IJttblicaiicms of % !p%(rjjolagiral ^wiety of fonkn. ANTHROPOLOGY OF PRIMITIVE PEOPLES. W A I T Z. VOLUME THE FIRST. INTRODUCTION TO ANTHROPOLOGY. DR. THEODOR WAITZ, PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MARBURO, HONORARY FELLOW OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETIES OF LONDON. EDITED, ttfj Numerous Muttons fcg tfje &utfjor, FROM THE FIRST VOLUME OF " ANTHROPOLOOIE DER NATURVOLKER." J. FREDERICK COLLINGWOOD, P.B.8.L., F.O.S., P.A.S.L.i HONORARY SF.CRF.TARY OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON. LONDON: PUBLISHED FOR THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, BY LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, AND ROBERTS, PATERNOSTER ROW-. I 1863. V^O^Xl I H CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. Dedication ......... xi Editor's Preface ........ xiii Author's preface ........ 1 Introduction ........ DEFINITION AND SCIENTIFIC POSITION OF ANTHROPOLOGY. Definition; Naturalist's view; Theologian's view; Philosopher's view; Position of Anthropology in Germany ; Division of Anthropology into two parts ; Physiology and Psychology of Man ; History of Civilization ; Scope of Anthropology ; Question of Species ; Po- sition of Ethnology ; Latham's definition of Anthropology . 3 ON THE UNITY OF MANKIND AS A SPECIES, AND ON THE NATURAL STATE OF MAN. Man to be studied in aggregate ; Individual and social life of Man ; Unity, or Plurality of Species ; Limited view of Mankind ; Plu- rality of Species and Race- Antagonism ; Parallelism of physical and psychical qualities of Man ; Psychical life ; Cuvier's view ; Bory de St. Vincent on the Negro type; Division of the ques- tion 10 PAET I. PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. The notion of Species ; Its application to the organic and inorganic kingdoms of Nature ; Definition of Species discussed ; Cuvier's definition ; Prichard's definition ; Unity of Species resulting from b CONTENTS. Unity of Origin; Agassiz, Vogt, Giebel, and De Candolle, on Species in Animals ; American School ; Fecundity as a criterion of Species, Buffon ; Hybridity as a criterion of Species, F. Miil- ler; Desmoulins on Hybridity among Cattle; Fecundity of Hy- brids; Nott and Gliddon on definition of Species; "Race" as applied to Mankind and Dogs; Inferences from the foregoing; Eeversion ; Cases of Mongrels, Mestizoes, Mulattoes, etc.; Opinion of Geoffrey St. Hilaire ; Blumenbach on Eeversion ; Geographical distribution of Species ; Eange of Variation ; Species and Eace ; Application of these terms to domestic animals, — Nott ; Applica- tion to Mankind ; Variations peculiar to each Species ; Agassiz's application to Man and Ape; other Writers referred toi Eetro- spect ......... 17 SECTION I. ON THE MOD!-: AND MAGNITUDE OF THE PHYSICAL CHANGES TO WHICH MAN IS SUBJECT. 1. Climate. — Influences of Climate stated; Correspondence of Climate with physical organization; Effects of the hygrometric state of Atmosphere ; Effects of the barometric state ; Mailer's explana- tion of black skin of Negro; Berthold's explanation; Foissac's explanation ; Godron on climatic influences ; Heusinger's observa- tions ; Facts by D'Orbigny ; Volney on Negro physiognomy ; Blumenbach's views ; Influence of Climate on stature ; Views of Lauvergne, Zimmerman, Geoffrey St. Hilaire ; Influence of Climate on the sexual organs ; pn the intellect ; on fecundity ; on colour of skin, hair, and eyes; Influence of geographical conditions on the human frame ; Different Eaces compared ; Pruner-Bey on climatic influence ; Complexion in different Climates ; Effects of American Climate on German, English, etc. ; the genuine Yankee ; Australian Climate ; Influence on Character . . .34 2. Aliment. — Effects on Body and Mind undoubted; Influence of Wealth and Poverty; Degenerate Irishmen of Ulster ; the Bosjes- mans ; Eice-consuming peoples ; Flesh-Eaters ; the Fiji Islanders and other Vegetarians ; American tribes and their various dietary; the Yakuts ; the Arabs, Bedouins, etc. ; Milne-Edwards on Nutri- tion; French military standard; Effects of mode of life on the skeleton; Hunters and Fishers; Malay, Japanese, and Chinese women, effects on them of sedentary or active habits ; Social rela- tions and castes, how they act on the Body ; Change of habit and its effect on the Portuguese settler ; the Barabra, Kordofanese, etc. 57 3. Mental Culture. — Mental influence favourable or unfavourable to the physical development ; Low development subject to external influ- CONTENTS. Ill ences ; Uniformity of uncivilized peoples ; Old Germans ; Abori- ginal Americans ; Uniformity of Character among the Negroes ; Individuality of the Fijians ; Effects of imitation ; in Clans of Scotland; on the individual resident abroad; The free-born and slave Negro ; asserted change of features in the former ; Superi- ority of Creole Negroes ; Causes of this difference ; Effects of social intercourse on American Negroes ; Greatest change in the Northern States ; Mental Culture in the physiognomy of all nations ; Effects of Cultivation on the English and German physiognomy ; on the Sikhs ; Change in the Magyars ; the Finns and Lapps ; Shape of Skull no criterion of Race ; Skull varies most in civilized peoples ; Modification in the same people; Abbe Frere and Huschke on cranial development ; the slow change of physical peculiarities ; Importance of the mental influence ; Retrospect . . .67 4. Hereditary Transmission. — Spontaneous origin of new peculiarities; how rendered permanent ; Breeding of domestic animals ; Breed of Otter Sheep ; Hungarian cattle ; Mental peculiarities heredi- tary; Transmission of accidental peculiarities; Mutilation; Change in the dog ; Origin of Races ; Morbid peculiarities ; Family pecu- liarities ; House of Hapsburg ; Lambert family ; Six -fingered peculiarity ; Albinism ; White Negroes ; White individuals among the Blackfeet and Mandans ; Hereditary deformities cited by Gosse and Wagner ; European and savage Children compared ; Psychical peculiarities transmitted ; Children of Polynesia ; of South Ame- rica, Arabia, South Africa, etc. ; Evidence of Incas ; Nott and Gliddon on innate and inherited instincts ; Mechanical and artistic talent transmitted ; Hereditary aristocracy of the Mind ; Trans- mission of innate and organic individual peculiarities ; Retrospect and results 80 SECTION II. THE CHIEF ANATOMICAL AND PHYSIOLOGICAL DIFFERENCES WHICH DISTINGUISH THE VAEIOUS RACES. Man and Ape compared ; Traditions in India of ape-like Men ; Nott and Gliddon on Negro and Orang-Utang ; the Negro type of the Soudan, Kordofan, etc. ; their thickness of Skull ; Duncan, Som- mering, Pruner-Bey, Tiedemann, Blumenbach, Lawrence, Morton, Huschke, and others, on Negro Anatomy ; Negro features de- scribed; Hair of the Negro, Hottentots, Bushmen, and Austral Negroes ; The beard ; Vrolik on the limbs of Negro ; The hand and foot of Negro, according to Burmeister, Sommering, and Duten- hofer ; The blood of Negro ; His skin described, and the effects of age and climate thereon; Peculiar exhalation from the Negro skin ; Skull of Negroes, Australians, Americans, New Zealanders, IV CONTENTS. and other types described ; Teeth ; Proportions of the limbs ; De- ficiency of calf; Burmeister on the feet of Negro and Ape; Use of the foot among jugglers of America ; Disagreeable odour of the Negro and other Eaces ; Differences between African and Austral Negroes ; the head of the Negro type ; the Hottentot Venus ; Cir- cumcision of Women in Egypt, in Abyssinia, in the countries of the Nile, among the Hottentots, etc. ; Cranial deformation ; Situ- ation of the Ear ; Egyptian Mummies ; Abnormities of anatomical structure ; Physiological peculiarities ; Animal heat ; Rate of pulse ; Age of puberty and marriage ; Proportions of male to female births ; Congenital deformities ; Mortality ; Signs of age ; Sustentation of pain ; Physical endurance ; Amount of food ; Bodily strength; Results of Freycinet's experiments with the dynamo- meter ; Results of Buckton ; Endurance of savage nations ; Mus- cular weakness of the Americans ; Endurance of the Negro ; of the South Americans, etc. ; Duration of life ; Diseases ; Vital energy of savage and civilized peoples compared ; Healing power ; greater among savage than civilized nations ; Human parasites ; Acclima- tization ; Superiority of the White Races in this capacity ; Cause thereof; the English in India; Whites in West Indies; Negroes in West Indies; conflicting evidence on Acclimatization; Capa- city of blushing ; not confined to the White Races ; Formation of speech-sounds ; Use of the hands ; Perfection of the senses ; Sense of sight in savage nations ; its cultivation by Europeans ; Sense of taste ; Effects of music ; Sense of smell ; in Negro and other savages ; Negro music ; Retrospect ..... APPENDIX TO SECTION II. ON THE ASSERTED INVIABILITY OF THE AMERICANS, POLYNESIANS, AND AUSTRALIANS. Rapid decay of American tribes ; by small-pox and fevers ; by tribal wars ; by spirit drinking ; by loss of territory ; by scanty prolifi- cacy ; by abortion and infanticide ; through early marriages ; Pro- lificacy of North American women ; of South Americans ; Decrease of population in Polynesia ; Statistics thereon ; Causes ; Drunken- ness ; Infanticide ; Abortion ; Sexual excesses ; Internal wars ; Human sacrifices ; Cannibalism ; Famine ; Venereal diseases ; Sterility ; and psychical causes ; Decrease of the Australians ; Dis- eases; Drunkenness; Sexual excesses; Infanticide; Negligence; Want of nourishment ; Invasion of Europeans ; Injustice done to the natives bv the English official . 144 CONTENTS. V SECTION III. THE RESULTS OF INTERMIXTURE OF DIFFERENT TYPES, AND THE PECULIARITIES OF THE MONGRELS. Difficulties of the question ; Influence of the parents on the offspring ; Conflicting opinions ; Burmeister ; Buffon's views ; Mestizoes ; * Mulattoes ; Quadroons ; Quintroon ; Tschudi and Poppig ; Danes and Hindoos ; Opinions of Geoffrey St. Hilaire, Nott and Gliddon ; American Mongrels ; Castelnau's statement of various cross-breeds ; Zamboes and Cabourets ; Different degrees of constancy in inter- mixture ; Effect of different impregnations ; Tertroon, Quadroon, Quintroon ; Transition of Mongrels to higher races ; Value of Mongrels in the States; Qualities of Negro in the Quintroon; Mental and physical characters of the Mongrels ; Gobineau on the effects of crossing ; Nott's theory objected to ; Mongrels of Euro- peans and Australians; Effects of intermarrying; Nott on ste- rility of Mulattoes ; Inviability of Mulattoes ; Nott on the confu- sion of terms ; Cross-breeds of Mexico and the Phillipines ; Permanence of type ; Mixed populations of Europe ; Evidence in favour of unity . . . . . . . . 167 SECTION IV. REVIEW OF THE PRINCIPAL THEORIES REGARDING THE UNITY OF MANKIND. Great improbability of permanence of type ; Wide limits of variation in Man ; Views of Blumenbach and Prichard ; Views of Hamilton, Smith, and Lawrence ; Hombron's theory of centres of creation ; Human fossils ; Wilson on antiquity of Man in Scotland ; Theory of Agassiz ; His Zoological provinces ; Difficulties of his theory ; Hi a change of opinion ; New division ; Objections raised, and his theory discussed ; Latham on original migrations ; Descent from a single pair improbable ; Unity of Indo-Germanic peoples ; The most probable theory of descent ; Climatic influence on Man and Animals ; Natural origin of Man ; Affinity between Man and Ape ; Fossil Apes ; Relation of Negro to White Race and Apes ; Negro type described at length ; Forms intermediate between White and Negro ; LUCSB and Pruner-Bey on race characters ; Other devia- tions from typical forms ; Hair and eyes ; Grounds for Classifica- tion; Type unchanged, as shown by Egyptian monuments j The Jews, " white" and "black" ; Jewish crania ; Cranial variations ; Blumenbach, Retzius, Weber, Engel, Desmoulins, and others on Classification; Lesson, Pickering, Hamilton Smith, Hartmann, D'Omalius d'Halloy, W. F. Edwards, on Constancy of type ; Re- trospect and results . . . . . . .190 VI CONTENTS. SECTION V. ON THE CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 1. Anatomical View. — Division of the section into three parts ; Natural division according to external variations ; D'Omalius D'Halloy's basis of division ; Blumenbach's cranial division ; Lacepede and DumeriTs addition; Cuvier's three types; Pickering, Prichard, Latham, Bory, Desmoulins, Agassiz, Nott and Gliddon on Classi- fication ; Hombron on Australian and Negro type ; Vater, Morton, and Tschudi ; Retzius' system of Craniology ; Zeune's cranial types ; Disagreement of Authors on Classification ; Difficulties of the Cranial Classification exposed ; Value of Phrenology ; Quetelet's measurements of the skeleton ; Reference Table of measurements of various parts of the human frame .... 230 2. Linguistic View. — Importance of Philological investigations ; Insuffi- ciency of the comparison of vocabularies ; Importance of gram- matical structure in the transmission of a Language ; Analysis of a sentence in illustration ; The structure of a perfect Language ; American Languages Polysynthetic ; Agglutinated Languages of Asia ; Inflected Languages ; Monosyllabic and Polysynthetic Lan- guages compared ; Change in Structure of a Language ; Original Unity of Language improbable ; View of Humboldt ; Max Muller's theory ; Balbi's Summary of the Languages of the Earth ; Arbi- trary division ; Crawford on the Malay Languages ; Relative value of the Physical and Philological investigations in determining the Unity or Plurality of Origin; Positive principles of Philology and negative principles of Naturalists ; Objections to Nott and Grliddon ; Philology alone inadequate for the determination of Race; Loss of Languages in American Races ; Change of Language : instances cited ; Absorption of small by greater Nations ; Romans, Arabian, Normans, Longobards, Greeks, etc.; Parallelism between loss of Language and the Extinction of a People; Preservation of Lan- guages . ...... 238 3. Historical View. — Reason given for this division; History founded on traditions ; Tradition of the Noachian Deluge ; Analogies between Mongolian and American Peoples ; Delafield, Humboldt, Squier hereon ; Tradition of destruction of the Earth ; Zodiacal signs of the old and new worlds ; Conformity of Customs in Nations widely separated ; Examples cited ; Conformities of Customs no basis for Classification 254 CONTENTS. PAET II. PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. Introduction ; Importance of Psychology to the study of Mankind; Our fragmentary knowledge of uncultivated Peoples ; Tendency to un- dervalue such knowledge ; Too much reliance put upon Cranial development; Morton's theory; Views of Engel, Lawrence, and Prichard on Cerebral structure and Cranial form; Parchappe's measurements of the various types ; Tables of Tiedemann ; Dis- crepancy between his theory and his facts; Morton on Cranial capacity ; Nott and Gliddon on Peruvian Skulls ; Morton on North American Tribes; Huschke's measurements and comparisons; Size of Skull no criterion of mental power ; Meaning of mental "capacity"; No grounds for Psychical specific directions among Mankind ; Gist of the Psychological question ; Method of investi- gation to be pursued in following sections .... 259 SECTION I. THE SPECIFIC CHARACTERS OF MAN. The psychical differences between Man and Brute not apparently so great as the physical ; Importance of this inquiry ; " Perfectibi- lity/' and its application ; The Brute capable of improvement ; Teaching of experience, and its limit in the Brute creation ; In- stinct : its intellectual nature ; Cases of its cultivation ; Its cultivation in Man; Language a specific human peculiarity; Language in the lowest Races ; Grammatical structure the distin- guishing feature between Man and Brute; Homogeneousness of human nature ; Obscurity of psychical life of Animals ; Characte- ristics of Man; External psychical manifestations; Personal or- namentation; Social character of Man; Ethical importance of property ; Human society ; Sensuality of the Negro ; Religious notions universal; Religion in the lowest Races; Moral ideas; Distinct sources of Religious and Moral ideas ; Origin of Religions explained ; Superstitions ; Distinctions between Man and Brute ; Use of the senses; Power of speech wanting in Brutes, and reason thereof; Individuality of Man ; Language a test of Civiliz- ation ; Sense of the beautiful ; The lower senses of Animals, and their limited influence on character; Psychological value of the action of the senses 269 Vlll CONTENTS. SECTION II. PRIMITIVE STATE OP MAN. Value of psychological facts in determining the Unity of Mankind ; Differences in Mental Development among civilized and savage nations; The possible high Antiquity of Man as indicated by Geology ; Man nowhere found in a Primitive State : Slow growth of Language discussed; same argument applied to Physical Changes in Man ; Parallelism of Infancy and Savage Life ; Diffi- culties in the way of a Scientific Investigation of the Primitive State; the Primitive State cannot now be represented; First Efforts of the Primitive Man dependent on External Nature; Natural Indolence of Man ; Indolence characteristic of all unedu- cated persons ; Vanity and ambition the levers of Civilization ; Peyroux de la Condreniere, Klenim, and Wuttke on the Psychical Superiority of the White Races ; Psychical effects of Cultivation ; Self-control an acquired faculty ; Barbarism not Degeneracy ; At- tachment to country among uncultivated nations ; Inhabitants of the Darfur; Congo-Negroes, Kru-Negroes, Fuegians, Hottentots, etc. ; Motives for action and physical indulgences, social enjoyment and habit ; External life of Primitive Peoples ; Individuality of character not so common; Vices of Primitive Peoples; Cannibalism; Revenge ; Social relations : marriage among the barbarous ; Poly- gamy ; Polyandry ; Chastity ; Sense of shame ; Examples quoted ; Marital rights ; Influence of habit and custom ; Social conditions ; Societies : clanship ; Primitive religions ; Uniformity of religious conceptions ; Note on " Le Peuple Primitif " of Rougemont ; the Symbolism of Colour among Primitive Peoples ; their ideas of hu- man beauty ; Courtesy and manners ; Uncleanliness of Primitive Peoples ; Man's nature unchangeable ; Uncultivated White races ; Compared with savage races ; Degenerate Irish ; White settlers of Buenos Ayres; Creoles of La Plata, of California, of Brazil, of Goyaz ; Portuguese in Africa ; White people in Banda Islands, of the Mauritius, etc. ; Objections met ; Cases of relapse into savage life ; Atrocities committed by Whites, by Hindoos against English, by American settlers; The slave trade; Moral sense; Drunken- ness ; Position of woman : among savage peoples, among the old German, in Greece, in Rome, among Chinese, Hindoos, Moham- medans ; Habits of so-called savages to be found among civilized nations ; Differences of mental power in individuals of same races; Asserted relapse of some savage nations from an ancient civiliza- tion ; Natural state of man not that of original purity ; Psychical unity of mankind ; original disposition and external circumstances, and their influence on the development of a people ; Inconstancy of mental power ; Civilization the work of individuals, not of the whole nation ; Mental endowment changes with the history of a CONTENTS. people ; Obstruction to civilization among Fuegians, Australians, etc.; Among the Berbers, Guanches, Abyssinians, Egyptians; Race ascendancy ; Retrospect ; Theories of KLemm, Wuttke, Eic- thal, and Nott and Gliddon " On Psychical Distinction" . . 284 SECTION III. ON THE VARIOUS DEGREES OP CIVILIZATION,* AND THE CHIEF CONDITIONS OF ITS DEVELOPMENT. Further arguments necessary to maintain the theory of the specific unity of mankind ; Influence of surrounding nature on develop- ment of man ; Effects of climate ; Reluctance to labour in hot climates ; not confined to natives ; Physical precocity ; Abundance of natural food in torrid zone : its paucity in the frigid ; Effects thereof in the development of man's civilization ; The tempe- rate zones ; Temporary energy exhibited in the tropics ; Endurance of Negro ; Mental characteristics of tropical peoples ; Americans of the States ; Obstructions to progress ; Hunting life ; Character- istics of the hunter ; The fisher ; Agricultural life ; Reasons for the stationary position of the Negro ; Nomadic life ; Pastoral life in North and South America ; Cattle breeding in America, in Africa ; Influence of climate on the temperament ; Influence of geographi- cal conditions ; Coast line, tidal rivers, mountains, etc. ; Negroes of the interior and of thd coast ; Advantages of a long coast line in the progress of civilization ; the Polynesians ; Migrations, and their effects on progress; Great importance of migrations in creating competition ; Effects of intermixture ; War, and its civil- izing power ; Intermixture ; Density of population : its influence on progress of civilization ; Agassiz ; Morton on the mission of the " higher" races ; their doctrines opposed ; Humboldt on the unity of man kind; The theological view of the origin of civilization ; Im- pediments to the progress of a nation ; Effects of agricultural pur- suits; their influence on the national character; Political conditions; Law and government : Barthez and Passy thereon ; Acquisition of private property, and its retention among primitive peoples ; Ad- vantages of a despotism ; Brooke on Chinese and Malay peoples ; Necessity of despotism to the progress of primitive peoples ; Ab- sence of free governments in tropical climates ; Unequal distribu- tion of property : its importance to progress ; Comparison of the various classes of society ; Greater psychical differences among the cultivated; their importance to progress; Highly-gifted indivi- duals ; Genius existing in every race ; Productive countries, and the stimulus they give to civilization ; Importance of trade ; Value of international commerce ; injurious to the savage people ; Excep- tions quoted ; Creation of new wants ; Barter ; Religion — condi- tions of its advantage or disadvantage ; The origin, development, CONTENTS. and nature of primitive religions; Eeligions of savage nations impede their progress ; Intensity of religious convictions in Ame- rican tribes ; Erection of temples ; Meaning of immortality among primitive religions ; Hero-worship; Legend of Fohi; Great founders of religions ; their influence an element of civilization ; Natural religions inadequate for progress ; their superstitious tendency ; Religion the work of individuals ; The greater success of religions of native origin ; JVEohammedan religion : its limited usefulness ; Influence of art on civilization ; The power of knowledge ; its in- fluence on religion; Knowledge the chief lever of civilization; Motives for its development ; Tendency to progress not innate in man Civilization dependent more on historical events than on original mental endowment ; National character — not determined by Race alone; nor by Religious or Political institutions; Differences in state of Civilization only those of degree ; The general value of Civilization; Enjoyment; Labour; Happiness without culture — Cases cited ; Improbability of a uniform Civilization ; A high state of culture, morals, and religion incompatible with a tropical life ; Christianity; Conclusion ...... 380 DEDICATION. 3Tijc jFounfccr of tfjc ^ntijropological Sotietg of ILonUon, JAMES HUNT, ESQ., PH.D., F.S.A., F.B.S.L., F.A.S.L., FOREIGN ASSOCIATE OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF PARIS, HONORARY FELLOW OF THE ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON, CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE UPPER HESSE SOCIETY FOR NATURAL AND MEDICAL SCIENCE, UNDER WHOSE ABLE PEESIDENCY THE AFFAIRS OF THE SOCIETY HAVE BEEN CONDUCTED WITH UNEXAMPLED SUCCESS, THIS WORK IS INSCRIBED, WITH FEELINGS OF THE HIGHEST REGARD AND ESTEEM, BY HIS SINCERE FRIEND, J. FRED. COLLINGWOOD. EDITOR'S PEEFACE. THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON was founded early in the present year, and in its first general Circular announced that it contemplated publishing the present volume as the first of a long series of standard works on Anthropological Science. After the preliminary arrange- ments had been made, the Council and Publishing Com- mittee of the Society conferred on me the honour of entrusting the superintendence of this work to my hands. My duty is accomplished, and I have now the pleasure of introducing DR. WAITZ to the English reader. It will be advisable, in the first place, to record here the object of the Society in undertaking to publish trans- lations of works on General Anthropology. The publica- tion of a series of works on the Science of Man forms an integral part of the object for which the Society was es- tablished : as its programme sets forth, " The publication of a series of works on Anthropology will tend to pro- mote the objects of the Society. These works will gene- rally be translations ; but original works will also be admissible." The Society regards this measure as an important means by which it proposes to encourage " all researches tending to establish a de facto Science of Man." The responsibility of recommending Dr. Waitz's An- XIV PREFACE. thropologie der Naturvolker for translation rests with the Council and Publishing Committee of the Society. I may briefly explain the reasons which tended to its selec- tion. The question arose, " what continental work best represents the present state of Anthropological Science T The unanimous reply of the Council was, that no modern work has so well epitomised the present state of our knowledge on the subject as the first volume of Professor Waltz's Anthropology of Primitive Peoples. The President of the Society thus spoke in his Intro- ductory Address : * " In selecting works to be translated, we shall be guided by a de- sire to introduce books into this country, which, while being useful to the student and teacher, will at the same time help to give the reading public a better appreciation of the object and extent of an- thropological science. The Council will not simply favour the trans- lation of works, in the opinions of which they agree, but will aim at introducing those works which best represent the prevailing opinions respecting Anthropology on the Continent. The importation of foreign ideas and modes of treating our science cannot fail to pro- duce beneficial results." It is not necessary to insist here on the unsatisfactory nature of every systematic work on Anthropology that has yet been published, for the infancy of the Science of Man is a sufficient explanation. It is, however, advisable to have the latest authorities collected in a handy volume, which may serve as a basis for future research. The per- sonal opinions of an author are only of secondary value in all systematic works, for the facts are not yet collected so as to enable anyone to pronounce decisively on some of the vexed questions of Anthropological Science. To the student of the Science of Mankind this work will be invaluable. Nothing can better illustrate the present con- * Seo "Anthropological Review," i, p. 15. PREFACE. XV dition of the science than the contradictory statements contained therein ; but in the hands of travellers it may greatly help to rectify much of our present confusion. There has hitherto been no work in the English lan- guage on Anthropology which could be recommended as a text-book for travellers and students generally. Since the time of Prichard no work has issued from the press of this country of general utility. There have been many special treatises, but none at all comparable to the present volume. In America, the important and comprehensive works of Nott and Gliddon have helped to supply a want; but they are so violent in opinion, and there is such a uni- versal impression that they were written "with an object," that their value as text-books is very much lessened. Dr. Waitz shares with many authors, a suspicion that these works were written to prove the distinct origin of superior and inferior races of mankind, and at times, perhaps, he fails to do the American authors justice. The present work has rarely been noticed in this country ; but in France it has been freely criticised. It has also been well received in Germany, and Dr. Waitz's firmest theoretical opponents have willingly admitted the zeal, immense research, and erudition he has shown in the collation of his materials. Neither is it written in a narrow party spirit, but the author is candid and im- partial, and the whole tone of his work is characteristic of a truly philosophical mind. With regard to my own duties as editor, I have only to explain that the original has been followed as closely as possible consistently with rendering a readable trans- lation of language so thoroughly idiomatic as are the writings of Professor Waitz. The great number of references which the work contains has led me to depart XVI PREFACE. from the original in their arrangement : for the greater comfort of the reader I have placed them at the foot, whereas in the German they appear in the text. The present edition has been enriched by numerous additional notes and references from the pen of the author, the former, as a rule, having been incorporated in the text. I have, partly on that account and partly from the character of the work, refrained, with two or three exceptions, from encumbering its pages with additions of my own. But this course will be no precedent for the editors of future publications of the Society. In many cases it may be the special duty of the editor to bring the work of which he has charge up to the science and knowledge of his day. The table "of contents has been somewhat amplified, and a copious index added. This was required, inas- much as the time when the work will be continued has not been determined on by the Society, and the pre- sent volume is complete in itself, forming one of the most valuable contributions, that has yet appeared, to general Anthropology. J. R C. 4, St. Martin's Place, London, October 14th, 1863. AUTHOK'S PREFACE. THE questions raised in this work — which have for a consider- able time been discussed in America rather as party questions, but have in England, since the emancipation of the negroes, become subjects of unprejudiced, serious inquiry, — have been scarcely touched upon in Germany, until recently a contro- versy arose, the politico-theological rather than the scientific tendency of which, created for them a transitory attention, without, however, leading to an exhaustive treatment of the subject, or exciting that deep interest which it deserves. Sci- entific problems, which seem to lie between or to embrace the several branches into which we are accustomed to divide human knowledge, are, amongst us, not favoured by fate. If formerly, philosophy took charge of such orphan problems, they are at present no longer considered, since philosophy is gone out of fashion ; and consequently in our universities there is neither a faculty nor a professor who takes charge of them. I have, nevertheless, ventured to treat upon this subject, though I cannot justify my act by the consciousness of pos- sessing a competent knowledge in all the sciences bearing upon its investigation. Led to it by psychological studies, I had from the beginning no hope of arriving at a perfect solu- tion of a question which it were desirable should be treated by the united powers of the zoologist and geologist, the linguist, historian, and psychologist. But as such a happy combination may be long in occurring, there remained but the alternative either to leave the question in abeyance, or to try its solution with insufficient means. 2 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. I may be blamed for having chosen the latter course ; the more so, as with my limited means and the want of useful authorities, there was no hope of an exhaustive employment of existing materials. I must, under these circumstances, leave the book to answer for itself. If it succeed in arousing an interest for general questions concerning man, in advancing the knowledge of human nature, of which still, here and there, curious notions prevail, and thus laying the foundation for future and better works, its object will be attained. With regard to the plan of the work, I have only to say, that the succeeding volumes will contain ample proofs in sup- port of the general principles advanced in the first volume. These proofs will be found in the special descriptions of the life of the peoples inhabiting Africa, America, and the South Sea. The description of their external life will, as being less characteristic and important, and also from being better known, be treated less prominently ; whilst greater attention will be devoted to the description of the psychical, moral, and intel- lectual peculiarities of these nations. An accurate citation of authorities seemed to me indis- pensable, both for control and for my justification. I have therefore added the year of publication to the titles of the works quoted, so that there may be no doubt as to the editions I have consulted. Where Prichard is mentioned, without any addition, the third original English edition of his large work is alluded to. TH. WAITZ. Marburg, 30th October, 1858. INTRODUCTION. ANTHROPOLOGY, as yet, occupies but an uncertain and indefinite position among the various sciences relating to man. Accord- ing to its name, it aspires to be the science of man in general ; or, in precise terms, the science of the nature of man. To the zoologist, and to naturalists in general, Man seems to be neither more nor less than the most organized parasite of the earth, — the highest mammal ; to the theologian he appears as a being, by his mortal body belonging to nature ; by his spiritual endowment rising far above, standing in strict contrast to it, and occupying, by the Divine breath which has animated him only, a privileged position between God and nature. Whoever acknowledges in nature a spiritual power and an inconceivable wisdom to which he turns with a certain religious worship, might feel inclined to designate one part of the conflict be- tween these two views as a mere logomachy, but only one part of it ; for the question, whether man — at least in one aspect of his nature — stands beyond and above, and not in nature, would still be left in doubt, as well as the other question allied to it with reference to the priority of spirit or of matter. A third view, which, in a certain sense, endeavoured to re- concile both the above theories, has only contributed to expose the conflict between them, — it is the theory according to which the spirit of humanity is the spirit of God himself, the same one and absolute spirit which, unconscious of itself, creates the world, and only reaches the end of its development in man as the sole agent of divine self-consciousness. A self-evident sequence of this conception is, that knowledge of God and B2 4 INTRODUCTION. knowledge of human nature (Anthropology) are identical, since God, according to this theory, can have no other attributes than those which present themselves in the history of the mental development of man as purely human attributes, acting, at the same time, as divine powers in the history of civilization. We thus perceive the striking contrast between these three conceptions relating to the human being ; for the first places man altogether in nature ; the second does so in part ; the third places him entirely above nature. In this conflict of opinion — one side of which humbles the self-esteem of man as much as another flatters him — and considering the intrinsic interest of the subject, one might expect anthropology to be an industriously cultivated field, and that especially the faculties of those who assign to man so peculiarly sublime a position, not merely upon the earth, but in the whole universe, should be zealously directed to it. Yet such is not the case. In Germany it is at present a common case, that in the fields of various sciences, and even within the same science, opposite theories grow up, without their respec- tive propounders taking any notice of each other, or even en- deavouring to consolidate their doctrines. The strength of party supplies the strength of argument; the trouble of giving scientific proofs seems unnecessary where such value is attached to the judgment of those who, by agreeing in some funda- mental points, represent each other with the instinctive force of an esprit de corps. With the same kind of tact, all that has grown upon a foreign stock is silently passed over or eliminated, whilst that which seems homogeneous is assimi- lated; and thus scientific life moves in individual separate small spheres, whilst the more comprehensive and fundamental questions are no longer discussed. This applies also to the question of the nature of man ; but here another circumstance occurs which has essentially con- tributed to prevent Anthropology from acquiring its rights, this is, the peculiarly limited conception formerly attached to it. The old treatises on this subject make it appear merely as an aggregate of materials which already belong to other branches of science, and_are in Anthropology only arranged INTRODUCTION. 5 and popularly expounded. The most important and interesting - which comparative Anatomy, Physiology, and Psychology have pointed out with regard to the differential character of man from the Animals nearest to him, constituted the chief portion of Anthropology. Some other subjects were added, of which either nothing is known, or which do not admit of a scientific exposition, such as investigations into the origin of mankind, animal magnetism, mysterious solar, lunar, terres- trial influences, partly a heritage of the old philosophy of na- ture which has succumbed to the progress of natural science. Thus Steffens distinguished a geological, physiological, and psychological anatomy. Latterly, this mode of expounding Anthropology has been abandoned; for though the present time is by no means quite adverse to the belief in the supernatural and improbable reciprocal relations between na- tural objects, admissions of this kind are very sparingly made; hence works on Anthropology in this direction have disappeared. Moreover, they could not, as mere aggregates of materials belonging to other sciences, claim an indepen- dent interest; and the superficial phrases in which they in- dulged on a variety of subjects, such as dancing, declamation, poetry, and love, for the purpose of embracing, according to the German custom, every human peculiarity, were not calculated to supply the requisite interest. One great reason why Anthropology could not sustain itself in thia form, is owing to the awkward position in which it was placed by being considered and treated at one time as an empirical, and at another time as a philosophical science ; thus assuming an undefined and fluctuating character : here, it appeared with abstract deductions, without any experimental basis; there, as a mere collection of interesting experimental details, arbi- trarily changing the mode of treatment. In opposition thereto, it is requisite to declare in this place, once for all, that Anthro- pology is to be considered as an empirical science, because its subject, Man, is only known to us empirically, and hence it is requisite to study man by the same method which is applied lie investigation of all other natural objects. In attempting to limit the sphere of Anthropology, and to 6 INTRODUCTION. assign to this science a proper and well-defined position among other allied branches of human knowledge,, our attention is first directed to two departments of study, differing greatly in matter and method, but which, nevertheless, in spite of their external dissimilarity, possess this in common, — that they both make Man the exclusive subject of their consideration, in the investigation of his nature ; we allude to the Anatomy, Physio- logy, and Psychology of man, on one part ; and to the History of Civilization, on the other. Our task, therefore, is to inquire into what has been accomplished in these fields, as regards the nature of man, and whether the results obtained form such a complement that from their combination the desired knowledge may be obtained. Anatomy, physiology, and psychology consider man as an individual being, not indeed (like the practical physician and pedagogue), as an examplar, but as the representative of a genus : not with regard to particular accidental peculiarities by which he is distinguished from other individuals of the same genus ; but in so far as the common or generic character of all similar individuals is represented in him, and the laws to which, externally and internally, all these individuals are sub- ject, appear manifested in him. But the consideration of man, in his social relation, is foreign to these sciences ; the whole sum of mental performances, which proceed only from a multifarious reciprocal action of individualities, and which in the course of centuries essentially transform the external and inner life of society, lies beyond its sphere. And if Psycho- logy does not altogether desist from casting a glance at this sphere, it feels obliged to remain at the gate, and to rest satis- fied with an historical description of certain facts, as the con- catenation of the acting causes is too great to enable it to reduce the course of events to psychological laws, thus finding its progress obstructed just where the proper field of the History of Civilization commences. The latter directs its atten- tion exclusively to social life and its development ; and the con- tribution which, from this point of view, it renders towards the knowledge of human nature, is doubtless as essential as that contributed by the natural- sciences. There remains, un- INTRODUCTION. 7 fortunately, a considerable gap in our knowledge; for these different branches of science stand yet, side by side, uncon- nected, whilst they should, by combination, assist each other. This is first shown by the relation of Physiology to Psycho- logy. Both these sciences are usually so limited that the first treats of physical, and the second of psychical life ; hence, the reciprocal actions of the physical and psychical organization remain unexplained, for an investigation of this subject fits neither in the frame of physiology nor of psychology. And yet, as regards the question of the nature of man, the modes and peculiar form of this reciprocal action are of the greatest importance. The obscurity as regards the essence of the soul, and its connexion with the body, is not a sufficient excuse. The disputed points might, without any great loss, remain untouched, if the task proposed were merely to investigate the amount of the influences of the physical organization, with its peculiarities and periodical changes, upon psychical life ; and the kind of reaction the body experiences from psychical activity; to what extent they take place, and what are the proximate and remote results. Still larger than the gap subsisting between physiology and psychology, is that obtaining between the physical and histo- rical parts of our knowledge. The History of Civilization is unquestionably developed by the collective action of four connected groups of causes. The first is the physical or- ganization of man. The second presents itself in the form of the psychical life peculiar to each people, which appears developed in all individuals belonging to it in a world agitated by various interests, views, and feelings. Surrounding nature forms the third. The fourth is the sum total of social relations and connexions of individuals and circles of society, inter- nally and externally. The History of Civilization by itself has only for its object the representation, to the fullest extent, of the origin and the decline of each civilization, and the ascertain- ment of their causes. Here it becomes evident how uncon- nected the physical part of the science of man stands beside the historical part ; for we are as yet very far from being able, by a philosophy of history growing out of physiology and psycho- 8 INTEODUCTION. logy, to indicate why and wherefore the history of one people has undergone a different process of development from that of another people ; why one people has no history at all, and in another the sum of mental performances never exceeds a cer- tain limit ; and yet in every case it is the aggregate of the physiological and psychological facts alone which contains the essential conditions of the historical facts. In assigning to Anthropology the task of mediation between the physical and historical portion of our knowledge of man, it will not merely be delivered from the reproach of being a mere collation of borrowed materials, and thus unjustly claim the position of an independent science ; but it will acquire a better right to its name, inasmuch as the nature of man mainly rests upon this, — that he steps out of his individual life, and enters into a social connexion with others, by whom he himself arrives at a higher and truly human development. It is at the point of his transition from isolation into social life that Anthropology must lay hold of man, and investigate the conditions and results of his further development. Let us endeavour more closely to examine this task of An- thropology in its relation to history. In the historical con- sideration of man, the differences of physical organization and the influences of surrounding nature, stand in the background ; the former, because the development of civilization is, with some few unimportant exceptions, limited chiefly to the Cau- casian race ; the latter, because the conformation of the human race, however dependent it may originally in pre-historic times have been on surrounding nature, has gradually, with progres- sive civilization, by division of labour, intercourse and trade, art and science, greatly emancipated itself from this depend- ence. Whilst History endeavours to represent the various phases of civilized life to the fullest extent, the interest of Anthropology rests chiefly upon the general features and the greatest differences in the various forms of human life ; for as regards the latter science, these diversities form the most im- portant and characteristic part, and we should have but a one- sided conception of man, if our notion of him were only derived from the history of civilization without taking into consider- INTRODUCTION. 9 ation the requisite supplement arising from the study of uncivilized nations, and of man in a primitive state. It is just this point which anthropology has to keep in view. History only begins where reliable traditions or writings exist, — where a beginning of civilization has been secured, — where certain objects are rationally pursued, — where a people by the force of historical conditions, either influenced by the genius of indivi- duals arising among them, or by external causes, arrive at a certain development. Anthropology, on the other hand, em- braces all the peoples of the earth, including those who have no history, in order to acquire the largest possible basis ; and endeavours partly to sketch an ante -historical picture, and what may, in contrast to the historical development of peoples, be termed the natural history of human society, namely, its necessary natural formation upon a given soil, and under given stationary external conditions. As man appears in history neither as a living body, such as physiology describes him, nor as a spiritual being, as conceived by psychology, but as a combination of physical and psychical life, he must be considered as a whole in the reciprocal action of his physical organization and his psychical life ; for it is only as a whole that he appears as the elementary basis of history. There arises in the interest of history another ques- tion, as to the extent to which the notion of man should be applied, — whether all individuals and peoples, usually compre- hended under that term, are of one and the same nature, — whether they belong to one species, or whether there be not such specific differences in the physical and psychical en- dowments of individual stocks as would justify history in excluding them, assigning them to zoology, and defending their employment as domestic working animals by higher organized beings, properly called men. To this question there is another closely allied, which attracted considerable attention during the last century, but which seems now almost neglected; namely, the question as regards the primitive or natural state of man (Naturzustand) . On glancing at the mode in which it was formerly treated, its present neglect can scarcely surprise us ; for in the absence of empirical materials requisite for the 1 0 INTRODUCTION. solution of this problem,, recourse was had to mere rhetoric of a political and religious nature, in order to establish certain favourite notions with regard to the primitive man. Yet it is this point which is of such great importance to the student of the history of mankind ; and it is the very last which should be neglected in laying a foundation for the history of humanity, bearing always in mind that this investigation must be con- ducted in an empirical method, and not by a deduction from abstract notions. The fourth theme of Anthropology is that of Ethnography or Ethnology, the object of which is an investigation into the affinities of various peoples and tribes. Closely allied with it is the History of Mankind ; and it seems arbitrary whether this branch of knowledge be considered as a separate part of Anthropology, or belonging to Ethnology. The important results to which, in modern times, German philology has led, caution us against the errors still committed in determining affinities of nations, and grouping them in families or races, by viewing them exclusively from an Ethnological stand-point, and neglecting the historical and other evidence.* ON THE UNITY OP MANKIND AS A SPECIES, AND ON THE NATURAL STATE (NATURZUSTAND) OF MAN. Whosoever would arrive at a just conception of Man must not consider him exclusively as an individual being, for man is, as was well observed by Aristotle, a social being ; as an * That the definition which Latham (" Man and his Migrations," London, 1851) has recently given of Anthropology, is confined within too narrow limits, requires, after what has been stated, no elucidation. He distinguishes the natural history of man from the history of civilization : the first considers man as an animated, the second as a moral, being. The natural history of man he divides into Anthropology, treating of the differential characteristics of man in contrast with the brute ; and Ethnology, the doctrine of races or varieties of mankind. By the first, the peoples are to be classified according to their physical resemblances, and hence Hottentots, Esquimaux, the popu- lation of Tierra del Fuego, are to be grouped together, in order to deduce the effects of external influences ; in Ethnology, on the other hand, the peoples must be grouped according to their affinities. INTRODUCTION. 11 individual being lie cannot be fully understood. Anatomy and physiology have therefore by themselves no claim to deter- mine the nature of man; nor can they do so in combination with psychology, which being chiefly founded on self-contem- plation, carries us but a few steps beyond the individual man. There is no doubt that the social life into which he enters, con- tributes much towards teaching the individual what passes within him, as in a mirror, and exhibits to him sensually what he would never have been able to comprehend by mere self- contemplation. Nevertheless, this enlarged field of observation is still too confined to enable us to deduce from it alone the notion of Man. In order to extend our horizon we must direct our atten- tion to the history of a people, and from it to the whole history of civilization. Yet even this basis is not sufficiently comprehensive. We require, in order to have a just conception of the nature of man, a knowledge of all mankind; but this knowledge cannot be obtained nor even thought of, if it is not preceded by defining the limits of mankind, and deter- mining the question whether all men are of one species, or if not, within what limits the notion of species is to be con- fined. The question whether the individuals which we are accus- tomed to call human beings, are all of one stock, or whether there are ^between them permanent specific differences, is im- portant to all sciences. Whether the knowledge of which man is capable, is absolute for all thinking beings, or is only rela- tive to his peculiar stand-point, still all his thinking and know- ing is specifically human, and his only concern is that it should be universally valid among human beings ; for every endeavour in our researches to rise above the sphere in which nature has confined us, resembles the attempt to fly with imaginary wings, when it is inconvenient to put the legs in motion. All the truths which are brought to light necessarily relate to the nature of man, partly, since all knowledge comes of him, and partly because all recognized truths lay claim to general assent, requiring confirmation, not by individual and merely subjective, but by universal human conceptions and notions. We may, 12 INTRODUCTION. therefore, as a necessary pre-supposition of all sciences, assume that there is a universal and unchangeable human nature ; un- less we place ourselves upon a purely empirical stand-point, from which ' ' universal" signifies nothing more than a relatively high degree of probability, because at different times and under different circumstances it is acknowledged as true by men of different degrees of civilization. The question of the unity of species and the nature of man specially belongs to those branches of knowledge which treat of the intellect. These sciences usually make the abstract ideas on mental life, its signification and connection which they find prevalent among peoples of different degrees of culture, the basis of their deductions. And whence should these sciences take their starting points for logical, psychological, ethical, religious, and 83sthetical considerations, if not from the ideal sphere of the people from which they have proceeded ? The inquirer will certainly, in the reception of these ideas, not pro- ceed without discrimination, but he will compare the history of the development of one people with that of his own people. This leads him finally to draw all mankind into the circle of his investigations, since having once entered the wide field of the history of the development of human conceptions, he can- not avoid the conviction, that a too limited notion of man and his intellectual nature must obstruct many of his scientific views. Though it has hitherto not been doubted that the same laws of thought are applicable to all men (which is only rendered certain by the assumption of their specific unity), it has been frequently discussed whether all of them are capable of the same intellectual and moral development, whether conscience speaks to all in the same manner, whether the same religion is adapted to the intellectual and moral conception of all. Who- soever denies both this and the unity of the human species, generally acquires his notion of human nature from the study of the Caucasian race, and places his theoretical views on right, morality, and religion, upon quite a different basis from the disciples of the opposite theory. He obtains thus a code of laws and morals which is only binding for one part of humanity; INTRODUCTION. 13 for whether among the other species of man which he assumes, there are conditions analogous to our ideas of justice and morality, and if so, of what quality, would require a separate investigation, which would also apply to religious and aesthe- tical notions, etc. If there be various species of mankind, there must be a natural aristocracy among them, a dominant white species as opposed to the lower races who by their origin are destined to serve the nobility of mankind, and may be tamed, trained, and used like domestic animals, or may, according to circumstances, be fattened or used for physiolo- gical or other experiments without any compunction. To endeavour to lead them to a higher morality and intellectual development would be as foolish as to expect that lime trees would, by cultivation, bear peaches, or the monkey would learn to speak by teaching. Wherever the lower races prove useless for the service of the white man, they must be abandoned to their savage state, it being their fate and natural destination. All wars of extermination, whenever the lower species are in the way of the white man, are then not only excusable, but fully justifiable, since a physical existence only is destroyed, which, without any capacity for a higher mental development, may be doomed to extinction in order to afford space to higher organisms. To such or similar conclusions, the theory of specific differ- ences among mankind leads us. Thus there are different and more comprehensive interests attached to the question of the unity of the human species, than to the probably unsolvable problem of descent from one pair or several pairs, or the con- test about permanence or mutability of races. On these grounds it would be an erroneous conception, which, however, is not rare among naturalists, to think that on physical considerations alone, for or against the permanence of types, we can decide on unity of species j for whatever side we take on the question of the mutability of the external man, we should have to declare against specific differences, if it were to turn out that they all possess the same qualities which arrived at different degrees of development, determined only by external circumstances and mode of life. Though some 14 INTRODUCTION. external and internal differences may in certain tribes present themselves as constant — which can scarcely be denied even in people originally of the same stock — if it cannot be shown that there is a difference in the form and mode of development of in- tellectual life, if it cannot be shown that some, under equally or still more favourable external conditions of development, are detained in a lower scale than others by original weakness, the proof of specific difference is not complete. We do not mean to assert that whatever great and constant external diver- sities may prevail among mankind, it still would, from a similar mental endowment, follow that they belong to the same species : we acknowledge in this respect the equal rights of physical and psychological proofs, but we cannot, as is often done, deem the latter of less importance than the former, as a mere secondary consideration of not much account. The ques- tion whether we have to decide for or against unity of species, where there is a considerable constant physical difference com- bined with equal mental endowments, or physical equality with psychical dissimilarity, may be left in abeyance, as it has no practical signification. Nature has seemingly relieved us from this embarrassment, in combining almost everywhere the same pyschical endowment with the same physical characters, without, however (in individuals as little as in whole nations), adopting a strict parallelism of external and internal develop- ment as a fixed law. If such a parallelism, as some modern authors have indicated,* cannot be shown to obtain generally in the animal kingdom, — since the development of the organization does not always correspond to that of the intellect, and though even in the human race it is still doubtful whether the degrees of intellectual development correspond to those of the body, and specially of the brain, — there has, as yet, neither in animals nor in man been found an instance of a combination of specific physical equality, with a specifically different psychical endow- ment. Though we may be justified in classing animals, of whose psychical life we know so little, according to their external * Compare Volkmann, Art. "Gehirn," in "Wagner's Handworterb. der Physiol." INTRODUCTION. 15 organization, we cannot, in man, make our ignorance of his inner life the ground for considering him merely in his physical aspect. It is a distorted view which Cuvier takes* in order to keep psychological arguments at a distance in the classification of animals, when he says that all vital manifestations which occur only periodically are useless in classification. The psy- chical life of every species of animals is no doubt as constant as physical life, though certainly less accessible to investigation. This should, however, not make us forget that all classifications of animals which rest exclusively on their organic peculiarities are only provisional, and can have no absolute and universal value, since, owing to our necessarily imperfect knowledge, they cannot be subjected to exhaustive investigation. But with regard to man, the mere physical organization and its muta- tability is insufficent to enable us to decide the question of unity of species, since the character of humanity consists, first and foremost, in the specific development of psychical life, and only secondarily in the physical organism as the embodiment of this spiritual essence. Hence it is inappropriate to treat man merely as an object of natural history, and to divide man- kind into races or species, according to external forms, without taking into consideration that the most striking distinctions between individuals and peoples are to be found in mental qualifications. When, for instance, Bory de St. Vincent f considers it as undoubted that the Negro, in spite of his com- paratively smaller brain, possesses the same mental capacity as the Austrian, whom he foolishly enough calls the Boeotian of Europe, and the same capacity as four-fifths of Frenchmen; and when he ascribes to all his species of mankind the same degree of perfectibility, and attributes to nine Europeans out of ten no higher mental endowments than to the Hottentots, it may be considered as a complete recantation of his theory with regard to specific differences existing among mankind. Van Amzingej; appears, up to this period, to have been' the first author who considered a classification of mankind, founded on * Thierreich ubersetz (Animal "Kingdom, translated), by Voigt, 1, p. 5. t "L'Homme," 2nd edit., 1857, ii, p. 62, j « Investigation of the Theories of the Natural History of Man," New York, 1848. 16 INTEODUCTION. mere physical character and irrespective of psychical endow- ment, as unscientific. For the above reasons our investigation respecting the unity of mankind is divided into two parts ; the first has to examine whether all human beings are to be considered of the same species on physical grounds ; the second, whether or not they are so on psychological grounds. PAET I. PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. THE notion of species is founded upon the fact that the typical similarity of natural objects is preserved throughout all their changes. Between the inorganic and organic kingdoms of nature, there obtains in this respect only this difference : — that the sphere of action is larger or more manifest in the organic world, the natural laws leaving a wide margin for the produc- tion of individual varieties, and further that the preservation of types can only be effected by the propagation of individuals belonging to them. Apart from this, the signification of the term species applies equally to organic and inorganic objects ; it designates the constancy of the assemblage of characters oc- curring, regularly combined, in nature. Without entering into any details with regard to the abuse made of this term in philosophy, it may be sufficient to observe, that species are neither mere subjective abstractions formed only to classify the innumerable natural objects, nor are they exemplars, which, as active principles, form the foundation of all natural objects. They are, in fact, nothing else than empi- rical laws of natural production ; for the constant coincidence of similar characters must have as its fundamental cause a cor- responding constant assemblage of natural conditions. So long, therefore, as by the term species nothing more is desig- nated than the typical similarity of natural phenomena, the regu- larly recurring complex of characters, and the regular recurrence 18 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. of the same complex of causes by which that typical similarity is maintained, the term expresses, to the exclusion of every hypo- thesis, merely the fact as observed, and presents no difficulty whatever. But if it be requisite, since differential characters be- tween individuals are nowhere wanting in nature, that in the notion of species there should be included a criterion accord- ing to which we might decide as to the range of variation for each type — that is to say, to determine the limits of each, or what magnitude or qualities of the differences between individuals might justify us in including them in the same type or not — then the definition of the term species becomes difficult, or rather not the definition itself, but the laying down of a rule as to the extent of the variation for each type to which the term is to be applied. The only positive and valid proof that a certain num- ber of individuals belong to the same species, proceeds from the demonstration that they have descended from the same original stock ; and in all doubtful cases, the question of unity of species can only be decided by analogy with those cases in which unity of stock has been amply demonstrated. But as the extent of this range of variation, and consequently unity or diversity of descent can, in comparatively few cases, be decided by direct evidence, there remains a wide room for doubt as regards unity or difference of species. This is the more the case, as on the one hand within the very same stock later generations ex- hibit considerable deviations from the preceding, and, on the other hand, these deviations, arising in the course of time, may be so constantly transmitted that it cannot with any certainty be maintained, that they do not possess the same absolute con- stancy as that attributed to specific characters. These actual phenomena are designated by the term varieties, which are partly individual, or merely transitory, or more or less perma- nent, in which case the term race is used. The difficulty consists in determining the difference between species and per- manent variety, or race. We purpose reviewing the principal attempts made in this direction, in order to pave the way for our investigation of the specific unity of mankind, and learn what weight is to be at- tached to arguments derived from natural history. DEFINITION OF SPECIES. 19 The definition of species, as given by Cuvier,1 seems to have been generally accepted in natural history. " To the same species belong all such individuals which have descended from each other or from common parents, and from those who re- semble them as much as they resemble each other." Prichard's definition that the term species includes separate origin and constant transmission of organic peculiarities, is identical with that of Cuvier. Though this definition is theo- retically unquestionable, it contributes little or nothing to the solution of the practical question with regard to the characters by which individuals of the same species may be distinguished from others belonging to a different species ; for the difficulty to be solved is, to establish a decisive character for the great majority of cases in which we know nothing of descent, and in which the resemblance of the individuals is less than that gene- rally subsisting between parents and children, and individuals of the same stock. For such a character, definitions are re- quired which can be confirmed or refuted by experience ; but this, as regards common descent, excepting individual in- stances, is not the case, for in respect to remote generations more or less probable suppositions are only possible. To this defect may be added another of still greater importance. Though we may readily grant that unity of species results from unity of descent, and though in the study of zoology and descriptive natural science unity of descent is chiefly con- sidered, as it treats of the propagation and history of organ- ized beings, still it is a confusion of terms to identify the notions of unity of species and unity of descent, which according to the above definition is frequently done even by Prichard, who con- siders separate descent and original differences of character as convertible terms. In spite of this frequent confusion of terms, he observes, very justly, that the term species should only be applied to an aggregate of individuals, where nothing intervenes to consider them as the descendants from the same stock : that is to say, when we are not obliged to reduce them 1 " La reunion des individus descendus Tun de 1'autre ou de parents com- muns, et de ceux qui leur ressemblent autant qu'ila se ressemblent entre eux." — K£gne Animal, 2nd edit., i, p. 16. c2 20 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. to different stocks, although for these, we must add, it remains as yet undecided whether they have descended from one or several, and in the latter case again, whether from perfectly similar, or not perfectly similar pairs. Should we be inclined to assume or consider as possible, that all, or but a few species of animals, have descended from several protoplasts, we are already cautioned not to confound the notions of unity of species and unity of descent. If, then, the notion of species and the whole sphere of its applications is not, at the outset, to be placed on a fluctuating basis, it will be requisite to keep the reference to unity of descent separate from it, which is necessary in order that every thing merely hypothetical should be excluded there- from. The notion of unity of species of a number of individuals rests, as we have seen, in the organic and inorganic world, solely upon the similarity of their external and internal nature, upon the regular coincidence of the same essential characters, by which, however, nothing, either in animals or plants, is yet decided as to community of origin. This community of origin is merely a probable deduction from, the actual similarity of their nature, because propagation and transmission seem to be the only way of its preservation. It is on this ground alone, that organic beings, belonging to the same species, should not exhibit greater differences than such as can be traced in individuals of the same stock ; and yet there remains, in spite of this, a possibility that individuals whose differences do not exceed the limits of variation of the same stock, are not de- scended from the same parents, nor from perfectly similar parents ; notwithstanding which there would be a sufficient justification for including them in the same species. We shall, therefore, adopt the first proposition that unity of species results from proved unity of origin ; but not the second, which has often by zoologists been considered as inseparable from it, namely, that separate descent, wherever it can be traced, is a sufficient proof of difference of species. In cases of the latter kind the process in modern times has usually been to declare similar types, which hitherto had passed as mere varieties, to be different species, if these types belonged either to certain definite regions, or if apparently unsurmountable SPECIES. UNITY. 21 obstructions prevented their migration from one region to another. Thus, Agassiz and others cite the Asiatic and African lion ;* Vogt, the chamois of the Pyrenees and of the Alps ; the mouflon in Sardinia and Asia Minor, which though they differ very little from each other, cannot be considered as belonging to the same stock, and are consequently not of the same species. Giebel,2 especially, has quoted a large number of examples which seem to prove that the assumption of single prototypes for individual species of animals, is in many cases untenable, partly because an existence in masses is in many cases requi- site for the nutriment of others, partly because the migratory capacity of many is too limited to admit of their gradual pro- pagation over the whole regions which they at present occupy ; such is the case as regards the mole, the beaver, many snails, and most fresh- water animals. Gregarious animals can scarcely be considered as having descended from a single pair. Hence, several centres of creation have been assumed, at least for some genera. Here it is especially necessary to distinguish unity of descent from unity of species. This may, perhaps, be done by assuming, whenever the facts require it, that a species consists of ' ' homogenous species/' ' ' sub-parallel species," or " stocks," namely, where in individuals of an ascertained or strongly pre- sumptive different stock, the usual limits of variation within the same stock are not passed, and the physical and mental development is essentially the same ; so that according to Pri- chard's expression, " there is nothing in the way to consider them as the descendants of the same stock ." And when he further agrees with De Candolle, that it does not unfrequently occur that two individuals who really belong to the same spe- cies, whose common descent is incontestable, yet differ more in their external aspect than others of a different species, we are reminded of the uncertainty of all conclusions as regards unity of stock if inferred alone from similarity of type. 1 Swainson (" Treatise on the Geography and Classification of Animals/' p. 284, 1835) is inclined to assume five distinct species of lions, and quotes other similar instances. 8 « Tagesfragen aus d. Naturgesch.," p. 69, 1857. PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. In itself, it is of little importance what signification is given to the term " species"; but so much depends upon it, that unity of descent, which requires a separate proof, should not be in- cluded in the notion of typical equality of beings. The con- ception of species does not merely belong to zoology and botany, but to all sciences ; the former must, therefore, if necessary, give it a more precise definition ; but, at the same time, should keep it free from theoretical assumptions, as it is merely in- tended to designate the actual facts. If in modern times there prevail an inclination to designate every variety as an original species, ' ' which despite of all external influences remains per- manent," and to consider this character of permanency of type, even under unfavourable circumstances, as the sole criterion of species,1 a definition is then given, which, in itself, is not objectionable ; but there is then danger to overlook or alto- gether deny the actually existing variability of type, so that the conception of species (as is the case in Morton and his disci- ples, of the American school), is in fact a mere definition pre- pared in order to arrive at the intended result of a plurality of the human species. Like separate descent, so also has fecundity been considered as a criterion of difference of species, founded chiefly upon the following facts : — In a state of perfect liberty, and under normal conditions, animals of the same type not only pair with each other, but usually select, by preference, such individuals of the same type as resemble them most, especially as regards colour. Cross- ing of different types and the production of hybrids, occur in the free state only under abnormal circumstances, and if inten- tionally occasioned by man, they succeed only by the agency of artificial means. The mare must be blindfolded if she is to be covered by the male ass ; the ass must be painted over like a zebra to couple it with that animal, and even such means succeed only when the individuals belong to nearly allied species. The produced hybrids are in most cases sterile, or if 1 So Agassiz, in Nott and Gliddon, who defines species as the sum of indi- viduals which, since it has been known to man, has always retained the same peculiarities. — Desnioulins, " Hist. Nat. des Races Huniaines," p. 194, 1826. HYBRIDITY. 23 not, as frequently is the case with sheep and goats, the cross breed is not permanent, like the original types. This equally applies to plants, though in them the return to the original type may only occur after a series of generations, namely by intermixture of the hybrids with individuals of the original type. Induced by these phenomena, Buff on1 includes in the same species, all individuals which in the free state produce young possessing between themselves an unlimited prolificacy. This criterion of species, although approved of by F. Miiller and others, has recently been much canvassed. It was already contested by Rudolphi,2 who asserted that not only were there many hybrids produced in the natural state, but that prolifi- cacy was the rule as regards the hybrids of mammals. Though this assertion is manifestly far beyond the truth, still there stands the remarkable fact that crossings between remote species, and even between different genera, are frequently pro- lific, (ass or horse with horned cattle, stag and cow, bear or buck with a bitch, dog and cat, roe and sheep, swan and goose), whilst the hybrids of more proximate species are not so : jackal and dog, ox and buffalo, hare and rabbit,3 (as asserted by some), resist all attempts at crossing them. We are certainly yet a long way off from concluding, from the above individual phenomena, the unlimited prolificacy of cross-breeds; they serve only to draw our attention to the fact that we are, as yet, entirely ignorant of the law upon which the success or failure of cross-breeding depends ; but this has not deterred some writers from the attempt to clear this gap. Thus, Bory assigns to the hybrids of the sheep and wild ass (onager), of wolf and dog, siskin and linnet, unlimited prolificacy, though he cannot assert the same as regards the mule. Desmoulins declares the herds of cattle of the United States, beyond the Alleghanies, to be the progeny of the American bison and European cattle, the former having a differently formed skull and two ribs more than the latter ; and he con- 1 (Euvres in 4to, iv, p. 386 : Succession const ante d'individus semblables et qui se reproduisent. 2 Beitrage zur Anthropol., 1812. 3 The Leporine, a hybrid of hare and rabbit, may now be seen in the gar- dens of the Zoological Society. — ED. 24 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. siders that the hybrids form a new permanent species.1 This is said also to apply to the domestic dog in relation to the wolf, fox, jackal ; and also to the mulattoes, who always preserve the same type, and should therefore be considered as a new spe- cies ; whilst mongrels of tribes of the same stock (for instance, of different Indo-Germanic peoples), preserve no fixed type, but exhibit variable forms. In opposition to this, it is neces- sary to state, that no reliable instance can be adduced of the permanency of a hybrid race by in-breeding, least of all in mammals; that the production of new independent types in this manner is as yet extremely doubtful ; and that the adduced examples, so far as they have been confirmed, can only be con- sidered as individually extraordinary facts, which have but little value in the attempt to lay the foundation of a new theory of the laws of nature in the preservation of types, and so to place the conception of species upon a different basis. All the examples which are usually adduced to prove un- limited fecundity of hybrids, admit of a twofold interpretation. If (according to Vogt) wolf, dog, and fox are prolific among themselves, and if propagation is so much easier the nearer we approach the highest animals, it may — apart from the pro- blematical second part of this proposition and of the doubtful cases of dog and fox, the successful pairing of wolf and dog, the hybrids of which propagated, in one instance, during four generations — (A. Wagner) — be maintained that dog and wolf do not belong to different, but to the same species. R. Wagner accordingly lays down the proposition,2 "that where an intermixture of hybrids is observed (which can only with certainty be asserted of wolf and dog, camels, goat, and sheep,) the specific differences of the parent animals is, at least with regard to mammals, doubtful." From his collection of hybrid cases in the animal kingdom, it appears that in point of fact there is no certain example of fecundity (not to speak of un- limited fecundity) of hybrids between themselves, and only individual instances of prolific intermixture with one of the 1 Morton (" Hybridity in Animals and Plants/' p. 6, New Haven, 1847) con- siders this as doubtful. » Prichard, Uebers, i, 449. HYBEIDITY. — FECUNDITY. 25 parent stock. What, indeed, would be the signification of specific differences in nature, and how objectless would be their permanence, if their obliteration were rendered possible by continued production of hybrids ! Morton, the predecessor of Vogt, in this respect has endea- voured to show that hybrids of different species are the more prolific between themselves, the greater their capacity to be- come domesticated. His examples refer chiefly to the hprse, the ass, the zebra, the wolf, dog, jackal, fox, the swine, fowls ; and it cannot be denied that, according to his examples, the phenomena of hybridity possess a greater extension than was formerly admitted. He concludes therefrom that, as regards man — pre-eminently a domestic animal, — the inference from unlimited fecundity to unity of species is not applicable ; and his successors, Nott and Gliddon, distinguished accordingly, among the various species of animals, those which by intermix- ture produce none, or unprolific, or prolific hybrids as remote, allied, and proximate species. The so-called races of mankind are said to stand in the latter relation, as the permanence of their organic peculiarities, as well as those of the races of dogs, is ascertainable from the ancient Egyptian monuments. As this last assertion leads us to the notoriously erroneous pro- position, that there is, properly speaking, no alteration of type, the question of hybridity itself is placed upon very slippery ground, since the majority of domestic animals have ever been subjects of contention as regards unity or difference of species, and are consequently least adapted to lead to a decisive solu- tion. There certainly prevails in modern times an inclination to assume a plurality of species, where formerly races only were distinguished; and in proportion as this has been done, fecundity alone as a decisive mark of unity of species has lost its weight. We must not omit to state that this is especially the case if unity of species is considered as identified with unity of descent, in which case fecundity affords no absolute proof for common origin, if stocks originally distinct prove themselves productive between each other. The question would, however, still remain, whether by distinguishing stock from species 26 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. there may not have been originally distinct parallel stocks the same species, which in their essential character, as well as in respect of the range of variation through which they pass, may exhibit an unlimited fecundity between each other. However decidedly we may oppose a theory of the origination of new species by the production of hybrids, this much must be admitted, that from unlimited prolificacy alone the unity of species can hardly be inferred. On the other hand we can scarcely agree with Holland,1 when he asserts that the theory that individuals, however much they may differ, belong to one species if they prove to be of unlimited prolificacy, moves in a circle, and assumes what remains to be proved : for it is an empirical fact that a really unlimited prolificacy nowhere oc- curs where important differences of organization prevail ; and an essential feature of the character of fecundity as a mark of species lies in this, that it does not involve the unsolvable doubt of common or separate descent, but ignores it. Notwithstanding the variety of objections which may be raised against unlimited fecundity as a decisive character of species, it cannot, as has recently been said,2 be considered as of merely secondary importance. It retains its importance, though it is not ascertained how many generations have proved prolific in order to arrive at the conclusion that they belong to the same species ; and further, sterility not only occurs between individuals of the same stock, but the extinc- tion of some races is as clearly demonstrated as the extinction of whole species. If recent experience has shown in the breeding of domestic animals that different races are some- 1 " De FHomine et des Races Humaines/' p. 213, 1853. 2 Giebel (loc. cit.) has misrepresented this point, by stating, what no one has asserted, that fecundity has been considered as the only criterion of spe- cies ; hence he requires from the adherents to this doctrine that they should only count such individuals to be of one species whose unlimited fecundity is experimentally proved. It is a further misrepresentation, when he says, that difference of species cannot be inferred from sterility, for however correct this may be, it does not follow that fecundity should be neglected as a cri- terion ; for it is only contended that, where minor differences of organization exist, the specific nature of which is doubtful, sterility or prolificness may afford important assistance in deciding the question; though it may be granted that the decision obtained in this way is not absolute and final, it is certainly not valueless and unimportant, unless the capacity of reproduction is not considered as an essential character of the animal world. Of a a PROLIFICACY.— -REVERSION. 27 times not indefinitely prolific, or produce malformed, defec- tively organized young — parallels of which are found in the intermixture of different human races — the objection is not of any weight against unlimited prolificacy as a specific character; for whenever this is held out as a criterion it is not asserted that it occurs without exception among all individuals and races of the same species, but expresses only the fact of a merely limited prolificacy between individuals of specifically different types. It may, however, be considered as an un- avoidable defect in this criterion, that it cannot decide whether there be within the same species varieties which, between themselves, possess only a limited prolificacy, or none at all. On casting a retrospective glance at our investigations we arrive at the important proposition, that inferences from com- mon descent to unity of species have an absolute certainty, those from unlimited fecundity have a high degree of proba- bility, whilst the conclusions as to differences of species from separate descent or limited prolificacy are less safe. A further mark of distinction between race and species is also afforded by the so-called reversion; that is to say, by the return of individuals prolific between themselves to the original type of the parent stock, which thus proves itself permanent. As the hybrids perish, the mere varieties revert, under certain circumstances, to their original types, and thus show that they have no specific existence. In cases of mongrels of two doubt- ful types, though proving indefinitely prolific (e. g. Mulattoes or Mestizoes), should they, by continued intermixture with each other, return to one of the parent stocks (Negro, white, or American), one would feel inclined to assume a difference of species of the latter, because the transformation into a different type failed ; we should then have obtained a better definition of one of the criteria, fecundity ; but such a case seems not yet to have occurred. There would still remain some doubt as to the correctness of the conclusion, whether new characters arising in the course of time may not under circumstances become so fixed as to acquire a permanence equal to specific characters, though it is a probable, but by no means proved, supposition that all characters arising in the course of time 28 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. possess but a small degree of constancy.1 Where mongrels intermix not among themselves but with one of the parent type (e. g. Mulattoes with Negroes), and revert to it, it is no proof for the specific difference of the parent stocks, since it is a well known fact that in the intermixture of races the more numer- ous race absorbs the less numerous. This reversion represents only a special application of the general rule, according to which Blumenbach has endeavoured to determine the distinction between species and race, namely, that all differences between individuals or groups of individuals which may be considered as having been produced by external influence, or have arisen in the course of time, do not consti- tute specific differences. Though the general validity of this rule may be readily admitted, still its application is often very difficult and uncer- tain. When, as mentioned by Wagner (in Prichard), the same species of animal is met with in Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Timor, Celebes, and even in the Philippines, or in the Asiatic conti- nent, exhibiting in all these countries constant variations, it might be difficult to decide whether in such cases we should assume different species or races. The fact is, that the axiom that all individuals which only differ in variable pecularities, belong to the same species, is only a different version of the notion of species as an assemblage of constant characters, and presents nothing new in relation to the distinction between species and race. This conception of species possesses, never- theless, the advantage of fixing our attention on the point from the investigation of which, the definition of species, in doubtful cases, may be expected, namely, the range of variation for every species. It may also be observed with regard to this last mark of distinction, that the inferences drawn therefrom to unity of species have greater value than when applied to difference of species. The former must be considered proved as soon as it is demonstrated that the greatest variations in the respective individuals are still within the limits of those differences which 1 I. Geoffrey St. Hilaire thinks that the characters of a race are the more constantly transmitted the older the race is. SPECIES AND RACE. 29 arise and disappear in the course of time, or which may be found in several generations of the same stock. The argu- ment, on the other hand, for difference of species in any case, has but little to support it, if the variation of the respective types, leading to an alteration of type, cannot be demonstrated. The proof would only be perfect if we succeeded in positively demonstrating the immutability of the pure types after they have for a sufficiently long time been subjected to the most various external influences, and have given rise to a relatively large number of mongrels of these types and their varieties, to establish the fact that the hybrids ultimately revert to their respective original types. If they prove prolific between them- selves without the mongrels exhibiting a tendency to reversion, the fixity and, consequently, the specific difference of the latter can only be considered as doubtful. In the same manner the continuance of the pure types under unchanged external cir- cumstances, even if it has lasted for several thousand years, as the Negro type in north-eastern Africa, is by itself alone in- sufficient to establish them as specifically different. The last argued criterion of species and race has been used by Blumenbach (and by Prichard after him) to found upon it a long series of conclusions drawn from analogy. They chiefly directed their attention to the question, whether the greatest differences exhibited by human beings are only so great and no greater than those presented by known races of animals, so that we might be justified in considering them as differences of race, or whether they are analogous to specific differences among animals. Blumenbach, who may still be considered as a chief authority, and a cautious observer, shows plainly l that if the same laws determine the variability of types in animals and man, the latter necessarily constitutes but one species, since animals of the same species exhibit, as regards colour, hair, size, cranial form, no greater differences, produced by climate, food, etc., than are presented by human beings. Essentially, Blumenbach has never been refuted, though he is now ignored by those who find his arguments inconvenient ; for 1 " De generis humani varietate nativa/' 3rd ed., p, 75, 1795. 