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Hopi CHIEF
(Drawn by Howard McCormick)

AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY

INDIANS
OF THE SOUTHWEST

By PLINY EARLE GODDARD
CURATOR OF ETHNOLOGY

HANDBOOK SERIES No. 2
(THIRD EDITION)

NEW YORK

1927

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ZUNI AND ACOMA i. CALIFORNIA
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PREHISTORIC PUEBLOS PIMA AND PAPAGO

HOP! GROUP

NAVAJO GROUP

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WESTERN APACHE

PREHISTORIC PUEBLOS

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RIO GRANDE PUEBLOS

EASTERN APACHE

PLAN OF THE SOUTHWEST INDIAN HALL.

This hall contains the archaeological and the ethnological collections

from the Southwest, and temporarily the California exhibit of basketry

and general ethnology.
The left side of the hall is devoted to the pueblo dwellers, both ancient

and modern.
coves.

3

The prehistory is represented by the exhibit in two al-
In the first is shown a pottery sequence worked out by Mr. N. C.
Nelson in Galisteo Valley, New Mexico. The case facing this one is filled
with pottery from the ruins of Tularosa Canyon on the headwaters of the

Gila River, and from Mimbres Valley, New Mexico. The collection

secured at Pueblo Bonito in Chaco Canyon by the Hyde Expedition

fills the remainder of the alcove.

The second archaeological alcove farther down the hall has the Hyde
collections from Grand Gulch, Utah, with prehistoric basketry and other
textiles of great interest; pottery from Casas Grandes, Mexico, a large
wall case with collections from the Mesa Verde and Little Colorado;
and, in particular, pottery from the Aztec ruin.

The present-day Pueblo villages are represented by three alcoves.
First is an exhibit from the Rio Grande Valley of material collected and
arranged by Dr. Herbert J. Spinden. In the middle of the west side of
the hall is a collection from the Hopi villages, made chiefly by Mr. Voth.
At the northern end of the hall are exhibits from Zufi, secured mainly
by Drs. Parsons and Kroeber; a few Acoma specimens; and an exhibit
illustrating the making of pottery.

On the east side of the hall at the northern end is an alcove devoted
to California. A large wall case contains a comparative exhibit of bas-
ketry. The next alcove contains a small collection from the Pima and
Papago. The middle alcove is nearly filled with Navajo blankets, illus-
trating the various types of weaving. At the southern end are two
alcoves; one for the Apache of Arizona and one for the eastern Apache
who, with their neighbors the Rio Grande Pueblos, had considerable con-
tact with the people and culture of the Plains tribes.

On the east in three side-rooms are groups with painted backgrounds.

. The first represents an Apache camp in the San Carlos Valley. The
second shows a Night Chant of the Navajo. The setting is the Canyon
de Chelly in a wall of which is White House, a beautifully preserved
cliff-ruin. Within the sacred hogan is shown a sand painting, used for
the curing of asick man. The third group presents the pueblo of ek
on the first of the Hopi mesas.

The collections in this hall have been obtained chiefly by Museum
expeditions and donations. The Hyde Expedition resulted in a great
number of archaeological specimens, many of which are still in storage.
Since 1909 there have been obtained by funds provided by Archer M.

Huntington for the study of the primitive peoples of the Southwest, the

ethnological collections from the Rio Grande and Hopi pueblos and from
the Apache, Pima, and Papago tribes; and the archaeological specimens
from Aztec, the Galisteo historic and prehistoric ruins, and from Old
Cochiti. A large number of the baskets were donated by Dr. James
Douglas; the Navajo blankets represent the generosity of Mrs. Russell
Sage and the late J. Pierpont Morgan.

The California collections were acquired by the Huntington Expedi-
tion, conducted by Dr. Roland B. Dixon; by the purchase of the Briggs
collection of baskets through the generosity of George Foster Peabody;
by the work of Miss Constance Goddard DuBois in southern California;

and through exchanges.
4

PREFACE

ALTHOUGH a great deal of time has been devoted to
the study of the native peoples of the Southwest and
the prehistoric ruins in that region by many ethnologists
and archaeologists our knowledge of them is still far
from complete. There are many ruins which have
never been visited by a trained observer: the Rio
Grande peoples persistently oppose the study of their
ceremonial life; and notwithstanding the great number
of treatises on the Hopi, there is none of them which
gives a satisfactory account of their everyday life and
of their social customs and organization.

The author has first-hand knowledge of the Athapas-
can speaking peoples only. The accounts given in the
following pages of the prehistoric and sedentary peoples
have been drawn from published papers by many
authors. The most important works on the Southwest
are listed at the end of this book and in them will be
found the sources of the information here given.

The author wishes to make grateful recognition here
of the help given in the preparation and revision of the
text by his colleagues in the Museum and by Mr. F. W.
Hodge of Washington who has kindly read the proofs.
The various illustrations have been credited to the per-
sons who have permitted their use. Their generosity
has added materially to whatever interest and value
this short account of Southwestern peoples may have.
1913 »

PREFACE
(Second Edition)

During the eight years which have intervened
between these editions noteworthy progress has been
made. In the archaeological field the restoration of
the ruins of the Mesa Verde region has been continued
by Dr. Fewkes with the support of the Federal Govern-
ment. Andover Academy has provided for a thorough
examination of the Pecos ruin under the leadership of
Dr. A. V. Kidder. Hawikuh, the Zufi village where
Coronado first encountered the pueblo people, has been
explored by Mr. Hodge for the Museum of the American
Indian. The American Museum has continued the
survey of the ruins of the Southwest begun by Mr. N. C.
Nelson and has cleared out many of the rooms and re-
inforced the walls of the great ruin near Aztec. The
work at Aztec has been under the immediate direction
of Earl H. Morris. In the ethnological field the most
noteworthy work is that of Drs. Kroeber and Parsons
at Zuni, Dr. Lowie among the Hopi, Dr. Spier with the
Havasupai, and Drs. Parsons and Boas at Laguna.

Epoch-making publications are those of Dr. Kidder
on Pajarito pottery, Mr. Nelson on the Galisteo ruins,
Dr. Spier on the Little Colorado, Father Dumarest
on Cochiti, Drs. Kroeber and Parsons on Zufi, and Dr.
Haeberlin on Southwestern religion.

1921

CONTENTS

PREFACE . ;
PREFACE (Second Edition) : : ;
INTRODUCTION , : . : 7 , : : . ; : 1

ei

—_- oc

CHAPTER I

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES .. , ‘ , a tat a
Distribution: San Juan, Bis heads, Pecos, Gila, Little
Colorado. Buildings: Sites, Materials, Ceilings, Doors, Kivas.
Types of Ruins: Cliff Palace, Spruce Tree House, Balcony
House, Aztec, Pueblo Bonito, Cavate Lodges, Natural Caves.
Means of Sustenance: Irrigation, Hunting. Manufactured
Objects: Pottery, Baskets, Sandals, Stonework. Disposal of
Dead Religion. Summary. The Baskét Makers.

CHAPTER II

Tue PursBto DWELLERS... ie
Exploration: Cabeza de Vaca, Mitrane as Nied. anceatats. The
Conquest. The Rebellion. Distribution in 1540: Cibola,
Tusayan, Acoma, Tiguex, Salinas, Quirix, Tanos, Cicuye,
Jemez, Tewa, Rio Grande, Hopi, Zuni. Habitations: Arrange-
ment of Buildings, Building Material. Shelters. Kivas Food:
Agriculture, Preparation of Food, Hunting. Dress. Industrial
Arts: Pottery, Basketry, Weaving. Decorative Art. Social
Organization. Social Customs. Political Organization. Religi-
ous Practices. Rio Grande Ceremonies. Sia Rain Ceremony,
Festivals. Zuni Ceremonies. Hopi Ceremonies: The Snake
Dance. Religious Beliefs.

CHAPTER III

THe VittaAGe DWELLERS . : . 122
The Pima and Papago. Sfonsen Clothing. Basketry. Social
Organization. Games. Religion.

CHAPTER IV

Tue Camp DWELLERS . : , ; Maa
Distribution: Athapascan, Yoon. Shelter. Food Supply.
Clothing. Industrial Arts: Pottery, Basketry, Weaving,
Silverwork, Beadwork. Social Organization. Social Customs.
Political Organization. Games. Religion: Ceremonies, Beliefs.

7

¥

.

CHAPTER V

*
.

CoNCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

INDEX

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MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

Hopi Chief

Plan of the Southwest Satin Hall
Topographical Map of the Southwest
Distribution of Forests and Rainfall
Culture Areas in North America

Villages and Tribes of the Southwest
Square Watch Tower. San Juan River
Diagram of Typical Small Ruin .

Portion of Masonry Wall. Chaco Canyon
Roof. Spruce Tree Ruin

Kiva at Spruce Tree Ruin

Cliff Palace
Aztec Ruin on the Las Anata New Mexico ;
Pueblo Bonito Ruin

Prehistoric Coiled Ware

Tularosa Pottery

Pueblo Bonito Pottery .

Prehistoric Pottery. Lower ag River
Types of Prehistoric Sandals

Yucca Fiber Bag. Grand Gulch

Objects of Wood and Bone .

Stone Axes and Hammers

Polished Stone Chisels

Prehistoric Rattle and ae
Mummy Wrapped in a Cotton Robe. Grand Galak: U ink
Sandals of the Basket Makers

Pueblo of Walpi

Pueblo of Zuni

Floor Plan of Hopi Living Roam

Kiva. San Ildefonso

Floor Plan of Hopi Kiva

Roof of Hopi Kiva

Hoes and Throwing Stick

Hopi Robe

Woman’s Dress ‘Aouad: :
Santa Clara Woman Firing Pottery .

San Ildefonso Pottery .

Hopi Baskets .

Hopi Pottery . ;

Hopi Prayer Offerings .

Frontispiece
3
12
13
14
15
26
27
28
29
30
32
35
37
41
42
43
43
46
47
49
50
50
51
52
54
66
67
70
74
75
76
79
83

10 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Clowns Climbing Pole. Taos . : : ; : : . 106
Deer Dance. Nambe . : ; : ; : ; . 109
Hopi Kachina Dolls. : : : tere
Snake and Antelope Priests : i ; ; eS
Snake Priests Dancing with Snake . : Sikes
The Marau Society Dancing the Mamzraute ©: Mishosanan ies
A Pima Dwelling . , ; - As
Pima Trays . : ; : : ce YRS
Pima Storage Basket. RE ee OR Me pie sf i 2 ie
Pima Plaited Basket. « 1382
San Carlos Apache Woman Buddivi a ‘Hauke ; > $4
White Mountain Apache House . ; ; . 948
Navajo House : ; a ee
Apache Woman (Gatherer Mescal PE sky ven nA ad eee
Meseal Knife. San Carlos Apache . : . ee
Mescalero Girl in Native Costume . : . yise
Navajo Man . é rey |
Jicarilla Tray . : : ; , Se
San Carlos Apache one : , ; - a6
Mescalero Unfinished Basket , : ee
Jicarilla and San Carlos Apache Baskets . 9 BSS
Navajo Woman Spinning . : kee
Navajo Woman Beating Down he Woof =e a ation Stick y {het
Navajo Belt Loom ; ; ; ; : . 162
Navajo Chief Blanket . : - 1638
Navajo Blanket. . 164
Hoop and Pole Game. Manen : : : ttt
The Apache Ceremony for an Adolescent Girl ee j 5 elie
Jicarilla Relay Race. ; ; , ; : : ES

Petroglyphs. San Juan Valley : ; : : : : 183

INTRODUCTION

The region which is called the Southwest in the title
of this book is a natural geographical division lying
south of the higher and more definite ranges of the
Rocky Mountains. It is drained by the upper portion
of the Rio Grande River and its tributary the Pecos, and
by the Colorado River and its three main eastern
branches, the San Juan, the Little Colorado, and the
Gila. There are considerable -ranges of mountains
between the Rio Grande and the Pecos, and mountain
masses north of the San Juan and at the head of the
Gila. Mountain peaks somewhat isolated, such as the
San Francisco Peaks (12,794) and San Mateo (11,389),
rise here and there. The Continental Divide, however,
is for the most part unmarked by any definite elevation.

The northern portion of the region is a high plateau
with an average elevation of about 6,000 feet. This
plateau is so sculptured that generally speaking the
walls of both the elevations and the depressions are
vertical. Instead of rounded hills and V-shaped valleys,
we have for the most part flat-topped mesas and sheer-
walled canyons. South and west of the watershed
between the Little Colorado and the Salt, the country
decreases in elevation very abruptly and then slopes
to the low lying desert at the mouth of the Gila.

Over much of the region evidences of considerable
voleanic activity are found, consisting of extensive lava
fields, dikes of projecting lava which can be followed for
many miles, numerous extinct craters, and hot springs
still active.

The rainfall varies considerably according to the
elevation, but is greater than is generally supposed. At

1]

12 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Topographical Map of the Southwest, Showing the Mountain
Ranges and an Elevated Plateau in the Middle.

INTRODUCTION 13

Flagstaff it is twenty-four inches and over the greater
portion of the country as much as 10 or 15 inches.
Along the lower Gila, however, it is as little as 1 or 2
inches, resulting in a veritable desert.

Distribution of Forests and Rainfall. Shaded Portion Indicates
Timber and the Black Lines Rainfall Areas.

The vegetation, needless to say, varies with the
altitude and the rainfall. On the higher mountains
and the more elevated plateaus are great forests of
yellow pine with occasional Douglas spruce. The
middle elevations are clothed with smaller trees, such
as pifion, a dwarf pine, cedar, juniper, and cypress.
Small-growing oaks and mesquite bushes are also

14

INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

___ MEXICO &
CENTRAL RICA

Culture Areas in North America

INTRODUCTION

GFL PASO

Villages and Tribes of the Southwest

16 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

characteristic of the lesser elevations. The river banks
generally are lined with cottonwoods and sycamores,
giving the general appearance of verdure.

There are other members of the vegetable kingdom
more characteristic of the Southwest than the trees
enumerated above. Among these may be mentioned the
century plant or agave, the mescal of the Spanish-
speaking residents, and the several species of yucca.
The more arid portions of the country, the unwatered
upper region and the low desert regions have many
varieties of cacti, which are able to maintain them-
selves through a drought and make use of the occasional
rains. During the rainy season of August, flowers are
abundant and general verdure is common.

The aridity of the region is more impressive in regard
to the atmosphere itself. The snows of winter vanish
into the air leaving little surface water or mud. During
most of the year the small amount of moisture in the
air enables one to see for a long distance and observe
small details; in other words, atmospheric perspective
is largely wanting. This is at first very bewildering to
the visitor who has been accustomed to judge distance
by the amount of intervening haze. While the distant
mountains are not obscured, the atmosphere does im-
part to them shades of blue and purple which combined
with the varying local color of the landscape and the
often gorgeous dawns and sunsets make the Southwest
extremely colorful.

The animals of the Southwest were chiefly those
characteristic of the western United States in general.
There were occasional visitors from Mexico, such as
the macaw, the peccary, and possibly the jaguar. Of
economic importance were the turkey, quail, deer,
antelope, rabbits, and wood-rats. Elk occupied the
region but were not easily killed. The bison, on the

INTRODUCTION 17

other hand, were only available when trips were under-
taken to the region east of the Pecos, which, according
to an old saying, the buffalo did not cross.

The natives occupying the Southwest are represen-
tatives of the race known as American Indians. Their
eommon characteristics are: a warm chocolate color,
straight black hair, brown eyes, wide faces, and high
cheek bones. In other respects the Southwestern
peoples exhibit considerable variety. The accompany-
ing table shows the Maricopa, averaging 68.8 inches
in height on the one hand, and the pueblo peoples on
the Rio Grande averaging a little more than 64 inches.

Inches Inches
Maricopa 68.8 Walapai 66.3
Yuma 67.7 ~—Isleta 66.2
Pima 67.6 Mesealero Apache 65.9
Mohave 67.5 Southern Ute 65.6
Jicarilla Apache 67.4 San Juan 65.3
Navajo 67.4 Acoma 64.9
White River Apache 67.3. Taos 64.6
Papago 67.2 Hopi 64.4
Havasupai 67.1 Zuni 64.3
Yavapai 67.08 Jemez 64.05
San Carlos Apache 66.7 Sia 63.9

The proportion of the length to the breadth of the
head has been much used in describing and classifying
races. The skulls recovered from the Basket Maker
burials of southern Utah are extremely long and narrow.
Of the modern peoples of the Southwest only the Pima
and Papago and some of the people of Taos have heads
of this shape. The heads of the remainder of the pre-
historic people; those of the present-day Maricopa,
Yuma, Mohave; and most of the sedentary people, the

18 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Hopi, the Zufi, and the Rio Grande Pueblos generally,
are moderately broad. Only the Apache, the Hava-—
supal, and the Walapai have heads which are exceed-
ingly broad as compared with their lengths.

It 1s apparent then that the inhabitants of the
Southwest are of two, perhaps three, types which have
either migrated to that region from different places and
at different times, or which, after long residence in the
Southwest, have resulted from the breaking up of a
previously uniform type. These types, having become
established by either of the methods mentioned above,
have remained distinct in consequence of a cultural,
social, and political grouping which has prevented
extended intermarriage.

The languages spoken in the Southwest present
similar variations and lead to analogous conclusions.
Two of the larger linguistic stocks of North America
are represented in the region. |

The Navajo and the various Apache tribes, together
constituting fifty-eight percent of the population, are
Athapascan speaking. The dialects they speak do not
differ greatly from each other and, taken together, have
certain characteristics in common which are not found
elsewhere. Related languages are spoken in Alaska and
over much of western British America, and along the
Pacific coast in Oregon and northern California.

The Hopi, in culture a typical pueblo people, speak
a Shoshonean language linking them to the Ute and
related tribes who occupy the Great Basin to the north.
The Pima and Papago are closely connected linguisti-
cally with the inhabitants of the Mexican Sierra. The
tribes inhabiting western Arizona are chiefly Yuman
in speech, related in that respect to certain tribes in
southern California and near the Gulf of California.
On the other hand, there are three linguistic stocks in

INTRODUCTION 19

the Southwest which have no known connections else-
where. These are the Zuni language, spoken at the
pueblo of that name, and in the outlying villages; the
Keresan dialects, spoken at Acoma and certain villages
in the Rio Grande drainage; and the Tewan languages,
spoken along the Rio Grande and at one of the Hopi
villages.

It should be noted that recent studies have estab-
lished the existence of a remote but definite linguistic
relationship between the Shoshonean languages repre-
sented in the Southwest by the Ute and the Hopi,
and the Piman languages, which include the Pima,
Papago, and the dialects of northwestern Mexico.
Included in this larger group, known as the Uto-
Aztecan, is also the Nahua which is the language of
the ancient Mexicans or Aztecs.

The obvious conclusions from these linguistic facts
are that peoples speaking various languages have in-
vaded the Southwest at various times. The assumption
is that people speaking the Uto-Aztecan languages
occupied the Great Basin, the western part of Arizona,
and the Sierra of Mexico in early times. Free communi-
cation ‘between the Hopi and the Ute of the north, and
the Pima and other tribes of the south must have ceased
many generations ago, either because the territory
between them was uninhabited or because its inhabi-
tants were alien in speech. The considerable difference
between the Piman and the Shoshonean languages under
average circumstances would only result after many
centuries of separation. It is also proper to assume that
the pueblo peoples mentioned above as speaking distinct
languages, the Zuni, the Keres, and the Tewa, have been
in the Southwest for a very long time. The Athapascan-
speaking Navajo and Apache are by no means recent
comers if one is judging in terms of history and of the

20 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

European occupation of America. The evidence in-
dicates that all the Athapascan-speaking tribes of the
Southwest once formed a single community and de-
veloped a common language. Since that time a wider
distribution or impeded intercourse has resulted in this
once common language being broken into fairly distinet
dialects. This appears to have taken place prior to the
Spanish period which began in 1539.

When our knowledge of their physical characteristics
has been increased and made available by publication
it may be possible to collate it with linguistic and
cultural conclusions and determine the early movements
and amalgamations of the Southwestern peoples.

Information obtained from an examination of the
archaeological remains in the Southwest now indicate
clearly that at one time, in the drainage of the San
Juan at least, there dwelt a race who practiced some
agriculture, but who did not make pottery. They are
known as Basket Makers. Following them were two
peoples belonging to a transitional period, the post-
Basket Makers and the pre-Pueblos. During this transi-
tion the art of pottery making arose. Then followed
the Pueblo people who built the cliff houses and other
composite dwellings. These later people made much
decorated pottery and showed great skill and ingenuity
in house building. By the study of pottery much is now
known of the relative ages of the different ruins.

(CHAPTER |

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES

The information here presented concerning the cul-
ture of the primitive peoples of the Southwest falls into
two classes. Knowledge of a people obtained by direct
observation and by intercourse with them is called
ethnological, while that which is secured from a study
of their houses and manufactures left after they have
disappeared is called archaeological. There are large
regions in the Southwest where there are plentiful
ruins which have been unoccupied since the first arrival
of Europeans in 1539. Whatever-we know concerning
the culture of these ancient peoples must be either
directly observed or inferred from the relation which
these ruins and other relics bear to each other and to
similar structures and objects still in use by living
peoples.

Much has been lost beyond any possibility of recon-
struction. We know nothing of the language spoken
by these peoples; their social customs can only be
guessed at in certain minor particulars; and their
religion is only to be inferred from certain objects
that must have had a ceremonial use. While much has
been lost, a constantly increasing amount is being
learned from a systematic examination of these ruins
and their contents.

Because large regions have been unoccupied for
centuries we need not suppose the inhabitants perished
utterly. It is more probable they moved to other
localities where they were found by the Spaniards.
Whence the ancient peoples came we do not know nor
when. They may have been in this region for several
thousands of years. We do know that after they came
they learned to construct large community houses and
to make highly decorated pottery.

21

22 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

DISTRIBUTION

As might be expected in a semi-arid region, the agri-
cultural population in prehistoric times was concen-
trated at the higher elevations where the rainfall was
the greatest and in the river valleys where irrigation
could be practised easily.

San Juan. One of the most important regions
anciently occupied was that watered by the northern
tributaries of the San Juan River. These streams are
fed by the snows of the mountains of southern Colorado
and Utah. At some distance from their sources they
are confined in sheer-walled canyons which unite with
each other as they approach the San Juan, which enters
the Colorado above the Grand Canyon. Some of the
ruins are on the table-lands between the streams, others
are at the heads of the canyons, and many are in the
‘canyons themselves either on their floors or under their
overhanging walls. Cliff Palace and Spruce Tree House
are two of the largest and best known ruins standing
under cliffs. In the valley of the Animas opposite the
town of Aztec is a very large ruin near the river.

In Chaco Canyon there is a cluster of eleven large
ruins which evidently represent an important political
group of prehistoric villages. One of these, Pueblo
Bonito, is hardly surpassed in size and interest anywhere.
Canyon del Muerto and Canyon de Chelly, which
join Chinlee Valley, have many ruins both on the floors
and under the walls. |

Rio Grande. On the western side of the Rio Grande
Valley are many large ruins. Some of them are in the
valley of the Rio Chama; many of them are on the
mesas of the Pajarito table-land south of it; and others
are in the canyon of the Rito de los Frijoles. In the
valley of the Rio Grande itself and along its eastern

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 23

tributaries, are ruins older than the Spanish era, others
which were deserted prior to and during the rebellion,
1680-1682, and a number of villages which have per-
sisted until the present day.

Pecos. The pueblo of Pecos on the river of that
name was occupied until 1838. In prehistoric times
there were many pueblos for 40 miles along the valley.
Between the Rio Pecos and the Rio Grande there are
many ruins and evidences of former occupation by a
sedentary, pottery-making people. Some of these
ruins, notably those known as Abo, Quarai, and Tabira
or Gran Quivira, were still occupied under Spanish rule.

Gila. Along the upper tributaries of the Gila and
Salt rivers there are evidences of a fairly dense popula-
tion which occupied cliff-dwellings and community
houses standing in the valleys. These were built of
stone. Farther down these rivers, the houses were
built mostly with earthen walls; only mounds of earth
and boulders marking the outlines of the walls remain.
Not far from Florence, Arizona, near the Gila River is a
large and noted ruin called Casa Grande. A number of
houses were surrounded by a defensive wall. These are
of solid adobe construction and resemble ruins in
Chihuahua, Mexico, known as Casas Grandes. The Rio
Verde which flows into the Salt from the north has a
great number and a great variety of ruins in its valley
which seems to mark the western limit of this pre-
historic culture.

little Colorado. There remains another large tribu-
tary of the Colorado which flows thorugh the heart of
the Southwest, the Little Colorado. Within its drainage
are many prehistoric ruins, villages with old Spanish
churches, deserted now, and the still inhabited villages
of the Hopi and Zuni.

24 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

BUILDINGS

The character of the buildings, ruins of which are
found in the Southwest, depended in part upon the
period in which they were built and in part upon the
topography and other geographical conditions.

In widely separated localities are ruins of small struc-
tures partly subterranean with walls of adobe supported
by slabs of stones around the base on the outside. These
houses were circular or oval, not rectangular, and appear
to have had a conical roof of poles and thatch plastered
with clay. The character and style of the pottery indi-
cate that these houses are older than the large com-
munity buildings and that they belonged to the seden-
tary pueblo peoples rather than to the ancestors of the
nomadic peoples now living in the Southwest.

There are also widely scattered ruins consisting of
houses of a few rooms. Those in the Mesa Verde region
have the rooms arranged on three sides of a small plaza
in which is a circular room nearly or quite underground.
There is an underground passageway from one of the
rooms of the house leading to this circular chamber,
which is called by archaeologists a kiva. That the
buildings belonged to a period older than that in which
. large community houses were built is indicated by the
character of the masonry which is crude, and the pottery
which is less specialized. Next come the large com-
munity houses usually of several terraced stories.

Sites. The building sites chosen by the prehistoric
people seem to have depended in part upon the topog-
raphy of the particular locality and in part upon the
needs of defense in a given area. Few available caves
seem to have been overlooked. The overhanging cliffs
protected the building from rains and most such situa-
tions were easily defended. The size of the buildings
is of course limited by the extent of the cave. Many

~- «

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 25

of the pueblos were built on the valley floors or on open
plains, little thought being given to the ease with which
the enemy might approach, but because of their
peculiar arrangement and construction such buildings
were often easily defended. They were built either
in the form of a rectangle or a semicircle around a court
from which they were terraced back toward the outer
wall which had no openings low enough to be reached
by the enemy. Some of these, like Aztec on the Animas
and Pueblo Bonito in Chaco Canyon, had hundreds of
rooms. A great number of villages were placed on the
tops of mesas the walls of which were steep enough to
furnish a considerable degree of protection. Puyé,
one of the largest ruins on the Pajarito Plateau, is so
situated. In many instances a location was chosen just
above the head of a canyon, on the rim, at each side and
at the end of which the houses were built, making it
impossible for the enemy completely to surround the
settlement. There are ruins in many places which both
from their character and their location seem to have
been built solely for defense. These are round or square
towers of considerable height which have a few small
openings adapted by their size and location for the
observation of the enemy and for the discharge of
arrows. They are usually placed so as to command a
wide view of the surrounding country, often being
perched on the top of a boulder or block of stone.
Materials. The material employed in building ap-
parently depended upon what was available in the
particular region. In the San Juan drainage, the sand-
stone was plentiful and not difficult to work and on the
Pajarito Plateau there was solidified voleanic ash, or
tufa easy to cut. Asa result, in both places there are
walls built of well-dressed blocks of stone. In other
localities the stone is in thin strata and was broken off

26 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

and dressed only enough to make the surface of the walls
even. Where the walls were thick the two surfaces were
often well built and the intervening space filled roughly
with any available material. Some of the walls show
regular courses of large stones alternating with courses of

Square Watch Tower, San Juan River
(Courtesy of Dr. Prudden)

smaller ones producing a banded effect, evidently inten-
tionally decorative.

