FIELDIANA Anthropology Published by Field Museum of Natural History Volume 71 INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY: AN ETHNOHISTORY OF THE LOWER-MIDDLE YUKON, 1790-1935 JAMES W. VANSTONE MAY 0 8 1979 " l^fbana-Champa/pn March 29, 1979 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY A Continuation of the ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES of FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY VOLUME 71 FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY CHICAGO, U.S.A. INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY: AN ETHNOHISTORY OF THE LOWER-MIDDLE YUKON, 1790-1935 FIELDIANA Anthropology Published by Field Museum of Natural History Volume 71 INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY: AN ETHNOHISTORY OF THE LOWER-MIDDLE YUKON, 1790-1935 JAMES W. VANSTONE Curator, North American Archaeology and Ethnology Field Museum of Natural History March 29, 1979 Publication 1295 Library of Congress Catalog Card No.: 78-57803 ISSN 0071-4739 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA In Memory Of My Friend Thomas B. Hinton CONTENTS List of Illustrations xi Acknowledgements 1 Note on Transliteration and Dates 2 Abbreviations 2 Preface 3 Introduction 6 Geography and the Natural Environment 6 The People 13 Previous Anthropological Research 17 I The Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik: An Ethnographic Summary 20 The Subsistence Base 20 Settlement Patterns and Band Territory 34 Social Relations 36 Shamanism and the Supernatural 38 CeremoniaUsm 39 II Russian Exploration and the Early Fur Trade: 1790-1840 43 Russian Expansion into Western Alaska 43 Russian Exploration of the Yukon 49 The Smallpox Epidemic of 1838-1839 58 III The Russian Fur Trade and Mission Period: 1841-1867 63 Early Contact Trade and Eskimo-Indian Relations 63 The Explorations of Lieutenant L. A. Zagoskin 75 The Russian- American Company 79 The Russian Orthodox Church 93 Some Effects of Contact: A Summary 97 IV The Early American Fur Trade: 1868-1883 104 American Exploration of the Yukon 104 The Alaska Commercial Company and Its Competitors 110 Trading Procedures in the Yukon District 113 Mechanisms of the Fur Trade 115 Intensive Trapping-Trading and Culture Change 119 V The Later American Fur Trade and Mission Period: 1883-1895 123 Shifting Resources and the Decline of the Fur Trade 123 The Russian Orthodox Church: A Period of Adjustment 133 Arrival of the Episcopalians 134 The Roman Catholics at Holy Cross 138 The Growth of Mission Influence 148 Education 154 lUness and Medical Care 162 VI The Gold Rush Period: 1897-1920 168 Discovery of Gold on the Upper Yukon and Innoko Rivers 168 Indians and the Gold Rush 174 VII The Missions, Government, and Rapid Culture Change: 1896-1935 195 Decline of the Russian Orthodox Church On the Yukon 195 The Changing Role of the Missions — Episcopal 195 The Changing Role of the Missions — Roman CathoUc 212 Illness and Medical Care 223 Government Services and Programs in the Anvik-Shageluk area 228 VIII CONCLUSION: PROCESSES OF INGALIK CULTURE CHANGE 239 Introduction: Agents of Change 239 The Fur Trade 240 The Missions 243 The Gold Rushes 248 Government Services 250 Types of Contact Communities 251 References 255 Index 269 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figures 1. Map of Alaska 7 2. Regional map showing Ingalik boundaries 14 3. Russian exploration of the lower-middle Yukon and its tributaries 50 4. Map of west-central Alaska 76 5. Map of the lower-middle Yukon and lower Innoko rivers 77 6. Map of the lower-middle Yukon and lower Innoko rivers showing locations associated with the Innoko gold rush 172 Plates 1. Making a fish trap at Anvik about 1925 23 2. A fish camp on the Yukon near Anvik, 1919 26 3. Bundling dried dog salmon at Anvik, 1918 27 4. Fishing with traps through the Yukon River ice 30 5. Spearing lampreys through the Yukon River ice 31 6. Christ Church Mission, Anvik, in 1889 135 7. Mission buildings at Anvik in 1893 145 8. The mission and Indian settlement at Anvik about 1895 146 9. The mission at Holy Cross about 1895 147 10. A Yukon steamer loading wood for fuel about 1895 177 11. Rafting wood for steamboat fuel on the Innoko River in 1919 179 12. Houses at Anvik about 1923 188 13. Log houses and caches near Anvik 189 14. Nikolai Doctor, an Anvik shaman, with his wife and friends 200 15. Anvik Indians operating a concrete mixer for the mission, 1917 206 16. Anvik on January 1, 1918 207 17. Christ Church Mission, Anvik, in 1920 208 18. The Anvik fish camp about 1920 209 19. Christ Church Mission children at Christmas about 1920 210 20. Holy Cross about 1925 220 21. School girls from Holy Cross Mission, 1922 221 22. Interior of a reindeer herder's tent near Shageluk on the Innoko River, 1918. 231 Heaven and earth conspire that everything which has been, be rooted out and reduced to dust. Only the dreamers, who dream while awake, call back the shadows of the past and braid from unspun threads— unwoven nets. Isaac Bashevis Singer ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The two seasons of field work undertaken in connection with this study were supported financifilly by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research (grant no. 2892) and the James R. Getz Fund of Field Museum of Natural History. In the field the following individuals were particularly helpful in contributing logistic support and time and effort toward the assemblage of the historical and ethnographic data utilized in this study: Mr. and Mrs. Charles Lucier of Anchorage; Dr. Mim Harris Dixon, College; Mr. Adolph Hamilton, Mr. Hamilton Hamilton, the late Mr. Joseph Hamilton, and Mrs. Mathilda Dutchman of Shageluk; Mr. Henry Deacon of Grayling; Mr, and Mrs. Terrance Wharton, Mr. Terrance Wharton, Jr., Mr. Msircus Mailelle, Mr. Wilson Mailelle, and Mr. Calvin Chase of Anvik; also Mr. and Mrs. James Fullton, formerly associated with the Episcopal Church in that village. For assistance in obtaining much of the historical material on which this study is based I wish to express my appreciation to the following individuals and institutions: Mr. Max Plaut, formerly reference librarian of Field Museum Library; Mr. Paul McCarthy, archivist, and Mrs. Renee Blahuta of the archives staff, Archives and Manuscript Collections, University of Alaska, Fairbanks; Mrs. Phyllis De Muth, librarian, and Mr. R. N. De Armond, formerly of the libreu-y staff. State Historical Library, Juneau; Father Clifford Carroll, archivist, Oregon Province Archives of the Society of Jesus; Ms. Elinor S. Hearn, assistant to the archivist, Archives and Historical Collections, the Episcopal Church. Early drafts of the manuscript were read by Drs. Charles A. Bishop, Ernest S. Burch, Jr., Catherine McClellan, and my wife. Dr. Mary W. Helms. In addition to providing useful suggestions and critical comments of a specific nature, they were helpful in the devel- opment of this book's present organization. It is with considerable gratitude that I acknowledge their valuable assistance and encour- 2 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 agement. Drafts of the manuscript were typed by Ms. Kathleen Fine, Ms. Janet Wojniki, and Mrs. Sylvia Schueppert. The maps were drawn by Mr. Zbigniew Jastrzebski. The quotation which follows the dedication is from The Spinoza of Market Street by Isaac Bashevis Singer, copyright 1958, 1960, 1961, and published by Farrar, Straus & Giroux, Inc. Note on Transliteration and Dates Russian words have been transliterated according to a modified form of the Library of Congress system except where translations have been used, in which case the original transliterations have been retained. The reader should remember that all dates during the period of Russian sovereignty in Alaska are according to the Julian calendar which was 12 days behind the Gregorian calendar in the 19th century. Abbreviations ARCA/KM Alaska Russian Church Archives, Kvikhpak Mission DRHA Documents Relative to the History of Alaska ECA Archives and Historical Collections, the Episcopal Church HCM Holy Cross Mission LC Library of Congress NA National Archives OPA Oregon Province Archives of the Society of Jesus RACR/CS Russian-American Company Records, Communica- tions Sent UA Archives and Manuscript Collections, University of Alaska, Fairbanks PREFACE The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze changes in the lifeways of the Ingalik Indians of the lower-middle Yukon River in west-central Alaska during the period of Euro- American contact from 1790 to 1935. This is not only a book about changing Indian culture, however. It is also an account of the white men and women who traveled through Indian land and occasionally Uved among the native peoples, sometimes for many years. In fact, it is the agents of contact who are the focus of attention, and in the final chapter data concerning their impact are synthesized to provide an under- standing of the processes of IngaUk culture change. Although the primary sources for a study of this kind are to be found in libraries and archives, in this case the research perimeters were extended to include two seasons of field work (1972, 1974) in the Ingalik villages on the Yukon £md Innoko rivers. This phase of the research took place after I had already familiarized myself to some extent with the history of the region. It was thus possible to focus data gathering more narrowly and obtain from informants a different perspective on some events as well as to gather peripheral data of a kind not likely to have been recorded by outsiders during their frequently brief encounters with Indians. Considerable infor- mation concerning subsistence patterns and resource utilization in the early 20th century was also obtained in the field and has been incorporated into several chapters. An archaeological survey of a section of the lower-middle Yukon and its tributaries yielded useful data on settlement patterns in the 19th and early 20th centuries which will form the basis for a separate study. Quite apart from the information obtained from informants, field work was also valuable for the opportunity it afforded to make per- sonal observations on the geography and environment of the lower- middle Yukon. During the two field seasons and in earlier research trips to western Alaska I traveled extensively throughout most of the area occupied both historically and at the present time by the 4 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Ingalik, thus acquiring a feeling for the country that could not have been obtained in any other way. I hope that the benefits derived from these experiences are evident in the pages to follow. Field work may have provided an opportunity to become famihar with the contemporary Ingalik, but the substance of an ethno- historical study must come from accounts written by those who observed and interacted with the Indians at a time when there were no anthropologists on the scene to record the changing lifeways of an indigenous culture. The history of contact is recorded principally in explorers' and travelers' accounts, government reports, the published writings of missionaries and school teachers, and the per- sonal reminiscences of miners. These printed accounts do not, of course, present anything approaching a complete picture of the com- plex processes of culture change and they are frequently marred by the writers' value judgements and personal prejudices. They are all that we have, however, and it is encouraging to realize that although virtually all writers, and particularly missionaries, pos- sessed uncompromising standards of what they considered to be Christian civilization, most of them did try to be as objective as possible. As the ethnohistorian gains familiarity with his sources, it becomes increasingly possible to recognize individual idiosyncrasies and discount personal or professional prejudices. Most of the early observers were capable of disinterested reporting and, often in spite of themselves, frequently found Indian culture and reactions to change fascinating. During the period covered by this study anthro- pologists have also studied the Indians of the lower-middle Yukon; results of this research have been summarized in Chapter I. In addition to the published source material, usually written from a specific point of view and with a particular audience in mind, there is also a large body of archival data related to the history of Indian- white relations on the lower-middle Yukon. In unpublished diaries, letters and personal accounts, the early observers are often less inhibited and can record their experiences, hopes, and fears in a manner free from the strictures imposed by publication. It is fascinating to compare published and unpublished accounts of the same subject or concerning the same event; often there is little resemblance between them. In such cases, of course, it becomes the job of the ethnohistorian to determine an approximation of the truth that Ues somewhere in between. By far the largest amount of archival material relates to the VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 5 establishment and operation of Christian missions in the area. There is no other part of Alaska for which the records of missionary activity are so complete. An account of the impact of Christianity on the Ingalik is, inevitably, a major focus of this study. The manner of presentation of the material to follow is largely chronological and topical. Occasionally, the chronology is extended beyond the rather arbitrary date chosen to terminate the time period covered in this study so that particular sequences of events can be followed through to their conclusion. In most cases, the events described in these pages had run their course well before the beginning of World War II ushered in the modern era in west- central Alaska. INTRODUCTION Geography and the Natural Environment The region of west-central Alaska with which this study is con- cerned includes a section of the lower Yukon River between the mouth of Shageluk Slough on the north to the confluence of the Yukon and Innoko rivers on the south. Also included are the drainage systems of the Anvik River, an important western tribu- tary of the Yukon in this region, and the Innoko River, the only important Yukon tributary entering on the left or east bank. The Yukon River, fourth longest on the North American conti- nent, heads in Marsh Lake in the Yukon Territory of Canada and flows nearly 1,500 miles to the Bering Sea at Norton Sound. Throughout much of its great length, the Yukon flows generally in a northwesterly direction, but soon after it enters Alaska, in the vicinity of Fort Yukon, it turns to the southwest. Near the point where it most closely approaches the Bering Sea, the river flows vir- tually due south, turning west again near the mouth of the Innoko (fig. 1). Below the village of Kaltag, the Yukon enters a physiographic region characterized by one geologist as the Innoko Lowlands, con- sisting, for the most part, of flat river flood plains.' The right or west bank forms the western boundary of the Innoko Lowlands. Wider here than anywhere else along its great length, the current of the Yukon virtually never exceeds 2 or 3 miles an hour. High waves which can be a hazard to navigation are sometimes raised by strong south winds in summer. The steep right bank of the river is the eastern extremity of a range of low and rolling hills, rising in places to heights in excess of 2,000 ft., which separate the Yukon Valley from the coastal region of Norton Sound. Where spurs of these hills run out to the river bank, their bluffs, which occasionally rise 50 or 60 ft. above the river, serve as convenient landmarks for the river traveler. in m 8 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 The major Yukon tributary in this area is the Anvik River which heads near latitude 64° north, not feir from Norton Sound, and flows southeast 140 miles, paralleling the Yukon for much of that distcmce. Approximately 50 miles from its mouth the river turns abruptly eastward and enters the Yukon a mile and a half north of Anvik village. The upper Anvik is pretty well confined to a single channel flowing in a broad valley and is consequently characterized by abundant sloughs and split channels. The ends of many of these sloughs have been sealed off and exist only as ox-bow Isikes. After the river turns eastward, the banks are generally low and bordered by an abundant growth of willows and alders interspersed with a few clumps of spruce and birch in the higher places. Below the village of Anvik the banks of the Yukon are low on both sides except in two places where smedl ranges of hills with peaks that rise to heights of approximately 1,000 ft. reach the river. In this general area along the east bank of the Yukon are many meandering sloughs and streams and one important river, the Bonasila. This tributary heads near latitude 62° north and flows in a generally southeast direction 125 miles to Bonasila Slough which in turn empties into the Yukon. Like the banks of the lower Anvik, those of the lower Bonasila are bordered primarily by willows and alders. There is also a heavy growth of willows along both sides of the Yukon in this area. In many places throughout its length the banks of the Yukon River are known to change rapidly, and this is nowhere truer than in the area under consideration. Extensive sand bars can grow up in just a few years and large 2u*eas of river bank may be cut away just as rapidly. During the years of heavy steamboat traffic on the river, charts had to be redrawn almost yearly in order to take into account extensive changes in the channel. Informants at Anvik believe that as much as 300 ft. have been cut away from the island in front of their village in recent years. The island itself was formed in 1934 when the Anvik River cut through a narrow peninsula 1% miles above its former mouth to form a new confluence with the Yukon. In 1898 at Holy Cross, Roman Catholic mission personnel estimated that 200 ft. had been cut from the bank in front of the mission during the 10 years since it was established in 1888.^ Photographs of Holy Cross taken as late as the early 1920's show no sand bar in front of the village, but there is an extensive one at the present time and the village today is accessible to the Yukon only through a narrow, shallow slough. As can easily be imagined, this rapid cut- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 9 ting and equally rapid building has had a profound effect on humeui settlement patterns. Just below the village of Holy Cross and on the opposite bank is the mouth of the Innoko River, the fourth longest tributary of the Yukon, The Innoko is approximately 500 miles in length and, together with its numerous tributaries, drains a vast area in excess of 10,000 sq. miles that lies between the central and lower portions of the Yukon and Kuskokwim rivers. The Innoko Valley, a major feature of the Innoko Lowlands physiographic unit, consists of two types of drainage patterns which divide it into two distinct sections corresponding approxi- mately with the lower and upper halves of the valley. The upper half is characterized by hills and low mountains, the average height of which is from 800 to 1,000 ft. above the stream beds. Isolated moun- tain masses rise above the general level of these ridges, particularly in the headwaters region; this area is drained by clear streams. The upper Innoko Valley, a distinctly peripheral area in this study, is separated from the Yukon Basin to the northwest by the Kaiyuh Mountains which extend from the south side of the Yukon, opposite the mouth of the Melozitna River, in a southwesterly direction to the lower course of the Innoko near the point where it is joined by the Holikachuk-Shageluk Slough, a distance of approximately 175 miles. These mountains are comparatively low, being little more than high hills at their northeast and southwest extremities. The higher sections of the Kaiyuh range between these low passes resemble the range sep£u*ating the Yukon Valley from Norton Sound, in rising to a maximum height of approximately 2,000 ft. To the southeast, the valley of the upper Innoko is separated from that of the Kuskokwim River by a range of the Kuskokwim Mountains. These mountains are higher and more rugged than the Kaiyuh, in some places rising to a height of 4,000 ft.^ In the lower half of the Innoko VaUey, the river and its principal tributaries meander widely over a considerable extent of low, flat country consisting primarily of silt and clay deposits. These low, flat, swampy plains occupy virtuaUy the entire area between the Kaiyuh and Kuskokwim ranges and have been described as "a tongue-like extension inland of the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta."'' A glance at a relief map of southwestern Alaska reveals the truth of this comparison. The low tundra plains of the delta, characterized by innumerable sloughs and smaU lakes, penetrates the interior edmost to latitude 64° north. The Innoko Lowlands must be con- 10 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 sidered one of the most distinctive and well-defined physiographic regions in west-central Alaska. Where the Innoko emerges from the upper valley at approxi- mately the mouth of the Holikachuk-Shageluk Slough, the banks are about 10 to 15 ft. above the normal level of the river. Here and there, as it makes its way toward confluence with the Yukon, the river cuts banks of silt that are from 20 to 35 ft. high and even higher hills approach the east bank below the village of Shageluk. Generally speaking, however, the banks tend to decrease in height downstream and toward the mouth they are sometimes no more than 3 or 4 ft. above the water level. During spring floods, the entire lower valley is sometimes inundated with only an occasional hillock rising above the water level and only tall river bank vegetation to indicate the normal channel. In the early summer of 1972, it was im- possible for me and my guide to locate the mouth of the Iditarod River, a major tributary of the Innoko, because of this extensive flooding. Informants at Shageluk told of "overland" trips by canoe and motorboat in the past at times of exceptionally high water, and they described to me a nearly "direct" route between Shageluk and the abandoned mining town of Iditarod. About 75 miles above its confluence with the Yukon, the Innoko is joined to the latter by Shageluk Slough, an anabranch which runs in a meandering north-south direction generally parallel to the two rivers for a distance of some 40 miles and joins the Innoko approxi- mately 15 river miles above the village of Shageluk. A branch of Shageluk Slough, Holikachuk Slough, flows into the Innoko near the former village of Holikachuk. In late summer, water is sometimes low in this branch and it is not navigable even for small boats. A glance at the map (fig. 2) will show that Shageluk Slough, together with the lower Innoko River creates a huge island in the shape of an inverted triangle with Fox Point Island in the northwest corner, Holikachuk in the northeast corner, and Holy Cross at the apex. This arrangement has created confusion in geographical naming and identification by early explorers, traders, and mis- sionaries. In some written accounts, Shageluk Slough is considered to include not only the slough but the lower Innoko as well. For these writers the name Innoko is applied only to the river above the mouth of Holikachuk Slough. It is easy to see why some observers considered the entire complex of sloughs and a section of the lower Innoko to be simply a large anabranch of the Yukon because it is VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 11 certainly true that both sloughs deliver a considerable amount of Yukon water to the Innoko in the spring. Indian inhabitants of the Innoko Lowlands had different names for specific sections of the Innoko, its tributaries, and for the sloughs which connect it to the Yukon. The name Shageluk, however, is Eskimo and has been variously noted as meaning "filth, dirt"^ and "willow."^ According to one source, Innoko is an Ingalik Indian word meaning "in the woods, "^ but there is no general agreement concerning either the origin of the word or its meaning. In considering the physiography of the Innoko Lowlands as a whole, the most important thing to remember, perhaps, is that there are no really high mountains or large lakes, but rather numerous navigable rivers which have played a dominant role in the culture of the native inhabitants. Such rivers have provided a considerable proportion of the food and have also served as lines of conmiunica- tion between the villages built along their banks. Similarly, they have provided easy access to the interior of central Alaska, first for Russian explorers and traders and later for their American counter- parts as well as for the gold seekers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The chmate of the Innoko Lowlands varies considerably, being ex- tremely cold in the eastern and northern mountains, while in the lowland areas it is as warm as anywhere in interior Alaska and there is considerable precipitation. The mean annual rainfall at Holy Cross, for example, is 19% in., the wettest months being July and August. Over half the year's precipitation occurs during the sum- mer months. Summer temperatures in the 80 's are not uncommon. Late June and early July are Ukely to be clear and warm with consis- tent rainy weather usually not beginning until late July or early August. The ground is generally covered with snow from the middle of October until early in May. Records of the time of opening and closing of the Yukon at Holy Cross were kept for a considerable number of years. Between 1889 and 1922 the river usually broke up sometime between May 15 and 30. It was completely clear of ice sometime between May 21 and June 3. Ice began to form in the fall between October 5 and 16, and the river was generally closed during the last week of October or the first week of November.^ When the dramatic spring break up occurs, the Yukon ice is hkely to jam, par- ticularly just above Holy Cross where the river narrows con- siderably. When this occurs, flood levels of 10, 20, and 30 ft. above normal are not uncommon and villages along both the Innoko and 12 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 the Yukon suffer considerable damage. During these floods the Yukon water presses back up the sloughs and spreads across the meander belt, sometimes cutting new channels and silting up others. When the water subsides, the patterns of sloughs, Isikes, and little tributaries ju-e often dramatically changed. Killing frosts usually occur early in September, well before ice begins to form in the rivers. Holy Cross has an average of 93 days a year of sub-zero temperature and between 1889 and 1922 the lowest recorded temperature was -62°F in January of 1902.^ The country as a whole is well wooded. Timber grows in the valleys and on the upland slopes to about 2,000 ft, above sea level. The trees are not large, most of them failing to exceed 12 in. in diameter. Sphagnum mosses cover the valley floors and the lower slopes of mountains. The ridges are generally covered with mosses, heathers, stunted bushes, and grasses. The most common species of trees are spruce and birch. White and black spruce are common throughout the larger valleys and well up the slopes of the lower ridges. Birch was formerly of considerable importance to the native inhabitants as its bark was used for covering boats, for the roofs of houses and other shelters, and for dishes and storage vessels. In swampy areas and along the banks of rivers and streams there are groves of larch and extensive stands of willows and cottonwoods. Willows and alders are found above the timber line in many areas. Birch trees are particularly extensive along the higher banks of the Yukon and the lower Innoko. In the late 19th and early 20th cen- turies they were cut extensively as cord wood for river steamboats. In summer there are many kinds of edible berries on the hillsides in- cluding blueberries, raspberries, high and low bush cranberries, and currants. Animal life in the Innoko Lowlands is typical of the interior of Alaska, although the variety and abundance of large game and fur- bearing animals has varied considerably over the past 150 years. The larger land animals native to the region are the moose (Alces alces), caribou {Rangifer arcticus), black bear (Ursus americanus), and brown bear (Ursus arctos), but only the first is plentiful today. The more common smaller animals are the beaver {Castor cana- densis), mink {Mustela vision), lynx {Lynx canadensis), fox (Volpes fulva and Alopex lagopus), porcupine (Erethizon dorsatum), river ot- ter {Lutra canadensis), muskrat {Ondatra zibethica), hare {Lepus americanus), wolf (Canis lupus), wolverine (Gulo luscus), marten {Martes americana), squirrel {Tamiasciurus hudsonicus), and weasel VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 13 (Mustela erminea). Most of these animals also vary in abundance from year to year. Three of the five species of Pacific salmon enter the Yukon basin in sufficient numbers to constitute distinct runs. These are the king or Chinook (Oncorhynchus tschawytscha), the chum or dog (Oncor- hynchus keta), and the coho or silver (Oncorhynchus kisutch). Salmon ascend the Innoko only in very smaU numbers and in the past, the inhabitants of villages along that river have spent all or part of the summer months in Yukon River fish camps. There are numerous species of whitefish {Coregonus), particularly abundant in the Innoko and its tributsu-ies. In the shallow ponds and lakes, pike (Esox lucius), ling {Lota maculosa), and blackfish {Dallia pectoralis) are common. GrayUng (Thymallus signifer) and salmon trout (Salvelinus parkeii) are found in the clear streams at higher eleva- tions. Lamprey eels (Entosphenus tridentatus) make a massive migration up the river each winter, but do not extend much above Anvik. An occasional beluga (Delphinapterus leucas) and a few seals (Phoca richardii richardii) sometimes make their way up the river even as far as Nulato, but the occurrence of these sea mammals is exceedingly rare. The upper valley of the Innoko, and indeed the entire Innoko Lowlands, is a nesting ground for many varieties of migratory birds, particularly ducks and geese, but also swans {Olor colum- bianus), cranes {Grus canadensis), loons (Gavia), and many others. Of the northern birds that remain through the winter, only the grouse (Canachites canadensis) and rock and willow ptarmigan (Lagopus lagopus, Lagopus mutus) are of economic importance to the inhabitants. A characteristic and unpleasant feature of much of interior Alaska, but along the lower Yukon and its tributaries in particular, is the clouds of mosquitos and other insects that appear as soon as the snow begins to melt in the spring and remain active until late in October. Many of the observers whose writings have been consulted in preparing the following pages make note of the fact that the sum- mer insect life of the Innoko Lowlands is a far greater source of unpleasantness than the cold, deep snow and long nights of winter. The People The geographical area and environment just described is occupied by the Ingalik Indians, an Athapaskan-speaking people who, at the time of their first direct contact with Europeans in the late 18th and 14 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Fig. 2. Regional map with dotted line showing Ingalik boundaries. early 19th century, also inhabited a small portion of the Kuskokwim River drainage. The name Ingalik is Eskimo and means "having louse's eggs." It was bestowed on the people in question by their Eskimo neighbors on the lower Yukon because the Indians were not known to cut their hair.*" Cornelius Osgood, whose field work in the 1930's has provided most of the ethnographic information available concerning the Ingalik, believed that, at the time of his studies, these Athapaskan speakers comprised four units or subdivisions based on subtle linguistic and cultural differences. The first was the Anvik- Shageluk group which centered around the village of Anvik on the Yukon and in settlements on the lower Innoko River, particularly Shageluk. The second grouping was identified with the now- abandoned village of Bonasila on the Yukon River approximately 22 miles above the confluence of the Innoko. A third grouping inhabited the villages of Holy Cross and Georgetown. Osgood is less VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 15 certain about a fourth subdivision, the McGrath group, occupying the drziinage of the upper Kuskokwim River." More recent research suggests that the Ingalik occupied only a small section of the Kuskokwim Valley above the village of Stony River as well as the drainages of the Swift and Tatlawiksuk rivers, Kuskokwim tributaries (fig. 2).'^ These subdivisions as delineated by Osgood are not valid at the present time. In addition to the new information concerning Ingalik occupation of the Kuskokwim Valley, the formerly important settle- ment of Bonasila has been abandoned since the late 1930's shortly after Osgood completed his research in the area. Since Osgood's subdivisions are not particularly relevant from the standpoint of the history of European contact, and since this study includes only those people living in the drainages of the Yukon and Innoko rivers, primarily the Anvik-Shageluk people, the entire area will be referred to as the Anvik-Shageluk area. For the purposes of this study, therefore, we will equate the Innoko Lowlands, a geographical unit, with the Anvik-Shageluk area, a cultural unit. One settlement of Holikachuk Athapaskans who inhabited the recently abandoned village of that name is also included within the Anvik-Shageluk area." The earliest rehable population figures for the Anvik-Shageluk area are those of the Russian explorer, Andrey Glazunov, who estimated that there were approximately 1,000 people inhabiting the villages he visited or was told about during his explorations in 1833-1834.'^ In 1843 another Russian explorer, Lavrentiy Alekseevich Zagoskin, enumerated 699 individuals indicating that the population of the area had been seriously depleted by a smallpox epidemic that swept southwestern Alaska in 1838 and 1839.*' Population estimates for the rest of the 19th century are not par- ticularly reliable. The 10th federal census in 1880 reported an approximate figure of 413, and 10 years later the 11th census recorded 476.'* During the first 30 years of the present century, more accurate census data were gathered by John Wight Chapman, pioneer Episcopalian missionary who served at Anvik for more than 40 years. In 1898 he enumerated 652 in the Anvik-Shageluk area, while in 1900 the figure was 565. A decline to 452 in 1914 was attributed to a severe influenza epidemic which swept the lower Yukon and adjoining areas in the summer of 1900.'' Official United States census records are reasonably complete for the area beginning in 16 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 1930 when 504 were enumerated. Populations for the following 10 year intervals were as follows:'* Year Population 1939 505 1950 464 1960 653 1970 588 It should be remembered, however, that even the most official census figures were never more than an approximation of the population of an area like the Innoko Lowlands. Seasonal movements of people have always been characteristic, and the number of inhabitants in any village always varied greatly depen- ding on the time of year that a count was made. A long-time, year- around resident Uke John Chapman was in a better position to make accurate population estimates than a federal enumerator whose visits to the area at widely separated intervals were, of necessity, brief. Nevertheless, it seems clear that Osgood was correct when he noted that the population of the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik and their closest neighbors has, since the 1840's always been "nearer five hundred than a thousand."'^ The neighbors of the Anvik-Shageluk people include Eskimos as well as other Athapaskan speakers. West of the Anvik River and its tributaries is the territory of the Unaligmiut Eskimos who inhabit the coast of Norton Sound and the banks of the short rivers which flow into it. Contact and trade between the Ingalik and Eskimos was important in this area. The Kwikpagmiut Eskimos live along the Yukon River south of Holy Cross and all the way to the river mouth. Holy Cross is a mixed village of Eskimos and Indians now as it was in the past. However, Osgood considered this settlement to be "truly Athapaskan," and noted that Paimiut, about 20 miles downriver, is the first Kwikpagmiut settlement.^" For reasons which may relate to the more efficient use of environmental resources, Eskimos gradual- ly expanded up the Yukon and Kuskokwim rivers prior to European contact. The Ingalik were already strongly influenced by these people at the time Europeans first arrived in the area.^' The only Athapaskan peoples directly in contact with the Anvik- Shageluk area are the Holikachuk who formerly inhabited the Innoko River above Holikachuk Slough and today live along the Yukon River in the village of Grayling." Because of frequent VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 17 interaction with the Ingedik, the inhabitants of the village of HoUkachuk were culturally eiligned to the Anvik-Shageluk people. In 1963, the residents moved to the Yukon and established a new settlement at Grayling. These people are included in this study as is the area which they previously occupied. Previous Anthropological Research Although the Anvik-Shageluk area has never been a focus of long- term anthropological research, it has been the location of some of the most intensive ethnographic studies carried out anywhere in the subarctic regions. Oddly enough, when one considers the increased numbers of anthropological investigators working in Alaska in recent years, all of the published research in the area, both ethnographic and archaeological, is based on field work carried out in the 1930's and earher. In the summer of 1926, Ale§ Hrdlidka descended the Tanana and Yukon rivers from Nenana to the coast." The primary purpose of his trip was to collect skeletal material for the United States National Museum, but he also interviewed local inhabitants along the rivers and located and described a large number of archaeological sites including many within the area of this study. In addition, he includ- ed some data on the contemporary Indians and their settlements. Hrdlidka made a second trip in 1929, this time beginning his survey at Dawson.^" He included the Shageluk Slough and lower Innoko River in this excursion, and there is some additional information related to settlement patterns, both past and present. At their best, Hrdli^ka's accounts are superficial and his locations of archaeological sites are often exasperatingly vague. Many could not be located or accurately identified during my surveys in the summers of 1972 and 1974. At the suggestion of Hrdlidka, Herbert W. Krieger of the Smithsonian Institution carried out archaeological excavations on the lower Yukon and Innoko rivers in the summer of 1927. Hrdlidka had been impressed with what he considered to be the "primitiveness" of the inhabitants of the lower Innoko, and he had discovered stone artifacts on the beach in front of the old Bonasila site that seemed to him to be of particular interest because of their crudity." Krieger excavated at Holikachuk and Shageluk on the Innoko, and at Anvik and Bonasila on the Yukon, but only the Bonasila excavations are described briefly in the single publication on his work.^** There is a small collection of artifacts from these excavations in the United States National Museum. 18 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Of far greater significance than the work of either Hrdli^ka or Krieger was the archaeological reconnaissance of the Tanana and Yukon valleys between Nenana and Holy Cross, including the lower Innoko, carried out by Frederica deLaguna in the summer of 1935. Her party, which included geologists, investigated a large number of archaeological sites throughout the area, testing many of them. In her report she attempts to locate and identify all the villages visited by early Russian and American explorers on the Yukon, one of the first attempts to integrate Alaskan archaeological and historical data. In dealing with recovered artifacts, deLaguna ranges widely in her analysis, comparing all types found on the Yukon and lower Innoko with similar or corresponding types found archaeologically and ethnographically throughout North America and Asia. Her interpretations are, of necessity, highly speculative and later research has rendered many of her conclusions obsolete. Nevertheless, her study is a monumental contribution to cultural- historical research and provides future students of Athapaskan ar- chaeology and ethnology with an abundance of problems worth in- vestigating.^'' Although deLaguna, and to a lesser extent Hrdlicka, included some basic ethnographic data and speculations in their accounts, the first intensive ethnographic research among Alaskan Athapas- kan-speaking peoples was undertaken by Cornelius Osgood. Follow- ing work among the Tanaina in 1931 and Kutchin the following year, Osgood turned his attention to the Ingalik, working at Anvik in the summers of 1934 and 1937. Intensive efforts on the part of the investigator, together with the wholehearted co-operation of village residents, combined to create what appears to have been an almost ideal field research situation. One informant in particular, Billy Williams, who lived until the spring of 1974, provided Osgood with much of his data on material culture as well as relevant infor- mation on other aspects of IngaUk life. Rarely in the history of North American ethnographic research, it would appear, has there been such complete rapport between informant and investigator. Osgood first published an exhaustive study of Ingalik material culture which has continued to be a classic among studies of its kind.^^ This important report was followed by equally thorough in- vestigations of mental and social culture.^^ Together the three studies constitute the most comprehensive account of any northern Athapaskan peoples. In addition to his valuable and exhaustive VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 19 studies of Ingalik life, Osgood was one of the first investigators, together with deLaguna, to call attention to the importance of the Uterature on Russian exploration in western Alaska. His ethnographic reconstructions, sununarized here in Chapter I, and his vivid descriptions of the earliest Russian explorations on the lower Yukon and its tributaries first stimulated my interest in Ingalik ethnohistory. Notes 1. Wahrhaftig, 1965. p. 30. 2. HCM diary, Jan. 1-Oct. 31, 1898. OPA/HCM, box 2. 3. Maddren, 1909, pp. 242-244. 4. Ibid., p. 244. 5. Jett6, On the geographical names of the Tena. 0PA/Jett6. 6. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 348. 7. Osgood, 1958, p. 27. 8. Koserefsky records. OPA/HCM, box 5; Harrington, 1918b, p. 336. 9. Koserefsky records. OPA/HCM, box 5. 10. Osgood, 1940, p. 31; Zagoskin, 1967, p. 105. 11. Osgood, 1940. p. 31. 12. Kraus, 1974. 13. Ibid. 14. VanStone, 1959. 15. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 307. 16. Petroff, 1884. p. 12; Porter. 1893. p. 7. 17. Chapman, 1898b, p. 167; 1931a, pp. 398-400. 18. United States census of population, vol. 1, population, 1931; 1952, pp. 51-56, 51-57, 51-58; 1963, pp. 3-10, 3-11; 1973, table 6. 19. Osgood, 1958, p. 30. 20. Osgood, 1940, p. 33. 21. Oswalt. 1962, pp. 2-4; 1967. p. 241; Zagoskin, 1967, p. 244. 22. Krauss, 1974. 23. Hrdlicka. 1944. 24. Ibid. 25. Ibid., pp. 51, 209-210, 215. 26. Krieger, 1928. 27. deLaguna, 1947. 28. Osgood, 1940. 29. Osgood, 1958, 1959. I THE ANVIK-SHAGELUK INGALIK: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC SUMMARY The Ingalik experienced direct contact with Europeans for nearly 100 years before their way of life was documented by an anthro- pologist and indirect contact for an even longer period. The disastrous smallpox epidemic of 1838-1839 must have had a serious disruptive effect on Ingalik culture, although the precise nature of its impact cannot be demonstrated. At the very least, ecological arrangements, group structure and size, and other aspects of social organization would have been severely undermined. In addition, trade networks between Siberia and Alaska, to be described in Chapter III, necessitated changes in subsistence emphasis even before initial direct contacts with Russian traders. In fact, given the known extent of this trade early in the 19th century, it is likely that for the Ingalik the aboriginal period came to an end not long after 1750. Under these circumstances, it is clear that the ethnographic sum- mary which follows does not apply to the aboriginal period but rather to the period between 1850 and about 1890. As such, therefore, it cannot constitute a base Une for the study of culture change, but it is, nevertheless, a more complete account of a modified-traditional Indian way of hfe than can be documented for any other northern Athapaskan group.' The Subsistence Base The IngaUk inhabitants of the lower-middle Yukon taiga environ- ment in the 19th century practiced all three of the basic gathering activities— hunting, fishing, and collecting. Fishing, however, was more important than either hunting or collecting, although both had significant places in the yearly cycle of subsistence activities. Hunt- ing supplemented the primary food supply of fish and provided skins for clothing. Plant products, primarily berries, were, at certain 20 VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 21 times of the year, a significant supplement to the fish and meat diet. Although many different fish are present in the Ingalik environ- ment, salmon were, and are, the most important and predictable food item. To a very large degree, the yearly subsistence cycle fo- cused on the seasonal migrations of fish and a considerable amount of Ingalik technology centered on the taking of fish. Spring— Each subsistence year for the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik ended with the coming of spring. By late February or etu-ly March, winter food supphes were likely to be very low and almost yearly there were threatened famines if not actual starvation, at this time.^ Families which had expended most of their stored food surpluses in lavish winter entertainments were often particularly bad off. Hunt- ing and fishing in the inmiediate vicinity of the villages was seldom adequate at this time and, therefore, the arrival of spring not infre- quently terminated a period of hunger that may have lasted for several weeks. After the middle of February the days began to lengthen appreciably and the population of the winter villages along the lower-middle Yukon and Innoko rivers began to anticipate the warmer, brighter weather to come and the return of fish and game animals that may have been scarce during the long, dark winter months. Toward the end of February small hunting parties left the villages at intervals of a few days to hunt caribou and other large game in the high country to the east and west of the river com- munities. These early spring hunts were looked forward to with the greatest interest by all members of the community even though women, children, and old people sometimes did not accompany the hunters.^ Ceiribou-hunting parties from Koserefsky, a village long located opposite Holy Cross, frequented the Shageluk Mountains at this time of the year, while those from Shageluk might travel to the headwaters of the Yetna River," At Anvik the hunting parties ascended the Anvik River to the vicinity of Otter Creek and hunted along the divide between the Yukon and Norton Sound drainages where, in the 19th century and earlier, there were many herds of caribou.* For the most part the animals were driven into surrounds and caught in snares, but sometimes they were stedked by indi- vidual hunters.* In addition to C£iribou, other Isu-ge game was hunted in early spring, including moose which are reported by Zagoskin to have been abundant in the area at the time of his travels.' Zagoskin also reported that black and brown bear were plentiful, particularly 22 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 in the vicinity of Anvik, and these animals were hunted with bone pointed lances as they came out of hibernation in the early spring.^ At that time of the year, however, the animals were lean from their long winter's sleep. Beaver and muskrat were trapped in March and April along the tributaries of the upper Anvik and Yetna rivers, in the lakes east of Shageluk, and in the Iditarod area. Beaver sometimes left their houses in early April and descended the small streams to the larger rivers where they remained without having a house until fall. When this occurred, the animals could be shot with bow and arrow from canoes as were muskrats and land otters.^ This type of hunting was particularly effective when lowland areas were flooded and the animals could easily be seen swimming. At the first appearance of open water in the small lakes and ponds which dot the lowlands of the river valleys, usually by mid-May, large numbers of ducks and geese begin to arrive on their annual migration. At this time, most Ingalik devoted less attention to the hunting of large game and trapping and descended to the river valleys to hunt waterfowl with snares and to gather eggs. Some famiUes, however, remained in the higher country until the snow had completely disappeared and it was impossible to travel by sled back to the river. Under these circumstances they could construct a boat by covering a roughly made frame with the skins of the animals they had killed. These precarious vessels were launched in streams tributary to major tributaries of the Yukon and in that way the villages along the river were reached.'" For those who preferred to hunt ducks and geese, these fowl were found in abundance in the lowland area near the mouth of the Iditarod River. Shageluk and Holikachuk people hunted in this area. Koserefsky and Anvik bird hunters frequented the broad lowland between the Yukon and Innoko rivers. Spring fishing was an important activity in the vicinity of the river villages as soon as the ice began to go out. Whitefish were par- ticularly abundant in the Innoko, but also in the smaller streams of the area. Anvik people set gill nets for these fish as well as for pike in the sloughs of the Yukon as soon as they were open. Wicker traps were sometimes set in early spring but when the high water of late spring arrived they were taken up and replaced with gill nets. These were kept set until the water fell and the traps could be put in once again. Dip nets with babiche mesh were also used when the water Plate 1. Making a fish trap at Anvik about 1925 (Smithsonian Institution, National Anthropological Archives). 23 24 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 was high. Whitefish, sheefish, grayling, and pickerel were caught, but whitefish were the most important. At Shageluk and in other Innoko River conununities these fish were taken in huge numbers and were especially welcome after a long winter with limited sup- plies of food. Each April or May, the inhabitants of Koserefsky made a special trip to the lower reaches of the Innoko River to fish for whitefish." When Ingalik families returned to their villages in late spring, they often discovered that their winter houses were uninhabitable because of dampness and mold. Since the Yukon frequently floods in spring, sometimes severely, there might be a layer of silt covering everything in the houses. Even under the best of circumstances, however, the people were glad to be able to move into temporary shelters located in some dry and elevated place near the river bank for a few weeks before moving to fish camps along the river. The time before the arrival of the first king salmon could be spent hunt- ing muskrats in the open water of small streams and lakes near the villages and in preparing boats, nets, and traps for the coming fishing season.'^ Late spring was the time of trading expeditions in the early con- tact period and presumably much earlier as well. Trading parties of Eskimos from Norton Sound came to the Yukon and the Ingalik traveled to the coast by way of the Anvik River. Late spring, before the salmon began to run, was the ideal time for these trips since a supply of coastal products was greatly needed. Sea mammal hides in particular were useful in spring for the construction of salmon nets and caribou snares." Summer— The first king salmon appear almost as soon as the river is clear of ice and by that time the Indians had moved to their sunmier fish camps. Most of the camps of the Anvik people were located between the village and the entrance to Shageluk Slough on the right bank of the river. Some families preferred camps on the Anvik River itself, choosing locations where the water was shallow and a fence or weir could be constructed so as to obstruct the entire channel. Traps were set at intervals in these weirs. Anvik River salmon were said to be less fat than those taken in the Yukon and were preferred by some people. Fish camps of Indians from Koserefsky and Anilukhtakpak, a community formerly located near Holy Cross, were, for the most part, situated on the right bank of the Yukon between the mouth of VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 26 the Bonasila River and the Eskimo village of Paimiut. Although families were likely to return to the same fish camps year after year, the location of camps could change during the fishing season. Silver salmon, the last species to ascend the river in late summer, moved along close to the left bank and camps sometimes were moved across the river to take full advantage of the run. Since only a few dog salmon and no kings or silvers ascend the In- noko River, inhabitants of Shageluk, Holikachuk, and other Innoko communities. moved to the Yukon each summer during the fishing season. Most of their camps were located between Grayling Creek and the mouth of Simon Creek approximately 12 miles above the Yukon entrance to Shageluk Slough. However, Innoko families slso mfdntained a number of camps below Anvik. The king salmon was the most important food fish obtained by the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik. These fish were taken most effectively in large basket traps similar to the type described in detail by Osgood for dog salmon.'" Traps were more effective than gill nets since these fish do not travel as close to shore as do other species of salmon. Another common means of taking them was by means of a dip net. The fisherman, in his river canoe, drifted down river with the current while holding the net in the water. When an ascending salmon was caught, it was Ufted out, killed, and placed in the canoe; then the operation was repeated.'^ Just below Anvik there is a straight stretch of the river that is reported to have been an excellent location for this method of salmon fishing. By the middle of June dog salmon are running at Anvik and these were caught with gill nets and large wicker fish traps, the latter being more important in the 19th century. Traps were set at the outer end of long fences of stakes set in the water extending from shore. From this time until nearly the end of August everyone was busy catching and preparing salmon. The men attended to the traps, while women cut and cleaned the fish and hung them to dry on long frameworks of poles; sometimes they were smoked at the same time. After the fish were dry, they were stored in caches for use during the winter. During a heavy run of salmon, the nets were no sooner set out then they were full and running over. Occasional- ly, they had to be taken out of the water for a period of time until the cutters and cleaners could catch up.'® Dog and silver salmon furnish- ed by far the largest amount of dried fish and the former in par- ticular were the staple dog food. 26 1 o a o ja -a a o oa 2 § o DO M 1 00 i-H 1— t > o -S ^ 27 U FIELDLANA: ANTHBOPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Although the aimtial sahixni runs |Ht9vided a geoetalty predic' table supply of food, there were oocaskns when the runs were gpeab- ly reduced and there wore times whea they failed con^et^. Such a failtire occurred in the sommer of 1893 and the folDawiDg winter starvation threatened. However, since fidung was also an iMstegrsl part of winter subsistence activities, it was onty in consequence of an unusual combination of the foihne of both fish and game in winter with a failure of the smnmer safanon mn that famine oocor' red.'^ Even when the sommer nms were good, however, there were othar facts w&e cut leading down the ste^ banks of the rivo* in front of the villages for conv^iience in winto* travding, and the roofs and walls of houses wore given a genoral owfaauling so that they would be fit for occupano' when cold weather ae/t in.** As soon as the rivers and sloughs were completely frozen ov»-, usually by late October, fish traps mere set in the channds. Thdr locations wane visited frequently to ke^ the holes in the ice <^>en so that the traps could be lifted out and their contents removed. Whitefish. which run Ux about a noonth in the Yukon in late Octobo* and early November, were the most abundant v'ariety taken. These fish w&e also trapped in large numbers at this time by Innoko Rivn* pec^e in the slou^is of that stream. WUlow fences were somdimes built by Shageluk people at the mouths of sloughs and small tributaries and fish collected at these obstructions w&e removed with dip nets. Gill n^is wete also used to take whitefish from slou^Ls and small lakes near the winter \'illages just before freeze- up and just after while the ice was sull thin. In addition to whitefish, pike, jackfish, and loche were taken at this time of year.** Toward the end of Novemba* the annual run of lan^)reys occurs in the Yukon. These fish move slowly up the nver and w(»rd was pass- ed frt>m viUage to village as they approached swimming just beneath the surface of the ice. The Tngalik had a soies of holes ready for instant use and k^t a sharp lookout for the eels. As soon as they wwe seen in the hole furthest down rivo-. the fishnmen began scoc^ung these fish out with small nets w hooking them with a barb fostened to a long pole. The creatures froze instantly on ex- posure to the cold air. When the lan^ureys had parsed one hole, the fishomen would, of course, move to the next. The run would last only a couple of days, but because the fish move slowly in a oonq>act mass close to the surface, many hundreds of pounds woe taken if the run was good. They w&e eaten raw and thdr oil used for light and for cooking.™ Hunting was also an imprntant fall activity. By early November the country is well cov^ed with snow and the Tngalik hunters w»e ready and anxious to start off fw the hi^ country to hunt moose, caribou, and other large game. Caribou w«e particularly plentiful in frdl and were herded into surrounds where they were caught in snares. They were also snared by means of strong nooses set among bushes so that the animals became entangled around the neck or antlers.'' Moose, the largest game animal of the area. w«e hunted en T3 o J3 bo 3 O 'I ^1 30 I OT M 9 O 0) O. OS a> -^ .> .s a -I < 31 32 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 by the Ingeilik on snowshoes, preferably when the snow was deep or there was a hard crust through which the animal would break at every step. The hunter, stripped to the least possible amount of clothing, followed the animal until it was exhausted and he moved close enough for the kill. Caribou were sometimes stalked in this manner, although less successfully because these animals were Ughter and faster." The fall hunt was of short duration and women seldom participated. They remained at home with the children and old people spending most of their time making clothing. They also set snjires for hares as soon as trails were visible in the snow and hunted grouse and ptarmigan in the vicinity of the villages." By the end of November, or somewhat earlier, the hunters had returned from the high country. Those who had been successful in killing moose, bear, and caribou, after a short rest to recuperate from the effects of the hardships of fall travel with heavy loads, set out again with their dog teams to bring in the meat which had been left cached in the woods. Sometimes a successful hunter was accom- panied by his family on the return trip for game and if there was a large quantity cached, the family might make a temporary camp at the cache and spend a week or more resting and feasting. So delightful was this interval, that some families did not return to the river until driven to do so by the cold weather of approaching winter." The fall hunt was also the time when trapping of small fur-bearing animals began. Traps were put out for fox, lynx, land otter, beaver, squirrel, ermine, marten, and mink. The most common method of trapping was by means of the friction trigger or samson post dead- faU." VTmter— Trapping continued into the winter months at least until the end of December. E. W. Nelson, a 19th century traveler in the IngaUk country, mentions that in early December, 1880 he en- countered two men in a kashim, or ceremonial house, at an Innoko River village skinning four land otters that they had recently taken. These animals had been tracked to their holes in a snow bank along the river and then clubbed to death as they were driven out. The men told Nelson that in winter the land otter plunges through the snow by short leaps and is easily run down by a hunter on showshoes. The hunters followed a fresh trail and either overtook the animal and killed it or drove the creature into its hole and then forced it out to be killed. Land otters were also taken by placing VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 33 steel traps at the bottoms of their holes leading under the ice at the banks of streams. Marten trapping was also particularly good in mid-winter. Like the land otter, these animals could be tracked until forced to cUmb a tree and then shot. There was, however, con- siderable risk to the pelt by teiking them in this manner. ^^ Often during the fall, hunters noted the location of good beaver houses and then when winter came, nets were placed under the ice in front of the exits. According to Zagoskin, beaver frequently were unable to prepare a food supply that would last them through the entire winter and therefore left a willow grove ne£ir their house un- touched. When an unseasonable thaw occurred, the animals would come out to forage and could be killed easily by waiting hunters with clubs." By the end of December and sometimes earlier, the fall hunters and trappers were back in their villages; extensive cold and short days made both activities virtually impossible. These short, dark mid-winter days of December and January were the time of feasting and ceremonies involving all the villages of the Anvik-Shageluk area and some from neighboring areas. The Ingalik, however, could not afford to withdraw completely from the pursuit of subsistence activities. Snowshoe trips were made even on the shortest, coldest days to hunt for grouse, ptarmigan, and hares. Snares were set for hares along their runways and grouse and ptarmigan were snared with nooses set among the bushes. These birds were also taken by means of small brush fences with openings at intervals into which snares were set. Traps and deadfalls for fur-bearing animals were set near the villages in mid-winter and could be checked at the same time small game was being hunted and wood gathered for fuel.^^ It is impossible to over-estimate the importance of small game to the Ingalik as it often provided virtually the only food available when suppUes of dried fish were running low. In many years, serious starvation was avoided by the availability of these birds and animals.^^ The quantity of small game apparently varied con- siderably from year to year and when they were not plentiful, star- vation or near starvation could result.^ Bad floods in the spring fre- quently killed many small animals, a fact of which the IngaUk would be very much aware the following winter.