30 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. it cannot, for instance, be refuted that the domesticated swine, in spite of the different cranial form, belongs to the same species as the wild boar, since in many parts of America the imported swine have again returned to the type of the wild boar. The considerably larger alimentary canal of the domestic cat, compared with that of the wild cat, has, by some, been con- sidered as a probable consequence of their food being more of a vegetable kind, whilst others claim it as a proof of difference of species. De Salles1 expresses the argument of Blumen- bach in the following terms : — ' ' La domestication de Phomme, oscillant perpetuellement entre les extremes de la civilisation et Petat sauvage, doit avoir modifie Phomme encore plus pro- fondement que les autres animaux domestiques." Man is certainly, zoologically considered, pre-eminently a domestic animal, and we cannot escape the conclusion that if the laws of variation in animals also apply to him, the changes ex- hibited by domestic animals in the torrid and frigid zones must, by analogy, extend to man. On account of this analogy Nott and Gliddon (and recently Giebel), following Morton, have endeavoured to prove that the various canine races must be considered as specifically distinct : and if this be conceded (as proved by the ancient Egyptian monuments, in which the permanence of character is exhibited,) the prolificacy of these between themselves weakens the dogma of the unity of the human species ; for, ' ' zoologically speaking, mankind and canidce occupy precisely the same position." Although this proof can hardly be deemed sufficient to shake the conclusions from the great number of examples adduced by Blumenbach, it has this opposed to it : — that others include all the canidce in the same species because there exists between them no fixed line of demarcation, the transitions of their characters being manifold and perceptible, and their pro- lificacy increasing by cross-breeding.2 Nott, moreover, weakens his own argument from analogy, by observing :3 te Again and again, in previous publications, I have alluded to the fallibility 1 " Hist. Generate des Eaces Humaines," p. 265, 1849. 2 Godron, " De FEspece et des Eaces/' p. 64, Nancy, 1848. 3 Loc. cit., p. 402. SPECIES AND RACE. 31 of arguments drawn from analogy alone, while insisting that no true analogies can be said to exist. Every animal f from null/ ti> tin- ii'orm, is governed by special physiological laws. . . . The rules current among breeders of domestic animals have been considered as applicable to man, but the notion itself is very unphilosophical and could never have originated with any intelligent naturalist of thorough experience ." This analogy has, nevertheless, been generally recognized as a legitimate mode of argumentation. Even in the same work from which we have quoted, Agassiz declares that it must be considered as proved that the laws which govern the variation of type in animals are "in the same limits and the same degree" applicable to mankind. If we were to ask for the proofs of this, and why the inferences of Blumenbach are rejected, it may be long before we receive an intelligible answer. However clearly it may be demonstrated that the differences between the various types of mankind are not greater than those produced in animals by the influences of climate, food, etc., this circumstance in favour of the unity of mankind should not be over estimated, because the justification for such a parallel is doubtful. Not only is the comparison of differences found in specifically different individuals uncertain, but it is inadmissible, because it includes the assumption that the range of variation for all, or not very remote species, is nearly the same. De Candolle, as quoted above, has shown that sometimes indivi- dual varieties within the same species exhibit more considerable diversities than different species themselves ; to which may be added the remarks of Swainson* on the diversities which esta- blish specific differences, that there are constant specific differ- ences which seem much less marked than many diversities of race. If the latter were really confined to narrower limits than specific differences, we might possess a pretty certain and con- venient distinctive mark between race and species ; but such is not the case : e.g., the variability of the ape, so closely approx- imating man, is far from being so extensive as that possessed 1 Loc. cit., pp. 275, 35. 32 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. by domestic animals and man. The range of variation of evei species seems to be peculiar to each, and governed by specii laws. Hence, it proves nothing when Agassiz says, the chim- panzee and the gorilla differ no more from each other than Mandingo and the Gruinea Negro, and both do not differ more from the orang than the Malay or European from the Negro : if the former are to be considered as belonging to different species, the latter should be considered equally so. That par- ticular laws of formation govern individual species of animals is indicated by their different capacity for the production of hybrids. This would be certain if Desmoulins were right in his assertion that the diversities of various species, and their sphere of variation, diminishes the more they approach man. The fallaciousness of drawing conclusions from the analogy of one species to another has recently been pointed out by Lucas,1 who proves, by many examples, how extremely differ- ent, quantitatively and qualitatively, is the power of resistance in different races to external influences in regard to the trans- formation of races. Some other instructive examples are furnished by Giebel.2 They show that similar deviations in different genera of animals are of very variable importance, e ' as in one family or genus one or another organ has obtained a particular significance for the whole organism," so that fre- quently characters or groups of characters which are essential to one constitute in the other no fixed specific characters, but vary greatly. In condensing the results of our investigation regarding the definition of species, we have found that it designates those types permanent which are transmitted by propagation. We were induced to separate the questions of unity of species and unity of descent on the ground that the same assemblage of constant characters may belong originally to distinct stocks ; and we could not, therefore, consider unity of descent as neces- sary to our definition of species. If, thus, separate descent was no valid proof for difference of species, unlimited prolifi- 1 "Traite philosophique et physiol. de 1'heredite naturelle," ii, p. 116, 1857 ; and Nusard, ibid., ii, p. 452. 2 Loc. cit., p. SPECIES AND RACE. 33 cacy proved an important, but not a decisive mark of distinc- tion between species and race, and could only be considered as a probable sequence. Finally, reversion and its allied phenomena appeared insuffi- cient to furnish an undoubted criterion of species and race. And as it became apparent that such a criterion could not be established, we hoped that the defect would be supplied by the conclusions of analogy furnished by the comparison of various species. This expectation was also doomed to disappointment, as the limits of variation in different types seem to be of a greatly diversified extent. The result, therefore, of our investigation (which is scarcely surprising in an entirely empirical subject), is this : that the general question as regards a decided mark of distinction between race and species can only be answered by the particular study of the extent of variation in individual types ; that is to say, that in every question of unity or differ- ence of species we are referred entirely to the study of the individual phenomena themselves. The investigation of the unity of mankind as a species can only be finally completed, when the results of long continued in- fluences of all possible external conditions in which man is able to live, are as fully and clearly ascertained, as the results of all possible crossings of various human types after a long series of generations. But as our experience in this respect is very far from being perfect, we are compelled to stop at some more or less probable propositions, which must proceed from the solution of the question, whether a gradual alteration of types belonging to the same stock can be proved, and whether it be sufficiently extensive in order to show that the greatest differ- ences prevailing among mankind are merely variations. Next to that the question will be, whether the cross-breeds of the various types" by limited prolificacy, or by constant reversion to the parent type, resemble more the hybrids or mongrels of different races. 34 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. PART I.] SECTION I. ON THE MODE AND MAGNITUDE OF THE PHYSICAL CHANGES TO WHICH MAN IS SUBJECT. ALL permanent changes, apart from morbid phenomena, pro- duced on man in the course of time, may, with regard to their origin, be divided into four classes. I. Climate; n. Aliment and mode of life ; in. Psychical influences, growth and decline of mental culture ; iv. Deviation from the original type, result- ing from unknown causes and transmitted more or less per- manently. In many cases it cannot with any certainty be determined to which of these four classes certain phenomena belong, and whether they may not be the results of a combination of causes. It is still less possible exactly to ascertain in what manner such causes have produced these changes; which is specially the case with regard to climate. What is termed the influence of climate, consists of the direct and indirect influences of the temperature of the air, its degree of moisture, pressure, and chemical composition (malaria) ; the frequency and variations of winds ; rains, their periodicity, etc. Though it is undoubted that a long continuance of such in- fluences produces certain changes in the human organism, but little is known in what mode they are effected. Nothing re- mains then, but to state, as an ultimate fact, the coincidence of climatic influences with certain differences in the corporeal organization. The reason of this uncertainty is, that the effect of the climate cannot easily be separated from that produced by alimentation and mode of living, which generally act in com- bination. It is known that the hygrometric state of the at- mosphere influences respiration and perspiration, and that the absorption of oxygen by the lungs is in inverse proportion to the temperature of the air, and in direct proportion to the barometric state ; it is further known that the barometric state reaches its maximum under 32-33° lat., and is, under the equator, subject to daily regular oscillations ; but all this only SECT. I.] CLIMATE. 35 enables us to say that, in consequence of such circumstances in different climates, various changes are produced in the animal economy, without our being able exactly to trace out their origin. These circumstances, in combination with other causes which J. W. de Miiller1 has treated of, lend at first sight a certain probability to the explanation of the black skin of the Negro, namely, that in hot climates the amount of oxygen inspired is insufficient to change the carbon into carbonic acid, and that the unconsumed carbon is deposited in the pigment-cells of the skin. Berthold2 gives a similar explanation, namely, that in spite of the great development of the liver in hot climates, and a diminished activity of the lungs, a sufficient quantity of car- bon is not removed from the body; hence the vessels carry a large quantity of carbon which, with an increased perspiration is retained beneath the epidermis. It is, however, difficult to admit that the browning of the skin in our climate in summer, is produced by the same causes as the black colour of the Negro, and that it would only require a greater intensity and a longer duration to become so entirely. Nor can it be admitted, that the tawny skin of many pregnant women and the examples quoted by Blumenbach,3 of the black spots on certain parts of lying-in women, as well as the tawny colour of such women who have never menstruated, prove in any way that the colour of the Negro is not owing to specific causes ; for the objection would still remain, that under the tropics in East India, South America, and one part of Africa, there live no blacks, and that neither as regards Negroes nor other peoples, the colour of the skin is exclusively determined by the absorption of oxygen. Those who insist upon an explanation must rest satisfied with that given by Foissac,4 who attributes the colour of the Negro to the predominant vegetable diet containing much more carbon than animal diet. This explanation offers the same difficulties as the former, and is open to similar objections, as is also ' " Causes de la Coloration de la Peau," p. 24, Stuttg., 1853. 2 " Lehrb. der Physiol." 2 Aufl., ii, p. 325. 8 " De generis humani var. nat.," 3rd edit. p. 156. * " Ueber den Einfluss des Klimas auf den Menschen," p. 67, Gott., 1840. D 2 36 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART . another opinion of Foissac, which attributes the tawny colour of the Polar nations to the diminished absorption of oxygen, their blood being charged with carbon, owing to the hot summers and the heated and smoky winter habitations. Though some of these circumstances may have their share, it cannot be ascertained to what cause the colour of the Polar tribes is chiefly due. Hence, the assumption of specific peculiarities is still permissible. We are, therefore, obliged to rest satisfied with a mere probability regarding the causal connexion of climatic influences and ali- mentations, with physical peculiarities ; and frequently even probability fails us. It is this impossibility to analyze the effects of climate and nutrition which has induced Grodron2 to assert that climate has but a superficial influence on plants and animals and could have contributed but little to the differences of human races ; and that the causes of the latter lie rather in the differences of nutrition and modes of life : for whilst some plants and animals thrive unchanged in different climates, the wolf and the fox retain the same characters in the torrid or the frigid zone, like the wild horses in South America which possess the same charac- ters as those of the Crimea and Ukraine. The influence of climate as a general agent cannot, however, be called in question. We may quote the well known facts mentioned in detail by Heusinger,2 that in cold climates, the size, growth, sexual development, and prolificacy of animals diminish, whilst hair and feathers grow more abundantly ; fatty deposits are found, and the colour becomes white, whilst the contrary occurs under the tropics. Many of our domestic ani- mals which thrive in different climates, present the most evident examples of these influences. How much the human economy can adapt itself to climatic conditions, is proved chiefly by climatic diseases and the morbid predispositions peculiar to every climate ; and though the con- sequences are not always a visible change of the external form, the modifications in the vital process are undeniable. It fre- 1 " De I'Esp&ce et des Races," p. 16 and 70, Nancy, 1848. a "Grundziige der Vegl. Physiol.," p. 211, 1831. SECT. I.] CLIMATE. 37 quently occurs that strangers rapidly die in a country where malaria prevails, whilst the natives live and apparently thrive — facts we shall presently mention — and it seems to make no difference whether the strangers belong to the same type or not as the natives. We may instance the fact that the native Peruvian thrives and remains free of pulmonary complaints at an altitude from 7000 to 15000 feet above the level of the sea, which, as in Quito, is frequent destructive to the white.1 Set- ting aside extreme cases, such as a sudden change of all essential conditions of life, nothing justifies the assertion that man transplanted into a foreign clime must either die or remain as he is. If man can bear the transportation into an essentially different climate, his organism will experience certain modifica- tions, and it is not to be expected that the change should not be as externally perceptible as it is in many animals. D'Orbigny2 goes so far as to assert that, in Peru, at the alti- tude above mentioned, the trunk is changed by the influence of respiration, the body is short but compact, whilst the in- habitants of the damp lowlands are more slender in form. Without entirely assenting to this view, we must admit that external conditions, especially such as approach the limits be- yond which man could not exist, considerably alter the physio- logical process ; and we must not wonder if, in the course of several generations, a corresponding change is effected in the external form. It is as yet uncertain whether such alterations occur within a comparatively short period and are arrested at a certain point,3 or whether, like some wild plants changed into varieties by cultivation, the change proceeds at first slowly and afterwards with great rapidity — both may possibly occur under different circumstances. Volney4 says, that the Negro physiognomy resembles a face acted upon by the light of the sun and heat, exhibiting over- hanging eyebrows, half-closed eyelids, raised cheeks, and pro- jecting jaws. We cannot subscribe to the explanation given 1 " Stevenson, Kr., in Arauco/' ii, p. 174, 1826. 2 "L'Homine Americain," i, pp. 96, 113, 1839. 3 " Lyell, " Elements of Geology/' 7th ed., ch. 37. 4 " Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte," i, p. 70. 38 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. by Stanhope Smith1 of the peculiarities of the Tatar, namely, that severe cold had the effect of contracting the eyebrows and eyelids, closing the mouth, and raising the cheeks, which has produced the short broad face, and the harshness of features. Blumenbach2 has cautiously admitted an influence of climate upon the features but not upon the facial bones, and maintains that the latter become modified by the activity of the facial muscles, as shown lately by Engel.3 We do not, therefore, agree with the censure pronounced on this work by Barthes.4 Much less doubtful is the influence of climate on stature, and the more rapid or slower development of the body. Many travellers have compared the Esquimaux with the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego and found them resembling, though they live at such a distance from each other. This external resemblance has induced many to assume a special race of " Hyperboreans/' which includes all the Polar nations of the northern hemi- sphere.5 We must, from the as yet unproved relationship of many of these peoples, infer a certain levelling influence of climate, as all of them are of short massive stature. This applies also to the Peruvians inhabiting high altitudes, who are, moreover, distinguished, as has been often observed in other nations inhabiting cold climates, by a considerable size of the head. Thus, the Hindoos inhabiting the hot plains are distinguished from those of the mountainous regions by smaller, less-projecting foreheads, without, however, exhibiting any in- tellectual inferiority.6 Lauvergne,7 on the other hand, incor- rectly asserts, that in families who, from mountainous countries, migrate to the plains, the head becomes after a few generations 1 " On the Causes of the Variety of Complexion and Figure," p. 106 : New Brunswick, 1810. a " De gen. hum. var. nat.," p. 212. 3 " Das Knochengeriist des Menschlichen Antlitzes, 1850 ; Untersuch. uber Schadelformen, 1851. L. Fick ("The Causes of the Forms of the Bones," 1857), has endeavoured to prove that muscular activity has no such influence upon the shapes of the bones, though the growth of the bones depends upon the forms of the soft parts surrounding them. 4 " Nouv. Elemens de la sc. de 1'Homme, ii, p. 132, 1806. 5 Lacep&de, Dumeril, Virey, Bory. 6 Broc. in Lucas, ii, p. 465. 7 " Les Forcatf," p. 315. SECT. I.] CLIMATE. 39 more developed, which is generally the case with the progress of civilization. Zimmermann1 concludes, from the high stature of the Pata- gonians and the old Germans, whose country was then colder than now, that the highest stature belongs to the colder regions of the temperate zone, whilst Blumenbach2 thinks stature in- creases on approaching the tropics. To both these assumptions it may be objected, that the short inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego live very near the Patagonians, the Laplanders near the Fins and Swedes, and similar examples shew that in this re- spect all that can be asserted is, that the greatest development of man and domestic animals seems to occur in the temperate zone. I. Geoffroy St. Hilaire, who shares Zimmermann's opinion,3 mentions as a known fact, that the peoples possessing the shortest stature inhabit nearly all the most northern part of the northern hemisphere. His own tables, however, which must not be altogether confided in, as is plainly shewn from his numerous exceptions, indicate the nature of this assumed fact. Since (as he himself observes) near such peoples of high stature there live other peoples of short stature, we must admit that descent is of more decided influence than climate, though the latter is not without its due effect. The animals, about the size of which 4n relation to climate Greoffroy lays down a series of axioms,4 differ in this respect. Some species grow smaller in warm climates, others in cold climates.5 A sufficiently well-known and constant effect of climate (in support of which, we shall quote a number of facts), is the rapid or tardy development of the sexual organs. This develop- ment is, like stature, also dependent upon nutrition and mode of life; whence many deviations may be explained from the rule that sexual maturity occurs earlier in warm, and later in cold climates. This influence also extends to the intellect. 1 " Geogr. Gesch. des Menschen und der vierftiss. Thiere," 1778. 2 " De gen. hum. var. not.," p. 93. 3 " ATin. des Sci. Nat./' p. 702, 1832 ; Froriep's Notizen, No. 818, p. 54, 775 1833. 4 Froriep's Notizen, 1832. 5 Swainson, p. 275. 40 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. Among the Arabs, the boys exhibit the same demure behaviour as adults.1 Little children are more intelligent than those of the same age amongst us, though probably not for the reason given by Brehm,2 that they are entirely left to themselves and that in their helplessness they learn early to use their physical and mental powers. Negro children learn to run about much earlier than the children of Europeans.3 The children of the natives of Nukahiwa swim alone in the water when they are scarcely a year old ;4 and in Tahiti they often learn earlier to swim than to run.5 R. Schomburgh equally found that the children of the Zuramatas in Guiana, learn to use their physical and intellec- tual powers much earlier than European children. That this precocity is no peculiarity of the race is proved by its being also found among the white Creoles in the West Indies, and among the Brazilians.6 In the same latitude and climate, the time of puberty occurs earlier among Negros and Mongolians than among Europeans ;7 this is partly the result of mode of life, and partly an inherited peculiarity which changes but slowly in the course of several generations. A well-known instance of the permanence of race peculiarity is afforded by the Jewish girls in Central Europe. They arrive at maturity, and grow old, at an earlier period than the daughters of the peoples among whom they live. A similar influence of climate is assumed with regard to fecundity. That it must be very great among the Negroes in Africa, may be inferred from the enormous losses which Africa has suffered (without any perceptible diminution of its popula- tion) by the agency of the slave-trade. On the other hand, the extinction of the aboriginal Americans has been attributed to delicient fecundity of the race, a subject we shall treat of in the sequel. In this place we may observe, that Quetelet8 has some 1 Hoskin's " Travels in Ethiopia," p. 179, 1835. 2 " Eeiseskizzen aus Nordost Africa," i, p. 56, 1855. 3 Des Marchais, " Voyage en Guinee," p. 282, Amst., 1731. 4 " Wise Los Gringos," p. 138, 1850. 5 Tyermann and Bennett, " Journal of Voyages and Travels," i, p. 360, 1831. 6 Rendu, " Etudes sur le Bresil," p. 19, 1848. 7 Lacepede, " Hist. Nat. de THomme," p. 109, 1839. * " Ueber den Mftnsclien," p. 67, 1838. SECT. I.] CLIMATE. 41 doubts whether, under similar circumstances, the North or the South is more favourable to fecundity. The greatest fecundity known, combined at the same time with great demoralization, is that of Guanaxuato in Mexico, — in the year 1825, it exhibits the proportion = 1 : 16*08. Macauley1 speaks of a Negress at Santiago, in Haiti, who produced seven children in three years, and thirteen in six de- liveries. Twice she gave birth to triplets, and three times to twins. Another Negress was surrounded by two hundred de- scendants. To have one hundred grandchildren is not con- sidered extraordinary. The influence of climate upon the colour of the skin is not contested, but in many respects is yet unexplained. That it does not alone depend on geographical latitude and the mean temperature, has been often observed and proved by Humboldt as regards the population of America; nor are the blackest people of that continent found under the equator.2 This holds equally good with regard to the Polynesians, of whom Beechey says, that the blackest people inhabit the Vulcan, and the lighter the Coral Islands. The inhabitants of the Marquesas, Navigation, Friendly, and Society Islands form a series, varying from light to dark shades. The inhabitants of New Zealand and the Sandwich Islands are still darker;3 also the inhabitants of Easter Island.4 But in the same latitude with the Polynesians as well as at a little distance from them, there live large numbers of tawny dark-brown peoples, among whom, again, the natives of Van Diemen's Land are darker than the New Hollanders, who live nearer the equator (Peron) . The in- habitants of the East and West coast of South Africa are very dark. Three hundred English miles in the interior, there are on both sides of this part of the world two regions inhabited by lighter coloured peoples. The natives of the central part are, 1 " Haiti, ou, Renseignements authentiques sur 1'abol. de 1'esclavage," pp. 167, 171, 176, Paris, 1835. 2 This had already been noticed by Columbus, who was surprised to find the colour of the native Americans under the equator lighter, than in the northern regions. — Herrera, Hist. General, xiii, p. 12, 1730. 8 Hale, " Ethnography and Philol. of the United States Expl. Expedition," p. 9, Philadelphia, 1846. 4 Forster, " Bemerk. auf seiner Keise urn die Welt," p. 211, 1783. 42 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. however, again perfectly black.1 The dark colour of the Ainos on the .Kurile Islands, is in remarkable contrast to the climate they inhabit. From these and similar facts, it may be inferred that the colour of the skin is not so much owing to climate as to descent. Humboldt,2 who found no difference in Peru among the in- habitants of the Cordilleras and those of the hot plains, ascribes to it, like Ulloa, great durability among the Americans, and con- siders the influence of climate in this respect, as trifling. This is also the case with regard to the colour and the quality of the hair ; and, although less constantly, as regards the iris, be- tween which the parallelism is unmistakable, inasmuch as the dark tint of the skin is accompanied not merely with a dark iris and dark hair, but also with a proportionate tendency in the latter to curl, which circumstance had already been pointed out by Blumenbach. The white race alone contains peoples of florid complexion, light hair and iris, and in this lies a prool for the greater influence of descent over climate.3 One of the most interesting examples of this kind is exhibited by the Berbers in North Africa — blue eyes, fair skin, and red beard, are very common among some Kabyles ;4 high stature, white skin, and light hair, are especially found among the Chaouias in Auras.5 These characters, by which they were often considered as the descendants of the Vandals, are possessed by them chiefly in the mountainous parts; it therefore again becomes doubtful, what in this case belongs to climate and what to the purity of blood. Several instances in favour of the theory that the colour of the skin is more determined by descent than by climate, may be found in Humboldt.6 The 1 Livingstone, " Missionsreise u. Forschungen," 1858. 2 " R. in die Aequinoctialg. ed. Hauff," ii, p. 55. 3 The author of an interesting article on " Human Hair in Morgen-Blatt, 1855, No. 14, says, — " The dark colour of the hair of the Irish and Celts must long ago have vanished, in consequence of intermixture with the neigh- bouring fair-haired tribes, or the dark -coloured Celts must have become fair, since they inhabit parts of Europe which contain the light-haired nations, namely, those north of 48° latitude. 4 Prevost, " Nouv. Ann. des Voy.," i, 126, 1848. s Guyon, ib., ii, p. 390, 1848; compare also M. Wagner, "Reisen in Algier," ii, p. 56, 1841. 6 " Neu Spanien," i, p. 117. SECT. I.] CLIMATE. 48 Mexicans, for instance, are much darker than the aboriginals of the hottest parts of South America ; and the Gruaicas1 are much lighter than the Indians by whom they are surrounded, although they seem to share the same mode of life. Maehlen- pfordt2 observes with regard to the Mexican Indians, that they are as brown in the cold mountainous regions as in the south and hot valleys, and that the covered parts of the body are fre- quently of a darker colour than the unprotected parts. The only parts which are constantly of a lighter colour, are the palms of the hand, and the soles of the feet. Desmoulins3 sup- ports his theory, that the pure races retain their peculiarities, by the Kohillas, a colony of the Affghans north of the Granges, who are said even now to possess the same physical characters as the Icelanders — white complexion, blue eyes, fair hair, European physiognomy. His authority for this is Niquet, who adds, that they see badly in bright day light, which creates the suspicion that he speaks of Albinos. Moreover, the Affghans exhibit all shades of colour; in the western table-land, they have an European clear complexion ; in the east of the Indus, they are darker, and even black.4 The colour of the skin cannot in some cases be satisfactorily explained either by reason of descent or the influence of climate ; it must then be dependent on other influences. The Portuguese Creoles, in Java, i. e., the cross- breds of the Portuguese and natives, who have propagated on the Island for centuries, are much darker in colour than the Javanese themselves.5 Uncivilized nations preserve, at least under common condi- tions, not only the type generally, but also the colour of their skin and hair. This is specially shown by the Fulahs, who, though of a different stock, have preserved their peculiarities among the Negroes. Thus Burckhardt6 was able to recognize the descendants of the Bosnian soldiers, who, sent by Sultan Selim (1420), settled in Nubia, and who by their brown colour 1 Humboldt and Bonpland, « Reise," iv, p. 495. 2 " Schilderung der Rep. Mejieo," i, p. 204, 1844. 3 " Hist. Nat. des Races Humaines," pp. 21, 162, 168. * Pilchard, iv, p. 91. 5 Pfyffer, " Skizzen v. d. Insel Java," p. 67, 1829. 6 " Reisen in Nubien, p. 194, 1820. 44 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PAET I. and features betrayed their northern origin. Rafalowitsch1 also asserts that he recognized them by their fair skin in Derr, lower Nubia. But when Duprat' asserts that Berbers, Arabs, Turks, and Jews in North Africa have perfectly preserved their characters in spite of the perfect equality of the condi- tions in which they live, we must observe that this is scarcely correct, and that there is no general equality of conditions, in as much as Duprat considers the Moors who chiefly inhabit cities to be unmixed Arabs. That upon the Mauritius, as D'Unienville asserts,3 the Creole- and Mozambique-Negroes, Malgasches, Malay s,Telingas,Malabars, and Bengalese, are easily to be distinguished as they have preserved their peculiarities, does not prove anything against the influence of climate, since it differs but little from that of their native country ; and from the constant renewal of all slave populations, climate has hardly been of sufficiently long continuance to have produced a change in them, whilst, on the other hand, every individual tribe is dis- tinguished from the others by language, manners, and modes of life. No doubt many instances furnish us with evidence that peculiarities of bodily formation which have persisted through many generations are but very slowly altered ; but they are not sufficient to invalidate the opposite doctrine, that in several peoples of the same origin the physical characters have altered by the influence of climatic conditions in combination with extensive changes in diet and mode of life. Though there is no regular increase in the darkness of the skins on approaching the equator, still it can be proved that colour, like many other physical peculiarities, depends partly on local conditions be- sides geographical latitude. The facts, however, are not alto- gether free from contradiction, so that definite rules on the effect of climate can only be obtained from more extensive observation. Mountaineers are usually of a lighter colour and more vigor- ous than those of the same tribe inhabiting the valleys. The SECT. I.] CLIMATE. . .45 Hindoos in the cold mountainous regions,, especially in the Hi- malayas, are white and have frequently blue eyes, the beard and hair of the head are sometimes curly, brown, or red. The Siah-Posh, or Kaffirs of Hindukuh, who speak a language allied to the Sanskrit, are of European whiteness ; the inhabi- tants of Cashmir are brown.1 The Hindustani are tall, vigorous, warlike, light coloured ; the Bengalese in their damp and mild climate, short, weakly, timid, and black.2 Those who consider the colour of the skin as permanent, must attribute it, in regard to the Hindoos, to intermixture with the dark aboriginal inhabi- tants of India.3 The institution of castes may, perhaps, support this explanation. A remarkably striking contrast is exhibited by the fine vigorous Tudas in the high healthy parts, in com- parison with the miserable Curumbars, inhabiting the un- healthy lowlands. If the Abyssinian, whose olive coloured skin becomes usually lighter during the rainy period, approach- ing that of the European, descend from the highlands into the valleys, he becomes of a dark brown. Analogous changes are observed in the hair and wool of animals.4 The inhabitants of Enarea in the low and marshy parts are perfectly black, and have the features and the woolly hair of Negroes, whilst those of the mountainous parts of Enarea and Kaffa are not even so dark as the Neapolitans ;5 and .though this may, according to Combes et Tamisier,6 be going too far, there still exists an im- portant difference. The natives on the banks of the Zambesi are very dark and negro-like, but the colour of the mountaineers is like that of coffee and milk mixed. In harmony with these facts is the remarkable circumstance that the proper and well-marked Negro type is only found in hot low countries, whilst the in- habitants of highlands mostly deviate from it, and are both physically and intellectually superior. Hombron (p. 282) en- deavours to prove that the Polynesians become in unhealthy 1 Elphinstone, Alex. Burnes, Prichard, iv, pp. 91, 209. 2 " Lassen Ind. Alterthumsk.," i, p. 404. 3 Hombron, " Zoologie. zu D. d'Urville Voy. au Pole Sud," 164. Omaluis d'Halloy. 4 Lefebvre, " Voy. en Abyss.," iii, p. 299, 1845. * Bruce, " Quellen des Nils," ii, p. 309, 1790. 6 " Voy. en Abyssinie," iv, p. 285, 1838. 46 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. parts uglier and more like the Malays. Winterbottom,1 who asserts that lean people of dark colour become of a lighter colour on growing fat, found the inhabitants of the unhealthy coasts of Sierra Leone, darker than those who live inland. Thus we also hear of the Arowakas, in Guiana, that whilst some of them resemble in complexion the Spaniards and the Italians, those living in the unhealthy low parts near the sea are nearly as dark as the lighter coloured Negroes.2 In this way it may, perhaps, be explained why the Chiriguanas, in the old missions of Piray, are of dark brown colour (color morenos), but those who remained heathens, their women specially, are nearly as white as the Spaniards.3 The former may, under the direction of the missionaries, have cultivated the soil, the latter may have lived in the forests protected from the sun. From these and other instances it has been inferred that hot and damp countries favour the darkening of the skin.4 The frequency of bilious diseases, which occur on changing the residence from high dry lands to low marshy grounds, has been often observed. Further confirmations of the fact are found when we notice the change of colour which Europeans experi- ence in other parts of the world, and especially under the tropics. Even the traveller who remains there but a short time loses his colour. ' ' When I arrived at Grhadames," says Eichardson,5 " I had a rosy colour, now I am like these yellow men." The covered parts, however, preserve their original colour, as has been proved in the case of the French soldiers in Algiers. On the other hand, it is stated of the North- American Indians that the covered parts are not lighter in colour than the naked.7 This is also asserted of the natives of Mexico and Peru.8 1 "Machr. v. d. Sierra Leone," p. 240, 1805. 2 " Journal of the Royal G-eogr. Soc.," ii, p. 229, according to Hilhouse. 3 " Viedma in de Angelas, Coleccion de Obras y Documentos," B Aires iii § 9, ad. 50, 1836. 4 Jarrold, " Anthropologia ; or, on the Form and Colour of Man/' p. 188, 1838. Heusinger, " Grundriss der Anthropol.," p. 87, 1829. 5 « Trav. in the Great Desert of Sahara," i, p. 265, 1848. 6 Lay, James, " Account of an Exped. to the Kooky Mountains under M. Long., Philad.," i, p. 285, 1823. T Humboldt and Bonpland, " Eeise," ii, 250. SECT. I.] CLIMATE. 47 These cases can, however, hardly be considered as pecu- liarities of race; for the European in Java, as well as in the West Indies and Africa, soon loses his red cheeks, and experi- ences other changes if he remains for a long time exposed to a tropical climate. Whoever lives for a long time in Guinea, and is much exposed to the sun, becomes almost copper- coloured.1 Raffenel2 goes so far as to assert that people of the Caucasian race who are for a considerable time exposed to a tropical sun gradually assume the colour of the Negro, there being well-authenticated instances of pure Arabs who had become under such circumstances blacker than those accounted very dark among Negroes. And if, as we are informed, the Portuguese colonists of Cachaux, in West Africa, have become black mulattoes,3 and those of Cape Verd, the coast of Guinea, in Quilimane,4 in Batavia, Ternate, Bombay,5 in Larentuka (Mores), and in Dilli (Timor),6 have after a series of gener- ations become black or nearly so, it cannot altogether be ascribed to intermixture with the natives. Even Pruner,7 — who is not partial to the doctrine of the great influence of climate on the organization of man, and who considers the structure of the skeleton in the various races as unchangeable, — states from his own observation, that the European acclimated in Egypt, acquires after some time a tawny skin, and in Abyssinia a bronzed skin, he becomes pallid on the coast of Arabia, cachectic white in Syria, clear brown in the deserts of Arabia, and ruddy in the Syrian mountains; whilst the hair does not merely become darker, but acquires a softer texture, with a tendency to curl. Aii interesting gradation of all shades down to the negro-black is exhibited by the Jews. West of Tomsk, in the Barabinsky Steppes, they have a clear skin and light hair,8 which is uncommon in England and Germany. In Spain, Portugal, Syria, the East Indies, and Congo, they exhibit i Monrad, " Gemalde der K. v. Guinea," p. 371, 1824. » " Nouveau Voy.," i, p. 272, 1856. 3 Durand, " Voy. en Senegal," an. x, i, p. 169. 4 Owen, " Narr. of voy. to explore the shores of Africa," i, p. 290, 1833. 6 Forrest, " Voy. to New Guinea," p. 36, 1779. 6 Olivier, " Land und Seereisen in Mederl. Ind.," ii, p. 266, 1829. 7 " Die Krankheiten des Orients," p. 83, 1847. a Simpson, " Narr. of a Journey Bound the World," ii, p. 410, 1847. 48 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I different shades.1 Though it may be that the Jews, banishec by John II, 1492, from Portugal, may, as Sprengel2 asserts. have intermixed with the Negroes of St. Thomas, this must not be considered as the sole cause of their altered complexion. Though it appears that in the same people, if they live in various degrees of latitude, the colour of the skin usually increases in darkness on approaching the Equator, e.g., in the Chinese, who from Pekin to Canton present all shades from light to deep copper colour; the Arabs, from the Desert to Jemen, from olive colour to black ; the Australians about More ton Bay, coal black; but 10° south copper coloured:3 — still, we must not lose sight of the important exceptions, lately also pointed out by Livingstone, to the assumption that the blackness of the skin increases with heat and moisture. An apparent exception is offered by the white race in South America : the Europeans near to the Equator in the hot and damp Guayaquil, have a fair complexion, clearer even than that of the Spaniards in their native country, and blue eyes and light hair are common among the women. This may perhaps be explained by the ladies taking particular care of their complexion. In the unhealthy spots of these parts, as Panama, Portobello, Carthagena, the Spanish Creoles do not present the fair hair and fresh colour so frequently seen in Guayaquil.5 It may also be observed, that the Spaniards in Chili are white, and of a fresher colour than in their own country, but the Portuguese in Brazil are of a lead colour or yellow.6 It is still more striking, that whilst in Carthagena there may yet be seen fair or red-haired women, in Santa Fe, which is much colder, only dark complexions with black hair are found.7 The same condition with regard to colour is stated of the Indians of Peru, by Tschudi.8 Zarate9 also 1 " Prichard," iv, p. 597. 2 " Vom Ursprung des Negerhandels," p. 32, 1779. 3 Dunmore Lang, " Cooksland in JST. E. Australia/' p. 380, 1847. 4 Stevenson, ii, 108. Basil Hall, "Extracts of a Journal written in Chili, Peru, and Mexico," 3rd, Edit., ii, p. 109, 1824. 5 Ulloa, " Voy. de 1' Am. merid." 1, 145, Amst. 1752. 6 Frezier, " Reise nach dcr Sudsee/' p. 88, 1718. 7 Mollien, " Voy. dans la rep. de Colombia," ii, p. 132, 1824. 8 "Peru Reiseskizzen," ii, p. 359, 1846. 9 " Hist, de la Decouverte du Perou/' i, p. 41, 1724. SECT. I.] CLIMATE. 49 asserts that in Peru, mountaineers possess a lighter colour than the lowlanders; whilst Tschudi says, the colder the climate the darker the colour. In Puna dark red-brown ; in Sierra considerably lighter, nearly of a rusty red ; darker on the coast, and straw-yellow in the forests* The example of the native Peruvians, who are dark brown in the Andes, though they have but two rainy months in the year, has induced D'Orbigny to declare a hot and moist climate, provided the country affords sufficient shade, as favourable to whiteness of skin \ and he cites, as a proof, the light-corn- plexioned Yuracares (Antisana) compared with the Quichuas and Aymaras. Thus Dobrizhofier1 saw in the forests of Paraguay, Indians of European white colour, whilst the Paya- guas, who live almost entirely upon the water and are much exposed to the weather, are darker at least than the Guaranis.2 Gumilla3 has made the same observation, which is confirmed by Humboldt and Bonpland.4 To these may be added Eschwege,5 who says that the lower classes of Portugal and Spain, especially the fishermen, who are much exposed to the weather, possessed the same colour as the Indians of Minas Geraes, which is deepened in the latter by their uncleanliness. Hence A. de St. Hilaire6 declares that the colour of the Brazil Indians is merely the result of the climate and their uncleanli- ness. Hombron again states, that the mountaineers of New Guinea and the Philippines, although living in damp, thick forests, are not less black than the New Hollanders ; but he also observes, that the blackest negroes somewhat lose their black colour after a few years' residence in warm and damp colonies. That heat and moisture alone do not produce a yellowish brown skin, is shown by several Polar nations, and the majority of North American Indians, among whom again the natives of the greater part of the north-west Coast exhibit a remarkable exception in their white skin. 1 " Geschichte der Abiponer," ii, p. 18, 1783. 2 Demersay, "Bulletin Soc. Geogr.," i, p. 17, 1854. '* Hist. nat. civ. et g. de 1'Orenoque," i, p. 2, 1758. 4 " Reise," iv, p. 495. 5 " Journal v. Brasil," i, p. 85, 1818. 6 " Voy. dans I'mterieur du Bresil," i, p. 426, 1830. 50 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. ] As in many of these instances there exists such a striking and unexpected diversity of colour, which is not to be accounted for by any great difference either of diet or descent, there are no means of explaining the contradictions, excepting by the different modes of life, and the modes of protection against the influence of climate. This is of special importance in countries where great heat is combined with sudden alterations of temperature, or of dampness and dryness. Want of protection against the influ- ence of climate in such cases appears greatly to favour the darkening of the skin. Continued confinement to the house, as is well known, blanches the skin. This also takes place in healthy persons in winter, whilst the warm sun in the spring, combined with out-of-door exercise, darkens the complexion. Numerous instances, both in Europe and in other parts, show that fishermen and navigators exposed to all changes of the weather, are always of darker complexion than the rest of the population. If Belcher1 observed the contrary in the Canary Islands and among the Malays in the Bajows, and that the Sandwich Islanders and the Tahitians had been of a lighter colour before the missionaries forbade them to fish (?) and to bathe, he stands alone in the erroneous assumption, just as D'Orbigny and Troyer,2 who assert what has not been confirmed by any voyager, that among nations of brown or dark brown skin, the exposed face is of a lighter colour than the protected parts, and that the higher classes in the Sandwich Islands have a darker complexion than the lower classes. There are, no doubt, peoples among whom the males differ in colour from the females, without our being able to trace a difference in descent or in mode of protection. Among the natives on the Pilcomayo, the females are said to be as white as the Spanish women;3 among the Coroados and Puris, the males have a much darker colour, while the females are yellow and capable of blushing.4 But though such instances are at present in- 1 "Narr. of the Voy. of H.M.S. Samarang," ii, p. 94, 1848. 2 " Bullet, de la Soc. Ethnol.," 22 mai, 1846. 3 Erbaul, " Geschichten der Chiquitos," Wien, p. 447, 1729. 4 Burmeister, " R. nach Brasilien," pp. 246-260, 1853. SECT. I.] CLIMATE. 51 explicable, they do not invalidate the general rule, that the colour of the skin and the whole external aspect are essentially influenced by habits of life, comfort or misery, and particularly by the want or sufficiency of protection against heat, cold, and moisture. This is confirmed among all races. Though we find among all the castes of the Hindoos light and dark individuals of all shades, the lower castes are mostly darker, the Brahmins mostly of a lighter colour, so that in comparison with the rest of the population they appear white even in Mahratta, the Deccan, and Calcutta. A wandering tribe of Rajpoots, the Bengari, who travel through the country as corn merchants,1 are much darker and more vigorous than the rest of their tribes (Lassen). The women and girls of the Hassanieh Arabs in East Africa, who are very careful of their complexion, are of a light bronze colour, and differ in this re- spect so much from their dark-brown husbands, that one is in- clined to consider them of a different tribe.2 Many women in El Obeid (Kordofan) who protect themselves from the sun, are not darker than brunette European women. Among the yellow-brown Mongolian race in China and Japan, the work- men are brown ; high-born ladies nearly white ; and upon the Luchu Islands the colour alternates from dark brown to white.3 In Bony (Celebes), many women are very white.4 The most striking diversities of colour and hair are found among the Fins, unless we are able to explain it by intermixture. The black-haired dark Laps and Woguls are nearly allied to the fair Fins, the black-haired but clear complexioned Magyars, and the red-haired Ostiaks. L. v. Buch considers the protec- tion against the influence of climate, wholesome food, warm clothing, and good habitation, among the Fins, and the want of them among the short Laps, as the chief causes of these phenomena. Many peoples of the South Sea, especially of the Society, Sandwich Islands, and New Zealand, offer so con- siderable a difference in complexion, that one is often inclined to assume a mixture of different races ; which supposition is 1 Ritter, " Erdk./' v, p. 687. 2 Brehm, i, p. 331. 3 Prichard, iv, 519. 4 Olivier, " E. in Niederlandisch Indien," ii, p. 175, 1829. E 2 52 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. not supported by linguistic data, and has been generally abandoned. At any rate, such a theory must be much limited, and is in Polynesia only applicable to the Tonga and Samoa Archipelago ; hence the great differences of colour and physi- cal conformation upon most of the above groups of Islands must be considered as the result of external conditions. From the preceding facts there seems to result, that the colour of the skin, though not always in proportion to latitude and mean temperature, is essentially influenced by climate; that the extent and mode of this influence is chiefly regulated by habits and mode of life ; that next to these, descent has the greatest influence ; and that food has also its share in the pro- duction of colour, though in a subordinate degree. It is further shown that hot and damp countries, unprotected by forests, and a mode of life which exposes the organism to climatic in- fluences, strongly favour the darkening of the skin. Frequent and great alterations of temperature, especially sudden changes from wet to dry, brown the skin in every climate and in every race, if the body is much exposed and unprotected. We must not, however, expect that the European in America or Africa, or the Negro in America, should, after a few cen- turies, or perhaps ever, assume the type of the aborigines ; for where diet and habits of life, and the whole care for body and soul differ so essentially between immigrants and aborigines, the former can only veiy gradually approach the latter, specially where there is a constant influx of immigrants. This assimila- tion can only be effected as far as the influence of climate is alone concerned. The following observations are interesting in this respect. The Germans who in the last century emigrated to Penn- sylvania, and to the banks of the Mohawk, differ at present * considerably from the German type ; and, between the Yankee and the Englishman the difference is said to be still greater. " Pale, a somewhat darker colour, smoothness and softness of features, strike the stranger. The effect of the climate is more decided in the central and southern than in the northern parts, ] and more striking in the plains near the sea than in the vicinity of the Appalachian mountains, and also among the working SECT. I.] CLIMATE. 53 classes more than among the higher classes. The colour of the inhabitants of New Jersey below the cataracts, is much darker than that of the Pennsylvanians, as their country is flatter and covered with stagnant waters. Along the south coast of Mary- land and Virginia, the colour is deeper. The inhabitants of the lowlands of Carolina and Georgia, especially the poorer and working classes, are but little lighter than the Trokeese. They are mostly so thin and lean tljat their limbs appear dispro- portionately long. The hair is thicker and stiffer than in the European, and does not readily curl. The stiffness increases with every generation."1 The American as compared with the Englishman is lean, al- though he grows fat after a long sojourn in Europe. There obtains, however, in this respect, a difference between north and south. The Virginian (the West Virginian excepted)2 is tall, slender, and lean ; the New Englander shorter, and has mostly a round face ; both, it must be observed, are of the same stock. " The genuine Yankee," says Carpenter,3 {< may be distinguished from the Englishman by the sharpness and angularity of his features. There is an excess of breadth be- tween the rami of the lower jaw, giving to the lower part of the face a peculiar squareness in contrast to its oval form in the Englishman, and which tends to assimilate the Anglo-American to the aborigines of the country/' It has long been observed that the English immigrants in North America are more vigor- ous workmen than their descendants.4 It may be observed that the flesh of our domestic animals seems there to be less nutri- tious and of less flavour, and that the breed of cattle is inferior.5 Beside, the leanness, the stiff shaggy hair are also characteristics of the American ; the curly hair of the European becomes straight in America (Jarrold),*so that the American is, gene- 1 Stanhope Smith, " On the Causes of the Variety of Complexion and Figure," p. 68, New Brunsw., 1810 ; and Imlay, " Nachr. v. d. west Lande der N. A. Freistaaten," im Magaz. der Keisebesch., ix, p. 126 : Vater, " Unters. iiber Americas Bevolkerung aus. d. alten Continente," p. 71, 1810. * Kriegk in " Luedde's Zeitschrift fur Erdkunde," i, p. 484. 3 Todd's " Cyclop, of Anat. and Physiol.," p. 1330. 4 Johnston, "Notes on North America," 1851. 5 Franz, " Anweisung zur Vervollk. der Viehzucht, p. 105 ,• and Clemens* in der " Deutschen Vierteljahrschrift," ii, p. 78, 1849. 54 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. rally, in caricature, represented with a long neck and long hair. The latter is, in comparison with the soft silky hair of the Englishman, evidently an approach to the American Indian. The long neck is connected with a weaker development of the glandular system, to which must be added the nervous irrita- bility of the American. These peculiarities have been connected with the dry west winds which predominate in the United States ; notwithstanding nearly double the quantity of rain which falls there, in comparison with most European countries, drought frequently injures the harvest.1 Other causes con- tribute to this change, such as the restless activity of the Yankee, and his love of spirituous liquors. The American is also said to have a voice of less metal, and his eyelids are said to be shorter, than those of the European.2 Whilst in New South Wales, as in North America, the child- ren of European parents are apt to become tall and lean,3 there is a tendency among the European colonists at the Cape to grow fat ;4 which reminds us of the large fat tails of the Cape sheep, and the fat hips of the native women. The white Creoles in the West Indies, have also a disposition to grow fat ; they are tall and well-made, and distinguish themselves from the Europeans by the flexibility of their limbs. Their pale yellow complexion and their precocity have already been mentioned. Their eyes are deep-seated, usually of grey, black, or dark- brown colour. The skin generally feels cool.5 Some authors (Yater), mention the prominency of their cheek-bones, which is denied by others. Nott ascribes to them, besides their pale complexion, no peculiarities which distinguish them from the whites. With regard to this assertion, it must be considered that most Europeans, the English especially, only go to the West Indies to acquire wealth and then return to their native country. Joseph Brown6 mentions that the same parents, who, 1 Williamson, " Observations on the Climate of America/' New York, 1811. 2 Jarrold, p. 135. 3 Lesson, " Voy. Medical autour du M., 1829," p. 110; and Majoribanks, " Travels in N. S. Wales, 1847," p. 217. 4 Barrow, "B. durch die inneren Gegenden des Siidlich. Afr., 1801-55," ii, p. 121 . •"• Bryan Edwards, " Hist, des Colonies Anglaises dans les Indes occ." p. 175, Paris, 1801. 6 " Cyclop, of Pract. Med.," ii, p. 419. SECT. I.] CLIMATE. 55 in the West Indies produce children of West Indian colour and physiognomy, produce in Europe, children of European colour and physiognomy. The white Creoles in Peru originating from the North of Spain lose their ruddy complexion in the second generation, the whiteness of the skin becomes sallow.1 Red hair and blue eyes disappear from the family in succeeding genera- tions. (Sucle retroceder en las generaciones siguientes sacando el pelo roxo y ojos azules del tronco de su familia. Uanne, obser. sobre el clima de Lima. Madrid, 1815, p. 106.) The changes which the Negroes undergo in America will be treated of in the sequel, as they are not so much owing to the climate as to the change of habit, diet, and their intercourse with a more intellectual race. Here it may be merely observed that though some instances have been quoted2 of Negroes who, transplanted to the north, have become gradually lighter, and ultimately white, they are isolated cases, like that men- tioned by De la Salle,3 of a French lady whose hair changed in the East Indies from dark brown (perhaps dyed ?) to a bright red. As regards the Botokudes, among whom in their own country there are white men with red cheeks, although they live under 20° south lat., it scarcely can excite surprise that they become in Europe white in winter, as mentioned by Prince Max.4 Blumenbach, and Hunter before him,6 believed that it takes a longer time for a Negro to grow white than for a European to become black. Skin affections must be taken into consideration before admitting the above cases as proofs either way. A morbid affection was probably the cause in an instance related by Anderson,5 of a Negro whose black shining skin became in a very cold night of a pale ash-grey colour. Prichard r speaks of Tuaryks, who, when living alone in an oasis, became gradually, as regards hair and features, negro-like ; but the metamorphosis has been lately invalidated by Barth, 1 El bianco algo se quiebra. 2 Blumenbach, " De gen. hum. var. nat.," p. 60. 8 Voy. autour du M. sur la Bonito," ii, p. 281, 1845. 4 " R. nach Brasil," ii, pp. 4, 66. * " Diss. de Hoininurn Variet.," p. 38, 1775. 6 " E. in Siidwest-Afr.," 1 7 Chap, iv, p. 600, according to Hodgson. 56 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. in as much as the Negroes were in former times much more numerous in North Africa than now, and that intermixture between Negroes and Tuaryks occurs frequentlyin the southern districts of the latter. The influence of climate upon temperament and character has been as much exaggerated as that upon the physical constitution. According to Falconer,1 a hot climate greatly increases sensi- bility, and predisposes to sensual excesses, revenge, thought- lessness, inconstancy, and cowardice; whilst a cold climate produces the opposite qualities. He also endeavours to show that climate has an influence upon laws, religion, and politics. Travellers, Werne for instance, have observed in themselves and other persons that the temporal residence in a tropical climate produces a great irritability of temperament which disappears again in Europe. Something similar is also found here and there among immigrants who are already acclimatized. " A morbid irritability is general in this country (Port Natal) ; this is more the case in the bay, that is, around d' Urban, than here (Pietermaritzburg), so that the more sober Maritzburgers are astonished at nothing that happens down the country, un- less something rational is effected."2 These effects appear, however, to be merely transitory and of a local nature. Gener- ally we may assume that the continued influence of a hot climate produces a relaxed state, diminishing bodily and mental activity, or, as Poppig says,3 that it leaves man physically and morally more inert than a temperate climate. It is not always the case that people living under a serene sky are more joyous and more inclined to sports and dancing than those enveloped by mists and clouds. In North and South America, as well as in the South Sea, there are found under the same climatic, conditions, unsocial and morose nations, as well as cheerful and social peoples. While Egyptians and Hindoos are patient and unimpassioned, the Esquimaux and Tschuktch are of an irritable, cheerful, and elastic nature. The present Chileno (says Poppig) does not possess that characteristic irritability 1 " Remarks on the Influence of Climate/' 1781. 2 Bleek, in Petermann's " Geogr. Mittheil." p. 369, 1856. 3 R. in Chili, Peru, and the Amazon River, ii, p. 180, 1835, SECT. I.] ALIMENT. 57 and inconstancy which the prejudice of the north ascribes to the south, but he appears calm and discreet. The important influence of diet upon the body, and indirectly upon the mind, has never been doubted (a resume of the varieties of food used by many nations may be found in Foissac) -1 Be- sides the quantity and the quality of the articles of diet, there must also be taken into consideration the amount of labour requisite to procure them. It is only when man can procure digestible food in sufficient quantity without too much physical exertion that the body can become properly developed. Hence alimentation is closely connected with habits of life. That wealth and poverty exercise a decided influence upon growth and mortality has been proved by Quetelet. Geoffroy2 has endeavoured to show that generally among the mammals there is a remarkable harmony between bodily size and the food assigned to them by nature. The consequences of hunger and of the consumption of large quantities of food not suffi- ciently nutritious by itself, potatoes specially, may be ascer- tained in the large towns and manufacturing districts of our modern civilized states. Ireland offers the most striking example of this kind. In 1641, and following years, Irishmen were driven out of Ulster and the south of Down into the forest by the English. When they were again found, at a later period, they seemed quite altered, only five feet two inches high, big bellied, bandy legged, features distorted, open mouthed, and projecting teeth.3 Similar instances are found in other parts of the world, showing the effects in whole tribes. The Bosjesmen are, as is proved by their language, a Hot- tentot tribe driven by their enemies into a stony, sterile tract, and kept confined to it. Their country is even deficient in spring water and rain. If the chase with bow and arrow is unproductive they search for roots, ants, locusts, snakes, and lizards to satisfy the cravings of hunger. The degeneracy of 1 " Ueber den Einfl. d. Klimas," p. 20, 1840. 3 Edin. New Philos. Journal, April to July 1833 ; Froriep's " Notizen," No. 818, 1833. 3 Prichard, " Uebers," ii, p. 373; Dublin Univ. Mag., No. 48, p. 658. 58 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PAET I. tlieir bodily condition, as compared with that of their allied tribes, and their approximation to the brute creation, which Lichtenstein has so vividly described, justifies us the more in attributing it to their miserable mode of existence, since the Bosjesmen on the Zuga river, and in the north-east of the Ngami lake, who do not suffer from want, are strong and well made, looking much better than those of the south in the desert who speak the same language.1 In the same manner it can be shown that all peoples which we find physically and morally in the lowest scale of humanity, live in the deepest material misery. To this class belong the aborigines of Tierra del Fuego and Australia. The former inhabit a wild and rocky mountain-coast, which even obstructs free motion, so that they are obliged to pass the greater por- tion of their lives in their huts or in their boats ; hence their crooked thin legs.2 They suffer much from hunger and cold. Notwithstanding their miserable appearance, it is highly proba- ble that they belong to the powerful tribe of the Araucanians, with whom, in respect of their bodily formation, D'Orbigny classes them, whilst in their manners they resemble the Pata- gonians, so unlike them in body. Attention has been directed to the external resemblance of the people of Tierra del Fuego to the Esquimaux, so that it may be imagined that climate and mode of life induce a certain resemblance of physical forma- tion. Australia is deficient in water and large wild animals. Among the tribes of the natives those who are badly nourished stand physically and mentally lowest. On proceeding from Port Jackson northwards to Port Macquarie, Clarence, Moreton, and Rockingham Bay, Port Essington, the natives are found to be physically and mentally superior.3 Those who live in the eastern part of the interior are frequently exposed to hunger, and feed but sparingly on kangaroos, whilst those who dwell on the banks of the Lynd and Mitchell rivers, and near the 1 Livingstone, Journal of the Royal Geog. Soc., xxi, p. 23, and xxii, p. 164. 2 Wilkes's " Narrative of U. S. Expedition," i, p. 124, PMlad., 1845. 3 Hodgson, " Reminiscences of Aust.," p. 254, 1846 ; King, " Narrative of a Survey of the Intertropical and W. Coasts of Aust.," i, p. 1827, 203 ; Leich- ardt, "Tageb. einer Landreise in Aust.," p. 415, 1851. SKCT. I.] ALIMENT. 59 g^ulf of Carpentaria, have fish in abundance, and are not so imid as the former, being more inclined to trade.1 The iborigines of Australia Felix are physically and intellectually superior to those of New South Wales.2 Though it has hitherto lot been doubted that the peoples of Australia are all of the -umo stock, there are great differences found among them, A hi eh must chiefly have been produced by food and mode of ifo. The disproportionately long arms and legs of the natives of New South Wales are not general ; in the north-west tall nuscular men are found.3 There exist, especially on the Dari- ng, great differences in features and colour.4 Among some :he hair is straight, among others curly or woolly.5 Besides the commonly small forehead, there are observed in the west and ho interior, receding foreheads.6 In the region of Port -Stephens foreheads of European shape are sometimes seen.7 Similar differences are observed with regard to the shape of :he nose. . It has been asserted that a nation feeding much on animal bod is more vigorous, and bolder, more passionate and less docile, and becomes physically and mentally better developed Imn by a vegetable diet. This general assertion has been -efuted by Foissac,8 and it must not be forgotten, that the orimary condition of bodily and mental health is not merely ;he nutritious quality of aliments, but their suitableness to the wants of the organism, which depends partly on the climate, .f for the preservation of the same physical force in winter, und in cold climates, a rich substantial animal diet is requisite, he inhabitants of the torrid zone preserve the same force with it small quantity of vegetable food. Even the workman in 3enguela is satisfied with a handful of Maniok meal;9 the 1 Leichardt, p. 250. 2 Byrne, " Twelve Years Wanderings in the British Colonies," i, 365, 1848. 3 Grey, "Journal of Two Expeditions in Australia," i, p. 232, 1841. 4 Mitchell, " Exped. into the Interior of Eastern Australia," i, p. 211, 1838. 5 Hale, Wilkes, Hodgson, Dampier, " Nouv. voy. autour du m. 1701," ii, .). 141. 6 Stokes, " Discoveries in Australia," i, p. 89, 1846 ; Sturt, " Narr. of an Sxped. into Central Aust.," ii, p. 135, 1849 7 Dawson, " The Present State of Australia," p. 339, 1830. 8 " Ueber den Einfl. des Klimas," p. 197, 1840. 0 Tunis, " Die Portugies. Besitzungen in Siidwest Air.," p. 36, 1845. 60 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. Kra-negro remains muscular in his laborious exertions, with a purely vegetable diet, chiefly rice, which is also the case with the inhabitants of Yarriba.1 The English are less able to bear the moist heat of tropical climates than the Portuguese, Spaniards, and even the French, because they cannot easily give up their animal diet and spirituous liquors. In Brazil alone the Portuguese seem to form an exception; they live there on meat, fish, and spirituous liquors, apparently without injury. The Esquimaux requires for his meals considerable quantities of animal food, fat, blubber, etc. ; but a large con- sumption of indigestible aliment gives so much work to the digestive organs as to interfere with the development of the intellectual faculties, though it may not be so injurious as the consumption of large quantities of non-nutritious aliments. However true it may be that the desire for a quantity of substantial food prevails more in cold and temperate climates, there are still exceptions to this rule. The Negroes of the Gold Coast are great gluttons, and even Europeans who visit this region preserve their good appetite.2 If the comparison be confined to the English with the Irish, the European with the rice consuming Hindoo or Japanese, or even with the Chinese who eat flesh sparingly, it certainly would appear that an animal diet is favourable to the develop- ment of the character and the intellect. The case, however, is altered if a more comprehensive view be taken. The South- African nations cannot do for any length of time without animal food.3 The Hottentots and Kaffirs, who, like the peoples of cold climates, consume fat and tallow in large quantities,4 differ a good deal in character and activity. On the arrival of the Dutch at the Cape, in the seventeenth century, they found the Hottentots peaceable, intellectually inert, but good-natured, and yet they were then like the warlike Kaffirs of the present day, a pastoral people, living chiefly on the milk of their cattle. 1 Koler, "Einige Notizen iiber Bonny/' p. 57, 1848; Lander, "E. zur Er- forsch. des Niger/' i, p. 81, 1833. 2 " Allg. Historie der Eeisen," iv, p. 127. 3 Liechtenstein, " E. im Siidl. Africa," i, p. 110, 1811. 4 Thunberg, "E. durcli e. Theil v. Europa, Afr. u. Asien," i, p. 175, 1792; Gardiner, " Narrative of a Journey to the Zulu Country," p. 175, 1836. ZCT. L] ALIMENT. 61 Buraets, and many other Siberian nomadic tribes, are hort and weakly through living entirely on animal food Pallas) . On the other hand, the greater portion of the South islanders, living almost entirely on vegetables and fish, are ntellectually gifted, and many of them very warlike.1 The nost savage, and at the same time the most gifted people, the •'ij'i islanders, live almost entirely on vegetables, chiefly yams. Fhe inhabitants of New Caledonia are large, well-proportioned, md more vigorous than those of the New Hebrides. The Vfohav-Indians, on the Colorado, in North America, are of ithletic structure, though living exclusively on vegetable food.2 From these examples, which might easily be multiplied, we are not inclined to consider with Lesson (128), the vegetable iiet of the inhabitants of Ualan (Micronesia) as the cause of /heir effeminacy and peaceful disposition, nor to consider any necessary connexion of that kind, as do Grerdy and Lucas.3 The capacity of thriving on any kind of sufficient alimentary substances appears, besides the climatic conditions, to depend on the habitude of the organism which seems to be transmitted to the offspring. It may further be observed, that the Euro- jean is, with regard to vegetable food, more favourably cir- cumstanced than the inhabitants of other quarters of the globe, in as much as proper preparation renders his vegetables more nutritious and digestible than the maize of the native Ameri- can, the millet of the African, and the rice of the Asiatic, which, to afford the same nourishment, must be consumed in arge quantities, producing a less advantageous effect on body and mind. Further proofs of the great influence of aliment and mode of life on man are furnished by the American Indians. Though it is undoubted that the Indians west of the rocky mountains belong to the same stock as those in the East (the Indian tribes in the interior of the Oregon region resemble very much those who formerly were in possession of the eastern part of the United States) ; yet, both mentally and physically are they 1 Moerenhout, " Voy. aux lies du gr. Ocean," i, p. 120, 1837. 2 Sitgraves, in " Bullet. Soc. Geog./' i, p. 379, 1855. 3 Loc. cit., ii, p. 474. 62 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PAKT T. inferior to the Indians of the East. Their resources are more limited, and their diet poorer.1 All fishing peoples of these parts are weaker than their allied tribes ; less enterprising, as they have not the habit of sustained activity requisite for hunt- ing. The Takhalis or Carriers in the north of New Caledonia ; the fishing tribes on the Columbia ; the Upper Californians on the coast, are shorter and more delicate than the inhabitants of the interior living by the chase.2 Among the weakest and most miserable human beings may be enumerated the Paiuches, on the northern Colorado and in the region of the Salt Lake.3 The Schoschonies live in an almost desert tract, with but little game ; (buffaloes are only found in the neighbourhood of the Rocky Mountains) they grow fat at the time of salmon fishing, but be- come again emaciated in winter and spring.4 The size of the Esquimaux differs according to the richness of the tract they inhabit.5 The American Indian seems generally to have no tendency to grow fat ; there is, however, an exception as re- gards the Moxos in South America, who lead a more protected and secure life, being agriculturists and navigators besides fishers and hunters. (D'Orbigny.) There is scarcely a people among whom more striking differ- ences are found accordingly as they are nourished, than among the Jakutes. Those who live in the meadows on the south side of the mountains are five feet ten inches to six feet four inches in height, well-formed and vigorous ; whilst those in the north are only of middle stature, and of an unhealthy aspect.6 A similar difference is found among the nomadic people, the Reindeer-Tschuktsh and the Tschuktsh tribe settled on the; coast, above whom the former claim a superiority.7 The Arabs differ much in their habits, and their physical peculiarities vary accordingly, as shown in Egypt. In the colder regions they are clear complexioned (yellow in the Hedschas, white in 1 Hale, p. 199. 2 Farnhain, " Travels in the Californias," p. 364, New York, 1844. a Ibid., p. 376. 4 Wyeth, Schoolcraft, " History of the Indian Tribes," i, p. 206. 5 Seemann, " R. urn d. W.," ii, p. 53, 1853. 6 " Billings, K. nach d. Nordl. Gegendenv.russ. Asien, n. Am.," p. 122, 1803. 7 Ibid., p. 233 ; Wrangell, " Statist, und Ethnog. Nachrichten iiber d. russ. Besitzungen im Am.," p. 59, Petersburg., 1839. Si :< T. I.] ALIMENT. 63 Algeria and Aleppo, says D'Escayrac,1 ) in Mecca yellowish- brown, and have neither the eagle nose nor the fine features of the Bedouins ; in Jemen the noses are straight like the Greek nose. In Hauran (south of Damascus) the Arabs are mostly of short stature, small face, thin beard ; whilst the Fellahs are taller and more robust, beard strong, but their eyes are less piercing. This difference must be considered as the effect of mode of life, as it was not appreciable before the sixteenth cen- tury.2 The Bedouins in the middle of the desert have, Negro- like, almost woolly hair. In Nubia, south of Dongola, there are Arabs of a shining black colour, who do not intermix with the Negroes.3 The Sheighias in Nubia, are of a shining black,4 and considered to be the finest men in the East, not excepting even the Turks.5 Hoskings,6 however, calls them dark brown, and observes, that they have sometimes larger nostrils and thicker lips than Europeans, perhaps the result of intermixture with the Negroes. That the size of the body depends essentially on nutrition has been proved by various instances quoted by Milne Ed- wards.7 This is shown by the statistical information on stature, furnished by the districts of Paris and the various departments of France. The French military standard confirms the results obtained. Before 1 789, the standard was five feet one inch, for cavalry five feet three inches. Though, from 1816 the mean height of the French was somewhat raised during the peace, still the standard had to be lowered in 1818 to four feet nine inches ; in 1830 and 1848 it was again lowered, as the requisite number of recruits could not be obtained of the legal stan- dard.8 That the development of the trunk is essentially affected by the activity of the muscles, is shown by the measurements of Quetelet, of Europeans, Kaffirs, and Ojibbeways, compared 1 " Die Afric. Wiiste u. das Land. d. Schwarzen/' p. 185, 1855. s Hitter, " Erdk.," xv, p. 990. 3 Priehard, iv, p. 590. , 4 Waddington and Hanbury, " Journal of a Visit to some parts of Ethio- pia," p. 122, 1822. 3 Ibid., p. 194. 6 " Travels in Ethiopia," p. 128, 1835. 7 "Elemens de Zoologie," p. 254; compare also I. Geoffroy St. Hilaire, " Ann. des Sc. Nat.," 1832 ; Froriep's " Notizen," 1833. 8 " All. Zeitg./' No. 22, 1852. 64 PHYSICAL INVESflGATION. [PART I. with those of Negro slaves.1 The mode of life has also ai important influence on the form of the pelvis. Whilst th< Malay and Japanese women have a comparatively large peb and parturiate with facility ; the Chinese women have often narrow pelvis, which may perhaps be ascribed to their sedentai life, as, even among the neighbouring Japanese and Mala^ ladies of high rank, difficult labours occur.2 Whether then obtains in Europe a similar difference, as a rule, between th( inhabitants of cities and of the country, might not be an un- interesting subject of inquiry. The influence of aliment and mode of life is more strikingh exhibited where, in addition to a difference of habit, there ob- tains a difference of social relations, and a separation of the various classes of the population. By their combined action, they produce among men originally from the same stock, a gradual inequality both in their internal and external characters. To this may be ascribed the striking differences among the Finnish nations, as well as those existing between the castes and ranks in India and Polynesia. We have already spoken of them, but they deserve repetition, since besides aliment and mode of life, social relations combine with them. On one side, there is the nobility in the consciousness of superiority ; in Polynesia, from a belief of their being in direct communication with the gods, the aristocracy are almost worshiped : on the other side, the people are conscious of having been born to servitude, or as is the case with some castes, are reckoned unclean during their whole existence. Similar relations existed in the old Inka Empire. The aristocracy were as in Polynesia, and as the highest caste in India, in possession of all knowledge, which, on their being exterminated by the Spaniards, disappeared with them. Analogous differences between the aristocracy and the common people are found everywhere. Among the Kurds along the Turco-Persian frontier, the traveller easily distinguishes the caste of peaceable agricultural labourers by their nearly Grecian physiognomy, from the higher caste of warriors.3 The latter 1 " Bullet, de 1' Acad. des Sc. de Belgique," tome xx. 2 " Allg. Medic. Centralztg./' No. 6, p. 37, 1853. 3 Prichard, iv, p. 68. SECT. I.] MODE OF LIFE. 65 have stern angular features, and staring grey or bluish eyes. There exist also linguistic differences between the two castes— that of the labourers approaches more the Persian dialect than that of the warriors ; hence, a diversity of stock is not impro- bable.1 Among the Bechuanas of Littaku, the higher ranks are distinguished by a clearer complexion, higher stature, and European features.2 Among the Chinese who have for several generations lived in affluence, the peculiarities of the Mongolian race grow fainter and the features become nobler.3 The free Indians of Ecuador are mostly better made and have finer features and a lighter colour than those employed by the whites as shepherds and agricultural labourers. The former are, in many parts, so white and have such good features, that they seem only by their dress to differ from the Europeans.4 How much the necessity of adopting different habits of life influences the development of internal and external character- istics, is shown by the inhabitants of Wojjerat in the south-east of Tigre. They are said to be the descendents of Portuguese soldiers, who settled there in the sixteenth century. Combes and Tamisier5 doubt it, but Poncet in his travels, in 1698, says of them, they are easily known, and they were the so- called white Abyssinians.6 In the temperate climate of this mountain region, surrounded by many savage nations, and forced by them to many wars in order to preserve their in- dependence, they have become a proud athletic race, more powerful than the majority of the aborigines. They form, in this respect, a contrast to the Portuguese descended from merchants, who, in the East Indies, in unhealthy regions, have by a dissipated life, become weaker even than the natives of these parts.7 The Fulahs in the south of Bornou, surrounded by natives who are less civilized, are still herdsmen, without that desire for conquest and reform which distinguishes the 1 Kitter, " Erdk.," ix, 570. 2 Philip, " Researches in South Africa," ii, 128, 1828. 3 Epp, " Schilderungen, axis Hollandisch-Indien," p. 168, 1852. 4 Villavicencio, " Geogr. de la rep. del Ecuador," p. 167, Nev/ York, 1858. 5 " Voy. en Abyss.," iv, p. 319. 6 " Allerhand lehrreiche briefe v. d. mission de ges. Jesu ad. d. neue Welt- Bot.," iii, p. 100, Augsburg, 1726. ' Salt, " Voyage to Abyssinia," p. 274. 0(3 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. western Fulahs, and have, excepting their small features, hands and feet and the high forehead, little resemblance to the Fulahs of the west.1 Generally speaking, the different aspect of the Fulahs in the interior of Africa corresponds closely with the degrees of civilization and the social relations in which they live, and cannot be explained by an assumed intermixture with the Negro-race. Between the inhabitants of the southern and northern King's-Mill-Islands (Mikronesia), there exists equally a great difference both externally and in character, and there is no reason to suppose that they are of different stocks. The latter live in peace, and have abundant food, which is not the case as regards the former.2 The argument in favour of the power of such conditions fur- nished by the Barabra in Nubia, is however exposed to many objections, the Barabra are described as of a shining black, but otherwise not at all negro-like. They have thin, curly, but not woolly hair, a pointed nose with large nostrils, a large mouth, and but moderately thick lips. Nevertheless, they speak, according to Eiippel,3 a Negro language, which with its dialects extends over the whole country from Dongola to Kordofan. This language prevails also in Darfur ;4 and it seems, therefore, as Cooley,5 following Ibn Khaldun, observes, that the people of the Barabra are of Negro descent, like the native population of Kordofan and Darfur; but that in consequence of agri- culture, trade, and a higher civilization, the features have gradually improved, which is also asserted of other negro tribes as the effect of the introduction of Islamism.6 Opposed to this view, is the circumstance, that the Nubians have been described by the ancient Arab geographers as a fine race of men, not at all negro-like;7 and that particularly the present province Berber had been conquered under the fourth Kalif after Mohammed by Abadja Arabs, who came from Jemen, and the present Barabra are said to 1 Barth., " Reisen u. Entdecktmgen," ii, p. 476. 2 Wilkes, "Narrative of the U.S. Explor. Exped.," v,p. 107, Philad., 1845. 3 " R. in Nubien, Kordofan," p. 126, 1829. 4 Burckhardt, " R. in Nubien," p. 486, 1820. .-> "Negroland of the Arabs," p. 118, 1841. fi Compare Prichard, ii, p. 342. < " Isthakri," p. 21. ; " Cod. Goth. Idrisi trad. p. Jaubert," i, p. 25. SECT. I.] MENTAL CULTURE. 67 have descended from intermixture.1 Their country manifestly is one of those where an extended intermixture of Negroes with Abyssinian and Arabs took place. Finally, it may be noticed that Lepsius2 designates the Kundschara language as predominating in Darfur and the greater part of Kordofan, a language which is a foreign Negro- idiom, while the Nuba language may perhaps be considered as belonging to the Caucasian (Semitic?) language. Rus- seger,3 and also Brehm,4 appear to be of the same opinion in considering the Barabra as belonging to the Ethiopian (Abys- sinian) peoples from their linguistic similarities. Many of the preceding instances have taught us what im- portant changes in the organism may be effected by a combi- nation of diet, physical culture, and social condition. But as these are chiefly connected with an entire change in habits, there occurs in most cases a corresponding change in mental development. In now considering the effects of psychical in- fluences, it must be observed, that a separation of the particular influence which each individual agent exercises is impracticable; for in the great majority of physical changes produced by the continued action of psychical influences, nutrition and mode of life are acting in the same direction. An abundance of the necessaries of life, combined with a feeling of security and a permanent social condition, are usually connected with a relatively high degree of mental culture, which reacts favourably on the development of the body. On the other hand, hunger, uncleanliness, and misery, produce gradually an obtuseness of intellect, loss of energy, and when combined with an oppressed social condition, may contribute to arrest bodily development in a people. The lower the mental development of a people, the more subject is it to external natural influences. These may act directly upon the organism, or indirectly. If all conditions of 1 Hbskins, p. 200. 