SOCI \1. KVoUTION

Btrkocr. 'On Dilurnlc? Mctuch la Eim

Th«

Ian.

An Introduction to the Study of

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

Tin: PREHIS loRir i >i>

BV

>TI \i; i ( ii \ri\. i'!,. i).

or MOOIOLOOY

Mil M

ScconD UcrtecD t

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1

M \V ^ i

rni. i i.vn ijy

Copyright, 1913. by
THE CEMTURT Co.

Published. September. 1913
Second Edition, August, 1919

TO

MY

TAIU I. <>| ( u\ | |.\ i

XV

X \l

I I ORGANIC EVOLUT1"N

M MM I f.

i \\uiMioN A.XD Hcmcomr . 1-19

T?seemMenci> of parents to offspring — Resemblanet not
t— The continuity of germ plasm — Variation:

ng and stable — Mutation — Hendellna inheri-
tance — The theory of regression.

n THE STHXMLE ron Ezunncs

The struggle for life — The rate of reproduction — TV
infantile death-rate — Natural selection — The survival
of the fit — The origin of species — Summary of theory
natural selection — Sexual selection — The inheri-
tance of acquired characteristic. — Adaptation.

in THE Omiaix AXI> AMI.,-! ITY »r M\ :i»-10l

Origin of man by deaccnt from a lower form — The write
of ancestral forms— Human species and the ape family
— Structural evidence of relationship — Sexual si*

and man — Kemaii ic man — Geologic time

and the age of human remains— The lee ages — The
M— The Neanderthal »kull — The Pitbe-

,-ai.thropus Erectus — The Heidelberg jaw — The Eoan-
cavrs and implementa — The Paleo-

lithic period — The Neolithic

ndimplemeota
period

PART II SOCIAL KV(
IT ASSOCIATION . 10t-ltt

Origin "f human nature In social life — _Tbe
man a social animal — Association
from foea — Mutual aid and
affects select i\al —

supply and numerous offspring — Association pre-
serves useful variation — The social process
gain« through n — Association ti

the 'l»e human intellect —

and response — Interatimulation and response — Differ-
, and reeemblance — Social life reacted on bodily
— Play and festivity and the origin of speech —

TABLi: OF CONTENTS

Consciousness <>f kin. I — Language — Vuui.il -. ].-,-ii..n

and v;";i!' -;"\i\.i! lni|'.'i tan.-,- nf tli.- liiind uf union

— B<>, - tin- individual - Cioup e
and persecution — Morals an- tl of social i

V Till I M M'BNCES OF PlIYSIC.M .\II\T Ul-170

Climate, soil, f 1, and topography — Man is dependent

Upon natural Muromi.; I .n\ iioinii.nl allecl^ the

forJn of tin- liiiin.in lio.ly • -Climate: t!,. i,,.

lluemv of extreme-, — ( Innate affects achievement -

mat4> an. I altitud< Tin- 1: puNatorx elir

change — Climatic cycles aii<i history —

Temporary changes in climate — Climate affects thfl
mode of life — Topography and migration — Topography
and civili/atioii — Topography and i-olation — The
materialistic interpretat ion of history — Tip-
aspects of nature -- Physical environment and nil-inn.

vi SOCIAL HKBEDITY 171-202

Differences due to custom — The importance of soci.il
atmosphere — The individual and collective cxj>erience —
How habits and customs originate — 'I he force of cii-t«>ni

— Cultural difference- entirely due to custom — The folk-
ways— The mores — Education preserves the group
mores — Perpetuation of custom hy suggestion and imita-
tion— The laws of communication — The croud — Condi-
tions of suggestibility — The laws of imitation —
Imitation spreads in geometrical progression — Contra
imitation — Imitation spreads from ahove to below —
Imitation is refracted by its media — Custom and nmde
imitation — Imitation a conservative force — Formalism.

vn RACES A$D PEOPLES 20.;

Race diiTVrentiation — Definition of rar, Factor* of im-
portance in a theory of race — The variable White race

— (lidding' theory of race — The different iation of the

•i'can races — The four European races — The origin
of the White race in the P.altic region — Aboriginal
American peoples — The achievements of the I
races — Achievements due to hi-torical occurrences rather
than aptitude — Importance of assimilation and tip-
economic factors.

viii TRIBAL SOCIETY 23:5

The means of determining the chara f social life

of prehistoric man — Archeological remains — I he bond
of kin in primitive society — 'J he Iro.|iiois Indians and
their confederacy — The Iroquois clan — Social organ-
•n of the Iroquois tribes — The I iratry —

The religious eon lanitou — lOtemism among

primitive peoples — Totemism am«m;r the HritMi Colum-
bian Indians — The Winter Ceremonial of the Kwakiutl

TAIil. f8

HUM IK 1 I •

rolam among UM i> \u«tralia

'iv« and ayvpathttie — l»i

• KIOM; animUm — Theoriaa

•• human aoul— The religion of anceatofworaklp —

-The undeirrlopfd
Itangv — Kxcnang* or if . >

.•—The origin
-xchange: moory

- Ilindrancr* In auper-
•inomie idraa — The FOM of

>\ noil TIIBAI. SOCICTT TO rmi. Socimr . 27^-296

Tli- -ii gradual and due to many cattaea — Metro-

>n of aociety — Marriagv
.... by purchaae — The patriarduU
kin: 'Irm —Th« patriarchal

- Ancevtor-worahip and
• 1 — Tribal frudalitm — The five

•ij- "f tln> j..it!i.ir.-li.il km- lr.*d— The
ba- iiHr^iancr — The

Uw — Th«
f u Mirplua— TtM growth of

markcta 'and • .anmeree — The diapoa-

IUH .11.. I ! ation reaulta fro* UM

creation of a aur]

APPENDIX I — SOCIAL SKLJSTI

IM.» x

LIST 01 IM.rSTH \ I IONS

I !„• \, .in.!, rth.il

Figure 1.

•• 2.

•«• 3.

10 4.

« 5.

r« 7.

Figure 8.

Figure 9.

Figun- 1 1

Figure 12.

uerlcan Boy* 10| year* old .

B

DUgrmm illustrating H MM-

Diagram <•( M, i,.|.-i..u, !.,',. r.t., no.- in the pea

MandHiun !nl..-ritiin.-.> in M

Mend«-l,..n Ii,h,r.tanrr i Mock* .

Diagram of hih.-rit.in. . ,.f l'.,.,!\ <viu and <;«-n

•i. a« compared

unii HiMM. ,,ii t!,- AmiH and Mai,.!- ampaiiaee

ilt Human Sacrum, abowing

ial and uarlraa. muaclt* of the

MM

A eerie* • »n nt Three Comparable and Profrat-

ahre SUgee < i ,IOoa

of t!

Portrait of a ^ < MM. Photographed from

« I- •» ere for a *hort time at rmt in a

DOl»it!"!l «iuit«' .Ij-fllk-

fant. three week* old, supporting ita own weight for
over two minutea. The nttitu.!.- of the lower limb*,

t, and toe* in

Diagram illustrating th. . hnracter and relative age of
IK! the Quaternary in which

they have been found

;•«» during <K] of Maximum Ci lactation

An Alaak:i Valley aad gougiag

k and Stone. ir nituatkNi exUted in

many parta of now habitable Europe during the Glacial

Top and Side view of Neanderthal Cranium

A rec« Neanderthal Type of Skull

The ( raimim . f the Pithecanthropua Erect loot*

and Thigh IN»I.

The < 1 Man and Modern Man compared

Comparison of Crania

Sand-pit . here the Prefciatorie

Jaw wa* foun.l
Compari*on of Jaw of Modern Man with Jaw of Heidelberg

juul D,
Figure 24. Eolithio ImplemenU

•«• 15.

-

re 21.

11
I.'
14
16

:-'

||
47
49

51

H

N

•1

••
67

Figure 25.

i n,

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

PACK

T1

hi-t'-nc M'H were found ..... 70

i >

toiic MI-M \\crc fniiinl

fcOM Iniideiiients of '. Paleolithic 1'eriod. Stn'pyan

.ni>l ( In 11. -.in .

Figure 28. Flint liiij.lfin.-nt> of tin- Chellean F.j><>cli ....

Figure 20. Flint Inij.lciii.nt> of the Acheuiian Fj>och .... 7 .'.

Figure 30. A Man of tin- Stone Age .......... 77

Figure in. Flint Implements of the Mou-terian F.|»»di .... 7!)

1 lint IinjdeiiK nN »i tin- Auri^i i . Ml

Implement* of tin- Solutrean Kjioch ...... 81

Stone Implements of the Magdalenian Epoch .... 83

• :;.Y P-me ll-irj ..... n> and Kn;: ravings on Bom- of tin- M:i--l;i-

lenian F|.och ... .....

Figure 36. Aboriginal Man of the Mousterian Epoch ..... SO

,". Majt -howiiig the location of Prehistoric Caves, all . f them

ornamented hy Painting- and Drawings ...

Figure 38. Red Drawing of a Rhinoceros, from Font-de-Gamm . 88

Figure 39. A Charging Boar ............ '.'"

Figure 40. A Bison at bay ............. !"i

Figure 41. Diagram of Frescos on the Ceiling of the Cavern of \lt;i

inira ............... 91

Figure !_'. Neolithic Implements .......... 92-93

Figure 43. Neolithic Pottery ............ 94

Figure 44. Neolithic Monuments of Stonehenge ......

Fi-ure I-".. Neolithic Monuments, a " Menir " ...... M

Neolithic Monuments, a "Dolmen " ....... 98

. ;7. Neolithic Monuments in the Now \Yorld. A CliiF Palace

of the cliiT Duellers of Colorado ....... 99

Figure 48. Silver Amulet against the Evil Kve ....... 11!>

Figure 49. \Yinter in the North. A Winter Topeek in Siberia . . l-'7
Figure 50. Summer in the North. A Summer Topeck in Siberia . l.'ll
Figure 51. Environmental Conditions in the Far North. A Mission-

aryV \\ inter Trip in Labrador ........ 135

Figure 52. Tl. 1 distribution of Climate in the Mountains,

showing how Land-masses raise the Teni|» ratine . . 138
Figure 53. Topography and Migration, Roads and Trails into

Western' Territory ........... MS

Figure ")4. Natives adapting their life to dangerous conditions of

existi -in •••. A tree -dwelling in the ti^<'i infested jungles

of India .............. !.">:<

Figure 55. Awe-inspiring Scenery of the Grand Cafion of the Colorado 155
Figure 56. Confidence. in^pirin^ F.iivironinent of C.r^'cc. the bi-autiful

Vale of Tempe .....

Figur« imient of Greree. Mount Ossa 158

Figure 58. Awe-in-pinn*? aspect of N.-.tur.- in the Alj.-. Interlaki-n

with .Iiin^fraii in the d ...... 100

r i IF II. 1. 1 STH VTH

Figure 60. The Great Goptira, Madura Temple. India 164

Figure 60. TV • .-i,t of the Desert I6N

-.1 \ i >.e Deaert

t« 62. Strange Cuatoti. wing the custom of

wearing her huaband'* •kull .trung from bar back a* •

_•
Figure 63. !>• >«•• in attbtjiaaiotj

. 17°
Figure 64. Diagram illustrating Facial Angle, Head Form and Hair

•M

Figure 65. Skin aa 206

I •;•;. ||,-.,d J-..MM M - :

Asiatic Typeai Uibeg, Kiptrhak and Kara

.'11

Figure 68. Dolichoo <T and Negro . . 215

Figure 60. Zone of Di»trit.ui: i«d Race

Figur. :m aa diatributed over Europe .

INM,; Baltic (Trut.

!»«• ami M

Figur. Ilace in the Baltic . 225

The Family Tree of the Horn in id* . 228

ina.l.- l.x thr Pini.i 1 :,...>n» of Southern Ariiona . 235

Figure 75. Baaketa made by the Pi ma Indiana of Southern Ariiona . 237

i an Tenet-

ian Maaka from the Pacific Coast . 248

.253
Figure 79. Ceremonial i'eoplee, ABMi*B*fft I •lander*

I •

I'l

• of this book i- to pn^ent in • !• inentary
IN a MI lie most generally accepted evidence

"liiti'.M. It does not i 1 to

be an inten>i\e ,. or to advance any untested

• -. Tl • i- l»elievcs that there is a definite

placr to he fill- honk which, as a text for the >tudy

iology, I the hest of sociological ami evolu-

the historical study of society. With
the increasing rmpha historians are placing upon

social and economic phenomena, the average »t un-
learns at least something of the importance of social

\t tlie present time tlie vast period of him..

evolution before the historical period, is known to us

only l»y the material present**,! in highly specialized

works. There is no single elementary |»r< -• ntation of

the iii'-H-a-mir body of scientific knowledge which enables

u> to pictu- -omlitions. 'I'h,. aiitlun- l.t-lieves

that the stu.ly of hi-tory and soc'ial >«-ience is made more

an«l valuable by some familiarity with tlie conditions

and factors whirli were important in this early period.

•fessorW. I . Thomas says : "It is of course entirely

for the student to limit him- y narrowly to

a special field r to work it intensively, l»ut the his-

an. for instance, who begins the study of human

\ ity with Greece and Rome or < \, n \\ith Assyria and

Egypt, cut> 1 imself ofTcompl rom the beginnings of

his own subject as would the psychologist who neglected

xvi PREFACE

all study of child-psychology and of animal mind, or the
biologist who attempted to understand bird or insect lit«
without a knowledge of the stages of life lying below
these. Indeed, when we consider that the human race
is one, that the human mind is everywhere much the
same, and that human practices are everywhere of the
same general pattern, it appears that the neglect of tin-
biologist or psychologist to study types of life lower than
those in which he is immediately interested could hardly
be so serious as the neglect of the historian to familiari/e
himself with the institutional life of savage society."

Professor J. H. Robinson lias recognized this necessity
and says : " ' Prehistoric ' is a word that must go the way
of 'preadamite,' which we used to hear. They both in-
dicate a suspicion that we are in some way gaining illicit
information about what happened before the footlights
were turned on and the curtain rose on the great human
drama. Of the so-called * prehistoric ' period we of course
know as yet very little indeed, but the bare fact that
there was such a period constitutes in itself the most
momentous of historical discoveries. The earliest, some-
what abundant, traces of mankind can hardly be placed
earlier than six thousand years ago. They indicate, how-
ever, a very elaborate and advanced civilization, and it is
quite gratuitous to assume that they represent the first
occasions on which man rose to such a stage of culture.
Even if they do, the wonderful tales of how these condi-
tions of which we find hints in Babylonia, Egypt, ;md
< p te came about are lost. . . .

"From this point of view the historian's gaze, instead
of sweeping back into remote ages when the earth was
young, seems now to be confined to his own epoch.
Rameses the Great, Tiglath-Pileser, and Solomon appear

I'l
• x'val with < a taMine, Charlemagne,

in an* Imt tlu* younger contemporaries of Thalem,
Plato, and Ari>t..t:

•a this short survey of a great subject will seem

nihl'itious to many, r.ut .-volution means the slow un-
folding of hid-: ••ntialitios. We must study pre-
man as well as ancient man because the changes
-qpial evoln e so gradual that it in only

ainiiiinir tin* l«»nir p--i i...i that wo can become con-

M-ious of thrir r.-al M-rniti. change that is ob-

<;ir i-nd of a Innir i-.-r ii^in-uishal.lo

in tin* hrirfiT in I is the autlmr's justification

for attrinptiiiir t«> ]>!«>« nt as an organic whole a subject

the divisions of whirli >prriali-t> oft.-n find <|tiit»> haffling.

In tin* ffTort to classify and generalize a groat bo«i

kno\\ tin- ".Ininsy forceps of our minds" always

crush tho truth a littN- and mar it. Y«»t thore is a genuine

gain from the v rt to attain por8|» dthougb

uce may be done to tin* Mri.-t amiracy of certain

Is. The artist suppresses many things in ord«-r to

ii^then the general impression that th<» pi.-t

. rhaj.s, tlio scientist can learn from his
fallow seeker aft.-r truth.

Tlu» -fltM-ted hihliographies whirh an» appmdrd .
rai-li rliaptn- , ..nMitii!.' the best works on S|M

;->IM! in the course of the chap

Tin- illustrations havr ».. .fully srlt»cted and nr-

raniffd with a V'H-W t«» illuuiinat.- .-.-rtain point- ma-i*- in

tin- tt-\t \vhioh tho average stud.-nt would otherwise be
to \ isttaliie, Tho author would have ronsidorable
pla.-,.,l upon this use of tho illustrations since
each has been chosen for a definite purpose.

\viii 1'K'KFACE

The selected bibliographies which arc appended after

each chapter constitute tile hest \\orks nil specific poi
discussed in tlie course of the chapter.

Tin- author's indebtedness t<> 1'i-of.-^ >r Kraiiklin II.
Giddings for encouragement and stimulating suggestions
is greater than can he expressed in a formal preface.
lint the author wishes to express his appreciative thanks
to Dr. (JiddingS for permission to use unpuhlished
material, for reading the manuscript, and for making
many criticisms and suggestions which have been of
greatest service.

The author's thanks are also due Professor Leonard
S. P>lake\ and Mr. B. .1. Kaldwiu for reading part- of the
manuscript and for suggesting the revision of certain
details. Acknowledgments and thanks are due the t',,1
lowing authors for the courteous permission accorded to
copy and reproduce certain diagrams, maps and illustra-
tions from their works: Professor F. Birkner, Dei Diln-

ile Mensch in Europa; Professor Katharine ( '(.man.
Tin- I inhibit -'ml History of the Unitrd States; Professor
Joseph Dechelette, Manuel D'Archeologie Prehistoriqite;
Dr. Robert Forrer, Urgeschichte des Europii* / . Pro-
fessor James (Jeikie, The Great Ice Age; Professor M. M.
Metcalf, Organic Evolution; Professor AVilliam 'A. Ripley,
The Races of Europe; and Professor E. L. Thorndike,
Individuality. For extending the same courtesy the au-
thor wishes to thank the editors of L'Anthropologi* , The
Open Court PuMishinir Company, and the editor, Auguste
Picard.

To the Century Company the author's thanks are due
for courtesy in furnishing many excellent illustration-
from the Century Ma^a/inc and other of their publica-
tions, and for cooperating with the author to secure the

PH

angement ..I* r.-rtain detail- in this book.

In readm- tlii- i-riuif tin* author was aided by hi* *if«-

M. i: I 'eck, and desires to express hisap-

.-. 'I'll.- author wishes

to acknowledge hi> indebtedness to his wife for encour-
Miice in tin • the book.

STUAKT CUAJM
Northampton, July, 1

PREFACE TO SECOND KIUTION

puhlication of tlir -•.•,,!,,! r.lition of this book has

enablr<l tin- author i.. make a i'<-w improvements in tin*

jind to add at tin- «MI«| of Chapter 1\ . a brief note

upon the family as a in social evolution. This

human institution lias <1 un<lu<* emphasis as the

:ial form of association. It HWIIKH! well to cite a

few opinions upon this point.

Several errors which app«-aiv.l in tin- first edition have
been corn •( -t« -.1. In a few cases the inadvertent ;i ission
of quotation mai-k- an<l credits has been Th«-

author wishex to thank 1 \I. M. Metrah

callii :tion to the>e inf«-licities. The helpful criti

cism of other details has been also appreciated by Die
author.

Deceni i-L

I'KUFACE

PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION

In this, the third edition, certain anthropological ma-
terial has been brought up to date.

F. S. C.
December, 1916.

PREFACE TO FOURTH EDITION

Social evolution proceeds by social selection as well as
by natural selection. More adequate treatment of the selec-
tive processes in society than appeared in Chapter IV of
earlier editions of this book is given in Appendix I. For
permission to print this material from his paper, "Primitive
Social Ascendancy Viewed as an Agent of Selection in
Society" in the Proceedings of the American Sociological
Society, 1917, the author is indebted to the editors.

F. S. C.

July, 1919.

INTKnim TION

of Social Involution t.-lls how one form of

te 80 completely tin- live* and de*t

of all other forms, that for ages tin- creature man be-
lt' to be a separate ami distinct erstl
mast* It is a won-l.-rful si rpassing

ma nee and fas< y epic or drama ever writ

t'-n. In th.- dark ages before recorded history, great
s were . -ilently and in>ensihly working, mold-

- of the future forms of lift-. In tin* pro-
joess of this evolution an occasional gleam of conscious-
ness heiran t«> ilawn. S«-n-il>i!iti.- became (DOF! r«-tin.-'l:
sympathy and compassion, the products of complex rela-
tions, tempered and modified tin -1. r adjust-
IIP-!!- t\ an.l oppression became less and less the
guiding forn«> whit -h ^.vi-rned the relations of conscious
beings; tolerance and sympathy became more and nmn*
the dipM-tinir principles of life.

In .1 the important an.l drt.-rminin^

"88weinn-t i-xamine hotli the physical
and tin- -piritual Imsis of man's supi Ther-

-r«-at priiu-iph-s which tfuide the growth and de-

velopmmt of life. We must study t of these

"S to man. In the chapters of Tart I we

shall r\amin.' ' ;iat have l»een brought

naturali-ts for the origin of man's physical

g. In the chapters of the remaining part of the book

we shall examine th - and the influences which have

ad

ndi INTRODUCTION

raiisrd tin- growth and d«'Y<'l<>pmrnt ni' man's spiritual,
mental, and moral nature.

Human natun- is to-day essentially the same as it was
thousands of years ago. The great achievements of mod-
ern man are int. llrctual and dependent upon accumulated
stores of information and knowledge. They are not
moral attainments. The thin veneer of civilization is tin
charitable cloak which covers nnn-li l>rntalit\ -, deceit, and
egotism, and no little hypocrisy, which often serves pleas-
antly to beguile the dead monotony of dissimulation.

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

VARIATION AND HKM.MTY

ii that the offspring of

j -hints and animals t.-n-i to resemble the particular in
dividual^ t'rom \\hich they have .sprung. " '1 '.'••• >«>ungof
a horse is always a horse and n«-\ . r a zebra. Wolves do
not give hirth in fo\«-. Sunflowers will not grow from
thi-tle seed." ! Nature keeps things in order, or, as the
hiologist says, plants an<l annuals breed tin.-. We have
come to reganl this relation as an establi-hrd principle.
Hut iu Anri.'iit :.uil Medieval tinn-s many people believed
tliat certain plants transformed into animals. In tin-
Mi. Ml.- A-.-> they thought ihat tlie ha rnacle-goose orig-

1 from the goose-barnacle. u r knowl-

edge of natural law has so greatly increased that we are
al'i* t<> ass. -rt with utmost confidence that plants and
animals l.r«-.-,l tm,-.

•:t an*! ntT>pring is of such a na-

tun- that the \.iuni? usually liear a somewhat cloee re*
seinhlance t<> i u addition to sharing the

i similarity <>t -trurtuiv and function which makes
thrm IM ImiLT t» the same species as their parents. Thus
the resemblance is both detailed and general. The off-

••!•• are like their parents in such
:Wm. color, and amount of milk.1*

iMetmlf. M. M.— Ormmmio Svolmtio* 3rd fd.. 1911. n. S.

>•/ '^.. p. 6.

4 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

The resemblance of parent and offspring is, however,
not exact enough to be duplication. The family likeness
is such that parents and progeny are quite « li>t in LMMS li-
able. "Tom" has his own individuality, and "Molly"
has her prculinrities. Thus we see that there are indi-
vidual diff i Truces which indicate how much the off-prin^
vary from their parents and among themselves. Tin-
facts of individual difference we call variation. Our
knowledge of variation permits us to say "that while,
under the influence of heredity, the young tend to resem-
ble their parents, because of variation this resemblance
is more or less imperfect."2

To be convinced of this fact of variation one has only
to take a few hundred individuals of any species and
compare them with reference to any single trait. If one
measure the lengths of a thousand oak leaves taken from
the same tree, he will find that some are considerably
longer than others, but that within certain limits most
of the leaves have approximately the same length. So
it is with any trait of any plant or animal, — there is much
variation. The winter birds of east Florida show a vari-
ation in size of from fifteen to twenty per cent, among
specimens of the same species and sex when taken in the
same locality.

Thus the relation between parents and offspring is of
such a nature that like tends to beget like, yet at the same
time opportunity is allowed for the individual differen-
ces which we have called variations. But how does it
happen that like tends to beget like? Why is it that the
young of a horse will always be a horse and not a zebra ?
How is it that nature keeps things in order? For some
time biologists have known that "when the parent's
body is developing from the fertilized ovum, a resi-

*lbia.. p. t

VARIATION AND HEBE1T. 5

of unaltered germinal mat kept apart to form

th«- • ;.-tive cells, one of which may become the

ut of a child." On this point (ialton ha* writ-
W* of each man must include a
of material than wan utilized in form ink'
;>ersonal stru< tm< . The existence in tome form of
an unused portion is proven hy his power ... of trans-
mitt! il eharact. }„• .li.l not personally
fore the organ nicture of each in-
dividual should I-.- viewed as tin- fultihi • -nly one
nut <>f an ind.-tinit.- numl-'r "f mutually - e pOSSt-
hilities. Ilis>tru«; theeoh- or less
stable development of what is no more than an iin|*
sample of a large \ .f dements."3 T • idea was
in.l«-prn.l«-iitly «-\|.r.--r,l and more fully developed
naim in l-1.'::.1 1 1 is now the basis of our expla-
natini, ,.f why like trnds to beget like. It is the theory of
the continuity of germinal plasm. Weismann says, M hi
development a part of the germ-plasm < i. «- , the .-— .-ntial
matt-rial > *•• >iitaine<l in the parent egg-cell is not
used up in the construction of the body of the oflNprinir.
l>ut i> reserved unchanged for the formation of the u
cell- of the following ^t-iierat ion. " Tims it has been
-ai«l that the parent is rather tin* tru-tee of the genn-
pla-m than the producer of the chihi philosopher
>ai<l, !s like a current passing from
> to germ through the medium of a developed or-
The essential thinir is the continuous prog-
ress in<lrtii:itely pursued, an invisible progress, on u

visible organism rides during the short interval of
time given it to live." The reason why 1; is to

> Gallon, F.— Yafura/ Imhcritamc*. 1889, p. 18.
•ThomiMin. ,T A , & Geddw. P.-/:ro/«li«.. 1911. p. 114

6 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

beget like should now be clear. It is tin- continuity «>!'
the germ-plasm.

When one compares a number of member- of tin- same
species, whether men, hens, dogs, parades, eelt or ele-
phants, he finds that they differ from one another. It
is possible to measure these differences. These "ob-
served differences" may be due to many things. Many
of them may be involved with sex, and thus accounted
for; some, with age; others may be due to tlie influen< •<•
of surroundings in early plastic years, for example, the
1\\ i-ted twii: and the bent limb. These last aiv <-haii'j
the bodies of plants and animals which are acquired ; t hey
are modifications, not inborn. When from the total ob-
served differences, these peculiarities of sex, age, and
modification are subtracted, a very inter* -tin- remain-
der is left, which we define as inborn or germinal varia-
tions.5 These variations are congenital, not made.
They are often distinct at birth. They are in many
cases, if not always, transmissible. They form what has
been called the raw material of evolution.

The study and organization of facts bearing upon varia-
tion have disclosed that there are two different types of
variation. The first, is known as fluctuating or continu-
ous variation; in which the divergence from the parental
character is relatively slight. The second, is known as
stable or discontinuous variation; in which there ifl
divergence from the parental character. Some biologists
consider the first non-hereditary, the second hereditary.

Fluctuating or continuous variation may be illustrated
as follows : from the registration of variations that occur
in the height of a large number of men taken at ran-
dom,'it was found that there was a proportion he

» Thomson & Geddes, op. cir, pp. lHi-117. «Metcalf, op. oit., p. 10.

VARIATION AM) DITY 7

tween the frequency of a nation and the*

amount of is d«-\iatioi, from tin* mean stature of tin*

i>. Among the measur of 2,600 men, taken at

random . a* they come ami withoi. ..iiM-iou*

effort t.. ided only tin- tall or the short), tl 1 of

s in.: 12 of 5 i 1 about 1

r. t't. 4 in.; that is, c<jual numbers at equal distances :
tli«- mean of 5 This illustrates that when tin-

frequency and the magnitude of the variations are
regi> "\v what is called the normal mrve of

frequ This can he illustrated moiv «-lrarl

eren. inir table of tli< I s in .M-ntm

11 HI t.-n and Jf \ear old American school hoys.1

Between 109 and 113 centimeters tall. 2 boys.

n:;

117

IL'1

11M "

137 "

141

in •'

149 "

When this mat. rial is plotted in graphical form the
di-trihuiion of stature is as ted in figure 1,

lettinir the distance of each hori/.ontal line from the
base stand for the number of boys. Now if we
to draw a smooth curve through the tops of the columns
we should have a bell-shaped curve of the type shown in
figure 2. This illustrates graphically what we n

t Thomdikr, E. L.— /*<*iri<*iia/ify, p. 8.

8 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

by the statement that there is a relation hctwri -n tli<>
fn .juency of a particular variation and the amount of its
deviation from the mean stature of the group.

The task of registering the variations that occur in
any group of creatures may at first sight seem tedious
and far removed from the warm pulsations of life, but

CM. 109 113 117 IJI 125 129 133 137 141 145 149

From Tborndlk*. "lndiTidu*lity."