^' Fishing also continued throughout the winter with traps being set in favorable locations along the main rivers and smaller streams for ling, whitefish, and pike. Occasionally such traps were located 34 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 where the ice was 4 or 5 ft. thick and to chisel a hole large enough to receive a trap could be very hard work indeed. These traps were usually taken up once or twice a week and might contain anywhere from 20 to 200 lb. of fish; the usual harvest appears to have been about 50 lb. a week. Lure-hook fishing for pike and blackfish in near- by lakes was also a common winter activity.^^ With the end of February and noticeably lengthening days, the seasonal subsistence cycle of the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik was ready to begin again. A pleasurable winter season of festivals had brought excitement to the villages along with visitors who might otherwise be seen only at infrequent intervals. However, such pleasures had to be paid for and many Ingalik anticipated the spring hunting and trapping with some urgency as a welcome opportunity to fill empty caches and replenish diminished food supplies. Settlement Patterns and Band Territory The 19th-century IngaUk utilized three types of settlements depending on the season of the year: winter villages which were the permanent homes of their inhabitants, spring fishing and trapping camps sometimes referred to as "canoe villages" to which people sledged their canoes in spring before the ice broke up, and summer fish camps. These latter were sometimes located directly in front of the winter villages, but they were always smaller because some families preferred to move to various locations along the river in order to take advantage of good fishing sites." A typical winter village consisted of a large kashim, which served as a ceremonial house, men's social center, and workshop, and a row of semi-subterranean residences. Behind the houses were numerous caches for storing dried fish and other food, while elevated racks for sledges and boats were situated between and in front of the residences. The kashim was the most impressive structure in every Ingalik winter village. In 1843 Zagoskin described the one at Anilukhtakpak as being "a remarkable building, 12 sazhens square and over 6 sazhens high, with three tiers of benches made of pine fsprucej planks that are 3% feet wide and have obviously been split and hewn with stone axes."^^ Houses in the winter villages were usually between 16 and 20 ft. square. When Glazunov visited Anvik in 1834, he counted 10 large houses and 25 caches in addition to the kashim. ^^ In 1843-1844 when Zagoskin explored the Ingalik country he visited the nine winter villages listed below. The first five of these VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 35 were situated along the lower Innoko River and the remainder on the Yukon (see figs. 4, 5).^^ Settlement Houses Population Inselnostlende 2 33 Khuingitetakhten 3 37 Iltenleyden 6 100 Tlegozhitno (Shageluk) 3 45 Khuligichagat (Holikachuk) 5 70 Vazhichagat 5 80 Anvig (Anvik) 5 120 Makki (Bonasila) 3 44 Anilukhtakpak 8 170 Total 40 699 These figures indicate an average occupancy of a little more than 17 persons per house and suggest that a winter village with eight or more houses should be considered very large indeed. Later observers agree that anywhere from 15 to 20 individuals, usually members of at least two nuclear famihes, lived in a traditional semi- subterranean winter house. ^' The most common form of summer dwelling in the fishing camps was above ground, of frame construction, and with walls made of sheets of spruce or birch bark. Temporary shelters of spruce poles and boughs were used during briefer stays in the "canoe villages." The availability of predictable runs of salmon each summer made it possible for the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik to enjoy a comparatively sedentary way of life at least when compared to northern Athapaskan groups depending mainly on big game. For these specialized fishermen, winter could thus be a time of relative leisure when, as will presently be described, a series of elaborate ceremonies were held in village kashims. Among a relatively settled people hke the Ingalik, the central base or winter village played an important part in social organiza- tion and as a center for exploiting the resources of the environment. As noted in the Introduction, in the 1930's the Ingalik were divided into four subgroups each of which can be considered roughly equivalent to the regional band as defined by June Helm for the Mackenzie drainage Athapaskans.^* There were apparently more at the time of Zagoskin's explorations. A regional band exploited the total range of the band as identified by tradition and use. It utilized all the resources within this range, and this territory provided suffi- cient food and other resources to sustain life except during periodic 36 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 famines. The Ingalik regional band was physically dispersed at various periods throughout the year, but the families who belonged to it came together at the central base to exploit a major resource, namely fish, which, by the nature of its occurrence, allowed a large number of persons to congregate. Regional band members were related through a network of primary affinal and consanguinal ties and the various bands, each of which could be equated with a major winter village and its satellite camps, were bound together through a series of elaborate winter feasts and ceremonies in which, at one time or another, all residents participated. Social Relations Throughout much of the Athapaskan area extended kinship was characterized by unilinear consanguineal kin groups which acknowledged a traditional bond of common descent in the maternal line. Among the Ingalik, however, extended kinship reckoning was bilateral, both the maternal and paternal lines being relevant for purposes of tracing descent. This type of kinship structure is generally considered to be a consequence of contact between these Indians and their Eskimo neighbors, the Ingalik having been formerly matrilineal. Small hunting and gathering aggregates like the Ingalik regional bands emphasized immediate kinship concerns and there were few mechanisms by which the responsibilities of kinship could be ex- tended to non-kin. Polygyny was occasionally practiced by a wealthy individual who obtained the permission of his first wife before inviting his second to join the household. The levirate, whereby a widow marries her deceased husband's brother, was said to be fairly common, but the sororate which sanctions the marriage of a widower with the sister of his deceased wife, was rare. Both customs £ire designed to insure the continuance of the nuclear fami- ly with its responsibilities and obligations after the death of a spouse. Marriage was usually endogamous within the village and there were prohibitions against marrying within the range of first cousins. A modified form of bride service before marriage is reported by Parsons^^ and Osgood's informants noted that it was the mother who determined the marriage partner of a son or daughter. Post-nuptial residence is not clearly defined by Osgood or other sources and it is probable that, as among other Athapaskan groups where bilaterality was characteristic, residence patterns VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 37 were flexible and individual choice played a significant role. Thus Parsons notes that for the first two or three years after marriage a woman lived with her husband in her parents' home, the man then building his own house in the immediate vicinity.'" Osgood's infor- mants, on the other hand, reported that a young married man brought his wife to his parents' home for a period of time and then built his own house wherever he chose to do so. Kinship terminology of the Ingalik can be identified as Eskimoan since the terms for parallel cousins and for mother's brother's daughter and father's sister's daughter are identical and differen- tiated from the terms for sisters; cross cousins are also referred to by the same term. Ingalik terms consistently imply a distinction in generation and lineal relatives £ire always distinguished from col- laterals. TypicaUy Athapaskan is the terminological distinction be- tween elder and younger brother and between elder and younger sister. There are also man-speaking and woman-speaking terms for son and daughter. A mild form of avoidance relationship existed traditionally between a man and his mother, his brother's wife, and his grandmother, but these circumstances apparently applied only to the young. Joking relationships occurred among all first cousins and occasionally between close friends. Those aspects of the life cycle which are significant for the pur- poses of this study include behavioral taboos following the birth of a child that were observed equally by the father and mother. For ap- proximately two weeks the mother was confined to the bench in the house where she had given birth; the father did no work for 20 days nor was he permitted to eat fresh meat or fish. During this period he wore old clothes and when outside had to wear his parka with the covering over his head. There were also restrictions that applied to sexual intercourse. The child's health and good fortune were beUev- ed dependent on the strict observance of these taboos and restric- tions. There was no isolation for boys at puberty, but at her menarche a girl was segregated from the community for one year. The corner of the house which she occupied was partitioned by grass mats and she wore a beaded headband to which bear claws were attached. During this year of seclusion the young woman mastered the skills she would need as a married woman, including sewing, cooking, and the making of beadwork, baskets, and fish nets. Her father observed taboos similar to those following the birth of a child for a similar period of 20 days. At the end of the year of seclusion, a young girl 38 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 was considered eligible for courtship and marriage. However, any menstruating woman was believed to be dangerous to men. If she looked them in the eye, they were in danger of losing their sub- sistence skills."' Ingalik burial practices were more elaborate than similar obser- vances among other northern Athapaskan groups, with the type of burial frequently depending on the wealth of the deceased. Coffin burial was the most desirable, the coffin being placed on a rack at the edge of the cemetery until either the spring or fall burial season and then deposited in an above-ground coffin house. For those whose relatives could not afford a coffin burial, disposal usually con- sisted of simple interment in the ground. A coffin burial usually in- volved an elaborate funeral in the kashim during which men for whom great respect was felt were accorded as many as four nights of ceremony. During this time the deceased was symbolically fed by his relatives and food was distributed among elderly villagers. The Death Potlatch, one of the great ceremonies of the Ingalik which took place in mid-winter, also commemorated the death of an in- dividual. After burial, close relatives observed taboos for a variable period of time. Status and the community's attitude toward the deceased were major factors in ceremonies related to death and they also determined the period of mourning. Shamanism and the Supernatural The relationship between the Ingalik and the world of nature was very close. To get along successfully, the Indians believed that it was necessary to have a good relationship with other forms of life, most notably the various "animal people" on whom human beings were dependent for food. The principal means of influencing the behavior of animals was through the use of songs which were owned by individuals. Songs could also bring wealth, technological skill, and good health. People frequently wore amulets which were often associated with songs and could be made by an individual, purchas- ed, or inherited. Together songs and amulets must be considered as the magical instruments which ordinary people used to achieve a desired end. Personal power was thus a vital element in the belief system. Those individuals with the most personal power, the shamans, were the only professional religious practitioners. Among the In- galik, a shaman was usually a man, but it was possible for a woman to have shamanistic power. Much of the shaman's power was deriv- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 39 ed through dreaming of animals, but like ordinary people, he also ac- quired songs. The primary duties of any shaman were to prevent and cure disease. Curing usually involved the removal of a tangible object or an invisible spirit from the patient's body. Prevention of disease in- volved frightening away the spirit through a shamanistic perfor- mance. The shaman was paid for curing by the patient or his family. In addition to curing the sick and preventing illness by exorcising evil spirits, a particularly powerful shaman could influence the movement of game animals and fish runs. Ceremonialism Dramatic group ceremonies were rare among northern Athapas- kans, but extremely elaborate ones were performed by the Ingalik in their village kashims. Seven major ceremonies were observed in tra- ditional times, four of which involved invitations to neighboring vil- lages for feasting, ceremonial exchange, gift giving, and dancing. These were the Partner's Potlatch, the Mask Dance, the Death Pot- latch, and the Hot Dance. The Animal's Ceremony was more of an entertainment accompanied by feasting and residents of neighbor- ing villages could attend without a special invitation. The two re- maining major ceremonies, the Bladder Ceremony, held to pro- pitiate the spirits of game animals, and the Doll's Ceremony, which foretold the future and was the first festival of the winter series, in- volved only the residents of a single village. Of greatest importance were the Partner's Potlatch and the Death Potlatch, both of which honored the dead and brought status and prestige to the host through a ceremonial exchange of goods. The former could be held at any time of the year, but the latter, a par- ticularly solemn occasion, was always held in mid-winter. In both ceremonies an exchange relationship existed on two levels. There was a guest-host relationship between two villages as well as an ex- change between individuals. The Partner's Potlatch, perhaps the most important Ingalik social event, involved an invitation from one village to another. Usually the nearest village of equivalent size was invited; the residents of Anvik, for example, usually performed this ceremony with the Indians of Shageluk. However, either of these villages could invite others and all communities in the Anvik-Shageluk area were likely to be involved at one time or another. Only specific in- dividuals from one village invited an equivalent number from the 40 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 guest village, but all residents of both were likely to become in- volved to a greater or lesser extent. Acceptance of the invitation by the guest village conveyed the obligation to provide gifts to the host village and individuals in the latter had "parka partners" in the former with whom they had an exchange relationship by mutual agreement. During the potlatch the dead were honored through songs and the display of gifts to their relations. When the guests arrived at the host village, each one also had a "feeding partner" who provided food during the ceremonies. The Death Potlatch was the most serious ceremonial event of the Ingalik year and invitations were extended to particular in- dividuals. A couple might decide that they had acquired sufficient goods to hold a potlatch in honor of the man's father. Invitations were sent by the host in honor of the deceased to other men from his own and neighboring villages. Guests were selected on the basis of their ability to reciprocate, because of past obligations, or to help friends. Even though the invitations were to certain individuals, it was understood that all the men and women of the guests' village were invited to participate. The host acquired prestige both for sponsoring the event and through the quality of the gifts he distributed. If he was sufficiently wealthy, he also gave gifts to those persons who had performed duties at the time of his father's death. Food was, of course, provided for all participants. The Hot Dance, a performance which theoretically served to increase the supply of food animals, was held for one night in conjunction with the Death Potlatch. It was performed primarily for amusement and served to compensate for the austerity of the Death Potlatch. The Animal's Ceremony was quite different from the potlatches and was considered a social highlight of the ceremonial year. Although it had a serious purpose of increasing the number of game animals, it also provided a great deal of pleasure through its songs, dances, costumes, and masks. The Animal's Ceremony lasted from 14 to 21 days and either immediately preceded or followed the Death Potlatch. The ceremony, which was really more of a pageant, was directed by a song leader who made certain that the order of events did not vary from year to year. As always, the dances and skits were accompanied by lavish feasting. The Mask Dance was similar to the Animal's Ceremony in that it combined propitiation of various animal species with social amusement. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 41 In addition to the seven major festivals, the Ingalik held a series of lesser ceremonies, involving the distribution of food in the kashim, which were concerned primarily with achieving individual prestige. These celebrations included pubUc recognition of a boy's first kill, a girl's first menstruation, and a marriage. Feasts were also held when the salmon first began to run, when a man killed a wolf or a wolverine, and at the time of an ecHpse of the moon or sun. The descriptions provide only a modest indication of the richness of IngaUk ceremonial Ufe, much of which can hardly be called religious. Of particular significance is the reciprocal relationship between man and animals, a concept that forms the basis of the most important Ingalik ceremonies. It should also be emphasized that the ceremonies included not only the concepts embodied in their performances, but an extremely rich heritage of songs, dances, and material culture. Although this highly compressed summary of 19th-century In- galik hfe cannot provide a base line against which to measure the impact of Euro-American contact, the information is nevertheless relevant to the processes of culture change described in the follow- ing pages. Each of the chapters to come deals with segments of time which were of particuleir social, economic, and religious significance to Indian culture. Notes 1. Unless otherwise indicated, the information in this chapter is summarized from Osgood (1940, 1958, 1959), an outline of Ingalik culture prepared by Jeanne Snow for volume 6 of the forthcoming Handbook of North American Indians, and my own field research. Other sources utilized are footnoted individually. 2. DRHA, vol. 2, pp. 114-115; Petroff, 1884, p. 5; VanStone, 1978, pp. 34-35. 3. Cantwell, 1902, pp. 221-224. 4. HCM diary, June 19, 1892-Nov. 27, 1896. OPA/HCM, box 2. 5. VanStone, 1959, pp. 41-42. 6. VanStone, 1978, p. 34. 7. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 238. 8. Ibid., p. 198. 9. Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 220-221; VanStone, 1978, p. 34. 10. Cantwell, 1902, pp. 221-224. 11. Diary of Holy Cross Industrial School for Boys, Sept. 5-May 23, 1898. OPA/ HCM, box 2. 12. Cantwell, 1902, pp. 221-224. 13. Zagoskin, 1967. pp. 197, 239. 42 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 14. Osgood, 1940, pp. 226-227. 15. VanStone, 1978, p. 36. 16. Ibid.; Stuck, 1917b. p. 179. 17. VanStone, 1978, p. 36. 18. CantweU, 1902, pp. 221-224. 19. Pilcher diaries. UA; VanStone, 1978, p. 37. 20. Ibid.; Chapman, 1904, pp. 262-263. 21. VanStone, 1978, pp. 34-35. 22. Ibid. 23. Cantwell, 1902, pp. 221-224. 24. Ibid. 25. VanStone, 1978, pp. 34-35. 26. Ibid. 27. Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 220-221. 28. VanStone, 1978, pp. 34-35. 29. Chapman to Emmons, July 20, 1904. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Chapman papers; Chapman, 1898a, p. 573. 30. Mertie and Harrington, 1924, p. 86. 31. Lucas to Wood, April 27, 1926. ECA/Alaska papers, box 42. 32. Chapman, 1904, pp. 262-263. 33. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 219. 34. Ibid., p. 193. A sazhen equals 2.3 yd. 35. VanStone, 1959, p. 43. 36. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 307. 37. Chapman, 1900, p. 6. 38. Hehn, 1968, pp. 118-120. 39. Parsons, 1921-1922, p. 63. 40. Ibid., p. 61. 41. Ibid., pp. 57-58. II RUSSIAN EXPLORATION AND THE EARLY FUR TRADE: 1790-1840 Russian Expansion into Western Alaska In June, 1741 a Russian expedition under the command of Vitus Bering and Aleksey Chirikov, in two vessels, sailed from Kam- chatka to explore the shores of the American continent. The ships soon separated and in mid-July, Bering sighted the Alaskan coast in the vicinity of Mt. St. Elias and made a landing on Kayak Island. Sailing northwest he sighted the Shumagin Islands and continued westward along the Aleutian chain. His ship was eventually wreck- ed on Bering Island in the Commander group off the coast of Kam- chatka and many died during the winter, including Bering. The next summer the survivors built a small vessel from the wreckage and returned to Kamchatka. After becoming separated from Bering, Chirikov sailed eastward and in mid-July sighted the Alaskan coast near Cross Sound. An at- tempt to land resulted in the loss of two boats and the death of near- ly a third of his crew, probably as a result of treacherous tides or at the hands of the Tlingit Indians. Chirikov hastily returned to Kam- chatka sighting a few of the Aleutian Islands during his voyage. Following the explorations of Bering and Chirikov, Russian fur hunters began to exploit those areas of the North Pacific where fabulous riches in furs had been reported. These hardy Siberians reached the Commander Islands within two years after the return of Bering's party. Subsequently, in crude, ill-equipped, and poorly provisioned ships manned by crews who knew little of seamanship, these roving hunters and traders were successful in pushing their way eastward along the Aleutian chain to the mainland of Alaska. Some of these fur hunters reached Kodiak Island as early as 1762 and by that time it was already apparent that foxes, sea otters, and other fur-bearers were becoming scarce in the Aleutians. Because 43 44 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 the hunting and trading voyages were growing less profitable, it was necessary to look for new areas to exploit. Up to this time, fur gathering had been in the hands of individual entrepreneurs or a few small companies. However, in 1781 a well-organized company of eastern Siberian merchants was formed to exploit the American fur trade. The leader of this new organization was Gregoriy Ivanovich Shelikov, an Irkutsk merchant who, in 1783, supervised the establishment of a small colony at Three Saints Bay near the southwestern end of Kodiak Island. From there the Shelikov Com- pany extended its trapping and trading operations to the neighbor- ing islands and mainland. In 1792 Aleksandr Andreevich Baranov was appointed chief director of the company's American interests, a post which he was to hold for 25 years. Virtually alone he developed the company to the point where it was able to overcome its rivals for control of the fur trade and become established, under the name of the Russian- American Company, as a state monopoly by imperial decree in 1799. One of Shelikov's chief rivals for control of the fur trade was the Lebedev-Lashtochkin Company. The latter firm established a number of permanent settlements on Cook Inlet between 1787 and 1791, and penetrated the interior to the shores of Iliamna Lake. The two companies harrassed each other in pursuit of the fur trade and hostiUties became so intense that employees of both even plundered posts belonging to their own firms. As a result, a virtual reign of ter- ror prevailed in the Cook Inlet region although the area was dominated by the Lebedev-Lashtochkin Company. The settlements and trading patterns of the Tanaina Indians, residents of this area, were greatly disturbed by this state of warfare, and many coastal peoples fled to the interior. Sometime in the early 1790's, after the Lebedev-Lashtochkin Company had consolidated its hold on the shore of Iliamna Lake, an expedition consisting of a number of Russian traders headed by Vasiliy Ivanov and accompanied by several Indians, was sent fur- ther into the interior in a northerly direction. Russian trading com- panies had long been attracted by accounts of the supposed richness of the Kuskokwim and Yukon river valleys, but virtually nothing was known of this area. It was hoped that Ivanov could obtain ac- curate information concerning this vast region and its potential for the expanding fur trade. Ivanov's journey is said to have taken place between Christmas and Easter and he is reported to have seen many large settlements VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 46 and an abundance of fish and fur-bearing animals. Russi£Ui historians believe that Ivanov's route led from Ilianma L£ike across Lake Clark to the upper Mulchatna River valley, and from there to either the Holitna or Stony rivers, tributaries of the middle Kuskokwim. In his report, Ivanov mentioned two large rivers, the Tutna and the Balsanda. The former is identified as the Kuskokwim, and Ivanov's party is believed to have traveled down it as far as the Eskimo village of Ohagamiut. According to Ivanov's account, it was at this point that he crossed over to the Bedsanda which is identified as the Yukon River. All of this is highly conjectural and based on very flimsy and un- substantiated evidence, namely a manuscript in the Kodiak office of the Russian- American Company seen by the explorer G. I. Davydov, together with conversations with Ivanov which the Rus- sian historian V. N. Berkh reportedly recorded at Kodiak in the winter of 1804-1805. Nevertheless, some Russian scholars who have studied the matter in considerable detail believe that Ivanov not on- ly reached the Yukon, but that he descended that great waterway to its mouth. If this part of Ivanov's trip did take place, it means that the Russians had first-hand knowledge of the lower Yukon at least 40 years earlier than had previously been supposed.' Although there is no definite evidence that Ivanov actually reach- ed the Yukon, let alone explored any part of that river, it is never- theless possible that he was the first Russian explorer to penetrate the interior of Alaska and thus the European discoverer of the Kuskokwim River, a waterway that was to play such a significant role in the Russian fur trade in southwestern Alaska. The village of Ohagamiut which Ivanov is said to have reached would have been a logical place on that river from which to launch an exploration to the Yukon. It is located near the point where the two rivers are closest together and is one end of a portage that has been used by both Indians and Eskimos since prehistoric times. In addition, the time of year during which Ivanov made his journey— late winter and early spring— would have been ideal for easy and rapid overland sledge travel throughout the region. Ivanov and his party almost certainly contacted the Eskimos of the lower Kuskokwim on their journey and, if they reached the Yukon, may also have had some in- teraction with the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik. These are mere supposi- tions, however, since the accounts supposedly seen by Davydov and the conversations recorded by Berkh provide no details concerning the country through which the party passed or its inhabitants. 46 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 The Lebedev-Lashtochkin Company continued to trade in the Cook Inlet area until 1800, but all trading firms other than the Russian-American Company were suppressed by imperial decree and we hear nothing further concerning explorations inland from Cook Inlet. Baranov moved the latter company's headquarters from Kodiak Island to Sitka in 1800 and this small settlement became the capital of Russian Alaska. The Russians were familiar with coastal regions of southeastern Alaska and with the Aleutian Islands, but virtually nothing was known of the coast to the north, although Ivanov's explorations may have been known to Baranov and his associates in Sitka. In any event, he was anxious to obtain more information concerning his interior domain, but continual preoccupation with organizational problems, British and American competition, and difficulties with the Indians and Aleuts left little time for exploration. Early in the 19th century, as the number of fur-bearing animals continued to decline in traditionally exploited areas, the Russian- American Company was forced to turn its attention to the vast area of southwestern Alaska north of the Alaska Peninsula. This was a virtually unknown region in which, if he was familiar with Ivanov's account in the files at Kodiak, Baranov had definite reasons for beUeving that new profits could be reaped through trade with the Indian and Eskimo inhabitants for beaver pelts and other furs. It was undoubtedly also true that in response to pressures exerted by other nations conducting explorations and trade in northern waters, particularly Great Britain and the United States, the Russians felt compelled to extend their influence into areas of the country with which they had not been traditionally associated. In 1818 an expedition under the direction of Petr Korsakovskiy was dispatched from Kodiak Island to explore the country to the north of Bristol Bay. This expedition, which was intended to open new areas to the fur trade, explored part of the Alaska Peninsula and the coast from Kvichak Bay to Cape Newenham. In August of that year Korsakovskiy, leaving some members of his party at the mouth of the Nushagak River, led a detachment which ascended the Kvichak River to Iliamna Lake and from there to Lake Clark and the upper reaches of the Mulchatna River, a Nushagak tributary. On Iliamna Lake he met Eremy Rodionov, a local trader, who of- fered to lead a small party north into the interior. The route followed by Rodionov is uncertain, but he may have descended either the Holitna or the Hoholitna to the Kuskokwim, proceeding, as did VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 47 Ivanov, as far down river as Ohagamiut, By early September, the party had returned to the upper Mulchatna and from there Kor- sakovskiy and his men returned to Kodiak Island by way of Iliamna Lake and lower Cook Inlet.^ Rodionov's and Ivanov's journeys were remarkably similar and it is even possible, that the former knew something of the activities of the latter. Even if, as seems likely, neither reached the Yukon, it cer- tainly must have been about this time, if not earlier, that the In- dians and Eskimos of the lower Yukon began to learn about Rus- sians to the south and Russian trade, just as the Tanaina Indians, occupants of the Iliamna Lake and Lake Clark areas, were thoroughly familiar with Russian trade goods long before the ar- rival of the Korsakovskiy party. It is even probable that goods trad- ed on the Kuskokwim by Ivanov and Rodionov had reached the lower Yukon in considerable numbers. In the summer of 1819 Korsakovskiy led another exploring party to Bristol Bay, this time by way of the upper Alaska Peninsula, Il- iamna Lake, and the Kvichak River. From there the expedition pro- ceeded to the mouth of the Togiak River where they picked up sup- plies brought by sea from Kodiak. An exploration of the Kuskokwim was planned, but Korsakovskiy proceeded no further than Goodnews Bay. The Eskimos he met advised against an at- tempt to ascend the river, maintaining that many hardships would be encountered and that the Russians would have difficulty obtain- ing food. So the expedition turned back, but it is possible that Kor- sakovskiy heard of the Yukon at that time even if he had not learned of it from those who accompanied Rodionov the previous year. An important accomplishment of the 1819 explorations was the establishment of a trading post, Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt, at the mouth of the Nushag£ik River. It was placed in the charge of Fedor Kolmakov, an energetic trader who had accompanied Korsakovskiy the previous year and who was destined to play a major role in the development of the fur trade in southwestern Alaska.' So ended the first systematic and well-documented Russian ex- plorations in southwestern Alaska. As a result of Korsakovskiy 's ef- forts, the company learned a number of important things about the interior regions. Beaver and other fur-bearers were plentiful, the Eskimo and Indian inhabitants were friendly and receptive to trade, and, most important of all, the country was apparently drained by a number of navigable rivers which would make penetration relatively easy. At the same time, residents of the interior had easy access to 48 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 the coast. Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt seemed ideally situated to at- tract Eskimos with furs and, equally important, to serve as a point of departure for further explorations into the interior. Following the interior explorations of Korsakovskiy, both the Russian navy and the Russian- American Company turned their at- tentions to coastal explorations north of the Alaska Peninsula. In 1819 and 1820 captains M. N. Vasilev and G. S. Shishmarev ex- plored the Alaskan coast north to the vicinity of Icy Cape for the im- perial navy, while in 1821 and 1822 V. S. Khromchenko and A. K. Etolin, naval officers in the service of the Russian-American Com- pany, conducted surveys of the coast between Bristol Bay and Nor- ton Sound." They were able to provide some information on an area of coast that had been avoided by earlier navigators because of its treacherous shoals and currents. Coastal exploration in this area, together with the inland journeys of Korsakovskiy and others yet to come were necessary before southwestern Alaska could be opened to the fur trade. The coastal investigations just described were followed, between 1829 and 1832, by the interior explorations of Ivan Yakovlevich Vasilev and Fedor Kolmakov for the Russian- American Company. In 1830 Vasilev, using Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt as a base of opera- tions, ascended the Nushagak River, crossed over into the Kuskokwim drainage and descended that river to the coast. These explorations effectively brought the Eskimos inhabiting the Nushagak and Kuskokwim drainages within the sphere of influence of Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt.^ In 1832 Kolmakov and another Creole trader important in the annals of interior Alaskan exploration, Semen Lukin, established the redoubt on the middle Kuskokwim that was later to bear Kolmakov's name. Kolmakovskiy Redoubt remained an important trading center until abandoned by the Russian- American Company in 1866.^ Among the instructions given Vasilev with reference to his ex- plorations in 1829 and 1830 was one requiring him to verify the ex- istence of an abundant beaver population in the Yukon river coun- try as had been reported by Ivanov and, presumably, Rodionov; with this verification, the company could then move to establish new redoubts in favorable locations. Vasilev did not reach the Yukon, but the company was apparently satisfied that beavers were abundant in the general area and consideration was given to the possibility of establishing a post that would allow for more direct access to this rich country than was afforded by Aleksandrovskiy VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 49 Redoubt. Vasilev had recommended the establishment of a post in the vicinity of Stueirt Island about 100 miles north of the Yukon Delta and company officials concurred/ As a result, in 1833 Mikhailovskiy Redoubt was established on a low island at the southern end of Norton Sound and the way was open for Russian penetration of the Yukon River.^ Russian Exploration of the Yukon It is significant that Mikhailovskiy Redoubt was built in the vicinity of Stuart Island rather than closer to the mouths of the Yukon River, a location that presumably would have been more con- venient to the needs and conditions of the fur trade. The selection of the Stuart Island area emphasizes the barren, inhospitable nature of the coast in this area, the main feature of which is the complex Yukon mouth with its bewildering number of sloughs that frequent- ly appear to lead nowhere. Khromchenko and Etolin can hardly be blamed for their failure to survey accurately this flat wasteland where significant tidal variations and mud flats add to the dangers created by shoals and shallow water. Even Captain James Cook, in the summer of 1778, was glad to be able to stand well off shore in this unknown but obviously treacherous area. Much of the Yukon Delta remained unvisited by outsiders until well into the period when Americans rather than Russians were responsible for coastal and interior exploration. In the same year that Mikhailovskiy Redoubt was founded, however, the Russians had hopes of ascending the Yukon River from one of its many mouths. The Russian-American Company in- structed an employee, a Lieutenant Rozenberg, to explore all the mouths of the river; apparently he was unable to do so. Perhaps also in the same year, Assistant Navigator Audrey Glazunov, stationed at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt, was sent by the company with a detach- ment of baidarkas to explore the lower reaches of the river. He entered the Yukon Delta region from Pastol Bay through the Aphrewm mouth and succeeded in penetrating several of the in- numerable sloughs which flow through the delta. His journey, although inconclusive from a geographical standpoint, was pro- fitable for the company. During his travels he established trade rela- tions with the Eskimos of the Yukon Delta who later came to Mikhailovskiy Redoubt to trade. These tentative and preliminary attempts to explore the mouth of the river at least served the pur- pose of verifying the wisdom of having a trading post in the im- mediate vicinity of the Yukon Delta.^ 50 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Fig. 3. Russian exploration of the lower-middle Yukon and its tributaries. Dotted line indicates Andrey Glazunov's route from Mikhailovskiy Redoubt to the Stony River. The name of Andrey Glazunov must forever loom large in the history of interior Alaskan exploration. A Creole like his notable contemporaries, Semen Lukin and Fedor Kolmakov, Glazunov was born in Alaska and presumably had been trained by the Russians in simple methods of navigation. It has been suggested that his knowledge of surveying was probably limited to the taking of com- pass bearings and the use of the sextant.'" Like other Creoles who made contributions to Alaskan exploration, Glazunov was probably knowledgeable concerning conditions of travel in interior Alaska and may have had some familiarity with the language of the in- habitants through whose territory he expected to travel, a definite advantage over his Russian colleagues. It would probably be a mistake, however, to credit Glazunov and other Creoles in the ser- vice of the Russian-American Company with vast amounts of specialized information concerning Alaska and its inhabitants. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 51 More likely, it was adaptability to the variety of situations in which they found themselves that made them valuable as explorers and fur traders. The relatively ineffectual explorations of Rozenberg and Glazunov in the Yukon Delta in 1833 doubtless led the Russian- American Company to beheve that this was probably not the direc- tion in which major Yukon discoveries would be made. The flat, desolate land and the previously mentioned network of sloughs hindered an approach to the main valley of the river. In 1830 Baron Ferdinand Petrovich von Wrangel had become general manager of the company and although, like his predecessors, his major interest was in finding new fields for the fur trade, he was also keenly interested in scientific exploration that would add to ethnographic and geographical knowledge. Wrangel, who had already achieved distinction for his explorations in Siberia, was primarily responsible for the establishment of Mikhailovskiy Redoubt and was quick to realize its advantages as a base of opera- tions from which to explore the Yukon. Glazunov was chosen to lead a small expedition in the winter of 1833-1834. For him it was the first of several trips into the interior of west-central Alaska. If we discount the doubtful accomplishments of Ivanov and Rodionov nearly 40 years earlier, he was the first of the Russian explorers to see the valley of the Yukon River. Gleizunov had originally intended to proceed to the Yukon by way of the Pastolik River which flows into Norton Sound south of Mikhailovskiy Redoubt. However, a rumor current at the redoubt that Eskimos of that area intended to attack the expedition made it impossible for him to persuade natives at Mikhailovskiy to accom- pany the party if he insisted on taking that route. The expedition, which consisted of Glazunov, Vasily Deriabin, Ivan Balashev, Vasiliy Donskoy, and Yakov Knaga, probably all Creoles, as well as three natives, probably Eskimos, left the redoubt on December 30, 1833 with two sledges, each pulled by three dogs. Rather than going south, they proceeded to the coastal community of Klikitarik almost due east of Mikhailovskiy where they learned that IngaUk Indians came there annually to trade beaver skins with Eskimo traders from Sledge Island who stopped at the community each year on the way to the village of Pastolik. Leaving Klikitarik on January 1, 1834, the party ascended either the KUkitarik or the Golsovia river and crossed over to one of the tributaries of the upper 62 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Anvik River, probably Otter Creek (fig. 3). They arrived at the junc- ture of Otter Creek and the Anvik "on the fourth day" where they found a small fish camp inhabited by an Indian forced to remain there during the winter because of the sickness of his wife. Glazunov's route from this point is not completely clear. He may have ascended the Anvik River for a while, perhaps looking for an Indian winter camp at which to obtain supplies. In any event, the party must have already begun to suffer from the shortages of food that would plague them throughout the entire journey. At this point the problem was aggravated because the upper Anvik was vir- tually uninhabited during the winter months, and three of the com- pany employees, which three we do not know, were sent back to the redoubt. On January 13 the remaining members of the party started downriver. Along the way they were able to obtain fish at caches left by Ingalik Indians from the village of Anvik who maintained fish camps on the lower half of the river during the summer months. On the 17th, having abandoned their sledges and all but two or three of their dogs, Glazunov's reduced party reached a house oc- cupied by a family of trappers who provided them with much needed food. According to the head of this family, the inhabitants of Anvik were at that time expecting an attack from Eskimos living on the Unalakleet River. The closer Glazunov and his small party came to the mouth of the Anvik River, the more frequently they encountered summer fish camps with houses in which they could rest and caches from which they could obtain fish. At last, late in the day on January 25 they saw Anvik situated on the low left bank at the point where, at that time, the river entered the Yukon. Glazunov considered it prudent to stop for the night so that they might enter the village the next morning. This was probably a wise move since the Anvik Ingalik were expecting an attack from the very direction from which the Russian party had come. The appearance of the explorer's party, small as it was, certainly agitated the Indians who swarmed onto the roofs of their semi-subterranean houses waving bows and ar- rows. As Glazunov and his companions approached the village, they prudently stopped out of range of the arrows and the explorer sent one of his companions into the community to show the Indians that they could not possibly have anything to fear from such a small number of strangers. Indeed, if the Indians preferred not to deal with them the Russian party would gladly move on without even at- tempting to enter. This reasonable discussion appears to have VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 53 quieted the nervous Ingalik who l£iid aside their weapons and sent 10 old men to the newcomers to invite them to come and rest in the village. In Anvik, Glazunov was permitted to choose the house which he and his companions would occupy and he wisely selected one so located that it could be easily defended. The dwelling was cleaned out and the exploring party, taking care to keep their fireeirms han- dy, moved in. Glazunov then left his companions and went to the kashim, the place where visitors from other villages were normally accomodated. Like other distinguished visitors, the explorer was of- fered a seat of honor and he counted 240 persons in the structure, also noting that this number included neither women nor children. According to Zagoskin, Yukon River kashims could, on occasion, ac- comodate as many as 500 people." In the kashim Glazunov talked to the men at length. Since no in- terpreter is mentioned, he may have possessed some knowledge of the Ingalik language. It is also possible that, living close to the Yupik-speaking Eskimo of the lower Yukon, the Anvik people could have understood Glazunov if addressed in that language. In any event, it is hardly likely that the Indians, at this time, knew much Russian since they had had virtually no opportunity to interact directly with the traders at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt. Indeed, Glazunov declared to the assembled men that he had been ordered by his superiors to invite the Indians to come without fear to the Russian post and bring their furs. In exchange they would receive tobacco and many other useful items. The Indians appeared grateful for this discourse and were especiaUy pleased at the prospect of ob- taining tobacco to which they were already greatly addicted. Glazunov obUgingly distributed some, part to smoke and part in the form of snuff with which the Indians apparently were not familiar. Thus he cemented his relationship with the hitherto suspicious Ingalik and he and his companions experienced no difficulty in ob- taining everything they needed in the way of supplies. Thus occurred the first documented contact between the Anvik- Shageluk IngaUk and the Russians. Glazunov describes the village of Anvik as consisting of 10 large houses, 25 caches and other storage structures, and one large kashim. It is clear that Glazunov and the Anvik residents made a strong impression on each other. The explorer was impressed by the kashim and the large number of people he believed had crowded into 54 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 it to hear his talk. The Indians, in their turn, appear to have been no less impressed by what was almost certainly their first direct con- tact with representatives, even marginally, of a European cultural tradition. Exactly 100 years later, when Cornelius Osgood was con- ducting his field work at Anvik, he was told that the Ingalik observ- ed among their first Russian visitors, men who closely resembled their grandparents. They believed the explorers to be reincarnated Indians who had returned speaking a different language. Since Glazunov and many other early representatives of the Russian- American Company were Creoles, it is probable that they did bear a physical resemblance to the Indians with whom they traded. In any event, the adaptable Anvik people quickly made dance masks of these people which were called "water end" masks because the Rus- sians were considered to have come from the "ends [i.e., headwaters] of the rivers."'^ Bad weather kept Glazunov and his party at Anvik until January 30. During this time he attempted to learn as much as possible con- cerning portages to the Kuskokwim. Beginning their descent of the Yukon, the explorers continued to be plagued by bad weather and did not reach the next village, Magimiut (Bonasila), until February 3, slow progress since that community, abandoned in the 1930's, was less than 20 miles below Anvik. Glazunov described this settle- ment as consisting of five large dwellings, 40 caches, and a large kashim. The inhabitants of Magimiut, having been forewarned of the impending arrival of the exploring p£irty, greeted Glazunov and his companions in a friendly manner. As at Anvik, Glazunov talked to the men in the kashim concerning the purpose of his expedition and received the same indications of approval. It was during his stay in Magimiut that he learned of the existence of the Innoko River together with information concerning the inhabitants of that region and prospects for the fur trade. Setting out on February 7, Glazunov's party reached the village of Anilukhtakpak the following day. Once again, Glazunov visited the kashim which he described as the largest he had ever seen, and counted 300 men. In describing the village he noted 16 dwellings, and approximately 65 additional structures that he called dwellings located about 2 miles from Anilukhtakpak "on the banks of the river." Glazunov estimated the population of the Anilukhtakpak area as 700. Since the settlement was an important center for the ex- change of furs and other local products, he felt that it was important VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 55 to convince the inhabitants of the desirability of trading with the Russians. In his journal, Glazunov noted that the inhabitants of Anilukhtakpak were linguistically related to those at Anvik and Magimiut, but that at this geographic point the language of the In- galik terminated. Visiting Anilukhtakpak at the time were five Eskimos from the Kuskokwim River who had been baptized by Fedor Kolmakov in 1832," and after a stay of five days, Glazunov and his party set out toward that river themselves. The remainder of his trip, though arduous and a significant achievement in explora- tion, is not of specific interest to us here and can be briefly sum- marized. With guides, he proceeded over the portage to the Kuskokwim River, reaching Kolmakovskiy Redoubt on February 21. There he encountered Semen Lukin who attempted to persuade him against attempting to reach Cook Inlet. Nevertheless, Glazunov set out, ascending the Stony River as far as the Lime Hills, and experiencing extreme hardship and starvation. He and his party might have perished had they not again encountered Lukin on March 24. The return route is uncertain but was probably by way of the Kuskokwim. In any event, Glazunov and his party ar- rived at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt on April 15, 1834,'* From the standpoint of exploration alone, Glazunov's journey of approximately 1,400 miles in 104 days in the dead of winter is a remarkable achievement. Its true significance, however, can most clearly be understood when it is considered together with the in- terior explorations of Vasilev, Lukin, and Kolmakov in the Nushagak and Kuskokwim drainages. Together, these explorations opened up all of southwestern Alaska to the fur trade. They led to the establishment of trading stations at strategic locations that, potentially at least, would place control of the fur trade in the hands of the Russian-American Company. Southwestern and west-central Alaska were areas simply waiting to be exploited and by 1835, the procedures for exploitation seemed well on their way to being work- ed out. Glazunov had played an important role in this achievement and it is little wonder that Wrangel was sufficiently pleased to reward him with an annual salary of 200 rubles and to remove 600 rubles from his debt to the company.'^ Wrangel 's term as general manager of the Russian- American Company ended in 1835 and he was succeeded by I. A. Kuprianov who was determined to follow up the advantages which accrued to 56 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 the company as a result of Glazunov's explorations in the winter of 1833-1834. Although he believed that the number of furs brought to Mikhailovskiy Redoubt would increase as a result of Glazunov's trip, it nevertheless seemed advisable to establish a post within the area explored by Glazunov so that a closer control over the fur trade could be maintained. In February, 1835, with this goal in mind, Glazunov, with four Russian employees of the company and a native guide, was sent to explore the lower Yukon once again and to select a site for an odinochka or small trading post in that country. As in the previous year, he arrived at the Yukon over the Anvik por- tage and then proceeded to become more thoroughly acquainted with the settlements and people along the lower river. He returned to Mikhailovskiy Redoubt, presumably that summer, by way of the Aphrewm mouth of the Yukon. '^ It is unfortunate that no published journal exists for this expedition, the first to explore, to any extent, the great delta of the Yukon River. During this trip, Glazunov experienced a particularly friendly reception at the village of Ikogmiut, an Eskimo settlement below Paimiut, and he noted that the inhabitants appeared to have a great many beaver pelts. As a result, he was instrumental in having the odinochka established there in 1836, in spite of the fact that Anvik had already been tentatively decided upon,'^ Although it is not perfectly certain, Glazunov appears to have descended the Yukon again in 1836 to establish the post at Ikogmiut, but he did not take personal charge of the post at that time. Rather the first manager appears to have been Vasiliy Donskoy, one of Glazunov's compan- ions in 1833-1834. Glazunov did become manager in 1842." Having ascertained with some degree of completeness the possibilities for the fur trade on the lower Yukon River between An- vik and its mouth, the Russian- American Company began to con- sider what might be accomplished further up the river. Almost from the time that Mikhailovskiy Redoubt was established, the nearby Unalakleet River was known to afford an easy route into the in- terior, one that would provide access to the middle Yukon without the arduous trip down the coast and through the intricate channels of the delta. Glazunov was therefore ordered to make a third journey, this time up the Unalakleet River in order to ascertain its suitability as a route to the upper^ Yukon. If he met obstacles in achieving these ends, he was to descend the Yukon and explore the Innoko River which, as he had learned at Anilukhtakpak in 1834, was heavily populated and drained an area repbrted to be rich in VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 67 furs. We know little about this third expedition of Glazunov's ex- cept that it was app8U"ently unsuccessful and resulted in his being relieved of his post at Mikhailovskiy.*^ Presumably, he did not reach the Yukon by way of the Unalakleet River nor did he explore the In- noko. But the continued importance to the company of explorations in both these directions was obvious and knowledge of the upper Yukon in particular appeared vital to the success of the fur trade. In the spring of 1837 Glazunov was replaced at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt by Assistant Navigator Petr Vasilevich Malakhov, also a Creole. Since the former had been unsuccessful in determining the feasibihty of estabUshing an odinochka on the upper Yukon, Malakhov was directed to continue the explorations and obtain in- formation concerning the possibility of extending the fur trade in that direction.^" His explorations, though of considerable impor- tance to the company, are peripheral to the area of this study and we can summarize them briefly. Malakhov left Mikhailovskiy in February, 1838 and reached the Yukon by way of the Unalakleet River portage. He ascended as far as the mouth of the Koyukuk and must be considered the European discoverer of that river. During the following spring, he descended the Yukon to its mouth by boat and was thus the first Russian to navigate a significant portion of its great length. His journal, never published, was apparently known to Zagoskin and in it Malakhov states that during his descent of the Yukon, he entered Shageluk Slough and, presumably, continued down the lower Innoko River to its confluence with the Yukon. Thus he was probably the first Euro- pean to navigate that important Yukon tributary.^' Just below the mouth of the Koyukuk, Medakhov built a log hut and bathhouse near an Indian village. This small complex became the Nulato odinochka, the furthest inland post of the Russian- American Company. In 1840 Malakhov repeated his journey and was successful in establishing trade relations between Mikhailov- skiy Redoubt and the Indians of the middle Yukon." Being reasonably familiar with the Unalakleet River, the Anvik, and the Yukon between its mouth and Nulato, as well as large por- tions of the Kuskokwim and Nushagak drainages, the Russian- American Company now wished to fill gaps in its knowledge of the interior of west-central Alaska by obtaining more information con- cerning the area between these two great drainage systems. It will be recalled that Glazunov had hoped to bridge this particular 58 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 geographical gap by reaching Cook Inlet by means of the Stony River, a Kuskokwim tributary, but was prevented from doing so through difficulty in obtaining supplies in winter. So it was still necessary to explore a route from the Kuskokwim to the Yukon well above the usual portages and at the same time obtain first-hand in- formation concerning the potentially rich fur-bearing area of the In- noko River and its tributaries. As a result of interest in this in- termediate area, we come to one of the least known but most intrigu- ing explorations sponsored by the company in western Alaska. In the fall of 1839 Petr Fedorovich Kolmakov, son of Fedor Kolmakov, manager of Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt and pioneer ex- plorer of the Kuskokwim and Nushagak rivers, crossed over from the Takotna, a tributary of the Kuskokwim below the present village of McGrath, to the upper reaches of the Innoko which he call- ed the Tlegon. His journal, never published but, like Malakhov's, known to Zagoskin, indicates that he collected a large number of beaver pelts and descended the Innoko, probably at least as far as the confluence of Shageluk Slough, in search of a short route to the Yukon. At some point during his journey, Kolmakov learned that the post at Ikogmiut had been attacked, destroyed, and the oc- cupants massacred in the spring of 1839. He was therefore obliged to turn back. It is not clear whether this attack was perpetrated by natives of the Kuskokwim or the lower Yukon, but it seems likely that Kuskokwim Eskimos from near the present village of Bethel were the culprits." Destruction of the post at Ikogmiut may have been in retaliation for the disastrous smallpox epidemic of 1838-1839 for which the Indians and Eskimos of western Alaska held the Russians responsible. It would be extremely useful to have the first-hand observations of Kolmakov during his trip on the In- noko. The area remained virtually unknown until the discovery of gold on the upper river in the first decade of the 20th century. The Smallpox Epidemic of 1838-1839 An early legacy from the Russians to the Eskimo and Indian population of western Alaska was the introduction of communicable diseases which spread rapidly and decimated a population which had never had an opportunity to build up an immunity to them. In 1838-1839 smallpox swept the Nushagak, Kuskokwim, and Yukon river regions, but the figures on fatalities are conflicting. According to Tikhmenev, more than 500 people were infected of which 200 died.^" I. A. Kuprianov, in his report to the Russian- American Com- pany's St. Petersburg headquarters, listed 522 deaths as having VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 69 been reported to him by Fedor Kolmakov at Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt and his son, Petr." In February, 1838 vaccinations were administered for the first time to the residents of Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt and native set- tlements in the Bristol Bay area, more people being vaccinated the following year. Mikhailovskiy Redoubt was supplied with vaccine at least as early as 1844 and probably several years earlier. It is not clear what effect vaccination had on the spread of smallpox, par- ticularly in the Yukon Valley where the disease was well established before people could be innoculated. In any event, the disease was still raging as late as September, 1839 and the effects of it continued to be noticed the following year.^® The Russian- American Company was, of course, greatly concern- ed about the smallpox epidemic and the effects it would have on the fur trade. At the Sitka office instructions were given to post managers and other company officials to report the conditions of the natives and the difficulties which various communities had ex- perienced as a result of the epidemic. On the lower Yukon in 1838 Petr Malakhov apparently supplied his superiors with some infor- mation concerning the conditions of the people in the country through which he traveled. Unfortunately, however, there is no record of what his report contained." Considered in terms of its impact on Ingalik culture, there is no doubt that the smallpox epidemic was the most significant event to occur during the time span covered in this chapter. Before 1840, face to face contacts with Russian traders were minimal even though the Indians were obtaining trade goods from this source and had been involved in the fur trade, at least marginally, for some time. Quite apart from its impact on the fur trade, however, the smallpox epidemic must have had a very direct and extremely serious effect on Ingalik social organization, settlement patterns, and resource utilization. As noted previously, however, the historical record provides very little precise evidence to support this assumption. Some idea of the effect on Ingalik population can be achieved by comparing the population figures obtained by Glazunov and Zagoskin. At Anvik Glazunov counted 10 houses which, based on his population figures for other villages, may have been inhabited by as many as 240 persons. Eight years later at the time of Zagoskin 's visit there was a population of 120 living in half as many 60 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 houses. Similarly, for Bonasila Glazunov noted 120 persons living in five houses, while Zagoskin enumerated 44 people inhabiting three structures. Glazunov's figure of 700 for the Anilukhtakpak area seems large and may include visitors from other settlements on the lower Yukon who were present to trade or participate in one of the winter ceremonies. It should be kept in mind, however, that Glazunov was apparently referring to at least two communities. Nineteenth-century settlement patterns along this stretch of the lower-middle Yukon are complicated, but a population of 700 in this general area is at least possible if not entirely probable. In any event, Zagoskin, in 1843, estimated a population of 170 for Anilukhtakpak alone.