Along the lower Gila and Salt rivers where bedrock
as a source of building material was not available,
round river boulders were used, the greater part of the

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 27

walls being composed of adobe, the peculiar clay so
abundant in the Southwest. The walls of the building
known as Casa Grande were built of clay tempered with
sand or gravel laid up in coursesand each course allowed
to harden before the next was laid. The clay appears to

ae
iy

LAY See HIA
S =
i}
u

¥,

e7,)mte4
°

PIATY

\
acess

Burial Mound

Diagram of Typical Small Ruin
(Courtesy of Dr. Prudden)

have been rich in lime which caused it to become very
hard when thoroughly dry. Walls of the prehistoric
pueblos of the Galisteo Basin have been found built of
cubical blocks of adobe laid up without mortar.

28 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Portion of Masonry Wall. Chaco Canyon
(Courtesy of Dr. Prudden)

The inner walls were almost always plastered and.
sometimes whitewashed and ornamented by painting.
The impressions of the hands of the plasterers found here

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 29

and there indicate that the women did that part of the
work at least.

Ceilings. The ceilings and roofs of the rooms were
made by placing round logs crosswise with their ends
resting on or built into the walls. Above these were
placed small poles much closer together and running
in the other direction and on them a layer of small sticks

Roof. Spruce Tree Ruin
(Photo by Nusbaum)

and brush. A thick coating of wet clay was then
applied and well packed down, probably by tramping it
with the feet. This formed the ceiling and the roof or
the ceiling and the floor of the story above, as the case
might be.

Doors. The walls of the lower stories were usually
without openings except small ones to admit light and
air and through which one might look out. The larger

30 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

openings in the upper portions of the walls were either
rectangular or T-shaped and were raised a foot or two
above the floor level, serving for both doors and
windows. They were evidently reached by ladders
and in some cases had balconies below them on which a
landing from:the ladders was made. These balconies
were supported by the large ceiling timbers which were
allowed to project beyond the walls for this purpose.

Kiva at Spruce Tree Ruin
(Photo by Nusbaum)

The lower stories were reached by hatchways and
ladders, either from the rooms above or from the roof
if the building was terraced.

Kivas. The kivas, peculiar rooms found in practi-
cally all the northern ruins, are for the most part
circular and below ground and are ordinarily located in.
the courtyard. They vary greatly in size from ten or
twelve feet to thirty or more feet in diameter. A fire-

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 31

pit is usually found near the center and in most cases
there is an airshaft of some size opening at the level of
the floor and a masonry wall or stone slab in front of the
opening to prevent a direct draft. It is not unusual to
find masonry walls extending into the circular kivas
for some feet, on which no doubt the timbered roof
rested. They were evidently entered by hatchways
through the roofs which consisted of timbers.

Within the range of the people who built the ruins
in Chaco Canyon and the Aztec ruin, very large kiva
like subterranean structures are found.

Types oF RUINS

Cliff Palace. The largest and perhaps best known
cliff-dwelling is situated on Mesa Verde which is a few
miles southwest of Mancos, Colorado. It has been
named Cliff Palace and has been described by many
writers since it was first mentioned in public print about
1890. The cave which shelters it is 425 feet long, 80
feet wide in the middle, and reaches an extreme height
of 80 feet. It occupies the eastern side of Cliff Palace
Canyon, which is here about 200 feet deep. The cave
opening, therefore, faces the west, with its axis roughly
north and south. It resulted from the wearing away
by the elements of a stratum of soft sandstone which
was protected above by a harder layer that has remained
to form the roof. Parts of the rock have broken from
this roof and have fallen to the floor below where they
have either remained or rolled out to form a slop-
ing talus along its base. The floor of the cave as a
result is very uneven, so that the structure stands upon
four terraces of varying height with some of the rooms
resting upon large blocks of stone.

It appears that it was not planned and built as a
whole but that the first buildings were added to from

32 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

time to time, both on the sides and above. The walls
of this structure, which encloses 117 rooms not counting
those of the upper stories, were built of buff sandstone
well dressed and laid with adobe mortar in regular
courses. The irregularities are chinked with stone
fragments. The corners of the walls are not bonded

Cliff

nor are the joints of the stones regularly broken in the
courses. It seems that these devices and that of the
arch and its keystone were unknown to the ancient
‘peoples. These walls, which are from one to two feet
in thickness, were generally plastered on the inside and
sometimes on the outside with a yellow mud laid
on and smoothed with the hands, the prints of which
are often plainly visible. In a few cases, the walls are
ornamented with paintings.

“ye

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 33

Both rectangular and T-shaped doorways are found
and several of them are provided with a recess in which
slabs of stone were placed to close them.

Many of the ninety-four rooms which were evidently
used for household purposes have fireplaces either in
one corner or in the center. The walls are blackened

(Copyrighted by F. K. Vreeland)

Palace -

with smoke for which no other exit was provided than
the doors and windows. In a few of the rooms there
is a raised bank along one side which may have fur-
nished sleeping places. Certain rooms, especially those
with other rooms above them, show no signs of fire or
smoke and since they were entirely dark were without
doubt used as storerooms for the food supply. A
number of rooms devoted to the grinding of corn have
boxes made of slabs of stone in which the grinding was

34 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

done on metates as at present in the Southwest. One
room has four such boxes side by side with the metates
still in place. There are many fireplaces in an open
plaza in the middle of the village, where much of the
cooking was probably done.

There are twenty-three kivas, situated in a court,
most of them having their roofs level with the floors of
the ordinary rooms of the first story. To give some of
them the required depth the solid rock was excavated
for several feet.

A round tower rising from the summit of a block of
stone reaches the roof of the cave. It has been supposed
that this served as a watch tower. It may have been
that the whole structure was intended as a place in
which the reserve food supply might be stored and
defended, since in the neighborhood are ruins of other
community structures in less easily defended situations.

Spruce Tree House. About two miles northwest in
an adjoining canyon is another cave with a dwelling
nearly as large and much better preserved. It is
named Spruce Tree House from a tree found growing
in the ruins which when cut in 1891 showed an age of
168 years. In this dwelling are several ceilings in a
good state of preservation. This building and Cliff
Palace have been restored under the direction of Dr.
J. W. Fewkes and it is expected that they will remain in
this condition as permanent examples of such structures.

Balcony House. Not far from Cliff Palace and in the
same canyon is Baleony House, so named because one
of the balconies below the doors of an upper story was
found intact by Nordenskidld, who describes it as
follows:

The second story is furnished, along the wall mentioned, with a

balcony; the joists between the two stories project a couple of feet,
long poles lie across them parallel to the walls, the poles are covered with

Aztec Ruin on the Las Animas, New Mexico
Above: General view before Excavation
Below: The large Kiva in the Foreground and Repaired House Walls
to the right
35

36 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

a layer of cedar bast and, finally, with dried clay. This balcony was
used as a means of communication between the rooms in the upper
story.

Aztec. The ruin called Aztec near the town of that
name stands in an open valley. It is rectangular in
shape with tiers of rooms on three sides. There are
from five to seven rooms in width on the ground floor,
and the outer row probably was originally four or five
stories high, the walls of the ruin standing 29 feet above
the foundation. The dimensions of the building are 359
by 280 feet enclosing a court 180 by 200 feet. The
fourth side of this court was closed by a row of one-story
rooms. ‘There are remains of what was probably a
rampart some yards distant which with the row of one-
story rooms would have made the place easy to defend.
From evidences observed it appears some parts of this
structure were abandoned before others so that it is
not probable that the entire building was occupied at
one time. The excavation of the ruin was undertaken
by the American Museum of Natural History in 1916
and continued every summer until 1921. The walls have
been reinforced with the expectation that the ruin will
remain for years as a type of one of the larger commun-
ity buildings unprotected by overhanging cliffs.

An examination of the pottery and the architecture
indicates that: the original builders and occupants were
related to the Chaco Canyon people and that these were
succeeded by a people with Mesa Verde affiliations. The
large kiva is 41 feet in diameter and is surrounded by a
line of small rooms on the ground level. The compar-
atively large space was roofed with timbers, remains of
which were found during the excavation in a charred
condition. While little is known of the purpose of these
structures, they were evidently intended to hold a large
group of people as audience or spectators. The only

(puspeet,A “yy “yy Aq poyqsiuddog)
uINY OUT O[qong

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aes

QP pce oe alloy

i
> aa

38 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

known purpose for bringing together large groups of
people in the Southwest is to participate in or witness
ceremonies, chiefly religious in character.

Pueblo Bonito. In Chaco Canyon stands a typical
unprotected ruin of a large community house known
as Pueblo Bonito. It is close to the north wall of the
canyon, roughly semicircular in shape, with five or more
rows of rooms on the ground, and was originally four or
five stories high. Across the front was a double row of
rooms one story high which enclosed a court, in which
were twenty or more kivas. The entire length of the
structure was 667 feet and its width 315 feet. It con-
tained more than 500 rooms. The masonry of the walls
varies in character, that of the first story being com-
posed of medium-sized hewn stones and the upper
stories of small flat stones faced to form the outer
surface. Many sticks of timber are included in the walls
to strengthen them. This ruin was excavated by the
Hyde Expedition of the American Museum in 1895-
1900 and many remarkable specimens were recovered. ©

Further excavation of this ruin was undertaken in
1921 by the National Geographical Society under the
direction of Neil M. Judd of the National Museum. It
appears from the stratified rubbish heap that the site
has been occupied from very early times. .

Cavate Lodges. Along the Rio Grande and Rio Verde
are the simplest possible dwellings, those excavated in
the soft rock walls of the canyons. It is along the Rio
Verde that the most elaborate of these excavations are
found. A round opening was made in the face of the
cliff for the door and sufficient rock excavated to make
a good-sized living room twelve feet or more in its
dimensions and high enough for one to stand. Behind
this were storerooms usually of less size and height.
There are hundreds of such rooms in the canyon walls.

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 39

Natural Caves. <A curious series of natural caves
near the headwaters of White River in eastern Arizona
have some time been inhabited. These caves vary in
size and open into each other by low and narrow pas-
sageways which are also often steep since there is con-
siderable change in level. In some places the rock may
have been excavated and there are a few masonry walls
subdividing the larger rooms. The walls are black
with smoke and the floors are covered with dirt which
rises in dust since it is almost completely without
moisture. Several of these natural rooms have small
openings in the face of the cliff which admit air and
light.

MEANS OF SUSTENANCE

That the ancient people were agriculturists we know
from the corn and beans found in the ruins. In the
Museum collections are specimens of corn on the ear, a
basket of shelled corn, and a bag of corn meal. Beans
are also found,and squash and gourds are known to
have been raised.

We know little of their methods of tilling the land.
Their tools were simple wooden spatulas or small spades
of horn with wooden handles, with which the ground
was dug before and after the seed was planted. In much
of the territory occupied near the sources of the streams,
the valley lands were kept moist by the underflow and
did not require irrigation. At the elevation at which
these streams leave the mountains there is considerable
rain in late summer, enough to mature corn even on
the upland mesas. Near many of these mesa pueblos
reservoirs are found which received the water from the
mountain gulches and retained it for household purposes.
In some cases the water thus impounded was used to
irrigate the land. Near Solomonville on the upper

40 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

portion of the Gila River the gardens were arranged in
terraces on the sides and at the bases of the mountain
slopes and were watered from reservoirs which retained
the rain falling on the land above.

Irrigation. The people who occupied the valley of
the Rio Verde in central Arizona made fairly extensive
use of irrigation ditches in the watering of their crops.
It is along the middle and lower courses of the Salt
and Gila rivers that evidences are found of irri-
gation practised on a large scale. The Hemenway
Archaeological Expedition, in 1887-1888, explored Los
Muertos, a veritable city with thirty-six large com-
munal structures, nine miles southeast of Tempe,
Arizona. ‘This ancient city, nine miles from the Salt
River, was supplied with water by a large canal 7 ft.
deep, 4 ft. wide at the bottom, and 30 ft. wide at the top.
The walls and the bottom of the canal were very hard,
as if they had been plastered with adobe clay after the
soil had been thoroughly packed by tramping. It was
suggested by the investigators that fires had been built
in the canals and the clay baked by this means. Many
side canals were provided for the distribution of the
water over the fields. The posts of the gates for regu-
lating the flow were found at the heads of these laterals.
Mr. Hodge, who reported these excavations, estimates
that similar canals provided for the irrigation of at
least 200,000 acres, about half of the land in the valley
available for agriculture. Recently some of these old
canals have been cleaned out and they are again in use
for irrigation purposes.

Hunting. The large number of bones of game
animals found in the houses and refuse heaps indicates
that hunting was not neglected. The weapons probably
employed were bows and arrows, spears, and possibly
clubs. The numerous pieces of large rope clearly show
they had the means at hand for snares as well. :

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 4]

MANUFACTURED OBJECTS

Pottery. Besides the variety of objects of clay needed
in the household at any definite time and place there
must be considered the evolution in time of the art and
the geographical distribution of various styles.

The very oldest remains, those of the Basket Mak-
ers, show no pottery. The post-Basket Makers, how-
ever, made vessels of clay mixed with cedar bark or corn

Prehistoric Coiled Ware

husks and dried in the sun. These are very thick, and
many of them show the impress of baskets in which they
appear to have been molded. They also made vessels of
tempered clay which were fired and crudely decorated.

Black cooking vessels seem to be rather uniform
over the entire area and to have been made and used
at all periods. The vessels were no doubt built up
by applying successive rounds of clay strips which were
afterward pressed down and smoothed off until all
traces of the separate pieces were obliterated. The
black color probably resulted from smoke either when
the vessel was being fired or while it was being used
for cooking.

42 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

By leaving the filaments of clay unobliterated on
the outside in a continuous spiral a pleasing texture
was secured. In pressing down the fillet by applying the
thumb with some attention to regularity and rhythm
patterns were produced, sometimes highly decorative.

Tularosa Pottery

This style of pottery, known as corrugated, is found
over nearly all the Southwestern area. In the matter of
time it has been shown that corrugated pottery began
with the pre-Pueblo, the inhabitants of pit or slab
houses who used wide filaments about the upper portion

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 43

of the vessels. It did not reach its finest stage until a
fairly late period and continued to be made until about
1680. These vessels were used generally, perhaps solely,
for cooking purposes. On the upper Gila a fine type

Pueblo Bonito Pottery

Prehistoric Pottery. Lower Gila River

(Courtesy of Peabody Museum)

of corrugated pottery, which seems to be of local origin
rather than to belong to any definite period, has very
narrow filaments of clay and is made with great skill.
The interior of the vessels is highly polished.

44 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

For purposes other than cooking, another type of
pottery known as black-on-white was used over the
entire area, except the lower Gila, from the earliest times
until shortly before the Spanish period. A white, or white
modified to a gray or pink slip, is over the entire surface
of the vessel, either inside or outside according to the ex-
posure of the vessel to view. On this white surface designs
in black were painted. The black-on-white pottery made
by the builders of the slab houses and of the small houses
was decidedly inferior to that which is found in con-
nection with the large community houses. Those who are
familiar with the pottery of this sort from the various
parts of the Southwest are able to tell at a glance from
what region a vessel comes. From Mesa Verde are
flat bottom mugs with handles. Vessels from this
region frequently have black dots on the edge of the
rim. From Pueblo Bonito come tall, cylindrical vessels
some of which have realistic designs. From the very
headwaters of the Gila River have been secured collec-
tions showing a great variety of forms and styles of
decoration, some of which are definitely characteristic
of the region. South, along the Mimbres, has been
excavated a large number of beautiful and curious
vessels, many of them having for designs finely execut-
ed animal and human figures.

Pottery with a red surface on which designs are
painted in black occurs generally in the Southwest, but
in the Little Colorado drainage is a ware with a red slip
on which the heavier designs are painted in black, with
narrower lines in white, which often border the black
figures. This Little Colorado region is especially noted
for a buff ware on which designs are painted in black
which are also often bordered with white. |

Rather late in the pre-Spanish period, over a large
area centering in the Santa Fé region, a glaze paint was

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 45

applied to a red or gray surface. At about the beginning
of the Spanish occupation the glaze was combined with
paint on the same vessels. Soon after the art of using
the glaze began to deteriorate and the modern painted
ware made its appearance.

Baskets. Baskets and fragments of basketry have
been found in many of the ruins and it would appear
that they were made over the entire area. One of the
common types of basketry consists of a diagonal plaiting
of strips of yucca leaves attached to a heavy wooden
withe which forms the border. The better baskets are
sewed on a coiled foundation. This foundation consists
of two small peeled rods, placed side by side. Above
them is placed a small bundle of fibers, a few splints, or
sometimes only two splints or welts. - The sewing stitches
pass through this bundle or between these splints so
as to enclose a part of them and tie the successive coils
together. The stitches do not ordinarily interlock. The
specimens which have been preserved indicate a fair
degree of skill and technical ability. The surviving
material is too scanty to furnish a basis for a knowledge
of the character or the variety of their designs.

Sandals. The sandals, of which there is a long series
in the Museum collections, show great variety in the
methods employed in making them and in their orna-
mentation. The simpler ones are diagonally plaited
with broad strips of yucca leaves. Others are twined
with two strands and usually have the lower side thick-
ened and cushioned by imbrication or the attachment
of additional material in the form of numerous loops
or rows of twine. The warp is usually of coarse stiff
fibers, probably derived from yucca leaves, but the woof
appears to be of apocynum fiber. The designs in red
and black are usually arranged in horizontal stripes and
bands.

46 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Those associated with the people dwelling in com-
munity houses are shaped in front to conform to the
general contour of the foot while those worn by the
pre-Pueblo people are notched in front.

Textiles were woven of fibers secured from yucca
leaves and from cotton. The cotton was most probably

raised in the locality where it was used. No complete

Types of Prehistoric Sandals

looms used in cloth-making have as yet been recovered,
but minor implements have been found. These include
forks and batten sticks, both being implements used in
pressing down the warp. In the floor of certain kivas
places have been found where it is supposed looms were
attached. It is altogether probable the loom was of the
general type still used by the Pueblo Indians. This
form is common along the Pacific drainage of America
south to Chile. :

A most interesting piece of weaving is a small
robe or kilt found wrapped around a body. The weav-
ing is diagonal, producing raised patterns which are
further accentuated by the use of black, red, and yel-

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES

Yucca Fiber Bag. Grand Gulch

4

48 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

low dye. Thisis probably the finest piece of textile work
known from the Southwest (illustrated on page 52).

While the specimens recovered from the north-
western portion of the area indicate a great variety and
perfection in textile art, there are many examples of
cotton and yucca fiber textiles from all parts of the area.

Stonework. The grinding stones employed were
metates of the same sort now used in the Southwest and
found in the southern portion of California, in Mexico
and Central America, and generally in South America.
The bottom stone, the metate, is a slab roughened by
pecking and often ground down in the middle so that it
has a raised border on either side. For use, it has the
front end raised, making an angle of about 30 degrees
with the floor. The upper stone, called a mano, is
usually a rectangular prism which is grasped at both
ends by the hands of a kneeling woman and rubbed up
and down over the bottom stone.

The axes and pestles, made by pecking and grinding
selected stones, are gracefully shaped and excellently
made. The usual method of attaching a handle to the
ax was to wrap a stout withe around it in the one or
more grooves provided.

The flaked objects of jasper and flint show excellent
workmanship and many of them are very pleasing in
outline. There are many arrowheads and drill points
and a few large pieces which were evidently used on
spears. Some of the arrows are of reeds with fore-
shafts while others have simple shafts. The drills
are also simple and arrow-like. The fire-making appa-
ratus is represented by several large fragments of the
hearth or bottom piece and drills, some of which are
compound like a foreshafted arrow.

A great variety of objects made of stone, shell, and
bone has been secured. Some of the most interesting

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 49

of these are exceedingly small stone disk beads with
minute perforations drilled for stringing. Very beautiful
inlaid work has been recovered, pieces of turquoise
being set in jet or bone to form mosaics. The wonder-
ful deposits of turquoise obtained at Pueblo Bonito

Objects of Wood and Bone. a, Arrow; b, Sinew-wrapped End of
Bow; c, Flint-pointed Drill; d-e, Firedrill; f, Wooden Awl; g, Bone
Awl.

by the Hyde expedition illustrate both the ability and
the aesthetic taste of these early inhabitants of the
Southwest. There are thousands of disk-shaped, per-
forated turquoise beads, rectangular pieces which seem
to have been fastened to the clothing, splendidly carved
birds and insects, and remarkable mosaics. As examples
of the latter may be mentioned a cylinder the core of
which had largely disintegrated but with the mosaic
covering still left in position, a bone scraper with an

50 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Stone Axes and Hammers

7 — j}
/ Me =
WV a3
SV’ GB
Y YZ
\ lit, Bs
\ O4
\ lal
\ \ (4 i}
AW \ iN
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IN a

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IQS

Polished Stone Chisels

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 51

inlaid band, and a frog of jet with necklace and eyes
of inlaid turquoise.

At Pueblo Bonito were also found several flageo-
lets, some of them decorated with painted designs,
and one or two with carved figures of birds. From
Grand Gulch there are arattle of small hoofs of deer or
antelope and also some dice, together with a cup from
which they may have been thrown.

Prehistoric Rattle and Flageolet

There is no reason to suppose that the prehistoric
peoples of the Southwest knew how to secure and make
use of the copper which is abundant in that region.
A few pieces of copper in the form of bells and ornaments
were found at Pueblo Bonito but it is more than likely
they were brought from Mexico in trade. Some re-
markable fragments of stones, pottery and basketry cov-
ered with cloisonné work are believed to have reached
Pueblo Bonito in the same manner.

52 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

DISPOSAL OF DEAD

The dead were variously disposed of. In the north-
west along Grand Gulch and Cottonwood Creek they
were buried in caves and under the floors of houses.

In several parts of the Southwest the bodies of chil-
dren received special treatment, being enclosed in the
masonry walls or under the floors of houses. The adults

Mummy Wrapped in a Cotton Robe. Grand Gulch, Utah

are generally found in cemeteries in the neighborhood
of the pueblo and even in the rubbish heaps. Along the
lower Gila at one period cremation and the burial "of
the ashes in urns were practised.

RELIGION

We know little of the religious practices in pre-
historic times. There are many objects which may with
reason be supposed to have been ceremonial in their
use. In the Rio Grande region are found large stone

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 53

images that have long been supposed to be idols. Mr.
N. C. Nelson, while excavating Pueblo Largo ruin in
Galisteo Valley, found a stone image before which on a
raised adobe platform were several pottery vessels and
queerly shaped stones. These objects and their arrange-
ment certainly present an early type of the altar still
in use among the Pueblo Indians.

THe Basket MAKERS

In southern Utah and northern Arizona there have
been found remains of a people for the present known as
Basket Makers. ‘They were accustomed to bury their
dead in pits or cists excavated in the floors of caves.
The protection thus afforded from moisture has pre-
served both the bodies and the clothing and the objects
buried with them. The skulls of these Basket Makers
are easily distinguished from those of the Cliff Dwellers
who often occupied the same caves. The skulls are
not deformed as are those of the Cliff Dwellers and aside
from that they are unusually long and vaulted with a
characteristic narrowing in front. We know nothing of
the houses these people occupied, possibly because they
were too meager and temporary to survive. They were
an agricultural people, raising corn and pumpkins. They
appear to have hunted more and more successfully than
did the inhabitants of the stone houses, for their cloth-
ing was largely made of strips of fur attached to a net of
fabric. No true pottery has been found associated with
their remains and it seems they had none. They made,
however, very excellent basketry. This was coiled or
sewed, and similar to that found in the community
houses. The coiled foundation consists of two peeled
twigs placed side by side and a small bundle of fibers
placed between and above them. The stitches of the

54 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

sewing material do not interlock. The designs upon
these baskets, in black or brown, are of the geometrical
sort usually found on basketry. The sandals are often
very well made with a pile-like padding on the bottom,
and are distinguished from those of the people who
succeeded them by their square toes.

The Basket Makers possessed a dart hurling device
known as an atlatl. The contrivance produces the result

% ‘<
2 oN Lipase
cS it i ERG Né 7-
\ Ke, iid
. i

Sandals of the Basket Makers

of considerably increasing the leverage of the arm.
Similar objects are found southward into Mexico, among
the Eskimos and in various parts of the world. No bows
or arrows or fragments of them have been found; it is
presumed, therefore, that these weapons were not in use
by the Basket Makers.

The Basket Makers also made very useful and well-
decorated sacks of yucca fiber strings. Large quantities
of human hair both as finished twine and in preparation
have been found.

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 55

Whether these Basket Makers changed their ways of
life and became pueblo dwellers we do not know. It is
not generally to be assumed that a people well settled in
a locality with a highly developed culture change their
ways of life without pronounced foreign influence such
as results from a movement of population.

TRANSITIONAL CULTURES

Lying between the Basket Makers and the ancient
pueblo building people were two transitional cultural
periods. Remains of crude pottery, black-on-white and
red, have been found in houses of the slab type and in
graves near by. Sacks made of yucca fiber occur, but
nothing made of cotton and no turkey feather garments.
The sandals have a curved notch at the middle of the
front. These people have been named the post-Basket
Makers by Mr. Guernsey who discovered them, and the
name has been employed by Dr. Kidder who has de-
scribed them. The skulls found show undeformed heads.

Next in time were people who lived in houses of one
room sunk for some distance into the ground. The earth
was retained by placing slabs of stone upright. The
upper walls and roof were of poles and brush covered
with clay. They raised cotton as well as corn, beans,
and squash, and had domesticated turkeys. Their
pottery was black for cooking and black-on-white and
black-on-red for other purposes. The necks of the black
vessels have a few wide fillets of clay unsmoothed and
undecorated by pinching. The heads are usually deform-
ed by a rigid cradle to which the babies were strapped.
These are the people known as pre-Pueblo.

Abundant specimens from these transitional cul-
tures, obtained in Canyon del Muerto and in the San
Juan drainage, areinthe Museum. The pottery has been
illustrated in a paper by Earl H. Morris.

56 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

SUMMARY

Perhaps nowhere in North America is it possible to
reconstruct so detailed and vivid a picture of the life
of a prehistoric people as in the Southwest. The gen-
erally arid climate and the protection of large caves
have preserved textiles and other objects which usually
perish.

The large community houses brought together con-
siderable numbers of people who lived together in close
association. Such communities subdivided no doubt
into small groups on the basis of relationship, wealth, or
ceremonial and religious duties. We must assume
rulers or officers both political and religious. They
were of necessity an industrious people since consider-
able tracts of land were planted each year to corn, beans,
squash, and probably cotton. In addition, consider-
able quantities of wild grass seeds, nuts, and similar
food were gathered. There are evidences that flocks of
turkeys proportional to the needs of each settlement
were kept and that they were given proper care and
housing. We do not know that their flesh was used
for food but their feathers were in great demand
for clothing. A certain amount of hunting was also
done, for the bones found indicate that deer and
lesser animals were used for food.

The food of course had to be prepared and served.
Each woman probably made her own dishes of clay.
Such skill and art as are displayed in the pottery of the
Southwest are not easily acquired. The girls must have
been educated by frequent instruction and practice in
the art. Clothing seems to have been made by the time
consuming methods of hand manufacture: the prepara-
tion of the fibers, either of cotton or yucca, spinning by
hand, and the slow building up of a web of cloth by

THE ANCIENT PEOPLES 57

adding thread to thread in a primitive loom. The
houses needed a certain amount of care, especially
those built in the open places. The roofs had to be kept
tight and the walls plastered and protected from rain.
In some instances there seems to have been constant
addition of rooms to these community structures. In
other cases the entire population moved away and built
again.

With all this busy industrial life we know there was
time for the making of many ornaments, and there are
reasons to believe that games and sports were engaged
in and that ceremonies of some sort were performed.

In short, life was not particularly different from that
observed in the Southwest later by the Spaniards and
which may still be witnessed at Zufhi and on the Hopi
mesas. It may be added that in contrast with the North
American Indians in general, the daily life in these
regions was not strikingly different from that in agri-
cultural village communities in Europe at the same
period. The more essential differences were the lack of
domestic animals which assisted the European peasant
in his labors and the limited commerce in America.