1 K.IRK 1. Distribution of Stature of American Boys 10$ years old.

a little experience in the measurement of such things as
length of rose petals, the length of bird wings, or of star-
fish arms, ' * will convince the student that biometrics may
lead him into the very heart of the matter. If the regis-
tration of the dimensions of a particular character be
carried on year after year in similar material, and shows
a consistent increase in asymmetry or skewness of the
curve (asymmetry or skewness means a curve in which
the hump as in the figure, is not over the nmMli •, Imt
nearer one end, making the slope at that end more abrupt
and at the other end more gradual) this must mean that
the species is moving in a definite direction as regards
the particular character measured. Similarly, the per-
sistent occurrence of a well-substantiated double-humped

VAI;I vi [OH AND IIKKI.MTY

6 — not the result of ino.lifi.-ational «-iTVrta — may viv-
i.lly I. i-in- .'.Mm,, ill.- fact that tin- species is dividing into
two sub-species."* Tim-. i«y means of -
seems the dryest of all methods, we Hre able to see a

iei U-iug born under our very eyes.

point we havr ju-t maoS- shows how a species
might originate by the accumulation of extremely slight

PlOUBE 2. Curve of Pi-ti il>uti«m.

variations. But evidence is at hand to 41sliow that or-
gani. bure may pass with seeming abruptness from

one position of njuilil.rium to anoth«-r." Changes of con-
M-i.-rable amount sometimes occur at a single leap.
Mi.U.-M jumps or hanges are called "discontinu-
ous \ us," or sometimes, "sports," and, in certain
cases, "mutations." Professor Hugo de Vries has made
some very interesting and impo? \|M'riiufiits and
obsei - on tin* oriiriu of sp«'fi«'s in tin* plant king-
He found that species often arU< from one an-
other 1'Y <li^(-ontinuou< traps and bounds as opposed to
the continuous pr Ho therefore believes that

• Thornton & Ckddtc, op. «!.. pp. 121-122.

10 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

species (forms of life having a certain similarity and re-
lated by descent) appear "all at once" by mutations.

In support of this theory, Professor De Vries takes the
case of a certain evening primrosr which has shown >u<i
den and repeated leaps with a remarkable subsequent
constancy. The Chelidonium majus laciniatum ap-
peared suddenly in the year 1590 in the garden of an
apothecary at Heidelberg, and has remained constant
ever since. These experiments and observations have
led to another theory of descent. It is now held by a
school of biologists represented by De Vries, that species
have arisen by this discontinuous process, in which each
new unit, "forming a fresh step in the process, slim-ply
and completely separates the new form as an independ-
ent species from that from which it sprang." The new
species originates from the parent species without any
visible series of transitional forms. It can perhaps be
made more clear by figure 3. The figure represents
by A B the direct line of descent from which the parent
B has sprung. Now with the usual fluctuating or
continuous variation, the offspring of B would not be
likely to have the same average (of any trait) as tln-ir
own parents, but an average much nearer the average
of the whole group to which the parents belonged. But
in the case of the "sport," whose origin we are explain-
ing, the offspring C of B will start a new and independent
line of descent. That is, the offspring D of C, will not
have an average nearer that of B than C was, but will
have an average nearer that of their parents C. Thus
the "sport" C, has established a new group type round
which there will be fluctuating or continuous variation.

Galton has illustrated the process by analogy, but
from another point of view. The polyhedron may be

V MilATlMN AND HKKKMTY

11

compared with an organism. They "ha iinal

,u common, ihat if .-ith.-r is diMurU-,1 without trans-
gressing the range of its stahil
it will tend to re-estahli-

that U. if tipped to the ri-ht or left
it \\ill fa!! Lack upon the original

. it if t •• is passe.:

will to; i- into a new position

tal'ilitx. This illn-tiat«- a mil

Then- is now a new p-
tion of itabilit] 01 ;i\--rtige COlidi-
i about which there will be

In thf present state of our knowl-
edge of variation w«- an- unahlc to
say dogmatically whether SJM
have arisen by the slow accumu-
lated adjustments of ilu.-tu.-r

on, or by the more rapid
process of mutation. In >upport of
the first theory then* are numerous
cases where species are connect, i
by intermediate grades. There is
much experiim-ntal .-vidence to sup-
port the second theory.

In 1900, when De Vries in Hol-
land, < Wrens in Germany, and
Tschermak in Austria ind>-p<-nd
ently, and almost simultaneous 1\ .

hed results from the experimental study of heredity
which have modified our views of the origin of species,
the whole subject of heredity took on added interest

• Galton, op. rif., p. tt.

K 3. D.-pr.m illu*
ting a Mutation.

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

This increased rxpn imontation and interest led to tin-
discovery of a buried paper, written in 1865, by Gregor
Mendel, an Austro-Silesian abbot. It proved to be a dis-
closure of great importance. Mendel had experinn -ntrd
in his garden upon the common edible pea. The law of

Parental generation jri.mt l> \ari t\ dwarf R varu -ty

Firet filial (hybrid)
generation K,

all nlNpriiur I»K) s.-lf f«-rt ili/i-u
are giant- tlu-y yirld

Second filial
(inbred) K,

generation

I)

93% giants
(pure dominants)

(impure

IX K) R

iants *5% dwarf*

dominant*) (pure recciwives)

D D(H R R

«5% gianU 50 % gianU (impure) 25% dwarfs dwarfs

(pure)

(pure) (pure)

FIGURE 4. Diagram of Mendel ian Inheritance in the Pea, where D stands
for the Dominant Character, D(R) for the Impure Dominant, and R
for the Recessive Character.

heredity which he discovered was ridiculed at the time
of the writing of his paper, and the discovery was to
all intents and purposes lost to science until about
1900.

The remarkable results of Mendel's experiments upon
the common pea were as follows. He found that when
he crossed a giant variety of 6 to 7 feet with a dw.irf
variety, % to iy2 feet high, the offspring were all tall.
The character of tallness which appeared in the hybrid
generation (F,), to the exclusion of dwarfness, was called
by Mendel the " dominant" character, the other was

\ \i;i AND BEBEDN

•all.-d the "rexv Itut this was not all

the tall I peas (this corre-

spond- t<> mi.i* • in giants and dwarfs ap-

peared ain«»iiLr tln-ir |.rmr«-ii> in tin- av.-rat:.- proportion-

: to 1.

Now \vli.-n the dwarfs of this Ka generation were self-

i. it was observed that all of their oil* print:

were dwarfs. Moreover, successive generations

;n thru. ,dso all dwarfs. These are called

recessives, nim-r they ar^ "pin.-" as regards dwarf ness.

P.ut \\ln-n the giants of tin- F, generation w«
i. rtili/r<l, it was discover. ,1 t r offspring were of

kinds: one-third nf them I jmre dmninant- ) produced
giants only; two thii.U «.t' them < impure dominants)
fcfl in the proportion of ;; t<> 1. Thus tl
generation, produced h> allowing tlie erosshred forms or

rtili/.e, consisted of one-qu:
dominants, one-half impure dominants, and one-

••essives.10

law will be made , 1, ar by examining Figures 4, 5
and ('», in which the mln-i t' the « lit is

shown for mice, and the inheritan. . !«>r8 is shown for

red and white t'mir-o'clocl

OW the walt/int: charact.-r i- i
and absence of tliis cl: lominant. In the tir-t

>n a normal mouse (represented in black
crossed wit It/ing mouse (represented in w

The re.Milt is all normal mi«-e in the iir>t filial (hybrid)
ration. When tw.» mice ,.f this generation are
crossed, they yield walt/inir mice in the prop«irtion of
g to three normal mice. When the waltzing
mice of this g< 'hey yield waltzing

"Thomson 4 Odd«. op. r,/.. p. 129.

14 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

alone. This is because they are pure recessives.
Hut some of the normal mice produce only normal mice;
these are pure dominants, while others of the normal
mice produce normal and waltzing mice in the proport i«m

of three normal to one waltzing mice; these are impure

NORMAL MOOSt

WAIT ZINC MOUSl

FIGURES. Mm. Mian Inheritance in Mice.

dominants. This law does not mean that if there were
only four offspring of a mouse in the first filial generation
P,, one would be normal and would breed only normal,
two would be normal but would breed both normal and
waltzing mice, and one would be waltzing and would
breed only waltzing mice. It might, of course, happen
this way. What it means is, that on the average, if one
were to study a great number of matings of normal ami
waltzing mice, the offspring would possess the waltzing
trait in the proportion indicated. It does not enable one
to make a dogmatic prediction about a small group of
brother and sister mice.

Figure 6 shows the inheritance of color in which one

VARIATION AM» HKHKD1TY

15

color (red) doe* not completely dominate the other. In
OM6 tii.- in. i niinants §how a color (pink) which

is a I-!- • 10 colors of th* al generation.

:.l.- in.nl.- ..r inheritance has been dem-

at.-d to hol.l for a great «lr..-rsity of organisms:
in r .its, rabbits, guinea pigs, rattle, poultry,

canaries, snails, silk-moths ; in beans, maize, wheat, bar-
ley, and stocks. In a* pie, hornlessness is
the dominant an. I presence of horns the recessive char-

. In wheat, rough and red » -ha: iie dominant

and smooth and white chaff the recessive characters.11
It i> dirtirult to <lraw definite conclusions from the study
ot human inheritance on account of the great com pi
of the human organ Man is tin- result of tin- inter

ire of so many <1 t stocks that there are no

"pun lines." Since experiment is out of the question,
observation must be n-Ii.-.l upon. But the rate of in
crease of the human species is slow (about 60 generation-
of men since the Chri>tian era began), and th«- number of
offspring are few. In spite of these difficulties -t
have been made with tin- n-ult that certain human trait-
appear to lu> inherited in accordance with Mend
-.lf For example,18 —

Curly hair, dominant.
Dark h

Brown ryrs.

Normal pigmentation,

roly<lartyly.

Normal nervous system.

u'lit hair,

t to red hair.
Mine eyes,
Alhinism,
Normal,
Normal.

Hereditary feeble-mindediMM,
insanity, epilepsy, •

n Thomson & Ctoddc*, op r.r . ,. 138.

it BOM. V.—Tke JfiW of Primitto* Jf«n. 1011. ;

w Davenport, C. B.— Heredity in Relation of ff«f*»fct, pp. 31. 66, 77

Hi

SOCIAL KYOMTION

Mendel's theory, like Wri-mann's, has the idea of ger-
minal continuity for one of its foundations, h conceives
of tlie hereditary relation as one between the parental
and filial germ cells and not between the bodies of parent

RED

WHITE

FIGURE 6. Mendelian Inheritance in Four-o'clocka.

and offspring. Mendelism explains the organism as
built up of a number of definite and separably inheritable
characters. Variation seems to consist in the presence
or omission of elementary factors. Thus, the white sweet
pea was brought about in the variation by which one of
the color factors was dropped out. Variation is not
always the progression from a lower degree of com-

VAIM \TlM\ \\h IlKU.hri N 17

pl.-\it\ to a higher, btit the revers< •MH-.< Thus

experimental l» ha* shown tliat the white coat of

tin- hor.se i> imt a .simple Character, but in doe to several

:ly inheritahle factors.11
Besides Mendel'.- Law, th«-re are (laltmr- two M

la\\s of iuh.-ir degression and the

Law of Ann •! 1 1 h, . Thr Law of Regression

as first expounded was bas«l upon measurement* of th<»
Mature of uv,-r 900 Engli.-h IHT-OI. '..ilton foun«i

thf statuiv of an iiulivi«lual i- .l«-t.-rmiiH-«l hy tin*

racial type to which thr parrnts belong, modified, how-

mlriir;. :o a t\p«- int«-nnr<liate be-

tween the sprcial variations representnl hy th.- parents,

• •xamplr, if tlir fatlirr i> thr nmtlirr

somewhat tallrr than the average, the children tend to
which is somewhat ii.-ar the racial
type, but at the same time depemlmt UJMUI an int«r
nirdiatr value located between the stature of thr m-
and that of thr fatlirr. This law appeared to hold for

ill' ritance of sf eye-color, and arti>tir ahility.

•Kists have rritirized Galton's law> on the ground

•liry lump together both inhrritnl and non iuli.

.tioiis. The Law of Ance-tral luh.-ritaih-r >howed

on the average each parent contributes ! 4 of «

inhrritr.l fa.-ult\. SMb i:raii«i|.;»i-. lit M«, and SO on.

avr shown that the intrnsit.

it may be expressed by about V4.n

Thr principle may be made Hrar hy «|u«»ting from l>r.
Boas: " I'mvi.lr.l the inotlirr <litTers in her stature by an
amount of !» cm. from the racial norm, — for install

'« Thomson A Grdd«, o; 137.

ort. ../.. - ««O«Uon. of. cit.. ch«. ri. and ril.

11 the Uw« of Man." Riomrtrikm. roL ii.

p. 357 .M.I IkMft, F.- in AnthropMMtrie TraiU." .4«wr.

.4n/Aro/H>/,- if, \ &, vol. iv. p. 4*3 ft Mf.

18 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

is 9 cm. taller than the average in<li\ idual, — then we
may expect the child to be one-third of 9 cm., or 3 cm.,
above the average. It will thus be seen that if both
parents differ in the same direction from the average,
the effect of both will be cumulative ; and if both differ
from the average of their people by the same amount,
the joint effect of the two parents may be expressed by
the coefficient of about two-thirds. In case, for instance,
both father and mother should be 9 cm. above the type
average, we should expect the child to be about two-thinls
of 9 cm., or 6 cm., above the average." 18

These variations, inherited in accordance with the laws
that have been outlined, form what Professor Thomson
has called the "raw materials" of evolution. Of the
origin of these variations we know little. In the micro-
cosm of the germ cells there goes on a process of extra-
ordinarily intricate permutation and combination.
Weismann supposes that there is a struggle within the
germ cell between rival hereditary items. However this
may be, there is much research still necessary before we
can hope to speak in dogmatic fashion of the origin of
variations.

SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

BOAS, F. — The Mind of Primitive Man.
CRAMPTON, H. E. — The Doctrine of Evolution.
DARWIN, C. — The Origin of Species.
DAVENPORT, C. B. — Heredity in Relation to Eugenics.
GALTON, F. — Natural Inheritance.

Ki LLICOTT, W. E. — The Social Direction of Human Evolution.
METCALF, M. M. — Organic Evolution.
PUNNETT, R. C. — Mendelism.

ROMANES, G. J. — Darwin and After Darwin, I The Darwinian
Theory.

i* Boas, op. ctf., p. 82.

V ION AND , V 19

TH..M-. it GEDOEB, P.— Evolution (Home Univi r

Ll!
TlU'KNMKK, 1'!. It. 7/i'/il iilifllil'i.

WBBMANN, A.— r*« Evolution Theory.

ri

Till: STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE

HAVE you ever strolled across the sunlit meadows and
then entered the cool silence of the forest and wondered
at the apparent contentment and peace that reigned
< \< rvwheref The flowers were all so bright and birds
chirping or singing in the trees seemed to lead lives of
<iuict tmeventfulness. But look closer, and back of tin-
silence of the forest is the cringing fear of every living
thing. Under the apparent calm of nature there is the
constant and bitter struggle for food, air, and space,—
for life. All fhe trees and flowers, ,*ill tin- l»inls and other
animals are engaged in a continual struggle for existence.
There is struggle between plants and animals of tlir
same species for the same food and space ; the struggle of
each and all against unfavorable conditions of climate,
heat and cold, flood and drouth; the rivalry between them
for mates; and a continual effort to rear their youni: in
the face of that stern necessity which decrees that in
spite of the strenuous efforts put forth, in a great ma-
jority of cases there is only failure and death.*

This fearful struggle for existence is the consequence
of two facts : first, the amount of food and space upon the
earth for plant and animal use are limited; and second,
living creatures are so prolific that an unhindered
process of reproduction would result in a geometrical
rate of increase, and eventual over-population. This
means that in every generation of every species a great

* Metcalf, op. tit., p. 13.

Tin-: EH i; • H BXIS1

many more* individual- an- U.rn than can potMhly sur-
The result i> that those born with ••••rtaiii weak-
nesses or und.-r unfavorable condition- an- the ones u
are most likely to .11.-, while those possessing greater

'.orn ni; orahle conditions are the ones

it is that then* tends to be

a -in \ i\al of tli« tit. Nittm.-, so to say, selects the best

•

It is a self-evident fact that tin- amount of -par,- upon
limited. At tir-t thought it is not so evident

livinir things tend to multiply i .-al pro-

LM-.--i.»ii. Hut thr truth of this prim-iplr in eanily demon-
-trat. ! I,'.. main's tflls us that if tin- y of a single

pair of rh'phants. \\lii.-h :nv t he slowest breeding of ani-
mals, were allowed to reach maturity and propa^a?
750 years there would he living 19,000,000 descendants.1

->or Metc-alf has computed the following table baaed
upon th ase of the common robin. Sup

posin.ir that tin- yearly otTspring of each pair of •

on the av. lii.'h is below tin* usual number,

pair uf l.inls would hav»» four y«»uiiLr in the
first generation. The second year they would have four
more young, and their youm: of the fir- . mating.

would have • "ung, four for each of the two \

In twenty \ he descvndant> of the original pair

would nuiii' r twenty l.illi-

is should make it clear that the earth could not >up-
port the progeny of • -\ • -n a single sp the natural

increase were allowed to go unchecked.1

But in the case of the rohins. nmn- hirds die each year
than livo because we find that the number remains con-

Jiianem, O. J. — Dartritt amd After Dancim. I Tk* Daririmiam Theory,
1001. p. 261.
tMetcmlf. op. «'!.. p. 14.

82 . SOCIAL EVOLUTION

slant from year to year. Tin-re seems to be no great
fluctuation in the number of any species from year to
year.8 Yet this apparently high death-rate of robins is
surpassed by that of many other species. Among many
fishes the "yearly death-rate is two hundred and fifty
thousand times as great as the permanent population,
since on the average only one male and one female out
of the half million of young survive to take the place of
their parents and keep the number of individuals in the
species ii]) to the usual mark." For every starfish livini:
nearly half a million die each year.3 Indeed, t akin-
organic nature as a whole probably not one in a thousand
young is allowed to survive to the age of reproduction.4

Adults Young

One pair of adult robins 2

First year, their young 4

Second year 6 12

Third year 18 36

Fourth year 54 108

Fifth year 162 324

Sixth year 486 972

Seventh year 1,458 2,916

Eighth year 4,374 8,748

Ninth year 13,122 26,244

Tenth year 39,366 78,732

End of tenth year 118,098

End of twentieth year 20,913,948,846

While this law applies to the lower forms of life, plants
and animals, one might say that men are not subject to
it. It is true that the rigors of the crude struggle have
been somewhat modified by man's greater cunning and
forethought, but the law holds for men just as it does

• Ibid.; pp. 14-15. * Romanes, op tit., p. 262.

TIM n BOU n

for snails and pansies, t!i..u-li in a *lii:htl\ lessened «!••-
gree. In tin- n on area of the United States in the

M re were recorded 805,412 deat

.•aiiMvs. \Vh«-n \v«« r\amm«- tin- mimU-r ,,f il.-ath- at -111'

ferent age periods we find that JG.98 per cent of those

who died were umlrr ."> yrars of age. At no other five

• >f life was the per cent. hi^ln*r than 6.2,

and this was at the five year age period 65-09 years.

Thr following taMe shows precisely what the situation
is.*

Uinl-T 1 .\- :n- I'M? per eent.

. 4.11
2 yea ni

• - '
•

Under 5 ywn
5 to 9 years . .

10 to 14 years 1 46 "

i :.

20 to 24 years

25 to 29 years ; 07 "

30 to 34 years \ (>6

to 39 years

40 to 44 years - ;

45 to 49 years i 65

50 to 54 years <>9
55 to 59 years

60 to 64 years .Y71 "

to 69 years . 6.29

70 to 74 years . 6.27
75

80 to 84 years 4 14

85 to 89 yearn . 2.24

90 to 94 years . . 77

95 years HIM < 18
100 yean and <

• See Statistical Attract of rAr f f.. 1911. j

24 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

This tabl. . '.ally in the large infantile mortality, i&

sufficient to show that the struggle for life is not a phe-
nomenon peculiar to lower animals. The high mortality
in early \.-ar> is evidence of the selective death rate.
The 'Jd.98 per cent, of deaths under 5 years of age in
dieates the extinction of the less fit. The weaker clii Id re n
and those born under unfavorable circumstances are more
likely to die before they are live years of age than are
the -t router children or those born under more favorable
circumstances. Thus it is that Nature selects the fit
to survive.

r»eean>e of the limited amount of food and space upon
the earth and because many more individuals are horn
than can survive, there is a perpetual battle for life go-
ing on among all the individuals of any generation. In
this terrible struggle for existence what individuals will
be victorious and live? Obviously those best fitted to
live, in whatever respect or respects their superiority of
fitness may consist. These favored individuals transmit
to their progeny their advantageous qualities. Accord-
ing to the laws of heredity the characters of the surviv-
ing generation are inherited by their offspring. It
therefore follows that the "individuals composing each
successive generation have a general tendency to be
better -uited to their surroundings than were their fo re-
fathers. " And so it is that since most of the weaklings
die in infancy, the perpetuation of the race is by the
"flower of the flock " and the species tends to grow
stronger. Tlii- is Darwin's great theory of Natural
Selection, or selection by nature, for, out of the thou-
sands who die, the thousandth individual who does sur-
vive in the battle for existence is on the whole the one
best fitted to do so. If now, in any generation some new

Tin: STKI 16

an<i i.«-ii.-!i.-i:il •jii.-ilii i«- happen to arise as slight varia-
tioiin fmin the ancestral type, they will (other ti
permitting), I* uj-.n

msmitted hy heredity to subh- <eiierat

will he added tu th. pa Thi.s then,

is natural >• D <T tin- survival of the "the

mainly to the process, the other to

.:t."

ocessis 'ii- 1.. that hy which the gardener

ainl the rattle lipM'.l.T hring about their won.lrrl'ul r«-
-nil-, .lu-t as tin-si- men. hy alway- -tini:" their

best iinliviiluaU to hi- :i, sln\\ly hut continu

imprnve tln-ir st«»ek. s«» Natui -cess of "selec-

tion," slowly hut omtiimously mak«'> tin- \.trious 8]>
of plants and animals hrttn- suited to the conditions of
their life. What the skill of Luther I'.urhank has ac-
complished in the course of a few generations, Nature
takes years or even centuries of experimentation to pro-

.rtitieial seh-ction, man works on •
characters irregularly and imperfectly for a short time.
\vorks on the whole machine iife by con-

u-eum ulation during whole geological epochs.
Silently and insensibly work in IT, natural « ; is daily

and i M-rutini/iiiir the slightest vari

imr those that are I; -erving and adding up all that

are good."*
Under natura -ions th« M endless range of

\Ve have seen in chapter I. how like tends
to beget like, but that although the t.tTsprin-r is similar to
the parent there is ne\ 'ion. Then*

is latitude allowed for individual variation. The indi-
vidual differences are due to age, sex, modification, and

• Thomm ft Geddc*. op. of . :, 156.

26 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

real germinal variation. Whatever its cause, as IOHLT
as the variation gives advantage in the struggle, the in
dividual which possesses it, has a greater chance to sur-
vive, and surviving, to transmit it to his offspring. Oc-
casionally, characters seem to go together in bundles;
as such, they are often of advantage and are inherit* •«!.
Some variations from the general type of the race arc
not transmitted. Variations of the mutation kind are
inherited. If then, a mutation gives advantage to the
individual possessing it, that individual will most prob-
ably survive while others not possessing the favoraMe
trait will be at a disadvantage. But survival means not
simply the fact of a safe and unhindered enjoyment of
life. It means the bearing and rearing of young. Bio-
logically, survival means that the individual reaches ma-
turity and has offspring to which he transmits the favor-
able characteristics that aided him in the struggle.

The struggle will usually be "most severe between in-
dividuals of the same species, for they frequent the
same districts, require the same food, and are exposed
to the same dangers/' In such a case the most minute
variation may determine which will survive. As many
variations seem to be the result of pure chance, so sur-
vival is in many instances the result of pure chance. An
illustration will make this clear. Dr. C. B. Davenport
of the Carnegie Institution for Experimental Evolution,
placed 300 chickens in an open field. Eighty per cent,
white or black and hence conspicuous ; 20 per cent,
were spotted and hence inconspicuous. In a short time
twenty-four were killed by crows, but only one of the
killed was spotted. The white and black chickens were
easily discernible to the crows and hawks flying over-
head, and they swooped down and carried off twenty-

TNI DOLE i"i; BUS -;

three. The sp- not HO easily teen

from above. nni\ ,,h,. ,,r tliom wan killed. Tlaih tin-
mere chance of coat • •••N-r was a de< u-tor in .!••
iermining which cl> diould In time it i»

.!•!'• that more of the black an«i \\hitechickenawould

l.-.l lis hirds • y tin* spotted chickens

would be left. Their offspring \\ould tend to inherit
spotted coat ami hence surviv.-. All offspring
which varied from thi- (\|M- in (In- «lir.-«-t inn ,,f
whitr coat or a Mark mat \\miM IN- lik«-ly to IH- kilh-tl anil
leave no black or \\hit,- .nati-.l proirniN. Kvi-ntuully we
might have only a spott.-.i \ ..f cliick«-ns in this

Thi> is an excellent illustration of tin- principle
of natural selection.

Where the characters of an iulmhiting species show
great variation we conclude that th» r« ),a.s not been
rigorous selection with reference to that rhara

is, the trait in «|in'sti«»n is one which, at thr tiun-
thrr of grc. • advan-

tage to those who possess it. It \\.-i- lly acquired

or pn-srr\r,i became it was favorahlr, hut some change
has been wrought which makes it of inditT. -n-nt value.
r hand if any character shows very sliirht
variation as between a large numhrr of the sp<-ci<»g, we

ud<> that selection with to it has been

severe; that is, tin- trait in «ju«--ti..n -ives positive ad-
vantage. Thus, before the coining of the crows, coat
color in chickens was of inditlVivnt value for survival
and there was wide variation fr,,m white to black. Bat
with the coming of the birds of pr« lit ions

changed and coat color had a positive survival val
it were inconspicuous. The wid. • \ n soon dis-

k and white chickens wore killed off)

28 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

and all the chickens ha<l a spotted coat. S.. 1,\ iv(-«,rdinir
the variation in any trait we can toll whether it has a
survival value and whether natural selection has caused
its uniformity. This is the reason why we find that all
the individuals of any species are more or less alike,
because variation outside of en-tain safe limits is hazard-
ous.

A rain storm once washed a large number of sparrows
out of their nests. An observer gathered the injured
sparrows together and tried to revive them. A larir"
number of the birds recovered but some did not survive.
Measurements of all the dead and revived sparrows wen-
taken, and the curve showing their distribution (the fre-
quency with which each measure occurred) was plotted.
Then the measurements of the revived sparmws were
taken separately, and their distribution was plotted. It
was found that the measurements of the surviving spar-
rows varied less from the average degree of the charac-
ter measured than did the measurements of the dead
sparrows ; that is, the dead sparrows were more variable.
The curve representing the birds which survived was a
narrower and steeper curve, which showed that the birds
killed were more largely the unusual, the extreme, those
widely differing from the average. We find pretty gen-
erally that the extreme variates from the normal are less
likely to survive the dangers of their surroundings. The
more normal are more likely to survive.

By examining the smooth curve in figure 2, which rep-
resents the approximate distribution of the frequencies
at which different heights occur among ten and one-half
year old American boys, one can better understand this
normal order. If there should be an epidemic of scarlet
fever and all of the boys contracted the disease, 30

TIM. 81 1; D8TBM •

• .11.-. l'roh;ihl\ the boys whose stature U between

i henei- > above Uie normal

(which is hrtw.M-n 1LHJ ami 1.".7 en boys who have

nirth. On tli«- oth«-r hand, the boys

. statmv is U-tween HHi ami 117 cm., and hence con-

sid.-rahly below the normal, are boys who have been

stunted perhaps because of constitutional weakness.

This irmup of i-xtreiiH'ly tall ami extremely short boys

(for the age of is more likely, otln*r t!

'••jM.-il, to siin-umh to t ase, than the more

al individual^ ti.at is, outgrown strength and

anemic condition in the one case, and weak constitution

or lack of nourishment on tin- oth«-r, constitute r«»m lit ions

which break down the power of resistance to disease.

It is tht : possible that inovt of the 30 cases of mor-

would be found among this group of very short

and vrry tall hoys. If no\v, tin* mrve were plotted for

inaininir !>7n boys who survived, it would be found

that tlu» curve was narrower than 1 'hat is, that

the falling away to the ri^ht and left had disapp-

In soinr >uch way as this-, Natun- t.-n-U to mt ofl QM

niates and to reduce the race or species to a

in uniformity.

l»lant and animal organism is a plastie, changing
thinir. It readily adapts it-rlf to new situations. A
sudd.-n .-hanire in climate beeoiniinr a permanent con-

u of a given locality will affect all forms of li
that locality. Some individuals will not have sufii
adaptability to adjust themselves to the new require-
m.-nts ,. ridings; they will sicken and die.

