improving his mind, by such works as fell in his way. And his reading was not confined to such books as those of his class commonly peruse, but he extended his reading to History and Political Economy. A gentleman once entered his apartment, and found that he had been engaged in reading Smith's Wealth of Nations. He was also much engaged in preaching the gospel, not only in Richmond, but in all the surrounding country. His services at the tobacco warehouse were highly valued. Every thing with which he had any thing to do, was put in perfect order ; so that if any one of the hundreds of hogsheads under his care, was called for, he could at any moment, produce it. This promptitude and order were of great importance in the shipments of tobacco. He often received rewards from the merchants, which he carefully hus- banded and increased, by making small ventures of unmer- chantable tobacco on his own account. By the year 1813, he had acquired a sum sufficient to buy his own liberty, and that of two of his children. The sum paid was eight hundred and fifty dollars. His first wife was dead, at this time, and in 1815, he married a second. He now received a regular HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 243 salary, which was increased from year to year, until it amount- ed to eight hundred dollars. About this time, Lott Gary became deeply affected with the unhappy condition of the people of Africa, and took pains to stir up a lively interest among his brethren in and about Rich- mond, in relation to the spiritual condition of these people. This led to the formation of an African Missionary Society in Richmond, which contributed annually, for several years, from one hundred to one hundred and fifty dollars, towards the sup- port of the African mission. But his active and benevolent mind could not be satisfied with the mere contribution of a part of his earnings. The desire to go in person, and carry the blessed gospel to that benighted region was like a fire in his bones. A great struggle was experienced between this pious an€ disinterested desire and his personal interests. He was now the possessor of a snug little farm in the vicinity of Rich- mond, was receiving a handsome salary, and his reputation as high as he could wish. Besides, he was the object of universal affection as a preacher, among the people of his own colour. There were also some discouraging circumstances in relation to Africa. The facilities for labouring there were few, and the climate was sickly; but none of these things could deter him from engaging in this benevolent enterprise. When asked by a brother in the ministry, how he could think of quitting a sta- tion of so much comfort and usefulness, to encounter the dan- gers of an African climate, and hazard every thing, to plant a colony on a distant shore, his reply was, " I am an African; and in this country, however meritorious my conduct, and re- spectable my character, I cannot receive the credit due to either. I wish to go to a country where I shall be estimated by my me- rits— not by my complexion; and I feel bound to labour for my suffering race." When his employers understood that he con- templated a removal, they offered to raise his salary to one thousand dollars; but this had no effect on his fixed determi- nation. As soon as the journal of the exploring tour of Messrs. Mills and Burgess was published, the purpose of Lott Gary and Gol- lin Teage was immediately made up to emigrate to Africa. This latter also hved in Richmond, and had by great exertion and economy, raised thirteen hundred dollars for the redemption of himself, a son, and a daughter. Gollin Teage had, like Gary, received no education in early life; but he had learned the busi- 244 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. ness of a saddler and harness-maker, and by his own efforts had learned to read and write indifferently well. But he was a man of keen penetration, and possessed a mind capable of high im- provement, of which he has given full evidence since he was settled in Africa. These two men first offered themselves as missionaries to go to Africa, under the direction of the Baptist General Conven- tion; and at the same time made application to the American Colonization Society to go out under their patronage. Various circumstances delayed their departure until January, 1821. Teage was also a preacher to his own colour, and was often associated with Lott Cary in preaching excursions into the country. Both of them now received ordination according to the usages of the Baptist denomination; and upon the eve of their departure, Elder Cary delivered a farewell discourse'to the people of colour in Richmond, which is said to have been a sermon of great eloquence. His text was Rom. viii. 32. In the conclusion of his discourse he became very pathetic; and, among other things, said, " I am about to leave you, and ex- pect to see your faces no more. I long to preach to the poor Africans the way of life and salvation. I do not know what may befall me — whether I may find a grave in the ocean, or among the savage men, or more savage wild beasts on the coast of Africa; nor am I anxious what may become of me. I feel it to be my duty to go; and I very much fear that many of those who preach the gospel in this country, will blush when the Sa- viour calls them to give an account of their labours in this cause, and tells them, ' I commanded you to go into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature.' " And with the most thrilling emphasis, looking round on his audience, he exclaimed, " The Saviour may ask — Where have you been ? — what have you been doing? Have you been endeavouring to the utmost of your ability to fulfil the commands I gave you? Or have you sought your own gratification, and your own ease, regardless of my commands?" These two devoted men left Richmond. January 23d, 1821, and sailed in the Nautilus for the coast of Africa. The parting scene, at Richmond, v/as very affecting. Cary united dignity with tenderness; and manifested a spirit becoming one who was to sustain the character of a missionary of the