2 " Bericht iiber d. verb, der Preuss. Akad./' p. 382, 1844. 3 " E. in Europa, Asien, u. Afr.," ii, p. 192, 1843. 4 Chap, i, p. 72. F 2 68 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. life are of a simple kind, and if activity is exclusively directed to satisfy physical wants, there will be a great external resem- blance in individuals ; for a feeble exertion of the mind, and a uniform expression of mental emotion, impress upon the physiognomy and the whole body the stamp of uniformity, exhibiting but little variety. A greater difference between individuals is only found in more highly developed nations. . Just as the Romans found the old Germans very much like each other, so it is with the civilized European who looks at so-called savages for the first time. This, no doubt, may in most cases arise from, merely taking a superficial view. Thus Kendall1 says of the Mexican women, that they appear to strangers very like each other, because they wear the same dress, have black hair, dark piercing eyes, and very regular features. The expression of Ulloa,2 that he who has seen one American has seen them all, has been much criticised. Molina considers it as a great exaggeration, and observes, that the error arose from similarity of colour; that all the tribes he had seen exhibited different features, and that a Chilese, for instance, was not less distinguishable from a Peruvian, than a German from an Italian. Hale also observes, that no two European nations differ from each other, in external aspect, so much as the Indians above, from those below the great Cataracts of Columbia. It is unnecessary to accumulate proofs that great differences between various tribes of America do exist. The fact, however, stands thus : that whilst peoples may be easily distinguished from each other, there exists a very great resemblance between the individuals belonging to the same people. The great uniformity of external aspect of the aboriginal Americans has also been noticed by Humboldt and Morton, the latter excepts only the Esquimaux. The features of the Botokudes are as various and diversified as among Europeans.3 The Indians on the Orinoco form another exception.4 It has been observed by many travellers, that it p. 4 Humboldt und Bonpland, " R. in d. Aeq./' iii, p. 493. SECT. I.] MENTAL CULTURE. 69 is difficult to distinguish in America males from females by the features of the face. Pickering1 asserts this of the Mon- golian race in general. This applies also to many Negro tribes. Huschke2 observes, that the differences in the capacity of the cranium between the sexes is least in the Negro, and increases gradually up to the European. De Hell3 found a great resemblance in the individuals of the Mongolian tribes on the Caspian Sea. D'Orbigny, as Humboldt did before him,4 says the same of the aboriginal South Americans ; thus per- manence of type is, according to them, partly owing to the non-intermixture of the various tribes. It cannot be doubted that this great physical resemblance chiefly arises from deficient expression of psychical individuality, owing to the low state of mental culture. Among barbarous nations, says Humboldt,5 we find rather a tribal than an individual physiognomy. Though these phenomena may perhaps not exactly be considered as a brute resemblance, still it has been remarked that even among pur domestic animals there is a greater difference in external expression than among the same animals in a savage state* This difference may be the consequence of psychical develop- ment acquired in their relation and dependence on man. Koler, it is true,6 ascribes to individuals of a Negro tribe the same diversity of features as among Europeans ; but this is, excepting in mixed nations, incorrect, as there is no doubt that a uniformity of mental qualities exists among the same tribe. The slave dealer in Upper Egypt (Schendy) merely inquires after the native place of the slave, and not after his character, because long experience has shown him the im- portance of descent to be greater than that of individual character ; thus, the Nubas and Gallas are considered as very faithful, those of Northern Abyssinia as treacherous and malicious, those of Fertit as savage and revengeful.7 Though " Races of man," p. 15, 1849. Sehadel, Him u. Seele, p. 48. " Trav. in the steppes of the Caspian." " E. in die aequinoctialg.," ed. Hauff., ii, p. 15. " Neuspanien," i, p. 116. " Notizen iiber Bonny," p. 91, 1848. Katte, "E. in Abyssen./' p. 131, 1838; Burckhardt, pp. 423/447. 70 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. Burmeister1 speaks of great individual differences of physio- gnomy among Negroes, this is to be understood chiefly of national features, as individuals of different Negro peoples came under his inspection in Brazil. Among the Polynesians, and especially among the most gifted of them, the Fiji Islanders, the individuals of the same tribe exhibit as great differences in features as the inhabitants of any part of Europe.2 Though the uniformity of external aspect, which predomi- nates among uncultivated nations, must be considered as partly owing to the influence of the mental state upon the body, we must not lose sight of another source from which such a uni- formity arises. An assimilation of features and movements from involuntary imitation may arise, not only among single families, but among large communities, just like many lin- guistic expressions and other habits, and such will be especially the case if they lead a more secluded life. In the clans of Scotland, for instance, these family resemblances are very striking.3 An assimilation may also be observed in a single individual who has lived for a series of years among a foreign tribe, and having adopted their manners and mode of life, has, to some extent, become one of them. Something of the kind was observed in Giitzlaff, when he returned after a long resi- dence in China. In America, especially, Europeans have been found among the Indians, whom they greatly resembled after a long residence among them. Similar cases have also occurred in New Zealand and Australia, An analogous effect of the reaction of intellectual life is also seen in the circumstance that the free-born Negro children in Sierra Leone have better features, more intelligent eyes, and a nobler deportment and form than their liberated parents.4 The same difference has been observed between the maroon and slave Negroes in Jamaica.5 " The blacks cannot now be treated as formerly ; they now think, hear, and see as well as 1 " Geol. bilder,/' ii, p. 101. 2 Hale, loc. cit., pp. 10, 48. 3 Jarrold, " Anthropologia ; or, Diss. on the form and colour of man," p. 112, 1858. 4 Norton, " A residence in S. Leone," p. 278, 1849. 6 Pallas, " Gesch. der Maroncn neger auf Jam.," p. 148, 1805. SECT. I.] MENTAL CULTURE. 71 the white, they have become more intelligent than they were, and will soon become still more so," said a Negro of Jamaica to Lewis.1 The same difference between the free and the slaves among the Guaranis in Paraguay, Corrientes, and Boli- via, has been observed by D'Orbigny and Broc. It is asserted that whenever in the West Indies a Negro is found occupying a superior position, he generally presents some Caucasian features, such as a longer or more hooked , resembling the Jewish physiognomy.2 In whatever way thesi- cases may be explained, they, at least, show that the bodily formation of the Negro has not that absolute per- manence which some would ascribe to it ; and though one might be inclined to confine their change of type within narrower limits than higher races, those who, like Nott, deny any change of the Negro in Am erica, are evidently in the wrong. Concerning mental qualifications we possess some sufficient and confirmed data. Stevenson3 observed several times that the Negroes born in Peru possessed better mental capacity than those newly imported from Africa. He says nothing of physical differences, excepting that the Creole-Negroes are stronger and more athletic. According to Tschudi,4 the newly imported Negroes are less lively than the Creole-Negroes, but patient and more faithful than the former. The greater capacities of the Creole-Negroes have been confirmed by the documents which the Commission of the French Chamber of Deputies re- ceived from the colonies in 1839. De Lisboa5 agrees in this view, adding the observation, that these higher capacities must not be considered as a consequence of education, in which the Creoles are entirely deficient ; hence the low state of mental capacity in Africa must be the result of social condition. Froberville also,6 who considers the physical and moral sensi- bility of the Negro as considerably more obtuse than that of the white, speaks of the striking intellectual difference between the African parents and their children born in the colonies. 1 " Journal of a resid. among the negroes of the West Indies," p. 84, 1845. 2 Day, " Five years residence in the West Indies," i, p. 141, 1852. 8 Loc. cit., pp. 179, 198. 4 Loc. cit., i, p. 154. " " Bullet, de la soc. Ethnol." p. 54, Janv. 1847. • " Bullet, de la soc. Geogr.," ii, p. 326, 1847. 72 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. It is, besides, well known that Negroes born in America fetch higher prices than those newly imported, a fact which speaks plainly in favour of the superiority of the first. Such differ- ences of mental capacities cannot be entirely unaccompanied by external changes, there being such a parallelism between physical and psychical life, that no great change can take place in the latter without re-acting upon the former, and giving it expression. Though such physical changes may not be de- monstrated to any extent in the Negroes of America, it must be taken into consideration that it required a constant new im- portation of African Negroes to supply the slave population, and that comparatively there are but a small number of slaves whose ancestors have lived for many generations in America. The cases in which the latter circumstance exists belong mostly to the South of the United States, West Indies, and South America ; as statistics have shown that Negroes thrive less in the New England states, though it may be going too far to maintain that climatic conditions render it impossible for them to perpetuate themselves in that quarter. D'Orbigny1 maintains that the type of the Negroes born in America is easily distinguished from that of the newly im- ported in whom it is more pronounced. Lyell (second journey) learned from many physicians in the slave states of North America, that the Negroes who had much intercourse with Europeans (independent of sexual intercourse), approach them gradually in shape of skull and form of body (in the course of several generations), and connects this with Dr. Hancock's observation, that even among the Negroes of Gruinea a greater mental cultivation changed in course of time the general physiognomical expression, that the lower jaw and the shape of skull became modified. That such a difference is ob- served between the domestic and the plantation slaves (the latter preserving their original type), has already been observed by Prichard, who quotes Wisemann to that effect. Supported by such cases Ward2 asserts that the Negroes in the course of 200 or 300 years had in some parts of America, without inter- 1 Loc. cit., p. 143. 2 « Natural hist, of mankind/' p. 157, 1849. SECT. I.] MENTAL CULTUEE. 73 mixture with other races, partially lost their thick lips and projecting lower jaw, and their original peculiarities had been lessened under the influence of improved physical and moral conditions. Williamson1 confirms this improvement of the Negro character, specially as regards the Negroes of Long Island; and Lavaysse2 speaks of a better physical and intel- lectual condition of the Creole-Negroes, as founded upon the general experience of the planters. Stanhope Smith3 says ex- pressly that he does not speak of Mulattoes, but of pure Negroes, and observes that the well cared-for domestic slaves in America lose gradually their specific disagreeable odour ; that their hair becomes less crisp, and grows in the third generation to the length of several inches. He states an in- stance, confirmed by many observers, of a Negro who without any disease had become white and straight haired. In New Jersey specially there are Negroes to be found with straight noses, well-formed foreheads, and straight incisors.4 These instances, although they may not be considered as perfectly impartial observations, are too numerous, too definite, and too free from any suspicion as to their sources, to be rejected off hand. Two other circumstances are noteworthy j first, that the greatest changes in the Negroes occur in the North of the United States, whence it follows that the climatic conditions have not been without their influence ; secondly, that just the third generation is mentioned as that in which the metamor- phosis becomes appreciable, the same generation of which Philip5 maintains that in the South African missions the shape of the crania of the children deviates from its original form, and commences to improve; and also Mallat6 asserts, that in the third generation the tamed Negrito, of Manilla, becomes modi- fied, and approaches in form and character the Tagales. Whether we are sceptical or not as to these instances, their coincidence is remarkable, and worthy of further investigation. 1 " Observations on the climate of America," p. 42, New York, 1811. 2 LOG. cit., pp. 139, 141. s Loc. cit., p. 265. 4 Loc. cit., p. 91, 115, 170 5 " Itesearches in S. Africa,** ii, p. 129, 1828. e « Les Philippines," i, p. 45, 1846. 74 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. Similar instances of a greater or less metamorphosis of the physical type by altered conditions of civilization, occur also among us ; only that in many of such cases it cannot be shown with certainty how far intermixture between several peoples has occasioned it ; and this uncertainty becomes greater, inas- much as the variations in civilization occur in consequence of the intercourse of these peoples. If we were in possession of exact representations of the physical aspect of individuals of the same people at different periods, we might, by comparison, infer how far the external characters of a people correspond to the progress or retardation of its intellectual culture. De Salles remarks very justly, that all uncultured nations possess, in comparison with civilized nations, a large mouth and somewhat thick lips. Zimmer- mann1 has directed attention to the great differences between the ancient and modern Germans, and endeavoured to explain them from changes of the climate and mode of life ; but their spiritual culture must also have greatly contributed to the physical changes. The high stature, the light or red hair, the blue eyes, and the clear complexion which they possessed at the time of the Romans, have not, it is true, been lost by them, i but have become less general. We find in Jarrold2 the analo- gous assertion, that in the time of Henry VIII, red hair pre- 1 dominated in England, and that at the commencement of the * fifteenth century, grey eyes were more general, and dark eyes ' and hair unfrequent. He also mentions, that the cheek bones of the English were then more prominent, as they are at pre- sent towards the north. This reminds us of the strong features presented by the old German painters, showing that our own I physiognomy has not always been the same. More refined manners, mental emotions, and a diminished firmness of cha- '\ racter appear to have softened the rigid, hard, and angular features. As a further proof of the influence of intellectual culture on physical form, may be quoted the instance of the Sikhs, a re- ligious sect, formed in 1469 by Kanaka, and which has since 1 " Geogr. gesch. des Menschen," i, p. 54, 1778. 2 Loc. cit., pp. 155, 216. SECT. I.] MENTAL CULTURE. 75 lived in an isolated state. Originally Hindoos of the Punjab, they are now strikingly distinguished from their nearest allied tribes, somewhat in the same degree as the Hindoos from the Chinese, by extremely regular features and an oval face.1 They wear long beards,2 and are said to resemble in face and deport- ment, more than any other Asiatic people, Europeans, with the single exception of the inhabitants of Cashmeer.3 The cases of the Osmanli-Turks and the Magyars are more difficult to deal with. The improved shape of the skull and of the features of the former in comparison with their allied tribes in Asia, has been ascribed to the handsome women of the harem ; and the physical improvement of the Magyars, who at their arrival in Europe were of extreme ugliness, to their inter- mixture with Germans and Sclavonians. There are in European Turkey, about 700,000 Turks scattered among 15,000,000 of other tribes (Schafarik) ; and as the influence of the harem cannot have extended to the whole people, it is very probable, as is proved by historical evidence, that intermixture has largely taken place, less among the lower than among the higher classes, the language of the former containing less Arabian, Persian, and European elements than the written language and that used in conversation among the higher -es.4 That theory has most in its favour which assumes that both intermixture and intellectual progress have contri- buted to improve the physical conformation of the Osmanlis. This, perhaps, is also the case as regards the Magyars. They differ at present very much from Finns, yet their language is Finnish, though some Indo- Germanic elements are found in it (Pott) . Where they have remained less mixed and less culti- vated, in some remote, chiefly mountainous parts, they possess the ungainly primitive type. The flat lands exhibit the transi- tions to a nobler type ; they are conjoined in Szegedin. The peasants in Cumania and Jazygia are specially distinguished by handsome regular features.5 1 Prichard, iv, p. 240. 2 Malcolm, " Asiatic Researches," xi, p. 259. 8 Pavie in " Mem. de la soc . Ethnol./' i, p. 263. « Schleicher, " D. Spr. Europas," 1850. 5 Eey in "Nouv. ann. des voy.," ii, p. 113, 1849. 76 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. W. F. Edwards1 describes, as peculiarities frequently occur- ing in Hungary — globular head, low receding forehead, oblique eyes, short flat nose, thick projecting lips, flat occiput, weak beard,2 short stature. This form is manifestly very different from that of the Finns, nor can it be compared with that of the Lapps. It is almost a caricature of the Mongolian type ; for the Finns have short conical crania, flat temples, and globular occi- put ; the skull of the Lapps is smaller and thinner.3 One is certainly inclined to doubt the theory of the absolute perman- ence of types, and to adopt rather an extensive change in the form of the crania by climate and intellectual pursuits, when it is seen that Eetzius is obliged to deny the affinity between Finns and Lapps, on account of the difference in shape of skull. The Finns were, in former times, the free owners of the soil ; their monuments and their poetry testify of a high culture in past times ; while the Lapps ever have been, and still are, miserable nomads. Might not the physical differences be considered as having gradually arisen ? The Karele has an oval skull ; the Savolax, a round one. The Tavastlander, a squarish-round skull, and yet the Finnish speaking Karele, we are told, is no Finn, but has lost his own language and appro- priated another, merely because his head is oval.4 Yet the Croats and Dalmatians do not show the Sclavonian type; whilst the old Egyptian type is still detected in the Fellahs ; and the Greek type has been preserved in Greece, specially in the Morea (Pouqueville), notwithstanding the great admixture of foreign blood.5 There are other instances, very difficult to be explained from intermixture alone. "We do not, therefore, consider that the linguist is justified in conceding so much in this respect to the anatomist and zoologist as Pott has done, who assumes6 that intermixture has produced an essential change in physical 1 " Des caracteres phys. des races hum./' p. 73, 1829. 2 The Magyars at this time have fine long beards, which are the objects of particular care. 3 Retzius in " Muller's archiv./' p. 109, 1845 ; compare also Hueck, " De craniis Estonum," p. 10, 1838. 4 Eetzius, loc. cit., p. 394, 1848. 5 Edwards, loc. cit., p. 101. 6 " Die ungleichheit menschl. Kassen," p. 147, 1856. SECT. I.] MENTAL CULTURE. 77 formation among the Magyars, Osmanlis, Finns, and Samojeds, while they have preserved their language — that " an exchange of body" with foreign tribes has taken place without an ex- change of soul ; whilst on the other hand, the Romanic nations were compelled to adopt the Latin as their language without any great injury to the essential peculiarities of their corporeal structure. Without considering such a theory as absolutely impossible, we should still require more stringent proofs to support it ; for intermixtures of great extent which alter the physical type of a people can scarcely be thought of, unless the language should experience a corresponding change. Where foreign races, as the Chinese in the East Indian Archi- pelago, bring no women with them, and can only ally them^ selves with native women, it cannot be wondered at that the mongrels belong to one type according to language, and to another according to race (at Java for instance, according to De Jong) j1 but such instances are among the rare excep- tions. Though it is plainly shown, how among the Komanic nations the language of the conquerors replaced that of the 'Conquered, the change which the Latin underwent corre- sponds to some extent with the physical metamorphosis by which the Celts in Gaul became the French of the present day, and the Iberians became Spaniards. How much must be ascribed to intermixture, or to many other causes, can be hardly ; ascertained. We are far too ready to ascribe it to the first • cause simply because it affords a convenient explanation. When, for instance, the Finns are considered as originally a Mongolian people, which has improved its physical type by in- itermixture with the white race (Castren), the theory is objec- itionable on account of the linguistic development and its : inflections, which certainly cannot be ascribed to the engrafting of Indo-Grermanic elements upon a Mongolian foundation. With regard to the Magyars and Osmanli-Turks, it must be ; admitted, that the admixture of foreign elements has contri- buted to the change of their physical type, the extent of which Eeisen nach dem Vorgeb. der guten Hoffnung," ii, p. 373, 1803. 78 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [?ART I. always depends on the degree of resistance to external and in- ternal influences possessed by various races. The shape of the cranium is now by many naturalists con- sidered as an infallible criterion of race, and yet those who have devoted the greatest attention to the subject admit that the individual differences in the form of the cranium become greater in proportion to the higher intellectual development of a nation.1 According to Engel,2 there are but few deviations in the cranial structure among uncultivated nations, but many among civilized nations. We have already stated that this fact is, with some exceptions, generally correct; and if we repeat it here it is on account of the admission that the form of the cranium is liable to changes. Though Edwards3 is of opinion that the effect of civilization amounts to very little as regards its influence upon physical development, because among the same people the most different degrees of culture are found in connexion with the same physical type — an axiom which denies that mental capacities are indicated by the shape of the cranium — we must bear in mind that to support such an opinion we would require a more exact division of national types than we at present possess. We find, however, instances which seem to prove that the form of the skull is by no means as constant as is usually asserted. Eetzius, himself, found that the female skulls belonging to the higher and middle classes in Sweden are generally smaller than those of country people, and he considers this to be the consequence of a different mode of life and occupation. Latham4 inserts a table from Wilson's "Archaeology and Pre-historic Annals of Scotland," in which it is shown that the cranial capacity of the ancient Scots was less than at a later period, which he is inclined to consider as the result of civilization. With regard to Negroes, the old skulls of Negroes dug out in New York were, accord- ing to Dr. Warren, much thicker, and betrayed, phrenologi- cally considered, much less mental capacity than the skulls of a recent date.5 All this leads us to the view taken by Miiller 1 Eetzius, loc. cit., p. 205, 1848. 4 " Man and his migrations," p. 63, 2 " Unters iiber schadelformen," p. 121. 1851. 3 Loc. cit., p. 30. 6 " Quarterly Review," June 1851. Sl-:.« ; this however is not constant, and is sometimes found among Mongols.4 Duncan5 says that in Dahomey skulls with- out any longitudinal or transverse sutures are by no means rare. According to Sb'mmering,6 the capacity of the skull is absolutely less, and all the dimensions of the head smaller, than in the European ; the efferent nerves are thicker and the brain harder and smaller in proportion (Monroe, Pruner,) decidedly as in apes. This has been generally denied by Tiedemann,7 but has in other respects been confirmed by him in his representation of the cerebrum (Tab. v.) of a Bush- woman, which in regard to development and convolutions is not less inferior to that of the Negro than that of the latter to the European. That the convolutions in the Negro brain are less numerous and more massive than in the European (in whom they also vary) appears certain.8 The similarity of the Negro brain to that of the ape is limited to this ; for the cranial capacity of the Negro is not (as Blumenbach, Lawrence, 1 "Nat. hist, of the var. of man," p. 471, 1850. 2 Plainer " Die Krankheiten des Orients," p. 64, 1847. 3 Hamilton Smith, " Nat. hist, of the human species," p. 190. 4 Hollard, " De I'homme et des races hum.," p. 251, 1853. s " Journey in West Africa," ii, p. 246, 1848. 6 " Ueber d. korperl. Verschiedenheiten des Negers vom Europaer," p. 51, 1785. 7 « D. Him des Negers," 1837. 8 " Burmeister Geol. Bilder," ii, 123. 94 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. and Morton, in Cran. Amer., have maintained) less than that of all other races.1 The coronal region is arched in the Negro, but the forehead is often less developed than in the European woman (Huschke) . The Negro brain thus possesses the type of the female and the child's brain, and approaches that of the superior apes. This does not agree with what Sommering states, viz. that the transition from the occiput to the back is flatter in the Negro than in the European, nor with Burmeister, that the Negro possesses a shorter and less projecting occiput. The latter has endeavoured to explain from this circumstance the backward position of the occipital foramen, which is denied by Prichard, and declared by Latham as not constant, whilst Hollard admits a slight difference in this respect, and so does Arnoux,2 observing, however, that the particular form of the Negro required such, but does not in any degree prevent the erect posture of the head. The superficies of the face, which is usually described as small, is nevertheless, in proportion to the surface of the cranium, larger than in the European (Sommering, Lawrence). Whilst in the European the forehead, the nasal region, and mouth and chin, form equal sections of the face, there is in the Negro a considerable increase in the lower part (Burmeister) . The facial angle is little above seventy degrees, and the pro- jecting jaw gives to the face a snout-like appearance. The small laterally-compressed skull gives ample space to the tem- poral muscles, from the great development of which in length and breadth the lateral compression of the skull has been explained. The forehead is small and globular, its surface uneven and knotty (Blumenbach) . The eyes, — the sockets of which, according to Prichard, are not larger than in the Eu- ropean, but described as larger by Sommering, — are narrow, black, and protuberant, mostly with a yellow conjunctiva (Pruner), frequently exhibiting blood-vessels.3 The cheek- 1 See Tiedemann, W. Hamilton, Parchappe, " Rech. sur 1'encephale," and Huschke, Schadel, Him, und Seele, 1854 ; the latter of whom gives 37'57 ounces of brain in 54 cases ; for the Malay, only 36'41 in 98 cases. 2 "Bullet. Soc. Ethnol.," 1847. 3 Clapperton " Tageb. der zweiten R. ins innere v. Afr.," p. 184, 1830. SECT. II.] NEGRO TYPE. 95 bones are prominent, and the thick flat nose, with wide rils, projects, together with the jaws, from the face. The ethmoid bone is much developed. To this has been ascribed the great development of the sense of smell in the Negro, but it must be remarked that this occurs only exceptionally among Negro people. The nasal cavity is like the buccal cavity, more ious than in the European ; the nasal cartilage is deficient in development.1 The lips (especially the upper lip) are puny, and on that account very different from those of the ape ; their colour varies from a dirty rose colour to that of cherry red, and from dark red to tawny (Sommering), or is brown externally and red internally. The upper jaw is stretched, directed for- wards, the tongue thick and large, the palatine arch larger and longer than in the European. The space for the teeth is said to be very large, so that the hindmost molar tooth can be more developed. There are sometimes six molars, the incisors are not perpendicular, the superior especially are long and inclined .forwards. The whiteness of the teeth, which has been con- sidered as a peculiarity of the race, appears to be produced by rubbing them with vegetable fibres, chalk, etc.2 There are also regions where many bad and decayed teeth are seen, for instance, in Nyffe. The Negro has no inter-maxillary bone, but only, as the European in childhood, a rut which marks it. The chin is small, but broad and receding. The masseter, as well as the temporal muscles, are much developed. The external ear projects out of the head, is small, but not, as in the monkey, broad and flat (Burmeister) ; it is more equally rounded than in the European (Pruner), and as generally among the inferior races the helix is said to be flatter, but the trfiyiiH and the lobule smaller (Yollard, p. 99). The voice of the Negro is low and hoarse in the males, but acute and shriek- ling among the women (H. Smith). The hair of the Negro, which does not gradually, as in the European, diminish towards the temple and the neck, ceases 1 Dutenhofer, " Ueber die Emancip. d. Neger.," 1855. 2 W. Miiller, " Die A-fr., Landschaft Fetu," 1676 ; Lander, " Eeise zur Er- •forschung des Niger," iii, p. 94, 1833 -, Eaffenel, " Voy. dans 1'Afr. occ.," p. 198, 1846 ; Hecquard, " E. a. d. Kuste u. in d. innere v. West-Afr.," 1854. 96 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. PART I.] abruptly like a wig (Sommering). In some spots it is entirely wanting, so that among the Hottentots, Bushmen, and Austral Negroes of the South Sea, it grows in separate tufts. Although essentially differing from the wool of animals, it much resembles it. Its curl is, according to Henle, owing to its elliptic form. It is harder, more elastic and shining than that of the European. It is usually not longer than three inches, which is not owing to being cut, for all Negroes in Brazil like long hair (Burmeister) . This natural shortness of the hair is said not to be general. Many Negro tribes regu- larly cut their hair, and, if frequently combed, it is said to reach, on the coast of Guinea, the length of a foot.1 Dandolo2 saw among the Bakkara on the White Nile a couple of very black Negresses with enormous heads of hair like a wig, half a metre in circumference. It seems however doubtful whether in these instances, pure Negroes are meant. The beard is mostly very scanty, and grows only in advanced age ; whiskers are generally wanting, hence the pride of the Moors living among the Negroes, who by their beards exhibit their Arab descent,3 and the high value put, in Ashantee, upon a strong beard.4 Chest and body are but little, arms and legs not at all, covered with hair. The relatively thick and strongly developed neck of the Negro, shorter by an inch than that of the European, com- bined with a less curved vertebral column, enables him to carry easily burdens upon the head, so that the Fantis for instance prefer, in carrying stones, to place the wheelbarrow upon the head.5 The chest is larger and more arched than in the European. The pelvis is narrower, more conical, all its diameters are smaller, hence the belly is more pendulous. Vrolik6 has shown its similarity to that of the ape. With regard to the limbs, White has drawn attention to the greater relative length of the forearm in the Negro. In the European 1 Isert, " Neue E. nach Guinea/' p. 164, 1790. 2 Viaggio in Egitto, " Nel Sudan e Mil.," p. 271, 1854. 3 M. Park, " Voy. dans 1'Interieur de 1'Afr., Paris," an viii, i, 247. 4 Bowdich, " Mission von S. Coast nach Aschante," p. 391, 1820. 5 Duncan, loc. cit. 6 " Consid. sur la diversite des bassins," 1826. SECT. II.] NEGRO TYPE. 97 the proportion of the female arm is =12:9:6; in the male = 12,5:10,5:7; in the Negro woman =12:10:7; in the Negro =12,8 : 9,6 : 7,5 ; hence the hands appear in the Negro as long drawn with a relatively small breadth. The Negro has fine white nails, but which feel hard like wood (Burmeister) . Daniell1 says on the other hand that, according to his measure- ments, the fingers and the hands only are longer than in the European, but not the arms. The skin between the fingers reaches higher up in the Negro than in the European.2 The leg is, on the whole, longer, but the flat foot, which is but little arched, the ankle being but one and one-third by one and a half above the ground, reduces it in such a manner, that the leg appears short. The upper part of the thigh is not full, the Negro generally being not prone to become fat. The knees are somewhat bent, the calves weak, as if laterally compressed. Bandy-legs are frequent, probably in consequence of the mode in which the mothers carry their children on the back. On account of the weakness of the legs, the Negro is said to be very sensible to a blow on the shinbones.3 The heel of the Negro is longer and broader and the foot longer than in the European, a peculiarity which is also said to belong to Mulattoes even after they have become white.4 The toes are small, the first smaller than the second, and separated from it by a free space (Burmeister). The sesamoid bones are more numerous in the Negro than in the European (Sommering). Duttenhofer5 states that a Negro can stand for hours upon the extreme edge of one or both feet, a task we should imagine most painful for him considering the flatness of his feet. As regards the blood of the Negro, various statements are to be found in Sommering. Primer describes it as black and pitchy; Foissac6 and Omboni7 deny a difference in colour of the 1 " L'lnstitut," ii, p. 88, 1846. 2 Van der Hoeven. 3 Day, " Five years resid. in the W. Inlies," ii, p. 98, 1852. 4 Day, loc. cit., i, p. 51. 5 Loc. ct., p. 83. 6 Loc. cit. ? «• Viaggi neU. Afr., occ. Mil.," p. 159, 1845. H 98 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. Negro blood from that of the European. T. W. de Miiller1 observes that in hot climates the arterial blood of white and coloured men also resembles venous blood, in consequence of the greater quantity of carbon contained in it ; and it has been asserted that the predominance of the latter induces mental in- dolence. The choleric and phlegmatic temperaments only are said to prevail among Negroes. The greatly developed genitals exhibit frequent turgescence. The glandular system is much developed (Primer) . The stomach has a rounder shape (Som- mering) . The skin affords to the Negro a greater protection agains the rays of the sun than to the European, as, exposed to the sun for a longer time, it is not blistered; it is also per- ceptibly thicker on the whole body than that of the European it is always cool and velvety to the touch. With regard to th< latter point, the savage natives of Central Africa are said to form an exception, as their skin becomes wrinkled and chapped.2 It is more or less black according to the deposition of the pig- ment, which (according to an analysis not entirely to be relied upon), consists of nine-tenths of carbon to one-tenth iron and fat (De Muller), and is found in the common cells of the mucous layer of the epidermis, and not in special pigment cells, whilst the dermis of the Negro is like that of the European.3 This pigment, which is wanting in the Negro foetus, is also deposited in the mucous layer under the nail,4 and in the mem- branes of the brain (De Muller), exceptionally, though rarely, also on the gums and the velum palati,5 and upon the tongue (Primer) . The palms only, and the soles of the feet, are of a lighter colour, the first, frequently of European whiteness (Burmeister) . According to Flourens' former opinion there was said to exist between the epidermis and dermis an organ absent in the white, which contained the colouring matter ; he has, however, now adopted the prevailing opinion that there is no difference in 1 LOG. cit., p. 45. 2 D'Escayrac die Air. Wiiste und das Land der Schwarzen, p. 186, 1855. 3 Kolliker, " Microscop. anat." 4 Beclard, "Anat. generale," p. 309. 5 Arnoux, " Bullet, soc. ethnol.," p. 52, 1847. SECT. II.] NEGRO TYPE. 99 the structure of the skin between white and black men, a depo- sition of pigment also taking place in the former, though in lesser quantity. Kolliker observes that no microscopically visible pigment is found where the skin is white ; but he adds that it can be detected in the skin of Europeans of brown or dark complexion. Krause1 says that freckles and brown moles in the skin of Europeans are in structure like the epidermis of the Negro;2 and that the skin of the white in hot climates experienced an analogous change. The colour of the Negro differs in various nations ; further, that the colour of the skin can therefore not be considered as a specific difference from other races, as it is chiefly dependent on external conditions. This is supported by other considerations, chiefly by the fact, that the Negro becomes lighter in advanced age;3 and that the women, during the years of menstruation, when the carbon is removed by other means, are said to be lighter than the men (de Miiller). It is finally also to be borne in mind that new-born Negro children are of a light grey colour, and that in the northern parts of the Negro region the children become only perfectly black in the third year (Pruner). Camper4 saw a Negro child that at birth was of a reddish colour, then became first black around the nails and the nipples, on the third day the genitals became coloured, and on the fifth and sixth day the whole body. Children born in the cold season take a longer time in becoming black. The children of the Arabs in the south, even where they have not intermixed with the Negroes, but have their colour, exhibit at birth a copper colour ;5 whilst those of the American race are at birth of a yellowish-white or reddish-brown colour.6 Those of the native Australians in the environs of Adelaide are immediately after birth of a yellowish-brown, and only become dark at a later period.7 1 Art. Haut., in Wagner's handworterb., p. 15, 123. 2 Compare Simon in Miiller's " Archiv.," p. 167, 1840. 3 Carne's " Journ> of a voy. to the West Coast of Africa," p. 372, Boston, 1852. 4 " Kleine Schriften.," i, p. 24, 1782. 5 D'Escayrac, loc. cit. 6 Prinz Max., loc. cit., p. 103, 1839. 7 Koeler in monatsb. der ges. f. Erdk., iii, 44. H2 100 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I, The frizzly hair developes itself as gradually as the colour the skin. In the suckling the hair is of a chestnut brown, and of a silky texture (Burmeister) . The skin exhalation has in the negro a peculiar, disagreeable odour, which, however, is but little perceptible in some individuals, whilst in others it is smelt at a distance. This odour is particularly strong among the Balantes and Bissagos,1 and among the Negroes in th( south of Sierra Leone, the Ibos, Papaws, Mokos, etc.5 It corresponds to the odour emitted by the black feathers oi birds and the black hair of the dogs in Guinea (Foissac) . From the preceding description of the Negro-type, in which we have preferred to let every author speak for himself, il cannot be doubted that there is a certain resemblance betwe< the Negro and the Ape, although the distance between them is sufficiently great to discard any idea as to their relationship. We must add here a few more observations to shew that th( differences between the Negro and European are less importanl than they appear at first sight. The singularly thick skull which is considered as one of the characteristics of the Negro race is not exclusively peculiar to it. We need not mention that it is frequently occurring in mental diseases, and Herodotus ascribes such thick skulls to the ancient Egyptians. The natives of Van Diemen's Land break wood on their heads (Labillardiere) .3 This is also the case among the Penhuenches in South America, and many Indians in Brazil.4 The skulls of the Australians are said to be much thicker than those of Europeans.5 Herrera mentions that the Spanish conquerors were not able to split the skulls of the aborigines of Cuba and Haiti with one stroke of the sword. Ulloa6 says that the skulls found in old American graves are about six to seven inches thick. Polack7 found the 1 Arnoux, loc. cit., p. 215. » K. Clarke, " S. Leone," p. 51, 1846. 3 Labillardiere, " Eel. du voy. & la rech. de la Perouse," An. viii, ii, p. 54 ; Melville, " The present state of Australia," p. 348, 1851. 4 Poppig, " Eeise," i, 466 ; Spix und Martius, " Seise," p. 696. 6 Dawson, " The present state of Aust.," p. 66, 1830. 6 " Physikal. und hist. Nachr.," ii, 99, 1781. 7 " New-Zeal., being a narrative of travels," i, p. 214, 1838. SECT. II.] NEGRO TYPE. 101 same thickness in a New Zealand skull. The remarkable thickness of the skulls of the Zulu Kaffirs, who do not properly belong to the Negro tribe, is considered by Delegorgue1 to be the consequence of exposing the unprotected head to the heat of the sun. In France also, remarkably thick skulls were dug out in many places,2 and the Bretons are distinguished by the same peculiarity, and frequently fight with their heads like Negroes.3 Oblique prominent front teeth do not, according to Sandifort,4 exclusively occur among Negroes, but are seen, though in a less degree, among Kaffirs, Aboinese, Cingalese, Japanese, etc. Even among Europeans, laterally compressed skulls with oblique incisors, are not so very rare.5 With regard to the length and proportions of the arm : Jarrold6 has proved by measurements that the forearm of the Scotch (twelve inches to six feet length of body) is intermediate between the Negro (twelve and a half inches to six feet length of body), and the Englishman (eleven and a half inches to six feet length), and that the length of the hand is pro- portionately large in the former ; hence also in this respect the resemblance of the Negro to the monkey is not specific. The deficiency in the calves are in Sennaar and Taka as often found among the Arabs as among the Negroes.7 Brehm8 has observed the same among the Nomades of East Sudan, and assigns as a cause that they are accustomed to sit on the heels, by which the thigh rests on the calves. Moreover the pecu- liarity is not general among the Negroes. Burmeister has pointed out the resemblance of the foot and the position of the toes of the Negro to that of the ape. It has indeed been often noticed that the large toe is fre- quently used by Negroes as a thumb ; but however seductive it 1 "Voy. dans I'Afr. australe," ii, p. 219, 1847. 2 Serres, in "1'Institut.," ii, p. 123, 1853. 3 Lenormant, " Nouv. ann des voy.," i, p. 110, 1848. 4 " Tabulae cranioruni," Lug. Bat., 1838. 5 Loc. cit., p. 62. 6 K,. Wagner, " Naturgesch. des Menschen," ii, p. 219, 1831. 7 Werne, " Feldzug von Sennaar nach Taka," p. 58, 1851. 8 Loc. cit., p. 76. 102 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. may be to dwell upon this point, it can easily be shown that there is not much in it after all, for the same peculiarity has been observed not merely in the Australians,1 who often, to conceal their spears, drag them along between the toes,2 but also in the Indian on the Orinoco3 and in Yucatan, where the natives pick up money with their feet, and throw stones with them.4 The jugglers at the court of Montezuma performed their extraordinary tricks with the feet: some of these performers Cortez took to Spain, where such feats are only performed with the hands.5 The Marquesas islanders, the Malays of Luzon and Samar, and some inhabitants of Sumatra, also use their feet, and specially the first and second toes, to raise light objects.6 Such facts may have induced Bory7 to maintain that the oppo- sable thumbs on the lower extremities of the ape cannot be con- sidered as a specific difference between it and man, mentioning at the same time that this peculiarity is possessed in the same, or even in a higher, degree by the gum-gatherers of Marrensin, (Dep. desLandes), in consequence of much climbing. At any rate, the resemblance in this respect of the Negro to the ape must be abandoned. How much the use of the limbs is due to training is shown by the Bayaderes in the East Indies. Already in the course of the first year the mother of the future Baya- dere at Java bends the limbs of her child cautiously in every direction. The Bayadere is able to bend the last phalanx of the fingers separately, forwards and backwards, to make the back of the hand* as concave as the palm, and even to place the whole hand back upon the forearm. Her toes possess the same flexibility and capacity for grasping as the fingers, and the vertebral column is flexible in every direction.8 1 Mitchell, " Three Expeditions, i, p. 303, 1838 ; Howitt, " Impressions of Austr. Felix," p. 284, 1845 ; Hodgson, « Eeminisc. of Austr," p. 245, 1846. 2 King, " Narr. of a survey of the coasts of Austr./' i, p. 370, 1827. s Gillii, " Nachr. vom Lande Guiana," p. 252, 1785. 4 Waldeck, " Voy. dans la prov. d' Yucatan," p. 65, 1838. 5 " Gomara in " Historiad. prem. de Ind.," p. 342, Madrid, 1852. 6 Langsdorff, " Bemerk. auf einer Eeise um die Welt," i, p. 151, 1812 ; Mallat, " Les Philippines," ii, p. 38, 1846 ; de Pages, " Eeise um die Welt," p. 175, 1786; Marsden, "Sumatra," 1788; Eengger, "Naturgesch. derSaugeth von Paraguay," ii, p. 376. 7 " L'Homme," i, p. 45, 1827. 8 Gumprecht, "Ztschft. f. allg. Erdk.," ii, p. 118, 1854, nach dem Tageb. eines officiers. SECT. II.] NEGRO TYPE. 103 The disagreeable odour of the Negro has also been considered as a specific peculiarity. But besides the great differences ex- isting in this respect among the Negroes themselves,1 the native American also emits a peculiar though not so strong an odour (Catinca), as Blumenbach has also mentioned with regard to the Caribs and other natives. It is transmitted by the Negro and American to the Mulatto and Mestizo.2 The Araucanians especially, who live on animal food, have an extremely dis- agreeable odour, which is in Chili known by the name of " soreno."3 Hearne, on the other hand,4 assures us that nothing of the kind is perceived in the North Indians, with proper clean- liness, and Oviedo y Valdes5 says of the Indians of Panama, that they only smell disagreeably like the Negro when they omit washing for a couple of days. Say6 attributes the odour of the skin exhalation of the Indians chiefly to the substances which they rub in, observing at the same time that the odour of the white is disagreeable to them. If, as is asserted, the natives of Luzon can distinguish the clothes of their masters by their smell 7, and the Australians are equally able to do so,8 it results that not only has the skin exhalation of the white race, but that every individual has a specific odour, which is in fact proved by the capacity of the dog to trace his master. A practised dealer in hair is said to be able to distinguish German hair from French hair, and even Irish, Scotch and English hair.9 Though it may be incorrect what Kretzschmar asserts10, that whilst the Hottentots emit an intolerable odour, the Bushmen and the Kaffirs are free from it, it still results that the disagree- able odour of the Negro is not to be considered as a specific 1 The skin exhalation of the Huallenga in Taka, who belong to the Bischaris, is equally disgusting (Werne, " Felzug von Sennar nach Taka/' p. 228, etc., 1851). 2 Humboldt, " Neuspanien," i, p. 192. 3 Lesson, " Complement des ceuv. de Buffon," ii, 163. 4 " E. von Prinz Wallis fort, z, Eismeer," p. 257, 1797. 5 Ternaux, "Recueil de docum. sur 1'hist. des possess, espagnoles dans I'Am.," p. 130, 1840. 6 In James, " Ace. of an exped. from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mount., Philad.," i, p. 285, 1823. 7 Mallat, loc. cit., ii, p. 38. 8 "Australia felix," p. 127, BerL, 1849. 9 Morgenblatt, no. 110, p. 316, 1855. 10 " Sudaffr. Skizzin," p. 207, 1853. 104 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. peculiarity. A good authority, Rengger,1 states that he has many times observed, that Europeans acquire on their acclimati- zation in Paraguay a stronger, more disagreeable and negro- like odour, and that in consequence of this change in the activity of the skin, they are, like the Indians and the Negroes, less molested by the mosquitos. They attack, indeed, ac- cording to Humboldt and Bonpland, equally Indians and Europeans, but the consequences of the stings, and the swell- ings which ensue, as well as the pain, are slighter in the former. According to Unanue3, the sweat of the European and African is an alkaline reagent, that of the aboriginal Indian, acid ; but this acid reaction, he adds, may be removed by a continuous animal diet, just as the alkaline peculiarity of the sweat of the Negro may be reduced by vegetable diet. The sweat of the Spanish Creoles is either alkaline or acid, accord- ing to their diet. It cannot be our intention to deny by these remarks the greater resemblance of the Negro to the ape in comparison with the European, but simply to point out that the resem- blance has been greatly exaggerated. Sometimes, peculiarities which he shares with the higher races merely in a higher degree, have been pointed out as specific animal resemblances, at other times our ignorance of the physical characters of the other races has been used at the expense of the Negro, for it is as yet quite undecided whether among the peoples of the Malay, American races, &c., there may not prevail similar pro- portions in the forms of the pelvis, hands and arms. The neces- sary measurements to decide these points are yet wanting. In further considering the most striking anatomical dif- ferences between peoples and races, we would also observe that the Negroes of the South Sea (Austral Negroes, Negritos, Negrillos) are distinguished from African Negroes by a more striking negro-physiognomy (it has been designated as an exaggerated or caricatured negro-physiognomy), and by a shorter stature. They are on the average about four feet eight i " ft, nach Paraguay," p. 244, 1835. 2 Loc, cit., p. 108. SECT. II.] NEGRO TYPE. 105 pr nine inches high, without our being able to assign want of food or misery as the cause of it. They are, excepting the Bushmen (which, on the average, are about four feet high) (Lichtenstein), the shortest race on the globe. The giant and pigmy races of which old travellers speak have vanished, and thus it will probably be with the tailed men.1 The appendages having, as in Sumatra, proved to be pieces of dress made of bark or skins, which were hanging down behind. The Hottentots and Bushmen, though differing from the Negroes (especially in the form of the head and physiognomy), possess the chief peculiarities of the Negro type. Thunberg2 describes the vertebral column of the Hottentots as strongly curved inwards. The upper thighbone of the Bushmen resem- bles more that of the ape than that of Europeans. Cuvier, in his minute description of a Bushwoman, has, independent of other peculiarities belonging to the negro-type, drawn attention to the smallness of the ear, and a deficiency in the posterior pdge, resembling the ear of the ape, and compares the fat cushions upon the hips of the Hottentot women to similar for- mations in some female monkeys, as in the Mandrill and Pavian, whilst Desmoulins combats this analogy. Fatty cushions upon the hips are also observed in Negresses (Pruner) in Congo, Mandara, among the Makuas and Kaffirs, and even among the women of the Southern Tuaryks, where they have intermixed with the blacks.3 This peculiarity is also met with among the Nubian and also the Somali females.4 Among some Negroes these appendages are considered a par- ticular beauty. The women about Cape Coast wear cushions5 on this part, which reminds us of a recent European fashion. Finally, we may mention the much talked-of Hottentot apron, 1 Compare Castelnau, " Renseignements sur I5 Afr. centrale," 1851, and Tremaux in " Bullet, soc. geogr.," i, p. 139, 1855. 2 " R. durch eines Theil. v. Eur., Afr., und As./' ii, p. 168, 1792. 3 Omboni, p. 161 ; Denham, Clapperton, and Oudney, " Narr. of trav. in Afr.," 2nd ed., p. 201, 1826; Bunbury, "Journal of a resid. at the Cape," p. 159, 1848 ; Barth, " R. und Entdeckungen," i, pp. 328, 599. 4 Burton, "First footsteps in East Afr.," p. 108, 1856; Comber, " Voy. en Egypte, en Nubie, etc.," ii, p. 215, 1846. 4 Cunka — Huntley, "Seven years service on the Slave Coast," i, p. 70, 1850. 106 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. which however cannot be described as a monkey formation. It consists of a prolongation of the prceputium clitoridis and of the nymplice, which has first been described as peculiar to the Bushwomen, in a memoir by Peron andLesueur, 1805. Obser- vations on this subject by Miiller may be found in his Archiv., 1834,p.319. A similar excrescence hasbeen noticed by Sonnini,1 and before him by Thevenot in Egypt and Abyssinia, where girls are circumcised. This certainly cannot be considered as a proof, for although the circumcision of girls prevails among many tribes in Africa, especially in Sennaar and the surrounding regions2 in Congo, among some of the Betschuana tribes,3 it probably refers only to the clitoris, which, according to Werne,4 is com- pletely extirpated in Bellad- Sudan. That this operation should be exclusively confined to the Mohammedans in East Africa (as stated in "Nouv.ann.des voy.," 1835, iii, 172), is scarcely probable. It is also practised among the Susus and Mandingos in the West.5 The women of Pata- gonia are said to have an uncommonly large clitoris (Foissac), but no circumcision is practised. Nor can we, from the cir- cumcision of the nymphse (which is common in the countries on the Nile from the first cataract), conclude that there exists a similar formation in these parts as in the Hottentot women. Bosmann6 however relates of the women of Wydah, that they can be circumcised like the Hottentot women; and Adams7 reports that in Dahomey the nymphae are artificially elongated. Clarke also8 observes that the women of Popo are distinguished by uncommonly large nymphae and a large clitoris. A similar artificially-produced deformity among the Mandan women is described by Prince Max.9 Among the women of the Bushmen, i " R. in Ober und Nieder &g." p. 300, 1800. * " Bellad Sudan." 3 Cailliaud, " Voy. & Meroe," ii, p. 278, 1826; Donville, " Voy. au Congo/ i, pp. 66, 108, Stuttg., 1832 ; " Delegorgue," ii, p. 561. 4 Feldzug von Sennaar, "Nach Taka," p. 201. 5 Matthews, "B. nach S. Leone," p. 72, 1784. 6 Viaggio in Guinea, trad, dal Franz., Ven.," iii, p. 88, 1752. 7 "Remarks on the country east from C. Palmas to the R. Congo," p. 15, 1823. 8 " S. Leone," p. 49, 1846. 9 " E. in N. Am.," ii, p. 107. SECT. II.] PERUVIANS. EGYPTIANS. 107 a double membrane, as above described, is sometimes seen ; two cases of this kind are reported in Meyer.1 As one of the most important deviations from the normal form may be mentioned the os incce on the occiput of the old Peruvians, discovered by Tschudi, which, in form of a rectan- gular triangle, occurs in ruminants and carnivora.2 It appears however not to be a fixed peculiarity of race.3 Zeune4 saw such a bone in the skull of an adult Kalmuck woman and on that of a Java woman. Hence it appears only to be an individual abnormal formation. Before the times of the Incas there existed, according to Morton,5 in Peru, a half civilized people with long and narrow skulls, with a low receding forehead and a facial angle of sixty-seven degrees, and a capacity of only seventy- five cubic inches. Though the American race is, independent of artificial pressure, distinguished by a low forehead,6 still the above description of the form of the skull, if it were natural, as Morton originally considered, would be a most remarkable abnormity ; but Morton himself has given up that notion.7 It is further noteworthy that in the old Egyptian monuments, as Winckelmann has pointed out, the ear is situated rather higher up than usual. Dureau de la Malle thought recently that he could detect the same peculiarity in several mummies and in some Jews.8 Czermak9 found nothing of the kind in the mummies examined by him. Morton's investigations10 led also only to a negative result. He considers the difference as unimportant, and that the cartilage merely may have been larger and reached higher up. Nott and Gliddon consider it as founded on error. Though this deviation is as yet unde- cided, that, observed by Blumenbach, that the incisors of the mummies resembled in shape the molar teeth, is not considered 1 "R. in Siid-Afr.," pp. 116, 164, 1843. 2 Miiller's Archiv., p. 107, 1844. 8 Blake on " Peruvian skulls," Ethno. Trans., 1862. — ED. 4 " Ueber Schadelbildung," p. 15, 1846. s " Cran. Am.," 102. 6 Humboldt, " Neusspanien," i, p. 154, 1809. 7 " On the Ethnography and Archaeology of the Am. Aborig." p. 18, 1846 ; and Schoolcraft, " Hist, of the Ind. tribes," ii, p. 325. 8 " Revue Encyclopedique" and Lit. Gazette, June 23, 1832. 9 " Sitzungsbericht d. Wiener Akad.," ix, p. 427, 1852. 10 "Cran. .Egypt.," p. 26. 108 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. as a peculiarity of the race, but the consequence of their mode of living. There must yet be mentioned the natural foramen in the humerus, or intercondyloid perforation which receives the olecranon, in the extinct inhabitants of the Canary Islands (the Gruanches). It occurs also among the Hottentots, but is not a constant character.1 This abnormity is not unfre- quently found in Grermany. We must not therefore put the same high value upon this as Desmoulins,2 who considers the union of the nasal bones of the Bushmen as a specific quality. From the preceding synopsis of the greatest deviations which can be found in the anatomical structure of the various races, it is clear that we may confine ourselves to the com- parison of the Negro with the European in fixing the maximum of the differences existing between the races as regards bodily structure ; but the case is altered when we institute a similar comparison from a physiological point of view. In reviewing the physiological peculiarities of the various human races we must bear in mind the known axiom, that all beings belonging to the same species present the same arrange- ment of the animal economy. This harmony extends to animal heat, the frequency of the pulse, the commencement of puberty and the duration of sexual capacity, the duration and frequency of gestation and the number of young, the mean duration of life, the periodical changes of the organism, bodily strength and diseases. On instituting a comparison between the white and the other races with regard to physiological functions and qualities, it will be easily shown that there is no question here of permanently specific, but merely of acquired, differences, which are explicable by external or internal con- ditions, arising from civilization, more or less refined modes of life, exercise, intelligence, and the nature of surrounding media. The greatest energy of physical life is generally found, as indeed may be expected, among peoples in a primitive state ; but the longer duration of life, a more extended power 1 T. Miiller, "Archiv.," p. 336, 1834; De Salles, "Hist. gen. des races hum.," p. 204, 1849 ; Hollard, " De 1'U.omme et des races hum./' p. 251, 1853. 2 Pp. 297, 303. SECT. II.] ANIMAL HEAT. 109 of acclimatization, a lesser destruction of life by diseases, and greater muscular strength, is found among civilized nations, owing to their protecting themselves from injurious influences of all kinds, in combination with superior nutrition and regular exercise. The mean animal heat and the frequency of respiration do not materially differ under the tropics and the polar regions. Some indeed have maintained that the first is in the torrid zone less by 2 — 3° ; others (Davy) that in Ceylon it is higher by 2° ; this however has not been confirmed. Grmelin, Ross, and Parry found under 74° N. lat. no difference in this re- spect.1 That Livingstone2 found the thermometer under his own tongue rise to 100°, and among the natives only 98°, affords no certain proof of a constant difference between the blood heat of the Negro and the European. The difference may have been the sequel of his fever or the effect of other circumstances. Nor has the pretended quicker pulse of the Southerns been confirmed. Among some North American tribes the pulse is only 64, which is perhaps connected with the rarity of fevers among them.3 Prichard4 refers this cir- cumstance to a deficient energy of the animal functions, since also the menstruation of the women among many Indian peoples is said to be but scanty,5 and puberty of the girls occurs later, from the eighteenth to the twentieth year, the capacity to produce children ceasing with the fortieth year. These phenomena are however far from common among the American race, for the period of puberty among girls com- mences in the fourteenth year among the Potowatomis, in the fifteenth and sixteenth among the Sioux.6 Among the Dela- wares and Iroquois the girls marry at fourteen,7 and in the torrid zone, marriages are earlier effected among the natives of 1 Foissac, p. 15. 2 Loc. cit., p. 166. 8 Say in James, loc. cit., p. 260. 4 Chap, i, p. 133. 5 Lahontan, " Nouv. voy. dans 1'Am. sept.," ii, p. 154, La Haye, 1703 ; and Rengger, "Natgesch. der Saugeth v. Paraguay," p. 11. 6 Keating, "Narr. of an exped. to the source of St. Peter's E.,"i, p. 434, 1825. 7 Loskiel, " Gesch. d. Miss, unter den Ind./' p. 72. 110 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. America than elsewhere, namely from ten to thirteen years.1 In ancient Mexico, however, the girls used to marry when sixteen to eighteen years old, and the men from twenty to twenty-two,2 the law of the old Inca empire prescribing for the former the age of eighteen to twenty, and for the latter from the twenty-fourth year.3 If, despite the cold climate, the puberty of the girls commences among the Mongols, Kalmucks, Samoieds, Lapps, Kamtschatkals, Jakutes, Ostiaks, etc., about the twelfth or thirteenth year, — (it may be of interest to ascertain how this is among the Magyars,) — the animal diet of these peoples and the heat of their huts may perhaps contribute to it, as in those of the Esquimaux it is said to rise to 28 degrees, whilst in the open air it sinks to — 28 degrees.4 Puberty occurs rather late in the Fiji Islands, namely, in girls about the fourteenth, and in boys about the seventeenth or eighteenth year.5 Uncommonly early, on the other hand, in the tempe- rate region of New Zealand, where the girls frequently marry when eleven years old.6 Among the aboriginal Americans the period of puberty seems, as among other races, essentially to depend on climate and mode of life. This circumstance has however, among others, been used to support the assertion that they are a weakly race, deficient in vital power, and that they would have become extinct even if the white immigrants had not contributed to their destruction.7 This renders neces- sary a closer investigation of an assertion assuming such an essential difference of organization between the American and other races ; but in order not to interrupt our investigation too much by details, we shall treat of it in an appendix to this section. It has been statistically proved that in Europe the propor- tion of male to female births is =106 : 100, and there seems in all climates to prevail a similar preponderance of boys over 1 D'Orbigny, Strangewa/s " Sketch of the Mosquito Shore/', Edin., 1822. 2 Clavigero, " Hist, of Mex. translated by Cullen," vi, p. 38, 1787. 3 Gurcilasso, " Hist, des Yncas," iv, c. 8, Amst., 1737. 4 Parry " Second voy.," p. 502. s Wilkes, iii, p. 93. 6 W. Brown, " New Zealand and its aborigines," p. 38, 1845. ' De Pauw, " Rech. sur les Americains," Martins and others. SECT. II.] BIETHS. Ill girls, excepting under particular circumstances. Hofacker1 ascribes it to the preponderating influence of the male, who in Europe is, on the average, five to six years older than the female. It is also said that the number of male births increases with the advancing ages of both parents. A regular prepon- derance of female births, which Quetelet2 quotes of the white population in the Cape of Good Hope, is rare. Nothing of the kind exists among the same stock in Europe, a fact which proves that such proportions are not fixed peculiarities, but depend on particular local influences. Among the Indians in Central America male and female births nearly balance each other, but among the Whites and Mulattoes of these parts, among the Ladinos, the former are exceeded by the latter in the proportion of 2:3, or at least of 4 : 5.3 In Yucatan the proportion of women to men is, according to some authors, =2 : 1 ;4 in Cochabamba, in South America, the number of women to that of men is said to reach the incredible proportion of 5 : 1 .5 In Granada, the capital of Nicaragua, even the casual observer is struck with the numerical preponderance of the females over the males.6 The same proportion, though in a lesser degree, is found in Goyaz, a city in Brazil,7 and is said to prevail throughout Venezuela, and particularly in Cumena, where, it is asserted, there are seven females to one male.8 The preponderance of the female population of Buenos Ayres, as asserted by some authors, is, according to Caldcleugh,9 unfounded. Elsewhere it is asserted, that in Buenos Ayres the male births outnumber the female births by twenty-three per cent., which seems equally erroneous. Immigration only appears to cause in that 1 " Ueber die Eigensch. welch, s. b. Menschen und Thieren vererben." 2 " Ueber den Menschen," German by Eieke, 1838 ; " Journal Asiat.," Jul., 1826 ; and Sadler, " The law of population/' ii, 371. 3 Galindo, " Journal E. Geogr. Soc.," vi., p. 126. * Stephens, " Begebenh. auf. e. E. en Yucatan," p. 171, 1853. 5 " Bullet, soc. geogr.," i, 209, 1855. 6 Eeichardt, " Nicarag.," p. 88, 1854. 7 Castelnau, " Exped. dans 1' Am. du Sud," i, 328, 1850. 8 Otto, " Eeiserrinnerungen in Cuba," p. 237, 1843. 9 " Travels in S. Am./' London, i, p. 184, 1825. 112 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. region a preponderance of males.1 According to Castelnau,2 the males preponderate among the Whites, the reverse being the case among the Indians, Mulattoes and Creole Negroes. With regard to Mexico, Franz Mayer3 states, from recent official sources, that more girls than boys are born in Vera Cruz, Oajaca, Puebla, Mechoacan, Guanajuato, Jalisco, the pre- ponderance diminishing gradually in the order cited. On the other hand, there are more boys than girls born in Upper Cali- fornia, New Mexico, Sonora, Chihuahua, Cohahuila, New Leon. Hence he lays it down as a general proposition, that away from the equator the preponderance of girls gradually declines, and altogether ceases further North, when there is a turn in the contrary direction. Tamaulipas specially exhibits a constant preponderance of male births. In Africa, on the Gold Coast, the females preponderate only on the coasts, not in the in- terior.4 There are also numerous instances to the contrary. The excess of males over females occurs more frequently than the reverse. Among the Jews in Berlin the proportion of female to male births is = 100 : 208 ; among the Jews in Livorno =100 : 120; and in the Prussian dominions generally =100 : 111.5 A similar striking excess of male births, =4 : 3, occurs in New Russia, in the governments, Jekaterinoslanw, Cherson, Bessarabia, and Tabriz.6 In Galega, north-east of Madagascar, the French Government has authorized polyandry among the Negroes, the number of male births being too large.7 In Tahiti there is equally a preponderance of males.8 In Upper California a much less number of girls is born than boys, or the mortality must be greater among the former than amongst the latter. This preponderating number of males has for its consequence the decrease of the population, with the exception of the Mission San Luis-Eey.9 The same cause has 1 " Zeitsch. f. allg. erdk. n. folge," iv, p. 143. 2 Loc. cit., i, 138. 3 " Mexico," ii, p. 46, Hartford, 1853. 4 Wilson, " Western Afr." p. 181, Lond., 1856. 5 Burdach, " Physiol.," i, p. 532 ; Hoffman in Quetelet, p. 56. 6 Fechner's " Centralbl.," p. 368, 1853. 7 Laplace, " Voy. aut. du monde," ii, 119, 1833. 8 " Journal K. Geogr. Soc.," iii, p. 174. 9 Coulter, in "Journal E. Geogr. Soc.," v, p. 67. SECT. II.] CONGENITAL DEFORMITIES. 113 partly effected the depopulation of Australia, though it cannot be considered as the only one, and can hardly be looked upon as a sign of deficient vitality in the organization of the natives. The number of females still decreases in Australia.1 In the known districts of Australia the proportion of males to females among the natives is =3 : 2 ; that of adults to children, only =5 : 2. The mortality among the children is enormous, the greater proportion of them do not outlive the first month.2 Sturt, however,3 observes, that among the smaller tribes in the interior, there is an excess of women in the proportion of 2:1, or even greater. This has also been asserted by others.4 Congenital deformities are rarer among most savage peoples than among civilized nations; and it is now generally ac- knowledged that the views of Ulloa, Robertson, and others, who would explain this fact by infanticide, are erroneous. At the time of the conquest there were already in Peru, in regions subject to sudden alterations of temperature, many cripples and blind.5 In the environs of Leon there were ob- served many one-eyed individuals — ostensibly in consequence of the great dust. Such persons were rarely met with in Nicaragua.6 Captain Landolphe7 saw, during his lengthened travels on the African coasts and in America, only one de- brmed Negro. Brehm also has confirmed the rarity of deform- ties among Negroes in East Sudan ; but singularly enough, le considered it as a resemblance to brutes, since more refined and intellectual labours are the source of many diseases. Ellis8 observes of Tahiti, that deformities had been rare in former :imes, but are more frequent now; there are specially many aunchbacks in the Society Islands.9 Pickering10 speaks of 1 Eyre, " Journals of exped. into Central Austr.," ii, p. 417, 1845. 2 Fechner's Central blatt., pp. 29, 208, 1853 ; Westgarth, in " Journal of :he Ind. Archipelago," Dec. 1851. 3 " Narr. of an exped. into Central Aust.," ii, pp. 77, 136, 1849. 4 D'Urville, " Voy. de 1' Astrolabe," i, p. 495, 1830. 5 Gemara, p. 276. 6 Oviedo, " Hist. gen. y nat. de Ind.," xlii, c. 4. 7 " Mem. cont. Fhist. de ses voy. p. Quesne," i, p. 137, 1823. 8 " Polynes. Kesearches," i, p. 80, 1832. 9 " Lesson Compl. des CEuvr. de Buffon," ii, p. 214. 10 " The races of man," 1849. 114 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. many innate deformities in Polynesia. New Zealand, however, seems to form an exception.1 In North America, also more rarely in Brazil, cripples were in modern times found in greater numbers.2 The natives there are said to be now more subject to diseases than formerly.3 It seems, therefore, that the sanitary condition of savage nations has deteriorated by their intercourse with civilized nations, partly in consequence of new diseases, and partly from changes in dress and mode of life which they gradually adopted, especially where missionaries effected such a transformation of their habits. The signs of age generally, though not always, present them- selves later among savage than among the civilized nations. As deficient protection against the influence of climate and hard work depress the body, we cannot wonder that, for instance, the North- American Indians look old at 40, and their women, who perform most of the labour, present the look of old age even at an earlier period.4 Similar instances are found among all races. But it says much for their vital energy, that grey hair and bald- ness, though they occur, appear but rarely, and only in old age.5 The teeth also remain sound until old age ; they become worn, but rarely carious. Thus it is among the aboriginal Americans, among the New Zealanders, and other Polynesians6 and among the Bushmen.7 Teething does not seem to torment the children. Marco Polo wondered at the enduring power possessed by the Tartars in sustaining bodily labour. Similar descriptions have been given of the aboriginal North Americans, who in their hunting and war expeditions support hunger, thirst, heat, cold, and wet, and the most fatiguing marches, with unexampled endurance. To this must be added continuous fasting, and, among some peoples, self-inflicted pain from reli- 1 Polack, " New Zealand/' ii, 273, 1838. 2 " Prince Max. E. in N. Am./' i, 461 ; James, ii, p. 112. 3 Hekewelder, "Nachr. v. d. Gesch. d. Sitten der ind. Volkersch.," p. 388, 1821. 4 West, " Substance of a journal of a resid. at the Red R. Col.," p. 112, 1824. 5 Keating, i, p. 156; D'Orbigny, i, p. 128; Gilii, 247; Tschudi, ii, p. 361. 6 D'UrviUe, loc. cit. 7 Burchell, ii, p. 221. SECT. II.] BODILY STRENGTH. 115 gious scruples, during which it is a point of honour not to exhibit the least sign of pain. The women who, in order not to give birth to cowards, sustain the labours of parturition with the .same firmness, retiring to the forests when their time approaches, bathe in the river immediately after their delivery, and return to their labour with the new-born children on their backs. Thus it is among the Sioux, whilst the wives of the Potowatomis protect themselves from cold during ten days after delivery;1 but this, as well as difficult parturition generally, is to be considered as an exception. This capacity for great physical efforts which we find in such a high degree among the North Americans, is usually combined with great digestive powers, which, owing to continued fasting and frequent over-feeding, acquires among savage peoples an unexampled energy. That this is merely the result of habit and not a peculiarity of race, is proved by similar performances among the ancient Greek athletes and many Arabs. The camel drivers who perform the journey from Cairo to Suez, which lasts above thirty hours, remain without food during all that time, and many an Arab boasts of being able to con- sume a whole sheep at one meal.2 The Bedouin Arabs during their journeys through the desert, take only daily two draughts of water and two morsels of baked flour and milk. Six Bedouins are said to consume no more than one European; but when they find plenty of provisions they become voracious.3 We quote a few examples : Eyre's attendant, a native Austra- lian named Wylie, consumed in one night 6J pounds of boiled meat (not including the bones), and could on the average consume nine pounds daily.4 Simpson5 gives a still more remarkable instance of two Jakutes. A Guarani consumes a small calf in a few hours.6 Ross7 speaks frequently of the scarcely credible gluttony of the Esquimaux. Every Green- 1 Keating, i, p. 130. 2 D'Escayrac, p. 128 ; Bayard Taylor, " E. N. Centr. Africa," p. 369, 1855. 3 Bitter, Erdk., xiii, pp. 315, 525. 4 Eyre, ii, 34. 5 " Narr. of a Journey round the world," ii, 309, 1847. 6 Dobrizhoffer, " Abiponer," i, p. 281. 7 "Narr. of second voy.," p. 447, etc., Lond., 1835. i2 116 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I d Is lander consumes on the average, besides eggs, mussels, an vegetables, annually about 645 pounds of fish and 784 pound of meat and lard. Strong young men consume daily, during several months, from 10 to 12 pounds of meat, and a consider- able quantity of biscuits.1 An Arowake, on the other hand, lives in the field for three weeks, or even a month, on 1 0 pounds of Kassava bread.2 Lichtenstein speaks of the enormous voracity and power of abstinence of the Bushmen. One of them is said to have lived for a fortnight on water and salt.3 Like the Kaffirs, they are said to grow fat again in a few days. When a famine threatens, it is usual among the Kaffirs not to eat every day.4 Richardson5 relates extraordinary cases of the capacity of the Tibbos to sustain hunger for a great length of time, and then to satisfy their appetite with food scarcely fit to eat. Here may also be mentioned the large consumption of a fatty clay by the Otomaks on the Orinoco.6 Among other peoples the consumption of large quantities of putrid fish seems to be attended with no injury. Among the Takhalis, or Carriers, in North- West America, such substances form favourite dishes, which are kept until they acquire the desired degree of putridity. The Koujages, of Kadjak, cook their berries with bear excrements, and relish this as a condiment, even when they have a sufficiency of other food. They bury boiled pieces of whale in the earth until it becomes putrid, when it is considered a dainty dish.7 Such a corruption of taste would lead us to suppose a continuous derangement of the digestive faculty, yet we do not hear that the health of these peoples suffers from it. With regard to muscular power, Peron was the first who performed experiments with the dynamometer and in wrestling. It resulted therefrom that the natives of Van Diemen's Land were inferior in this respect to the Australians, and these again to 1 Etzel, " Greenland," p. 374, Stuttg., 1860. 2 Hilhouse, " Journal E. G. S.," ii, p. 232. Thompson, " Trav. in S. Afr.," i, p. 99, 2nd edit., 1827. Delegorgue, i, p. 134. " Narr. of a mission to central Afr.," ii, p. 45, 1853. Heusinger, " Geophagy." Holmberg, " Ethnogr. skizzen fiber die Volker des. Buss." p. 89, 1855. SECT. II.] BODILY STRENGTH. 117 the Timorese, but all of them were considerably weaker than the Europeans.1 He points out, that though the Timorese are amply provided with food, they lead in a hot climate an inactive life, and become weak from want of bodily exercise, whilst the weakness of the first-named nations arises from want of proper nourishment and a frequent change from extreme physical efforts to an apathetic repose. Freycinet2 has continued the experiments with the dynamometer, and has arrived at the following results : — Kilogrammes. White Creoles from lie de France lift on the average . 64'4 Frenchmen in the same locality .... 6O3 Sandwich Islanders ..... 66'2 and 58-3 Mozambique Negroes . . . . . 57' 1 Malgasches . . . . . . 56'9 Natives of the Carolines ..... 54'2 New Zealanders, twenty to twenty-five years old . . 51*4 Timorese and Papuas ..... 40*0 Australians ...... 45-6 The results communicated by Buckton3 differ from the above : — Mean Strength of the Arms. Mean Strength of the Hips 12 Tasmanians . , 50'6 kilogr . . — myriagr. 17 Australians . . 50'8 „ . . 10*2 „ 56 Timorese . . 58'7 „ . . 11-6 „ 17 Frenchmen . . 69-2 „ . . 15-2 14 Englishmen . . 71'4 „ . . 16'3 With regard to the New Zealanders, it is stated4 that they can, on the average, lift 367 pounds avoirdupois. Foissac5 has justly recommended caution in coming to any conclusion from such experiments, as they can only be decisive when performed on individuals of the same nature and the same practice in physical efforts. This is proved by the fact, that the American Hercules, Cantfield, exhibited with the 1 Peron, " Voy. de decouv. aux terres Australes," ii, p. 417, 2nd edit., 1824. 2 " Voy. autour du m.," ii, p. 714, 1827. 3 " Western Australia," p. 91, 1840. 4 " Journal E. Geogr. Soc.," xiii, p. 92. 5 Page 41. 118 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. dynamometer no more physical strength than an Ojibbeway chief.1 We should also require, observes Hamilton Smith/ ex- periments to be performed in running, spear-throwing, etc., to form a judgment on the proportion of bodily strength in different nations. We should also examine the power of endurance, as well as the amount of individual momentary performances. The ma- terials at hand are not sufficient to come to any conclusion in this respect ; still it is not without interest to state some of the more important results obtained. Per on3 found that the natives of Van Diemen's Land excelled the Europeans in running. This frequently occurs among savages, since their safety and subsistence in war and the chase often depends on their fleetness. The American deer in the open prairie is sometimes caught by the Indians, which how- ever is rarely the case with the Moose deer and the Bison.4 Similar fleetness is ascribed to the Lapps and Tunguses. T. E. Alexander5 speaks of two Namaquas, father and son, who, armed merely with a knife, gave chase to zebras, and outran them. And Moffat6 asserts that among the Barolongs there are some who on foot can keep up with the giraffe. Hottentot Kaffirs and Bechuanas are less muscular than the English and the Dutch colonists at the Cape, but possess greater endurance.7 The short thin Hottentot excels, according to Alberti,8 the Kaffirs in lifting weights, and even a White colonist at the Cape, celebrated for his strength, was not equal to the Kaffirs in running and throwing spears, manifestly the consequence of more or less practice, and independent of peculiarity of race. Peron has collected many instances to prove the physical weakness of the native Americans. On closely examining them it will be found that they chiefly rest upon the rapid decay of 1 Quetelet, loc. cit., p. 155. 2 " Natural hist, of the human species," p. 165, Edinburgh, 1848. 3 Loc. cit., ii, p. 85. 4 J. Tanner, " Memoires trad. p. Blosseville/' i, p. 201, 1835. 5 " Exped. of discov. into the Interior of Air.," ii, p. 261, 1838. 6 " Miss, labours in S. Afr.," p. 260, 1842. 7 Hoodie, " Ten years in S. Afr.," i, p. 43, 1835 ; Burchell, ii, p. 439. 8 "Descr. des Caffres," Amst., 1811. SECT. II.] BODILY STRENGTH. 119 the Indian population. Under the oppression of the con- querors, the native population rapidly perished, chiefly in South America, where they were forced to work in mines. It became then necessary to import Negroes, who could endure the labour, and hence it was concluded that the American Indian is, compared with the Negro, a weakling. Just the con- tntry is asserted by Frezier1 and Helms,2 that only the Indians, not the Negroes, can support the heavy labour in the mines. Both are correct under proper limitation. Negroes cannot stand heavy work in mountainous regions ; their skin becomes dis- coloured, the complexion assumes an ash-grey tint, they sicken and die.3 Wilson,4 by no means an unprejudiced writer, asserts that the sugar planters in the hot regions of the interior of Mexico had found it impossible to have their plantations cultivated by Negroes or Zamboes, as neither of these races were viable in these parts. The power of endurance of the Negro under a tropical sun, without injury to his prolificacy, is a known fact ; but it has not been taken into consideration that the Negro ' easily becomes reconciled to a state of slavery, for which the Indian seems unfit; depressed by it, the latter sinks into a state of melancholy, and thus perishes rather from psychical than physical causes. This opinion has been confirmed by Von Sack.5 A number of facts proves that y the Indian is not deficient in physical power for heavy labour. The South American tribes, especially, exhibit all the characters of physical strength; some of them are of athletic structure (D^Orbigny). Even the natives of Tierra del Fuego have proved to be so physically strong, that one of them is sometimes a match for two English sailors.6 The Hapiris working in the mines of Chili, who, according to some, are not Indians of pure descent, but are considered as such by Tschudi,7 possess extraordinary 1 " Neueste E. nach der Sudzee," p. 353, 1718. 2 " Trav. from B. Ayres to Lima," pp. 16, 37, 2nd edit., 1807. :l Skinner, " Voy. au Perou," Paris, 1809. 4 " Mexico," p. 311, N. York, 1855. •"' " Beschr. einer E. nach Surinam," i, p. 87, 1821. G King and ITitzroy, " Narr. of the Survey, voy. of the Adv. and Beagle," p. 415, 1839. 7 Chap, ii, p. 117. 120 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. physical strength. Their usual burden (stated by Tschudi to amount only to 50-75 pounds), which they bring up twelve times daily from a depth of 450 feet, exceeds in weight 200 pounds.1 The Indian porters in Peru carry on their straps, chests weigh- ing above 100 pounds.2 The journey from Pasco to Lima, fifty leagues, is performed by the Indian on foot within three days.3 Tschudi relates similar feats of the march of Indian troops in war. ' { Wherever the experiment has been made, it has been shown that the Indian is capable of sustaining a higher degree of physical effort than the strongest European."4 The Indians of Quito can, during the greater part of the day, carry a vessel upon the back containing twelve to sixteen gallons of water.5 The Indians of Caracas carry on their jour- neys, burdens of about 200 pounds.6 Captain Head7 says, "In the mines of South America I saw Indians work with tools which were too heavy for our miners, and carry burdens which no Englishman could have carried. I appeal to such travellers who have been carried by them across the snow, and ask them whether they could have performed the same service to the Indians, and if not, it seems certainly strange that a civilized man should despise the physical power of a fellow man upon whose shoulders he rides " On proceeding northwards we hear that the Indians in Central America perform five to six leagues with a burden of six arrobes,8 and that the Indians of Mexico bring up from the mines from 13 to 16 J arrobes upon their shoulders.9 It must however be noticed that the miners in Zacatecas are not pure Indians but Mestizoes, who 1 Darwin, " Naturalists voyage/' ii, p. 113, 1844; Andrews, "Journey from B. Ayres to the prov. of Cordova," etc., i, p. xxi, 1827. 2 Poppig, " Reise," ii, p. 313 ; Weddel, " Voy. dans le Nord de Bolivie," p. 305, 1853. 3 Proctor, " Narr. of a Journey across the Cordillera, p. 314, 1825. 4 W. Parish, " B. Ayres and the prov. of the La Plata," p. 291, 1838 ; and Molina, " Essai sur 1'hist, nat. du Chili, p. 314, 1789. 5 Stevenson, ii, p. 176. 6 Semple, " Sketch of the present state of Caracas," p. 79, 1812. 1 "Rough Notes taken during some journeys across the Pampas," p. 113, 2nd edit., 1826. 8 Legendre in d'Urville, " Voy. au Pole, Sud.," x, p. 291, 1841. 9 Ward, " Mexico in the year 1827," ii, p. 201, Wehn., 1828. SECT. II.] BODILY STRENGTH. 121 are more nearly allied to the Whites than the natives.1 Accord- ing to Lahontan2 and Perrin du Lac/ the natives of North America are less strong but more enduring in their efforts, than Europeans. Kengger4 says the same of the Indians of Paraguay, and Weld5 says that Englishmen excel the aborigines of North America in short races, but are beaten by them in long distances. Individual instances of great bodily strength are found among them. Two Ojibbeways proved themselves considerably more powerful than two Belgians of the same age.6 The Osages belong to the most powerful tribes of the North Americans ; they can perform per day sixty miles on foot.7 Roger Williams states that the Indians of New Eng- land travel in one day from eighty to one hundred miles, and re- turn home the following day.8 The performances of the runners whom the native rulers of Mexico and Peru employed are well known. The so-called postillions in Peru perform on foot from twenty to thirty Spanish leagues.9 That the, beard is but weak among the Americans proves, after these cited instances, nothing against the physical strength of their constitution. Besides, they share this peculiarity with the Mongols and Negroes, and with many South- Arabs.10 Among the peoples of the Mongol race, the powerful organization of which has never been doubted, the inhabitants of the island Quelpart are con- sidered the strongest ; they can lift heavier weights than the English sailors.11 Among the Esquimaux there are also in- stances of great strength; for, to overpower one of them, a number of English sailors were requisite in a case related by 1 Lyon, " Journal of resid. in Mex.," i, p. 87, 1828 ; Burckardt, " Aufenhalt in Mex.," i, p. 152, Stutt., 1836. 