M.lividuals who chance to be plastic enough to
meet the change by new adjustments in their habits and
mode of life, will most probably survive and pass some

30 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

of their favorable qualities to tlirir progeny. Sonn- in
dividual* will be born with variations from tin- adapted
ancestral type which will prove of decided advantage.
These organisms will have a better chance to survive
than those that happen to vary from the ancestral type
in a disadvantageous direction. And so, in the course
of lime, as the climate changes in that locality, the plastic
group of living plants and animals will be modified and
will undergo change from their original characteristics.
As intermediate forms perish and new variations appear
giving greater advantage in ability to meet the condi-
tions of life, the present inhabitants will differ more and
more from the original inhabitants so that if we were to
see both side by side we should be led to think that we
were observing two quite distinct forms of life instead of
related forms. But if we could see the intermediate
forms, we could reconstruct the series and understand
how one form was descended in almost direct line from
another form now quite extinct and with different struc-
ture and function. Although the intermediate forms
connecting a living group of animals with an older form
have long since passed from the surface of the earth,
naturalists are able to reconstruct the series of descent
with a remarkable degree of accuracy because Nature
has preserved for us in the form of fossils the shape and
mold in which these creatures were cast millions of
years ago. This, in brief, is Darwin's famous doctrine
of the origin of the species by descent under the influence
of natural selection. It is the core of the theory of
Evolution.

Let us now summarize the points that have been made
in this chapter:

(1) The amount of food and space upon the earth for

Till

nt and animal use is limited; many more individual*

a born than can survive; the result is a perpetual
n^gle for survival.

i The n'tt. -i individuals tend to be the ones
survive; the battle is to the M in* race is to the

swift.

Tin- individuals so selected transmit many of
r favorable qualities to their ••iV-pring by heredity.

(4) But altli.'ii-li heredity ]'mduces a wonderfully
exact copy of tin- pan-nt in tin- child, there is never pre-
cise reduplication. There i- latitude for individual vari-
ation. If, among the bmumermbk multitudes of indi-
vidual variations that may occur, one chances to appear
\vh'u-li, no mutter in how slight a degree, gives the in-
'dual possessing it advantage in the struggle, that
individual is bound to be favored with longer life and
larger number of y \\ith survival, in short.

But the theory of natural selection proposes to ex-
plain only those characters which irive advantage in the
strugjr!' . It does not explain th« nee

of certain which do not give definite advan-

tage to their possessors and yet t> nd to persist from
generation to generation. Some of these characters, like
the brilliant plumage of certain birds (peacock and pea-
hen), would seem to be of po-itive disadvantage by
makiuir them conspicuous to their enemies. To account
these markedly contrasted sex-characters, Darwin
advanced the theory of Sexual Selection. He believed
that the individuals possessing the brilliant coloring
were more attractive to those of the opposite sex and so
had a better chance to mate than their fellows of a more
sober hue. By the laws of heredity the brilliant plumage
was transmit ted, and the less attractive individuals, not

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

securing mates, or at any rate less robust mates, would
have fewer progeny and eventually their line would die
out There were also combats !•« i\\. « n rival males for
the possession of females as well as the preferential
mating where the female chooses or seems to choose.
There is little reason to douht the effect of selection
where there is combat among males. For when tin-
younger or weaker candidates are killed, or expelled
from the herd, or left unmated, there is discriminate
elimination, the progeny inherit the strong constitutions
of their parents. But as to preferential mating, the
theory has broken down rather badly under criiirism
since Darwin's time.7

There is one other point of considerable importance
which must be discussed before we can understand the
real significance of natural selection. It is the alleged
inheritance of acquired characters. The athlete has
larger and more developed muscles than the average
man. Do his children inherit larger and more developed
muscles! Many years ago the naturalist Lamarck ad-
vanced a theory that modifications induced in the struc-
ture of the parent by adaptation to its surroundings
were inherited by the offspring. His classic illustration
of this theory was the giraffe. The entire frame of the
giraffe has been adapted to support an enormously long
neck which is of use to the animal in reaching the foliage
of trees. Lamarck thought that the ancestors of the
giraffe had ordinary necks but had increased the length
of them through many successive generations by con-
stantly st retching to reach high foliage. Moreover, when
the neck became so long as to require for its support
special changes in the general form of the animal, these

7 Thomson & Oeddes, op. cit., p. 172.

Till

changes < >tit th«- -l\\ in-ilin- «»f other parts from

which >o niiirli activity wa> no linger required,
result was "that the whol the* animal

became more an. I ni.ir.- adapt.-d i,, bfOWSing on in-:.

f"li: same principle was appl

many other .structural peculiarities. To dearly und«-r

i this prob: s neces> *.-ort to tin- ti

<>f inheritance.

in speaking of inheritance we said that the pan-nt was
instee of the & -mi plasm than the pnxlii<'«-r

of tht' chihl. In hiirh.-r plant- an.l animals tin* fill.

is not prrformr.l l.y tlie body as a whol.-.
hut is i^iv«'ii ovrr to >prcial groups of o-lls, tin-
cells, con-titutinir tin- nvari.-s and testes. lf from
these crll> that nr\v in.lix i.luaU ari-«-. In view of this
the problem we have just been consi.l. -ring- is not so
>impl»-. -.ainpl.% how can the enlargement of a

muscle due to exercise, so affect the <j, Is, which

He at some dist <>m th<> muscle in <}iic>tion, as to

cause the new individual, which shall arise from these
germ cells, to have the corresponding muscle in its own
body enlarged? Under ordinary condition, it is only
thr </<im <•»•//>• in the body which haxv any descendants
in the following m-neratiun.7-' In the body there are
muse , bone cells, n«-r\v .•,•!!. Weismann used

the term .-»»KI to indud.' all the celU of the body which
/* cells. Now the whole body of the offspring
comes from the union of two ,/ It; an .-in: from one

it and a spermatozoon from the other.7' No somatic
cell Ljivi- i-ise to any part of the offspring. While the

i/ed egg is developing into an adult organism it
divides into a number of portions called blastomeres,

T* Metomlf. or r, t fc Ibid., p. 71.

34

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

some of these form the germ cells of the new individual,
thf remainder become its soma. The germ cells of one
generation are thus derived almost directly from the
germ cells of the preceding generation.8 One can now
understand more clearly the significance of the theory
of the continuity of germinal plasm. Professor Metcalf

GENERATION A

GENERATION 8

GENERATION C

GENERATION 0

GERM CELLS

GERM CELLS

GERM CELLS

GERM CELLS

SOMA

SOMA

SOMA

SOMA

FromlUtcaU. "OrfaoJc Evolution. "

FIOUBE 7. Diagram of Inheritance of Body Cells and Germ Cells.

has illustrated this principle by the simple diagram
shown in figure 7.8

The diagram shows "that both the germ cells and the
soma of any generation are derived from the germ
cells alone of the preceding generation. " No modifica-
tion in a somatic cell of the parent could, therefore,
cause a corresponding modification in the soma of the
child; because the soma of the child is descended from
the parental germ cells. In the case of the athlete the en-
larged muscles would mean modification in the soma,
but this modification would not appear in his child be-
cause only the germ cell is inherited, not the soma.8

Modifications of the soma are of two kinds: "first,
those produced by the effect of the environment upon
the organism ; and second, those resulting from the reac-

s Metcalf, op. tit., p. 73.

Till H

tion upon itself of the activity of • mil or plant." *

ii of a blacksmith in one which develops
the muscles of the arm by the continuous and vi^unni-
form of exercise of hamm< i ;n- • • th<» blacksmith

has a son who becomes a bookkeeper, does the son have
ii{ht arm than he would have had if his
fatlu-r ha.l been an office clerk! Ortainly the size of
a urn-el.- i- in< reasetl by use, and decreased size results
from disuse. Are these effects inh.-rited by the off-
igf One point must be noted carefully: the fact
th<> blacksmith does "develop strong muscles as
a result of the exercise shows that he must have an in-
born cai for developing strong muscles by exer-
But if tlu» blacksmith "inh< -nt»-d from his parents
the ability i lop strong muscles" by exercise, his
son in turn \\ouhl inherit from him the same ability.1"
rcise or tin- lark of it wouhl therefore only bring out
the I. :id»-ney or simply leave the natural I
to work it-« It out. The innate capacity would be in-
herited, not the accentuated development induced hy ex-
iiild is not the child of tin- biceps muscle
of tl. t. but the child of the germ cells of the par-
biceps muscle of tin- ha- little •
these germ cells. How therefore, could the use of
ns muscle in the arm of the parent so affect the
otTvprini: that he would have stronger biceps than if his
nt had not developed his own through exercise?
ra is little evidence to support the doctrine of trans-
mission of acquired c <*s.

But if thriv is no din emission of the individual

modifications produced by environment, wherein does
the importance of function and < nvironm, nt consist!

pp. 7*77.

S0< IAL KVnLtTTION

'I'lie answer is found in the selective influence of environ-
ment. There is an endless diversity of environments.
The iceberg, the hot spring, the mountain top, the abysses
of the ocean, tin* interior of another creature, all con-
stitute a complex of changing influences. ' * In many cases
where the external changes are regularly recurrent like
the seasons ami the tides, the organism falls into step
with them so that there are internal rhythms." To some
of these changes the living organism is able to adjust
itself temporarily. To others the response is not so
delicate, and the novel conditions provoke structural
changes from which the organism never recovers, the
limits of organic elasticity having been passed. Adapta-
tion is the key-note of organic nature, and it is exactly
the thing natural selection secures. However modified,
those individuals which are not adapted to their environ-
ment are destroyed in the struggle for existence, leaving
only the well-adapted forms alive. The environment
molds the living organism. Those whose innate plas-
ticity is equal to the occasion are modified and survive.
Those whose plasticity is not equal to the occasion are
exterminated. This modification takes place generation
after generation, but, as such, is not inherited. But any
variations arising in the germ cells which are similar
in direction to these modifications, will tend to support
them, and to favor the organism in which they occur.
Thus plastic modification leads, and germinal variation
(variations arising in the germ cells) follows; the one
paving the way for the other. The modification is not
inherited, but it establishes a condition under which con-
genital variations 10 are given time to get a hold on the

10 Congenital variations are variations which arise in the germ cell.
They are variations which are inherited. They are not modifications.

Tin OGLE FOB EXIM 37

iiism, and are thus enabled by degrees to reach tbe

fully atiaj'tivr l.-\.-l. Natural Mb ut* off the un-

a«la|'tril in.li\ i.lual. 'Flic j-la-li.- in«li\ i«lnal though Orig-
inally uiiadaptcil to it- jMiti«-ular environim-nt, may be
iniuiitiiMl in Mi.-h a mann. i QlAl it MOT?!?!* nl ttl "TV

i if those who are plastic and adaptable survive, all
if niir amonir it> nlT-pring pOeSOMei
a germinal variation whirl, h.-tt-T adapt Ihe KUF-

ronndiiig conditions, it iFinn.-.liat.-ly has an a •
the struggle, ami its proLT'-ny "ill inherit the favorable
quality. Tlir.sr ollVpriuir which possess an innat.- a<lap-

ii will have n much b<»ttt»r chance for longer life and
larg< than those which possess mere plastic

modifiability. In thi- iring the evolution of life

from lou ami hiirher forms, Nature has weeded

out an-i < \i* !inin,it« ,1 th<- ill-adapted organisms, tolerat-
ing the temporary compromise of ino.lit'u-ation until the
progress of reproduction shall give rise to a real ger-
minal variation (mutation) \vhi<-h l» rings renewed stabil-
ity to the species.

SUPPLKMKNTAUV UK A DINGS.
BOAS, P.— Tk* Mind of Primitive I/an.

. 11 K -The Doctrine of Ki-<»lutio*.
DARWIN, C.— The Origin of the Specks.

I > \VKNPORT, C. H.— //rrn/i/i/ in /M hi'

-\ntur.il Inh.t
UCOTT, W. K.— r*€ Social Direction of Human £ro/M/ton

M .— Or gam 'ion.

IYXXETT, K. C.— MendeUim.

Since modificaUoas do not term to be inhrrit«l. it follow* Out tfe oat?

•n. which count in U* ofnprtef art grnniwil wuifttioa*.

MuUtion* or rtable v»ri»tit.n« «rr grnninal vmrUtion* and ar» thrrvforv of

-n,H>rt«ncB in etolution than fluctuating or UHtebb rmrUtioo. which

arc not trnnnmittcd to offspring. 8« Mctralf. pp.

38 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

ROMANES, G. J. — Darwin and After Darwin, I The Daruininu

T/nory.
THOMSON, J. A. & GEDDES, P. — Evolution (Home University

Library).

THOKNWKK, E. L. — Individuality.
WEISMANN, A. — The Evolution Theory.

Ill

TELE ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY OF MAN

^i n of different form* of ani-
mal life by adaptive modification and descent, it is only
one step further to apply the suiue reasoning to the
human species and to account for man as descended
from some lower animal form now extinct Darwin

Mct'<l tl rj in his, "Descei.

Darwin wrote there has been mm-li « vi«l« noe gathered
to support the doctrine of descent The evidence of
^volution is now based upon the di> - of the ex-

plorer, paleontologist anatomist, emhryologist, and
io legist Most natural s ti regard this body

>timony as const it utin.vr a confirmation of the theory
"lution. I<T . . i tain forms of lit i ndeed, quite

conclusive.1 In this chapter, we shall concern ourselves
with an examination of the chief «-\ i-l.-m-es for the doc-
that man is desc<Mnh-.l. in common with other ani-
mals now living, from some lower and extinct form.

The success of any demonstration that man is related

by descent to some \o\\ ;•« mis largely upon

ihility to reconstruct the series of n-lat.nl forms.

When the doctrine of the descent of man was first ad*

vanced, superficial and popular writers imme<li

jumped at the conclusion that naturalists believed that

was descended from the "monk This, of

> Hut thin it a matter that the rwufer ma look vp for klm~lf la UM
many books now available upon Ih* subject.

40 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

course, is quite absurd, as man could obviously not be
descended from a form of life now living. The ape
and the monkey family, together with man, are probably
descended from some generalized ape-like form Ionic
since perished from the earth. They both may have a
common ancestor: one is not descended from the other.

The human species, or Hominidae, is not descended from
the Gorilla or the Chimpanzee, but the " ascent of the
Hominida- is in an independent line-from some long since
extinct Ljviirrali/ed form, from which the oilier liranches
also spring in independent lines. All have some features
in common, while each presents some special characters.
The points of resemblance between the Hominida' and
the Simiidae are far more numerous than between the
Hominidae and any other group. ' ' 2 Keane infers from
this that the divergence of the higher groups took place
in the sequence indicated in the following classification.
For this reason the study of man from the physical side is
confined to his relation to the higher apes.3

It has been customary in modern zoological classifica-
tion to detach from the Class Mammals, the large and
dispersed group of Apes and Half- Apes (Lemurs), to
constitute the independent order of Primates, so named
by Linne. Kecent systematists divide the order into two
suborders, Lemuroidea and Anthropoidea, and subdivide
the Anthropoidea, the manlike forms, into fiv< families--
HapaKda, Cebida, Cercopithecida, Simiidcc, and //"///-
0 (human species).4 The reasons for asserting that
men are primates and are closely related to the Simiid;; ,
are, that part for part the skeletons, pelvN. rihs hands,
feet, spinal columns, teeth, and bones of the skull, are

*K«»ane, A. II.— Ethnology, 1896, p. 19.

»/6i</., p. 20. 4 /feu/., p. 17.

FIGURE 8. Hair-tracts on the Arms and Hands of Man, as compared with
those on the Arms and Hands of the Chimpanzee.

Till. OBIG "I m \N 4:;

the same in a! mental I.-LMI-!-. In nil e*m*iitial

features the sets of bone parts are closely shuilar*
Now it w«- turn to structures other than the skeleton, we

tin- 1 then- an- MUIH- r.-mai lable similarities in certain

:•!••. we think of hairiness of

the apes as distinguishing them rather -liar-ply from man,

but in r.-.-i it\ th.- whole of the human body 18 covered
with ilnis of tin- hand*, the soles of the

feet, and the backs «> linal joints; these

same j < .airless in ape-. M<>: i he slant

of the hair in n-ir'nms of th- . notably

on the arms, i- the same that we observe in apes.0 In
apes and man there i> i • • of the ancestral

functional tail i!:e coccyx, in fact, a reduced tail.7 Our
ears are sliirhtly. if at all movable. \.-t we retain in a
-rial condition the muscles which in some ancestor
must have served to move the ears.* The vermiform ap-
\ is less developed in man than in the apes, and is
relatively larger in the human t'-etus than in adult man.
r. at tli.- binei angle Of the human eye is a fold
-<ue which has littN- «»r n»» n unless it IK? ex-

plained as a r«'innant «.!' that third eyelid which in many
•rates, for example, birds, is greatly devel-
oped ami can !>• drawn over the whole eyeball inside the
..iit,.i- .\.-lids. Unless we regard these vestigial struc
in man as the • -i rarlier condition through

rs have passed, t) rs no intelli-

ug.

e study of em) veals many points of re-

seinhlaiii-e the human einhrvo. in the earli«T

op. rif.. pp 74 93; Me tea If, op. r.'f.. pp. 167-17S.
•Set figure 8.

figure 9. • Set figure IO.

44 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

stages of its growth, and the embryos of a number of
other vertebrates. Figure 11 shows how the embryo

Fic;t RE 0. Front Vi«-\v of Adult Iluman Ssu-rnni. showiii;: a!iimrin:il jn-r-
siateuce of Vestigial Tail-muscles.

of man is closely related to the embryo of lower forms,
where in stages I and II many features of the human
embryo are reminiscent of its fishlike early ancestors.
There is an epigram among zoologists that the individual
climbs up its own genealogical tree. This bears, of
course, only a general interpretation. Yet, there is lit-

TIIK OIMUIN ANN OP MAN 45

tie <l <*lopmcnt of tin- imliviilunl .

sunn- nira

!«• I..- explained .1- .1 '"'.'I- •!«-• ••! i-ai -it •;

Fiotftc 10. Kudinx-nUry, or Vr.tigi.1 and
thV Fair.

of the presumed - u. In other words,

the individual in its embryological development ptisot
through with relative rapidity, tl r stages and the

•!i'-.ii;iN» forms which took millions of years in the
slower process of rv<»luti<>M for the species to achieve.
In this sense, the einhryological (li-v«>ln|unont of the in-

»•: SOCIAL EVOLUTION

dividual is a recapitulation of the life history of the
species.

During the early life of the human infant, there
are indications of considerable interest. In the devel-
opment of the child after birth the spinal column has a
single curve, as it does in apes and monkeys, instead of
the S-shaped curve seen in adult human beings. The
baby holds its feet in a position characteristic of the
apes.9 For a few weeks after birth, the child has a re-
markably strong finger-grip, recalling the strength with
which the young apes grasp the mother's hair, as she
climbs with them among the trees. The young baby is
able to sustain its own weight by its hands. When it
hangs in this manner it often shows a position of the
legs which is strikingly apelike.10

There is much more evidence along anatomical and
embryological lines, but the character of this evidence
has been sufficiently illustrated. The whole structure
of man shows that he ha- arisen l.y «lifferentiation from
lower vertebrates. There seems to be "no scientific rea-
son for separating man from the rest of the animal
kingdom as regards the processes of evolution."11 We
do not yet know all the stages through which the human
body passed in the process of its evolution, and we do
not know many of the details by which his mental facul-
ties have arisen from the lower condition of mind seen
in other vertebrates; Imt the evidence which we do pos-
sess presents no serious reason for believing that the
method of their evolution has been different in any
fundamental regard from the methods by which the
minds and bodies of other animals have been developed.1-

•See figure 12. n Mctcalf, op. tit., p. 170.

10 See figure 13. «//,i'-/.

t

> 11. V Seri«« of Embryo. »t Thrrv Oo»|«

:

Till-1. ' \\D ANTI' MAN 41*

.iiiiiii.ii with nthcr animal- "men oft I in tin*

struggle 1*69 become submerged and disappear."

ales among mankiml to e\t.-rmin-

ate the unfit an nerve the In-tlcr adapted in«ii\ 1«1-

nals who transmit to their chiMren the chara-

ut of a Young Male ( hiM I'hotoxniplMd from

tin- inol.il,- fr,-t w.-n- f.-r .1 -l,..Tt turn- nt rr«t in •

a|>. !

which Lr;m> thrni a«lv,-uita vual selcH'tion is prob-

al.ly more operative in man than in any otlirr animal

species. Among men, espiM-iaHy civil izinl men, choice

in marriage has come to be based less upon the physical

OS whirli appeal to the lower animals, and more

largely upon int.-ll.-.-iual and moral attractions. Sexual

lion thus serves to in. i ease and perpetuate these

highly important chai .lf*

50 SOCIAL KVnl.lTTION

We have now reviewed the evidence which loads us
to believe that man is related to forms of life still
tant. This evidence constitutes a presumption which
justifies us in the belief that we shall discover the inter-
mediate forms and so partially complete the series of
man's descent. The gaps in ihis series must be filled
by the reconstructed skeletons of bone remains of pre-
historic man. In consideration of the fact that bone
usually decays within a comparatively short lime, the
chances are slight of finding remains in a sulli* i< nl >1at<
of preservation to constitute positive evidence. Under
certain peculiar conditions, these bone remains are pre-
served for great periods of time. They must be pro-
tected from the action of the air, the corrosive action of
water, and from the destructive action of insects and cer-
tain plant agencies which cause decay. The necessary
conditions are present in dry caves and where natural
agencies have deposited layers of sand and gravel.
Hence it is that the bone remains of prehistoric man
are most frequently found in undisturbed boulder-clays
and drift, or imbedded in the floor of some cave of great
antiquity. Investigation and discovery have brought to
light a considerable number of bone remains of prehis-
toric man. We shall, therefore, examine this evidence
to ascertain how far we may expect to reconstruct the
intermediate steps in the descent of man.

In the first place how are we able to tell certainly
whether any bone remains which we find are reminis-
cent of prehistoric man? Is it not possible that they
are simply the remains of some relatively modern patho-
logical individual and not of some lower type of man?
The associated circumstances are of utmost importance.
If the particular part of a skull which we have discovered

Till. OBI< J> ANTInl m OF MAN 51

was found iiiiln-«|.|i.,| \ f«»et Mow the? gurfa<

umlisturbed beds of sand or gravel, .-m. I -• -«,:,rjMs t.-ll us
the age of the sand bed, the age of tin- n m.tin» nm-t lie at

1-. «... * : .1 fc I

Klc.t Kh

infant. thrt>e u ^ it*

unite*. The at tit
lib*, ftt-t, and tur* i« «trikingly

least as old as the sand bed.1>b Geologists are able to esti-
mate with approximate accuracy the age of certain de-
posits of sand or gravel by determining the rate at \vhk-h
similar beds are being foi in« .1 nt the present day through
the agency of rivers or glaciers. In this way we may be
certain of the age of these remains within a iu>i:li^ible
error. It is to be remembered that geologists measure

"•'The bones of associated fauna are alao an eridenee of antiq

52 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

time in thousands and millions of years.13 Geologists
divide the time of the earth's development from an un-
inhabitable sphere to its present state, into several great
epochs in accordance with the type of rock formation
• •\i-ting. The Paleozoic or Primary and the Mesozoic
or Secondary, cover the vast epochs when only the most
rudimentary forms of life existed. It is the Tertiary and
the (Quaternary, the periods during which the higher
Mammals appeared, that are of interest to us. As will
be seen from the diagram, the early or lower Quaternary
began about three-quarters of a million years ago. The
first t'os-il remains of prehistoric man come from the geo-
logical formation of this period.

Before we may hope to have a clear understanding of
the antiquity of man, there is some further evidence
of a geological nature which we shall have to examine.

It is important to know the main facts and theories of
the glacial periods, because it is the duration and fre-
quency of occurrence of these ice ages which give us the
most trustworthy evidence of the antiquity of man. If
we can learn the age of certain glacial deposits by meas-
uring their rate of formation, we are in a position to
say something definite as to the age of human remains
and implements found beneath them. It is a generally
accepted fact that many ages ago there were vast sheets
of continental ice mantling large portions of Kurope and
North America, just as Greenland is mantled to-day.14
But it is not so generally known that the cold was not
constant during the age of ice. The first southward ad-
vance of the Arctic ice-sheet was followed by a period of
retreat during which temperate conditions prevailed. In

is See figure 14 for the comparative magnitude of geologic time and the
age of human remains. »« See figure 15.

54 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

regions once inhabited by cold climate fauna, one finds
creatures whose structure and habits show them to have
been denizens of warmer lands. There were climatic
Hurt nations with alternate advance and retreat of the ice.
Modern geologists count four glacial epochs covering the

From Oeiki* ' Th« GnM Ice Af*."

FJM RK ]."». Kurnj.r dnriii" tin- Period of Maximum

period of the Pleistocene (see <|nat«'rnary in diagram ).Kl
The causes of these great climatic fluctuations which
brought about the ice ages are variously explained by
geologists in accordance with three hypotheses.16 In the
course of these ice ages the glaciers pushed southward

i» Lull, R. 8.— "Glacial Man," The Yale Review, vol. 1, N. 8., 1912, p.
377.

"See Chamberlain and Salisbury, — Geology, vol. iii, pp. 424-446.

Till: nlMCJIN AND AMI-.! 1TV OF M-\

gougini: mit valleys as they went and carried aim:.'
with thorn masses of stone and rock fragments whi« •!.
were finally deposited along tin- melting front or In
areas to tho glacier.17 Glacial streams flowed from tmd.-r
the slowly n '<••• and .-arri.-.l fine detritus and sand

many miles beyond tin* ice line. eventually de|M»Mtimr
il in deltas or flood plains and burying deep
all Mnall ol.j.-ets lyiiiLC upon tho surface.

The problem of the geographical center from which

man nally populate the earth i< -till 1111-

1. Tradition has designated Central Asia as the

perakm. In Central Asia are found the re-

mains of sand-buri.-d cities so ancient tliat the \

MS concern! IILT them have perished.11 Moreover, the

\vil<l progenitors of our domestic animals — horses, cat-

P, goats, swine, dogs, camels, buffalo and fowl —

had their habitations in Central Asia.

But there are other considerations. Geologists tell

at the land formation of the present continent of

>pe underwent many changes in the later Tertiary

and during the rarly (Quaternary. Coincident with the

is there seem to have been alternating sub-

M.i- noes and upheavals of sections of the continent.

There appears, ho\v<>\< r. to have been a strip of dry land

fairly constant in it- outline which extended from the

valley of the Thai d the Rhine in northwi-

>pe to the pr.--.-nt Maud of Java at the southeast
1 It is in this strip of territory that the most
important discoveries of prehistoric man have been
made.

<<* figure 16. "Lull. op. «'f.. p, J77.

»S*c Kwuir. op. ri'l.. p. 54: Rrintnn. I' «. Karrm mmH /Ynp/r«. 1890,
pp. «r. \.-Tkc /Vinripln of fioHolofy, 1909, pp. 214 JR..

58 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

tir>t important discovery of tin- existence of an
early example of mankind differin- markedly t'nnn any
livinir and of a decidedly lower type, was made in 1H57
when part of a skull was found in a cave near Diissel-
dorf, Germany. The bones consisted of the UPP«T por-
tion of a cranium, remarkable for its flat retreating
curve, tin* upper arm and thigh bones, a shoulder blade
and r<»!lar hone, and rib fragments.20 Figures 17 and 18
show the ireneral contour of this Neanderthal skull.
There was at first some difference of opinion as to its au-
thenticity. Some naturalists maintained that it was a
pathological specimen. But its normal character has
since been fully demonstrated. Huxley conceived the
Neanderthal man as short of stature hut powerfully built,
with strong, curiously curve* 1 thi.Lrh hones so constructed
that the man must have walked with bended knees, po&v
sessing heavy brow ridges, heavy brutal jaw with re-
ceding chin. The artist's conception of the Neanderthal
man is shown in the figures.21 Although the Neanderthal
man was of the small stature of 5 feet 3l/2 inches, he was
probably a mighty hunter, able to contend with the
rudest weapons against the rhinoceros, mammoth, cave
bear, and other beasts. Since the discovery of this skull
near Diisseldorf, other specimens of the same general
type have come to li.irht, >ery'mir to indicate how wide
spread was the Neanderthal race of men. In 1860, part
of a jaw quite different from the typical jaw of to-day
was found at La Naulette, Belgium ; and in 1886, at Spy,
Belgium, specimens were discovered in which the Nean-
derthal type of cranium was associated with the Naulette

.'•ane, op. fit., j.j.. :r, :;i. 1 I.V146.
= 1 See Fronti-j'i«-n- :m<l figure ?*V

•p and Side virw of Neanderthal Cranium.

TIM: OBHHN \M> ANTiniiTY OP MAN 61

type of jaw." Finally, the most perfect specimen of the
type was discovered by two competent observers at La

rhap.-llr au\ Mints iii 1'"'^. Tin--- <ii»roverie8 indicate
the wide distribution of this primitive race.

In 1VM to is'.U. thf Maml Sf itnelf a remnant

Kl..t HI

itruct ndrrthal Type of Skull.

of an r\t«-inl»Ml rontiin«ntal mass of remot . gave up

lie of the nearest to an intermediate form in the
* of human «l.->«vnt y.-t discovered. Here in the
i the island, l>r. Duhois found buried in pleisto-
cene beds to the depth of about forty feet below the
th«> upper portion of a skull, a tooth, and a
tliiirh bone." It was fortunate that these most distinc-
of tin- human frame should have been thus

»Kcmne. op. oil., p. 146; and Lucas, F. A.— The Antiquity of Man."

-r,y. vol. 60, X. 8.. pp. 933 034.
"Kranr. op. cif. p. 144.

8(X 1 \l INVOLUTION

; • •! <•«!,-' iM-raiisr from these >| M-riim-ns \v<> arc able
to ren.n-tnict the hcin-- and to say with assurance that
his walk was erect in man like po-tun-, that he had
mental power considerably above the ape, and that his

Viam forrrr. " Urjcwhirhta dr« EuropSUn."