According to our present information we must con-
sider that the inhabitants of these cliff ruins and the
ruined community houses which are scattered over the
Southwest are the ancestors of the present-day pueblo
people. Certainly the culture they developed has sur-
vived, on the Rio Grande, at Zuni, and on the Hopi
mesas with no great amount of change. Whether at the
time these ruins were populated there were peoples
living in this region with less permanent houses, leading
a nomadic life, we do not know.

CHAPTER II
THE PUEBLO DWELLERS

EXPLORATION

During the first half of the sixteenth century the
rule of Spain was being extended beyond the Valley of
Mexico by the successors of Cortés. In particular the
Gulf of California was being explored and its eastern
shore was being organized into the province of New
Galicia. To the east for the purpose of taking possession
of the region about the mouth of the Rio Grande,
Narvaez with a considerable company had sailed from
Cuba, but was forced by a storm to land on the west
coast of Florida. The party made their way painfully
toward the west finally building some small vessels in
which they attempted to sail to their destination.

Cabeza de Vaca. Eight years later in 1536 the
treasurer of this ill-fated expedition, Cabeza de Vaca,
with two Spaniards and a negro named Estevan,
arrived in New Galicia having crossed Texas and north-
ern Mexico on foot. They brought reports of great
‘‘ecows”’? on which the natives of the vast plains lived
and also accounts of settled towns. The ancient Mexi-
cans had a myth which told of their origin in the north
where there were seven caves or seven canyons from
which they believed they had migrated. There were
rumors also in Mexico of seven cities of great wealth in
the north. This was an adventurous age and men were
looking for new lands where gold ready mined was to be
obtained, and where there were men to be converted if
possible or killed if necessary.

Marcos de Niza. For the investigation of this report
of seven cities to the north, a Franciscan friar, Marcos de
Niza, was sent with the negro Estevan as guide and a

58 ‘

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 59

small escort of troops. As they journeyed to the north
they were continually hearing of great and rich cities,
but to the Europeans acquainted with Mexico and Peru
great and rich meant one thing and to the natives quite
another.

When they reached Vacapa, in central Sonora,
Estevan was directed to go in advance to search out the
best route. He was ordered to send back word of what
he might find and not to proceed more than fifty or
sixty leagues. Estevan sent back messengers, but
hastened on himself. After waiting for some days the
friar followed. A month later when he had reached the
mountainous country, he was met by one of the men
who had been with the negro, and told that the advance
party had reached the seven cities but that Estevan
had been killed by the natives. Friar Marcos went on
until in the distance he could see one of the villages of
the Zuni Indians, probably Hawikuh, and was then
forced by his unwilling followers to return.

Coronado. The report that Friar Marcos brought
back was sufficiently glowing to inspire an expedition
the next year under the leadership of Francisco Vaz-
quez Coronado, who had been made governor of New
Galicia. He had as his chief lieutenant Hernando de
Alvarado. The advance guard arrived at Cibola, the
name given to the former villages of the Zufi, on July 7,
1540. There was some fighting there during which
Coronado was wounded, and after which the Indians
took refuge on Thunder Mountain, surrendering their
villages to the Spaniards. Don Pedro de Tovar was
sent to investigate the report of seven other cities to the
northwest. He visited the Hopi villages in the region
known to the Spaniards as Tusayan and returned bring-
ing an account of the villages and of a great river to the
west with a deep uncrossable canyon.

60 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Alvarado, the second in command, was sent with a
few men to explore toward the east. He passed a high
mesa on which was perched the village of Acoma, and
arrived at the Rio Grande, probably near Bernalillo,
where he found villages similar to those of Cibola.
Coronado joined him there with the main army passing
the winter in one of the villages. The natives, who were
at first friendly, being offended by the constant demands
for food and clothing and by the ill treatment of their
women, drove off the horses and mules of the Spaniards.
The village responsible for this was attacked and some
of the men surrendered. When these prisoners observed
the officer in charge having two hundred stakes prepared
to which the Indians were to be tied and roasted alive,
they seized the stakes and renewed the fight. In the
end they were all killed but their deaths were no doubt
somewhat more agreeable. During the winter the
country along the Rio Grande was explored to the north
and south, and the various villages seen were enumerated
and described. In one of these villages was a captive
from among the Plains Indians, an Indian called by the
Spaniards the Turk, who told of a still more wonderful
country to the east called Quivira.

The next spring a division of the army started to
visit this country, taking Turk as their guide. They soon
reached the open country, east of the mountains, where
they encountered vast herds of buffalo, ‘“‘the eows”
reported by de Vaca. Following these herds were
Indians who had skin tents which they transported with
the aid of dogs. After traveling for some weeks, evi-
dently in the wrong direction, being deceived by Turk,
another Indian led them to some unimportant villages
of agricultural Indians. The distances and directions
given in the narratives would have brought them
to some part of eastern Kansas. After staying there

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 61

twenty-five days they returned to the Rio Grande,
where they spent the winter during which Coronado
fell from his horse and was seriously hurt. A council
was held which decided upon an immediate return
to Mexico, whither they all set out gladly except two
monks, who chose to remain behind and preach to the
Indians. They soon perished, however, at the hands
of the natives. The expectations of those who had or-
ganized the expedition had been great. They were
looking for another Mexico or Peru with great cities
and accompanying wealth, but nothing seemed to
have resulted from the expedition worth the labor and
expense involved.
} THE CONQUEST

Forty years later in 1580 Francisco Sanchez Chamus-
ecado, accompanied by three Franciscan missionaries,
went up the Rio Grande to New Mexico, and left them
there to begin the Christianizing of the Indians. All
three were killed during the following winter. When
their fate was known in Mexico, Antonio de Espejo
made the journey with fourteen Spaniards visiting the
principal pueblos. Upon his return his report resulted
in so much interest that Juan de Ofiate was allowed to
colonize the country. In 1598 he came to New Mexico
with one hundred and thirty white men and many
Indians, visited the important pueblos, received their
submission, and established a capital at Chamita, where
the Rio Chama flows into the Rio Grande. Here the
first church, San Gabriel, was built. De Ofiate continued
as governor until 1608. At about that time the capital
was transferred to Santa Fé. By 1630 most of the
villages were provided with churches and missionaries.

62 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

THE REBELLION

The natives, vassals of the king of Spain, were
treated harshly by the civil and military authorities;
the priests, eager to establish their religion, forced
it upon the Indians,-at the same time repressing
the native beliefs and practices. These two causes
produced a feeling of resentment which finally resulted
in rebellion in 1680. The heads of the pueblos com-
municated with each other and appointed a day on
which all the white people should be killed. One of the
inhabitants of San Juan was kindly disposed toward the
rulers and priests and gave them warning, but this
only resulted in an immediate attack in which the
priests in all the near by villages were killed. Word
was sent to the other villages of the miscarriage of the
plot and the priests and Spaniards living in them were
killed. Governor Otermin, after several days of un-
successful fighting about Santa Fé which had become
the capital, fled with many of the Spanish inhabitants
to E] Paso. He returned the next year and succeeded in
capturing Isleta, but failed to reestablish his rule.

In 1683 Petriz de Cruzat became governor. He was
later removed and still later reappointed. He made a
successful march as far as Sia where in an all-day battle
he beat the combined Indians, killing 600 and capturing
70 of them. Before the report of this victory reached
the king, Don Diego de Vargas was appointed as his
successor. He conducted a vigorous war from 1692
until 1696, during which he tried in vain to take the
Black Mesa near Espafiola upon which the inhabitants
of San Ildefonso had established themselves, but suc-
ceeded in capturing Old Cochiti in a night attack.
Most of the warriors had escaped, and by a counter
attack they released half of the 340 women and children

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 63

held as prisoners. De Vargas burned the village and
took the stored corn to Santa Fé. In the end the
Indians were subjugated and peace was established,
but thereafter the Indians were not again treated so
harshly. The priests were more tolerant toward the
native religious practices and less insistent upon any-
thing but a nominal acceptance of Christianity.

DISTRIBUTION IN 1540

If we assume that all the inhabited pueblos, with one
exception mentioned below, were seen by members of
Coronado’s party, it appears that there had already
been a considerable shrinkage in the pueblo area.
They did not hear of villages anywhere on the San Juan
or Gila rivers or their tributaries. With the Coronado
expedition was a private soldier interested in ethnology,
Pedro de Castaneda, who left not only a most readable
narrative of the journey itself, but interesting observa-
tions concerning the number and location of villages
and the manner of life of the natives. He listed the
villages and described them as located in the following
provinces:

Cibola. This province when first discovered was
said to have seven villages. Of these the location of
five seems fairly certain. They are Hawikuh and Ket-
tecippawa near Ojo Caliente, the present Zufi, then
known as Halona, and Matsaki and Kiakima near
Thunder Mountain. At the time of the rebellion in
1680 Hawikuh, Zuni, Matsaki, and Kiakima were still
inhabited. At the close of the rebellion the people
gathered at Zuni where they remained until the recent
movement to the outlying districts.

Tusayan. The province of Tusayan also had seven
villages situated near the sites of the present Hopi

64 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

pueblos. One of the most important of these, Awatobi,
because it received a missionary after the rebellion,
was attacked by the other Hopi people in 1700 and was
abandoned. At about the same time Hano, near
Walpi, on the first mesa, was settled by Indians who
came from pueblos on the Rio Grande. Castafieda
estimated the population of the two provinces of
Cibola and Tusayan at between three and four thousand.
Acoma. The high mesa with Acoma on its top,
reached by difficult trails, is unmistakably described.
The cisterns on the mesa which hold the rain and melted
snow are mentioned. The population is given as two
hundred men. .
Tiguex. The province of Tiguex, on the Rio Grande
near Bernalillo, had twelve villages scattered along the
valley on either side of the river. None of these

_ villages is now inhabited. Below along the river was

the province of Tutahaco with eight villages, probably
in the neighborhood of Isleta which may occupy the
site of one of them. Still farther down the Rio Grande
were three villages which may have been situated as
far south as San Marcial, where there are ruins of the
former Piro villages.

Salinas. East of the river were at least. three
villages not mentioned by any of Coronado’s followers
but included later in the district of Salinas, named from
the salt lakes in the neighborhood. These villages of
Abo, Quarai, and Tabira, generally known as Gran
Quivira, were hard pressed by the Apache and appear
to have been deserted about 1675. When Governor
Otermin passed down the Rio Grande in 1680 after the
uprising, the inhabitants of the villages on the lower
Rio Grande, Socorro, Sevilleta, and Alamillo, collec-
tively known as the Piro, then few in number from the
raids of the Apache, joined him. They were left

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 65

near El] Paso where a few of their descendants are still
living at Isleta del Sur.

Quwirix. Just north of Tiguex was the province of
Quirix with seven villages, probably those now repre-
sented by the Keresan villages of Santo Domingo, San
Felipe, Santa Ana, Sia, and Cochiti, the location of
many of which was changed during the rebellion.

Tanos. To the east of these, was Ximena, with three
villages in Galisteo Valley, deserted at the time of the
rebellion. San Cristobal and Tanos, the largest of
these, were excavated for the American Museum
during the summer of 1912 by Mr. N. C. Nelson. In
the ‘‘snowy mountains” there were seven villages not
referred to by name now completely in ruins and
hard to identify.

Cicuye. On the Pecos River was the one large
pueblo known to the men of Coronado by the name
Cicuye. It was estimated at that time to contain 500
fighting men. The population of Pecos slowly de-
creased, room after room of the great pueblo being
abandoned, until in 1838 the handful of survivors
moved to Jemez. This ruined village has been exca-
vated by Phillips Academy under the direction of Dr.
A. V. Kidder.

Jemez. The province given the name of Hemes
by Castafieda, consisted in his time of seven villages
with three additional ones at Aguas Calientes, Jemez
Hot Springs. The population was concentrated during
the seventeenth century until only two of these vil-
lages were occupied. After the rebellion, during which
Jemez suffered particularly, only one village was main-
tained. Many of the inhabitants fled to the Navajo
among whom their descendants form a clan.

Tewa. Northward was Yuqueyunque, at the mouth
of the Chama, and six villages in the mountains which

66 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

probably included the pueblos north of Santa Fé.
Finally, several leagues to the north, were the two
pueblos of Picuris and Taos, the latter called Braba,
both located nearly as they stand to-day. 3

Besides these inhabited villages, others are mention-
ed as having been recently destroyed by a Plains tribe
called by the Spanish Teya, possibly the Comanche.

Pueblo of Walpi
(Photo by Howard McCormick) .

Castafieda summarizes the Rio Grande region with a
statement that these sixty-six villages were scattered
over a distance of 130 leagues having the province of
Tiguex near the middle with a combined population of
20,000 men.

It appears that the area which ruins show once to
have been inhabited by sedentary peoples had been re-

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 67

duced to nearly half at the time the Spanish first entered
the country, and the number of inhabited villages to-
day is much smaller than when Coronado visited them
in 1540. The pueblo of Pecos, those of the Galisteo
Valley, and of the Salinas District, and all those on the
Rio Grande south of Isleta are in ruins.

Pueblo of Zuni
(Copyrighted by Fred Harvey)

Not more than one or two of the pueblos are situated
exactly as they were in 1540. Immediately after the
rebellion, the pueblos in the less easily defended situa-
tions were deserted and others were built in more secure
locations. The inhabitants of San Ildefonso took refuge
on the top of Black Mesa; those of Cochiti left their
village on the slope of the mesa and built another on the
top, where they were joined by refugees from other
pueblos. Nearly all the Hopi villages were also

68 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

moved at that time to the tops of the mesas. The
inhabitants of Zuni went to the top of Thunder
Mountain. Although some of the pueblos were cap-
tured by the Spanish and certain abandoned pueblos
were burned during the re-conquest, most of the
changes in location seem to have been made volun-
tarily in anticipation of Spanish vengeance.

PRESENT DISTRIBUTION

Rio Grande. The villages now occupied are usually
separated into three groups, the Rio Grande, the
Hopi pueblos, and Zuni standing by itself. The Rio
Grande pueblos are again divided into the Tanoan
and Keresan, because the languages of the two groups
are totally different. There are also minor differences
in culture. The Tanoan group consists of Taos, Picuris,
San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Tesuque, Pojoa-
que, Nambe, Jemez, Sandia, and Isleta. Those which
speak the Keresan language are San Felipe, Cochiti,
Santo Domingo, Santa Ana, Sia, Laguna, and Acoma.

Hopi. The Hopi villages are geographically sepa-
rated into the first or eastern mesa on which stand
Walpi, Sichumovi, and Hano; the second or middle
mesa with Shipaulovi, Mishongnovi, Shumopovi; and
on the third mesa, Oraibi, and Hotavila. The latter
was founded a few years ago by the conservative
party of Oraibi who wished to maintain old ways
and to avoid sending their children to the government
school. Forty miles westward is the summer village
of Moenkapi situated where conditions are excep-
tionally favorable to agriculture. The language of the
Hopi proper is Shoshonean connected with Ute and
Comanche. One of the villages, however, Hano, still

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 69

has its Tewan dialect, maintained since the migration
from the Rio Grande early in the eighteenth century.

Zuni. The pueblo of Zuni, the descendant of the
seven cities of Cibola, has three outlying farming
villages, Pescado, Nutria, and Ojo Caliente which are
fast becoming permanent settlements. The Zuni
language is believed to be entirely independent of all
others.

HABITATIONS

The houses of the sedentary peoples of the Southwest
retain the chief characteristics of those of the ancient
peoples which are really the most striking features of
Southwestern culture: they are communal, honeycomb-
like, and almost without exception terraced.

Arrangement of Buildings. The modern villages
present three types of arrangement. A large square
or rectangular building, terraced back from all four
sides, results in a pyramid which is easily defended.
The common prehistoric arrangement around an en-
closed court from which the upper stories recede is still
found. The third type has the houses in long parallel
rows terraced back from the streets.

In the Rio Grande region Taos has two large houses
of the pyramidal type situated on either side of a beau-
tiful stream. One of these is five and the other four
storieshigh. San Ildefonso, Jemez, Santa Clara, and San
Felipe have one or more enclosed courts. Acoma is an
excellent example of the third type having three rows
of three-story houses, terraced back from the streets.
Santo Domingo and San Juan have a similar arrange-
ment.

Zuni combines both the first and second types of
arrangement. It is terraced back from the outside

70 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

but also has several courts, in the largest of which the
old church is situated. The pueblo is intersected by a
number of passageways or streets leading to the
interior.

A recent study of the village of Zuni brings out the
interesting fact that the same general arrangement
and the lines of the village have been maintained for

ff es
Cel :

A ZN ;
Sa

Floor Plan of Hopi Living Room
(After Cosmos Mindeleff)

many years practically unchanged while many of the
individual houses and house walls have been altered and
replaced. wet

It is on the Hopi mesas that structures more like
those of prehistoric and early Spanish times are found.
One of the smaller pueblos, Shipaulovi, is built about a
square court from which it is terraced back and upon
which the lower terrace has its openings. Several of the
other pueblos show signs of having been first built
around a court and then added to as the inhabitants.

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 71

grew in numbers until there are now several courts.
Mishongnovi has three completed ones and the begin-
ning of another. Shumopovi has one well-enclosed
court and another partly enclosed, but the houses are
terraced so as to face the east.. Walpi, which has grown
until it has nearly covered all the available space, has
the older portion of the building surrounding a court
from which it was terraced back. Oraibi is arranged in
long irregular rows.

Building Material. The pueblos of the Rio Grande
region are largely built of adobe brick, the art of making
which was pretty certainly learned from the natives
of Mexico who came into the Southwest with Onate and
later. Clay, first mixed with straw and water, is
molded in rectangular forms and allowed to dry in
the sun. These bricks are laid in regular courses with
similar material for mortar. Such walls are durable
only when they are protected from rain by means of
extended roofs, or by constant plastering.

Castaneda gives a description of the older method
of preparing adobe. He says fires were made of small
brush and sedge-grass upon which, when the sticks
were falling to ashes, water and clay were thrown.
The material was then molded into balls and laid
like stones in courses with mortar of similar material.
He tells us that this masonry work was performed by the
women, but that the men did the carpenter work,
preparing the timbers and putting them into place.
The inner walls were plastered and sometimes painted,
but he does not tell us what material was used. At the
present time burned gypsum is employed as a white-
wash, but this method has probably been adopted from
the Mexicans who also make use of it.

Acoma is built of rubble and clay. A village in the
same situation as the present one and probably the one

«2 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

described by several of Coronado’s party, was partly
burned in 1599. The village was not destroyed during
the rebellion a century later, and the walls now in use
may be the same seen in 1540, repaired and in part
rebuilt from time to time.

While Zufi is built mostly of adobe, the cornices
frequently have several courses of flat stones.

The Hopi houses are built of stone poorly dressed
and poorly laid as compared with the best prehistoric
masonry. Muindeleff, who published a splendid account
of Pueblo architecture, observed women building a
detached house with the help of one man who lifted
the timbers into place. While the men are said to
build the walls sometimes, the women are always ex-
pected to do the plastering. The ceilings are made in
the prehistoric fashion with beams, cross poles, brush,
and clay spread over all and tramped down. The floors
are sometimes flagged with large flat stones. The
walls inside are generally whitened with gypsum and
sometimes ornamented by leaving unwhitened bands
above and below. The fireplaces situated in one corner
of the room are provided with hoods which receive
the smoke and communicate with chimneys which are
generally topped with a pot or two from which the
bottom has been broken. In another corner of the ©
room is generally found the three-sectioned milling
box with three grinding stones. Many of the rooms
of the lower terrace are used for storage.

There are a few T-shaped doorways like those found
in prehistoric ruins still to be seen in the Hopi houses.
During the Spanish period windows in the walls were
more generally used. They were covered with thin
sheets of selenite which was the substitute for glass in
general use in the Southwest. Ordinary windows and
hinged doors are now coming into common use.

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS le

SHELTERS

For the shelter of those who are tending the crops
and as a camping place for the family when the fields
are far from the village, temporary structures are
built. The common type is made by setting four
posts at the corners of a rectangle so that their forked
tops are seven or eight feet above the ground. These
posts support a platform of poles and brush which
casts a shade and furnishes on its top a storage place
away from dogs and stray animals. The Hopi often
cut trees or brush and set them in curved or straight
lines so as to break the wind and furnish the desired
shade. The two forms are sometimes combined so
that the space under the platform has a wall of brush
on one side. Temporary rectangular houses of stone
with flat roofs are also built by the Hopi and Zuni.

KIvas

The modern pueblos with a few exceptions are each
provided with one or more kivas. In a general way,
they resemble the prehistoric kivas, both in their
structure and their location.

The kivas of the Rio Grande region are frequently
circular, the roofs of some of them being level with the
ground while others are built up to a considerable
height so that their forms are readily apparent from the
outside. Details as to their structure are not available
except that they are entered through hatchways by
means of ladders which project to a considerable height.
With the exception of the fireplace, the ladder, and the
posts supporting the two main roof beams, they are
said to be entirely without furnishings. The Keresan
kivas of which there are always two to a village, known

74 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

as the summer and winter kivas, are said in some
instances to be permanently decorated with the pic-
tures of the animals associated in mythology and cere-
monies with the cardinal points. The kivas of San
Juan and Santa Clara are rectangular and above ground
and those of Jemez and Acoma are included in the regu-

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Kiva. San Ildefonso
Copyrighted by Fred Harvey)

lar house structure differing externally from ordinary
rooms only in the projection of ladder tops.

At Hopi they are frequently built in the side of
the mesa so that the wall of the kiva on one side is
exposed to light and air while the roof is still kept level
with the surface of the mesa. They are all rectangular,
about twenty-five feet long and half as broad. The
floor, which is generally paved with stone, is in two
levels. The higher portion a foot above the other

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 75

occupies about one third the entire floor space. This
is reserved for spectators. In the lower part, there is a
fireplace, a mere rectangular pit placed in the center
directly under the hatchway; and at one end there is a
small cavity covered by a plank in which a hole is cut,
furnished with a close fitting plug. This represents
the lower world and the place of emergence through
which the people and animals originally came to this
world, and through it the deities are now supposed to

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Floor Plan of Hopi Kiva
(After Victor Mindeleff)

come during the ceremonies. Along the sides of the
room are placed slabs provided with holes to receive
the posts of the looms which are usually set up and used
in the kivas. Sometimes a stone-capped bench along
one or more of the side walls provides seats. At the
farther end of the lower level a similar bench about
two feet high is used as a shelf on which images are
placed; and an opening in front holds certain masks
when they are not in use.

76 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

The walls, which are of stone, are kept nicely
plastered by the women. The roof is composed first of
large logs placed crosswise resting on top of the two side
walls; next, of many smaller poles placed lengthwise
which in turn are covered with brush and well packed
clay. In the middle a space about five feet by seven is
left for the hatchway. Masonry walls resting on the
ceiling beams are carried up for a few feet on all four
sides. Across the top of these walls are laid planks leav-

Roof of Hopi Kiva
(After Victor Mindeleff)

ing an opening four and a half feet long and two feet
wide. Through this hatchway a ladder top projects ten
or twelve feet.

At Zufii there are six ceremonial rooms known as
kiwwitsitwe where the masked men who represent the
gods in the ceremonies meet and rehearse. ‘These,
located in various parts of the town proper, are not
underground, and do not have the prescribed form and
structure which characterize the circular kivas of the
Rio Grande or the rectangular ones of the Hop!. |

THE PUEBLO INDIANS tt

Castaneda and other early Spanish writers seem to
have been amused by these kivas—‘“‘estufas”’ (stoves)
they called them. They are described as being situated
in the yards of the buildings with their roofs level with
the ground. There were in that day both square and
round kivas. Those of Taos are mentioned in particu-
lar, one of which was said to have twelve pine posts of
large size supporting the roof. The floors were paved
with large smooth stones with a boxed-in fireplace in
which small brush was burned for heat, enabling the
occupants to remain in them as in a bath.

The kivas today are used as clubrooms and lounging
places as well as workshops, the weaving usually being
done in them. They are chiefly, however, more or less
sacred rooms set apart for ceremonial purposes. In
them those portions of the ceremonies which it is desired
to keep secret from the uninitiated public are held.
They also serve as places of retreat for those who, for a
time, must avoid profane contaminations.

Foop

The method of securing food is always the central
fact in a people’s existence around which social life,
art, and religion are largely built. There are consider-
able regions in North America where agriculture was not
practised In the great plains the chief dependence
was upon the buffalo, while on the North Pacific Coast
the people lived largely on fish. The inhabitants of
the Plateau area lived upon wild vegetables, small
game, and insects. The sedentary peoples of the
Southwest placed their main reliance on the crops which
their fields produced. These were in earlier times, corn,
beans, and squash. Recently wheat and other small
grains and vegetables have been added. Hunting

78 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

was by no means neglected for flesh was needed to
produce a balanced diet. The wild vegetables in the
neighborhood were gathered and preserved for later
use.

Agriculture. The fields of the Rio Grande peoples
are situated in the river bottoms and along the smaller
streams near their villages. Irrigation is now practised
and was being practised at many of the pueblos,
when the Spanish first entered the area. There were
however no great difficulties involved, and no large
canals like the prehistoric ones of the lower Salt River
were necessary. The fields of the Acoma are fourteen
miles away at Acomita and Pueblito, apparently where
they were when Espejo visited them in 1583. He
mentions both the cornfields two leagues away, and
the river from which he says they watered them.

The Hopi fields are situated near the mesas wherever
there is sufficient moisture from some gulch or spring.
Corn is planted ten or twelve inches deep with a plant-
ing stick which makes a suitable hole. The corn is not
raised in rows, but in large clumps of eight or ten stalks,
at considerable distances from each other. While
the plants are young, they are protected from the wind
and the drifting sand by windbreaks of brush or stone.
Irrigation is not practised except that vegetables are
sometimes watered by hand. Ditches, however, are
provided to carry off the excessive waterfall during
heavy showers.

Because of the large population of Zufi many of
their fields are at a great distance; the people move in
large numbers to the neighborhood of these fields where
the summer villages of Nutria, Pescado, and Ojo
Caliente are maintained. Mr. Frank H. Cushing has
described the old Zui method of agriculture. A man
without land chose a piece of ground where a gulch

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 79

opened into a valley or on to the margin of the plain.
Across this he made an earthen dam which retained
the water and mud brought down during heavy rains.
Since the gulch was at ordinary times a dry one, the
water did not stand for any length of time but enough
of it sank into the ground to supply what moisture
was needed for a crop of corn.

Quite contrary to the usual custom among the North
American Indians, the men till the fields and do the

Hoes and Throwing Stick

greater part of the work connected with raising and
harvesting the crops. This is probably because in the
Southwest agriculture is the chief means of securing
food while in other regions it is of less importance than
hunting and fishing to which the men principally
devote themselves. The only primitive implements
used in tilling the soil appear to have been the planting

80 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

stick and a knife-like wooden paddle which served as a
hoe or shovel. Castafieda tells us the ground was not
broken before planting the seed. He, of course, greatly
exaggerated the productiveness of the soil when he said
that one crop was sufficient for seven years. He
mentions large quantities of corn in Galisteo Valley
stored in underground chambers. The Hopi pueblos
still maintain at least a full year’s supply of corn to
guard against crop failure.

After the corn is gathered it is thoroughly dried
elther by hanging it in long braids or by spreading it in
the sun on the roofs of the buildings. It is stored in the
back rooms of the lower stories where the braids are
hung up and the loose ears piled in tiers. The pump-
kins and squash are cut in long strips which are twisted
together and hung about the houses together with
many strings of red peppers.

The Hopi and Zuni have many peach orchards, but
fruit was not cultivated when the Spanish first became
acquainted with the Southwest. They did make use of
pifion nuts which are frequently mentioned. That
they used cherries, wild plums, the fruit of the yucca,
and of the various cacti and the pods and beans of the
mesquite is also probable, although Castafieda says that
pine nuts were the only fruits used by them.

Preparation of Food. The method of grinding corn
has changed but little since it was first described by
Castafieda.

They keep the separate houses where they prepare the food for
eating and where they grind the meal, very clean. This is a separate
_room or closet, where they have a trough with three stones fixed in stiff
clay. Three women go in here, each one having a stone, with which
one of them breaks the corn, the next grinds it, and the third grinds it
again. They take off their shoes, do up their hair, shake their clothes,

and cover their heads before they enter the door. A man sits at the
door playing on a fife while they grind, moving the stones to the music

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS Sl

and singing together. They grind a large quantity at one time, because
they make all their bread of meal soaked in warm water, like wafers.
(Winship, 522.)