^^ Two interesting facts emerge from a comparison of the informa- tion collected by Glazunov and Zagoskin with respect to settlement location, size, and population. First of all, it is apparent that Ingalik settlements on the Yukon inhabited during the early fur trade period have, except for relatively minor shifts, continued to be im- portant into the modern period. Secondly, Glazunov's data indicate prosperous communities in an area where natural resources are capable of supporting a sizeable population. It must be remembered that Glazunov, unlike Zagoskin, did not visit the Innoko River villages. If he had, and if the settlements there were larger in 1834 than in 1843 in the same proportion as those on the Yukon, then it is conceivable that the entire Anvik-Shageluk area might have sup- ported a population as high as 2,000 persons at the beginning of direct contact with Russian traders. The most dramatic information revealed by these figures, however, is the devastating effect of the smallpox epidemic. If the population estimates of the two explorers have any validity at all, they clearly show that the Yukon Ingalik villages lost fully two- thirds of their inhabitants, a much higher mortality rate than is ap- parent from the meager information available for other areas of western Alaska. The effects of such a population loss can only be surmised, but we can assume that sickness was accompanied by starvation and serious social and economic disruption. The reduced population was forced to re-orient itself with reference to its modified-traditional lifeways at the very time when significant changes were being introduced from without. Ingalik population never recovered from the effects of this epidemic, although it is significant that none of the major Yukon winter villages were aban- doned at this time. Altogether, the early fur trade period brought VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 61 little more than uncertainty and discouragement to the Indian in- habitants of the lower Yukon. It was not an auspicious beginning to the era of direct European contact. The great smallpox epidemic of 1838-1839 may have been unique in the early years of European contact. There is every indication, however, that once European diseases had been introduced, they took a yearly toll that was not only great in terms of the number of dead, but greatly weakened the resistance of the survivors. In the many discouraging years of sickness that lay ahead for the Anvik- Shageluk Ingalik as the tempo of culture contact increased, few may stand out as epidemic years, but the specter of ill health and death was continually present among the inhabitants of the lower Yukon Valley and indeed throughout all of western Alaska. Notes 1. Berkh. 1823, pt. 1, pp. 129-130; Chernenko, 1967, pp. 9-10, 29-30; Fedorova, 1973b, p. 6; Davydov, 1977, pp. 200-202. 2. Fedorova, 1973b, pp. 64-68. 3. Fedorova. 1973a, p. 8; 1973b, pp. 68-69. 4. Berkh, 1823, pt. 2, pp. 1-20, 45-49; Fedorova, 1973b, pp. 70-75, 256-257; Van- Stone, 1973. 5. Two naval officers named Ivan Vasilev served the Russian-American Company in the early 19th century. Ivan Filipovich Vasilev, a noted cartographer who arrived in Sitka in 1807, later commanded company ships and was drowned in an accident at Okhotsk, Siberia in 1812. Ivan Yakovlevich Vasilev entered the service of the Russian-American Company in 1821 and in 1829-1830 carried out extensive explorations in southwestern Alaska. In previous publications (VanStone, 1967, pp. 9-10; 1968, pp. 223-224; 1970, p. 13; 1971, p. 21) I have confused the names of these two individuals. For a detailed dis- cussion on the explorations of I. Ya. Vasilev, see Fedorova (1973b, pp. 253- 256). 6. VanStone, 1967, pp. 10-11. 7. RACR/CS, vol. 8, nos. 191-192, foUos 139-142, April 30, 1831. NA. 8. The Yukon was known to the Russians as Kvikhpak (kwigpak-"hig river"), the Eskimo name for the lower portion which they occupy. The Athapaskan name is now applied to the entire river. 9. Tikhmenev, 1939-1940, pt. 1, p. 345. 10. Brooks, 1953, p. 229. 11. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 219. 12. Osgood, 1940, p. 77. 13. In 1829 Ivan Veniaminov, pioneer Russian Orthodox priest in Alaska and later Bishop of Kamchatka, the Aleutians, and Kurile Islands, visited Aleksand- rovskiy Redoubt where Fedor Kolmakov was manager. During his visit he 62 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 baptized 13 Eskimos and on his departure, authorized Kohnakov to baptize those who might come to the post in the future to inquire about Christianity. In 1832 Veniaminov again visited the redoubt and learned that in the inter- vening years Kolmakov had baptized 70 Eskimos. Some of these were proba- bly residents of Kuskokwim villages who came to Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt to trade or were encountered by Kolmakov on his trips to the interior. Be- tween 1832 and 1838 Kolmakov and his son baptized at least 62 persons and probably more (Barsukov, 1886-1888, vol. 2, pp. 37-38; VanStone, 1967, pp. 22, 24). 14. Glazunov's original journal, formerly among the papers of Kirill T. Khlebnikov at Kunger and now in the Molotov Regional State Archive of Perm oblast, has never been published (Fedorova, 1973b, p. 31). An extract appeared in Russian and was translated into German (von Baer, 1839) and French (Ter- naux-Compans, 1841). It is from an English translation of the latter (Van- Stone, 1959) that the information in this chapter is taken. 15. RACR/CS, vol. 11, no. 391, folio 370, Oct. 30, 1834. 16. RACR/CS, vol. 12, no. 328, folios 312-315, Oct. 5, 1835; Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 275- 276. 17. Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 275-276. 18. RACR/CS, vol. 12, no. 238, folios 312-315, Oct. 5, 1835; Chernenko, 1967, p. 10; Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 81-82, 275. 19. RACR/CS, vol. 12, no. 328, folios 312-315, Oct. 5, 1835; no. 87, folios 177-178, April 12, 1838. 20. RACR/CS, vol. 14, no. 268, foUos 305-307, May 25, 1837; Chernenko, 1967, p. 10. 21. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 298. 22. Chernenko, 1967, p. 10. 23. RACR/CS, vol. 20, no. 486, folios 403-404, Oct. 15, 1841; Chernenko, 1967, p. 10; Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 81, 275, 300. 24. Tikhmenev, 1939-1940, pt. 1, p. 368. 25. RACR/CS, vol. 16, no. 479, foUo 187, Nov. 4, 1838. 26. RACR/CS, vol. 15, no. 244, foUos 314-315, May 1, 1838; vol. 17, no. 444, folio 425, Sept. 6, 1839; Browning, 1962, p. 37. 27. RACR/CS, vol. 17, no. 320, foUo 319, May 27, 1839. 28. VanStone, 1959, pp. 43-45; Zagoskin, 1967, p. 307. Ill THE RUSSIAN FUR TRADE AND MISSION PERIOD: 1841-1867 Early Contact Trade and Eskimo-Indian Relations When the Russian-American Company estabhshed Mikhailovskiy Redoubt in 1833, Eskimos living in the immediate vicinity of the post were already using tobacco and a variety of metal implements including pots of various sizes, knives, lances, and steel flints. Upon investigation it was learned that some of these trade items had managed to make their way north from Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt at the mouth of the Nushagak River in the relatively short span of 14 years. Most of them, however, came from Russian posts on the Kolyma River in Siberia by way of the Chukchi. Further investiga- tion revealed that the middlemen for this elaborate trade between northeast Asia and northwestern North America were the Eskimo inhabitants of Sledge and King islands, both strategically located in the north Bering Sea not far off the coast of Seward Peninsula. Trade relations between the inhabitants of these islands and Eskimos living in the coastal villages of Norton and Kotzebue sounds, although rooted in the prehistoric past, had grown con- siderably in the early 19th century after Russian trade goods became available in quantity following establishment of a large trading market on the Anyui tributary of the Kolyma River in 1789. Local markets on both sides of Bering Strait developed into large in- ternational markets once tobacco and other European trade goods began to be available.' Several communities in the southern Norton Sound area were im- portant centers for this trade, notably Pastolik at the mouth of the Pastolik River, Stebbins northwest of Mikhailovskiy Redoubt, and Unalakleet at the mouth of the Unalakleet River. Every summer, usually in July after the run of king salmon had ascended the rivers, the inhabitants of these communities eagerly awaited the arrival of 63 64 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 skin boats from Sledge and King islands. These coastal villages, with the inland inhabitants of the Unalakleet River sometimes act- ing as middlemen, supplied the Ingalik with a variety of necessary coastal products, including sea mammal fats, caribou skins or clothing made from them, walrus and seal skins to cover umiaks and kayaks, dressed sea mammal skins, and caribou sinew, as well as trade goods which included tobacco, copper and iron utensils, and Siberian reindeer skins. In return for these products, the Eskimos received wooden utensils made by the Indians, as well as many dif- ferent kinds of furs, most notably beaver, otter, marten, wolf, wolverine, and several species of fox.^ Traders from Kotzebue Sound and the Buckland River were cross- ing over to the Yukon drainage to collect furs. These Inupik- speaking Eskimos who came from the north into Indian and Yupik- speaking Eskimo territory in response to developing trade oppor- tunities were known as the Malemiut. They first came solely as traders, but later as permanent settlers and by the 1880's lived with the indigenous Unalit Eskimos as far south as the villages of Shaktolik and Unalakleet on Norton Sound.^ When the Russians established Mikhailovskiy Redoubt they hoped to achieve the same kind of control over the fur trade in west- central Alaska that they enjoyed earlier in southeastern Alaska as the result of strategically located and well-stocked trading posts. At first the explorations sponsored by the Russian- American Company and the resultant harvest of furs served to establish productive rela- tions with the Eskimos and Indians of the lower and middle Yukon. However, in spite of the fact that a post was established on the lower Yukon at Ikogmiut in 1836, at the mouth of the Unalakleet River in 1837, and at Nulato on the middle river in 1839, the number of furs began to diminish year by year. It was obvious that even as late as 1840 the Russians had insufficient knowledge about the country that they confidently expected to exploit. In particular they underestimated the efforts necessary to develop new patterns of trade that would divert the flow of furs to the posts of the Russian- American Company. By the time Lieutenant L. A. Zagoskin began his interior explora- tions in 1842, however, the Russian- American Company had realiz- ed the absolute necessity of fitting out permanent trading posts at which native peoples would be able to obtain, on a regulfir basis throughout the year, an adequate supply of the trade goods upon VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 65 which they were rapidly becoming dependent. Since the economic potentied of the Yukon country was as yet only peirtially known to the company, it was hoped that Zagoskin's explorations would pro- vide the geographical and environmental data on which to base a firm commitment to the development of the trade. Company of- ficials needed to know the most strategic locations at which to establish posts so that these stations would not compete with one another as they carried out trade with the Indians and Eskimos. The most urgent task assigned to Zagoskin, however, was to advise the company concerning practical measures that could be taken so that trade from west-central Alaska could be channeled to the com- pany and not to peoples living on the coast of Asia.* Zagoskin beheved that an annual average of 1,000 Siberian reindeer skins, originating from the Chukchi, reached the Yukon from the villages of Unalakleet, Klikitarik, and Pastolik. He quoted some of the prices paid by the Malemiut for Yukon furs exchanged for both deer skins and products of Eiu-opean manufacture: for a pure black fox, 12 winter deer skins, and the skins of 10 fawns, or approximately 3 lbs. of tobacco and the skin cover for an umiak; for an "arctic red fox," six winter deer skins and eight fawn skins; for a wolf or wolverine pelt, from 10 to 15 winter deer skins and two fall skins from one or two year old animals; for 22 marten (a standard measure), 11 deer skins; for a prime beaver pelt, two reindeer skins; for a prime otter pelt, three or four skins; for a kettle, depending on its size, five to 15 skins; and for two matched greenish blue beads, three or four skins. Of considerable importance in this exchange of Siberian reindeer skins for furs was the condition of the skin as well as the age of the deer and the time of year in which it was killed. The winter skin of a doe or buck, for example, could bring as much as two prime beaver pelts while two fall skins of young animals were worth six. The degree of whiteness of the feet was also taken into consideration, and even old skins previously used by the Chukchi had their value in fox pelts. Prices on the Kuskokwim River were slightly higher than those paid by Yukon natives, and the extension of this trade as far south as the Kuskokwim suggests the extent to which it interferred with the activities of the Russian- American Company. Not only was the influence of Mikhailovskiy Redoubt threatened, but also that of Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt which had jurisdiction over the Kuskokwim and its tributaries.* 66 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 In addition to reindeer skins and items of European manufacture, the Ingalik were also eager to obtain products from the sea coast, especially beluga and seal oil, most of which was rendered on the coast and traded into the interior from the village of Pastolik. In- dians who came to the coast through the Anvik River pass or along the Unalakleet River could obtain oil at the villages of Klikitarik, Unalakleet, or Shaktolik. Zagoskin believed that the amount of beluga oil prepared at Pastohk averaged about 1,000 puds a year (approximately 36,000 lbs). The oil was sold in seal bladders which cost from five to 15 prime beaver pelts each depending on size. Beluga oil was much preferred to the oil of other sea mammals because it was clear and tasteless. Apparently the value of coastal products in the coast-interior exchange was determined primarily in terms of beaver pelts which were the preferred unit of exchange just as they were to be for the Russian- American Company. For exam- ple, the Malemiut accepted two or three beaver pelts in exchange for a large, tanned bearded sealskin.^ Zagoskin was aware both of the potential richness of the Yukon region in terms of fur-bearing animals and of the extent to which the Russian- American Company was failing to divert native trade. In 1842-1843 he noted that a total of 3,125 beaver pelts was obtained by the company at its Nulato post, but that native traders had ob- tained at least 1,000 such pelts plus 3,000 marten skins and as many as 500 fox skins, all of which were destined to be traded to the Kolyma.^ He also knew that a considerable amount of Yukon fur reached Kotzebue Sound by way of the upper Koyukuk and Buckland rivers, but he abandoned his explorations in that direction and the company never established a post on the Koyukuk to counter this trade. The existence of Mikhailovskiy Redoubt and the posts at Unalakleet, Ikogmiut, and Nulato had little effect on the trading patterns of the Indians and Eskimos of west-central Alaska. However, the Ingalik began coming to Mikhailovskiy and Unalakleet to trade, thus increasing their direct contacts with both whites and Eskimos.^ Unalakleet was particularly important because of its strategic location with reference to travel between the coast and interior. Eskimos and Indians came from the lower Yukon River over the Anvik portage or along the coast from St. Michael. Koyukon Indians from Kaltag and Nulato also came to the coastal community frequently. In fact, according to one source, there was more immediate contact between Eskimos and Indians at VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 67 Unalakleet than at any other trading center in west-central Alaska.' Although the establishment of Mikhailovskiy Redoubt and other posts may have altered trading patterns slightly, the Russian- American Company was unable to divert the Siberian trade up to the time Alaska was sold to the United States in 1867. In fact, the Siberian trade continued to increase even during the early American period in spite of competition from commercial whaling ships and the better stocked trading posts of the Alaska Commerical Com- pany, successor to the Russian-American Company. The flourishing trade between coastal Eskimos and interior Athapaskans resulted in the development of well-established routes of travel and communication. These trade networks were apparent to the early explorers like Glazunov and Malakhov even before ef- fects of resultant commercial dealings were fully understood by company officials. Because of the importance of Unalakleet as a trading center and the Unalakleet River as a route to the interior, the inhabitants of this region frequently served as middlemen in the trade between coastal Malemiut and the Ingalik. In this capacity Unalakleet River Eskimos occasionally made trips to the lower-middle Yukon. Although seldom descending the river further than the entrance to Shageluk Slough, they frequently used that waterway to reach the middle Innoko River, thus penetrating to the heart of the area oc- cupied by the Ingalik. The importance of these middlemen began to decline, however, as soon as the Russians learned of easy routes to the interior.'" The inhabitants of strategically located interior communities also served as middlemen. While traveling on the Yukon River above Nulato in the spring of 1843, Zagoskin met some Holikachuk In- dians from the upper Innoko who informed him that in addition to trips to the Russian-American Company post at Nulato to trade, they also occasionally traveled down the Innoko to a community at the confluence of the Innoko and Yukon, probably the mixed Eskimo-Ingalik village of Anilukhtakpak. There they traded furs for beads, tobacco, and other items of European manufacture. The inhabitants of Anilukhtakpak also carried on extensive trade with the Kuskokwim River people, particularly in dried and frozen fish." On the other hand, Zagoskin believed that Ingalik living on the lower Innoko traveled to the coast in both summer and winter, either by way of the Anvik River or one of the streams flowing into 68 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 the Yukon opposite the entrance to Shageluk Slough. From these latter streams there were easy portages to the upper Anvik and thence to Norton Sound. The crossing to Klikitarik from Vazhichagat, a village located on the left bank of the Yukon just above the entrance to Shageluk Slough, was said to take three days in winter under normal conditions." The most important route from the lower Yukon to Norton Sound, however, was by way of the Anvik River itself. This route was used almost exclusively by those Ingalik living between Shageluk Slough and the Yukon-Innoko confluence, and occasionally by inhabitants of the lower Innoko River. According to Osgood, a single Indian in a canoe could travel from Anvik village to a camp near the mouth of Theodore Creek, an Anvik River tributary, in about 10 hr., although this required hard paddling and a considerable amount of difficult poling, particularly in mid to late summer when water in the Anvik is likely to be very low. Another two days of combined paddling and poling would bring the traveler to the mouth of Otter Creek, which was part of the established route to both Mikhailovskiy Redoubt and Unalakleet. The trip would certainly have been much easier, if not noticeably faster, by dog team in winter." The Ingalik were noted throughout the Yukon country for their skill in manufacturing wooden tubs, bowls, and dishes which they traded, along with dried fish, to coastal peoples.'* The wooden items were not only very much in demand among the Eskimos of Norton Sound, but were important items in the Siberia- Alaska trade. The settlement of Klikitarik may have been the center for this trade and by traveling there the Ingalik would presumably have been able to avoid dealing with middlemen from the Unalakleet River or anywhere else since the Sledge Island traders stopped at the settle- ment every year on their way to Pastolik." Trade journeys were made just after freeze-up in the fall or, more frequently perhaps, after break-up in the spring to take advantage of high water in the Anvik and its tributaries before the beginning of the fishing season. The entire trip would take about eight days at both times of the year, particularly if the traders set traps on the way north to Norton Sound to be checked and picked up on the return journey. According to Osgood, enthusiastic Ingalik traders sometimes made several trips to the coast in a year.'^ Although the Anvik River route to Norton Sound may have been the most important avenue of contact with their Eskimo neighbors. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 69 the Ingalik also met them in other areas. Direct contact with Eskimos took place on the lower Yukon and in the delta area, where seal oil for lamps and sealskins for boots and boat coverings were the principal trade commodities. This trade, involving local items, may not always have been directly related to the Siberia-Alaska trade carried out primarily through Norton Sound, although Sledge Island traders did range as far south as the Yukon delta. Much of the trade between the Ingalik and lower Yukon Eskimos may have taken place at or near the mouth of the Innoko River. In early June, 1868 the American explorer and scientist William Healy Dall encountered a party of about 30 Malemiut near Anvik as he was descending the Yukon from Nulato. Earher that spring these Eskimos had traveled over the Anvik portage carrying their umiaks on sledges, but at the time he met them they were floating down the Yukon trading skin clothing, needles, guns, and anmiunition for furs and wooden dishes. Later they expected to return to St. Michael in time to meet American trading ships. Dall noted that the Eskimos considered trips Uke this one to be particularly profitable because they could dispose of their old guns and surplus ammuni- tion at prices higher than they paid traders for new ones." A few days after this encounter, Dall and his party entered the mouth of the Innoko and, after ascending the river a little way, reached a settlement which he identified as "the Leather Village of the Russians," a leirge Ingalik sunmier camp. There were a sizeable number of Eskimos from the lower Yukon camped nearby. Dall observed a huge quantity of dried fish and meat collected by the Ingalik, and he was informed that this camp was a center for trade with "natives from other places," particularly for these com- modities. Dedl further noted that relations between the Eskimos and Ingalik were strained, and that some of the Indian houses ap- peared to be constructed with loopholes for guns.'" In spite of the hint of possible violence in Dall's account, relations between the Ingalik and Eskimos were usually peaceful. However, trading sometimes took place in an atmosphere of mutual suspicion and distrust. Traveling war parties are said to have been common on the lower Yukon and nearby areas at one time, but constant com- munication between the two peoples and their mutual dependence on each other's products made continual warfare impractical.'" Rumors of attacks and advancing war parties were much more com- mon than actual violence. When Glazunov approached Anvik in late January, 1834 he was told, it will be recalled, that the residents of 70 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 that community were expecting an attack from people living along the Unalakleet River.^° Doubtless such attacks did occasionally take place, but one suspects that such expectations usually turned out to be the result of rumors, and the attacks never materialized. According to early observers, both Eskimos and Indians tended to exhibit great jealousy with regard to boundaries of their ter- ritories and hostile encounters would occur when these were violated without the "credentials" associated with formal trade relations. For example, Nelson noted that the strip of country in- land from Norton Sound was regarded as a sort of no-man's land, or buffer zone, by both Malemiut and Ingalik.^* Similar zones, compris- ing territory on the frontiers between tribes which was normally unoccupied, have been described for other areas of North America." For both Eskimos and Indians, this country was an important caribou hunting area and violence sometimes occurred when hunters unexpectedly encountered one another. Similarly, Dall believed that Eskimo- Indian boundary lines were formed by the watershed between small rivers and streams flowing into Norton Sound and those which flow toward the Yukon. Individuals from either group within these areas ran the risk of being surprised and killed. Therefore, everyone proceeded with great caution while in "foreign" territory." A major tribal move beginning in the 1840's brought Koyukon In- dians onto the upper Unalakleet River into territory that had formerly been occupied exclusively by Eskimos. ^^ These Indians, who occupied the village of Ulukuk, were among the first to trade with the Russians at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt and this may have been a source of conflict with the indigenous Unalakleet Eskimos." An anthropologist working at Unalakleet in the 1960's discovered reports of conflict and hostile relations between Unalakleet Eskimos and all their neighbors, but particularly the Ingalik.^*^ There is less information in historical accounts concerning rela- tions between the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik and their Indian neighbors. Natives from the Kuskokwim, whether Indian or Eskimo, apparently were able to come in peace to Anilukhtakpak to trade, and certainly the relations between the Ingalik and those Koyukon living closest to their borders must have been cordial most of the time. As previously noted, the Holikachuk community of that name on the Innoko always maintained the closest relations with the Ingalik villages on the Yukon and lower Innoko. However, VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 71 Zagoskin reported that when he was camped near Vazhichagat in August, 1843 the inhabitants of that settlement told him that although game was plentiful in the Innoko drainage, the Koyukon Indians were unfriendly and had, in fact, killed 32 of their young men the previous year during attacks on fish camps." This strongly suggests that the Koyukon Indians of the upper Innoko and upper Yukon represented potential enemies to the Anvik-Shageluk people just as did Eskimos of the lower Yukon, Norton Sound, and the Unalakleet River. Early observers almost certainly exaggerated the enmity existing between Eskimos and Indians in this area. They may have been in- fluenced in this respect more by casual conversations revealing ethnic prejudice than by actual evidence of warfare and violence which they could confirm from reliable sources. Indians and Eskimos are "traditional enemies" both in their own minds and in the minds of outsiders, yet it is obvious that profitable trade rela- tions existed between them. The disruption of such relations for any length of time by bloody conflicts would seem unUkely, Neverthe- less, there are traditional accounts of such conflicts, and even today Ingalik can speak of specific encounters and show the visitor where important "battles" are said to have been fought in the past. It is probable that hostilities between the Yukon Athapaskans and their Eskimo neighbors were occasionally reinforced by the Russian presence in the area and the pressures of trade. The legacy of mutual suspicion between Eskimos and Indians Ungered on for many years, even well into the American period. In fact, rumors of attacks and invasions occurred almost annually into the present century. Dall noted that during his absence from Unalakleet in 1867-1868 the annual rumor of a proposed invasion by the Ingahk from the Innoko River reached the community and caused a good deal of excitement for several days before being forgotten.^^ Father Jules Jette, pioneer Jesuit missionary at Nulato, wrote about 1905 that the "natives [of Nulato and vicinity] live in constant dread of a new attack and every now and then some old squaw creates excitement by starting a rumor of a coming invasion. Men polish guns, women bewail in advance impending calamities, and the young see enemies in ambush behind every shrub, and all talk of war for a few days. ' ' Jette further recounted that one time at Unalakleet a trader lost his mittens, which had been made by Yukon Indians, while hunting. They were picked up by a local Eskimo and formed the basis of a rumored attack from the Yukon.^* 72 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 It is significant that such rumors nearly always concerned at- tacks on Norton Sound settlements by Yukon Indians or visa versa. There are few references to rumored or actu£d warfare between the Ingalik and the Eskimos of the lower Yukon. This suggests the possibility that relations were the most cordial and peaceful in areas where communities of Eskimos and Ingalik existed close together as they do on the lower Yukon. It will be remembered that Anilukhtakpak was a mixed community including both Indians and Eskimos. Farther up the Yukon, and on the Innoko, on the other hand, considerable distances separated the river settlements of Bonasila, Anvik, and Shageluk from the coastal communities of southern Norton Sound and villages along the Unalakleet River. Dorothy Jean Ray contrasts the numerous stories concerning Eskimo-Indian hostility which she heard from her Norton Sound Eskimo informants^" with the absence of such tales concerning rela- tions between Eskimos and the Georgetown Ingalik on the Kuskokwim.^' She suggests that this may be the result of a different type of population spread in the two areas. Along the middle Kuskokwim, population spread in historic times was on an in- dividual basis through Eskimo-Indian marriage. In the Norton Sound area, on the other hand, it was characterized by a jockeying for position with reference to the lucrative trade and involved entire families and groups of families rather than individuals. In some cases, as we have seen, Indians displaced Eskimos, as along the up- per Unedakleet River and possibly on the Yukon as well. Confronta- tions, therefore, frequently took place when a group of Eskimos fac- ed a group of Indians while hunting, or, as Dall noted on the lower Innoko in 1868, while preparing to trade. Marriages between Eskimos and Indians appear to have occurred rarely at Unalakleet and St. Michael, but were much more common at Anilukhtakpak and Anvik.^^ Unfortunately, the historical sources provide only limited infor- mation concerning the mechanisms of exchange between Eskimos and Indians in this area, but it seems clear that a formalized system of trading partners who offered protection to one another existed here as it did when Eskimos and Indians traded together elsewhere in Alaska." Exchange relationships also existed between villages in the form of festivals or "potlatches" which appear to have been a particular- ly important mechanism of exchange in west-central Alaska and a framework within which partnerships functioned. Jette has describ- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 73 ed a trade fair, which was held annually by an Athapaskan and an Eskimo village to exchange £irticles of trade which were called "presents." This custom, once widespread, was apparently main- tained by the Kojoikon at Nulato and the Eskimos at Unalakleet un- til about 1910. Jetty's description of this ceremony follows: The fair was held about midwinter, alternately at the seat of each tribe. The summons, or invitation, is conveyed by means of a stick, some 10-15 in. long, and 1-1% in. in diameter. On this stick every one who has goods to exchange cuts a notch or a mark, as a reminder of his participation. There may be from ten to twenty of these signs, each with a complex signification. Two unmar- ried young men, professedly among the best qualified to represent the tribe with honor, are selected as stick-bearers. At a solemn meeting they are seated apart from the crowd, on a blanket, and. . . .eu'e harangued by some of the elder men. Then they Usten to the explanation of the various marks on the stick, each one who has made his mark stepping forward and declaring the meaning, which the messengers then and there commit to memory. Additional marks may be made at this time, by those who have not yet notched the stick, but none can be added after this ceremony. The stick is then sewed up in a piece of cloth or hide, and the messengers take it and depart for the invited vil- lage. . . .They approach the term of their voyage stealthily, and. must time their traveling to arrive at night, unexpectedly, that their coming may be a surprise to all, and consequently a source of excitement. The people thus warned, gather together; the stick is produced and all the marks explained. Exchangers are then selected, i.e. people who will bring goods to exchange with those of the inviting tribe. To each man who has made a notch on the stick an exchanger is assigned, and upon his accepting the duty, this ex- changer generally mentions the particular dish, or food, with which he wishes to be welcomed upon his arrival. These requests are also committed to the memory of the two messengers. . . .Each of the invited [exchangers] is to receive hospitality in the cabin of [the one with whom he is to exchange]. When the invited guests have completed their prepfu-ations, which generally require two to three weeks, they all start together, the two messengers preceding them. These must time their traveling so as to arrive stealthily, and about 24 hours ahead of the invited party. They announce the names of the people who have responded to the invitation, notify the hosts of the ex- changers assigned to them, and of the food which these shall expect to find, ready cooked, at their turival. The guests are greeted, upon their coming, with great demonstrations of joy, and, for some days, feasting, banqueting, and merrymaking are the only occupation. When the appointed day comes, the trading, or exchanging takes place. The two [exchangers] place their articles in a pile one along side of the other, so that the piles are about equal in value, according to their estimate. Appraisers, selected by common agreement, in- spect the piles, and make the exchangers add to them, or withdraw from them, as the case may require, until they judge the equivalence in worth to be established. Then each [exchanger] takes possession of the pile of his co- exchanger, and the fair is over. After this, one more entertainment is given at night, and the guests start back for their home." 74 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 This messenger-type ceremony can easily be recognized as resembling the Partner's Potlatch of the Ingalik as described by Osgood, except that the latter, as will be recalled, most frequently involved Ingalik villages of equivalent size.^^ It seems clear that the Kojoikon, and probably the Ingalik, adapted an important festival of their own as a means of formahzing relations with neighboring Eskimos and establishing a means by which useful trade contacts could be initiated and maintained. Burch and Correll, however, sug- gest that the trading which took place at messenger feasts was of more symbolic than practical significance. Their evidence indicates that such festivals, at which a good deal of dancing, feasting, athletic competition, and story-telhng took place, functioned more to affirm and revitalize inter-regional solidarity than they did to distribute goods.^^ Language differences apparently had httle effect on the incidence or distribution of messenger feasts involving Athapaskans and Eskimos,^^ although information concerning the existence of a lingua franca on the lower Yukon is contradictory. The American explorer Captain Charles Raymond believed that the Ingalik did not use any foreign words when trading,^^ but Dall refers to a trading jargon consisting of a large number of Eskimo and Ingalik words. This jargon was also said to have been used by the latter when deal- ing with Russian traders since they were more likely to be familiar with Eskimo than Ingalik.'^ According to Jette, the trade fair previously mentioned was conducted primarily through interpreters although after about 1904 both Eskimos and Indians were suffi- ciently famihar with English to be mutually understood in that language."*" In conclusion, it has been shown that successful interaction for purposes of trade involving the Ingalik and Eskimos of Norton Sound, Kotzebue Sound, and the Unalakleet River was an outgrowth of the development of international markets on both sides of Bering Strait following the establishment of a major trading center on the Kolyma in eastern Siberia at the end of the 18th century. In spite of the potential for conflict inherent in these cross-cultural relationships, the formalized procedures under which most trade was carried out served to minimize hostilities. It seems clear that the continual flow of useful goods exchanged according to the principle of balanced, or near balanced, reciprocity"*' assured the continuance of the trade and prevented its diversion by the Russian- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 75 American Company or, during the early years of the American period, the Alaska Commercial Company. Explorations of Lieutenant L. A. Zagoskin We now come to a consideration of the most extensive and signifi- cant interior explorations during the Russian period; those of naval lieutenant Lavrentiy A. Zagoskin for the Russian-American Com- pany from 1842-1844. In the administration's orders to Zagoskin he was directed to explore the Yukon, Kuskokwim, and Innoko rivers, to ascertain the most practical portages between these rivers, and to explore the drainage of the Buckland River which was known to flow into Kotzebue Sound, Zagoskin's expedition left Mikhailovskiy Redoubt on December 4, 1842 and proceeded to the Yukon by way of the Unalakleet River, the route pioneered by Malakhov. Arriving at Nulato in mid- January, 1843, his party, during the winter, ex- plored the lower Koyukuk searching for a short route to the Buckland River and Kotzebue Sound. Zagoskin eventually aban- doned this part of his planned explorations (fig. 4). After spending the spring at Nulato collecting natural history specimens, data on the fur trade, and on the operation of the post, Zagoskin's party st£u*ted to ascend the Yukon on June 4, exploring as far as the mouth of the Nowitna River just above the present village of Kokrines. Somewhere near Kokrines they met an encamp- ment of Indians from the upper Innoko and Zagoskin obtained useful information concerning that area which supplemented data he had already obtained from Petr Kolmakov's journal and map. On August 2, 1843 Zagoskin and his companions left Nulato after a stay of some seven months, this time going down the Yukon. On August 13 the p£u*ty arrived at a settlement Zagoskin called Vazhichagat near the entrance to Shageluk Slough. He wished to enter the slough to explore the lower Innoko River, but was prevented from doing so by shallow bars at the entrance. The follow- ing day he reached the mouth of the Anvik River where he remained for two days. After leaving Anvik, the party stopped, apparently for two days, at Anilukhtakpak, which he, like Glazunov, noted as the last Athapaskan village on the Yukon. On August 23 the party reached Ikogmiut, which became Zagoskin's headquarters for the winter of 1843-1844. Thus far he had explored and described in some detail more than 500 miles of the Yukon River. For our purposes, Zagoskin's most important explorations during that winter were along the lower reaches of the Innoko, although he 76 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Fig. 4. Map of west-central Alaska. The dotted line shows Zagoskin's route in 1842-1844. also traveled to the Kuskokwim twice and, during the spring of 1844, ascended that important river as far as the mouth of the Takotna. Part of this time he was in the company of that ubiquitous Kuskokwim trader, Semen Lukin. Zagoskin's explorations of the lower Innoko took place between February 10 and March 10. Although he carefully describes and names a number of settlements on the river and gives detailed information concerning the environ- ment, it is not possible to determine his route with complete ac- curacy. He apparently reached a point near the mouth of the Iditarod River, one of the largest Innoko tributaries, and believed that he had ascended the river to at least the point which Petr Kolmakov had reached proceeding from the opposite direction. Hav- ing accomplished this, Zagoskin then knew that it was feasible to travel from the upper Kuskokwim to the lower Yukon by way of the INSELNOSTLENDE Fig. 5. Map of the lower-middle Yukon and lower Innoko rivers. 77 78 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Innoko, although this route was obviously longer and more difficult than the short, generally used portages opposite the settlements of Paimiut and Ikogmiut, with both of which the explorer was familiar, Zagoskin and his party were back in Ikogmiut for the last time on June 10, 1844 having completed their Kuskokwim explorations, and then left that community on the 13th. They descended the Yukon to its mouth, making their way along the coast to Mikhailovskiy Redoubt where they arrived on June 21, having been away from the post for more than a year and a half. Lieutenant Zagoskin's travels, clearly an outstanding achieve- ment in every way, were a fitting culmination to the efforts of Wrangel to foster the pursuit of scientific interests in Russia's American possession. Zagoskin's report, first published in 1847-1848 and republished in a carefully edited edition in 1956"^ and an English translation in 1967,^^ is the primary source for informa- tion on the history, geography, and ethnography of west-central Alaska during the Russian period. As far as ethnography is concern- ed, his descriptions of the Indians and Eskimos of the Yukon, lower Innoko, and central Kuskokwim rivers are still of basic importance to students of the area, all the more important since he was observ- ing these people at a time when their way of life had only just begun to be changed by direct contact with Russian traders. Zagoskin seems never to have failed to record to the best of his ability the name of every settlement he visited or that was reported to him dur- ing his long journey. Often, too, he records population figures and sometimes a few impressions of his own. Since Zagoskin was primarily concerned with the present condition and probable future of the fur trade, he made a particular effort to learn all he could con- cerning the mechanics of the trade. It is safe to say that his report is the single outstanding source on the Russian fur trade throughout west-central Alaska. His map^'' clearly shows the extent to which Russians were familiar with the geography of all interior Alaska in the middle of the 19th century. In short, Zagoskin's report is an in- dispensible source and the remainder of this chapter depends heavi- ly on it. Oddly enough, the Russian-American Company made no further attempt at comprehensive interior exploration following the ac- complishments of Lieutenant Zagoskin. Traders stationed at Mikhailovskiy and Ikogmiut visited the Indian villages periodically to collect furs and although they experienced intensive contacts VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 79 with village inhabitants, it is doubtful whether, in the course of their travels, they added greatly to the knowledge which the com- pany already possessed of the country and its environment. At the close of the Russian period, therefore, the Yukon from the mouth of the Tanana to the delta had been fairly thoroughly explored, to- gether with the lower Koyukuk, the Anvik River, Shageluk Slough, and the lower Innoko. In broad outline, if not in detail, the environ- ment of the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik was well known to the Russians. The Russian-American Company Previously we have discussed the extent to which the Russians found themselves in the midst of a flourishing and widespread trade network when they established their trading posts in west-central Alaska. The post at Ikogmiut was a success during the first three years of its existence, but this success was checked when natives attacked and killed the Russians stationed there in 1839. Ikogmiut was oc- cupied for the second time in the fall of 1840 and 500 beaver and other pelts were collected in the course of the winter. This relatively poor harvest was believed to have been due to fear of revenge on the part of the natives of the area,"^ but it is more likely that the Siberia- Alaska trade was responsible. The perpetrators of the killings, however, were probably Eskimos from the Kuskokwim who, presumably, were in the habit of trading at Kolmakovskiy Redoubt. The company declined to pursue the matter of retribution for the at- tack in order not to disturb the good relations that then existed be- tween the natives and Semen Lukin, manager at Kolmakovskiy.'" In the winter of 1842 Andrey Glazunov was sent out as manager of the Ikogmiut odinochka, but before he reached the post by way of the Yukon mouth he was forced by circumstances to exchange a large proportion of his trade goods for fish to feed his men and, later, for various services performed at the post. Thus he was able to collect only 360 beaver and 67 otter that year. The following winter was only slightly more successful with a harvest of 495 beaver and 114 otter, but by 1844 Glazunov had established firm and friendly relations with the Eskimos below the post and was able to acquire 875 beavers and 132 otter pelts during that winter. It is interesting that most of the trade at Ikogmiut during those years was con- ducted with Eskimos of the lower Yukon and very little with the In- galik up the river."'' 80 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 At the time Ikogmiut was established, company officials were aware that the location of the new post was fairly close to that of Kolmakovskiy Redoubt on the middle Kuskokwim, and that there would inevitably be a certain overlap in the area of influence of the two trading establishments. However, Kolmakovskiy Redoubt was under the jurisdiction of Aleksandrovskiy, while Ikogmiut was similarly associated with Mikhailovskiy Redoubt. In 1846 Aleksan- drovskiy Redoubt was reduced to an odinochka and made subor- dinate to Nikolaevskiy Redoubt on Cook Inlet. This move was made with a view to reducing the company's expenditures and because the approach to the Nushagak Bay post was difficult for sailing vessels.*^ As a result of this consolidation, Kolmakovskiy was detached from the jurisdiction of Aleksandrovskiy in 1845 and, like Mikhcdlovskiy, placed under the full jurisdiction of the company's main office in Sitka. Supplies for the Kuskokwim station were henceforth sent to Mikhailovskiy where Semen Lukin was to pick them up and also to deliver his furs.^° Following the reorganization with respect to Kolmakovskiy Redoubt, a decision was made to aboUsh the odinochka at Ikogmiut and establish a new one further down river at the mouth of the Nygyklikh (now Andreafsky) River; this post was called Andreav- skiy.*° Ikogmiut regained some of its importance when the Russian Orthodox Church estabUshed a mission there in 1845, but it is ap- parent that the decision to abandon the trading post was made in recognition of the fact that Ikogmiut and Kolmakovskiy were close together and that from the establishment of the former in 1836 there had been considerable rivalry between them.^* In fact, that rivalry continued with Andreavskiy to such an extent that in July, 1852 the manager of Mikhailovskiy Redoubt complained to the Sitka office and recommended that Andreavskiy be abandoned because Lukin was buying most of the furs that would normally have been acquired by the Yukon River post. In his reply, the general manager praised Lukin and suggested that it did not matter which post harvested the furs as long as they were obtained by the company and not by "foreigners," presumably a reference not to the Siberian trade, but to British and American whaling ships which frequented Norton Sound and points north after 1850. The general manager also took the opportunity to encourage his subordinate at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt to emulate Lukin and to discourage idleness on the part of the managers at Andreavskiy and other stations under the jurisdiction of the redoubt." At the same time, however. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 81 he also wrote Lukin warning him against paying high prices for furs and dealing with the resourceful Malemiut who had estabhshed trading relationships with the American whaUng ships." It is significant that in 1845, only a year after Zagoskin completed his explorations and 12 years after the estabUshment of Mikhailov- skiy Redoubt, there were, or had recently been, five redoubts and odinotchki that exerted their influence to a greater or lesser degree on the inhabitants of the Anvik-Shageluk area:. Mikhailovskiy Redoubt, Ikogmiut odinotchka (closed temporarily in 1845), An- dreavskiy odinochka, Kolmakovskiy Redoubt, and, peripherally, the post at Nulato. It is now necessary to examine in more detail the nature of these posts, the difficulties under which they operated, the mechanics of the fur trade, and, most important of all, their effect on the life of the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik. The redoubts and odinochki in west-central Alaska were nothing more than trading stores for bartering with the Indians and Eskimos. The store and associated dweUing was usually enclosed for security by a four-sided palisade and in the two diagonally op- posite comers formed by the paUsade there might be log towers armed with smaU-caUber cannon. There were, of course, no miUtsuy garrisons and in case of real or supposed danger of attack, the peo- ple Uving in the establishments depended on rifles and side arms for their defense. The exact number of residents in the various Yukon posts is imknown, but even at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt it is doubtful if there were ever more than 25 company employees. The Andreav- skiy odinochka had seven permanent residents in 1861," but occa- sionally there might be four or five additional individuals, usually Indians who had been hired on a temporary basis to transport cargo." Brief eye-witness descriptions exist for Andreavskiy as it ap- peared in June, 1868, and again in August, 1882. Dall describes the post in 1868 as having been built in the form of a square, the buildings forming two of the sides and a stockade the other two. In- side the square were a barracks, magazine, cook house and bath house, the latter always present everywhere in Alaska where Rus- sians and Creoles were quartered. The post was, of course, abandon- ed at the time of Ball's visit, the Russians having withdrawn the previous year.^® The Norwegian traveler J. A. Jacobson described the station in much the same way in 1882, noting that the high 82 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 wooden stockade had fallen into decay." At that time it was oc- cupied by representatives of the Alaska Commercial Company. Unfortunately, the historical sources give little explicit or detail- ed information on the manner in which the Russian traders dealt with the Ingalik for furs. However, from the records of the Russian- American Company it is possible to extract some information con- cerning methods used in other areas of western Alaska and it is like- ly that these were also employed at the various Yukon River posts. When contacts were established with remote villages such as those on the Innoko River, an attempt was made to determine community leaders, or toyons as the Russians called them. These individuals were presented with silver medals called "United Russia," with the Tsar's picture on one side, a certificate designating the leader as a person of authority recognized by the company, and occasional in- centive gifts. Post managers were expected to keep a careful ac- count of the medals that they distributed and even to try to retrieve them from the families of toyons who died so that they might be awarded again. The toyons were supposed to be individuals who were held in respect by their fellow villagers and whose friendly rela- tions with the Russians would be of definite benefit to the company. They encouraged their fellow villagers to trap and bring their furs to the post. It is doubtful whether the toyons ever actually had as much power and authority in their communities as company of- ficials thought they had. Nevertheless, in one way or another, a faithful toyon could encourage the trappers in his village to expend more energy in the company's behalf than they might otherwise have been inclined to do.^" This was the usual manner of dealing for furs with the inhabitants of southwestern Alaska, particularly those Eskimos within the sphere of Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt on Nushagak Bay. It is prob- able that this method was even more important on the Yukon where the Russians were attempting to break down the traditional trade networks that had developed as a result of the flourishing Siberia- Alaska trade. Nevertheless, the company did not hesitate to try other methods if they gave promise of success; and, of course, Indians frequently came to the posts of their own accord to trade their furs.^^ However, it is doubtful if trappers were ever hired and paid a specific wage with all fur taken belonging to the company, a method that was utilized at a number of Russian-American Com- pany posts, particularly in the Aleutians, on Kodiak Island and in southeastern Alaska. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 83 Traders at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt made annual trips into the in- terior to keep in touch with the toyons and to collect the furs that had been harvested. This was a procedure that carried over into the American period and will be discussed in more detail in the follow- ing chapter. The diary of Henry M. Bannister, a member of the Western Union Telegraph Company Expedition, mentions that in March, 1866 three Russians left Mikhailovskiy for the IngaUk coun- try and that they expected to be away about one month.** Although specific information is lacking, it is probable that the Indians of the lower-middle Yukon, as in other parts of Alaska, were permitted to become indebted to the company in order to increase the likelihood that they would trade at company posts. This pohcy might have been a factor in the competition between posts discuss- ed earlier, and would also have had at least the potential to disrupt the Siberia-Alaska trade. Also, of course, the more closely the In- dians were bound to the company and the more they relied on the trader for supplies and items of European manufacture, the less likely they were to pursue traditional subsistence activities at no profit to the company. The company assumed a paternal role, not only controlling the goods which the Indians could obtain, but also regulating how much they were to receive for them. Certain aspects of this arrangement were severely criticized by Zagoskin as he became familiar with the company's operations in west-central Alaska. In discussing trade goods, Zagoskin noted that between 1838 and 1844 the most important exports to the Indians of the lower and middle Yukon were red and white beads, (copper?) pots and copper jugs, and a variety of iron articles. Beads were distributed in strings 1 sazhen in length, 1 lb. of beads usually producing about 12 sazhens. The yearly quantity of beads issued in 1843 was approx- imately 7 puds,^^ amounting to 3,360 strings of beads 1 sazhen long. Trade goods taken by Zagoskin on his expedition included these same red and white beads as well as blue, black, and steel blue beads, needles, dentalium shells, horn combs, copper and iron bracelets, Yakut long-stemmed pipes, bronze earrings, copper rings, blue tubular and round beads, Yakut knives, earrings with enamel covered glass pendants, copper tinker bells, small mirrors, flints, scrapers, Aleut hatchets, tin pipes, hollow and naval uniform but- tons, and tobacco." The Ingalik were, according to Zagoskin, extremely fond of beads 84 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 and shells and would invest all their wealth in them. He noted that an Indian might hang as many as 10 lbs. of beads over his shoulder and tie them like a scarf. "In this way there may be hanging on a rich man, if you count what is twisted into his hair and all the decoration on his clothing and weapons, beads and shells to a value of 150 beaver pelts, or a 1000 or more silver rubles."" During his travels, Zagoskin discovered, rather to his surprise, that there were more iron and copper utensils in use among the In- dians of the interior than among the coastal Eskimos. Some of the former even had teapots, spoons, and other relatively exotic items. He attributed this situation to the fact that the Indians were primarily occupied in trapping fur bearers and thus had a greater means of satisfying their wants and needs. This certainly suggests that, at this period, the Indians were more vigorously involved in the fur trade than their Eskimo neighbors, a fact that is related, of course, to the greater abundance of valuable fur-bearing animals in Indian territory. Zagoskin further noted that Athapaskans would acquire those items which they considered most valuable, namely beads and shells, first and then, when these had been obtained, were likely to exchange for their furs anything that was offered to them, often without any conception of what the articles were for or how they were used.^" Information concerning the rates of exchange for furs is difficult to obtain as this subject is not treated in detail in the available records of the Russian- American Company. We do know, however, that the prices of trade goods were not fixed, but left to the discre- tion of the individual trader who was considered to be in the best position to judge the local situation, particularly with reference to forms of competition such as the Siberia-Alaska trade and, later, trade with American whaling ships. It is also known that trade was carried on entirely by barter. According to Dall, unfortunately not always a reliable source, between 42 per cent and 75 per cent was in- variably added to the original cost of trade goods originating in St. Petersburg or elsewhere to cover "expenses," presumably those associated with packing and shipping. The goods were delivered to post managers and had to be bartered at a rate that would enable the managers to cover the expenses of winter trading journeys, native employees at the post, and, in fact, all expenses except the cost of constructing buildings and wages paid to Russian employees. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 85 Hence, while the Company's price for a pound of . . . tobacco was thirty cents and the [post manager] was expected to balance his account with [the district manager at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt] by returning, say three mink [each worth IOC] for the tobacco; yet the native received nothing like a pound for three mink skins. The tobacco comes done up in small bundles. . . .There may be from two to six of these in a pound; yet for each one, large or small, the native must give a marten skin [worth 20C:] or two mink skins. Again, the Company's price for lead was twenty cents a pound. Their bullets were about 36 to the pound. Yet the native only received 10 balls for his marten or five for a mink skin.'" If this account is correct, it is apparent that the Yukon Indians were forced to absorb most of the costs that the company incurred in doing business in the country. Such costs, of course, are common- ly passed along to the consumer, but the procedures are of interest here because they were obviously effective in limiting the number and variety of trade goods which the IngaUk and other Indians of the interior were able to obtain. Zagoskin's criticisms of company operations were, of course, not specifically oriented toward improving the lot of the Yukon Indians. In fact, as might be expected, they were directly related to the prob- lem of company profits. He particularly objected to the point of view, held by some company officials, that simply establishing a trading outpost in the wilderness was a reasonable end in itself, and that such an establishment would then automatically attract trade. He stressed that "vigilence and activity" on the part of the manager was necessary. The trader was much more likely to be suc- cessful if he allowed the toyons to bring their furs to the post for trade rather than if he himself went to the various villages to collect the harvest of furs. Under the latter circumstances, the trader placed himself in an unfavorable position that made it difficult to re- ject anything that was offered. Therefore, he was more likely to be forced to accept poor quality furs and to be the unfortunate target of sharp trading practices perpetrated in an unfamiliar environment where his self-confidence and sense of security were apt to be low.** Zagoskin also believed that it was a serious mistake for the trader to barter trade goods in exchange for food as Glazunov had been forced to do when he went to Ikogmiut in 1842. This practice was common in Zagoskin 's day because the posts were often poorly sup- plied from headquarters and the residents were limited in their abili- ty to lay in a supply of dried fish, the most important local food, because there were not enough of them at any post to construct and set traps, the usual Indian method of taking fish.^' Zagoskin was 86 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 strongly of the opinion, however, that when the Indians received European goods in exchange for food, work, or other services, they were less likely to exert themselves in the quest for furs. In fact, under these circumstances the Indians were more likely to exchange those furs which they did obtain with the Malemiut so that they could receive native products from the coast as well as trade items that, as likely as not, they were unable to obtain at the poorly sup- plied Russian- American Compamy posts. By way of illustrating the effects of poorly provisioned posts on the trade as a whole, Zagoskin noted that if biscuits were spoiled,. . .it affected the welfare of our trade in the whole area. Without biscuits we should be obliged to release tobacco and other wares out of proportion to the needs of the inhabitants and thus unavoidably raise the price of furs. To understand this situation one must remember that on the Yukon 40 lbs. of tobacco are worth not 1 7 rubles in silver but 50 beaver [which are worth] in silver, 250 rubles, reckoning the river beaver at an average price of 5 rubles a piece.^" Although the Ingalik and other Yukon Indians may have, in the early years of contact, obtained many trade items the intent and use of which they did not understand, they eventually became highly adaptable in learning how to use whatever came their way. Never- theless, there were many things which they could profitably have used that were not available to them at Ikogmiut and Nulato or, for that matter, Mikhailovskiy Redoubt. Also, as the Indians became increasingly dependent on the post for trade goods that were rapid- ly replacing their traditional material culture and on which they were becoming increasingly dependent, they pursued their tradi- tional subsistence activities with less vigor. Therefore, they re- quired food and clothing in ever larger amounts and Zagoskin feared that when they were unable to obtain these necessities from the company, they would turn elsewhere for them."