2 Loc. cit., ii, p. 94. 8 " R. in den beiden Louisianen," ii, p. 29, 1807. 4 " Naturgesch. der Saugeth. in Paraguay," p. 12, 1830. 5 " E. durch d. Staaten, in N. Am. Magazin," xx, p. 470. 6 Quetelet, " Bullet, de Tacad. des sc. de Belg., 1'Institut.," ii, p. 78, 1846. 7 Nuttall, " Journal of trav. into the Arkansas territory," p. 821, Philad., 1821. 8 Hutchinson, " Hist, of Massachusetts," i, p. 411, note, 3rd edit., Boston, 1795. 9 Temple, " Trav. in Peru," i, p. 269, Lond., 1830. 10 Pickering, " The races of man," p. 225, 1849. 11 Belcher, "Narr. of the Voy. of H.M.S. Samarang," i, p. 350, 1848. 122 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. Beechey.1 With regard to the Malays and Polynesians we hear of the Macassars, that they can perform journeys of forty to fifty miles per day with heavy burdens.2 Labillardiere3 states that the inhabitants of the Friendly Islands (Tonga Archi- pelago) were inferior to the French sailors in wrestling, but Cook found the Tonga Islanders in boxing and wrestling superior to his crew.4 Wilkes5 relates cases of a Tonga Islander who swam about in the sea from noon till the next morning, and of a woman from the Sandwich Islands who re- mained in the water for thirty hours. Cheever6 relates similar cases. The great physical power of the Sandwich chiefs is frequently mentioned by Jarves.7 It has been asserted that the mean duration of life is longest in the temperate zone, and diminishes on approaching the tropics. As we have no statistical accounts of uncivilized nations we must rest satisfied with some stray notices, from which it would appear that there exists no peculiarity of race in this respect. The mean duration of life may be shorter among the Australians than among Europeans, in consequence of privation, but still they reach frequently seventy years and up- wards.8 It has been frequently denied that the American Indians arrive at a very advanced age, but it is now admitted, as proved by many instances.9 Amerigo Vespucci relates in a letter in Bartolozzi,10 that he had seen a family consisting of son, father, grandfather, great-grandfather, and great-great-grand- father. Leri says of the natives of Brazils (Tupinambas, Tamoyos), that they are subject to fewer diseases than the Europeans, and reached an age from 100 — 120 years, and Pigafetta11 asserts that they reach 140 years. Prince Max12 1 " Narr. of voy. to the Pacific/' p. 553, 1831. 2 " Eel. de la oaptivite du Cap. Woodard dans Tile de Celebes," p. 147, 1805. 3 Chap, ii, p. 176. 4 Mariner, " Tonga islands," ii, p. 314, 1818. 5 " Narrat. of the TJ. S. exped.," iii, p. 31 ; and iv, p. 45, 1845. 6 "Life in the Sandwich islands," p. 123, 1851. 7 " Hist, of the Sandwich islands," p. 77, 1843. 8 Grey, " Journals of two exped. in Austr.," ii, p. 247, 1841. 9 Burmeister, loc. cit., p. 250, 1853. 10 " Eicerche storiche sulle scoperte d'Am. Vesp." n « Premier voy. autour du in.," an. ix, p. 16, Paris. 12 " E. nach Brasil," ii, p. 107. SECT. II.] DURATION OF LIFE. 123 saw an Indian who could remember 107 years. Stevenson1 has traced similar cases in the parish registers.2 Men of dark complexion, Negroes and Indians, reach, in spite of their unwholesome diet, even under the tropics, a very advanced age.3 Poppig4 is of opinion that only men of colour and Indians reach such an age. It seems therefore exceptional that in South America the Indians on the Orinoco are described by Gilii (p. 250) as weakly, sensitive to changes of tempera- ture, subject to many diseases, and frequently to an early death. It is very remarkable that on the hot coast of Vera Cruz many instances of extraordinary longevity are met with. In 1831 there were in the village Cosoliacac, among 1,595 souls, 40 whose collective ages amounted to 3,407 years, and in 1830 a woman died aged 136.5 As regards the Malays, we find that Lichtenstein gives instances of their reaching, at the Cape, ages of 107 — 120 years. Among the natives of the Philip- pines there are many centenarians ; men 80 years of age are seen working vigorously in the fields.6 Foissac also has col- lected instances of old age among Polynesians and Negroes. A woman at Cape Coast Castle lived to see the fifth generation.7 In the Island of St. Thomas, Negroes have reached an age of 110 years.8 According to the census of the United States of 1850, instances of advanced age from 80 to 100 occur more frequently among the free coloured population, and still more so among the Negroes than among the White population. Among 3 millions of slaves there were 1,400 from 100 years upwards, while among the Whites there were but 800 instances of the kind among 20 millions.9 Among the Negro slaves in Cuba grey hair and other signs of age appear very late, and 1 "R. in Arauca, CHI.," i, p. 267, 1826. 2 Compare also Tschudi, ii, p. 360; Spix & Martins, p. 1152; Dobrizhoffer, ii, pp. 51, 281 ; Rengger, " Naturg. den Saugeth v. Paraguay," p. 12 ; Azara, loc. cit. ; Clavigero, " Hist, of Mex.," Lond., 1787, Append, v, p. 1 ; Sigaud, " Du climat et des maladies du Bresil," p. 448, 1844. Humboldt and Bonpland, " R.," iii, p. 86. "R./'i, p. 208. Muehlenfeldt, " Schilderung der Rep. Mejico," ii, p. 47, 1844. Mallat, p. 114. W. T. Mviller, "Die Afric Landscliaft Fetu," p. 280, 1676. 8 Omboni, p. 262. 9 Petermanns, " Mittheilungen," p. 134, 1855. 124 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. one in 900 reaches the age of 100 years.1 Even among the Hottentots instances of great age frequently occur. Moody2 mentions a case of one who, from his recollections of former governors of the colony, could not be less than 150 years old. It is not our intention to give here a synopsis or history of the diseases peculiar to different tribes and climates. It will be sufficient for our subject to show that there appear to be no diseases exclusively peculiar to either of the races of man, although the frequency and mortality of many of them differ in various nations, according to individual predisposition, diet, climate, and medical treatment. Even Nott, who appears to have availed himself of every circumstance to prove that the various races suffer from different specific diseases, was obliged to content himself with the existence of different predisposi- tions. Thus at first, he thought to find a proof for the specific difference of the Negro from the European in the circumstance that Negroes and the coloured population enjoy almost an im- munity from yellow fever, so fatal to the White not yet acclimated in the south-western parts of North America. He has, however, now partly abandoned this opinion,3 and admits that Indians and their mongrels in New Orleans and Florida are as much subject to the attacks of yellow fever as the Whites from the North of Europe. He still however maintains that the liability to contract yellow fever differs essentially in the Negro and the WTiite. We must object that this does not depend upon a peculiarity of race, but upon the influence of climate, for as regards the acclimated Whites in the West Indies, the French refugees, for instance, who fled from St. Domingo to the Continent, the yellow fever was no more injurious to them than to the Negroes.4 An opposite example is furnished by the Negroes of the third and fourth generation, who, after having been acclimatized in North America had returned to Africa, when they became subject to the same 1 Graf Gorz, " E. urn die Welt/' ii, p. 44. 2 Loc. cit., i, p. 288. 3 " Indigenous races/' p. 392, Philad., 1857. 4 Stanhope Smith, p. 281. SECT. II.] DISEASES. 125 climatic diseases as other unacclimatized individuals.1 The Black and the White suffer equally from dysentery and intermittent fevers in the south of the United States. A disease very simi- lar to yellow fever (Matlazahuale) carries off a great number of Indians in Mexico, whilst the Whites and the Creoles suffer little from it ;2 but also in this case we are rather inclined to ascribe it to mode of life and other external circumstances, than to a specific difference of races. That Negroes and American Indians are not less subject to the most various mental diseases than Europeans, is expressly pointed out by Sigaud.3 That savage nations, exclusive of destructive con- tagious diseases, generally enjoy better health than civilized nations, has been often asserted. Thus many of the old travellers relate of the North American Indians, that they fre- quently die only of old age, preserving the full use of their senses, and exhibiting in the most advanced age no signs of decay of the vital functions. This is also reported of the Arabs in Africa.4 The Congo-Negroes are, according to Cavazzi,5 more rarely sick than the Europeans. The Kaffirs are described as the impersonation of health,6 there being but one species of putrid fever which causes great devastation among them.7 It is to the rarity of disease among savages that we attribute the belief general among them, that maladies are something supernatural or produced by magic. This greater rarity, which however is not so easily proved, may arise from the fact, that savages become by their mode of life more hardened against external influences, and that they in- stinctively adapt themselves to the natural conditions in which they live, and hence enjoy physical health. The civilized man, on the other hand, follows a great number of pursuits which are not compatible with the preservation of health, and if he remain healthy withal, it is because he economises his strength. 1 De Salles, p. 263. 2 Foissac, p. 128. 3 " Du Climat et des m. du Bresil," p. 347. 4 M. Wagner, "E. in Algier," ii, p. 52, 1841. 5 " Beschr. der Konigr. Congo, Mat. und Angola," p. 168, 1694. 6 Kretzschmar, p. 188. " " Baseler Missions Mag.," iii, p. 72, 1852. 126 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. The great vital energy of savage, compared with civilized, nations, is shown by the relatively greater healing power of nature (vis medicatrix naturae) possessed by the former. The experiments made in this respect extend to all races. Leigh1 relates the case of an Australian whose temporal bone had been fractured by a blow, and the temporal artery divided, and of another whose ulna and radius had been fractured in a terrible manner, that the first took part on the following day in some public meeting, and that, though worms appeared in the arm of the second, the recovery in both took place without any operation or even dressing. Similar cases are to be found in Barrington3 and Dawson.3 Though but one in four recover from the operations of the extirpation of the penis and the testicles, which are performed on Negroes by the slavedealers in East Sudan,4 many examples prove that nature's healing power is as great here as among other Negroes. This extends also to the white races living in Africa, although Russegger5 points out that in the hot climate of tropical Africa, wounds heal very slowly in the European, especially during the rainy period. Others however maintain that in the tropics, e. g. at Trinidad, wounds heal rapidly even in Europeans.6 W. Earl7 ascribes the natural healing power among the Malays to their vegetable diet, which prevents violent inflammation. Petit8 reports a series of his own observations in Abyssinia, that those who are punished by having hands or feet cut off, as well as the chil- dren or adults who are emasculated or have the whole ge- nitals extirpated, do not generally die from the operation, although the wounds are entirely left to the healing power of nature. Parkyns9 relates similar instances. To the Moors, Chenier10 ascribes that great innate healing power and insen- 1 " Reconnoitering Voy. in S. Austr.," p. 173, 1839. 2 « Hist, of N. S. Wales/' p. 250, 1810. 3 " The present state of Austr.," p. 317, 1830. 4 Brehm, i, p. 202. 5 " E. in Eur., As., u. Afr.," ii, p. 2, 1843. 6 Ausland, p. 576, 1858. 7 " Eastern seas," p. 43. 8 Lefebvre, " Voy. en Abyss.," iii, 369, 1845-. 9 " Life in Abyss.," ii, p. 268, 1853. 10 "Rech. hist, sur les Maures," iii, p. 205, 1787. SECT. II.] HEALING POWER. 127 sibilty to pain, which has been so often attributed to the native Americans. Rengger1 is also of that opinion, whilst many modern observers ascribe to the native Americans a highly sen- sitive and nervous constitution.2 The case resembles that of tin? Bedouin Arabs, who consider it a point of honour to exhibit no sign of pain. With regard to the native Americans, a relatively greater heal- ing power of nature has been observed among the Blackfeet, the Indians of Paraguay and the Abiponians;3 and of native Mexicans we hear that they heal wounds which would be mortal to Eu- ropeans by merely washing them with brandy.4 Malays also frequently recover from injuries which would prove fatal to Europeans.5 Of twelve Tonga Islanders whose arms were cut off in the rudest manner, one only died from loss of blood and another from grief.6 Similar cases of Marquesas Islanders are reported by Marchand.7 These examples prove that the healing power of nature is greater among savage than among civilized peoples. We must not however close these observations without mentioning another circumstance which has been made use of to establish the specific difference between the races of man, especially between the black and the white. It has been asserted that the lice of the Negroes are not only black and smaller than in Europeans, but that they do not exist in the former, whilst the European louse perishes in the Tropics.8 Both these assertions seem to have been first made by Oviedo,9 which he qualifies by adding, that European vermin is rarely preserved, whilst that of the Indians only attacks some children of the whites born in America. As Peters10 proves to a certainty, that the European 1 " Naturgesch. d. Saugeth," p. 12. 2 Ausland, p. 1146, 1857. 3 Prince Max., " E. in N. Am.," i, p. 581 ; Kengger, " Naturgesch. der Siiugeth. von Paraguay," p. 12 ; Dobrizhoffer, ii, p. 54. 4 HeUer, " E. in Mex.," p. 58, 1853. 5 Crawford, "Hist, of the Ind. Archip.," i, p. 31, Edinb., 1820; Harris, Collect, of voy.," i, p. 743. 6 Mariner, "Tonga Isl.," ii, p. 251. 7 " Neueste R. u. d. Welt," i, p. p. 144, Leipzig. 3 Duttenhofer, " Die Emancip. der Neger,," p. 33, 1855. 9 " Sumario de la nat. hist, in Historiad. prim, de Ind.," p. 508, Madr., 1852. 10 " Monat. der Ges. f. Erdk. N. Folge," i, p. ON. 128 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. louse does not perish under the equator,, there is no occasion to dwell further on this point. It is scarcely necessary to observe, that the domestic swine, though not specifically different from the wild hog, has a parasite which is wanting in the latter : the colour of these animals changes with the colour of the skin, on which account Sommering1 did not consider the pediculus nigritarum as of a different species from the Eu- ropean louse. It seems also certain that both the head louse and the p. pubis of Negro nurses passes to white children.2 Quandt3 is at any rate incorrect when he asserts, that the fleas and lice of Indians and Americans did not infest Europeans. Neither do the various species of intestinal worms exclusively infest one race, though one species may more or less predomi- nate in any people. Thus in England, Holland, and Germany the tcenia solium prevails ; in Switzerland and in Russia, down to Konigsberg, bothriocephalus latus ; in the south-east of France both prevail ; in Abyssinia and among the Hottentots tcenia predominates.4 Another proof of the physical superiority of the white has been brought forward, namely, their capacity of being acclima- tized in every zone. This, however, can only apply to the inhabit- ants of the temperate zone. If it be confirmed that the Sandwich Islanders, who live under the 20° N. lat., become excellent sailors, and can better support a cold climate than even the sailors of Boston, as mentioned by Duhaut Cilly,5 then the perhaps merely theoretical assertion of Jarrold, that the Negro is, by the structure of his skin, better protected against climatic influences, and can alike thrive in every climate, is hardly correct. That savages cannot support the influence of climate as well as civilized people is mainly owing that the latter accommodate themselves to the climate by care and corresponding changes in their mode of life, which the uncivilized neglect. HenCe it has been asserted that it is merely by the force of his intellect that man can subsist in every clime. This seems to be con- 1 " Ueber die korperl. Verscht. des Negers v. Europ.," p. 8. 2 Bachmann in Smith, " The Unity of the hum. races," p. 184, 1850. 3 " Nachr. v. Surinam," p. 221, 1807. 4 Owen, " Lect. on Comp. Anat. of the invertebrate animals." 5 " Voy. autour du monde," ii, p. 302, 1834. SECT. II.] ACCLIMATIZATION. 129 finned by the fact, that the English who cannot give up animal food and spirituous liquors, are less able to sustain the heat of the tropics than the more sober Spaniards and Portuguese, whose dark skin and general habits render them better adapted to a tropical climate. The circumstance that (according to Ulloa and Humboldt) persons of and above middle age best support transplantation to a tropical climate, and reach an ad- vanced age, of which the Batavia Courant1 cites many in- stances, may perhaps be explained by greater attention paid in mature age to the general health. Zimmermann2 has, in opposition to the view, that the capacity of man for acclimati- zation is increased by his intellectuality, cited the example of the Polar nations, who can sustain themselves, despite the small protection against climatic influences. This, however, proves nothing in favour of their capacity for supporting other climates without injury. We must further bear in mind that the incapacity of bearing a rapid change from one cli- mate into one essentially different, is quite distinct from the incapacity to sustain a gradually progressing acclimatization, which must necessarily have taken place during the migrations of so many tribes through different degrees of latitude. Though the circumstances above mentioned, contribute in many instances to exhibit the capacity for acclimatization to be less in savages than in Europeans, we must still be cautious in coming to any conclusion in this respect. We cannot, there- fore, entirely agree with Humboldt, 3 when he attributes to the American Indians a lesser degree of capacity for acclimatization 'than to the Europeans, on the ground that the working in mines ds so destructive to the former from the great changes of tem- perature. In some mines the temperature is 6° higher than e mean temperature of Jamaica and Pondicherry, so that we •may question whether Europeans could without injury sustain such a heat and a sudden change to a low temperature, without injury. It is besides remarkable, when we learn that the mortality among the miners of Mexico is not much greater * July 13, 1830. 2 " Geogr. Gesch. des Menschen," i, p. 53, 1778. 3 " Neu-Spanien," i, p. 161. 130 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. than among the rest of the population. Latterly, the opinion has gained ground, that the white races possess no particular privilege with regard to the capacity of acclimatization ; but only so far has this view been adopted, that a general capacity to become acclimatized in all zones belongs to no race. The more important facts in support of this view are here subjoined. The American race which inhabits all climates, refutes the privilege which has been assigned to the white race ; but it presents, like other races, the phenomena that sudden transplan- tation into other conditions, causes mortality, unless proper pre- cautions are taken. It is, therefore, not the absolute adaptation of every race to a peculiar climate or the incapacity of maintain- ing itself in a foreign climate, which causes its decay, but the abrupt change of external conditions. Thus, the Icelander who settles in Copenhagen, becomes liable to, and frequently dies of, consumption.1 Indians who leave the mountainous parts of Peru to settle on the coast, or inhabitants of the coast who settle in the mountains, perish.2 The Indian of the Savannah, when transplanted to the damp air of the primitive forests, dies of pulmonary disease, just as the inhabitants of the forests and the hills when they are obliged to settle in the open Savannah.3 The mortality attending such forced transmigra- tions, called forth those edicts which were formerly published against this practice in Spanish America. The European, far from supporting the sudden change from one climate to another, finds the tropics as injurious to his health as the Negro finds the northern regions. The Arab and the Copt sicken like the European, in East Sudan, whilst the black displays there his full vital energy.4 There are many districts in Africa where strangers, and especially Europeans, can neither live nor become acclimated, whilst the natives enjoy good health. Such is the case in some parts of the Darfur, the greater portion of Kordofan, Fernando Po, and Zanzibar. The military in Kor- dofan consists exclusively of blacks. It seems, however, from 1 Clemens, " Deutsche Vierteljahrschrift," ii, p. 89, 1849. 2 Proctor, " Narr. of a journey across the Cordillera," p. 299, 1825. 3 Schomburgh, " R. in Brit. Guiana," ii, p. 126, Lpz., 1847. 4 Werne, "Exped. z. Entd. der Q. des W. Nil," p. 47, 1828. SECT. II.] ACCLIMATIZATION. 131 what Pallme1 says of their sad condition, that the reason is not so much because of the sanitary state of the troops, but rather that the blacks are more easily managed.2 In St. Felipe de Benguela all white women either miscarry, or bring forth weakly children who die during the first few months.3 The country around the N'gami lake seems to be uninhabitable for the white, on account of the fevers ; the natives alone can support it.4 The climate of other countries in the tropics is likewise injurious to Europeans, though in a less degree than the African climate. According to Bryson,5 the mortality of English soldiers in the East Indies is annually 15. per cent. ; in the West Indies 18.1 ; in Africa 58.4. Of 100 European soldiers in East India there live, if well taken care of, and exclusive of such who are carried off by wars, after 5 years, 70 ; after 10 years, 45 ; after 15 years, 25 ; and after 20 years, only 10.6 In the presidency of Bengal the mortality of the English Euro- pean soldiers reaches annually 1 in 13.55; among the natives,! in 56 ; in the presidency of Madras, 1 in 26 of the former and 1 in 47' 7 of the latter.7 To prolong his life in the West Indies, the European requires great care and rest ; violent efforts are most injurious tnere as well as in Gruiana.8 Reichardt, however, maintains that the debility and sickening of the Europeans in onany tropical countries, and especially in Central America, are wrongly ascribed to the climate : they are rather the indi- rrect consequences of slavery, indolence, sensual gratification, and an irregular mode of life.9 The incapability of French •soldiers to perform more than half the amount of bodily labour hot climates, has been established by Coulomb at Mar- 1 " Beschr. von Kordofan," p. 122, 1843. 2 Mohammed el Tounsy, "Voy. au Darfour," p. 295, Paris, 1845 ; PaUme, " Beschr. v. Kordofan," pp. 7, 117, 122, 1843 ; Guillain, "Docum. sur 1'hist. la -geogr., et le comm. de Air. Orient.," ii, pp. 1, 93, 1856 ; Allen and Thomson, " Narr. of the exped. to the K. Niger," ii, p. 198, 1848. 3 Spix and Martins, " Keise," p. 669. 4 Livingstone, " Journal K. Geogr. Soc.," xxi, p. 20. 5 " Report on the climate and princ. diseases of the Afr. station," p. 178. 6 Ausland, p. 968, 1855. 7 Dieterici, Uber d. Sterblichkeitverh. in Europa, Abh. d. Berl. Akad. 1851, p. 732 : Compare M'Culloch in Quetelet, p. 624. 8 Graf. Gortz, "Keise," ii, p. 290. 9 Nicaragua, p. 280, 1854. K2 132 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. tinique.1 In consequence of the enormous mortality among the recruits who descend to the coast from the Mexican plateau (on one occasion there died 272 out of 300 in three months) it was resolved to employ acclimatized Negroes and men of colour for the garrison of St. Juan d'Ulloa.2 A. de St. Hilaire3 also observes that the blacks and men of colour supported the climate of Villa Boa much better than the whites. Pruner again (p. 68) assumes it as a fact, that the white race cannot perpetuate itself in the greater part of Negro regions. With- out slaves, says Koler,4 the fertile tropical valleys would be unproductive and deserted, as white men cannot labour there in the open air. Further proofs may be found in Nott and G-liddon,5 who deny the capacity of the white to become acclimated in all Malaria regions, as well as that of the Negro in the West Indies. Dowding6 calls attention to the fact, that in the whole of the West Indies the whites constitute at present but five per cent, of the population, and consequently the blacks and men of colour will in a short time be the sole occupants of these islands. We cannot, however, admit that incapacity for acclimatization under the tropics is peculiar to the white race, since individuals of any race seem inviable in regions in which they are not acclimatized, even in those parts from which they originally sprung. Though the injurious influences of tropical climates affect the Negro less (and as it seems in a different manner) than the European, he is nevertheless not less exposed to injury than the white on suddenly changing his climate. Wilson,7 who, from a twenty years residence on the Gaboon and in C. Palmas, has arrived at the conviction that the noxiousness of the climate of these regions had been exaggerated, states, that coloured peo- ple coming from the United States suffer as much from the climate as the whites, though the former accommodate them- 1 Peron, " Voy. de decouv. aux terres Aust.," ii, p. 427, 1824. 2 Humboldt, " Neu-Spanien," iv, p. 408. • Voy. au sources du E. S. Francisco/' ii, p. 71, 1847. '• Notizen iiber Bonny," p. 156, 1848. • Indigenous races of the earth," p. 357. : Religious Partizanship, Africa in the West," Oxf. 1854. Western Afr.," p. 511, 1856. SECT. II.] ACCLIMATIZATION. 133 selves sooner to its influence. Negroes from dry countries, such as Bornou, Hausa, or the Sahara, die soon after their arrival in Sierra Leone. Their acclimatization seems as diffi- cult as that of Europeans,1 which is scarcely surprising, when we hear of the winter cold in Bornou, where before sunrise the thermometer sometimes sinks to +4?° c.2 In Khartoum the natives are said to suffer as much, and even more, from the climate than Europeans ;3 this is, however, an exceptional case. In Senegambia fevers not dangerous to the natives usually kill the white.4 In the West Indies the Negro exposes himself with- out injury to rain, which would cause a fever to the white.5 The Negro can bear the rays of the sun upon a bare head.6 It is even said that during the rainy season, which is the most dangerous for the European, he enjoys better health than during the dry season. This is reported of the Negroes in Senegambia, in Ruffi, and on the Niger, of the Ibus and of those in Iddah, on the Prince's Island, St. Thomas and Annabon, on the southern part of the west coast of Africa.7 The rainy months in Angola, October and November, are for the Eu- ropean the healthy, and for the natives the unhealthy, season.8 Upon the Island St. Thomas, June, July, and August are favourable to Europeans, and the reverse to the natives, who, though they suffer less from the prevailing diseases, are by no means exempt from them.9 On the coast of Guinea, the rainy season so injurious to the white, is, according to Roemer,10 not less so to the Negroes. In I Sierra Leone the month of July is dangerous to the blacks, and 1 Koelle, " Gramm. of the Bornu lang.," p. 8. 2 Earth, iv, p. 12. Eussegger, " Eeise," ii, pp. 2, 38. Eaffenel, " Voy. dans 1' Afr. ou.," p. 322, 1846. Day, " Five years' resid. in the W. Indies," i, p. 37, 1852. Werne, " Feldz. nach Taka," p. 134. Brunner, " E. n. Senegambier," p. Ill, 1840 ; Schoen and Crowther, "Journals of the exped. up. the Niger," p. 166. 1842; Allen and Thomson, i, p. 325 ; Boteler, " Jour. E. G. S.," ii, p. 275 ; Des Marchais, " Voy. en Guinee," iii, p. 9, 1731 ; Tarns, " Die Portug. Besitz. in siid West Afr.," 1845. 8 Livingstone, ii, p. 65. 9 Des Marchais, loc. cit., iii, pp. 9, 5. 10 " Nachr. v. d. Kiiste Guinea," 1769, p. 10. 134 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. August to the whites.1 Brehm however denies the different effects of seasons upon different races in East Sudan.2 Though, according to the above statements, it is scarcely probable, as asserted by Werne,3 that Negro soldiers are less able to bear the fatigue of a campaign in hot countries than the white, it is not less certain that Negroes cannot without diffi- culty support a cold climate. The Negro is sensitive to even moderate changes of temperature.4 Callie and other travellers relate that on such occasions they complain bitterly of cold ; we must, however, bear in mind the scanty covering which they use. This must also be taken into consideration when Richard- son5 mentions that the Negroes seem not so well to support the hot winds in Sahara as the Arabs and the Moors, in addition to the fact, that in North Africa the change of temperature is sometimes very great, being on some occasions so low, that French soldiers have been frozen to death. The Kaffirs, who were some years since exhibited in Europe, did not show any of that sensitiveness to cold which the real Negro is said to possess. This sensitiveness is, however, not exclusively peculiar to the Negro ; the Bisharis have the same peculiarity,6 and the in- habitants of Fezzan, habituated to a high temperature, are accustomed, in inquiring about each other's health, to say, ' ' I trust you don't feel cold/'7 A great susceptibility of change of temperature is a usual consequence of residence under the tropics, and is not confined to the Negro.8 The Negro is said to become insane in cold climates; this, however, is not unfrequently the result of his being transported to other countries. Selberg9 found among the Ashantee Negroes imported into Java, several suffering from insanity. In the New England states of North America, the Negroes, it is said, would become extinct were it 1 Fraissinet, " Nouv. ann. des voy.," ii, p. 293, 1855. 2 Brehm, i, p. 218. 3 " Feldz. Nach Taka," p. 67 ; he contradicts himself p. 168. 4 M. Park, " Voy. dans Tint, de 1'Afr.," viii, pp. 1, 55. 5 " Trav. in the gr. desert of Sahara," ii, p. 437, 1848. 6 Bay. Taylor, "E. nach Central Afr.," p. 151, 1855. 7 Ledyard et Lucas, "Voy. en Afrique pr. Lalleniant/' p. 116, 1804. 8 Humboldt, " R. in die JEquinoctial," i, p. 254. 9 " Reise nach Java," p. 45, 1846. SECT. II.] BLUSHING. 135 not for fresh importations. Knox1 asserts the same thing of the Anglo-Saxon race in America. The capacity of Hushing has often been considered as a peculiarity of the white man, and has been denied to other races, and especially to the Negro. Blushing, however, is not merely seen in Mulattoes, and in delicate women of the black race (Lawrence, Lectures, p. 240), but also in Negroes.2 Monrad3 asserts that Negresses become darker when influenced by the sense of shame. The Australians also blush.4 Though the blushings of dark-complexioned peoples must not be taken exactly in the same sense as these phenomena among the whites, still a certain change, a deepening of the colour, in consequence of some emotions, is perceptible in the former. We are, therefore, surprised to find that Both5 denies this capacity altogether to the Abyssinians. D'Orbigny observes that the native Americans also blush, though not very percep- tibly on account of their complexion. According to Spix and Martius,6 the change of colour resulting from emotions is confined to educated Indians, who have much intercourse with the whites. The Kalmucks are said not to become red from shame, but pale from fear and terror.7 The common changes of colour in the face have also been observed in the inhabitants of Tahiti, Marquesas, and New Zealand.8 It deserves to be mentioned as a striking peculiarity in the for- mation of speech-sounds, — the cause of which some have sought for in the organs themselves, — that the Negroes have no r, the Australians no sy and that in Polynesia, the Fiji and Navigation islands excepted, the hissing sounds are wanting. The dialect of Eimatara, Eurutu, Tubuai, and Raivavai seems to have the 1 " The races of man," 1850. 2 Dupuy, " Journal of a resid. in Ashantee," p. 149, 1824 ; Golberry, " E. durch d. West Afr.," ii, p. 307, Lpz. 1803. » " Gemalde der. k. v. Guinea," p. 60, 1824. 4 Barrington, " Hist, of N. S. Wales," p. 10, 1810. 5 Wagner, " Gesch. der Urwelt," p. 269, 1845. 6 " Journey," p. 376. 7 Bergmann, ii, p. 54. 8 Forster, " Bermerk auf. s. E. um d. Welt," p. 204, 1783; Kotzebue, " Neue E. um die W.," i, p. 73, 1830 ; Melville, " Vier Monate auf d. Mar- quesas," i, 166, Lpz. 1847 ; Mundy, " Our Antipodes, or resid. in the Austr. col.," ii, p. 127, 1852. 136 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. least number of consonants of any language, possessing only seven — m, n, ng, p, r, t, v,1 whilst the languages of the Sahap- tin family in North America possess at least nine of them — h, k, I, m, n, p, s, if w. Hueck2 says that the Esthonians, like the Hottentots (W. v. Humboldt) are incapable of forming the hissing sounds from the narrowness of the hard palate, which perhaps also exists in other Finnish tribes. The pe- culiar click of the Hottentots, which led many travellers to consider their language as a mere chirping, deserves also men- tion. Thunberg3 and Levaillant4 have only been able to dis- tinguish three, but Van der Kemp distinguished six of these sounds.5 But as such clicking sounds have passed from the language of the Hottentots into some words of the Amakosa Kaffirs, and even into the language of the natives of Port Natal,6 we can scarcely reduce the cause of this phenomenon to a pecu- liarity in the organs of speech. That this peculiarity is not an innate peculiarity of race, but merely a habit, is proved by the circumstance, that the Hottentot children who have passed their childhood among the white colonists, can on their return home as little acquire these difficult sounds as the mis- sionaries.7 Information regarding the quality of voice in most peoples, independent of the formation of speech sounds, is almost entirely wanting. It is scarcely doubtful that in this respect similar differences exist, as have been recently observed, among ourselves — namely, that among country people, even among men, the voices are high ; but in the cities there are more low voices, and that the former seem gradually to diminish. That the voice of the Negro is rather low and hoarse, and that of Negresses high and shrill, has already been mentioned. The Kaffirs have generally deep bass voices which are rarely found among the Hottentots.8 1 Hale, " Ethnogr. and phil. of the U. S. expl. exped.," p. 142, Philad. 1846 2 " De craniis estonum," p. 9, 1838. 3 " Iteise," ii, 61, 1792. 4 " Erste Eeise," p. 289, 1790. 5 Lichtenstein, " Reise," ii, p. 605. 6 Thunberg, loc. cit. ; Lichtenstein, i, 637 ; Colenso, " Ten weeks in Natal, p. 60, Cambridge, 1855. 7 " Eheinische missionsberichte," p. 54, 1851. 8 Moodie, "Ten years in S. Afr./' ii, p. 257, 1835. SECT. II.] USE OF THE HANDS. 137 With regard to the use of the hands, it rarely occurs among savage nations that they can use both hands with equal skill, as is said to be the case with the Indians of Yucatan.1 As far as we know, the right hand is everywhere preferred to the left. In Great Bassam (Guinea coast) the right only is used in feed- ing, whilst the nails are allowed to grow long on the left hand, which is used for unclean occupations.2 The word " mara," (left) signifies in the Vei-language also cc wrong, unjust/'3 In the Zulu language right and left have a similar signification.4 The natives of Senegambia, as well as those of the Darien isthmus, use only the right hand for eating.5 The word " molemmi" (left-handed) occurs as a name among the Beshu- anas ;6 it also applies to the ancient Peruvians,7 whence we may conclude that the right hand is used among them preferentially. This is also the case among the Malays, especially among the higher classes. Ladies of high birth use only the right for eating and saluting (Crawfurd) . The Macassars eat with the hand and wash themselves with the left.8 From the ques- tion of the Pelew Islanders, put to Captain Wilson, as to which arm he used, it appears that they have a different use for each arm.9 Among the North American Indians there are but few left-handed.10 Hottentots and Bushmen appear only to be able to use one of their hands with skill.11 As regards the perfection of the senses, civilized man is gene- rally inferior to the savage, with exception, perhaps, of the sense of taste, which is exercised in the variety of aliments, whilst the savage merely satisfies his appetite. As the whole existence of the uncivilized man depends in many cases on the use of his senses, he directs his attention to minute circum- 1 Waldeck, " Voy. pitt. dans la prov. d'Yucatan," p. 66, 1838. 2 Hecquard, p. 46. 8 Koelle, " Outline of a grammar of the Vei," p. 199. 4 Doehne, " Zulu Kaffir Dictionary," p. 228, 1857. 5 Raffenel, " Nouveau voy.," i, p. 53 ; Wafer, loc. cit., p. 127. 6 BurcheU, ii, p. 368, 1822. ' Ausland, p. 205, 1858. 8 "Rel. dela capt.du Capit. Woodard dans 1'isle de Celebes," p. 150, 1805. 9 Keate, " Account of the Pelew Isl.," p. 230, 1789. 10 Say in James, " Account of an exped. from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains," i, p. 284, Philad. 1823. 11 They are almost Manchot. Arbousset et Daumas, "Eel. d'un voy au N. E. du Cap de B. Esp.," p. 479, 1842. 138 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I stances, and combines them with other indications. T possess, observes Leichardt1 of the Australians, an extraordi- nary local memory ; peculiarly shaped or grouped trees, broker branches, and many other minute marks, seem to be impressec upon them like a photograph, all of which seems to be the result of concentrated attention. Schiel2 received from a Delaware Indian, descriptions of countries which the latter had not visited for eighteen years, and yet they were found perfectly correct. The European, however, after from three to four years' prac- tice, is also enabled to see twice as far as before, but he rarely acquires the skill in trailing possessed by the natives.3 Kretzschmar4 observes, that the Dutch boors at the Cape are almost as skilful as the Hottentots in this respect. Many interesting examples of this kind are related of the Bedouin Arabs, who are able to discern objects at a much greater distance than the Europeans.5 They pursued without err- ing the tracks of men and animals among thousands. The Mongrels performed the same feats as the pure races. The Grauchos in South America possess the same skill in tracking as the pure Indians.6 A Hottentot Mongrel discovered at a distance of more than 1,000 metres the movement of the head of a gazelle concealed in grass.7 And McCoy8 says, that the practised white does not show less aptitude in following the trace of animals or of the enemy than the North American Indians. Much of what Daumar9 states of the high per- fection of the senses of the Suafes, the inhabitants of the district Suf, is manifestly exaggerated. It can scarcely be doubtful whether we are in such cases to assume an ori- ginally acuter power of perception in uncivilized nations, or an acquired vigour of the senses. Both are perhaps combined, 1 " Tageb. einer Landreise in Austr.," 1851. 2 " R. durch d. Felsengeb.," p. 97, 1859. 3 Hodgson, « Eeminisc. of Austr./' p. 249, 1846. " Siidafrikanische Skizzen," p. 327, 1853. Bitter, "Erdk.," x, 1099; Riley, " Schiksale u. E. un der Wesk. von Afr.," p. 37, 1818 ; D'Escayrac, " D. Afr. Wiiste u. d. Land d. Schwarzen," p. 287, 1855 ; Werne, " Feldz. nach Taka," p. 122. Capt. Head, " Bough Notes," 2nd ed., p. 257. Delegorgue, " Voy. dans 1' Afr. Aust.," i, p. 135, 1847. " Hist, of Baptist. Ind. missions," p. 344, Washington, 1840. " La Sahara Algerien," p. 193, 1845. SECT. II.] THE SENSES. 139 (this is also the view of Rengger,1 who states that the Indians can distinguish the kind of wild beasts by the noise in the bush, and a mounted horse from an unmounted one by the tramp- ing of the hoof), for it has been observed, that in many animals continued exercise of the senses through several generations, gradually produces a corresponding improvement of the same. An example of this kind is furnished by the Dajakes, among whom such as lead a nomadic life have smell and sight very acute, which is not the case with those who are agriculturists.2 That the inhabitants of the desert, like their camels and horses, perceive water at a considerable distance, is well known. Even Europeans acquire this power,3 and it is scarcely surprising that, after a long-continued dryness of the air, a higher degree of moisture should produce a peculiar sensation. In Australia, where Leichardt could observe nothing of this kind in men or animals, Mitchell4 heard a native use the expres- sion, " the wind smelled of water ;" and he found that his dogs discovered water more readily than the natives, and the latter more readily than the Europeans. Sight and hearing are very acute among the Hottentots and Bushmen (Burchell) ; the latter see objects with the naked eye for which we require a telescope.5 This is also the case among the Australians,6 many Polynesians, New Zealanders, the in- habitants of the Paumotu- Archipelago, who perceive ships at much greater distances than Europeans;7 and among most hunting tribes of the Mongolian race. The Papuas of New Guinea are also said to possess acute sight and hearing ;8 their sense of taste seems, however, very obtuse, if it be true what Freycinet9 relates, that one of them swallowed the whole con- tents of a pepper-box, not only without experiencing any in- 1 " Naturgesch. de Saugeth. v. Paraguay," p. 10. 2 Kessel, " Bullet. Soc. Geogr.," ii, p. 514, 1852. 3 Burckhardt, " E. in Nubien," p. 286, 1820; Le Vaillant, Erste E., p. 348. 4 " Journal of an exped. in Tropical Austr.," p. 264, 1848. 5 Liechtenstein, ii, p. 320. 6 Turnbull, E. um d. Velt im Mag. v. Eeisebeschr., p. 36, Berlin, 1806 ; Cunningham, " Two years in New South Wales," ii, p. 13, 1827. 7 Moerenhaut, "Voy.," i, p. 172. 8 Lesson, " Voy. Med.," p. 204, 1829. 9 " Voy. autour du m.," ii, p. 23, 1827. 140 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART convenience, but finding the taste excellent. Some soun< which are agreeable to one people produce very unpleasant sensations in others. The inhabitants of Bouka (Solomon's Islands) were enchanted by the sounds of the violin, which caused the inhabitants of Van Diemen's Land to stop their ears.1 Fiddles and flutes produced no impression whatever upon the Esquimaux.2 Beshuanas, who for the first time heard a missionary sing, began to shed tears.3 This applies to other sensations. The Indians of tierra firma, when Columbus came to them, found the odour of brass very pleasant.4 The Esquimaux in Prince Regent Bay, who eat raw putrid flesh, rejected with disgust, biscuit, salt meat, and spirituous liquors.5 The sense of smell is described as well developed among the native Americans. Azara6 speaks of the great acuteness of sight and hearing among the Charruas, and Dobrizhofler,7 tells extraordinary things of the sight of the Abiponians. It de- serves to be further investigated as an abnormal fact, that most Indians of the northern parts of the United States seem to be unable to distinguish green from blue, and that the western tribes have only one term for these two colours.8 Among the languages of Central America, green and blue are also desig- nated in the Quiche, Pocouchi, and Cacchiquel dialects by the same term, namely, " rax."9 The acuteness of smell in this race is still more remarkable; so that the Caribs and Peru- vians can distinguish the white, the Negro, and the American by the smell, and have different names for the various odours,10 like the Bedouins, who track strayed camels by the smell.11 The eastern neighbours of the Botocudes, the Machacares, though 1 Labillardiere, ii, p. 50. 2 Seeman, " R. um d. Welt/' ii, p. 67, 1853. 3 Livingstone, i, p. 192. 4 Herrera, " Hist, gen.," i, pp. 3, 11. 5 J. Ross, " Entdeckungreise um Baffin's Bay ausz.," pp. 46, 52, 54, 1820. 6 " Voy. dans 1'Am. merid.," ii, p. 9, 1809. 7 Loc. cit., ii, p. 24. 8 Kohl, « Kitscbi-Gami," i, p. 25, 1859. 9 Ximenes, " Hist, del origen de los indios de Guat.," ed. Scherzer, p. 15, note. 10 Labat, " Nouv. voy. aux lies de 1'Am.," i, p. 157, 1724; Humboldt, "Neu- Spanien," i. p. 245. 11 Burckhardt, p. 300. SECT. II.] THE SENSES. 141 no longer savages, but reclaimed Indians (Indios mansos), distinguish by the smell in the abandoned huts the particular tribes of Indians to which they belonged.1 In North America the Indian prisoners have in former times been employed by the whites to track the enemy, which they did chiefly by the smell. Colonel Church, who distinguished himself by his bravery against the Indians during the first settlement of the Europeans, observes, in his history of the war against the Indian chief Philipp, that the sense of smell of a native is but little inferior to that of a bloodhound.2 Their sense of smell is said to be so acute, that they cannot bear the strong odour of musk or the like, and they protest that no odour is so agreeable to them as that of the various kinds of food.3 It seems, therefore, a strange exception, that the Potawatomis are inferior in this respect to the whites.4 Also among the tribes of Lower Columbia taste and smell are obtuse, but sight and hearing acute.5 In the Negro,6 the olfactory, optic and trigeminal nerves are much developed, yet the sense of sight is but moderate; but the hearing is more acute and better developed than in the Egyptian. This should caution us against assuming, as has often been done theoretically, great acuteness from the size of any organ of sense. Thus the considerable development of the ethmoid bone and the organ of smell in the Negro has been considered as an approximation to the brute; opposed to which Jarrold observed, that the Negro did not use his sense of smell to a greater extent than other races, and that, despite the large development of the organ, he effects less by his smell than the native American. Though the approxi- mation, in this respect, to the brute may be admitted on ana- tomical grounds, it is inadmissible from a physiological point of view. The inhabitants of Kordofan are certainly able, when they pursue fugitive slaves, to trace, like hounds, the tracks of 1 Feldner, " Reisen durch Brasil," ii, p. 146, 1828. Compare, " Memoirs of the Hist. Soc. of Pennsylvania," iii, p. 128. 2 Drake, «' The book of the Indians, biogr. and hist.," Boston, 1845. " 3 Heriot, " Trav. through the Canadas," p. 152, 1807. 4 Keating, "Narr. of an exped. to the source of St. Peter's E.," i, p. 136, 1825. 5 Parker, "Journal of an explor. tour beyond the Rocky Mountains," p. 242, 1838. 6 Pruner, " Ztschrft. der morgenl. Ges.," i, p. 132. 142 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. individuals among a thousand.1 Similar feats are related of the Negroes in the Colonies, especially on the occasions of the wars with the Maroons ; yet these performances, in which it is questionable whether sight or smell play the chief part, are, according to what has been stated above, not so extraordinary that they must be attributed to a peculiar gift, nor do they occur in Africa more frequently than elsewhere. B. Edwards3 asserts,that the smell and taste of the Negro are dull, but sight and hearing acute. Labat3 says, on the other hand, that Negroes detect snakes by smell. That their other senses are very acute is confirmed by Dallas.4 The children of the natives of Bonny are said to remain blind for ten days after birth.5 That the ear is well developed is proved by his love for music, united to a good perception of rhythm and time ; his capacity for the perception of melody is said to be less.6 The music of the Negroes is certainly often not much more than a horrid noise : still a musical ear cannot be denied to them, as the flute and horn music in Ashantee, the music of the Mandingoes, especially in Kuranko, also that in Benin and Dahomey, is described as agreeable and harmonious. In Dahomey they un- derstand how to employ thirds, fifths, and the full chord in mu- sic.7 We must also bear in mind, that a great portion of the popular music in the United States comes from the Negroes,8 and that slaves hire themselves of their masters to gain money as musicians. Negro melodies are inserted in Bush.9 If the Maroon Negroes in Jamaica have a particular horn- sig- nal for calling any individual,10 there is a still more extended use made of musical signals on the Cameroons. Information 1 Eussegger, " Eeise," ii, pp. 2, 151. 2 " Proceedings of the Governor of Jamaica in regard to the Maroon Negroes," p. 39, 1796. 3 " Voy. aux lies de i'Amerique," ii, p. 35. 4 " Gesch. der Maronen-Neger auf Jamaica," p. 149, 1805. 5 Froschel, in " Monatsb. der Ges. f. Erdk. N. Folge," vi, p. 108. 6 Hamilton Smith, " Nat. hist, of the hum. spec.," 1848. -7 Bowdich, " Mission nach Aschanti," 1820 ; Dupuy, ' ' Journal of resid. in Ashantee," p. 106, 1824 ; Hecquard, " E. an. d. k. v. West. Afr.," p. 121, 1854 ; Laing, " Voy. dans le Timmani, Kouranko," p. 187, 1826 ; Bosnian, " Viaggio in Guinea," iii, p. 278, Ven. 1752; Dalzel, "Gesch. v. Dahomey," p. 34, 1799. Pickering, " The races of man," p. 185, 1849. " Wanderungen zw. Hudson u. Mississ.," i, p. 254. 10 Dallas, Inc. cit, SECT. II.] THE SENSES. 143 is communicated by them and a kind of conversation carried on in this manner.1 This is also done on the Gold coast2 and in the Bissagos-Archipelago. Royal proclamations are pub- lished in this way.3 Finally, as regards the sense of touch in the Negro, Hamilton Smith describes it as very acute. The Fanti-Negroes discriminate different impressions : they use the4 middle finger to weigh gold, and prefer this mode to actual weighing.4 We believe we are justified in concluding, from the above instances, that the varied powers of the senses do not rest upon a different endowment of individual races, but depend on the different occasions which call them forth, according to the habitual mode of life of the peoples. In endeavouring to give at the end of this section an account of the results ob- tained by our investigations, we must confess that they are not perfectly satisfactory. The comparison of the Negro with the ape on the one hand, and with the European on the other, has shown that there are certain anatomical differences prevalent among mankind. Though these are neither as numerous and important as has been represented, in order to assign to the Negro an intermediate position between the European and the ape, and though the various peculiarities which distinguish different races cannot be considered as fixed barriers between them, they are still sufficiently great to leave it doubtful whether they lie within or beyond the sphere of changes produced on the physical nature of men in the course of time. In order to decide this question, a further investigation will be necessary, which we reserve for the fourth section. With regard to the physiological comparison between the various races of man- kind, we may state that its results are favourable to the theory of the unity of mankind ; for everywhere have the various differences which we have mentioned proved to be not fixed, but fluctuating, and dependent on changes of external and internal conditions. 1 Allan and Thomson, ii, p. 307. 2 Cruikshank, " Achtzehnjjihr. Aufenthalt auf d. Goldk.," p. 283. 3 Durand, " Voy. au Senegal," an. x, pp. 213. 4 G. A. Robertson, " Notes on Africa," p. 168, 1819. 144 APPENDIX TO SECTION II. ON THE ASSERTED INVIABTL1TY OF THE AMERICANS, POLYNESIANS, AND AUSTRALIANS. THE facts we have collated appear sufficiently to prove that none of the uncivilized peoples are deficient in viability. There remains, however, one circumstance in favour of an opposite doctrine, which is, the rapid decay of several races and their apparently approaching extinction. We shall, therefore, have to investigate whether the causes of their extinction consist in a defect of their organization, or whether the fact must not be attributed to accidental circumstances. The tribes of which we shall have to speak are the aboriginal Americans, Polynesians, and Australians. The rapid diminution of the aboriginal population of America is established by the official census, and can thus admit of no doubt. In some regions the diminution may have been only ap- parent. When we have the statement, that all the peoples which the first immigrants found in Louisiana and Mississippi, have almost entirely disappeared, and even their names forgotten, it may be explained by some misconception. The names of small tribes have frequently, by travellers, been given to repre- sent whole nations, whilst the names are often those of chiefs and their families. The old travellers exaggerated the numbers of the peoples by seeing themselves on their arrival surrounded by a crowd of natives, who had merely collected on the spot from considerable distances either to see or to drive away the wonderful strangers. Hence the old estimates of the native population of America and Polynesia are evidently erroneous. There can, however, be no doubt that the aboriginal population has diminished in a most remarkable degree, which we in the first place attribute to destructive diseases. SECT. II.] DISEASES. 145 The American Indians may, possibly before the arrival of the whites, have been visited by pestilential epidemics, but it is chiefly after the arrival of the whites that epidemics of various kinds, and especially the small-pox, have raged among them. No race seems to have suffered so much from the small-pox as the Americans, whilst the Negroes have at all times been little liable to this epidemic. On the shores of the Gulf of Mexico and upon the Antilles, which were first visited by the whites, the small-pox first appeared, and contributed much, perhaps most, to the depopulation which took place in the large West Indian islands. In the northern parts of the continent they appear to have spread (about 1630) a few years after the arrival of the first settlers, and the natives knew well to whom they were indebted for this fatal gift. In New England the natives thought that the whites carried the small-pox poison in bottles for the destruction of the Indians — a fable which was encour- aged by the settlers in order to make themselves feared. Thus Dobrizhoffer quotes the expression of the Indians of South America : "The whites are truly good people; they have given us a rich compensation in the small-pox for the gold and silver they have carried off." The following statements, by no means complete, may give some idea of the devastation caused by small-pox. Of the North Indians nine-tenths perished by it.1 The Mandans were, with few exceptions, carried off in 1837; the Blackfeet diminished from 30,000 or 40,000 to 1,000. Si- milar devastations occurred among the Crow Indians, Minatar- rees, Camanchees, and Eiccarees ; among the latter many killed themselves after recovery, from grief at being disfigured.2 The Omahas lost two-thirds of their tribe.3 The Indians in Cali- fornia did not fare better (Schoolcraffc) ; in the Missions one- half are said to have perished.4 In South America the fate of the natives does not seem to have been less hard. Small-pox epidemics raged among the Indians of Paraguay and Gran Chaco,6 among the Puelches (D'Orbigny), the Corroados, the 1 Hearne, " E. v. Prinz Wallis-fort bis z. Eismeer," p. 168, 1797. 2 Schoolcraft, " Hist, of the Ind. tribes." 3 Washington Irving, " Astoria," p. 119, 1838. 4 Wilkes, " U. St. Expl. Exped.," v, p. 172, 1845. 5 P5ppig, " E.," ii, p. 452. 146 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. Caribs on the Maranon, and in the whole northern part of Peru.1 On the Upper Orinoco, small-pox is almost un- known.2 According to Molina3 the Indians of Chili had at that period suffered little of small-pox ; they must, however, have known its fatal issue, as that author states that they set fire to the huts in which they suspected a patient attacked by the small-pox, so that he might be burned. Falkner,4 however, states positively that the Araucanians have been visited by this pestilence. In Guiana, the villages Taruma, Atorai, and the Taurai- Indians have disappeared together; and small-pox, measles, and the fear of being bewitched by the Kanaima, have nearly annihilated them. The number of the Macoushis dimi- nishes daily, like that of the Wapisiana and Amaripa, to whom, in regard to language, belong the Atorai.5 Other diseases besides the small-pox, such as measles, contributed to the decay of the natives. Two-thirds of the aborigines of the Oregon district perished by fevers and the small-pox.6 Small- pox and measles raged in the Mosquito country.7 The want of physicians and the perverse modes of treatment to which the patients were subjected, contributed not a little to the fatal issue of these diseases.8 The so-called upper Chinooks were in the year 1823 reduced by fever from 10,000 to 500, that, as frequently happens among the North American Indians, the living did not suffice to bury the dead.9 It deserves mentioning,10 that the mere contact of different races, though in perfect health at the time of their meeting, frequently produces destructive diseases from which the inferior race, or the aborigines who are visited by the strange race, 1 V. Eschwege, " Journal v. Brasil/' i, p. 206, 1818 ; Labat, " Nouv. voy. aux isles de FAm.," ii, p. 122, 1724; "Allerhand lehrreiche biief v. d. miss. d. Ges. Jesu.," i, p. 60, Augsburg, 1726 ; Ulloa, " Voy. bist. de 1'Am. merid.," i, p. 349, Amst. 1752. 2 Humboldt and Bonpland, " Eeise," iv, p. 26. 3 " Essai sur 1'hist. nat. du Chili," p. 23, 1789. 4 " Beschr. v Patagonien," 1775. 5 Schomburgk, "Jour. E. G. S.," xv, p. 26. 6 De Smet, "Missions de 1' Oregon," p. 19, 1848. 7 "Bericht Tiber d. Unters. des Mosquito," p. 21, 184-5 ; Young, " Narr. of a resid. on the Mosquito shore," 2nd ed., pp. 24, 73, 1847. 8 John Dunn, " Hist, of the Oregon territory," p. 115, 1844. 9 Wilkes, v, 140; HaU, 215. 10 Dai-win, German by Dieffenbach, ii, p. 214. SECT. II.] DISEASES. 147 suffers most. Thus Humboldt1 observes, that the great epidemics of Panama and Callao occurred after the arrival of European ships in Chili. Fever, cholera, etc., destroyed the natives in the South Sea after the arrival of Europeans. The belief that the whites import all diseases is general in the south, the Gambier islands, Rapa, Raivavai, Tubuai, Rurutu, Raro- tonga (Moerenhout), and even among the inhabitants of Pit- cairn (Beechey), in Tahiti.2 In Rarotonga a destructive pesti- lence broke out immediately after some trading between the natives and the crew of an apparently healthy European ship, (Williams.3) This opinion also prevails in Celebes, where Brooke was on that account prevented from landing.4 The Boers of the Cape, who under Potgieter visited Algoa Bay, are said to have introduced in that part a croup-like disease, with which they were not themselves affected.5 The belief that the Whites brought with them a virus, which they let loose upon the natives, prevailed all through New England, caused probably by the circumstance that shortly after the stranding of a French ship near Cape Cod, there broke out among the Indians, in 1616, a destructive pestilence, which so depopulated the coast for a distance of several hundred English miles, that the survi- vors were unable to bury the dead.6 Assuming the correctness of the above statement, we cannot subscribe the mystical and especially in America, popular theory, that the aboriginal race of the new world would, even without drunkenness, war, or imported diseases, have become extinct by the approach of civilization as f ' from a poisonous breath, because nature has devoted it to destruction ; "7 that its organization is originally defective, carrying within it the germ of death.8 There can be no question that, under favourable circumstances, severely visited peoples may recover their losses, as happened in Europe. Such was the case with the Crees in North 1 " Neu Spanien," iv. 2 Turnbull, " R. um d. Welt./' p. 266, 1806. 3 Baseler, " Missions-Blatter," p. 100, 1838. 4 Brooke, "Narr. of events in Borneo and Celebes," 2nd ed., i, p. 48, 1848. 5 Livingstone, ii, p. 307. 6 Drake, " Hist, and antiq. of the city of Boston," p. 30, 1854. 7 Poppig, Art. " Indier," in Ersch und Gruber. 8 Martius and Dieffenbach, iiber die Neu-Zealander. L2 148 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. America -1 also with the Winnepegs ;2 with Apaches, who re- covered again a portion of their country from the Mexicans ;8 and in a still greater degree with the Sauks, who used to adopt their prisoners in their tribes.4 After the decima- tion of the population in earlier periods in Greenland by destructive epidemics, it now increases at the rate of one per cent, in North Greenland, and from two to three per cent, in South Greenland.5 The Winnebagoes, or Winnepegs, have from the year 1812 to 1820 increased from 3,500 to 5,800 souls. As with the Menomonies so with them, the females outnumber the males by one-third, and the number of children is in both tribes proportionately much more considerable than among the Indian tribes who have intermixed with the whites. The Cherokees likewise considerably increased in number before they were compelled to leave the country.6 According to Ols- hausen,7 who opines that, the number of Algonquins has rather increased since the arrival of the whites, the number of Chero- kees is said to have grown, since 1760, from 12,000 to 30,000, and that of the Choctaws from 16,000 in 1772, to 25,000. However oppressed the natives of Guatemala8 are by the Spaniards, they increase so rapidly, that the latter begin to fear them. Wells9 observes, that in recent times the Blacks and Mulattoes in Honduras zealously watch and resist the im- migration of white Americans, as they hope shortly to be the sole masters of the country ; but Squier10 says, ' ' All observers agree that the whites decrease in Central America, not merely relatively, but absolutely, whilst the pure Indians increase rapidly, and the cross-breds, the Ladinos, gradually approach the Indian type." Tschudi11 expressly contradicts the assertion of Weigl and Martius, that the natives began to decay on 1 Simpson, " Narr. of a journey round the world," i, p. 87, 1847. 2 Schoolcraft, loc. cit., ii, p. 535. 3 Kendall, " Narr. of an exped. across the prairies," ii, p. 67, 1845. 4 Keating, i, p. 225. 5 V. Etzel, " Greenland/' p. 376, 1860. 6 Morse, " Report on Ind. affairs/' append., pp. 48, 59, 375, 152. 7 " Dass Mississipi Thai.," i, p. 300, 1853. 8 Gage, " Voy. dans la nouv. Espagne/' ii, p. 68, Amst. 1771. 9 " Explor. and adv. in Honduras," p. 197, 1857. 10 " Die staaten von Central Am.," German by Andree, p. 28, 1856. » Chap, ii, p. 369. SECT. II.] CAUSES OP EXTINCTION. 149 account of the approach of civilization. The extinction of the Maynas is sufficiently explained by the ravages of disease. Dobrizhoffer1 shows that the number of the Abiponians had actually increased after infanticide and polygamy had been abolished. In Lima the Indians have, from 1793-1820, in- creased from 3,600 to 5,000, and a proportionate increase is observed in the whole country ; a diminution in taxation, the abolishment of forced labour, and a better treatment in general, afford the only explanation for these phenomena.2 Moreover, we hear of considerable diminution in the number of other races, without attributing it to an original want of vitality. As well-known instances we may mention the Jakutes and Aleutes, who are greatly oppressed, the Jukagires and Kam- schatdales.3 The Aleutes perish by brandy, famine, excesses, and, it may be added, by a systematic system of extermination on the part of the Kussians. Numerous suicides and sexual excesses promote the extinction of the Kamschatdales. Another principal cause which leads to the extinction of the aborigines of America is their mode of life and their relations to each other. Many of these tribes gather no provision for the winter, but consume their stock, so that they are often exposed to the greatest privations. Whenever an opportunity offers they cause the greatest devastation among the game, and thus deprive themselves of resources for the future. The Indians on Hudson's Bay even believed that the deer increased in proportion as they killed them.4 As among many Asiatic tribes, so in America, the custom prevails of burying or burn- ing the property of the deceased with him. Among the Sioux the funeral nearly swallows up the property of the deceased, so that the survivors are in distress (Schoolcraft). In the ancient half civilized states of America, as in Mexico and Peru, re- ligious worship included an immense number of human sacri- fices, which were also practised by other tribes related to the 1 Chap, iii, p. 140. 2 Caldcleugh, " Trav. in South Am./' ii, p. 68, 1825. 3 Billings, " E. nach d. nordl. Gegenden v. Russ. As. und Am.," p. 121, 1803 ; Wrangell, " Statist, und Ethnogr. nachr. iiber d. russ. Bes. in Am.." p. 218, 1839. 4 Ellis, " E. nach Hudson's-Meerb.," p. 196, Q-ott., 1750. 150 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. Aztecs, and extended to Panama.1 Without entering into any further details, we may also mention the many internecine wars which the Indians have ever carried on between themselves. From the slightest of all causes, sometimes from mere sus- picion of having been bewitched, or from the revenge of an individual who induced his tribe to espouse his cause, wars have ensued, and have become so habitual, that many tribes are incessantly at war. Though these wars have not been generally very bloody, still some were exterminating in their consequences. . Thus the Coppermine Indians were nearly exterminated by the Dog-rib Indians (Hearne) ; the Moquis by the Navahoes (Schoolcraft) ; the Osages were, by their numerous enemies, reduced within ten years by one-half.3 The remainder of the conquered tribe is not unfrequently absorbed by the conquerors, and the name of the former disappears from history. In this man- ner the Creeks are said to have gradually absorbed the re- mainders of fifteen other tribes. Thirdly must be mentioned the wars of the Indians with the whites. It will here be sufficient to notice but a few of the principal facts, as we shall have to treat of them in detail in another place. It is well not to lose sight of them in considering the question, whether the European man possesses, in comparison with other races, the character of humanity in a higher degree. It is an historical fact, that the Natches, the Shawanoes, the Delawares, Potowatomies, Seminoles, Kaskaskias, and several other formerly powerful tribes, have, chiefly by the wars with the whites, been either exterminated, or brought so near to ex- tinction, that they no longer exist as nations. Even at this day the Indians in the gold districts of California are hunted like wild beasts ; and recently in Mexico, Indians and white Americans have been hired, and were paid for the scalps of the Apaches. In consequence of some suspicion that other people were killed on account of the prize-money, the practice is now 1 Ternaux, " Eecueil de docum. sur 1'nist. des possess. Espagnoles dans 1'Am.," p. 115, 1840. 2 Nuttal, " Journal of trav. into the Arkansa ten-it./' p. 172, Philad., 1821 -, Gregg ; " Karawanenzuge durch d. West. Praeriesen/' ii, p. 189, "• «^s SECT. II.] TEIBAL WARS. 151 discontinued.1 Among the so-called heroes of old Kentucky and Virginia there were man-hunters, who, as regards cruelty and barbarity against the aborigines, did not yield to the Dutch Boers on the Cape. Even Schoolcrafb, the official his- torian of the Indians of the United States, feels compelled to admit thus much, though he would willingly ascribe the cruel- ties of which the aborigines have been the victims to the earlier expeditions of the Europeans to America, when dreams of glory and thirst for gold drove the Christians into distant lands, and when heathens were scarcely considered as men, and were treated like beasts. It is sufficient to mention the incur- sions of Velasquez, d'Ayllon, Narvaez, De Soto, Menendez, Pizarro, Cortes, to point out the vast misery and the enormous losses which the aborigines suffered from the whites. The history of the conquest of Mexico and Peru, the extermination of the peaceable population of the West India islands, the oppression of the Spanish governors in Yucatan (where the Indians were only employed as beasts of burden), the extermina- tion of the Indians in Popayan Chiquitos by mining labour,2 have, by the old historians of these countries (among whom we would refer the reader to Ternaux),3 been preserved by docu- mentary evidence, which fills, unquestionably, one of the darkest pages of human history. Whilst the hostile collision of the Indians with the Europeans caused their wholesale destruction, peaceful intercourse with the whites was not less injurious to them. Careless of the future, the aborigines of North America readily disposed of large tracts of lands.4 In most cases they were largely im- posed upon, and the consequences were always distressing. To 1 Kendall, ii, p. 62. « The assertion of Azara (ii, p. 240), that the number of Indians in South America had increased where there are no mines, and when only employed in agriculture, is doubtless too general. Seemann (" E. um die Welt," i, p. 211, 1853), is open to the same objection, in maintaining that the number of In- dians had everywhere increased where they have kept themselves pure, but had diminished wherever they intermixed with the Whites and Negroes ; though it must be admitted that such an intermixture may have contributed to their diminution, as in proportion as intermixture progresses, the number of aborigines of pure descent decreases. 3 " Voy. Eel. et Mem. originaux," p. 312, etc. ; Eecueil, p. 46, etc. 4 Drake, " The book of the Indians," iii, p. 14, etc., 9th edit., 1845. 152 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PAKT I. mention only one instance, the Creeks in less than forty years disposed of a territory of about twenty-eight millions of acres ; and though other lands were assigned to them, these belonged to the whites as their creditors. The chiefs only, when they assisted in cheating their own tribes, were on such occasions well cared for.1 The natives were frequently driven from their fertile districts into marshy, unproductive spots. Since 1840 they were all assigned to the region beyond the Mississippi, on the western boundary of the United States. Many of them perished during these transmigrations, and in their new settle- ments they either found other tribes already located, or were con- fined to narrow districts. Want of space brought them into col- lision with neighbouring tribes, as peoples living by the chase require extensive districts. The whites also introduced the use of brandy, and made them drunkards. Many perished in this way, as they were not, like the Arabs of Algiers, restrained from this vice by love of money.2 Far from considering in- toxication as hurtful or disgraceful, they considered it merely as a means of enjoying a short period of bliss. It was only when the dreadful consequences became generally manifest that some chiefs (of the Kickapoos, Creeks, Cherokees, for instance) tried to stem the current. Whenever the Indians received ready money for lands, it was spent in spirituous liquors. Though at a later period the sale of brandy to the Indians was forbidden, it continued, and it was only since 1848 that a complaint of an Indian chief against a brandy merchant was attended to (Schoolcraft). Even the good intentions of the whites proved injurious to the Indians. The Spanish mis- sions in California had them captured for the purpose of con- verting them. Many of them died in their new localities. The missions having been abandoned, the Indians returned to their forests. Yet, notwithstanding all these facts, the white American is still surprised that the Redskins do not become civilized, and consoles himself with the thought that Providence has doomed them to destruction; and German scholars have subscribed to that opinion. 1 Featherstonhaugh, " Excursion through, the Slave States," ii, p. 306, 1844. 2 M. Wagner, " Reise," ii, p. 32. SECT. II.] PROLIFICACY. 153 The scanty prolificacy of the native women has also been mentioned as a principal cause of the decay of race, and this phenomenon has been attributed to an original defect of organization. The small fecundity of the native women of North America had already been noticed by Lafitau,1 and has been confirmed as regards some tribes of the present day. Among the Winnebagoes in 1842, women had on the average but one child; in Oregon, two (Schoolcraft). The causes of these pheno- mena are not given with the statements ; but in other instances the explanation is of a kind as to exclude the idea of an original organic defect of the race. Among the Knisteneux, abortion and infanticide, especially of girls, is frequent (Mackenzie) . In South America two children is the average number ; and Azara2 observes, that women get rid of the others by abortive draughts. The Guaycurus andLenguas, who generally only bring up one child, are, in consequence of this practice, approaching ex- tinction.3 Among the Botocudes, w_ho are said sometimes to have many children, infanticide and abortion are less frequent. •Rengger4 observed nothing of this kind among the Guaranis, but noticed it among the Payaguas, who by small-pox, drunken- ness, and abortion, had been reduced to two hundred souls. Quandt5 saw in Surinam a native woman with five children. Schomburgk6 considers it as a rare instance of prolificacy that an Indian possessed nine children by three of his wives. In Brazil an Indian woman has rarely more than four children.7 Among the Potowatomies, artificial abortion is not often resorted to, but the children are, as among other Indian tribes, suckled for a long period, sometimes to the fourth or fifth year ; even one child aged twelve has been seen to suckle. In several parts of Mexico, specially in Panuco, the custom also prevailed of suckling the children up to the twelfth year8. In South America this custom prevails among the Guaraunos and other 1 "Moeurs des Sauv. Americains," i, p. 590, 1724. 2 " Voy. dans 1'Am. mend.," ii, pp. 59, 179, 1809. 3 Eschwege, " Journal v. Brasil," ii, p. 274, 1818. 4 " E. nach Paraguay," p. 133, 1835. 5 " Nachr. v. Surinam," p. 254, 1807. 6 "E. in Guiana," p. 375, 1841. 7 Freyreiss, " Beit. z. Kenntniss v. Brasil," p. 118, 1824. 8 Gomara, loc. cit., pp. 438, 440. 154 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. tribes only up to the fourth year of the child, but after thu with young animals — a monkey, dog, or opossum.1 Sterility of the women is frequent.2 Heckewelder and Lahontan \ mention that in ancient times the natives did not marry before the thirtieth year, as it weakened the body, rendering it unfit for war. All this is now changed. Too early marriages seem to have contributed to weaken the race and to render the marriages less prolific, a circumstance already known to Aris- totle.4 Schomburgk5 attributes the decay of the Tarumas in Guiana to the deficiency of women, and to the circumstance that girls marry before the period of puberty. With regard to South America, D'Orbigny observes, that the women, though never sterile, have only from two to three children on the average. Burmeister, however,6 attributes the diminution of the number of the people to early deaths and feeble productive- ness. With regard to the first statement we certainly find that the Cholones, for instance, on the upper Huallaga, scarcely reach the fortieth year, have rarely more than two children, and are frequently childless; but these inhabit an unhealthy region,7 and this must be considered as an exceptional case. From the preceding facts it must be inferred, that the sterility of the American race, wherever it occurs, is owing to a variety of causes among the different tribes. The preva- lence of artificial abortion renders this sterility more apparent than real. Among some tribes the sexual appetite seems to be proportionably weak in the men ;8 hence the Indian women have intercourse with the Negroes, whilst the men consider it beneath their dignity to cohabit with a Negress,9 a circum- stance which may, perhaps, be connected with the small de- velopment of the genitals among the Gruaranis, Coroados, etc.10 1 Schomburgk, in " Monatsb. der Ges. f. Erdk." iii, p. 208. 2 Keating, i, p. 131. 3 LOG. cit., ii, p. 130. 4 Illustrative cases in Lucas, " Traite de 1'heredite," ii, p. 460. 5 " Journal E. Greogr. Soc.," xv, p. 45. e «Reise,"p. 250. 7 Poppig, ii, p. 322. 8 Rengger, " Naturgesch. der Siiugeth." 9 Spix and Martius, " Eeise," pp. 369, 376. 10 Rengger, p. 2 ; Eschwege, i, pp. 126, 230. 5ECT. II.] PROLIFICACY. 155 rhe last circumstance is, however, not general : it is, for in- tance, not observed in the Puris,1 nor are there any observa- ions that it influences the productiveness of these peoples. )n the other hand, the great abuse of spirituous liquors, and he misery of the natives, the frequent want of means of sub- isti'iice, the heavy labour imposed upon them by the whites, nay clearly be enumerated as the causes, the combination of vhich has produced the apparent weakness of the race. How leceitful this appearance is may be proved by the example, hat also in South Arabia many marriages are unproductive, ilthough polygamy is not prevalent among the mass of the )0pulation. In America, also, there are not wanting instances vhich contradict the above assertion. The women on the lorth-west coast are very prolific.2 Among the North Indians t is considered exceptional if the number of children amounts mly to five or six.3 Among the Chippeways the average lumber of children is four ; sterility is considered a disgrace, )eing looked upon as the consequence of incontinency.4 Among :he Sioux sterility is rare : from three to eight children is the isual number, and no one remains unmarried.5 The Mandans lave often as many as ten children, but, in consequence of the ong period of suckling and the heavy labour of the women, ess prolific marriages are frequent.6 Say7 found among the Kansas instances of three children born at one birth, and amilies of thirteen children. An instance of an Indian who lad fourteen children by one wife, is also given.8 Hecke- svelder9 knew among the natives a converted Indian family with hirteen, others with six to nine, children ; the usual number was from four to five. Among the Omahas, who have mostly Tom four to six children, and sometimes from ten to twelve, 1 Eschwege, i, p. 163. 2 Portlock and Dixon, " E. um d. Welt," p. 213, Berl. 1791. 3 Hearne, " E.," p. 262. 4 Keating, ii, pp. 152, 165. 5 Schoolcraft, iii, p. 238. 6 Prince Max, " E. in N. Am., ii, p. 129 ; and " Brasilien nachtrage und 'iusatze," p. 99. 7 James, " Ace. of an exped. from Pittsburg to the E. mountains," i, p. 124, L823. 8 Ausland, p. 997, 1857. 9 "Nach. v. d. Gesch. der Ind. Volkersch." p. 389, 1821. 156 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PAET I. sterility is rare, and proceeds, when it occurs, probably from the male, as the women are frequently prolific with other men.] Gumilla2 has made the same observations as regards the South American women. An Osage chief had thirty-seven children by his four wives.3 A. Vespucci found in 1497 Venezuela thickly populated about the region of Cape Paria ; the women were then excellent breeders.4 Labat5 also speaks of the great pro- lificacy of the Caribs. Humboldt and Bonpland6 mention the great fecundity of the Gruaraunos and the Indians in the mis- sions distant from the Orinoco. Of some tribes it has already been observed, that they have not lately decreased, but in- creased. Finally, it may be mentioned, that Jefferson7 states, that Indian women who marry European traders, and are relieved of their hard labour, properly settled and well fed, produced as many children as European women : in some cases they have brought up from six to twelve children. Rengger's statements8 with regard to the G-uarani women are to the same effect. West9 confirms them by observing, that Indian women married to Europeans breed better than with the men of their own stock, though they suffer more during delivery. There can be no doubt that the principal reason of their being more prolific is the improved mode of life. Thus among the Bedouin- Arabs the prolificacy is less than among those who are settled ; five children are considered among the Towaras upon the Sinai- peninsula as a very large family ;10 and among the Lapps and Tunguses more than three to four children are rare.11 More obscure in many respects than the gradual decay of the native population of America, is an analogous phenomenon in the South Sea and Australia. Here one might feel more inclined to assume a defective vitality of the race, since one of 1 Say, in James, p. 237. 2 " Hist. nat. de 1'Orenoque," ch. lii, 1758. s Ibid., ii, p. 251. Collection de los Viages y descubrimientos," iii, p. 209, 1829. Nouv. voy. aux lies de 1'Am.," ii, p. 109, 1724. E. in d. . Aequinoctialg.," i, p. 469; and iv, p. 31. Besckr. v. Virginien," in Sprengel's Beitr. viii, p. 263. E. nach Paraguay," p. 133, 1835. Substance of a journal during a residence at the Eed E.," p. 54, 1824. 10 Eitter, " Erdkunde," xiv, p. 953. 11 Scheffer, " Lapland," p. 334 ; Georgi, p. 266. SECT. II.] DECREASE OF POPULATION. 157 the chief causes of the depopulation of America is absent in Polynesia, and has not caused very extensive devastations in Australia, namely, the oppression of the whites and the inter- course with them. There is, however, one circumstance which did not so much prevail in America, but seems very effective in Australia, namely, the great mortality among children. The extinction of a people once healthy and vigorous cannot be explained by a denial of viability, or an original defective organization, or by the assumption of some mysterious cause ; we must investigate and search for natural agencies, though we may be obliged to confess that our endeavours to trace them have hitherto not been perfectly successful. The decrease of the population in Polynesia, concerning which Meinicke1 has furnished valuable statistical accounts, does not proceed in equal proportions in all the islands. The merry inhabitants of the Tonga and Friendly islands produce many children, and their number is increasing;2 and in Tikopia every family has three to eight children.3 On the other hand, the ' population decreases in the islands of the Samoa Archipelago, on the Glambier islands, in New Zealand, where Crozet4 found in 1771, in the island bay, twenty villages, each having about four hundred inhabitants. Though these may have withdrawn into the interior,5 it remains still a vain attempt of Shortland6 ' to show that the decrease is merely apparent and not real. If it be true that in the village Te Aro, containing seventy men and forty -two women, there are but twenty-four children,7 and if similar proportions, as we understand, occur in other places, Fox8 is perfectly justified in assuming a yearly decrease of at least 4 per cent. Power9 is of opinion that if the decrease continues pari passu, the country will be depopulated about 1 "D. Siidseevolker und d. Christenth." p. Ill, 1844. 2 Pickering, p. 83 ; Quarterly Beview, Dec. 1853 ; Erskine, " Journal of a cruise among the islands of the W. Pacific," p. 161, 1853. 3 Gaiinard, in d'Urville, " Voy. de 1' Astrolabe," v, p. 309, 1830, 4 " N. Eeise durch d. Sxidsee," p. 27, 1783. 6 Dieffenbach, " Trav. in New Zealand," ii, p. 14, 1843. 6 " The Southern districts of New Zeal.," p. 40, 1851. 7 " On the British colonization of New Zeal, by the Committee of the Abo- rig. Protect. Soc.," p. 52, 1846. 8 "The six colonies of New Zealand," p. 53, 1851. 9 " Sketches in N. Z.," p. 119, 184-9. 158 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. 1870. Taylor,1 an author well acquainted with the country and the people, has recently denied the progressive mortality of the natives, and cites facts against it.2 Peace, appropriate clothing, diet, and mode of life, may possibly lead to an im- provement in this respect. With regard to Tahiti, where, according to the natives, the diminution of the population had already commenced before the arrival of the whites,3 Yincendon-Dumoulin and Desgraz4 have endeavoured to show that the decrease was about one-third from 1770 to 1814, and that from 1814 to 1825 the number of the population remained stationary. In estimating the ancient population, we must not take Forster's account5 as a basis, when it states that he found in Tahiti a fleet of 159 large double canoes and seventy smaller ones ; some of the former with 144 rowers, for it is probable that of this fleet a comparatively small portion only belonged to Tahiti, and the greater part to the large neighbouring islands. The Spanish account of 1778 estimates the population of Tahiti at 15,000 to 16,000.6 Wilson* states that, according to a moderate estimate, the population of Tahiti was in 1797 about 16,000. It is only subsequent to this period that we learn that the population in 1804 amounted only to 5,000.8 This is probably a great exaggeration, caused perhaps by the circumstance that about that period many young persons were carried off. According to Kotzebue,9 the population amounted in 1824 to about 8,000, which is about the same number as given by the missionaries in 1813. This agrees with Wilkes's statement,10 that the population in 1839 was about 9,000; to which he adds, that for thirty years previously the births and deaths had been about equal. Though 1 " New Zealand and its inhabitants," p. 256, 1855. 2 Compare however, " E. der Novara," iii, p. 128. 8 King and Fitzroy (" Narr. of the Surv. Voy. of the Adv. and Beagle," ii, p. 520, 1839) are probably in error in stating that destructive diseases only broke out after Cooke's arrival at Tahiti. 4 « lies Taiti," p. 288, 1844. 5 " Sammtl. d. Ebschr.," xxi, p. 328. 6 G. Forster's " Sammtl. Schriften," iv, p. 211. 7 " Missionsreise in d. stille Meer," Magz. v. E., xxi, p. 333, 1800. 8 Turnbull, " E. um. d. W.," p. 259, 1806. 9 « Neue Eeise," i, p. 97, 1830. 10 " U. St. Expl. Exped.," ii, p. 49. SECT. II.] DECEEASE OP POPULATION. 159 Lesson1 states that but few old people could be found in Tahiti, and that the number in 1830 amounted only to 500,2 we cannot but conclude that the decrease of the population commenced about the beginning of the present century, after the Europeans had settled in Tahiti, when within ten years it diminished from 15,000-16,000 to 8,000-9,000, after which time the num- ber appears to have remained stationary. According to the census of the French officials it amounted in 1848 to 8,082 ; in 1854, to 5,988 .3 Different proportions prevail in other islands of the archipelago. At Borabora, where one birth annually is reported to thirty-two inhabitants, the proportion of births to deaths is 5 : 6.4 At Raiatea, on the contrary, the population of which, consisting in 1830 of about 1,700, stand morally and physically higher than that of Tahiti, the number has been much increased.5 Very decided and well authenticated is the progressive de- population of the Sandwich islands; regarding which Vancouver6 stated, that in 1 792 a perceptible diminution of the population commenced after Cook's arrival. Exact information dates only from modern times, though all prove that the decrease still progresses. The annual diminution is calculated to be about 8 per cent.7 The census for 1832 was 130,313 ; for 1836, 108,579 ; for 1850, 84,165. In the year 1848 there were 7,943 deaths and 1,478 births ; in 1849, 4,320 deaths and 1,422 births.8 In 1853 the population amounted only to 71,019; births, 1,513; deaths, 8,026 : 5-6,000 of these died of the small-pox ;9 hence it is an erroneous assertion of Bennet,10 that the Sandwich Islanders are a very healthy people, and free from such fatal diseases as befal the inhabitants of the Friendly Islands. It is remark- 1 " Compl. des (Euv. de Buffon," ii, p. 281. 2 " Journal, E. Geogr. Soc.," iii, p. 174. 3 " E. der Novara," iii, p. 197. 4 Steen Bille, " Bericht iiber d. E. der Galathea," ii, p. 363, 1852. 5 " Journal E. Geo. Soc.," iii, p. 179. 6 " E. nach der Sudsee," i, p. 139, BerL, 1799. 7 " Morning Chronicle," May 1, 1850. 8 " Details regarding individual islands," in Virgin., i, p. 267. 9 " Baseler Miss. Mag.," iv, p. 98, 1854. 10 " Narr. of a whaling voy. round the globe," i, p. 242, 1840. 