The meal boxes are often in one corner of the living
rooms of the modern pueblos and the women still sing
at their work but without the accompanying flute.
Before grinding, the corn is often parched or roasted.

The wafers mentioned probably refer to piki, the
paper-thin bread made of corn meal of various colors
which when rolled or folded is easily portable and keeps
indefinitely. This bread is now cooked on a piece of
sheet iron or as formerly on thin slabs of stone. Tortil-
las, having the shape and thickness of pancakes, are also
popular. The Hopi place pots of mush in holes in the
ground which have been heated by a fire and cover them
with ashes and hot coals until they are thoroughly
cooked. At Zuni and along the Rio Grande, the
Mexican dome-shaped ovens are generally used.

Hunting. The eastern Pueblos, those at Taos,
Picuris, and Pecos especially, used to make expeditions
to the Plains, principally along the Canadian and
Arkansas rivers, to hunt buffalo. Such trips could
be made safely only by a large number of men and with
the greatest precaution against surprise by the Plains
tribes. They were under the control of the war chief
as were all communal hunts. The communal hunting
of antelope, deer, and elk, because of their scarcity,
has been discontinued in recent years, but such hunts for
rabbits are still maintained. The men, women, and
boys surround a large tract of suitable land, drive the
rabbits toward the center and then kill them with bows
and: arrows and with throwing sticks. These clubs
resemble in form the Australian boomerang but do not
have the particular character which makes that imple-
ment return to the thrower. Deer and antelope may

82 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

have been hunted in a similar manner, but Capt. Bourke
in 1881 saw corrals of brush near the Hopi mesas into
which antelope were driven. Still hunting by individu-
als was, of course, practised. Mr. Cushing tells in de-
tail how fetishes were used in such hunts.

Fish were taken for food in the Rio Grande region
where there seems to be no taboo against their use.
The Zufi share with their nomadic neighbors, the
Navajo and Apache, a dread of anything living in the
water. One of the most interesting phases of South-
western life was the relation existing between the seden-
tary and nomadic peoples. Weare told by the Coronado
writers and by Espejo that the nomadic peoples of the
Plains and of the mountains of the Southwest brought
the meat and the hides of buffalo and deer to the
pueblos and exchanged them for corn and for mantles
of cotton. This exchange of products allowed one
people to concentrate upon agriculture and the other
upon hunting, yet each to have both corn and meat for
food, and cotton cloth and dressed skins for clothing.

DREss

The dress of the sedentary Indians of the Southwest
changed but little from the time it was first described
in the sixteenth century until the American occupation
and railroads brought other styles and cheaper mate-
rials.

In the northeast, at Taos, Picuris, and Pecos, skins
were almost, if not quite exclusively worn. The men
were described as wearing small shirts with fringes, and
robes of buffalo skin decorated with painted designs.
The women’s clothing of these particular pueblos is not
mentioned at an early date but at the present time the
long deerskin dresses of the Plains type are occasion-

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 83

ally seen at Taos. The dress of the men at this pueblo
is hardly to be distinguished from that worn by the
Indians of the Plains; long leggings, of fringed deer-
skin, or of red or blue flannel, are still generally worn.
The breech cloth of similar flannel is wide and long,
hanging nearly to the ground. Deerskin shirts, which
are less common, are of the usual Plains types.

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Hopi Robe

For all the other pueblos, the sixteenth century dress
of the men was an apron or kilt. These were of cotton

and are described as resembling napkins of that period
but having tassels at each corner. Kilts which are
probably similar to these are still worn as ceremonial
garments. At the present time a short, narrow breech
cloth of white cotton, falling only a few inches from the

84 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

belt before and behind, is the only essential garment
for men at hard work or engaged in ceremonies.

In addition some sort of robe is worn, in ‘winter for
added warmth and at other times to complete the cos-
tume on ceremonious occasions. In Coronado’s time
the following were enumerated as the materials em-
ployed for these robes: cotton cloth, woven rabbit skins,
dressed skins including that of the buffalo, and turkey
feathers attached to a net. Large flocks of turkeys used
to be kept chiefly, if not solely, to supply feathers for
these garments. Feathered garments have not been in
use for many years and woven rabbit skins are rarely
employed. The weaving of cotton and woolen goods is
still practised by the Zuni and Hopi but the woolen
blankets of the Navajo and the gayly colored fabrics of
the traders have largely displaced them.

The costume of the older men consists of white
cotton trousers coming some inches below the knee,
but split on the outer side, and a cotton shirt falling over
the trousers, girded with a cotton belt.

The woman’s dress as first described, consisted of a
single garment, of yucca fiber at Zuni, but of cotton
elsewhere, which reached from the shoulders to the
knees. It was fastened over the right shoulder but
open at the left where two tassels hung. A belt was
worn at the waist. Later, the material was changed to
wool, dyed blue or black and twill woven, but the form
remained the same until a few years ago. It is still
worn on ceremonial occasions and generally by the
older Hopi and Zuii women. Specimens of the old
cotton dresses embroidered in colors with woolen yarn
are still in existence. The Museum has a few excellent
specimens of these which came from Acoma. ‘The
women in the Rio Grande region adopted an under-
garment of white cotton which is worn so that the lace
border shows below the outer skirt.

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 85

The hair of the Zuni women was described by Cas-
tenada as done up above the ears in large whorls. The
practice is still maintained in Zuni ceremonies and by
the Hopi maidens who are thus distinguished from the
matrons, who wear their hair in two braids. Both men
and women, except at Taos and Picuris, wear the front

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Woman’s Dress. Acoma

hair banged above the eyes and the side locks cut square,
even with the mouth. On the Rio Grande, the men
frequently tie their hair with yarn, in two folded clubs,
while the Zuni men make one club of the long hair. At
‘Taos the braids are wrapped with fur or flannel as is the
custom of the Plains Indians. The hair of both men
and women is frequently washed with yucca root suds.

86 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

The moccasins of both men and women have hard
soles, a fact emphasized by Castafeda as new and
important, who adds that buskins reaching the knee
were worn in winter. These are still found in the Rio
Grande villages but more generally the women’s moc-
casins are now provided with a long strip of deerskin
which is wrapped many times around the lower leg.
They are whitened with white earth. Under these
leggings are worn footless stockings knit of black or blue
woolen yarn.

The ornaments of turquoise and sea shells worn in
the ears and about the neck in earlier times were later
supplemented by silver beads of native manufacture.
The earrings of inlaid turquoise mosaic mentioned by
the early Spanish writers are still worn by the Hopi.

The native cotton originally employed in clothing
was largely cultivated by the Hopi and to some extent
on the Rio Grande below Cochiti in Coronado’s time.
Very little cotton is now grown. Sheep and wool were
introduced at an early date, for we know there were set
flocks at the time of the rebellion. |

INDUSTRIAL ARTS

Pottery. The household vessels of the modern |
pueblo peoples are mostly of clay. These are used
for transporting and storing water and for the storage,
cooking, and serving of food. For making them, the
clay is tempered with pottery fragments finely ground.
When sufficiently softened with water, a lump of this
tempered clay is hollowed to form the nucleus of the
bottom of the vessel. To this, round after round of
clay, rolled into a slender cylinder, is applied and made
to adhere by pressure. The interior and exterior sur-
faces are modeled with the hand and afterward smoothed

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 87

with a piece of gourd shell. Water must constantly
be applied to keep the clay in workable condition.
When the vessel has been built in this manner to the
desired size and shape, it is allowed to dry thoroughly

Santa Clara Woman Firing Pottery
(Copyrighted by Fred Harvey)

in the sun. It is prepared for ornamentation by polish-
ing it with a pebble and giving it a thin slip of fine clay
after which it is repolished. The designs are then
painted on by means of a brush of yucea fiber or a
sharpened stick.

88 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

San Ildefonso Pottery

The vessels are fired by placing several of them
bottom side up on small stones and covering them with
dry sheep manure which is used for fuel. This main-
tains a uniform and continuous heat until they are

eres

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 89

properly burned. If the smoke is confined by adding
a supply of fresh fine material at the right time, the
earbon of the smoke unites with the paint and pro-
duces the black ware characteristic of Santa Clara.

This uniformly black ware gains in graceful form
what it loses in gay colors. At San Juan a peculiar
form is a pot, red above and undecorated below. The
red applied as a slip is also sometimes used as a back-
ground on which designs in other colors are painted.
The more common background, however, is the cream
color of the uncolored clay to which rarely a little red
is added, producing pink. The designs are painted
on in black, obtained from the juice of the bee weed,
and in red and yellow derived from ochre.

These designs are partly geometrical and purely
decorative; partly representations of mountains, clouds,
and rainbows, so highly conventionalized as often to
appear purely geometrical; and partly realistic repre-
sentations of flowers and animals. Among the latter
are most frequently found those which are of economic
value, or of ceremonial importance, such as the sun-
flower, the cotton plant, the parrot, and the turkey. The
larger animals like the antelope, frequently seen on Zufi
water jars, have the positions of certain internal
organs indicated.

The background of the Hopi pottery has a character-
istic yellow tone. The upper portion of the bowls is
often drawn in sharply making the top nearly flat. The
designs, which are of the same general sort found in
Rio Grande pottery, are executed in a peculiar style.
In recent years both the shapes and the decorations
have been considerably modified to meet commercial
demands. This is especially to be noted in the more
frequent use of symbols which belong more properly to
ceremonial objects.

90 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Basketry. Baskets of plaited yucca leaves attach-
ed to a heavy wooden rim, quite similar to those found in
the prehistoric ruins, are still made by the Zuni and
Hopi. Rude carrying baskets and cradles with a bas-
ketry band for the protection of the head are in general
use. The Hopi make decorated, nearly flat trays, but

Hopi Baskets

those of Oraibi are strikingly different from those at the
middle mesa. The latter use the sewing method and
employ very thick foundation coils. The Oraibi make
use of wicker work with the foundation material radiat-
ing from the center. These flat baskets are used in

ceremonies certain features of which the decorations:

often symbolize.
Weaving. Recently, weaving, which flourished in

earlier centuries, has declined; at first because of the

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THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 9]

large output of the neighboring Navajo and later from
the introduction of European goods. The garments
needed in the ceremonies are still made by the Hopi and
every bridegroom must weave or have woven a trous-
seau for his bride. The implements and processes are
those employed by the Navajo and will be described
in that section. Spinning and weaving are looked upon
by the Hopi as the work of the men and are generally
done by them in the kivas.

Hopi Pottery

DECORATIVE ART

Decorative art is chiefly displayed in freehand paint-
ing on the surface of pottery vessels. The geometrical
patterns are well devised and well executed. Both
flowers and animals are reproduced with no attempt at
perspective, real talent or genius in drawing never being
displayed. Apparently the older art gave way under
European influences to new forms which for some reason
have not reached the perfection of the old seen in the
black and white ware from the Tularosa ruins and the
excellently colored vessels from the Little Colorado.
Since we know certain of the villages in the latter region
were deserted at an early date, we are justified in con-

92 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

cluding that this art reached its climax before the
beginning of the historic period. :

Symbolic art, while found upon pottery, is particu-
larly developed in ceremonial painting and carving.
Cloud symbols in which semicircles stand for clouds,
zigzag arrows for lightning, and vertical lines for rain
are common, and many other conventions are employed.
The prayer bowls and the wooden headdresses worn in
dances often have their tops fashioned in terraced rec-
tangles which in the east represent both mesas and
mountain peaks and stand in general for the earth, but
are clouds to the Zufi and sun ladders to the Hopi.
In the dry or sand paintings, described in another
section, excellent flat representations of animals are
reproduced.

It is difficult in a sentence or a paragraph to give the
reader an adequate conception of the extent to which
color and number enter into the myths, songs, prayers,
and ceremonial observations. All important things
are repeated for each of the cardinal points with chang-
ing color and symbolism. The movements in ceremonies
are from the north to the west or counter clockwise.
The colors are yellow for the north; blue for the west;
red for the south; white for the east; all colors or
mixed for the zenith; and black for below. These con-
ceptions of color and number while put to a ceremonial
use are almost certainly of the same aesthetic origin
which has produced symmetry, repetition, and rhythm
in geometrical decoration.

SoOcIAL ORGANIZATION

It is now recognized that with people everywhere, as
well as with ourselves, the biological family consisting
of the father and mother with their children is the

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 93

important unit in social organization. When these
children marry they may, without regard to sex, remain
in the parental home with their spouses and children, or
they may leave, founding new homes. Among some
peoples the prevailing practice is for the sons only to
remain with or near their father’s home, while the
daughters go with their husbands to other localities.
The reverse frequently happens, that daughters re-
main and the sons-in-law are joined to the growing
family. Among the Hopi and Zufi, at least, this latter
practice prevails. The young- man, when accepted,
comes to live with his wife’s family. Later, his wife
secures or builds for herself a new house or a set of
rooms which usually adjoins her mother’s. This house
is her property and a dissatisfied husband in the case
of a separation leaves his wife in possession of the
family home and returns to the house of his mother
or a sister.

Descent is chiefly reckoned through the mother and
the counting of relationship in the female line is main-
tained from generation to generation indefinitely. All
the members of such a group consider themselves
relatives of a kind and degree appropriate to the ages
and generations of the particular individuals. These
groups of people who consider themselves related
through their mothers are generally referred to as clans.

Not only does a form of relationship prevail through-
out such groups, with appropriate terms of relationship,
but this relationship is considered to be of such a degree
that marriage between two members of the same clan
cannot be considered. Technically the clans are ex-
ogamous, or in other words they are “incest groups.”
It would be perhaps impossible for such large groups to
exist and function without a name by which they can
be distinguished or designated. Notwithstanding that

94 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

the villages are numerous and widely scattered, and
that four distinct languages are spoken in them, the
names associated with these clans are in meaning the
same or at least similar. According to Professor Kroeber
the names and associates are as follows:

1. a. Rattlesnake, 6. Panther; 2. a. Deer, b.
Antelope; 3. a. Squash, 6. Crane; 4. a. Cloud, 6.
Corn; 5. a. Lizard, 6. Karth; 6. a. Rabbit, b. Tobacco;
7. a. Tansy Mustard, 6. Chaparral Cock; 8. Kachina:
a. Raven, 6. Macaw, c. Pine, d. Cottonwood; 9. a.
Firewood, 6. Coyote; 10. a. Arrow, b. Sun, c. Eagle,
d. Turkey; 11. a. Badger, 6. Bear; 12. a. Turquoise,
b. Shell Coral.

While these precise designations do not occur in
every instance they are clearly representative of the
general meaning of the clan names.

It will be noticed that these clans are grouped,
usually in pairs. This grouping is more than merely
formal since a definite degree of relationship is felt to
bind together the members of one of the pair to the
members of the other. In some instances this is so
strong that the pair have become one exogamous group
and no intermarriage takes place. This is true among
the Hopi of the Kachina and Parrot clans. In the vil-
lages on the Rio Grande the clans are grouped into two
divisions or moieties known as the winter people and the
summer people. This separation of the people and the
year into two divisions plays a prominent part in social
games, in political matters, and in the ceremonies.

These clans seem to serve two functions in the com-
munity. In the first place they are similar to families,
but they are larger groups with more slender ties bind-
ing them together, and only one parent, in this case the
mother, is considered in reckoning the relationship.
The relationship tie, however, is sufficient to carry the

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THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 95

right of special hospitality. Secondly, certain political
and religious duties devolve upon clans as such or upon
individuals because of their clan membership.

The clans have no definite organization or officers,
nor do they own houses or other secular property. Each
clan owns a fetish which is kept in a certain house and
eared for by the householder. It results that these
particular houses and persons become centers of in-
terest for the respective clans. Among the Hopi certain
eagle nests are the property of particular clans. In the
large villages, such as Zuni and Oraibi, a localization
of clans in the community structure results from the
natural spread of the family in-which the women own
the houses and women who are related by blood choose
to live side by side.

Nothing is known concerning the origin of these
clans. There are similar social divisions elsewhere in
North America and other parts of the world. They are
best considered as purely social phenomena either as
larger family groups or as subdivisions of the political or
ethnic units. Itis certain that the clans in the Southwest
could not have resulted in the manner related in the
myths of the Hopi, since the wide distribution of these
clans in the Southwest with names of common meaning
makes such an origin next to impossible.

SocIAL CUSTOMS

The Hopi baby is first washed and dressed by its
paternal grandmother or by one of her sisters. On the
day of its birth, she makes four marks with corn meal
on the four walls of the room. She erases one of these
on the fifth, tenth, fifteenth, and twentieth day of the
child’s life. On each of these days the baby and its
mother have their heads washed with yucca suds.

96 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

On the twentieth day, which marks the end of the
lying-in period, the grandmother comes early, bathes
the baby, and puts some corn meal to its lips. She
utters a prayer in which she requests that the child.
shall reach old age and in this prayer gives it a name.
A few of the women members of the father’s clan come
in one at a time, bathe the baby, and give it additional
names. After the names have been given, the paternal
grandmother goes with the mother and the child to the
eastern edge of the mesa, starting so as to arrive there
about sunrise. Two ears of white corn which have
been lying near the child during the twenty days are
carried with them. ‘The grandmother touches these
ears of corn to the baby’s breast and waves them
toward the east. She also strews corn meal toward the
sun, placing a little on the child’s mouth. As she does
this, she prays, uttering in the course of her prayer
the various names which have been given to the child.
The mother goes through a similar ceremony and utters
a similar prayer.

The names given relate in some way to the clan of
the one who bestows them. Of the various names
given the child, one, because it strikes the fancy of the
family, generally sticks and becomes the child’s name
which is retained until the individual is initiated into
some ceremony. This usually takes places between
the ages of fifteen and eighteen. At that time, a new
name which is usually retained throughout the indi-
vidual’s life is given by the man or woman who is
sponsor for the novice.

At the present time at least, the Hopi young people
arrange their own marriages. When their minds are
thoroughly made up, and the young man has acquired
some property, the parents are informed of the matter.
Marriages usually take place in the fall or winter. The

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS Q7

first step is for the mother of the girl to accompany her
to the young man’s house with a tray of white corn
meal. She gives this to the young man’s mother, and
returns to her home. The girl remains and grinds
corn for three days. In the morning of the fourth day,
the relatives of the couple assemble at the bridegroom’s
house. The two future mothers-in-law prepare two
large bowls of yucca suds. With one of these the
mother of the girl washes the boy’s head and the boy’s
mother does the same for the girl. The other female
relatives present assist in rinsing the suds from the hair.

When the washing is finished, the bridal pair take
a pinch of corn meal and walk silently to the eastern
side of the mesa. They breathe upon the corn meal,
throw it toward the rising sun, and utter a short prayer.
When they have returned to the young man’s house,
the marriage itself is considered complete although the
ceremony is not. The girl assists her mother-in-law
in preparing a breakfast which is eaten by the members
of both families. After the meal, the father of the
young man runs out of the house and distributes bolls
of cotton to the friends and relatives who are expected
to separate the seeds from the cotton.

A few days later, the crier announces that the spin-
ning of the cotton is to take place. The men relatives
and friends gather in their kivas and spend the day in
earding and spinning cotton which they bring in the
evening to the bridegroom’s house where they partake
of a feast. From the cotton yarn prepared in this way,
the father of the bridegroom, assisted by the other
men of the family, weaves two large white robes and a
white fringed girdle. A pair of moccasins provided
with long deerskin strips is also made. The blanket
and the moccasins are coated with white earth. When
the outfit has been completed, which usually takes six

98 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

or seven weeks, the bride is dressed by her mother-in-
law in the moccasins and one of the robes. She takes
the other robe, wrapped in a reed mat, in her hands
and goes to her mother’s house, where her husband also
appears during the day.. They live with the girl’s
people for some months until a new home is made
ready.

The preparation of clothing for the bride by the
bridegroom or men of his family is evidently an old
custom, for Castaieda mentions it as being the practice
in his day on the Rio Grande. Villagran, who in 1610
wrote a long poem on the conquest and settlement of
New Mexico, describes a wedding during which the
robes of the pair were tied together. A similar rite is
still maintained at Santo Domingo.

Among the Zuni the bride receives a reser from
the bridegroom and frequently carries presents to her
mother-in-law during a period extending over a year,
or until her first child is born. ‘The bridegroom’s
first Visits to the home of his new wife are clandestine
and the bride herself avoids her family in the morning,
apparently from motives of shame. ‘The man soon
takes up his regular abode at the home of his wife and
works for the benefit of her family. While the Zuni
relations are strictly monogamous the marriage tie is
fairly brittle. It is always the husband who leaves,
since the house is the woman’s permanent home.

Among the Rio Grande villages the Catholic mar-
riage ceremony is usually conducted.

When an adult dies among the Hopi, the nearest
relatives by blood wash the head, tie a feather offering
to the hair so that it will hang over the forehead, wrap
the body in a good robe, and carry it to one of the grave-

yards which are on or near the mesas. The body

is buried in a sitting position so that it faces the

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 99

east. This is done within a few hours after death has
occurred. The third night, a bowl containing some
food, a prayer stick offering, and a feather and string
offering are carried to the grave. The string is placed
so that it points from the grave toward the west. The
next morning, the fourth, the soul is supposed to rise
from the grave, and proceed in the direction indicated
by the string where it enters the ‘‘skeleton house.”’
This is believed to be situated somewhere near the
canyon of the Colorado.

The bodies of children who have not yet been ini-
tiated into some society are not buried in the ground
but are placed in a crevice of the rock somewhere in
the side of the mesas and covered with stones. The
string offering in this case is not placed pointing toward
the west, but toward the house where the family lives.
The spirit of the child is believed to return to the house
and to be reborn in the body of the next child, or to
linger about the house until the mother dies, when it
accompanies her to the world of the departed.

Among the Zuni it is the relatives of the father of the
household who have the duties connected with death
and burial. The bodies are placed in the churchyard,
the men on the south side and the women on the north
side with the head to the east, which is also the position
of burial among the Keresans. The souls are supposed
to go in four day’s time to the sacred lake 65 miles
southwest of Zuni. After this interval, a purification
of the family and their belongings takes place. The
personal property of the deceased, which is not required
for the proper dressing of the corpse, is burned or buried
apart on the river bank.

100 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

The political government of each Rio Grande pueblo
is in the hands of a governor, council, and a war chief.
The governor, chosen annually by a formal election,
is in reality named by the cacique, a permanent officer
whose duties are chiefly religious. There is usually
also a lieutenant governor chosen in the same way.
The war chief too is appointed annually and confirmed
by the council.

This council, which is the legislative body, is perma-
nent in some pueblos but elected annually in others.
It is believed by some to be a survival of an earlier
council in which each of the clans was represented by
its head.

The governor is the representative of the village in
its dealings with other villages and with the general
public and is its nominal head. The war chief directs
all communal work such as that on the irrigation
ditches and the communal hunt. In earlier times he
led the war expeditions and had charge of the defense
of the pueblo. He is the executive officer of the council
and carries out its decrees. These frequently have
involved the death of persons suspected of witchcraft.

The Hopi pueblos each have a village chief, a crier
chief, and a war chief who hold their positions for life.

The older methods of defensive warfare are well
illustrated in the accounts of conflicts between the
Spanish and certain pueblos in the sixteenth century.
At Zuni the men withdrew to the house tops and pulled
up the ladders. When the Spanish advanced within
reach, arrows were discharged and stones were thrown
down. The women, children, and old men had been
sent to other villages or to Thunder Mountain. Similar
methods were resorted to at Tiguex, where a besieged

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 101

pueblo held out for many months because occasional
falls of snow furnished a fresh supply of water. Pecos,
which had a wall and a spring inside, was said by
Castaneda to have resisted successfully the attacks of
Plains Indians.

The weapons used were bows and arrows, a stone-
headed club, and a stick half a yard long, set with
flints, which Espejo says would split a man asunder.
For the protection of the warriors, shields of rawhide,
leather jackets, and head pieces of leather are men-
tioned.

RELIGIOUS PRACTICES

The religious activites of the sedentary people of
the Southwest are so many and so intricate that it is
difficult to describe or discuss them, especially in so
limited a space. There are some common elements,
however, which are worthy of notice. The ceremonies
often take the form of dramas in which the movements
and activities of supernatural beings and animals are
imitated. The actors wear masks, paint their bodies,
and conduct themselves according to the supposed
appearance and character of the divinity or animal
represented. The divinities are also represented by
larger stone images rudely shaped and by smaller ones
which are better executed in stone or wood.

There are permanent shrines usually near the
villages, often walled in on three sides and sometimes
sheltering an image or a peculiarly shaped stone. Tem-
porary altars are made during the ceremonies by set-
ting up a line of wooden slabs carved or painted with
religious symbols before which dry paintings are placed.
These dry paintings are made by sprinkling sand of
various colors so as to form symbols and pictures of the
gods.

102 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Small sticks, singly or in pairs, are painted and often
have faces indicated on them. Feathers, and a corn
husk containing corn meal and honey are usually
attached to them. They are placed at the shrines
and springs for the deities. Corn meal and pollen are
strewed and thrown toward the sun. Corn meal is also
frequently used to mark ceremonial trails and to define
the limits of sacred places. Races generally occur
during the ceremonies but the significance of them is
not clear. Bathing the head and the use of emetics
are resorted to as methods of purification.

In general it may be said that Southwestern cere-
monials chiefly employ dramatic and graphic art
to accomplish their purposes, which appear to be ©
the influencing of invisible supernatural powers and
through them the natural forces. The greater number
of the ceremonies are intended to bring rain and to aid
in fertilizing the crops.

Rio GRANDE CEREMONIES

It is only from Bandelier’s short account of his
observations among the Pueblos of the Rio Grande
published many years ago, the work of Mrs. Stevenson
among the Sia,:and a recently published paper on
Cochiti by Father Noél Dumarest, that we are able to
get a view at all comprehensive of the religious organi-
zation of the Rio Grande region. |

At the head of the political and religious systems is
the cacique, as he is ordinarily called. The office,
which is held for life, requires years of training and
study as a preparation and its duties are arduous.
The cacique is expected to devote himself to a life of
fasting and prayer. His fasts vary from slight temporary
self-denials to absolute abstinence of four days’ duration

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 103

according to the seriousness of the people’s need. He
is the mouthpiece of the divinities whom he is called
upon by the tribe or by individuals to consult. Because
he is believed to speak by divine authority his influence
is very great. He names his successor and nominates
the civil officers of the village. He is not supposed,
however, to enter into petty quarrels nor to take part
in minor discussions in the council. That he may be
free to devote himself to such a life his wants are

Hopi Prayer Offerings

provided for by his people who supply him with wood
and cultivate a field for his benefit. He has one or two
assistants from whom his successor is chosen.

There are many societies more or less secret, which
have the knowledge of certain prayers, songs, and rites,
which they are expected to use for the public benefit.
The most important is a group of societies which are
especially devoted to ceremonies leading to success
in war. Among the Sia these societies are those of the
Panther, Bear, and Knife. Their leader, the war priest,
ranks next to the cacique in religious importance.
He holds his office for life and nominates his successor.

104 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

His duties include the active control of the more im-
portant religious ceremonies. The hunters in earlier
days were also important since they had the fetishes
and the ceremonies by which game could be taken.
The panther was their patron for he was looked upon
as the most successful hunter. The head priest of the
hunters was also a most important person. Finally,
the many societies (among the Sia, the Snake, Spider,
Ant, ete.) which have the power of healing diseases and
producing rain have one head shaman according to
Bandelier, whose office gives him great power, particu-
larly in the discovery and punishment of witches.

Then there are two societies or classes of priests,
the cuirana, or winter priests, and the koshare, the
summer priests, to use the Keresan terms. The former
by their activities, cause the seeds to germinate, while
the latter bring the crops, and all animal and human
life as well, to maturity. It is the koshare who act
as clowns on all public religious occasions. Each of
these societies has a leader who with the cacique and the
head priest of the warriors, hunters, and healers, con-
stitute a most important sacerdotal group.