^ Although there were no other trading companies, there was still the Siberia-Alaskan trade and, in the immediate future, the newest threat to the com- pany's trade monopoly, American whaling ships which would begin to operate off the Alaska coast within a few years. During his stay at Nulato and elsewhere on the Yukon, Zagoskin noted that some of the toyons who visited the trading stations began to observe the definite advantages of the summer clothing worn by members of the expedition. They therefore began to ask the managers for calico shirts, blankets, cloth dresses and caps, and some even wanted shoes. Zagoskin considered this a promising development since it meant that in the future the Indians would in- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 87 creasingly be demanding useful articles rather than the beads, trinkets, and other baubles with which they previously had been satisfied/" Obviously, the company should anticipate these increas- ed and more sophisticated needs of its clientele. This growing complexity of the trade relationship between the Yukon Indians and the company was a situation of which the latter was only partly aware. In the past, the emphasis had been on collec- ting the maximum amount of furs and company officials had paid very little attention to improving the living conditions of those who were rapidly becoming dependent on the trading posts. Zagoskin did not believe that the managers at Ikogmiut and Nulato were to blame for this situation, since they were required to barter the goods which were sent to them each year, in the selection of which they had relatively little to say. Also, the trade items that were sent had frequently been in storage for a long time in Sitka or represented materials rejected by the principal stations in the Aleu- tians and southeastern Alaska. It is probable, however, that the managers were at least partly to blame for the situation since they often placed orders that failed to specify the particular items re- quired by the natives that visited their posts, and simply asked for "trade goods for the savages."" This kind of request encouraged the Sitka office to send anything that happened to be lying around in company warehouses. Inevitably, the one trade item that was most desired by Indians of the Yukon and by native peoples elsewhere in Alaska was firearms. The company, however, was reluctant to permit their introduction on the grounds that many fur-bearing animals and other game might be exterminated, and that the people would quickly learn to use them against one another. To Zagoskin, this company policy, like so many others, appeared to have been handed down by in- dividuals who had no knowledge of local circumstances. He believed that if the company was reorganized so that all the trading stations were operated identically, and the various native settlements were allotted specific trapping territories, then firearms might be pro- fitably permitted. Zagoskin appears to have been overly optimistic about the ability of the company to cope with the variety of local conditions within the vast territory in which it operated. Obviously, the kind of reorganization he recommended would have represented a stagger- ing effort on the part of the company even if their control of and in- fluence over the natives of coastal and interior west-central Alaska 88 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 had been greater than it was. With limited personnel, widely separated posts, and long lines of communication with the Sitka of- fice and company headquarters in St. Petersburg, it was impossible. Even under the current situation at the Yukon River posts, Zagoskin doubted whether the Indians would shoot beaver and other fur-bearing animals since traditional trapping and snaring were so much more effective. As far as beaver were concerned, other hunting methods, such as hooking the animals from their houses, or destroying the houses to get at the animals, both used frequently, seemed much more likely to decimate the population. One might also add that the possibility of damage to the pelts of animals killed with firearms is considerable with, of course, a corresponding reduc- tion in their value. As for the possibility that Indians and Eskimos might use firearms against each other or against members of their own people, Zagoskin did not believe that the nature of their interpersonal rela- tions, even under circumstances of suspicion and hostility, would lead to destructive open warfare.'^ In any event, regardless of the view of Zagoskin and company officials concerning such matters, firearms were soon to be available to the people from other sources. While the eventual effect of improved weapons on fur-bearing animals and particularly game is an open question, it was certainly true that they had relatively little effect on modified-traditional pat- terns of interpersonal relations. With reference to the well-established trade between north- eastern Siberia and Alaska, Zagoskin was quick to point out that the Russians were themselves responsible for undermining their own efforts in west-central Alaska. Large shipments of tobacco were sent to the Chukchi Peninsula where the commodity was ex- changed for walrus ivory and eventually made its way to the American coast. In addition, the price paid for furs along the Kolyma River was four to six times what was given for the same furs at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt. These factors encouraged the Siberia- Alaska trade even in the face of efforts made by the com- pany in west-central Alaska to divert as many furs as possible to its own establishments. Even as far inland as the Koyukuk River, Zagoskin found that the people were well supplied with goods from the Kolyma River posts, particularly the so-called Cherkass tobacco which the Chukchi received from Russian ships. At Anvik, where Glazunov found the Ingalik wearing fur clothing in 1834, Zagoskin noted that the Indians were rich in fur which they desired to trade VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 89 for tobacco, reindeer skins, sealskin thongs, and sealskins. Instead of obtaining these items from the company, however, the Anvik peo- ple did most of their trading with the Unalakleet middlemen or Sledge Island traders who stopped at Klikitarik/^ Certain company practices at Mikhailovskiy added to the dif- ficulties of controUing the fur trade in the Yukon Valley. Because the district managers were primarily concerned with their own ad- vancement, which could be most readily obtained by acquiring the greatest number of furs at the lowest possible price, they frequently either held back trade goods of superior quaUty or paid higher prices than were prescribed for the post. Even the best intentioned managers, however, were often unable to provide the native popula- tion within their sphere of influence with the goods which they bad- ly needed. Boats bringing trade goods from Sitka were frequently delayed and opportunities for the company to increase its share of the trade were thus lost.^" Zagoskin's solution to these problems, as we might expect from the general nature of his observations, essentially involved the stan- dardization and regularization of the trade. The natives must be en- couraged to trade all varieties of pelts, not just those of highest value, and the posts must have on hand all the goods considered necessary for the well-being of their customers. In addition, he recommended that the Russians themselves assume the role of mid- dlemen in the trade between the Alaska coast and the interior, thus eliminating a vital aspect of the competition from native traders. And, finally, he believed that Russian influence over the natives must be increased. This could be accomplished by strengthening the toy on system as had been done among the Eskimos of the Nushagak and Kuskokwim rivers. Even though the Eskimos and Indians of west-central Alaska did not recognize a system of rank which the Russians could equate with their own social system, the natives nevertheless frequently looked to the post managers for ad- vice and were inclined to show these individuals a good deal of respect. The position of the latter as controllers of desired trade goods gave them a special status in the eyes of the local inhabitants. Thus the post managers, with a little effort in sizing up the local situation, could come to exercise a good deal of influence over their customers." Zagoskin left Alaska in the summer of 1844, too soon to have been aware of another form of competition for the Russian-American 90 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Company that was soon to make its presence felt in west-central Alaska. Beginning in 1850, American whaling ships passed through Bering Strait to hunt baleen whales in the Arctic Ocean. The com- mercial hunting of these great animals was profitable not so much for their oil, used in the manufacture of soap and candles, as for baleen, a strong, flexible material in the mouths of whales through which is sifted the small plankton that constitutes their food. Dur- ing the last half of the 19th century, baleen was used in the manufacture of buggy whips, women's corset stays, as stuffing for furniture, and for other items requiring a strong, flexible material prior to the development of celuloid and plastics. Before the in- troduction of steam whaling vessels which enabled the whalers to remain in arctic waters all year round, the ships wintered along the California coast or in the Hawaiian Islands and returned north each spring. At this time each year they visited Port Clarence on Seward Peninsula where Eskimos were sometimes hired to assist in the summer's whaling, and extensive trading was carried out. Each year many Eskimos and some Indians, bringing with them furs, walrus ivory, and items of local manufacture to trade gathered at Port Clarence to await the arrival of the whaling fleet. The ships loaded at Honolulu or San Francisco with firearms and ammuni- tion, usually double-barreled shotguns made in Belgium, hardware of various kinds, and alcoholic beverages or ingredients for their manufacture.''^ Needless to say, the enterprising coastal Eskimos were delighted to see these richly laden vessels each spring, particularly since the items of trade which they offered frequently could not be obtained at posts of the Russian-American Company. These new and more varied trade goods rapidly reached the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik and other interior peoples. In the early years of this trade, the Ingalik became familiar with alcoholic beverages which previously must have been virtually unknown to them since Zagoskin makes no reference to drinking or its effects. In any event, alcohol seems to have had little fascination for them. According to an observer in the early American period, the Ingalik did not use alcohol to an excess. Rather, with admirable singleness of purpose, they resold it to the Russians." It is probably also true that the first firearms to enter the Anvik- Shageluk area in any number were obtained from the whaling vessels at this time. The Ingalik had received a few long-barrelled flintlock rifles from the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Yukon VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 91 after 1847, but the Belgian-made shotguns and ammunition were more readily available., They were also cheaper, being obtainable for 20 marten skins whereas 40 skins were required to purchase a flintlock from the Hudson's Bay Company. The latter may have been preferred, however, since caps for the percussion shotguns were not always available but adequate fUnts could be picked up on any beach.'* More significant, perhaps, than the importation of alcohol or firearms at this time were native trade routes to the lower Yukon that included a stop at Port Clarence to meet the whaUng ships each spring. In late May, 1866 a party of men attached to the Western Union Telegraph Company Expedition, traveling down the Yukon from Nulato, encountered a group of some 50 Malemiut Eskimos near the mouth of the Anvik River. This party was on an suinual trading expedition from Norton Sound, where they had traded with the whaUng vessels, down the Anvik River to the Yukon, down the Yukon to the mouth of the Innoko, up that river to Shageluk Slough and back to the Yukon down which they traveled to the coast and back up to Norton Sound again. These enterprising traders brought their umiaks across to the upper Anvik or one of its tributaries in late winter so that they would be in position for the trip as soon as the ice broke. An early start on their circular route was necessary if they wished to reach Port Clarence before the whaUng ships headed north. The furs which were obtained from the Ingalik were then traded to the whaling ships for trade goods which, in turn, were used to obtain more furs in the interior.^ Earlier in this chapter reference was made to a similar party of Malemiut encountered by Dall on the Yukon almost exactly two years later. Here was a pattern of trade, utilizing previously established trade connections resulting from the Siberia- Alaska trade, that complete- ly bypassed the posts of the Russian- American Company. Neither the company, nor American traders, were able to take effective measures against the whaUng ships which continued to visit Port Clarence until commercial whaling ceased to be profitable early in the present century. Although it is difficult to sort out the complex trading patterns prevalent in western Alaska during the Russian period, it should be clear that many different external influences were operating to change the way of Ufe of the coastal Eskimos, and, of particular in- terest to us, the Anvik-Shageluk IngaUk of the lower-middle Yukon. 92 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 The Russian-American Company may have been continually frustrated by the necessity of coping with competitive trading pat- terns, but the Indians were the willing recipients of European manufactures from four sources: the company, whaling ships, the Chukchi, and the coastal Eskimos of Norton Sound and the lower Yukon, Zagoskin believed that the Yukon Indians adapted readily to the changes going on around them and that in spite of some of the questionable trading practices of his countrymen that he pointed out, their living conditions had improved appreciably. They readily learned to accept European substitutes for their traditional material culture and had no difficulty in appreciating the steadily increasing number of luxury items that were available to them at the posts, particularly tobacco. We have already noted how pleased Zagoskin was to find the In- dians willing to barter for items of European clothing, thus freeing valuable furs for the trade. But he lamented the fact that the fur trade had declined even in the face of an increased demand on the part of the natives for trade goods. This decline, of course, was due to the inability of the company to stem the various forms of com- petition that have been mentioned. Nevertheless, what formerly went exclusively to the Chukchi began gradually to be diverted to the Russian- American Company. But to accomplish this, furs which formerly had been paid for with a few leaves of tobacco, came to re- quire a pound of the commodity. Of course, Zagoskin does not dwell upon the fact that it was the Indians and Eskimos who benefited from all the competition. He only wished that in addition to com- bating the competitive effects of native trade, efforts were also be- ing made to increase the total number of furs being harvested in the interests of the company. Nevertheless, Zagoskin was not above be- ing impressed with the affluence of some of the toyons with whom he traveled. One of his companions on the Innoko was a toyon who normally traded at Kolmakovskiy Redoubt on the Kuskokwim. The explorer marveled at his spacious, clean house with its benches and European-style chairs, homemade, of course, and the man himself resplendent in full European dress, and at the plates, cutlery, teapot, cups, and saucers that accompanied an invitation to the Russian party to drink tea.^° It is not the purpose of this study to document the decline of the Russian-American Company, but it can be noted that problems pointed out by Zagoskin were never solved satisfactorily. As the Russian government re-evaluated its position with regard to its VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 93 North American possession and began to consider seriously the ex- tent to which its colonial empire might be over-extended, there was little opportunity for a fresh and vigorous approach to management of the fur trade in western Alaska.^' Between 1842 and 1860 the export of furs from Mikhailovskiy Redoubt to Sitka included 49,398 beaver, 4,934 otter, 10,216 red fox, 1,403 white fox, 183 bears, 8,253 marten, 4,668 muskrat, 330 mink, 52 wolverine, 2 puds of walrus ivory, and 3,315 pairs of beaver castors. By far the most important fur, of course, was that of the beaver. The yearly breakdown for the pelts of that animal is as follows:" 1842 2,073 1852 1,720 1 843 2,996 1 853 3,134 1844 3, 169 1854 3,855 1845 2,607 1855 1,594 1846 3,613 1856 1,207 1847 3,401 1857 2,683 1848-- 2,749 1858 1,449 1849 2,543 1859 1,982 1850 2,505 1860 1,947 1851 3,169 It is apparent from these figures that little attempt was made in the 1850's to improve the beaver harvest on a regular basis. The size of the company's beaver export from the Mikhailovskiy district would seem to have been largely affected by outside factors over which the local posts had Uttle or no control rather than due to a vigorous pohcy along the Unes recommended by Zagoskin. By 1860-1861 there were, in addition to Mikhailovskiy Redoubt, only two posts on the Yukon River, Nulato and Andreavskiy, the company having again withdrawn temporarily from Ikogmiut. The influence of company officials among the Indians had declined con- siderably and the posts themselves continued to be poorly supplied, even more so than in Zagoskin 's time. Observers at the beginning of the American period optimistically predicted that the remedy need- ed to return the fur trade to vigorous and profitable growth was simply a good dose of American free enterprise." The Russian Orthodox Church In 1842 a chapel was built by the inhabitants of Mikhailovskiy Redoubt under the supervision of the post manager and during the summer of the following year, Bishop Innokentiy (Ivan Veniaminov) sent one of the priests stationed at Unalaska, Grigoriy 94 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Golovin, to minister to the people of the settlement. Golovin was successful in baptizing 163 natives, probably mostly Eskimos and doubtless including a number from other villages who had come to meet the annual company supply ship. He encountered some dif- ficulties, however, since the natives were fearful that baptism might somehow be associated with smallpox. In his report to the bishop, Golovin recommended that a priest be appointed to the Yukon region. At that time the only church in the whole of western Alaska was at Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt and the priest stationed there at- tempted to visit communities on the Nushagak and Kuskokwim rivers as well as those along the shore of Bristol Bay. He could not possibly extend his area to include any part of the Yukon Valley.^^ In March, 1844 Veniaminov ordered Golovin to return to Mikhailovskiy Redoubt and make all necessary arrangements for the establishment of a permanent mission. In December the bishop wrote to the general manager of the Russian-American Company, Adolph K. Etolin, seeking his advice concerning the most suitable location for such a mission. Etolin replied that cramped living quarters and shortages of supplies would make Mikhailovskiy itself unsatisfactory and he recommended that the new mission be established at the Eskimo village of Ikogmiut on the lower Yukon; Veniaminov apparently agreed with this recommendation.^^ In the same month, the bishop then ordered the founding of the Mikhailovskiy-Kvikhpak mission and a Creole priest, Yakov Netsvetov from Atka, was given charge with two assistants. The territory of the newly formed Kvikhpak mission was to include, in addition to the lower and middle Yukon Valley, the Kuskokwim River and its tributaries formerly served by the mission at Aleksan- drovskiy Redoubt. Netsvetov, the first Orthodox priest of Aleut blood, arrived at Mikhailovskiy in July, 1845 and apparently went almost immediately to Ikogmiut where he and one, rather than the previously agreed upon two, assistant spent the first winter in a semi-subterranean Eskimo house. Since company officials could not guarantee the provisioning and safety of missionaries on the Yukon, the mission at Ikogmiut was established without company patronage and the missionaries were paid out of church funds rather than with contributions from the company. The next year the priest and his aide built themselves a house and began to visit nearby villages. In two years of travel on the Yukon and Kuskokwim rivers as weU as along the seacoast, Netsvetov baptized 437 individuals, a VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 95 remarkable accomplishment that testifies to his efforts and dedication.^ A major obstacle which Netsvetov had to overcome in the early days of the Ikogmiut mission was the smallpox epidemic still vivid- ly recalled by all the people with whom the priest came in contact. The epidemic had begun to spread just at the time the company was urging vaccination on the Yukon River natives. At some posts elsewhere in Alaska, missionaries had administered the vaccina- tions, perhaps because company employees wished to avoid respon- sibiUty for doing so, and Netsvetov's would-be parishoners beUeved that baptism and vaccination were the same thing. The missionary may have tried to suggest that baptism was a protection against ill- ness, thus reinforcing their fears if they became ill.^' In blaming the Russians for their distress, the natives correctly noted that they did not fall victim to this mysterious disease against which the powers of their shamans were useless until after the arrival of the Europeans. Thus the association of religious and medical work in western Alaska, for better or worse in the minds of the inhabitants, was established very early in the contact period. Shamans and missionaries competed for the welfare of men's bodies as well as their souls. In spite of resistence to his efforts, the enthusiastic and dedicated Netsvetov achieved considerable success among the Anvik- Shageluk Ingalik. An elderly man from Anilukhtakpak was baptiz- ed at Ikogmiut in 1847 and immediately became instrumental in persuading the inhabitants of that Yukon River community to in- vite the priest to visit them. He did so in the summer of 1849 and 93 persons expressed a desire for baptism. While the missionary was in that settlement, a party of Ingalik from further up the river arrived and 36 men from that group were also baptized. This certainly must have been one of Netsvetov's most successful journeys away from his headquarters at Ikogmiut.^ In 1848 Netsvetov was raised to the rank of archpriest and on February 22, 1849 Bishop Innokentiy reported to the Ecclesiastical Consistory that he had given his permission for the missionary to build a church at Ikogmiut dedicated to the Holy Life-giving Cross. The structure was actually completed during the following summer and on December 27, 1851 Netsvetov reported to the bishop that it had been consecrated on the 22nd.®® When Netsvetov was at Anilukhtakpak in the summer of 1849, he 96 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 was urged by Ingalik visitors from upriver to visit their village, possibly Anvik or an Innoko River settlement. At that time he was unable to accept their invitation and it may not have been until the spring of 1851 that he had an opportunity to visit a number of In- galik villages. During that summer he ascended the Innoko at least as far as the entrance to Shageluk Slough and also visited the Yukon communities of Anilukhtakpak, Bonasila, possibly Anvik, and ascended the river as far as Kaltag. A total of 137 persons were accepted into the Orthodox Church in 1851. Thereafter, Innoko and Yukon villages were visited regularly during the 1850's and 1860's. Netsvetov also visited Kuskokwim River settlements in 1850 and 1851 and 203 persons from that area accepted Christianity.*" Not all of Netsvetov 's efforts met with success, however. In one Yukon village which he visited the inhabitants promised to accept baptism, but when he returned the following summer they had changed their minds. In another settlement an old man bluntly told him that "we did not know god before, and we do not want to know him now." Very early during his years at Ikogmiut, Netsvetov must have realized that he could not possibly cover his huge area satisfac- torily or even visit all his parishoners at least once a year. Like the priest at Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt, he considered himself fortunate if he could visit the outlying communities in his district once every two years. Settlements closest to Ikogmiut were, of course, visited more frequently and, as a result, the influence of the church was strongest in those communities.^' Yakov Netsvetov served his church at Ikogmiut from 1845 until 1862. In 1861 Hieromonk lUarion was transferred to Ikogmiut from Cook Inlet to assist Netsvetov and then replaced him the following year, remaining until 1868.^^ In February and March, 1863 lUarion traveled on the lower Yukon and in late May of that year he ascend- ed the Innoko and the Yukon as far as Nulato. At the village of Holikachuk 60 men and women from various settlements had gathered "to fulfill their Christian obligations." This number in- cluded individuals from far up the Innoko, some of whom may have been baptized by Illarion on his trip from Cook Inlet to the Yukon or on the Kuskokwim by the visiting priest from Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt many years before. From Holikachuk Illarion descended the Innoko to its mouth and at Anilukhtakpak met a large number of Malemiut Eskimos who were buying furs from the Yukon and In- noko as part of their trading activities with American whaling ships VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 97 at Port Clarence. They had been waiting for the priest for four days. From there, Illarion proceeded up the Yukon to Nulato." With the transfer of Alaska to the United States in 1868, the Or- thodox Church immediately acted to reduce the number of clergymen and parishes in the new American territory. This move seems to have been prompted by a fear that, following the removal of Russian-American posts and their Russian employees, it would be impossible to supply the Yukon and Nushagak parishes, the most remote missionary districts. Illarion and his assistants were therefore asked to come to Sitka bringing all moveable church prop- erty, leaving the church buildings at Ikogmiut in the care of a Creole reader, Zachary Belkhov. He was ordained to the priesthood in 1876 and served at Ikogmiut, a community which the Americans called Russian Mission, until 1895.^'' The Russian Orthodox Church affected the hves of the Yukon In- dians in other ways than through church services and the ritual of baptism. A parish school was established at the Ikogmiut mission in 1850. In that year there were 13 students and the following year 17. Classes were presumably taught by Netsvetov or his assistant and the pupils were probably natives from nearby communities together with the children of company employees. In the early years, Netsvetov reported success with the school, but it is Ukely that classes were held only sporadically and the subject matter taught very limited, probably consisting of little more than religious instruction. By the early 1860's a school house had been constructed at Ikogmiut but the pupils are reported as being almost exclusively the children of company employees.^^ Like schools started in the area during the American period by the Episcopal and Roman Catholic churches, the educational efforts of the Russian Orthodox Church were an integral part of their at- tempts to introduce the concepts of Christianity to the Eskimos and Indians. Unlike the Roman Catholic and Episcopal schools, however, the Orthodox effort was sporadic and inconsistent. It, therefore, contributed little to the development of secular education in the area. Some Effects of Contact: A Summary In bringing to a close this discussion of the Russian period in west-central Alaska, it is necessary to consider the impact of direct and indirect contact on certain aspects of Ingalik culture described in Chapter I. The effects of contact on subsistence, settlement pat- 98 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 terns, and, with less confidence, social relations and religion can profitably be discussed on the basis of historical material presented in the previous two chapters. In Chapter I reference was made to the fact that the Siberia- Alaska trade had brought about changes in Ingalik subsistence em- phasis long before initial direct contacts between the Indians and Russian traders. The demand for furs created by this international trading network was so fully developed by the time the Russians penetrated the interior of west-central Alaska that these traders were confronted not with the problem of developing incentives for the taking of fur-bearing animals, but of diverting an already flourishing trade to the posts of the Russian-American Company. That they were never able to accomplish this task is an indication of the extent to which the Ingalik were already involved in the fur trade. With both the Russian-American Company and the Malemiut traders from Norton Sound competing for Yukon River furs, there is little doubt that the Ingalik, after 1840, devoted an ever-increasing amount of time and effort to trapping. Although under any cir- cumstances, fur production in the arctic and subarctic is a highly labor intensive activity, it is probable that throughout much of the Russian period fur production by the Ingalik was, to some extent at least, still a by-product of modified-traditional subsistence ac- tivities. It should be noted, too, that beaver pelts, the accepted stan- dard of value among the Yukon Indians, as well as the pelts of other fur-bearing animals, were of relatively little intrinsic value to the people. Under circumstances of modified-traditional subsistence, most clothing was made from imported reindeer or local caribou skins. Beaver were killed only for meat, the hides being used occa- sionally for socks or thongs for caribou nooses if no better material was available. The pelts of most other fur bearers were used primari- ly for decoration and trim.^^ As noted in Chapter I, small game was always important to the Ingalik. In the rapidly accelerating quest for fur-bearing animals, particularly beaver, the Ingalik ran the risk of depleting a food source which could be of considerable importance when large game animals such as moose and caribou were scarce. Also, the diversion of effort from large game hunting to trapping resulted in a substan- tial loss of subsistence productivity since, obviously, fur bearers produce considerably less meat per animal than do caribou or VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 99 moose. Thus the Indians were forced to become increasingly depen- dent on the traders for food supphes that might otherwise have been obtained from the environment. Other significant factors, of course, were the low prices paid for furs which, when combined with the high cost of trade goods, served to increase the labor time necessary for the Indians to obtain the commodities they desired. With reference to the effect of the Russian presence on settlement patterns, it is likely that the most significant shifts took place before the Russians entered the Yukon Valley and were the result of adjustments made necessary by participation in the Siberia- Alaska trade. Even an important settlement like Anvik may owe its present location to the strategic necessity of having a settlement at one end of the most important route to Norton Sound. Anilukhtakpak was ideally situated to involve inhabitants of the Kuskokwim and In- noko rivers in the coast-interior trade. It will be recalled that Eskimos from the Kuskokwim were at Anilukhtakpak at the time of Glazunov's visit in the winter of 1834.''^ Similarly, Zagoskin men- tions the strategic location of Vazhichagat with reference to creeks tributary to the upper Anvik River.'^ Although definite proof is lacking, it may not be an exaggeration to suggest that the late pre- contact and early contact settlement pattern in the Anvik-Shageluk area reflected almost entirely the requirements of the coast-interior trade. If this were indeed the case, it could mean that the major set- tlements in the area do not predate the beginning of the 19th cen- tury by many years and thus may have been occupied for only a short time before they were visited by Glazunov and Zagoskin. Whatever may be the accuracy of the preceding speculations, it is clear that the distribution of Ingalik settlements along the lower Yukon and its tributaries was relatively little affected by the advent of direct contact with Russian traders. The Russians established no trading posts in Ingalik territory and, as previously noted, the prof- itable trade relations which the Indians enjoyed with the Eskimos of Norton Sound was more important than their relations with the Russian-American Company posts at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt, Unalakleet, and Ikogmiut. There was little incentive to relocate set- tlements in order to participate in trade with the Russians since both Russian traders and Norton Sound Eskimos traveled exten- sively throughout the Ingalik area to obtain furs. To assess accurately and in any detail the significance of indirect and direct contact on Ingalik social relations before 1867 would re- 100 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 quire considerably more information than is available in the historical sources. It is logical to assume, however, that the ac- celerating importance of trapping, where the emphasis is on in- dividual effort and initiative, undoubtedly served to weaken sub- sistence aggregates based upon the leadership of skilled hunters that were characteristic of Ingalik regional bands. As for behavioral practices related to aspects of the life cycle that may have incurred the displeasure of Christian missionaries, it is unlikely that the Rus- sian Orthodox Church was in a position to bring about significant changes in the relatively brief period covered in this chapter. It is, in fact, difficult to evaluate the influence of the Russian Or- thodox Church on the Indians of the lower Yukon between 1845 and 1868. The priests appear to have set considerable store by the rite of baptism, believing baptized individuals to be automatically Chris- tians and members of the church even though they might have received very little or no instruction concerning the meaning of Christianity and the responsibilities of a Christian life. By these standards, it is impossible to question the success of the Kvikhpak mission. In 1858 the total number of parishoners was "as many as" 1900 and of the nine Orthodox missions in Alaska at that time, only Kodiak was larger. Two years later 475 Ingalik were listed as church members, a sizeable proportion of the total population of the Anvik-Shageluk area.** It must be doubted, however, whether the Orthodox priests dur- ing this period were ever successful in imparting more than a super- ficial understanding of Christianity in general and the specific beliefs of their church in particular. Similarly, it is likely that they made only the most superficial inroads on the traditional belief system. Therefore, it is perhaps not surprising that a Yukon visitor in 1869, having seen the mission at Ikogmiut and been aware of the church's activities along the river, could detect no traces of Chris- tian influence in the people. '°° Within 20 years, however, organized Christianity was to play a much greater role in the lives of the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik and their neighbors. Notes 1. Ray, 1975, pp. 97-98. 2. WrangeU, 1840, pp. 114-119; Ray, 1964, p. 86; 1975, pp. 128-129; Zagoskin, 1967, p. 101. 3. Ray, 1975, pp. 121, 130, 136-137. 4. Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 81-82. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 101 5. Ibid., p. 101. 6. Ibid., p. 102. 7. Ibid., p. 183. 8. Ray, 1975, p. 140. 9. CorreU, 1972, p. 174. 10. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 137. 11. Ibid., pp. 168, 197. 12. Ibid., p. 191. 13. Osgood, 1958, p. 28. 14. Ibid., p. 62; VanStone, 1978, p. 46. 15. Osgood, 1958, p. 62; VanStone, 1959, p. 40; Zagoskin, 1967, p. 197. 16. Osgood, 1958, p. 62. 17. DaU, 1870, pp. 215-216 18. Ibid., pp. 219-222. 19. VanStone, 1978, p. 41. " * 20. VanStone, 1959, p. 42. • ' 21. VanStone, 1978, pp. 40-41. 22. Hickerson, 1965. - 23. DaU, 1870, pp. 143-144. (J 24. Porter, 1893, p. 119; Ray, 1975, p. 171. 25. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 136. 26. CorreU, 1972, pp. 162-163. . , . • j 27. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 190. *• 28. DaU, 1870, p. 161. '' 29. Jett6, Jottings of an Alaskan missionary. 0PA/Jett6, box 3. , ^ 30. Ray. 1975, p. 172. 31. Oswalt, 1962, p. 11. ' 32. CorreU, 1972, pp. 178-179; Ray, 1975, p. 172. « 33. Burch and CorreU, 1972, p. 26; CorreU, 1972, p. 173; Clark and Clark, 1976, pp. j 196-198. I 34. Jette, Ethnological dictionary of the Tena language. OPA/Jette. 35. Osgood, 1958, pp. 73-81. 36. Burch and CorreU, 1972, p. 29. 37. Ibid. 38. Raymond, 1873, pp. 171-172. 39. DaU, 1870, p. 217. 40. Jett6, Ethnological dictionary of the Tena language. 0PA/Jett6. 41. SahUns, 1965, pp. 147-148. 42. Zagoskin, 1956. 43. Zagoskin, 1967. 44. Ibid., opp. p. 358. 45. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 275. 102 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 46. RACR/CS, vol. 20, no. 486, foUos 403-404, Oct. 5, 1841. 47. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 275. 48. VanStone, 1967, pp. 26, 53-54. 49. RACR/CS, vol. 24, no. 271, foUos 316-318, May 14, 1845. 50. RACR/CS, vol. 24, no. 308, foUos 362-364, May 15, 1845. 51. RACR/CS, vol. 14, no. 268, folio 307, May 27, 1837. 52. RACR/CS, vol. 34, no. 474, foUos 163-164, June 19, 1853. 53. RACR/CS, vol. 34, no. 489, foUo 169, June 19, 1853. 54. Tikhmenev, 1939-1940, pt. 2, p. 400. 55. Doklad . . ., 1863, vol. 2, pp. 331-332; Fedorova, 1937b, pp. 225-226. 56. Dall, 1870, p. 231. 57. Woldt, 1884, pp. 172-174. 58. RACR/CS, vol. 8, no. 322, folio 247, May 23, 1831; vol. 9, no. 460, folio 350, Oct. 31, 1832; vol. 16, no. 467, folios 178-179, Oct. 31, 1838; vol. 17, no. 387, folios 370-371, June 4, 1839. 59. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 168. 60. James, 1942, p. 189. 61. A pud is equal to slightly more than 36 lbs. 62. Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 148, 161-162, 184-185. 63. Ibid., p. 246. 64. Ibid. 65. DaU, 1870, pp. 500-501. 66. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 184. 67. Ibid., p. 257. 68. Ibid., p. 200. 69. Ibid., p. 137. 70. Ibid., p. 185. 71. Ibid., pp. 246-247. 72. Ibid., p. 270. 73. Ibid., pp. 191-192. 74. Ibid., pp. 183-184. 75. Ibid., pp. 102, 223. 76. DaU, 1870, p. 502; VanStone, 1958. 77. Raymond, 1873, p. 167. 78. DaU, 1870, pp. 107, 200. 79. Diaries of P. M. Smith, Aug. 26, 1865-March 22, 1867, and Lieutenant George R. Adams, April 28- June 11, 1866. Typewritten copies, UA. 80. Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 196, 223. 81. See Gibson, 1976, pp. 23-29. 82. Doklad . . ., 1863, vol. 2, supplement to report; Tikhmenev, 1939-1940, pt. 2, p. 400. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 108 83. Doklad . . ., 1863, vol. 2, p. 11; Whymper. 1869, p. 179; Tikhmenev, 1939-1940, pt. 2, p. 400. 84. DRHA, vol. 1, p. 179; vol. 2, p. 5. UA. 85. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 362-364. 86. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 369, 372; Barsukov. 1883, p. 241; Tikhmenev, 1939-1940, pt. 2, pp. 298-303; Smith, 1974. pp. 10-11. 87. Barsukov, 1883, p. 241; Tikhmenev, 1939-1940, pt. 2, pp. 298-303, 88. Barsukov, 1883, pp. 250-252. 89. DRHA, vol. 1, pp. 374-376. 90. ARCA/KM, vital statistics. LC; Barsukov, 1883, pp. 313-314. 91. Ibid. 92. DRHA, vol. 1, pp. 218. 246. 93. Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 107, 114-115. 94. DRHA, vol. 1, p. 185; Smith, 1974, p. 131. 95. DRHA, vol. 1, p. 377; Doklad . . ., 1863, vol. 2, p. 377; Barsukov, 1883, p. 241. i 96. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 269. 97. VanStone, 1959, p. 45. 98. Zagoskin, 1967, p. 191. 99. Doklad . . ., 1863, vol. 2, p. 377; Croskey, 1975, pp. 27, 29. '^ 100. Raymond, 1873, p. 173. !*J IV THE EARLY AMERICAN FUR TRADE: 1868-1883 American Exploration of the Yukon At the time of the transfer of Alaska from Russia to the United States in 1867, American explorers were already in the newly ac- quired territory. Members of the Western Union Telegraph Com- pany Expedition, an elaborate undertaking to survey a route for a telegraph Une that would cross the Bering Sea to Siberia and con- nect America with Europe, were at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt in the winter of 1865 and at Nulato in spring of the following year. The ex- pedition's scientific leader, Robert Kennicott, died in May, 1866 and relatively Uttle was accomplished other than a reconnaissance from Nulato to the Hudson's Bay Company post at Fort Yukon. Ken- nicott was succeeded by WilUam Healy Dall, a natural historian who was to have a lifetime interest in all aspects of science in Alaska. Dall, along with the English artist Frederick Whymper and Frank Ketchum and Michael Lebarge, members of the expedition who were later closely associated with trade on the Yukon, explored and collected natural history specimens in the region between Nulato and Fort Yukon. In mid-July while at Nulato, the party received orders to proceed to Mikhailovskiy as, with the successful laying of the Atlantic cable, the Western Union project had been terminated.' On their descent of the Yukon, Whymper, Dall, and other members of the expedition may have entered Shageluk Slough and traveled along the lower Innoko River. In any event, they refer to the village of Shageluk and to Anvik which was reached on July 18. If the party did navigate the lower Innoko, they would, of course, have had to ascend the Yukon to reach Anvik.^ Following termina- tion of the Western Union endeavor, Dall decided to remain in Alaska and he was at Nulato in early February, 1868 when word was received of the sale to the United States. On June 9, 1868, while 104 VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 105 descending the river from Nulato to St. Michael, as Mikhailovskiy Redoubt was called after the purchase, Dall entered the mouth of the Innoko and visited a large Ingalik summer camp located there. Although his party left the slough after an overnight stay, his ac- count, to which reference was made in the previous chapter, pro- vides us with useful information concerning Indian subsistence, the fur trade, and relations with Eskimos.^ Although the Anvik-Shageluk region was explored by several members of the Telegraph Expedition, these explorations were in- cidental to the work of the expedition further up the Yukon. The various parties really did httle more than pass through the area and they seem to have been largely unaware of previous Russian ex- plorations. Nevertheless, they could not help noticing that the In- dians with whom they came in contact were quite familiar with white men and already had estabUshed procedures for dealing with them. Whymper, Dall, and others make frequent reference to the fur trade and they sometimes provide useful information concerning the size and location of specific settlements and camps in the Anvik- Shageluk area. Although it cannot be said that they added very much to our knowledge of geography, environment, or ethnography of that area, there is much useful information concerning the early stages of culture change in their writings. Members of the Western Union Telegraph Company Expedition had been in the employ of a private company. The first inland ex- pedition in Alaska to be sponsored by the United States govern- ment was designed to settle an old problem concerning the location of the Hudson's Bay Company post established by Alexander Mur- ray in 1847 at the confluence of the Porcupine and Yukon rivers, considerably west of the 141 meridian that separates Canada and Alaska. Murray apparently was aware that he had located his post in Russian territory and, after the sale of Alaska, his successors took the position that they should remain where they were until ordered to move. Unlike the Russians, American traders objected strenuously to what they considered to be poaching by British traders based at Fort Yukon. To ascertain the amount of trade carried on by the Hudson's Bay Company in American territory, and to determine the latitude and longitude of Fort Yukon were the instructions given by the army to Captain Charles W. Raymond, U.S. Corps of Engineers. Raymond left St. Michael on July 4, 1869 aboard a small steamer, the Yukon, which had been brought north from San Francisco by the Alaska 106 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Commercial Company, successor to the Russian-American Com- pany, to service its posts. The Yukon was the first vessel propelled by steam to travel on the inland waters of northern Alaska. The Telegraph Expedition had brought a small steamer to Mikhailov- skiy Redoubt, but it had never been placed in service. The use of the little steamboat Yukon was certainly an important landmark in the history of Yukon exploration and an accurate forecast of things to come. It made a considerable impression on the Indians and Eskimos living along the river who were impressed by the toot of the whistle and, at first, frightened by the great clouds of black smoke belched forth by the wood burning vessel.^ More than 40 years later the Rev. John W. Chapman noted that the Indians fre- quently cited the first arrival of the Yukon, along with the smallpox epidemic of 1838-1839, as noteworthy events by which their ages might be determined.^ On the 12th of July, Raymond's party reached Anvik where they remained for two days and established a small trading post for the Alaska Commercial Company. Raymond describes the village, noting "a fleet of bark and skin canoes" drawn up on the beach, the fish drying racks in front, the houses and caches behind, and the large kashim.^ Proceeding on up the river, the Yukon reached Fort Yukon at the end of the month, computed latitude and longitude, and informed the Hudson's Bay Company that its post was within United States territory. For the return trip. Captain Raymond and two companions con- structed a small wooden skiff since the Yukon was to remain up river. At Anvik, which the party reached on September 12, the skiff was abandoned and a decision made to try and reach St. Michael by way of the Anvik River with a portage to the Golsovia or some other river flowing into Norton Sound. The party left Anvik on September 14 and two days later estimated themselves to be 50 miles from the river's mouth and about 20 miles from the portage. They stopped at three "villages" observed many herds of caribou, and eventually reached St. Michael on the 26th.' As Sherwood has noted, the goal of Captain Raymond's expedi- tion—to settle officially the nationality of Fort Yukon— seems a trivial reason for so long a voyage, particularly when much of in- terior Alaska remained unexplored." From our standpoint, however, Raymond's travels are of some significance even though there were no original contributions to science or discovery. Like Dall and VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 107 Whymper, Raymond makes valuable contributions to our knowledge of the fur trade at the very beginning of the American period. His trip to St. Michael by way of the Anvik River, the first official American journey by this route for which we have a publish- ed account, is disappointingly lacking in details, but nevertheless provides rudimentary information concerning human occupation and the environment. Raymond noted the existence of Shageluk Slough, but made no attempt to explore in that direction and only commented that the Innoko Valley was reported to be the richest fur country on the lower Yukon." It must be added that Raymond's chart, which includes the location of a number of settlements on the lower Yukon, is a distinct improvement over earlier maps. St. Michael was one of the early stations of the Signal Service of the United States Army in Alaska. This program, established in 1874, was initiated largely through the efforts of Spencer Baird, at that time Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. The observers selected for these stations were young men interested in all aspects of natural history and thus qualified to make profitable use of their time when not performing their meteorological duties. In June, 1877 Private Edward William Nelson was assigned to St. Michael and directed by the Chief Signal Officer to obtain, in addition to weather observations, data on the geography, ethnology, and zoology of the area. During his term of duty Nelson traveled extensively and, in addition to bird and mammal collecting, made the superb collection of ethnological specimens, now in the U.S. National Museum, which has made his name well known to later generations of arctic an- thropologists. Nelson remained at St. Michael until 1881 and his last journey, during the winter prior to his departure, was to the country of the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik. This was one of the few interior journeys that Nelson made. Leaving St. Michael on November 16, 1880 in the company of S. A. Fredericks, a fur trader stationed at Anvik, he crossed the mountains to the upper Anvik River, down which he traveled to its confluence with the Yukon. After remaining at Anvik for several days, the two men traveled up the Yukon a short distance before crossing overland to the Innoko River and exploring the upper reaches of that stream. The exact route traveled by Nelson and his companion is uncertain since his accounts eire sketchy and vague on this subject. However, after traveling upriver an unknown distance, he appears to have returned to Anvik by the 108 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 same route and thence down the Yukon to its mouth and around to St. Michael. The entire trip was made with dogs and sledges. Nelson's sledge journey would have been a truly remarkable ac- comphshment for anyone else, but for this indefatigable man, it was simply one of many such trips, all equally long and £irduous. Although lacking in specific geographical information. Nelson's ac- count of his journey is rich in ethnographic detail and is a basic source for our understanding of Ingalik subsistence and resource utilization in the late 19th century.*" We will pass over with only brief comment the travels of Ivan Petroff in connection with the 10th federal census in 1880 and the 11th 10 years later. Petroff 's census itineraries are vag^e and, although he claimed to have ascended the Yukon in both years, he covered no ground not already familiar to Russian and American ex- plorers and traders, and his ethnographic data on the Anvik- Shageluk Ingalik is sketchy. Petroff relied heavily on missionaries for his enumerations and since, at the time of his travels in 1880, there were none situated permanently in the Anvik-Shageluk area, his enumerations for the 10th census are untrustworthy." In 1890 the Yukon census enumeration was carried out by William C. Green- field and is more reliable and therefore useful.'^ The only extensive travels to be discussed here that were not car- ried out by officials of the United States government were the ethnological investigations of Captain J. Adrian Jacobsen, a Norwegian collector working for the Museum fur Volkerkunde in Berlin. Jacobsen traveled and collected extensively throughout southwestern Alaska. In the summer of 1882, in company with a party of prospectors, he ascended the Yukon as far as the Tanana and then drifted downriver collecting specimens and making ethnographic observations along the way." Jacobsen 's observations on the fur trade are useful, but it is unfortunate that his ethnographic data on the Ingalik is neither as extensive nor as detailed as the data he collected on the Tantiina Indians while he was working in Cook Inlet." The Yukon travels of First Lieutenant Frederick Schwatka in 1883 must also be mentioned here even though they hardly qualify as explorations in the true sense. In response to vague and un- substantiated rumors of Indian discontent in Alaska, real in the southeastern region but with very little foundation in the northern interior. Lieutenant Schwatka was ordered by the army to deter- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 109 mine the disposition of native peoples in the interior, their relation- ships with each other, and their attitude toward the encroachment of whites. Schwatka, with six companions, reached the upper Yukon by way of Chilcoot Pass, providing, in the process, the first survey of what would eventually be a main route to the Klondike gold fields. At Lake Lindemann a raft was constructed and on it the par- ty descended to the mouth of the Tanana where they secured a small schooner to take them to Anvik. From there they were taken in tow to St. Michael by the Alaska Commercial Company steamer Yukon.'^ The ethnographic information in Schwatka 's book, a popular ac- count, contains no new data on the Indians of the Anvik-Shageluk area, but he does describe the trading post at Anvik and, like many of his predecessors, discusses some mechanics of the fur trade and results of culture contact. In addition, his notes on settlement pat- terns in the area are occasionally illuminating.'^ On the whole, we cannot consider Schwatka a major source for data on 19th century culture change on the lower Yukon. In a much wider sense, however, his many articles in newspapers and magazines and his popular book "brought publicity to Alaska and its resources, and advertised the need for exploration. "'' Throughout the late 19th century, Russian Orthodox priests con- tinued to travel in the Anvik-Shageluk area in the course of perform- ing their religious duties. There are indications, however, that such trips were increasingly infrequent after 1870. In 1888 the Protes- tant Episcopal Church founded a mission and school at Anvik while the Roman Catholic Church, in the same year, estabhshed themselves at Holy Cross near the native village of Koserefsky. Missionaries of both denominations traveled extensively and their published and archival reports provide the first useful information concerning the lower Innoko River and its inhabitants since the days of Russian exploration. American traders also made frequent visits to IngaUk villages during this period, sometimes compiling useful data of a cultural or demographic nature. After 1885, the number of Euro- Americans entering the Anvik- Shageluk region increased steadily, as did trips up and down the river. Prospectors on the upper Yukon were beginning to make discoveries that focused attention on the possible mineral wealth of that area and led to the great Klondike gold rush. Documented in- terior exploration began in the late 1820's in the Nushagak drainage to the south and within a few years interest and attention focused 110 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 on the Yukon, one of the great waterways of the world. Once the An- vik and Unalakleet portages had been revealed to the Russians by Eskimos and Indians, a virtual roadway to the interior of an unknown country was open to restless adventurers seeking a new frontier. Such roadways notwithstanding, much of the interior exploration by both Russians and Americans was highly superficial and not ac- companied by the accurate mapping and surveying that characteriz- ed many of the coastal explorations being carried out at the same time. Writing as late as 1886, Henry W. Elliot, a noted authority on Alaska and former member of the Western Union Telegraph Com- pany Expedition, noted that although the Yukon flows through some of the most unexplored country in the north, the river itself was one of the best known waterways in Alaska. An almost uninterrupted annual march had been made up and down its dreary banks since 1865, by men well qualified to describe its varying moods and endless shoals - every turn in its flood, every shelving bank of alluvium or rocky bluff that lines the margin of its turbid current, has been minutely ex- amined, named and renamed to suit the occasion and character of the traveller. '* Although this statement is somewhat exaggerated for literary ef- fect, we have noted a good many explorers during the American period alone, and have not included the many traders, prospectors, missionaries, and ordinary travellers who ascended and, more often, descended the river with regularity. But with the exception of the Tanana and Koyukuk rivers, explored by Lieutenant Henry T. Allen in the summer of 1885,'^ the tributaries of the Yukon and their adja- cent drainages were hardly better known in 1895 than in 1865. In fact, it is hardly an exaggeration to say that except for the work of Allen, there were no truly comprehensive explorations of the Yukon River country after those of Lieutenant Zagoskin in 1842-1844. The Alaska Commercial Company and Its Competitors The advent of American jurisdiction heralded no immediate in- novations in west-central Alaska and if the transfer of authority received only passing notice from the few whites along the lower Yukon, it can easily be understood that the native population was totally unaffected. In fact, as late as 1908 when an official of the Bureau of Education was making his annual tour of inspection of federally supported schools in the Territory and visited Bristol Bay, he was shocked to discover that many Eskimos in that area had no knowledge of the United States government and still believed VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 111 themselves to be under the rule of Russia.^" If this was true along the coast in the vicinity of an important regional trading center at that late date, then it is certain that the impact of American owner- ship was negligible along the lower-middle Yukon for a good many years following the purchase. As late as 1887, the Russian language was still used extensively for trading on the Yukon as far inland as the mouth of the Tanana River. ^' Trade networks involving the Chuckchi of Siberia and whaling ships at Port Clarence which were the despair of the Russian- American Company continued to function well into the American period. During the summer of 1879 when Nelson was at St. Michael, Ingalik Indians from Anvik descended the Yukon in umiaks to ex- change their wooden bowls and dishes for seal oil and other coastal products." In Nelson's day, in fact, the people of Anvik and the lower Innoko River continued to be noted throughout the area for their fine wooden tubs and dishes and every summer they carried on an extensive trade with coastal Eskimos. Although birch bark canoes were generally used by the Yukon Indians, Nelson observed that the Anvik and Innoko people had adopted the Eskimo umiak as a more suitable means of travel on their long summer trading voyages. Such trading trips, sometimes involving lone individuals, also took place during the winter months. In November, 1880 Nelson descended the Anvik River in the company of a young man from Anvik who was bringing a bag of seal oil from the coast. The previous winter this same Indian had made a large number of wooden vessels and transported them by boat to St. Michael, a round trip of more than 500 miles. He left the vessels at the trading center in payment for the bag of oil which was to be delivered to him in the early winter." The whaling ships which continued to visit the Norton Sound and Kotzebue Sound areas now traded with the people much more open- ly since they were operating in American waters. However, con- tinued dealing in alcoholic beverages, or the ingredients for their manufacture, and firearms brought them under the observation of the United States Revenue Marine which, beginning in 1880, annually sent a vessel into northern waters to prevent smuggling and the distribution of illicit products. In 1878, as many as 13 vessels had brought rum and breech-loading weapons to Kotzebue Sound and some of both doubtless reached the lower-middle Yukon." The sale of breech-loading firearms to the natives of 112 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Alaska was prohibited by law in 1875, ostensibly to discourage war- fare, and they rapidly became valuable items of contraband. The Alaska Commercial Company and its competitors in the early days of the American period appear to have been less concerned about these alternative forms of trade than the Russians had been, although it is difficult to believe that this draining away of valuable furs went completely unnoticed. It is more likely that American traders simply lacked someone as articulate as Zagoskin to discuss their problems in print. The Siberian trade did, of course, decline, particularly as larger and more varied amounts of trade goods became available through local sources as they did in the American period. Ships combining whaling and trading abandoned their ac- tivities as the price of baleen declined toward the end of the 19th century. By that time they were having difficulty competing with the monopoly enjoyed by the well-organized and, at least at St. Michael, well-supplied Alaska Commercial Company. Nevertheless, the diversion of trade to Siberia is mentioned in an assessment of Yukon trade at the time data was gathered for the 11th federal cen- sus in 1890." In 1868 Hutchinson, Kohl and Company of San Francisco pur- chased the assets of the Russian-American Company. Two years later the firm was reorganized to form the Alaska Commercial Com- pany which dominated trade in western Alaska throughout the rest of the 19th century and well into the 20th. When the transfer of Alaska to the United States was an accomplished fact, the company hired former Russian subjects and former Hudson's Bay Company employees for the Yukon Valley operations, as well as pioneer traders, like Michael Lebcirge, who had formerly been associated with the Telegraph Expedition.^^ In the summer of 1869 the brig Commodore landed off St. Michael bringing on its decks a small steamer, the Yukon, with which the Alaska Commerical Company intended to establish its trading sta- tions on the Yukon River. On this vessel, it will be recalled. Captain Raymond traveled to Fort Yukon. During this trip, a company trading station was established at Anvik in the charge of two traders, as were similar posts at other locations further up the river." The first trader at Anvik was John Clark who later served the company at Nushagak from 1880 until his death in 1897.^^ In the early years of the American period the Alaska Commercial Company had to deal with competition in its operations in west- central Alaska and there may have been as many as six commercial VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 113 companies operating in the St. Michael district at various times be- tween 1867 and 1885. Of these, only the Alaska Commercial Com- pany and the Western Fur and Trading Company were of any im- portance. The latter firm was organized in 1877 and functioned as an independent commercial enterprise until 1883 when, after a pro- longed struggle to maintain posts along the Yukon, it was forced to dispose of its assets to its arch rival. As might be imagined, com- petition between the two companies was intense during this period. Traders on the Yukon during these early years of the American period were often not permanently linked to any company, but ac- cepted employment in any one that seemed to offer satisfactory con- ditions. Eventually, however, virtually all of them drifted into the service of the Alaska Commercial Company.^® For a number of years, the little steamer Yukon was the only power boat on the river, but gradually other small steamers were launched by prospectors and resident traders. The St. Michael was built in 1879 and eventually purchased by the Roman Catholic mis- sion at Holy Cross; another pioneer steamer, the New Racket, was built in 1882. These vessels, none of which exceeded 30 tons, were constructed for the purpose of towing loaded barges up the river and they were the precursors of the great fleet of stern-wheelers that were to ply the Yukon after the discovery of gold in the Klondike in 1896.3° Trading Procedures in the Yukon District The organization of the Alaska Commercial Company in western Alaska was broadly similar to that of its predecessor, the Russian- American Company. Company headquarters were at Unalaska from which goods were supplied to the trading districts of Nushagak, the Kuskokwim, and the Yukon as well as subordinate stations in the Aleutian chain. About 1880 there were seven trading stations in the Yukon district including posts at St. Michael, Anvik, Russian Mis- sion (Ikogmiut), Andreavskiy, and Kotlik in the delta.