cross. There was a moral sublimity in the spectacle; for he was actually making a sacrifice of all his worldly interests, and was prepared HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 245 for death as well as life. They reached their destination after a voyage of forty-four days. Good order was preserved on. board during the whole time that they were at sea, and Capt. Blair treated his passengers with humanity and attention. At the time of Gary's arrival at Sierra Leone, the Coloniza- tion Society had obtained no place for a permanent settlement; but at the close of this year (1821) Cape Mesurado was pur- chased from the natives. Messrs. Cary and Teage therefore re- mained at Sierra Leone, and having exhausted their resources in preparing for the voyage, they soon found themselves in dif- ficult circumstances. Lott Cary, to provide for present, urgent wants, engaged in the business of a cooper, and made tubs, buckets, &c., which he sold at Free Town for the support of his family. But he was not unmmdful of the great object, to pro- mote which he had made such sacrifices. He not only preach- ed, as he had opportunity, among the colonists, but established a mission among the Mandingoes. But he was again called to suffer a severe affliction in the loss of his wife, who died while he resided at Sierra Leone. This was, indeed, a sore bereave- ment; but he liad the satisfaction of knowing that she departed in the exercise of a hvely faith, and an assured hope of ever- lasting life. In 1822, he removed his family to Cape Mesurado, and be- came one of the most active and influential members of that little community. The native tribes repenting of the sale of the land on the cape, meditated the destruction of the colony, and after Ashmun, its salvation was owing to the exertions of none so much as those of Lott Cary. The general agent has given the following character of this remarkable man, " On his arrival in Africa, he saw before him a wide, and interesting field, demanding various, and energetic talents, and the most devoted piety. His intellectual ability, firmness of purpose, unbending integrity, correct judgment, and disinterested benevolence, soon placed him in a conspicuous station, and gave him wide, and commanding influence. Though naturally diffident and retiring, his worth was too evident to allow of his continuance in obscu- rity. It is well known, that great difficulties were encountered in founding a settlement at Cape Mesurado. So appalling were the circumstances of the first settlers, that soon after they had taken possession of the Cape, it was proposed that they should remove to Sierra Leone. The resolution of Mr. Cary, was not 21* 246 HISTORY OP AFRICAN COLONIZATION. to be shaken : he determined to stay, and his decision had great effect in persuading others to imitate his example. During the war with the native tribes, in November and December, 1822, he proved to be one of the bravest of men, and but for his well directed and vigorous support to the measures of Mr. Ashmun, during that memorable defence of the colony, the consequences might have been disastrous. It was to him that Mr. Ashmun was principally indebted for assistance, in rallying the broken forces of the colony, at a moment, when fifteen hundred of the exasperated natives were rushing forward to exterminate the settlement. "Gary, in one of his letters, compares the little exposed com- pany at Mesurado, at that time, to the Jews, who in rebuilding their city grasped a weapon in one hand, while they laboured Avilh the other; but adds, emphatically, there never has been an hour, nor a minute, no not even when the balls were flying around my head, when I could wish myself again in America." In defect of regular medical aid, Lott Gary applied his power- ful mind to this subject; and for a considerable time, he was almost entirely occupied in visiting the sick, and administering medicine to them. And it has been generally admitted, that he was remarkably successful in his practice. The only single part of his conduct which deserves to be censured, was his taking part in the seditious proceedings of a number of persons, who became dissatisfied with the Goloni- zation Society, and refused obedience to the orders of Mr. Ash- mun, the agent. In fact, they set all law at defiance, and went, and by force took from the public stores, whatever they wanted. Gary, doubtless, had a leading influence in these seditious pro- ceedings. But when Mr. Ashnmn addressed to them a solemn appeal or remonstrance, in which he forcibly represented the iniquity, and destructive tendency of their proceedings, Lott Gary, convinced of the impropriety of his conduct, came to the agent, and ingenuously confessed his error; after which, he was ever found among the firm supporters of law and order. These mutinous proceedings were owing to very peculiar and critical circumstances, which if they could be fully explained, would go far to extenuate the misguided conduct of Gary, and others, in this affair. But as Mr. Ashmun's confidence was imme- diately and fully restored, it is judged to be expedient, to bury in oblivion all the circumstances of this unpleasant transaction. HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 247 Lett Gary, though necessarily much occupied with the affairs of the colony and its defence, and with his practice as a physi- cian, yet did not neglect the main object of his mission. He not only laboured to promote the spiritual interests of the church at Monrovia; but gave instructions in the rudiments of the gospel to the Africans who had been recaptured from the slave- ships. And from letters addressed to his friends in Virginia, it appears, that religion was in a flourishing state in his church. His services as physician were especially valuable after the arrival of the Cyrus with one hundred and five emigrants. All these were seized with the fever, and our self-instructed physi- cian had his hands full; and what greatly enhances the value of his services, they were gratuitously bestowed on all who needed them, and were willing to accept them. His letters to