160 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. able that this decay of population is so differently distributed in the various islands ; nay, that districts in the same island differ in this respect. It is therefore probable, that the chief causes of this progressive decay must be sought for in local conditions, and not in an organic defect of the race. Whilst in Hawaii and Oahu, where in 1840 there were 61 births to 132 deaths, the decrease is certain and large, it seems only apparent in Maui. At Atowai or Kawia, where, among 5,541 adults, there were only 65 women who had more than two children, a mis- sionary found in one district the proportion of deaths to births to be 3 : 1. In other districts, however, the decrease of the population was only about 1 per cent. ; in some it was sta- tionary, or slightly increasing ; thus at Onihau or Niihau the increase of the population was 4:3. In proceeding to an investigation of the causes of the above phenomena, and bearing in mind the epidemics which ap- parently break out at the first intercourse of uncivilized peoples with higher developed tribes, we must leave it to the judgment of others whether this would account for the decay of so many South Sea peoples; for it does not apply to all of the Polynesian stock, nor can we assent to the plausible supposition of an original defect of organization. In ancient times, and before the first arrival of Euro- peans in the South Sea, the peculiar habits of the Polyne- sians had already contributed to diminish the population. Drunkenness and gluttony prevailed among the higher, and infanticide among the lower classes of society in many of the Polynesian islands. Only such tribes as the New Zealanders, who seemed ignorant how to prepare intoxicating liquors, did not at first seem to relish the spirituous liquors introduced by the Europeans ; the rest were ruined by it, especially after they had learnt from the whites the art of distillation. Infanti- cide, artificial abortion, and sexual excesses, without the least perception of any moral wrong in this respect, diminished the population, and produced a weakly race. In the Sandwich Islands a family never brought up more than two or three children, the rest were strangled or buried alive.1 Two-thirds 1 Ellis, " Polynes. Res.," iv, p. 327, 1832. SECT. II.] CAUSES OP DEPOPULATION. 161 of all children born are said to have thus perished.1 To this must be added internal wars, combined with cannibalism and human sacrifices, for where men eat each other, the gods are generally bloodthirsty, and receive their share. With regard to the devastations caused by wars, we shall mention but one fact, viz., that, at the conquest of the western part of the Pau- mota Islands, thirty-eight islands were depopulated, and their inhabitants slain or carried into slavery.2 Moreover, those who possessed the most fertile islands of Polynesia entirely neg- lected agriculture, and ruined themselves by the greatest prodi- gality at their feasts, consuming all provisions, so that the lower classes died by famine. The introduction of Christianity in the South Sea islands removed many of these sources of destruction, others were mitigated so that this progressive decay was arrested. The bloody wars, cannibalism, human sacrifices, and infanticide dis- appeared almost entirely ; and it must be denounced as a calumny inspired by party spirit, that French navigators, to serve the interest of their Government and their faith, have endeavoured to spread the opinion, that the depopulation of the Sandwich islands can only be explained by the severe laws and the system of intimidation established and practised by the influence of Protestant missionaries ; that the women fled to the forests to kill their illegitimate children in order to escape punishment.3 We must, on the contrary, acknowledge that the missionaries are entitled to credit for their endeavours to improve the physical and moral condition of the islanders, though their activity cannot be said to have proved beneficial in all respects. Their severity appears to have produced the concealment of many vices and crimes, and the sudden change of the habits of life which were at once and with great strictness forced upon the natives, sometimes may have proved injurious. There can, however, be no doubt that, on the whole, the material condition of the South Sea peoples, which alone concerns us 1 Stewart, " Journal of a residence in the Sandwich Islands," p. 250, 1828. 2 Wilkes, i, p. 343 ; Hale, p. 35. 3 Laplace, " Campagne de circumnavigation," V, p. 470, 1841 ; Du Petit- Thouai's, " Voy. autour du monde," i, p. 389, 1840; de la Salle, " Voy. autour du monde sur la Bonite," ii, p. 198, 1845. M* 162 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. here, lias been improved ; and this presents a fresh difficulty in the explanation of a progressive decay. In order to understand this, we must remember that, at the time of the arrival of the Europeans in the South Sea (as Moerenhout, and especially Meinicke, have proved), there pre- vailed already an extreme dissolution of social relations, morals, and religion, among the chief nations of Polynesia. This apparent break up of society, the result of long-continued excesses, was much promoted by the arrivals of the Whites. The enervated race of the Tahitians, and the weakened inhabi- tants of the Sandwich islands, had then much to suffer from the new diseases imported by the Europeans. Next to influ- enza, great destruction was caused by syphilis constantly imported by 15,000 to 20,000 seamen, chiefly whalers, who landed in Honolulu and Lahaina.1 Many of these diseases became fatal from the small protection afforded by the scanty dress and defective habitations of the natives. In New Zealand, Dieffenbach considers that the decay is chiefly owing to a change of dress and habits of life, so that scrofula and its allied affections have spread among children.3 This also applies to the Society islands of Raiatea. The population of Burutu, say Tyermann and Bennet,3 had, a few years ago, been reduced by fever from 6,000 to 314. The sterility of the women and the mortality among the children, are no doubt closely connected with the decrease of the population. Both phenomena are very common in the Sandwich islands.4 According to the mission- aries only half of the marriages are prolific.5 The great mortality of the children in the Society Islands, where infanti- cide has been replaced by artificial abortion, is" said to be greatly owing to an improper alimentation. The number of children, which in Tahiti is not large, rarely in the Marquesas exceeds two to one woman.6 In Samoa, the number of children 1 Virgin, i, p. 269. 2 Fox, loc. cit., p. 55. 3 "Journal of voy. and trav.," i, p. 497, 1831. 4 Wilkes, iv, pp. 77, 94. Hines, "Oregon, its history," p. 210, Buffalo, 1851. 6 Krusenstern, " R. um d. Welt," i, , p. 198, 1810; Melville, "VierMonate auf. d. Marq.," ii, p. 125, 1847. Langsdorff (i, p. 152) asserts that twins are not rare. SECT. II.] CAUSES OF DEPOPULATION. 163 is limited by the long continued suckling, sometimes up to the sixth year, or several children are suckled at the same time.1 In New Zealand, where the proportion of females to males is small, because many girls are killed immediately after birth, a woman has rarely more than two or three children.2 Perhaps the trade in preserved ornamented heads may have contributed something to the diminution of the population.3 Psychical causes also appear to have injuriously affected the physical prosperity of the peoples, such as the feeling of powerless- ness and certain destruction by the Whites, and the loss of authority of the chiefs among their own people4 — a circumstance which also contributed to the decay of the Americans, who are absolutely unfit for slavery. The peoples in the Sandwich islands were in former times much oppressed by their own chiefs. The taxes were enormous, and the labour imposed upon them excessive, so that they were compelled to neglect agriculture to cut sandal-wood and perform other work. Many of them ran away ; infanticide and famine raged among them;5 and even in recent times a progressive poll-tax unfavourably influenced the increase of the popula- tion.6 About a thousand individuals annually leave their native country, proceeding to California, Columbia and other parts of South America.7 The aborigines of Australia, the inhabitants, at least, of the known parts of that continent, also approach rapid extinction. A tribe of about three hundred souls is said to have diminished within six years to four individuals.8 The causes of these phenomena are similar to those already stated. The chief of them are diseases communicated to them by European settlers, to which must be added infanticide and great mortality among the children, the small proportion of women, inebriety in the vicinity of the colonies, and sexual excesses.9 1 Wilkes, ii, p. 138. 2 Dieffenbach, ii, p. 33 j Pickering, p. 82. 3 Quarterly Review, p. 192, June 1854. 4 Fox, p. 56. Jarves, " History of the Sandwich Islands," p. 368, 1843. Walpole, " Four years in the Pacific," ii, p. 245, 2nd edit., 1850. Simpson, "Narr. of a journey round the world," ii, p. 15, 1847. Baseler Miss. Mag., iv, p. 96, 1854. Eyre, " Journals of exped. into central Austr.," ii, p. 320, 1845. M2 164 * PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. Small-pox carried off in some parts, particularly in New South Wales not long after the year 1 788, the sixth to the third part of the natives ; though taught by experience they left off the cold water cure, and applied a more appropriate mode of treat- ment.1 Small-pox also caused great devastations in the interior,2 as well as the measles and syphilis.3 Even the clothing fur- nished by the colonists often proved injurious to them ; from having become accustomed to woollen coverings they felt the want of them when again deprived of these articles. Infanticide, especially of girls, is frequent : hence the propor- tionately small number of women.4 This proceeds partly from superstition, partly from the desire to escape the trouble of rear- ing them, and sometimes from revenge against the faithless father, especially if he be an European. The great mortality of the children seems also to be caused by the negligence of the parents, and inappropriate diet. Turnbull asserts that three-fourths of the children do not attain the fourth year. Grey5 does not think that the mortality is great, though much greater than in Europe ; he remarks, also, that suckling is continued until the third year. He knew 41 women whose children amounted to 188. The average number of children in a family is, according to Eyre, about five, of which two only are brought up. There are, however, instances of a woman having nine children.6 This is corroborated in other races. The inhabitants of the North African desert are equally distin- guished by their small number of children, about two on the average.7 It is more rare to find a Hottentot woman with six, than the wife of a colonist with twelve, children.8 When, how- ever, well-treated and rendered comfortable, the Hottentot women are very prolific, both in their intercourse with the 1 Wilkes, ii, p. 184 ; Baker, " Sydney and Melbourne/' p. 148, 1845 ; Bennet, " Wanderings in N. S. Wales," i, p. 154, 1834. 2 Mitchell, " Three exped.," i, p. 216, 1838. 3 Darwin, " Naturalists' Voyage," ii, p. 213, 1844; Eyre, ii, p. 380. 4 « Austr. felix," p. 131, BerL, 1849. 5 " Journals of two exped. in Austr.," ii, p. 251, 1841. 6 " Austr. felix," p. 130. 7 Eichardson, " Trav. in the Sahara," ii, p. 427, 1848. 8 Burehell, «-* E. in d. Innere von Siidafrika," ii, p. 175, 1822. SECT. II.] CAUSES OP DEPOPULATION. 165 Whites and their own people.1 The fecundity of the Indian women is equally increased by better nourishment and diminu- tion of labour.2 A Chippeway woman is mentioned who had fourteen children all grown up. From these instances we are justified in concluding that sterility is not a peculiarity of the race, but is caused by external circumstances. How much the natives have suffered from the invasion of Eu- ropeans is expressed in the following words of a native : — " You Whites/' said an Australian, "ought to give us Blacks, cows and sheep, for you have exterminated our opossums and kangaroos ; we have nothing to live on, and are hungry."3 Though in some parts the natives no longer live by hunting kangaroos,4 it still is in other parts their principal resource for subsistence. They are in the habit of burning down the grass for the growth of a fresh crop for the pasture of these animals, who are driven off by the cattle of the colonists, and the natives disappear from the spot. At present the aborigines possess no right to the country, or rather they never had any ; at any rate, England has never acknowledged such a right. The land belongs to the Crown, which practically means that the natives, being English subjects, may be punished for their crimes, whilst the Whites are generally acquitted by their coun- trymen.5 This becomes intelligible when we find that the natives can neither be valid witnesses in a court of law, nor are allowed to bear firearms.6 Latterly, however, they have in New South Wales at least been admitted as witnesses, but in so limited a degree, that their oppression is but little mitigated by the favour accorded.7 An attempt has been made to justify the great injustice done to natives owing to their atrocity, which is greatly exaggerated. >rding to the " Papers on Aborigines of Australian Colonies, 1 Moodie, " Ten years in S. Afr.," ii, p. 350, 1835. 2 Schoolcraft, iv, p. 350. 3 Bennet, i, p. 327. 4 Hodgkinson, " Aust. from P. Macquarie to Moreton Bay," p. 223, 1845. 5 Instances in Eyre, ii, p. 176 ; and in Du Petit-Thouars, iii, p. 204. There a criminal process in which the jury for a long time refused to condemn culprits who were guilty of an unprovoked murder of twenty-eight natives. 6 Howitt, " Impressions of Austr. felix," p. 199, 1845. 7 Eyre, ii, p. 493 ; " Austr. felix," p. 143. 166 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. printed for the House of Commons, August, 1844," p. 318, there were in the district of Port Phillip, since its first occupation, eight Whites killed by the natives and forty-three natives by the Whites.1 If the natives wish to continue their mode of life, they must quit the region, join other tribes, or become beggars and robbers, which indeed they have become. A general war- fare between them and the Whites in Portland Bay and other districts was the consequence.2 That it is impossible to live with or near them in peace has been often refuted. A settler has frequently succeeded in gaining over the friendship of the natives, so that even in critical times he was not molested by them.3 This is also proved by the success of the settlement of Moorunde on the Murray in 1841. The natives, who at first were inimical, became, in consequence of the kindly treat- ment of the colonists, friendly and serviceable.4 Eyre obtained on this occasion a great authority over them, by which Sturt's expedition into the interior was facilitated. Dawson also knew how to gain them over in Port Stephens, and describes them as peaceable and serviceable. With one man only he was un- successful.5 All others proved docile when well treated, and especially when the principle is adopted of not limiting their free- dom more than is absolutely requisite for public safety.6 Most of the settlers found it more suitable to their dignity to exhibit everywhere their superiority, as the Whites did in America. The natives were shot down whenever they showed themselves ; cruelties were committed on women and children.7 The natives had most to suffer from runaway convicts, and it may be imagined how much a penal colony must have injured the native population, — for New South Wales was one up to 1843, Van Diemen's Land up to 1852, and West Australia has be- Eyre, ii, p. 156. Baker, p. 154. Hodgson, " Eeminiscences of Australia," p. 81, 1846. Eyre, ii, p. 461. Dawson, " The present state of Austr.," p. 265, 1830. - Compare on this subject the extract from the " Australian," Oct. 14, 1836, by Dumont d'Urville, " Voy. de 1' Astrolabe/' i, p. 489. 7 Wilkes, ii, pp. 186, 256 ; Lang, " Account of N. S. Wales," i, p. 37, 3rd edit., 1840; Clutterbuck, "Port Phillip in 1849," p. 62; Byrne, "Twelve years wanderings in the British Colonies," i, p. 368, 1848. SECT. III.] INTEKMIXTURE OP EACES. 167 come one recently. The English Government has repeatedly in official documents acknowledged the wrongs done to the native's/ and expressed the intention of repairing the injury. If it were true that the colonists have contributed but little to their destruction, and that the main cause, as has been as-erted, lies in their own mode of life,2 then it is inconceivable why they have not long become extinct, since there has not been an essential change in their mode of life. The official protec- torate, which, however, seems to have borne but little fruit, was instituted in consequence of the crimes committed against the natives by the Whites. In several parts of Australia a larger number of natives are said to have been poisoned when it became known that they would for the future be protected against oppression.3 In many parts of New South Wales they made no secret of it, as Byrne4 states from his own experience, but even boasted that the natives have been got rid of by arsenic. SECTION III. THE RESULTS OF INTERMIXTURE OF DIFFERENT TYPES, AND THE PECULIARITIES OF THE MONGRELS. Before proceeding to the question of the unity of the human species, we have yet to consider a series of phenomena which, though not so decisive as was formerly believed, still possess more than a secondary importance, namely, the results of inter- mixture and the character of the cross-breeds. These will show that we are not compelled to assume a specific difference between human races. The practical difficulties of fixing the results of intermixture are, no doubt, very great ; still they do not much affect the principle laid down. I1 See the document in Tegg's " N. S. Wales' Pocket Almanack" for 1841, 147, Sydney. 2 Schayer in " Monatsb. d. ges. f. Erdk. N. Folge," ii, p. 226. 3 Eyre, ii, p. 176. * Loc. cit., i, p. 275. 168 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. The pains taken to fathom the mode in which the peculiar bodily organization is transmitted from parent to offspring have hitherto been unsuccessful. There has not been wanting a number of theories, but not one has proved itself unexcep- tional and trustworthy. Thus it frequently happens among animals and human beings that the offspring resembles the male parent in hair, colour, constitution, diseases, malformation and idiosyncracies. As collateral relations (cousins, uncles, and nephews) frequently exhibit the same peculiarities with- out having received them direct from their parents, we are led to suppose that these phenomena obey a law (the so-called relapse — that is to say, the reproduction of the peculiarities of remote ancestors in the descendants, — has by Grirou been con- sidered as a general law, by which he endeavoured to explain all the differences of children from their parents), the compre- hension of which would require a profounder knowledge of the dependence of the development of the germ than we at present possess. Sometimes the father, at other times the mother, has been considered as possessing an exclusive influence on the peculiari- ties of children. Again it has been asserted that the father influenced the psychical, and the mother the physical, constitu- tion of the offspring; or again, that they influence separate parts of the system. Thus, according to Sturm and Grirou, the young in domestic animals resemble the father in the form of the head and the chest, and the mother in the formation of the pelvis and the posterior part, a view which Blumenbach felt in- clined to adopt also as regards man. Some were of opinion that, where one child took after one parent, it was both phy- sically and psychically. Others considered the influence of the father paramount, not a few that of the mother, so that the sons resembled the father, and the daughters the mother, a case which, however, is frequently reversed. There was, in fact, no theory which had not its supporters.1 We quote the follow- ing interesting observation of Burmeister,2 " Generally speaking, the first child exhibits physically the finest organization, and 1 See Lucas, " Traite de Fberedite," vol. ii. 3 Loc. cit., ii, p. 162. SECT. III.] INTEEMIXTUEE OP EACES. 169 presents intellectually, more than the others, either the pecu- liarities of the father or of the mother ; and it is to be noticed that the first-born son takes more after the mother, and the first-born daughter more after the father. Gradually the chil- dren become more robust, physically stronger, frequently plainer and more plump ; the qualities of both parents become more mixed, and a decided repetition of the parents or grand- parents becomes rarer." It deserves to be noticed that the cases in which the influence of the father predominates are not so frequent as contrary instances. The influence of the mother on the intellectual nature of the offspring seems so predominating, that Buffon considered it as exclusive : hence the vulgar expression ( ' motherwit," not " fatherwit." The head of the cross-breed, however, takes chiefly after the father.1 The physical qualities of the father generally predominate among cross-breeds.2 This is the case among the Mestizoes in the Philippines, whether the father be a European or a Chinese ;3 among the Mulattoes on the Sandwich islands.4 The Negro produces with a white woman a more Negro-like child than the white man with a Negress.5 Among the children of Mulattoes — themselves, with few exceptions, descendants of white fathers and Negro mothers, — the white blood predominates,6 so that the children even of a Mulatto woman and a Negro possess the colour of the mother. Primer says that the offspring of a Negro and a white woman, though rarely viable, approach the European type sooner than that of a Negress and a white man. Burmeister considers the Negro character as predominating in Mulattoes. The boys have the hair often frizzly, then it becomes perfectly Negro-like; among the girls it is frequently straight. The shape of the head resembles more that of the Negro than that of the European; the forehead is low, the occiput short. The cranium generally is small, the beard stronger than in the 1 Heusinger, " Vgl. Physiol.," p. 250. 2 Spix and Martius, " Reise," p. 1183. 3 Mallat, ii, p. 134. 4 Bennet, " Narr. of a whaling voyage/' i, p. 240, 1840. 5 Nott and Gliddon, " Types of mankind/' p. 373, 1854. 6 Lyell, " Second voyage." 170 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. Negro, the stature on the whole more elegant, especially the hands and feet, which latter are, however, rather flat. It may also be noticed, that among Mulattoes sprung from Negroes and Indian women on the Rio das Pedras (Paranahyba), the Indian character predominates, namely, dark colour, broad chest and shoulders, short neck, large angular head, bushy hair, rather thin lips, well-shaped legs.1 Poppig2 describes the Mestizo — generally the child of an Indian woman and a white man — as resembling more the Indian. The Portuguese Mulattoes also, at Ceylon, who are more numerous than the Dutch, resemble in stature, shape of skull, and features, more the Cingalese than Europeans.3 Stevenson4 states, from his own observation, that the father influences the colour of the Mestizo more than the mother. He also observes that the Peruvians call the children of a white woman and a Negro Mulatto, Zambo Mulatto, Quadroon ; whilst those of a white man and a Negress, Mulatto woman, or Quadroon, are called Mulatto Quadroon Quintroon, by which he endeavours to prove that the mongrels of a white man approach the European type a generation before those of a white woman. Tschudi,5 however, considers this an error, and states that the designa- tion is the same whether the mongrels proceed from the father or the mother. Lucas6 has by many examples proved that the characters of mongrels are not constant ; sometimes those of the mother, at other times those of the father predominate. The Danes pro- duce with Hindoo women, children of European type and vigour; but such is not the case with other European nations (Rush) . The mongrels of Europeans and Mongols constantly exhibit the type of the mother (Klaproth) ; those of Europeans and Hot- tentots always exhibit the character of the father (Le Vaillant) . With regard to the latter, Burchell7 remarks, that the children 1 A. De St. Hilaire, " Voy. aux sources du R. S. Francisco/' ii, p. 253, 1847. 2 Loc. cit., i, p. 201. 3 Schmarda, " R. um d. Erde," i, p. 482, 1861. 4 " Eeise in Arauco," i, p. 180. 5 « Peru," i, p. 161, 1846. 6 Loc. cit., ii, p. 3. 7 Loc. cit., ii, p. 185. SECT. III.] INTERMIXTURE OF RACES. 171 of a white woman by a Hottentot are taller, whiter, and of more European features than those of a Hottentot woman and a European. The latter are brown, thick-set men, with hair less crisp than that of the Negro, flat nose, hollow cheeks, no beard, and but few hairs on the upper lip.1 According to Sparraian,2 their bones and muscles are more developed than in Hottentots. Since it results that there is no certain rule with regard to the greater resemblance of mongrels to either of the parents, we must try whether other facts may not throw some light on this question. Some authors have taken as a starting point, the greater or less differences of types. If the difference be important, the mongrel represents the intermediate type ;3 and this intermediate form is, according to I. Geoffrey St. Hilaire, constant. On the other hand, when the parent stocks are less distinct, the mongrel approaches constantly one of the types of either parent. In the intermixture of the Negro and the Euro- pean, which Geoffroy considers as specifically distinct, inter- mediate types are constant results. Nott and Gliddon agree in this view, but add that the cross-breeds of different species of men do not, in respect of characters, all obey the same law ; for while Europeans and Negroes produce an intermediate type, others (Europeans and Americans) produce types resembling either of the parents. With regard to animals, for instance, mongrels of wild and tame hogs, dogs, cats, birds, take either after the male or female. We may admit that in man the Mulatto type appears to be constant, but this applies chiefly to the first generation ; as by a continued admixture of new elements of the white or black race, a variety of forms is produced, as shown by the following examples. The third child of a three- quarter white woman by a Mulatto (half-breed), had the colour of the father; the other children were lighter in colour than the mother. A Mulatto woman bore to a Negro two children 1 Arbousset et Daumas, " Eel. d'un voy. au N. E. du Cap de B. Esperance," p. 20, 1842. 2 « E. nach d. K. d. g. H.," p. 261, 1784. 3 Edwards, " Des caracterea phy. des races humaines/' p. 21, 1829. 172 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PAET I. of her own colour, and eleven others who were even blacker than the father. A Negress bore to a Mulatto, nine or ten black children and two or three of the colour of the father (Nott and Gliddon). In the same family may be seen Mu- latto children with crisp, or with light, straight hair (Bur- meister). A Negro in Berlin had by a white woman seven Mulatto girls, and four white boys.1 Lucas2 relates three similar cases : a white woman had by a Negro a black child, a Mulatto, and a white boy. Campbell3 mentions a similar case. When d'Abbadie4 states, that among the red race in Abys- sinia, black children are seen, and that among the Negroes of these regions red and black individuals are seen in the same tribe, they are probably mongrels, of which the type is incon- stant. With regard to the mongrels of the American race, we equally observe a great variation in external appearance. The Mestizo-mongrels of white men and American women — recog- nized in Mexico by their yellowish, weak beard, and somewhat oblique aperture of the eyes5 — have in Quito small foreheads and coarse hair, small, pointed nose, and good beards ; some of them have a fair skin and light hair, others are as dark as the Indians ;6 they are mostly well formed, yet easily recognizable by their low foreheads and great leanness.7 In the central parts of Peru, on the contrary, of Herculean frame, and a whiter colour, frequently with a yellowish tint.8 In Chili they are often taller but less compact than the Indians : still they are broad-shouldered, with a short neck, short arms, small hands and feet; and in this as well in hair, cheek-bone, flat nose with large nostrils, resemble the Indians.9 In Concepcion they are as white as the Spaniards ; some of 1 Siebold, " Journal f. Geburtsh." vii, p. 2. 2 Loc. cit., i, p. 213. 3 " E. in Siid.-Afr.," p. 360, 1816. 4 " Bullet. Soc. Geogr., ii, p. 45, 1855. 5 Muhlerpfordt, i, p. 261. 6 Ulloa, " Voyage/' i, p. 228. 7 Stevenson, ii, p. 177. 8 Unanne, " Observ. sobre el clima de Lima," p. 106, 1815. 9 Poppig, i, p. 201. SECT. 1II.J INTERMIXTURE OP RACES. 173 them are quite fair.1 The stiff hair which they preserve to the second and third generations is, according to Ovaglie,2 the only mark which there distinguishes the Mestizoes from the pure Spaniards. Among the Sertanejos of Pernambuco the children of the same parents are rarely all of the same colour, and the difference is in some cases so great, that a doubt might arise as to their legitimacy if the phenomenon were less general.3 In Paraguay, where the intermixture between Spaniards and In- dians has been more general, there are but few indications of Indian blood either in the higher or lower ranks ; the features appear here more English than in any other part of Spanish America. In the huts of the poor, children are frequently seen with elongated faces, and light or red hair, as among the Scotch.4 The North-American Indians, as is often asserted, produce, especially with the Scotch, a powerful race of cross- breeds.5 The Mestizoes, originating from the peoples at the mouth of the Columbia river, exhibit but few peculiarities of the Indians ; they have mostly a light skin, frequently light hair and blue eyes.6 The mongrels of Europeans and Greenlanders have, as a rule, a European physiognomy, which, however, varies much, the hair being mostly dark, sometimes light ; the complexion fair. Psychically they resemble more the Esquimaux, chiefly because they are brought up by Esquimaux mothers, though they are more active, clean, and orderly.7 Castelnau8 makes the following statement concerning the Mulattoes of Minas Greraes : — 1 . The child of a white man and an Indian woman resembles the mother : it has stiff hair and oblique eyes. 2. The child of an Indian and Negress, the Cabouret or Zambo, has crisp hair, oblique eyes, and a dark bronzed skin. 3. That of the Indian and the Cabourette has straight 1 Ulloa, ii, p. 34. 2 " Hist, relatione del regno di Cile, Eoma," p. 96, 1646. 3 Koster/p. 238. 4 Ausland, p. 977, 1856, according to Mansfield, " Paraguay, Brazil, and the Plate." 5 Kohl, "Kitschi-Gami," ii, p. 206. 6 Parker, "Journal," p. 160, 1838. ' V. Etzel, " Greenland," p. 339, 1860. 8 "Exped.,"i, p. 205, 1850. 174 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. or slightly crisp hair, oblique eyes, and the colour of the Indian.1 4. The child of the Indian and the cross-breed of No. 3 re- sembles entirely the Indian, and is considered equal to him before the law. 5. The child of a white man and a Mestizo is of a light copper colour, has stiff hair and oblique eyes. 6. The offspring of a white man and a cross-breed No. 5 is white, but has frequently black hair and somewhat oblique eyes. 7. The child of a white and mongrel No. 6 entirely resem- bles the white. The Zamboes or Cabourets (Mulattoes of Negroes and native American women, called in Peru Chinos) are of a dark bronze colour, and have crisp hair and oblique eyes (Castelnau), whilst in other parts their hair is less crisp than that of the Mulattoes, and they possess the nose and mouth of the Negro, but the fore- head, cheeks, and eyes of the Indian.3 Their physiognomy is much more African than American. The cheek bones are not very prominent, the nose is broad but turned up, the lips thick, but not puffy, the hair half crisp, sometimes merely at the ends, the colour of the skin dark copper or coffee-brown, body slender, but muscular. They are thus described by Schom- burgk,3 in Guiana, where they are only found in small num- bers, as (which is also the case elsewhere) Indians do not readily intermix with Negroes, whom they despise. The Zamboes, in the south of the United States, present sometimes crisp hair, with copper-coloured skin, and all other Indian characteristics, and sometimes the coarse hair of the Indian upon the head of a Negro with a black skin. There is here no intermediate type produced by intermixture, but there is produced an irregular agglomeration of the characteristics of the parents.4 To them belong also the Cafusos, whose enormous wigs have been de- scribed by Spix and Martius.5 The hair rises to 1-1 J feet, and is 1 Compare K. Schomburgh, ii, p. 385. 2 Tschudi, i, p. 169. 3 " R. in Brit. Guiana," i, sq. i, pp. 74, 385. 4 Forey in Schoolcraft, iv, p. 359. 5 " Reise," p. 215. SECT. III.] INTERMIXTURE OP RACES. 175 curled at the point. The face of the Cafuso resembles more the Negro than the American, but the thick lips are not turned up ; the legs are weak, the muscles of the chest and arms are powerfully developed. A similar enormous growth of the hair is also seen among the Cocamas on the lower Huallaga,1 so that they may be considered as belonging to the Zambo race. It is also observed among the Fiji Islanders, who, on other grounds, are considered as mongrels of Polynesians and Austral Negroes ; and it is also probable that the Arab tribe in Taka, among whom Werne2 observed the same peculiarity, has an admixture of Negro blood.3 On reviewing the examples cited, we find the principle con- firmed, that the pure races exhibit a more uniform, and the mixed races a variegated, type, and this variation increases as the intermixture progresses. When, therefore, we hear of a people which, despite a low state of intellectual culture, exhibits a variety in features, nose, lips, as, for instance, among the Tschuvashes,4 we shall not be wrong in considering it as of mixed origin. With regard, however, to the axiom of Geoffroy, we can only admit that the product of the crossing between the white and the black man is usually an intermediate type, whilst variety .and inconstancy of physical form is again exhibited in subsequent generations by the intermixture of the mongrels. The principal types of mankind appear to possess different degrees of constancy in their intermixtures. Next to the Negro type, the Mongolian appears to possess considerable constancy.5 The characteristics of the Hottentots exhibit a similar tenacity. The first altera- tion in their cross-breeds is that of colour, then of the hair, then follows an alteration of the form of the nose, and, finally, in the shape of the eyes.6 1 Poppig, " E.," ii, p. 450. 2 " Feldz. nach Taka," p. 89. 3 In East Africa there are also the Danakil, distinguished by their wig-like hair (Harris, " Highlands of Ethiopia," i, p. 337, 2nd edit., 1844 ; Pickering, p. 206.) 4 Kornheim, in Erman's " Archiv," iii, p. 74. 5 Eitter, " Erkunde," iii, p. 386. 6 Schmarda, " E. urn d. Erde," ii, p. 32, 1861. 176 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. The first impregnation seems to exert in cross-breeds, both in animals and in man, an important influence on physical forma- tion. A mare which has first produced a mule produces subse- quently indifferent colts ; a sow first crossed by a wild boar, a bitch with a dog of a different race, Subsequently produce young resembling the first. Thus it has often been observed, that the children of a second marriage resemble those of the first husband.1 With regard to cross-breeds of various races, instances are recorded of Negresses who, after having first given birth to Mulatto children, had subsequently children by a Negro, which, however, resembled the father of the first.2 That Negresses, after having had Mulatto children, no longer conceive by a Negro, as has been asserted, is an error. This applies also to Strzelecki's assertion,3 that the native women of a great part of North America, as well as those of Polynesia, Australia, and Yan Diemen's Land, were sterile with men of their own stock after having once been impregnated by Euro- peans. That he is wrong as regards the Australian women has been shown by Thompson.4 In proceeding now to the chief question, namely, the com- parison between mongrels and the original types as regards unlimited prolificacy, we may assume as a demonstrated fact, that however many types of mankind we may assume, all of them (as far as our present knowledge extends) are prolific between each other, and produce by intermixture certain inter- mediate types which exhibit in various degrees the characters of the parents. By crossing, it may be generally asserted, the lower type is improved by a higher type, as, for instance, the Negro into the Mulatto, the American Indian into the Mestizo; and this improvement progresses when the connection of the cross-breeds with individuals of a higher type is continued : thus from Mulattoes spring Tertroon, Quadroon, Quintroon. This improvement of the race corresponds to the deterioration of the 1 Instances of this kind in Lucas, and in Latham, " Man and his migra- tions," p. 65. 2 Harvey in Nott and Gliddon, p. 396. 3 " Descript. of N. S. Wales," p. 347, 1842. 4 Fechner's " Centralbl.," 1853; Todd, "Cyclop.," p. 1365; and "Munch. Gel. Anz.," p. 197, 1852. SECT. III.] INTERMIXTURE OF RACES. 177 race by pairing the mongrel with an inferior race, for instance, in the Zambo, the offspring of the Negro and Mulatto (this name is sometimes given to the offspring of the Negro and the native Indian). The transition of the mongrels of lower races into higher, and viceversd, succeeds, in a less number of genera- tions, the more they approach the original type. In the Society Islands, where there are but few mongrels, they are said to assume the European type in the second or third generation.1 The American Indian produces with a Zambo woman (Cabou- rette), in the second generation, a mongrel resembling the pure Indian ; the white with a Mestizo woman, one who assumes the type of a white in the third generation ; in four generations Mulattoes may become white, in five generations they may become black.2 Thus the Quintroon is in law considered as a White in the United States. In Dutch Guiana the Quad- roons are in the same conditions.3 The Mestizo is considered equal to a Negro-tertroon, so that his offsprings are Quad- roons. It is scarcely necessary to observe, that these state- ments refer only to physical conformation, and not to the intel- lectual capacities of the mongrels, and under the supposition that the mongrel, in order to pass into another race, should uninterruptedly intermix with that race. On comparing the results of intermixture between various human types with those of the crossing of animals, we obtain analogous results. In some cases three generations have been found sufficient to replace the old race by a new one; and, after the fourth generation, no relapse to the old race is any longer expected. According to Burdach, six uninterrupted impreg- nations of an inferior race by a higher one are required in sheep and horses ; according to others, twelve ; and, according to Morel and Yinde, a continuous impregnation is requisite.4 1 Bennet, " Narr. of a whaling voy.," i, p. 149, 1840. 2 Serres' assertion, that in an intermixture of a higher with a lower race, the first parts with at least two-thirds of its character to the mongrel, has not yet been confirmed by facts ; and this assertion seems to be a mere sequence of the theory, that the higher races are destined to absorb the lower ones, and to rule them. 3 Fechner's " Centralbl.," p. 288, 1853, according to Castelnau. 4 V. Sack, "Beschr. e. E. nach Surinam," i, p. 84, 1821. 5 Chambon, " Traite de 1'education des moutons," ii, p. 278. 178 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. Elyse"e Lefebvre and Grirou maintain that crossing with an in- ferior race should be avoided, for fear of deterioration. This opi- nion is borne out by the fact, that in the transition of the Negro- mongrel into the white, there remain for a long time some indi- cations of Negro descent. The peculiar odour of the Negro is said to be still perceptible in the Quintroon. The cornea of the Tertroon Mestizo (and, perhaps, in later generations) is somewhat yellowish.1 The violet colour of the nails near the insertion, and the bluish ring round the eyes, as well as the peculiar shape of the heels and feet, remain for a long time in the Negro mongrels.2 The darkening of the skin in Hindoo mongrels in advanced age, and the dark colour of the genitals in the former, as well as in the American Mestizo, is a pecu- liarity which, even after many generations, indicates the source they have sprung from.3 When, therefore, Nott, as a genuine American, believes he can detect in every case an admixture of Negro blood, even in Quintroons, we may admit all this with- out adopting his hypothesis, that the Mulattoes become extinct after a few generations, and before they can perfectly assume the type of the white race. In the United States they are exceedingly acute in the recog- nition of these minute distinctions, for the fashion, in opposition to the law of the land, proscribes any one in whose veins there is a drop of Negro blood, whilst in Brazil no stigma is attached to mixed descent. Whoever shares the Negro prejudices of the North Americans must certainly feel inclined to assume distinct species among mankind, and consider that a trace of Negro blood, however slight, renders man, morally and intellectually, inferior to the pure white ; while, according to Nott and Grlid- don, a few drops of European blood produce a decided modi- fication in the moral and physical character of the Negro. There can be no doubt that the Mulatto is more gifted than the Negro, though impartial observers still doubt whether the greater intelligence of the Mulattoes, who are, on this account, preferred for domestic service, is the consequence of an im- 1 Labat, "Nouv. voy. aux lies de 1'Am./' i, pp. 2, 40, 1724. 2 Day, " Five years resid. in the W. Indies," i, p. 51. 3 D'Orbigny et Troyer, " Bullet. Soc. Ethnol.," Mai 22, 1846. SECT. III.] INTEEMIXTUEE OP EACES. 179 provement of the race, or of a superior education, and of more intercourse with the whites.1 In French West India (Gua- deloupe) nearly all the trades are in the hands of Mulattoes, and some of them are rich.2 They have in 1830 recovered again their civil rights, which the code noir of the year 1855 had given them, but later decrees had deprived them of. Their intelligence and activity render them hateful to the Creoles.3 In Peru many Mulattoes study theology ; most physicians in Lima belong to this caste.4 In the northern parts of Brazil (Bahia, Pernambuco, Maranham), they form a large and active portion of the population.5 In every rank of society, among lawyers, physicians, statesmen, and scholars in Brazil, there are Mulattoes who distinguish themselves by talent and intelli- gence ; they seem also to possess great capacity for the fine arts, so that men of colour are there received in the best society. Many Mulattoes pass there for whites, and occupy the same position, after their documents have declared them as such.6 A. de St. Hilaire7 is of opinion that the Mulattoes in Brazil excel the white in intellect and talent, though they are morally inferior, and share with the Negro the fickleness of character. The Mestizo, who stands nearer to the white by a generation, is inferior to the Mulatto, the latter being more active than the former; thus it is in Brazil, Peru, and Mexico.8 Koster9 alone maintains that they possess greater courage and more self- esteem than the Mulattoes, and are, consequently, less subor- dinate to the white than the latter. The Mestizo is less vigorous, often indolent and undecided ; still he is gentle, com- passionate, easily excited, but of a changeable disposition, and without valour. The Mexican Mestizoes possess great intel- lectual endowments ; they have a ready wit, are quick of appre- 1 Lyell, " Second voyage/' p. 266. 2 Granier de Cassagnac, " Voy. aux Antilles," i, p. 255, 1843. 3 Oelsner-montmerque, d. Creole, e. Vorlesung, p. 23, 1848. * Tschudi, i, p. 167. 5 Kendu " Etudes sur le Bresil," p. 30, 1848. * De Lisboa, " Bullet, soc. ethuol.," p. 58, Jan. 1847. 7 Loc. cit., ii, p. 52. 8 Spix and Martius, p. 607; Tschudi, i, p. 165; Humboldt, " Neu-Spa- nien," i, p. 184. 9 "R. in Brasilien," p. 553, 1817. N2 180 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. tension, and possess a lively imagination ; those, however, sprung from white mothers are said to be more vicious than the children of the Indian women.1 They excel the Euro- pean in agriculture, cattle breeding, and mining labour.2 The Mestizo in Peru is, according to Poppig, not so robust as the Mulatto, and often indolent. Tschudi justly draws attention to the fact, that talents among the Indians and mongrels have no field for display, oppressed as they are by the White. Accord- ing to Poppig,3 the mongrel population, with its innate vices, and their hatred against the pure races from which they have sprung, is an everlasting canker of society and political life in South America, as all the shades of the mongrels are hostile to each other and to the pure race. Like the Mulatto, the Mes- tizo is considered as having inherited all the vices of his parents, without any of their virtues ; with the pride of the White, which he carries to excess, he combines the laziness, apathy, thoughtlessness, and inconstancy of the Indian ; he is dissipated, ambitious, and cowardly, very tyrannical to the Indian, as the Mulatto is to the Negro ; he possesses, however, great imitative talent.4 The coloured population in British Guiana at present frequently rival the Europeans as mechanics and artists.5 A very favourable description is given of the capacities and the character of the Mestizoes in Paraguay.6 The half-breds in Oregon resemble the father in their mental activity, but frequently exhibit something of the wild pas- sionateness of their mother. Quick to learn, well-spoken, and of courteous manners, they are, nevertheless, without any edu- cation, and have, moreover, constantly before them the evil example of their parents. They are given to swearing, drink- ing, and other excesses ; excellent hunters, skilful navigators, brave and courageous in battle, open and generous of cha- racter, without cunning and hypocrisy; they submit to no 1 Muehlenpfordt, i, p. 260. 2 Sartorius, " Mexico," p. 156, 1859. 3 Loc. cit., i, p. 193. 4 Ibid., ii, p. 146. 5 E. Schoniburgk, i, p. 47. 6 Gumprecht, " Zeitschr. f. Erdk./' ii, p. 29. SECT. III.] INTERMIXTURE OP 1UCES. 181 wrong, being themselves careful not to offend others.1 The Zarnbo excels the Negro Indian in energy, stature, and vigour;3 but we rarely meet with such a favourable description of their characters, as that given by A. de St. Hilaire3 of the Zamboes on the Paranahyba. He describes them as peaceable agricul- turists, providing for all their wants ; they spin and weave, make their own pottery, are well-dressed, and live in comfort- able circumstances. Sarmiento4 also attributes to the Zamboes of the Argentine republic, talents and progressive civilization. But elsewhere they are in very bad repute, on account of their indifferent character, though we must bear in mind that almost all of them are illegitimate children. The Cocamas are said to be courageous, warlike, and lovers of freedom.5 The so- called "Black Caribs" of St. Vincent, who once murdered the colonists of that island without any provocation, were Zamboes. In Lima all the great criminals are, according to Tschudi, Zamboes, who are also in Caraccas considered as the worst class of the population. By far the most profligate of all mongrels in Peru are those of Negroes and Mestizoes, or of Negroes and Mulattoes.6 This applies also to the Zamboes in Nicaragua.7 Like the cross-breeds of the Dutch and Malay women in Batavia, the Hindoo mongrels of Europeans are weak in body and mind.8 The mongrels of Europeans and New Zealand women are described as healthy and muscular,9 but neither bodily nor intellectually do they seem superior to the children of the natives ; the latter are open and free with strangers, the former are bashful, and conceal themselves behind their mothers.10 Various theories have been founded upon the phenomena resulting from the crossing of different types. Grobineau has en- 1 E. Cox, " The Columbia river," iii, p. 298, 3rd edit., 1832. 2 Lavaysse, " E. nacli Trinidad," p. 357, 1816. 3 " Voy. aux sources du E. S. Francisco," ii, p. 254, 1847. 4 " Nouv. Ann. des voy.," p. 302, 1853. * Poppig, ii, p. 401. 6 Stevenson, " E.," i, p. 200. 7 Squier, " Trav. in centr. Am.," ii, p. 153, 1853. 8 Graf Odrtz, " E. um d. Welt," iii, p. 405. 9 Polack, " New-Zeal.," ii, p. 276, 1838 ; Schmalda, loc. cit., ii, p. 200. 10 Savage, " Some account of N. Zeal.," p. 92, 1807. 182 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. deavoured to establish the one, that the crossing of different types invariably induces a physical and moral degeneration, and im- plants the germ of certain decay, whilst Serres considers cross- ing as an essential means of improving the race, and rendering it vigorous by the infusion of fresh blood from a different stock : he is even inclined to believe that in a perfect intermixture of the chief types is a solution of the problem of the development of humanity. Nott, who thinks to have demonstrated the exist- ence of various human species, endeavours also to prove that mongrels possess little viability, and only a limited prolificacy, and are incapable by themselves of founding a new type, since they have no permanent vitality without re-crossing with one of the parent stocks. It will presently be shown that this theory is as little consonant with the facts as the pre- ceding. Whatever view we may adopt with regard to the unity of the human species, it would be idle to expect that the mongrels of the various types should be equally viable and vigorous, since there are peoples apparently unmixed who are more or less strong or weak, according to their constitution, mode of life, and climate. Corresponding differences are found in mongrel races. In some cases the mongrels of different stocks are more prolific and vigorous than the stock from which they issued. The Kuruglis (mongrels of Turks and Moors) excel their Turkish fathers in strength and beauty of form.1 Arabs and Ethiopians (Abyssinians and their allied tribes) produce a fine race, viable in all warm climates.2 From the intermixture of Europeans with the natives of the Philippines there frequently issue finer children than those produced by the marriages of Europeans between themselves.3 D'Orbigny is of opinion, that, by the intermixture of various Indian tribes of South America, healthier and more gifted individuals are produced ; but he does not think that such is the case when Europeans ally themselves with the natives of those regions. The mixed populations of Paraguay, existing in a similar healthy con- 1 M. Wagner, " E. in Algier," iii, p. 293, 1841. 2 Pruner, p. 71. 3 Mallat, ii, p. 40. SECT. III.] INTERMIXTURE OP RACES. 183 dition,1 after a few generations, excel the Spaniards of these parts. In the state of Buenos Ayres the coloured race has certainly, since 1778, been reduced from one-third of the whole population to one-fourth. The cause of this seems to be their lesser fecundity and greater mortality in com- parison with the Whites. It must not, however, be under- stood that the coloured population die off in the above propor- tion, as the diminution is also owing to their fusion with the white population, into which they are gradually absorbed.2 In Peru, where only the coloured population and the Indians attain a great age,3 the Cholos (mongrels of Mestizos and Indians) are said to excel all other classes of the population in bodily strength, activity, and talent ; yet their education is very indifferent.4 We may now mention a series of opposite in- stances. The mongrels of Europeans and natives of Northern Australia about Port Essington do not appear to thrive.5 Are they, perhaps, like other mongrel children in Australia, killed ? In the country of the Fulahs in Africa the Toucouleurs, the descendants of the immigrant Pules (Peuls) and the Negroes, are physically and mentally superior to the latter, but there are found among them, especially in Futa-Torro, many stammerers, blind, hunchbacks, idiots, etc.6 The children produced by Arabs with the women of Darfur are weakly, and have but little vitality.7 It has already been stated that the children of a white woman by a Negro are rarely viable ; Serres even asserts that they are rarely prolific. The marriages between the French and Indian women of the north of the United States are, on the whole, very productive, and the children, despite the Indian mode of life, take more after the father than the mother, the girls particularly so. If such cross-breeds intermarry, the girls predominate in their offspring ; the chil- 1 Brackenridge, "E. nach Sud.-Am." ii, pp. 74, 152, 1821, according to Azara, Funes, and Passos. 2 " Zeitschr. f. AUg. Erdk. N. Folge," iv, p. 141. 3 Poppig, p. 208. 4 Brackenridge, "E. nach Sud-Am.," ii, p. 167, 1821. « Macgillivray, " Narr. of the voyage of H.M.S. Eattlesnake," i, p. 151, 1852. 6 Mollien, " E. in d. Innere v. Africa," p. 174, 1820 ; Eaffenel, " Voy. dans 1'Afr. occ.," p. 51, 1846. 7 Mohammed-el-Tounsy, " Voy. au Darf p. Jomard," p. 277, 1845. 184 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. dren are frequently stunted and deficient in vitality — this, at least, is the prevailing belief in that country.1 Some of these cases remind us of the axiom of Buffon, that, from the connexion of near relations, morbid affections, idiotcy, blindness, and dumbness arise. It does not yet seem to be ascertained how it stands with regard to domestic animals. In the breeding of blood horses the stallion is made to cover his own descendants. On the other hand, it is asserted that all races of animals are entirely deteriorated in the second and third generation by the coupling of near relations ; and such is also the case with man.2 We know that in many ancient and mo- dern nations, marriages between brothers and sisters, even be- tween parents and their children, frequently took place without a deterioration of the race. Such alliances were made among the Assyrians, Egyptians, Athenians, Persians, some peoples of India (before, and even after, the introduction of Buddhism), the Druses, Mingrelians, the royal family of the Sandwich Islands. This also appears from some legends of American Indians and other nations. Garcilasso3 narrates that the chil- dren of Manco Capac intermarried, and that this was the custom in the royal family of Peru, to keep the race pure. They jus- tified the custom, inasmuch as the moon was both the sister and the wife of the sun. The Inca always married his eldest sister. According to Acosta,4 only the last Incas did so. Among the Coroados marriages between the nearest blood relations occur frequently.5 As proofs of the destructiveness of such connexions, the Irish in South Carolina are cited, who for a long time have only intermarried between themselves.6 The Dutch colonists at the Cape are in the same condition ;7 Lichtenstein8 had already noticed the frequent presence among them of deaf and dumb, idiots, etc. Davis9 says also of the so- 1 Kohl in Ausland, p. 57, 1859. 2 Lucas, ii, p. 904. 3 " Hist, des Yncas," i, pp. 2, 25. 4 " Hist. nat. e morale delle Indie/' vi, c. 12, Venet., 1596. 5 Eschwege, " Journal v. Brasil," i, p. 121, 1818. 6 Nott and Gliddon, p. 408. 7 Kretschmar, " Siid-Afr. Skizzen," p. 163, 1853. 8 " Reisen," i, pp. 101, 211, 346. 9 "El Gringo," p. 146, N. York, 1857. SECT. III.] INTERMIXTURE OP RACES. 185 called Pueblos Indians in New Mexico, that they degenerate because the inhabitants of the same village only intermarry. We believe we are justified in concluding from the pre- ceding facts, with regard to sexual intercourse and the quality of the offspring, that there exists, both in individuals of the same stock, as well as between different nations, not exactly antipathy, but still incompatibility, which, though not explica- ble as to its origin, is sufficiently established; and, in spite of this, we are not competent, from the sterility or decay of certain races, to infer a difference of species of mankind as its cause. Such a conclusion is inadmissible, on the ground that there are not a few peoples sprung from the same stock, ac- counted as deficient in vitality, who perpetuate themselves in full health. For this purpose, we shall examine the contested prolificacy of Mulattoes,1 as far as it seems founded on facts. It has been asserted that the Mulattoes would become extinct if they could be cut off from any infusion of new blood from the parent stocks.2 Mulattoes of the same degree are said to be rarely prolific.3 Nott, especially, has, in his work " On Hybridity," dwelt on the sterility of Mulattoes, which had already been noticed by Etwick and Long,4 in order to establish their defective vitality. He has, it is true, subsequently aban- doned the view, that, of all men, the mean duration of life is least in the Mulatto ; and he now only maintains that the Mulat- toes in the north of the United States proceeding from English- men possessed less vitality than those of the south sprung from dark-complexioned races, such as the Spaniards, Portuguese, etc. Nott's present theory regarding Mulattoes is, that they are less capable of sustaining physical labour than the Europeans and Negroes ; that the women are very delicate, have many miscarriages, and are subject to many chronic diseases.: that 1 With regard to the axiom of Geoffrey and Nott, quoted above, as to the sterility of Mulattoes, it is interesting to compare Wiegman's observation, that in plants hybrids are sterile which present an intermediate type between two species ; whilst those which partake more of one or the other species, can be propagated by seeds. 2 Van Amringe, " Investigations of the theories of the nat. hist, of man ;" Knox, "The Races of Man," 1850; Ham. Smith, "Natural history of the human species," 1848. 3 Day, " Five years residence in the West Indies," i, p. 294, 1852. 4 " History of Jamaica." 186 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. they are bad breeders, that the children die young ; and, finally, that the Mulattoes, like the Negroes, are little liable to yellow fever. As to the latter point, we have already shown that it chiefly depends upon acclimatization, and not upon peculiarity of race. With respect to the weakness and mortality of the Mulatto children, it is not yet proved whether or not it is to be attributed to the race, and the fact itself is not yet established. Bachman1 knew Mulatto families in Carolina and New York who, without any infusion of new blood, were prolific through five generations, and are still so. Lewis2 expressly denies the sterility of the Mulattoes in Jamaica, and says they are as pro- lific as the black and the white, but they are generally weakly, and their children do not exhibit strong vital powers ; hence Mulatto women prefer marrying Whites, so that the Mulattoes are obliged to marry black women. Hombron3 remarks, on the sterility of various races, that the white and the native Ameri- can women present the greatest prolificacy ; then come the Negro and the Negress, then Negro and the American woman ; Mulattoes and white women, as well as Mulattoes between themselves, are also very prolific. Mulattoes moreover form, in the northern provinces of Brazil, such a large portion of the population, that their prolificacy cannot be doubted. The vigorous inhabitants of the Fiji Islands are also, by their language and physical constitution, proved to be a mixed people, sprung from Polynesians and Austral Negroes. The people of the Griquas in South Africa have come from inter- mixture of Hottentots, Dutch, and Negroes.4 The Dutch and Hottentots at the Cape intermarry between themselves, and but rarely with either of the parent stock ;5 and yet we hear nothing of their sterility ; on the contrary, the offsprings are described as very vigorous. The Rhenish Missionary Journal6 contains a case of a mongrel who was the father of twenty-four children by one wife. 1 In Smyth, " Unity of the human races/' p. 196, 1830. 2 " Journal of a residence among the Negroes in the W. Indies," p. 55, 1845. 1850. 5 Barrington, "Account of a voyage toN. S. Wales," p. 189, 2nd edit., 1810. 6 Page 296, 1850. SECT. III.] INTERMIXTURE OF RACES. 187 It is certainly much more easy to assert the sterility of Mu- lattoes than to refute it by the few observations we possess on this subject. Wherever sterility occurs it appears rather as an isolated fact, the local nature of which does not admit of its being laid down as a general rule. Thus we must consider it as a local phenomenon that the mongrels of Negroes, Indians, and Whites in Panama are very prolific between each other, but can- not easily rear their children, whilst families of pure blood are less prolific, but bring their children up.1 The progeny of the Chinese by Malay women in the East Indian Archipelago are said to die early.2 According to Dr. Yvan, the children of the Dutch and Malay women in Java (Lipplapps) are said to be only productive to the third generation. They are well de- veloped up to the fifteenth year, when they remain stationary ; in the third generation chiefly daughters are born, and these remain barren.3 But all this is an exceptional local phenome- non, for elsewhere these mongrels remain prolific.4 As a parallel to the sterility of mongrels may be mentioned the assertion, that the children of Europeans in Batavia become frequently sterile in the second generation.5 Setting aside the Mulattoes, it has frequently been asserted that mongrels of every kind can only perpetuate themselves by an infusion of fresh blood from the parent stock, not having between themselves an unlimited prolificacy. That children of mongrels are produced in great numbers is already proved by the variety of names given to them in South America :— Choles, children of Zamboes ; Kaskes, children of Mulattoes ; Tente en el ayre, children of mongrels of the same degree,6 etc. The significance of these terms7 is given by Blumenbach and by 1 Seemann, " R. u. d. Welt," i, p. 314, 1853. 2 " Ztschft. der morgenl. Ges.," vi, p. 573. 3 Graf Gorz, Reise, iii, p. 288. 4 Quatrefages, " Revue des deux mondes," Mars, p. 162, 1857. s Steen Bille, " Bericht iiber d. E. de Galathea," i, p. 376, 1852. 6 Ulloa, "Voy.," i, p. 28, 1752. 7 As an illustration of this confusion of terms, the following will serve : — In the "West Indies the native Whites are called Creoles ; in Brazil, the Blacks who are born there (Steen Bille says, the Blacks only are called so in Brazil). In Peru, the children of Whites and Mestizoes are called Creoles. In Russian America, the Mestizoes are generally designated as Creoles (Erman's " Archiv," ii, p. 461) ; and in East India, the term is used 188 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART * le. VollgrafF.1 A continued admixture of fresh blood of one ele- ment, without a corresponding addition on the other side, would be a sure means of destroying the type, and reducing the people to its original, that is to say, the character of the mon- grels could not be preserved under such circumstances. Hence those who consider a fresh infusion as indispensable are obliged to deny the capacity of mixed peoples to perpetuate them- selves. In addition to the preceding instances of mixed populations which subsist independently, we would also mention those of Mexico and the Philippines, possessing partly an undoubted mixed population of Spaniards and natives; of Nicaragua, which, besides 10,000 whites, 15,000 Negroes, and 80,000 Indians, has a Mestizo population of 145,000 souls;2 the province S. Paulo, with a thoroughly mixed population ; and Paraguay, where the Mestizoes (mongrels of Spaniards and Ghiaranis) intermarry, and the progeny of which forms the great mass of the so-called Spanish population ;3 New Granada, pos- sessing a mixed population sprung from Spaniards, Indians, and Negroes, in which the Spanish blood is greatly predomi- nating, but, in spite of their designation as whites, are not free from Indian and Negro blood ;4 Caraccas, where the mixed popu- lation form the majority,5 and we do not hear anything of de- fective vitality, diminution, or decay. We learn, on the con- trary, that the Mestizoes in New Granada, as well as in the in the same sense (Pfyffer, " Skizzen v. d. Insel. Java," p. 67, 1829). The Mulatto is called Pardo in Brazil ; in Buenos Ayres, Mestizo ; who again in Brazil is called Mamaluco. The child of a Negro and Mulatto is, in Peru and the West Indies, called Zambo ; elsewhere the mongrel of the Ameri- can and Negro race has the name of Chino; Caboglo in Surinam; Ca- riboco in Brazil (A. de St. Hilaire, ii, p. 271). Unanne (" Observ. sobre el clima de Lima," p. 105, 1815) enumerates all the crossbreeds found in Peru, with their names. " Quadroon" is the child of a white man and a mulatto woman ; " Tertroon" does not seem to be applied in Peru. The child of a Negro and Chino is also called " Zarnbo," like that of a Negro and Mulatto wo- man; the child of a Negro and Zambo is called " Zambo prieto." The names ap- plied to crossbreeds in Mexico are given by Muehlenpfordt (i, p. 200) and Gr. A. Thompson (" Narr. of official visit to Guatemala," p. 523, 1829.) 1 " Ethnognosie und Ethnologie," i, p. 233. 2 Scherzer, " Wanderungen durch d. Mittelam. Freist," p. 125, 1857. 3 Azara, " Voy. dans 1'Am. merid.," ed. Walckenaer, ii, p. 265, 1809; see Demersay, "Bullet, soc. geogr." i, p. 5, 1854. 4 Mollien, "Voy. dans la Eepubl. de Colombia," i, p. 150; ii, p. 160, 1824. 5 Semple, " Sketch of the present state of Caraccas," pp. 53, 105, 1812. SECT. III.] PERMANENCE OP TYPE. 189 southern part of Chili, greatly increase, and are described by Poppig as very prolific. These facts are sufficient to weaken the argument of a specific difference between the two principal races of mankind, as founded upon the pretended sterility of mixed races. They refute, at the same time, the theory that mixed races can only perpetuate themselves by re-crossing with the parent stocks. That mixed tribes, by a continued re-crossing with individuals of a parent stock, revert to it after a few gene- rations, cannot be adduced as a proof of the immutability of an original type, as the few foreign elements disappear. Poppig, however,1 says, that it is in the American colonies a well known fact, that mixed tribes, abandoned to themselves, revert again to the original type (to which ?) . If this be so, it can only be considered as an exceptional case, which certainly cannot serve as a general rule, considering the large number of mixed popula- tions which are self-subsistent. When, further, W. F. Edwards2 thinks that he can recognize the types of the original races in the mixed population of France, Switzerland, and Italy, sup- porting M. Serres* assertion of the absolute permanence of original type, we must bear in mind that this is merely a sub- jective theory without any anatomical proofs, and that we are ignorant as to these original types. Nott and Grliddon go much farther ; they are not merely of opinion that all original types are still to be found, but that the type of the skull long outlives the history and civilization of a people, it being inca- pable of alteration, and is constantly reproduced until again it predominates. We should, therefore, not be surprised were they to assert, with regard to the mixed population of Paraguay which is said so much to resemble the English, that it is not a mixed type, but the genuine old Iberian form of the Spaniards which now reappears in South America. Cautious observers, Schomburgh for instance,3 confine their remarks to the ef- fect that some peoples, in their intermixtures with others, preserve their peculiarities for a longer, others for a shorter 1 Art. " Indier," in Ersch und Gruber, p. 359. 2 « Mem. de la soc. ethnol.," i et ii. 3 " Bullet, soc. geogr.," ii, p. 63, 1851. 190 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. time. Although among some, these peculiarities disappear after a few generations, they are in others preserved after a long series of generations. The latter applies to the so-called " Indians" at Hayti, especially as regards the women. They have symmetrical forms, an olive-coloured delicate skin, large black eyes, and very fine heads of hair. This reminds us of the assertion supported by Geoffroy St. Hilaire, that the cha- racters of an animal race are more constant and permanent in proportion as the race is older, and more changeable the younger the race is. The intermixture of the various types is one of the chief agents in the changes produced in mankind. Whoever is in- clined to consider the principal races as specifically different, doubts the vitality and unlimited prolificacy of mongrels ; but still he explains the changes of type from intermixture, because the theory of a specific difference would be untenable if climate, civilization, etc., could by themselves produce that change. With regard to this dilemma, in which the defenders of specific differences find themselves, we would further observe, that it is inconsistent to deduce all changes of types merely from intermixture, as the assertion of the permanence of specific characters would thus partly be refuted. From whatever point of view we may consider the results of the intermixture of different types, we are entitled to maintain that on the whole they are more in favour of the unity of mankind than for the opposite theory. SECTION IV. REVIEW OF THE PRINCIPAL THEORIES REGARDING THE UNITY OF MANKIND. We have hitherto been engaged in enumerating the most im- portant facts bearing upon the question of the unity of man- SECT. IV.] UNITY OF MANKIND. 191 kind, and in investigating their scope. In endeavouring to render an impartial account of the inferences to which these facts lead, we first observed a gradual mutability of the phy- sical type, owing partly to external and partly to internal agents. The degree and extent of this mutability, though by no means slight, is nevertheless, in comparison with the great differences existing between various races, not so strongly marked as to decide the question, whether these differences are to be considered as having specific value. We may, how- ever, say, that the theory which assumes permanent specific differences in mankind, appears to us less probable than the opposite theory; and further, we venture positively to deny the existence of permanency of type in the human form, it being a phenomenon which could only arise from a long conti- nued influence of climate, mode of life, external relations, and defective mental culture, etc. There seems to exist this essential difference between man and animals, — that the mutability of his physical form has a wider circle than that of the latter. It must not be objected that man being, according to his organization, an animal, such an assumption is gratuitous, inasmuch as the natural laws for the development and changes of the animal economy must be the same for both. It is in the first place undeniable that the same human races can successively live in different climates, and that the whole mode of life and external conditions to which the same race may be subject, may be essentially altered, — not so those of animals ; and that the same race of men may pass through various degrees of culture, — which is not the case with animals. If accordingly a wider sphere, with regard to all these circumstances, is granted to man, it is not in contradic- tion to the laws of nature that the limits of the mutability of his nature are less confined than those of animals. Though we could not entirely assent to the proofs for the unity of the human race adduced by Blumenbach and Prichard derived from analogy, namely, that the differences of human races are less considerable than those found in animals which undoubtedly belong to the same species ; still we agree with Prichard when he says, that the external differences of men are not so great 192 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. as we might expect from the great differences of climate and civilization. These views have, in modern times, been opposed by theories which are at present very popular, not so much in consequence of their novelty, as of their apparently logical sequence and their connexion with materialistic views. They are based on the view we have just repudiated, that man as a physical being must, with regard to his body and its changes, be in the same condition as animals, and that it is mere fancy to deny his perfect equality as a physical being, and his subjection to the same laws as animals. Man, they maintain, like animals, undergoes but unimportant changes from the influence of cli- mate: like them, man is only changed by intermixture; and as in the animal kingdom new species arise by hybri- dity (as asserted by some, without the intervention of the Creator), so does it happen by the crossing of various species of men. Among the men holding these extreme views may be men- tioned Hamilton Smith.1 Lawrence2 had already maintained that the type of human races is perpetuated in all climates, and only changes by intermixture ; to which Smith adds, that each of the chief races is only perpetuated in their original native country, whilst the descendants of other races would there perish without intermixture, but that from such inter- mixture there issue, as among many animals of various species, intermediate types indefinitely prolific, provided there be a continued infusion of fresh blood from either of the parent stocks. He points out the extinct Paltas3 on the Titicaca lake, with naturally flattened and receding skulls, the remnants 1 ' ' Natural history of the human species," Edinb., 1848. 3 " Lectures," p. 448. 3 The mention of the Paltas, on the Titicaca, by H. Smith, is probably founded in error. Mention is certainly made of a chieftain, in the south, named " Palta," about the time of Valdivias (1550), among the Araucanians (Ovaglie, " Hist, relatione del regno di Cile," p. 187, Roma, 1646) ; but the people called Paltas existed only in the south of the state of Quito, due north of Loja, near Tumebamba. They are mentioned together with the Canares and Chaparras, but nothing is said about their cranial shape, or other pecu- liarities (Cieza de Leon in " Historiad. prim, de Indias," pp. 401 and 409, 1852 ; Gomara, ibid. ; compare, also, Herrera, " Hist, gen.," v, and of later writers ; Velasco, " Hist, del reino de Quito," iii, pp. 2, 15. SECT. IV.] NEGRO TYPE. 193 of very inferior tribes of abnormal form, as the Cagots, Tschuwasches, and some others, the Cumbrie-Negroes on the Niger, reduce'd to slavery by their neighbours, the extinct Guanches of the Canary Islands and the Ompizes (Yazimbres ?) of Madagascar, in order to support the theory that there are remnants of human races older than the present, — a race which was once surrounded by a different flora and fauna than ours, and which was spread over the globe before the extinction of some species of animals. The Papuas (Austral-Negroes ?) especially, are said to belong to this most ancient population, and date, perhaps, from an earlier period of the history of our planet. This latter point has been descanted upon by Hom- bron.1 He assumes, in every part of the globe, several central points of creation, and makes man see the light of the world in three successive periods of creation. In fixing the latter, and the selection of the peoples, he seems very unfortunate. According to him the Samoiedes, Lapps, and all black people, were created first ; then came the Mongols, Americans, Egyp- tians, and Berbers; European humanity was created last. He who feels inclined to assign different periods of creation to the chief types of humanity, will necessarily consider the Negroes as the most imperfect and oldest species, and connect his colour with the greater quantity of carbon contained in the air of primeval times. On depriving these bold theories of their varnish, we would first draw attention to the fact that it is, under all circum- stances, very difficult to ascertain whether human tribes sunk so low are to be considered as originally defectively organized ; and that especially incase of their extinction the question cannot be decided one way or another. Where particulars are wanting, both theories are equally tenable. Among the peoples men- tioned by Smith, the Cumbries are unquestionably a Negro tribe, (universally despised and oppressed, but nothing shows that they specifically differ from other Negroes ; by Paltas is probably de- signated the old Peruvian people with abnormal skulls, the shape of which was by Morton first considered as original, but subse- 1 D'Urville, " Voy. au Pole Sud. Zoologie," i, p. 184. 194 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. quently acknowledged as an artificial deformity. The Guanches, whose skulls resemble those of the ancient Egyptians, belong probably to the so-called Caucasian race ; they were a semi- civilized people, in which the nobility were distinguished from the people ; even monotheism, and some astronomical knowledge, are ascribed to them by old Spanish authors.1 As to the rest of the peoples mentioned, exact information is wanting, with exception of the Papuas, and there exists not the slightest ground for considering these older than the rest of mankind. The assertions maintained at different periods, and lately in America, that human bones have been found in tertiary forma- tions, accompanied by fossil remains, which justified the in- ference of the existence of man at a period when the surface of the earth had not yet assumed its present contour ; they were, until recently, without confirmation, and are still by geologists received with considerable caution. A. Maury,2 however, and also Nott and Gliddon,3 endeavour to prove that the finding of fossil human bones and implements is unquestionable; in oppo- sition to which the author of the Essay in the " Deutsche Vierteljahrschrifb"4 only assumes its probability.5 With regard to the Guadaloupe skeletons, it may be stated that, in conse- quence of purely local conditions, the process of petrifaction proceeds in that island very rapidly, and therefore these skeletons cannot be adduced as a proof of a remote exist- ence of the human race ; nor is the circumstance, that bones of the mammoth are found intermixed with arrowheads, in favour of this theory. Littre6 merely states that the exist- ence of man in an earlier geological epoch has become less improbable than before by the excavations of Boucher de 1 Humboldt und Bonpland, " E. in die -^Equinoctial-Gegenden," i, pp 153 283; Golbeny, "E. durch d. Westl. Afr.," i, p. 35, 1803 ; Webb et Berthelot, " Hist. nat. des lies Canaries ; Berthelot, in " Mem. de la soc. Ethnol.," i, et ii ; Hodgkin, in " Nbuv. ann. des voy.," iii, p. 375. 2 "Des ossemens humains enfouis dans les roches," 1852 : Sprint, in "1'In- stitut," ii, p. 41, 1854. 3 " Indigenous races of the earth," 1857. 4 Chap, ii, p. 213, 1838. 5 Compare Cuvier " Umwalzungen der Erdrinde," German by v Nogger- rath, i, p. 118, 1830. 6 " E6v. des deux mondes." SECT. IY.] HUMAN FOSSILS. 195 Perthes ; and it must certainly be admitted that the probability of this view is annually increasing. Dr. Lund,1 who is said to have discovered human fossils in not less than eight different localities (in Minas Greraes), infers that the population of America is more ancient than that of the Old World. Usher relates2 that, in the excavations for the gas works at New Orleans, a human skeleton had been found at a depth of 16 feet under the cypress forests, the skull of which he considers as belonging to the American race, and the age of which he calculates at 57,000 years. Several of such pre- tended undoubted cases are quoted. Boucher de Perthes3 has excavated so-called antediluvian antiquities, stone hatchets, intermixed with fossil bones of extinct animals. Nilssohn,4 distinguishes three ancient races in Scandinavia, one of which is pre-historic ; and Wilde5 in Ireland, and Wilson6 in Scotland, described several kinds of pre-Celtic skulls. Although we may pass over and leave to geology the investiga- tion of the theory of the existence of man in an earlier geolo- gical epoch, still we may admit a very high antiquity of the human race. We maintain, however, that at present there exists no proof of an earlier race now extinct, nor of the existence of the human race before the present geological epoch. Though it could be proved that Scotland possessed a population before the arrival of the Celts, or that the American race was 57,000 years old, nothing is yet gained for the asser- tions of H. Smith. Neither can the remains of old buildings, the object and origin of which is unknown to present generations of the respec- tive countries, be adduced in support of the above theories ; for it has repeatedly happened that uncivilized nations have taken possession of a territory, without preserving the history of its former inhabitants any more than their own. And thus the 1 " Nouv. aim. des voy.," i, 363, 1845. 2 Nott and Gliddon, p. 338. 3 « Antiq. Celt, et Antediluv.," Paris, 1849. 4 " Keports of the British Association," p. 31, 1847. 5 " Lecture on the Ethnology of the ancient Irish," 1844 ; Davis, " Crania Britannica." 6 " Archaeol. and pre-historical annals of Scotland," Edinburgh, 1851. 02 196 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. assertion, that before the present human race there existed one resembling the ape, supported by the mystical doctrine of the spontaneous extinction of lower human types, remains without the least scientific proof. Two other assertions of Smith still require investigation, namely, that each of the principal types of mankind (European, Mongol, and Negro), can only perpetuate themselves in their native country, and that each must be considered as a distinct species, from which new types issue by intermixture. ^e shall best consider these views in connection with those of another naturalist. Agassiz has given a peculiar support to the theory of the specific differences of the chief types through the influence of climate.1 His mode of treating this subject is in the main not original, but is similar to that of Swainson2 who, without him- self deciding on the unity of mankind, assumes six zoological provinces, apparently agreeing with the regions occupied by the various races. They are the following: 1. Europe with Asia Minor, and the coasts of the Mediterranean; 2. Asia be- yond the Ural ; 3. America (all these three with three, the latter with a fourth, problematical subdivision in the extreme south) . 4. Africa south of Sahara, the third subdivision of which (South Africa and Madagascar) passes into the 5th. Australia (with New Holland as centre) ; 6. the north of the old and new world. The corresponding human races would be : the Cauca- sian, Mongolian, American, the Negro, the Malay, and the so- called Hyperborean. Agassiz has the following observations on this theory. The boundaries of the zoological and botanical provinces, correspond generally with the distribution of the so-called races of mankind. But the species of animals and plants is originally different in each of these provinces ; and even in those where the differences are but slight, no common descent can be assumed if they belong to different provinces, because no species passes across its limits into another province, but (as can be proved by many examples) keeps within its native soil. Hence we must assume, not one but several centres of creation 1 " Christian Examiner," Boston, July 1850, and in Nott and Gliddon. 2 " Treatise on the geography and classification of animals," London, 1835. SECT. IV.] CENTRES OP CEEATION. 197 from which the creatures have spread over the earth,- many as there are zoological and botanical provinces : and there obtains the same analogy for the human race as for the rest of organized beings. The chief idea upon which this theory rests has, before Agassiz, been promulgated by Desmoulins,1 namely, the idea that various centres of creation must be assumed for the animals of different parts of the world, as migrations into regions where they cannot exist are out of the question. Though man undoubtedly possesses a greater capacity for mi- grations, still his analogy to other organic beings renders it very probable that, like them, he originally proceeded from various centres of creation. We leave it to zoologists and botanists to say whether this theory of the natural limitation of these provinces can be carried out as strictly as Agassiz imagines ;- whether it is not rather a scheme which, like many others, does violence to the facts. It is easily perceptible, that if there be no exact limits of the provinces, that is to say, if with regard to some animals it must be admitted that they have migrated from one part into another, the analogy to man, who unquestionably pos- sesses the greatest capacity of locomotion, either does not apply, or at least loses much of its importance. When we learn that some European reptiles are also found in the whole of Asia, even in Japan, whilst all the reptiles of the New World are entirely different from those of the Old World ;2 and further, that the genuine typical forms of the animal world of America differ as much from those of the Old World as the Australian, one might be led from analogy to infer the separate origin of the European, American, and Australian man : but when it is con- sidered that many birds and mammals of the Old World are also found in North America, this probability as regards man again disappears. We shall, however, in order to give to this new theory every chance, not insist upon this, but consider the question from another point of view. We shall examine whether the existing principal types of mankind correspond, 1 " Hist. nat. des races hum./' 1826. 2 Schlegel, " Essai sur la pliysiog. des serpens," 1837. 198 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. with some degree of exactness in the localities which they occupy, with the zoological and botanical provinces assumed by Agassiz. We meet at the outset with the peculiar difficulty of laying hold of Agassiz's opinions, as he has frequently changed them.1 Whilst in 1845 he asserts the unity of mankind as a species,2 we find him in 1850 distribute eleven or twelve, in 1853 (Nott and Grliddon), eight, human species in as many zoolo- gical and botanical provinces ; and it appears as if he made this last change chiefly to make these provinces better agree with the existing chief types of mankind. The twelve pro- vinces of 1850 are the following: — one arctic; three of the temperate zone in Europe, Asia, and America, the latter in two divisions, the one to the east, the other to the west of the Rocky Mountains ; three tropical provinces, the one of the Atlas, exclusive of the Nile valley and the Cape of Grood Hope, the second in Asia south of the Himalaya, including the Sunda Islands, the third in America ; the eighth province forms New Holland with Van Diemen's Land ; then follows, as a province of doubtful independence, Polynesia ; the throe remaining pro- vinces belong to the temperate zone of South America, the Cape of Good Hope, and the south Polar Circle^ But in 1853 he makes the following division': — 1. Arctic province; 2. Asia; 3. Europe to the north of the Caspian Sea, in the south to the Indus, inclusive of the northern edge of Africa ; 4. America ; 5. Africa; 6. India; 7. Australia and New Guinea; 8. Poly- nesia. We shall chiefly keep in view the first distribution in making some observations from an anthropological stand- point. 1 He endeavours in vain to show, in his essay in the " Christian Examiner/' that his opinion as to the unity of species is not in conflict with his theory of difference of origin; for however we maybe inclined to agree with him andMeigs (in Nott and Gliddon, p. 350), that the question of unity of species is to be separated from that of unity of origin, still the separation has hitherto been very little attended to by zoologists, who mostly consider that the affirmation of the first question implies that of the second. In Germany, Eberhard (" Die Menschenracen," p. 36, Koburg, 1842) seems to have been the first who considered that the question of unity of origin from one pair, should be entirely separated from that of unity of species. He himself is of opinion that every species has originally appeared in several varieties. 2 Smith, " Unity of the human races," p. 349, New York, 1850. SECT. IV.] THEORY OF AGASSIZ. 