^' The prin- cipal station was, of course, St. Michael. The Anvik post was the major trade outlet for the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik, but there was also a trader at Shageluk and a second one at Anvik who may have been associated with the Western Fur and Trading Company.^^ In the early years of the American period each trader along the lower Yukon owned a barge of from 5 to 10 tons which he had con- structed of lumber laboriously whipsawed from spruce trees grow- ing along the banks of the Yukon or purchased already cut from the 114 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 company. In these barges, the traders drifted down the river and made their way along the sea coast, sometimes with great difficulty and at considerable risk to themselves and their cargoes, to St. Michael where they waited for the arrival of the company's supply ship from San Francisco. Such trips were events of prime impor- tance in their lives." When the vessel arrived, the traders selected their stock of trade goods from the material being offered and loaded their barges. This selection process was important and each trader would know the particular items most in demand by his clients. In the years when the Alaska Commerical Company had competition on the Yukon, the traders were forced by economic circumstance to be particularly sensitive to the needs and requirements of the natives trading at their posts. Selection completed and their barges loaded, the traders were then towed up the river to their respective stations by a small steamer, either one of those previously mentioned as belonging to the company, or to another trader. After passing a year of trading with the natives, they returned to St. Michael, their barges laden with furs and other native products. Sometimes they brought with them a crew of Indians from their stations, all dressed in their best clothes and ready for a holiday on the coast while awaiting the ar- rival of the supply ship,^" St. Michael had, of course, been the center of trade in western Alaska during the Russian period, but it is clear that, beginning in the early 1880's, its role as a cosmopolitan center increased con- siderably. Several factors appear to have been responsible. Eskimo middlemen involved in the Siberia-Alaska trade considered St. Michael to be their headquarters as they traded with the coastal Eskimos of Norton Sound and received visitors from the Ingalik and Koyukon communities along the Yukon. At the same time, the more intensive trade of the Alaska Commercial Company and, beginning in the mid- 1 880 's, the presence of a few miners from the upper Yukon, gave St. Michael an atmosphere of excitement and af- fluence that it had not enjoyed under the Russians. A visitor to the settlement in late June would observe many In- dians from lower and middle Yukon communities, Eskimos from coastal Norton Sound communities, and Yukon Delta villages, as well as a few miners coming from or on their way to the upper Yukon where gold in paying quantities was just beginning to be discovered. Most of these visitors were in St. Michael for the pur- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 115 pose of trading furs, dried fish, ivory, and many other products. Some of the white men hoped to obtain transportation south on any vessel that happened to stop at the trading center. The Eskimos and Indians concentrated there hoped to do most of their trading with the traders who had come down the river to meet the supply ship. Therefore, they tried very hard to hold on to their furs, ivory, and other goods until the ship arrived and the traders had a new supply of trade goods. Natives who traded at St. Michael thus had an op- portunity to choose from the trader's goods at a time when his stock was largest and most diverse. While waiting for the ship, however, the Indians and Eskimos traded with each other for native products and took part in games, dancing, wrestling matches, and other amusements. At these times, St. Michael truly became the center of an extremely picturesque and animated gathering that usually reached its height toward the end of June or early in July." Four or five traders' barges were usually hitched to one of the small steamers for the long, slow trip into the interior. As the steamer, belching black smoke and with its tow of barges, proceeded upriver, it would be sure to attract attention at every village and fish camp along the way. The Episcopal missionaries John W. Chap- man and Octavius Parker accompanied such a steamer in the sum- mer of 1887 on their way to establish a mission at Anvik. Nearing that settlement. Chapman wrote that occasionally a native would be seen paddling his canoe with all his might in the slack water close to the shore, in the effort to get ahead of the steamboat. When the canoe was far enough ahead, it would dart out into the stream. Still paddling furiously, the owner would bring his craft alongside the steamer. Then a friendly hand would reach out and steady the canoe while the native who had salmon or eggs to sell in exchange for tea or powder made his bargains. At intervals the boat stopped to take on wood for fuel. If this were near a native village, bargaining began at once." In 1887 the steamboat was still a novelty to the Anvik-Shageluk In- galik and other Yukon River natives, but patterns of interaction between residents of the Ingalik villages and the rapidly increasing number of whites coming into the area were already taking shape. Mechanisms of the Fur Trade When the Alaska Commercial Company and its competitors first began trading in the Yukon Valley, they attempted to cover as much territory as possible thus reaching trappers who seldom visited the posts and who might not be inclined to trap vigorously without encouragement. A trader might leave his station in mid- 116 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 winter and travel to several villages with a supply of trade goods. Upon reaching a settlement, he inquired of the inhabitants if they had any furs and if so, pitched his tent and unpacked his goods. Then he would seat himself near the tent opening and display his collection in such a manner that potential customers might look in and appraise the assortment. They could then, if they were so inclin- ed, pass in their skins and indicate which items were desired from the trader's stock. The trader would examine the skins, toss them into a common heap, and tear off a piece of cloth or pass out tobacco or other items needed to complete the transaction.^' Following the elimination of competition in the Yukon district, the traders ceased to travel in winter, realizing that the Indians would have to come to them if they wished to obtain trade goods no matter how remote their communities might be from the trading station.^^ According to Lieutenant Allen, the Alaska Commercial Company furnished the traders with their merchandise at 25 per cent above San Francisco prices and, in addition, charged a fixed amount for the transportation of these goods up the river. The traders in their turn agreed to transfer to the company all the furs they obtained at prices which Allen believed probably did not exceed one-half their value on the San Francisco market.^^ When Parker and Chapman ar- rived in Anvik in July, 1887 they quickly learned which items were the staples of the trade even though there was no trader in the com- munity at the time. The Anvik Ingalik expressed a strong preference for the following: heavy, white cotton drilling out of which to make summer clothing; unbleached muslin and calico; powder, shot, small lead bars, and percussion caps; heavy blue and white ticking for tents and clothing; tea and cube sugar; tobacco in "heads"; flour; plain, inexpensive butcher knives and pocket knives; pilot bread or ship's biscuit; large, fine-toothed combs; soap; fine beads; and files.*" The missionaries believed that although all these items were in great demand, tobacco, tea and cube sugar, and pilot bread were most desired. Tea, of course, had become a household necessity to the Ingalik during the Russian period and was used at every meal. In Russian times it was prepared in the Russian style as a strong in- fusion diluted with hot water. By Chapman's time, it was probably prepared as Americans do, but for the Ingalik "to drink tea" has always implied some kind of light meal to accompany the drink.*' The importance attached by the Ingalik to cotton drilling and other fabrics suggests that by the mid- 1 880 's, traditional clothing, ^ VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 117 at least during the summer months, had Isu-gely been replaced by an approximation of American dress. The importance of ammunition for muzzle-loading firearms would seem to indicate that the Ingalik were receiving relatively few breech-loading weapons. For those that they did have, they probably experienced difficulty in obtain- ing shells. As for flour, another popular item, its consumption was increasing rapidly. Petroff noted that in 1880 all along the lower Yukon flour was being consumed at a rate of 25 lbs. per person each year."^ Statements concerning the value of specific furs on the lower Yukon are conflicting and, for the most part, unreliable. At the very beginning of the American period, Dall noted that beaver pelts were the traders' standard of value as they had been during the Russian period, and that one pelt was worth 20 lead balls or 2 fathoms of strung beads. Four mink pelts, two marten, or two white foxes were equal in value to a beaver. A good otter or lynx pelt was valued at three beavers and a red fox pelt in good condition was equal to a beaver and a half.*^ One trade item as greatly valued by the Indians in the early years of the American period as it had been during the Russian era was firearms. As noted previously, flintlocks obtained from the Hud- son's Bay Company at Fort Yukon, some of which certainly must have reached the lower river, were preferred to double-barrelled per- cussion shotguns, the type of weapon generally supphed by the whaling ships. In 1867-1868, a fUntlock had a value of 20 beaver pelts while a percussion weapon brought only 10.*^ It is probable that at this time the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik, far removed from Ft. Yukon, seldom had an opportunity to acquire flintlock weapons. The executive order of July, 1875 which prohibited the importa- tion of breech-loading arms and ammunition into Alaska was, in fact, a renewal of an order that dated back to the early years of the American period. It was enacted by the Treasury Department, under the jurisdiction of which Alaska was, at that time, because of complaints reaching the £irmy at Sitka that such weapons were being suppUed to natives at the posts of the Alaska Commercial Company. The company defended its practices in a letter to the Col- lector of Customs in San Francisco dated November 18, 1875. It noted that any shipments of the forbidden weapons that had been made, were shipped prior to July, 1875 and further maintained that between 1872 and 1875, 167 such weapons had been shipped to St. 118 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Michael, all but 24 of them in the last two years. The company also implied that it was the whaling ships which were responsible for bringing in both liquor and firearms.*' Unlike most trading companies throughout the world that traded with small-scale societies, the Alaska Commercial Company did not, as a matter of policy, encourage indebtedness to hold its trade. Nevertheless, competition in the early years of the American period forced the traders to adopt the credit system at least to a limited ex- tent. Each trader in the relatively loose organization of the early Alaska Commercial Company had his own clientele and it was in his interest to tide these individuals over periods of scarcity in the ex- pectation that when the client was again successful in obtaining furs, the skins would be brought to him. Many Indians, of course, wished to go as deeply into debt as the trader would allow and fre- quently the latter suffered a heavy loss if his client died in an in- fluenza epidemic or was otherwise incapacitated. If the trader refus- ed further credit to a client already deeply in debt, however, the In- dian might be inclined to conceal his successes and trade elsewhere in secret."® When there were several competing companies, this could easily be done or the successful trapper could divert his furs to coastal middlemen for eventual disposal to whaling ships or the Siberian trade. It is clear, therefore, that competition created the need for flex- ibility both with regard to prices paid for furs and the freedom with which credit was advanced. A trader was forced to know his clients and their habits well, and be prepared to change his judgement con- cerning their credit risk, their trapping skills, and their ability to rise above economic setbacks. Frequently a trader would be forced to reduce the indebtedness of a client in order to offer encourage- ment toward greater effort, thus making it possible to collect at least part of a large outstanding debt. Indians, lacking the Protes- tant Ethic that frequently sustains many white Americans under such circumstances, might become totally discouraged under the pressure of heavy debts and abandon efforts to make repayments. The loose organization of the Alaska Commercial Company which acted as supplier for a number of otherwise independent traders, en- couraged the kind of competition among trading stations that Zagoskin, in the 1840's, found so harmful to the best interests of the Russian-American Company. Although exact information is lack- ing, it is clear that the spheres of influence of the posts at Nulato, Anvik, and Andreavskiy overlapped considerably and that the pric- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 119 ing and credit practices of the individual posts could greatly affect their share of the market. As noted previously, the most serious competition for the Alaska Commercial Company was offered by the Western Fur and Trading Company established in 1877. This competition was intense and while it lasted, the Indians of the lower Yukon and elsewhere in the Yukon district were encouraged to go deeply into debt so that one company or the other would have a hold over them. In addition, as part of the competitive situation, prices paid for furs were high and trade goods were sold or exchanged at bargain rates. This ideal situation, from the standpoint of the Indians, came to an end in the spring of 1883 when the Western Fur and Trading Company withdrew after a loss of a quarter of a milHon dollars and their suc- cessful rivals took over or closed the defunct posts."^ Intensive Trapping-Trading and Culture Change It is apparent that the years between 1868 and 1883 represented the most intensive fur trade period for the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik. At no time before or after were the Indians as heavily or successful- ly involved in a trapping-trading economy. By the 1880's steel traps appear to have been used fairly extensively, although in Zagoskin's time the Russians had difficulty introducing them. The Indians preferred their traditional trapping methods and the iron parts of those traps which they did obt£iin were quickly converted into knives, hatchets, rings, and other useful items."" Ingalik trap lines are said to have been extensive, sometimes as much as 40 miles in length. Deadfalls or traps were placed at inter- vals along the route which might require two days to cover and all sets were examined about once a week during the trapping season. According to Nelson, there were, in the mid- 1 880 's, well-defined trapping territories which were passed from father to son."^ Unfor- tunately, this tantalizing piece of information cannot be verified in any other source. Traditional subsistence activities had, as previously noted, been modified during the period of direct Russian contact and earlier. Now, however, trapping began to interfere seriously with the yearly cycle and was almost certainly pursued to the detriment of the hunt- ing of large game animals during the fall and winter months. As a result, subsistence productivity and the supply of meat available would have been further reduced with a corresponding increase in dependence on fish and on supplies obtained from the traders. By 120 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 the end of the early American fur trade period, the Indians were, in fact, dependent on American commodities and as a result the trading post was no longer simply a source of exotic, luxury goods, but a necessity for survival. The intensive trading activity that characterized this period, together with the presence of resident traders at Anvik, Shageluk, and possibly other Ingalik settlements, reinforced the importance of these established centers and may have reduced the mobility of the population. Fur traders, although important agents of change, ap- parently did not have a significant effect on the distribution of set- tlements, but it is Ukely that there was an increased use of trapping camps and the canoe villages referred to in Chapter I. Our earlier account of the modified-traditional subsistence cycle revealed that the pursuit of fish and game animals involved to a large degree the co-operative effort of a number of individuals. Although moose were tracked by individual hunters, the usual method of taking caribou was to drive them into surrounds where they were caught in snares. This type of hunting obviously requires some organization and a high degree of co-operative effort. Tradi- tional fishing methods at all times of the year, whether involving gill nets, wicker traps, or weirs, also require, to a greater or lesser degree, the co-operation of a number of persons to insure effective use. Trapping, on the other hand, is an individual activity and suc- cess rewards the individual rather than the kin group or the com- munity. Thus increased opportunities for one person to achieve a measure of economic security without reference to the welfare of the community or even, perhaps, of his immediate kinsmen is certain to have had an even greater effect on some aspects of Ingalik social relations than was suggested in the previous chapter. Intensive and successful involvement in a trapping-trading economy during the early American period created for the Anvik- Shageluk Ingalik needs that could not be met and expectations that could not be sustained during the years of rapid change to come. This brief period of 15 years was perhaps the only time during the entire history of contact on the lower Yukon that Euro- Americans and native peoples co-existed in a non-coercive relationship that was beneficial to both. Notes 1. Sherwood, 1965, pp. 22-30. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 121 2. Whymper, 1896b, pp. 264-265. 3. DaU, 1870. pp. 219-222. 4. Raymond, 1873, p. 168. 5. Chapman, 1914, p. 3. 6. Raymond, 1873, pp. 170-171; 1900, p. 19. 7. Raymond, 1871, pp. 17-18. 8. Sherwood, 1965, p. 93. 9. Raymond, 1871, p. 24. 10. Nelson, 1887. p. 16; 1899, p. 20; VanStone, 1978. 11. Petroff, 1884, pp. 11-12. 12. Porter, 1893, pp. 117-128. 13. Woldt, 1884. 14. Osgood, 1937, p. 20. 15. Sherwood, 1965, pp. 100-101. 16. Schwatka, 1892. 17. Sherwood, 1965, p. 103. 18. Elliott, 1886, pp. 412-413. 19. AUen, 1887. 20. Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1908, vol. 2, p. 1,045. 21. Chapman to Langford, July 27, 1887. ECA/Alaska papers, box 15. Chapman letters. 22. Nelson. 1899. p. 232. 23. VanStone, 1978. pp. 38-39. 24. The Alaska Appeal, vol. 1. no. 10. August 18. 1879. pp. 1-2. 25. Porter, 1893, pp. 119, 253-254. 26. Sherwood, 1965, p. 45. 27. Raymond, 1871, pp. 14, 17-18. 28. VanStone, 1967, p. 151. 29. Jette, Jottings of an Alaskan missionary; Notes on the history of Alaska. OPA/Jette, box 3; Oswalt, 1963, pp. 111-112. 30. Porter. 1893. pp. 253-254; Curtin. 1938. pp. 275-277. 31. Nelson. 1887. p. 13; Sloss, 1888. p. 33; Wickersham, 1938. p. 152. 32. Jette. Notes on the history of Alaska. OPA/Jette. box 3. 33. Chapman. 1930. p. 94; 1948. p. 4. 34. Nelson. 1887. p. 13. 35. EUiott. 1886, pp. 413-414; Nelson, 1887, pp. 12-13; Porter, 1893, pp. 253-254. 36. Chapman, 1931a, p. 79. 37. Elliott, 1875, pp. 41-42. 38. Porter, 1893, p. 120. 39. Allen, 1900, p. 453. 40. Chapman to Langford, July 27, 1887. ECA/Alaska papers, box 15, Chapman letters. 122 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 41. Jett6, Ethnological dictionary of the Tena language. 0PA/Jett6. 42. Petroff, 1884, p. 12. 43. Dall, 1870, p. 499. 44. Ibid. 45. Bristow, 1876, no. 135, pp. 134-135; no. 137, pp. 138-139; no. 141, pp. 182-187. 46. Chapman, 1948, pp. 71-72. 47. Woldt, 1884, pp. 185-186. 48. Nelson, 1887, pp. 247-248, 279; Zagoskin, 1967, p. 221. 49. VanStone, 1978, pp. 35-36. THE LATER AMERICAN FUR TRADE AND MISSION PERIOD: 1883-1895 Shifting Resources and the Decline of the Fur Trade At St. Michael, in the late 1880's, the Alaska Commercial Com- pany maintained a store, an agent, and assistant agent. Company staff also included a captain and an engineer for each of two small river steamers, a carpenter, and a laborer. In the face of criticism concerning its operations in the Yukon Valley and elsewhere in Alaska, the company always maintained that its business was with a number of independent traders rather than with Eskimos or In- dians. In fact, it maintained that it never came in contact with native peoples directly, but obtained furs and other commodities from the traders at agreed upon prices, and in turn sold trade goods and other supphes directly to the traders. The company thus con- sidered itself a kind of wholesale house dealing with the traders who were its independent clients. Emphasis on this interpretation of its activities appears to have been primarily a device to insulate the company from criticism of its operations which, from 1883 on, were not hindered in any way by competition. The company could then maintain that any ill treatment or unfair dealings which Indians and Eskimos received at the hands of particular traders, were none of its concern. Considerable criticism was leveled at the company during this period, particularly by Alaska Governor Alfred P. Swineford, and the Yukon district was one of the areas where the governor and others repeatedly questioned the company's policies and practices.' The two small steamers which the company maintained at St. Michael during this period made runs up the river in summer to carry supplies to the various trading posts and to bring down for shipment the furs which were purchased during the preceding winter. Traders on the Yukon also maintained two steamers for similar purposes, thus assuring themselves of a greater degree of in- 123 124 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 dependence and freedom of movement. These two independent boats also permitted their owners, as well as other traders along the river, to order supplies from other sources than the annual supply ship of the Alaska Commercial Company which made one trip to St. Michael each summer.^ By 1885, according to one source,^ the unit of trade, in the Yukon district, called a "skin," was no longer the pelt of a beaver but of a red fox or marten and its cash value was $1.25. According to these rates, a prime beaver pelt was worth two skins; a black bear, four; a lynx, one; and a land otter two or three skins depending on condition. Items of trade that could be obtained with one skin included 5 yd. of drilling, 1 lb. of tea or gun powder, half a pound of powder and a box of caps, 1 lb. of shot, and 5 lb. of sugar. A 50 lb. sack of flour could be obtained for four skins. There were some who believed, doubtless with justification, that the Indians received as little as 30C: worth of merchandise for their skin with a cash value of $1.25 and that this merchandise may have cost the Alaska Commercial Company less than ISC. However, the 11th federal census reported that the In- dians received approximately $1.00 worth of goods from the trader for one skin.^ There is some question as to how long trade was carried out strict- ly on a barter basis. Indications are that by the mid-1880's, and perhaps earlier, the Anvik-Shageluk Indians were beginning to be familiar with handling money and to demand cash payment rather than payment in trade goods, doubtless believing that there was less opportunity for them to be cheated under that arrangement. This trend increased with the number of whites in the Yukon Valley and, to some extent at least, it did make it more difficult for traders to take advantage of their customers. An Indian might receive only $1.50 or $2.00 for a beaver pelt with a mcirket value of from $5.00 to $12.00, but at least this was better than getting merchandise which he suspected might be worth only a few pennies.^ In hiring Indians to work on mission buildings at Anvik, Parker and Chapman first used barter, but this proved a considerable hindrance both to the In- dians and the missionaries, and by spring, 1889, a system of cash payments was adopted that satisfied everybody.* In the summer of 1885, Henry Allen noted that the Indians of the Koyukuk River were well supplied with .44 caUber, rimfire, Win- chester magazine rifles, although they were seldom able to obtain cartridges for them. These weapons were believed by Allen to have been obtained through Eskimo middlemen from whaling and VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 125 trading vessels/ It is just as likely, however, that they could have been acquired at the nearest Alaska Commercied Company post where such weapons were available all along the middle and lower Yukon throughout the period before the order forbidding importa- tion was withdrawn in 1896. Governor Swineford, a continuing thorn in the side of the Alaska Conmiercial Company, believed that Alaska natives were charged the equivalent of $40 to $90 in cash for rifles that could be purchased wholesale for not more than $15 each.' Following the elimination of competition, the Alaska Commercial Company, predictably, tightened considerably their dealings with the Indians. Fur prices fell drastically and credit was reduced. Governor Swineford toured Alaska in the summer of 1887 and in an unnamed Yukon village, a local man of influence told how he behev- ed that he and his people were being robbed by company traders. When the two companies were competing, he reported, six boxes of matches were given for one marten skin, but after the competition collapsed, the skin was worth only two boxes. Similarly, a good black bear skin formerly was worth the equivalent of $10 in trade, but now only $4. For a silver-gray fox skin with a retail value of $35 to $75, $2.50 in goods was given. A black fox valued at $100 now brought only $12 in goods. The Alaska Commercial Company gave eight heads of natural leaf tobacco for one marten skin and Swineford noted that marten were worth from $3 to $5 apiece, while eight heads of tobacco could be purchased in Sitka for 30(F. Other ex- changes of which the governor was informed were: 60 lb. of flour, 6% lb. of powder, or a blanket for four marten skins, a sack of shot for seven marten skins, four small boxes of percussion caps for one marten skin, and for a double-barrelled muzzle-loading shotgun, 20 marten skins. Swineford appeared to be horrified by this account, but there is Uttle indication that he was able to do anything about it and, in fact, it is doubtful if many customers of the company were aware of the full extent to which they were being victimized by the absence of competition.^ Although most Indians may have originally been naive about prices and values, within a few years miners and other resident whites made them aware of the advantage that was being taken of them. When Lieutenant Allen was at Nulato in the summer of 1885, the trading station there was about to be abandoned. The Indians had become so hostile to the trader because of low prices paid for furs that he was frightened and unwilling to remain another year. The Indians, however, did not seem to realize that their antagonism 126 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 might lead to the loss of the station. Elsewhere the natives were fre- quently afraid to make trouble simply because they feared that the traders would leave the country and they would starve. Allen believ- ed that rebelUon on the part of the Yukon natives was inevitable as more outsiders entered the country unless more favorable terms were offered at the stations. More sophisticated Creoles, he noted, were already beginning to cause trouble by informing the Indians of the exorbitant prices they were being charged for goods. Doubtless there was much exaggeration in this information that was passed from village to village along the Yukon, but it would only have fur- ther served to inflame the Indians.*" At Nulato the Indians grumbled and complained, but at the An- vik post a more serious situation developed. In the summer of 1883 a number of Indians from the upper Innoko, probably Koyukon and not Ingahk, arrived at Anvik to meet the Russian Orthodox priest from Russian Mission in order to receive baptism. They apparently arrived considerably in advance of the priest and, as John Chapman wrote of the incident several years later, being "a hardy lot of hunters and full of energy," the delay became irksome and they laid plans to loot the Alaska Commercial Company post which at that time was in the charge of Mr. S. A. Fredericks. Between the trader's cabin and the store, there was a sealskin-covered umiak stored on a scaffold. The Indians decided to destroy the boat cover in the expec- tation that they would be blamed by Fredericks, thus providing an excuse for a quarrel. This would give the Innoko visitors an oppor- tunity to seize the trader, loot his store, and possibly kill him. Events reached a culmination rapidly. The boat cover was slash- ed, but the Anvik Indians unexpectedly intervened to protect their trader. At that precise moment, as luck would have it, the United States Army in the person of Lieutenant Schwatka and his party came floating around the bend and a tense, potentially dangerous situation was averted. The Innoko Indians returned to their villages filled with frustration and apparently without waiting for the priest. They did return two years later and, in Fredericks' absence, looted his store. At that time his wife and children were forced to ask the Anvik villagers for protection.'* Fredericks was convinced, probably with good reason, that Schwatka 's timely arrival had saved him from certain death and he wished to close his store and move to St. Michael. He apparently did so shortly thereafter as there was no trader at Anvik in 1887 when VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 127 Parker and Chapman arrived. In fact, they had purchased the cabins in which they expected to live from Fredericks.'^ The Anvik Indians, normally on good terms with the Indians of the upper In- noko, had come to his defense presumably because they feared to lose their trader and the supply of trade goods available to them. Schwatka beheved that the incident was directly related to the fact that the Western Fur and Trading Company had recently withdrawn from Anvik and fur prices had been immediately lowered.'^ In the summer of 1885 on his trip down the Yukon, Allen was told of the actual looting of the Anvik store earlier that summer and he noted that there was a good deal of sympathy along the river for the men who had perpetrated the deed. Again he suspected that Creoles living along the Yukon were encouraging rebellion against the traders.'^ Although this Anvik incident is better documented than most of its kind, it must have been representative of feeling in the Yukon district after 1883, The Indians were dissatisfied and rebellious at both Nulato and Anvik and, at the same time, were witnessing the depletion of fur-bearing animals and a consequent reduction in the amount of trade goods available to them. Relations between whites and Indians was also complicated by the fact that the number of the former in the country was slowly increasing and yet the expecta- tions that might normally be associated with this situation, increas- ed trade, continued to be unfulfilled. In fact, trade goods were suffi- ciently meager so that Chapman could note in 1887 that a broken saw blade discarded by the trader was seized as a prize by the natives and fashioned into knife blades.'^ Traditional beliefs also hampered relations between the Indians and their traders. Nelson noted that at Anvik the people would not sell fish to white men in winter until three or four days after they were caught, fearing that the bones might be given to the dogs before that time, thus giving offense to the fish spirits. In the sum- mer they would sell fish on the day they were caught providing the buyer agreed not to eat them until the following day. Similarly, if the flesh of a lynx was sold to a trader, the Indian seller would in- sist that all the bones be preserved and returned to him, thus preventing the spirit of the lynx from being offended and not allow- ing any more animals to be caught in the snares.'® Restrictions such as these, poorly understood, if at all, by the traders, are certain to have hindered the relationship between trader and Indians and were possibly a contributing factor in the decline of the fur trade. 128 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Statements evaluating the condition of the fur trade on the lower Yukon during the period covered in this chapter are few in number, very generalized and, consequently, difficult to interpret. It is ap- parent, however, that the trade which was vigorous until the mid- 1880's began to decline dramatically after that date. The enumerator for the 11th federal census noted that the entire Yukon trade decreased in volume between 1880 and 1890 from 75,000 skins of all kinds to approximately 20,000 per year. This may have been due, in part at least, to a decrease in the number of fur-bearing animals, peirticularly beaver, that had been heavily trapped in earher periods and to the whaling ships and Siberia-Alaska trade which continued to divert a sizable percentage of the annual fur harvest. Another factor, however, must also be taken into consideration. It will be recalled that following the elimination of competition in the Yukon district, traders ceased to travel in winter knowing that the Indians would be forced to come to the posts no matter how great the distance. This may have seemed like a comfortable arrangement to the traders, but for the Indians it greatly increased the labor time required to obtain trade goods because of the long journeys necessary to reach the posts. A considerable amount of labor time was thus expended in transporting furs and trade goods, thereby reducing the time available for trapping. Under these cir- cumstances, alternative forms of employment which were beginning to be available had considerable attraction. Even at this early date, some of the best Ingalik trappers had found employment with a few miners already in the area." Money had begun to circulate among the Indians and, as previously noted, trade items could be purchas- ed for cash rather than acquired by barter for furs. It was obvious that changes were occurring which would have far-reaching effect on the Ingalik in the years to come. The height of the fur trade in west-central Alaska had passed and in the late 1880's the entire fur business of the Alaska Commercial Company amounted to only about $30,000 a year. In the immediate future the fur trade would be of secondary importance to mining and the attendant influence of a sizable white population. In further assessing the significance of the fur trade and culture change over the short period of 12 years from 1883 to 1895 it is useful to consider some of the factors influencing the abundance of certain species of fur-bearers and game animals. It is clear from a number of sources that beaver and other fur-bearers, plentiful dur- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 129 ing the Russian period, had declined drastically by the late 1880's and 1890's.'^ Excessive trapping has usually been blamed for this decline. Thus Nelson believed that vigorous trapping combined with the use of steel traps had greatly diminished the beaver population since the beginning of the American occupation.'^ With reference to large game animals, Zagoskin described both caribou and moose as being "numberless" in the 1840's due to a plentiful food supply throughout the Anvik-Shageluk area.^° In 1869, Captain Raymond's party, on its way from Anvik to St. Michael, observed many large herds of caribou in the high country of the upper Anvik River, an area where they were extensively hunted by the Ingalik in the early contact period.^' By the mid- 1880's, however, the number of these animals in this area and elsewhere in the region were apparently beginning to decline. Both Allen and Nelson noted this and Allen, in fact, believed that big game of any kind was scarce throughout the entire interior of Alaska; during his extensive travels in the summer of 1885 he did not see a single moose or caribou." Only Petroff among observers at that time did not believe that caribou were declining in the Yukon district." The moose population of the lower Yukon appears to have fluc- tuated to an even greater extent than did caribou. In addition to Zagoskin's conmients just mentioned, Raymond reported these animeds as r£u*e on the Yukon below Nulato, but noted their occur- rence on the Anvik River and mentioned that they were hunted by the Ingalik." By 1880, according to Petroff, moose were increasing in numbers, moving down the river, and spreading into the area be- tween the lower Yukon £md the Kuskokwim." Similar evidence for the spread of these animals to the lower Yukon in the decade be- tween 1870 and 1880 is offered by Nelson who was told that prior to this time virtually no moose were killed below Anvik. ^^ The consen- sus would appear to be, therefore, that these huge game animals were at least known to the Ingalik in the 1840's, but almost disap- peared dvuing the next three decades and then gradueilly reappeared in considerable numbers beginning about 1870. This is quite a dif- ferent pattern of fluctuation than the one noted for caribou. The only other significant game animcd for which there exists im- pressionistic information concerning fluctuating populations over an appreciable length of time is the black bear. Zagoskin noted that these animals were extremely abundant below Anvik and he be- lieved that the Ingalik could profitably devote more attention to 130 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 hunting and trapping them." By 1880, however, bear skins were in- significant items of trade and later observers make no special com- ments concerning their abundance.^^ Just as reduced populations of fur-bearing animals were thought by 19th century observers to be the result of excessive trapping, so a decline in the number of moose and caribou was usually attributed to the increased use of firearms, particularly the breech-loading rifle. The Ingalik themselves spoke of the abundance of game in former times before the introduction of firearms.^^ Although both over-trapping and the use of firearms undoubtedly played a role at specific times, this explanation does not account for the re- appearance of these animals in large numbers at later times and in different patterns. Obviously, other factors were involved and these are usually grouped under the general heading of habitat changes. With reference to moose and caribou, both are particularly subject to changes in their range; population shifts involve movement from old to new ranges or the reappearance, in time, in regions abandoned earlier. The habitat changes involved are not well understood, but the replacement of late successional-stage plant communities by early stage communities are believed to be a major cause of movement,'" The moose is a member of a sub-climax biota whereas caribou belong to the climax. Certain regions of Alaska have pro- duced great numbers of moose because of some disrupting influence that has removed the original spruce-birch forest and allowed willow, aspen, and second-growth birch to become abundant. In- fluences bringing about changes favorable to the increase of moose have been fire, land clearing by man, and flooding.^' Of the influences just mentioned, fire has doubtless been by far the most significant factor effecting habitat change in west-central Alaska. Fires caused by lightening have always been common throughout Alaska and it has been estimated that with the excep- tion of a few isolated stands, virtually all of the interior has been burned over within the last 200 to 250 years. Man-caused fires became a factor during and after the gold rush when fires set for land clearing or by accident were added to those occurring from natural causes. The increased number of fires has, in general, open- ed forest areas and permitted the regeneration of willow, birch, and aspen on which moose browse and which develops in a few years following fires. At the same time, fire destroys stands of lichen, an important food for caribou, which burns easily but recovers slowly, often requiring more than 100 years to reach pre-burn levels.'^ VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 131 Fires also have considerable affect on the adaptation of fur- bearing animals and Waterfowl. Beaver, like moose, are adapted to early stages of post-fire forest succession which includes aspen, Cot- tonwood, and willow. Beaver, however, prefer young trees 3 or 4 in, in diameter and thus do not compete with moose for food even though both animals feed on the same species." Marten, on the other hand, are found in areas dominated by climax spruce forest and fire thus eliminates or greatly reduces their range. Forest ecologists beheve that fires repeated at long intervals can be beneficial to most species of wildlife by causing reversion of vegeta- tion into several successive stages providing food for the greatest variety and number of species. Thus older burns produce excellent crops of blueberries on which black bear depend, and hares can only be abundant in northern coniferous forests during the very early successional forest stages not long after an area has been burned. Fire, by removing insulation, lowering permafrost depths, and modifying the surface-subsurface drainage, frequently results in the lowering of the water table thereby reducing the amount of water- fowl habitat with a consequent reduction in the total population. On the other hand, the renewal of woody vegetation as a result of fires increases the attractiveness of an area to many species of waterfowl.^" Having determined that fires, either natural or man-made, are perhaps the most significant factor in the fluctuation of wildhfe populations throughout interior Alaska, it is, however, considerably less easy to document the occurrence of extensive fires in the Anvik- Shageluk area. Nevertheless, they doubtless occurred frequently and examples which are known are certain to have been typical of those that were never reported. It also seems clear that man was the cause of many of them. Prehistoric tree felling by the Ingalik as reported by Osgood involved use of both stone axes and fire.^^ It seems more than Ukely that fire used in this manner frequently burned out of control. According to Lutz, Osgood was told by his In- galik informants that the country was sometimes burned for fun, but not as a means of killing game.^® Zagoskin mentions fires near Kaltag which he observed on his way to the Unalakleet River and Hudson Stuck, Episcopal priest at Fort Yukon, also makes references to forest fires on the lower-middle Yukon." In May, 1888 when Father A. Robaut and Brother C. Giordano were clearing land to construct the first mission buildings at Holy Cross, the latter started a fire to keep down the mosquitos. It burned out of control 132 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 as far downriver as Paimiut and was not extinguished until a heavy rain came in mid-July.^^ Lutz has documented the extensive use of fires for a variety of purposes in Alaska by both whites and natives; it is clear from his data that both groups were extremely careless.^^ The only extensive fire that residents of the lower Yukon remember and talk about today occurred in 1967 when large areas along the upper Anvik River and the Yukon between Bonasila and Grayling were burned over. This fire is believed to have killed many beaver, but the animals are now making a rapid come-back. Marten are also said to have been adversely affected and because, as we have noted, they thrive in a cUmax forest, it will be some time before they are again plentiful in the area. It is difficult to assess the significance of the evidence that has been presented concerning resource abundance in the Anvik- Shageluk area. However, the data suggest that large game animals may not have played a major role in the subsistence activities of the Ingalik in the late 19th century. Most observers emphasize the im- portance of small game during the winter months augmented by oc- casional successful caribou hunts. Although an important source of meat when available, there is no reason to believe as Allen did that a decline in the caribou population reduced the Ingalik to a "poverty- stricken, humiliated" condition where they were forced to subsist almost entirely on fish and berries."" Because they occupy different ecological niches, fluctuation patterns of large game animal popula- tions were never identical; caribou, it appears, were most abundant when moose were scarce. It is probable, therefore, that there was always at least one game animal on which the Indians could depend and be reasonably sure of taking in significant numbers. With reference to fur-bearing animals, excessive trapping, com- bined with ecological variations and a changing economic environ- ment, appears to have been responsible for the decline in the fur trade apparent in the last decade of the 19th century. It is Uttle wonder, therefore, that the alternative sources of income brought by whites entering the Yukon country were welcomed by Indians all along the lower and middle river even though most of these newcomers were simply passing through the Ingalik country on their way to the gold fields of the Klondike. Their presence in the area even briefly, however, signaled the beginning of a new phase of Ingalik culture change. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 133 The Russian Orthodox Church: A Period of Adjustment The termination of Russian sovereignty over Alaska created a situation of uncertainty for the Orthodox Church. The number of clergymen and parishes in the new American territory were reduced immediately because, as noted previously, church officials feared that the removal of Russian- American Company posts would make it difficult to supply the mission stations. By the mid- 1 870 's these fears and uncertainties appear to have been leirgely overcome and the church continued to function much as before, although without any notable increase in the number of clergymen. In 1868 Hieromonk Illsu-ion left Ikogmiut, or Russian Mission, to return to Russia; Zachary Belkhov, a Creole reader, took charge. As previously noted, he served the church on the Yukon until 1895."' Innokentiy Shavashnikov, a priest at Unalaska, made a tour of the Nushagak and Yukon districts in 1878 and was enthusiasticaUy greeted in the coastal communities where he visited. Everywhere, however, the Eskimos complained of the infrequent visits of a priest and the deteriorating condition of church buildings. Shavashnikov recommended, apparently without effect, the appointment of three additional missionaries for the Nushagak and Yukon districts. It was also apparent to the priest that church personnel were able to trade successfully with the Americans and also ship and receive supplies through them while maintaining relations that were, for the most part, friendly."^ Shavashnikov did not ascend the Yukon to Russian Mission, but if he had, he would doubtless have been pleased to note that Father Belkhov was traveling throughout his district more extensively than either of his predecessors since the 1850's, particularly on the Innoko River. On the Yukon, however, he seldom went upriver fur- ther than Anvik and, in the mid- 1 880 's, was visiting that communi- ty only once a year. John Chapman met Belkhov at Anvik in the spring of 1888 and noted that although the latter had been at Rus- sian Mission for many years, he did not understand the Ingalik language. According to Chapman, at that time the Russian Or- thodox Church claimed jurisdiction over the Yukon River from St. Michael to more than 300 miles above Anvik."^ It was the priest's yearly visit to Anvik in 1883 that precipitated the previously men- tioned incident concerning the Fredericks trading post. The fact that the Innoko Indians expected to meet the priest at Anvik sug- gests that he may no longer have been making reguleu- visits to villages on that river. 134 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 In 1884 there was some discussion about transferring mission headquarters from Russian Mission to St. Michael because of the expense of maintaining the Yukon River station. Also, Belkhov was suspected of engaging in trade to the detriment of his pastoral duties. This move was recommended in 1885 and apparently Belkhov transferred to St. Michael the following year. It is clear, however, that Russian Mission continued to be prominent after that date."" Perhaps the appearance of other religious denominations on the river within the next three years made a total withdrawal to the coast untimely. Arrival of the Episcopalians Early in 1886 the Board of Managers of the Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church established a mission station at St. Michael and appointed the Rev. Octavius Parker of California to take charge of the work. Parker's instructions were to begin a mis- sion at some point on the Yukon with St. Michael serving as his headquarters. He sailed for Alaska in May, 1886 and the Missionary Society entered into an agreement with the Commissioner of Educa- tion for the establishment of a school at St. Michael, the govern- ment paying Parker a stipend and providing him with a residence."^ In April, 1887 a party of Indians from Anvik came to St. Michael to trade and there met Mr. Parker who was dissatisfied with the ac- comodations for himself and his family, and the response to his educational and pastoral efforts, due in part to unexpected competi- tion from the Russian Orthodox Church. The Indians invited him to return to Anvik with them to look the place over and consider settl- ing. Parker made the trip, liked the looks of the village, and purchas- ed two log cabins from Mr. Fredericks for $400. Fredericks, at that time living in St. Michael, may have been more than usually willing to sell his buildings in Anvik because of his unsettling experience four years earlier when his life and possessions were threatened by an abortive attack at the hands of visiting Indians from the upper Innoko."® Also in 1887 John W. Chapman, a young deacon of the diocese of New York and a native of Vermont, was appointed a second mis- sionary. He arrived at St. Michael in June and Parker informed him of the decision to shift the mission station to Anvik. On the way from Unalaska to St. Michael Chapman had met an official of the Russian Orthodox Church who informed him that it was not the policy of his church to extend their missions, but simply to 9 O B >> c o o <: a es o a o •-3 >. 3 135 136 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 strengthen those they ah-eady had. Chapman also heard rumors that the Roman CathoUcs intended to estabUsh themselves on the Yukon in the near future."' With Chapman's arrival at St. Michael, Parker's family sailed south and the two men prepared to depart for Anvik which they reached by way of the mouth of the Yukon on July 22, 1887. With them on the same boat was Father Aloysius Robaut, a Roman Catholic priest who apparently stayed at Anvik less than a month and then went on upriver. The cabins built by Fredericks which Parker had purchased were situated at the upper end of a narrow peninsula separating the Yukon and Anvik rivers. The village of An- vik was located at the lower end of this peninsula at a distance of about a mile and a half. Since both rivers were rapidly cutting away the sandy banks on either side, this may have been another factor in Frederick's decision to dispose of the buildings.** The departure of Fredericks for St. Michael not long before Chap- man and Parker arrived left the village temporarily without a trader which must have caused the Indians considerable hardship. It is therefore probable that when the party of Anvik Indians met Parker at St. Michael the preceding spring, they misunderstood his reasons for wishing to come to Anvik and believed him to be a trader. This would account for their enthusiastic invitation to him to settle in their community. Their mistaken impression would have been strengthened by his purchase of the buildings belonging to Fredericks. Chapman and Parker began teaching school in August after hav- ing been in the village less than one month. Parker noted that "the natives are not altogether untaught in Christianity, though to most of them I think it is more a name than a principle."*^ In June, 1888 Parker sailed from St. Michael to San Francisco to attend to per- sonal business with the intention of returning in the fall. Chapman carried on alone and was able to report by the following month that the school was doing well and attendance at Sunday church services was good.^ In August or September, 1887 Father Belkhov arrived at Anvik and forbad the village children to attend the newly opened govern- ment school operated by the Episcopal church. The Protestant mis- sionaries do not record first impressions of their colleague from Rus- sian Mission, but apparently it was not a particularly cordial meeting. In any event, the children continued to attend the school. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 137 On October 3 Father Robaut returned with a Jesuit brother, Carmelo Giordano, and two children of Mr. Fredericks to stay, occu- pying a dwelling belonging to the Alaska Commercial Company and located near those housing Chapman and Parker. Doubtless, the Episcopalians had hoped not to see their Jesuit colleague ag£un, and the relationship between the three missionaries must have been an uncomfortable one. However, active competition was prevented by the severe illness of Father Robaut which, together with the presence of the Protestants, persuaded the Jesuits that Anvik was not a suitable location for their missionary effort. In February, 1888 Robaut was sufficiently recovered so that he and Brother Giordano could leave for the village of Koserefsky 40 miles further down the river, in the vicinity of which they established the Holy Cross mission.'*' Chapman and Parker were dissatisfied with the location of their first school and mission. In addition to future difficulties an- ticipated as a result of rapid cutting of the river banks, they believ- ed that the distance from the village hindered attendance at the school and church services. Therefore, on March 16, 1888 a new site was purchased from the Indians for 20 "skins" and the promise of a feast. The 20 skins amounted to 30 yards of ticking, 20 cups of tea, 5 cups of sugar, and 50 lb. of flour. The Indians apparently understood that they were giving up the rights to approximately 172 acres on the right bank of the Anvik River opposite their village, and that they would not be able to build houses or other structures on this land without permission from the mission." During Parker's absence. Chapman constructed a house at the new mission site and when the former returned in October, 1888 the two missionaries lived there and taught school just as they had the preceding first winter. In January, 1889 both traveled to the Innoko river country for the first time "to visit the people and see what the prospect might be for work among them."" In the fall of 1888 Mr. Fredericks had again taken up residence in Anvik and there was also a "Russian" trader, probably a Creole, who spent the winter there. Fredericks' two boys, left behind by Father Robaut and his colleague, continued their education with Chapman and Parker. In the early summer of 1889 work continued on the buildings at the new site and a sailboat was purchased from Fredericks so that the mission might be more independent in obtaining supplies from St. Michael." 138 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 The Rev. Octavius Parker resigned and departed from Anvik in July, 1889 leaving Chapman to maintain the mission station that was to be his home for 42 years. Teaching and religious instruction continued, but there are few comments from Chapman concerning the progress he was making during these early years. It is signifi- cant that his evaluation of his work does not really begin until after he has been at the mission for almost 10 years, and even then such evaluations are frequently contradictory. Not surprisingly, at times he was confident and felt that he was making progress, while at other times his confidence wavered and evaluation of his own work is discouraging. During the first decade. Chapman was slowly but steadily developing the mission's physical plant and concentrating on secular education. From the beginning, however, progress in conver- ting Anvik residents into good Episcopalians was slow. The celebra- tion of Christmas, for example, was always equated with feasting and thus the Indians inevitably came to the mission to be fed. In December, 1890, however. Chapman fed only the children and held a prayer service for the others, thus hoping to impress them with the sacredness of the day. This procedure seems to have resulted in nothing but unhappy Indians.^^ In July, 1889 Mr. Marcus O, Cherry, a layman, came to Anvik and remained nearly three years. Although he and Chapman seem to have been personally incompatible, he was useful as a carpenter and in operating a newly-acquired sawmill during construction of the earUest buildings at the mission site. He also assisted in moving the original buildings from the old site to the new in the summer of 1890. A severe flood occurred at Anvik in the spring of 1890 with water rising more than 40 ft. above the low water level. The Indian village on the point across from the mission was completely covered with water, but the mission buildings, located on a steep bank, suf- fered little damage. Cherry was succeeded by Mr. Maurice Johnson who served the mission for many years. A church was begun in 1893 under his direction and completed the following year. Although moved from its original position in 1926, it still stands and is the oldest Episcopal church in Alaska. The Rev. John Chapman thus left the mission with a sense of solid, if not spectacular, accomplish- ment when he returned to the states on his first furlough in the summer of 1893.^* The Roman Catholics at Holy Cross Toward the end of June, 1872 Right Rev. Isidore Clut, OMI, VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 139 titular Bishop of Arindele and coadjuter to the Vicar Apostolic of Athabasca left Fort Providence on Great Slave Lake in the North- west Territories of Canada with Father August Lecorre and an In- dian guide. They traveled down the Mackenzie to the mouth of the Peel River, then up the Peel to Fort MacPherson where they portag- ed over the Rocky Mountains to La Pierre House at the head of the Porcupine River. From there they proceeded down the Porcupine to its confluence with the Yukon, then down that river to Fort Yukon which they reached on October 13 and where they wintered. The party resumed their trip on May 15, 1873 reaching the mouth of the Tanana five days later. After a two week delay, the bishop and his two companions were taken to St. Michael by boat. On the way, they are reported to have stopped at every village, doubtless in- cluding Anvik and other Ingalik communities, baptizing many children. The party reached St. Michael on June 20 and Bishop Glut re- mained three weeks before beginning the long return trip to the Mackenzie. Father Lecorre, however, stayed at St. Michael for the winter and apparently also visited Anvik, Nulato, Unalakleet, and communities in the Yukon Delta. Thus he was the first to bring Ghristianity other than the Orthodox variety to the Anvik- Shageluk Ingalik, but no details concerning his travels on the Yukon during that winter are known. In the summer of 1874 he received letters advising him that Alaska had been assigned to the jurisdiction of the bishop of Vancouver Island, Gharles J. Seghers, and directing him to choose between placing himself at the disposal of Seghers or returning to his own mission. At the first opportunity, he sailed for San Francisco." In 1877 Bishop Seghers, accompanied by the Rev. J. Mandant, made a preliminary visit to Alaska with a view to establishing a mission in the vast territory that had just been assigned to his jurisdiction. He arrived at Nulato by way of the Unalakleet River in August and spent the winter, assuring the natives that he would return the following year to establish a permanent mission. Cir- cumstances prevented him from doing so, however, and it was nine years later, in 1886, before Bishop Seghers could return to Alaska. This time he was accompanied by Jesuit fathers Pascal Tosi and Aloysius Robaut. Late in the summer the party, which had come into Alaska over the Ghilcoot Pass, reached Harper's trading post at the junction of the Lewes and Stewart rivers. Here Seghers received the partly 140 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 erroneous news that Octavius Parker was at St. Michael and intend- ed to go to Nulato to establish an Episcopal mission. Desiring to reach Nulato as quickly as possible in order to arrive before the Pro- testant intruder, Seghers left Tosi and Robaut at the Harper post and, with a layman who had accompanied the party, pushed on to Nuklakayet, the trading post at the mouth of the Tanana River. Between there and Nulato, not far from the mouth of the Koyukuk River, Bishop Seghers was murdered by his companion.^^ Following the death of Bishop Seghers, Father Tosi returned to Victoria to give the details of the tragedy, while Father Robaut ac- companied the bishop's body to St. Michael where it was buried tempor£u-ily pending shipment south. Robaut then started up the Yukon with Chapman and Parker as previously noted, remaining at Anvik for about a month. Traveling slowly upriver, he reached Nuklakayet on September 21, 1887 where he met fathers Tosi and A. Ragaru, and Brother Giordano who had recently arrived from Victoria. The three men decided that Ragaru would remain at Nuklakayet while Tosi returned to Nulato to carry on the work begun by Bishop Seghers. Father Robaut and Brother Giordano returned to Anvik with the two sons of Mr. Fredericks where almost immediately, as we have seen, Robaut became seriously ill with typhoid fever and pneumonia. Robaut apparently did not get on well with the two Fredericks boys, both of whom spoke the Ingalik language and, presumably, had many friends at Anvik. Nor were his relations with Chapman and Parker particularly cordial, not surprising under the cir- cumstances. In addition, the Jesuits appear to have had few sup- plies and neither money nor trade goods to obtain more. As a result, Anvik, where the Episcopalians were already well established, seemed an unfavorable location for a mission. Thus in February, 1888 when Father Robaut 's health permitted travel, they departed downriver to seek a better location.