KI..I-KK 19. Tin- Crsiiiiuin of tlio Pithecanthropus Erectus with Tooth
and Thigh bone.

powers of articulate speech were somewhat limited.25
This man stood halfway between the anthropoid and the
most primitive of existing men. Years before, the Ger-
man naturalist Haeckel, had applied the name Pithecan-
thropus, the ape-man, to a hypothetical form which would

"See figure 10. 25 Lull, op. cit., p. 378.

Till: M|;h;|\ \\h ANTInl ! MAN 65

walk erect, have a higher int >l>m<-nt than

the man-like apes, i»nt which would n.,t yet posaeM

ilate speech. Tin- Javan form teemed to fulfil

Haeckel's conception and has mm. to !•«• known as the

1'ithrcanthi. 18. Th«- liirures show the Pitln-

CMMtM*

ania. '

canthropns skull with its low an-h. We may now com-

th.» rithrcantliropus aii<l N :iia witli

the highei;Cro-Magnon type and with the skulls of an ape

and modern man. This comparison is il <1 by fig-

1, \\liit-h indicates in a rough way how t scov-

eries hn\ ally Hlh-d th«» gaps in our knowledge of

the descent of man from < -arli. -r am •• -tral forms.

In 1907 a human jaw of great antiquity \\a- di-<-o\
in the sands of the Maun- K'i\vr n«-ar 1 Irid.-llierg. This
jaw lay in un<! i stratified sand at tlu> depth of

ahout sixty-nine feet from the summit of the dep<-
It is \vry ditfnvnt from that of the modern man, being
, low, massive, and devoid of a chin, feat ur

ti<; SOCIAL KVnLKTION

which it reseinhlcs the jaw of an ape*11 ^i Vt the teeth are
Mpically human in aiTaimemrnt and character, rela-
tively small when contrasted with the massive support

.I 1:1 -2-2. S;in<l-pi( at Manro. ?i«-;ir Tf«-i.l«-llH-rjr. \vln-n- tin- !'
.l:i\v was fniiml.

ing bone, but actually lar^' when contrasted with the
inn-leni man. The features are so distinctive that the
discoverer, Dr. Schoetensack, considers the specimen as

repre-. ntinir a <li-tin<-t species of man. Lull finds in
inportant specimen an admirable illustration of the

M-C figure 23.

MM DIM' N'D ANTInri MAN 67

law of Haeckel wherein the life cycle of the individual

is shown to recapitulate in vasth > form the evo-

nary history of the race. Thin is borne out by the

fact that the t»-«'th «>!' tin- I l«-id«-lberg man are in their

development companil»l<* to those of a youth of

Piaun 28. Comparison of Jaw of Modern Man with Jaw of Heidelberg

Man itn

ars or less, whilr tlu-ir dfirree of wear indi-
cates a fully attain. -d manhood. Tim- th«
man, a full adult for hi* tim.- and LT'-iM-ration, typifies

the less the youth of humanity."
I hiring tin- yrai 1912, a --n.-sof fragments of a human
skull and a jaw bone were found associated with <-olithic
iinpl«-iu«-nt> and tin- l>onc»8 of r\tin«-t mammal- in pi-

' - on a | • hit. -a u s( ' f.-.-t al>OV€ the r\\<T l>ed at
Piltdown, l-'lrtchinir, S _land. This disco

M !-. < ; ai . and I ^. Wood-

ward. Tin* ivmain- \\.-i-.- of gmA importance because

whilr thr «-raninm was typi.-ally human, its ruhu-al capac-

A-as rrjativrly Mnall, al»«»ut four-fifths that of tlio

.::«• l-ini kull and twin* that of t ho highest ape.

iaw\vas similar to the 1 1. -i- :.!'>• r- jaw a 1 1 hough some-

what less massiv. . l.nt the chin was even more negative

than the Hrid«-llnTg chin. There is a controversy over

HI tin jaw is that of a man or of an am-u>nt species

•Lull. op. rir

38

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

n

from L Antfaropoloffto."

I K.IRE 24. Eolithic Implements.

of chimpanzee. Most authorities agree on the latter. This
decision means that the Piltdown man is not as ancient as
was first supposed but lived in the third interglacial time.
Other skulls and bone parts of prehistoric man have
been found and are preserved in museums, but the speci-
mens described are sufficient to illustrate the type of
evidence they constitute. The available materials for the
study of prehistoric man, besides his own remains, are his

»• Osborn, H. F.,— Men of the Old Stone Age, 2nd ed.f 1916. p. 512.

Tin: OBIQ WD A.vnnrm \x 71

implement*! and minn-ntH or works of art. Hut we

IM-I- tliat the ' no archeo-

logical remain-; ind« -«-d, "They had no' tiiced l>e-

yond the use of I uin-hipped stones. ... If no

paleolitl. earli.-r than tin- lat<- piaternary

»imd. it does not follow that man did not

• •\i-t until the late .pi. y. On it is

certain that, if flints wnv then ehipped l.y in.-n. .-arlier
ad livrd, \\ li<» ha<l n«>t tlmuuht of ehippin.t; flints." *•
Tin* implement- t'min a valuahh- part of mir rvidenoe
DM they ar«« most nnm»T«us and u . and

under eonditionx \sliieh alTord the hest proof of
anti.juity. When \\.- find rhii f«»n«- imple-

ment *li the .Irit't anil undi-turhe.l hnuhh-r

clay wliieh .»ut of tlie valley wall

and piled up hundreds and thousand- of years ag<>.

: the a.ire of the ijlaeial depo-it as a measure
IgC of the |j •iplemeiit.-. Or, if an excava-

tion in the floor of son .-rs humanly

fashioned stone tool- under a thick -talairmite formation.
we can onl\ i th<- niidi-turl>ed position of the im-

plements as an indication age. Many primi-

peoples to-day live upon shell-ti-h and leave the dis-
d shells near their dwellings. A goes on the

pi!.- of -h.-ll- a«-eumulatea. We call swh heaps of sin-Ms,
"Ki! [iddent.91 If now, \v«» find under such

kitelien midd.-n- amonir the -heIN, rude nnpoli-hod spear
implements must !••• at least as old a-
i. In i i/.aheth Island),

re kitchen-middem ujK>n old .ii-ed t<>

i-ht- al.ove the present sea-lovel, so an-
that th(» shells of whieh they are composed are ex-

s»Giddinir». « -'II.

72

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

tinct, or no longer the same as those in the sunoniidinir
waters.80 But while the position in or under the drift
which some glacier or glacial river has transported and
finally d. ]M^it,,l in over accumulating layers, constitutes

r. "Dmr

In, IRE 26. Diagram <>f ( 'n> Mn^iimi dot to, where Remains of Pre-
!ii-t<>] ir M«-n were found.

quite conclusive evidence, the position under stalagmite
beds and kitchen-middens does not furnish as reli;il»l«
proof of antiquity. The growth of stalagmite beds is
irregular and depends upon conditions which are sub-
ject to some variation. In the case of the kitchen-mid-
den, some shells are accumulated with great rapidity
so that in a comparatively short lime a considerable pile

aoKeane, op. ctt., pp. 76-77, 96.

Till: ORIGIN \\D ANTlni 1 MAN

is made. With tin-He warnings in mind we may proceed

to till* stii.h ..f i -i

27.

Stone ImplrmmN ,,f th.- mrly
: IMUL

iv,1..

Mr. Man-it trlls nf a Mm in Jenej, M-. ir tii.- !M\ .-T
St. I . where anthropologists dug down through

some tw.-nty !'. iy ami rock rubbish, probably car-

rir.l tli«Tr in tin- « -nurse of tin* '

torrent, and discovered n pi ta henrth with the

large stones that ha«l propped np the fire, an- some

ashes. Bones were found in a heap of food-refuse,

74

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

which when examined proved to be the remains of the
woolly rhinoceros, the reindeer, of two kinds of horses,
of a wild ox, and of a deer. Thirteen human teeth were
found in the food-heap. But Mr. Marett was unable to
tell whether man or beast did the eating. These teeth

From Fomr. " UrfwchichU d« loroplm."

Kn.t UK :2S. Flint Implements of the Chellean Epoch.

were large, the kind that would go with ;m immensely
powerful jaw, needing a massive brow-ridge to count » r
act the strain of the bite — in general the Neanderthal
type, large brained perhaps, yet quite ape-like. The
diners had also left their knives about, — flint implements
chipped only on one side.81

The chipped flint implements of prehistoric man differ
in such a way that we are able to recognize several stages

« Marett, R. R.— Anthropology, in The Home University Library, H.
Holt & Co., 1912, p. 37.

Till-: ORIGIN AND AN'I hji rn OF M

in t .in. -iit and even to assign the approxi-

mate years dun:.- \\ lii.-h each was in vogue. The rough

FIOUBE 29. Flint Implement* of the Acheulian

stone age and the polished stone age are the popular
terms for the stages showing the most striking differences

in appearance and workmanship. In tiiruiv M. tin-
most recent geologic epoch, the Quaternary, is divided
into the lower, middle, and upper Quaternary, covering
a period of some 750,000 years. It will !>«• noticed that

76 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

in tin- fourth and fifth columns of the diagram then- i>
a >om«'\\ hat corropondinu: division, only under the more
scientific name of tin- Kolithic period, tin* Lower Pale-
olithic period, the I'pp.-r Paleolithic period, and the
Neolithic jM-riod. K'eane a-sociates the Paleolithi
rough stone age, with the glacial period in Kurope, and
the Neolithic, or polished stone age, with the period since
the ice ages.82

Tin- l"pp«T and Lower Paleolithic period^ are different,
in that the IO\V<T period is charactcri/rd l.y the evolution
of the almond-shaped (amygdaloid) implement, which is
unknown in the Kolithic period and rare in the I'pper
Paleolithic period. This is the typical river drift im-
plement. The eolithic implements differ from the lower
paleoliths in that they are extremely rough, so primitive,
indeed, that some archeologists have hesitated to rec-
ognize them as the work of man. They are natural
flakes, chips, or nodules of flint that bear traces of utili/a-
tion and of having been fitted to the han

Returning to the Lower Paleolithic period of our dia-
gram, we find that there are "four well defined epochs
based on both stratigraphy and the evolution of the al-
mond-shaped implement. " These are the Strepyan, Chel-
lean. and the lower and npp«-r . \cheiilian. :t The fact that
archeologists and anthropologist- have found it necessary
to distinguish between different types of implements
shows how there was a gradual evolution of this very
low and rudimentary culture to higher and higher stages.
Each of these different periods extended over thousands
of years. In the Chellean epoch, the almond-shaped im

>* Keane, op. cit., pp. 54-55.

" See figure 24.

»«See figures 27, 28 and 20.

Man of the Stooe Aft.

THE ORIGIN ANDAN'll- OF MAN 79

i \vell defined, although the scars left by chip-
two faces are still large and somewhat irregular.

It U the regt and the fineness of the i-hipping v.

UK 31

Implement* of the Motwtrrian

!i nnguishes the Acheulian from the Chellean. Indeed,
it is "so skilfully done as virtually to ••liminate the sig-
zag luitur. ,.f the edge formed by the meeting of the t\v.»
chipped faces."15 The men of the old ri\vr drift must
have had strong arms and skilful fingers, for it must have

« MacCurdy, O. O.— "Tb* Gmown M ArtUt,- Cmtury. July. 1912. voL

l>

f

fr..« Kirkoer. " Drr Oilurl*], M«Mch In Enropa."

FIGURE 32. Flint In. pi. -monta of the Aurignacian Epoch.

i

82 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

been difficult to chip a flint pebble along both faces till
it took on a more or less symmetrical shape.

The Upper Paleolithic period is marked off partially
by the fact that the flint implements are chipped on one
side only. Furthermore, there is the gradual introduc-
tion of bone in the making of implements and the ap-
p.-aramv of the first iM'-iimin^s of art. The men of this
period lived in caves and along the valley bottoms, for
we find the remains of prehistoric man in the valley
deposits and in caverns and rock-shelters. Four epochs
are recognized, Mousterian, Aurignacian, Solutrean, and
Magdalenian.30 The Neanderthal man, short, powerful,
and active, developed the industry of the Mousteri;m
epoch in the direction of improved flint implements and
even attempted some engraving, sculpture, and paint-
ing.87 The Solutrean stone industry was highly devel-
oped and exemplified much skill in the art of chipping.
The arrow point was shaped like a willow leaf with an
improvement over some earlier forms by the introduc-
tion of a lateral notch at the base.88 This art of stone
chipping perfected in the Solutrean, does not seem to
have been as important in the Magdalenian epoch.89 Tin*
industrial life of this epoch is characterized by the use
of bone, ivory, and reindeer horn in the making of barbed
harpoons and spears. These bone implements are often
engraved and carved to represent animals of prey.40 This
somewhat rude art reached a high state of development
in the Magdalenian epoch.

In addition to these remains of the cave man we have
others even more interesting: remains which go far to
tell us of his trained powers of observation and skill of

"See figure 31. MSee figure 33. "See figure 35.

tr See figure 32. »• See figure 34.

TH 'il\ AND ANTPjl II V OF MAN H

eye and hand. The cavern um-t have I.een more than a

e of safety from wild leasts and a nli'-l-
storms; it must have been a place in which sedentary
hal'its developed ti :H of estln-tic i«lea»,

for we fui'l u|Min th«» walls of th«-s,- caves simplf <lraw-

plrmrnU of the MftgdmlenUin Epoch.

ings and elaborate color paintings of tin- rhinoceros,
bison, and n-indrtT. Perhaps these pictures had

IS significance. We do not know. Symtolic signif-
icance of some sort th<>y undoubtedly did possess. In
any event, tli.-ir artists passed away, as di<l their tradi-
tions, ages before the civilizations of Babylon or Egypt
began.

The map in figure 37 shows the location of prehist

S4 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

caves in France, all of which an- ornamented with paint -
in ITS and drawings. Cavern painliim p;i — -«1 throiiirli
four stages. In the first stage tin* drawings were -imply
outlines done with a black or red crayon. In the second
stage the first attempts at modeling by shading appear
Those drawings are usually monochromatic silhouettes
in black. The thinl phase of development shows an ex-
.•••»ive use of color which weakens the effect of the
modeling. Paleolithic painting reaches its zenith in the
fourth stage when several warm colors are introduced
to give realism and vigor to the picture. Although the
surface upon which the painting is made is usually
scraped and washed, spots are sometimes chosen which
give the figures the appearance of a bas-relief. The
colors used are brown, red, black, yellow and white.41
The bison in figure 40 is done in warm sepia with bright
burnt sienna running into the sepia and becoming darker.
The art is generally remarkably realistic and the ani-
mals are often represented as in active motion.42

This cave art is the most striking achievement of
paleolithic man. It suffered eclipse, however, with the
passing of the fashion of cavern life ; men began to devote
their energies to other activities. One should keep in
mind that the period of the cave men was. in um.-ral, a
period in which the climate of Europe was extremely
cold. Large sections of the northern part of the conti-
nent were under ice, and from the highlands of the south-
ern part of the continent glaciers extended down into
the valleys, giving rise to glacial streams. It was the
age of the mammoth, reindeer, elk, hyena, of the wild
horse, the chamois, and the goat. Men and animals mn>t
have been driven southward to a warmer zone by the

4i See figures 38 and 39. "See diagram in figure 41.

n. and Engravings on BOM of

SOCIAL i: VOLUTION

From FotTwr. " Urfwehicbto da* Bumpier*."

UK 36. Aboriginal Man of tin- M«>u-i« -rinn Epoch. (Desi
by Dr. R. Forrer and Leo Schnug).

climatic changes and the advancing ice sheet.
the tempering of the climate the ice sheet melted back,
In its wake, men and animals again pressed north. It
required centuries for these changes, and the memory and
tradition of a northern habitation must have perished
from the minds of these primitive folk. In the inter-
vening centuries the old cave dwellings were partially
submerged by glacial drift so that when the peoples
moved north again and the old caverns were rediscov-
ered, the remains of form* -r lial.itation were buried deep
below the accumulated drift. In this way, by a succes-

Tl: ! \.\h AM l« ' MAN -7

sion of migrations corresponding to climatic changes,
remains of human ha) - accumulated at different

levels in the floor sands of these ancient caverns. We
find at <i implcineir • senting by the

FIOUEE 37. Map showing UN- Locnt, .irtorfe Cavw, all

of them ornamentrd by Painting »nd Drawing*.

grade of their workmanship, various cultural stages of-

or responding to stratigraphical sequence.

In some sections of the continent there is a break in

the continuity of cultural development from the u

paleolithic or rough stone age to the neolithic or pol-

1 stone age. K.-ane says that the dements of their

respe.-t i\ e « -nltures ditTer so widely as almost to suggest

some violent dislocation or sudden cataclysm.41 The

consequence is a prevailing impression Uiat there was

:i from the rude culture of the rough

stone men to the more developed culture of the polished

stone men. Notahly in P.ritain th.-iv seems. to have been

p, of. of., p. 110.

88 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

a complete gap between the ri\< -i -.Irii'i culture and the
neolithic culture. Future discoveries may show that the
transition from the rough stone age was not as abrupt
as was fii >t supposed. ' At any rate, with the glacial evi-
dence at hand, we are quite justified in the theory that
out of the intensified struggle for existence consequent
upon the overcrowding of peoples in the somewhat lini-

AfUr r»pit»n »nd Breuil.

Kn.fRK 38. Red Drawing of a Rhinoceros, from Foiit-de-Gaume.

ited territory south of the ice front, only the most dura-
ble cultural elements in connection with higher mental
types of men survived. Isolation never develops the
finer sensibilities and qualities which come with the
mingling of peoples. Sparse and widely separated
groups of men such as must have existed during the
inter-glacial ages of the Paleolithic period, lacked the
conditions for the development of high culture. When
the cold increased and the ice once again pushed south-
ward, these primitive men were exterminated or else
slowly migrated to more temperate climates. Here the
peoples were more in touch with one another and popu-
lation was relatively dense. Under these conditions the
struggle for food and space was more acute. The dull

&

i it.;

\ ( liurj.'in_ i'

hKtloa by tto Abb* Brvuil of UM original drawing In colon.

[7BX 40. A Bison at bay (sec figure second row at extreme right of
diagram). Done in warm sepia with bright burnt sienna running into
sepia and becoming darker.

NIK ORIGIN ANI> ANTI'jl I'l *> <•(•• MAN 91

£p?

%,

In. i «r 41. Diagram of FfMCOc* on th«- < . illn^ ..f thf ( a\.-rn of Mtamira.

and slow were at a «li-,-i«l\ ant,-i^- with the clever ami tin*

.juirk. Docility <•!' «li-|M,-itiun, a i • adiness to take up

i- thods of foo.l Lr«'tting, ami lM-tt«-r appi'-ciation of

u« of per>i>t.-iit activity along peaceful rather

than warlike lines must have c<»unt<<l \\>r much. The

uholesale wee<ling out of the less vigorous physically,

of the sluggish intellectually, and, in general, of those

least adapted to the conditions which made for progress,

meant the survival and peri Mt nation of better racial >t«»«-k.

•cess of selection operated to favor certain

la>tin,LT cultural ••[••ni'-nts as well as to extenninnt*

let in unprogressivr .lin-ctions. The total conse-
see was that I'roin this srething riot of new ex
> and the con^ -tinir of .livri>«- physical, in-

tellectual, ami cultural .-I.-m.-nts, there emerged a
and higher culture, the neolithic.

The neolithic men hail l.-arn.-.l the lesson of patience;
they had domeMicate.l the ln»rse, ox, i t»p, goat ami

dog. The men of the rough stone ages had failed to

A A

«>4 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

make this very important step in progress. Fire was
lit-nrnilly known and could be artificially kindled. 'Flu-
food, which had been mainly uncooked vegetable and the
raw flesh of fish and animal in the paleolithic culture,
was in this new period largely cooked and obtained by

!•'!(, t UK 4.T NiMilitliir r«.tt

stock breeding and tillage as well as by fishing and the
chase. This was a most important gain, for it meant
a larger and more certain food supply. And the food
supply is always a serious problem among primitive
jn-oples. The men of the polished stone age made im-
plements of diverse type, not rough and irregular like
their predecessors, but ground smooth and shapely.44
They were also skilled in spinning and weaving and had
considerable success in making pottery.45 All these arts
were foreign to the men of the rough stone ages. Neo-
lithic men left imposing monuments in the form of gi-
gantic upright stones, reminiscent of early religious rites

4« See figure 42. «.-, See figure 43.

THE OBIOIN \ND ANTIQUITY m-* MAN 1*7

and ceremonies HO ancient that ••V.-M tin* tnnlitioiig of
!• have been forgotten.44 In many parts of

» ... I*'. ...H.

Monument*, a "M«

I'ritain tin -y are called ••I)ruidfs Altars" and are popu-
larly associated with |)rui*li*al rites.47 Besides the
monolithic typ<», th«T«» is the polyliti «•!! type of

iiinnmiK-nt, asso* uth hurial ami ancestor- worship.

••See flgurr* 44 and 45. .uic. op. nf., ,». 125.

98 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

The tomb is composed of several megaliths — one for tin-
floor, others upright or on edge, supporting a horizontal
slab which covers the whole space enclosed.48 Some of
these sepulchral chambers are covered with great piles

'•Uitnrl n-Arrh*r.|-*Je PrfhUt..ri.,u, "

FII.I-RK -HI. Neolithic Monuments, a "Dolnu-n."

of stones or earth. These monuments are known as bar-
rows. This was the period when the Swiss lake* dwell-
ings were constructed.49 The prehistoric monuments of
the New "World are more imposing than these barrows
of the Old World.50 The ruins of palaces, temples, and
aqueducts of the ancient Peruvians and the similar colos-
sal constructions of the ancient inhabitants of Bolivia
and Mexico, surpass most of the other monumental re-
mains of prehistoric man. But the men of the Neolithic

"See figure 46.

«» Keane, op. cit., p. 121, Lubbock, Pre-Historic Times, ch. vi.

wSee figure 47.

THE ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY OF MAN 101

period could do more than build stone monuments and
fashion poll stone implement-: they understood

something of rude mining processes, for they 1< ft arti< •!»•-
of bronze and iron.51 The nee of ornaments, arms

,-m.l ctittini: implements of all kinds, such as axes, knives
and the handles of swords dating back to the Neolithic
period, has led Lubbock to divide tin- prehistoric period
into four epochs: tin hrift Age (rough stone age), the
I'oli-hed stone Age, the Bronze Age, and the Iron Age.
In th.- course of tl i->ion in this chapter we have

attempted to present some of the most authentic and im-
portant evid.-nce which scin.ti-t.- have irathered to ex-
plain tin origin and the great antiquity of man. In the
chapters immediately following, we must concern our-
>elves with the even more difficult proMem of accounting
for man's remarkahle mental development which sur-
passes that of any other living creature. This really
-rs us to the study of Social K volution, for modern
-Indent - of mankind have come to helieve more and ?
completely in the importance of the social factor in the
evolution of higher animal types.

SUPPLKMKNTAKY U KA 1 >\ NGS.
IN. 1 ). G.— Races and People*.
DARWIN, C.—Tkc Descent of Man.
DKKIKER, J.—The Races of J/.MI.
Di-cKWtiKTH. \V. L. 11. I'nhitt-.n,' M.in.

;>DINOS, F. H. — 'I ii'lfs of Sociology.

KBANE, A. H.— Ethnology.

:-.»•»< K. .1. l...nl Avrlmry > / Ft met.

MARETT. R. R.— Anthropology (Home tfniver«ty Series).
MBTCALF, M. M.— Organic Evolution.

OSHOKN. II. F.— Mfn of tin (>!<l 8t*M .[•„

ROMANES, 0. J. — Darwin and After Darwin, I The Darwinian

Theory.
TYLOR, E. ft.— Anthropology.

»i8w

IV
ASSOCIATION

TMK origin of the mental faculties and moral nature
of mankind is to be explained by the socializing influ-
ences of group lite. In the preceding chapters we have
examined the doctrine of <1< •>» •» -nt to determine whether
man's physical form was related to other species of ani-
mal life. We saw that there was no scientific reason for
separating man from the rest of the animal kingdom as
regards the processes of evolution. "There is no reason
to doubt the continuity of animal and human society/' '
From the strictly sociological point of view, the student
of social evolution accepts the conclusions of biology and
geology and begins his investigation with the inquiry as
to whether the earliest men were isolated pairs, de-
scended perhaps from a single pair, or whether the
transition from the animal to the human state was made
by entire social groups. Professor Giddings holds that
there is no evidence whatsoever for the theory of numer-
ous isolated pairs. Indeed, there is much evidence to
the contrary which leads us to believe that the transition
from the animal to the human state was made under tli-'
socializing influences of group life.2

Throughout the ages before man was differentiated,
certain animals lived in groups and were becoming ac-
customed to the advantages afforded by association.

i Giddings, F. H. — The Principles of Kociology, p. 208. 2 ibid.

102

• I ATlnx in;;

in ioeb il the most powerful weapon in the

>trui?gle for lit'.-. HMI-SCH, although hailly organized on
the whole for resisting their enemies ami the advene
conditions of climate, would noon have been exterminated

were it not for th« -.I.- -pint. The wolf and the

bear cannot capture a horse unlc>s the animal becomes

detached from tin- herd. If a U-a-t of prey approach*-,

several stud- u and n -pulse the beast, some-

times even chasing it. When a snowstorm rages, studs
crowd t< ami t! tli of their several bodies

keeps thrni from t ! If the -roup disperses, tin-

horses perish ninl the >ur\i\"rs are found after the.
storm, halt'.i -m fatiiMi.-. Tin- rmninoii ant thrives

without haviiiLT :iny of the prot^-m •• f.-atun-s whirl

livinir in i>olati-.| life possess. Its color renders it
conspicuous a ml it- -tin^i> imt f<>rini<lalM< ants are

dreaoV<] l.\ mo^ Their mo>t important

sourn- of -treiiirth eon^ists in the maintenanee of a hiirhly
COOp<Tati\e m-<»np life. The animals whieh know best
how to coinl»im- have tin- -t chances for further

evt.lution, even though they may be ii to oth«--

each «>f the faculties enuin. y Darwin and Wallace,

save in the intellectual faculty.4 This last is generally
admitted to be the most powerful ai«l in the struggle for
BXlsi I'ut the intellectual faculty is eminently a

:', faculty. "LaOj . Miitation, ami accuinn

ice are so many elements of growing intelligence
of which the unsociable animal is deprived." For this
reason we find at the top ,,f each class of animals, those
which combine the irn-atcst sociability with the highest

opment of intelli ••'!', tif.»«t are tlius the

mostsociahle animals, and >ociahility appears as the chief

» Kropotkin. P.— Mutual Aid. 1004, (v « Ibid.

104 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

factor of evolution, both din •< -ily, by securing the well-
1>« inirof the species while diminishing the waste of energy,
and indirectly, by favoring the growth of intelligence." r>

Thus it was that thousands of years before man ap-
peared, association was preparing the way for human
ty. Association was a chief cause of the develop-
ment of intelligence and of the power to co<">p< -rate.
Moreover, social life developed with a progressive w« . ,1
iug out of unsocial creatures which thereby became a
more easy prey to physical forces and living enemies.6
Association not only endowed certain species with tin*
mental capacity that was eventually to make one of them
the master, but it developed the social instincts of all
the others to such a degree that they could become useful
cooperators with mankind. The teachahle disposition
acquired by certain animals from their age long experi-
ence of social life made domestication a possibility.
Later we shall see that domesticated animals made possi-
ble civilization. In this way the enormous importance
of domestication is apparent.

The savage peoples of the present day live in groups,
and all the remains of prehistoric men show that they too
lived in groups. There is no reason to believe that the
anthropoid precursor of man was an unsocial animal.
Indeed, the mental differences that mark men off from
other creatures are those that are created by social dis-
course. Speech in particular, an attainment that lias
given man his pn -eminence among other animals, is dis-
tinctly a social creation. Since association and sociabil-
ity have been such all-important factors in the mental
evolution of mankind we shall consider the advantages
that accrue from social life.

5 /6M. e Giddings, op. cit., pp. 204-207.

A8SO< I \T10N UN

As.- n immediately affects selection and -

Life in groups afford* ernes of cli-

mate and from ferocious animal enemies. In the snow
storm, sheep press together and keep warm. Certain
animals mov<> in herds and flocks, so that in case of
dang* are able to stand off the enemy. The iso-

late.l animal unahle to sustain bodily warmth in the face

()f the I'

to exterminate the Millie imli\ i«lual. In tlii.s way it
happens that sociability has a definite >ur\ i\ al value, for

up life is selected to

survive, while the individual living an isolated existence
the advantage of cooperation and is more often

" in societies insures a larger and a more certain

food supply. Social animaN hunt in park-, wh.-n tii.-ir
r-ntfth is often able to vanquish prey that

on. of them rould not overcome singlehanded. M
. food secured by one of the pack is often shared with
• ther members, while an unsocial animal would be

Hut >f association and group life upon

is foun-l in the fact that through tin- advantages
lion aii<l fnml supply gaiiifl l>y cooperatioi
mutual ai-l. th<- a\ . rage soeia! animal has a tx-tt<-r <-)

arh maturity ami hav.- otTsprinir. I'n-l.T the safer
rmiilitions of group life, more j>' can reach ma-

than is possible in the uncertain state of isolated
families. In a previous chapter we saw that survival
meant more than rontinnance of i lividual lit'

meant the i it ion of the race by the rearing of

progeny. Survival in this sense means that certain ad-
vantageous characteristics possessed by the parents, will

106 SOCL\L INVOLUTION

not be lost to the race but will probably appear in the
offspring and form the basis for new gains. And so, in
the course of the struggle for existence, those animals
that tended to vary in the direction of a sociable and
docile disposition, would, other things being equal, ha\«
a better chance to survive over their isolated competitors,
and surviving, would tend to transmit to tin iir progeny
by the laws of heredity those same social characteristics.
In this way, traits must have been constantly scrutinized
by natural selection and the social characteristics picked
out and given the stamp of approval. Hence, long before
the differentiation of man, animals were developing that
social nature which is now the chief characteristic of the
human species. During the ages that must have elapsed
in the transition from anthropoid to man the process
of socialization continued to do its work, selecting the
sociable and excluding or exterminating the unsocial.