All male adults are expected at some time to partici-
pate in the kachina dances. Masks and headdresses are
worn to represent a special class of supernatural beings,
the greater number of whom at least are the souls of
the dead. They are the senders of the rain and there-
fore the bringers of good fortune and happiness. Boys
go through an initiation which consists of a beating and
then one of the dancers unmasks that the child may
see that the gods are not present in person as he has
formerly supposed. The women in theory are never
supposed to know that the masked dancers are not in
reality the gods they appear to be.

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 105

Sia Rain Ceremony. Mrs. Stevenson, who witnessed
several of the ceremonies of the Sia, has given a full
description of the rain ceremony of the snake order.
Prayer sticks notched and colored were prepared for
offering. An altar with a dry painting representing
clouds by terraced semicircles was made. On it were
placed several fetishes and a clan or society emblem
called yaya which is a perfectly kerneled ear of corn
entirely covered with feathers.

The ceremony proper begins with the strewing of a
line of corn meal from the altar to the door over which
as a road the spirits of the gods are supposed to travel
and temporarily enter the fetishes. There is much
singing, dancing, and praying, mostly by individuals
rather than in concert. In a bowl of water to which
ground yucea roots have been added, a suds is made
which represents clouds. Pollen is sprinkled into this
bowl and the foam is scattered over the altar.

By means of songs and prayers the gods who dwell
in six sacred springs are invoked that they may incite
the cloud people to action. Near each of these springs
there is supposed to be a hollow tree through which
the cloud people carry the water up to the clouds.
These clouds are but huge masks behind which the
cloud people climb and from which they sprinkle the
earth. The thunders are also invoked. They are
thought to be beings with tails and wings of obsidian
which clash and make the noise and incite the cloud
beings to greater activity.

When the ceremony is finished the sand painting is
obliterated and the prayer sticks carried to a near-by:
shrine where they are left for the deities. The notches
upon these sticks and the painted designs are supposed
to convey the message, the attached feathers being
given in payment for the favor besought.

106 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Festivals. The public ceremonies of the Rio Grande
pueblos have taken on the names and some elements
of Catholic festivals. They occur on fixed dates which
are also the days sacred to their patron saints. There
are probably always preliminary activities held secretly
in the kivas which are in part rehearsals, during which,

Clowns Climbing Pole. Taos

however, prayers are said and acts of worship performed.
The last day is devoted to a public spectacle largely
attended by visiting Indians, Mexicans, and others.
The ceremony at Taos occurs on September 30th.
The image of the saint is brought from the church and
placed in an elevated booth overlooking the plaza in
which the ceremonies take place. A tall pole erected for

|
“ ——

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 107

the purpose has a great variety of vegetable products,
cooked and in their natural state, fastened to the top
of it, where is also suspended the carcass of a sheep
which has in recent years taken the place of that of a
deer. The forenoon is devoted to races in which young
men from the two large houses compete in relays.
The victory is a community one and not individual.
The winners are pelted with food by the losers. In the
afternoon the clowns appear, men grotesquely dressed
and painted, who act as offensively as possible. They
take the lunch baskets from women and empty them,
tear the clothing from a man, or throw him fully
clad into the stream, and enter any house they choose.
Finally, they approach the pole as if tracking an animal,
attempt to shoot toy arrows tothe top, tug at its base
as if trying to uproot a tree, and at last make attempts
to climb it which succeed for one of their number who
secures the food for his fellows. As a whole the cere-
mony is evidently intended as a consecration of the
harvest and an expression of thanksgiving for it.

ZuNI CEREMONIES

At the head of the Zuii community is a priesthood
presided over by the priest of the north who is foremost
among the Zuni in both religious and political activities.
The priest representing ‘“‘the above” is known as the
pekwin, the deputy of the sun, and the representative
of ‘“‘the below”’ is the head bow priest, corresponding
to the war priest of the Rio Grande villages. These
priests hold office for life. They directly supervise the
ceremonial life of the Zuni and appoint the governor and
lieutenant governor with their deputies who hold office
from year to year. Each head priest has associated
with him assistants who in time may succeed to the

108 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

head priesthood itself. Mainly it is the duty of this
priesthood to fast, to pray, and in other ways to induce
rain, insuring the success of the crops and thereby the
general happiness of the people.

At death they are succeeded by one of the secondary
priests associated with them, usually a relative, brother
or son. Because the office does at times pass to a son
the position does not belong to a definite clan. The
pekwin however is an exception since he is chosen from
the Dogwood clan by the heads of the fraternities.
He is the more active of the priests in the control of the
ceremonies. He determines the calendar by observing
the place of the rising and setting of the sun, and pro-
claims accordingly the time when the ceremonies shall
be held.

The priests of the bow have a representative in each
fraternity, but they together constitute a priesthood
with an elder and younger head priest. These two
are the representatives of the war gods. To be eligible
as a bow priest the candidate must have taken an
enemy’s scalp. These war priests are connected with
the thunder and are therefore directly concerned with
weather control.

Every Zufi man has in his boyhood been initiated
into an order or fraternity, which includes, therefore,
the entire adult male population. At this initiation the
boy has as a sponsor the husband of the woman who
was present at his birth. The boy becomes associated
with the one of the six groups, into which all Zufi men
are divided, to which this sponsor belongs. Each of
these groups is associated with a kiva or assembly room
of a somewhat sacred character. These organized
groups of the Zufi, directed and presided over by the
priesthood, perform the ceremonies and carry on the
religious activities of the village.

tte oe ee

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 109

There are also twelve fraternities concerned chiefly
with the curing of disease. Their membership is re-
cruited by taking in those whom they have treated for
some ailment. Each fraternity has four directing
officers one of whom is a bow priest. These fraternities
assist in the ceremonies, particularly in supplying the
chorus and the leader of the dancers. Members of one

Pr

Deer Dance. Nambe

of the fraternities, the newekwe, perform as clowns in a
manner similar to the koshari or ‘‘delight makers’’ of
the Rio Grande villages. Similar in their activities. to
this fraternity are the koyemshi, but instead of being
life-long members of a fraternity or priesthood they
are chosen annually. Their leader is appointed by the
head rain priest and selects nine others, members of his
own fraternity.

110 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

The Zuni year is well filled with public ceremonies
the main feature of which is a procession of masked
dancers accompanied by a choir of singers and by the

antics of the priest clowns. The most impressive of the.

ceremonies is shalako, which occurs in December.
There are some phases of this ceremony which suggest a
European and Catholic origin, and others indicating
Navajo influence.

Hopi Kachina Dolls

Hort CEREMONIES

Among the Hopi two types of ceremonies are held
at separate seasons of the year. ‘The kachina cere-
monies begin with the winter solstice and terminate in
midsummer when a farewell ceremony called the Niman
kachina is held. Shortly after, the second series is
opened with either the snake dance or the flute cere-
mony and others follow until November when the new
fire ceremony completes them. Kachinas are super-

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 111

natural beings, who during the period when their dances
are held, are believed to visit the Hopi. When this
season is over, they withdraw to their homes in San
Francisco Peaks and elsewhere. They are represented
in the dances by men who are masked and painted to
correspond to the traditional conception of the appear-
ance of each kachina. Small wooden images, carved,

;

i

..
Ss
iw

Snake and Antelope Priests
(Photo by Howard McCormick)

painted, and decorated with feathers are also used to
represent them. These dolls, after the Niman kachina
is held, are given to the children to play with.
Ceremonies in which the kachinas appear are of two
kinds. The full ceremonies, which are the first held,
have in addition to the public performances, several
days devoted to secret rites in the kivas, where altars
are made. The abbreviated kachinas, which come late
in the spring, have only the dances in the plazas. In
these dances, the men who represent the kachinas wear,

112 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

in addition to the masks, embroidered kilts and sashes.
They carry gourd rattles in their hands and have
tortoise shell rattles tied to their knees. They move
forward slowly in a procession, with mincing steps
timed by the rattles or dance in stationary lines fre-
quently reversing the direction by the wheeling about
of the individuals. The priests in charge of the cere-
monies and others sprinkle corn meal on them and pray

oy. y
4

* ‘y e Wd ’

meeSe\n NS F

Snake Priests Dancing with Snake
(Photo by Howard McCormick)

to them as if they were the real kachina beings. These
occasions are enlivened by the pranks of clowns some-
what similar to those of the Rio Grande villages.

The ceremonies of the second series are distinguished
from the kachina ceremonies by the absence of masked
men and clowns. They are generally spoken of as
nine-day ceremonies, although the Hopi themselves

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 113

consider that they last from the day of the formal
announcement until their completion sixteen days after.
All have certain features in common. Altars are made,
prayer sticks are prepared and offered at various shrines,
and there is much praying and singing in the kivas.
During the kiva ceremonies, the participants smoke
in turn, addressing each other with terms of relationship
as the pipe or cigarette is passed. On the last two
days of the ceremony there are usually foot races and
public performances

The Snake Dance ‘The most widely known of these
ceremonies is the snake dance which is held every
second year in all the Hopi pueblos except Hano and
Sichumovi. The dances of Walpi and Hotavila are
those which attract the largest number of visitors.
The ceremony is given jointly by the antelope and snake
fraternities. The former is chiefly concerned with
the rites in the kiva, while the latter, originally a
warrior society, gathers and handles the snakes.

To secure the snakes the snake priests go out in
pairs provided with digging-sticks, with snake whips
of feathers, and with bags of buckskin or canvas. The
first day they go to the north, the second to the west,
the third to the south, and the fourth to the east, for
this is the ceremonial circuit of the Hopi. If a suffi-
ciently large number is not secured during the four
days, snakes are sought in any place and at any time
until enough are found. Those used are chiefly rattle-
snakes, but bull-snakes and others are also employed.
The snakes are usually found by following their trails
in the dust. If a snake is uncoiled a little corn meal
is thrown toward it; it is seized by the neck, stroked
gently, and placed in a bag. Should the snake coil,
a prayer is said and tobacco smoke is blown toward it
until it uncoils. If the trail of the snake leads to a

114 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

hole it is dug out with a digging-stick. The snakes
gathered are confined in pottery vessels in the kiva
until they are wanted for the ceremony.

Both the snake and the antelope priests make altars

in their kivas. The snake altar is made by the Hopi of.

the third mesa on the evening of the first day. The head
priest brings into the kiva two wooden images of great
apparent antiquity. The larger represents Pookong,
the elder of the war god twins; the smaller may be
intended for his brother, or for some other divinity.
Near these are placed small images of the panther,
the fetish of the warriors and hunters. If a candidate
is to be initiated, a sand painting is alsomade. This has
a picture of a panther in the center, a stake on each
of the four sides and a frame of four colored bands.
Although each band extends entirely around the paint-
ing, the outer one which is yellow represents the north;
the second, the green one, the west; the third, red, the
south; and the inner one, which is white, the east.

These are the colors which the Hopi always associate

with the world quarters.

The antelope altar is made in another kiva on the
fifth day of the ceremony. The painting consists of a
number of semicircular cloud terraces, with a similar
border of colored bands. On two sides are rows of
sticks, some of them curved, which represent the de-
ceased members of the order. At the back of the altar
are the fetishes and the tiponi, the society symbol,
kept by the head of the order as a badge of his office.
Around this altar a most important rite is held. One
of the priests and a woman relative of some member
are especially dressed and impersonate antelope man
and antelope maiden. The snake priests enter bring-
ing a snake which the antelope man holds during the
ceremony. The priests smoke, blowing the smoke

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 115

toward the altar; clouds of tobacco smoke are also
blown from a cloud blower; and a priest appointed
for the purpose sprinkles a specially prepared liquid
upward and over the altar. ‘Many prayers are uttered
and eight songs are sung. This ceremony is repeated
each morning after the fifth, throughout the ceremony.
A messenger is sent out each afternoon with prayer
offerings to be placed on the various shrines. The
first day he visits the most distant ones making a
circuit of many miles; on the three remaining days
the distances are decreased. On the afternoon of the
seventh day water is brought by a messenger from a
distant spring. Before the water is taken a prayer
stick is set up and the following prayer is uttered:

Now, then, this here (prayer offerings) I have brought for you.
With this I have come to fetch you. Hence, being arrayed in this,
thus rain on our crops! Then will these corn-stalks be growing up by
that rain; when they mature, we shall be glad over them. Then these
our animals when they eat will also be happy over it. Then all living
things will be in good condition. Therefore do we thus go to the trouble
of assembling. Hence it must be thus. Therefore have pity on us.
Now let us go! We shall all go. There let no one keep any one back.
You all follow me. (Voth, 320.)

In the early morning of the two last days of the
ceremony, two snake priests dressed as warriors pass
four times around each of the kivas and enter them.
They have in their hands bullroarers and lightning
frames. The first are sticks fastened to strings which
when rapidly whirled make a noise like falling rain.
The lightning frames consist of a series of crossed sticks
so joined that they may be quickly projected to a
considerable distance and then rapidly returned.
These warriors and the messenger who has brought
the water the day before, go down on the plain a mile
or two from the village. The messenger first makes
cloud symbols, deposits a prayer stick and utters a

116 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

prayer at four places some distance apart. When
he reaches the fourth place the two warriors advance
toward him, swinging their bullroarers and shooting
out the lightning frames. * When they reach the fourth
place of offering, the runners start toward the village.
The first one passing the messenger is given the netted
gourd containing the water brought from the distant
spring. ‘This he must surrender to any one passing
him so that the winner arrives with it at the village.
As the runners approach the mesa, they are joined on
the eighth morning by antelope priests and on the
ninth morning by snake priests. Boys follow them up
the mesa trails with freshly cut cornstalks. When the
runners have passed, the girls of the village snatch
these corn stalks from the boys and carry them to the
houses to be used as decorations.

About noon of the ninth day an interesting feature
of the ceremony takes place in the snake kiva. A
liquid is prepared in a vessel kept for the purpose and
the snakes are dipped into it and then placed on some
sand to dry in the sun where at that hour it shines
through the hatchway. At Walpi, however, they are
thrown with considerable violence upon the sand paint-
ing of the altar.

Public performances in the plaza take place in the
afternoon of the eighth and ninth days. The antelope
priests first come from their kiva, and go in procession
four times around the plaza. As they pass in front of
a booth which has been provided for the snakes, each
man stamps on a plank which has been placed there to
represent the place of exit from the lower world.
When the fourfold circuit has been completed, they
form in a line at either side of the booth. The snake
priests then come out and make a similar circuit four
times around the plaza and form in a line facing the

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 117

booth and the antelope priests. Each line is led by its
head priest. The antelope priest is also accompanied
by a sprinkler who carries a vessel filled with liquid.

On the eighth day, the lines dance for some time
facing each other and then the sprinkler goes to the
snake booth, takes a small bundle of vines and corn
stalks in his mouth and dances with it as if it were a
snake. He is guarded by a snake priest. But on the
ninth day after the two lines of priests have made the
circuit of the plaza the snake priests go in pairs to the
booth. One of each pair is given a snake which he
holds in his mouth. His companion follows by his
side with a snake whip with which he is prepared to
soothe the snake and attract its attention should there
be need. They move in this way down the plaza for
some yards when the snake is dropped. Each pair of
dancers is followed by a third snake priest who picks up
the snakes as they fall and keeps them.in his hands.
When his hands are full, he passes some of them to the
antelope priests who are still in line. The dancers re-
turn for additional snakes until the entire number, fifty
or more, have been carried in the dance. The head
snake priest then makes a large circle of corn meal and
draws six radii which represent the six world directions.
Into this circle the snakes are thrown in a heap and
the women sprinkle them plentifully with corn meal.
At a given signal the snake priests approach, grab as
many snakes as they can hold in each hand, run down
the trails to the plain, and release the snakes.

In alternate years the flute ceremony is held in the
place of the snake dance. This ceremony is given by
two orders, the blue and drab flute priests. The final
public ceremony takes place at certain springs where
songs and prayers are rendered. The rite is char-
acterized by playing on long flutes. An interesting

118 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

feature of the ceremony is the placing of prayer offer-
ings at the bottom of a deep spring for which purpose
a priest enters it. .

Following the snake and flute ceremonies are other
nine-day ceremonies given by societies of women.
During the public performance of one society, the
Mamzrauti, the women carry in their hands large wood-
en slabs on which kachinas, cloud symbols, and ears of

The Marau Society Dancing the Mamzrauti at Mishongnovi
(Photo by Dr. R. H. Lowie)

corn are painted. Following this is the Ooqol cere-
mony. Alternating with these two ceremonies, the
Lalakonti dance is given. During the public dance of
both the Ooqgol and the Lalakonti ceremonies, darts
are thrown at netted wheels and basket trays are
waved im the hands of the dancers. ‘These trays are
later given to the spectators.

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 119

The last of this series of ceremonies is held in October
or November. All the male fraternities join in its
celebration. The chief feature is the making of a new
fire by means of a firedrill. While this is taking place,
the trails to the village are closed by drawing a line
of corn meal across them.

The greater number of the Hopi ceremonies are for
the purpose of bringing rain, maintaining the water in
the springs, and increasing the yield of the fields. These
ceremonies are given by fraternities of priests whose
members are recruited by taking in those who have been
cured or benefited by the order. A person who has
been bitten by a rattlesnake applies to a member of the
snake fraternity for treatment. It is then proper for
him to be initiated and become a participant in the
ceremonies. The leadership in these orders usually
passes to a brother or to a sister’s son and remains in the
same clan. In Hopi thought these fraternities are
associated with the clan to which the leader belongs.

REwIGIOUS BELIEFS

Of the many religious conceptions entertained by the
pueblo people of the Southwest certain ones seem to
be common to all. It is generally believed that the
ancestors of the present people came up from under-
ground to the surface of the world. The Rio Grande
peoples say the place of emergence is to the north near
the sources of the river by which they live. The Zufi
point to a certain lake in their own neighborhood, the
Hopi conceive the place to be in the canyon of the
Colorado. The souls of the dead return through the
same opening to the underworld in a journey of four
days. These souls of the dead are not confined under-
ground but also visit the mountains and the sky where

120 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

they appear as clouds. The war gods among the Hopi
are dwarfs about whom there are amusing tales, but in
the east, on the Rio Grande and at Zufi, they are
important deities. There is some evidence that they
are thunder gods. Of the objects of nature the sun
seems to hold the first place. Among the Rio Grande
villages, however, a mother who still resides at the place
of emergence holds a high place among the divinities.
That she represents the earth is probable. The winds
and the lightning have a place with the clouds men-
tioned above. The world quarters are also to be included,
but the nature of the concept is vague. Probably
persons are supposed to reside in them but certain ani-
mals are also associated with the world quarters. Pan-
ther is the patron of the hunters, and bear of the healers.
These animal gods and others are represented by images
large and small. There are also the great stone panthers
of Old Cochiti and the numerous images and fetishes
of the Zuni. )

Beside the small animal representations used as
fetishes there are others less definite in form and prob-
ably symbolic in character. There is evidence that all
the villages, except perhaps some of the Tewa ones,
have a fetish for each clan, for each prominent frater-
nity, and for the head priest. They are perhaps the
most sacred objects possessed by the pueblo peoples,
and about them centers much of the social and religious
life. The Zuni fetishes are sections of reeds together
with various sacred objects wrapped in cotton. They
are deposited in a jar which is kept in a room of a house
which is the center and place of gathering for the
particular group. Each Zufii individual at the time of
his initiation into the society of the gods receives an
ear of corn covered with feathers. This is his personal
fetish; it is carried by him on certain ceremonial

THE PUEBLO DWELLERS 121

occasions; and is buried on the river bank at his death.
The Keresans of Laguna and the Hopi have similar
wrapped ears of corn which correspond in use to the
Zuni fetishes of reeds mentioned above. One is owned
by each head of a fraternity and there is one for each
clan which is kept in a house which becomes as a result
the clan center.

We have then in the Southwest a peculiar jumble of
objects which are adored, including natural features,
persons, and animals, with the souls of ancestors occupy-
ing a prominent place.

CHAPTER III
THE VILLAGE DWELLERS
THE PIMA AND PAPAGO

CONSIDERATION so far has been given to those
natives of the Southwest who live or did live in the
community dwellings which are large enough to accom-
modate several or many families.

This very special trait of community building and
dwelling distinguishes these people from others in this
same region. There are people almost equally seden-
tary who are, however, housed in one-family buildings
grouped into fairly permanent villages.

The Pima and Papago as they are now designated
are the most important tribes living in villages of one-
family houses. To the Spaniards the territory was
known as Pimeria and it was divided into Pimeria Alta
and Pimeria Baja. The former was occupied by the
Pima and Arizona Papago and the latter by the Papago
of Sonora. In early Spanish times there were villages
on the San Pedro and Santa Cruz rivers occupied by the
Sobaipuri who, as far as we know, are to be distinguished
from the Pima and Papago only on geographical and
political grounds. If there were differences in language
or culture no record of these differences remains. Mis-
slons were established among them in the latter part of
the seventeenth and the early part of the eighteenth
centuries. One of these was at San Xavier del Bac, a
village which is now occupied by the Papago. The
Sobaipuri were crowded westward by the Apache who
occupied Aravaipa Creek, a tributary of the San Pedro.
It is supposed the Sobaipuri remnants joined the Pima
and were absorbed by them.

122

THE VILLAGE DWELLERS 123

The Pima lived along the Gila River, Arizona, for
some thirty miles above the junction of that stream with
the Salt River. They were in this locality when first
noticed in Spanish writings. This date is difficult to
establish, but there can be little doubt that the first
definite and direct European influence was that exerted
by Father Eusebio Francisco Kino who traveled through
this region between the years 1687 and 1710. The first
description of the Pima is the account of a visit to their
villages on November 21, 1697, by Father Kino, accom-
panied by Juan Mateo Mange, who wrote the official
report of the journey. That European goods and in-
fluence had reached the Pima indirectly before this time
is probable. They were friendly from their very first
meeting with the Spaniards, and manifested the same
amiability toward the Americans who began to pene-
trate their country in the second third of the nineteenth
century. From the discovery of gold in California
until the building of the railroad, their villages were a
stopping place for Americans who followed the southern
route.

The number of their villages in Spanish and Ameri-
can times has varied between five and ten. It is not to
be supposed they would be quite so permanent as the
community structures of the Pueblo Indians. In 1902
Prof. Frank Russell enumerated eighteen villages. The
U.S. census for 1910 gives the number of the Pima as
4,236.

The Maricopa, a Yuman people, are believed to
have joined the Pima early in the nineteenth century.
They had been moving slowly eastward for some years
under the pressure of the Yuma on the Colorado River.
The Maricopa numbered only 386 in 1910. They live
on the Salt River and have become entirely similar
to the Pima except in language and burial customs.

124 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

South of the Gila live the Papago. Their villages
are situated wherever there is arable land that can be
irrigated. They occupy the region south of the Pima
for 150 miles or more extending a considerable distance
into Sonora, Mexico, and westward quite or nearly to
the Gulf of California. The 1910 U. 8. census gives
the number of 3,793 living in Arizona. The figures for
those living in Mexico are not available, but are esti- -
mated at about 700. They are not so sedentary as the
Pima since in many instances a group maintains a
winter village in the mountains where water and forage
are more plentiful for their herds, and a summer village
for the raising of their crops. Ordinarily, the winter
village is the more permanent. -

HousEs

The dwelling house of the Pima has the shape of a
dome or an inverted bowl, considerably flattened. Its
circular ground-plan is on the average about 18 feet in
diameter. Within this circle four posts are set up at the
corners of a rectangle about seven by eight feet. These
posts are forked at the top and in the forks rest beams
on which lighter cross pieces rest. This framework
forms the support for the outer shell which consists of
willow poles set in the ground and drawn in at the top
to form the flattened dome mentioned above. The wil-
low poles are held in place by horizontal pieces tied in
place with willow bark. Over this framework is placed a
thatching of brush and straw and on top of that a layer
of earth 5 to 10 inches deep. There is only one opening,
a low doorway through which one must stoop to enter.
No special opening is provided for the smoke of the fire,
which passes out of the top of the doorway while the
fresh cold air comes in at the bottom. The occupants

THE VILLAGE DWELLERS 125

either recline or sit to avoid the smoke which fills the
domed ceiling.

Situated near the house is usually a flat-topped
shade, a type of structure which is nearly universal in
the Southwest. In summer the cooking is,done outside
and no fire in the house is necessary, but in winter a fire
is Maintained for warmth. The outdoor cooking fire is
provided with a simple windbreak, the simplest and
most essential type of a domicile.

A Pima Dwelling
(Photo by Mary Lois Kissel)

It is said that in former times each village had a
community house similar in structure to the dwellings
but oval in ground-plan, which in some cases was
capable of holding 80 people. No such houses are now
standing among the Pima.

The Papago house differs from that of the Pima
only in the material and perhaps the size. Instead of
cottonwood posts, mesquite is used for the main sup-
ports, and ribs of the giant cactus take the place of
willow poles. The ceremonial lodges of the Papago are

126 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

of the same type as the dwellings but usually larger.
It is to be presumed that they correspond 1 in use to the
oval council houses of the Pima.

The food of the Pima and the Papago in a general
way is similar to that of the pueblo dwellers. They
live in part upon the domesticated animals and plants
and in part upon wild animals and wild vegetable
products. For the Papago at least, the proportion of
wild food is greater than with the pueblo people.
Before Spanish times the cultivated crops were maize,
squash, beans, and cotton. Wheat seems to have been
introduced at an early date, perhaps even before direct
contact with the Spaniards. It is well adapted to
the soil and climate and has become the most im-
portant of the cultivated crops. Considerable quantities
of corn and wheat were furnished to the various expedi-
tions and travelers passing the Pima villages during the
middle of the nineteenth century. A small breed of
fowl was introduced among the Papago and reached
the Pima. Besides they acquired horses, donkeys,
cattle, sheep, and goats. As far as the environment
would permit, they became Europeanized in the matter
of domesticated animals and crops at least a century
ago. Oxen with wooden plows are used in some cases
for plowing, especially among the Papago. Cattle were
never abundant, for until recently it was the custom to
kill and eat all the cattle at the death of the owner.
They continue, however, the primitive methods of cul-
tivating corn. This is done by turning the water of the
rivers, or impounded storm waters, into a ditch by
means of which the crops are irrigated. The weeds
which grow luxuriantly are removed with a knife-
shaped, wooden implement. The water of the Gila has
ordinarily a great deal of silt held in suspension which is
spread over the valley land by the process of irrigation.

THE VILLAGE DWELLERS 127

The farms as a result are not only very fertile but they
are easily worked, since this deposit is very friable.

Besides using the flesh of the domesticated animals,
the Pima and Papago successfully hunted the antelope
and deer which were found scattered generally over their
habitat. Mountain sheep are still found on the moun-
tains of southern Arizona and northwestern Mexico.

Notwithstanding that much of the country is classed
as desert, valuable wild food is secured in large quanti-
ties. The most esteemed seems to be the giant cactus
or sahuara. The native year begins with the sahuara
harvest which is celebrated by one of the important
festivals. The fruit is gathered in the early part of
July. The ripe fruit is dried and pressed into large
cakes consisting of the edible pulp and the small black
seeds. The dried pulp is boiled for a long time and
ground on a metate before it is eaten. The seeds are
separated, ground, and mixed with water to form a
gruel. Food in this form, fine ground corn, wheat, or
seeds, eaten either dry or mixed with water, is known as
pinole in the Southwest. From the fresh sahuara
fruit the extracted juice is boiled and allowed to ferment.
The wine so secured is a main feature of the harvest
festival.

The mesquite furnishes food in considerable quanti-
ties. The pods are edible. When dry they are easily
pulverized, producing a sweet and very agreeable flour.
There are various species of cacti which are used for
food. The barrel cactus when crushed furnishes a large
quantity of liquid which is a good substitute for water.

The desert flora, moreover, is fairly independent of
seasonal rains.