^^ In spite of their difficulties, however. Brother Giordano managed a brief trip to the Innoko River in early December, 1887, the first churchman other than those of the Russian Orthodox Church to do so."" While the Jesuits were at Anvik, Indians from the village of Koserefsky at the mouth of the Innoko River arrived and, according to Robaut, invited them to establish themselves in that community. Since a decision had already been made to leave Anvik, this seemed like a logical place to go. Indeed the inhabitants of Koserefsky sent a dog team to bring the Jesuits to their village where they first set VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 141 up residence in the village kashim. After only a few days, however, the "foul atmosphere" and lack of privacy in the ceremonial house made such accomodations unacceptable; so the father and his assis- tant moved into a cabin across the river that belonged to an Indian from Anvik, probably near the present settlement known as Ghost Creek. From there. Father Robaut crossed the river each day on the ice to mingle with the people, picking up as much of their language as he could and giving them such verbal instruction in Catholic Christianity as his limited command of the language would allow/' During the winter of 1887-1888, Father Robaut inquired among the Indians concerning a possible location for the mission that he proposed to establish and was told of a place 3 or 4 miles below his cabin where there once had been an old village and where a clear creek flowed into the Yukon at the foot of a large hill. The priest examined this suggested site and found it to be a very satisfactory location, being level, protected on the north by a bluff, and on the west by a range of low, wooded hills. This location may have been the site of the former village of Anilukhtakpak, mentioned by Zagoskin and other sources during the Russian period, but not referred to by later visitors to the area. In any event, the site was chosen and in May, 1888 Father Robaut and Brother Giordano began to clear land for construction of the first buildings con- stituting the mission that was to be called Holy Cross. There is no indication that the Indians of Koserefsky were paid anything for the mission site, nor was there a formal agreement of any kind with them at this time.®^ Like the Episcopeilians at Anvik, the Roman Catholics believed that they could achieve success in their mission most readily and easily by teaching school. Thus in September, 1888 three nuns of the Sisters of St. Ann at Lachine, Quebec arrived at Holy Cross to assist Father Robaut. With them came Father Tosi who had met the party of nuns at St. Michael and was to remain at the mission for 10 years. The school opened in 1888 and three more sisters arrived in the summer of 1891. Almost from the beginning the educational ef- forts of the sisters met with success and the school quickly became the most important activity at the mission." In September, 1889 another priest. Father William H. Judge, ar- rived at Holy Cross and he has left an interesting account of the mission as it appeared at that time. There were three buildings in- cluding a church 30 ft. by 20 ft., a log house for the sisters which also doubled as a school house, and another for the men. Until the 142 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 preceding March, however, the church and school had been the only structures and served for everything. The church was divided into six rooms including a chapel, dining room, room for the Indians when they came to visit or trade, two rooms for the fathers, and a kitchen. The second story of this structure served as a dormitory for the school boys and two brothers as well as a storage room for provi- sions.^" These crowded conditions doubtless provided their own in- centive for expansion and by 1893, to accomodate the rapidly grow- ing staff, the mission consisted of seven log structures,**^ Although the success of the school at Holy Cross seemed assured within a few years, the Jesuits, like their Episcopalian counterparts at Anvik, found that persuading the Indians to accept their par- ticular form of Christianity was considerably more difficult. The same Indians who had urged Father Robaut to settle among them were not eager to be converted to Catholicism and did nothing beyond attending church occasionally. They considered themselves adherents to the Russian Orthodox faith and their priest came once a year to baptize children and to give communion to all, as he did at Anvik. The Jesuits, on the other hand, required that the Indians not only abandon their traditional religious beliefs, but alter their way of life in many ways. At least at the beginning, most of the in- habitants of Koserefsky were unwilling to do this. Nevertheless, the first children to receive Holy Communion did so in March, 1890.^® The Jesuits, like the Orthodox priest, placed a good deal of em- phasis on infant baptism and usually were willing to make bap- tismal gifts to the families of the children at the same time the rite took place. This practice led to one of the earliest manifestations of competition between the three missions located in the area. Indian families, sensing a good thing when they saw it, frequently had their children baptized several times in order to obtain several baptismal gifts. Brother Giordano mentions, almost admiringly, one enterpris- ing family who presented their infant for baptism on nine different occasions. For several Roman Catholic baptisms, since the fathers at this early period apparently could not always distinguish their parishoners individually, the family received gifts of calico; from Chapman at Anvik they received flour, and additional gifts were ex- tracted from Father Belkhov. The Roman Catholic and Episcopalian clergymen might be excused for not recognizing an in- fant or his parents even if they presented themselves for the bap- tismal ceremony on several separate occasions. Belkhov, however, had been in the country for many years and did not have the same VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 143 excuse for failing to recognize specific individuals. At Koserefsky, the Jesuits found that Indians would demand tobacco and tea before allowing their babies to be baptized and more often than not, the priests were willing to accede to these requests, particularly if the child was ill and appeared to be near death.*' In February, 1891 Father Judge made his first trip up the Innoko River to visit the several villages located along the lower reaches of that stream. Almost immediately he found himself in conflict with the shamans, traditional religious practitioners, who, he believed, held the people in their power and knew all kinds of tricks to main- tain that hold. This is the first of many recorded instances of con- flict between village religious leaders and the missionaries, both at Holy Cross and Anvik. It is not surprising, therefore, that both Chapman and the Jesuits at Holy Cross became almost obsessed with the idea of overcoming the power of the shamans and, at every opportunity, exposing them to the ridicule of their fellow villagers. In the years to come, the missionaries frequently measured the suc- cess or failure of their efforts directly in terms of the extent to which they triumphed at the expense of the shamans. It was a great event indeed when, as occasionally happened at both Holy Cross and An- vik, a shaman was converted to Christianity. In the Innoko villages. Father Judge was particularly annoyed by the presence of "spirit sticks" which were frequently installed in the kashims where he was invited to stay while on his journey. In one village he noted that four sticks had been placed upright in the kashim and that "while they are there, no one can speak loud or do any work. The Indians firmly believe that these sticks have the power to kill them or to do them good." Judge, somewhat rashly it would seem, attempted to convince the people that the sticks should be destroyed, but while some young people seemed receptive to the idea, the older people objected.^^ The use of poles, or sticks, is characteristic of several of the most important Ingalik social and religious ceremonies including the Partner's Potlatch, the Animal's Ceremony, and the Hot Dance.^^ It is interesting to note that tradi- tional religious beliefs had already begun to decline among the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik, a process due in part, perhaps, to efforts of the Russian Orthodox Church over the preceding 50 years, but primarily to various secularizing influences that were already making themselves felt in the Yukon Valley. In the second Innoko village where Judge visited, there was no shaman and the inhabitants were more receptive to his teaching. 144 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Here he baptized 29 persons, adults as well as children, and married seven couples. Although marriages had doubtless been performed earlier at Holy Cross, these are the first to be mentioned in publish- ed or archival accounts of mission activities. Also, in this village, Father Judge taught people the days of the week so that they would be able to keep track of Fridays and Sundays. This was done with the aid of a rectangular board into which a hole was cut at the top with a triangle around it to indicate Sunday. Below it were two holes for Monday, three for Tuesday, and so on except for a picture of a fish to indicate Friday. A wooden peg which fitted the holes was to be moved down the board each day.'° On this first trip to the Innoko, Judge believed that he had made some impression on the younger people, but none at all on older ones who seemed determined to hold on to their traditional beliefs: or at least to those beUefs which had not previously interfered with their relationship with the Orthodox priest. Judge returned to Holy Cross by way of Anvik where he encountered Chapman, a meeting which was cool but polite. The Jesuit believed that he would have no trouble "in making the Anvik people Catholics" and promised himself to visit the village often.'' Judge made another trip to the Innoko in November, 1891 and on the way home he again stopped at Anvik where an important ceremony in the kashim was in progress. He believed these feasts, which consumed much of the people's time during the winter mon- ths, to be harmless, but noted that the Indians were so pre-occupied with them, or with preparations for them, that they had no time to listen to priests talk about Jesus and the Christian life. In July, 1892 Judge built a log house to serve as both a church and a residence on the Innoko in the village, probably Shageluk, where he had baptized 29 persons the previous year. The first chapel on the river, it was 30 by 24 ft. and two stories high. Later in that same summer, the priest was transferred to Nulato. In the summer of 1893 the Holy Cross Mission was completing its sixth year of existence. It was firmly established, and exercising its influence both in terms of religion and education. The mission staff included two or three priests, and at least one lay brother. There were, on the level bank of the river below the bluff, numerous well- constructed log buildings and the agricultural work for which the mission was later to become famous had already begun. The Jesuit a a o s a 00 •S 145 0^ - -a— mif O) 3 O o o 3 O .3 !n -3 ® C '* -2 -2 " g< •2 -^ 03 op CO O '3 "o c-' -t-> C 00 < w 13 I; c 5-2 146 1 .*' ('] en 3 O OS o o OS 3 o >> Xi .3 es O .2 > O) (0 147 148 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 effort, which received sustained support in terms of staff and finances from church officials, was certainly carried out on a more elaborate scale than that of the Episcopalians at Anvik, largely because of the willingness of the Roman Catholic Church to commit a larger number of individuals to the endeavor. By 1893, both mis- sions can be said to have become fixtures in their areas and the in- fluence they were beginning to have on the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik was to be a lasting one. Within the next two years, the religious work of both missions was accelerated considerably and influenced the lives of even the most traditional Indians. The Growth of Mission Influence When Mr. Chapman returned from his first furlough in the fall of 1894, he brought with him a wife and two additional church workers: Miss Bertha W. Sabine, who was to teach the girls in the new school, and Dr. Mary V. Glenton, the first medical missionary on the Yukon. ^^ The added personnel were particularly helpful to the struggling mission and, of course. Dr. Glenton's presence, although she was to remain only three years, made it possible for the people of Anvik and the surrounding area to receive prompt professional medical care for the first time. Thus mission influence increased but, as earlier. Chapman's measurable success seems to have been associated more with the growth of the school than with the actual acceptance of the Episcopalian form of Christianity. It is little wonder, therefore, that the missionary so strongly pinned his hopes on the coming generation of young people. Among the aboriginal practices which disturbed Parker and Chapman at the time of their arrival in Anvik was polygyny. Although it appears to have disappeared within a relatively short period of time, in 1895 there were still two or three influential men with plural wives. Chapman, of course, deplored the practice but decided, probably wisely, to take no overt action. He surmised that polygyny would eventually disappear without any effort on his part and he could then avoid antagonizing some of the most important leaders in the community.''^ The Innoko appears to have developed into something of a battle- ground between the Episcopalians at Anvik and the Jesuits at Holy Cross. Both missions attempted to baptize as many Indians in the river villages as possible. In spite of the early visits of Father Judge and the construction of a chapel on the river in 1892, Chapman con- tinued to exert some influence in the area where, as we have noted, VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 149 he visited at some length prior to his departure on furlough in 1893. In fact, the rather unseemly competition for the souls of the lower Innoko people led, not surprisingly, to ill feelings between the mis- sionaries which are evident in their writings concerning their ef- forts. The Jesuits nearly always over-emphasized their successes and predicted the complete rout of Protestantism when, in fact, there was no indication that such thoughts were anything but wishful thinking on their part. There were moments of sober assess- ment, however, when both missions reaUzed that their progress in the area was slow and that in spite of baptisms and exhortations at the time of visits, "heathen" practices were still in effect."* One change at Anvik for which Chapman could claim much credit and which pleased him greatly was the gradual abandonment of the traditional semi-subterranean house and acceptance of above- ground log structures. At the time of Chapman's and Parker's ar- rival in the village, the only log houses to be seen in the area were those belonging to Fredericks and purchased by Parker, as well as the single log cabin belonging to the Alaska Commercial Company. In fact. Chapman suggested that the Anvik Indians may have seen their first log houses when these structures were built, and that they had learned the rudiments of such construction from Fredericks. Although it is certain that at least some Anvik men were familiar with log construction before this time, the fact re- mains that such familiarity must have had little impact, since as late as 1892 all the inhabitants of Anvik lived in traditional semi- subterranean houses of the type described in considerable detail by Osgood;" it was only in the fall of that year that the first two log cabins were built in the village on the point. Within three years, however, nearly one-third of the villagers lived in log structures and many of the Indians, as they adopted Episcopalian Christianity, at least superficially, moved across the Anvik River and built their cabins on or near mission land. Chap- man, of course, believed that above-ground cabins were much more healthy than the traditional houses, although on more than one oc- casion he could not help noting the extent to which the traditional house was suitable to a subarctic environment. Nevertheless, he beUeved that health statistics with reference to the new form of housing were impressive. In 1895, 12 out of a total of 22 baptized children died and all of these deaths occurred in semi-subterranean houses. The site of the Anvik village on the point opposite the mis- sion was low and floods, particularly at the time of ice break-up in 150 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 the spring, were frequent. Writing in the spring of 1896, Chapman reported that "I took a kind of pleasure in seeing a great cake of ice scrape the entire village of underground houses off the point of land where it was located, last spring, while the log houses, being on our side of the river, escaped unharmed."''^ In addition to the health factor, there is an obvious association here in Chapman's mind between Christianity and log houses and, in truth, the relationship was probably a close one. The Indians did not readily observe the advantages of the new t5^e of house, most of which, although well built, were still drafty and difficult to heat in winter. Those who did build them doubtless did so primarily because they had been influenced by Chapman. If they built their new houses on the mission's side of the river, they became, at least in theory, members of the mission's little flock. It is small wonder, therefore, that in his more exhuberant moments Chapman equated the construction of log cabins with the success of his religious teaching." From the very beginning of his work at Arivik, Chapman was con- vinced that the only way he could reach the Indians was by means of their own language and early in his efforts he set himself the goal of eventually being able to conduct services in Ingalik. Since no English was spoken in the village when he and Parker arrived, his efforts to learn the language were enhanced and he was aided to a considerable extent by the school children to whom, in turn, he was endeavoring to teach English. Chapman was persistent and made sufficient progress so that by 1895 he had translated all but the Litany and Psalter of the Morning Service into Ingalik. As the school progressed and became a permanent feature of village life, school work was conducted entirely in English, but the children learned the Commandments, Creed, and Lord's Prayer in their own language. Whatever may have been the lasting effect of this ap- proach on the introduction of Episcopalian Christianity, it did, in the early days of the mission, encourage a greater participation in church services by the Indians than would otherwise have been possible.''^ The Roman Catholic mission at Holy Cross, as we have seen, also stressed education in its early years and progressed only slowly in converting the Indians to the Catholic faith. In July, 1894 the Ter- ritory of Alaska was raised to a Prefecture Apostohc, thus achiev- ing ecclesiastical jurisdiction in its own right; Father Tosi received VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 151 the appointment as Prefect Apostolic. In the following year, in addi- tion to Tosi, the mission staff consisted of three priests, the same number of lay brothers, and 10 nuns, quite a contrast to the three staff members at Anvik/^ In contrast to Chapman, however, the Jesuits do not appear to have made any sustained effort to learn the native language, although some of the staff, particularly the lay brothers, became fluent after many years of residence at the mis- sion. The fathers constantly complained that their parishioners stayed away from mass unless bread and tea were distributed afterwards. Consequently, the distribution of food became a regular feature of church services, particularly on special holidays. On Easter Sunday, 1894, for example, attendance was high because many Indians had come for the "feast." After mass the brothers distributed soup, bread, and tea, and one leaf of tobacco to each communicant.^" The Jesuits continued their efforts to baptize newly born babies in the village of Koserefsky across the river and also to secure the bodies of those who died, particularly children, for burial in the mis- sion cemetery. This latter effort was vigorously resisted by the In- dians who believed that the transfer of a corpse across the river would have a detrimental effect on future salmon runs.^* As the mission complex expanded, the staff wished to hire In- dians to assist in the work. This was certainly one mission pro- cedure that met with immediate approval in Koserefsky. However, like most relations between mission staff and the villagers, this one did not always run smoothly. At times, the shamans tried, usually unsuccessfully, to persuade village men not to work since they cor- rectly viewed such hiring practices as potentially weakening their position of leadership. In an effort to help the people, the mission usually paid for labor in goods such as flour and tea, and they also traded goods for the dried and fresh fish which they needed. However, as at Anvik, this type of payment frequently led to disagreements and dissatisfaction so the Jesuits soon shifted to a money wage. In summer, Indians were paid $1.00 a day for rafting wood and dried fish was purchased at 5> bo •S as 73 O O 00 < g o o ll 177 178 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 received their contracts for the next season during the winter months. In March, 1899, wood choppers, both white and Indian, were reported every 15 miles along the river between Holy Cross and Nulato.^* As river traffic increased, so did the prices paid for wood and the Indians of the lower Yukon were not always as gullible and unso- phisticated as they may have been when steamers and their fuel re- quirements were a relatively novel experience. Indians understood the use of money and in disposing of wood and other products of the environment usually demanded and received at least part of the pur- chase price in cash. In describing a trip made on a non-company boat in the late 1890's, one observer noted that at the missions and trading posts the Indians were more likely to demand cash for their wood, while in remote wood camps or summer fish camps they could be paid in trade goods. At these camps, sugar and tea were always in great demand and could be traded at the rate of four cups of one or the other for $1.00. Calico was also accepted by the Indians at 25C: per yard.^^ The prices actually paid for wood during the early years of the century seem to have varied considerably and may have been deter- mined by the time of the year, as well as many strictly local factors. It stands to reason that the large transportation companies would make sure, by means of contracts, their own wood yards, and other previous arrangements, that they did not get caught short or be forced to pay what they may have considered to be exorbitant prices. Independent operators, on the other hand, probably found it virtually impossible to avoid emergencies. By 1900 the price paid per cord usually averaged no less than $4.00 to $5.00 if the Indians sold direct to the steamers. However, in the winter and spring of that year, Anvik villagers cut more than 500 cords and at times during the following summer they received as much as $10 per cord. The missions themselves frequently ob- tained contracts with the major transportation companies and thus competed with the local traders in purchasing wood from Indian and white axmen. In 1903 the Roman Catholic mission at Holy Cross held a contract with the N.A.T. and T. Co. to supply 100 cords of wood at $6.00 per cord. Most, if not all, of this wood was cut by students in the mission boarding school.^* Elderly Ingalik Indians today recall vividly their years as wood- choppers during the first two decades of the century, primarily 179 180 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 because it usually constituted their first sustained contact with white men and provided virtually the only means of obtaining a cash income. Since, as we have seen, fur trapping declined seriously even before the turn of the century, the exchange of wood for cash and/or trade goods became increasingly important to all Ingalik family heads and their older male children. One old man, a resident of Shageluk on the Innoko until his death in 1973, remembered going to Dikeman as a young man to cut wood. He usually was paid $6.00 per cord and if he worked hard, he could cut one cord in a day. As an old man in 1972, however, he paid $30 a cord for wood cut and brought to his cabin by younger villagers. About 1903 many steamers converted to oil which was brought from California and stored in huge tanks at various points along the Yukon. The Northern Commercial Company, for example, imported 50,000 barrels annually to St. Michael from which point it was con- veyed by barge to the various river stations. One of these, after 1911, was located at the mouth of the Innoko across the river from Holy Cross. However, wood burning steamboats were never com- pletely replaced by those that burned oil and as late as 1941 vessels belonging to the Alaska Railroad used wood for fuel. Just as in the days of the gold rush, it was cut primarily by Indians and purchased from traders who were given contracts to deliver it at various stops along the river. ^^ Although alternative forms of employment and income were available to the Anvik-Shageluk IngaUk following the discovery of gold in the Klondike region, the local trading posts still maintained their position of importance in the Indian communities, irrespective of whether the traders held wood-cutting contracts. Trapping con- tinued to occupy the men during much of the winter and spring. As with earlier periods, exact figures concerning the extent of the fur trade are lacking, but indications are that the decline which began in the 1880's and 1890's continued. As early as 1918 government restrictions were placed on the taking of certain fur-bearing animals, particularly beaver and marten, two of the most important animals trapped along the lower Yukon and its tributaries. At Anvik in 1918 there were two traders, but both carried very small stocks and one left the village after losing 300 cords of wood and his buildings in a flood.^" Of course, by that time river traffic had declin- ed and the Indians were forced once again to rely primarily on income derived from trapping. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 181 Shortly after the turn of the century, the Alaska Commercial Company withdrew its post from Anvik and from then on that com- munity, as well as others in the Anvik-Shageluk area, was served ex- clusively by independent traders. Many of these were former miners who settled in the country permanently. Although there was always at least one trader at Anvik and Holy Cross, other communities, particularly on the lower Innoko River, were occasionally without a resident trader. One such independent trader, George Pilcher, set- tled first at Paimiut on the Yukon below Holy Cross in 1900 and then moved to Shageluk in 1910 because there was no trader there. He remained in that community until 1913 when he sold out to James Walker of Holy Cross. Pilcher's relationship with the Indians at Shageluk was characterized by a minimum of communication and good will. In fact, he did not appear to feel that his relations with the Indians were of much consequence even though his living depended on them. He had little comprehension of their motivations and never could understand why at times they were willing to cut wood for him, but at other times refused and demanded credit instead. Pilcher's major complaint, a classic one for traders in Indian communities, was that his customers often took their furs elsewhere in search of higher prices, but always came to him when they were in want. The amount of furs which Pilcher took in v£U"ied greatly. When he first came to the village, he obtained a sizeable number because there had been no trader in the community for a while. Later he considered it fortunate if he took in as much as $20 or $30 worth of fur in a day's trading. Most of his cash business was done in mid-winter during the season of ceremonial dances and feasts. At that time, the Indians were anxious to cut wood so that they could earn money and credit enabling them to invite residents of other villages for important social and religious events.^' Pilcher's experiences at Shageluk were probably tj^ical for the area in the early years of the century. At all posts on the lower Yukon the Indians were coming to demand a cash price for their furs, game, and other items offered to the traders. However, it is equally true that they seldom received full payment in money for their goods. Cantwell gives as an example an Indian with a bearskin to sell. He took it to the trader stating he wished to receive $10 for the skin. The trader agreed to the price, took the skin, and then asked the seller "what he will have." A list of trade goods was made up with the assistance of the trader and when filled, there was seldom any 182 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 change coming to the Indian for his $10. As Cantwell pointed out, this method of trading satisfied the Indian's desire to transact business on a cash basis, but at the same time by placing a fictitious money vcdue on the production of his labor, sometimes effectively prevented the purchase of his goods by outsiders, say miners or visiting steamboat passengers, for cash. Cantwell believed that of the articles offered for trade, those most in demand by the Indians of the lower Yukon were staple groceries, particularly flour, tea, sugar, lard, baking powder, and bacon. Also greatly desired were calico, drilling, and cheap clothing, including shoes, hats, and stockings. Around the white settlements he noted a rapidly increasing trade for bright colored skirts for the women, shirts and neckties for the men, and any kind of cheap jewelry for both sexes. The men greatly desired watches and, of course, such useful items as repeating rifles and shotguns, canvas to make tents, sheet-iron stoves, cooking utensils, cross-cut saws, and soap. For the women, scissors, needles, and thread were in demand, as were cooking utensils. At Anvik, the latter replaced pottery which was no longer made after about 1910. In late spring at the beginning of the fishing season, there was considerable demand for twine out of which to make gill nets, and for mosquito netting. One can well imagine that the latter was a par- ticularly welcome innovation on the lower Yukon. Straw hats were one of the novelties that appeared to be gaining favor in Cantwell 's time.^^ Around the missions, dark-hued fabrics were much preferred to the brighter colors for clothing and small beads for embroidery were also extremely popular. At least one observer in the first decade of the century believed that most of the manufactured clothing offered for sale to the Indians was cheap and shoddy, and that other trade items consisted primarily of "glittering and noisy trash" specifically manufactured for the native trade." Tobacco was used by both sexes, the kind known to the trade as Indian leaf being the most popular. By the early 1920's most famihes at Anvik owned phonographs and purchased as many records as they could afford.^"* In exchange for these trade goods, Ingalik men offered for sale furs, moose, caribou, and bear meat, as well as spruce hens, ptar- migan, dried salmon and other fish. They also made snowshoes, sledges, toboggans, and, very infrequently, birch bark canoes. In fact, the sale of caribou and moose meat to individual miners, the crews of steamers, as well as to the trading posts was without doubt a particularly important source of income for the Ingalik. As VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 183 we have noted, caribou were scarce in the Anvik-Shageluk area at the end of the 19th century, but it is possible that they then began a modest comeback. Holy Cross Mission diaries refer frequently to successful hunts between 1902 and 1904, but there are far fewer references to such hunts between 1904 and 1908.^^ Brief comments concerning the scarcity of caribou between 1908 and 1917 also occur in other sources.^^ Moose, abundant in the late 19th century, may have remained so until about 1915 when they again became scarce." The sale of meat to whites on a large scale may have been a signifi- cant factor in the population reduction of both species between 1910 and 1920. Ingalik women made moose hide moccasins and gloves and mit- tens decorated with beadwork for exchange or sale. Also offered were fur caps and socks, greatly valued by whites spending the winter in the area, as well as a variety of small articles such as bead- ed watch fobs and purses which were valuable only as curios.^^ De- mand for these articles, of course, varied from year to year and at different times of the year, but throughout the gold rush period, which in the Anvik-Shageluk area extended almost until 1920, there was a considerable and steady market for all kinds of objects of native manufacture. A fishing innovation that was widely accepted by the Anvik- Shageluk Ingalik during this period, and that had important im- phcations for trade, was the fish wheel, introduced in Alaska on the Tanana River in 1904.^^ This fishing device consists of two wire mesh dippers attached opposite each other on a single axle which, in turn, is mounted on a log raft. The raft is anchored in the river chan- nel and the current propels the dippers. Fish swimming upstream within reach of the dippers are Hfted out of the water and sUde down a chute into an open box at the side of the raft. Fish wheels operate satisfactorily only in areas where the fish swim near the surface, the current is strong enough to propel the dippers, and the water suffi- ciently muddy so that the dippers cannot be seen by the fish. Under these favorable circumstances, a fish wheel can operate continuous- ly without attention except that driftwood and other debris must be cleared away from the dippers occasionally. Fishwheels were in general use by the Ingalik by 1913 or 1914, but they apparently did not replace traps immediately.'^ Residents of Anvik today recall that wicker traps were still in use during summers into the early 1920's. 184 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 The introduction of the fish wheel changed summer settlement patterns to some extent as the families sought good locations for their wheels, locations that often were not suitable for traps and nets. Also changed, of course, was the amount of labor required to fish for salmon. More important than either of these changes, perhaps, were alterations brought about in the division of labor. With the fish wheel, men could catch many more fish than previous- ly with less effort and in far less time. Women, on the other hand, had to work harder because there were more fish to prepare at one time. The wheels occasionally had to be stopped to give the women an opportunity to catch up. At the close of the fishing season most of the Indians sold at least a portion of their salmon catch to the traders, sometimes to the ex- tent of leaving their families and dogs without provisions. As a result, they were occasionally forced to re-purchase dried salmon late in the year and at a high price, paying for them with the pro- ceeds from their winter trapping or other sources. The sale of salmon in the late summer frequently served to liquidate a man's debt to the trader who had extended him credit earlier in the year. During the gold rush period and later, there was always a wide de- mand for dried salmon for dog food in winter and traders could dispose of the commodity without any difficulty."' When some river steamers first began to use oil for fuel, many In- dians and whites on the Yukon believed that leakage caused a decline in the salmon run." In the summer of 1919, at the height of a severe influenza epidemic, the salmon run was one of the poorest on record and in many villages the Indians were forced to kill their dogs. SuppUes of dried fish were scarce the following winter and the price rose as high as 35

> 2 a < < ■1^ S ea ■Si) n o a> m 3 3 a O o ffl i -u IN < ^^ i s < g au'^ 188 3 O JG U) O 189 190 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 do if they got a late start upriver from St. Michael, the passengers and crew visited in the community and interacted with Indians and mission personnel. One suspects, however, that they interacted more frequently with the mission than with the Indians. In 1898, at the height of the gold rush, three or four parties of gold seekers, attempting to ascend the Yukon in small boats, wintered at Anvik and many also stopped for extended periods near the Holy Cross mission. In the diary of the latter institution for January 1 to October 31, 1898 there are frequent references to miners passing through the area. Many of these were ill-equipped for the long trip to the Klondike and were sometimes destitute by the time they reached the villages of the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik, still a long way from the gold fields. Both the Anvik and Holy Cross missions often cared for destitute and ill miners and, as a result, Chapman believed he should have extra personnel and supplies simply to deal with the problem. The winter of 1901-1902 was a particularly cold one with a recorded low of -62°F at Holy Cross in January. Mission records report that some miners perished from the cold that winter, while others arrived at the mission suffering from frostbite and malnutri- tion. Obviously, these needy individuals could not be turned away and there is no record that any ever were.^^ During the Innoko and Iditarod gold rush, a greater number of whites remained more or less permanently in the area. As in earlier years, many miners passed through the villages and as many prob- ably came down the river from Fairbanks and other interior com- munities as came up from St. Michael. An elderly present-day in- habitant of Anvik, who spent most of his youth in a fish camp south of the mouth of the Grayling River, remembers, as a small boy dur- ing the summers of 1908 and 1909, watching from the river bank in fascination as boat after boat, usually drifting or propelled only by oars, passed his camp on the way downriver. Most of these poten- tial miners were looking for the entrance to Shageluk Slough, but many of them missed it and thus had to continue to the mouth of the Innoko and make their way upriver as best they could. At Anvik new settlers arrived in the neighborhood from time to time, some of them staying for several years. Men with families in particular preferred to settle in the vicinity of the mission where their children could attend school.^'' Indian interaction with these white visitors and residents, however transitory, continued to be an important acculturative factor and, in fact, Anvik residents practic- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 191 ed some sharp trading on their own. Chapman lamented the fact that his parishoners were often able to secure equipment and sup- phes from destitute Innoko miners at bargain prices because of the latter's desire to obtain some money and get out of the country as quickly as possible.^^ The presence of miners and other whites in the vicinity of Indian villages was, however, sometimes viewed with alarm by mission personnel. At Anvik, Chapman seemed to welcome them and believ- ed that his parishoners had successfully resisted most of the bad habils that were introduced, particularly the buying or making of alcoholic beverages, even though both liquor and the ingredients for its manufacture were available from visitors and occasionally from traders. In 1914, however, Hudson Stuck noted that the dechne in mining had detached a number of the less energetic men from the search for gold and had led them to attempt to make a living by trapping. He believed that the already depleted number of fur- bearing animals was thereby further reduced to the detriment of In- dians attempting to make a Uving from the same resources. As for the illegal sale of Uquor to the Indians, he felt that little could be done to prevent it as long as there were only six deputy United States marshals on the entire American Yukon and a minimum of local interest in the enforcing of laws of any kind. Reputable whites in the various villages could not be persuaded to accept the low-paid office of justice of the peace, even though by doing so they might be able to prevent traders from allowing the back rooms of their stores to be used for drinking and gambling. This type of activity eventual- ly developed into a serious problem for the Holy Cross Mission.*^ Concerning relations of a personal nature between the miners and Ingalik women, there is little reliable information. Presumably few transient whites took wives in the Ingalik area, although it would be surprising if they did not leave at least a few mixed-blood offspring. It is significant, however, that the mission records make no mention of mixed marriages or relationships outside of marriage. There are, of course, obvious mixed-bloods in the present day Ingalik popula- tion, but for the most part they are the descendants of traders or lay mission employees who were resident in the area for many years. By 1920 most of the gold mining activity adjacent to the Anvik- Shageluk area had subsided completely. Seasonal mining by highly mechanical methods was still carried out along the tributaries of the Innoko River, but for all practical purposes the effect of these ac- 192 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 tivities on the local inhabitants was minimal. Following the gold rush, the many steamboats that had formerly plied the river were left on marine ways at St. Michael, Nenana, Dawson, and Whitehorse, or simply abandoned in sloughs where they last wintered. Demand for river transportation all but disappeared. The Alaska Railroad, running from Seward to Fairbanks, was officially completed in July, 1923 and the line took over the remaining few boats. Completion of the railroad caused the traditional flow of river traffic to be reversed. River boat service by the railroad was in- augurated in 1924 with freight being transferred to the vessels at Nenana and transported to various Yukon communities as far down the river as Marshall in the delta area." Although this new combination rail and river route to the lower Yukon had the potential for providing better service to the area than existed at any time in the past except for the very height of the gold rush, the lower sections of the Yukon were considered to be among the most isolated in all Alaska. In a government report published in 1924, the vast stretch of country contiguous to the Yukon between Tanana and St. Michael was described as an unpeopled area with abandoned mining camps and without "im- mediate promise." Except for the boat service from Nenana to Holy Cross and Marshall, provided by the Alaska Railroad, this report continued, the Yukon country would be "wholly cut off from settled Alaska and the outside world. "^° As noted earlier, the steamboats operated by the Alaska Railroad burned wood and continued to do so until the Second World War, although there were seldom more than two boats in service at one time. In 1933 a new steamer, the Nenana, was put in service and made eight trips each season to villages along the river. This meant, for most communities, a boat every two weeks. During the war, the railroad put two more steamers in service making a total of four operating out of Nenana each year. All vessels were converted to crude oil to save fueling time and the boats mainly served the various military establishments along the river. This meant that the Indian villages did not benefit from the increased service and the cutting of wood for fuel for the vessels came to an end. In 1953 two diesel-powered tow boats were put in service to replace the old stern- wheelers, and by this time bush air fields had been built in most villages; the mail and light freight was carried by air.*' Only heavy freight for the trading posts continued to be brought down the river by boats. At the present time, the villages of the lower Yukon VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 193 receive two visits each year from the river boats; in early summer and early fall. Air service, bringing both freight and passengers, is available to most villages two to four times a week. Notes 1. Jett^, Notes on the history of Alaska. OPA/Jett^, box 3; Osgood, 1971, pp. 8-10. 2. Redmond, 1891, p. 625; Dunham, 1898, pp. 396-397; Chapman, 1931a, p. 244; Wickersham, 1938, p. 469. 3. Chapman, 1948, p. 113. 4. Chapman, 1931a, p. 395. 5. Harrington, 1918a, p. 56; 1918b, p. 340. 6. King, 1908, p. 110; Maddren, 1909, pp. 238-239. 7. Sleem, 1910, pp. 376-377; Maddren, 1911, pp. 237-238. 8. Maddren, 1910, pp. 24-26. 9. Sleem, 1910, pp. 376-377; Maddren, 1911, pp. 240-241, 266-267. 10. King, 1908, pp. 111-112. 11. Maddren, 1911. pp. 240-241; Eakin, 1914, pp. 34, 39. 12. Report of the Governor of Alaska for 1920, vol. 2, p. 26; Caughrean, 1942, p. 7. 13. Stuck, 1911, pp. 488-489. 14. Chapman to Wood, Feb. 3, 1910. ECA/Alaska papers, box 16, Chapman letters. 15. Rowe, 1899, pp. 355-360. 16. Koserefsky Records. OPA/HCM, box 5. 17. Harrison, 1907, p. 217; Kitchner, 1954. p. 217. 18. Andrews, 1911, p. 7. 19. CantweU, 1902, p. 141. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid., p. 134. 22. Harrison. 1907, pp. 222-223. 23. Dunham, 1898. p. 399. 24. Porter, 1893. p. 123; Russell, 1895, p. 148; Dunham. 1898. p. 399; Kitchner. 1954, p. 99. 25. Dunham, 1898, p. 404. 26. HCM diary, Feb. 2-Dec. 31, 1897. OPA/HCM, box 2; Diary of Holy Cross Industrial School for Boys, Sept. 5, 1898-May 23, 1899. OPA/HCM, box 2; Cantwell, 1902, pp. 70, 144; Kitchner, 1954, p. 99. 27. Dunham, 1898, p. 70. 28. Lucchesi to Provincial, Sept. 13, 1903. OPA/Lucchesi; Chapman, 1900, p. 8; Richardson, 1900, p. 745. 29. Harrison, 1907, p. 217; Andrews, 1911, p. 7; Kitchner, 1954, pp. 112-113; Adams, [1968?]. 30. Chapman to Wood, July 29, 1918. ECA/Alaska papers, box 17, Chapman letters. 194 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 31. Pilcher diaries. UA. 32. Cantwell, 1902, pp. 153-154. 33. Stuck, 1917a. p. 361. 34. M. S. Chapman to Condick, Dec. 3, 1923. EGA/Alaska papers, box 19, Ghapman letters; Herron, 1901, p. 70. 35. HGM diaries, May 13, 1902-July 16, 1904; July 17, 1904-July 26, 1908. OPA/HCM, boxes 2-3. 36. Maddren, 1910, pp. 29-30; Harrington, 1918b, p. 338; Mertie and Harrington, 1924, p. 86. 37. Harrington, 1918b, p. 338; Mertie and Harrington, 1924, p. 86. 38. CantweU, 1902, pp. 153-154, 224. 39. Gilbert and O'Malley, 1921, pp. 143-144. 40. Chapman, 1913, p. 50. 41. Gilbert and O'Malley, 1921, pp. 143-144. 42. Chapman to Emmons, July 29, 1904. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Ghapman papers. 43. Stuck, 1920, p. 320; Gilbert and O'Malley, 1921, p. 147. 44. Chapman to Pierson, Nov. 22, 1918. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Chapman papers. HGM diary, Jan. 1, 1913-Jan. 30, 1919. OPA/HCM, box 3. 45. Rickard, 1909, p. 296. 46. Report of the Governor of Alaska for 1911, vol. 2, p. 513; 1912, vol. 2, pp. 567-568; 1913, vol. 2, p. 579; 1914, vol. 2, p. 413; 1915, vol. 2, p. 532; 1916, vol. 2, p. 465; 1917, vol. 2, p. 472; 1918 vol. 2, p. 597; 1919, vol. 2, p. 506. 47. Sabine, 1898, p. 459. 48. Henderson, 1898, p. 132. 49. Priestly, 1912, p. 248. 50. Cantwell, 1902, p. 212. 51. Chapman and Sabine, 1900, p. 543. 52. Osgood, 1940, pp. 290-302. 53. Cantwell, 1902, p. 214. 54. Chapman to Langford, July 18, 1890. EC A/ Alaska papers, box 15, Chapman letters. 55. Koserefsky Records,OPA/HCM, box 5; HGM diary, Jan. 1-Oct. 31, 1898; Diary of the Holy Gross Industrial School for Boys, Sept. 5, 1898-May 23, 1899. OPA/HCM, box 2; Chapman, 1899a, pp. 460-461; 1931a, p. 395; 1948, p. 120; Hickman, 1960, p. 35. 56. Ghapman to Wood, Oct. 3, 1910. EGA/Alaska papers, box 16, Chapman letters. 57. Chapman to Kimber, June 16, 1902. EGA/Alaska papers, box 15, Ghapman letters. 58. Chapman, 1911a, p. 447; Stuck, 1914a, pp. 2, 4, 6; 1914b, pp. 188-189, 191. 59. Adams, [1968?]. 60. Report of the Secretary of the Interior for 1924, pp. 111-113. 61. Adams, [1968?]. VII THE MISSIONS, GOVERNMENT, AND RAPID CULTURE CHANGE: 1896-1935 Decline of the Russian Orthodox Church On the Yukon As the 19th century came to an end, neither the Roman Catholics nor the Episcopahans experienced much competition from the Rus- sian Orthodox Church. Zachary Belkhov served at Russian Mission and St. Michael until 1895 and, two years later, was replaced by Jacob Korchinsky who remained until 1901. In that same year, the chapel at St. Michael was consecrated as a church and, although it became increasingly important as the center of Orthodox activity, Russian Mission was not entirely eclipsed. The significant factor seems to have been the presence of Hieromonk Amfilokhii whose residence served as the administrative center of the mission. He was assigned to Russian Mission in 1901 but after 1909 lived most of the time at St. Michael, serving the church there until 1924. Nikifor Amkan, an Eskimo, was assigned to Russian Mission in 1906 and seems to have concentrated his activity on the lower river, seldom venturing upriver farther than Holy Cross except for occasional visits to Innoko River communites.' The Changing Role of the Missions— Episcopal In the summer of 1896 Bishop Peter Trimble Rowe made his first tour of the missions under his jurisdiction, which at that time numbered four. On August 1 he arrived at Anvik and in his annual report for that year he presented a vivid description of the mission, its activities and problems: Christ Church, Anvik is beautifully situated; more so than any other mission on the Yukon (of any church). It nestles on the side of a hill and on the bank of the beautiful Anvik River just where it empties into the Yukon .... The buildings are neat and comfortable. They consist of the chapel, schoolhouse, mission house, saw-mill, store-house, shop, cache, and a new building in the course of erection intended as a boarding school for boys. On the same side of the river as the mission, and just across the slough, are the log cabins of the 195 196 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Christian Indians. Mr. Chapman does not allow any to build and hve here unless they become Christians. Their cabins are clean and comfortable com- pared with those of the pagan Indians. They dress very well and are in- dustrious. Just across the Anvik, on a point, are the subterranean huts of some Indians still pagans. Here polygamy still hngers. These Indians are as filthy as their mud underground huts. They are but scantily clothed. The shamans still lord it over these people, and their influence is so great that the missionary finds it difficult and hard to overcome .... The contrast between these Indians and the Christian ones is very striking. Could he who questions the benefits of missionary work among such a people but see this contrast at Anvik, he would behold an object-lesson that would dispel his doubts and fire his humanity with resolution to support and propagate the missionary cause.^ Bishop Rowe, who served his church in Alaska for 47 years, was new to the work in 1896 and he certainly over-simplified the situa- tion at Anvik at that time. Even John Chapman would not have seen the contrast between "Christian" and "pagan" Indians in quite such black and white terms. Although most Anvik residents had moved to the mission side of the river by 1896 and Chapman doubtless hoped that mission influence had played some role in their decision to do so, the fact is that very few individuals had, at that time, wholeheartedly accepted Christianity and abandoned what re- mained of their traditional beliefs. The original mission land, purchased by Parker and Chapman in 1888 and amounting to approximately 172 acres, was officially surveyed in 1906. For a number of years the mission charged a rent of $1.00 per year for each person or family owning a cabin on mis- sion ground. The main purpose of this charge, apparently, was to estabhsh the fact that the mission owned the land and had the legal right to exclude undesirable tenants if the need to do so should ever occur. There is no indication, however, that this was ever done nor have Indians ever questioned the mission's legal purchase of the land. Charging rent also prevented families from acquiring legally recognized squatter's rights.^ The mission always derived a certain amount of satisfaction from the fact that not long after 1900, the entire village of Anvik was on land belonging to the church. At various times in the past, people moved off church land in an attempt to escape the ravages of epidemics, but they always moved back again. The fact that the trading posts were always on mission land doubtless contributed to the desire of the villagers to return. In recent years at least, the fact that the mission in a sense "owned" the village, definitely hindered the development of a sense of village cohesiveness and a willingness VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 197 to be responsible for the institution and maintenance of community services. Like the mission at Holy Cross, the Episcopalians at Anvik at- tempted gardening on a large scale. In the fall of 1911 the mission stored 2,200 lb. of turnips, 200 lb. of rutabagas, 550 lb. of potatoes, 50 lb. of beets, 25 lb. of carrots, and 150 lb. of cabbage. In addition. Chapman encouraged the Indians to plant their own gardens and gave them seeds each spring. Four head of cattle were acquired about 1905 and dried grass was collected for their feed during the winter. Although the yield of milk was considerable at first and a valuable addition to the diet of the children at the mission school, the Indians could not be persuaded to assist in giving the animals adequate care, and mission personnel could not effectively combine animal husbandry with their other duties. However, the mission garden continued to be productive for many years even though there was never as much ground under cultivation as at Holy Cross." The influence of the church, as distinct from general mission in- fluence, developed slowly in the community. Attendance at services was erratic and the number of individuals who could be counted on as regular communicants was almost always, to Chapman's way of thinking, disappointingly small; in 1903 there were only 10.^ But the challenge remained and throughout his many years of service, John Chapman was almost always equal to the efforts that the challenge required. Marriages, baptisms, and burials were part of the regular duties of the clergymen. Frequently, when serious family disagreements occurred, a couple would return their marriage cer- tificate and ask to be unmarried. In making an offering at Christmas for the work of the church elsewhere, the Indians were not able to give much cash, but frequently offered skins and items of native manufacture, such as beaded shppers and bags, and miniature dog sleds for which the mission could usually find a ready sale.® A visitor to Anvik at Easter in 1911 heard Chapman preach about the death of Jesus and the love of the Father. The missionary described the death of the two thieves and how Christ promised eternal life to the one who believed in him, a reward that was denied to the other thief. Chapman related this teaching to the so-called "parka feast," the Ingalik potlatch for the dead.'' He pointed out how love for their dead relatives and anxiety concerning the soul's health and comfort led to the custom of clothing and feeding the 198 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 dead through the medium of gifts to their surviving kinsmen. Chap- man explained how their own fear of cold and hunger gave rise to the concepts and noted that if his parishoners lived in a hot country where cold and hunger would not be dreaded, they would protect the souls of the dead from some other peril. This sermon, which Chapman preached in English with the assistance of an IngaUk interpreter, was apparently typical of his ef- forts to relate the teachings of Christianity to familiar aspects of In- dian traditions and Ufe. At the end of this particular sermon. Chap- man asked all those who accepted Christianity to stand up. The mis- sion children and workers stood together as did a large number of Indian women. A fewer number of men stood and those not stand- ing were asked to move to the back of the church. This seemingly unnecessary reaction on the part of Chapman caused several in- dividuals to leave in apparent anger. It would appear that at this time, when the mission had been established at Anvik for 24 years, there was a small core of believers, but still some suspicion and hostiUty on the part of many villagers.^ Nevertheless, by 1918 vir- tually all village parents sought baptism for their children whether or not they themselves were communicants.^ The initial success of gardening and stock raising at Anvik led Chapman, in 1906, to consider the possibility of moving the entire mission to the mouth of Grayling Creek because of the better water and fuel supply there. At Anvik, he noted, all the best land was oc- cupied by mission buildings and there were few remaining places where Indians could build their cabins except on the flat river bank where there was the possibility of flooding every spring. Chapman believed that Grayling was the only place between Holy Cross and Blackburn that was really suitable for an agricultural community. He also apparently believed that most of the village would move with the mission and that this would cause the people no particular heirdship as they had moved their village several times in the past, although always in the general area of its present location. In any event, all thoughts of such a move were abandoned the following year when gold was discovered on the upper Innoko and all whites, with the exception of the storekeeper, moved from the area.'" Chap- man decided that the move would be difficult if not impossible without the support and assistance of the small white population in his eu-ea. As might be expected, from the beginning of his work at Anvik Chapman experienced the most active opposition to his teachings VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 199 from the shamans who correctly perceived his efforts as a threat to their authority and prestige in the community. Although in the beginning the villagers found Christian teaching strange and were even amused by the church services, the main resistence was created by fear that if they appeared to follow Christian teaching, the shamans would find some way to hurt them. It is not surprising, therefore, that Chapman sometimes saw his problems in the village almost completely in terms of obstacles placed in his way by shamans and perceived himself as constantly in a virtual state of w£ir with these traditional practitioners." In 1901, after a visit to Anvik, Bishop Rowe wrote to the Board of Missions that the people were "still hardened in their superstitions" and that he was studying the situation in order to evolve some new methods and approaches by which he could break through their old ways.'^ In 1904 those Indians living near the mission voted in favor of a plan whereby they would become tenants of the mission with the understanding that "when any one of them should have demonstrated his intention and ability to clean up and care for suffi- cient land to keep a cow" Mr. Chapman would do his best to secure a clear title for him. This plan, which was clearly impractical and was never put into effect, was strongly opposed by the shamans and Chapman beUeved that the issue was really over the question "whether the shamans shall interfere with the people who wish to settle near us."'^ This event increased the polarization of the com- munity with the adherents of one particularly strong shaman, Nikolai Doctor, setting up a separate village about a mile from the mission. Thereafter, for several years mission personnel spoke of "our village" and "theirs."" For a while, the simplified factionalism seen by Bishop Rowe in 1896 seemed to have come true. Within a few years, however. Chapman had apparently achieved sufficient success to encourage his belief that he was gradually gain- ing the upper hand in his battle with shamanism. Just the following year, 1905, an event occurred that caused him much pleasure and encouragement. One of the mission's communicants was present in the kashim when a shaman mentioned that he had seen in a bowl that a calamity of some kind was impending. Those present urged him to try to interpret the nature of this event, but he answered that he could not divine as successfully as he had in the past because of the changes that the school and mission had brought about in the beliefs of the people. When these comments were repeated to Chapman he was, of course, ecstatic and predicted that the shamans c» —I s 'O Gi H C 0^ t 200 VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 201 were in danger of becoming a laughing stock and would no longer have the power "even to frighten our school girls."'* Indeed, in 1906 two shamans were said to have publically renounced their practice and acknowledged that they had deceived the people. However, the missionary was forced to admit that there had been an upsurge of shamanistic activity at the time of an eclipse of the moon in the fall of that year.'^ Chapman's successes and failures in the battle against shamanism alternately encouraged and discouraged him and although he occasionally enjoyed a major triumph, it is clear that mission influence, even as it was growing, did not result in the com- plete decline of the shamans' influence. In the summer of 1912 Hudson Stuck visited Anvik to attend a celebration honoring Chapman on the completion of 25 years at the mission. He noted that the shamans retained more authority and influence at Anvik than at any of the other Episcopal missions in Alaska. This observa- tion was doubtless p£U"tly a response to the disquiet and uncerteiinty created in the settlement by the eruption of Mt. Katmai which had taken place just prior to his visit."" In 1919 Nikolai Doctor renounced shamanism and accepted Chris- tianity, an event which caused great rejoicing at the mission. He was presumed to be the last of five shamans who had hindered the work of the missionaries for many years. '^ Nikolai Doctor may have been one of the last shamans to openly defy the mission. Shamanism continued, of course, its practitioners being more cir- cumspect in their activities and less willing to acknowledge their role to outsiders. In 1920 Elsie Clews Peirsons interviewed an Ingalik Indian from Anvik who was a student at the Hampton In- stitute in Virginia. This student had suffered from a severe case of influenza the previous year and, through a friend, sent $15 to an Anvik shaman "to have him visit me through his fox, the one who carries his messages." Earlier, when the same informant had volunteered to go into the army, a shaman wanted to tattoo crossed guns on his back but the informant did not want army doctors to see it. Finally, the shaman agreed to perform secretly to protect him.'^ As late as 1931, not long before Chapman's retirement, a reputed shaman died during an influenza outbreak and the villagers, after holding an "old time wake" for him, brought his body to the mis- sion. Some of the older people also wanted an "old time" funeral meaning that they wished to leave the coffin on the surface of the 202 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 ground. Chapman refused to officiate at a church service if this were done. As a result, the mourners decided in favor of Christian burial, including interment, and the deceased was buried from the church.^" church.