Association reacted powerfully upon variation, for
social life furnished safety from enemies and permanence
of food supply, making possible the birth and nurture
of a larger number of offspring, also permitting new
variations to arise and to become definite characteristics
of the group. Under conditions of comparative security,
individuals possessing variations in the direction of
tolerance, sympathy, and compassion, were likely to be
favored with longer life and more numerous progeny
than individuals without these traits. These refinements
would have hindered the single individual practising the
ruthless cruelty demanded by the more rigorous condi-
tions of a lonely state. In short, refined sensibilities
constitute qualities disadvantageous in isolated individ-
ual-, but which, under the improved conditions of life
in societies, favor survival. Hence association, through

A8SO( IATION

• •mpaiati'.e secnri' <-d, is directly responsi-

lie preservation and perpetuation ,,j such charac-

ters as t<> I. sympathy, and compassion, — among

tin- highest liunian qualities. Me>ides the pro-

of indixiduaU |.« — ->ini: (heM • •mm.-nll.. <|ual-

•1 the ap|»'

gressive variation-. al«>iiLr the same line. This was
-••cured l,\ virtue of th,. fart that more numerous off-
spi ing means an increased chance for tli ranee of

\ LTfrminal variation. \\'illi surviv

:ial.l\ .-.-i-tain that SOIIH- imlivi.luals will
have inii.it' -r to those generally pos-

sessed )>y the former LTriHTatioii. lii this way, associa-
tion t«'ii-l«M| to niiiiulat*' hioloirieal gains.

:ioup life the gain of one member through imit;t
became the gain of the group. A new way to perform
some old function, greater de\t. rity attained by one, a
Hirer mrtho.l for >.-«-uring food, were gains <|iiiekly imi-
tat«'«l l»y «.tli« r members of the group. In this manner
all received benefit from the discovery of one. Pa

:i in the common cause, sharing in the general bene-

perated to modify the more plastic individuals and

<1 sympathy and tol, -ration. Imitation of those

who were of rally sympathetic and reasonable dis-

»n t.-nded to repress excessive cruelty and in:
. and gave that unity and col which made co-

operation both 1 1 ile and successful. In this way

the social process cumulated gains, and group experi-
ence came to ne more ordered and varied.

••iluned action in hunt -ling, and defense, ex-

ercised a constant discipline over antipathies and sym-
pathies, . .wers of discrimination and coordim.

Adaptabilities were consciously trained by cooperation.

Jos SOCIAL EVOLUTION

Those modified activities rea< -t< •<! upon nerve and brain
44 Through nerve and brain they reacted further, physi-
ologically and morphologically, upon the whole organism.
By every advance in association the bodily organism was
necessarily modi lit -d in some degree to correspond to the
development of feeling and intelligence. " 7 Out of disci-
pline for antipathies and sympathies new variations
arose and were encouraged ; that is, when they appeared
as specific traits in an individual, that individual was not
crushed with disapproval and contempt, but was allowed
to live and so transmit these qualities.

By looking closer at the process of association we are
able to see more clearly the course of action through
which the brute mind was gradually converted into llio
human intellect. From what has already been said of
life in society one may readily see that in group life
the relations of an individual to his surroundings and to
his companions became increasingly complex. And yet
the simplest psychophysical process that takes place in
the nervous system is the response of nervous matter
to an external stimulus.8 When any sense organ is
stimulated a twofold result normally follows : one effect
is a sensation, an elementary fact of consciousness; the
other effect is a muscular movement called a reflex. We
shall follow the usage of Professor Giddings and denote
by the term, "response to stimulus, " both aspects of the
process. It is this phenomenon of stimulation and re-
sponse that leads us to the very heart of the matter.

There are roughly two kinds of stimuli. Original or
primary stimuli include: fellow beings, the concrete ob-
jects of nature, events of nature, — in fact, most external

T Ibid., p. 200.

• Giddings, F. H. — Descriptive and Historical Sociology, 1900, p. 124.

J8O I ATlnN

objects or occurrences. For example, if one should at-
tempt to descend from a hill by a steep and slippery
path and should slip and fall, tin* natural ••!!.. M to re-
gain one's balance would illustrate what ml by a

I action, and the ft ited by the sur-

i tln» fall. |)i i r Bocon irauli

.::•! emotions, 0 "ducts of response.

re products not only of the activity of
\idnal IP r\ oils system, but also in great measure of
a«-ti\ities of otht-r animal.- individuals. In tin* instance
Lii\en. th. j'a.-t of i £ one's balance would be the pri-
mary stimulus which produced the sensation of surprise
and the reflex action of attempting to regain balance,
tthrivas if thr in.livi.lual sliould attain pass that way
he would t«-nd to n-tain a di-tin.-t impression of the con-
sequences of follouiiiLT tl . p path and this would

him to descend from the hill by another path. H< n
the unpleasant id. a of tin* fall was a secondary or de-
rived stimulus \vhi.-h caused a reaction in the form of

; down the hill by another way | process of

stimulation and respons.-, r«-lati\«-ly simple with the iso-
lat.-d indixidual, becomes exceed inirly complicated in
lations. Where individuals live in groups, fel-
low beings become the sources of primary stimuli, and
even the ideas of companions, especially if . -\pn-s>ed by
sign or language, form an increasingly important source
of secondary stimuli. "The ultimate motive of volun-
tary aetivity, both mental and muscular, is the persistent

<» of consciousness to be clear and painless, and. if
possible, pleasurable. iousness is intolerant of

obscurity, perplexity, obstruction, and sulTeriuir." • It
then Hows that consciousness endeavors to attain

pp. I85.1M.

110 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

painless clearness, or positive pleasure, with least <lif
fuMilty. The line of least effort is sought out. Activities
procct .1 tr<»m the known to tin- unknown, and from the
tried to the untried. Consciousness thus seeks to avoid
those stimuli which experience has found to be followed
by painful sensations.

In associated life, individuals stimulate one another
by acts and signs. In this way the phenomena of inter-
stiinnlation and response arise. But different indivM
uals respond differently to the same or similar stimuli.
These varied responses are unlike in kind, in degree, and
in completeness. From this unlike-response spring tin-
innumerable phenomena of antagonism, conflict, rivalry,
and competition. But we often observe that fellow be-
ings are so constituted that they respond in like ways
to the same stimulus. From this like-response develop
the phenomena of agreement and cooperation.10 Those
who respond similarly to an appeal to arms become the
warriors. Those who are quick to seize upon new op-
portunities become leaders. Any who, because of poor
digestions or epileptic taint, dream dreams and fall into
fits, become the medicine-men of the tribe and its religious
leaders. Thus the process of interstimulation and re-
sponse throws together those individuals who are most
alike, and sorts out for contempt or disapproval all who
vary too far from the accustomed mode of response.
There is a process of differentiation, whereby, on the
basis of their different responses, individuals are
grouped; those who respond alike are drawn together,
are integrated, while those whose reaction varies greatly
from the average are regarded as uncongenial, are per-
secuted or driven from the group. In this way the mem-

io/6,U, p. 128.

U38O IATION ill

bers of any i«-n.l to become mm. ami more alike;

social types are created and extreme <m from the

i type is discouraged or even punished. Thus
there evolves out of the maturing experience of inter-
stimulation and response a social and nften highly con-

kl .selection, which t'-nds to preserve the api
type and operates to expel or exterminate the extreme

The growing volume of stimuli to intellectual develop-

and the enn-tantly increasing selective value of

mind, tended to bring internal adaptations in the form

of more complex orirani/ation of the brain and nervous

system. "A slower development of the individual and

a longer infancy necessarily resulted. The prolong

of infancy, in its turn, must necessarily have effected

great changes in anatomy and physiology. A long

period of helplessness, by delaying the use of arms and

legs in ancestral ways, must have contributed to those

changes that resulted in the upright portion and the

specialized use of th. limbs. A relatively long

period of lactation, with inability to use food requiring

. must have elianired the facial angle and

-ion of the countenance.*' »»

Mutual aid at* - highest development in the ani-

mal kingdom amnni: the social apes and monk*
operation must have been further develop! among the
cave men, for we h. »fs of their successful warfare

against such imposing antagonists as the mammoth and
the cave bear. Hut there are forms of cooperation
other than united action against enemies. There is co-
i in seeking amusement and diversion. Play
tends to become organized in games and festivities. 1 n

.tiding*, Principle*, p. 229; M* note at chapter «*d.

1 1 J SOCIAL EVOLUTION

play and festivity signs and gestures exercise an im-
portant role. There is the constant desire to share with
one's fellows the excitement of certain novel sensations,
the desire to communicate emotions of joy or surprise.
If we can explain how the signs of ideas !)<•< •;UIM- objects
of contemplation, movable types, names, we can under-
stand how gesture language was converted into speech.
One of the most interesting explanations of tin ori/m
of articulate speech was advanced some years ago by
Dr. Donovan. He says, "The origin of speech was only
possible through the aid of the psychological machinery
which belonged to musical pleasure."12 The argument
runs that the communal spirit finds its first and rudest
expression in bodily play excitement. In its earliest <1N-
covered forms this rude expression has become the custom
of festal celebration, the constant elements of which are
bodily play movements in imitation of actions, rhythmic
beating, some approach to song, and the social interest.
Professor Giddings says, "The argument, therefore, is
well founded, that under the mental exaltation of such
occasions, rather than under less stimulating circum-
stances, attention would be fixed upon vocal sounds used
as signs, and the conclusion is warranted that it was un-
der the stimulation of social excitement that signs were
first distinguished in thought from the things signified,
and so conventionalized as names, the movable types of
speech."18

The attainment of articulate speech made human na-
ture, with all its richness of content and refinement of
As the consequence of group life and expori-

« Donovan, "The Festal Origin of Human Speech," Mind, vol. xvi, no.
3, Oct., 1801, p. 409.

i* Giddings, op. cit., p. 225.

ASSIM'IATIUN 11.;

. speech reacted upon association. It definitely
marked off primitive man from all other species. I
came the <i ug character of the Ili.miimUe.

M.-H I- ,-ame in.-n-a-ink'ly aware of their degrees of men-
tal an.l 1 1 resemhlance. T the new <
nels of c<>!immiii< ati.in opened up by the attainment of
ai-ti.-iil;ito speech, men hecame « is of modes of

B which forme.l the basis of resemhl
:in,l .lii'f- ive phenomenoi

of various degrees and modes of awareness on the

M'mhlinir iinlivi.lnnU that they are alike, is what
fessor Oiddings calK "Consciousness of Kin<i
There are distinct lovels of consciousness of kind, all the
way from the in, -ipi. -nt form of organic sympathy ai
animals, through the various modes of j*> >n of re-

semblau •• sympathy, affection, and the d

for recognition, to that « -nmpli -tcness of refined fcM-linp
a ii.l ripeness of experience,— the human consciousness of
kind

The possession of articulate speech was for primitive
man a boon 1 estimation. Vrrl.nl .'nmmunication

gave unity t<> the <-arl\ -muji life wliicli was of immense
a«i\antaire 'm tli. t niggle with other species. Speech
enahled the in<livi<lual to <lrnw upon the experience of

ace whene\ sources seemed inadequate

for an ordeal. "A word is a vehicle, a boat Boating down
from the past, laden with the thought of men we i
saw; an.l in cnminir to understand it we not only

the minds of our corn ^, l>nt into the gen-

eral mind of humanity continuous through tim
Language, as the recorded stream of race experience,

" C.iiMiBis, DfKTipfir* and ffitforfcv! florfolofy. pp. 184. 275.
"Oootty, C. H.— Social Oryamisatio*. 1012, p. 69.

IN SOCIAL INVOLUTION

by the contributions of ninny Imnihlc inventors,
• •vi TV man, possibly, altering the heritage in proportion
as he puts his individuality into his speech. " Variations
of idea are preserved in words or other symbols, and so
-tmvd up in a rout inning whole, constantly growing in
hulk and divn-iiy. which is, as we have seen, nothing hiss
than the outside or sensible embodiment of human
thought, in which every particular mind lives and grows,
drawing from it tlio material of its own life, and contrib-
uting to it whatever higher product it may make out of
that material/' 10 Professor Cooley compares language
with th<> path and compass which directs the uncertain
progress of the traveler in the wilderness, because in
language the mind finds its experience foreseen, mapped
out and interpreted by all the wisdom of the past.17 The
supremely social phase of the relation of the individual
to language, consists in development of the individual
mind not as a separate growth, but rather as a differenti-
ation within the general mind.18

This principle of natural selection which we have used
to explain the survival of certain individuals and the ex-
t< rmination of others, also explains, perhaps, why one
social group outlives another. In the struggle between
groups the fitter group tends to survive, as in the indi-
vidual struggle the individual best fitted to its surround-
ings was most likely to live. The progress of the military
art lias been the most conspicuous thing in human his-
tory. "The cause of this military growth is very plain.
The strongest nation has always been conquering the
weaker; sometimes subduing it, but always prevailing
over it. Every intellectual gain, so to speak, that a
nation possessed was in earliest times made use of-

i« Ibid. IT Ibid., p. 70. is Ibid., p. 71.

AS^H 1 \Tln.N

was invested and taken out— in war; all • Ise perished.

Each nation tried oouh to be the stronger, and so

made or tin- best weapons; by conscious and un-

imitation rarh i. pe of <4iar-

acter suitable to war and conquest." l§ Because of this

HTort to become more military the art of war

baa constant \y i 1 1 \ \ • n • vod.

If tin stronger group, or nati«»n, to take the term that
Walter Bagehot uses, is the <»n«- that invarial.ly Mirvivea,
in what does this sup* i •••n^th consist? M

-rs undoubtedly contrihute to maintain the str-
<>f the group. Probably the most important advantage
in group struggle is unity and coherence. Galton had

oh>erveo! vrars aijo that tin- tain«'>t catt!.-, tlm-,. that

seldom ran away, that k.-j.t the flock together, and those
i h-.l th.-ni homeward, would live longer than the
laimably wild members of the flock.10 This process
of selection also operated to preserve the tamest groups
of primitive men. The tamest were those who were uni-
ti«l by bonds of custom. "The first thing to ac<iui
may s« M it. the legal fibre; a polity tir-t

t sort of a polity is immaterial; a law first — what
kiihl of a law is secondary; a person or set of persons
to pay defiM »— though who he is, or they are, by

comparison scarcely signifies. >>fl What made one
primitive group st than another was a bond of

union. Tin- kin«l of bond mattered little, for the com-
pact group conquered the loosely organized group. In
these savage struggles of early peoples the slightest ad-
vantage must have counted for much an.l often turned

» Bagebot, W.— PJhymni •»<* Mil fa». 2nd. «L. p. 49.

» / Hmoloficil Society* Tr***octio*> p. 1)7.

>i Bagrhot, « ; 50.

116 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

the scale in favor of unity and coherence. Hence
group loyalty and adherence were traits which favored
the survival of those tribes which possessed them. The
efforts of these peoples were therefore bent to the at-
tainment of <|iialities upon which group safety and
solidarity seemed most obviously to depend. As cus-
toms and usages were often associated with past security
and success it became the function of the group to re-
strain its younger members from any act of innovation.
It is probable that as primitive man began to observe
that the blows of nature fell without discrimination upon
all, he began to associate accidental change in the way of
performing a customary act, with disaster to the group.
He assumed that repetition of the innovation would be
followed by like disaster. Similarly, it may have hap-
pened, quite by chance, that the transgression of a rule
of conduct was followed by calamity to the group.
Thereafter any transgression would be safely guarded
against, in the belief that a like calamity would be tin-
inevitable consequence.22 There was no " limited liabil-
ity" in their conception of human relations; the life of in-
dividuals in society was regarded as a partnership on
which a rash member by a sudden impiety might bring
utter ruin. They were possessed with the notion that
ill-luck does not attach itself simply to the doer, but may
fall upon any member of the group.23 In Molembo a
pestilence broke out soon after a Portuguese had died
there. After that the natives took all possible measures
not to allow any white man to die in their country.24 On

**Chapin, F. 8. — Education and the Mores, Columbia Univ. Series in
Hist., Eco. and Pub. Law, vol. xlii. no. 2. pp. 27-28.
s* Bagehot, op. cit., p. 102.
"Bastian, San Kalm.l-.r. p. 104.

A8SO< I AT10N 117

the Nicobar Islands some natives who had just begun to
make pottery died. The art was given up and never
again attempted.15 A Yakut woman contracted an
endogamous tage. She soon afterwards became

Mind. Tiii- \\.-i- thought to be on account of the violation
of a ii-toms.8*

From the illustrations we have just cited it is clear
as association increases the social < \i" ri< nee of the
primitive group and complex relation.- dev.-lop, a social
press -rins to operate and exercises restraint

us of its members. The human consciousness
of kind iii'-lnd -, antipathies, prejudices,

and cordialities, d«-v.-lnp> the notion of type and makes
the group sensitive to any lark of ronformity to that type.
Members who do not follow the established usages of
the group come to be regard- -loyal to its tradi-

tions. They are restrained, persecuted, or outlawed.*
An«l so it happens that, while the first essential to the
development of that group solidarity which spells vir
tory and survival, is a bond of custom or usage, this very
unity may he preserved at the expense of exterminating
;1 and helpful variation. The group pressure upon
members becomes unreasonable and oppre>
at is most evident is not the difficulty of getting a
fixed law, but getting out of a fixed law; not of cement inir
(as upon a former occasion I phrased it) a cake of cus-
tom, but of leaking the cake of custom; not of making
the tir-t preservative lial>it. Imt of breaking through it,
and ing something better."81

• 8«e Appendix I— Social Selection, p 2*7.
•RaUel. F.— 4*fAropo0ro?ropJU<. rol. II. p SW.

• 8lero*net»ki. V. Lt—raJtMfy. p. 558. » lUjcehol, op. at., p. ftl

118 snrl.M. KVnl.l TloN

Usages give solidarity and coherence to the group.

The unity secured l.y loyal!) to it- traditions inn
vival assured. Hut it' then- is to be further progres-
continuing success in tin- strumrle. tin* restraint m
loyal meinlxTs must not be carried over into a habit of
. • . cution which faila t.. discriminate between helpful
innovators ami dangerous egoism. Katun- allows varia-
tions from tyj>e. Wli«-n tin--'- \ariaiions give advantage,
:-al selection s« *!ir ])n»MTvation of those indi-

viduals which possess tlirni. Y.-i among IIKMI tin i. i-
a ti-ndrii.-N to precenre tin- old usage at a sacriii«'«»
of new and useful activities — to persecute t<.r the sake
of persecution. This habit has led one sociologist to
say that men try to preserve what nature has ordain* d
to decay." Tin- result is a retarded state of culture.
"In certain respects each born generation is not like the
last born ; and in certain other respects it is like the last
But the peculiarity of arrested civilization is to kill out
varieties at birth almost; that is, in early childhood, and
before they can develop. The fixed custom which public
opinion alone tolerates is imposed on all minds, wli
it suits them or not."1* Those primitive groups that
citing blindly to their superstitions and imposed •
mfeomu-} discipline up"!; tiieir iniiMvatiiiir ni«'nil'«-i> l.y
{•rrible sanctions, killed out of the whole society the pro-
pensity to variation which was the principle of progress.
If association is responsible for the intellectual facul-
ties of man, it is doubly responsible for his moral
nature. Morals are social nnined. They ar*

result of social growth and experience. They are the
rules of life found to work in the evolution of any par-
ticular group. Morals are "nothing but the convi

p. «!., . 54.

ASSOCIATION

impl,-mt.-d In the social group in the minds of its mem-
bers of the lie manner of life impose.! by

it upon tin-in." When • mpl«- £roii|»* unite

and >o\. . has been org; -IP- .liiY.-r.-iit moral

Flora 48. Stiver Amulet again* the Evil Eye.

views begin to cont.-nd in tin- larir.-r social circle. "The
primitiv.- moral codes an- unless and a new one must be
formed if tin- union U to continue. The members of the
new union become hahituat.-d to th.- n.-w institutions
whir ne necessary to sustain sovereignty and n< -\v

conceptions of whir t. prop, i . allowahle an.l «^oodv

up." " Thus, while morals are the product of the
of the simple social group to its individual mem-
bers, rights are the product of the union of different
social

*• Oumplowicz. L.— 7Ar Outline* of flooiotofy, traiuUted by F. W.
p. 168.

SOCIAL INVOLUTION

SUPl'LK.MKNTAUY READINGS.

1ft \\.-riiysics <in<I r»titic8.

COOLEY, C. II. — Social Organic it

( i HIDINGS, P. H. — The Principles of Sociology.

GiDDLNi.-. K. II. — Descriptive and Historical Sociology.

GUMPLOWICZ, L. — The Outlines of Sociology.

KROPOTKIN, P. — Mutual Aid.

SI-MNKK. \V. Ci.—

N..I-K. John Fiske thought that the family was the chief
s.ieial c\o lut ion \\hich brought aliout the development of man's higher
emotional, moral and intellectual nature. The human nervous s\>tem is
Midi a coni|.le\ thing that its development is extended over a considerable
period. I hiring the period of helplessness, parental instincts led one or
In.th parents to care for the young. Hence the prolongation of infamy
serxed to k«-ep the parents together for longer and longer periods in
8iiccessi\e epoehs. In this way the family became the source of associated
life, (Jiddings considers that Fiske's theory reverses the probable order
of cause and effect. The complex brain and nervous system which
brought about the prolongation of infancy could only have developed as a
consequence of the stimulating relationships of social life. Hence then-
must have been association before the family group appeared. Whatever
its form, this primitive social life was sufficiently stimulating to cause
the adjustment in nervous structure which resulted in the prolongation
of infancy, and this, in turn, resulted in the family. Thus it is seen
that the family was not the single original germ from which society
grew. On this* point others have written. Petrucci says, "The family,
therefore, is not essential to the formation of societies. The clan may
sometimes be an extension of the family, but in certain animal spe-
cies, as in man hiiraelf, it is not always the direct line of parentage
which is at the basis of the group. Sometimes, furthermore, the group
can be established only when the family disappears." In discussing the
origin of human socie'ty, Kropotkin -a\> that anthropology "has estab-
li-hed beyond any doubt that mankind did not l»egin it- life in the shape
of small 'isolated families. Far from being a primitive form of org;mi/a
tion, the family is a very late product of human evolution. . . . Societies.
bands, or tribes — not families — were the primitive form of ori:ani/ation
of mankind and its earliest ancestors. . . . None of the higher mammals,
save a few carnivores and a few undoubtedly d.-«-a\ in- .f ape-

(orang-outans and gorillas), live in -mall families, isohitedly struL"_ding
in the woods. All others live in -oci« t i< •-." For a more complete di-cu.--
sion, see Parmelee, The Science of Human Udiaiwi . pp. ayj-Ul.

NOTK. — More ample treatment of the principles of social selection and
societal selection, principles merely touched upon in the preceding
chapter, will be found in Appendix I, Social Selection, pp. 297-310.

THI: ixn.rBNCES <>i nr . i-:\vn;oN

MKNT

in socieiN I..-, -nines a life of increasing complexity

mill i i.erieneo.. The intricate adjustments

ami 'ions demanded of social individuals tend to

them iimn- r.-tin.-d in t ponses to external

stimuli, and develop a hiirhly complicated nervous organi-

zation accompanied l»y an im-iva-ini: iiirllowin-ss of <-ul-

I'.nt tin* individual man or animal living un<l<-r tho

ti<>ns of group life is none tin- loss subjected to in-

tlin-n.'.^ t'l-'Mii tin- >urr«»undinir conditions of its physical

rnviromm -nt. ( limate, soil, food, and the general topog-

raphy of tlir Croup's liahitat exercise a powerful sway

tli. life of hoth group and individual. The con-

ditions of suiToundinir nature act as compelling and re-

^ to which adaptations must be made.

Tin- inhrritan. •»» of modifications caused durinir tln» life

of the organism by its effort to adapt it-. -If to the forces

virnmmnt, has been discussed in chnpt- r 11. In

the pres- .pt««r w«« shall consider the ei geo-

tiH'iit upon the mode of life and the

cultural drvi'Iopinrnt of social groii)»<.

"Man can no more be scirntihYally studied apart from

the ground \vhicli h«« tills. <»r the lands over which he

travels, or the seas over which he trades, than the polar

or the do- tus can be understood apart from

its habitat. Man's relations to this environment are

121

1±.' SOCIAL EVOLUTION

infinitely more nnmcmn- ;ind e«.mplc\ than those of the
most highly organized plant or animal. So complex are
they that they constitute a legitimate and necessary ob-
ject of special study. . . . Man has been so noisy about
the way he has 'conquered Nature,' and Nature has been
so silent in her persistent influence over man, that the
geographic factor in the equation of human development
has been overlooked. . . . Now the geographic element
in the long history of human development ha- hern opera-
ting strongly and operating persistently. Herein lies its
important-. 1 1 i s a stable force. ]t never sleeps. This
natural environment, this physical l.a>i- of history, i-,
for all intents and purp«>-<- immutahle in c<mipari>«>r
with the other factor in the problem— shifting, plastic,
progressive, retrogressive man."1

Miss Semple makes us see that in every problem of
history there are two main factors, commonly called
heredity and environment. Professor Cooley makes us
look upon mind and matter, soil, climate, flora, fauna,
thought, language, and institutions as aspects of a single
rounded whole, one of total growth. He presents the
organic view of history. He expressly denies that any
factor is more ultimate than others. If we concentrate
our attention upon one of these factors, we should never
go so far as to overlook the subordination of each to the
whole. "History is not like a tangled skein which you
may straighten out by getting hold of the right end and
following it with sufficient persistence . . . there is no
logical primacy, no independent variable, no place where
the thread begins."2 Both Miss Semple and Professor

* Semple, E. C. — The Influences of Geographic Environment, 1911, ch. i, p.
2.

* Cooley, C. H.— 1>ui>. i nomic Association, 3rd Ser., vol. v, ff.
426, £nd Cooley, op. cit. ch. xxii.

INI l.i I N'CES O

123

Cooloy a t in th«-ir interpretations. The impor-

tant thinuMo I-.-MI. mi'.-r ve are dealing with so-

a social organization whi.-h 1ms had an organic growth
dependent upon n conditions. It is our primary

obje< * issify and enumerate these conditions, i

assign fixed and dogmatic causal n-latimi> among them.
PhvMcal rn\ iromm-nt may affect the human individual
as an milm-nce causing modification in structure or func-
tion, it may a< to or retard physical and in-

growth hy tln« i of propi-r nutriment,

and it ma\ art a> a Bekottfi aur'-n«-y .j.-t. •rminini:

Miination. Altlmuirh anthmpnlnj -anl th«»

ft. nn of tin- h.i.ly as tin- mo-t >tal»N- <-harart.-ri>tic of any

L:iv«-ii rnce or type, imitations havr IMM-II fnimd wlii«-h

show that un«l«-r nm rahlc (Mivimnmrnt tin* physical

a iacr may impnivr. Tin- iiivestigatinn^

of Oonl.l and haxt«-r during the War of the KVhrllioM have

shown that t ••••srntativ.-s of Kump.-an natimialitii-s

bom in - hiirln-r than tin- r«-preaen-

talives of the same nationaliti.-s horn in Kuropr. It

wasassunK'd that h.-ti.-r nutrition and improved hygienic

and «•(•«, nomic conditions in general might increase the

stature of a people.3 These conclusions were confirmed

by Bowditch's m.-a-ui of th<» school cliildn-n of

• n and hy othrr inv- »ns of similar natun-.*

.«• rvidrnr.. lias also been »»l»tain«-d from the

stu.i T.owditrh fouml that

B was an increase of statmv, heginning with the

children of unskilled laborers, and in« ^ among

•Gould, B. A.—I*rr*ti<rali°** in t*' Military mmd

<>f America* Soldton, N.-« York. 1*09; and Baxter, J. H.—
8tat /ico/ <in.l Anthropological, Wmrfi., 1875.

•.Mlitoh. II. P.-fA« On». Utrrm, 8lk l»»*al Report 8t*t* M.

<ltk of J/aw.. Boston, 1877; Me «bo BOM, op. cit . ch. ii.