199 The north-polar nations have frequently been considered as a distinct race. This can, however, only be maintained when we simply keep in view their corporeal shape, and the peculiari- ties of their habits and customs. Forster has already, in his History of the Voyages to North America,"1 shown the im- )ropriety of grouping together the Lapp and Samoied, and considering them of the same stock as the Esquimaux. As there is even now a large group of Samoied peoples in the south, extending to the sources of the Jenissei, their undoubted affinity to other Asiatic nations, decidedly indicates their origin from central Asia. Who, moreover, could assume that they sprung up in their cold climate, unless the Creator had gifted them with thick fur, like the ice-bear, that they might not be frozen to death before they had learned to build huts, etc. ? If it be objected that the climate of the polar regions had been warmer in former periods, there must be assumed a gra- dual acclimatization, which is denied by all those who, like Agassiz, believe that the chief types of mankind are limited to the climatic conditions and zones in which they were born. The polar nations thus manifestly do not originally belong to their present localities. This may also, on historical and linguistic grounds, be proved with regard to the Indo-Germanic nations of Europe. They have not sprung up in their present localities, but are immigrants from the south-west of Asia. If the Mongols, Tunguses, and their allied tribes, are considered as a family, the original cradle of which was in the temperate region of Asia, their province now extends, in the south, to the sources of the two large Chinese rivers, and in the north, to the Polar Sea. Where, then, is that climatic limitation of individual human species ? Where is it in America, the separation of which, in three divisions, according to the zones, is ethnogra- phically perfectly arbitrary ? Further, New Holland and Van Diemen's Land are not connected, anthropologically considered, and the province of the south pole is uninhabited. To this must be added, that the Austral-Negroes and Papuas live in 1 Vol. iii, p. GO, Berlin, 1791. 200 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I the immediate vicinity of nations which are related to the Malays, whilst the latter extend to Madagascar ; and that the tropical province of Asia contains the four most distinct human stocks inhabiting the globe (Caucasian, Mongolian, Malay, and Negro races), with some probability considered as their cradle. There can, therefore, be no question of such a sepa- ration of the families of mankind in zoological and botanical provinces, which may, perhaps, more properly apply to Africa, the northern shorelands of which present a flora and fauna distinct from the regions south of the Atlas, whilst similar differences are presented by the Nile valley and the Cape. With these districts correspond, as great ethnographic divisions, the Berbers, who belong to the Caucasian race, the Negroes, the Egyptians, the Abyssinians, and the Hottentots. In all other parts of the globe, it is scarcely necessary to say, there is no correspondence of the numerous subdivisions in special faunas and floras of Agassiz, with the groups of nations in- habiting these parts, and his subdivisions have no anthropo- logical signification. But what tells against the whole hypothesis of Agassiz, and should at the outset have prevented its adoption, is the circum- stance that the cradle of mankind can only be imagined to have been situated in a warm climate; otherwise the first human beings must have perished in a climate where artificial protection and certain kinds of knowledge were requisite to obtain nutriment in sufficient quantity. To this must be added the improbability that, with the great capacity for locomotion possessed by man, and the wants he is subject to in a state of nature, the parent stocks of each human species should have remained in their original country from the period of their first appearance on the globe until the historical period, — an im- mense space of time. While extensive emigrations contradict such a fixed abode, we find, on the other hand, in many parts of the globe, men of perfectly distinct types living in close vicinity, — facts very unfavourable to the above theory. If it be correct, we need not assume any migrations of peoples; just as Desmoulins considers the Indo-Grermans as autochthons in the countries of Scandinavia to the Caspian SECT. IV.] DESCENT FROM A SINGLE PAIE. 201 Sea and the Indus ; the Finns as autochthons on both sides of the Ural ; the Turks as autochthons on the Altai and in the north-west of Thibet. Though the above theories are inadmissible, we must be careful not to fall into the opposite error of deriving all human races from one spot, — the paradise usually placed in south-western Asia, — and attempting to indicate the course of their original migra- tions. We can only speak of the relatively oldest migrations, without asserting whether or not the countries to which they emigrated were already populated before their arrival. Liiken1 has committed this error; nor has Latham, cautious as he usually is, remained free from it. It is under the influence of such ideas that he makes the Austral-Negroes and the Par/uas occupy their present districts in remote times ; makes the Australians migrate across Timur from south Asia into New Holland; lets the Polynesians and Micronesians follow them in the South Sea from the present Malay regions, and is much inclined to consider all these different stocks identical in their origin. He deserves consideration, however, when he observes,2 that primary migrations of peoples are always pro- bable where we — as, for instance, with the Hottentots, Lapps, Celts in Ireland — have extreme localities before us which are very remote from the supposed centre and starting point of the migration. As it was formerly traditionally assumed that mankind de- scended from one pair, it was but natural to look for the cradle of humanity, to inquire how the original stocks became divided, and what roads they took when they left their original dwelling place to search for new localities. In modern times many au- thors have attempted positive counter-proofs. Eudolphi3 has pointed out the difficulties under which the assumption laboured, that the distribution of mankind over the globe had only pro- ceeded from one spot. These difficulties are manifestly nowhere so great as in the South Sea ; and yet even there it can be satisfactorily shown that they are not unsurmountable. Not to become tedious, we would here only mention that Japanese 1 " D. Einheit des MenschengescnL," 1845. 2 " Man and his migrations," p. 157, 1850. 3 " Beitrage zur Anthropol./' p. 150, 1812. 202 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. are frequently mentioned as having been cast away in the South Sea. Thus they came, by a long involuntary sea-voyage, 1690, to Manilla,1 in 1832 to Oahu,2in 1833 to Point Grenaille, H° north of the mouth of the Columbia river;3 and Humboldt has shown that to proceed from Asia to America, without pass- ing beyond the 55th degree of N". lat., did not require more than a sea-voyage of twenty-four to thirty-six hours.4 Still more decisive is the agreement of language, tradition, manners, and religion prevailing in Polynesia, from the Sandwich islands to New Zealand ; so that the assumption of a different descent of these island populations cannot be admitted. Thus the dif- ficulties of migration cannot be adduced as a proof in favour of the theory that mankind have originated in one particular spot. On the other hand, the positive proofs in favour of the de- scent of humanity from a single pair are scanty in the extreme. Without wishing to enter into any discussion with those who have faith in the narration of the Old Testament, the assump- tion of a single pair appears to us very improbable, as nature would scarcely hang the existence and preservation of any species on so slender a thread as a single pair of human beings. It is true that the ground against descent from a single pair rests only on a teleological, and not on a physical or physio- logical basis, still it is the principal ground which presents itself. Though the possibility of the descent of mankind from a single pair may be admitted by the analogy of many domestic animals imported into America, which have greatly multiplied from one or a few pairs,5 there is nothing gained by it for its reality as regards man. Smith and others endeavour to show that the theory of descent from a single pair is prefer- able to the opposite assumption, inasmuch as we should not, without absolute necessity, multiply causes, and because one miracle is more acceptable than many ; but it is clear that a mul- 1 G. Careri, " Voy. autour du naonde," v. p. 64, 1719. 2 Bennet, " Narrative of a whaling voyage/' i, p. 242 ; Jarves, " Hist, of the Sandwich islands," p. 27 ; Wilkes, v, p. 260. 3 Wilkes, iv, p. 295. 4 " Neu-Spanien," ii, p. 273 ; compare also, " Hist, de la geogr. du Nouveau Continent," ii, p. 607, 1836. 5 Giebel, " Tagesfr. aus d. Natgesch.," 1857. SECT. IV.] DESCENT PROM A SINGLE PAIE. 203 tiplication of agents is something different from a great com- plication of acting causes ; and that, as regards miracles, science cannot concern itself about the degree of admissibility, but about a suspension of the natural laws which is in conflict with science ; for a miracle, as such, has no degrees. On the other hand, it may be readily admitted that it is but a weak argu- ment when Agassiz, from the analogy of bees and other inferior social animals, endeavours to render the descent of mankind from a single pair highly improbable ; for as Smith1 justly observes, this analogy can neither be extended to all animals, nor is it at all applicable to highly organized beings. They are completely in error who, adopting the views of Agassiz, assume as many original types of mankind as there are typically different peoples on the globe. It is permissible to assume, that men have appeared in masses in various centres of creation, and that the peoples of the globe have descended from several stocks, whose descendants have intermixed. It might even be difficult, from the known facts, to deny the pro- bability of such a supposition or to refute it : the more is it necessary to be cautious in extending the theory to the solution of the difficult question with regard to the origin of man. By adopting it we escape, no doubt, many difficulties ; but none is solved, especially the question, whether the pairs which ori- ginated in a centre of creation, simultaneously or successively, were of the same species or not. An indefinite multiplication of human species is inadmissible on account of the resemblances found among many and very remote peoples, to explain which we must either have recourse to paradoxical accidents or to common descent. Common structure of language, and a great number of common radicals, render the unity of the Indo-Ger- manic peoples unquestionable. It may further be considered as proved that, with the transition of a people from a state of nature into the civilized state, the typical uniformity of the corporeal form is gradually diminished, and gives place to greater variety ; there is, therefore, every reason to assume a less number of original types than at present exist. Finally, it has been clearly ascertained that numerous mi- ' Loc. cit., p. 356. 204 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. grations of peoples have taken place, consequently they cannot all have originated in the localities they now occupy. But the principle that man can only have originated in a warm climate where all the conditions for his preservation exist, is in conflict with the multiplication of regions considered as the cradle of mankind, at least until it is proved that the age of humanity reaches beyond the present geological epoch. On recapitulating the results of our investigation, we may admit that though, in some respects, Agassiz's theory cannot be refuted, it is considered, as a whole, too special and specu- lative to be accepted. The principle which may be assented to in this theory is, that in the hot zone there may have been several spots in which men originated, and from which they spread. In taking into consideration the circumstance that neither the African, nor the Austral-Negroes and New Hol- landers, perform sea-voyages, that they possess only miser- able boats scarcely fit for river and coast navigation, that there is no indication of their having been navigators or traders at remote periods, we feel little inclined to assume that the black populations of the South Sea are immigrants from Africa. Whoever, on the other hand, assumes only a single region as the cradle of mankind, looks for that region in south Asia, whence the Negro races spread in a north-easterly and north- westerly direction. Again, he who assumes several cradles of humanity, would be obliged, on account of the little capacity for immigration possessed by Negro peoples, to look for them in south Asia, Africa, and New Gruinea. The latter theory, namely, the assumption of several cradles of humanity, though incapable of positive proof, is mainly supported by the facts of differentiation between the chief types by climate, and the re- semblance of the African and Australian Negro to the ape. To determine the scope of the first fact, the climatic sepa- ration of the chief types, is difficult, as it is not yet sufficiently ascertained; for peoples of essentially different types frequently live in close vicinity (compare the examples quoted in the se- quel) ; and however certain it may be that the Whites cannot perpetuate themselves as a people in all Negro regions, and that acclimatization, in sudden transitions from one climate SECT. IV.] INFLUENCE OF CLIMATE. 205 into another, usually fails, it is still merely a hazardous asser- tion that Europeans cannot thrive in any country where the Negro prospers. It is equally rash to maintain that a gradual acclimatization of a white people, which from century to cen- tury progresses from north to south, into a negro region is impossible. The strictness with which Knox1 defends the differences of races by climate is inadmissible ; he goes so far as to maintain that all immigrants into a foreign climate can only be preserved by a constant infusion of fresh blood from their native country. We hear, however, nothing of a rapid extinction of the Creoles in the tropical colonies, as might be expected if this theory had any foundation. The limitation of animals to certain climates, which was invoked as an analogy, is not so general as to be applied to man, for most domestic animals can thrive in nearly all climates, though they do not attain in them the same size and vigour. The fox lives in the cold north as well as in the hot south ; the home of the tiger extends from India to Siberia. Man seems, indeed, in his transitions from one climate to another, to resemble domestic animals, with this difference, that he bears these changes better in proportion as he is civilized. As in foreign climates races of animals degenerate, approaching the type of the native ani- mals, even without intermixture ;2 so does man, unless essential differences in nutriment, mode of life, and cultivation of the immigrants, from that of the natives, prevent it. As a race of animals cannot long maintain itself in a foreign climate against the native race without constant infusion of fresh blood from the parent stock, but is absorbed by it — be- cause the mass of intermixing elements finally decides the type of the mongrels, and climate gradually produces the re- semblance of the foreign tribe to the native, — so a small number of foreign immigrants remains without influence upon the type of the mongrels, whilst a sufficiently large number influences the type of the progeny. The second point, the resemblance of the Negro to the ape, is a fact which is estimated differently according to the 1 " The races of man." 2 Lucas, ii, p. 311 . 206 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. stand-point of the inquirer. It has been connected with the theories on the origin of man, and the ape has been con- sidered as the ancestor of man, which is the doctrine of those who assume a development of animal species : it may be that this transformation was limited to periods of great geological changes, or that it was slowly progressive in the course of time by continuous accommodation to external cir- cumstances.1 Although one would not feel inclined to attach much value to this theory in preference to that of the permanence of species, it still appears important, from the analogy in which it stands to a scientific theory of nature and human life. The gradual de- velopment of the earth, and of higher forms from lower forms, apparently without any manifestation of new creative power, appears to force upon us that view of the origin of man, whose history seems to show that the higher forms and the develop- ment of external and internal life have proceeded from lower forms, and which in course of time they maybe destined to super- sede. Certain as it is that man has somewhere, and at some period, appeared on this earth, it is equally certain that all scientific analogies tend to show that he originated in a natural way. It must, however, as candidly be admitted, that all analo- gies indicating the transformation of the ape into a man are as yet wanting to experimental science ; nor can we at present scientifically render an account of the natural origin of man, though science is justified in assuming it. But is the investi- gator bound to establish theories in the absence of facts ? Certainly not ; the love of truth, on the contrary, forbids it. It is certainly very disagreeable to many to be bound to con- fess that their wisdom is at an end ; but logic, and a real sci- entific interest, require such a confession where facts are wanting. If a theory can only be supported by a general ana- logy and not by definite grounds, whilst there is opposed to it a wide field of conflicting possibilities, its foundation is weak indeed, and there remains in its favour but a scanty probability that it may be as we are inclined to expect. 1 Lamarck and his followers. I. Geoffrey St. Hilaire. SECT. IV.] AFFINITY BETWEEN MAN AND APE. 207 The question as to the affinity between man and the ape, ap- pears as idle at present as that of the original colour of the first pair, whom Lacepede1 describes, like Hunter and Link, as black, on account of the greater heat of past periods. Buffon and Blumenbach describe them as white, De Salles and others describe them as brownish-red. We would here observe, that the assertion of such relationship (of the ape and man) is, for him who assumes a corresponding progressive improvement of the physical form with the progress of civilization in the human race, an interesting hypothesis ; whilst he who decides for the permanence of individual human types and different species of animals, with respect to their external and internal constitution, must ascribe to the effects of external influences an unlimited power for the transformation of the ape into man. De Salles2 observes therefore very justly, (f Affirm er la force creatrice des milieux pour un type primitif, c'est a plus forte raison admettre la modification secondaire de ce type quand ? expatriation a change les milieux, c'est-a-dire Pair, la lumiere, Thumidite ou secheresse, la nourriture, Pelevation au-dessus du niveau de la mer." But it has not prevented the committal of this gross eiTor : — the so-called races of man are said to represent fixed types, but little changeable by climate, mode of life or mental culture y and yet they are to have originated in consequence of changes of external conditions during the various periods of the history of the globe.3 Finally, it may be observed, that if man descended from the ape, it is clear that, like the ape, he originally belonged to a tropical climate. Though fossil apes have been found in regions which now possess a temperate climate, as Gascony, still the contempo- raneous existence of man remains as yet to be proved ; and if it were proved, it would render the assumption necessary that man existed upon the earth before the present division of the climates. At any rate, it must be conceded that, by the dis- covery of fossil monkeys, the existence of fossil human bones has been rendered less improbable. 1 " Ages de la nature," i, p. 255, 1830. - " Hist, generale des races hum.," p. 31, 1849. 3 Compare, as an example of such false reasoning, the essay on human races in the " Deutsche Vierteljahrschrift," ii, p. 170, 1838. 208 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. On the other hand, the fact of the resemblance of the Negro to the ape is made use of to prove that mankind is to be di- vided into different species. The Negro presents in this case not merely the most striking example of a deviation of form, but also a type apparently constant. Hence many, in inves- tigating the pedigree of man, would have the Negro still more ape-like than he really is : we must therefore be cautious not to exaggerate that resemblance. That the Negro manufac- tures tools, and learns from experience to subject nature to his wants, that he establishes communities, that he possesses an artificially constructed language, and religious ideas, is un- doubted. Still it is undeniable that, if differences of species are to be assumed, the Negro and the White present the most striking examples. Yirey considers these two alone as speci- fically different. It is, therefore, worth while to investigate this question, for which purpose we shall closely examine the Negro type, and the modifications which it presents. Keeping in view the peoples which inhabit Africa, between the tropics, it has already been observed, that the proper Negro type is only found in the region between Senegal and Niger, and in some parts of Senaar, Kordofan, and Darfur. In the first place, the whole large family of the South African peoples, reaching from the equator to the Hottentots, do not present that type in its purity, though Prichard justly observes, that the gradual transition which we find in bodily form from the proper Kaffirs on the north-east boundary of the Cape Colony, to the natives of Mozambique, and from these again to the natives farther north, compels us to consider these peoples as of the same stock as the Negroes. The proper Kaffirs possess more arched and European-shaped skulls, and less projecting lower jaws than the Negroes ; the hair is short, coarse, bushy, less woolly than in the Negro, the cheek-bones are more arched outwards ;*• the lips full, not like the Negroes ;3 the nose but little flattened, sometimes arched ; the colour varying from light brown to black ; hence Barrow3 says that, 1 Le VaiUant, " Erste R.," p. 356, 1799. 2 Kay, " Travels in Kaffraria," p. 110, 1833. 3 Vol. i, p. 203. SECT. IV.] NEGRO TYPE. 209 but for the colour, the Kaffirs might be taken for Europeans. Throughout Africa, south of the equator, true Negroes are found only in Mozambique, and in Congo in the interior of the country, where the nose is perfectly flattened, and the lips are enormously protruding ;T whilst towards the mouth of the river the Negro peculiarities appear modified.2 On ascend- ing the Gaboon, the physical form is found gradually to ap- proach the Caucasian type.3 From information received by the Portuguese governor, Saldanha, the Muluas inhabiting the in- terior of the country are said to be handsomer and more civilized than the inhabitants of the coast.4 The chief peoples of East Africa to the north of the equator do not represent the peculiar Negro type, from which they de- viate still more than the South Africans. Setting aside the Abyssinians and their kindreds, there are the Tibboo, who are described as tall, colour not perfectly black, eyes sparkling, lips full, nose small, but not turned up, short but not frizzly hair.5 Among those of Kisby, the nose is thick and fleshy, with wide nostrils ; in Ghinda, on the frontier of Bornou, they have sharp, intelligent features, high forehead, prominent eyes, flat nose, and large mouth.6 The inhabitants of Haussa have, it is true, woolly hair and a black skin, but their features are re- gular, with a general resemblance to the European. The Kanori differ from the Haussaua by their broad faces, open nos- trils, and thick bones.7 Among the native peoples of Adamaua, the Battas are the most numerous j their lips are but little protruding, they are well-shaped, and possess regular features.8 The Bornouese are less black than the inhabitants of Haussa, and have high foreheads, but thick Negro-noses, and round laughing faces with fat cheeks.9 The Mandaranes have less 1 Omboni, " Viaggi nelT Afr. occ.," p. 161, 1845. 2 Owen, " Narr. of voyage to explore the shores of Africa," ii, p. 283, 1833. 3 Hecquard, " K. an. d. K. in d. Innere von West-Afr.," p. 7, 1854. 4 Bowdich, " Account of the discoveries of the Portuguese," p. 17. * Hornemann, " Tageb. seiner R.," p. 125, 1802. 6 Denham, Clapperton, and Oudney, " Narrative of travels," i, pp. 25, 52, 2nd edit., 1826. 7 Earth, " Eeisen und Entdeck.," ii, p. 183. 8 Ibid., p. 613. 9 Denhain, loc. cit., p. 140 ; Kichardson, " Travels in the Great Desert of Sahara," i, p. 264, 1848. 210 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. flattened faces than the former, frizzly hair, large sparkling eyes, high but flat foreheads, and somewhat hooked noses.1 In the district of Marghi, the peculiar Negro type is not met with : the features are fine and regular, lips no more than full, fore- head high, colour of a shining black or of a coppery tint.2 On the other hand, the dirty black and bony Mussgu are, ex- cepting their high foreheads and bushy eyebrows, entirely Negro-like. The inhabitants of Baghirmi are well grown, more muscular than the Bornouese, the nostrils are not widely open, and the women have remarkably regular features. In Wadai, where Mohammed-el-Tounsy3 mentions a large number of different peoples, without describing them, each of which is said to have its peculiar physiognomy and language, there live, according to Barth, both Negro and Arab tribes. The Nuba, as the inhabitants of Kordofan call themselves, possess woolly hair and very thick lips, not the small flat noses of the inhabitants of the southern mountains of that region, but well proportioned.4 The mountaineers have less prominent cheek-bones than the Negroes proper, the skin is often of a chestnut colour, and they are generally well made. The old Arab writers (Icthakri, Idrisi) expressly distinguish the Nubians from Negroes (whom later authors confound), and de- scribe them, especially the women, as smooth-haired, with small lips and mouths, which corresponds in the main with the description of modern travellers as regards the Nubians beyond Kordofan. The physical form of the Gallas sometimes ap- proaches the European type, and it is not yet decided to which they properly belong'.5 But in their district, and in that of the Abyssinians, some small tribes of a genuine Negro-type are met with, — the Shangallas,6 the Doba,7 and the Doko.8 The 1 Denham, Clapperton, and Oudney, p. 201. 2 Earth., loc. cit., ii, p. 465. 3 « Voy. au Ouaday," pp. 245, 253, 1851. 4 Riippell, " Ecise in Nubien," p. 141, 1829. 5 Rochet d'Hericourt, "Voy. dans le royaume de Choa," p. 269, 1841; Primer, p. 63 ; Lefebvre, Petit et Quartin-Dillon, " Voy. en Abyssinie," iii, p. 289, 1845. r> Bruce, " Eeise," ii, pp. 433, 537, 1790. < Salt, " Voy. to Abyssinia," p. 275, 1814. 8 Harris, " The highlands of ^Ethiopia," iii, p. 63, 2nd edit., 1844 ; compare Johnston, " Travels in S. Abyssinia," ii, p. 383, 1844, and d' Abbadie in " Nouv. aim. des voy." i, p. 261, 1845. SECT. IV.] NEGRO TYPE. 211 whole mountain region on the Blue Nile and the Tpmat, from Fassokl south to the Grallas, is inhabited by Negroes, who differ, however, from the Shillook and Dinka on the White Nile, being of a finer stock than these.1 On the White Nile, from 6° to 7° N. lat., the Negro-type disappears gradually towards the south, and among the southern Dinka peoples, so little marked is it "that the greater part of Europeans would resemble them if they were painted black."2 The Negro-type is accordingly, in East Africa, confined to but few small peoples. On now turning our attention to the Negro regions proper, between the Senegal and the Niger, we find that there prevails as little, as in other parts of Africa, the same physical type in perfect uniformity, though on the whole, the typical forms of the Negro race are greatly predominating. The Jolofs between the Senegal and the Gambia are of a dark, shining black colour ; hair, lips, and nose are Negro-like, but not very decidedly marked;3 the nose is but moderately flat, the lips not very thick;4 figure and features frequently noble and regular.5 The brownish-black Mandingoes have more oval faces than the Ne- groes proper ; the forehead is less prominent, larger, and more receding, especially among the Fulahs; the head is rather pointed towards the crown, the nose is very broad, and the upper lip very large.6 Some of the Mandingo tribes are not so well made, they have thicker lips and flatter noses than others; this applies to the Susus, as compared with the Bullams and Timanis.7 The Fulahs, who look down upon the Negroes,8 and consider themselves as Whites com- pared with them,9 do not everywhere exhibit the same colour and type. In the west, they are usually reddish-brown, have flat noses, but not very woolly hair, a broader forehead, and a 1 Kusseger, " Eeise," ii, pp. 562, 762. 2 Werne, "Exped. zur. Entd. der Q. des Weissen Nil," p. 241. 1848. 3 Golberry, " Keise durch d. Westl. Afr.," i, p. 51, 1803. 4 Park, " Voy. dans Tint, de 1'Afr.," an. viii, i, p. 24. 5 Mollien, " Eeise in d. Innere von Afr./' p. 41, 1820. 6 Golberry, ii, p. 114; Duncan, " E. in West- Afr.," p. 15, 1848; Eaffenel, " Voy. dans FAfr. occ.," p. 394, 1846. 7 Matthews, " Eeise nach S. Leone," p. 94, 1789. 8 M. Park, i, p. 92. 9 Lander, " Eeise z. Erforsch. des Niger," ii, p. 278, 1833. P2 212 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. larger facial angle than genuine Negroes, small lips and oval face.1 Barth2 describes them as an intermediate race between Negroes, Arabs, and Berbers, and observes, that the men, up to the twentieth year, are often very handsome, but subse- quently assume an apish physiognomy, which destroys the Caucasian features. The Jambures, in the country of the Por- tuguese settlements on the S. Domingo, the Casamanza, and R. Grande, are perfectly black, but have neither flat noses nor thick lips ; their features approach those of Europeans.3 The inhabitants of Cazegut (Bissagos-Archipelago) have agreeable features, and have neither flat noses nor thick lips.4 The Krus and Grebos have a particularly well-shaped chin; the facial angle is larger, the head more oval, and not so arched as in the Negro.5 A pleasing roundness of features and an oval face are characteristic of the Odshis ; pointed and hooked noses are not common amongst them, but flattened noses and thick pro- truding lips are rare.6 This is also the case among the natives of Apollonia.7 In Aquapim the head is partly globular, the nose broad, lips thick ; occasionally it happens that the head is long, the nose pointed, the lips small, nearly European ; the last form prevails chiefly among the Ashantees,8 among the higher ranks of which not only fine women are seen, but regular Grecian faces are frequently met with.9 These characters are also to be found in the higher classes of Dahomey, where some members of the reigning family " are nearly of Moorish aspect, and not so black as genuine Negroes."10 The Mahis in the north of Dahomey have long, and high crowned and posteriorly developed heads, so characteristic of the genuine Negro-type, a shorter chin, but less thick lips than the Dahomians, and an almost European nose.11 The Negroes of Yarriba possess only moderately thick 1 M. Park, i, pp. 26, 91 ; Raffenel, p. 263. 2 " Reise und Entd.," p. 505. 3 " Bullet, soc. geogr.," i, p. 152, 1846, according to Lopes de Lima. 4 Durand, " Voy. au Senegal, an. x," i, p. 185. * Allen and Thomson, " Narr. of the Exped. to the R. Niger," i, p. 124, 1848. e " Baseler Miss.-Mag.," i, p. 53, 1856. 7 Meredith, " Account of the Gold Coast," p. 61, 1812. 8 " Baseler Miss.-Mag./' iv, p. 241, 1852. 9 Bowdich, " Mission nach Ashantee," p. 422, 1820. 10 Duncan, i, p. 238 ; Forbes, " Dahomey, and the Dahomians," pp. 17, 50, Paris, 1851. » Duncan, ii, p. 273. f T J-L Th 4O,,- SECT. IV. J NEGRO TYPE. 213 lips, and their nose approaches the aquiline form j1 those of Iddah, on the Niger, have more rounded features, thinner lips than the Ibus, and large receding foreheads.2 The natives of Accono-Coono, under 6° 30', have not such coarse Negro features, and are handsomer, and look more intelligent than the southerns of Omun, resembling in this respect those of Iddah.3 In the same way, we learn that almost every- where the decided Negro-type diminishes in these parts from the coast inland. The Edeeyahs (Adiahs) of Fernando Po have longer hair, more silky than woolly, round face, cheek- bones not so high, narrower nostrils, thinner lips, and a finer mouth than their neighbours on the continent ; the colour varies from deep black to copper-colour, but the physiognomy is the same in all.4 The preceding rather dry enumeration, which might have been rendered more minute, of a great number of variations in shape, was necessary to show how valueless is that asserted fixity of the Negro type. Taken generally, it rests upon fancy, for this type in its purity is limited to comparatively few peoples; and, moreover, there prevails a great number of other types, which may be partly considered as tran- sitions to the European form, and partly as deviations and modifications of Negro peculiarities, without any approach to other races. That such transitions, between the Caucasian and Negro-type, are not wanting, has been shown in the quoted examples, and has been pointed out by various travellers. The traveller from Cairo up the Nile to Nubia and Senaar, finds himself, on account of the small gradations by which the Egyptian passes in the Negro, embarrassed to decide where the white race ceases and the black race commences.5 .e transitions are imperceptible ; it is only near Assuan that there is a sudden change from the Egyptian to the Nubian type.6 On progressing from Tunis towards the south, there is 1 Clapperton, " Tageb. der zweiten E.," p. 382, 1830. 2 Allen and Thomson, i, p. 325. 3 Becrofb, in " Journal Eoy. Greo. Soc.," xiv, p. 272. 4 Allen and Thomson, ii, p. 194 ; " Nouv. ann. d. voy.," ii, p. 281, 1845 ; Boteler, " Narrative of a voyage to Africa and Arabia," ii, p. 423, 1835. 6 " D'Escayrac d. Afr. Wiiste und d. Land der Schwarzen," p. 184, 1855. e Dandolo, " Viaggio in Egitto," p. 182, 1854. 214 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. also a regular and gradual transition of features and colour into the Negro-type perceptible, especially in Tozar ; " and if it were possible to bring from these countries an ethnological collection to Europe, the greatest sceptic would feel convinced that time and locality alone are the causes of these fluctuating differences."1 We attach, however, but little weight to this gradual fusion of both types which presents itself to the tra- veller, since it can scarcely be doubted that North and Central Africa contains a great number of mixed populations. It is, however, more important to observe that the whole South African family, where we have no reason to suppose a sufficient admixture of northern elements, form, with regard to their cranial development, a well-defined intermediate link between the black and the white races. Whilst admitting that a considerable number of African peoples, even the inhabitants between the Senegal and the Niger, owe their deviations from the pure Negro type to an admixture of elements from a higher race ; still it remains clear, that on the one hand these mongrels do not become extinct, as is usually the case in the hybrids of some species of animals, nor lose the acquired type by reversion, but preserve it : and that on the other hand, the attempt to explain all considerable deviations from the pure Negro type, which occur generally among African peoples by intermixture, may be supported by preconceived theories, but not by actual facts. It would not be difficult to indicate as great a number of different types in other parts of the globe. We shall, however, confine ourselves to a few ex- amples, which plainly show that these types are nowhere so per- fectly distinct as to be considered as specifically different. Races decidedly different, dwell, no doubt, in many places near each other in the same climate ; for instance, on the Senegal, Moors and Negroes ; in many of the Polynesian islands and in the South Sea, Malays and Polynesians, beside Negro-like populations ; in Europe, Lapps and Scandinavians, etc. This shows that climate alone can hardly change in a very great de- gree the type of a people, that it may be one of the agents, 1 Davis, " Evenings in rny tent," ii, p. 3, 1854. SECT. IV.] INTERMEDIATE FOEMS. 215 but standing alone it has not a decidedly marked influence. But in spite of that striking difference in form which we meet with in several regions of the earth, each of the chief forms which comes in contact with another becomes mingled with it by a series of gradations, each bearing a peculiar local stamp, just as we might expect from the peculiar external and internal conditions in which these individual tribes live. The Finnish peoples are, as regards the corporeal form, such an intermediate link between the Mongolian and Caucasian races, just as the Hindoos have been considered as intermediate between the former and the Malay race. The Tchuktchi and Korjaks, the Esquimaux and some West American nations, whose cranial form approaches the Mongolian, stand between Asiatics and Americans, and the Esquimaux themselves (who, on the Atlantic are easily distinguished from the American Indians), are gradu- ally mingled with them on the coast of the Pacific. Botocudes felt so surprised at the sight of the Chinese that, from their re- semblance to them, they called them their uncles.1 From the Mongols and the Tunguses to the Samoiedes2 there is a natural transition in respect to language and physical and geographical relation ; and this is also the case from the Samoiedes to the Amos, and from these to the Esquimaux. That a definite limitation of some chief forms cannot be maintained, is moreover shown by the fact that some peoples, though very remote from each other and manifestly uncon- nected, present great resemblances. The Californians greatly resemble the Negroes of Guinea, New Guinea, and the New Hebrides, in shape of head and face, — their hair, however, is not woolly. All travellers are struck with the slight external differences existing between Europeans and the Marquesas islanders. The head of the Tahitian might be taken for Eu- ropean were it not for the wide nostrils and large lips.3 Some New Zealanders have perfectly European skulls, whilst the features approach those of the North American Indians (Dieffen- 3h). The Hottentots, on account of their colour, shape of 1 Hollard, p. 197, after St. Hilaire. 2 Neumann in A. Wagner, "Gesch. d. Urwelt," p. 311, 1845. 3 Lesson, in " Complement des ODUV. de Buffon," ii, p. 206. 216 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PAKT I. skull and face, have by many been included in the Mongolian race, though they are separated from it by their woolly hair growing in single small bunches. The Georgians and Tscherk- esses possess perfect Grecian skulls ; yet their language forbids the idea of their consanguinity to the Indo- Germanic nations. According to Tschudi,1 the cranium of the Aymaras approaches nearly that of the Guanches. A further objection, of considerable weight, against a fixed separation of the chief types, and consequently against the assumption of specific differences, is afforded by the fact that individuals who, in their external character, deviate consider- ably from the parent stock, exhibiting that of a foreign tribe, occur in all parts of the globe. It has already been mentioned, that laterally compressed skulls and oblique incisors, are fre- quently found in Europeans. Oblique eyes, projecting lower jaw, small square foreheads, crania elongated upwards or back- wards, prominent cheek-bones, appear in families the Germanic origin of which is undoubted. Lucae2 has given a sketch of such a skull3 which much resembles the macrocephalous Asiatic of Blumenbach.4 There is, further,5 the skull of a Hessian criminal, of the Marburg collection, which in form entirely agrees with that of the Peruvian skulls, as regards the flattened forehead, strongly developed occiput, and flattened coronal region ; and finally,6 there is a skull which in many respects reminds us of the Mongolian formation. Pure Arabs are sometimes, in their native country, perfectly black. The prognathous form of the face, with a light complexion, is seen in many Egyptians. Thick lips and flat noses are met with in European nations ; for instance, among the Slavonians. Even woolly hair is seen in some instances in northern nations ; but a single character, observes Pruner, establishes no decided mark of distinction, they must all be combined. However much we might agree with him in this respect, we find in it a confession that race-characters do not constitute specifically fixed differences : hence it seems to us illogical, when he says, 1 Midler's, " Archiv," p. 98, 1844. 4 Decas, i, tab. 3. 2 Schadel, abnormer form. 5 Table vi. 3 Table iii. 6 Table xvii. SECT. IV.] DEVIATION FROM TYPE. 217 " that it is impossible that one race-character should pass into another without intermixture." Another explanation in favour of the specific difference of races has been attempted by Giebel.1 He asserts that Negro resemblances, or other devia- tions from the Caucasian form which now and then present them- selves in Europeans, are so superficial that they do not much affect the Caucasian type. He, however, refutes himself2 by declaring in another passage, that such analogies of form, wherever they do occur, affect all the proportions of the body. Other individual deviations from the original type have been mentioned by Liiken3 and Weerth4. They refer to the inha- bitants of Carinthia and Styria ; the Chinese and South Sea islanders, who in many instances approach the European forms, whilst Chinese physiognomies are said to be frequently met with in Poland (Schadow, Polyklet) ; the Tartars, who by their pro- jecting lower jaws, pointed chin, and long teeth, differ con- siderably from the Mongol type, which is also the case with Kalmucks. Among the latter, Pallas observed fine figures, and individuals with fair hair. Even among theTunguses,who repre- sent so decidedly the Mongol type, there are found some indivi- duals with a European physiognomy, light blue eyes, straight or curved nose, brown hair, and strong beard.5 Seemann6 met with an Esquimaux, of the tribe of Hotham Bay, remarkably Negro- like, and another who had a strikingly hooked Jewish nose. The Slavonians present a very remarkable example of great differences among allied nations. They are dark in the south-east of their districts ; the Poles present a different aspect ; the Eussian peasants have often light brown or red hair • so that these peoples differ externally from each other more than from some other Indo-Germanic nations. Deviations in colour, eyes, hair, are particularly numerous. Some of these deviations have been considered as the result of disease. Not wishing to repeat the facts already mentioned, 1 " Tagesfr. a. d. natgesch.," p. 55, 1857. 2 Page 105. 3 " D. Einheit des Menschengeschl.," p. 15, 1845. 4 " D. Entw. der Mensehenrassen," p. 17, 1842. 5 Prichard, iv, p. 410. 6 " Eeise urn d. Welt," ii, p. 53, 1853. 218 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. we would only add the following. — Red hair is frequently noticed among Negroes and Mulattoes;1 also among the Papuas2 in the South Sea, where Quiros was struck by it ;3 in Tahiti, New Zealand, and elsewhere;4 in Timor,5 among the Esquimaux,6 among the Esthonians and Wotjakes,7 among the Hindoos and the Arabs of Yembo, more rarely in Cey- lon, Cochin-China and Tonkin.8 Especially remarkable are the great differences exhibited by the peoples of the table-land above Dilli (Timor). Some of the natives have a dark yellow colour ; the parts exposed to the sun are covered with light- brown patches ; the hair is straight and thin, its natural colour reddish, or of a dark chestnut-brown. There are also found in Timor all intermediate shades of the skin, from dark yellow to black or chocolate-brown ; and the hair from red and straight to the short and woolly hair of the Papuas.9 Red hair and variously coloured eyes are also met with among the Congo- Negroes and the Bushmen.10 Brown eyes are very common in Bonny.11 Among the Akoos (Yarriba), the iris is light-brown or dark chestnut, sometimes dark sea-green.12 Even at Madagas- car there are blue-eyed women.13 Scarlett14 saw in Peru a per- fectly black Negro-boy with light blue eyes, whose mother had one eye black and the other blue. Kabyles with red hair and blue eyes are mentioned by Bruce15 and others, and Blumen- bach quotes similar instances. Barbot states that the wives of the Gralibis (Caribs) in Guiana have mostly blue eyes ; and Wallis found in Tahiti people with brown, red, and 1 Marcgrav, Lopez, Winterbottom, etc. 2 Sonnerat. 3 1605, according to Torquemada, " Monarquia Indiana/' v, c. 66, 1723. 4 Forster, Wallis, Marion, and Duclesmeur. 5 Van Hogendorp. 6 Charlevoix. 7 Gmelin. 8 Blumenbach, " De gen. hum. v. n.," pp. 165, 169 ; De Salles, «' Hist. gen. des races hum.," p. 246, 1849, according to Desmoulins. 9 W. Earl, " The native races of the Indian Archipelago," p. 179, 1853. w Lopez, " Warh. Beschr. des K. Congo," p. 5, ed. de Bry., 1597 ; BurcheU, ii, p. 225. 11 Koler, p. 89. 12 K,. Clarke, " Sierra Leone," p. 149, 1846. 13 Eochon, " Eeise nach Madag. in Mazin v. Eeisebeschr.," viii, p. 24. w " South America and the Pacific," ii, p. 166, 1838. 15 Vol. i, p. 27. SECT. IV.] DEVIATION FROM TYPE. 219 flaxen hair. In Nutka, there are men with brown and light li.iir.1 Among the Cayawas or Cayowas, near the sources of the Rio Branco, a tributary of the Paraguay, there are fair- complexioned individuals with light hair, who seem to be of pure blood ;2 and Velasco3 says of the Graes people on the Marafion, that their hair is as fine as that of Europeans. Pickering4 is therefore wrong in maintaining that, excluding Albinoes, flaxen hair, red hair, and blue eyes, are only met with in the white race. With regard to the colour of the skin, there are also among the Pehuenches strikingly white Indians who have the colour of a German peasant.5 Thus the Spaniards found in Macapana when they conquered the country, young Indian girls who had been brought up in seclusion, white as Euro- peans, which was also the case in Santa Fe.6 Among the Aguanos and Barbudes, on the Huallaga river, the males were sunburnt, but the women were as white as the Spanish females, some of them even had red hair (according to the reports of the Jesuits in the seventeenth century) .7 To the Araucanians belong the much whiter Boroanos, living between the rivers Imperial and Tolten, 38J°-39° S. lat.;8 they are considered, by Molina,9 perfectly to resemble northern Europeans in figure and colour. However much he may elsewhere10 insist upon it that they are neither Albinoes nor cross-breeds, still, as we shall show in the sequel, the view that they are Mestizoes (an opinion recently adopted also by Smith11), is much more probable. Ancient historical documents, referring to that country, leave no doubt on the subject. After these examples, we may expect that a closer examina- tion of individual peoples will make us acquainted with still greater deviations from their original type, than those who as- 1 Roquefeuil, " Journal d'un voy. aut. du monde," ii, p. 189, 1823. 2 Castelnau, ii, p. 395. 3 In Ternaux, " Recueil de documents," p. 288. 4 " The races of man," 1849. 5 Poppig, " Reise," i, p. 463. 6 P. Simon, " Noticias de las conq. de Tierra Firme," i, pp. 2, 4, 1627. I Rodriquez, " El Maranon y Ainazonas," iii, c. 3, Madrid, 1684. 8 Poppig, " Reise," vol. i. 9 " Essai sur 1'hist. nat. du Chili," p. 313, 1789. 10 See his " Saggio sulle storia civile de Chile," p. 10, Bologna, 1787. II " The Araucanians," p. 293, New York, 1855. 220 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. sume a fixed specific form are inclined to admit. In the face of the above facts, the only alternative for such as contend for a plurality of human species, is to multiply them still more. We have already indicated the difficulties of such an alternative, for such it is ; we would therefore only add, that the same rea- sons may be urged against the assumption of a hundred or more species, as against the assumption of only two species. In members of the same family, diversities are as frequently ob- served as in individuals of a foreign stock ; and in individuals of the same stock, without intermixture, differences such as are exhibited by distinct races. However few may be the tribes included within one species, there will always be found diver- sities amongst them, among their families and individuals, as great as the differences exhibited by the assumed number of species ; on which account they cannot be considered as specific distinctions. He who assumes only as many species of mankind as there are principal forms of cranial and bodily shape, at most from five to seven, will in the end find himself obliged to abandon his theory. He obtains specific characters fluctuating as much be- tween extreme limits as the individual who assumes but one species of man, and he is therefore obliged to admit, like the latter, the great influence of external agents. At any rate, it is perfectly arbitrary to consider certain principal forms as spe- cifically different which are partly extreme forms (as the Negro-type), partly intermediate (the American type), and subordinate types. " The break up of one principal form into physically and morally distinct families of man, is not much more explicable than the races themselves."1 If it be contended, with regard to the first, that they have become de- veloped in the course of time by the agency of external and internal forces, there is no reason to deny it as regards the latter. If minor differences of each species could arise in this manner, it only requires sufficiently long periods and appro- priate conditions to produce greater differences. There is not even any necessity to adduce a frequently expressed assump- 1 " Deutsche Vierteljahi-sclirif't/' ii, p. 247, 1838. SECT. IV.] GROUNDS FOR CLASSIFICATION. 221 tion, that at a remote time the human organism was more plastic under external agencies, just as every individual and every people has a juvenile period before their transition from the natural to the civilized state, in which they are more plastic than at any later period. „ We conclude, therefore, that there are no fixed and definitely limited forms which can be considered as specific differences ; but that if the human species is zoologically to be brought under some chief divisions, it is a mere classification furnished to us by striking analogies. Lesson1 observes very justly, " On ne devrait en effet adopter les distinctions de races ou d'especes2 que com/me des moyens artificiels destines d preciser nos idees dans V etude de I'homme, et d le rendre plus facile" J. Miiller3 expresses himself in a similar sense when he says, t ' that a rigid division of mankind is impossible. The given forms differ in typical peculiarities; but there is no certain scien- tific principle for fixing the limits specifically. It might be more proper to distinguish all peoples as constant and extreme forms of variations, than to distribute them into races. This seems impossible, nor does science require such a division ; to attempt it leads unavoidably to an arbi- trary assumption." Tartars and Finns will always occupy an unknown position between the Mongolian and Caucasian race ; Papuas and Alfurus between Malays and Negroes, etc. The impossibility of a rigid separation is confirmed by an expe- rimental study of race-characters, and also by the fact that only small collections of skulls exhibit decidedly different forms ; whilst large collections fill up the gaps between them, showing continued transitions from one form into every other. If, in order to oppose the argument founded upon the above facts, many originally different human species are assumed in that part of Africa situated between the tropics, all difficulties are removed, inasmuch as such assumptions 1 " Voyage medical autour du monde," p. 156, 1829. 2 As regards species, this is an error, though it is true with respect to races. The question in relation to the first has been awkwardly treated, for they have disputed whether species were created or were only by us introduced in nature. Species are, no doubt, objective realities, not merely thoughts or models according to which nature acts. 3 "Handbuch der Physiol.," ii, 114. 222 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. cannot be refuted until it is definitely stated which tribes constitute these different species. The American school, fol- lowing Morton, which assumes that men have been created in masses of peoples, entertains this opinion, and would rather not admit any influence of external conditions upon the phy- sical peculiarities of mankind ; there are, it asserts, no races, but only an indefinitely large number of species of man. Vogt, who has propagated this doctrine in Germany, is even of opinion that individual nations are not to be considered of mixed origin, because the known mongrel types of the Mulat- toes, Mestizoes, etc., are not exactly found in them, and that consequently, hundreds of originally different stocks must be assumed; all which only acquires its validity by the erroneous supposition, that types are perfectly unalterable by external influences. Let us, therefore, subject that assertion of an absolute immutability of race-types to a closer investigation. The chief, if not the only, proofs are derived from the old Egyptian monuments and the Jews. Blumenbach1 recognized upon the first, three different human types : that of the Negro ; a second, which he calls the Indian type ; and a third, which is said to be produced by the influence of the Egyptian climate, a relaxed flabby form, short chin and prominent eyes. At a later period, Morton2 distinguished Pelasgic, Semitic, and Negro skulls among those of the old Egyptians. B. Taylor3 still more decidedly points out upon the old Egyptian monuments, the distinguishable forms of Negroes, Persians and Jews. Others, especially Mariotte, believe they can recognize in pic- tures, above 5,000 years old, the type of the Fellahs of the present day.4 Nott and Grliddon5 have in this manner endeavoured to prove the immutability of some chief types and consequently the permanency of all : they assert that, as far as history reaches, 1 " De gen. hum. var. nat.," p. 188. 2 " Crania ^Egyptiaca." 3 " Eeise nach central Afrika," pp. 97, 447, 1853. 4 The various results of the anthropological relations of ancient Egypt have been collated by Courtet de Lisle in " Nouv. ann. des voy.," ii, p. 299, 1847. 5 " Types of mankind," 1854. SECT. IV.] TYPE UNCHANGED. 223 these forms have always existed; whilst de Salles, following Lepsius, maintains that skulls of an earlier period than the fifth and sixth centuries B.C. no longer exist in Egypt, and well observes that the present Fellahs ought not to present the old Egyptian type, if types be permanent, as in Egypt so many in- termixtures had taken place : the former1 endeavouring to prove, that the Nubians had already inhabited their present localities 3,500 years ago, as shown by pictures representing the out- lines of the face, and beards. Cranial measurements are not mentioned, but every one knows what a difference in external aspect is produced by a different head-dress in the same indi- viduals, as may be seen in the pictures of the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego in the work of King and Fitzroy.2 All that can legitimately be inferred from the old Egyptian monuments, amounts to this — that the most striking race-cha- racters have essentially, and for a long period, persisted as we see them at present, and that under the same conditions they remain unaltered. Even the believer in the agency of ex- ternal influences, would be surprised, if in Africa where Ne- groes existed in remote times, there were no skulls found resembling the skulls of living Negroes ; and there is hardly a thinking man who would assert that 3-4000 years ago the civi- lized nations of antiquity and the Negroes who were always treated by them as slaves, did not then possess the cranial type which they now exhibit. In order to prove the permanence of type, and the importance of climate, the Jews have been instanced, whose national physi- ognomy is depicted upon the ancient monuments of Egypt. Even in Malabar, where it was formerly believed that in the course of time they had assumed the type of the Hindoos, they have, according to Buchanan and other travellers, remained essentially unchanged, for only the so-called white Jews in that region are of pure blood, whilst the black Jews are Hindoos or Hindoo-mongrels.3 In order properly to appreciate this fact we must bear in mind that by this people religion and habits have 1 " L'Institut./' ii, p. 40, 1846. 2 " Narrative of the voyage of the Adventure and Beagle." 3 Nott and Gliddon, p. 118. 224 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. in every region of the world been preserved with unexampled tenacity, that their whole domestic economy and degree of civilization have remained everywhere the same, that they have in every region lived in a state of oppression which forced them to a closer connexion between themselves, and to preserve their peculiarities. Wherever they existed, be it in Europe among Christians, or in Africa among the Moors, their fate was the same; they lived as an excluded caste, whose only resource was to obtain wealth in order to secure a certain degree of power and position. No wonder if their cranial type as well as their cha- racter remained on the whole unchanged. The uniformity of their skulls is, however, not yet exactly ascertained. Sandifort1 gives the following proportions of length, height, and breadth of two Jewish crania = 190 : 226 : 148 and = 190 : 190 : 130, indicating considerable variations in that people which is ge- nerally quoted as an instance of constancy and uniformity of the cranial development. There is no want of instances which plainly show that the sphere of variation in individual peoples or races ; when closely examined, is as great as that of the whole human race ; and these proofs have been chiefly furnished by those whose studies have been directed to the cranial structure of various races. M. I. Weber2 has distinguished four principal types of crania, with which the shape of the pelvis corresponds. The oval skull of the European, the round one of the American, the cuneiform of the Negro, the square-shaped of the Mongol. Among the examples for the second form, he gives that of an European, a Jew, and a Kalmuck ; among the third form, an European and a Bugis ; the last form he found also in Europeans and Kaffirs. There occur, therefore, in every race, cranial shapes foreign to it, and consequently there are no perfectly fixed marks of race. This also applies to the shape of the pelvis. Even all the Kal- muck skulls which Weber examined did not possess the square Mongol, but rather a globular form. Blumenbach3 also men- 1 " Tabulse craniorum." 2 " Die Lehre von den Ur-und Racenformen der Schiidel und Becken des Menschen," 1830. 3 " Decas craniorum," iii, p. 6. SECT. IV.] CRANIAL VARIATIONS. 225 tions the skull of a Lithuanian which perfectly resembled that of a Congo-Negro, and Godron1 mentions a Negro skull of a perfectly European shape. That Retzius2 found the old Swed- ish skull corresponding with the present shape proves but little for the constancy of forms, when it is considered that great variations in this respect prevail among the same people. "I have," says Prince Max,3 " compared a whole series of genuine Mandan skulls, and found great differences as regards the re- ceding forehead and the flattening of the skull." Some have perpendicular, others receding foreheads.4 Engel,5 who assumes twelve chief types, seems by his measurements to confirm the observations of Weber. He includes in his third form, besides Germans and Tschechs, also Magyars, a Javanese, a Guanche, and a Bedouin. In his sixth form there are, besides Tschechs and Germans, the skulls of several Negroes, a Hottentot, a Malabar, a Bengalese, a New Zealander. In his tenth chief form the skull of a Negro child, an American Indian, etc. If Engel6 is further of opinion that there are race-types, and even caste- types of crania, which, however, are not inherited, but chiefly depend on the nature of aliment, and the thickness of bone, that is to say, on the addition of osseous matter received by the skull, we might expect that the thickness of the cranial bones should be unexceptionally analogous to the cranial forms, which, however, is not confirmed by the facts. The attempts of a natural division of mankind rest princi- cipally upon the supposition that the chief types possess a high degree of constancy, and this enables us to ascertain the affinity of varieties which constitute the great divisions of man- kind.7 The weakness of the basis upon which these attempts 1 " De Fespece et des races," p. 106, Nancy, 1848. 2 Mullens " Archiv," p. 94, 1845. 3 " Eeise in N. Am.," i, 235. 4 Ibid., ii, 106. 5 Unters. iiber Schadelformen," 1851. 6 Page 120. 7 In a more rational way than we are accustomed to find in the American school, Meigs (in Nott and Gliddon, " Indigenoiis races," etc., pp. 223, 349) observes, that not only is every cranial type subject to change by climate, but similarity of its type proves as little a common origin as variation proves a different origin. We are, then, entitled to ask with some surprise, what this school contends for, if it admits that the skull is no certain mark of descent ? 226 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. are founded, becomes apparent at once on comparing them with, each other, when we find as many different classifications as there are authors ; so that we cannot help agreeing with Hollard1 when he says, that zoologists generally agree as to animal species and their characters, but are always at logger- heads with regard to the number and types of human races, which they sometimes wish to establish as distinct species. That, with respect to affinities of peoples, the external habitus alone is not sufficient to enable us to classify them, is proved by the gross errors committed by authors who have trusted to its constancy. Thus, for instance, we find in Desmoulins that the first human species consists of Indo- Germans, Finns, and Turks; the sixteenth are the Semitics, the first branch of which is made to consist of the Arabs, Persians, Kurds, Jews, Moors, and Abyssinians ; whilst the Etrusco-Pelasgi constitute the second, and the Celts the third branch of the Semitics. In America, two species are said to exist, — the Caribs forming one, and the Guaranis the other. Broc, who also classifies according to physical characters, places the Hindoos among the Mongols and Malays. Bory2, following the same principles, includes in his first species, the Georgians in the Caucasus, the Pelasgi, Celts, Germans, Slaves; with regard to the Aztecs, he seems doubtful whether they belong to the hyperborean or Mongolian species ; the Gypsies in Spain he considers as Ma- lays. He further distinguishes three species of Americans ; the first of which reaching from the land of the Esquimaux to Guiana, whilst the third only embraces the Patagonians. Such absurdities show indirectly, and better than anything else, how we should appreciate this pretended constancy of physical type as a criterion of affinity of race. We may, perhaps, be reproached for having selected the least reliable authorities in order to arrive at a certain result from the perversity of their assertions. We shall therefore ex- clude them, as well as the eccentric views of H. Smith and others, and only refer to such as are known as careful ob- servers and cautious investigators, but who, trusting to the 1 " De I'homme et des races hum.," p. 263, 1853. 2 " L'Homnie," 2nd ed., 1827. SECT. IV.] CONSTANCY OP TYPE. 227 perfect constancy of the cranial form, felt justified in inferring from it affinities of races. Lesson1 declares not only the Ma- lays as a mixed people of Hindoos and Mongols, the Micro- nesians as Mongols, who had arrived later in the South Sea than the Polynesians ; but the latter as manifestly the descend- ants of Hindoos, and the Austral-Negroes and Papuas, as the progeny of African Negroes. Junghuhn2 considers, judging from the skull, the Balinese as genuine Battas, with which the Alfurus of the East Indian Archipelago as well as the Bugis and Macassars are allied, whilst he believes that the Malays are not related to them, but form a separate race. Pickering3 groups together the Malays, Siamese, Burmese, Cochin Chinese, and Japanese, and does not hesitate to include also in that group Californians, Mexicans, Creeks, and Cherokees. Ketzius4 believes, on account of the resemblance of the cranial forma- tion, in the affinity of Turanian, Scythian, and Sarmatian families with the Pelasgi ; whilst, on the same ground, he is inclined to consider the Finnish- speaking Kareles, as allied to the Arabs. Though Hartmann5 has endeavoured to render it probable that the Kareles are not Finns, but a foreign people who had formerly lived on the Ladoga lake, it is quite certain they are not Arabs. D'Omalius d'Halloy6 groups the Lapps with the Samoiedes on account of their cranial shape. W. F. Edwards7 declares the Magyars to be partly Slavonians and partly Huns. Nothing can more plainly prove that the corporeal and cranial type may be the same in peoples of different stocks, and may differ so much in peoples of the same stock, than the fact, that a skilful observer is unable to recognize to which the individuals belong. Certainly, those who believe in the absolute perma- nence of types judge differently. They consequently exhibit a singular acuteness in the detection of mixed types. Thus 1 " Voy. Med./' pp. 157, 163, 185. 2 " Die Battalander," p. 282, 1847. 3 Pages 105, 134. 4 Miiller, "Archiv," p. 392, 1848. 5 •« Abh. der K. G. der Wiss. v. Stockholm," 1847. 6 " L'Institut.," ii, p. 5, 1840. 7 "Des caract. phys. des races hum., 1829," in "Mem. de la Soc. Ethnol.," i, p. 71. Q2 228 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION, [PART I. Bory1 recognizes in Mexico, in spite of the number of pro* ceding intermixtures, still the type of the Americans, and the diversities of the inhabitants of the west coast from the other native Americans; and Nott and Gliddon2 recognize, upon some of the oldest monuments of Egypt, already a very mixed people. We are almost tempted to ask them, How they know that God has not originally created some mixed types ? The proper definition of physical characters of races and peoples is as yet deficient in scientific precision. The practised eye generally decides on resemblance and dissimilarity. Hence there has slipped in a sort of mysterious augur-wisdom in our science, — a knowledge resting more upon feeling and a kind of artistic intuition than upon fixed rules, — upon an indefinite something which was only manifested to the connoisseur. Thus the door was opened to quackery which does not fail to make itself felt. An investigation of the facts leads us to the infer- ence, that as it certainly cannot occur to any ethnographer to separate in the lands of the Moors, the Berber, Gothic, Phoeni- cian, Roman, Greek elements, etc., according to cranial shape, or to distinguish in Greece the Slavonian and Hellenic elements, it is certain that the absolute permanence of the physical type is nothing but a prejudice, possessing no scientific title what- ever to serve as a basis for the assumption of a plurality of human species. Whatever number of principal types of mankind may be assumed, if they are considered as specifically different, it be- comes always requisite with regard to the peoples belonging to these original types to admit either a relatively considerable mutability of the type by external and internal influences, — as every people has its own peculiarities, — or else to admit an in- termixture of species. In the first case, the power of these in- fluences is strictly limited by the assumption of species, — limits, the fixing of which is purely arbitrary : in the second case, in which all changes are reduced to intermixture alone, we add to the great improbability contained in the assertion, that nearly 1 Vol. i, p. 274. 2 page 233. SECT. IV.] RESULTS. 229 all the peoples of the earth were true mongrels, a second one : that all these mixed types possess a persistent vitality without any infusion of fresh blood from the stock they have sprung from ; and further, that their own types are pre- served without any reversion to that of the parent stock, by which the assumed specific differences are neutralized and ren- dered illusory. It is unquestionable that, among the causes which induce permanent changes of type, intermixture is the most potent, and that in comparison with this agent other influences seem less important. Though this circumstance renders the suppo- sition of several originally different races in some degree pro- bable, it still remains, in by far the greater number of cases, impossible to determine whether an intermixture of different elements has taken place at all, and how far it has progressed. Intermixture, moreover, as we have seen, is not the sole agent. We can, therefore, scarcely go further than this, — that every- where, and especially when in an uncivilized state, a number of human beings, possessing the same habits and modes of life, will, by continued intermixture of the individuals between themselves through a series of generations, if they live in a state of seclusion, acquire in the course of time a nearly uni- form external type, whatever may have been the original elements. The whole result of the preceding investigation may there- fore be summed up to this effect : — that the known facts not only permit the assumption of the unity of the human species, but that this view presents less difficulties than the opposite theory of specific differences ; because any number of species assumed, appears equally arbitrary. But as the principal argu- ments in favour of unity of species rest upon the mutability of the human organism by internal and external influences, the limits of which are unknown to us ; and as in the absence of any exact information as to the length of time they were in action, we cannot decide whether the power of these influ- ences was sufficient to produce the existing differences, the question of unity of species remains an open one. Even if it were satisfactorily proved that the magnitude of the 230 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. changes which a human family may in course of time undergo, equalled the differences between the Negro and the European, it would still remain uncertain whether, in fact, the one de- scended from the other. The question as regards unity of species might then be considered as answered ; but not unity of descent. We possess scarcely any facts which may serve as a basis for the solution of the latter question ; and in what- ever way it may be decided, the solution can only claim some degree of probability. SECTION V. ON THE CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. It needs no justification if, in passing from the physical to the psychological investigations concerning the unity of the human species, we offer some few remarks on the starting points from which the classification of mankind has been at- tempted. Though we do not pretend to settle the dispute between naturalists and linguists, in regard to the value which they attach to their respective arguments, still the following remarks may, perhaps, assist in removing several prejudices which, founded upon a one-sided conception, have obstructed a proper estimation of some important points. In the various attempts which have been made towards a classification of the human species, the main object which has been kept in view was not merely a general grouping of the races according to their resemblance, but a division of the peoples according to their descent. This object was the more naturally followed, inasmuch as the possibility of a common descent was, in all classifications of mankind, either tacitly or expressly assumed. Such a division of mankind, resting upon commu- nity of descent, may be formed from three different points of view, which we may term — the physical, the linguistic, and the historical stand-points. The results obtained by no means agree. The. physical and linguistic grounds for a certain clas- SECT. V.] CLASSIFICATION. 231 sification are frequently in conflict; and so it often happens that one of these arguments is considered as of inferior import- ance,— a partiality which is frequently exhibited by naturalists who were, and still are, the principal expounders of the theories of human races. A classification of mankind according to affinity, may be said to rest on a sure basis, if inferences from authenticated historical data warrant it j but these do not reach so far back in time as the inferences which may be drawn from linguistic and anatomical data, and moreover, the former extend only to a small portion of the globe. The historical stand-point, there- fore, occupies the background ; though it acquires a secondary value where we find a conformity in manners, traditions, archi- tecture, works of art, etc., which conformity could not easily have been accidental. The study of languages may afford more certain indications. If the grammatical structure, the speech-sounds, and a large number of radicals, agree in the languages of two or several peoples, their relationship may be considered as proved. There only remains against this assumption, the possible and some- what rare circumstance of a people losing their own lan- guage and changing it for another, — a case which must not be assumed without positive proofs. Though a difference in lan- guage does not necessarily lead to the inference of a distinct origin of the respective peoples, still their assumed affinity is thereby reduced to an incalculably remote period. Although the anatomical arguments may without difficulty be applied to the classification of the whole human species, they can scarcely claim more than a general grouping according to external resemblance. The proofs, as regards affinities of hu- man races on anatomical grounds are, as we have shown, un- certain, partly because the methods of cranial measurement have not yet reached the desirable degree of perfection, and chiefly because it is as yet very doubtful whether there are constant anatomical differences, not merely between the large groups of peoples, but also within individual nations. We shall now enter upon the special consideration of the above mentioned three principal points of view. 232 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. The old attempts, with regard to the natural division of the human race, were chiefly founded on the visible differences ex- hibited by human beings, such as the colour of the skin and the quality of the hair.1 It was, however, soon found that these pre- sented too many deviations to allow great importance to be at- tached to them. Thus the colour of the skin is not sufficiently constant in the same people ; and the changes it presents from one family of peoples into another, are uncertain. Generally speaking, dark colour of the skin is found in combination with black hair, and a black or brown iris ; on the other hand, fair complexion is combined with light or red hair, and a light brown, blue, or greenish iris. The second combination is generally, though not exclusively, peculiar to the northern or white race. If to this be added, that the hair of the Negro frizzles in consequence of the elliptical form of its diameter, we obtain a division of mankind into tribes of light complexion and straight hair, into tribes of dark complexion and straight hair, and, finally, into families of dark complexion and frizzly hair. This basis of a division according to colour and hair, has recently been abandoned. Only D'Omalius d'Halloy2 still con- siders colour and hair as decided distinctions of race. He includes the Finns and Turks in the white race ; and in the brown (Malay), the Hindoos, as a mixed people of white Arians and black aborigines, the Abyssinians, and the Fellahs. Though he may be wrong in attributing greater constancy to the colour of the skin than to the peculiarities of the skeleton, it must be admitted that with many individuals of mankind it would remain doubtful as to which family they belong, if the colour and the hair did not furnish us with certain indications. A greater degree of constancy is now generally attributed to the shape of the skull. It is agreed, that it presents a basis for a natural division; and this mark of distinction becomes the more important as it gives some indications with respect to past generations. With regard to the principal cranial types, from which the rest may be considered as deviations, we find that Blumenbach, 1 See Blumenbach, " De gen. hum. var. nat.," p. 296, 3rd edit. 2 " L'Institut.," ii, p. 86, 1844. SECT. V.] SHAPE OP SKULL. 233 the founder of this theory, designates the Ethiopian1 and Mon- golian forms as the extremes between which the Caucasian occupies the centre, the American being placed between the latter and the Mongolian, and the Malay between the Ethiopian and the Caucasian. The various races, distinguished by Blumenbach, are placed in the following order : — Negro, Malay, Caucasian, American, Mongolian ; so that the White, assuming the unity of the human race, appears as the medium or normal type of humanity. On taking, however, into con- sideration not merely the shape of the skull, but other ana- tomical differences, there can be no doubt that the White and the Negro form the extremes ; the latter, on account of his resemblance to the ape, which nearly disappears in the white man. Blumenbach' s division into five races is either too large or too small, manifestly corresponding with the geographical scheme of five parts of the globe. Lacepede and Dumeril added a sixth variety, — the so-called Hyperborean race of the polar regions; whilst Yirey2 considers the Hottentots and Papuas as the sixth chief variety, and the Negro and the White as distinct species. The facts, however, would lead either to the adoption of the three principal types, according to Cuvier, namely, the Mongol, the Negro, and the Caucasian, named by some writers after Shem, Ham, and Japhet, or to assume a considerably larger number. Prichard, Smith, and Latham, are inclined to adopt the former division ; Pickering assumes eleven, Bory fifteen, Desmoulins sixteen, and Agassiz and Nott an indefinite number, of species. Hom- bron3 assumes, even in Australia, the population of which was hitherto considered by all ethnographers as belonging to one family, a number of distinct species, and declares the in- habitants of Van Diemen's land to be also of a distinct species. 1 It is scarcely necessary to mention that the term " Ethiopian" is as im- proper as the term Caucasian, which Blumenbach used simply because the skull of a Georgian woman seemed to him as the best representative of this type, without any intention on his part to express thereby an opinion as to the cradle of these peoples. We shall, however, abide by these designations, as they are generally adopted. 2 " Hist. nat. du genre hum.," i, p. 318, 1834. 3 " Zoologie," i, p. 312, etc., in Urville, " Voy. au Pole Sud." 234 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. If the Malay and American be added to the three chief forms adopted by Cuvier, we can scarcely avoid adding the Austra- lians, Austral Negroes (Negrillos), the Papuas, and the Hot- tentots. Nor will this be sufficient. All the intermediate tribes between the Negro and the white, namely, the Kaffirs, Nubians, Gallas, Abyssinians, and Berbers, have an equal claim to consideration. This applies also to the Battas, the cranial form of whom is intermediate between that of Europeans and Malays.1 With the Mongolian type there is further associated the so-called Hyperborean type, though the assumption of a separate polar race presents many difficulties, as already shown by Yater,2 and indicates a considerable deviation. But least of all can the aboriginal Americans be comprehended in the division ; for, whatever Morton and his school may assert as to the similarity of the cranial type in all the varieties of South and North America, it is shown by their own researches that differences of shape are as considerable there as in those parts in which they are considered as fundamentally different. Some are long-headed, some short-headed,3 others, again, are round-headed ; the present Peruvians have small square skulls, with a compressed occiput.4 Tschudi5 has pointed out three essentially distinct cranial forms of the original inhabitants of Peru. It could be easily shown, that, having proceeded thus far in the division of mankind, there can be no halting place ; but we must go further, and adopt an unlimited number of types. It would be necessary to assume fixed differences between nations to whom, on historical and linguistic grounds, we cannot ascribe a separate descent. We thus become con- vinced, that, from a mere anatomical point of view, nothing certain can be inferred as to the consanguinity of races ; and that it is therefore, in every respect, advisable to adopt the above three chief types, which, moreover, as we have already shown in their intermixture with others, exhibit the greatest persistence. 1 " Junghuhn d. Battalander," ii, p. 6. 2 Mithridates, iii, p. 317. 3 Retzius, Miiller's " Arckiv," p. 503, 1855. 4 Morton, " Cran. Am./' pp. 65, 115. 5 Miiller's " Archiv," p. 98, 1844. SECT. V.] SHAPE OF SKULL. 235 To Retzius belongs the chief merit of having laid the foun- dation of an ethnographic craniology. Proceeding from the principle, that the psychical individuality of a people is ex- pressed by the development of the brain as indicated by the skull, he distinguishes first dolichocephalic and brachycephalic crania, the former shape depending on a considerable develop- ment of the posterior lobes of the brain, and the latter on their comparative shortness, which causes them in some instances to be more developed in breadth. The functions of the posterior lobes are considered by Ketzius as very important. To this general division Retzius adds a secondary classification, accord- ing to the form of the face, as follows : — 1. Gentes dolichocephalse orthognathae, 2. Gentes brachycephalae orthognathae, 3. Gentes dolichocephalae prognathae, 4. Gentes brachycephalae prognathae. The two first are only found in Europe. In Asia all the four shapes are met with in almost equal proportions. The third and the fourth are the predominating types in the South Sea. In Africa the third type predominates, though the first form also occurs in that part, as well as the second type in the South Sea. In America the third and fourth forms alternate, in- cluding, to a less extent, the second type, so that the greatest variety and intermingling of types is to be found. From the details given by Retzius,1 it clearly results that no consanguinity can be established between the peoples exhibit- ing the same cranial types. Thus in Europe there belong to the brachycephalce orthognathce the Turks, Lapps, Slaves, Basques ; in Asia the Samoiedes, Burates, Affghans, Persians. To the brachycephalce prognathce in the East Indies and the South Sea belong the Tahitians, Malays, Papuas ; to the doli- chocephalce prognatlwe in Africa, Negroes, Hottentots, and Kopts, etc. Zeune2 distinguishes three extreme cranial types : high skulls 1 Mailer's " Archiv," p. 271, 1848. 2 " Ueber Schadelbildung," 1846. 236 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. (Europeans and Asiatics in the west and south of these parts, as far as India) ; broad skulls (Mongols and many Malay peo- ples) ; long skulls (Negroes) . These three chief types are also found in the New World: the first among the Natchez and Choctaws ; the second among the Caribs and Macusis ; the third in Peru, among the Huancas and Incas ; so that we have, on the whole, six chief divisions. Between the above extreme types there are intermediate forms, probably the result of in- termixture. Thus the Turks, Slaves, Magyars, Finns, Lapps, and many Malay peoples, are intermediate between the Mongol and Caucasian ; the Papuas, Alfurus, and Hottentots, between the Mongol and Negro-type ; the latter originating, perhaps, from intermixture between Negroes and Malays. The preceding synopsis of the chief attempts of classifications shows one fact very clearly, namely, the disagreement of all authors who have treated of this subject, both in principle and execution, whenever they pass beyond the three chief types which distinguish the Negro, the Mongol, and the European. This disagreement either proves that the subject is indefinite, or that science is as yet not sufficiently advanced to give a de- cisive answer. It cannot be our intention to depreciate the meritorious* efforts as regards the investigation of the cranial race-theory. It is highly probable that there exists in every people a national form of skull, to establish which would be of great ethno- graphic interest. There is, however, no question that the in- ferences of identity of tribe from an identity of skull, or of consanguinity from a similar cranial shape, are as doubtful as the conclusions to a different stock from a deviating cranial form ; for similar types are presented by peoples living at the most remote distances from each other, who cannot, without a far-fetched hypothesis, be presumed to be allied ; whilst, on the other hand, great varieties of cranial forms are found among peoples whose consanguinity is undeniable. Finally, the varia- tion of shape in individual national types is as yet too little known to determine which form is within or without the sphere of that particular type. How cautious we should be in concluding from cranial mea- SECT. V.] SHAPE OP SKULL. 237 surements to consanguinity of tribe, is shown by Hueck,1 who found the measurement of Esthon skulls mostly agreeing with that of two Tartar skulls, although they are generally different in form. Zeune observes, that, according to Ketzius, the Scan- dinavians have long-heads, the Slaves short-heads; yet he found the skull of a Swede to be shorter than those of two Kussian female skulls. The Avar skull found near Grafenegg in Aus- tria has, by Tschudi,2 been considered as of Peruvian origin, on account of its similarity to those of the Huancas; whilst Meyer3 asserts, that the skulls of the latter are perfectly identical with the microcephalse found in the Crimea. No further commen- tary is necessary to show what confusion would result if the cranial shape were assumed to be an absolute mark of race. The question may here be asked, why the skull has been pre- ferentially selected to determine the race — do the other parts of the skeleton exhibit a less degree of constancy ? Hardly ; but the skull was not only the most accessible, but the most characteristic part, from its supposed relation to the psychical qualities of man, however obscure this relation may yet be, for, as to the fables of phrenology, these have been rejected by German science. There can be no doubt that the skull has been too exclusively considered as a permanent mark of race, and it has become necessary no longer to neglect other physical characters, for it is only in their entirety that they can afford any satisfactory clue as to the peculiarities of each race. Which of these peculiarities is the more or less important will only be determined after a long series of investigations. A fair be- ginning has been made by Quetelet, whose measurements have extended to the proportions of individual parts composing the body. He has arrived at the result,4 that in the European race the proportions of the body are constant, and that the measure- ment of but few individuals is necessary to find the normal pro- portions ; he considers it, moreover, as probable that the human body is, in its forms and proportions, more definite than any 1 " De craniis Esthonum," p. 9. 2 Mailer's " ArcMv," p. 277, 1845. 3 Ibid., p. 510, 1850. 1 "Bullet, de 1'Acad. des Sc. de Belg.," xv, P. i, p. 580; P. ii, p. 16; xvi, P. ii, pp. 11, 17; xvii, P. i, p. 344; P. ii, pp. 38, 95. 238 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. other production of nature. Among the American race, putting aside the greater breadth of the chest and the smaller feet, there is a great resemblance of proportions with those of the finest European forms. Among the Chinese the deviations are not very considerable, excepting with regard to hand, foot, and length of arm, which are generally smaller in them than in the European; the female hand is, however, distinguished by a greater size. Schultz,1 on the other hand, asserts, that he found considerable differences in the proportions of parts among Russians, Letts, Tscherkesses, Tschuwashes, Negroes, and Jews. We subjoin a short table of measurements possessing an anthropological interest : — 1. — Cranial Measurements. Ketzius, in Mailer's "Archiv," p. 84, 1845. (Swedes, Slaves, Finns, Lapps), ibid., p. 498, 1855. (Pampas Indians), in " Nouv. Ann. des voy.," iii, p. 119, 1847. (Abyssinians, Basuto-Kaffirs), Van der Hoven, in Mailer's " Archiv," p. 433, 1844. (Slavonians), Philipps, in Schoolcraft, " Hist, of the Ind. Trib.," ii, p. 385. (North Am. Indians), Robt. Clarke, " Sierra Leone," p. 48, 1846. (Various Negro peoples), Hushcke, Schiidel, Hirn, and Seele. 