128 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

CLOTHING

One article of the clothing of the Pima and Papago
sets them off from practically all-other Indians within
the confines of the United States. Sandals clearly be-
long to the south. They are worn in South and Central
America and in Mexico. The Pima and Papago wear in
summer a sandal of thick rawhide. The prehistoric
peoples of the Southwest wore sandals of woven leaves
and fiber, as has been noted above, but their use has
been retained by none of the other present-day inhabi-
tants of this region. When going abroad for a consider-
able distance, moccasins are substituted for sandals
which give insufficient protection to the feet in this
thorn beset country. The men until recently wore dur-
ing the greater part of the year only these sandals and a
small breech-cloth of cotton. In cold weather a deerskin
shirt and a cotton blanket or a robe of woven rabbit
skins was added. The women throughout the year wear
a cotton blanket girded around the waist and falling
to the knees. In winter all but the recent widows pull
the folds of these blankets over their shoulders.

BASKETRY AND TEXTILES

A variety of textile processes is employed by the
Pima and Papago. Plaiting, which, as has been men-
tioned above, was employed by the prehistoric peoples,
and is still known to the pueblo peoples, is used in the
manufacture of mats and a certain class of baskets.
This plaiting is diagonal and for mats is done with the
leaves of a reed. The rectangular covered baskets
used to hold trinkets and medicine outfits are made
chiefly by the Papago women who employ agave leaves.
The greater number of the baskets, however, are sewed
on a coiled foundation. In general appearance these

THE VILLAGE DWELLERS 129

baskets are very similar to those made by the Apache
and other neighboring tribes. The coiled foundation
of the Pima and Papago baskets, however, consists of
a bundle of small strands. The Pima formerly used
the leaves of a rush which grew by the Gila River.

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Pima Trays

The Papago, and in recent years the Pima, use the
leaves of a yucca. The sewing material, that which is
visible on the basket, is of willow twigs from which the
bark has been removed and the twig itself split and trim-
med to a convenient size. The Papago now make many

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INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

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Pima Storage Basket

THE VILLAGE DWELLERS 131

baskets for the tourist trade, using for such baskets the
white, bleached leaves of a yucca. Their older baskets,
however, were of willow, as are those of the Pima. This
white material covers the body of the basket and forms
the background for the designs, which are in black or
dark brown. This dark material is derived from the
fruit pods of the martynia or catsclaw.

The designs consist chiefly of narrow stripes which
zigzag and radiate from the bottom of the basket toward
the rim. One noticeable feature of these coiled baskets
is that the beginning is of plaited work while similar
baskets in other parts of the Southwest begin by the
same coiling method which is used in the main portion
of the basket.

The Pima and Papago also make large storage
baskets by a coiling method which does not involve the
use of a second element to hold the coils together.
They are bound together by an interlocking of the twigs
which make up the succeeding coils.

One of the important uses to which baskets are put
throughout western North America is a container for
small objects which are to be transported on the backs
of the women. The Apache have such baskets, which
are usually made by twining, not by coiling. The Pima
and Papago do not make or use burden-baskets, but
have instead a net of twine supported on a frame of
poles called kiaha. The fiber for the twine is secured
from the leaves of the sotol (Dasylirion wheeler’) and
probably also from the narrow leaved yucca. The net is
made by a method of interlocking of stitches, known as
lace coiling. The supporting frame consists of sticks
fashioned from the ribs of the giant cactus. A hoop of
willow holds the mouth of the net open. Twine made of
human hair is used to bind this loop to the projecting
ends of the frame. This carrying net is not only an

£32 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

object well adapted to its use, but is a part of the
woman’s costume and therefore decorated as if it were
a garment. The younger women are more particular
about the ornamental characters of their kiaha than
are the older women.

The headbands and belts of the Pima and Papago
are of the same sort found southward in western Mexico
among the Huichol and among the Hopi and the

TLS

*

&.

Pima Plaited Basket

Navajo to the north. They are woven on a special
loom one end of which is attached to a tree or post and
the other to the waist of the seated weaver. Wool is
used in recent years for the warp of these belts, the
weft being of cotton.

The early Spanish accounts mention the growing of
cotton and the weaving of cloth with which the Pima
clothed themselves. Cotton was raised to some extent

THE VILLAGE DWELLERS 133

until the close of the last century. The spindle had the
form of a simple shaft with a cross piece near one end
to give momentum in whirling. The spinning was
generally done by the women. In structure, the loom
is similar to that still used by the Pueblo and Navajo
Indians. It is interesting to note, however, that the
loom was stretched horizontally near the ground instead
of being suspended vertically as is the case elsewhere.
As far as is known, the products of the looms were
simple in character, suitable pieces for folding about the
body and for use as blankets at night. The older men
did the weaving.

SocIAL ORGANIZATION

It will be recalled that the-pueblo-dwelling peoples
of the Southwest, regardless of speech or locality, have
clearly defined clan groups which are exogamous with
descent in the female line. The Pima and the Papago
have a quite different system. ‘There are five divisions
which run through all the villages of both tribes.
Three of these divisions are grouped and known as the
red ants or red people, and the remaining two as white
ants. To the red group belong the Akol, Apap, and
Apuki; to the white, Maam and Vaaf. This division
of all the people into two groups gives us the moiety
arrangement which is found among some of the Rio
Grande pueblos. Such dual groups are usually promi-
nent in religious ceremonies and in games where one
moiety competes with the other. There is very scanty
information concerning the duties or functions of the
five divisions or of the two groups to which these divi-
sions belong. Descent in the divisions is from father to
son, but we are assured that there are no marriage
restrictions associated with these divisions. It is said

134 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

that members of expeditions going for salt used to paint
their faces to indicate whether they were of the red or
white moiety. That such divisions and groups formerly
had some important relation to the social or religious
life of the people must be assumed.

The families are made up of the parents, their
children, and the wives and children of the sons. This
it will be noticed is the reverse of the custom of the
pueblo people, among whom the married daughter
remains at home. The houses, each of which is occupied
by one of these extended families, are grouped into
villages of considerable size. Each village has a chief
and a council that govern it. The official announce-
ments are made from a housetop by a village crier. The
chief and council also have a regular messenger who
summons the citizens to appear when their attendance
is desired. There is also a village officer who is in charge
of the ceremonies and festivals of the village.

The villages of the Papago are grouped into four
territorial districts to each of which a name is assigned.
The Pima appear to have two geographical groups: the
Pima of the Gila, and the Kohatk. The chiefs of the
various Pima villages elect a chief of the entire tribe who
holds office for life or until he is disabled. In an election
the son of a former chief seems to be given special con-
sideration. The duties of the head chief appear to be
vague but his influence may be great without his pow-
ers being defined.

Leadership in war seems to have devolved upon any
individual who commanded sufficient confidence to
recruit a band to follow him, but the leadership was
only for the one expedition. Wars were waged against
the Apache and the Yuma. The Pima acted against
the Apache as a tribe rather than by villages.

THE VILLAGE DWELLERS 135

(JAMES

The Pima and Papago play games similar to those
of the other Southwestern people. There are two dice
games. The one played by men employs four stones
and that of the women eight. The points of the men’s
game are tallied by moving a counter about a large
rectangle of stones on the ground. The Apache use a
much smaller and circular space.

The guessing game is played with four reeds in one
of which a bean or ball of gum is hidden. Count is
kept by means of kernels of corn, one hundred being
used. This is the game usually called moccasin game.
It is also played by the Navajo and Apache who employ
piles of dirt or a row of small holes dug in the ground.

The women play a shinny game using two connect-
ed balls which must not be touched with the hands.
The purpose of the game is to carry and throw this ball
over the opponent’s goal line by the use of a willow
stick.

There are several games of shooting with the bow
and arrow intended probably to develop skill. They
are for the most part confined to boys.

The races, which the pueblo dwellers make a part
of their religious ceremonies, the Pima and Papago
maintain with a less evident ceremonial connection.
They have both the long distance race in which a
ball is kicked for miles, and the relay race in which two
large groups of racers representing opposing villages or
large communities compete. The relay race may be
won by speed or, if the speed is nearly equal, by the
superior endurance of the combined contestants on one
side.

136 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

RELIGION

When the religious activities and the ceremonial
objects of the Pima and Papago are considered they
are found to be much less complicated and impressive
than are those of the pueblo peoples. It seems that
each village has a ceremonial house, which is of the
same general structure as the dwellings. The cere-
monial house is usually larger and its name is “‘large
house.”’ The house is under the care of a man called
the Keeper of the Smoke, the reference being to tobacco
smoking, not to a house fire. It is not clear from the
accounts, but it is to be inferred, that this man is the
priestly head of the village.

There are two classes of priests, fairly distinct from
each other. The Siatcokam deal with sickness and the
Makai with weather and the growth of crops and with
warfare. The healing priests are made up of both men
and women who are selected by inheritance. The
Makai are generally men who are believed to be pos-
sessed of supernatural power which enables them to
perform magical acts. The production of rain is accom-
plished mainly by sympathetic magic the nature of
which is concealed from the observers. The spectators
will be apparently sprinkled by means of dry feathers,
the reeds containing the water being concealed. ‘The
novices who wish to become priests of this sort undergo
a training lasting from two to four years, during which
time certain restrictions are observed.

At the time of the harvest festival of the Papago
certain men wear masks and are the singers of the cere-
mony. They are called Uipinyim and are in a certain
sense priests. Not only are the orders of priests fewer
than among the Zuni and Hopi, but there the formal
organization into priesthoods seems to be lacking.

ie» sip ised 2h ie

THE VILLAGE DWELLERS 137

The pueblo peoples spend much time in performing
a great number and variety of ceremonies. The Papago,
as far as we are informed, have only three important
ceremonies. In mid-spring a ceremony is held to pro-
cure good crops of giant cactus fruit during the coming
season. In July, when the giant cactus fruit is ripe,
a festival of wine drinking is held. If the crops are
bountiful a harvest festival is sometimes celebrated
in the Santa Rosa Valley, Arizona.

This ceremony, called Vigita, is the joint perform-
ance of the five villages of the valley. The exact date is
fixed at the meeting of a council held at one of the
villages. Preparations are immediately begun for the
festival. On the eve of the tenth day before the main
celebration a large bundle of feathered sticks which have
been made for the occasion is placed in the center of the
feast ground. The men gather around this bundle and
listen to two formulated speeches which recite the
origin and previous celebrations of the Vigita. Ten
tally sticks are stuck in the ground, one of which is
pulled up and carried away each evening, so that the
number of days may be accurately kept. The next
night messengers are sent to the various villages to
announce the date of the festival. Songs are composed
and practised for the coming celebration. Each village
has eight chief singers, each one of whom composes a
song. These are taught to the other singers of that
village and to those constituting the village chorus who
are not composers of songs. The masks of the singers
are made of gourds which are painted in colors with de-
signs representing lightning, clouds, and grains of corn.
A second set of performers have large masks of cloth
to which tin disks and turkey feathers are fastened.
There are designs on the masks representing clouds.
They carry crude bows and arrows and long poles with

138 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

which the fruit of the giant cactus is knocked down.
The men themselves are said to represent the giant
cactus. They are called clowns and appear as such,
but since they are also the attendants of the singers and
the head men it is proper to assume that, as is the
case among the pueblo people, the duties of these
apparent clowns are of considerable importance.

The main celebration occupies one day and takes
place in an enclosure about 30 feet square made of
wattling. In the center of the enclosure is a forked post
on which is placed a basket of corn meal. To the east
of the post is a flat cotton emblem of the sun and to the
west a similar one of the moon. The enclosure is sub-
divided so that each village has its own plot wherein
sacred objects are placed and where the singers for the
particular village gather. Near each of these enclosures
miniature fields are made of sand representing the
arroyo which contributes the water, the irrigation
ditches, and the fields themselves. These are cared for
by the clowns.

The day of the festival all those in attendance are
sprinkled with corn meal to keep away sickness. Each
adult takes a feathered stick, puts corn meal on it, and
brushes himself as a cleansing rite. The men of the
respective villages, each for himself, have made of twigs
a representation of some food products, clouds, game
animals, and cotton. At noon these are carried to the
village plot within the enclosure. As they move toward
the spot builroarers are swung, representing the sound
of rain.

During the afternoon songs are sung. When dark-
ness has fallen well-informed old men dressed as clowns.
deliver set speeches. After the speechmaking each
village in order sings the songs which have been prac-
tised during the period of preparation. Two of the

THE VILLAGE DWELLERS 139

singers from each village, wearing special masks, repre-
sent the corn. The singing occupies the night. Just
before dawn all the singers remove their clothing and
paint their bodies with spots to represent the multi-
colored corn. Just as the sun rises two men, one bearing
the symbol of the sun and the other the symbol of the
moon, pass out through the opening of the enclosure,
toward the east. Here they are met by two pairs of
boys and girls representing the children who were once
sacrificed. Old men scrape notched sticks with a
shoulder-blade and sing while the children dance.

During the day the ceremonial objects which have
been prepared as mentioned above are paraded. The
singers continue their songs and the clowns imitate
shamans performing magic, and impersonate men
drunk with giant cactus wine. Toward night when all
the objects have been shown, each village sings four
songs, different from those previously sung, and the
festival is over.

There were ceremonial activities connected with
hunting and warfare. We have the statement that the
Pima, after killing an enemy, observed so many restric-
tions and for so long a time that their usefulness as
scouts wasimpaired. The salt expeditions to the Gulf of
California are conducted according to the pattern of war
expeditions with offerings and ceremonial restrictions.

There are numerous shrines in the country of the
Pima and Papago; some of them on mountain tops and
others incaves. The offerings deposited at these shrines
differed; at some of them twigs were placed and at
others arrows.

As is the case with the pueblo dwellers, the religious
ceremonies, the means employed with the hope of in-
fluencing events, consist of songs and of objects and
activities of a magical character.

140 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

The beliefs of the Pima and Papago in regard to the
supernatural fall rather naturally into those concerning
the more striking manifestations of nature such as
lightning, thunder, the sun and moon, wind, and rain
on the one hand; and the conception of superhuman
personalities such as Earth Magician, who was the
Creator, and Elder Brother, who appeared later on the
scene but ultimately superseded Earth Magician and
became the Culture Hero.

The Creator, or Earth Magician, alone, was floating
on darkness until he rubbed cuticle from his body
which, by the aid of the white ants he had created,
became the earth. Later there was a flood from the
effects of which the main personages were saved. Elder
Brother killed a monster eagle which was preying upon
humanity. Earth Magician on leaving this upper world
shed certain impurities from his body which are respon-
sible for sickness and other human ills.

The Pima and Papago during the ceremonies repeat
portions of these myths and sing songs of the super-
natural persons and animals both ancient and modern.
The religious beliefs and practices of the Pima and
Papago are closely similar to those of the pueblo
dwellers, but are less elaborate and spectacular.

CHAPTER IV
THE CAMP DWELLERS

THE camp dwellers may fairly be called nomadic.
Their houses are inexpensive in regard to the material
and labor involved in constructing them and for that
reason are readily deserted and replaced by others in
another situation. They depend comparatively little
upon agriculture and therefore are not permanently
bound to the locality of their fields and storerooms.
The securing of their wild food, both animal and vege-
table, requires considerable traveling about.

DISTRIBUTION

These people belonged to two linguistic stocks: the
Athapascan, consisting of the Navajo and several
Apache tribes; and the Yuman, which includes the
Walapai and Yavapai.

Athapascan. The Athapascan tribes in the eastern
portion of the territory speak languages related to
the Dene of the north, in the Mackenzie and Yukon
valleys, and to the various scattered bands in western
Oregon and northwestern California. The name
Apache was widely applied by both the Spanish and the
Americans who succeeded them and was used for several
distinct tribes.

In the northeast are the Jicarilla Apache, who are
again divided into two bands. One of these, the Llanero,
lived on the headwaters of the Canadian River and in
the mountains between that stream and the Rio
Grande. The Ollero lived west of the Rio Grande,
especially along the Chama River.

141

142 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

In the mountains between the Rio Pecos and the Rio
Grande, south of White Mountain, were the Mescalero
Apache. They consisted of many bands, each of
which claimed a rather definite locality as its home.
The territory occupied by them extended southward to
the mouth of the Pecos but the bands in the lower
part of this region were less closely allied to the Mesca-
lero proper in political feeling and there was a slight
difference in dialect. West of the Rio Grande in the
valley of the Mimbres was an Apache tribe now nearly
extinct. They formerly were called the Mimbrefios
but are better known by the name of their great war
leader, Victorio. When he was defeated a part of this
band joined the Mescalero and others united with the
tribes west of them. The Apache living on the head-
waters of the Gila River and southward are known as
the Chiricahua. This tribe really consisted of four
almost independent bands, each with a chief. These
are the Indians who have made the name of Apache so
widely known. ‘They had robbed the Mexican settle-
ments for many years before the American occupation.
When later they were deprived of their native lands
and placed on a reservation, they fled to Mexico where
they lived by plundering on either side of the interna-
tional boundary line. Their most noted chiefs were
Mangas Coloradas, Whoa, Cochise, and Geronimo. The
last named with the larger part of his band surrendered
to General Miles in 1886. They were taken with their
families as prisoners of war to Florida. After less than
a year they were removed to Alabama and finally were
given a place on a reservation at Fort Sill, Oklahoma.

The name San Carlos has been applied to the Apache
bands gathered on a reservation of that name. They
formerly lived on the San Carlos River, on the Gila
River near the mouth of San Carlos, on Arivaipa

THE CAMP DWELLERS 143

Creek which flows into the San Pedro, a southern
tributary of the Gila, and about certain springs north
and west of the town of Globe, Arizona.

On White River and other upper tributaries of
the Salt River, were a number of bands of Apache
quite similar in all respects to those last mentioned.
These have often been called the Coyotero because
they were looked upon as wild, but are now generally
spoken of as the White Mountain Apache.

The Salt River receives a considerable tributary
from the north called Tonto Creek. Near the head of
this stream there is a large valley known as Tonto Basin.
A tribe so well isolated from other Apache that a dia-
lectic difference in language was developed occupied
this valley. They were closely associated with the
Yavapai who are Yuman in their speech. These two
peoples were placed on the San Carlos Reservation
in 1875 where they remained until 1905.

The Navajo, called by the Spanish ‘“‘ Apaches de
Navajo,” occupy nearly all the region between the
San Juan and the Little Colorado rivers and roam far
outside of that territory in all directions. In language
they are not very different from the Western Apache,
but in culture they are fairly distinct, being mainly a
pastoral people. Just prior to the American occupation,
they were almost constantly raiding the Mexican settle-
ments of New Mexico. They killed their first Indian
agent and resisted American control. A large number
of the tribe were taken prisoners and removed in 1864
to Fort Sumner on the Pecos River where they were
confined for four years.

Yuman. The western portion of Arizona and the
lower Colorado River valley are occupied by tribes
speaking Yuman languages. The Maricopa, a Yuman-
speaking people, are mentioned above as living with

“=

144 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

the Pima. They are believed to have left the lower
Colorado not many generations ago. North of the
Maricopa, along the Rio Verde and eastward toward
the Tonto Basin, are the Yavapai, often called the
Mohave-Apache. They have acquired the latter name
because of their close association with the Apache, to
whom their relation is analogous to that existing
between the Maricopa and the Pima. In Cataract
Canyon, a branch of the Grand Canyon, live the Hava-
supal during the summer. They are in friendly rela-
tions with the Hopi and in trading relations with the
Navajo. To the west of the Havasupai on the plateau
south of the Colorado River and north of Bill Williams
Creek are the Walapai.

Between the Rio Verde and the Colorado, west of
the country of the Yavapai, formerly lived a tribe
popularly called Yuma Apache, for whom the name
Tulkepaia is also known. They were placed on the San
Carlos Reservation in 1875, and seem to have become
merged with the Yavapai with whom they had a com-
mon language.

SHELTERS

These nomadic tribes do not show a great degree of
uniformity either in their material culture or in their
religion. We shall find their houses, their methods of
securing food, and their social habits changing as we
pass from tribe to tribe.

Both of the eastern bands of the Apache, the Jicarilla
and the Mescalero, live in skin or cloth-covered tipis
which differ in no important respect from those used by
the Plains Indians. The Mescalero sometimes make
brush shelters as well, and perhaps always made a prac-
tice of using them when they were in the mountains.

THE CAMP DWELLERS 145

When on the treeless plains nothing was so desirable
as an easily portable dwelling of skins or canvas.

All of the Apache west of the Rio Grande made
houses which had frames of poles, covered with a thatch
of weeds or grass. The prevailing type among the
San Carlos Apache is dome-shaped. When the house
is small, the frame is made by setting poles a few inches

San Carlos Apache Women Building a House

in the ground in a circle, bending their tops over, and
lashing them together. These poles are held in the
proper curves by horizontal ones lashed to them.
When a larger house is needed, poles are first placed
forming a series of arches which overlap each other
and together complete a circle except for the doorway.
These arches support the main ribs running from the
ground to the apex. The thatch, which is usually

146 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

bear grass, is applied in regular, overlapping courses
and is bound in place with strips of yucca leaves. The
White Mountain Apache houses frequently have two
long sloping sides meeting in a line above, like an
ordinary gable roof. In recent years, corn stalks and
the limbs of trees are frequently used for thatching
with the additional protection of a strip of canvas.

White Mountain Apache House

The Tonto Apache and the Yuma peoples build
houses with a somewhat conical shape. The houses of
the Havasupai have four important posts coming to a
peak which furnish the foundation. Other smaller
poles are leaned between these on which a thatch is
applied. Earth is piled around the bottom and in winter
nearly to the top in order to shed the rain. The door-
way in winter faces the sunrise at that season, a little
south of west. The houses of the Walapai are said to
be less substantial than those of the Havasupai.

THE CAMP DWELLERS 147

The Navajo live in winter in earth-covered lodges.
The house has for its chief support three large logs with
forked tops. These are locked together by placing
the fork of one in the fork of a second, and thrusting
the fork of the third between them. Other logs and
small poles are laid on these until a conical house is
enclosed. Brush is placed in the larger cracks and

Navajo House

earth is piled on to a depth of several inches. Such
a house leaks only after a long, hard rain. A doorway
is made on the east side and between the doorway and
the apex a large hole is left to admit light and air
and through which the smoke may escape. Six-sided
houses are also built of logs placed horizontally. By
drawing them in gradually after the walls have been
carried to a proper height, the roof is formed. A
smoke hole is left at the apex. During the summer the
Navajo generally camp with only a shelter of brush or a
stone wall to protect them from the prevailing winds.

148 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Foop SuPPLY

The nomadic tribes had a large territory at their dis-
posal. There were fertile and fairly well-watered river
valleys where corn and beans could be raised, and vast
tracts of upland covered, if sparsely, with a varied
vegetation. Judging from the number of cattle and
sheep which that region now supports, before their
introduction there must have been sufficient food for
many deer, antelope, and elk. A few days’ travel east
from the Rio Grande were the buffalo plains with a
supply of meat limited only by the means of trans-
porting it.

Corn was planted by all the tribes; but the Eastern
Apache, the Jicarilla and Mescalero, depended but
little upon agriculture. That the Navajo formerly
had large fields was stated by Benavides, who gave that
fact as the explanation of their name. The methods
employed seem not to differ particularly from those
of the village Indians. The corn is planted in irreg-
ularly spaced bunches, rather than in rows. The
Navajo cornfields are in the moist valleys. ‘The White
Mountain Apache plant their fields in river beds wher-
ever the streams have left a fertile flat. Sometimes the
water is turned on these by diverting it into simple
ditches with a log placed in the edge of the stream.

The Havasupai, being located in Cataract Canyon,
have exceptional opportunities for agriculture. The
canyon walls broaden out, making a valley nearly
two and a half miles long. Over this valley the water
of the creek is conducted by means of ditches in the
sand and slight dams across the stream. The light soil
and sudden rises in the stream level make it necessary
frequently to renew both ditches and dams. To the
fertile soil and a plentiful water supply is added summer
heat, since the valley is a half mile lower than the

THE CAMP DWELLERS 149

surrounding plateau. Peaches and figs are now raised,
besides the native crops, maize, beans, and squash.
When the crops have been harvested, they are dried and
stored in caves and small storage rooms.

The country of the Walapai is unsuited to agricul-
ture. There are only scattered spots with sufficient
moisture to permit the raising of crops.

Apache Woman Gathering Mescal

The nomadic people make extensive use of the wild
vegetable products. The pifion produces large crops
of nuts which the woodrats gather. It is only necessary
to rob their nests to secure an abundant supply. The
mesquite grows in most localities and furnishes edible
pods when they are green and later bean-like seeds
which are pounded into flour. The amole, Yucca

150 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

baccata, has a banana-shaped fruit which is cooked in
the ashes, and may then be dried for later use. The
agave, a century plant, furnishes a large bulk of nutri-
tious food. The plants are watched until signs of the
flowering stalk appear when they are seven or eight
years old. The entire plant is severed near the base by
means of chisel-shaped stick which is hammered with
a stone. The plant is then turned top down and
trimmed with a broad knife of native manufacture.
A leaf or two is left for a handle by which the stumps
are carried to a large deep pit used year after year.

Mescal Knife. San Carlos Apache

This pit is thoroughly heated and filled with stumps.
A covering of earth is thrown over them and a fire
maintained on top for a day or more. The cooked
material is dried in the sun and packed in bales for
transportation to the camp. This food, while coarse,
is not unpalatable.

There are many species of cacti, most of which have
edible fruit. The giant cactus, which grows on the
lower elevations, because of its great size yields abun-
dantly. The fruit is pressed into large balls which keep
indefinitely. These contain many black seeds which
are separated by soaking and ground for flour. There

THE CAMP DWELLERS 151

are many berries, seeds of grasses and sunflowers, nuts,
and bulbs, which add considerably to the required
food supply.

The Eastern Apache made regular trips to the
buffalo plains, at the time of the year when the buffalo
were driven south by the cold. They killed a large
number, dried the meat, and packed it in bags, or
parfleches, made of the hides of the animals killed.
These were tied on the backs of horses for transportation.

Men went out singly to hunt deer and antelope
wearing a headdress with the horns of the animals that
they might approach them more readily. ‘There were
communal hunts for elk particularly. The leader of
the hunt placed the men at the points that commanded
the passageways and trails, and the animals were
driven toward them. Corrals were also used into
which the antelope were driven.

The Athapascan tribes never eat fish or waterfowl.
The taboo is explained by the Indians as due to a fear of
water which is connected with the thunder.

The Havasupai move to the plateau above their
canyon after their harvest and spend the fall and winter
in gathering wild foods and in hunting deer, mountain-
sheep, and formerly antelope. They are thus furnished
with a plentiful supply of flesh to be eaten with their
corn. The surplus skins are dressed and traded to other
tribes.

For some years before and after the American
occupation of the region, the Western Apache and the
Navajo lived to a large extent on the cattle, sheep,
horses, mules, and burros they were able to drive off
from the settlements.

Both tribes seem to have undertaken the breeding
of horses a long time ago. The Apache have attempted
cattle raising only recently. Their burial customs

152 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

formerly required the destruction of all personal
property at the death of the owner, and that his herds
be slaughtered. Recently the Apache herds have
increased and go far toward supplying the necessary
flesh diet. The Navajo, apparently without foreign
instruction, began the rearing of sheep a century or more
ago. Sheep raising has become an important industry
and has worked great changes in their culture. It has
largely superseded hunting and, to a considerable ex-
tent, agriculture.

CLOTHING

The Jicarilla Apache wore buckskin clothing similar
to that of the Plains. The Mescalero and the Western
Apache women had dresses in two parts. The upper
garment had an opening for the head and two large
square portions which fell in front and behind to the
hips. A skirt reached from the waist to the knees and
was generously provided with fringes of buckskin.
Less is known of the men’s clothing. It seems to have
been scanty, except on festive occasions and in winter.
A shirt and leggings were probably worn, with a robe
of skins for winter.

The Navajo men sometimes wore shirts and trousers
with full length legs of buckskin. These were variously
colored by dyeing, usually green or red. When cloth
became more easily procurable, white cotton trousers
with the lower part of the legs slit on the outer side
were adopted. The upper garment was preferably of
velveteen and answered the purpose of both shirt and
blouse. A handkerchief or colored strip of cloth is worn
about the head to confine the hair. The moccasins,
which are colored brown, come up around the ankle
where they are fastened by a silver button. The robe,

THE CAMP DWELLERS 153

Mesealero Girl in Native Costume

until recently, was the woolen blanket manufactured
by the Navajo women, of the type now generally called
a ‘‘chief.”’