H'4 SOCIAL KVnlJlTION

those of skilled laborers, members of the mercantile class
and of the professional class. But these changes of
stature are not to be interpreted as changes in type. It
is better to regard them as due to the elimination of re-
tardin.i: influences which prevent many individuals from
attain ini: their normal growth.5

The retarding and accelerating influences of physical
environment often luiim about very considerable changes
in anthropometric traits during the period of growth.
I'ruiVssor Boas says, "Setting aside the prenatal de-
v< -lopment, we find that at the time of birth some parts
of the body are so fully developed that they are not i'.ir
removed from their final size, \vliile others are <|ifitr un-
developed. Thus the skull is, comparatively speaking,
large at the time of birth, #rows rapidly for a short time,
but very soon approaches its full size, and then continues
to grow very slowly. The limbs, on the other hand, grow
rapidly for many years. Other organs do not begin their
rapid development until much later in life. Thus it
happens that retarding or accelerating influences acting
upon the body at different periods of growth may have
quite different results. After the head has nearly com-
pleted its growth, retarding influences may still influence
the length of the limbs. The face, which grows rapidly
for a longer period than the cranium, can be influenced
later than the latter. In short, the influence of environ-
ment may be the more marked, the less developed the
organ that is subject to it." 6 An important consequence
of this for the sociologist is that the retardation seems
to be lasting. "In other words, a retardation in develop-
ment is never completely made good by long-continued
development. "7 It has been demonstrated by the in-

* Boas, ibid. « Ibid., pp. 47-48. T Ibid.

MKNT

-cations of Boa* and Winder * that unfuvorable
environmental iniliieno-s which cause a child to grow
slowly .im mi; a number of act as retarding cause 8

such that the child will prohahly continue to grow more
slowly than other, normal children. Kvcn at completed
growth the child is smaller than its normal companions.
on the other hand, children who have had their growth
accelerated by favorable surroundings reach the adult
stage earlier and attain a Iy greater size and de-

velopment. Thus the absolute size and the relative pro-

ons of the body are influenced by periods of retarda-
tion or acceleration. These periods of change in the rate
of growth appear to be due to such retarding causes as:
illness in early childhood, malnutrition, lark of fn^h air
and | se, — to the influences of environment,

phy.Mcal and social.
The conclusion to be drawn from this body of evidence

.it environment is m.. t as a modifying cause

in early plastic years. On tin* oth« r hand, there are now
available sc\< ml -tudies of considerable importance
whi.-li -••••m to show that envinmmnit is not such an im-
portant f.i.-tor in tlu» dfvrlopmrni of children. These in-

ications have been made by tin- (J alt on Laboratory
for National Eugenics of the Uni of London, un

flu- dir.-.-tion of ProtV-vor Karl Pearson. Tli«- in-
«• of vision and the relative influence of heredity
and environment on sight have been studied* and the
>tati-ti.-ians have reached the following conclusions from
their admittedly slender data: (1) No evidence whatever
that j.overt} stricken homes, or physically

• Ro*s, F.. and Wittier. C.— .<?/«/•«/•>. of GrovlA, Report of V. 8. Cow
miwtoner of K-ration for 190). pp. 25 132.
Lc^omfory Ucv

126 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

ill-conditioned, or immoral parentages are markedly
detrimental to the children's eye-sight; (2) No sufficient
or definite evidence that school environment has a
deleterious effect on the eye-sight of children; (3)
Ample evidence that refraction and keenness of vision
are inherited characters. When it is considered that
this study was undertaken in anticipation of finding that
inheritance and environment factors would be far more
comparable in magnitude, it is evident that the invest!
gation was pursued without bias. A second study, of
the influence of defective physique and unfavorable home
environment on the intelligence of school children,
showed that there was "no sign of an environmental
condition producing an effect on the mentality of the
child at all comparable with the known influences of
heredity/'10 This investigation also appears to have
been undertaken with an open mind. Finally, the con-
troversial " Study of the Influence of Parental Alcoholism
on the Physique and Ability of the offspring,"11 ap-
peared to show that there was no marked relation be-
tween intelligence, physique or disease of the offspring
and parental alcoholism in any of the categories investi-
gated. F'»r example, the study showed that the average
weight and height of the children of alcoholic parents
was slightly in excess of that of children of sober parents ;
the general health of the children of alcoholic parents ap-
peared to be slightly better than the health of children of
sober parents. However completely subsequent investi-
gations may correct or confirm the conclusions of the
London eugenists, certain it is that in the present stage
of our knowledge we can make no dogmatic statements

1° Eugenics Laboratory Memoirs, VIII, p. 60.
11 Eugenics laboratory Memoirs, \.

;

I

IM'U 7IRONMENT

astotheabsolu: nd until we hav,-

made more comprehensive investigations it is best to
leave the matter open.

A study of tin* direet influence of «-n\ ironmcnt upon
the liodiU form of man was made in 1!M)8 and 1909 by
Professor Boas.11 Four groups of people wen* in

;; tin* south Italians, represent 'HILT tin- Mediterra-
nean type of Europe, characterized by short stature,
elongated head, dark complexion and hair; the central
European type, characterized by medium stature, short
head, light hair and lighter romple\ioii; tin- northwest
European type, diaracteri/ed l.y tall Mature, elon::
head, light complexion. an<l hlund hair; ami in addition,

.tended series of east Kuropean Hehrews, who re-
semble in some respects the central Kuropean group.
The traits selected for examination were head measure-
ment. Mature, weight, and hair-color. The result of the
in.juiry was to show that the American-born descendant-
of these types differ from their parents; and that these
differences develop in early childhood and pe
throughout life. It was found that head form, which
has alwa •. 1 as one of the most >tal»le and

of human races, undergoes

far rea«-hinvr ehanires due to the tran-fer of the races of

to Ameriean soil. The east European Hebrew,

who has a very mund head, becomes more long-headed

in the first g. on born in America ; the south Italian,

who in Italy has an '.imly long head, becomes

short-headed in the first generation born in Ainer.

ica; so that both approach a uniform type in this country.

rtorfi/y Form of tke DoKVIMfoll t» of Immifnimti. Tkr Im-
miymtiom Commi*»iom. AUt. Cong., id Pinion. Doe. DO, 206; n» «bo
Tl» M*md of Prtmifire I/an. .

130 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

so far as roundness of head is concerned. If American
environment can hring about a modification of head form
in the lirst generation, the (juostion presents itself, may
it not be that other charact eristics may be as easily
modified! A comparison of the width of face of Bohem-
ians with facial width of American horn individuals was
made. When the Bohemians were arranged according
to their ages at the time of immigration, the results
showed that there was a loss among those who had come
here as young children. When this comparixm was
continued with the Americans, born one, two, and iimn
years after the arrival of their mothers, the width of
face was seen to decrease still further. It appears that
American environment caused a retardation of the
growth of the width of face. Professor Boas concludes,
"I think, therefore, that we are justified in the conclusion
that the removal of the east European Hebrew to America
is accompanied by a marked change in type, which does
not affect the young child horn abroad and growing up
in American environment, but which makes itself frit
among the children born in America, even a slmrt time
after the arrival of the parent- in this country. The
change of type seems to be very rapid, hut the changes
continue to increase so that the descendants of immi-
grants born a long time after the arrival of the parents
in this country differ more from their parents than do
those born a short time after the arrival of the parents
in the United States." 13 If this process of change ex-
plains the difference between racial types in America
it is possible that the same environmental influence has
operated in the past to produce many of the racial typee
which appear stable to-day. In considering these con< In

»* Changes in the Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants, p. 52.

1M l-i \IUONMENT 133

sions we must rememl>er that tin- evidence which wo have

points to tin* fact that neither environment nor training
can produ,-,.. in tin* sense of •• . human charac-

teristics, good or bad. Hut it is cn\ ironm. -nt that d
mines whether Lri\- i-ties, when born into the

i, shall perish by starvation nr conili.-t. or shall sur-
vive and iate tl.. | in following i:'-iii-rati..i^.

Perhaps the most obvious an.l ri-«»roU8 effort <»!' j
it-al riiviroiiin.-nt is tin- v,.|,.<-t i\ «• int!in-iM-«. . -I l»y

• •lirnatir .i;ra«lat i«»ns from r\tn-m«- li««at I FIH* <•«»!. 1,

an.l fmni 8X0081 iity to exc« . I'hys-

t- limits to human habitation. Lif<*
intainr,! with ^n-at difliculty in the m«l Ant

In tin- Torriil n-ftions activities mi;

rontinrd to thr comparative cool of the early morning
or the evening. Tlie int. -use heat of mi<l-day makes in-

\ssary.

The heat belt, that section of the globe lyin- nmirhly
between 30° north latitude and 30° south latitude where
nean annual temperature is 68° Fahrenheit, is in-
habited by peoples who have during the last five hui
years contributed little to human advancement. The
natives of the tropics and siih-tropirs, of M
C.-nt! in republics, ti Indies. tlu» greater

of South America, j-ra.-tically the whole o!
Arabia, In-i ia, Indo-China, the Malay Peninsula,

the Mala -lipelap'. Pol\- md the Philippine

Islands, have contributed an almost negligible addition
to art. literature, science and thought. It has been the
inhabitant- of those countries which lie outside the heat
..f Kurope. the I'nited Kingdom, the
I'nited States, Canada, Australia. Central and Northern

s«e figure* 49 and 50.

134 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

Asia, Japan, and the greater part of China, that have
achieved things in art, literature and science during the
last one thousand years.15 Climate affects the energy
and regularity with which labor is conducted. ' Extreme
heat such as exists in the torrid and semi-torrid regions
mentioned, tends to enervate the worker, whether he be
manual laborer or brain worker. Prolonged and per-
sistent labor is impossible. The result is unstable and
irresponsible methods of life. Regular habits are not
easy to cultivate when heat makes effort desultory.16

Climatic conditions in the far north are such as to in-
terfere with 11n- ivmilarity of labor. The intense coM
benumbs the limbs and interferes with freedom of move-
ment.17 It depresses the normal operation of the vital
processes and dulls ambition. "Thus we find that no
people living in a very northern latitude have ever pos-
sessed that steady and unflinching industry for which the
inhabitants of temperate regions are remarkable. The
reason for this becomes clear when we remember that in
the more northern countries the severity of the weather
and, at some seasons, the deficiency of light render it
impossible for people to continue their usual out-of-door
employments."18 In cold climates the bodily warmth
necessary to sustain vital processes in a normal state is
maintained by the consumption of large quantities of
oily food, such as whale oil, and blubber. But this
highly carbonized food, although very essential, is quite
scarce. It can be obtained only from the fat and oils of
powerful and ferocious animals. This lack of sufficient
food affects the numbers of the people. Deficiency of

is Ireland, A. — The Far Eastern Tropics, pp. 2-4.

»• Buckle, H. T.— History of Civilization in England, 1857-1861, ch. ii.

" See figure 51.

" Ibid.

IN! ENVIRONMENT

iii istemv is reflected in the sparse population. I:
deed, the fact of its .- has been responsible for

certain characters in the culture of the Eskimo which
are revolting to us and see-in quit. inconceival.le, largely
because tin- mitigated rigors of our have

accustomed us to milder usages. ample, while it

is customary with us to respect and look -In- aged

meinlHTH of <*ur family. among tin- Kskimo it in re<j

to kill their pan -nN after they have become
too old to help i the c*omnninity. It i>

consi i hreach of filial duty not to kill the aged

The custom i> founded upon the ethical law
of the K-kimo am! ip<»n the whole mass of tradi-

tional lore and custom.10 When members of the com-
munity cannot work ami ronti il»ut«- to tin* food supply
> be made away with because there are young
in. .ut1!!- t<> tVed and tln»n> is otherwise not sufficient food

;ill.

very to climatic environment

Although man is more adaptable to climatic changes
than many animaU. environment in it- .-lunatic influences
does act nevertheless as a selective agency. For ex-
amp1- imo M'-k'-n- and dies in the temperate and
semi-torrid /.one. Th. -an cannot end long
and the severe cold of the An tic ( ir.1,. The
aps, would die out in northern United States
were lie I from the South. And the"Scan-
dinaviai. iot seem to prosper in the dry, sunny por-
tions of the I'nited Stat.s, where he is subject to dis-
eases of the skin and nerves which appear seriously to
deplete his numbers in a few generations. But in the

"Boas, P.— "The Mind of Primitive Man," Jo*r. Amcr. /*o/l torr. v. 14,

INI l.i \IK NT 139

rainy Northwest, which resembles his native habitat, he
thrives both in body and estate." *

Besides the climatic gradations in • .tun- \\hi.-h

arr found i: - nt latitude-, tli.-iv i> climatic varia-

in temperature correlated with altitu.l.-. There are
.titude and zones of altitu.l..-1 Miss Sem-
ple tells us that the southern slope of the Monte
Rosa Al|-. fn>m irl.-i'-i'-r cap at »..".IM» meter- to the hanks
of the Po H within a /oual

ome of European lit*'' from Lapland to the Mediter-

m.la Climate changes with altitude in much the
same way as with latitude. (Jem-rally speaking, heat
and absolute humidity diminish as height increases, while

all becomes gi up to a certain l««v«-l. t4The

effect of ascending and descending cnrirnt> of air is to
diminish the range of temperature on mountain slopes
and produce rath.-r an oceanic type of rlimate."2'* I'ni-
form climate is usually found in a land of monotonous

•. while a region rich in vertical articulation* i-
also in local varirtio of climate. P: animal life

conform to tin- elimatir lev. -Is at different altitudes.

Asia has a threefold cultural stratification

- popul nded hy the appropriate den-

sity, according h "ii in -tepj-e. pi.-dnmnt and moun-

tain. The >t«-ppes have their 1 pastoral nomads;

the piedmont-, with their irrigation streams, support
sedentary agricultural peoj.les, concentrated at focal
points in commercial and industrial towns; the higher
reaches of the mountain- are occupird hy sparse groups

» Ifuntinirtnn. H.— "Chang** of riim.tr and HUtory." Amrr. Hist. K»>

ml. 18. no. 2. Jan. 1013, p. 231.
8*» figure 88.
Staple, of. Hi. p. : »/6iJ.. p. 558.

140 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

of peasants and shepherds, wringing from upland pas-
ture and scant field a miserable subsistence. " 24

Thus far we have discussed climatic differences as
though they occurred in certain fixed bands circling tin-
earth. But climate in any given locality is, as we all
know from our own experience, a relatively variable
quantity. Aside from seasonal change there is much
latitude of variation. This climatic cycle when con-
sidered in its wider aspect, that is, leaving out the tem-
porary fluctuations of the year, and concentrating our
attention upon changes that occur or recur over tin-
IM riod of many years or even centuries, is an important
cause of movements of population. Recognition of the
part played in history by climatic changes has led to tli •
formulation of the theory of pulsatory climatic changes
by Ellsworth Huntington.25 "It seems to be true, as a
principle, that, in regions occupied by the ancient em-
pires of Eurasia and northern Africa, unfavorable
changes of climate have been the cause of depopulation,
war, migration, the overthrow of dynasties, and the de-
cay of civilization; while favorable changes have made
it possible for nations to expand, grow strong, and de-
velop the arts and sciences. " 26 However, this by no
means implies that all invasions and all prosperity are
supposed to be due to climatic causes, but merely that
climate has been one of the important factors in pro-
ducing such results.27

"In relatively dry regions increasing aridity is a dire
calamity, giving rise to famine and distress. These, in
turn, are fruitful causes of wars and migrations, which

j<f., p. 558.

M The Pulse of Asia, 1907.

w Huntington I /•»/„< ,/„,/ /M Transformation, 1910, p. 251.
** Huntington, "Changes of Climate and History," p. 215.

ENVIRONMENT 141

engender Die fall of dynasties and empires, the rise of
new , an<i the growth of new civilizations. If,

on the contrary, a country becomes steadily less arid, and
the conditions of life improve, prosperity and commit-
ment ore the rule. Tln-n- U less temptation to war, and
im-iiV attmtion is I'-ft inon- fn-,- f,,r th«- gentler arts
and sciences which make for higher civilization."11
nionff priinitiv.- m«-n th«- natim- of tin- province

which :i triU- happens to inhabit «l-t.-rmine8 its mode
of lift-, in- Ill-tries, and hal.it-; ami th<-><» in turn give
rise to various moral and menta . both good and

bad. Thus definite .-h. • acquired, and are

passed on by inh.-ritance or training to future genera-
tions. It it be proved that the climate of any r«
has changed during historic times, it follows that the
nature of the geographic provinces concerned must have
been altered more or less. For example, among th«-
human inhabitants of Central Asia, widespread poverty,
want, and depression have been substitute! for compara-
tive competence, prosperity and contentment, hi-
orders, wars, migrations have arisen. Race has been
caused to mix with race under new physical conditions,
which have #i\ vn rise to new habits and character. The
impulse toward change and migration received in the
vast jjions of < Vntral \M:I has spread outward,

and inY<>l\v.l all Kun>p<> in the confusion << Dark

The pulsations of climate which have been important
rs in the movements of populations both in prehis-
and historic times are of several types. first

type of climatic change is that of the Glacial period, dur-
ing which great fluctuations took place, probably simul-
of *•<•, r

14 J SOCIAL EVOLUTION

t;meou>ly. throughout the northern hemisphere. It is
In -Id, with some evidence, that once in thirty-six years,
on the average, we ]>a>s through what may be called a
climatic cycle. There are two extremes during a cycle,
at one of which the climate of continental regions for a
series of years is unusually cool and rainy, with a low
barometric pressure and relatively frequent storm-;
while at the other it is comparatively warm and dry,
with high pressure and few storms. These changes are
most extreme in mid-continental regions, decreasing
toward the sea-coast. Thus the Glacial period as a
whole represents the largest type of pulsation. But upon
it are superposed the great pulsations known as Gla-
cial epochs, each with a length measured probably in
tens of thousands of years. The steady progress of these
cycles is interrupted by smaller changes of climate, such
as those of which there is evidence during historic times
in Central Asia. Finally the climate of the world pul-
sates in cycles of thirty-six years, and even these are in-
terrupted by seasonal changes and by storms.

We have often heard it said that civilization has ad-
vanced from east tc west. Mr. Huntington considers it
more accurate to say that civilization has advanced from
south to north. The civilizations which started in Egypt
and Babylonia, we know, spread to Persia, slightly farther
north. Then Syria, Greece, and Carthage became dom-
inant. Next, Rome until its decline, and then an obscure
period of transition until France, Austria, and the states
of southern Germany grew in prominence. Finally,
during modern times, the northern nations of Europe
have risen to power. The common explanation has been
that as man became more civilized he also became better
adapted to colder and moister climatic conditions. Mod-

IM u ENVIRONMENT

em man has presumably a higher nervous organization.
Hut liuntington believes that since first the race gained
the rudiments of civilization, it has always made most
rapid progress under essentially the same climatic condi-
Thc rnn.iiti.-nrt are that the summers shall have
a sufficient tlegree of warmth and of rainfall to make agri-
culture easy and profitable, but not enough to be
enervating; that the winters shall be cool enough to be
hut not deadening; ami that the relation of sum-
mer to winter shall be such that with forethought every
man can support himself and his family in comfort the
year round, whil.- \\ithout forethought he and his will
suffer seriously.""0 These conditions appear to have
been present in each of the great nations of history at
line when it has risen to the highest degree of civili-
ii and power. 1 Mirinir the early part of the Christian
there was a < ly sudden desiccation in < Vntral

Asia. During the previous centuries the region was
moist and fertile. It supported a vast population of
men ami animals. When the rainfall decreased fifty per
.. flocks of sheep .liminished and the inhabitants
were obliged to migrate in search of food. As these
nomadic tribes pressed outward from Central Ana,
they came in contact with others. Peoples pressed upon
peoples, confusion in every direction, the wave

of migration was felt in Kurope two thousand miles
in Caesar's time. Kurope was cold and swampy,
but as it became wanner the throngs of primitive peoples,
• Iriv.-n from behind by the hordes of restless nomads who
had forsaken the arid Caspian basin, swarmed into this
t.rtile country. Climatic changes in Rome sapped the
igth of the original population, so that in time the

"/fcwf . pp. 381 382.

144 SOCIAL INVOLUTION

governing power IV 11 into the bands of vigorous north, -ni
barbarians. The ci\ ilixalion of Rome declined. '

We have now examined two kinds of climatic change,
latitudinal and pulsatory. It remains to consider the
influence of more local changes, what we commonly < ,ill
the weather. Careful investigation has confirmed Un-
popular belief that clear, cool weather is invigorating.
Dexter, in his book, "Weather Influences, " has made
a study of the influence of various meteorological con-
ditions upon the conduct of school children, upon the
occurrence of crime, and upon the number of errors made
by bank clerks. In damp, muggy weather people feel
disagreeable and suppose themselves ready to do all sorts
of evil things. As a matter of fact they do not do them,
for the vital functions are so far depressed that there
is no surplus energy to spend in doing anything very
active, either good or bad. Dry, windy days stimulate
the vital processes, unless it be exceptionally warm, and
create a surplus of energy which finds expression in work

»i The evidence employed to substantiate the theory of pulsatory climatic
changes is roughly of four kinds. The first kind consists of physiographic
phenomena such as river terraces, lake strands, denuded mountain
slopes, desiccated springs, and rivers whose salinity has increased. A sect. ml
kind consists of archeological phenomena, ruins of great cities in places
whose supply of water is not now one-tenth large enough to support nin-h
a population as once existed. A third kind of evidence consists of his
toric accounts of famines, of old roads across the des.-rt which to-day are
impassable. Finally, evidence is basod UJH.M plant life. The thickness of
the rings of annual growth in old trees ha- IM-I-H f..und to !><• proportional
to the amount of rainfall. Huntin^ton m«-a-iired the rings of annual growth
of 450 of the Big Trees of California, Sequoia gigantea, and plotted the
curve of climatic pulsation indicated by variation in these rings. The
trees which were measured were from 230 to 3200 years old. Eighty were
over 2000 years old and three more than 3000 years old. The data was,
therefore, quite comprehensive. The curve showed a remarkable verifica-
tion of the theory of pulsatory climatic change. The dry periods corre-
sponding with the periods of desiccation shown by other phenomena. See
"Changes of Climate and History."

INI'IJ

or mischief, an the case may be. < hi very dry day*
Denver the amount of mm.- among adults and of mi*-
duct aniMiisj school children increases largely. The
nerves seem to become nnstmng by reason of the high
to of electric or magnet i. . hy tin- dryness and

tin- wind. When tin- \\ ind dies down and the air becomes
moist, the norv«»s return to their normal condition, hut
til-- system has been through an experience which reduces
the power to control emotional impuUcs. We find that1
people in extremely hot, dry countries, like Persia and
( liine>e Turkestan, are highly emotional and seriously
lacking ontrol.

Each kind of climate and the geographical chara-

f every inhabited region e\ert more or less influ-
e upon the industrial life and the social organization
of the people. If the plain is wat»-rle» in summer and
the plateau deeply buried in snow in the winter, the ani-
mals must migrate. Man finds the region too dry in
one part and too cold in another part for agriculture.

••re he must live upon animals, either as a hunt

or, after he has partially dome ! some species of

animal, as a shepherd. This leads to a nomadic life,

which in turn induces habits of cleanliness in eating.

cling, sleeping, working, and resting. Such habits

becoming mass phenomena or usages of the group, de-

P moral standard- oi iousness, hardihood un-

il ditlicnlties, la/.iness, hospitality, and the li

physical features mold the people. Oeogrnph-

nnient has an important influence upon the

forms of invention. Protection airainst exposure is at-

-•d in accordance with the available materials; for

inw house of the Kskimo. the hark wigwam

of the Indian, and the cave dwelling of the tribes of the

146 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

desert. The complex bows of the Eskimo appear to be
due to the lack of any long elastic material for bow-
staves, and various devices have been invented for secur-
ing elasticity of the bow where elastic wood is diflinilt
to obtain. Tribes without permanent habitation resort
to skin receptacles and baskets as substitutes for pot-
tery."

During the thousands of years before history was
\\rittni primitive men were subjected to the varying
climatic influences which we have described. These cli-
matic influences were conditions to which primitive men
had to adjust and adapt themselves as best they might.
A great climatic change which caused the desiccation of
a large and highly populated area killed off its human
inhabitants by thousands. Those whose constitutions
were plastic enough to withstand the change and make
the necessary adaptations survived; others perished or
migrated to more favorable territory. In the course of
migrations, these early peoples not possessing our knowl-
edge of means of transportation and communication,
were subordinated to the natural barriers or means of
travel such as mountain masses and valleys. The sur-
face of the earth has determined the movements of popu-
lations and the migrations of races from those areas
wliich climatic changes have made uninhabitable.

Valleys offer channels for the easy movement of hu-
manity. They are grooves which have time and again
determined the destination of aimless, unplanned mi-
grations. The passing of peoples follows these nature-
made highways. "The maritime plain of Palestine has
been an established route of commerce and war from Un-
tune of Sennacherib to Napoleon.M Up the Danube valley

"Boas, op. cit., p. 100.

II

T. ~

- n| l/.\ MJMNMI

have pressed long series of barbarian invaders from At
lhl Hun t,. tin- Turkish besiegers of Vienna in 1683.

Th.- IH a great natural highway to which <

iron access. In America,

hawk depression t the northern Appalachian-

f Canada's from the

ikes to lli«- Hudson. • r'nrmerly it enabled the
i traders at New AnM.-rdam to tap tin* fu/ trad.-
madaV fm the construction of

the Erie canal, cnahled New York to defy the comp«-ti
tion of Boston, Philadelphia and Baltimore, in pi
ing the easiest outlet for the commerce of the rich '
valley. The ( 'urnl»erlan.l Gap was the natural avenue
to the West from Virginia and the Carolinas. Buffalo,
.n and pioneer liave successively followed this
,14 Natural condition- have fixed channels in which
the stream of humanity most easily moves.85 The din •••
tion of mountain ranges determines within certain limits
the destination of migration, and thi- t.-nds to keep suc-
ceeding waves to t!:.- old rliaiinel>. These lines of least
resistance are first sought out and only when the}
Mocked or preempted do the invaders turn to more difti
cult paths.

B long and narrow valley of the Nile, with its fe
hem of flood plain on .-hlier hank and the protecting bar-
of the great desert beyond furnMied conditions
favorable to the development of a gr-
lien* was a rich -oil kept in splendid condition 1>\ t1 8
annual flood period which replenished the vital mi
and organic uts withdrawn by the crops, so that

"Scmple, op. til., p. 5.

»« 8en.pl < mrnron Hittory amd lit Orvgnpkir ComJitio**, p. 68.

••See flgun 53.

1 :»i > SOCIAL EVOLUTION

the land stood the drain of thousands of years of culti-
vation required to support the thick population of the
valley. The date-palm, easy of cultivation, offered
nourishing food. The vast stretches of the desert be-
yond the valley wall protected the inhabitants from ex-
ternal foes. Warm climate, fertile soil, constant water
supply and protection from invasion made easily pos-
sible production beyond the necessities of life. Such
surplus is absolutely essential to the development of
civilization. So it was that the Nile valley became one
of the earliest culture centers. The formation of the
valley, making the river always accessible, facilitated the
development of trade and commercial relations between
the many little states first appearing along the Nile.
The disposable wealth created by this combination of
happy circumstances led in later centuries to the rise of
non-laboring classes — rulers, courtiers, soldiers, priests,
landlords, and merchant princes — at times serviceable,
at other times merely parasitic. The leisure made pos-
sible by slave labor on a gigantic scale gave time for the
development of art, literature, science and philosophy.
< ivilization resulted from surplus production depend-
ing in turn upon the existence of certain natural resources
and favorable conditions of climate and location.

" Egypt affords an excellent example of the value of
climatic study. . . . Here we have a hot, dry climate
where the main dependence for the crops is not on the
rains but on the rise of the Nile. This rise, regular as
the seasons, the comparatively small change in tempera-
ture among the seasons themselves, the almost complete
absence of rainfall, taken in connection with the fertility
of the soil and the small number of staple crops, has pro-
duced a condition of affairs in which all that is demanded

INI ii HBONMENT i:.i

is a h- >"-' -"it of a routine which never changes

and iv|imvs rath. -i- l.ra-.sn than lirain. This we find
admiral.l\ reflected in the character of the peasantry,
now, as in anti«|uit\ , interested only in the securing of

-h food to live and to marry upon. But this did
not seriously iimdif\ t of the ruling class

for, from j- times, they have always been

^ners. Accordingly, their character has always
been th,-. <1 in . < )nly one <•

should I.e noted. .} \i^[ because tliry did imt adjust tln-in-
i to tlir rliniat.-. they became fiirrvat«-«l ;m<i finally
were killed off. In other \vonl>. tin- « -liinato has only a
negat t <>n tin- in«-n who have made Egyptian « -ul

\\orthy of our >tu«ly.MIt

Natural «Munliti«»nx in tin* Nile valley permitted the
congregation of a large population in a small area and
thereby made possible the development of a liiirh civiliza-
tion. I "i the closer the contact between men, the more
intimate the intercourse, and the less the likelihood of
IOMH niits of collective '-\perience. Competition

of many individuals sharpens wits and raises the nctiv-
f human powers. The maintenance of steady in-
crease of population seems to be intimately conn
with the development of culture.37 Sparsely populated
areas have a low type of civilization. In all centers of
civilization, whether old or new, we find dense popula-
tions. If the topography of a region limits the possi-
bilities of intercourse and renders large permanent
assemblies of men impnsMhlc. there U slight chanc
the development of an enduring cult

MOlmstMd. A. T.—"( limit* and History," Journal of Gcoynpky. vol. I,
IP 103-168.

•T RaUel, ¥.— Hi*lory of J/ouJtmd, vol. i, pp. 10-12.

I:>L> SOCIAL EVOLUTION

The topography of an inhabited region, besides deter-
mining the direction and destination of migrations or
furnishing protection from the assaults of hostile peo-
ples, often results in the more or less complete isolation
of a people from the progressive or retarding influences
aetinir upon the general population without the shel-
(1 valley or far from the lonely island.