^" The cycle of masked dances and ceremonies continued to be the focal point of Ingalik religious and social life and to create am- bivalent feelings in the minds of mission personnel. On the one hand, such ceremonies were considered wasteful in terms of food consumed and gifts distributed and, of course, generally inconsis- tent with Christian behefs. On the other hand, the missionaries were impressed with the solemnity and sincerity of the Indian par- ticipants and felt that in some ways, the ceremonies brought out much that was good in the Indian character. In commenting on one such gathering, Mrs. Chapman noted that It is an impressive sight when the little fleet of visiting canoes comes silent- ly up the river and stops within a few rods of the bank, the people waiting with bowed heads while the bereaved relatives and friends— or the important ones of the village— standing on the bank, go through fantastic ceremonies and motions to the sound of drums and sticks of wood beaten together." The villages of Holikachuk, Anvik, and Shageluk were closely bound together by the series of annual ceremonies held in each com- munity to which residents of the other two were always invited. Other communities on the Innoko as far upriver as Dishkaket, and the Yukon villages of Holy Cross and Bonasila were also included. According to one source, some ceremonies were not held at Anvik as early as 1905 and it is clear that mission influence was the reason." Writing in 1919 Chapman noted that ceremonies "propitiating the spirits of animals, etc." were being observed with less regulcuity. He believed that this was due primarily to resistance on the part of the younger generation who, as wage earners, bore the burden of support for the ceremonies." As late as 1926, however, the Anvik people are described as "dancing their lives away" each winter and constantly turning to the mission for assistance when their supplies of food ran out." Parsons' informant told her that the missionaries were informed that ceremonies for the dead were merely social feasts carried out for the amusement of the people and it is certfdnly true that neither Chapman nor anyone else on the mission staff appeared to under- stand their religious significance. Nevertheless, at Anvik, at least, the old ceremonies did wither away and those that remained lost at least some of their religious connotations. Some were dropped VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 203 because they could no longer be performed fully and properly. At Shageluk and Holikachuk, however, a reasonably complete cycle of festivals persisted into the 1930's." Along with the ceremonial cycle, other traditional beliefs and practices began to disappear rapidly around 1920. In 1919 Chap- man wrote about the annual run of lampreys which takes place in the late fall and, because the catch is unpredictable, was surrounded with restrictions concerning the means employed to take them. No one who had lost a relative during the previous year was allowed on the ice, and iron implements could not be used for taking the eel-like creatures. Older women were also prohibited from participating and it was forbidden to make shavings on the ice in the probable direc- tion of the run. By 1919, according to Chapman, all these restric- tions were disregarded, although old people occasionally murmured when the young men opened the fishing holes with a miner's pick." Parsons' informant mentioned a number of traditionfd practices that were apptirently still carried out in the early 1920's. An ax-head was placed on the body of a new bom baby boy for a certain number of days, but it was quickly removed if a white person came into the house. Like other northern Athapaskans, the Ingalik appeeir to have practiced a Umited form of the couvade. The father stayed indoors during the first 20 days after the birth of a child and did not touch any objects made by white people, particularly items made of iron or steel. As in the early days of the mission, birds were plucked and animals skinned and disemboweled before they were sold to the mis- sion, and the meat of bears and lynx was not sold to white people." It will be recalled that both the Episcopalians and the Roman Catholics became interested in the inhabitants of the Innoko River early in the history of their respective missions and, in fact, were ac- tively competitive in that area. A priest of the Russian Orthodox Church £dso visited the Innoko villages more regularly than he did those on the Yukon. As early as 1896 Chapman directed one of the pupils from the mission school to visit the Innoko villages and try to stir up some interest in a school." In 1899 a church was built on the river at the request of the residents who volunteered their labor and were assisted by some Indians from Anvik. Chapman beheved that his efforts to missionize in this area were successful except in the community where, as we have noted, the Roman Catholics built a small chapel." About 1907 the Russian Orthodox priest visited the several small 204 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 villages and camps on the Innoko above Shageluk Slough and Chap- man went there in the summer of 1910 at the request of the in- habitants who numbered 12 families and 52 individuals. Prior to that time, neither the Episcopalians nor the Roman CathoUcs had contacted Indians living above the slough. In one of these small communities Chapman was surprised to discover that the people had built themselves a house of worship. The room is plain but neat and clean. At the end opposite the door there is a table, covered by a cloth, upon which a white cross is embroidered. Above the table, stretched across the end of the room, is a brightly colored strip of calico on which many devotional pictures are hung. These had been the possessions of those now dead and had been placed in the church as memorials. The people crossed themselves when they entered and when they left.™ Chapman informed his new parishoners that he visited them with the understanding that such acts as he might perform for them "should be considered as done for their own priest until they could see him and come to some understanding with him."^' Those Ingalik living on the Innoko below Shageluk Slough con- tinued to receive regular visits from the personnel of the Anvik mis- sion at least once a year and between 1905 and 1910 Chapman performed 27 baptisms and 16 marriages in this area. Gradually, the Episcopalians began to consider the Innoko as within their jurisdiction and although Roman Cathohc missionaries continued to visit the river for many years, they do not appear to have enjoyed great success. As early as 1911, Chapman estimated, perhaps op- timistically, that of the 381 individuals living at Anvik and in the lower Innoko villages only 14 persons comprising four families were Roman Catholics, while two or three famiUes acknowledged "doubt- ful allegiance" to the Russian Orthodox Church.'^ As we know, the Episcopalians maintained high hopes for their boarding school which had begun when Chapman took a few boarders into his home in the early days of the mission and was plac- ed on a firmer basis with the arrival of Miss Sabine in 1894. Almost from the beginning, however, they worried that the Holy Cross boarding school would attract students from Anvik. In 1896 Bishop Rowe expressed these fears to the chairman of the Alaska Commit- tee and noted that the school should be increased to "80 or 100 pupils" with a scholarship of $125 for each pupil. He also advocated that the policy of the Roman Catholics of obtaining boarding students anywhere along the river where they could get them should be followed at Anvik.'^ VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 205 Maintaining and expanding the boarding school as well as a day school was a constant struggle for the Anvik mission. In 1900 there were 18 boarders, 13 of which were girls. Chapman simply did not have time to work with a larger number of boys.^ The contrast be- tween the struggling Anvik school and the flourishing establish- ment at Holy Cross was a constant source of concern to Chapman and his colleagues. Not surprisingly, interaction between the two missions was frequently unfriendly. Writing in 1906, Chapman com- plained that the Catholic missionaries "deny the vcilidity of our orders, and assert to me that we have no authority to perform priestly acts."" He contrasted the small Anvik school, which in that year had only nine students and a staff of four, with the thriving establishment downriver. Chapman accused the Catholics of spreading the word that his mission did not want boarding students. Some of the boys and girls at Anvik had been to the Holy Cross school and when they returned, their influence on other village children was noticeable. Chapman was also disturbed because httle success had been achieved in attracting boarding students from the Innoko villages where he believed that mission in- fluence was strong.^^ Between 1903 and 1911 the average number of boarding pupils was about 12 and even in later years, that number was never greatly exceeded. Unlike the Holy Cross school, the An- vik boarding school continued to consist primarily of students from the village and nearby communities. The day school sometimes had as many as 25 students in more or less regular attendance.^^ At Anvik the boarding school had to be operated out of the annual mission budget, and although Chapman received official approval and encouragement for his educational efforts, annual appropria- tions seldom permitted the expansion of staff that was necessary to increase the effectiveness of the school. As late as 1918 Hudson Stuck, frequently a critic of his own church, wrote that the educa- tional effort at Anvik was neglected and the mission itself over- shadowed by the far more extensive Roman Catholic estabhshment. "Holy Cross and Anvik are about the same age. One has been fostered, cherished, and extended whenever opportunity presented. The other has been neglected, skimped and starved."^ Never- theless, it appeared to Chapman that the school graduaUy gained acceptance in the village and in 1918 he informed a correspondent that "the desirability of school is generally recognized."^ Whatever may have been the degree of recognition of the impor- tance of education at Anvik, there were aspects of mission boarding o m B o c < > 206 > •a D C es S o -a > o B o Si OS c D o OS 3 S OS •-9 C o :3 > -i < > T-H U .J m Oh ^ 207 i I I < § I o 208 3 O XI es a B 209 210 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Plate 19. Christ Church Mission children at Christmas about 1920 (Anonymous, 1928). school life that puzzled the Indians and conflicted with traditional beliefs and practices. Parsons' informant noted that mission boys were generally careless concerning the old rules. Elderly villagers were concerned, for example, when they saw boys go into the base- ment of the girls' dormitory since this was a violation of a strict rule, "for until a woman is old, she is, as we say, in an unfavorable state and she should never be above the head of a man."*° There also was a general feeling in the village that mission boys must be awkward in achieving secret sexual relations with young women. At the same time, the mission girls, according to this informant, were not generally desired as wives by the young men of the community. It was felt that such girls had lost their pride and since they were well taken care of by the mission, did not need to look ahead or con- cern themselves with the future. Also, of course, they could not be expected to conform to the old customs.^' The good Miss Sabine would doubtless have agreed concerning the matter of the old customs, but she would certainly have been shocked to know that her girls were not valued for their diligence and self-reliance. In 1927, following a severe epidemic of influenza at Anvik in the spring of that year, the Episcopal Church raised $11,000 for the mis- sion. This made possible the reinforcement of the staff with an addi- tional priest, a teacher, and a nurse.^^ By 1930 there were eight on the mission staff, more than at any other of the 27 Episcopal mis- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 211 sion stations and churches in Alaska." This was the high point of the mission in terms of village influence. John Wight Chapman retired in 1931 and was replaced by his son Henry who served at Anvik until 1948. The Depression reduced the mission staff to one man and his wife and throughout most of his tenure at Anvik, Henry Chapman had to maintain the school, minister to the villagers, visit neighboring communities, as well as maintain the post office which had been established in 1898 and take care of the medical work. In 1935 the boarding school, which had been operated more or less continuously for 48 years, was closed for lack of funds and the children returned to their homes or were placed in the homes of friends and neighbors.*'' As a result of his anthropological investigations in 1934 and 1937, Cornehus Osgood believed that the impact of the Episcopal mission had been considerable at first, but had weakened when expected changes for a better life did not take place. Some of his informants claimed that belief in the old ideas were weakened by the Christian church but without any effective replacement of faith. Osgood also believed that there was a certain nostalgia for the Russian Orthodox Church even though its priests had not visited Anvik for many years. The strength of the Roman Catholic Church at Holy Cross was recognized and people appreciated the care for the children by both missions."^ In 1903, John Chapman wrote as follows: "Regarding church membership, all these people are claimed as adherents either by the Greek (Russian Orthodox), the Roman Catholic or the Episcopalian Church. Their own recognition of their status is a different thing, and the prevailing tone at present can hardly be called Christian, although it is becoming more and more distinctly receptive to Chris- tianity."*® Twenty-two years later, not long before his retirement, his evaluation was not greatly different, only more resigned. "They (the Indians) still remain at heart very much heathens. I think, however, that it is true that they look upon us as their friends."*' As early as 1934 the mission attempted to convey to the Indians that they would have to take a larger share of responsibility for the church at Anvik. Otherwise they might not even have a clergyman,*^ a warning that was to become a reality, but not until 1967. However, the role of the mission had been paternalistic for too many years. Anvik residents failed to see the church as their church and, therefore, at a time when diminishing financial resources made it 212 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 impossible for the mission to maintain itself as it had for so many years, were unwilling to support it either with money or by assum- ing leadership roles. Throughout the United States, attitudes toward missionaries and missionary work have changed since the zealous days of Christian expansion in the 1880's. The decline and eventual collapse of the mission at Anvik made it clear to the Episcopal Church that mis- sion work should not be started or continued unless it can be taken over and carried on by local leadership within a reasonable length of time. Otherwise, there is unending support from outside and conse- quent dependency. The Changing Role of the Missions— Roman Catholic In 1896 the Roman Catholic mission at Holy Cross was nine years old and had a staff of four priests, three lay brothers, and 10 sisters.^^ Although much larger than the Episcopal mission at Anivk and with a well-established boarding school, the Roman Catholics nevertheless experienced many of the same problems in their relations with the inhabitants of Koserefsky and, like Chap- man and his colleagues, frequently became discouraged and tended to view their progress as very slow indeed. The priests continued to complain that attendance at mass was low and that those who came did so only to obtain the food distributed; yet these "feasts" con- tinued to be an integral part of church services, particularly on religious holidays. At a service with instructions on Christmas day, 1898 those in attendance received a barrel of soup, cooked rice and beans, five sacks of bread, 20 heads of tobacco, 2 lb. of tea, and some candy.^" It is little wonder, therefore, that some Indians became highly opportunistic in their dealings with the mission. About this time the fathers refer ironically to a girl who was raised at Anvik by the Protestants, but later became a Catholic. She is described as "an infidel among the whites, a Protestant at Anvik, a Catholic at Holy Cross, a petty shaman at Paimiut, and a Russian at Russian Mission."^' The fathers continued to cross the Yukon almost daily to minister to the inhabitants of Koserefsky. Sometimes they were encouraged by small triumphs such as one that occurred in April, 1910 when several young women were allowed to leave their homes and attend mass even though they had just experienced their first menses and would normally have been expected to remain in seclusion." At other times when the priest went across to instruct the people, only VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 213 women and children would attend while the men remained in the kashim.^^ The diaries for the first decade of the present century are full of references to small defeats and triumphs like these. The fathers could also be vindictive, as when they refused food to a needy family because their children were not in school, or allowed a small girl to be buried "without solemnity" to teach her relatives a lesson since they "sang and danced" for the dead child." As at Anvik, those Indians who were converted to Christianity moved onto mission property and gradually a small village of log cabins grew up around the expanding mission buildings. Many of those Uving in the mission village were former pupils of the board- ing school. When they married, the mission frequently provided the young couple with a cabin and some supplies, and took a great deal of pride in these "practicing Christians." Boarding school girls were encouraged to mtury mission boys and settle on mission land so they would not be exposed to temptations of life in the village across the river." Some of the so-called good results which mission personnel saw in the new Christian native village were believed due to the fact that the mission owned the village and the Koserefsky Indians always had to ask permission to build there. Thus it was possible for the mission to keep out "undesirables."*' In July, 1903 a special subcommittee of the Senate committee on territories visited Holy Cross during a fact-finding tour of Alaska, Like other visitors, the senators were highly impressed with the gardens, the substantial log structures constituting the mission, and the behavior of the school children. They also contrasted the neatness and affluence of the mission with the "squalor and filth" of the Indian village." However flattering such a comparison might be to those who had worked so hard to estabUsh and build the mission, there were some who had already begun to worry. In 1902 Father Lucchesi had written that "the Indians are more and more separating into two moral and material camps. The good ones stay around the mission, the bad went to the other side to be out of our control. It is plain that there is in them a kind of opposition and dislike to us."^^ The Roman Catholics, Uke their Episcopalian colleagues, were am- bivalent about the feasts and dances that took place so frequently every winter. These ceremonies seem for the most part to have been regarded as non-religious and were seldom objected to by mission personnel unless they took place during Lent.*^ Although faiUng to 214 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 comprehend the religious or social significance of these ceremonies, the Jesuits did appreciate the excitement and pagentry that accom- panied an invitation from one village to another. This appreciation is apparent in a description of such a ceremony by Father Lucchesi: The Indians have feasts during winter as often as their means permit. They chop wood for the traders and when they have enough grub, an invitation is sent to the village they wish to invite. The messenger sent carries requests for certain presents which the invited party must bring with them, and these presents asked must be presented to the one demanding them. If they fail to do so, they are ridiculed in song. When the messenger arrives, all gather to hear what he has to say. In the inviting village, for several weeks everyone lives on dry fish, all meat being saved for the feast, and the money is spent on canned fruits and other delicacies; women busily engaged in making doughnuts, pancakes and bread. If one would sell meat to the traders, he would be considered stingy. In some parts of the country, the feasts begin in a very solemn manner. When the guests are coming they stop at a short distance from the village. It if is not too cold, the men leave the sleds in care of the women, and in single file, enter the village dancing and singing. There the receiving party forms two groups in front of the chief's house; the men stand on one side singing and the women on the other dancing. As soon as guests ar- rive in the village, the singing and dancing stop. The chief or one of the leaders comes forward to welcome them. In his speech he recalls the glories of days gone by, reminding them how the rivers and streams gave them fish in ^eat abundance, the forests their deer and the air their birds. Then they lived in the midst of plenty and there were no troubles. Joy fills his heart for this feast will be for him and his people a sweet remembrance of the past. The leader of the guests responds. A general hand shaking then takes place and the young men rush to bring the sleds to town, turning loose the dogs and car- rying sleds on shoulders, for these contain the gifts.**" Father Lucchesi missed the significance of the gift-giving and he apparently failed to see any special meaning in the Indians' longing for the past. Although he occasionally was more perceptive than some missionaries in the Anvik-Shageluk area, he never would have associated such a longing with the presence of his thriving mission estabhshment. Although the Jesuits may have been tolerant concerning ceremonies and festivals, they nevertheless experienced con- siderable difficulty in dealing with the shamans. A shaman living at Bonasila is first mentioned in the mission diaries in 1902 and fre- quently referred to thereafter as giving "trouble" to the mission. On occasion he is ordered to stay away from mission property. Finally, however, in August 1927 he was received into the church, certainly a major triumph for the Jesuits." A Koserefsky shaman, known as "Big Doctor," was a continual thorn in the mission's side, VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 215 sometimes appearing about to be converted, and other times in violent opposition. The priests were continually warning him not to pray for good weather at ceremonies, something he apparently was fond of doing. He died in April, 1907 but refused to see a priest at the end." The mission diaries are generally not explicit concerning the op- position of shamans to the church, nor did mission personnel seem to see themselves as locked in a personal battle with them as did John Chapman. Nevertheless, the Jesuits were fully aware of the ex- tent to which shamans could influence their fellow villagers and thus hinder the work of the mission. One such instance was the shamans' encouragement of the general discomfort which the peo- ple felt concerning the church custom of underground burial. There are many references throughout the diaries to the difficulties which the priests experienced in attempting to persuade the people to dig graves. Finally, the mission refused to provide lumber for a coffin unless relatives first dug a grave." As Father Lucchesi had anticipated in 1902, relations between the mission and the village deteriorated even as the former became more firmly established and influential. The diaries show that mis- sion personnel tended to draw an ever greater distinction between "our people" and "the other side." At first, "our people" meant on- ly those in the school and, even in later times of stress, the mission tended to fall back on that definition. As an increasing number of villagers became Catholics, it was then possible to draw a distinc- tion between the "good" Catholics, those over whom the mission could exert control (i.e., the school) and "others" or "the village," even though after about 1915 Koserefsky had ceased to exist and virtually everyone Uved on mission property and was at least nominally Catholic. One of the earliest sources of conflict between the mission and the inhabitants of Koserefsky concerned the handUng of mission sup- plies after the arrival of the annual Alaska Commercial Company supply steamer. The "village Indians" usually carried the supplies from the beach to warehouses, but occasionally they refused to do so if they considered their remuneration insufficient and the work had to be performed by the mission staff and school children.** These occurrences, which were apparently fairly frequent after 1900, must have caused considerable friction between the village and the mission. 216 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 At first the mission was extremely apprehensive about the com- ing of whites into the area and strenuously resisted what they con- sidered to be an intrusion on their private preserve. The earliest ex- pression of this feeling manifested itself with reference to the ques- tion of allowing a white trader to settle and do business on mission land. In September, 1903 the mission leased buildings to a Creole trader even though the priests did not like him and suspected him of scheming to bring a white trader to the area, something which the Indians apparently wanted very badly. The mission vowed that they would never allow whites to settle on mission land and the In- dians were angry because of this attitude. Later in the same year a white trader (unidentified in the diaries, but probably George Pilcher of Paimiut) came to Holy Cross to look the situation over. He had his goods with him and when he was treated in an unfriendly fashion by the Jesuits, he threatened to settle on the other side of the river. The mission, in turn, threatened to help "their" trader to undersell him. As a result, he prudently decided to return to Paimiut.^' Later, in 1908, the mission thwarted an attempt by some villagers to bring in a white trader. This goal was achieved by ordering a large supply of goods and starting a local man in business. Father Lucchesi, as usual more perceptive than his colleagues, remarked that "the In- dians were crazy for a white trader, and to tell the truth, it seems to me, that they feel too hard our dominion, and their affection for us is diminishing every day."^^ The mission may have been able to resist, for a while at least, the settlement of a white trader on their land, but events were about to begin that would bring large numbers of whites to live in the area and which the mission could not hope to resist successfully. The first of these challenges to the exclusive position of the Holy Cross Mission was the proposed construction, in 1901, of a railroad from Iliamna Bay to the Yukon. The Alaska Shortline Railway, as it was known, was to run from a port on Iliamna Bay to Iliamna Lake and Lake Clark, then up the valley of the Chulitna River. Although topographic data beyond this point was never clearly worked out, the Une was to travel generally in a northeasterly direction to a crossing of the Mulchatna River near its headwaters. From there it was to proceed to the head of a Kuskokwim tributary, possibly the Holitna, and then down that stream. From this point it was ex- pected to reach the Yukon near Holy Cross, traveling through the southern part of the Iditarod district. Although the route was pro- jected only as far as the Yukon, the promoters apparently envisaged VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 217 continuing up the Anvik River, across the portage to Norton Sound and thence to Council and Port Clarence.^' This ambitious project was intended to open the great inland region served only by circuitous water routes. The promoters, and many others at that time, considered the Yukon Valley to have great agricultural potential, but beUeved that development would be impossible without a rail connection to the coast. In October, 1901 a party of 20 men and a number of horses arrived at Holy Cross and set up a camp inside the mouth of the Innoko River at a place later to be referred to as Railroad City, but which was known at the mission and at Koserefsky as "the horse camp." Needless to say, the mission was very dubious about the camp and about the railroad itself. The entire development was viewed as a threat to missionary work primarily because of the increased exposure of the Indians to gambling, drinking, and the general moral laxity that was assumed to be characteristic of the camp and its inhabitants. Doubtless it did attract a great deal of attention and the Indians could be expected to pay frequent visits there. One suspects, however, that the horses and surveyors were as much an attraction as any evidence of easy living, since it is probable that both were still an exotic sight for most Indians even in those terminal days of the 1897 gold rush.s« The railroad survey party stayed through the winter, but the threat they seemed to represent never materialized. The proposed route, along with a number of others, was considered by the Alaska Railroad Commission, but was dismissed as being too far to the southwest to permit its use as a trunk line into the interior of the territory. A crude exploratory survey was carried out from Iliamna Bay nearly to the Mulchatna River, but there is no record of surveys having been accomphshed at the other end of the proposed route. In any event, the surveyors and their horses had departed from the camp at the mouth of the Innoko by the following winter. ^^ The discovery of gold on the upper Innoko brought many visitors to Holy Cross with requests for lodging and supplies. In September, 1909 the Northern Navigation Company frightened the mission by requesting permission to build a large store on mission property the following spring. "What will become of our school, and of our mis- sion with so much fuss?" fretted the diarist. Some kind of com- promise appears to have been reached and in July, 1910 the com- pany stationed a barge above the mission to be used as a store and a 218 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 hotel. In October of the same year an enterprising entrepreneur ap- proached the mission with plans for a "future town" at the mouth of the Innoko near the site of the former horse camp. He explained to mission personnel that he wished to draw a population of Indians from Holy Cross and offered as inducement a verbal contract for 1,500 cords of wood. The proposed town would have sidewalks, gardens, a big fishery, well-built houses, curio store, hotel, station for the Northern Navigation Company, and, best of all, regular contracts with the Indians. Needless to say, the mission strongly objected to this offer "to civilize our Indians in a commercial way" and even reacted coolly to his conciliatory promise to build a Catholic church at the new site. "In conclusion, he is told plainly that we don't like such things."^" These grandiose plans apparently fell through rapidly and by July, 1911 the anxieties of the mission were sufficiently relieved so that they raised no objection when the Northern Commercial Com- pany requested permission to put an office and tent hotel on mission property. True, permission was granted for one year only, but by the following year pressure for such concessions had pretty well disap- peared with the collapse of the boom on the Iditarod River.^' As apprehensive as mission personnel were about the coming of whites into the area, they were in no position to resist the gold rushes, particularly the stampede to the upper Innoko when Holy Cross became a transportation and communications center for the entire area. Although the Jesuits attempted to stake out their own private preserve, they gradually were forced to give way to "progress" and many secularizing influences which they feared would overwhelm them. Although the mission felt threatened by outside influences in the early years of the century, by 1920 they appear to have gained con- trol of virtually the entire area. By then, of course, Koserefsky had been abandoned and all householders living in the vicinity of the mission had to sign a paper acknowledging mission ownership of the land on which they lived. ''^ But all was not well nor was mission authority as absolute as the Jesuits perhaps hoped. In the previous year, a mixed-blood trader and his family had been "exiled" to Ghost Creek where a store and pool hall were soon opened that became a center of rebellion against the mission.^^ Dances were held at Ghost Creek and this disturbed mission per- sonnel almost as much as the gambling and pool. Writing in the mis- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 219 sion diary for January, 1921, a priest noted that as the present wave of 'gambling spirit' coupled with the craze for the white man's dance is working a lot of mischief among our people, we think it proper to give a severe admonition on the subject, with the warning that no unwilling residents are wanted here in our Holy Cross Village; furthermore ... we strict- ly enjoin to stop all playing for money, and anyone obstinately refusing to comply, wiU do well to go and build somewhere else, and is not worthy to receive the sacraments.'* Indeed, it was reported to the Jesuits that some young men were be- ing encouraged to spend all their time at Ghost Creek and to disobey their parents. Young couples were spending entire nights there playing pool and cards. At a meeting of all the women of the village, the mission urged them to take a pledge before the Blessed Sacrament to refrain from dancing and nearly all those present subscribed to the pledge. The priests and sisters were all agreed that Christian women should not participate in such dances and when the men of the village emphatically disagreed, there was much consternation among all concerned. Unable to take any really effective steps to establish their authori- ty at Ghost Creek, mission personnel eventually chose to ignore the proceedings there and the furor died down. Nevertheless, the mis- sion's influence with the people was eroded and, inevitably, secularism scored another triumph. Whether because of these events or not, the Jesuits softened their stand against the presence of a white trader on mission land and in August, 1922 rented a building to a trader from Paimiut.^^ Possibly they wished to under- mine the influence of the Ghost Creek trader by offering support to a competitor over whose activities they would at least have some control. Although relations between the mission and the villagers may fre- quently have been difficult, the Jesuits could always take pride in their school which continued to thrive and grow. In 1902, under the direction of two priests, five brothers, and six sisters, there were 42 boys and 46 girls from many different Yukon communities in the boarding school, each group divided into two classes. In the first were older students who had already made progress in the "ordinary branches of an elementary English book education." The boys in this group received, for the most part, manual, industrial, and farm work training, while the girls were primarily involved in housework and light gardening. The younger pupils made up a second class concentrating on Enghsh, mathematics, and other sub- CO < O 3 O OS o 220 VJ I o s o o 221 222 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 jects as well as light housework/^ The official report of the Commis- sioner of Education for 1902 had noted glowingly that "The school at Holy Cross with its flourishing gardens in summer is a veritable oasis in the wild desert of the Yukon, and few travelers pass without visiting it, and expressing surprise at finding such a progressive institution in such a inhospitable country."" In 1909 the boarding school had an enrollment of 90 and in 1914, 120/^ In addition to Indians from the Yukon villages as far upriver as Tanana, many Eskimo students from various villages throughout western Alaska were also enrolled. Although visitors to Holy Cross continued to be impressed by the orderly, highly train- ed, and well-disciplined school children, and enchanted with the pageants and recitations organized whenever outsiders arrived, there were, even at the time, critics of the Jesuits' educational efforts. Among these was a priest, Father Sifton, a member of the mission staff for about four years beginning in 1913. In an un- published report on the state of the mission he criticized the school quarters as being inadequate and noted a distinct lack of discipline among both boys and girls, a large percentage of whom moved away after finishing school and seldom saw a priest. Students suffering from tuberculosis were "herded together" with the healthy and the boys were poorly clad in clothes that were washed infrequently. The report goes on to criticize farming at Holy Cross as being poorly managed by incompetent people. The land had been worked too long and new and improved farming equipment was badly needed. ^^ Whatever may have been the validity of the severe criticisms con- tained in this report, the boarding school continued to flourish, at least in the minds of most staff members, church officials, and visitors. In 1927 there were 170 children enrolled and additional construction of buildings was necessary; throughout the 1930's and 1940's the mission with its church, school, convent, and gardens was still a showplace.®" However, eventually the Catholic Church began to feel the financial pressure of maintaining such an operation without local support. Old wooden buildings needed to be replaced just at a time when the cost of operations increased greatly. To make matters worse, the Yukon River began to cut into the mission gardens and a large sand bar which had formed upriver from the mission extended further down each year, eventually cutting off Holy Cross from the main channel and making it difficult to bring in supplies. As a result of these and other factors, the mission was VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 223 closed in 1957 and the school children transferred to the new Copper Vedley school near Glenallen which had opened the previous year."* It is difficult to evaluate the influence of the Roman Catholic Church on the Indians of the Anvik-Shageluk area. At various times the Jesuits complained that although all Holy Cross people were baptized, the attitude of many was one of indifference. In 1924 Father Julius Jette, stationed at Nulato but familiar with the entire lower Yukon, wrote that "years of Christian teaching have not yet eradicated the all pervading superstitions which influence the native's life in its minutest detail. . . ."" As at Anvik, however, the real problem was the mission's relations with the village and its failure to secure the support of its parishoners. Even nominal Chris- tians could see many advantages for themselves and their communi- ty in the mission and mission school. The "our village" and "theirs" distinction drawn by mission personnel throughout most of its ex- istence inevitably resulted in a lack of effective support by the com- munity when it was most needed. Illness and Medical Care The end of the 19th century, with its influx of miners and other whites, brought a pronounced increase in periods of severe illnesses in the Indian communities. The Holy Cross and Anvik mission staffs, together with others interested in Indian health and welfare, did their best to cope with the steadily increasing medical problems, but they were ill equipped to provide more than temporary allevia- tion. John Chapman received some medical training during a leave of absence in 1901, but, aside from Dr. Mary Glenton's three years at Anvik beginning in 1894, there were no professional medical practitioners on the lower Yukon until 1909 or 1910 when a doctor appointed by the Commissioner of Education was stationed at Nulato. However, he was seldom able to visit Anvik, Shageluk, or other lower Yukon villages." As for the Ingalik, they were baffled by the onset of a serious ill- ness that failed to respond to the traditional ministrations of the shaman. The missionaries, even those without formal medical train- ing, would treat the sick unless they found the shaman in atten- dance. Sometimes at Anvik, the patients would consult with the shaman and village elders before deciding whether to accept the missionary's treatment. Once acceptance had been decided upon, there was a tendency to believe that a single dose of any medicine ought to cure any illness immediately. When medicine failed to 224 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 achieve an instant cure, the patient frequently stopped following in- structions with regard to its use and either became totally apathetic or turned back to reliance on the traditional medical practitioners.^^ The years 1898 through 1901 constituted a period of almost con- tinuous severe illness on the lower Yukon. There were two minor epidemics of measles and one of mumps during the winter of 1898-1899 and then severe epidemics of measles, whooping cough, and particularly influenza in 1900-1901.^^ At Anvik, where 20 per- sons died in 1900, the mortality was less than in other villages, although 27 more died in the summer of 1901. There were no deaths in the school, but all the children were ill.^ In August, 1900 the steamer Nunivak stopped at Grayling where 65 Indians were camped, most of whom were suffering either from measles or in- fluenza, or both.^'' These epidemics of combined illnesses were far more serious at Holy Cross where 65 persons, nearly 50 per cent of the population, died. During the summer of 1900 there were some days when five or six persons died and so many were sick that few were strong enough to dig individual graves. Instead, long trenches were dug and the bodies placed on top of each other with only a board in between as there was no one to make coffins. Entire families were found dead in their houses.^^ One priest wrote that "you enter a tent and you see a man and his wife and three or four children and some infant lying on a mat, all half naked, coughing up bile with blood, moaning, vomiting, passing blood with stools and urine, with purulent erup- tions from the eyes and nose, covered with oily and dirty rags, all helpless, and wet and damp day and night. "^^ Between burying the dead and caring for sick school children, the fathers and brothers brought food and medicine across the river three times a day. In Oc- tober when a mission vessel was sent up the Innoko with relief sup- plies, 26 persons were found to have died at Shageluk and the other lower river communities.^" The mission boarding school was particularly hard hit by serious illness and at one point in the summer of 1900, only the fathers and one or two sisters were capable of caring for the sick. As for the children, the teachings of the mission seem to have been effective in an emergency. Some had an almost fanatical belief in heaven and were anxious to go there. "When a child noticed a companion near- ing the end, the stronger one would slip out of bed, come to the dying one and say, 'You come for me next.'"^' Although pleased at VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 225 the strength of the children's beHef, the fathers and sisters were somewhat taken back by this fanaticism and eventually decided it was not healthy and that there should be no more verbal anticipa- tion of death. The epidemics of 1898-1900 were said to have moved from village to village on the steamboats and the few attempts to impose a quarantine were almost completely unsuccessful. Since the Indians did not understand the nature of contagion, they were unwilling to curtail their normal traveling and visiting and this was probably as much a factor in the spread of disease as any other. Although the number of dead in the lower Yukon villages was considerable, of equal significance was the weakened condition of those who sur- vived. In the summers of 1899 and 1900 very Uttle fishing was done and as a result famine threatened for two winters. ReUef supplies promptly distributed by the military authorities at St. Michael were largely responsible for preventing widespread famine from taking place.^^ A serious epidemic of diphtheria which occurred in the area be- tween July, 1904 and March, 1905 provided another opportunity for mission personnel at Anvik and Holy Cross to encourage the establishment of an effective quarantine. At Anvik the Indians were sufficiently frightened by the number of deaths to move away from the main village and settle in camps during the winter of 1904-1905. However, they were not concerned enough to adhere to a quarantine which Chapman attempted to establish or to follow his suggestion that residents from other villages not be invited for the traditional festivals and ceremonies. For a while they agreed to limit the number of visitors to the village, but when the disease seemed to die down, more invitations were issued and received.^^ At Holy Cross the mission attempted to quarantine "the other side" and to discourage Innoko people, from which direction the epidemic was believed to have come, from traveling to Holy Cross. Mission personnel seemed to fear more than anything else that the Indians would accuse them of bringing the disease.^'' Obviously, as Chapman noted, what was needed was a health officer in the area to establish and enforce a quarantine.^^ Otherwise, there was nothing to prevent natives from the most infected houses from visiting other houses and villages, or, during summer, from mixing with the crowds that invariably assembled along the river bank in all the villages when a steamboat landed. By the time of the 226 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 diphtheria epidemic, however, the Anvik Indians were more inclined to apply to Chapman for treatment of their ills rather than to rely on traditional remedies and even the shamans, although still strong in many villages, sought help from western medicine when it was available. At Holy Cross the Jesuits believed, or wished to believe, that the epidemics of 1898-1900 had brought about something of a religious revival. They attributed this to the fact that the shamans could not protect themselves, let alone their clients, against infec- tion. At both Holy Cross and Anvik the people appeared to want a "genuine" doctor to visit them and in the latter settlement even promised to provide the lumber and labor necessary to build a hospital. A small hospital was constructed at Holy Cross in 1911.^^ As previously noted, a government doctor was stationed in Nulato about 1909 or 1910 and beginning in the latter year, nursing services were provided as well. The nurses were able to visit a number of lower Yukon villages, whereas the doctors were seldom able to do so.^'' In 1911 a doctor was appointed for Russian Mission and the lower Yukon. He made an extended visit to villages in the Anvik-Shageluk area that summer, the first time that residents of these villages had really received adequate professional medical at- tention. At Anvik during a stay of five days the doctor discovered four cases of syphilis and 20 of tuberculosis. Eye diseases were also very common.^^ That same summer a smallpox outbreak was reported in Dawson and Fort Yukon and the missions at Holy Cross and Anvik were provided with vaccine. Apparently, the disease was prevented from spreading to the lower Yukon.^^ Epidemics and other periods of severe illness at Anvik and on the lower Innoko between 1900 and 1914 caused a decline of 20 per cent in the population.**" During this period a good deal had been learned about preventive medicine by both Indians and mission personnel. In particular, the Indians' attitude toward the treatment of disease had modified considerably. When the shamans themselves came to the missionaries and school teachers for treatment, they could hard- ly expect to maintain their influence over the people, at least in this area. Thus when a severe influenza epidemic began in December, 1918 the villages were, to some extent, prepared for it. During that winter strict quarantines were observed and except for the monthly trips of the mail carrier, there was no travel between villages in the Anvik-Shageluk area. Toward spring the epidemic had decreased to the point where wood choppers could leave the villages for their VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 227 camps. Because of these precautions, the death toll from influenza was much less in this area than elsewhere in western Alaska."" Although quarantines similar to the one in effect in 1918-1919 helped to reduce loss of life, epidemics continued to occur at fre- quent intervals. In the spring of 1925 a destructive flood was follow- ed by an epidemic of influenza at both Anvik and Holy Cross, and in 1927 another outbreak of the same disease killed 27 adults in the Anvik area alone. The villagers were so frightened by this second outbreak in less than three years that many fled the parent settle- ment and established a new community called Lower Anvik about 2 miles downriver. This satelUte community was occupied until about 1935.>°^ Of less immediate concern than those epidemics that have been described, but perhaps a more serious long term medical problem, was the continuing presence of tuberculosis from which large numbers of Indians suffered throughout the period under discus- sion. In fact, it was not until after the Second World War that effec- tive chemotherapy programs were introduced to bring the disease under control. In the 1920's and 1930's reference to the presence of tuberculosis on a large scale in all the villages commonly occur in pubhshed and archival source material. The debihtating nature of this progressive illness weakened the Indians' ability to pursue modified-traditional subsistence activities and to cope with the problems created by a rapidly changing cultural environment. In the summer of 1924 a nurse was assigned to Anvik by the Episcopal Church and, although she stayed for only one year, there were nurses stationed at the mission more or less regularly thereafter into the 1940's.'°^ The federal government also began to accept some responsibility for providing medical care to the people of the lower Yukon. In his annual report for 1925, the governor of Alaska recommended purchase and equipment of a boat to be used as a floating clinic for summer work on the Yukon and its tributaries. This vessel, which was placed in service the following year, had a doctor and two nurses aboard and in the first summer more than 3,000 Indians were examined in many Yukon River com- munities. In addition to supplying medical aid, the crew also at- tempted rudimentary instruction in sanitation and hygiene. In 1928 a dentist was added to the crew. The floating clinic continued to operate annually into the 1930's at which time air transportation, at least on an emergency basis, was available to the inhabitants of most villages."^ 228 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Also in his report for 1925 the governor recommended the rehabilitation of an abandoned military hospital at Tanana. This hospital, operated by the Bureau of Education primarily for tuber- cular patients, was opened in 1926 and brought a resident medical staff closer to the Anvik-Shageluk area than at any time in the past.'"' These efforts by the federal government to provide medical services, together with increased efforts on the part of the missions, were remarkably effective. It will be recalled that between 1900 and 1914 there was a decUne of 20 per cent in the population of the Anvik-Shageluk area. During the period from 1914 to 1930 the decrease was less than 3 per cent in spite of influenza epidemics in 1925, 1927, and 1930."* Government Services and Programs in the Anvik-Shageluk Area Although both the EpiscopaUans and Roman Catholics began their educational efforts with the financial assistance of the U.S. Bureau of Education, it will be recalled that all federal assistance to church schools in Alaska was discontinued in 1895. Thereafter, the missions continued to provide day schools, but the real effort was directed toward boarding schools through which they hoped to in- crease their influence along the river. With such an emphasis, the day schools sometimes received little attention from the missions and occasionally were not held at all. This meant that some inhabi- tants of Koserefsky and Anvik received less educational benefits from the missions in their immediate vicinity than did individuals from other villages who happened to attend the boarding schools. The Bureau of Education, on the other hand, was primarily in- terested in day schools that would serve the residents of isolated In- dian and Eskimo villages in the same way as cities in urban areas are served by their public schools. Through the efforts of Dr. Sheldon Jackson, Alaska's first General Agent of Education, many day schools were started in native villages following the termina- tion of federal aid to contract schools. Public school teachers were sent to Koserefsky in 1901 or 1902 and conducted school in mission buildings. At Anvik, a public school was established in 1906 or 1907 and also utilized a building provided by the mission. The teacher during the first year was Miss Sabine and by November, 1908 there was another government teacher who was also a member of the mis- sion staff. It would appear that at least at Anvik, the concept of con- tract schools had been reintroduced by the simple expedient of mak- ing a member of the mission staff a federal employee during the VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 229 school year. In 1909 a school building was erected at Shageluk and classes began in the fall of the following year.'"' Although federal- and, later, state-supported education through the eighth grade has been a more or less regular feature of these Anvik-Shageluk area villages since the dates just mentioned, the schools themselves have enjoyed varying degrees of success. In the early days attendance was Ukely to be poor since there was no way that parents could be forced to keep their children in school. Although the teachers were frequently mission personnel, the mis- sions themselves seem to have taken their responsibility for the day schools lightly, preferring, as we have seen, to concentrate their ef- forts on the boarding schools that were firmly under their control. When federal school teachers were appointed, the success of their schools depended largely on their skills and willingness to devote many long hours to teaching and other work related to the school. When the teacher was highly professional, hard working, and anx- ious to maintain good relations with the community, the school was Ukely to be a success. Too often, however, the teachers, fresh from their own education or with experience only in urban areas of the United States, were ill-equipped to take over and run a bush school successfully. Under these circumstances, a school would languish to the detriment of the students and the community until, quite by chance, a more energetic and skilled teacher appeared on the scene. The lower-middle Yukon region participated marginally in another government program in Alaska, the reindeer industry. This program, operated by the Bureau of Education and begun in 1892 among the Eskimos of Seward Peninsula and more northerly regions, was one of Sheldon Jackson's innovations undertfiken with the idea of helping to place the economy of the Eskimos on a sounder footing. It was designed to help those people along the northwest coast of Alaska who depended heavily on sea mammals for subsistence and whose food supply had been seriously depleted by commercial whaling activities during the last half of the 19th century. As early as 1897 John Chapman expressed hope that the new reindeer program would be extended to the Anvik area."" His interest was apparently generated by a "trial trip" undertaken by personnel from the reindeer station on Seward Peninsula to the Kus- kokwim and Yukon valleys in late 1896 and 1897 in order to demon- strate the versatiHty of reindeer for travel in Alaska. The party, which passed through Holy Cross and Anvik in March, 1897 before 230 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 returning to the shores of Norton Sound by way of the Anvik River, experienced great difficulty in locating suitable food for the deer."* In any event, on Janueiry 1, 1901 the Bureau of Education signed an agreement with the Roman Catholic missions in Alaska whereby 100 deer were to be loaned to the mission station at Nulato. As pay- ment, the mission would return 100 deer corresponding in age and sex at the end of five years."" The first deer to arrive at Holy Cross came from the Nulato herd in late 1904 or early 1905. By 1907 the Holy Cross herd consisted of 335 animals, all but 100 of them being owned outright by the mission.'" In spite of this seemingly successful introduction of reindeer herd- ing to the Holy Cross area, the program was not viewed as a success by either the government or the mission and in 1908 plans were made to return the herd to the supervision of the Bureau of Educa- tion. The mission hoped to be reimbursed, but the Bureau refused to buy the animals and the mission retained ownership. The herd, however, was taken over by the government and managed by the government station at Mountain Village.'" The cause of the failure at Holy Cross was apparently the inabiH- ty of the superintendent of the herd to secure a single permanent In- dian apprentice to learn the exacting routines of close herding. This fact raised serious doubts in the minds of Bureau of Education of- ficials whether Indians would ever take to the reindeer industry even to the limited extent that Eskimos eventually did. Suggestions were made that attempts to extend the reindeer service to the in- terior should be abandoned so that efforts and funds could be con- centrated on establishing herds among the coastal Eskimos where a certain amount of success was being achieved.'" At some time between 1909 and 1914 the mission reindeer herd was returned to the Holy Cross area (if indeed it ever actually went to Mountain Village), and a reindeer camp was maintained on the lower Innoko. The herd consisted of 370 deer in the latter year, but the mission complained constantly about the cost of maintenance and about the danger to the morality of the Indians who were away from the mission for long periods and consequently not effectively under its supervision. The mission greatly desired to get out of the reindeer business and, if possible, retrieve their entire investment or at least persuade the government to pay the herders and provide supplies. However, the government would not agree to assume the financial responsibility. Although the mission wanted and needed 231 232 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 the meat for their students and parishoners, they would have much preferred to buy it directly from the government."" The Holy Cross herd continued to plague the mission for many years. At various times decisions were made to return it to govern- ment management or to lease it to private individuals. Some of these leasing arrangements were reasonably successful, but more often than not, neither party to the arrangement was satisfied."^ The critical Sifton report previously referred to attributed the dif- ficulties entirely to poor management and noted in particular that the Jesuits opposed the herd because it took the herders away from the influence of the mission."^ In the spring of 1930 many mission deer disappeared because of the negligence of the herder and could not be located. The herd lingered on until the late 1930's before the last animals either wandered away or were killed by predators."^ In spite of John Chapman's early enthusiasm for the reindeer pro- gram, the Anvik mission, for unknown reasons, did not receive a herd. However, in the winter of 1917-1918 a government herd was introduced at Shageluk largely through the efforts of Walter E. Cochran, the Bureau of Education teacher in that village. He not on- ly succeeded in interesting the Indians in the reindeer industry, but when the herd arrived from the lower Yukon he gave his personal at- tention to the training of apprentices and to every detail in caring for the herd. Thus the Shageluk herd must be considered the first truly successful attempt to introduce the reindeer industry among the Indians of the interior. Unfortunately, Cochran died of influenza within a few months of the arrival of the herd and for a year after his death the deer were in the hands of imperfectly trained appren- tices."^ Mr. Cochran appears to have won the confidence of the Shageluk Ingalik to a remarkable degree. He brought Eskimos from the lower Yukon to instruct his apprentice herders who worked with an original herd of 300 animals. Within a year of Cochran's death, Mr. W. O. Tate took over as school teacher and he found that many deer had strayed away from the herd. He immediately took steps to gather them in and by 1922 the herd numbered about 800 deer. Through sales of meat to the Anvik mission and to Indians of several villages in the area at 30(C per lb., the herd was gradually placed on a self-supporting basis. Live deer were also sold to various Indians who wished to start herds of their own."^ By 1931 the Shageluk herd had increased to over 1,000 animals VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 233 and Indians today remember that there were three full-time herders. The deer were allowed to roam at will during the summer with a round up and butchering in August. There was a winter herder's camp a few miles east of Shageluk in an area where there was good forage and from which the herders watched the herd and attempted to keep the animals together. Deer meat continued to be sold to the mission, and to mining camps on the upper Innoko."" Considering the documented success of the herd up to that time, it is difficult to account for the fact that virtually all the animals had disappeared by the mid-1930's. For some reason, a marked decUne in interest and possibly in a market for the meat, active herding was discon- tinued."' This meant that the animals were free to wander off. Some were doubtless killed by predators, while others joined and were ab- sorbed into caribou herds. As a result, the Shageluk herd, in spite of its impressive accomplishments in the early years, failed to survive longer than the one managed by the Holy Cross mission and thus neither were of any lasting benefit to the Indians of the area. It is also possible that the reindeer program may have adversely affected the already considerably reduced caribou population in the Anvik-Shageluk region. Heavy grazing by reindeer in a relatively restricted area can damage the range and make such locations un- suitable for both reindeer and caribou.'" The reindeer program, government schools, and government- supported medical services were, of course, the result of and depen- dent on improved communications with the outside world that had begun on the lower Yukon even before the gold rush of 1897. A post office was established at Anvik in 1898 and at Koserefsky the fol- lowing year. The name of the latter was changed to Holy Cross in 1912 because by that time many Indians had moved across the river.'" For almost 30 years there was winter mail service by dog team twice a month between Koserefsky and Kaltag with a stop at Anvik. In summer, of course, dehvery was much more frequent, sometimes as often as once a week in the years when steamboat traf- fic on the river was heavy.'" In the summer of 1916 a wireless station was constructed at Holy Cross on mission land and by 1923 Chapman was operating his own receiving and sending equipment. These valuable services facilitated communications in cases of emergency and contributed significantly to the reduced effects of epidemics in the late 1920's and 1930's. For many years, mission personnel at both Holy Cross 234 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 and Anvik served as postmasters and operated communications equipment. At times, this was considered a burden, but it was also a significant factor in mission control of the villages. In 1923 it ap- peared that the wireless station at Holy Cross might be moved to Ghost Creek and mission feelings were outraged. The Jesuits regret- ted the amount of time it was necessary to spend operating the wireless and post office, but were reluctant to lose control of these means of communication with the outside world. Both, of course, were also a source of income to the mission, particularly the post of- fice.'" The first airplane to land at Anvik did so in February, 1929 with a consignment of vaccine with which to combat an outbreak of smallpox."^ Although the appearance of an occasional aircraft con- tinued to be a novelty for a few ye£u*s, the isolation of the lower Yukon which had terminated so abruptly with the discovery of gold, and returned following the collapse of mining activity, was once more at an end. Notes 1. Smith, 1974, pp. 28-29, 132. 2. Rowe, 1897, pp. 23-24 3. This information was obtained from a photostatic copy of the original land survey in the files of Christ Church Mission, Anvik. 