2. — Measurements of Cranium and the most important parts of the Body. Freycinet, " Voy. aut. d. m.," 1827 (Papuas, Sandwich Islanders, Australians, etc.). Sandifort, "Tab. Cran.," 1838 (Greenlanders, Romans, Amboineese, Kaffirs, Hottentots, Bushmen, North Americans, Singalese, Chinese, Japanese, Papuas, Australians, Kolusches, Guanches, Turks, Negroes, Javanese, Jews). Hueck, " De Cran. Esth.," 1838 (Esthonians, Lapps, Tschuktshes, Kalmucks, Tartars, Letts) . Lesson, " Voy. aut. du m./' 1829 (Mozambique Negroes, Papuas, Alfurus, Polynesians). Schultz et Quetelet, loc. cit. (Ojibbeways, Neapolitan giant, American Hercules, Chinese, Kaffirs, Negroes, European soldiers). Duttenhofer, " Ueber die Emancip. der Neger," p. 77, 1855 (Negroes), Bur- meister, " Geol. Bilder," ii, Negroes ; Thomson, in " Brit. & For. Med. Chir. Eeview/' p. 489, 1854 ; and Fechner's " Central-Blatt," p. 417, 1854, New Zea- landers. Wilkes, " United States Exploring Expedition," v, p. 539, 1845 (Poly- nesians). Flinders, "Voy. to Terra Australia," i, p. 68, 1814 (Australians). More important and certain results have been obtained from philological investigations. It probably would never have occurred to a zoologist to group the Indo- Germanic, Semitic, and other tribes in the same family. The anthropologist could only wait for and appro- 1 Froriep's " Neue Notizen," xxxv, p. 164. SECT. V.] LANGUAGES. 239 priate the results obtained in this way. When, therefore, the naturalist, in opposition to the linguist (as is frequently done) speaks of the absolute constancy of cranial types, and signifi- cantly points to those cases in which whole nations have changed their language, it looks not merely like ingratitude, but like envy. The natural forms of intellectual life seem to be subject to as many changes as the mental peculiarities of individuals ; hence it was believed that a greater constancy of type is to be found within the sphere of physical organization. The appear- ance may possibly be deceitful, and more extensive investiga- tions may exhibit an equal uniformity in the mental as in the physical organization. Philology gives a certain probability to this idea, for not only may we from the language of a people draw some correct inferences as to its intellectual state, as Crawfurd1 has done with regard to the original state of civiliza- tion of the Malays, but, generally speaking, the linguistic pecu- liarities are the most important of those of intellectual life ; because, on the one hand, they are in their origin as inde- pendent of conscious reflection as of the influence of external circumstances ; and because, on the other hand, they are trans- mitted and appropriated by later generations, and thus exhibit, in all essential points, a high degree of constancy. Whatever is created by the conscious will is subject to multifarious changes by further reflection, but not that which, like the form and structure of language, is transmitted by unconscious imi- tation, which is thus withdrawn from reflection. These general psychological considerations show the great importance of linguistic researches in relation to the consan- guinity of peoples. We shall, therefore, endeavour to specify the claims of philology to be heard on this question. The two chief points which are to be considered in compara- tive philology are the grammatical structure of a language, in- cluding the articulated sounds, and its vocabulary. According io the present state of science, both of them must correspond to infer a genealogical relationship of languages. Comparisons * » " History of the Indian Archipelago," 1820. 240 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. of vocabularies, formerly so much in vogue, are now deemed insufficient, as these comparisons were without method, pro- ceeded from no fixed principle, and the estimation of the pre- vailing differences of words was quite arbitrary. Even in lan- guages where the resemblances of many words are unmistake- able, it cannot be decided from them alone, whether they have been transmitted or merely borrowed, whether they are the consequence of a genealogical relationship, or of an exchange or communication from one language to another originally dis- tinct, but which subsequently came in contact. Many of these vocabulary resemblances may also be accidental, and produced by identical original invention. The extent and degree of the resemblance of individual words must also be taken into con- sideration, as well as their signification, especially such as designate common things indispensable to peoples even in a low state of cultivation ; for these are not so much altered in an exchange of languages as those belonging to things found only among peoples more civilized. But all this does not in- validate the general principle, that word comparisons alone are insufficient to decide upon the affinity of languages. It seems, then, that, in judging of the affinity of languages, greater importance is attached to grammatical structure than even to the resemblance of the roots of a language. Equality of original invention with regard to the structure of language among perfectly distinct races is, on account of the great com- plications and great variety of grammatical proportions so improbable that it nearly amounts to an impossibility. It appears, therefore, requisite that two languages should, on comparison, agree to some extent in both the chief elements before we can decide on their affinity. We shall endeavour to point out the reasons which justify us in inferring the consan- guinity of peoples from the quality of the grammatical struc- ture of their languages. When a language is transmitted from one generation to an- other, not merely the words, but their mode of connexion, as sentences, is also transmitted and appropriated by unconscious imitation, and thus becomes fixed. The latter point is not sufficiently appreciated, though it is quite clear that we do not SECT. V.] LANGUAGES. 241 think in words, but in whole sentences ; hence, we may assert, that a living language consists of sentences, not of words. But a sentence is formed not of single independent words, but of words which refer to each other in a particular manner, like the corresponding thought, which does not consist of single independent ideas, but of such as, connected, form a whole, and which determine each other mutually; hence the great importance of the relations of words which are afforded by grammatical structure. We shall illustrate this by somo examples. In the sentence, "Tie will to-day in the night watch his enemy in order to kill him," the chief idea, to which all others are added, is the action of watching. The sensible image of this action can be immediately conceived and repro- duced by us. The action of watching is first defined, as in this case, a future action, and this future is defined as occurring to-day. The external circumstances are further to be defined (in the night), the subject and the object of the action (he — enemy), and the relation of the subject to the object (his enemy) ; then the object of the action, which is expressed in the form of a second action (kill), the object of this second action, and the relation of the same to the object of the first action, a relation of identity (him — his enemy) . Consequently, the above sentence — on leaving out all indications of the rela- tions of the individual ideas which connected them, and instead of the pronoun ' ' he" place the name of a person — would be expressed thus, — " Watch (future — to-day) — night — Cajus — enemy — kill — enemy." Such a sentence, consisting of unconnected words, which would compel the listener to seek for himself all the relations of these ideas, would certainly be better than no speech at all, as it might be understood in spite of its obscurity. The appa- rent imperfection would also be greatly lessened if there were some fixed rules by wh^ch the relation of the words might be recognized; such as that the governing always precedes the governed, the chief idea always the subordinate idea, and so forth. In such a state are the asynthetic, monosyllabic Ian- 242 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. guages, which, like the Chinese, in the absence of all separa- tion of the parts of speech, express the relations by the position of the words. To these languages belongs, probably, the idiom of the Yebus in the west of Benin (d'Avezac) ; whether, also, that of the Othomi in Central America is as yet doubtful.1 A language is, undoubtedly, more perfect in proportion as all the relations of the individual ideas occurring in a sen- tence may be easily recognized. The means of effecting this are innumerable; such as the formation of the particular word-forms added to substantive words designating a certain modification of the sense of the latter : for instance, the future, the past, the negation, the possibility of an action ; the varia- tion in the sounds occurring in the words modifying their sense and relation to others ; the combination of several words in one word, etc. The American languages, which are called polysynthetic, are so characterized that they usually consist of an agglomera- tion of independent words : thus, in the Sahaptin, hi-tau-tuala- wihnan-kau-na, means, he travels past in a rainy night ; hi, he; tau, refers to something in the night ; tuala, to something that is done in rain ; wihnan, from wihnasa, to travel on foot ; kau, from kokauna, to pass by ; na designates the aorist and the direction (Hale) . In the Dakota, b a, as a prefix of the verb or adjective, designates that the action has been effected by cutting ; bo, by shooting or blowing ; ka, by striking ; na, by pressure or by the foot ; pa, by pushing ; ya, by the mouth (Biggs). In a similar manner do the so-called agglutinated languages, to which the Tartar, Turkish, and Finnish idioms belong, express the relations of the chief idea to the subordi- nate ones, by adding relatively substantive words to the un- changed root of the word which designates the chief idea in a sentence ; so that compound words are formed, in which the re- lations of the chief idea are amalgamated. The Magyar language has thus, for instance, twenty post-positions which can be com- bined with the substantive noun. From sevmek (Turkish), " to love," may be formed sev-dir-ish-e-mc-mek, to love mutually, 1 Pott, p. 256. SECT. V.] LANGUAGES. 243 cannot be forced ; dir gives to the word a transitive, ish, a re- ciprocal, me, a negative, signification ; e, indicates impossibi- lity. Nevertheless, according to the opinion of linguists, the poly synthetic languages of America must not be placed in the same class with the agglutinated languages of Asia, as their chief characters greatly differ (Pott). The peculiarity of each of those last mentioned languages, depends on what and how many secondary ideas are incorporated with the chief word, and by what means this is effected (prefixes, infixes, suffixes, changes of sound) ; and finally, what secondary ideas and re- lations remain unexpressed. The ideas of action rarely arise in our minds without some definite relations to persons, things, time, place, etc. If these relations are designated by changes in the word itself, by sounds which per se have no definite sense, the language is said to be an inflected language : amabis, loving, with relation to the second person as the subject of action, and the future. This principle of expressing the relations of the chief idea to secondary ideas by changes in the chief word may, in every individual language, be more or less completely carried out, by which a great variety of languages becomes possible, occupy- ingacertain intermediate position between the inflected, agglu- tinated, and poly synthetic (incorporating) languages. Thus many American languages, which Grallatin1 considered as in- flected languages (which is denied by Pott), have a great number of tense and modes. The Selish has two futures, (I shall, I will), an optative (I should), a reflective, reci- procal modus, a modus of object (I go in order to), etc. The Cherokee has still more.2 In the Sahaptin languages, nearly every part of speech may be conjugated, — "Man," I am a man, thou art a man, etc. ; " over," I am over it, thou art over it, etc. We do not pretend to have given a characteristic of the chief types of language ; we merely endeavoured to show, by some striking examples, the great influence of the type of a 1 " Transactions of the American Ethnological Society," ii, p. 23. 2 Worcester, in Schoolcraft, " " History of the Indian tribes," ii, p. 446. E 2 244 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. language upon the ideal world ; for it is clear, that regulation of the latter greatly depends upon the former. Entirely asyn- thetic, monosyllabic languages, allow our individual ideas, which correspond to individual words, to stand in independent juxtaposition, merely indicating some rude distinctions between chief and secondary ideas. In contrast with them, poly syn- thetic languages force us to grasp the whole idea, and inti- mately to connect the secondary ideas with the chief idea, to take in at one glance the whole situation, not piecemeal and successively. That they prevent the dismemberment of ideas in a greater degree than the former, is proved by many sub- stantive nouns in these languages, like "hand," "father," " son," occurring, not separately, but always in connexion with a possessive pronoun. It is of the greatest importance, for the regulation of the mass of our ideas, how many and what se- condary ideas our language induces us to connect as integral parts with the chief idea to which they refer, or what may be added as relatively independent parts. It is not less important whether, as in inflected languages, the relations are expressed by particles which, separated from the chief word, have no distinct signification. These grammatical forms of the mother language become habitual to us before we arrive at reflection ; for what language presents combined in one sound, we conceive together, and what it presents in a separate form, we conceive as relatively separate. These elementary habits in connecting individual ideas, be- long to the most important special laws to which the concep- tion of man is subject ; and on account of the power which they exert in the elementary construction of our ideas, an essential change of the structure of a language in a people, which continues as a people, is highly improbable. There is no doubt that a gradual change in the grammatical structure of a language is possible ; and if it be probable that all merely grammatical words (forms) were originally words of independent signification, and that even the syllables of inflec- tion sprung from originally independent words, which were merely added to the chief word, — then there exists between the types of language as little an absolute constant difference as SECT. V.] LANGUAGES. 245 between the chief types of the corporeal form; but such a possibility of an original unity of languages is, as Pott1 ob- serves, far indeed from being proved. The idea of an original language of the whole human race, so much discussed in the last century, is by science now con- sidered as a chimera.2 Neither would it amount to a proof of the unity of mankind, if among languages of different gram- matical structure, such as the Chinese and Sanscrit, there were found a number of similar roots.3 W. von Humboldt has remarked, that though the three chief types of the known languages may be considered as an ascending scale of the devel- opment of language, it can neither be proved, nor is it probable, that they have originated among themselves. Nevertheless, Max Muller has recently advanced the latter theory. According to him, the first stage of the development of language is a juxtaposition of independent words (family stage) ; the second is characterized by an incorporation of relations in the govern- ing word (nomadic stage — agglutination) ; the third changes the governing word to designate the relations (political stage — amalgamation). This interesting scheme has not met with approval among philologists, and has been especially opposed by Pott, who assumes a plurality of originally distinct lan- guages. Though philology may not be absolutely opposed to the origin of the human race from one pair,4 there is at pre- sent no prospect of supporting it by proofs, as Bunsen and Muller have attempted. One might be inclined to adopt this view on considering, that the light which philology has hitherto thrown on the affinity of peoples extends to but a small portion of the earth, and in casting a glance at the summary of Balbi5 of the lan- guages of the globe. He assumes 860 languages, which he thus classifies : — i. Asia, with 153 languages in seventeen families : Indo- Germans, Tamules, Semitics, Georgians, Caucasians, Tunguses • l " Zeitschrift d. Deutsch. Morgenl. Ges.," p. 405, 1855. 2 Martin, " Essai sur 1'origine du Lang./' p. 32, Paris, 1835. 3 Scnleicher, " D. Sprachen Europas," p. 29, 1850. 4 " Die Ungleickheit menschl. Rassen," pp. 202, 242, 272. 5 " Atlas Ethnographique," Paris, 1826. 246 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. (with Mongols, Turks, Samoiedes, and Finns), Zenniseis, Kuriles or Ainos, Jukagires, Korjakes, Kamschatdales, Polar- Americans in Asia, Japanese, Koreans, Tibetians, Chinese, Indo-Chinese. The latter and the Caucasians are probably to be subdivided in several families (Pott) . ii. Europe, with 53 languages in seven families : Iberian, Basque, Rhastian-Etruscan, Illyrian-Albanese, Indo-Germanic (Greeks and Latins, Celts, Germans, Lithuanians and Slavo- nians, Gypsies), Finns (Lapps, Esthonians, Magyars), Semitics, Turks. in. Africa, with 114 (according to Kolle, with 150-200) languages, among which the Berber and the Kongo family (the South African language) are the most extended. iv. Oceania, with 117, in three families : Malays and Poly- nesians, Melanesians (black nations), and Australians. v. America, with 423 languages, which, excluding California, separate in North America in thirty-two different stocks. In South America, Rivero and Tschudi have estimated the number of languages from 280-340, of which four-fifths are radically different. It is scarcely necessary to caution the reader against the authenticity of the above data, when we consider that the de- finition of what must be considered as a distinct language is rather arbitrary. The numbers are, however, hardly too high. When we take into consideration the many languages spoken in a comparatively small space, owing to the want of inter- course or complete isolation of small tribes, in various regions of the globe, we would rather be inclined to assume a higher number of radically different languages on the globe than Balbi did. The maximum of different languages appears to prevail in Central America, and thence northwards on the western coasts from California to the land of the Esquimaux,1 in Asia, in the Caucasus, in Africa, in the south of Abyssinia, in Wadai (where there are twenty), in Bornou (where there are thirty), and in Andamana, where Barth2 has distinguished some thirty distinct languages. The island Timor possesses, accord- 1 Hale, p. 197. 2 " Zeitsch. d. Deutsch. Morgenl. Ges./' vi, p. 412. SECT. V.] LANGUAGES. 247 ing to Crawfurd, no less than forty different languages; the number is also said to be very considerable in Ende and Flores, ell as in the interior of Borneo ; and even upon the small islands of the South Sea, inhabited by blacks, four or five dif- ferent languages are not unfrequent. In every part of the world there is a large number of different languages met with, in regions which may be supposed to have been the passage-roads during the migrations of peoples. Either upon these roads, or at a moderate distance from them, smaller or larger masses seem to have halted, and permanently settled. It yet remains for us to say a few words with regard to the relation of the physical and the linguistic proofs of division in Anthropology. Where both agree as to the affinity of races, there can be no difficulty; this, however, is not often the case. If the points of view are different, two cases may occur: either anatomy or philology is in favour of affinity. The first case can scarcely surprise us, when within each of the great natural divisions of mankind, we find languages of a radically different type (for instance, among the Chinese and Mongols, Germans and Basques) ; for we must bear in mind that the above division includes nations, the physical differ- ences of which are still sufficiently great to render the assump- tion of their having originally sprung from the same stock not absolutely demonstrable ; whilst, on the other hand, though ori- ginally from the same stock, an early and complete separation is the only assumable ground for a radical difference of lan- guage. If this conflict between anatomy and philology is, in such a case, merely apparent, it becomes real and unsolvable, when languages, clearly ascertained to be related, are found among peoples whose physical characters are widely distinct, unless such phenomena can be explained by intermixture, or an exchange of language, or both together. Cases' of the latter kind cannot be decided by general rules ; and for such, a careful investigation of the particular conditions is requisite. It may, however, be assumed, that language generally affords a safer guide than the physical character of a people, for the following reasons. In the first place, the typical peculiarities of languages appear to be proportionally 248 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. less changeable, whilst we have shown that the physical pecu- liarities are more so ; thus, originally different stocks acquire a resemblance to each other in the course of time, whilst ori- ginally similar stocks become dissimilar. Again, where peoples within historical times have met and influenced each other, words have gradually passed from one language into an- other, just as they may, without foreign influence, undergo a change or disappear altogether \ but never has the gramma- tical structure of a language accommodated itself to a new one, but rather the whole language has disappeared, and has been supplanted by the new one ; for such a change of the structure of a language would presuppose a transformation of ideas and the mode of connecting the elements of thought, which we deem next to impossible. This is confirmed by thieves' and vagabond dialects, which always borrow their grammatical structure from a language ready made, whilst the words are newly-formed and mutilated. Thus, the jargon spoken in Oregon, in the region of Fort Vancouver, consists of words belonging to the English, French, Nootka, Chinook, and other languages. Another ground for the principle laid down is, that the scientific method at present applied in comparative philology possesses a higher degree of authenticity, and offers better guarantees for its results than the methods of physical anthro- pology and craniology. As a proof of this may be mentioned, the greater unanimity of linguists with regard to the results of their science in comparison with the disputes among natu- ralists as to the theory of races. Moreover, the positive principles on affinity of nations laid down by philology, claim greater reliance than the negative ones supported by naturalists. We have seen that even great resemblance of the physical characters of two peoples affords no positive proof for their real affinity ; whilst philology may, in many instances, adduce an undoubted proof to that effect. We are therefore bound to declare against all those authors, who, like Nott and Grliddon,1 assert, in relation to the Berber 1 " Types of Mankind/' p. 205. SECT. V.] LANGUAGES. 249 tribes, that affinity of language proves nothing in favour of unity of origin, since, as is the case with the Jews, a frequent exchange of language takes place. There are certainly examples of this kind, but they present the important peculiarity that, without exception, the people which loses its language and exchanges it for another, has ceased to live as a people, has been absorbed by the other, whether conqueror or conquered, and forms with it an amalgam, from which the adherents to the doctrine of the permanence of physical types are less able to extract the composing elements, if the linguists fail to do so. We are ready to admit that though the proportion of an intermixture of different nations may be manifested to the linguist by the comparative number of foreign elements in- troduced in a language, as for instance, the Malay, which possesses 5 per cent. Arab and 16 per cent. Sanscrit words; still the quantity of linguistic elements does not always cor- respond to the quantity of foreign blood, so that philology cannot give a decided opinion as to the genealogy of peoples strongly intermixed, any more than natural history is able to do. When small remnants of a scattered people lose their lan- guage among nations of different stocks, such instances can- not be adduced as a proof that exchanges of languages are of frequent occurrence, and that language offers no certain in- dication as to the affinity of nations. Thus, the few hundred Bosnian soldiers who, in 1420, were sent by Sultan Selim into lower Nubia, where they settled, have not preserved their language. The scattered Hottentots in the Cape Colony, which are of mixed blood, speak only Dutch.1 Many Chinese born in Manilla speak only Tagal;2 the Chinese in Banjer- massing, and many other parts of Borneo, speak only Malay.3 The small tribe of the Brothertons (Algonquin-Indians) have adopted the English as their language,4 which may be ex- plained by the circumstance that they are composed of the 1 Napier, " Excursions in South Africa," i, p. 181, 1850. 2 Virgin, " Erdumsegl. der F. Eugenie ubers. v. Etzel," ii, p. 195, 1856. 3 " Kheinische Missionsber.," p. 67, 1853. 4 Schoolcraffc, " Algic Researches, New York," i, p. 27, 1839. 250 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. remnants of several tribes, Mohicans, Narragansetts, Pequos, Nanticockes, etc., who had no language in common j1 many Germans in the United States have done the same. The Spaniards in the mining districts of Peru exchange their native language for the Quichua,2 especially in Cuenca, and other parts of Ecuador.3 Among the inhabitants of Zamboanga, in Min- dano, the number of which does not exceed 7,000, a corrupt Spanish has established itself, consisting of Spanish and native words mixed up in various combinations by different individuals.4 Nor can such instances be adduced against language as indi- cative of race, in which a population, consisting of heteroge- neous elements, finally adopt the language of the dominating caste, as happened with the Negroes at Haiti, who adopted the French. Negroes of various African nationalities, brought as slaves into America, everywhere speak the languages of their masters, though in a mutilated manner. In Brazil they speak Portuguese f in the Mauritius (He de France), French.6 In the English West Indies they speak the well-known Negro-English; there is also found the Negro-Portuguese, or so-called Jew- language, in Surinam.7 In the Danish colonies, a language prevails consisting of words chiefly Low- German, with the omission of all inflexions.8 In a similar condition, as regards language, is the present population of the Marian islands, or rather of Guaham, for the other islands are now deserted. It consists of a mixture of the original natives (who, under the oppression of Quiroga, are said to have diminished to 2,000), some immigrants from the Carolines, imported natives from the Philippines, and also Mexicans.9 According to 1 Schoolcraft, " History of the Indian tribes," v, p. 506, note 2. 2 Pickering, " The Eaces of Man," p. 277, 1849. 3 Seeman, i, p. 209. 4 Trad. Lay in " The Claims of Japan and Malaisia upon Christendom," ii, p. 113, New York, 1839. 5 Koster, Eeise in Brasil," p. 574, 1817. 6 Example of a narration in one of the dialects of Negro-French may be found in Freycinet, " Voyage autour du monde," i, p. 407, 1827. 7 " Zeitschrift d. Deutsch. Morgenl. Ges.," xi, p. 324. 8 Oldendorp, " Gesch. d. Miss, auf St. Thomas, St. Croix, and St. Jan., p. 424, 1777; and Wullschlagel, "Gramm. und Worterb. des Neger-En- glischen." 9 Chamisso, Bemerk. in " Ansichten auf einer Entdeckungsreise," p. 78, 1821; Kotzebue, "Entdeckungsreise," ii, p. 129, 1821; De Pages, "Eeise urn d. Welt," p. 143, 1786. SECT. V.] CHANGE OF LANGUAGE. 251 Mallat1 they speak Spanish, and have adopted many Spanish customs ; but according to D'Urville,2 the imported population do not speak Spanish, but the language of the natives, — the Chamorro. In America, also, the Spanish has frequently re- placed the languages of the natives, especially in S. Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Eica, the original languages of which are unknown. These phenomena do not, however, appear to be so general as Latham asserts ;3 but are limited in Nicaragua to certain districts, are more frequent in S. Salvador, and occur also in some villages in Honduras.4 As in these cases the exchange of language may be explained from extensive intermixture of the natives with the Spaniards, so also among the Guayqueriers, a branch of the Guaraunos on the coast of S. Margaretha, who now all speak Spanish, and differ much in external appearance from individuals of their own stock.5 This likewise applies to the populations of Baradero, Quilmos, Calchaguy, and S. Domingo Soriano, on the river Negro, who not having been by the Jesuits united in commu- nities, have preserved their liberty, and pass now as Spaniards, whose language and customs they have adopted in consequence of intermixture ;6 also to the inhabitants of Chiloe, whose ori- ginal language is almost entirely forgotten and replaced by the Spanish.7 With regard to the Changes, who reach from Huasco to Cobija, the accounts are contradictory. According to some they are Indians, according to others they are the de- scendants of Spaniards, who in the olden time had settled there; their language seems to be a corrupt Spanish; they dress like the lower classes of Chili, and have had, as is asserted, little intercourse with the Spaniards.8 The Indians of the environs of Rio Janeiro have also almost entirely lost their 1 " Les Philippines/' i, p. 342, 1846. 2 " Voyage de 1' Astrolabe," v, p. 277. 3 " Journal of the Royal Geographical Society," xx, p. 189. 4 Scherzer, " Wanderungen durch d. mittel am Freistaaten," pp. 165, 402, 348; 1857. 5 Humboldt und Bonpland, i, p. 467. 6 Azara, " Voy. dans 1'Am. merid.," ii, p. 217, 1809. 7 King and Fitzroy, i, p. 278. 8 De la Salle, " Voyage autour du monde sur la Bonite," ii, p. 13, 1845 ; St. Cricq, " Bullet. Soc. Geog.," ii, p. 304, 1853 ; Philippi, in Petermann's "Geogr. Mittheil.," p. 56, 1856. 252 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I language, and speak Portuguese.1 It is, undoubtedly, an exaggeration that one million of the aborigines of America have exchanged their native for an European, language.2 The natives of unmixed blood have scarcely done so in a single instance ; only mixed populations, in a state of slavery, have allowed the language of the rulers to be forced on them. Thus we often see small tribes absorbed by stronger ones ; by ceasing to exist as a people, they adopt the language of the more powerful tribe. Ancient Rome, which had absorbed so many foreign elements, presents a striking example. It has already been mentioned, that many American Indian nations have absorbed a number of minor tribes. It occurs, however, occasionally that a people absorbed by another may still pre- serve its language, like the Yuchi, incorporated by the Creeks ; perhaps the circumstance that the women of the Caribs possess a different language than the men, may result from a similar event. In such cases, much depends on the will of the con- queror, and the tenacity with which the conquered keep to the peculiarities of their race, — a quality which different tribes possess in a different degree. The caste of the serfs among the Bracknas, in the north of Senegal, are the Zenaghas, — a Berber tribe which, by its masters the Assani, had the Arabian language forced upon them,8 like several Kabyle tribes of the province Constantine, who have adopted this language.4 Thus, many scattered Yindjha peoples in the East Indies have ex- changed their language for a filial language of the Sanscrit. On the other hand, that the conquerors lose sometimes their language to the conquered, is instanced by the Normans in the tenth century, and the Longobards. In all these cases, in which a people has lost its language, it has by intermixture ceased to exist as a people ; and neither the consideration of physical types, nor philology, can give any clear indication of its existence, unless supported by special his- torical documents. It must be an extremely rare case in which, 1 Von Eschwege, " Journal v. Brasil," ii, p. 16. 2 Humboldt und Bonpland, v, p. 774. 3 Leo Afrieaiius, "Bossi e Negri delle Nigrizia occ. Torino," i, p. 112, 1838. 4 M. Wagner, " Eoise in Algier," ii, p. 11, 1S41. SECT. V.] CHANGE OP LANGUAGE. 253 according to Pott's assumption,1 the Parthian, i. e. the Scythian conquerors of Iran, found themselves, by losing the gramma- tical structure of their own language, which was replaced by a very simple one, — that of the Pehlwi, which belongs to the Iranian languages. Thus, in Sicily, the non-Greek peoples forgot their own language in consequence of intermixture of the natives with the Sikeliotes, and the forced transportation of whole communities ; the whole island became a Greek ter- ritory, and remained so to the middle ages.2 Where, however, such a case is not proved by history, we are not justified in adducing such rare exceptions in support of assumed theories. Such an error is committed by Berthelot,3 in asserting that the present inhabitants of the Canary islands are still, physically and morally, the ancient Guanches, having only lost their lan- guage ; though he confines himself merely to some similarity of both in customs and mode of life, and describes two different types of Guanche mummies, without even maintaining that they are the types of the present natives. Retzius commits a similar error,4 in stating that the Kareles have lost their own language and appropriated the Finnish, because they possess oval heads, while the Savolax is globular-headed, and the Tavastlander square-headed. Such assumptions, without historical evidence, are inadmissible. Pott says justly,5 "If colonies are to be able to suppress languages, or essentially to alter them, they must possess a lasting power which must be concentrated in important cities, otherwise they will, with their own language, perish in the mass of the subjected peoples." In contrast to the phenomenon of the loss of a language of a people, or rather, as is most generally the case, of the extinction of the same as a people, together with its language, stands the not less frequent phenomenon of individual languages which sustain their independence. The Spanish language in Manilla has, in spite of the secured possession of the Spaniards, made in that part as little progress as the English language in the 1 Art. " Indogerm. Sprachstamm," Ersch. u. GK, p. 52. 2 Niebuhr, " Rom. Gesch.," i, 174. 3 "Mem. de la Soc. Ethnol./' i, p. 146. 4 MiOler's " Archiv," p. 395, 1848. 5 Loc. cit., p. 81. ' 254 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. East Indies. The Malay in Singapore, and the Sowaheili on the east coast of Africa, have remained the dominant languages, notwithstanding the long rule of the Arabs over that region. The Arab language, though in a corrupt state, has maintained it- self in Malta ; and notwithstanding their dispersion, the Gypsies, and in many places the Jews, have preserved their languages. The historical point of view which may serve as a guide in the division of mankind and their affinity, can hardly be sepa- rated from linguistic considerations, since the peculiarities of language present the chief evidence which throws light on the history of a people ; and the knowledge of historical develop- ment remains imperfect and fragmentary in proportion as the linguistic data are defective. We have, nevertheless, ventured upon the separation of the linguistic and historical stand-points, partly because it was our endeavour to explain the relation in which the first stands to the physical theory of the division of mankind, with which it is frequently in conflict, and partly because, with regard to the great majority of peoples, there exists no history ; so that, in the absence of all historical docu- ments, we are limited to their language and the reports of travellers, which, though frequently very meagre, are still im- portant as the only sources we possess. The historical consideration, in as far as it differs from the linguistic consideration, is, in most cases, compelled to remain satisfied with the comparison of the traditions of peoples, their religious ideas, their festivals, funeral ceremonies; then their chronology, architectural remains, tools, clothing, ornaments, and arms ; and their social and family life. From these ethnographic data, conclusions of comprehensive scope have been hazarded ; migrations and affinities, and even the descent of mankind from a single pair, or at any rate, an original cradle of the human race, has been inferred from the tradition of the flood,1 prevalent among so many distant nations. 1 According to the views of Cuvier and Buckland, the universality of the traditions of the Flood may be explained by a corresponding universal revolu- tion in the crust of the earth 5-6,000 years ago. Other geologists flatly deny the universality of such a revolution (see Jameson, zu Cuvier' s " Umwalzun- gen der Erdrinde, deutsch von Noggerath," ii, p. 191, 1830). The flood tra- SECT. V. HISTORICAL ANALOGIES. 255 We must here observe, that analogies in either of these points, taken individually, afford no proof whatever in favour of affinity, and even similarities in several points possess only a secondary importance ; for partly may they, under similar conditions, spontaneously arise in peoples who had always lived in a state of separation ; and partly may they have been the result of a short intercourse between two different peoples. How cautious we ought to be, and how just the principle is, that all such analogies can only be considered as secondary arguments in favour of affinity, will be seen by the following examples : — The analogies existing between Asiatic and American peoples have been collated by Delafield.1 Most of these peculiarities prove nothing, as they concern things which are frequently met with among uncivilized nations of the most remote regions. Whilst the Mongolian type nearly approaches the American (Bradford), the structure of their respective languages differs essentially.2 The chief points of resemblance are the follow- ing. The Schamanism of the Mongol tribes, based on fire- worship,3 finds its counterpart in the religious ideas and cere- monies of most of the Indian tribes of North America. A. von Humboldt has noticed striking similarities of the old buildings, and the religion of the Aztecs to that of the Tartars and Tibetians. Squier4 has pointed out the resemblance of the old temples of Yucatan to those of Buddha in India. The doctrine of a periodical destruction of the world and of its reconstruction, prevails in Tibet and India, as well as in old Mexico ; the first destruction was effected by earthquake, the second by fire, the third by a storm, the last by water. The ditions among some peoples, may be explained from the fact of shells being found inland in great numbers, whence they concluded that inundations 'had taken place at some period. Among other nations, that which appears as an ancient tradition is manifestly of modern Christian origin, by its similarity to the Mosaic records, and other accidental circumstances. The first was the case among the Greenlanders (Cranz, " Historie v. Greenland," i, p. 262, 2 Aufl., 1770) ; the second was found among the Namaquas (Moffat, " Mission Labours in South Africa," p. 126, 1842). 1 " Inquiry into the origin of the Antiquities of America," Cincinnati, 1836 ; Bradford, "American Antiquities," New York, 1841. 2 Pott, " D. TJngl. menschl. Rassen," p. 257. 3 Erman's " Archiv f. wissl. Kunde v. Eussland," viii, p. 213. 4 "The Serpent Symbol," New York, 1851. 256 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART I. parallels of Humboldt refer to the chronology of the ancient Mexicans and some Indian peoples. The zodiacal signs of the Mongols are arbitrarily selected names of animals, the same as serve for designating the years : mouse, ox, leopard, hare, crocodile, serpent, horse, sheep, ape, fowl, dog, swine. The Mandshus, Japanese, and Tibetians have, instead of the leopard, crocodile, and sheep, the signs tiger, dragon, and goat. The days of the months of the Mexicans have partly the same names, — hare, serpent, ape, dog ; instead of the leo- pard, crocodile, and fowl, they have the signs of the ocelot, lizard, and eagle ; the other five animals of the first series were unknown to them. Of the moon-calendar of the Hindoos, seven signs are met with in Mexico, — serpent, tube, razor, sun-orbit, dog-tail, house. What may be inferred from these facts is simply this, that an Asiatic origin of many elements of civilization in Mexico, is not less probable than numerous immigrations into North-western America from Asia, as we shall prove in the sequel. On such grounds, no proof of the descent of Americans from Asia can be inferred. But what under other circumstances might be considered as trivial, namely, that Coxcox, of the Mexican legerld, corresponds to Noah and his ark, and that even the green twig in the beak of the bird is not wanting, acquires in this case some importance, combined as it is found there with the analogy of baptism with water. Still these coincidences do not necessarily lead us to a definite conclusion, though they afford indications which deserve to be further investigated. When we merely find conformity of customs like the follow- ing,— genealogy by the female line ; burying the arms, and other valuable property, with the deceased; cutting off the flesh from the bones of corpses, and worship of the dead; referring all diseases to evil spirits ; treatment by magic, pecu- liarities which the Madagascans possess in common with many American tribes, — there is no necessity for inferring either affinity or intercommunication. But when we find in Madagascar a peculiar construction of bellows in use, formed like a double pump, it may serve as a subsidiary argument that the population of Madagascar is descended from the Malays, for SECT. V.] HISTORICAL ANALOGIES. 257 the very same kind of bellows is in use in Sumatra,1 in the Lutu islands (Wilkes), in Borneo, among the Dajaks,2 in Mindanao,3 in Timor,4 and in Dory in New Guinea.5 How little resemblances of domestic arrangements signify by themselves, is shown by King,6 who during his survey of York Sound on the Eoe river in Australia, did not find two huts built perfectly alike ; and Simpson,7 who saw in a camp of Flat-heads in North America, tents of every possible construction. The same mode of pro- curing fire, by whirling a thin piece of wood in the hole of a larger piece, prevails in Australia, North and South America, among the Kaffirs and Bushmen,8 also in the Carolines and Aleutes ; whilst in Kadak, and in the Sandwich Islands, a small piece of wood is placed in the groove of a larger piece, at an angle of 30°, and rubbed against it.9 The Algonquins, in North Ame- rica, strike fire by means of two stones.10 The remarkable custom which Xenophon ascribes to the Tibarenes in Asia Minor, that at the birth of a child the father goes to bed and is attended to, is of such a kind that, if it be found among different nations, one would, on account of its singularity, feel inclined to assume that an intercommunication must have taken place. This, however, becomes impossible, when we learn that the custom prevails, not merely in West Yunnan (M. Polo), in Bouro,11 but also in Africa, in Cassange,12 among the Basques in Biscaya,13 and most frequently in South America,14 1 Marsden, " Sumatra," p. 347, Berlin, 1788. 2 Brook, in Keppel, " Expedition to Borneo," p. 75, 1846. 3 Dampier, " Nouv. voy. autour du monde," ii, p. 9, Amsterdam, 1701. 4 Peron, " Voyage de decouv. aux ter. Aust.," 2nd edit., atlas, pi. 46, 1824. 5 W. Earl, " Native races of the Indian Archipelago," p. 76, 1853. 6 " Narrative of a survey of the coasts of Austr.," i, p. 431, 1827. 7 " Narrative of a journey round the world," i, p. 143, 1847. 8 Alberti, " Desc. phys. et hist, des Caffres," p. 36, Amst., 1811 ; Campbell, " Eeise in Sud-Afr.," p. 37, Weimar, 1823 ; Barrow, " Eeise durch d. inneren G. des Siidl. Afr.," i, p. 281, 1801. 9 Chamisso, " Entdeckungsreise," p. 154. 10 Lafitau, " Moeurs des Sauvages Americains," ii, p. 242, 1724. 11 Ausland, p. 1046, 1855. 12 Zuchelli, " Miss. u. Keisebesch. nach Congo," p. 166, 1715, 13 Eougemont, " Le peuple primitif," ii, p. 420, 1855. 11 The unanimity of travellers forbids our considering this custom as a fiction. The caiise seems to be a peculiar superstition. Among the Caribs it is said to rest upon this, — that the husband is not allowed, at the birth of a child, to kill any large but only small game, as birds, etc., — perhaps, in order that the wife might not be obliged to overtask her powers in the 258 PHYSICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART ! namely, among the Caribs,1 in the Pearl Island, near Cartha- gena,2 on the Ucayale,3 on the Solimoes, among the Juris,4 01 the Tapajoz, among the Mundrucus,5 and among the Abi- ponians.6 These examples prove how cautious we should be in arriving at conclusions when we find merely conformities in such and similar things, as they offer no secure basis by themselves for inferring the affinity of peoples. preparation of larger animals, hence the husband passes the greater part of the day in his hammock (Quandt, " Nachr. v. Surinam," p. 252, 1807). Among many peoples we hear of a continuous fasting of the husband on such occa- sions, among the Conibos on the left bank of the Ucayale, among the Indians on the Orinoco (St. Cricq, " Bui. Soc. Geogr.," p. 289, 1853; Gilii, p. 274). Ac- cording to Labat (" Nouv. voy. aux iles del' Am.," ii, p. 123, 1724), this fasting lasts, among the Caribs, thirty to forty days, but only takes place at the birth of the first son, and is thus a religious custom. 1 Fennin, "Descr. de la col. de Surinam," i, p. 81, Amst., 1769; Lavaysse, " Eeise nach Trinidad," 1816, denies it. 2 Allerhand, " Lehrreiche Briefe, v. d. Miss, der Ges. Jesu/' i, p. 56, 1726. 8 Tschudi, " Peru," p. 235, 1846. 4 Spix and Martius, p. 1186. 6 Ibid., p. 1339. 6 Dobrizhoffer, "Gesch. d. Abiponer," ii, p. 273, 1783. 259 PAKT II. PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. IP the examination of the physical peculiarities of the races of mankind had irresistibly led to the result, that the question as regards the unity of mankind must be answered in the negative, we might have been relieved of the necessity of in- quiring into the psychical endowments of the various races ; or we might have simply endeavoured to ascertain whether the specific physical diversities corresponded to the differences in psychical manifestations. But the psychological investigation becomes highly important, if not indispensable, for the solu- tion of the chief question when we find that, though anatomy and physiology furnish us with stronger grounds in favour of the unity of mankind, as a species, than the arguments ad- duced for the opposite theory, they are of such a nature that they cannot be considered as decisive. Again, however conclusive the physical arguments in favour of unity might be, they would lose their validity if it could be established, that there existed permanent psychical differences, presenting im- passable barriers to the development of individual races. The psychological aspect of the question has not, it is true, been entirely overlooked; but its importance has either not been sufficiently estimated, or it has been treated with a superficiality that would surprise us, if "the reason why" were not so clear. If it be somewhat difficult to arrive at a just estimation of the mental capacity of individuals s2 260 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. known to us, it is still more difficult to estimate the psy- chical capacity of whole nations or races : the judgment is, in such cases, generally subjective. Individual nations occupy at different periods, different scales of development ; and though from the actual performances we may arrive at an estimation of the faculties which produced them, they would seem to vary at times. In addition to these difficulties, there is the circumstance, that the external and internal causes, which in one people effect the transition from a primitive to a civilized state, are as much hidden from us as the causes which pre- vented the development of another people and apparently fixed it in the position which it once occupied. All this pro- duces an inclination to cut the matter short, by assuming a different endowment for individual races, — an assumption ren- dered probable by the description of the chief features of the thoughtless Negro, the restless nomadic American, the cannibal south-islander. The primitive man stands in such striking contrast to the civilized man, that the latter in his vanity con- siders the former as specifically different ; that he himself once occupied a similar position, he does not seem to take into any serious consideration . The reports we possess of the mental condition of uncultured nations are numerous enough, but far from sufficient to enable us to form a correct estimate of their inner life. Fragmentary as these reports are, we derive from them no information as to the mode of thinking and feeling peculiar to these nations, nor as to the intellect manifested in many ways which, super- ficially considered, appear frivolous or atrocious. Hence, re- ligion, customs, and legends of such peoples, have hitherto been treated as mere curiosities ; but no pains have been taken to understand them so as to deduce from them proper infer- ences with regard to psychical peculiarities, or a proper charac- teristic of the uncivilized man. There is another circumstance which deserves notice, namely, that hitherto the problem of unity of species has been almost exclusively treated by naturalists, who considered the psycho- logical side of the question either as foreign to the main sub- ject, or as of secondary consideration. If the question was INTE.] CKANIAL CAPACITY. 261 mooted at all, it was under tlie assumption that the psychical peculiarities of nations corresponded with their physical charac- ters, especially with the structure of the skull ; in short, these things were treated with a levity not unusual among physio- logists when speaking of psychology. From the external re- semblance of the Negro to the ape, the internal resemblance was deduced without much ado. The cranial capacity was, however, chiefly relied upon to measure the mental capacity. Morton, especially, has endeavoured to establish that the mental capacity of nations or races is always proportional to the volume of the head ; and though, as we shall show, the contrary results from what he endeavours to prove, his asser- tions have been generally assented to.1 In Germany, the same views were previously held. Recently, however, Engel2 observed that there were considerable doubts whether the mass of the brain differed in crania of different types ; or whether the contraction of the skull in one direction was not compensated by an expansion in another; and whether the various cranial shapes had any influence on cerebral activity. Though we may fully acknowledge the importance of the fact that the Indo-Germanic and Semitic nations, which have ever been, and still are, the representatives of civilization (from the Semitic races the three chief theistical religions have emanated), either excel, or at any rate do not yield, in cerebral develop- ment to any other race ; and assuming even as probable the assertion of Lawrence,3 that the great diversities in the mental development of nations can only be explained from innate dif- ferences of cerebral structure ; still the axiom, that the shape and capacity of the skull indicates the proportion of mental capacity, remains unproved. ' ' Why," asks Prichard, pointedly, " have the Georgians, despite their Greek crania, never been mentally distinguished? Why has Greek and Roman civili- zation yielded before the Germanic ? Why, we may ask, has it at all declined, since the cranial shape and the cerebral struc- 1 See Hamilton Smith, p. 159 ; P. de Remusat, " Revue des deux Mondes," 4me livre, 1854. 2 " Untersuchungen iiber Schadelformen," p. 124. 3 " Lectures," p. 416, 3rd edit., 1823. 262 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PAET II ture have remained unaltered?" On consulting history, we may easily find other examples showing the overthrow of nations who were once highly civilized, possessed of beautifully formed crania, by peoples of inferior mental capacity, and less developed skulls. Notwithstanding the incontestable supe- riority of the white man above the other races, the Turks and the Magyars have entered Europe, obtained great conquests, and become permanently settled. The larger cranial capacity of the white race could not prevent it. Turning to Parchappe's measurements,1 we find the races stand in the following order, according to the volume of the head : — Caucasians, Negroes, Mongols, Americans, and Malays. The first is distinguished by the greatest length of the head, and the greatest development of the forehead and occiput ; in the Negro, the length is the same ; it is less in the Mongol and the American, and considerably less in the Malay. Lawrence, on the other hand, places the Malay, with regard to cranial capacity, between the European and the Negro, and the Ame- rican between the European and the Mongol. In the tables of Tiedemann,2 the mean capacity of the skull is : — Cases. Ounces. For the European - 135 - 40f „ American - 31 - 40£ „ Mongol - 43 - 39f „ Malay - - 77 - 38^ „ Adult Negro - - 48 - 37^ „ Asiatics and Africans of the white race 39 - 37f- It is singular enough that these mean values, derived from Tiedemann's data, are opposed to the axiom which he has deduced from them, namely, that the brain of the Negro is not smaller than that of the European; just as Morton's measurements are in opposition to the results which he infers from them. Morton says,3 that the mean cranial capacity in the European amounted to 87 cubic inches; 1 " B-echerches sur 1'encephale." 2 " D. Him des Negers/' 1837. 3 " Crania Americana," p. 260. INTE.] CRANIAL CAPACITY. 263 in the Mongol, 83 ; Malay, 81 ; American, 80 ; Negro, 78 ; but at a later period,1 after further measurements, Morton changed the order,2 so that the Malay comes immediately after the Caucasian, with 85, the Negro with 83, the Mongol with 82, and the American with 79, cubic inches of brain ; and ac- cordingly the American race (which is confirmed by Meigs, in Nott and Gliddon3), is, in this respect, the least favoured. He is thus frequently in conflict with his own assertions, that cra- nial capacity corresponds with mental endowment. The old Peruvians and Mexicans, the only American nations which had arrived at a high degree of cultivation, possessed a cranial capacity of 76 and 79 cubic inches.4 Nott and Gliddon5 give to this so-called ' f Toltecan family,"6 on the average only 76 '8 cubic inches. An old, half-civilized people in Peru had only 73, and the higher ranks of the old Peruvians 75, cub. in.;7 that is to say, as much as the Hottentots and the Alfurus, — the result of 155 measurements, — whilst Morton gives to the bar- barous nomadic nations of America, as the mean results of 161 measurements, 84 cub. in. ;8 to the Creeks, Iroquois, and Esquimaux, 87 and 88 cub. in. ; i. e.} as much as to Europeans, but much less to the more gifted Cherokees \ to the Hindoo 75, and to the Negro 78 cub. in.9 In order to sustain his axiom, he adds, as a good phrenologist, that the barbarous Indian tribes, by defending their liberty, have proved themselves to be better endowed than the slavish Peruvians and Mexicans ; and Philipps,10 as well as Nott and Gliddon, skilfully evade the question by the assertion, that in barbarous nations the lower 1 Silliman'a " Am, Journ. of Science," 2nd series, ix, p. 247. 2 Nott and Gliddon, " Types of Mankind," p. 450. 3 " Indigenous races, of the Earth," 1857. 4 "Crania Americana," p. 261. 5 "Types of mankind," p. 446. 6 Morton frequently speaks of Toltecan skulls he had before him. It must be mentioned that he designates by " Toltecans," very inappropriately, we think, all the ancient South and North American cultivated nations indis- criminately. 7 Schoolcraft, " History of the Indian Tribes," iii, p. 239. * Nott and Gliddon, 82-4 cub. in. In opposition to Morton, Warren main- tains that, from the measurements of the crania in his collection, the old civilized nations of America were distinguished from the barbarous by larger foreheads and superior cranial shape (Prescott, " History of the Conquest of Mexico," 2nd edit., 1844.) 9 " Crania Americana," pp. 173, 195, 247. 10 In Schoolcraft, iii, p. 331. 264 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. faculties of the occipital region are predominating ; whilst the anterior part of the brain — the intellectual portion — is not so much developed as in the Peruvians and Mexicans. How- ever, it unfortunately happens that the latter, in spite of their cultivation, had low receding foreheads ; and that, as regards the savage tribes of America, a flattened, small developed occi- put, has, by Morton himself, been considered as typical. As another contradiction, may be mentioned, that the old Egyp- tians had only 80 cubic inches,1 and must accordingly, like the Hindoos, old Peruvians, and Mexicans, have possessed less brains than the barbarous nations which lived in their vicinity. By the way, we may mention, that according to Tiedemann's and Morton's tables,2 the difference between the mean cranial capacity of the Englishman and Irishman amounts to 9 cubic inches, and that between the Irishman and the Negro only to 4 cubic inches. Huschke3 has recently made numerous measurements, and found that, though in all races relatively large and small skulls occur, the size of the cranium increases from the lower to higher races, among whom the largest crania are met with. But even his special data do not support his general propo- sitions. They are as follows : — MEAN RESULTS OF CRANIAL CAPACITY. Ounces. Cases. Male Europeans - 40'88 - 441 „ Americans - - 39'13 - 31 „ Mongols - 38-39 - 46 „ Negroes - - 37-57 - 54 „ Malays - 36'41 - 98 It may be immediately seen that this series does not agree with any of those quoted, but that it proves as little the pro- position, that cranial capacity and mental qualifications are cor- responding ; for the gifted Malay has, according to the above 1 Mean results of 55 cases, Silliman, loc. cit. ; Nott and Gliddon, " Types," pp. 280, 432, 450. 2 Quoted by Bachmann, in Smyth, " The unity of the human races," p. 262, 1850. 3 Schadel, Hirn, und Seele, 1854. 3 " Crania Americana," p. 260. INTE.] CRANIAL CAPACITY. 265 table, the least quantity of brain, and the Mongol less than the American. One might feel inclined to set aside the first objection, as Huschke has done,1 namely, that the cranial capa- city of the Hindoo, which according to him only contains 27 ounces of brain, is to that of the European only =2:3. This he explains from the circumstance that the Hindoo, on the average, is only 4 feet high, whilst the European is 6 feet, and that therefore the brain is proportional to the size of the body. This explanation is unsatisfactory, for the Hindoo is, on the average, 5 feet 2 inches high ;2 nor is it all applicable to the Malay, who is not on the average smaller than the Mongol. Another difficulty is, that the old Egyptians possessed, next to the Hindoos, the smallest skulls of all Caucasian races (Huschke). That some American nations have uncommonly large heads, was proved by the fact, that the hats fabricated in Paris for the natives of Canada and New Orleans during the war of liberation, were all too small for them. The inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego, the Esquimaux, and the natives of Yan Die- men's Land, have all, with a compact structure, uncommonly large heads, which seems to be the case with all inhabitants of cold regions, Caucasians included, in comparison with the in- habitants of warmer climates.3 Virey4 observes, that the Russian possesses a more capacious skull than the Swede ; the Kalmuck and Tartar; a larger cranium than the civilized Euro- pean; but the Laplander is particularly distinguished by a greatly developed cranial structure. Desmoulins has also pointed out the disproportion existing in the Mongol, and especially in the so-called Hyperborean race, between the size of the head and mental qualification. Finally, instances are not wanting which prove that the same or similar intellectual and moral dispositions coexist with different cranial formations ; and vice versd, different dispositions with the same or similar cranial shape and capacity. We see one and the same people, in the course of its history, proceed from barbarism to civiliza- 1 Page 49. 2 Lassen, " Ind. Alterthumskunde," i, p. 402. 3 Parchappe, loc cit., p. 51. 4 " Hist. nat. du genre humain," i, p. G6, 1834. 266 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. tion, and again relapse from its high state, and its capacities decline ; but as the cranial shape (as is usually assumed), remains the same, the assertion that the intellectual faculties are dependent on it, is not even consonant with the doctrine of the immutability of race-crania. We are thus compelled to renounce the doctrine that the capacity of the cranium indi- cates the amount of mental endowment. Having disposed of this preliminary question, and shown that the size of the skull presents us with no criterion for the peculiarities of intellectual life, we must endeavour to in- dicate the path we ought to pursue in these investigations. As, in physical respects, all men may be considered as be- longing to the same species, if it can be proved that the greatest physical differences occurring among them, are not more considerable than such as may have arisen in the same people in the course of time ; so may we, in psychical respects, count all as belonging to the same species, if it can be shown that the greatest differences of their mental develop- ment and their intellectual and moral culture, are not greater than the differences of the degrees of civilization which the same people passes through in its history. Here the question is not either to prove or to refute that at present, e. g. an individual Negro, or the Negro race generally, is capable of the same intellectual performances as an European civilized people; for nations are as much dependent on the historical basis of their vital development as individuals, and it is impos- sible that peoples passing through different stages of develop- ment should be capable of the same intellectual performances. But if by the term capacity be designated — what alone should be designated by it — not the possible performances at any given time, but such as are possible to the living generation under the most favourable circumstances; then it becomes clear, not only that the capacities of a people may change in the course of time, but that the judgment, as regards the unity of mankind, depends on the solution of the question, whether, under favourable circumstances, in the course of time, all nations and tribes are capable, or not, of reaching the same degree of mental development. INTR.] GIST OP THE PSYCHOLOGICAL QUESTION. 267 Though we may all agree that the capacity of the Negroes is at present far inferior to that of the White race, — and who would not admit this ? — nothing can be deduced from this ad- mission in favour of the assumption, that there exist specific psychical differences among the races of man. Like our preceding physical investigation, the results of the present inquiry will depend on the solution of the question relating to the greatest differences existing in the various races as regards mental development, and the greatest changes which in this respect take place among the same people. If we find in the same stock, or in different peoples at dif- ferent periods, or at the same period in different nations, psy- chical diversities which equal or approach the generally exist- ing differences, the latter cannot be considered as specific. This also holds good when the differences of individuals, apart of course from morbid phenomena (idiocy, etc.), approach that maximum. The intellectual development of individuals is doubly important for our investigation; partly because the most and the least gifted of every people gauge the limits of its intellectual capacity, and thus furnish us with an indi- cation whether or not we have to do with specific differ- ences; and partly in as far as the most gifted may, under favourable circumstances elevate the people to which they belong, to a higher degree of civilization, and (what is insepa- rable from it) to a higher degree of mental capacity. It is easy to see, that for the solution of this question a per- fect and special description of the intellectual life, and all its peculiarities of barbarous nations, is requisite, as its affirmation or negation can only be obtained by contrasting their chief features with the most striking performances of civilized nations in their historical development. Reserving the details for the sequel, we will consider here the psychological problem generally. We may start from the assumption that, as in the life of individuals, so also in that of nations, all cultivation is something secondary, resting upon a gradual progress to a better state than was the primitive or natural state of mankind. This natural state, marked by the absence of all cultivation, 268 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. we must imagine to have been the original condition of every race ; and though we would not designate it as an utterly barbarous and degraded state, we must consider it as a mode of human existence in which all intellectual and moral forces were yet undeveloped. But though we are compelled to pro- ceed from the assumption, that all peoples have passed through a period so absolutely uncultured, that originally they were psychically -equal, there yet remains a possible supposition that some — owing to superior predispositions, perhaps in conse- quence of an innate specific impulse — have more easily, and from slighter external influences, worked their way out of that original state, than other peoples who not 'only were un- able to effect this, but who were also unable to appropriate the elements of foreign civilization. Keeping the latter point in view, our first task must be to find out the specific characters of man generally, i. e., those which distinguish him from the brute, in order to learn whether or not these characters pertain to all races and individuals. The second question, then, will be, whether within these cha- racters, which constitute the psychical essence of man, there exist permanent differences which compel us to view the races of mankind, not as varieties of one species, but as species of a genus. In attempting a solution of this question, we shall — availing ourselves of existing materials — have to sketch a picture of the natural state of man, which, free from philoso- phical theories, must be founded on our actual knowledge of mankind. In order finally to arrive at a correct estimation of the differences between the various stocks in mental develop- ment, we shall have to take into consideration the circum- stances which induce man to leave the natural state ; whereby we may learn whether the existing differences in development are the result of specific differences in mental endowment, or the consequence of different surrounding media, mode of life, contact with other nations; in short, of differences of their historical events, or possibly of the combination of both. SECT. I.] PERFECTIBILITY. 269 SECTION I. THE SPECIFIC CHARACTERS OF MAN. We deemed it superfluous, in treating of the physical cha- racters of man, to enter into any details as regards the differ- ences which distinguish man from the brute, as they are too well known. With regard, however, to his psychical life, the differences are not so patent ; for even now we meet with authors who, perhaps judging from their own experience, consider that the mental life of the lower races is not superior to that of the ape. The witty saying of Beaumarchais, " Boire sans soif et faire V amour en tout temps, c'est ce qui distingue Vhomme de la b£te," has been defended in all seriousness, even by those who, unprejudiced, have merely judged from the im- pressions produced upon the European by a perfectly unculti- vated people. From the various judgments passed on so- called savages, it is no idle question to inquire into the essential differences which separate man from the brute, as these marks of distinction form the common basis for the mental life both of the savage and the civilized man. It is not sufficient for this object to find a term by which this specific difference can be designated so as to be generally acceptable. Various formulae of the kind have been given, and we may assent to some without preferring any in particular. When we attribute to man, exclusively, reason or perfectibility, and deny them to animals, the question must be, in what sense we take these significant terms. Moreover, this perfectibility, which is so often described as a general criterion of humanity, is, by some authors, denied to the inferior races; whether rightly or wrongly will be shown by the historical consideration of individual tribes and their mental characteristics. We are thus induced to lay aside general notions, and to keep to par- ticulars. Moreover, it is difficult to doubt that some animals, though they have no history in our sense, possess a certain perfectibility, such as the dog and the horse. There is no doubt that it is not by the spontaneous impulse of these animals, 270 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. but by the influence of man, that they leave the natural state and reach a higher degree of mental culture. To convince ourselves that these animals are really capable of such a mental improvement, we need only compare the Arabian horse with its wild parent stock. Constantly in intercourse with its master and his family, it is cared for like a member of the family, and, like a near relation, the animal takes an interest in all that concerns the family : it learns to understand human actions and occurrences; and that it sometimes acts spon- taneously and seemingly sympathizes with the misfortunes and joys of the family, has been supported by many examples. Can we, then, deny perfectibility to these animals, or doubt that their sphere of thought is capable of enlargement beyond what appears its natural limits ? We must, then, search for more decided differences between man and the brute than such as are designated by the term ' ( perfectibility," and we must look for them in the perform- ances peculiar to mankind. This investigation will, at the same time, teach us the circumstances and relations upon which the character of perfectibility, exclusively attributed to man, rests. That man learns from experience, is one of the most im- portant but not a specific peculiarity. Common observation of our domestic animals sufficiently shows that they also profit by experience, frequently in a very short time, and the lesson thus acquired lasts for life. Elephants, who have once and decisively experienced the superiority of man, are usually docile afterwards. Wild horses, caught with the lasso, use every effort to set themselves free, but once tamed they prove docile for ever. Monkeys who have once burned their lips in swallowing hot liquids, afterwards wait with patience until they are cooled j1 but this profiting of former experiences does not seemingly pass beyond a certain point. Thus monkeys are frequently caught by means of pots placed into the earth, filled with maize, through the narrow neck of which they are able to introduce the empty hand, but unable to withdraw it 1 Bennet, " Wanderings in New South Wales," ii, p. 158, 1834. SECT. I.] TEACHINGS OP EXPERIENCE. 271 when filled. Now, though we would not deny that the un- civilized man, overcome in a similar manner by sensual desire, does not reap all the fruit of his experience ; still, it would be difficult to catch men in so simple a manner as are the monkeys. We must not, however, estimate too lightly what animals really learn from experience. The mysterious word f ' instinct" conceals, in the psychical life of animals, more intellectuality and less mechanism than is usually assumed. We would ad- duce as a proof the important fact, that the known phenomena which we are accustomed to ascribe to an instinctive fear of man, are probably the result of experience, — be it from a tra- dition unknown to us, — from a kind of instruction given by the parents to the young, or that later generations have by nature become more cautious and shy, whilst their progenitors became so by experience. We are led to this view by the conduct of animals in countries which were never inhabited by man. All kinds of birds, says, Darwin,1 not excluding birds of prey, are, on the Galapagos islands, perfectly tame, — all may be approached so near as to be struck or caught. Accord- ing to Cowley and Dampier (1684), they seem formerly to have been still more confiding. Even on the Falkland islands, where there are falcons and foxes, the same observation has been made. It is, however, different as regards birds of pass- age, who have acquired experience in other countries. On Possession Island (Victoria Land), the penguins appeared in- clined to obstruct the progress of the crew of Capt. Boss.3 In Kordofan, the birds are less shy if the sportsman appears in a dress different from that worn in the country.3 On comparing man with the brute in this respect, the teachings which he derives from experience, are not only more comprehensive, but they exercise a deeper influence on the whole formation of his external and inner life, and enable him to occupy a dominating position even in the lowest state of civilization. Just as the civilized man conquers the savage, 1 " Naturalists' Voyage/' chap. xvii. 2 " Voyage in the Southern and Antarctic regions," i, p. 189, 1847. 3 Pallme, « Beschr. v. Kordofan," p. 153, 1843. 272 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. so does the latter overpower the brute, not so much by phy- sical as by mental force. He uses their instincts in a variety of modes to deceive them, imitates their sounds, catches them by baits, and hunts each species according to its peculiar habits. As this accommodation to circumstances and their skilful use shows, even in the most savage nations, a decided supe- riority above the brute creation, so it is not less exhibited in the subjection of nature to human objects. Protection against the influences of the climate by dress and habitation, manu- facture of tools, and instruments for fishing, hunting, etc., the preparation of food, are found among every people on the globe ; in all which we find a far greater use of experience than is found in the most gifted animal. What has formerly been related of the natives of the Marian Islands, namely, that they were unable to light a fire, has been proved to be fabulous. At Fakaafo only (Union Islands, north of the Samoa Archi- pelago), where the inhabitants live entirely on cocoa-nuts and pandanus, no trace of cooking or firing has been found,1 but they seem scarcely to have any use for it. Next to the teachings of experience, must be mentioned the important privilege of the designating or representing faculty by which man gives fixity to and regulates his thoughts, and exchanges them with others. Whilst animals possess but im- perfect means of communication, and consequently every indi- vidual leads, if not externally yet internally, an isolated life, we see man in every stage of his development constantly en- deavouring to give expression to his emotions by sensible images and sounds. In this kind of activity, as Schleiermacher observed, is manifested an essentially human peculiarity. Ori- ginally he finds a certain relief by giving audible and visible expression to his feelings. This is not the place to enter into any particulars as regards the origin of language ; all that we here require is, to point out the possession of language, and its use as a specific human peculiarity. It is now generally admitted, that even the most barbarous 1 Wilkes's " Narrative of United States' Expedition," v, p. 18, 1845. SECT. I.] MAN AND BRUTE. 273 nations possess a language with a more or less regular gram- matical structure. Though it be more than probable that animals possess some means of intercommunication, their per- formances in this respect have only a very distant resemblance to language. Nature has limited most of them to the produc- tion of but few sounds and gestures. Deficient in ideas, animals can only give expression as re- gards their concrete condition. Human language presupposes not merely definite individual conceptions of separate qualities, but of their relations to each other, so to say, an articulation of ideas by which alone a designation by grammatical forms becomes possible. However low a language may be in its development, it could neither express thoughts nor render them intelligible, if in the ideal world of the speaker, as well as in that of the listener, such a regulation of thought did not exist ; and this is one of the proofs that the psychical condition of man, however uncultivated he may be, is specifically dif- ferent from that of the brute. But inasmuch as the possession of a language of regular grammatical structure forms a fixed barrier between man and the brute, it establishes at the same time a near relationship between all peoples in psychical re- spects, agreeing as they do in the most essential peculiarity of intellectual life, namely, in the power of arranging the rela- tions of substantive separate ideas so as to give them a definite oral expression. In the presence of this common feature of the human mind, all other differences lose their importance, and make us more inclined to consider them as merely differ- ences in degree ; the more so as there are peoples who, despite their mental degradation, possess a language by no means undeveloped as regards grammatical structure. We agree, therefore, with Pott,1 ' ' If theology feared that an original dif- ference of language, which linguists assume, would involve the original unity of the human species (which by no means follows), the science of language restores to theology the psy- chical unity of mankind, compared with which the physical unity must yield in importance." 1 " Von der Ungleichh. menschl. Eassen," p. 243. 274 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. ies el- el- This is amply proved by the reports on the mental qualities of uncivilized nations, furnished by a great variety of travel- lers. Everywhere we find essentially the same type of intel- lectual activity : the same motives for action, the same mental emotions, the same passions, the same mode of irritation, asso- ciation, etc., are observed in the savage as in the civilized European, without any distinction of race ; and as soon as we can appreciate the motive for action, we find, even in the most ape-like Negro, a homogeneous human nature. There is much in the inner life of animals which will, per- haps, ever remain unintelligible to us. What may be their motives for action, what determines their conceptions and associations of ideas, especially their mechanical instinct, is scarcely known to us, for it is very doubtful whether the in- stinct which impels them rests upon some obscure conceptions or upon something specific. But in the presence of human beings we are never in the same dilemma. However great the difference between their mental culture and ours, we may, if time and opportunity are favourable, learn to understand all their actions, and we are thus justified in assuming in the human species, only differences in culture. Next to speech must be mentioned some other specific dif- ferences which distinguish man from the brute, namely, the use of a number of external signs expressive of the relations in which persons permanently or temporarily stand to each other; salutation; the signs of veneration or contempt, of peace and friendship, or the reverse; of agreement or dis- agreement, etc. Further, the distinctive marks of rank in clothing, head-dress, ornament, and other marks on the body. Thus, a shorn head frequently marks the slave in Africa; an artificially compressed head, in America, distinguishes the free man; scars of certain forms, and in certain spots, generally distinguish the tribes among Negro peoples. The tattooed figures in the South Sea seem originally to have had the same object in view. Another comprehensive class of marks deserves mentioning, such as ornamentation of external life, having little reference to the material well-being. This is found even among the SECT. I.] CHARACTERISTICS OP MAN. 275 rudest nations, and is really specifically human. However poor and miserable, man finds a pleasure in adorning himself. He adorns his person, his instruments, etc., with the greatest industry, and even supports, as in tattooing, great physical pain for this object. What impels him is simply the pleasure to be beautiful in his own eyes and to be admired by others, and so he bepaints and bedecks himself, and all that belongs to him. Variegated colours and their grotesque combination, musical sounds and their variations, are agreeable to him ; he finds a certain satisfaction in depicting by lines and colours what has interested him ; he constructs musical instruments, and thus he beautifies his life, the mere attempt of which raises him, on account of the intellectual basis upon which it rests, far above the scale occupied by the most gifted animals. A third chief peculiarity of man must be mentioned, — his social character, with which his capacity of speaking stands in intimate relation. Aristotle called him, on account of this character, not a gregarious, but a political being. Men asso- ciate together, not merely under the guidance of an individual, as is the case with many animals, but their association in tribes and families is more consistent. The individuals are not so isolated as animals belonging to the same flock ; but the ex- change of thought by language leads them to more intimate relations between each other, — to greater sympathy. True, not everywhere do human beings, living together, form a state, the nature of the country and the dispersion of the population frequently prevent this, as in Australia; but nowhere are peculiar social customs absent, whilst the habits of gregarious animals seem to be everywhere the same : everywhere we find practical ideas of property and right. The small value attached to property by savage nations, must not induce us to think that they know nothing of property. Common property of a tribe or family is acknowledged everywhere, where peoples come in contact : property in the soil, which a stranger must not enter without the permission of the proprietor, seems to be sometimes more fixed among savage nations than we are inclined to believe. Private property is nowhere wanting T2 27(3 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. when individuals may have to dispute the possession of any goods ; but such disputes exist everywhere. The ethical importance of private property is founded upon this, that it enlarges the sphere of activity in the individual, and secures his future. This enlargement of his sphere only becomes important to man, because he looks into the future, and wishes to protect himself against possible future evils. Property can thus only belong to those who do not, like ani- mals, live merely in the present, but who look forward into the future. In order that property should be respected, it must be distinguishable. Again, in order that it should fulfil its object, property must be transferable, which is only possible if the will to transfer and that of accepting it can be communi- cated by intelligible signs. But all these presuppositions, which constitute the essence of property, prove again the un- surmountable barrier which separates the rudest nation from animals. Though all peoples do not possess a regular common- wealth, they nevertheless form a society in which there are certain gradations, which ultimately develop themselves into a distinction of ranks. Human society everywhere has some common interest in opposition to the private interests of tho individuals composing it. A common external enemy, or a common misfortune by natural agencies, would suffice to call forth such a common interest. One or more individuals acquire authority, and are either feared or respected. Such relations are wanting in no human society, and have but a dis- tant resemblance to the rivalry shown among some animals, and to the influence which leaders of the gregarious ani- mals acquire. Among the social peculiarities, there is also to be mentioned a specific feature, the attachment to his country, family, and people, owing partly to the personal relations of individuals. This attachment does not exist in animals, deficient as they are in individualization : an animal can easily be separated from one flock and attached to another ; whilst for man, how- ever uncivilized he may be, such a separation from a locality, — where by language, personal intercourse, and a thousand habits SECT. I.] CHARACTERISTICS RELIGIONS. 277 his being has taken root, — is always painful, making him feel that for his happiness he requires not merely human society in general, but some definite individuals by whom he is under- stood. It is the great misery to which the Negro is exposed which renders it possible that he nearly forgets this human desire, rejoicing merely in a sensual existence, and finding his happiness in eating and drinking, idling and sleeping. But such facts as these, which can only be explained by an entire perversion of the natural human relations, by no means prove that the character of humanity is absent in the Negro. It is chiefly language which separates and unites mankind, by impressing the national character upon the individual, and the peculiar mode of thinking and feeling belonging to his stock, drawing thus closer the bonds which unite the individuals as a whole. The power of public opinion, to which also the un- civilized man is subject, shows how sensible he is to the applause or censure of his fellow-men. "We have now considered the specific psychical activity of man in three directions : — in availing himself of surround- ing natural phenomena for his own objects, profiting largely by experience; in giving outward expression to his internal feelings either by language or other visible signs ; in his social relations with their concomitant rights and property, leading to certain gradations in society, and to a closer attachment to his own people. Though we find here the elements from which science, art, and morality gradually arise ; there is yet another principle, leading to a higher spi- ritual development, namely, the religious element. This is nowhere entirely wanting ; and though it may manifest itself in the crudest form, its influence can be traced in the history of every people. It has been asserted, that there are peoples among whom there is not a vestige of religion ; and, on the other hand, that all known peoples have their gods. A strict investigation has established that the first assertion is false, and the second not true. All depends on what is meant by religion and religious worship, otherwise the contest about the universality of this principle is merely a play upon words. Though it may be 278 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. admitted, as indeed it is the truth, that there are some savages among whom hitherto religious ideas — taken in a restricted sense, a belief in divine beings — have not been found, it must be noticed, that they are generally those peoples of whom our knowledge is very scanty, and that on becoming better ac- quainted with them, religious sentiments have been detected, as is sufficiently indicated by certain superstitious ceremonies. We would here only mention a few such instances. It has been asserted, that the inhabitants of the Arru Islands neither be- lieved in G od nor a future life j1 yet they possess carved images of men and beasts, who protect their habitations from evil spirits.2 The Dajaks, on the Lundu river, in the north-east of Borneo, have neither priests, nor temples, nor images ; still, they have omens and augurs,3 and traces of old Hindoo worship have also been found among them. Neither images nor any religious worship have been met with in New Caledonia ;4 still, the natives have their tabus, magic, and magicians. Thus, Anderssen5 could find nothing approaching religious worship among the Ovambos ; yet, he observes, very justly, that on nearer acquaintance we shall find that they, too, have some idea, though a very crude one, of an invisible power. It is certain that all peoples do not believe in a God who directs everything in the world ; but if by religious belief be understood the conviction of the existence of invisible mys- terious powers which, in various modes, influence the pheno- mena of nature, so that man and his fate is dependent on their favour, we may safely assert, that every people possesess a kind of religion. No doubt, in peoples standing in the lowest scale of civilization, this religion is merely a belief in spectres, still, the religious element is recognizable. Moral ideas appear not originally allied with these religious views. Thus, we find that the Kamtschadales consider only the transgression of their superstitious customs as sin ; to pierce coal with a knife, to scrape off the snow from the shoes, etc., they consider as 1 Cooke Taylor, " Natural History of Soc.," i, p. 167, 1840. 