Isolation prohibits much intermixture of dirtVn-nt
storks. This tends to accentuate traits already existini:
in the stock, as potential pn>-ihilities. Sometimes de-
fects, intensified and inherited, appear with great
frequency. Dr. Alexander Graham Bell made a careful
genealogical study of western Martha's Vineyard and
found that there had been a great deal of intermarrying
and a great many consanguineous marriages. The lo-
cality is inhabited by farmers and fishermen of average
intelligence and good character. Deaf mutes are strik-
ingly numerous. In 1880 there was a proportion of 1
to 25 of the whole population affected.88 Further south
along the Atlantic coast there are beaches or banks some
distance from the mainland. Here there are many con-
sanguineous marriages. A wide-spread trait that may
be ascribed to this inbreeding is suspicion and mental
dullness; and *a relatively high frequency of insanity.39
Over sixty-six per cent, of the population of Sardinia are
brunettes. Whereas, brunettes on the continental penin-
sula of Italy range from thirty -eight per cent, to over
sixty-six per cent, of the total population. This shows
how the pure color traits of the stock have been preserved
by isolation.40

••Davenport, C. B.— Heredity in Relation to Eugenics, 1911, pp. )!>!-
192.

*• Ibid., p. 193. «o Ripley, W. Z.— The Races of Europe, p. 253. .

INI 1 .1 I \CE8 OP ENVIRONMENT

151

Isolation affects not only the physical characters of
the peoplf l>ut t tnral development as well. Sep-

arate^ fi-Min Hi' -treara of collective < ice by moun-

Fustic 54. Native, adapt t.» dangrroua c

.-.iu.lhn- M:

of India.

tain or sea, IIH n r. tain . i-toms and usages which

have long since fallen into .ii>us(> in the tlironging centers
of lift* on tin* neiKht>orintf plain or continent Sardinia
ami Corsica are two of tin- mo>t primitive spots in all
»pe because they are islands off the main line. To
:i larir*1 • u<i:il in>titutinns of the Middle Ages pre-

vail. The old wooden plow of the Romans is still in

154 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

union use to-day.41 The Transylvania Saxons, al-
though isolated from their German relatives for seven
hundred years in the midst of a Hungarian population
have preserved the Teutonic traditions of the father-
land. They have clung stubbornly, tenaciously, blindly
to each peculiarity of dress, language and custom, know-
ing that every concession meant increased danger of as-
similation into the surrounding Hungarian population.
It' they had been left on thoir native soil, an<l -m -rounded
by friends and countrymen, they would undoubtedly have
changed as other nations have changed. Their isolated
position and the peculiar circuin stances of their sin
roundings have kept them what they originally \vere.1-
The mountaineers of the southern Appalachians have been
isolated from the experiences of the rest of America since
colonial times." President Frost of Berea College call>
these people, "Our contemporary ancestors of the
South." They have been undisturbed by the railway, the
printing-press, the electric car, the automobile, the power
loom and the telegraph. They retain in all their sim-
plicity the industrial methods of our colonial ancestor-.
Wool is spun by the old-fashioned wheel and woven into
cloth by the clumsy hand loom. Here we have the sur-
vival of a culture which the rest of the nation has out-
grown. New ideas have been rapidly communicate, 1
outside these isolated mountain valleys and the whole
length and breadth of the land has gained by the <\\<
covery of the few. Isolation, while it may act as a pro-
tective influence in the early stages of civilization, retards
later development.

The earlier advocates of the materialistic interpreta-

«i/W«f., p. 271

«» Gerard, E. — The //and Beyond the Forest, pp. 31-32, 33, 34.

Flouis ftft. Awe-inspiring Scenery

Colorado.

PLUBN

tion of history, .jui.-u ' and I',n«-kle," attrii

•niiintaliilii >n, usages, manners and laws

in In.lia MI. .tal countries to their warm

climate, vast plains and great m.-untains, the grandeur
of whose 80-n. i\ ;./.!•> the

I

in»pirinp Environment of ' u» brmutiful

Vale of Tenpe.

reason. Ti ntific geogrnpli«*r "limls tliat

geographic condititMi- ha\. -:in«-.l In.lia to i>olation.

On tlie land side, a great sweep of high mountains has
restricted intercourse with tin- interior: on tin- sea side,
the deltaic swamps of the Indus and the Ganges riv. -r>
and an unbroken shoreline, backed hy mountains on the
of the peninsula and hy coastal marshes and lagoons
on the east, have combined to reduce its accessibility from

TI. bk. xi
«« // i.i fury or ' -. rnglo*d. rh

158 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

the ocean. The effect of such isolation is ignorance,

sunerMition, ;in«l the early rr\ Mallization of thought and
custom. Imiorance involv.s the lack of material for
comparison; hence a restriction of the higher reasoning

Fn.rRE 57. Confidence-inspiring Environment of Greece, Mount Ossa.

processes, and an unscientific attitude of mind \vhidi
gives imagination free play. In contrast, the accessi-
hility of Greece and its focal location in the ancient
world made it an intellectual clearing-house for the east-
< TII Mediterranean. The general information gathered
there afforded material for wide comparison. It fed
the brilliant reason of the Athenian philosopher and the
trained imagination which produced the masterpieces of
Greek art and literature. ' ' 45

Buckle's theory was that the awe-inspiring aspects
of nature in India, enormous mountain masses, vast

«*Semple. Infhirncr* of firograjil "/, pp. 18-19.

4

INI'lJ ir.l

heated plains, ravage., of lnirri.-ain-. taOpMtS, MUTtt
• •s, and devastation by animals hostile to roan, con-

stantly prelim? upon tin- p.-opl,-, ••aiT.-cted the tone of
tii. -11 ual elm \

i in tin- mind which ma. I.- the imagination i i .dom-
inate over tin- reason an. I im'n-.-.l into the people a spirit
of reverence rather than one of inquiry. All the sur-
roiin .'in. i! condition- aged a disposition

to negb .in of natural causes ami to

ts to the intervention on the part of MIJ..-I-

ral agencies.44 Man, con - himself with tin-

forte and majesty of n > a sense of inferiority,

and hardly cares to BCTUtini/«- tin* details of whifh
imposing g]

The hypothesis of isolation which Miss Semple ad-

!itia«li>tin. tion to Buckle's theory, seems on

the whole the more reasonable of the two explanations,

especially \\li.-n th.-iv -.-.ins to b<* little doubt in th«« minds

of many historians as to the great significance of com*

B and tli.- • /«• of ideas in the d.-\ . lopment of

K civil. lint th.-re i- much truth in what

Buckle suggests. His contention i> that the intellectual

vrim-nts of the (Jn-.-k have b.-ni in large measure
due to the absence of aspects of nature which terrified and
the i of geographic surroumlings which HIM

eonti- i human skill. The .Kirean. with its nuiner

ous islands and sheltered harbors, furni- and

safe hitlini: places from hostile n. iirhbors. The moun-
tains of the n 1 were not lofty enough to be

.nspiriniT. but \N'-re sufficiently biirb • beauty

and suggestion to the scenery.47 Under these conditions

'•rklr. o,> t. p.

•• s,.,. ,jk.in,., ;„; .»,. < ,-

H',-J SOCIAL EVOLUTION

there was adequate protection from enemies, and yet com-
munication was still possible with other peoples and
rivili/;itiniis. There was comparative safety without tin-
degree of isolation that precludes transmission of intel-
ligence and development of commerce. Communication
and commerce were undoubtedly more important factors
in tln« development of Greece than the general aspects
of nature which inspired confidence. Yet Buckle has
recognized a factor of environment which deserves con-
sideration.

Heinrich von Treitschke, in his "Politik," ascribes
the absence of artistic and poetic develojiim-nt in Switzer-
land and the Alpine region to the overwhelming aspect
of nature whose majestic sublimity there paralyzes the
mind.48 He cites the fact that, by contrast, the lower
mountains and hills of Swabia, Franconia and Thu-
ringia, where the scenery is milder, stimulating, but not
overpowering, have produced many poets and artists.
Moreover, the geographical distribution of awards made
by the Paris Salon of 1896, shows that art flourishes in
the river lowlands of France where nature is more ap-
pealing, rather than in the rough highlands of Savoy,
and the massive eastern Pyrenees. But this difference
might be explained on racial grounds because the popu-
lation of the lowlands is Teutonic and the peoples of the
highlands are Alpine and Celtic.

Buckle believes that the sublime and terrible aspects
of nature in India, exerting their depressing influence
upon the minds of the inhabitants for many centuries
have been a considerable factor in the development of
all that is inconsistent and superstitious in the Hindoo
culture. The threatening aspects of the external world

"See figure 58.

FIGURE 59. The Great Gopura, Madura Temple, India.

INFI.I NT Iff

have* tilled tin- minds ,,!' tin- p»-opi,« with images of the
grand and tin* t.-mMi- which they have •» to repro-

duc.- in tho dogmas of their theology, in the chara-
of their gods, nn« m tin* forms .of their temples.40

Tin- anci.-nt '•• of India >! id»-nce of the

most remarkable ascendancy of the imagination.10 Most
of their works on grammar, on law, on mc<li< in, , on
geography, on matin -m.v <1 on metaphysics an- in

tho form oi in an excessive reverence for

antiquity. In ancient times th«-ir wise and gn-at IIM-II
were supposed to have lived to an e\ n.iry age.

< »ni- i-niinmt man "liv,-.! in a pun* and virtuous age, and
days WIMV indited long in tht» lai. \\li« n lie was

made kinir he was a million years old; h<- th.-n r« iirned
three hundred thonsan<l years; having done
whieh. he and lingered on for one

hundred thousand years more."*1 Speaking of the
growth of American Indian mythologies with tln-ir many
strange incon> s and superstitions, Professor Boas

says, *' be no doubt that the impression made

h\ the grandeur i.f natur,- upon the mind of priinit

the ultimate cause from which these myths spring,
but nrv.-rtheless the form in which we find these tradi-
tion.- intluenc.-d by tin- borrowing."11

Thus, it appeal the phy>i.-.-d en\ imnment iih-lud-

at ions has been a signiticair in

social evolution. On the one hand, a population is dri\

• •u-tMiuod abode by the force of some gradual
climatic puN.itimi, and the movement of the people is

-f flgurr 60.
»«Bucklr, op. .

"TIM Growth of Indian Mrtholo^r.," Jour. Amrr. FoA /.orr, rot

166 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

most often along routes predestined by the configuration
of the country. But on the other hand, a race that has
developed a civilization in some well nourished and pro-
ted area falls into decline because the very conditions
which gave safety in the earlier period, now isolate the
IM ople from the great currents of men and ideas that
move along the more accessible river valleys and over
the vast and fertile alluvial plains where great cities
have arisen, causing exchange of commodities and the
i tact of minds. If the aspects of nature are terrify-
ing and sublime, the explanations that men advance tend
to be colored with superstitious fear. When the sur-
roundings of the people are awe-inspiring the response
to these manifestations of grandeur are fear and n
ence. This continued response becomes habit in the
individual and custom in the group. As the usage is
integrated, all those who do not respond to the terrible
manifestations of nature with the customary degree of
fear and reverence are regarded with suspicion. That
is, the confident and the skeptical are constrained. Any
attitude of curiosity or criticism is discouraged as es-
sentially unrighteous and endangering the safety of the
group. For this reason the primitive man persecutes
any member of his tribe who, because of a confident or
critical turn of mind, deviates too far from the paths
prescribed by the established usages of the group. Thus
does physical environment set the limits to human habita-
tion, guide the movements of aimless migrations, stimu-
late or retard the development of civilizations; some-
times facilitating the easy communication of ideas and
the exchange of goods, and other times impressing the
minds of a people with a sense of its grandeur which

INTI i 7IRONME UK

ultimate expression in rigid usages or grotesque

ihologies.

One final intluem'e of pli\M«-al envm-min-nt upon ti.,-
niiii- 1 of man i- Mitru Oscar Peschel.*1 The

founders of the great monotli.it! i •• ligions of the world,
Zoroaster, Mows, Buddha, ud Mohammed, be-

long to the Biil»t i I'ii i- /.•!;.• is one which con-

tains many vn r who has

crossed the deserts of A and Asia Minor speaks en-

Keanties; all praise their atmos-
B ami I.? IS, and t«-ll of a feeling of invigoration

and a peivrptil. tse «»f int<-ll<M-tual ela>tieity ; ;

betwr. ii tin- arrlinl us ami tin* unlH.uml.-.l expanse

iin a monotli. une of miml nc*cessarily •(

tin* flii f tlir (1- 't»8t SWl!

s the att< ;iti<>M to a thousand forms and sounds, th<>

sunbeams play through the openings in tin- trees on the

'••ling and shining leav e are marvelous forms

of gnarN',1 roots and brandies, then' is the rr.-akini? and

the h whispering ami the rustling of the trees

together with the soun :«'es of animals and in-

P.ut in the desert one is impressed with only the

vast expanse of plain and over all tl ant dome of

the heavens." Elijah into the «!«•>• -rt. John the

:iehe,l in the desert. Chri-t prepared him-

• •areer by passing forty day> ami forty nights

in the desert. Mohammed lived for a long time as a

shepherd and made frequent journeys across the

rt"

" Tl* Jtemt of linn, from the German. NVw York, 18*4. pp. 314-318.

M/ft,

M&M flgur«« 60 tad 61.

H /?,„/.

170

SOCIAL EVOLUTION
SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

BOCKI.K. II. T. 77* , IIist»ni ,,f Cinlizatwn in England.

DEXTER, E. Q. — "Weather Inflm noes.

HUNTINOTON, E.— The Pulse of Asia.

SEMPLE, E. C. — The Influences of Geographic Environment.

THOMAS, W. I. — Source Book for Social Origins, Part I

1 K.I BE 61. A Bedouin Tent in the Desert.

\ I

8o< I \i. SUBEDIT?

\\ '\\\ i- it : i have grown up to IK? an

\\ h\ i> it that the mere accident of being born, we will
say in the state of Massachusetts, and being bred in that
state, has made of you an American and not a Chinaman

ianT Aside from the physical Characters of
\vllow or red skin, muud head an<l , what

'In- ditTVrcncrs iK'twrrii Ani'-ri'-ans and China-
Hint or Indians ai uces in culture, customs,
usages, ideals, art an<l lit.-ratmv. In tin-
when you were growing up you were formed and molded
by the suggestions and impressions that flooded you from
all loping consciousness found already
estnHMi'-d .-,-rtaiii standards, usages, ways of doing
and thinking. Some of these you were more or less at
lilM-rty to select and pick and choose, others you had
to observe so and so and never otherwise. Tour plastic
mind was bent this way or that within the limits of its in-
nt adaptahility. -o that now, when you are mature,

• •me to think any standards, usages, or customs
win litTerent from the ones you are familiar with

and which ><-ial class is used to, are strange and

unusual, even wrong or immoral. You think the China-
man is queer, Imt he also thinks you are queer. And he
is quite as justified in his opinion of you as you are in
your opinion of him. The essential difference of your

171

172 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

diverse points of view is that \<>ur life experiences have
been different.

The social medium which a child enters at birth, in
which lie lives, moves and has his being, is fundamental
in determining his thought and action. The individual
from childhood to ripest old age is more or less recep-
tive to the social environment consisting of the stand
ards, usages, and customs which the group has evolved
out of its collective experience. " Rarely can the matur-
est minds so far succeed in emancipating themselves
from this medium as to undertake independent reflection,
while complete emancipation is impossible, for all the
organs and modes of thought, all the organs for eon
structing thoughts, have been molded or at least thor-
oughly imbued by it. " l

"The individual simply plays the part of the pri>m
which receives the rays, dissolves them according to fixed
laws and lets them pass out again in a predetermined
direction and with a predetermined color. " We for-
get that the interpretation the child puts upon external
tli in ITS is never entirely naive or original. It is a mistake
to assume that each civilized individual's conduct of life
is a purely logical process. The content of the human
mind is largely determined by the social usages and con-
ventions of class and a^s which in turn refract tmpres-
sion and determine the final form assumed by the inter-
pretation.3 There are "experiences thousands of years
old which have been inherited for generations as com-
pleted intuitions: destinies historic, and prehistoric,
with their effects upon mental character and inclination,
with their forms of thought and mode of reason in-:

1 Gumplowicz, op. cit., p. 157.

2 Ibid. *Chapin, Education and tin Mores, p. 70.

SiM'lAI, IIKKKIHTY

sympat dices and prepossessions deeply seat

ii ill.- mind of ill.- -idividual like

Mtless rays in a focus. They live in him as thought,

i-lt the crowd imagines that, whet h« r right or wrong,

praiseworthy or Mai it is !„. that cherishes

th'-rn " ' It is this mental : itatc of gem-rat ions

long gone that i- conden>ed in the mind of one person

and comprises the mental furniture which we acquire

in the course of our life's experience. It is active in

• •miming our explanations of our actions and always

modifies our interpretation of the conduct of others.

fessor Cooley speaks of this social atmosphere '
into which we are born. in. -hiding its organization into
literatim-, art. and institution.-, as the out-id.* or visible
structure of thought. Although the symbols, the tradi
-, and the institutions are projected from the mind,
fn the very instant of their pn.j.-ction. they react.
'rolling, stimulating, developing, ami fix certain
thoughts at the expense of others to which no awakening
suggestion comes. Thus all is one growth. The "in
di vidual is a member not alone of a family, a class, a
•fa larger whole reaching back to p ric

man whose thought has gone to make it up.'"' In this
id medium the individual lives as in an element, from
which he draws the materials of his growth and to whirh
he contrihutes \\ 1 -onMructive thought he may •

s. Th.- individual mind becomes a blank when sep-
arated from the stream of collective exp- ri. :...-. hut im-
mersed in the great currents of men and ideas the in-
dividual grows, drawing from the common experience
the material for its own life. This has led Professor
Cooley to say. "The growth of the individual mind
op. r,f . P. 158. » Cooky, fioctol Orjmimtitm, p. 64.

174 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

is not a separate growth, but rather a differentiation
within the general mind." It has led Professor Gum
plowicz to say, "The great error of individualistic psy-
chology is the supposition that man thinks. . . . The
whole belief in the freedom of human action is root* d in
the idea that man's conduct is tin* fruit of his thoughts and
that his thoughts are exclusively his own. This is an
error. He is not self-made mentally any more than he
is physically. His mind and thoughts are the product
of his social medium, of the social element whence he
arose, in which he lives."0

If this social element into which we are born deter-
mines in large measure the course of our mental devel-
opment, it is important to understand the process by
which it has been formed and to know its limitations.

Men inherited from their brute ancestors certain in-
stincts. But as life in society became increasingly com-
plex, new situations arose which could not be met by
instinctive reactions. Dispositions to perform a certain
reaction to stimulus, dispositions which had been in-
herited, not acquired in the life of the individual, were
obviously ill-adapted to direct the proper sort of reaction
to a unique situation. Indeed, new experiences crowded
upon one another with such rapidity that the temporary
compromise of habit had often to supplant the more con-
servative guide, — instinct. Every moment brings neces-
sities which must often be satisfied at once. Early men
experienced need, and it was followed at once by a blun-
dering effort to satisfy it. For example, mere instinct
could not be depended upon to solve the problem of
a warlike expedition. By trial and failure, new ways
were devised ;* they were often clumsy and blundering

• Gumplowicz, op. cit., pp. 156, 160.

8<>< I \L ;i>m 177

efforts to satisfy the need t) -met could not

It is the method of rude experiment and
* \\hieh produce^ n-j pain, loss, and

iiitment. "Tin* earliest efforts of men were of
kind. Need was the impelling force. Plea
and pain, on the one side and the other, were the
rude constraints whieh defined the line on whieh efforts
nin-t proceed. ii>h between pleas-

ure and tin- «»nl> p->ehienl power which is to be

assumed. Thus ways of doing things were sele
which were exp- They answered the purpose bet-

ways, or with less toil ami pain. Along
the course whieh efforts were compelled to go, hahit,
routine. and skill were developed. The struggle to main-
tain existence was earri.-.l on iiHlividnally hut in groups.
.1 h\ tli,- experience; hence there

was • «• towards that which proved to be most

expedient. All, at la-t. adopted the same way for
purpose; ii.-ij.-e ways turned into customs and
became mass phenmiM-na. Instincts were developed in
ronneetion with them. In this way folkways arise. The
youni: learn them l.y tradition, imitation, and authority.
The folkways, at a time, j for all the needs of life

then and t re uniform, universal in the

;<, imperat; :Me. As time goes on, the

folkways become more and more arbitrary, positive, and
imperative. If asked why they act in a certain way in

tin cases, primitive people always answer that it is
because they and thoir ancestors always have done so.
A sanction also arises from ghost fear. The ghosts
would be angry if the living should change the ancient
folkways,"1

•8«e Appendix I. 'Stunner W O.— folfriraira 1»0*. pp, »•.

178 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

By this process of trial and failure, followed by the
selection of those reactions which give the closest rela-
tion of means to ends, greatest satisfaction, channels of
habit and predisposition are formed. Moreover, the
oftener any action is repeated, the more firmly it becomes
established and the less the conscious equivalent accom-
panying the action. The customary actions which are of
frequent rr] >« -tit ion become entirely unconscious. Thus
it is that animals and human beings form habits.8 Since
consciousness of an action decreases with frequent repe-
t it ion, its performance becomes so habitual that omission
or contrary action releases strong emotions, usually feel-
ings of intense displeasure. For example, if you acquire
the habit of taking a nap after luncheon you find real
pleasure in taking the nap, indeed you will become drowsy
soon after the meal hour has passed, even though some-
tliing may interfere with your usual routine. It is only
after feelings of displeasure that you will admit any in-
terference. The longer you keep the habit the greater
the will power required to overcome your disposition to
take your accustomed nap.

Now the process of custom forming is similar to that
of habit forming, and the same psychological laws are
involved. When activities dictated by habit are per-
formed by a large number of individuals in company and
simultaneously, the individual habit is converted into
mass phenomenon or custom, if the group shows concur-
rent action in response to the same stimulus. These
usages, customs or folkways, as the case may be, once
established, form the standards of correct and proper
conduct of life in society. As in the case of the individual
habit, so with the social usage, repetition increases the

• McDougall, W. — An Introduction to Social Psychology, 1908, pp. 29, 43.

EKX IAL ill IT

ease of performance, and fre<|u«-nt i>erformance of the
- permanence ami • Just as in

the case of tlie in. li\ i.lual habit, with which interruption

Fratnuc 63. Information of Fraturr* by <
ihaiiMloa to approved s-

ti usual course brings feelings of displeasure, so in
the case of social usage, deviation from the customary
i nee of the act sets free emotions of anger or
intense displeasure which may cause the punishment or
persecution of the innovator. Custom in dress is <
quite arbitrary.9 To appear on the street in the fashion

6S.

isn SOCIAL EVOLUTION

of a former « •« -ntury would be to expose on< --elf to ridi-
cule.

It nettles us to see a man wear a hat in doors in com-
pany with a lady; it is considered rude. We would feel
very vigorous resentment towards any man who \\ <
a hat in a elnuvh or at a funeral. To smack one's lips
at the table seems to us disgusting. Yet the Indians
consider it the height of l>ad taste not to smack one's
lips when dining with a friend, for it would suggest that
the guest did not enjoy the meal.10 Tims the criterion of
propriety of all human action is custom.

"A mode of behavior that does not conform to the
customary manner-, but differs from them in a striking
way, creates, on the whole, unpleasant emotions; and it
requires a determined effort on our part to make it clear
to ourselves that such behavior does not conflict with
moral standards. . . . The custom of habitually covering
parts of the body has at all times led to the strmm feel-
ing that exposure of such parts is immodest. This feel-
ing of propriety is so erratic, that a costume that is
appropriate on one occasion may be considered oppro-
hrious on other occasions; as, for instance, a low-eut
evening dress in a street-ear during business h<mr<.
What kind of exposure is felt as immodest d«-p«-nds al-
ways upon fashion. . . . There is no conscious reason-
ing why the one form is proper, the other improper;
but the feeling is aroused directly by the contrast with
the customary. " n

If our ideas of what constitutes good manners, what is
proper and in good taste, are entirely due to custom, it
follows that where the life experiences of Lrnmp- differ,

10 Boas, The Mind of Primitive Man, p. 213.
« Boas, op. cit., pp. 211-212.

S(H I \l. HERED11 ^ j-i

customs and usages will .1. id consequently

\\ill 1 M >tandanN in widely separated lo-

ralities. Ti tin* case. kimo regn

it as his duty to kill his a-ed parent. \\ '«• ha\«- h.-.-n
• 1 under condition*, which have been much le*-

s consequently we regard the act with abhorrence;
:ti\ely iniiiinral to uv In Australia, a K\r\ con-
>i,l,.i h«-r to IM* kimrk«Ml ilown and

. ,1 off l»y tin- man who is to become lu-r hu-hand.
If B) the \i'-tmi of violence she is not ashamed.

I-'.-kimo nii-N wonNI I »<• ashamed to go away with tln-ir lins-
without «T\ inir ami laim-ntinir. ho-. a.l th<*y

ii". It shocks them ' that 1

n pulil' t in church to \>e wives, ami then

go with thrir hn>han«ls without pretending to r
Kaffirs ridicule the Christian love ma \Vh«-n»

jainy pn-vaiN. \\oin. n are ashamed to marry men
who can afford only one wife; under monogamy they
think Mien who h. --r wives.

the bond In • hild and father

irarded as most saen-d. A man l.-a ilier and

mother to "cleave to i eM would become a social

i son tlie Japanese consider the
Christian I'.ilile immnral and irreligious.11 We are

• d to « at dogs, yet among some primitive peo-

Thus the

••pi'- niav .lit'' i those of another

le to such a degree that what is proper and customary

with one may be regarded as disgusting or immoral by

the • re can be no logical reason given for

these dilY.-ivnc. MI. Variance in standards of

" Stunner, of. of., pp. lOO-l l» n BOM. of. of . p 216.

182 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

propriety in different groups is of purely traditional
origin and character.

Professor Sumner has called this mass of social usage,
custom, tradition, and superstition, which constitutes the
essential dissimilarity in the cultures of two peoples,
"folkways." The folkways are not creations of human
purpose ami wit; they are produced by the "frequent
repetition of petty acts, often by great numbers acting in
concert, or, at least, acting in the same way when face to
face with the same need." This process produces habit
in the individual and custom in the group. The folkways
are like the instinctive ways of animals, which develop
out of experience and are handed down by tradition ad-
mitting of no exception or variation, yet changing slowly
within the same limited methods, and without rational
reflection or purpose.14 The folkways constitute that
mass of social usage which controls all unconscious re-
sponse to stimulus and action in accordance with custom.
We become aware of folkways only when the usual
performance of the act is interfered with, or when the
act is performed in violation of the custom. Thus, wear-
ing a hat in church violates the folkway which has ac-
customed us to seeing men sit uncovered in such places.
It would be a mistake to think that this process of making
folkways is ever superseded or changed. It goes on now
just as it did at the beginning of life in human society.15
Use and wont exert their force on all men always. They
produce familiarity, and mass acts become unconscious.
In modern times the factory system has created a body
of folkways in which artisans live, and which distinguish
the atmosphere of factory towns from that of commercial
cities or agricultural villages.

" Ibid., pp. 3-4. i» Ibid., p. 35.

8o< I \i. HEBEDm 183

There IB another level in >usness which custom*

and usages attain. Certain folkways become the objects
of thought when one group, through contact with another,
comes to recognize that in certain details its customs
i from 1 1 lose of its neighbor. Conscious reflection
is provoked, and, a- a r«-Milt. c.-rtain fulkway^ an- |.n-
served and inculcated. These selected folkways become
the more-.: Mores an- tin* u>aLT«-- which hav«- n-,-, ived
the definite and positive commendation of the group.
The sanction back of tin -in i> m<>n than the sanction of
mere use and wont, h<> sanction of conscious com-

munity approval. And yet, "The mores contain tin-
norm by which, if we should discuss the mores, we should
have to judge the mores." " The mores come down to
us from the past in the same manner as folkways and
customs. "Each individual is born into them as
he is born into the atmosphere, and he does not reflect
on them, or < them any more than a baby analyzes

the atmosphere before he begins to breath* it. Hach one
is subjected to tin* influence of the mores, and formed by
them, before he is capable of reasoning about them." ls
For this reason the mores determine the content of the
growing mind, and so, if one were to criticize them he
would have to use in that eriti. i-m terms and traditions
which the mores themselves had given « circula-

tion. This is why the discussion of such established in-
stitutions as property and marriage does not immedi-
ately change our relations. Among the masses of people
such a discussion produces no controversy. It is only
among those who have emancipated themselves from the
control of habit and custom that there is sufficient in-
dependence of thought upon these subjects to provoke

"Chapln, op. :•;. IT Stunner, of. cil, p. 77. »•/**., p. 7t.

184 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

controversy. For the great masses of mankind, mores
are learned as unconsciously as we learn to walk and eat
and breathe. The justification of them is that upon
awakening to consciousness the individual finds Hi-
mores facts which already hold him in the bonds of tra-
dition, custom, and habit.