The women wore a dress consisting of two rec-
tangular pieces of woolen goods sewed up the sides and
part away across one end, openings being left for the
neck and arms. The decorations of these dresses were
of a peculiar sort, restricted to the two ends and sym-

INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

154

Man

Navajo
(Photo by Howard McCormick)

;

THE CAMP DWELLERS 155

metrically arranged. Knitted leggings of black wool
were worn and buckskin moccasins over these.

Both men and women wear much silver jewelry of
native manufacture. Necklaces and belts are the
most elaborate, but the bracelets and the finger rings
set with turquoise are attractively made.

INDUSTRIAL ARTS

Pottery. All these people appear originally to have
made unpainted pottery. The Jicarilla Apache and the
Navajo still make what is required for household
purposes. The Jicarilla in former days were rather
noted for the excellent cooking pots which they made.
Their ware was seldom painted, the decoration con-
sisting of ridges or series of points modeled in low relief
usually near the top. The vessels are molded in a
similar manner to that employed by the pueblo peoples,
but they are fired with pine bark which gives them a
lusterless black surface. As the pots cool they are
coated with pifon gum which is said to prevent their
breaking.

The Navajo make vessels similar in appearance.
They are usually cylindrical in shape and with buck-
skin stretched over them are used for drums in
ceremonies.

Basketry. It is in basketry that the mechanical and
artistic skill of the nomadic peoples is best displayed.
The baskets of both the Jicarilla and the Mescalero are
quite different from those made by the Western Apache,
the Yavapai, and the Pima. The Jicarilla baskets are
of the coiled or sewed sort. The foundation is of three,
or sometimes five, twigs of sumac or willow. The
sewing material is made from similar twigs by splitting
them into three parts and separating the sap wood from
the heart. The sap portion, which is the part that is

156 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

used, is trimmed to the proper size, and that required for
designs is dyed. The old dyes were made from the root
bark of the mountain mahogany, which gives red,
and the root of the barberry,
which gives yellow. At the
present time aniline dyes are
used and the colors are
gaudy and varied.

The patterns are geomet-
rical: triangles, rectangles,
and bands. The names of
these designs indicate that
they represent certain nat-
ural objects such as moun-
tains, houses, plots of ground,
trails, and gates. It is seldom, however, that they are
combined in such a way as to make a connected com-
position. The Jicarilla at the present time make almost
no use of baskets except for water jars. These are made
of close coiling in the shape of a jug. The inside is
coated with pifion pitch which
has had its consistency re-
duced by boiling. This ren-
ders the vessel water-tight
and also provides. an easily
cleaned surface. The outside
is kept white by frequent
applications of white earth.
Two loops of leather or hair
are made on one side through

San Carlos Apache Tray which the carrying strap
passes.

The Mescalero also make coiled baskets, but since
they use two rods placed one above the other in each
coil of the foundation, the baskets have wide thin

Jicarilla Tray

THE CAMP DWELLERS 157

coils. Above the rods are placed two or more strips of
leaves to serve as a welt. The material used for sewing
is chiefly obtained by splitting the leaves of the narrow-
leaved yucca. These are used green, partly bleached to
a yellow, or entirely bleached to white. A red material

Mescalero Unfinished Basket

is obtained from the root of the yucca. These decorated
baskets are made principally for sale, although they are
used to some extent for storage. The water jars are
similar in shape to those made by the Jicarilla, but
they are frequently pitched on the outside as well as

158 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

inside. Burden or carrying baskets are still in common
use. They are made by varied processes of twining
which produce decorative effects. The material most
desired is mulberry, the twigs of which are exceedingly
durable. In most cases the women do not assign such
names to the designs as would lead one to think the
patterns are intended to be symbolic. One old woman,

Jicarilla Water Basket and San Carlos Apache Burden and Storage
Baskets

however, pointed out on a very crude basket the milky
way, morning star, and a rainbow. These particular
things are considered very sacred; and in spite of the
denials of many of the women it is probable that Mesca-
lero baskets do often have symbols on them which are
expected to benefit the users of the basket.

The Arizona Apache and Yavapai make baskets
in black and white almost exclusively. The baskets are
made on a three-rod, coiled foundation, either of aroma-

THE CAMP DWELLERS 159

tie sumac or willow. The warp or sewing material
is of sumac, willow, or cottonwood, and is prepared as
has been described above. No dyes are employed;
but for black, the outer portion of the dried pods of the
martynia, sometimes called devil’s claw, is used. The
patterns are continuous, radiating from the center in
zigzags or in bands encircling the basket. The designs
are often geometrical and apparently are not symbolic.
There are many baskets with zigzag lines which usually
have names referring to the lightning. It is probable
that considerable feeling and importance attach to
such designs. The Yavapai perhaps produce the more
beautiful baskets, frequently depicting men and animals
conventionalized to meet the requirements of basket
work. Carrying baskets of the Western Apache are
twined and are made of the same materials emploved
by the Mescalero. In twining, two rods of the founda-
tion are enclosed each time between the twists o7 the
twining strands. Strips and fringes of buckskin are
used on these baskets for further ornamentation. They
generally make their water jars by twining. They give
them a coat of red ochre and finely pounded juniper
leaves before the pinon pitch is applied. This pitch is
first reduced in consistency by boiling, which requires
great care to prevent the distilling vapor from taking
fire. The pitch is applied to both the interior and the
outer surface of the vessels. :

The baskets of the Havasupai and Walapai are
similar, but are less skillfully made and not so finely
ornamented.

Weaving. It is not known that any of the camp-
dwelling peoples raised cotton or manufactured cloth
by weaving before the coming of the Spanish.

That sheep were introduced into the Southwest in
the seventeenth century we know, for certain of the Rio

160 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Grande villages are credited with flocks of sheep at
the time of the rebellion in 1680. The Navajo were
the only people to undertake the raising of sheep on
a considerable scale and to turn to a pastoral life.
When blankets are to be made from the wool, it
is sorted, spread out on a sloping stone, and then washed

Navajo Woman Spinning

by pouring hot water containing an extract of the yucca
root over it. The carding is done with a pair of ordi-
nary European hand cards and there is no evidence of
a more primitive means ever having been employed.

THE CAMP DWELLERS 161

Navajo Woman Beating Down the Woof with a Batten Stick

The spindle, however, is the same as that found in cliff
ruins. It consists of a small stick at the base of which
is a wooden disk to give momentum and facilitate the
winding of the yarn.

The loom is a simple frame in which the warp is
placed vertically. The weaving is done beginning
at the bottom, the blanket being lowered as the work
progresses. No shuttle is used, the yarn being inserted
with the fingers or by the aid of a small stick. The

162 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

woof is forced down by pressure with a fork or by the
blow of a batten stick. The weaving is peculiar in that
the woof strands of a particular color are not carried
entirely across the blanket, but only as far as that color
is required for the design. They are then dropped and
another color is taken up.

In plain weaving the warp is divided into two
divisions or sheds by attaching alternate threads by
means of loops of yarn to two small sticks. The sheds

Navajo Belt Loom

or sets of warp strands are separated by pushing down
a small rod and twisting the batten stick, and are
crossed by pulling up on the stick to which the
loops are attached.

Diagonal weaving is done by making four instead of
two sheds. By this means paired strands of the warp
can be lifted and a raised pattern is made with a slope
to one side or the other. By still other groupings
of the warp, diamonds are produced. This style of
weaving is used particularly in saddle blankets.

Sashes are woven on a similar loom which, since it is
small, is stretched on a forked stick or by fastening one

THE CAMP' DWELLERS 163

end to a tree and the other to the waist of the weaver.
The patterns are brought out by causing the warp
instead of the woof to appear in the desired places.
The colors employed are the natural white and
brown of the well-washed wool, a gray which results
from the mingling of these, and various native and com-
mercial dyes. Black they produce by combining a
concoction of sumac (Rhus aromatica), roasted ochre,

RR Te
)

Navajo Chief Blanket

and pion gum. Dull red was obtained by placing the
yarn in a liquid made by boiling the bark of alder and
mountain mahogany in water. Lemon yellow was
secured by the use of the yellow flowers of the shrubby
Bigelovia graveolens and a native alum. Old gold re-
sulted from rubbing into the wool a paste made of sorrel
roots and crude alum ground together. In rather early
days indigo for blue was obtained from the Mexicans and

164 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Navajo Blanket. Sage Collection

a a ee ee a eee

THE CAMP DWELLERS 165

displaced an earlier native blue. A bright scarlet and a
rose color were obtained in the early history of blanket-
making by cutting or raveling woolen cloth obtained
from Europeans. Blankets containing such material
are called ‘‘bayeta’”’ from the Spanish name of flannel
used in the soldiers’ uniforms. There were a few years
during which the Navajo frequently bought yarn ready
spun and dyed from the traders. These blankets are
usually called Germantowns.

Some of the earliest examples of Navajo weaving
have horizontal stripes running across the web. The so-
called chiefs in addition to these stripes have a diamond
in the center and fractions of one at the corners and the

_middle of each side. Others also called chiefs and woven

to serve as robes for wearing, have three parallelograms
running through the middle and at either end. If these
blankets are folded the halves and quarters are identical
in decoration. When designs are introduced which do
not run entirely across the web the colored yarns are
dropped at the margins of the design and other colors
taken up. This is tapestry weaving difficult to imitate
by machinery.

The more common designs are squares, parallelo-
grams, diamonds, and triangles. Diamonds are often
formed by intersecting diagonal lines which run across
the blanket, half diamonds resulting at the sides. The
outlines of the figures in many cases are broken with
right angles, that is, made to consist of a series of steps.
These designs have Navajo names descriptive of them,
such as ‘‘sling”’ for the elongated diamond, ‘‘three
points” for the triangle. The ordinary diamond is
called “‘ star large,’’ by which the morning star is meant.
This and the zigzag line representing lightning and
triangular masses called clouds have more or less
religious connotation and may be symbolic in their
intention.

166 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

It is proper to suppose that the Navajo, who formerly
did not weave, learned the art from their Pueblo neigh-
bors who are known to have practised it in prehistoric
times. They seem to have taken over the loom and the
general methods of preparing the yarn and weaving it.
The practice of making designs in colors which do not
cross the entire width of the blanket seems to have
originated with the Navajo. The method employed by
the Navajo of making the design while the weaving is
in progress is similar to that with which they were
familiar in basket making.

Stlverwork. The art of metal working is certainly
an introduced one in the Southwest. It is practised
by many tribes in North America, usually with the
softer metals like German silver. The Navajo, how-
ever, use Mexican silver coins and have become very
expert. Most of the work is done by pounding the
material on a small anvil with an ordinary steel hammer.
A small forge with bellows is used to soften the metal
and to melt it when it is necessary to make casts in
molds. The hammered pieces are decorated by stamp-
ing designs on them with steel dies which are prepared
by the Navajo themselves.

The products are finger rings set with turquoise
matrix, bracelets, large oval disks for leather belts, and
neck ornaments. These neck ornaments are usually a
string of hollow spherical beads and a pendant con-
sisting of two joined crescents. Between the beads
are often placed conventionalized squash blossoms.

Beadwork. The Eastern Apache do much work with
glass beads. These are either sewed to articles of leather
and buckskin, such as purses, tobacco bags, awl cases,
belts, and moccasins; or they are woven in a belt loom
having a warp and woof of cotton thread. The beads
are strung on the woof by means of two needles which

THE CAMP DWELLERS 167

pass a double thread through the beads and on either
side of the warp threads. The designs are mostly geo-
metrical, similar to those found in basket work, but
realistic ones are found in which circular saws, bows and
arrows, and butterflies are represented.

The Eastern Apache paint designs on rawhide bags
as do the Plains Indians. They have the envelope type
of receptacle known as the parfleche. The Western
Apache use instead saddlebags decorated with cut
designs and streamers. This art no doubt is of Spanish
origin, taken over with the horse and saddle.

SocriAL ORGANIZATION

The Eastern Apache, as far as can be discovered,
have no clans, or other divisions regulating marriage.
The Western Apache and the Navajo have clans which
are exogamous, regulating social duties and relations
and especially marriage. The explanation of the
names, which are geographical ones, is that in mythical
times a band camped for a time at a place where a
cottonwood tree stood by a stream or where some
accident befell them and from this tree or circumstance,
a name was given the clan. Were one to trust to
these myths he would conclude that the clans represent
former geographical or political groups. This does not
appear to be true for the Navajo. The clans of
both the Navajo and the White Mountain Apache do
seem to be somewhat localized. Certain clans of the
latter have numerous members residing in the western
portion of the Apache territory and but few in the
eastern region. The region which in the myth gives
the name to the clan is in some instances definitely
localized by the Apache and the clan is still associated
with that region. Carrizo Creek is named in Apache

168 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

Lokadigai, with reference to the reeds which grow in its
bed and which are also responsible for the Spanish
name Carrizo. One of the clans is named from this
creek, Lokadigaihn, and its members are more numerous
in this valley than in other parts of the Apache region.
Certain political bands are also associated in the Apache
mind with definite clans. Since of each family the
mother and children belong to one clan and the father
to another, there can never be localization or division
into political groups in a strict sense. In the valley of
Carrizo Creek the members of various other clans are
more numerous than are those of the one clan which is
associated with the creek by name.

The clans of the Navajo number between forty and
fifty and those of the Western Apache over thirty.
Among both tribes the clans are more or less grouped
and the entire group usually is exogamous but does not
bear a distinctive name.

SociaL CusToMs

The young men among the Navajo and Apache in
former days secured their brides by displaying their
ability as hunters. The man came to the lodge of his
chosen maiden with a deer which he placed outside. If
her family were willing to have him as a son-in-law, the
deer was taken and eaten. The young man lived with
his father-in-law for some time and hunted for the
support of the family. A strict mother-in-law taboo
exists among the nomadic Athapascans of the South-
west. The young man must never meet his mother-in-
law. Among the Mescalero Apache the taboo extends
to the mother-in-law’s sisters and mother. They are
never permitted to be in the same room together or
directly to address one another. When it is absolutely

THE CAMP DWELLERS 169

necessary for communication to take place between
them, one shouts from a distance to the other using
the third person. ‘‘Tell him to come and eat, his
dinner is ready,” his mother-in-law may call, and leave
her lodge while the young man comes to eat. The
penalty among the Apache for the infringement of this
taboo is believed to be blindness inflicted by some super-
natural power. The Indians assign no other reason for
the existence of this restriction and probably no other is
felt than that such meetings and intercourse are im-
proper.

Among the Apache there are other minor restrictions
between relations-in-law, especially in regard to the
calling of their personal names. An intimate relation,
implying mutual aid, exists between a man and his
brother’s son. Cousins whose fathers are brothers treat
each other with great familiarity, often indulging in
insulting remarks which must not be resented. A
widow about to remarry is at the disposal of the clan of
her deceased husband and she usually marries one of his
brothers or near relatives.

The adult dead are buried at a distance from the
camping places and the graves are covered with stones
and brush. The personal property is placed by the
grave and a horse or two is generally killed near by.
The Jicarilla used to cut off the heads of the horses so
sacrificed, as is the custom among some of the Plains
tribes. Dead infants are usually suspended in trees
wrapped in their cradles. The reason for this different
treatment of children is not known but the custom has
been noted in the preceding pages as a prehistoric one
in this region. Great fear is shown of dead bodies and
all objects associated with them. The Apache burn
the houses and the Navajo desert them after a death
has occurred. The Yuman peoples seem all to have

170 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

practised the burning of the dead. The Havasupai
discontinued the cremation for burial about fifty years
ago. The Walapai make annual offerings to the dead
of a particular year by a community burning of food
and clothing.

POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

The government of the nomadic tribes is much less
formal than that of the sedentary peoples. The
Jicarilla now have a chief elected from each of the two
bands. One of these is recognized by the Agency
officials and by the Indians themselves as tribal chief.
In earlier times the two divisions appear to have been
politically independent, each having chiefs of codrdi-
nate rank. Both war and hunting parties were under
the control of a head man who directed them. While
it is probable that the same individual frequently
acted in this capacity it is not certain that the office
of war chief was definitely bestowed.

The western Apache are divided into many small
bands each with its chief who holds office for life and
who is frequently succeeded by his son if he proves
himself efficient. The office seems to have been be-
stowed by common consent. One of the main duties
of the chief is to address his people each morning about
dawn, keeping them informed as to things that have
happened and of events of community interest about to
occur.

The Navajo at the present time appear to be without
any formal native government except that organized
for them by the Indian Department. Originally there
were recognized chiefs both for war and peace. That the
entire Navajo country was under the control of the
same officials does not seem possible. It seems more
likely that each locality had its own leaders.

THE CAMP DWELLERS 171

The Navajo and the Apache bands united in com-
mon action against other tribes and against the Mexi-
cans and Americans under the leadership of such men
as had proved themselves capable leaders. As examples
may be mentioned Geronimo who led several bands of
the Apache for a number of years, and Manuelito
among the Navajo who led them in their fight against
the Americans.

GAMES

The Apache and Navajo have several games which
are played partly for amusement but largely in the
hope of gain. As elsewhere in North America, these
games have a semi-religious character. There is a

Hoop and Pole Games. Apache

myth which explains their origin, and songs and prayers
to bring about success in playing. The game to which —
most dignity is attached among the Apache is the hoop
and pole game. The implements employed are a hoop
with incised bands and a string stretched along the
diameter in which many knots are tied, and two long
poles, the larger ends of which have a number of incised
rings. To play it two men stand side by side at one end
of a level stretch of ground. One rolls the hoop down
this stretch and both throw the poles after it. If the
hoop falls on the butt of one of the poles a count is made

1/42 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

according to the knots of the string or the incised rings
which happen to be in contact with the rings cut into
the pole. The incised rings are named for the lightning
and the hoop represents a snake. Women are never
allowed to witness the playing of this game. The Navajo
game is similar.

A guessing game is played by a number of players
divided into two parties. A man representing one of
these parties hides a ball in one of several piles of sand
or in a moccasin. The other party must guess its
location. |

The women play a game with three split staves
which are dropped vertically on a stone. There are
several counts according to the position in which they
fall. If the split side of all three sticks is up, the count is
five, but if the rounded side of all three is up, the
count is ten. The score of the game is kept by moving a
stick for each player around a circle marked by forty
small stones. There are openings at four points,
called rivers. If the stick of a player falls into a river
she must return it to the beginning place again. A
similar game is played by the men.

RELIGION

Ceremonies. ‘The religious practices of the nomadic
peoples have much in common with those of the
Pueblos. They make sand or dry paintings, those of
the Navajo being very numerous and very elaborate.
Masked or otherwise distinguished individuals repre-
sent divine persons in the ceremonies. Pollen is
strewed and is the regular accompaniment of prayers.
The Navajo make use of prayer offerings and also have ©
fetishes which are used both in hunting and in the care
of their flocks and herds. The Apache make much use

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THE CAMP DWELLERS 173

of sacred beads and feathers which are worn about the
person, on the wrists, or as a bandolier across the breast.

A ceremony held for girls when they attain woman-
hood is considered of prime importance among the
Apache tribes and has been maintained while other
ceremonies have fallen into neglect. The essential
features of this ceremony are numerous songs and
prayers uttered by the priest hired for the occasion
dancing by the girl or girls for whom it is held, a foot
race by the girl, and the painting of the girl and of the
spectators, who expect good fortune as a result.

The Jicarilla ceremony is peculiar in that a boy is
associated with a girl in the ceremony. He is called
Naiyenezgani and the girl Esdzanadlehi. These names
are those of the culture hero and his grandmother, but
they are undoubtedly associated also with the sun and
the moon.

The Apache of Arizona hold ceremonies of varying
degrees of elaboration. Every girl on reaching maturity
is secluded and subject to certain restrictions, especially
in regard to touching her lips to water and scratching
her person with her nails.

For most girls a morning ceremony is held. A
priest or professional singer is employed who with his
helpers forms a chorus. About dawn this chorus stands
in a line facing the east and the girl takes her place in
front of it. Many songs are sung of the creation of the
world and the first adolescence ceremony. The girl
dances; first standing, and then on her knees. Later,
she lies prone while a matron kneads and pulls her into
comely proportions. The assembled spectators sprinkle
the girl with pollen and ask that she may have a
fortunate life. The girl runs certain races after which
her family serves a feast.

The Apache Ceremony for an Adolescent Girl
Above: the Morning Ceremony
Below: the Dancing Gans. Ash Creek, Arizona

174

THE CAMP DWELLERS 175

Frequently a second ceremony is held at night.
Four poles properly marked with symbols are set up to
form a pyramid which is conceived as a lodge. Within
this structure at night a long series of songs is sung by
a chorus seated by a small fire. The girl, one of her
associates, and two boys of similar age stand and dance
with their faces toward the east. Special songs are
sung at dawn. During the morning, first the girl and
then the spectators are painted with white earth.

Jicarilla Relay Race

Frequently a priest is hired who presents four men
dressed to represent gods called Gans. A fifth man acts
as a clown. These gods appear at twilight and return
at intervals during the evening and early morning.
They enter in a processional and then dance about a
large fire. They go through certain conventional
steps and movements and present a most impressive
and weird spectacle with the play of the firelight on
their blackened bodies and decorated headdresses.
These gods return in the morning and assist in the
painting ceremony described above.

176 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

These ceremonies on the whole have a festive as
well as a religious character. The purposes may be
considered to be in part the bringing to the notice of
suitors and others that the girl is now marriageable
and to insure for her a long and happy life.

The Jicarilla have an annual festival which resembles
very closely that held at Taos. The entire tribe camps
near a large lake in the southwestern corner of their
reservation. The two bands, the Llanero and the Ollero,
pitch their tipis on opposite sides. On the day pre-
ceding the public festival, the young men of each band
accompanied by the older men go some distance from
the camp and hold a preliminary race by which those
who are to run in the final race are chosen. Two
booths are constructed, one at either end of the race
course. From these the two bands issue in irregular
bunches surrounding a drum. The dancers have
cottonwood branches in their hands and are led by a
man carrying a standard from which flies a cotton cloth
and on the top of which are two ears of corn. The
two bands of dancers approach each other and pass,
each going to the goal of the other. During the night
and the early morning, ceremonies are held in the
booths, a sand painting is made, the racers are painted,
and prayers are said for them by priests. About noon
the relay race takes place, practically under the same
conditions and in the same manner as has already been
described for Taos. ,

The Jicarilla have a healing ceremony held at the
request of someone who is ill. A large place is en-
closed by a brush fence. At one end of this a tipi is
fixed or a booth is made. Within this a sand painting
is drawn representing many animals. A buffalo skin
is stretched over a pit and beaten like a drum, the
moccasins of the patient being used for drumsticks.

THE CAMP DWELLERS 177

The shoulder blade of a deer or antelope is rubbed over
a notched stick producing considerable noise. Rattles
are also used as an accompaniment to loud singing.
This singing and noise are intended to scare away the
evil influence which has resulted from the patient’s
having crossed the tracks of a bear or rattlesnake.
Within the brush enclosure a dance is held at night.
Men painted in two styles and decorated with fir
boughs come in and perform many seeming miracles
such as making corn increase in a pot, and taking
rabbits from a seemingly empty vessel. These two
sets of dancers probably correspond to the cuirana
and the koshare of the Rio Grande Pueblos. The
Ute hold a ceremony similar to this each spring known
as the bear dance. :

The Navajo have developed many elaborate cere-
monies each of which is under the control of a school of
priests, the numbers of which are maintained by those
who apply for initiation and training. These cere-
monies for the most part are held at the request and
expense of some individual who is ill or indisposed.

A special conical lodge of logs covered with earth is
built in which the ceremony is carried on. All the
ceremonies seem to be alike in certain particulars such
as the use of a sweat bath, the making of many sand
paintings, and the singing of a great number of songs.
At some point in the ceremony, masked men enter in a
procession representing the more important gods of the
Navajo. Prayer offerings are made of sections of
reeds filled with tobacco, feathers, and pollen. They are
painted with the colors and are deposited in the particu-
lar situations prescribed for the deity for which they are
prepared.

On the last night a public performance is held which
is largely attended. In addition to the masked dancers

178 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

representing the gods, clowns appear who play tricks
on each other and often act in a very grotesque manner.

The songs and prayers are beautiful in their imagery
and have many references to natural elements to which
sex is attributed Varying positions and movements
are indicated in an established order. The number
four prevails in the prayers and songs themselves, and
they are generally repeated four times with minor
variations. The following prayer recorded by Dr.
Matthews belongs to the Night Chant.

Tsegihi.

House made of the dawn,
House made of evening light,
House made of the dark cloud,
House made of male rain,
House made of dark mist,
House made of female rain,
House made of pollen,

House made of grasshoppers.
Dark cloud is at the door.

The trail of it is dark cloud.
The zigzag lightning stands high up on it.

Male deity!

Your offering I make,

I have prepared a smoke for you.

Restore my feet for me.

Restore my legs for me.

Restore my body for me.

Restore my mind for me.

Restore my voice for me.

Happily may I walk.

Happily with abundant dark clouds, may I walk.
Happily with abundant showers, may I walk.
Happily with abundant plants, may I walk.
Happily may I walk.

Being as it used to be long ago, may I walk.
May it be happy (or beautiful) before me.
May it be beautiful behind me.

THE CAMP DWELLERS 179

May it be beautiful below me.
May it be beautiful above me.
May it be beautiful all around me.
In beauty it is finished.

In beauty it is finished.

Beliefs. While the ceremonies of the Athapascan
tribes of the Southwest present considerable specializa-
tion and variety, the deities reverenced and the myths
related about them are in the main identical. The sun
is probably credited with the greatest amount of power
and is most frequently referred to in song and addressed
in prayer. Among the Jicarilla at least, the earth is
also an object of worship. The Mescalero songs give
the moon a place second only to that of the sun. The
winds are with them objects of worship as they are also
with the Western Apache and the Navajo. The
thunder is everywhere feared and looked upon as a
mighty power seldom to be mentioned.. Clouds and
rain, however, have a place of much less importance
than with the village people. There are sacred moun-
tains and rivers but these are of necessity different for
the different tribes.

One of the more personal gods, Esdzanadlehi, was
the sole survivor of a flood or, according to some, the
ravages of monsters. She is probably to be identified
with the Hopi goddess of hard substances. Naiyenez-
gani, the culture hero, her grandson, destroyed the
monsters and made the world safe for human habitation.
By some he is said to have a brother who is, however,
among the Apache quite secondary in importance. The
Navajo have a series of gods who intervene in human
affairs from time to time. They are believed to dwell in
the ruins of Canyon de Chelly and in remote places.
They are represented in the dances by masked and
painted men and receive offerings and are frequently

180 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

invoked. There are also gods of the water courses and
streams. The Jicarilla and the Western Apache know
similar gods, in several cases even using the same per-
sonal names for them. The Apache more generally use
for these gods a generic name, Gan, and individualize
them by the use of a color adjective, such as Black Gan.
They are analogous to the kachinas of the pueblo
peoples.

The dead are supposed to go to the lower world
through the opening by means of which the people
originally came forth.

The Indians of the Southwest have many myths and
tales, which they relate particularly during the winter.
Very many of these myths explain the origin of the
world. While these vary in details, according to the
tribe and the individual who tells them, they agree as
to the general facts. The Athapascan-speaking people
tell of a time before the world existed when Spider,
Mirage, Whirlwind, and Black Obsidian lived suspended
in space. Obsidian rubbed his side and from the re-
moved cuticle produced the earth. They then lifted
up the sky and supported it at each of the four corners
with a core of obsidian inside a whirlwind. People and
animals came to exist within the world in an unexplained
manner. They were threatened with a flood and
escaped by means of reeds or a ladder through an
opening in the sky of the lower world, the crust of this.
They were all destroyed by monsters except a girl
Esdzanadlehi. The water pitying her lonely condi-
ton became the father of a daughter who in turn by
the rays of the rising sun became the mother of Natye-
nezgani. This boy visited the sun, his father, withstood
severe tests as to his sonship, and secured weapons
and the promise of aid. With these weapons he killed a
giant, a monster elk or antelope, a great eagle, and many

THE CAMP DWELLERS IS]

other evil things. When this work was completed
and the world was repeopled by the creation of men
and women from ears of corn, Esdzanadlehi went to
the western ocean, where she is now living in a floating
palace of shell. According to the Navajo, Naiyenez-
gani lives with his brother near the mouth of the San
Juan River.