4. Chapman, 1910a, pp. 669-670; Chapman, 1911c, pp. 1,025-1,026; 1913, pp. 49-50. 5. Chapman to Witten, Aug. 29, 1903. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Chapman papers. 6. Chapman, 1906, pp. 572-575; Chapman, 1932, p. 636. 7. See Osgood, 1958, pp. 138-143. 8. Graves, 1911, pp. 13-14. 9. Chapman to Pierson, Nov. 22, 1918. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Chapman papers. 10. Chapman to Rowe, Oct. 31, 1906, May 22, 1907. ECA/Alaska papers, box 16, Chapman letters. 11. Fisher, 1912, p. 124. 12. Rowe to Kimber, June 21, 1901. ECA/Alaska papers, box 51, Bishop Rowe letters. 13. Chapman and Sabine, 1904, p. 684. 14. Chapman et al., 1904, pp. 916-917. 15. Chapman, Spiritual wickedness in high places. Undated ms., but apparently about 1905. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Chapman papers. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 235 16. Chapman to Rowe, Sept. 13, Oct. 30, 1906. ECA/Alaska papers, box 15, Chap- man letters. 17. Stuck. 1912, pp. 653-656. 18. Sabine to Wood, Nov. 18, 1919. ECA/Alaska papers, box 68, Sabine letters. 19. Parsons, 1921-1922, pp. 63-64. 20. Chapman, 1931b, p. 485. 21. M. S. Chapman, 1911, p. 17. 22. deLaguna, 1936, p. 569. 23. Chapman, 1919b, p. 493. 24. Lucas to Wood, April 27, 1926. ECA/Alaska papers, box 42. 25. Parsons, 1921-1922, p. 71; deLaguna, 1936, p. 569. 26. Chapman, 1919b, pp. 494-495; for a description of lamprey fishing, see Osgood, 1958, p. 40. 27. Parsons, 1921-1922, pp. 52, 54. 28. Chapman to Langford, Nov. 18, 1896. ECA/Alaska papers, box 15, Chapman letters; Chapman, 1897, pp. 544-546. 29. Chapman, 1899b, pp. 11-14. 30. Chapman, 1910b, p. 66. 31. Ibid. 32. Ibid; Chapman, 1911a, p. 11. 33. Rowe to the chairman of the Alaska Committee, Nov. 17, 1896. ECA/Alaska papers, box 51, Bishop Rowe letters; Rowe, 1897, p. 24. 34. Chapman, 1900, p. 16. 35. Chapman, 1906, p. 572. 36. Ibid., pp. 572-575. 37. Chapman to Witten, Aug. 29, 1903. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Chapman papers; Chapman to parishoners in Summit, N.J., Feb. 15, 1908. ECA/ Alaska papers, box 16, Chapman letters. 38. Stuck, 1918, pp. 28-29. 39. Chapman to Pierson, Nov. 22, 1918. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Chapman papers. 40. Parsons, 1921-1922, pp. 58-59. 41. Ibid., p. 63. 42. Wood, A reply to Anvik's SOS. ECA/Alaska papers, box 20, Chapman letters. 43. The Alaskan Churchman, vol. 21, 1930, p. 115 (Directory of Alaska workers). 44. Newsletter, Missionary District of Alaska, no. 21, July-August, 1935. ECA/ Alaska papers, box 91. 45. Osgood, 1959, p. 77. 46. Chapman to Witten, Aug. 29, 1903. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Chapman letters. 47. Chapman to Wade, June 13, 1925. ECA/Alaska papers, box 19, Chapman letters. 48. Chandler to Wood, Nov. 6, 1934. ECA/Alaska papers, box 13. 236 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 49. Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1895-1896, vol. 2, p. 1,460. 50. HCM diary, Sept., 1898 - Feb., 1900. OPA/HCM, box 2. 61. HCM diary, 1898-1900 (no specific dates). OPA/HCM, box 2. 52. HCM diary, Oct. 1, 1900 - May 12, 1902. OPA/HCM, box 2. 53. HCM diary. May 13, 1902 - July 16, 1904. OPA/HCM, box 2. 54. HCM diary, July 19, 1892 - Nov. 27, 1896; Oct. 1, 1900 - May 12, 1902. OPA/ HCM, box 2. 55. Lucchesi to an unknown priest, Aug. 2, 1925. OPA/Lucchesi. 56. Perron, J. Origin and progress of Holy Cross Mission, Alaska. Undated ms. OPA/HCM, box 5. 57. McLain, 1905, pp. 120-124. 58. Lucchesi to Van Gorp, Nov. 1, 1902, OPA/Lucchesi. 59. HCM diary, July 17, 1904 - July 26, 1908. OPA/HCM, box 3. 60. Lucchesi, 1907, pp. 448-449. 61. HCM diary. May 13, 1902 - July 16, 1904; Jan. 1, 1913 - June 30, 1919; Jan. 1. 1924 - Aug. 31, 1936. OPA/HCM, boxes 2-4. 62. HCM diary. May 13, 1902 - July 16, 1904; July 17, 1904 - July 26, 1908. OPA/ HCM, boxes 2-3. 63. Ibid. 64. Calasanctius, 1935, p. 207. 65. HCM diary. May 13, 1902 - July 16, 1904. OPA/HCM, box 2. 66. Lucchesi to Provincial, Oct. 4 (about 1908). OPA/Lucchesi. 67. The Alaska Shortline Railway and Navigation Co., 1903, p. 8; Railroad routes in Alaska, 1913, pp. 90-91. 68. HCM diary, Oct. 1, 1900 - May 12, 1902. OPA/HCM, box 2. 69. Smith, 1915, p. 255; 1917, pp. 15-16. 70. HCM diary, July 27, 1908 - Dec. 31, 1912. OPA/HCM, box 3. 71. Ibid. 72. HCM diary, July 1. 1919 - Dec. 31, 1923. OPA/HCM, box 3. 73. HCM diary, Jan. 1, 1913 - June 30, 1919. OPA/HCM, box 3. 74. HCM diary, July 1, 1919 - Dec. 31, 1923. OPA/HCM, box 3. 75. Ibid. 76. Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1903, vol. 2, p. 2,357. 77. Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1902, vol. 2, p. 1,250. 78. Stuck, 1910, p. 734; Sniffen and Carrington, 1914, p. 20. 79. Report on mission of Father Sifton (no date). OPA/HCM, box 5. 80. Fox, 1928, p. 100; Post, 1937; Moore, 1941. 81. Anable, 1955, pp. 1-3; Down, 1966, p. 165. 82. Jette, Sketch of Alaska missions (typescript, 18 pp.) OPA/Alaska mission collection, box 4. 83. Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1910, vol. 2, p. 1,357. 84. Chapman, 1932, p. 636. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 237 85. Chapman, 1899a, pp. 460-461, 572-573; 1919a, p. 452. 86. Rowe to Kimber, Sept. 18, 1900. ECA/Alaska pa|)er3, box 51, Bishop Rowe letters; Sabine, 1901, 179-180. 87. Cantwell. 1902, p. 70. 88. Crimont to Rene, Aug. 5, 1900. OPA/Crimont, box 5; Lucchesi to Strathman, Aug. 1, 1903. OPA/Lucchesi. 89. Parodi, Process of the plague at Holy Cross Mission, Alaska. OPA/HCM, box 5. 90. HCM diary. Oct. 1, 1900 - May 12, 1902. OPA/HCM, box 2. 91. Savage, 1942, p. 92. 92. Chapman to Witten, Aug. 29, 1903; to Emmons, July 29, 1904. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Chapman papers; Savage, 1942, p. 91. 93. Chapman to Wood, Sept. 22, 1904; Feb. 2, 1905. ECA/Alaska papers, box 16, Chapman letters; Chapman, 1905, p. 641. 94. HCM diary, July 17, 1904 - July 26, 1908. OPA/HCM, box 3. 95. Chapman to Emmons, July 29, 1904. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Chapman papers. 96. Perron, Origin and progress of Holy Cross Mission, Alaska. Undated ms. OPA/HCM, box 5. 97. Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1910, vol. 2, p. 1,357. 98. Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1911, vol. 2, pp. 1,382, 1,390. 99. Anonymous, 1911, pp. 20-21; Stuck, 1912, p. 644. 100. Chapman, 1931a, pp. 398-400. 101. Chapman, 1919a, p. 452; 1919b, pp. 492-493. 102. Chapman, 1925, p. 465; Rowe, 1927, p. 465; deLaguna, 1947, p. 67. 103. Current Notes, Christ Church Mission, Anvik, Alaska, Aug. 10, 1924. ECA/ Alaska papers, box 19, Chapman letters; Newsletter, Missionary District of Alaska, no. 23, Oct., 1935. ECA/Alaska papers, box 91. 104. Report of the Secretary of the Interior for 1925, p. 68; 1926, p. 38; 1927, p. 27; 1928, p. 39. 105. Ibid. 106. Chapman, 1931a, pp. 398-400. 107. Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1903, vol. 2, p. 2,340. 108. Jackson, 1898, pp. 57-60. 109. HCM diary, Feb. 2 - Dec. 31, 1897. OPA/HCM, box 2. 110. Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1907, vol. 1, p. 403. 111. Ibid.; HCM diary, July 17, 1904 - July 26, 1908. OPA/HCM, box 3. 112. HCM diary, July 27, 1908 - Dec. 31, 1912. OPA/HCM, box 3; Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1909, vol. 2, p. 1,321. 113. Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1908, vol. 2, p. 1,047. 114. Jett6, Notes for a history of the Alaska missions. OPA/Jette, box 2; Lucchesi to Provincial, May 31, 1912, Jan. 31, 1913. OPA/Lucchesi. 115. HCM diary, Jan. 1, 1913 - June 30, 1919. OPA/HCM, box 3. 238 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 116. Report on mission of Father Sifton (no date). OPA/HCM, box 5. 117. HCM diary. Jan. 1, 1924 - Aug. 31, 1936. OPA/HCM, box 4. Lucchesi to McLaughlin, May 15, 1930. OPA/Lucchesi. 118. Chapman, 1922, p. 143; 1948, pp. 188-189. 119. Chapman to Wood, Dec. 22, 1920; to Betticher, Jan. 5, 1921. ECA/Alaska papers, boxes 17-18, Chapman letters. 120. Chapman, 1931a, p. 338; 1948, pp. 189-190. 121. Anonymous, 1938. 122. Leopold and Darling, 1953, p. 555. 123. Perron, Origin and progress of Holy Cross Mission, Alaska. Undated ms. OPA/HCM, box 5; Chapman, 1948, p. 94; Orth, 1967, p. 426. 124. Chapman, Medical and surgical notes. Undated ms. EC A/ John W. and Henry H. Chapman papers; Report of the Governor of Alaska for 1907, vol 2, p. 464. 125. HCM diary, Jan. 1, 1913 - June 30, 1919; July 1, 1919 - Dec. 31, 1923. OPA/ HCM, box 3. 126. Chapman, Medical and surgical notes. Undated ms. ECA/John W. and Henry H. Chapman papers. VIII CONCLUSION: PROCESSES OF INGALIK CULTURE CHANGE Introduction: Agents of Change In the preceding pages we have identified four agents of culture change which affected the modified-traditional way of life of the In- galik Indians of the lower-middle Yukon River over a period of ap- proximately 100 years: 1) the explorers and fur traders who can be considered a single agent since exploration was inseparable from the development of the Russian fur trade in western Alaska; 2) the mis- sions, whose activity began early in the Russian period but ac- celerated greatly with the establishment of Episcopal and Roman Catholic mission stations at Anvik and Holy Cross, respectively, in the late 1880's; 3) the Yukon and Innoko gold rushes spanning the period between 1897 and approximately 1920 which brought a flood of Euro- Americans into the Yukon Valley; 4) government services in the fields of health, education, and economic development which became available to the Ingalik at the beginning of the present cen- tury and gradually increased throughout the remaining period covered by this study. Although these agents of change overlapped in time to some extent, the explorers and fur traders came first, followed by the missionaries, gold miners, and government services. As a result, acculturative effects became increasingly intensified as time passed. Unique sets of influences were produced and the pro- cesses of change redirected to a considerable degree. It is the nature of these processes that I wish to examine in this concluding chapter. The result of the acculturation process is generally assumed to be some form of cultural integration whereby there is an adjustment of beliefs and customs from the differing traditions that have made up the contact situation. There is, of course, a wide variation in what become more or less stabilized situations and regarding the Ingalik, such stabilization can hardly be said to have occurred at all at any time during the first 100 years of contact. 239 240 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Recent students of culture change have invariably emphasized the importance of Ralph Linton's distinction between directed and non-directed change, a concept which is considered to be basic in developing generalizations in the field of acculturation and also to understanding specific contact situations.' According to Edward Spicer, directed change can be said to have taken place when one or both of the following criteria can be distinguished: (1) If definite sanctions, whether political, economic, supernatural, or even moral, are regularly brought to bear by members of one society on members of another, one condition for directed contact is met. (2) If, in addition, members of the society applying the sanctions are interested in bringing about changes in the cultural behavior of members of the other society, then both necessary conditions for directed contact exist.^ Among North American Indians instances of directed culture change have, of course, been much more common than those that were non-directed. It is necessary, therefore, to consider the kinds of changes in traditional Indian Ufe that are necessary before a condi- tion of directed change can be said to exist. The crucial point would appear to come when the Indians have grown so dependent on Euro- pean goods that they can no longer survive without them. Thus the first conditions leading to directed change are technological and economic. Aboriginal technology gives way to European substitutes and, as a result, the knowledge and ability to produce the older forms is lost. Among the IngaUk, as among other arctic and subarctic peoples, trapping as a means of obtaining European commodities inevitably reduced the time available for subsistence hunting and fishing, thus increasing dependence on foods purchased from the trader. With these concepts and definitions in mind, an analysis of the processes of Ingalik culture change with specific reference to the previously delineated agents of change is possible. Our ultimate goal will be to define Ingalik "contact communities,"' thus dividing the sequence of contact into meaningful periods or phases. The Fur Trade The Russian fur trade on the lower Yukon must be considered essentially non-directed. Fur traders were certainly members of the superordinate culture, but their interests in changing the way of hfe of the Ingalik were very narrowly defined and, at best, only moderately effective. Authority is generally considered an impor- tant aspect of directed change, but the early fur traders, for the most part, lacked the means of imposing sanctions. They were few VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 241 in number, widely dispersed, and usually Creoles whose way of life did not differ greatly from that of the Indians. Zagoskin stressed the importance of trader authority, it will be recalled, when he recommended that Indians be encouraged to come to the post where the trader's confidence was likely to be higher than when he travel- ed to Indian villages. The mobility of the Ingalik with reference to the various posts en- couraged destructive competition and thus hindered efforts to direct the trapping efforts of the Indians. The most specifically directed aspects of the Russian fur trade concerned efforts by the Russian-American Company not only to effect changes in tradi- tional subsistence patterns, but also to eUminate or re-direct the thriving Siberian trade that diverted furs from company posts. This latter, as we have seen, was a continued but largely ineffective effort throughout the Russian period. An excellent example of the non-directed nature of change during the Russian period was the failure of the Russian-American Com- pany to put into effect the reforms recommended by Zagoskin. As we have noted, he essentiaUy desired the company to exert a degree of control over the trade that was beyond its ability to achieve. Thus the Russians could be said to have lacked the power and authority to effect the changes that would have enabled them to achieve their goals. Even under these circumstances, however, the Ingalik were rapidly becoming dependent on European commodities. Thus with reference to the nature of culture change, the greater part of the Russian fur trade period might be designated as dependent, non- directed. The fur trade during the early American period can also be con- sidered dependent, non-directed. The loose organization of the early Alaska Commercial Company mitigated against a tightly controlled and directed situation, and although the trading posts were not necessarily better stocked, there were more of them and the Indians were able to demand and receive a greater number and variety of the commodities they wanted and needed. As a result of competition between the Alaska Commercial Company and the Western Fur and Trading Company, the Indians found themselves in the enviable situation of being able to manipulate the traders. Following the col- lapse of competition in 1883, however, the situation changed dramatically. Indians' greater dependence on European goods together with a dechne in fur-bearing and large game animals gave 242 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 traders the power and authority lacking earlier, thus creating the necessary conditions for dependent, directed change. In summing up the effects of the fur trade on Ingalik culture, we can note certain changes that were introduced without any difficul- ty at all and with a minimum of disruption to the traditional Ingalik way of life. The Indians were delighted to obtain new items of Euro- pean material culture to supplement those which they had been receiving through the Siberian trade. It is safe to say that throughout the Ingalik area, and indeed in all Alaska, material changes were accepted without serious conflict over substitutions. To obtain these new tools, weapons, and other trade items, pelts were exchanged, a form of barter that was well established in the aboriginal Ingalik economic system. More significant and potentially disruptive were changes in the subsistence cycle brought about by the fur trade. Many fur-bearing animals of considerable economic value, but particularly the beaver, inhabited areas not previously utilized to any great extent by an essentially riverine people. The river ecology was such that beaver were more plentiful along the upper reaches of Yukon tributaries. To exploit this unexpectedly valuable resource, the traditional hunt- ing and trapping range of the Indians had to be extended con- siderably. At the same time, as we have seen, the amount of effort devoted to hunting and winter fishing was reduced as the Indians became more heavily involved in the quest for furs. In fact, only the important summer fishing season was completely unaffected by the demands of the fur trade, a fact that doubtless insulated the Ingalik from some of the hazards of an economy based primarily on trapping. We have noted previously that the all-important beaver pelts, the accepted standard of value among Yukon Indians throughout much of the early contact period, were of little intrinsic value to the people and the pelts of most other fur bearers were of even less value. The Indians, in exchanging furs for trade goods, often received little in terms of the effort expended. During the Russian period, when the Ingalik were just beginning to become dependent on European com- modities, the quality and variety of goods offered at the posts was poor and the Indians were forced to absorb virtually all the costs in- curred by the company while doing business in the country. The result was the beginning of a slow but steady impoverishment that became more severe when the monopoly eventually secured by the Alaska Commercial Company forced down the prices paid for furs. VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 243 At about the same time this monopoly was achieved, the number of fur-bearing animals began to decrease, thus emphasizing the prob- lems inherent in the relationship between traders and Indians. The fur trade period thus emerges as one in which progress toward com- plete dependence on the traders and consequent directed change was slow, but inevitable. The relative lack of coercive power on the part of the early Russian and American traders that restricted their ability to manipulate and control Indian life did not prevent the fur trade from having a long-lasting, disruptive effect on Ingalik culture. The Missions Although the integrated traditional religious life of the pre- contact Ingalik is not well known, it would appear, by Athapaskan standards at least, to have been highly developed. It was characterized by elaborate rituals organized into a ceremonial round, by part-time religious specialists, and by a physical struc- ture, the kashim, devoted in part to religious activities. In these respects, their religious life resembled more closely that of the Eskimos of southwestern Alaska than that of other Athapaskan groups. Beginning in 1845, traditional Ingalik religion was con- fronted by a small but highly dedicated group of church workers, agents of change whose influences were to be pervasive, to a greater or lesser degree, throughout the period of this study. The first religious denomination with which the Ingalik became acquainted was the Russian-Orthodox Church which clearly represented the official state religion that was adhered to, at least in theory, by all secular Russians and Creoles with whom the Indians came in contact. This might at first glance appear to have given the early priests considerable prestige as well as the added advantage of unanimity with traders in the area that would be effective in per- suading people of the value of Christianity. To the Ingalik, however, it was not apparent that the early priests were backed by any organization worthy of the name. On the lower Yukon, the first Or- thodox priest, a Creole, was forced at the beginning to live like his parishoners and he achieved his initial successes almost solely as the result of hard work and the force of his personality. He had a definite program for change, but was able to apply few sanctions to assist him in carrying out his program. The fact that he could make only infrequent visits to most of the villages in his area further weakened his prestige and authority. 244 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Unlike the Episcopal and Roman Catholic missions that were to follow, the Orthodox Church did not have its headquarters in an In- gaUk village and thus remained outside the mciinstream of religious change in the area. Isolated by the departure of the Russian- American Company and poorly supported by the larger church organization in Russia, the Orthodox Church, although maintaining its influence in other areas of Alaska, was poorly equipped to with- stand the determined intrusion of the Episcopalians and Roman Catholics on the lower Yukon. Like all missions, of course, it was an imported force for directed culture change and traditional Ingalik religion had already begun to disintegrate under its influences. Nevertheless, it lacked some of the attributes frequently associated with the introduction of Christianity to small-scale societies, in- cluding high prestige and dominant authority. The Episcopalians and Roman Catholics began their work in the territory of the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik at approximately the same time. Their local representatives were backed by established organizations that maintained effective missionary outposts throughout the world. The first missionaries, several of whom re- mained associated with their churches in the area for many yesirs, were inteUigent, energetic, highly motivated men and women who, unlike their Russian Orthodox counterparts, were from a vastly dif- ferent cultural background than the Indians and from the beginning of their work possessed at least the rudiments of authority. Although never abundantly supplied with money, both missions soon came to appear affluent to their Ingalik neighbors and gained prestige less because they were the possessors of new and powerful ritual techniques than because they had access to outside sources of food and other suppUes which they frequently dispensed to their adherents. In a paper dealing with reUgious change among American Indians during the century between 1760 and 1860, R. F. Berkhofer noted that it was possible to divide Protestant mission activities among these Indians into a number of sequences.* To a considerable extent one of these, the "fragmented community sequence,"' parallels events at the Episcopal and Roman Catholic missions on the lower Yukon between 1888 and 1935. For these missions it is possible to delineate five chronologically ordered phases, the major characteristics of which were as follows: Phase 1: Arrival of the missionaries (1887-1888). Berkhofer noted that among the Indians of the eastern United States the arrival of r*- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 245 missionaries invariably caused a division into two groups, one native oriented and the other white oriented.* This process, which also occurred among the Ingalik, had its beginning in phase 1. Dur- ing this phase, the missionaries were well received at both Anvik and Koserefsky and there was some initial expression of interest on the part of the Indians who, it should be remembered, already had some famin£u*ity with the Orthodox brand of Christianity. Schools were established as a means of winning converts and children, for the first time, began to be aware of the great world outside. Phase 2: Construction of the mission complexes (1888-1895). Ac- cording to Berkhofer, after the initial cultural divisions caused by the arrival of the missionaries, the cleavage sometimes worsens and the community breaks into two physically separate groups, each one hving in its own enclave.' At Anvik and Holy Cross, this cleavage was brought about through the building of mission struc- tures separate from but adjacent to the Indian villages. Christian adherents moved onto mission land and there was a gradual aban- donment of traditional houses in favor of log cabins. Phase 3: Value positions become clearly established (1895-1915). The cleavage which developed in phase 2 hardened and there was a tendency to verbalize it in such terms as "the village" or "the other side," and "our people." The authority, if not the prestige, of the missionaries increased because they presided over the community that was associated with the church. The missions came to feel that they "owned" the village which was inhabited primarily by nominal or enthusiastic converts. At Holy Cross Father Lucchesi recognized the danger inherent in this situation when he noted as early as 1902 that the Indians were divided into separate "moral and material camps." At both Anvik and Holy Cross, phases 2 and 3 were characterized by continuing battles with the shamans who came to epitomize opposition to the missions and assumed greater roles of leadership among the so-called non-Christian Indians. Phase 4: The mission village became the only village (1915- ). At both Anvik and Holy Cross, the Indian villages were largely aban- doned by about 1915 and virtually everyone was at least a nominal member of the two churches, although there continued to be a few adherents to the Russian Orthodox faith. In spite of these con- solidations, however, attitudes and prejudices that had their roots in the past continued to flourish and there was a continued em- phasis by the missionaries on "our people." By this time, opposition 246 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 to or lack of interest in Christianity was expressed by increased secularization through the acceptance of new ideas introduced as a result of the influx of Euro- Americans into the area. Most of these new ideas and practices, such as dancing, gambling, and drinking, were strongly opposed by the churches. At Holy Cross, and to a lesser extent, Anvik, the boarding schools flourished during this period. Intermarriages between church and non-church persons were frowned upon, particularly at Holy Cross, because they were considered to weaken the solidarity of the church and its faithful flock. The idea of the beleaguered church was much in favor during this phase. Phase 5: Period of relative stabilization (1920- ). In earlier phases the authority of the missionaries was virtually complete as they controlled education, medical services, communications, and many other areas of access to the outside world. As the government took over a greater responsibility for services in the community, the mis- sionaries eventually became less significant as an acculturative force. It is not surprising that at both Anvik and Holy Cross the coming of Euro- Americans into the area during the gold rushes had been viewed with alarm. Their secularizing influence was certain to weaken the authority of the churches. The government, although it took over some services considered onerous by the missions, represented a similar danger. As noted previously, these incursions on church authority and control at both Anvik and Holy Cross were particularly serious because neither church had integrated their educational and religious efforts into the hves of local people. Both churches continued to function in their communities beyond the period with which this study is concerned, but both were eventually forced to withdraw because they were unable to become self- sustaining. Having always been viewed by the Ingalik as organiza- tions imposed from without, they could not be accepted and sup- ported as community institutions when the need to do so arose. Through these five phases it is possible to follow the process of In- galik response to the presence of two vigorous mission organiza- tions in their area. It is obvious that although the missions em- phasized programs aimed at changing the religious views of the peo- ple, their efforts affected virtually every other aspect of culture as well. The educational programs opened up a new world to village young people and helped them to learn the English language, a valuable asset as face-to-face contact with Euro-Americans steadily increased. Traditional concepts of proper social behavior were VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 247 undermined and new concepts introduced since both Episcopalians and Roman Catholics stressed the necessity of living a Christian life, not just adhering to a new set of religious beliefs. Thus pre- marital sexual activity was denounced, marriage became a formal contractual arrangement, divorce was almost impossible to obtain, and the sinful nature of adultery was stressed. In addition to the basic concepts of Christianity, the churches attempted to introduce middle-class American values to the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik. Missionaries resident on the lower-middle Yukon thus presented fehe Ingalik with alternative life styles and belief systems. The In- dians chose whether or not to accept such changes and their deci- sions, although impossible to reconstruct in individual cases, can, as a whole, be considered in terms of the processes of culture change that are the subject of this study. Thus positive values in the In- dians' choice to accept Christianity certainly included the desire to possess material comforts such as the food distributed by both Episcopalians and Roman Catholics, particularly the latter. Oppor- tunities presented by the mission schools to acquire Euro- American skills such as reading and writing were also significant. Another positive value in the acceptance of Christianity was the emotional impact of the new religion at a time when the traditional belief system was disintegrating. That this impact was minimal in the early contact period is illustrated by the indifference shown by some Yukon Indians to the teachings of Father Netsvetov in the 1840's and 1850's. Fifty years later a decline in the number of game animals, increased indebtedness to the traders, the high incidence of illness and death from diseases brought by an ever-increasing white population, and the failure of traditional religious leaders to cope successfully with these problems created an emotional climate more acceptable to the concept of individual salvation. A consideration of Christianity as a social phenomonon should not obscure the importance of the missionary as an agent of social change or his influence on particular individuals. Obviously, many factors contributed to this aspect of a missionary's success, not the least of which were his personality, his adaptability and willingness to learn, and, on a more concrete level, his ability to speak the native language. A missionary's performance of a number of roles such as doctor, teacher, and postmaster gave him authority in a number of spheres of the social system and had the potential, at least, to enhance his stature in the eyes of potential adherents to his faith. 248 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 The Gold Rushes From the first influx of miners into the Yukon Valley at the begin- ning of the Klondike gold rush in 1897 until the decline of the upper Innoko diggings prior to 1920, new and abundant opportunities for interaction with Euro- Americans were presented to the Ingalik. For the first time, the Indians had an opportunity to observe Euro- Americans other than traders and missionaries and they found the experience very instructive. The gold miners had only one real end in view: to reach the gold fields of the Klondike or the upper Innoko or, failing that, to find gold elsewhere in the area. Their interest in the Indian population existed only insofar as the latter could be of assistance to them in achieving this goal. Thus in the early years of the Klondike stampede, Indians worked on the river boats as deck hands and pilots. Although they were soon forced out of these jobs by more ambitious whites, they continued to find employment as wood choppers and the cash income they earned effectively changed their relationship to the traders. The Indians could still be victimiz- ed by unscrupulous traders, but the Ukelihood that this would hap- pen was greatly reduced when the natives had money in their pockets and slowly began to understand the true value of the goods stocked by the traders. Although a non-directed aspect of culture change, in this context, the innovation represented by employment for a cash wage is a momentous one in the history of any contact situation involving small-scale societies. For the Ingalik in aboriginal times, each man, ideally, supported his family by his hunting and gathering skills. When the first Russian, and later American, traders came to the area, a few individuals, usually one or two men and their families, were clothed, housed, and fed by the trader in exchange for work around the post. This introduced a new means of family support which the Episcopal and Roman CathoUc missions also adopted when they arrived on the scene. The Indians, as we have noted, ad- justed quickly to this new arrangement not only expecting to be paid for the work which they performed for the missions, but active- ly sohciting such work whenever it seemed likely to be available. At this time, the arrangement of exchanging labor for subsistence, or sometimes cash, affected a relatively few individuals and then for only short periods of time. But it introduced the significant concept of working for others in a clearly subordinate capacity and thus determined the relationship that was to exist between Indians who came increasingly to want and need a cash income, and the Euro- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 249 American newcomers who, to an increasing degree, were in a posi- tion to provide it. The concept of working for cash wages rather than subsistence, or wages in kind, may have been introduced on a small scale as early as the 1880's, but it became an established pattern when prospectors began to arrive in the Yukon Valley. Chopping wood for fuel for the river boats, either independently in the early days of river traffic, or later as employees of established wood yards, was for most Indians virtually the only means of earning a cash income. The demand for wood was such, however, that most adult males could be employed in this manner if they so wished. Since wood chopping began as ear- ly in the year as February, it impinged to some extent on late winter and spring subsistence and trapping activities. Since trapping was depressed at this time, however, it is doubtful whether most woodsmen had difficulty in deciding how their time could be most profitably spent. The conversion of river boats from wood to oil began as early as 1903 and following the collapse of the Iditarod stampede, the volume of river traffic declined drastically. This meant that the Ingalik were forced to rely once more primarily on income derived from trapping. In sunmiary, the gold rush period, lasting from 1897 to about 1920, was a period of rapid and intensive change which set the pat- tern for relationships between Indians and Euro-Americans that have lasted up to the present time. Euro- Americans came into the area for their own gain and to exploit resources different from those exploited by the indigenous inhabitants. The Indians had no active role in this development except to the extent that they could pro- vide services useful to the newcomers. Their subordinate role as second-class citizens in their own environment was clearly establish- ed at this time. The missionaries, traders, and Indians needed each other. The prospectors and their followers did not really need the In- dians except peripherally and the latter were shunted aside by western technology in the company of western greed. This pattern is a famiUeir one that has been faced by small-scale societies all over the world. For the Ingalik, however, it came to an abrupt end with the collapse of the Innoko gold rush. The lower Yukon once more became an isolated backwater, but the impact of this period of inten- sive change and the associated relationship between Indians and Euro-Americans persisted. It is little wonder that the missions beheved their private preserves to have been invaded and cherished values threatened. 250 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Government Services As in most areas of Alaska, the services that eventually came to be offered to the Ingalik by the United States government were first offered by the missions. Education and health care were both impor- tant to the Roman Catholics and Episcopalians because they offered an opportunity to increase their influence with the Ingalik. Schools were the means by which both missions established themselves in their villages and secured their earliest and most loyal converts. The Indians, in their turn, came to rely on mission personnel for assistance during epidemics, even when the missionaries were ill- equipped to provide it. Here were classic examples of directed culture change aimed at undermining traditional value systems and teaching new ones. Without a doubt, medical care and education were the means by which the missions successfully established themselves among the Ingalik. The effects of mission influence in these areas was far-reaching even though mission efforts did not result in the creation of a middle-class Christian value system as the missionaries had hoped. As we have noted, government-sponsored medical services on the lower Yukon began about 1910 at a time when faith in the power of traditional healers was already beginning to decline. By the time of the influenza epidemic of 1918-1919, the missions appear to have won the confidence of the Indians as far as medical matters were concerned and were able to institute effective quarantines and take other appropriate measures. Public education began at Anvik about 1906 and at Shageluk and Holy Cross shortly thereafter. Although the public day schools remained in the shadow of the thriving board- ing schools, the ground work for secular education was successfully laid. The steadily increasing importance of the federal schools gave the government control over the Indians to an increased extent. Families were strongly encouraged to keep their children in school from September through May and these sanctions applied to everyone, whereas the influence of the boarding schools was strong only among those who chose to enroll their children. Families who complied with government pressure were frequently hampered in making a living. If they withdrew their children from school to go to trapping or fish camps, they risked the official disapproval of a powerful force for change in the community. As the Indians increas- ingly came to recognize the advantages of having their children learn English, their mobility was correspondingly reduced. This in turn affected subsistence, since the areas near the villages were VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 251 more extensively exploited by a larger number of hunters and trap- pers who were harvesting game and fur from a reduced animal population in a greatly restricted area. The federal government's attempt to exert direct influence on the economic life of the Ingalik through the reindeer program was con- siderably less successful in spite of the active support of the Episcopalians and the grudging acceptance of the mission at Holy Cross. As we have noted, the reasons for this failure were multiple and perhaps due as much to biological and environmental causes as to any active resistance on the part of the intended beneficiaries. It is also true that the reindeer program was presented to the Ingalik at a difficult time when alternative opportunities for subsistence were sporadically available and many disruptive influences not con- ducive to an entirely new approach to resource utilization were prevalent. It is apparent, however, that the failure of the reindeer herding program on the lower Yukon, as elsewhere in Alaska, can be attributed to basic miscalculations on the part of the government and the missions concerning the nature of Ingalik society. Like the neighboring Eskimos, the Ingalik were accustomed to a relatively stable village life. They were gregarious and found the isolation of reindeer camps difficult to accept. Also, of course, the difference between exploiting animal resources and tending them is con- siderable. Some Indians were willing to become involved for a while when they were young, but in spite of government and mission en- couragement, few looked upon herding as a reasonable lifetime oc- cupation in spite of the potential rewards it appeared to offer. Types of Contact Communities Spicer has noted that under conditions of directed contact over a given time period there are usually a number of degrees and kinds of "interference" in the action of cultural systems.* To understand this situation, which depends on the form of linkage between the two social systems, it is necessary to develop some type of classification of directed contact situations. Spicer discussed these variables in terms of what he refers to as "contact communities" and defines as "the social relations (in the widest sense) obtaining among members of the societies in contact at any given time."^ Recognizing that in any contact situation there are often profound changes in the nature of successive contact communities, attention is directed to variation in the following factors: (1) the nature of the structural linkage with the dominant society, whether ec- clesiastical, political, economic, or other, and the nature of the combination of 252 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 these different institutional linkages . . .; (2) the kinds of roles, with their ac- companying sanctions, assumed by members of the superordinate society in the contact conmiunities; and (3) the nature of the subordinate society's social structure in terms of stability, whether new types of communities were in pro- cess of formation or not.'" Although devised for the purpose of comparing contact among a wide variety of North American peoples, this classification is also useful to emphasize the diverse aspects of contact among a single people over time. It can also be appUed to contact situations that we have defined as being dependent, non-directed. For the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik it is possible to define five con- tact communities. They overlap in time, of course, but each outUnes a pattern of emphasis and response that varied from the preceding and following ones. 1. Russian fur trade and mission. Characterized by indirect and direct market linkages, ecclesiastical Unkages, non-coercive roles, and structural instability. The significant agents of contact here were a state trading company and a state church, neither of which were able to apply strong sanctions or achieve the goals of directed change which they had set for themselves. The ratio of Russians to the Indian population was small, but the smallpox epidemic of 1838-1839 seriously disrupted modified-traditional Ingalik life. The extent of the Siberia- Alaska trade at the beginning of the 19th cen- tury suggests, as previously noted, that the aboriginal period came to an end not long after 1750. Structural instability, therefore, is characteristic of all the contact communities. 2. American fur trade. Characterized by market linkage, both non-coercive and coercive roles, and structural instability. Sale of Alaska to the United States and the consequent departure of the Russian-American Company left the Orthodox Church in a precarious position. Competitive American trading companies before 1883 placed the IngaUk, for the first time, in a favorable situation with reference to the fur trade. Monopoly conditions after that date together with a decline in populations of fur-bearing animals and increased dependence on American goods created the conditions necessary for directed culture change. 3. American mission. Characterized by market and ecclesiastical linkages, intimate face-to-face roles with moderately strong coercive sanctions, structural instability. Since the ratio of Euro- Americans to the Indian population increased hardly at all, the considerable in- p VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 253 fluence of the members of the dominant society must be explained in terms of other factors, such as the religious zeal of the Episcopalians and Roman Catholic missionaries, and the effective sanctions which they could apply in the conmiunities where they were located. New elements of structural instability resulted from social and ideological cleavages within the communities created by the presence of the missions. 4. Gold rush. Characterized by economic and other linkages, non- coercive roles, and structural instability. It is noteworthy that the economic linkages created by the gold rushes overshadowed all others. Structural instability was aggravated by continuing mission-induced cleavages and also by the presence of large numbers of Euro-Americans in the area. The ratio of outsiders to the Indian population was, of course, greatly increased. Influence of the dominant society was considerable, but not consistent or coercive. 5. Government ascendency. There were economic and political linkages as well as others, but without administrative centraliza- tion; also coercive roles and structural instability. The ratio of Euro- Americans to the Indian population was reduced and the period as a whole is distinguished from the gold rush period on the basis of quite different kinds of linkages with the superordinate society. With the growing emphasis on secular education, mission influence began to decline. The government's role in education, medical care, and other services made the Indians aware for the first time of the importance of the national state of which they had, unknowingly, become a part. Contact communities defined for the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik help us to understand the processes of culture change in the area and the main outlines of Indian response to contact up to about 1935 seem clear enough. During the Russian fur trade and mission period and the American fur trade period the Indians were, for the most part, receptive to a number of European introductions in various aspects of culture. Items of material culture obtained from traders were at first welcome additions to or replacements for aboriginal technology, but later became the necessities of life. The Russian Or- thodox missionaries' conception of their role tended to inhibit the growth of antagonisms since they did not stress the prohibition of existing customs. The Indians were considerably less receptive dur- ing the American mission period simply because the Episcopalian 254 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 and Roman Catholic missions were interested in changing existing customs and beliefs. During the gold rush and government ascendency periods, acceptance of introductions occurred slowly and with some resistance as the Indians came to recognize their subordinate status and the threat to their traditional values that ac- ceptance implied. It is generally recognized that the elements of a given cultural system like that of the Ingalik may, under the conditions of contact, be augmented, replaced, or combined in numerous ways with elements of another cultural system. It is clear that in some cases the Ingalik were able to replace a trait of their own culture with an equivalent from the superordinate Euro-American culture, and in other cases traits from the intrusive cultural system could be added to that of the Ingalik without causing any disruption. For the most part, however, this replacement or augmentation could not be ac- complished successfully and the eventual result was deculturative rather than acculturative, the Indians experiencing a net cultural loss as a result of their contact experiences. The implications of this situation for the future of the Ingalik were perceived by a few far- sighted individuals as early as the turn of the century. It is a legacy that has shaped modern Indian life on the lower-middle Yukon. Notes 1. Linton, 1940, p. 5. 2. Spicer, 1961, p. 521. 3. Ibid., p. 525. 4. Berkhofer, 1963, p. 203. 5. Ibid., p. 209. 6. Ibid., p. 207. 7. Ibid., p. 209. 8. Spicer, 1961, p. 524. 9. Ibid., p. 525. 10. Ibid. 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Russian American, or "Alaska"; the natives of the Yukon River and adjacent country. Trans. Ethnol. Soc. London, n.s., 7, pp. 167-184. 1869b. Travel and adventure in the territory of Alaska. Harper & Brothers, New York. Wickersham, J. 1938. Old Yukon. Tales-trails-trials. Washington Law Book Co., Washington, D.C. Wilson, V. 1895. Guide to the Yukon gold fields. Calvert Co., Seattle. WOLDT, A. 1884. Capitain Jacobsen's Reise an der Nordwestkuste Amerikas 1881-1883. . . . Max Si>ohr, Leipzig. 268 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 Wrangell. F. von 1840. Narrative of an expedition to the Polar Sea in the years 1820, 1821, 1822 and 1823. James Madden and Co., London. Zagoskin, L. a. 1956. Puteshestviya i issledovaniya leytenanta Lavrentiya Zagoskina v Russkoy Amerike v 1842-1844 g.g. Chernenko, M. B., G. A. Agranat, and Y. E. Blomkvist, editing, notes and commentary. State Publishing House of Geographic Literature, Moscow. 1967. Lieutenant Zagoskin's travels in Russian America, 1842-1844. The first ethnographic and geographic investigations in the Yukon and Kuskokwim valleys of Alaska. Henry N. Michael, ed., Arctic Inst. N. Amer., anthropology of the north, translations from Russian sovirces, no. 7. Toronto. INDEX Alaska Commercial Co.: criticism of, 123, 125; denies involvement in fire- arms trade, 117; effect of competi- tion on, 112, 113, 118-119, 125; establishment of posts by, 112; inde- pendent traders and, 123-124; organ- ization of, 113, 118; prices paid for furs by, 125; relations with Indians and Eskimos, 123; Siberia- Alaska trade and, 110-112; trades firearms to Ingalik, 124-125; trading pro- cedures of, 113-116, 118, 124; value of furs obtained by, 117; whaling ships and, 111 Aleutian Islands: earliest exploration of, 43 Alaska Railroad: operates steamboats on Yukon, 180 Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt, 48, 58, 59, 63, 65, 80, 82, 96; established, 47; relations with Kolmakovskiy and Mikhailovskiy, 80; Siberia-Alaska trade and, 65 Anilukhtakpak, 24, 34, 35, 54, 55, 60, 67, 95, 96, 99, 141; population of, 35; visited by Glazunov, 54, 55 Anvik River: description of, 8; pros- pecting on, 170 Anvik-Shageluk area: definition of, 15; population of, 15 Anvik village, 14, 17, 22, 34. 35, 39, 52, 53, 54, 68, 72. 89, 96, 104, 106, 107, 109, 111. 112, 113, 120, 124, 127, 129, 133, 134, 135, 137, 138, 144, 149. 163. 164, 169, 174, 176, 180, 181, 185, 186, 187, 190, 191, 201, 202, 203, 210, 213, 223-229 passim, 234, 245; cutting of river bank in front of, 8; first airplane lands at, 234; mission established at, 136; papulation of, 35; trader attacked at, 126; visited by Glazunov, 52, 53 Belkhov, Zachary, 97, 133, 134, 153 Bering, Vitus: explorations of, 43 Berkhofer, Robert F.. 244-246 Black bear: population fluctuations of, 129, 130 Bonasila River: description of, 8 Bonasila village: population of, 35; vis- ited by Glazunov. 54 Chapman, Rev. Henry: replaces his father, 211 Chapman, Rev. John W., 15, 106, 115, 116, 124, 133, 138, 144, 149, 151, 155, 158, 164, 191, 196, 197, 198, 203, 205, 212, 215, 225, 229, 232; ap- pointed missionary to Alaska, 134; associates log houses with Chris- tianity, 150; attitude toward polygyny, 148; attitudes toward shamanism, 154, 199, 201-202; begins school at Anvik, 136; learns Ingalik language. 150; moves mis- sion to new site, 137; population estimates of, 15; travels to Innoko, 137; treats sick, 163 Caribou: population fluctuations of, 129-130 Cherry, Marcus O., 156; arrives at Anvik, 138 Chirikov, Alexsey: explorations of, 43 Christ Church Mission: agricultural work of, 197; attitudes toward Inga- 269 270 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 lik Indians, 202, 210; attitudes toward shamanism, 154, 199, 201; attitudes toward whites, 154, 191; boarding school at, 157, 204-205, 210; compared with Holy Cross Mis- sion, 148, 151, 244-246; competes with Roman Catholics on Innoko River, 148-149; confrontation with Holy Cross Mission, 156-157; con- siders move to Grayling, 199; day school at, 157-158, 228, 229; descrip- tion of, 195-196; effect of on tradi- tional practices, 203; encourages construction of log cabins, 149; epidemics at, 224-226; estabhshed at Anvik, 134; evaluation of educa- tional efforts, 162; impact on IngaUk of, 138, 197-198, 211; importance of boarding school to, 154-156; infant mortality at, 163; Innoko Indians and, 203-205; moved to new site, 137; medical treatment at, 163; post office at, 233, 234; provides rehef for miners, 190; reindeer program and, 230, 232; settlement pattern of, 196; school curriculum of, 158-159; success of school at, 148; wireless station at, 233, 234 Dall, William H., 69, 72, 74, 81, 104, 105, 117 deLaguna, Frederica: research by, 18 Episcopal Church: estabUshes mission at St. Michael, 134; moves mission to Anvik, 134 Eskimos: exchange relations with In- galik, 72, 73, 74; marriage with Inga- Uk, 72; neighbors of Ingalik, 16 trade with Ingalik, 63-69, 91, 99 trade with whaUng ships, 90, 91 trading expeditions of, 24; warfare with Ingalik, 69-72 Etolin, A. K.: explorations of, 48 Firearms: available to Ingalik, 124-125; desired by IngaUk, 87, 117; effects on large game populations, 130; il- licit trade in, 111-112; obtained by IngaUk from whaUng ships, 90 Forest fires: effects on populations of game animals and waterfowl, 130- 131; occurrences on the lower-middle Yukon, 131-132 Fur trade: decUne of, 93, 128-129; eval- uated by Zagoskin, 89; expansion of, 43, 44, 46, 47, 48, 56; importance to the IngaUk, 84, 98, 99, 119-120, 128, 132, 180, 240, 241, 243; mechanics of, 82-83; Siberia-Alaska trade and, 64 Glazunov, Andrey, 34, 59, 60, 67, 69, 85, 88, 99; at Anilukhtakpak, 54, 55; at Anvik village, 52-54; at Bonasila village, 54; companions of in 1833-1834, 51; estabUshes post at Ikogmiut, 56; explores lower Yukon in 1836, 56; explores Yukon Delta in 1835, 56; explorations of, 1833-1834, 49-55; explorations evaluated, 55; population estimates of, 15; relieved of post at Mikhailovskiy, 57; route of in 1833-1834, 51, 52, 55; trader at Ikogmiut, 79 Golovin, Grigoriy: baptizes Eskimos at Mikhailovskiy, 93, 94; recom- mends appointment of Yukon priest, 94 Grayling viUage, 17, 176, 198, 224; new settlement established at, 17 Holikachuk Indians, 67; neighbors of IngaUk, 16-17 HoUkachuk village, 17, 25, 35, 96, 187, 202, 203; population of, 35 Holy Cross Mission: agricultural work at, 161, 162; as wood contractor, 178; attitude toward day school of, 159-160; attitude toward ceremonies of Ingalik, 143-144, 213-214; atti- tudes toward shamanism, 143, 154, 214-215; attitudes toward whites, 154, 216-217; boarding school at, 142, 160, 219, 222; compared with Christ Church Mission, 148, 151, 244-246; competes with Episco- VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 271 palians on Innoko River, 148-149; conflict with IngaUk, 215, 218-219; confrontation with Christ Church Mission, 156-157; day school at, 160- 161, 162, 222, 228, 229; decline of, 222; description of, 141-142, 144; dis- tributes food to Indians, 151, 152; epidemics at, 224-227; extends work to Innoko River, 143, 144; evaluation of work of, 144, 152-153, 162; impor- tance of baptism to, 142-143, 151; importance of boarding school to, 154, 159, 160; Indian labor and, 151; infant mortality at, 163; influence on Ingalik of, 223; Innoko Indians and, 152; internal criticism of, 213, 222; post office at, 233, 234; provides relief for miners, 190; reindeer pro- gram and, 229-230, 232; relations with Ingalik, 212; relations with traders, 218; relations with whites, 216-218; school curriculum of, 161- 162, 219, 222; trade with Ingalik by, 151; wireless station at, 233, 234 Holy Cross village, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 16, 18. 21, 131, 168, 172, 180, 181, 198, 202, 216, 245; cutting of river bank in front of, 8; population of, 16 Hrdlicka, Ales: research by, 17 Iditarod River: discovery of gold on, 171; influx of miners to, 171, 173 Ikogmiut, 79, 81, 95, 96, 100, 113; com- petes with Aleksandrovskiy Re- doubt, 80; destruction of post at, 58, 79; mission established at, 80, 94; fKJst estabUshed at, 56. See also Rus- sian Mission IngaUk Indians: acculturation theory and, 251-254; agents of culture change and, 239, 240; attitudes toward Christian missions, 142, 244; attitudes toward discovery of gold, 173; attitudes toward illness, 223, 224, 227; attitudes toward traders, 126-127; berry collecting by, 28; band organization of, 35-36; bear hunting by, 21, 22, 28; beaver hunt- ing by, 22; caribou hunting by, 21, 29, 32; ceremonies of, 33-35, 38-41, 202, 203; construct log cabins, 149; cut wood for steamboats, 175-176, 178, 180; decline of kashim among, 187; decline of traditional ways among, 203; depend on mission for food, 151, 152; desire for firearms, 87; directed culture change and, 240, 241; effects of gold rush on, 248-249; employment opportunities for, 151, 175, 187; epidemics among, 15, 20, 163, 164, 224-225, 226; exchange relations with Eskimos, 72-74; fall fishing by, 28, 29; fall hunting by, 29; fall trapping by, 32; fish camps of, 24, 25; fish wheel introduced to, 183; government services and, 227- 228, 250-251; housing of, 149, 186- 187; hunting of waterfowl by, 22; im- pact of contact on, 97-100; impact of European discovery on, 61; impact of missions on, 95-96, 100, 197-198, 210-214, 215, 218-219, 223, 246-247; impact of smallpox epidemic on, 59- 61; importance of fishing to, 21, 28; importance of hunting to, 20, 21, 33, 98, 132; importance of outboard motor to, 184; importance of trap- ping to, 84, 98, 99, 119-120, 128, 132, 180, 240-243; independent traders among, 181-182; involvement in min- ing of, 128; kinship system of, 36-37; kashims of, 34, 35, 39; lamprey fish- ing by, 29, 203; life cycle of, 27-38; marriage among, 36-37; marriage with Eskimos, 72; moose hunting by, 29, 32; neighbors of, 16; non-directed culture change and, 240-241, 248; population of, 16; preparations for winter by, 28; purchasing power of, 185; reindeer program and, 232-233; relations with Indian neighbors, 70, 71; relations with Russian- American Co., 87; relations with traders, 185; relations with whites, 187, 190. 191; settlement patterns of, 60, 196. 213; shamanism among. 38. 39. 199. 201; spring fishing by. 22. 24; subdivi- sions of. 14-15; summer dwellings of, 272 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY: VOLUME 71 35; summer fishing by, 25, 28; tem- porary shelters of, 24; trade contacts among, 91-92; trade goods preferred by, 83, 84, 86, 116-117, 182; trade jargon used by, 74; trade with Alas- ka Conunercial Co., 24; trade with Eskimos, 63-69 passim, 91, 99; trade with Holy Cross Mission, 151; trade with miners and boats, 183, 184, 186; trade with whaling ships, 90; trading expeditions of, 24; tradition- al beliefs and trade, 127; trapping and subsistence among, 119-120; trapping territories among, 119; wage employment of, 128, 132, 249; warfare with Eskimos, 69-72; water- fowl hunting by, 28; winter bird hunting by, 33; winter fishing by, 33, 34; winter houses of, 35; villages of, 34, 35 Illarion, Hieromonk, 96, 97 Innoko Lowlands: description of, 6-14 Innoko River: description of, 9, 10; dis- covery of gold on, 170, 171; explored by Zagoskin, 75, 76, 78; influx of miners to, 171, 172 Ivanov, Vasiliy: explorations of, 44, 45, 47, 48 Jacobsen, Capt. J. A.: explorations of, 108 Jette, Father J., 71, 72, 73 74 214, 215, 228, 233 Koyukon Indians: attitudes toward traders, 125-126; attack Anvik trad- er, 126; move onto upper Unalakleet River, 70; relations with IngaUk, 71; trade at Mikhailovskiy Redoubt, 70 Lukin, Semon, 48, 50, 55, 76, 79 Malakhov, Petr V., 67; explorations of, 57-58 Malemiut, 96; move south from Kotze- bue Sound, 64; trade relations with whalers, 81 Mikhailovskiy Redoubt, 51, 53, 55, 56, 57, 59, 64, 66, 67, 68, 80, 81, 83, 86, 88, 89, 94, 99, 104, 105, 106; Eskimos baptized at, 94; established, 49, 63; influence of, 65; Koyukon trade at, 70; relations with Kolmakovskiy and Aleksandrovskiy, 80. See also St. Michael Moose: fluctuation in populations of, 129-130, 183 Nelson, Edward W., 32, 111, 127; ex- plorations of, 107-108 Netsvetov, Yakov: accomplishments of, 95. 96; difficulties faced by, 95; estabUshes mission at Ikogmiut, 94; visits Ingalik villages, 96 Khromchenko, V. S.: explorations of, 48 Klondike district: influx of miners to, 169 Kodiak Island: fur hunters on, 43 Kolmakov, Fedor, 50; baptized Eski- mos in 1832, 55; explorations of, 48 Kolmakov, Petr: explorations of, 58 Kolmakovskiy Redoubt, 48, 55, 79, 80, 81, 92; competes with Ikogmiut, 80; relations with Mikhailovskiy and Aleksandrovskiy, 80 Korsakovskiy, Petr: explorations of, 46 Koserefsky, 21, 22, 24, 109, 137, 141, 142, 143. 151, 152, 155, 185, 212, Osgood. Cornelius. 68; research by. 14-15, 18, 19 Parker, Rev. Octavius, 115, 116, 124, 136, 137, 140, 149, 163, 196; ap- pointed missionary to Alaska, 134; resigns, 138 Polygyny. 148 Raymond, Capt. Charles W.: explora- tions of. 105-107 Robaut, Father Aloysius, 136, 140. 142, 152, 156 Rodionov, Eremy: explorations of, 46- 48 VANSTONE: INGALIK CONTACT ECOLOGY 273 Roman Catholic missionaries: first visit to the Yukon, 139-140 Rozenberg, Lieut.: explorations of, 49 Russian- American Co.: competition among posts of, 80; description of trading posts, 81; establishes post at Mikhailovskiy, 63; methods of operation, 82-85; relations with Ingalik, 87; secures trade monopoly, 46; Siberia-Alaska trade and, 64, 67, 82; Yukon posts of, 64 Russian Mission, 113, 133. 134, 155, 212, 226. See also Ikogmiut Russian Orthodox Church: decline of on Yukon, 153, 195; during Ameri- can period, 97, 133, 134; education efforts of, 97, 155; evaluation of work on Yukon, 97; influence on In- galik, 100; Innoko Indians and, 203; mission established at Ikogmiut, 80; relations with other missions, 153 St. Michael, 66, 72, 107, 113, 129, 134, 136, 139, 140, 160, 168, 169, 170, 174, 180, 186, 190, 191; importance as trading center, 114-115. See also Mikhailovskiy Redoubt Schwatka, Lieut. Frederick: explora- tions of, 108-109; prevents attack on Anvik trader, 126 Shageluk Slough: description of, 10 Shageluk village, 25, 28, 35, 39, 72, 120, 180, 181, 187, 202, 203, 223, 224, 232, 233 Shamanism: among Ingalik, 199, 201; attitudes of Christ Church Mission toward, 154, 199, 201, 202; attitudes of Holy Cross Mission toward, 143, 154, 214-215 Shishmarev, G. S.: explorations of, 48 Sisters of St. Ann: arrive at Holy Cross, 141 Smallpox epidemic of 1838-1839, 106, 162, 252; impact on Ingalik culture of, 15, 20. 59, 60, 61; spread of, 58, 59 Siberia- Alaska trade. 83. 84, 86, 91, 99, 114, 128, 242. 252; Alaska Commer- cial Co. and, 110, 111. 112; descrip- tion of, 63-69; evaluated by Zagoskin, 89; Russian-American Co. and, 79, 82 Swineford, Gov. Alfred P.: criticizes Alaska Commercial Co., 123, 125 U.S. Federal Census reports: reliability of, 15. 16, 108 Vasilev, Ivan Ya.: explorations of, 48- 49 Vasilev, Mikhail N.: coastal explora- tions of, 48 Western Fur and Trading Co., 113, 119, 127 Western Union Telegraph Expedition: explorations of, 104-105 Whaling ships: Alaska Commercial Co. and. 111; compete for trade with Russian-American Co.. 90; trade with Eskimos. 91; trade with Inga- lik. 90 Yukon Delta: Exploration of. 49, 56 Yukon River: decline of traffic on, 192; exploration of, 79, 109-110; floating clinic on, 227; increased traffic on. 113. 168. 174; wood yards along. 176 Zagoskin, Lavrentiy A.. 15. 16, 33, 34, 53, 57, 60, 84, 90, 93, 99. 112. 119. 131; criticizes Russian- American Co.. 85-86; describes Siberia-Alaska trade. 65-67, 88-89; evaluates Yukon fur trade. 86-89; explorations evalu- ated. 78, 79; explores Innoko River. 75-76, 78; population estimates of, 15; purpose of explorations, 65; route of, 75; trade goods described by, 83; winters at Ikogmiut, 75 Publication 1295