2 Kolff, " Voyage of the Brig Dourga," translated by W. Earl, p. 159, 1840. 3 Brooke, " Narrative of events in Borneo and Celebes," i, p. 23, 2nd ed., 1848; Journ. E. G. S., xxiii, p. 78. 4 Lascazas, in " Nouv. ann. des Voy.," i, p. 332, 1855. 5 " Eeisen in Siidwest Afrika, Deutch," von Lotze, i, p. 214, 1858. SECT. I.] ORIGIN OP RELIGIONS. 279 very wrong, and attribute to it diseases, whilst the coarsest vices appear to them venial. Moral ideas flow from an essen- tially different source than religion, but both are associated when man reaches a higher degree of civilization. We must also consider as erroneous, the opinion that morality and religion have grown out from a common root, namely, conscience. Though man may be considered as the lord of the creation, his dominion is by no means a secure one ; the less so the lower he stands in psychical development : his wishes and aims are not fulfilled, his plans are frustrated, misery and want overtake him. Whose fault is this ? who effects it ? These are the questions which occur both to the savage and the civilized man. The first answer which man returns to his own questions is generally to the following effect : — There is an inimical power which wills my misfortune, — a wicked being which, with invisible power, leads me to destruction. The belief in spirits is extended to all nature, the course of which, though apparently uniform and regular, still appears to the un- civilized man as incalculable. Man sees in the natural sensible phenomena something more than material forces; he sees in them supernatural powers and a supernatural connexion, — he spiritualizes nature. We find all uncultured peoples in this condition ; and though they may be deficient in definite ideas of a God and fixed forms of worship, the religious element, so far from being absent, influences their whole conception of nature. Temples are not everywhere erected to higher powers, nor images nor sacrifices made ; but, in great need, invocations of such powers, and attempts to appease their wrath or malice are nowhere wanting. Their habitations are usually imagined to be on high mountains, or in inaccessible places. Dreams, un- common occurrences, disease, and even natural death, are ascribed to the influence of spirits. The fear of the dead, and the honour shown to them, among all uncultured nations, are partly connected with the belief that the departed souls return to the earth, and like other spirits, reappear in an animal form to plague the living. This is essentially the essence of the 280 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. religious ideas which we found developed with remarkable uniformity among savage peoples. In recapitulating the sum of specific human peculiarities, we find that the general question, as regards the psychological basis upon which the differences between man and the animal rest, consists of a series of special questions, as follows : How does it come to pass, that man gains so much more from experience than the brute ? that he is capable of giving expression to his ideas ? that he has the sense of beauty ? that he looks into and cares for the future ? and that, finally, he believes that there is a spiritual world beneath the material world ? The last of these questions is the most easily answered. As man has wishes, pursues certain objects, and recognizes that he has a will which regulates his actions, he attributes all this to external nature, whenever he is hindered by it in the attainment of his objects. He can only conceive the course of nature from the analogy to his own actions ; so that all natural phenomena whose powers he experiences, are con- sidered by him as acting and willing beings. With regard to the specific peculiarity, that man looks into and cares for the future^ it may be observed, that the faculty is altogether em- pirical, for all expectation of what is to come depends on the recollection in what order and sequence events occurred in the past. To what extent an individual is capable of profiting by experience, chiefly depends on the correctness with which he has conceived past phenomena, and the mode in which he com- pares them with present circumstances. Particular circum- stances may contribute to present the past to us in a more or less vivid light, but the essential conditions always remain, — the mode and the strength of the original conception. We must therefore assume that there is an original difference between man and the brutes in the mode of conception, and consequent recollection of external phenomena. We must here point out that the natural requirements of man for the preservation of his life and protection against the elements, are more various and more difficult to be procured, and require greater mental efforts than those of animals, and SECT. I.] DISTINCTIONS OP MAN AND BRUTE. 281 that consequently he is driven to thousands of expedients by which he is both taught and psychically developed. By his upright walk, nature seems to have destined him to take a comprehensive view of surrounding objects; whilst the pos- session of " the instrument of instruments," as Aristotle calls the human hand, equally indicates his capacity for a higher mental development.1 All these are, no doubt, important at- tendant circumstances, contributing in a high degree to the preservation of man's capacity to learn from experience, as compared with that of brutes ; but these are merely subordinate, not fundamental conditions. Little would it avail man that his wants are more multifarious than those of brutes, that nature grants him less, that he must use his own exertions, and that his necessities stimulate him to use his senses and his natural instruments, if he were not enabled to do so by his greater powers of perception and recollection of individual phenomena and their relations. That there exists in this respect a very great difference be- tween man and the brute, is established by many facts. When in a state of liberty, animals appropriate only clear conceptions of the few things relating to their food and mode of life. Everything else passes by them unnoticed, though they pos* sess equally acute, and in some respects stronger, senses. But all their senses are not developed in an equal degree ; thus the sense of smell is more developed, the selection of their food being chiefly dependent on its exercise. Man, on the other hand, requires all his senses for the satisfying of his wants ; hence, not one of them acquires such a predominance as we see in most animals. If to this development of all the senses be added, a better memory for received impressions, a larger basis for a higher psychical development becomes mani- fest. Having thus disposed of one great distinctive feature between man and the brute, as regards his capacity to profit by experience, we shall now investigate two other specific cha- racters,— individualization, and the power of speech. 1 Buffon maintains, that the greater intellect of some men, in comparison with others, may be explained from the more extended use of the hands made by the former in early childhood. 282 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. With regard to the power of speech, we have already indi- cated that its essential psychological condition — of which alone we treat in this place1 — consists in the possession of an articulated ideal world, of such a nature, that single con- ceptions corresponding with relatively substantive objects, are kept separate, whilst their constantly changing relations to each other are clearly distinguished by us. But the fulfilment of this condition depends again on the original mode of con- ception of things, and on the degree of distinctness with which what has been conceived is again reproduced. If the percep- tion is imperfect and one-sided, the conceptions, which can only reproduce the perceptions, are equally so ; and this is the reason why animals are incapable of speech. They are not deficient in the conception of individual things relating to their vital necessities, but these are comparatively few in number ; all other impressions of the senses produce only a confused aggregate, and the distinction of the relation of individual im- pressions cannot be accomplished. In man, all senses are equally called upon to receive impressions from the external world; he thus acquires separate conceptions of separate objects, and their relations to each other, by which speech be- comes possible. On the same conditions, but more intimately, depends the more distinctive individuality by which man is separated from the brute. Speech, and the personal relations induced by it, influence the individualization of characters. It is by means of language that individuals enter into various and more intimate relations to each other; the experiences which they gather in their intercourse give a particular impress to each individual, varying according to the variety of his connexion with other individuals who have contributed to its develop- ment. We have already had occasion to observe, that the language of a people testifies to the degree of civilization, and that its grammatical structure decisively influences the psy- chical peculiarity ; it separates the national characters of peoples, and frequently acts upon the development of individuals. 1 It is scarcely necessary to observe, that we do not explain here the origin of language, but merely the psychological condition for its possibility. SECT. I.] DISTINCTIONS OP MAN AND BRUTE. 283 This enlarged individualization within the human species, rests upon a richer vital development, founded upon a peculiar con- ception of the results of experience. There is only one specific peculiarity mentioned by us which cannot apparently be traced to the same foundation ; namely, the sense of the beautiful, so that man does not remain satis- fied with merely providing for his physical wants, but orna- ments his body, and what belongs to him in various ways. It may be that such attempts are not made where an individual lives in perfect isolation, that they are founded on vanity and desire of distinction above others ; still, the problem is not solved by it. The impression produced on the mind by music belongs to this, like other sensual perceptions which do not merely supply vital necessaries. The agreeable sensations and pleasurable feelings of which animals are capable, seem to be much less various, and almost exclusively confined to the gra- tification of the lower senses (smell and taste). We are not far wrong, if we consider this limitation to the gratification of the lower senses as one of the chief causes of the psychical inferiority of animals. When we consider how decisive, for the mode of our con- ceptions of things and their remembrance, is the interest we take in a particular object, and how this interest determines the degree of intensity and direction of our attention, we must feel inclined to trace back the differences existing between man and animals, in their original modes of conception and the strength of memory, to an original difference in the interest taken by different creatures. The interest in an object is pro- portional to the pleasurable feeling experienced or expected from it. In man, there are many perceptions of the higher senses allied to such pleasurable feelings, which induce him to pay greater attention to their development and impressions ; whilst the pleasurable feelings of animals, being chiefly limited to the gratification of the lower senses, induces a defective apprecia- tion of things, and prevents a higher intellectual development. We shall not attempt here to decide the difficult fundamental psychological question, whether the original mode of concep- tion decides the form of psychological life ; as the differences 284 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. between man and brute only concern us in this place, it may be sufficient to have shown that essential differences do exist, which influence the progressive elevation of the former, and the stationary condition of the latter. SECTION II. PRIMITIVE STATE OF MAN (NATURAL STATE). We have examined the specific characters of humanity, and traced them to their psychological basis. But though it has been shown that its essential characters belong, without excep- tion, to all races, it has been left undecided whether there may not be special peculiarities which must be regarded as specific differences between various subdivisions of mankind. This question has been but superficially considered by op- posing parties. On one side we hear the uncivilized nations of Africa, America, Australia, etc., designated by the stereo- typed expression, " irreclaimable savages"; and on the other hand, the unity of mankind and the origin from a single pair, is deduced from the fact, that all nations possess languages of a certain grammatical structure, that all possess similar notions of supersensual things, and religious sentiments. There is no doubt that these great psychological facts deserve the utmost consideration, and are undervalued by the opponents of the theory of the unity of mankind. We agree, therefore, with Smyth in maintaining1 that these psychological facts are as much opposed to the assumption of specific differences, as the physical phenomena which are adduced are in favour of that assumption. But in all this the doubt yet remains, whether, within the chief characters, there may not be permanent dif- ferences which may compel us to divide mankind into various species. To solve this question, we shall pursue the same path we have hitherto followed : we shall examine the greatest differences in 1 " The Unity of the Human Races/' p. 249, 1850. SECT. II.] PRIMITIVE STATE OF MAN. 285 the psychical phenomena of mankind. To attain this object, we must first of all direct our attention to the primitive or natural state of man from two points of view : first, whether we find man, at least approximately, in a natural condition, and in what condition we find him. As all civilization is something secondary, and is only de- veloped in course of time, it is clear that the natural (uncivilized) man must, wherever we find him and whatever may be his qualifications, appear so dissimilar to us as regards his psychical life, as to lead us to assume between him and our- selves specific differences which do not exist. Again, we find so great a difference in mental development between the civi- lized Europeans and the so-called savages of other parts, that we are inclined to attribute it to a radical natural difference. The question is, whether we are justified in coming to that conclusion, or whether the greatest actual differences in the development of psychical life are only the result of a, fluctuating difference in culture. The period when man first appeared on this globe, and was in his actual primitive or natural state, cannot be determined. For many reasons it is highly probable that a very long period of time must have elapsed before the commencement of the historical epoch. Some chronological calculations have been deduced from geological data. The period which has elapsed between the present time and that of the coal formation, has, from the progressive cooling of the mean temperature of the earth, been calculated from 5-9,000,000 of years. From the recession of the falls of Niagara (annually from one to two feet), Lyell concludes that the formation of the val- ley of that river, which is more recent than the diluvial formation, reaches at least 35,000 years back. Though it cannot be proved that the age of man extends beyond the diluvial formation, there is still less reason to consider him younger, as at the diluvial period all essential conditions for the existence of man were present, and since that period no considerable changes have occurred on the surface of the globe. It seems, therefore, that we may imagine the age of mankind to reach somewhere between the rather remote limits of 35,000 and 9,000,000 of years. 286 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. There is another circumstance, namely, that man has no- where been found in an actual primitive state. Everywhere we find him in possession of some artificial instruments, generally of war, a minimum of clothing, etc. But in all these things, as well as in their mode of life, savage tribes have been found so stationary, that they have been considered incapable of pro- gress, and yet the progress they have actually made from a primitive state is already considerable ; for it is just these pri- mary inventions, seemingly nowhere absent, which are the most difficult, and require a long time before they are accom- plished. To those especially, who assume that mankind spread gradually from a certain spot over the whole globe, the period requisite for such a purpose must appear a very long one indeed ; for we never see nations voluntarily leave their dwel- ling places, unless pressed upon by natural phenomena or enemies. Almost all migrations proceed very slowly; and hence in all parts of the earth, the peoples who had occupied the land from time immemorial, looked upon themselves as natives of the soil they inhabit. Among the oldest civilized nations known to us, the Egyptians for instance, their in- ventions date from a period for which history furnishes us with no chronological standard. More than inventions and migrations, languages, and the physical peculiarities of the various races, indicate the great antiquity of mankind. It is exceedingly improbable that a language of a complicated struc- ture should have issued from the mouth of man when he first appeared ; it approaches to a psychological impossibility. The slowness with which a child learns to speak is a proof of it, and yet the child has nothing to invent, but only to appropriate. Children learn the grammatical forms very gradually; these forms cannot have been produced at once, for that which is expressed by them, the relations of individual conceptions, cannot have at once been present to man. From the uncon- scious or involuntary basis upon which language no doubt rests, we must conclude that it was not constructed in a short time or sprung into life at once. We should further take into consideration the great lapse of time which the branching off and substantive development of individual languages derived SECT. II.] PRIMITIVE STATE OP MAN. 287 from the same stock, must have required. The break up of an original into several filial languages may in some cases have proceeded more or less rapidly ; but from the circumstance that the mass of radically different languages is so large compared with the probable original cradles and stocks of mankind, we are justified in assuming the age of mankind upon the globe to reach back for a long series of thousands of years, especially when we consider that language is only propagated by tradi- tion from generation to generation, and that it is seldom that great changes in a language are produced within a short lapse of time. What has just been stated in regard to language applies also to physical types, which everywhere exhibit a high degree of fixity, and are at any rate only changeable within long periods. Whether we derive the intermediate gradations between the extreme types from long continued climatic or other influences, or from intermixture of originally and essen- tially different types, everything points to a past period which cannot be measured by our historical standard. There is, then, no hope of finding man anywhere in an actual primitive or natural state. Whence, then, are we to derive our notions of such a state ? To this question three answers may be given, which we shall have to examine separately. What man is by nature must be exhibited by the human child, which proceeds immediately from nature ; we must, then, empirically study the so-called savages, whose state, though not absolutely primitive, more or less approaches it. There is much to be said against judging of the primitive con- dition of man from the condition of infancy. Infancy is a rapidly passing stage of development of the individual, with which we may, perhaps, compare the youthful state of mankind, but can- not exactly parallelize it. Deficiency of experience and of mental development are common to both, but in this there prevail so many differences, that for our object very little can be inferred. We need only be reminded that the primitive man neither possesses the undeveloped physical organization of the child, which renders the latter so helpless, nor is he, like the child, led to a higher development by example and imitation. Moreover, the child is already born with the peculiarities be- 288 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. longing to his stock, and possesses, as we nave already seen, at the beginning of his life, certain physical and psychical cha- racters hereditarily acquired, which prevent us from considering him as the representative of a primitive state. From this it would appear, that not only cannot we take infancy as the standard of the primitive condition of mankind, but that the latter can nowhere be found ; and it is folly to search for its characters, partly because man at all times must have learned from tradition through his parents, without which supposition we cannot think of him, and also because he must everywhere have exhibited the typical character of his stock, and not merely the general peculiarities of humanity. The discussion of this point becomes difficult as we find our- selves on the limits of our experimental knowledge. Since we cannot obtain from science any clue as to the origin of man, it must remain undecided whether there ever have been men who have grown up without any traditional instruction from others, and whether they have not at all times possessed, besides the general characters of humanity, also certain separate peculiari- ties of stock. But all these doubts are, for our question, only of subordinate interest. We might even admit that the " na- tural man" is a mere fiction, and has never anywhere existed in reality, like a circle or an ellipse in a geometrical sense, and which, like all abstract notions, possess an individual existence, without at all impairing their value in a scientific investigation. We wish here to obtain a clear idea how we must think of man as he was before, and independent of, all cultivation, and it is for this object quite indifferent whether there have ever been indi- viduals perfectly corresponding to that state which we term the natural state. That man at his first appearance upon the earth, and immediately after it, must have approximated to that state seems pretty evident from the absence of cultivation, which we were obliged to assume. From what has been stated, it is clear that this primitive state is neither represented in children, nor in those individuals who, born of civilized parents, have grown up in an isolated state in forests, and have been found again in an adult age. Such persons have formerly been described as real na- SECT. II.] PRIMITIVE STATE OP MAN. 289 tural men, though there is no doubt that they were only degenerated. What man is when divested of all cultivation, is a question which has been frequently asked and differently answered. It is difficult to realize this abstraction, but much easier to con- vince ourselves that it does not lead to an idea of a paradisiacal state of innocence and bliss, the result of uncorrupted human nature founded upon a happy harmony of slender knowledge, few desires, and the absence of all passions. There is no doubt the natural man does not possess the refined concealed vices of a corrupt society, from the sight of which Rousseau's sickly imagination shrunk, and caused him to indulge in a dream of the original goodness and purity of mankind; but what he certainly does possess are the ugly features of external and in- ternal crudity, the necessary attendants on an entire absence of intellectual and moral culture. On imagining man deprived of everything which is the effect of cultivation, he represents merely the product of the power which called him into life, resembling an individual of perfectly neglected education, upon whom experience, in- struction, or example have exercised no influence, and who consequently is inclined neither to good nor evil, having not yet learned to distinguish between them. The first thing which would strike us as characteristic, would be his perfect depend- ence on surrounding media, his whole inner life would be their product. The primitive man first becomes that which the cir- cumstances in which he is placed make of him. The aliment afforded him by nature, the mode by which he can obtain it, the protection he requires against external agents, the inven- tions requisite to supply his wants, — all are taught by nature which surrounds him, and which thus determines his mode of life. The instruments he makes, the skill he acquires, the mag- nitude of the efforts requisite to attain his objects, and the degree of development of his psychical activity, will at the out- set mainly depend on the external media in which he is placed. No sooner, however, has he supplied his pressing necessities, than his physical and mental efforts cease. This latter circumstance is a highly important point, ex- 290 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. hibiting a chief feature in the character of the uncultured man — his remarkable indolence. The cause is not exactly that,, in the natural state, man is forced to make great efforts to support himself, so that rest affords great enjoyment. The true cause we apprehend to be that man by nature shuns every kind of labour ; that he undertakes none which is not absolutely re- quisite for his well being. Though his indolence may have brought him to want, notwithstanding his experience may have enabled him to foresee his fate, he concerns himself little about the future, but he hopes for the best. Indolence and thought- lessness, in an incredible degree, are characteristic of perfectly uneducated human beings, and it requires but little knowledge of the lower classes, even in Europe, to perceive that indolence is enjoyment to man in the natural state, and not merely in consequence of moral degeneracy. If we could for a short time remove the motives of vanity and ambition from the civilized world, even he who has the most lofty ideas of human nature, would soon find that indolence is the ideal of most people. It is nothing but poetical fancy which endows the primitive man with a desire for intellectual progress ; the habit of indolence induces him to remain in his actual condition. He never from internal impulse and without any external agency, desires to become civilized, just as the lower classes in Europe abandoned to themselves desire nothing of the kind so long as their material interests are not suffering ; and yet they have before their eyes the results of a higher civilization : hence the comparatively slow progress of humanity. " The world would look quite different," observed Hume, ' ' if man possessed by nature a little more love for useful activity ; for his indolence seems to keep him fixed for a long time at every stage of his development." Peyroux de la Coudreniere1 appears to have been the first to promulgate the theory that the white race alone is psychically active, and possesses by nature that peculiar desire of knowledge which Aristotle ascribed to man generally, and that consequently all higher culture of other races can 1 " Mem. sur les sept especcs d' Homines," Paris, 1814. SECT. II.] PRIMITIVE STATE OP MAN. 291 only be explained by its being communicated to them by the white race. He found many disciples, among whom, in Ger- many, we would mention Klemm1 and Wuttke,2 who assume permanent differences between active and passive human races.3 A closer examination of the peculiarities of mankind renders such a division very doubtful. However much we may be inclined, at the first glance, to lament that man in a state of nature exhibits at every stage such inertness and disinclination for progress, our judgment undergoes a material change on a closer investigation. It is just in proportion as the higher desires are absent, that the gratification of the lower propensities becomes possible, and the simplicity and small extent of the conditions upon which the contentment of man in a primitive state depends, render his life enjoyable. His inner life, it is true, moves in a very limited circle ; but it is undisturbed by that feverish desire for an improvement of his condition which torments the more developed man. The inner contest in man arises chiefly from his desire after a higher development; it only becomes pos- sible with the growth of higher desires which are not easily satisfied. Thus far it is true to designate the progress to civi- lization as the source of mental distress ; but we must not con- clude from it that the natural state of man is the ideal of Para- dise, the loss of which we have to lament; for it is only in proportion as man is removed from the primitive state that his physical, intellectual, and moral development is accomplished. Besides these two chief characters of the primitive man, — his perfect dependence on external media, and his indolence, — there is another feature, the licentiousness of his egotistical desires, and the absence of steadiness and plan in all his actions. Restraint and self-control are nowhere engrafted upon man by nature; they must be learned, and are but slowly acquired. This is shown in the intercourse with others, even as we see it in children and persons brought up "AUge. Culturgesch." 2 " Gesch. des Heidenthums." 3 In a similar sense, Carus distinguishes night, day, and dawn men (Ne- groes, Europeans, Mongols, and Americans). u2 292 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. without any control. Endeavouring to subject others when- ever they come in conflict with his own interest, every indi- vidual leads originally an isolated life. However repulsive these characteristic features of the primitive man may be, they are not manifestations of malignity, but as in the child and the perfectly uneducated the result of capricious desires. The absence of steadiness in the pursuit of a certain object, the action from sudden impulses, render the uncultivated savage unintelligible to the civilized man, so that he judges him in a variety of ways. If the correctness of the preceding characteristic of the pri- mitive man be admitted, then we are justified in designating the majority of the uncultivated nations of the globe as primitive peoples (Naturvolker — peoples in a state of nature), because though not exactly in a primitive or natural state, they still occupy a scale of development which pretty nearly approaches it ; for all the peculiarities which we attributed to the primitive man are found among them, and all agree in this respect. To consider, on the other hand, all uncultivated nations as dege- nerate, as fallen from a previous elevation, would be to assume that culture was the primitive, and barbarism the secondary state of man. We shall now compare the more prominent empirical in- formation we possess of uncultivated nations, in order to see whether our characteristics of the natural state of man be correct. The inhabitant of the north does not emigrate to the south to improve his condition, nor does the inhabitant of the south desire to exchange his climate for a more favourable one. In spite of the many diseases to which, for instance, the inhabi- tants of Darfur are subject, they love their country, have no wish to emigrate, but desire to return when they have left it.1 It is reasonable to suppose that this attachment to their native country, even among nomadic nations, may partly arise from their ignorance that there are finer climates, more abound- ing in natural products. This is not always the case. With 1 Moliainined-el-Tounsy, " Voy. au Darfour," p. 296, Paris, 1845. SECT. II.] UNCULTURED PEOPLES. 293 all the misery a people may endure, it generally considers its own country as the best in the world, and its manners and cus- toms as the most preferable. Cavazzi1 gives a graphic descrip- tion of the Congo-negroes, who, after having emigrated, return like the Kru-negroes to their native country, there to enjoy what they may have acquired. This sentiment seems general among negro nations ; and especially in such parts of Ame- rica as are visited by Europeans, the natives have the firm belief that the Whites have only left their homes in search for happier climates. We are, indeed, told of an Abiponian who worked hard for his passage to Buenos Ayres in order to gra- tify his desire of seeing the world.2 Du Pratz3 also speaks of a native whom a similar desire drove into the world ; but such cases form rare exceptions. From the inhabitant of Tierra del Fuego to the Hottentot, man in the natural state remains con- tent with his lot though living in the greatest misery, while it is difficult to find among the civilized nations of Europe one people which is similarly contented. Hence the following ex- pression of an experienced man becomes intelligible : " There are positions in which a thinking man feels himself inferior to a child of nature, in which he begins to doubt whether his firm convictions are little better than high sounding prejudices."4 This at any rate is certain, that every race, as Strzelecki ob- serves,5 has its own ideas of happiness : the restless striving of the civilized man appears to the uncultivated man as childish, whilst the enjoyment of an apathetic rest — the ideal of the latter — would be extremely irksome to the former. The principal motives for action among uncultivated nations may be reduced to three : physical well-being, chiefly directed to the gratification of the appetites, sexual enjoyment, and in- dolence, in consequence of a reluctance to every kind of labour ; social enjoyment, effected partly by subjecting the members of family to the will of one man, and partly by obtaining greater power over others; and, thirdly, habit, the power of which 1 " Beschr. v. Congo, Matamba, und Angola," p. 76, 1694. 2 J. P. and W. P. Robertson, " Letters on South America," iii, p. 186, 1843. 3 " Hist, de la Louisiane," 1758. 4 Cowper Eose, " Four Years in Southern Africa," p. 173, 1829. 5 " Description of New South Wales," p. 343. 294 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PAET II. influences all actions, and to a great extent perpetuates physical and moral misery. Some are inclined to add a fourth motive which actuates the uncultivated man — the superstition peculiar to an eudaemonistic religion ; but this group of efficient motives belongs to the first class ; for it is clear that his physical well- being alone influences his religious ideas, and secures their power over him. The external life of uncultivated nations does not admit of a description common to all, being different according to the different circumstances producing it. Some of them are hunters, others fishers, root diggers, berry collectors, or they carry on these occupations alternately according to the seasons. Dress, habitation, domestic furniture, arms, and the arts whicli they exercise, all depend on their modes of life j but with regard to their inner life, we find among them everywhere a remarkable uniformity. There have been frequently assumed, says Hugh Murray,1 far greater diversities in the degrees of cultivation among uncivilized nations than really exist; per- manent differences have been described which are unimportant, or do not exist at all. The individual character among uncivilized nations is not so decided as among the cultivated. Want of self-control, improvidence, intemperance, indolence combined with perse- verance in the pursuit after actual necessaries, and ornament- ation of the person, are general characters. Gluttony, drunkenness, and sexual excesses, are the most generally spread vices. Next to licentious festivities, savage passion is displayed in the chase. When there is abun- ance of game, the hunter exhibits, like a soldier in battle, the greatest rage ; he finds delight in killing and de- stroying the game indiscriminately and uselessly. Hence hunting tribes require a great space, and are frequently in want, as they do not economize their provisions. The hun- dredth part of the game killed by the Zulus, observes Dele- gorgue,2 would have been more than sufficient for him and all his companions. There are peoples who suffer annu- 1 "Enquiries respecting the Characters of Nations/' Edinb., 1808. 2 Vol. i, p. 430. SECT. II.] CHAEACTERISTICS. MARRIAGE. 295 ally from famine, and nevertheless neglect to lay in provisions or to cultivate the soil for their support. A characteristic trait proving utter carelessness for the future is mentioned by Labat,1 namely, that the Caribs sell their hammocks cheaper in the morning than in the evening. The great indolence and thoughtlessness which renders uncivilized nations so disin- clined to improve their miserable condition, has led to the con- clusion, that they are utterly incapable of effecting anything which requires industry and perseverance. That such a conclu- sion is unwarrantable is proved by the surprising patience which they evince in manufacturing their furniture and dress with the simplest tools. As instances, may be mentioned that the Indians of Peru sometimes spend two years in weaving a blanket,2 and devote five to six hours to paint their bodies. The Bosjesmen are especially distinguished by their perseve- rance, when once they are roused from their lethargy. ' ' Nothing can induce them to leave the track of game, nor will any diffi- culty deter them from an enterprise once resolved upon/'3 Such firmness of purpose is, however, rare among uncultivated nations, as they are commonly very changeable in disposition. Without being absolutely malignant and treacherous, uncul- tured peoples soon become faithless, crafty, and deceitful, especially when they feel themselves secure ; and this not so much from self-interest, as from a momentary impulse, which irresistibly leads them to gratify their desires. That this is taking a just view is proved by many examples in which rob- beries and assassination by savages have been prevented by changing their current of thought in drawing attention to some artificial trick, or by some other entertainment. If Dentrecasteaux (1792), and other writers of that period, describe uncultivated nations, e. g., the inhabitants of Van Diemen's land, as peaceable children of nature, it is partly owing to the then prevailing opinion that all corruption belongs to the civilized state, partly, it may be owing to the circum- stance that some navigators treated the aborigines kindly, 1 " Nouv. Voy. aux Isles de 1' Am.," i, pp. 2, 18, 1724. 2 Ulloa, " Voy. historique," p. 336, Amst., 1752. 3 Lichtenstein, " Eeise im Siidl. Afr.," ii, p. 319, 1811. 296 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. made them many gifts, and met with kindness in return.1 In modern times, however, the above view as regards uncivilized nations has undergone a great change, many writers now con- sidering man in a state of nature little better than the ape ; and it would be difficult to decide which of these views is the most erroneous. Taking into consideration the characteristic qualities of un- civilized nations, we must be prepared to find great abnormities in moral respects, not merely in individual actions but in the fixed habits of life. There is no doubt that cannibalism, in- fanticide, and similar deeds, have been and are still practised without any consciousness of their criminality. Though it may originally have been either revenge or misery which led to cannibalism, — as related of the Zulu people of Immithlanga (Intlangwein), that famine first drove them to eat their own children, since which time they commenced regularly to devour their prisoners of war,2 — anthropophagy in time became a habit. In like manner may be explained the many instances of moral degradation exhibited by uncivilized peoples. The principle of revenge seems to be universal among them. Blood for blood is a strict duty, and a ransom paid by the murderer to the nearest kinsman is only accepted where pro- perty has acquired a higher value, and where wealth gives power. " The most sacred duty of the Australian is to avenge the death of his nearest relation ; until he has accomplished this he is mocked by the old women — his wives, if he be married, would soon leave him. If unmarried, no girl speaks to him ; his own mother would constantly cry and lament at having given birth to so degenerate a son ; his father would treat him with contempt."3 It is well known that similar views exist among the natives of North America. "There seems to be a complete absence of moral sentiment among the 1 Latterly this view has been abandoned, and only a faint echo of it ap- pears in Schomburgk's statement (" Eeise in British Guiana/' ii, p. 240, 1847), that the feelings for morality and virtue are nicer among Indians than among ourselves. 2 Gardiner, "Narrative of a journey to the Zulu country," p. 185, 1836. 3 Grey, " Journals of two Expeditions in Australia," ii, p. 240, 1840. ?T. II.] POLYGAMY. POLYANDKY. 297 3groes of East Sudan, who not merely excuse theft, murder, id treachery, but consider these actions as praiseworthy in man. They first learned under the Turkish rule to distinguish murder frpm justifiable homicide in war. Lying and deceit- fulness are considered as marks of mental superiority, and those who suffer death on the gallows are buried with the same honours as the rich merchant or the Sheik."1 It is, however, a remarkable fact, showing that there is a natural moral feeling among even the rudest nations, that, e. g., the Australians in the region of Port Essington, when they are detected as thieves, offer no resistance f and that in the Sandwich Islands the discovered thief returns the stolen property without reluctance.3 We must now turn to the social relations of uncultivated peoples. In marriage and family life we find two characteristic features — the enslaved state of woman as the weaker being, and polygamy. The male is independent, as he has to defend and support his family. The female is despised and considered as merchandise. How little chastity is esteemed is evinced by the language of the Bosjesmen not distinguishing girl from wife.4 In the north of Peru a girl is more courted if she has had many lovers before marriage,5 which is also the case in Wydah.6 Sexual excesses committed by girls before marriage are of little importance; continence is only required of married women. It has even been asserted that chastity among Negroes only means that pregnant and menstruating women should ab- stain from illicit intercourse.7 Of the absence of romantic love there can under such circumstances be no question, although it may not be entirely wanting among some uncultivated nations. Generally speaking there prevails, in consequence of early gra- tification of the sexual passion, an unaffected and passionless re- lation between the sexes, which must not, as Delegorgue has suggested, be attributed to a greater natural gentleness of un- 1 Brehm, " Reise-skizzen aus Nordost-Afrika," i, 162, 175, 1855. 2 Jukes, " Narrative of the surveying voy., of H.M.S. Fly/' i, p. 354, 1847. » Wilson, " Missionsreise in das stille Meer," Mag. v. Eeiseb., xxi, p. 291. 4 Liechtenstein, i, p. 192. 5 Ulloa, " Voy. de 1'Am. merid.," i, pp. 343, 1752. 6 Des Marchais, "Voyage en Guinee," Amsterdam, 1731. 7 Smith, "Trade and Travels in the Gulph of Guinea," p. 249, 1851. 298 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. cultured nations in comparison with that of the civilized European. The woman belongs to the man who has purchased her from her parents ; he can therefore discard, lend, exchange, or sell her. The power of the husband over his wife seems to be greatest on the Fiji Islands, where the women among the common people are not merely articles of commerce, but are frequently killed and eaten by their husbands without their being punished for it.1 The wives of the father sometimes pass to the son as an inheritance. The wife only, not the husband, can commit adultery. Polyandry, though, as Wuttke observes,2 opposed to the notions of uncultured peoples about marriage, is not only cogitable as a matter of necessity, but is also practised from political or religious motives.3 Polygamy, on the other hand, proceeds from the estimation of the female sex among uncultured peoples, and can scarcely have been the con- sequence of the overplus of females caused by war ; though it may be admitted that a greater mortality of the males, as for in- stance, is caused in Greenland by a dangerous and noxious mode of life,5 may have contributed to establish the custom. It is chiefly the result of woman being considered as property and a beast of burden capable of being applied to useful labour. An- other circumstance which leads to polygamy is the early fading of woman (in the Bast Indies girls marry at the age of twelve, and are old between twenty-five and thirty), whether it be in consequence of the climate, or of being overworked. Among some African nations women are considered unclean during the whole period of lactation, during which all intercourse with the other sex is strictly forbidden. It has been asserted that 1 Wilkes, iii, p. 192. 2 " G-eschichte der Heidenthums," i, p. 184. 3 Dessalles' description (" Hist, gen des Antilles/' i, p. 197, 1847) of poly- gamy and polyandry among the Caribs in the West India Islands, is unre- liable. Polyandry, however, is found as a permanent custom among the Avanoes and Maypures in South America (Huniboldt and Bonpland, " Eeise," iv, p. 477) ; also in Ladakh, in the highland of Thibet, in the alpine state of Sirmore, although the inhabitants of the latter region seem to be Hindoos (Bitter, "Erdk.," iii, pp. 623, 752, 880). The arrangement is, that several brothers have but one wife between them. In Ladakh, the eldest brother must support the children. One ground of the custom may be, that the sup- port of a wife is expensive. 4 Cranz, i, p. 218. \ II.] SENSE OF SHAME. 299 iere polygamy exists conjugal fidelity is very lax. This is ly true so far, that it chiefly exists among uncultivated or f-civilized nations; but it can scarcely be said that polygamy, as jh, favours licentiousness. That polygamy frequently causes sensions among the women and disturbs domestic peace be true, but is far from being so general as asserted, long the Zulu and other Kaffir tribes (by no means the only iples) there prevails no jealousy among the women: the $t wife tries to gain so much as to enable her husband to irchase a second and a younger wife. Her authority is then increased and her labour lightened. The women, in fact, pre- fer polygamy to monogamy, as the love for their husbands is, from being purchased, rarely a personal affection.1 It seems, thus, that polygamy is not so generally injurious to family peace as is frequently assumed. Its social danger lies in this, that, supposing the sexes equal in number, there must be left a great many men unmarried, which may give rise to other vicious habits. It can scarcely have been a feeling of shame which originally induced man to cover his nakedness. The New Zealander covers his body merely to protect himself from the cold, and by no means to conceal his person.3 Just as the half- civilized Guanches were quite naked, not on all, but on some of the Canaiy Islands, so the Puris are to this day, men and women ; also the Patachos, Botocudes, etc.3 This is also found to be the case upon a small island near Apollonia ; only when they go on a journey they cover themselves, and then scantily.4 Especially where business requires it, there is not the least reluctance to expose the person. Caillie5 saw in Bambarra, laundresses walk about quite naked before strangers. It is therefore surprising that the laws of the Susus (Mandingo people) condemn him to slavery who looks at women bathing,6 whilst in Yucatan both 1 Steedinan, " Wanderings and Adventures in South Africa/' i, p. 240, 1835; Delegorgue, i, p. 154 ; ii, p. 231. 2 Crozet, " Reise durch d. Siidsee," p. 70, Leipz., 1783. 3 Prinz Max, zu " Wied R. nach Brasil," i, pp. 136, 286, 333, 1820. 4 Boudyk, " Voyage a la cote de Guinee," p. 158, 1853. 5 " Voyage a Temboctu," ii, p. 115, 1833. fi E. Clarke, " Sierra Leone," p. 33, 1846. : f 300 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. sexes bathe together.1 Some Indians on the Orinoco, where both sexes go about naked, were at first ashamed to wear clothes,3 as it seemed to them indecent to appear before strangers unpainted.3 The original motives, however, of painting and tattooing the body could hardly have been to cover nakedness from a feeling o shame ; the former was resorted to for ornamentation, the latter to mark the tribe or the family. The disinclination to wear clothes is pretty general among uncivilized nations. The feeling of shame, if it exist, extends only to the presence of strangers, particularly Europeans ; it is only before them that the women of Timor veil the bosom, and the Indian women of Brazil wear a cest.4 This applies also to the Australian.5 If dress were the result of a feeling of shame, we should expect it to be more in- dispensable to woman than to man, which is not the case. Among many African tribes the males only cover the body.6 Among some of these tribes married women go about naked, but not unmarried girls.7 In Australia, also, girls before marriage wear an apron, which is laid aside afterwards.8 Among the Gruanches the reverse takes place.9 The latter custom arises generally from a better moral tone, the dress of girls being used as a mere stimulant. In Akra the girls, as distinguished from married women, go about perfectly naked ; and among some Sererer tribes the want of clothing is a mark of virginity.10 There remains, however, an unfavourable ex- planation, namely, that a girl is permitted to exhibit her charms, but the wife is the property of the husband, at whose command she must dress. To appear naked before another 1 Heller, <• Eeise in Mexico," p. 217, 1853. 2 Gumilla, " Hist, de FOrenoque," chap, vii, 1788. 3 Gilii, "Nachr. v. Gruiana," p. 253, 1785. 4 Spix und Martius, "Eeise/' p. 370; Peron, "Voyage de Decouv.," 2nd edit. ; Freycinet, iv, p. 18, 1824. a Barrington, "History of N. S. Wales," p. 37, 1810; Eyre, "Journals of Expeditions into Central Australia," ii, p. 216, 1845 ; Hind, in " Journal of Eoy. Geogr. Soc.," i, p. 40. 6 Earth, " Eeisen u. Entdeck.," ii, p. 473. ? Ibid, p. 467. 8 Barrington, loc. cit., p. 23. 9 Webb et Berthelot, " Histoire nat. des lies Canaries." 10 Zimmermann, " Vocabulary of the Akra language," pp. 190, 253 ; Boilat, " Esquisses Senegalaises," p. 104, 1853. SECT. II.] MARITAL RIGHTS. SHAME. 301 person passes here and there, as a mark of submission. In the kingdom of Melly all the slaves were formerly obliged to be quite naked, and all the women had thus to appear before the Sultan.1 There are peoples among whom the males only are dressed;2 but even where the women go about quite naked, as among the Chevas and Tumbucas on the Zambesi, it does not affect their chastity.8 On the Orinoco, where the mission- aries on exhibiting marima shirts say, that clothes grow upon the trees, the males are seemingly more ashamed of their nakedness than the females.4 The influence of habit and custom is very great in these matters. The following examples are not uninteresting. On the Marquesas they are not at all ashamed to go about naked, but it is considered indecent not to bind up the prepuce.5 In New Zealand and many islands of the South Sea the males are ashamed to lay aside the suspensory.6 The Fellah women (which also happens in other Mahommedan countries) have no hesitation in exposing every part of the body except the face. The Tubori women in Central Africa go about quite naked, wearing only a narrow strap, to which is attached a twig hang- ing down behind ; they feel greatly ashamed if by chance the twig falls off.7 In passing from sexual and family relations to the social condition of uncivilized nations, but little can be said that is generally characteristic. Families generally live near each other independently under their own chief, gradually forming little societies, without any form of government, until internal dissensions or external attacks compel them to unite and sub- mit to the sway of one or more individuals who have proved their prowess or their wisdom. Such peoples may, however, re- main for a long time without any organization, oscillating be- 1 Ibu Batuta, " Journal Asiatique," i, p. 221, 4me serie. 2 Koelle, " Polyglotta Afr.," p. 13. 3 " Ausland," p. 262, 1858, according to Monteiro. 4 Humboldt, " Eeise in die .33quinoctialg.," iv, p. 101 : iii, p. 95, ed. Hauff. 5 Langsdorff, " Bemerk. auf. e. " Eeise urn. die Welt," p. 137, 1812 ; Lisi- ansky, " Voyage round the World," p. 85, 1814 ; Eoquefeuil, " Journal d'un Voyage autour du monde," i, p. 303, 1823. 6 D'Urville " Voyage de 1* Astrolabe," ii, p. 482. 7 Vogel, in Peteranann's " Mittheilungen," p. 138, 1857. 302 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. tween a state of perfect independence and one of despotism. It is an erroneous view to consider this oscillation among rude nations as degrees of social development, instead of attributing it to its natural cause. The disputes occurring between indviduals are either ad- justed by a third party who interposes his authority or who is chosen to act as arbiter, or what is more usual among primitive nations, the interested party is left to find his own remedy. Among many such peoples, ordeals are instituted to decide the matter. The disputes among individuals frequently involve whole families and tribes in feuds ; but it is chiefly supersti- tion or hunger and miseiy which lead to wars. The religious ideas of primitive peoples have already been touched upon in a general sense. They are based upon a per- sonification of striking natural forces on which man believes his fate depends, ascribing any misfortune to the action of inde- pendent spirits. Ungrateful as man generally is when in luck, he sees, even when in a primitive state, nothing in the success of his plans but the usual course of nature or the result of his sagacity. Thus originally his view of nature which coincides with his religious ideas is about this — that among the spirits which direct nature and the fates of man, the evil spirits are either exclusively active, as is asserted of the Indians of Carac- cas, who only believe in a wicked original being,1 or so far pre- dominant that the good spirits are made subordinate. Though the existence of the latter is not altogether denied, they are but little attended to either in thought or prayers, worship or sacrifice, since they are already by their nature friendly to man. All these spirits, are of course, conceived as analogous to the nature of man. The religion of the primitive man is thus throughout — a crude polytheism2 without poetry, even without mythology, or 1 Depons, in " Magaz. v. Merkw. Reisenbeschrift," xxix, p. 143. 2 Rougement, however (" Le People Primitif," 1855), considers mono- theism as the original religion imparted to man by an original revelation, and that pantheism formed the transition to polytheism. He endeavours to trace this primitive monotheism in the confused legends of uncultured peoples, by ascribing a cosmogonic meaning to these myths. It is unques- tionable that some of the most remote peoples frequently agree in this re- spect. Thus, the flood legends are almost universally found in America, SECT. II.] PRIMITIVE RELIGIONS. 303 rather a gloomy unconnected belief in spectres and spirits, des- troying all faith in the natural course of phenomena. Even these religions have been considered as stages of development, which is, however, not confirmed by experience. Wuttke1 ^•nates the deification of natural objects as the first stage of natural religion, manifesting itself in the worship of the elements, plants, animals; the second stage is Fetishism; the third demon-worship, Schamanism. All this is much too arti- ficial, an idle logical scheme with which the facts do not cor- respond. The belief in spirits among the Negroes, which is usually designated Fetishism, though in many respects differ- ing from that of the Australian and American, is not essentially distinct. The principle, the whole conception of nature, the relation of man to the spiritual world, is pretty much the same ; and we are astonished at this uniformity among nations so dis- tant— an uniformity tending to show that in this respect in what constitutes the kernel of mental life they all belong to the same species. In order to complete this general description of the psychical life of primitive nations, we must consider their sense of the beautiful. The great difference in taste is so universally ac- knowledged, that we may expect but little that is generally applicable, since individuality, mode of life, surrounding nature, which does not necessarily prove that the traditions relate only to one great flood. There is certainly a charm in giving a symbolical signification to the traditions of uncultured peoples, and thus rendering them rational and in- teresting; but it is, in most cases, a futile undertaking, for the following reasons : — 1. We know but a few fragments of these traditions. 2. The legends are so variable among uncultured peoples, that scarcely two indivi- duals relate them alike. Some of these are evidently invented by individuals whose object, perhaps, is to acquire some influence. 3. A close examination of the religious opinions of uncultured peoples forbids us, in most cases, to ascribe a cosmogonic meaning to their insipid traditions. 4. It is as psycholo- gically impossible that there should exist a tradition of the primitive history of mankind, as that an individual should recollect his own birth, or the first events of his life. 5. As regards the agreement of certain legends, they may possibly point to some early connexion of the respective peoples, but nothing as to common descent (we may, for instance, ask whether immigrants, say Buddhists, had once come from Asia to Mexico ? but not whether the old Mexicans originated in East India or China?). Many of the traditions have only an apparent resemblance ; and others may be explained from the circumstance that mankind were, in many regions, as regards the natural forces, placed in the same conditions, and led to the invention of similar traditions. 1 " Gesch. des Heidenthums/' i, p. 50. 304 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. the historical fate of a people, are more influential in this respect than upon moral development. Even the symbolism of colour differs among individual peoples, though here and there we meet with an interesting conformity. The colour of mourning at the death of near relations is yellow in some Asiatic regions, and among the Quiches in Guatemala;1 brown among the Persians ; blue among the Turks ; white among the Chinese, Anamese, and Siamese ;2 the colour is dark blue in Elmina ;3 dark blue and black among the Quichuas.4 The Australian when in mourning paints his body white, or draws merely a white line across his forehead, nose, or cheeks.5 The Omahas also use white paint when in mourning;6 whilst among the natives of North America black is generally the colour of mourning, and red the colour of war. Among the Mandingoes in the region of Sierra Leone white is the symbol of peace.7 Among the Ashantees and other negro peoples white is the colour of joy, and they paint themselves white on their birth- days.8 Priests, ambassadors, and warriors are dressed in white among the Yebus.9 Persons who have gained a suit, or been acquitted of some crime, dress in white in some parts of Africa. The natives of Elmina, in opposition to the belief of other negro tribes, imagine the good god to be of white, and the bad god to be of a black colour.10 Among the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego white is the colour of war, red that of peace and friendship.11 Yellow, the favourite colour of the Malays and the lowest Hindoo castes,12 is at the same time the colour of priestly clothing among the Birmese. 1 Ximenes, " Hist. del. Orig. de los Indies," p. 214, ed. Scherzer. 2 Virey, " Hist. nat. du genre humain," iii, p. 86. 3 Boudyck, p. 180. 4 Tschudi, " Peru," i, p. 353, 1846. 5 Baker, " Sydney and Melbourne," p. 150, 1843. 6 James, " An Account of an Expedition to the Rocky Mountains," i, p. 282, 1823. 7 Matthews, " Reise nach Sierra Leone," p. 89, 1789. 8 Halleur, " D. Leben der Neger West-Afrikas," p. 31, 1850. 9 D'Avezac, "Notice sur le pays et le peuple des Yebus," in Mem. dela Soc. Ethnol., ii, p. 70. 10 Boudyck, " Voyage a la cote de G-uinee," p. 179, 1853. 11 King and Fitzroy, " Narrative of the Surveying Voyage of the Adventure and Beagle," ii, p. 177, 1839. 12 Crawford. SECT. II.] IDEAS OF HUMAN BEAUTY. 305 Even in the estimate of human beauty there is the same disa- greement. Crawfurd1 maintains that the views of the Malays cor- respond in this respect with our own ; and it has otherwise been assumed that the ideal of beauty is the same among all peoples. This, however, is quite erroneous. Desmoulins2 is no doubt too rash in his conclusions from the deviations which the sculp- tured portraits of the Chinese and old Mexicans exhibit from the Greek ideal ; for although right in the main, it is question- able whether these portraits were intended to represent the beautiful. We are assured that the Negroes, who generally imagine the Devil to be white, consider a black shiny skin, thick lips, and flattened noses as the type of beauty ;3 and that the Tahitians, among whom " long-nose" is considered as a word of insult, for the sake of beauty compress the forehead and the nose of the children.4 The artificial deformation of the head among so many American nations also indicates a difference in the ideas of personal beauty, Ap Australian wo'man had a child by a white man : she smoked it and rubbed it with oil to give it a darker colour.5 A yellow, not a white girl is considered a beauty in Java.6 To have white teeth, " like dogs," instead of black coloured teeth is consi- dered ugly and disgraceful, just as the natives of North America consider vegetable food as beastly aliment. A servant of the king of Cochin China spoke with contempt of the wife of the English ambassador (1821) that she had white teeth like a dog and a rosy colour like that of potato flowers.7 And even a recent European traveller8 assures us that whoever is once accustomed to the grotesque painted visages of the Indians, considers unpainted countenances unmeaning and ugly. Ideas of courtesy and manner differ still more than those of beauty and ugliness. Among peoples who live chiefly in a 1 " History of the Indian Archipelago," i, p. 22, 1820. 2 " Histoire naturelle des races humaines," p. 229, 1826. 3 Moore, " Travels into the inland parts of Africa," p. 93, London, 1730. 4 Bang and Fitzroy, ii, p. 527. 5 Barrington, loc. cit., p. 32. 6 Pfeyffer, " Skizzen von der InselJava," p. 41, 1829; Selberg, " Eeise nach Java," p. 182, 1846. 7 Laplace, " Voyage autour du nionde," ii, p. 463, 1833. 8 Kohl, " Kitchi-Gaini," i, p. 29. 306 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II state of war, the forms of salutation are merely tlie resull of distrust of strangers, as among the American Indians Australians, the Danakils in Africa.1 As curiosities may here be mentioned that among the Malays civility requires the heac to be covered, the back turned, and the eyes cast down.2 In Sumatra, it is uncivil to mention one's own name. In Java and the Eastern Carolines, one must not stand upright nor sit down in the presence of high personages. It is rather peculiar that the Arowakes in conversing do not look at each other, as they say dogs do so.3 We must finally mention as characteristic, the general ab- sence of all cleanliness among uncultured nations, — one of the first conditions of beauty in the eyes of the civilized man. This is not always owing to mere neglect, for dirt is sometimes a protection against cold. It is rare that this uncleanliness pro- ceeds from principle, as in Hamaruwa on the Benuwe (Tchadda) , where the wives of the Fulahs are cleaner than the men who, as warriors or conquerors, despise cleanliness and ornaments.4 How much all judgment on these matters depends on habit and custom is proved by the Sandwich islanders, who collect and eat their own lice, but feel disgust at eating from a plate in which a fly has been drowned.5 We have endeavoured to illustrate the natural state of man from two different points of view — first, by inquiring how we may imagine him independent of all experience and of. all cul- tivation ; secondly, what experience teaches us of the psychical life of such peoples as approach nearer the primitive, than the civilized state. The answers to these two questions bear such a great similarity that we may, on the whole, designate the uncivilized nations — namely, those of whom it cannot be proved that at any time they occupied a higher stage of devel- opment,— as primitive peoples (Naturvolker) . We are the more justified in doing so, as the traces of that condition which we have assumed to have been the original state are still to 1 Johnston, " Travels in South Abyssinia/' i, p. 154, 1844. 2 Crawfurd, i, p. 98. 3 " Quandt. nachr. v. Surinam," p. 267, 1807. 4 Crowther, in Petermann's, " Mittheilungen," p. 225, 1855. 5 Stewart, " Journal of a residence in the Sandwich Islands," p. 156, 1828. SECT. II.] UNCULTIVATED WHITE RACES. 307 be found among civilized nations, for by cultivation the nature of man may indeed be improved, but can never be changed. The facts we have to adduce in support of the correctness of our estimate of the natural state, admit yet of another point of view of still greater importance. They prove incontestably that the greatest differences in the development of intellectual life, have no specific importance, but are fluctuating, forming nowhere fixed limits between the degrees of civilization, that they run into each other in the most complicated way, so that on psychological grounds we cannot divide mankind in various species. The civilized European is accustomed to look so much down upon the so-called savage, that he deems it an insult to be compared with him ; and yet, even in the midst of civilization we find the traces of customs, manners, and modes of thinking, which, like the relapse of civilized men into a savage state, prove their intimate connection. The assumption of Prichard that the oldest inhabitants of civilized Europe were in no way superior to the present inhabit- ants of Africa can neither be proved nor refuted in our ignor- ance of pre -historical times ; the decision must depend on our conception of the primitive state of man. This theory acquires probability from the circumstance, that even now, as we are as- sured, there are communities in Ireland, and even in the heart of France, the civilization of which is scarcely higher than that of many Negro tribes, and that a comparison of the free Negro population in the larger cities of the United States, especially of New York and Philadelphia, with that of the above-men- tioned Irish districts, turns to the advantage of the free Negroes.1 Stephens2 has observed, that the sight of the Rus- sian peasants and a comparison of them with the Negroes in the Greek and Turkish army, has compelled him to abandon the theory of the superiority of the white race — and Stephens is an American ! What in such cases has been effected by social oppression has in other cases been the result of isolation, and the want of intercourse with the civilized world, combined with 1 " Quarterly Review," p. 29, December, 1849. 2 " Incidents of Travels in Greece, Turkey, and Eussia." 308 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. the influence of surrounding nature. What would have become of the transmarine colonies of the tough and almost indestruct- ible English without a constant reinforcement of civilized men from the mother country ? In spite of all progressive tendency ascribed to the white race, we answer unhesitatingly, it would either have perished or returned to barbarism. These results are everywhere constant, where intercourse or the influx of fresh forces is for a sufficient length of time interrupted. In the plains of Cordova and San-Luis (Argentine Republic) the pure Spanish race predominates, the young females are frequently of a white rosy colour and delicate structure, yet living in a state of isolation the Spaniards have not exhibited greater activity and a stronger tendency to civilization than the aborigines of that country. The German and Scottish colony south of Buenos Ayres, with their flourishing and neat villages, form a decided contrast to the former.1 The white settlers south of Buenos Ayres are scarcely less rude and bar- barous than the Indians. Criminals and the scum of all nations who take refuge among them instruct them in all that is wicked. Many cruelties and devastations are committed by these lawless men over whom the Indian chiefs have no author- ity.2 The Creoles of the La Plata States are almost as godless and dirty as the Indians. To construct wind-mills is beyond their mechanical talent, and notwithstanding the great fertility of the soil, there is no garden to be seen on the high road from Buenos Ayres to Barranquitos. Except in the villages there is no cultivation of the soil. To catch lice is the chief amuse- ment of the women, who offer them to strangers as dainties ;3 they are dirty beyond measure; they are even deficient in curiosity. A similar description is given of the inhabitants of Tucuman.4 The Indians of Rioja are simple-minded sober men, whose dis- putes never lead to bloodshed; they are more industrious and per- 1 Sarmiento, loc. cit. 2 Garcia, in De Angelas, p. 12 ; " Collection de obras y docurnentos," iii, 1836. 3 Dobrizhofler, " Gesch. der Abiponer," ii, p. 445, 1783 ; Renger, " Reise nach Paraguay," p. 393, 1835. 4 Miers, " Travels in Chile and La Plata," i, pp. 28, 30, 314, 1826 ; Andrews, " Journey from Buenos Ayres through Cordova," etc., i, p. 187, 1827. SECT. II.] UNCULTIVATED WHITE RACES. 309 severing than the Spanish Creoles, and their festivals never exhi- bit the same coarseness which distinguishes those of the Creoles.1 Many of the common utensils and tools of the Chilise, carts, looms, ploughs, are extremely clumsy, scarcely better than those of the Indians ; the axe2 is chiefly used, the saw but little. They are outdone by the superior agriculture of the Arauca- nians.3 They are very cleanly in their persons ;4 they bathe several times daily, and by their cleanliness in the villages, the Indians of the tropics in America contrast with the immigrant South-Europeans.5 In the vicinity of Talcahuano (Chili) D'Urville6 found such miserable dirty huts, that they could scarcely stand comparison with the habitations of the Poly- nesians. Helms, after describing the indolent habits of the Creoles of South America,7 adds : " The Indians are the only industrious class in this country ." The colonists in the Llanos of Caraccas are too lazy to dig a well, though they know that they could find the finest springs at a depth of ten feet. Even at this day, there may be found in New Spain, flourishing Indian villages and a well cultivated soil near miserable villages of white Creoles.8 Ploughs are there in use, made of wood without any iron, and are always drawn by oxen, never by horses ;9 and the Spanish Californians, whom Simpson10 has described as lazy and degraded, still avail themselves of a miserable plough and the canoe of the Indians. In Brazil the structure of bridges is neglected even on the high road from Bio Janeiro to Yilla-Eicca, and agriculture is carried on accord- ing to the model of the Indians. The forest is burnt down ; they sow, reap, and abandon the land after a few harvests.11 The Brazilian peasant, especially in the central and northern 1 French, " Journal, Royal Geogr. Society," ix, p. 398. 2 Gardiner, " Visit to the Ind. on the frontier of Chili," pp. 155, 163, 1841. 3 Genoux, in " Bullet. Soc. Geogr.," i, p. 150, 1852. 4 Stevenson, " Reise in Arauco," i, p. 5, 1826. 5 Poppig, " Reise in Chile and Peru," ii, pp. 352, 354, 1835. 6 " Voyage au Pole Sud," iii, p. 47. 7 " Travels from Buouos Ayres, by Potosi, to Lima," pp. 15, 36, 2nd edit., 1807. 8 W. Thompson, " Recollections of Mexico," p. 1, 1846. 9 Duflot de Mofras, " Exploration de TOregon des Calif," p. 17, 1844. 10 " Narrative of a Journey round the World," 1847. 11 A. de St. Hilaire, " Voyage dans I'mterieur du Bresil," i, p. 191, 1830. 310 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. | provinces of the empire, is both lazy and proud ; he despises ! labour as dishonourable; he cares little for habitation and ; dress, suffering rather from wet and cold ;] his religious ideas, • his belief in wood-spirits and other spectres, is as absurd as that of the Botocudes.2 The children of the Portuguese settled in the Sertajo grow up indolent and become prodigal; their farms fall into decay. Ignorance and superstition, belief in witchcraft, spectres, and amulets, are universal ; they have lost all the dignity of human nature, and only pass from their apathy to the grossest sensuality. Though pacific and hospit- able, they are devoid of any intellectual or moral activity. Women and gambling form the sole objects of interest; and there are here some few Portuguese refugees who have forgotten religion, the knowledge of the use of money, and even of salt.3 In Groyaz it is not much better ; the colonists are enervated by early excesses ; concubinage is so common among them that a married man is an object of mockery. Poverty is pre- valent ; their indolence is remarkable ; fraud, especially falsi- fication of the gold, is general. Something similar may be found in other mining, and gold districts.4 The thirst for gold and labour is succeeded by wealth and prodi- gality; then succeed enervation, misery, poverty, and all vices. There has for a long time existed in the islands Fer- nando Noronha, a Portuguese criminal colony. No trace of agriculture is visible there, nor is any amelioration of their miserable condition thought of. The people smoke, gamble, or lie in their hammocks ; they have but a miserable ferry boat, so that Webster5 exclaims in astonishment : " is it possible that these people are the progeny of the seafaring Portuguese, who were so eminent as navigators ?" In Africa, the condition of the Portuguese is equally miserable. On the west coast, where they settled in the sixteenth century and have intermixed with 1 Rendu, " Etudes top. med. et agron. sur le Bresil," p. 24, 1848. 2 Prinz Max, " Eeise nach Brasil," ii, p. 59, 1820. 3 A. de St. Hilaire, loc. cit., ii, p. 304. 4 A. de St. Hilaire, " Voyage aux sources de la riviere San Francisco," i, pp. 127, 173, 218, 316, 373; ii, pp. 75, 243, 1847. 5 " Narrative of a voyage to the South Atlantic Ocean," ii, p. 23, 1834. SECT. II.] UNCULTIVATED WHITE RACES. 311 the Negroes, and are pretty numerous, they live in forests ; and it is their influence which obstructs the progress of the Liberia Republic among the Negroes.1 The indolence of the Portuguese on the east coast of Africa nearly equals that of the Negroes; their chief object is an existence which may be attained by the least possible effort.2 The horrors of their dominion and their own degeneration are described by Om- boni.3 In Angola, they have introduced no other agricultural implement but the hoe ; and maniok, which affords but small nutriment, is still the chief vegetable aliment.4 The condition of the Europeans in the Banda Islands is but little better.5 Nearly all the Spanish and Portuguese colonies rival each other in proving how little these nations are able to spread civilization in other regions, since separated from their native country they are not even capable of preserving the culture they have brought with them. The English and the French have in this respect proved more successful ; but this superiority can only partly be ascribed to the superiority of the original stock, and to the care of the government of their mother- countries to keep up the intercourse of the colonies with the civilized world. Nevertheless, we learn that in the Mauritius, for instance, the population of which is chiefly French, the condition of agricul- ture before the advent of the English (1810), was as bad as in the Spanish colonies : ploughs were scarce, and the fields were not manured.6 . It may be objected that several of the instances cited re- ferred to mixed populations and not to pure Europeans. Still, it must be admitted that even in these cases the European blood, despite the improvement of the race which is usually ascribed to its infusion, has not proved its efficiency in raising the breed one step above the condition of the aborigines ; and that even in such cases where there was no intermixture, or a 1 Foote, " Africa, and the American flag," p. 72, New York, 1854. 2 Owen, " Narr. of a voyage to explore the shores of Africa," ii, p. 13, 1833. 3 " Viaggi neU. Afr. occ.," p. 100, Milano, 1845. 4 Livingstone, ii, p. 72. 5 Kogel in Ausland, p. 1066, 1857. 6 D'Unienville, " Statistique de 1'He Maurice," i, p. 305, 1838. 312 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. very slight one, the degeneracy of the population was nearly the same. The assertion that the European alone is capable of taking the initiative in civilization, and that the impulse thereunto is a peculiarity of the race, must, after the quoted facts, be considerably modified, for they prove at least that the white man is not much less dependent on external cir- cumstances in his progress towards civilization than the black man. This is plainly shown when we consider man in his individual capacity. The savage, though he may have lived for some time in civilized society, is generally but superficially changed. Young Australians brought up by Europeans have escaped to the woods when grown up j1 and similar instances are related of North American Indians. In order not to draw erroneous conclu- sions from such cases, we must consider that these individuals could not fail to observe that they played but a sorry part among the Whites ; perhaps, also, an instinctive impulse drove them again to seek their freedom. Civilization is a state which the uncultivated man, be he European or African, resists with all his power, according to the law of inertia ; but it does not irresistibly lead to the conclusion that savage peoples are irreclaimable. If, on the one hand, the savage does not take freely to civilization, though surrounded by it, we find, on the other hand, that the civilized man, living among savages, re- lapses after a short time into a state of barbarism, which, on that account, we must consider as the primitive state of man. In New Zealand, there are many such degenerate Europeans, whose character and mode of life resemble those of the natives.2 Numbers of such instances are to be met with in Australia and North America; nor was it in many cases necessity, but a pre- dilection for a roaming life ; it was free choice which made these men return to barbarism. Towards the end of the last century it very often happened that some Whites were 1 Braim, " History of New South Wales," ii, p. 240, 1846. 2 Mundy, " Our Antipodes," ii, p. 124, 1852 ; Polack, " New Zealand : being a Narrative," i, p. 52, 1838; "Die Neuseeliinder nacli d. Engl.," p. 258, 1833. Kay, in " Caffraria," p. 400, 1833. SECT. II.] UNCULTIVATED WHITE RACES. 313 adopted by Indian tribes.1 Froebel3 says that in Mexico, where the natives frequently kidnap individuals, there are many instances of their perfect naturalization among the savages. There are said to live in the valley Simbura, at some distance from Carimango in the province Loxa in Ecuador, Spaniards of pure blood sunk into a complete state of barbar- ism, possessing a degenerate language, without a trace of historical tradition.3 Europeans perfectly degenerate, in fact cannibals, like the natives, have been found by Lery4 among the Tupinambas, and latterly they have been met with on the Fiji islands,5 as a parallel to which may be mentioned that the habit of eating human flesh spread in the thirteenth century, first in consequence of a famine, among all classes of the Egyptian population.6 How much civilization and degeneracy depend on external circumstances has been repeatedly proved. Before the breaking out of the war with the Iroquois (1685), says Charleroix,7 the French were entirely unprotected, and constantly surrounded by pressing dangers ; nevertheless they lived like savages, in perfect carelessness, nor made they any attempt to discipline and combine their forces. Careless and improvident, says Irving,8 of a hunting expedition through the prairies, as hunters generally are, they feasted continually, without any thought of laying in a provision for the following day. Does the savage act otherwise ? As regards moral dis- positions, it can still less be maintained that the white race possesses any great advantage above other races. The atroci- ties we see committed by savages (and sometimes by our- selves) in cold blood, without the least scruple, and their insensibility to all moral relations, has something so repulsive for the civilized man, that he feels inclined to assume that they 1 Baily, "Journal of a Tour in 1796," p. 770, Ausland, 1856; Wilkes, " United States Exploring Expedition," iv, pp. 357, 360; v, p. 143. 2 " Eeise dnrch den Wester der V. St." ' 3 Tschudi, " D. Kechua-Sprache," i, p. 8. According to Velasco, " Hist, del reino de Quito," iii, pp. 2, 15, 17, who, perhaps, followed Alcedo. 4 " Reise in Brasil iibers," p. 258, 1794. 5 "Ausland," p. 936, 1857. 6 Abd Allatif, bei Humboldt und Bonpland, " Keise," iv, p. 373. 7 " Ges. v. Neu-Frankreich," p. 286, in Allg., " Hist, der Keisen." 8 Ausflug auf die Prairien. 314 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. are specifically different beings. We, however, soon learn that such a theory is not tenable on these grounds. We need not refer to the atrocities of the miserable Arnauts in the war of Mohammed Ali,1 nor to the Turko-Russian war, and the late rebellion of the Hindoos against the English, for, independently of the low degree of civilization of these na- tions, the exasperation of the struggle may, to some extent, excuse them. Let us grasp the life of the European apart from such extraordinary impulses, and in a state where he is not kept in bounds by the law. How the Russo-American Company behaved to the Aleutes, and even their own people, may be learned from Langsdorff;2 the former were treated much worse than slaves. Though sick, they were worked to death; the moribund were put into damp huts, and provided nei- ther with firewood nor proper victuals. The Europeans living in Khartoum, on the Nile, belong to a variety of nations, and are described as civilized ; but R/usseger, Brehm, and all other travellers, unanimously describe them as the most worthless and unscrupulous men in the world, living as slave dealers, without any law, and given to all possible vices. The worst in such cases is, that with the decline of morality the moral sense itself gradually degenerates. The frontier peasants at the Cape find nothing morally wrong in the razzias which, without any provocation, they undertake against the Bosjesmans, though they would consider it a heinous sin thus to treat Christians.3 This reminds us of the Bosjesman who knew nothing of the difference between good and bad actions, adding, after some hesitation, that it was right in him to steal the wives of other men, but wrong in others to steal his own wife. The oft-praised pioneers of the West of North America acted in a similar manner towards the Indians, and their moral judgment in this respect was the same as that of the Dutch peasants. The backwoodsmen of Old Kentucky are brought up in the hatred of the natives, and shoot them down 1 Werne, " Feldzug Von Sennaar nach Taka," p. 116, 1851. 2 Vol. ii, pp. 63, 80. 3 Thompson's " Travels and Adventures in South Africa," i, p. 396, 2nd edit., 1827. SECT. II.] MOEAL SENSE. 315 without the least scruple, though they are generally humane towards the White. No doubt some of them have grievously suffered from the massacre of their families by the Indians. They accordingly look upon the Indians as wild beasts, and treat them as such.1 Thus we perceive that the European acts in such cases entirely on the principle prevalent among savages, namely, that vengeance, if it cannot reach the guilty, may be taken on the tribe to which he belongs ; for instance, the Bedouin Arab makes the Turk responsible for the Turk, the Frank for the Frank, the black for the black.2 We need scarcely refer to the morality of the slaveholders in the United States. The Catholic missionaries in Congo looked with horror upon the slave trade carried on by Protestants, but had no ob- jection that Congo negroes should be kidnapped by Catholics and carried into Catholic countries.3 In our own time even we find the moral judgment very elastic, and just adapted to the prevailing practice ; habit makes us so familiar with this, that only striking deviations become perceptible. Thus we read that in Java the seducer of another man's wife is judged very indulgently, the husband only being ridiculed ; whilst the seduction of another man's housekeeper is considered a very reprehensible act, for which the offender is excluded from all society.4 Some hundred years back there prevailed in Europe quite a different morality. Slave trade, cruelties of every kind against non- Christians, were considered as perfectly justifiable. We may mention, by the way, that Edward III. of England forbade his " right noble lords and right honourable ladies" to carry on piracy and highway robbery, not on the grounds of justice and morality, but simply because these acts injured the revenues of the crown, and deterred foreign merchants from visiting the country. The natives of America have often been reproached with an incorrigible vice of drunkenness peculiar to the red race, and which leads them to certain destruction. This may also be as- 1 Hoffman, " A Winter in the Far West," ii, p. 30, 1835. 2 D'Escayrac, " Die Afrika Wiiste und d. Land der Scliwarzen," p. 170, 1855. 3 ZuchelH, " Merkw. Miss. u. Eeisebeschr. nacli Congo," p. 226, 1715. 4 Selberg, loc. cit., p. 168. 316 PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION. [PART II. serted as regards many other uncivilized nations. We see nothing in this but the irresistible power which sensual gratifi cation exercises on man in a state of nature, careless of the future and unconscious of the degrading consequences of the vice. Without laying much stress on the efforts made by some Indian chiefs to stem the progress of this vice, we would mention that Europeans also perished in masses in consequence of their drunken habits. Among the lowest class of the Cape colonists there are but few who are not drunkards.1 The greater number of the first white settlers on the Derwent river in Van Diemen's Land were prematurely cut off in consequence of this vice, and Ross2 asserts that half of the deaths were di- rectly or indirectly the result of drunkenness.3 Braim4 denies that drunkenness is at present prevalent in New South Wales, but Byrne5 asserts the contrary. In Sydney, says Majoribanks,6 there are from two hundred to three hundred wine vaults, and there are consumed ten times as much spi- rituous liquors as in other places ; for every adult spends on the average about £20 per annum on this article. As regards the natives of America, the Araucanians are considered the most decided drunkards, but D'Urville7 observes that the Chilise differ very little from them in this respect. The old Germans are somewhat differently judged, at least in Ger- many ! At their drinking-bouts, when individuals frequently gambled away their personal liberty, there still reigned "a youthful dignity and force," and " this still life differs infinitely from the brutish stupor in which other savages indulge when they are satiated with fighting and plundering."8 Butcheries, cruelties, treachery, cunning, breaches of faith, were frequent among them, from the exasperation caused by the Roman wars, and yet they are represented to us as men in whom even at that 1 Moodie, " " Ten Years in South Africa/' i, p. 53, 1835. 2 " Hobart Town Almanac," 1831. 3 Laplace,