Later, a man who was considered worthless because
he gambled away all his property, went down a river
in a hollow log, conducted by the gods. He landed at a
favorable place and prepared a farm for which his pet
turkey furnished the seed. He found his way to the
home of a man who had all game animals domesticated.
He married this man’s daughter who received these
animals as her marriage portion. Thus was food
supplied for mankind.

According to the myths, the various ceremonies of
the Navajo were taught to some Indian who by acci-
dent or at the direction of the gods went to a ruin or
other dwelling place of the supernatural beings and
learned there the songs, prayers, and rites.

A long myth explains the origin of the Navajo
people and their clans. The nucleus was created by
Esdzanadlehi in her western home. As they journeyed
eastward they met various parties who joined them
and who were given names according to the attendant
circumstances of their meeting. Other myths explain
the origin of fire, and of night and day. There are
many animal tales, a large number of them being
associated with coyote who is now represented as being
exceedingly keen of wit and again as very stupid.
These myths and stories told to considerable companies
during the evenings of winter are sources both of
amusement and of instruction.

CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION

The civilization existing in the Southwest which is
described in the preceding pages has resulted in part
from slow internal growth and in part from borrowings
and suggestions received from neighboring cultures.
The earliest archaeological evidence shows us a people,
the Basket Makers, already possessing agriculture in
the matter of maize and squash, but who do not appear
to have had beans or cotton. However, until we know
whether this prehistoric people and their culture
occupied the whole of the Southwest or only the Colo-
rado-San Juan region, we are not justified in assuming
that they are the beginning point of our Southwestern
studies. If they are proved to underlie the whole of the
Southwest we are dealing with a Great Basin, Cali-
fornia-like culture.

On the other hand, should they be found only in
the north we must begin with the people whose culture
is characterized by houses with low walls of upright
slabs and a less permanent roof, a people who raised
beans and cotton as well as maize, and who knew the art
of pottery-making. These and other traits would mark
them as having a culture rather distinct from all their
neighbors except those of the south. But whether we
start with a culture like that of the Great Basin, or one
that is independent, we must believe certain very im-
portant elements such as agriculture, pottery, weaving
on a proper loom, the wearing of sandals, and probably
many phases of ceremonial and religious life came to
them from the south since they are common posses-
sions of the pre-Spanish peoples of Mexico, Central
America, and western South America. The point at

182

CONCLUSION 183

issue is rather the time at which this influence was
exerted and the type of culture on which the southern
culture was grafted.

We now know that the architecture of the South-
west, the honey-comb-like community houses, often
terraced, developed in the Southwest with little or no
outside stimulus. The decoration of the pottery is also
a native growth. It is possible to trace its development

Petroglyphs. San Juan Valley

(Courtesy of Dr. Prudden)

from a beginning of crude black designs on a white back-
ground to the highly ornamented and locally differen-
tiated decorations of the beginning of the Spanish
period. Much of the elaborate social, political, and
ceremonial organizations of the present must have
grown up with the concentration of the population into
large community houses.

The pueblo-dwelling peoples of the Rio Grande
region have been subjected to constant influence from
the tribes of the Plains. They not only received many

184 INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST

articles used for food and clothing by trade with these
Plains tribes, but they themselves periodically became
nomads and hunted the buffalo for themselves. The
pre-Spanish inhabitants of the San Juan region and the
present day village and camp-dwelling peoples have a
basketry art which appears to be either a borrowing
from, or early participation in, the culture of California
and the Great Basin.

The Pima and the Papago may represent a southern
variety of the culture which existed in the Southwest
before the development of elaborate architecture and
highly specialized and decorated pottery. It may be,
however, that the Pima in particular built great houses
and developed a wonderful irrigation system on the
Salt River and then, for some reason, reverted to the
use of individual family houses. With less plausibility,
the same conjectures may be made for the Athapascan-
speaking people. It seems more probable in their case
that they came into the Southwest from the east, but
that their invasion was not very recent.

There still remain many unanswered questions con-
cerning this most interesting region. Some of these will
undoubtedly be answered when the studies of the
archaeologists have covered the whole region and have
pushed further back into the past. It is hoped that de-
tailed statistical studies of the living people and of the
abundant skeletal remains may tell at least part of the
story of the movements and mingling of the tribes in
the past.

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INDEX

Abo, 23, 64.

Acoma, 59, 64, 68, 69, 71, 78.

Acomita, 78.

Adobe, 70, 72.

Agave, see century plant.

Agriculture, 39, 40, 141, 148, 182.

Aguas Calientes, 65.

Akol, 1383.

Alamillo, 64.

Altars, 101, 105, 113, 114.

Alvarado, Hernando de, 59.

American Museum of Natural
History, Excavating by, 36, 38.

Amole, preparation of, 149.

Ancient Peoples, 21—57.

Animal gods, 120.

Animals, 16, 17; creation of, 126.

Animas, 25.

Antelope, 16; altar, 114; corrals,
151; priests, 114, 116, 117.

Apache, 81, 122, 141, 143; burial
customs, 150, 151, 152; cattle
raising, 151; ceremony, 173;
election of chief, 170; gods, 179;
plundering, 142; seclusion of
girls, 173; war against, 134.

“Apaches de Navajo,” see Na-
vajo.

Apap, 133.

Apuki, 133.

Aravaipa Creek, 122, 142, 143.

Architecture, pueblo, 72.

Arizona Apache, 158.

Arrowheads, 48.

Arrows, 100.

Art, decorative, 91, 92; industrial,
155-167; symbolic, 92; use of,
102.

Athapascan, fish taboo, 151; lan-
guages, 141; mother-in-law

193

taboo, 168; myths, 180; sun
worship, 179; tribes, 141-143.
Atlatl, 54.
Awatobi, 64.
Axes, 48.
Aztec, 22; ruin, 25, 36.

Balcony House, 34.

Bandelier, A. F., 102.

Barrel cactus, 127.

Basket Makers, archaeological evi-
dence regarding, 182; burial
customs, 53; dresses, 53.

Baskets, 45, 53, 54, 128, 129, 131,
155, 159; ceremonial, 90; con-
struction of, 53; decoration of,
90, 131; dyes, 156; method of
manufacture, 128, 129, 131, 155,
156; ornamentation, 156, 159;
storage, 131.

“Bayeta” blankets, 165.

Beads, 85; designs in, 167;
method of weaving, 166, 167;
sacred offerings, 173.

Beans, cultivation of, 39, 126.

Bear, god, 119; dance, 177;
society, 103.
Beliefs, 119-121, 140, 179-181;

repressed, 61.
Belts, 132.
Benavides, 148.
Bigelovia graveolens, 163.
Bill Williams Creek, 144.
Bison, 16.
Black Gan, 180.
Black Mesa, 62, 67.
Black obsidian, 180.
Black ware, 89.
Blanket-weaving, origin of, 159;
preparation of wool, 160, 161.

194 INDEX

Bourke, Capt., 82. 172-181; Hopi, 110-118; ka-
Bow priests, 107, 108, 109. china, 110-111; kiva, aie;
Bows, 101. movements in, 91; Papago,
Braba, see Taos. 137; Rio Grande, 102, 106;

Bread, paper-thin, 81.

Brides, dress, 97; securing of, 168.

Buildings, 24-31.

Bullroarers, 115, 138.

Burden baskets, method of manu-
facture, 157, 158.

Burial caves, 53; customs, 52, 53,
99, 151; 1525169:

Cacique, 102, 103.

Cactus, 16, 127, 137, 138, 150, 151.

California, 141; gold discovery in,
123.

Camp Dwellers, 141-183.

Canadian River band, 141.

Canyon de Chelly, 22, 179.

Carrizo Creek, 168.

Carrying baskets, 159.

Casa Grande, 238, 27.

Castafieda, Pedero de, 64, 66, 71,
77, 80, 85, 86, 98, 101. .

Cataract Canyon, 148, 154.

Catsclaw, 131.

Cavate lodges, 38.

Cave, burial, 53; dwellings, 38.

Cedar, 13. i

Ceilings, 29.

Century plant, 14, 16, 138, 150.

Ceremonial, baskets, 90; bull-
roarers, 138; clowns, 138, 139,
175, 178; corn meal, 101, 117,
119, 138; dancing, 139, 173;
fetishes, 172; games, 135; gans,
175; house, 136; lodge, 177;
painting, 175; pollen, 172, 173;
racing, 173; rooms, 76; singing,
173.

Ceremonies, Apache and Navajo,

Taos, 106; Zuni, 107-110.

Ceremony, fire, 110; flute, 110,
117; girls’ adolescence, 173;
healing, 176; Lalakonti, 118;
Marau, 118; Oogol, 118; Sia
Rain, 105; Shalako, 109; Vigita,
137, 138.

Chaco Canyon, 22, 25, 36.

Chama River, 61, 65; band, 141.

Chamita, church at, 61.

Chamuscado, Francisco Sanchez,
61.

Chief, Cochise, 142; Geronimo,
142; Mangas Coloradas, 142;
Whoa, 142; duties of,’ 134;
election of, 170. if

‘*Chief,’’ see Navajo Blanket.

Chinlee Valley, ruins, 22.

Chiricahua, 142.

Church, established, 61.

Cibola, 59, 63, 68.

Cicuye, 65.

Circular kivas, 76.

Clans, 93, 108, 167, 168; functions
of, 93, 94, 95, 167; number of
Navajo, 168; origin ot Navajo,
181; political, 168.

Clay, as building material, 71; in
pottery making, 41 , 42; vessels,
method of manufacture, 85.

Cliff Palace, 22, 31, 34.

Clowns, ceremonial, 138, 139, 175,
178.

Club, 101.

Cochise, 142.

Cochiti, 65, 68, 102; refugees, 67.

Colorado Canyon, 99, 119.

Colorado River, 11, 123, 144, 182.

Le

:
:

INDEX 195

Coloradas Mangas, 142.

Colors in weaving, 163, 165.

Comanche, 66, 68.

Communal houses, 69; hunts,151.

Construction, of baskets, 53; san-
dals, 54.

Cooking structures, 125; vessels,
41, 155.

Corn, cultivation of 39, 53, 126;
methods of planting, 148; prep-
aration of, 80; storage of, 80.

Corn meal, ceremonial use of, 102,
112, 117, 119, 138.

Cornstalks, use in dwellings, 146.

Coronado, Francisco Vasquez, 59,
60.

Cotton, 46, 86, 126, 132, 133.

Cottonwood, 16, 158, 159.

Cottonwood Creek, 52.

“Cows,” 58.

Coyotero, Apache, 143.

Creator, 140.

Cremation, 52, 169.

Cruzat, Petriz de, 62.

Cuirana, 104, 177.

Culture Hero, 140.

Culture, distribution of, 182;
relation of, 183.

Curing fraternities, 109.

Cushing, Frank H., 78, 81.

Customs, origin of burial, 169;
social, 95, 168, 169, 170.

Cypress, 13.

Dances, kachina, 104; Lalakonti,
118; snake, 110, 113-118; Ute,
177; Walpi, 113.

Dancing, at festival, 176; cere-
monial, 139, 172, 173, 175.

Dasylirion wheeleri, see sotol.

Dead, disposal of, 52, 53, 98, 169;

journey of, 180; offerings to, 170;
souls of, 99, 119; taboo, 99.
Death, among Hopi, 98; Zuni, 99;

of priests, 108.

Decoration, basket, 54, 90, 131;
dress, 153; kiva, 74; pottery,
41-45, 87, 88, 155; wall, 26, 32.

Deer, 16.

Defense, 25, 69, 100.

“Delight Makers,” 109.

Déné, 141.

Descent, 93, 133.

Designs, basketry, 156, 159; bead-
work, 167; pottery, 44-45, 87-
91; weaving, 162-166, 182.

Disposal of dead, 52, 53, 98, 169.

Doors, 29, 33, 38, 146, 147.

Douglas spruce, 13.

Dress, 53, 54, 97, 128, 152-155;
decoration, 153; influence of
railroads on, 81, 82; kachina,
112.

Drill points, 48.

Dry painting, 105, 172.

Dumarest, Fr. Noél, 101.

Dwarf pine, 13.

Dyes employed in basketry, 156.

Earrings, 86.

Earth Magician, 140.

Eastern Apache, 148, 151.

Eastern Pueblos, hunting trips, 80,
S81.

Elder Brother, 140.

Elk, 16.

E] Paso, 62.

Entrance, means of, to kivas, 73.

Esdzanadlehi, 173, 179, 180, 181.

Espejo, Antonio de, 61, 78, 101.

Estevan, 58, 59.

Estufas, 77.

196

Feathers, as offerings, 173.

Festivals, 106, 127, 187,
dancing at, 176.

Fetishes, 120, 172.

Fewkes, J. W., 34.

Fire ceremony, 110.

Firedrill, 49.

Fireplaces, 33, 72, 75, 77.

Fish, taboo of, 82.

Flageolets, 51.

Flagstaff, 11.

Flora, 127.

Flute ceremony, 110, 117.

Food, methods of securing, 77,
126, 148-152; preparation of,
34, 80, 127, 148-152; storage of,
33, 34, 72, 79.

Forests, 13.

Fort Sill, 142.

Fort Summer, 143.

Fraternities, curing, 109; leader-
ship in snake, 119.

Franciscan friar, 58.

Fruits, 80. —

176;

Galisteo Basin, burial in, 53;
pueblo walls, 27.

Galisteo Valley, corn storage in, 80

Games, Apache and Navajo, 171;
Pima and Papago, 135-136;
women’s, 172.

Gans, 175, 180.

German silver, 166.

Germantown blankets, 165.

Geronimo, 142, 170.

Giant. cactus, 127,
preparation ot, 150.

Gila. River, 11, 13, 26;°4238) 124,
128, 142, 143; irrigation along,
40; pottery, 43.

Globe, Arizona, 148.

Gods, 120, 180.

137, 138;

INDEX

Grand Canyon, 144.
Grand Gulch, 51, 52.
Gran Quivira, 23, 64.
Great Basin, 182, 184.
Gypsum, use of, 71.

Hair, methods of dressing, 85.

Hano, 64, 68, 113.

Harvest festival, 127.

Havasupai, 144, 151; agricultural
opportunities, 148; baskets of,
159; cremation, 169; houses,
146.

Hawikuh, 63.

Headbands, 132.

Healing, ceremony, 176; priests,
136.

Hemenway Archaeological Expe-
dition, 40.

Hemes, see Jemez.

Herding, 148.

Hodge, F. W., 40.

Hopi, 68, 72, 95, 111, 132; baskets,
90; ceremonial circuit, 113;
ceremonies, 110-118; cotton
cultivation, 86; death, 98, 99;
emergence belief, 119; fetishes,
120; fields, 78; hairdressing,
85; houses, 72; kivas, 74, 75,
76; language, 68, 94; marriage
among, 96-98; pottery designs,
89; pueblos, 59, 67, 68, 80, 113;
social organization, 93; trays,
90; war gods, 120; weaving,
84 90, 91.

Hotavila, building of, 68.

Houses, 69-73, 124, 125, 141,
144-146; burning of, 169;
ceremonial, 136; communal, 68.

Huichol, 132.

Hunting, 40, 81, 82, 127.

Hyde Expedition, 38, 49.

INDEX

Images, 52, 53, 120.
Implements, tilling, 79.
“Incest groups,” 93.
Industrial arts, 155-167.
Initiation at Zuni, 108.
Irrigation, 39, 40, 78, 148, 184.
Isleta del Sur, 62, 64, 68.

Jaguar, 16.

Jemez, 65, 68, 69.

Jewelry, 155, 166.

Jicarilla Apache, 141, 148, 155,
156; baskets, 155, 156; cere-
mony, 173; chief, election of,
170; dress of, 152; earth wor-
ship, 179; festival, 176; gods,
179; healing ceremonial, 176;
houses, 144, 145.

Juniper, 13, 159.

Kachina, 180; abbreviated, 111;
ceremonies, 110, 111, 112; clans,
94; dances, 104; dress, 111,
112; Niman, 110, 111.

Keeper of Smoke, 136.

Keresans, fetishes, 121; kiva
decorations, 73, 74; language,
67; villages, 65, 99.

Kettcippawa, 63.

Kiaha, 131, 132.

Kiakima, 63.

Kino, Fr. Eusebio Francisco, 123.

Kivas, 30, 73, 74, 75, 76, 108, 116;
ceremonies, 113; construction
of, 73, 74; decorations, 73;
entrance, 73; fireplaces, 77;
use, 77.

Kiwwitsiwe, 76.

Kohatk, 134.

Knife society, 103.

Koshare, 104, 117.

Koyemshi, 109.

197
Kroeber, A. L., 94.

Laguna, 68, 121.

Lalakonti dance, 118.

Languages, 68, 93, 141, 143; varia-
tions in , 17—20, 143.

Lightning frames, 115, 116.

Little Colorado River, 11, 91, 143;
pottery, 44; ruins, 23.

Llanero, 141, 176.

Lokadigai, see Carrizo Creek.

Lokadigaihn clan, 168.

Loom, 46.

Los Muertos, 39.

Maam, 133.

Macaw, 16.

Mackenzie, 141.

Maize, 126.

Makai priests, 136.

Mange, Juan Mateo, 123.

Mano, 48.

Manuelito, 170.

Marau ceremony, 118.

Maricopa, 123, 143.

Marriage, among Hopi, 96, 97, 98.

Martynia, 131, 159.

Masonry, 72.

Materials, building, 25-29.

Matsaki, 63.

Matthews, Dr. Washington, 178.

Mesa Verde, 31; mugs, 42.

Mescal, 16.

Mescalero Apache, 142, 148;
baskets, 155, 156; dress, 152;
houses, 144, 145; objects of
worship, 179.

Mesquite, 13, 149.

Metates, 34, 48.

Mexico, 71.

Miles, General, 142.

Mimbrefios, 142.

198

Mimbres Valley, 48, 142.
Mindeleff, C., 72.
Mirage, 180.
Mishongnovi, 68, 71.
Missionaries, death of, 61.
Moccasins, 86, 127, 152, 155.
Moenkapi, 68.
Moiety, 133.
Mohave-Apache,
name, 144.
Morning ceremony, 173.
Mother-in-law taboo, 168.
Myths of Athapascans, 180.

derivation of

Naiyenesgani, 173, 179, 180.

Nambe, 68.

Narvaez, 58.

Navajo, 82, 91, 132;- 141, 155;
blankets, 84, 153, 159-166;
clans, 168; cornfields, 148;
dress, 152, 153, 155; election of
chief, 170; gods, 179; loom,
162; man, 154; means of sus-
tenance. 151; offerings, 172;
pottery, 155; region occupied,
148; silverwork, 166; winter
dwelling, 147; women, 160, 161;
worship, 179; yarn secured, 165.

Nelson, N. C., 53, 65.

Newekwe, 109.

New Galicia, 58, 59.

Night Chant, 178.

Niman kachina, 110, 111.

Niza, Marcos de, 58, 59.

Nordenskiéld, G., 34.

Nutria, 69, 78.

Ochre, 159, 163.

Offerings, at shrines, 113, 115,
116, 172, 177; to the dead, 170.

Ojo Caliente, 63, 69, 78.

Old Cochiti, 62, 120.

INDEX

Ollero, 140, 176.

Onate, Juan de, 61, 71.

Oogol, ceremony, 118.

Oraibi, 68, 71; clans, 95; sand
painting, 114; snake dance, 113-
117; trays, 90.

Oregon, 141.

Organization, political, 170; social,
92-95, 133, 167, 168.

Ornamentation, basketry, 90, 155,
158; pottery, 42—44, 87-89, 154.

Ornaments, 51, 86.

Otermin, Governor, 62, 64.

Ovens, 80

Painting, ceremonial, 172, 175;
dry, 101, 105; sand, 114, 116,
176,176

Pajarito plateau, 22, 25.

Panther, 119; society, 103.

Papago, 122; 124, 125.4084
animals, 126; beliefs, 139;
ceremonies, 137; clothing, 128;
food, 126; games. 135; hunting,
127; population, 124; territorial
districts, 133, 134.

Paper-thin bread, 80.

Passageways, 70. .

Patterns, basketry, 156,
religious connotation,
weaving, 162-166.

Peceary, 16.

Pecos, 11, 17, 65, 81, 82, 101, 143.

Pekwin, 108

Pescado, 69, 78.

Pestles, 48.

Picuris, 66, 68, 81, 82, 85.

Piki, see paper-thin bread

Pima, 122-124, 134, 144; animals,
126; baskets, 155; beliefs,
140; clothing, 128; divisions,
133; food, 126; games, 135;

159;
165;

INDEX

hunting, 127; population, 123;
variety of culture, 184.

Pimeria Alta, 122.

Pimeria Baja, 122.

Pinole, 127.

Pinon, 13, 149, 156, 159, 163.

Piro, 64.

Plundering, by Apache, 142.

Pojoaque, 68.

Political organization, 170.

Polities, of Rio Grande, 100.

Pollen, ceremonial use of, 172. 173.

Pookong, 113.

Population, distribution of , 22-23.

Pottery, 41-45, 86-92, 155.

Prayer offerings, 105, 115, 172,
176; sticks, 105, 112.

Pre-Spanish peoples, 182-184.

Priests, antelope, 114, 116; bow,
108, 109; classes of, 104, 136;
healing, 136; killing of, 61, 62;
Makai, 136; representation of,
107, 108; Siateokam, 136;
snake, 113-117; succession at
death, 108; summer (see Ko-
share); ‘‘the above,” 107, 108;
“the below,” 107, 108; training
for, 136; war, 108; winter (see
Cuirana).

Protection, in warfare, 100; from
wind, 147.

Public performances, 116.

Pueblo architecture, 72.

Pueblo Bonito, 22, 25, 37, 38, 44,
49, 51.

Pueblo Large, 53.

Pumpkins, preparation of, 80;
raising of, 53.

Puyé ruin, 25.

Quail, 16.
Quarai, 23, 64.

199

Quirix, 65.
Quivira, 60.

Rabbits, 16.

Racing, ceremonial, 173, 176.

Rain ceremony, 105.

Rainfall, 11, 13, 14.

Red ants, 133.

Religion, 52, 53, 136-140.

Religious activities, 101-120;
ceremonies, 172-179.

Rhus aromatica, see sumac.

Rio Chama, ruins, 22.

Rio Grande, beliefs, 119; bridal
dress, 98; ceremonies, 102, 107;
clans, 94; dress, 84; hair dress-

“ing, 85; kivas, 73, 77; pueblos.
22, 23, 38, 53, 68, 70, 100, 102,
109, 133, 141; war gods, 120.

Rio Grande (River), 11, 60, 68,
78, 81, 142, 159.

Rio Pecos, 23, 142.

Rio Verde, 23, 38, 40, 144.

Rito de los Frijoles, ruins, 22.

Ruins, prehistoric, 22, 23, 25, 31-
39, 53; restoration of, 34.

Russell, Frank, 123.

Sacks, yucca, 54.

Sahuara, see giant cactus.

Salinas, 64.

Salt River, 11, 26, 39, 123, 143,
184.

Salt Expeditions, 139.

San Carlos reservation, 143, 144.

San Carlos River, 142.

San Cristobal, 65.

Sandals, 45-46, 54, 128.

Sandia, 68.

Sand painting, 114, 116, 172, 176,
177.

San Felipe, 65, 68, 69.

200 ’ INDEX

San Francisco Peaks, 11 , 111.

San Gabriel, church, 61.

San Ildefonso, 62, 67, 68, 69.

San Juan, 11, 22, 62, 68, 69, 74,
89, 143, 181, 182.

San Marcial, 64.

San Mateo, 11.

San Pedro, 121, 143.

Santa Ana, 65, 68.

Santa Clara, 68, 69, 74, 89.

Santa Cruz, 122.

Santa Fe, 62, 63.

Santa Rosa Valley, 137.

Santo Domingo, 65, 69, 98.

San Xavier del Bac Mission, 122.

Selenite, 72.

Sevilleta, 64.

Shalako ceremony, 110.

Sheep, introduction of, 159; rais-
ing, 152, 160.

Shelters, 73, 144-147.

Shields, 101.

Shipaulovi, 68, 70.

Shrines, 101, 112, 114, 139.

Shumopovi, 68, 71.

Sia, 65, 68, 102-103.

Sia Rain ceremony, 105.

Siatcokam priests, 136.

Sichumovi, 68, 113.

Silverwork, 166.

Singing, ceremonial, 173.

‘Skeleton house,” 99.

Skin, use of, 145.

Snake, altar, 113; dance, 110, 113-
119; fraternity, 119; kiva, 116;
priests, 113-116.

Snares, 40.

Sobaipuri, 122.

Social, customs, 95, 168-170; or-
ganization, 92-95, 133, 167, 168.

Societies, secret, 103, 104.

Society symbol, 114.

Socorro, 64.

Sonora, 122.

Sotol, 131.

Spaniards, arrival of, 19.
Spider, 180.

Spruce Tree House, 22, 34.

Squash, cultivation and prepara-

tion of, 39, 80, 126.

Stevenson, Mrs. M. C., 102, 105.

Stonework, 48-51.

Storage, baskets, 131; of food, 33,
34, 72, 80.

Sumac, 158, 159, 163.

Sun worship, 179.

Sweatbath, 177.

Sycamores, 16.

Tabira, see Gran Quivira.

Taboo, dead, 99; fish, 151;
mother-in-law, 168.

Tanoan language, 68.

Tanos, 65.

Taos, 66, 68, 77, 81, 82, 85, 106,
151.

Tesuque, 67.

Tewa, 65, 120.

Textile processes, 128.

Teya, 66. .

“The above,” priest of, 107.

“The below,” priest of, 107.

Thunder Mountain, 59, 68, 100.

Tiguex, 64, 100.

Tipis, 144.

Tiponi, 114.

Tobacco, 177.

Tonto Apache, 146.

Tonto Basin, 143, 144.

Tonto Creek, 143.

Tortillas, 81.

Tovar, Pedro de, 59.

Trade, 82, 131, 151.

Trays, 90.

Aen

INDEX

Tularosa, pottery, 42, 91.
Tulkepaia, see Yuma Apache.
Turk, 60. .
Turkey, 16.

Turquoise, 49, 51, 86, 166.
Tusayan, 59, 63.

Tutahaco, 64.

Uipinyim, 136.
Ute, 68, 177.

Vaaf, 133.

Vaca, Cabeza de, 58.
Vacapa, 59.

Vargas, Pedro de, 62.
Vassals, treatment of, 61.
Vegetation, 13.

Victorio, 142.

Vigita ceremony, 137-139.
Village crier, 134.
Villagran, 98.

Walapai, 141, 144, 146, 149, 159,
170.

Walls, 32.

Walpi, 68, 71, 113, 116.

Warfare, 100, 101.

War, gods, 120; priest, 103, 108;
weapons, 40, 101.

Watch towers, 25, 34.

Weaving, 45, 84, 91,
165-167.

Weapons, 40, 101.

159-163,

201

Western Apache, baskets, 155;
clans, 168; dress, 152; gods,
178; means of sustenance, 151.

Wheat, 126.

Whirlwind, 180.

White ants, 133.

White Mountain Apache, 143, 146,
148, 167.

White River, 143.

Whoa, 142.

Willow, 158, 159.

Windows, 72.

Wine, 127.

Woodrats, 16.

Wool, 86.

Worship, 179.

Ximena, 65.

Yavapai, 141, 143, 144, 155, 158,
ane,

Yaya, 105.

Yucca, 16, 45, 54, 84, 90, 131, 157.

Yucca baccata, see amole.

Yukon, 141.

Yuma, 123, 134, 141, 142, 143, 144,
146.

Yuman, languages, 143; burial
practice, 169.

Yuqueyunque, 65.

Zuni, 59, 67-70, 73, 78, 80, 82, 84,
85, 89, 90, 93-95, 98, 100, 107-
110, 120.

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