To those composing the narrow margin of exception-
ally rational and critical individuals, the mores are oft< -n
a stumbling block of stupid insensibility, receiving their
scorn and impatient anger. From this class emanate 11i<>
original ideas which, when put into current circulation
and given the stamp of public approval, slowly change
the mores. For example, the comparatively new idea of
evolution had at first a rather limit' d diffusion amon-
the intellectual class. Gradually, the idea has filtered
down through the mores of the masses, and, being rubbed
down and smoothed off like an old coin, has taken the
form of a summary and glib generalization that "men
came from monkeys." The philosophical implication of
the theory of evolution that there is only relativity in t lie
changing flux of life processes, never any absolute stand-
ard of relations, is quite beyond the realm of mores.
The domain of mores is one of fixed forms and inert cus-
toms. Mores are answers to the problems of life and not
questions. Hence a world philosophy which represents it-
self as transitory, certainly incomplete, and liable to be set
aside to-morrow by more knowledge, can never recei\ <•
very widespread recognition. The majority of men want
their conduct and thought guided by established rules
and customs. They prefer to do and think with their
fathers before them. To do anything else would require
too great a mental effort.

B0< IAL IILU.M'i Y M

•m earliest tim— mores have been and

It has ever been one of tin- •mj.-tions of

ii of the youiitf to perp. ? -. of the

The mores were familiar forms associated \\ith

-i.. up Ifti • t of tin- hrutally eonducted

Moil ceremonies of the natives of sou* Aus-

tralia mipiv.vs upon tin- hoy tin* importance of the

trihal traditions. -'" In primitive » are con-

stantly exhorted to follow tin* example of t; n-nt*

iges of tin Indeed, we Hi

fchfl iiniiK-niorial •l.-vin- o( nary

to pres^rvr tln-ir am-it-nt or.li-r has IMM-H to
tin- \ n tra«litional wix,|nm. " -- Tin- I

Maim piv>«-rvr tin* rt-liuioii> nion-s of the Hindoo.
( 'hineM- Li Ki. or l»«»ok of l;

illii-trat«'s the effort to preserve mores. I
from the rinsinir of the mouth to the a«lji
leggings and hi ngs, all acts are to be regulated

mce with usap- -onius writes t>f tho

iv .-.lu«-ation of th«- K'oinan youth an<) finds fault
with the r.ew .li-riplim. of the Latin Khetori.-iaiis \vhirli
int«-rf«-re«l with the eu-toinary ilistnietion approve.l hy
-.Mtl Narrow and i religious

•;:.- . -din-ational systems of the

Mi-idle Ages.14 At the present time the ronteiit of the
el. -ii --I rnrrirula oi ii nations is liu

•.al >ul-
t nation of thU >orial heritage of folkways

<Th«ptn. of. «!.. ch

*> Howitt txm of Somtk

« Bo«». < / 2t4.

» ROM, K. A.-Korid/ Ccmlrt>lv p. 165.
*» Suvtoaitu, TW /.«rr« of Bmimmt Kl'i-rtcum. pp.
Inn. hapia. op. nr. p M. »/Mrf^ dL

186 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

and mores, custom and tradition, is by suggestion and
imitation as well as by conscious inculcation. Under th<
conditions of life in primitive groups as well as under
the more complex relations of modern society, men com-
municate with one another by rudimentary or developed
methods of intercourse. In either case the same funda-
mental law of social psychology holds. The possibility
of communication depends upon the density of popula-
tion, and also upon the degree of development of the
means of communication and the use made of llmx im-ans.
Where the population is relatively dense and people live
in close touch with one another the spread of ideas is
rapid. Isolated communities do not receive the new
ideas for a long time. Hence it is that in style of dress
the country people always tend to be behind the city
people. If the means of communication are highly devel-'
oped, then, even though the population is not dense,
ideas and news will spread rapidly. For example, the
telegraph spread the news of the battles of the Chinese-
Japanese War, some years ago, throughout the length and
breadth of our country, so that every little hamlet knew
of the happenings and discussed them, whereas in China,
many of the people living at a comparatively short dis-
tance from the scene of the conflict did not even know that
their country was engaged in war; and yet China was
much more thickly populated than the United States. In
jirimitive society, the possession of superior language
and the great facility in the use of this language, gave
to one group the means of an intercourse which an in-
ferior group lacked. It gave unity and coherence to its
organization and furthered its development.

The most heightened phase of communication which
rests on density of population is known as "The Crowd."

80' I \i. iii.i:i:i)lTV 187

In the crowd, the close grouping of people, the shoulder
to shoulder contact, furnishes a dense medium for the

transmission of ideas and notions. In crowd-, in.-n and
women are subject to swift contagion of feeling. Ideas
spread like liuhininir. Suwstihility is heightened, for
eiample, when a wave of applause sweeps over an audi
ence. Thus crowds are impulsive, nml.il.-, credulous, and
readily influenced by suggestion. Tin- imair« •> invoked
in the in UK! of the crowd are accepted as real
Crowds do not admit of doul.t or uncertainty; they always
go to extremes. 1! follows that the morality of

crowds, according to the suggestions under which they
nay be much >»r lower than the morality of

the individuals composing them.-" The emotional na-

agion of feeling, the close conta«
tend to force upon the individual a. sense of invii.
power. Tli'- individual loses all sense of personal re-
sponsihility. He becomes merged with the crowd, and,
as men are more alike emotionally than intellectually, the
individual loses his identity. The feeling of responsi-
hility which controls individuals when alone, disappears
in the wild gusts of passion that sweep over the mob.
individual does things and gives way to impulses
which if alone he would have control 1,-d. Thus, in the
crowd, all the conditions which determine the degree of
communication are intensified, with the result that im-
pulsive and emotional activity goes beyond the bounds
ire under normal conditions set by rational control.
When the community is densely populated, and
of communication have been developed whereby

\v ideas spread, the further trans-

*• Giddingt, P. H.-DrMomry «»4 Km^rr. P. M; and L* Boa, G.-

iss SOCIAL EVOLUTION

mission of intelligence depend- u|»«n Mi.jwstinn and imi-
tation. "Suggestion is a process of communication re-ull
in.ir in the acceptance with conviction of the communicated
proposition in the absence of logically adequate ground
for its acceptance.1' 27 Suggestion is an incitement to act
that is implanted or aroused, while tin* individual affected
remains unaware of what is happening.28 The sugges-
tion does not have to take the shape of formal language ;
it may be conveyed by mere gesture or interjection.
During the Great Plague in London, when in the streets
lay heaps of dead bodies, and the terrified imagination of
the poor people furnished them with all sorts of wild ma
t< rial to work upon, half-crazed persons thought they
saw apparitions of flaming swords hold in tin* air above
the city. A woman pointed to an angel clothed in white,
and brandishing a sword over his head. She d< •>< -i -ilx-d it
with such realism that the crowd about her believed, and,
"Yes! I see it plainly, says one, there's the sword as
plain as can be; another saw the angel; one saw his
very face and cried out, What a glorious creature he
was! One saw one thing and one another. I looked
as earnestly as the rest, but, perhaps, not with so much
willingness to be imposed upon; and I said indeed, that
I could see nothing, but a white cloud, bright upon one
side, by the shining of the sun on the other part. The
woman endeavored to show it to me, but could not make
me confess that I saw it, which, indeed, if I had, I must
have lied . . . she turned to me, called me a profane
fellow, and a scoffer, told me that it was a time of God's
anger, and dreadful judgments were approaching, and
that despisers, such as I, should wonder and perish." 20

«r McDougall, Social Psychology, p. 07.

"Giddings, Descriptive and Historical Sociology, p. ll.'i.

» Daniel De Foe — A Journal of the Plague Year, pp. 25-28.

80< I \l. hlTY

illustration shows that all people are not equally
to suggestion. "Suggestibility" varies not only
according to the topic and ac« to the source from

which the proposition is coimmmi.-ated, hut also with
the condition of the suhjcct's brain from hour to hour.
••'Mi.- It-ust degree of suggestibility i- that of a wide-
awake, s ait man of settled convictions, possessing
a large store of syst illy organi/. d knowledge
which he hahituall .:* to bear in criticism of all
stati-ni'-nN mad.- to him." '

McDougall points out that the degree of suggestibility
is affected by tin- following conditions:*1

(1) Abnormal states of the I. rain, such as hysteria,
)i\l>n<»i>, normal sleep, and fatigu*-. I mit»r these con-
ditions individuals readily respond to suggestions which
in normal waking hours they would ignore.

iency of knowledge or convictions relating to

•pic in iv-ard to which the suggestion is made, and

an imperfect organization of knowledge. The layman

to, and acts upon, the suggestion of the

churchman or the scientist because the matters with

which tl Irnian and the scientist deal are beyond

the scope of his information.

(3) The impressive d of the source from
which the suggested proposition is communicated. The
child receives as true the stories which a parent tells it
The populace believes the prophecy of a leader.

(4) Peculiarities of chit and native disposition
of the subj. "tional people, or those of unstable

»us ti-mp'-ramrnt, are more liable to act with great
credulity u|x>n the most extravagant suggestion, than

l. op. rif . pp. 97-9S. »

190 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

are people of a more matter-of-fact turn of mind. The
negro's openness to suggestions of a mysteriously reli-
gious sort is an illustration.

Customs are perpetuated by suggestion in so far as the
usages of a group are communicated from one member to
another by inciting persons to perform customary acts
without being aware that they are following a particular
method. But the social heritage of community usages
is preserved and learned by imitation also. The copying
by one individual of the actions, the gestures, the bodily
movements of another, is imitation. The most brilliant
study of the effect of imitation upon the activities of men,
was made by Gabriel Tarde in his book, "The Laws of
Imitation." Tarde, however, does not clearly distin-
guish between imitation and suggestion. It is true that
suggestion blends into imitation, that imitation is a
process similar in general to suggestion, the principle
difference being one of degree of consciousness. Some
imitative acts attain a higher level in consciousness than
those which result from suggestion. We are conscious
of the act which invites imitation, but not aware of the
incitement to act aroused by suggestion. Tarde uses
the word imitation to cover a whole range of acts which
are a result of both imitation and suggestion.

Imitation is a conservative force as well as a progres-
sive force. It is a conservative force in so far as it leads
each generation to imitate its ancestors and to preserve
with but little change the usages and the customs of its
forefathers. Imitation is a progressive force when ideas
generated by exceptionally gifted persons within the peo-
ple spread throughout the whole group. Imitation acts
also as a factor in progress when ideas and practices

SiM'IAI. MKKKDITV 191

of one people spread by imitation to a: i«ople.s*

The imitation «,f <nie people by another has been a prin-
cipal .-..n.Iitioii of tli.- progress of civilization in all its
stages. The peoples of western Kun>p.. imitated the

ir laws. their architecture and

their mat. rial The Romans imitatiMl the

world which they had conquered. In modern
- Japan has deliberately imitated certain feat

(ML

Imitation t.-n-U to -pivad in geometrical progression.11

The spread of i ,:ture eh-im-nt, a helicf, an art, ;»

ntion, a sentiment, a habit or attitude of mind of

any kin to proceed in geometrical progression,

because each indi\ i.lual or body of individuals that imi-

tate the new i«l« -a ami <-ml>o<ly it in practice, becomes the

center of radiation Of th.- nl.-a to all communicating in-

<iivi<luals or groups. Moi uith each step in the

i*l of the idea over a wider area to larger numbers

he powor of mass-suggestion grows.14 The

rate of spread is marvelous. A new style of wearing the

MI. h irames as ping-pong an<l -liabolo, appear rays-

nsly, become all the rage for a period, then disap-

MuMriily as they came. Naturally this sj
of imitation is con-liti- tin- .l«-iiMt\ of population.

the degree of development of the means of communica-
tion, ami the use made of those means. Because of this
law of imitation, n higher degree of cultural uniformity
is possible in the I'nit.-.i States than in .. Local

i*ts are gradually passing away in civilized nations.

Is owinir to contra imitation that fashions are SO

op «f . pp. S54-SSA.

Tk, l^tn of Imitmtio*. ParwM tnuw^ ted. rf.. pp.
1 16. McDou*»ll. op. ct f ., p

192 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

fleeting, for, as soon as a fa>lmm has spread to a cor i; mi
proportion of the total population, the operation is re-
versed and contra mutation begins to make for its aboli-
tion and replacement by another. For example, tin
stylish mistress will not continue to wear ihe new shape
of hat, however becoming to her, after the colored cook
and her humbler neighbors have begun to imitate it.
Kadi person is moved not alone by the prestige of those
whom he imitates, but also by the desire to be different
from the mass who have not yet adopted the style. Most
Englishmen would scorn to kiss and embrace one another
or to gesticulate freely, if only because Frenchmen do
these things ; they would not wear their hair either long
or very closely cropped, because Germans do so. Thus
contra-imitation makes societies homogeneous

Although imitation spreads in all directions in geo-
metrical progression, it spreads most easily and most
rapidly from above to below, from the higher to tho
lo\\<-r social classes.86 "Given the opportunity, a nobil-
ity will always and everywhere imitate its lea«l«-rs its
kin-s or suzerains, and the people, likewise, given the op-
portunity, its nobility/'37 The impression must come
from a source enjoying prestige, an individual or a col-
lect ive personality that is stronger, more complex, or
more highly developed. "But in reality, the thing that
is most imitated is the most superior one of those that
are nearest. In fact, the influence of the model's ex-
ample is efficacious inversely to its distance as well as
directly to its superiority. Distance is understood here
in its sociological meaning. However distant in space
a Granger may be, he is close by, from this point of
view, if we have numerous and daily relations with

»»/6tU MTarde, op. cit., pp. 215-224. « Ibid., p. 217.

SOCIAL IIKKKlim 193

him and it' we have every 1 satisfy our «!«•-

This law of the imit i the

nearest, of the 1,1. e\piai; gradual and

.t !.• .- i i. ad of ail example that

has been set !•> the • ~...-ial rank-. We may infer,

corollary, w hen we see a lower class setting itself

to iinita1 tli.- lir-t time a iniieh higher class, that

the distance between the two has dii !."*•

•her the ideas of an individual shall be accepted l»y

• How count!) men depends not so much upon the na-

of those ideas as upon the degree of prestige which

individual has or can seem.-. For Cample, a far-

••d social reformer who has given years of study to

proMem - «• to a community, may

not get a hcarini: with the most sted party, the

pul.li.-. \\ hile some i>oliti< al demagogue, who boasts party

a«ihieveiiM-iit>. may secMire attention.

.1 or a pra«-tic... (me0 iniitat.-d by a people, tends

to spread to the maximum extent jmssihh* under the

. conditions of so< ach a maxi-

mmn dagree of diffusion 01 recedes

or <li ;ndcr the inllu some newly i

• luci-d antagonistic ri\

<>f one IKTSOII by another or of one social
class by another, tides not re ult iif precis,- redupli*
ofth- OS. Tl never exact. Then*

is always some individual variation, some improvement
or some neglected aspect of the model. This is what is
meant by saying that imitatim d l.\ its media.

The cook does not 'unit. tly tii.- hat of her mistress.

_rets tlie general eiTi-ct of the stylish shape, but the

.per mat. -rial. Imitations are
p. 224.

194 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

modified by passing from one race to another. Myths
are changed in this way.39

For a time the course of imitation is between the past
and the present. Then the current changes, and the
course of imitation is between contemporaries. For
what Tarde calls " custom imitation " is substituted
"fashion imitation/'40 "To down-transmission or
social heredity succeeds cross-imitation or conventional-
ity. In the latter period the old is distrusted and the
new has the presumption in its favor. In the former
period the recent is weak, the presumption is with the
ancient, and the maxim of statesmanship is, Let things
alone."41 Custom and fashion imitation are in opera-
tion simultaneously, only in different parts of the social
system. Usually, however, custom imitation is the more
prevalent and the more powerful of the two forms. For,
"Imitation . . . that is engaged in the currents of
fashion is but a very feeble stream compared with the
great torrent of custom."42 Thus, for men to change
slightly the fashion of their trousers by wearing a cuff
on the end of each pantaloon leg, invokes comparatively
little discussion, but an attempt to revert to the colon in I
habit of short knee breeches and silk stockings, would
rouse no end of objection and erit'n-ism. The one is
merely a change in fashion imitation, the other would be
an interruption of custom imitation.

Imitation modifies a people's civilization in two differ-
ent ways; by substitution or accumulation.43 "The new
culture element spreads by imitation among the people
and either conflicts with, drives out, and supplants some

"Ibid., p. 22. « Tarde, op. cit., p. 241

«o/6uf., ch. vii. "McDougall, op. cit., p. 336.

" Rosa, op. cit., p. 187.

SOCIAL HI:I;I:M n

older traditional elements or coi - an extension,

of the

Norman 1 i « h, h was largely imitated by the KiiL'li-ii peo-

md so became in large j. orporated with the

Kndish language. The religion of I'.uddlm was adopted

apanese people, an<i partially fu>.-«l with rather

than Mipplaiit.-.!, t'h.'ir national Shinto religion of an-

oestor- worship." •• In this way the new is amalgamated
with th«- old, and usages or trad it ions change very gradu-
ally under the .strain of meeting new conditions and new
needs. But in the change the ascendancy of the old form
still immensely outweighs the prestige of recent innova-
tions. " Passive obedience to ancestral orders, customs,
and intl omes to be not replaced, but neutralized

in part, by submission to the pressure, advice, and sug-
ons of contemporaries. In acting according to these
last-named inoti\ •••*, the modern man flatters himself that
he is making a five choice of the propositions that are
made to him, whereas, in reality, the one that he welcomes
ami follows is the one that meets his preexistent wants
and desires, wants and desires which are the outcome of
his habits and customs, of his whole past of obedient
With regard to this point Professor Boas reminds us
that we are only too apt to forget entirely the general,
and, for most of us, the purely traditional basis of our
reasoning, and to assume that our conclusions are abso-
lute truth. In so doing we commit the error of less
civilized peoples. They are more easily satisfied than
we 11 ie truth of their conclusions. Their fallacy

lies in assuming the truth of the traditional element which
enters into their explanations; consequently they accept

. pp. 336437.
"Tattle, of. of., p. 24«.

196 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

as absolute truth the conclusions based upon this reason-

For these reasons the difference in mode of thought of

primitive 111:111 and civilized man seems to consist largely
in tin- difference of character of the traditional material
with which the new perception associates itself. When
a new • •xperirnce enters the savage mind, the same process
which we observe among civilized men brings about an
entirely different series of associations, and consequently
results in a different type of explanation. A sudden ex-
plosion may associate itself in the mind of the sava.ue
with tales which he has heard of the mythical story of
the world, and consequently will be accompanied by
superstitious fear. The civilized man will simply asso-
ciate the explosion with a certain amount of powder or
dynamite. Hence the explanations of the phenomena
given by the two individuals will differ. Among both
primitive and civilized irronps the average person does
not carry to completion the attempt at causal explanation
of phenomena, I ml carries it only far enough to amalga-
mate it witli other previously known facts. It is ol>\ ion-,
then, that the character of this traditional material de-
termines the result of the whole process. It determine^
what our interpretation of life experiences will he.
Herein, also, lies the influence of the dominant scientific
theory upon the character of scientific work.47

"There is an undoubted tendency in the advance of
civilization to eliminate traditional elements, and to gain
a clearer and clearer in-iirht into the hypothetical basis of
our reasoning. It is therefore not surprising, that, with
the advance of civilization, reasoning becomes more and
more logical, not because each individual carries out his

«« Boas, op. cit., pp. 205 206. « Ibid., pp. 203-204.

80' 1 \L III.KKMTY 197

-lit in a mo iv Laical inann- r, hut because the tradi-
tional material which is handed down to each in<iividual
has been thought out and worked out more thoroughly

ami more can-fully. While in primi' ili/.ation tin*

traditional - ,l,t.-d ;m.| . d hy only a

-. tin- number of thinkers who try to

free themselves from t rs of tradition increases as

civi ad\;iii'

It is evident that custom imitation is the conservative
aspect of imitation, ami is a much mop. pow.-rful force
thaii fashion imitation. Tin- former in-uivx tin- preMf-
•U of usages, the inheritance of >.icial practic.-*.. Im

• ii i> a coiis«Tvati\.- force in so far a- i*

with hahit. For hahit ^««t> narrow limit- to innovations
which imitation wouhl in' • •• is a tcn<l<-n<-\

for nil mental processes to l>eoome easier hy n»petition.

'•ii of habits of thought which

become more am) more tiv-.l in the in.livi.lual as he grows
i\ a temlen.-y of s* ration t«» imitate chiefly its

predecessor rather than any foreign model.40 The fa-
miliar, the local, the popular ways of thought and a

*•••! to the chil.l. !"n. influence

of these usages, a strong 1-ias is determined, earli--!
hahits an* formed, so that the individual is air-
molded t rn of hi- class, his locality, when ho
comes umler the influence of for. ign models of imitation.
I .-apal-l.- of hut little cham:«\ and, save in a small
ree, is refractory to their influei
This tendency to the formation of habits and social
usages becomes a ten- • con\< rt means into ends.
With in:; n on and analy-

• their motives, the ciuls of their action* *,.l,lom come

.. p. 806. "McDougftll. op. oil., ?,

198 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

clearly and explicitly to consciousness." The actions of
these people are " largely determined by blind instinctive
impulses on the one hand, and on the other, by simple
acquiescence in, and imitation of, the kinds of activity
they see going on about them. " °° Although many women
spend much time and energy in keeping their houses tidy
and in order, they fail to recognize the end of this activ-
ity, namely, domestic comfort and happiness. Dress,
obviously a means to the end of keeping in bodily health
and comfort, has often become an end in itself, for men
and women array themselves in fantastic garments which
ignore both health and comfort.

In collective thought and action the tendency to con-
vert means into ends is marked. A member of a group
is not likely to raise any question regarding an activity
which he finds faithfully observed by all his fellows, al-
though he may criticize an activity practised by only a
few of his companions. Usually, "the mere fact that his
fellows observe the practice is sufficient to put it beyond
criticism" and to lead the individual to regard it as an
end in itself. This is one of the most important prin-
ciples of the formation of custom. The ends or pur-
poses of many customs are lost in the mists of antiquity.
For whatever purpose it was originally instituted, a cus-
tom when once established becomes in some degree an
end in itself. It is followed out of mere habit. Men are
often prepared to maintain it at great cost of effort and
discomfort, long after it ceases to serve any useful end.
For this reason we find that meaningless rites continue
to surround almost all ancient institutions.51

By means of imitation, practices tend to survive long

•oMcDougall, op. cit., p. 349. « Ibid., p. 350.

SOCIAL HKKKhm

>rigiiml significance has been forgott u hi
many oases the usages which have survived the memory
• •!' th'-ir significance, have been "interpreted and v
new meaning hy g« us that i'mmd i rnselve>

forming th«-m in Mind obedience to tradition." An inter-
it ion of vestigial remnants of an earlier cul-
ture is afforded by surviving forms of marriage by cap-
ture among the peasantry of various Kuropean coun-
tries.*1 In parts of Kurope then* survives a reminU-
cenoe of another form of n um-lv, marriage by

tin lirid.-irroom gives to the pai

of his liride a few grains of corn, thus carrying out the

irdiase. Host of the ol <>ned village

vals are -ur\ ivals of pagan rites and ceremonies, by

means of which our ancestors honored or propitiated the

spirits an<l divinities who were thought to preside over

the processes of nature most din-<-tly connected with their

well In-ing. The May Day festival is probably a survival

from the rites by which the people sought to propitiate

the spirit of the crop."

When means are con into ends, and usages are

performed in blind obetli<-n«> to tradition long after their
usefulness is past; when there is a mass of mechanism,
conventionalism and ritualism; when the spirit and the
symbol are no more vital 1> .the symbol becom-

ing an empty shell which supplants rather than conveys
reality ; wii.-n customs become riirid; we reach a state of
social organ! /at:.- ii which Professor Cooley has called
inalism igion becomes formal as soon as

ritual ceases to be a means to the end of purity and sin-

"Marriage by capture waj an rarlr marriage

la which the Malt rat ouUid* of hU own local

from raw other group, who thereby btcaaM ate wife,
M Frairr. J. Y.-Tk*

I AL EVOLUTION

cerity of worship, and is regarded as an end in itself.
The ceremonials of religion were originally instituted to
edify our spiritual natures, to symbolize high ideals.
\Ylien people follow these ancient rituals not so much
out of a desire to contemplate high ideals of character
and service, as to look with curiosity upon the entertain-
ing ceremony and the fashion of others' attire, the prac-
tice becomes hollow and me.-mingless. Formalism is
psychically cheap. It substitutes the outer an<l the more
tangible for the inner and the Meeting. It is capable of
heing held before the mind without the -train of fresh
expense of thought and feeling. It is easily impressed
upon the multitude.54 Professor McDougall sums up the
importance of social heredity as follow

"The mental constitution of man differs from that of
the highest animals chiefly in that man has an indefinitely
greater power of learning, of profiting by experience, of
acquiring new modes of reaction and adjustment to an
immense variety of situations. This superiority of man
would seem to be due in the main to his possession of
a very large brain, containing a mass of plastic nervous
tissue which exceeds in bulk the sum of the innately or-
ganized parts and makes up the principal part of the
substance of the cerebral hemispheres. This great brain,
and the immense capacity for mental adaptation and
acquisition implied by it, must have been evolved hand
in hand with the development of man's social life,
and with that of language, the great agent and pro-
moter of social life. For to an individual living apart
from any human society, the greater part of this hrain
and of this capacity for acquisition would be useless
and would lie dormant for lack of any store of

"Cooler, op. ci/., pp. 342-350.

80< [AL

knowledge, belief, and custom to be acquired or as-
similat. -d. Whereas animal species have advanced from
lower to higher levels of mental life by the improve-
ment of the innate mental constitution of the species,
man, since he became man, has progressed in the main
by means of tin- increase in volume and improve-
in Duality of ill.- sum of knowledge, belief, and cus-
toin, which constitutes tin- tradition of any go

to the Hiiperior'r i«- moral and intellectual

: of his xiciety that the E rity of civili/.ed

man over existing savages and over his savage fore-
fathers i '>. if not wholly, due. This increase and

nient of tradition has been effected by countless
steps, each relatively small and unimportant, initiated
l'\ the few original minds of the successive generations
and incorporated in the social tradition through the ac-
ceptance or imitation of thorn by the mass of men. All
that constitutes culture and civilization, all, or nearly all,
that nishes the highly cultured European i

.ally and morally from th«» m«'ii of the stone age of
Europe, is thm summed up in the word 'tradition,9 and
all tradition exists only in virtu.- of imitation; for it is
only l.\ imitation that cadi generation takes up and
n the tradition of the preceding generation;
and it is only )>y imitation that any improvement, con-

d by any mind endowed witli that rarest of all things,
a spark of originality, can become embodied within the

tion of his society. M8e

SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.
BOAS, F.—Tke Mi*d of /Vm.,f,Yr

Coounr, C. U.— Social Organization.

N McDougmU. of. «f ., pp. »7

SOCIAL K VnLUTlON

GIDDINQS, F. H. — Descriptive and Historical Sociology.

GIDDINGS, F. H. — Democracy and Empire.

QUMPLOWICZ, L. — The Outlines of N"i i»l<>gy.

LE BON, G.~ The Crowd.

MrDouoALL, W. — An Introduction to Socwl "/'/

Ross, E. A. — Social Control.

SUMNER, W. Q.—Folku'»

TARDE, G. — The Laws of Imitation.

\ II

I; \< I .S \ N I ) | 'I ;< H'l.l

tin* thousands nf \ear- li ,r«« the

•d U — an, that • •ohtinuin

i had i the animal kinu'«i"in

into van ope

mankind into vari. •: <>apgy

Df tli«- I'aleolithir ainl Neolithir
to another uinl«-r tin-

Dviromnental changes, un-t an<i ••on.jin-r.-.i or else

i with othrr i-: ial groups. I

process of asscx-iat inn. int.-nnixtui-.-. an<l a-

to the necessities of <Tmiatc and geographic environment,

.in rhara«-t.-ri-: Tged as stal»h* phy-i«-al \

iaritii-- of large popnl. To-<lay w«- «li>tiii::ir.

y««llt»w M • .1 race, a hlark skinned

wooll and a fair >kinn«-d fiirly-haired race.

• before we can identify any population group as
a true race we must show that rertain traits or stable

i.-al i-liara." i.-h it possesses are di-tri

Bepai •-. and finally, we innst

show the hereditary eliara tli«-sr type>.-

atnplts in the ti: u>t >how that >u«-li a trait

as blondness is diifnsecl ainoni: lari:e numKers of a |K>pu-

•i; in th<« seeon«l plarc. that Mondne^ i^ often

associated with tall Mature than \\itl . thus

P. 2)0.

, R,; / -Tkr K*c*. Of Kvrof*. pp. 104-106.

.

000

FIGUBE 64. Diagram illustrating Facial Angle, Head Form and Hair Form.
Upper cuts: A, prognathic jaws; B, orthognathic jaws. Middle cuts:
A, dolichocephalic or long skull, in which width is about 75 per cent,
of length; H, brachyccphalic or round skull, in which width is about
85 per cent, of length. Lower cuts: A, elliptical cross-section of tin-
woolly, frizzly or kinky type of hair: I'., slightly elliptical cross-section
of the curly or wavy type of hair; C, cylindrical cross-section of lank
or straight type of hair.

KA< KS AND I'Knl'LKS

•:if us a tall Mond type; an.l in tin- third place, we
most show that this type of tallness and blondness when
char. ic of parents is inh.-rit.-.i l,y th.-ir .-liildren.

1 hinese are a true race in accordance with these dis-
ions because su< h • ••rs as round head, straight

•i and almond eyes are usually found to be
the combination of the average Chinaman

possesses; in r, tin- children of the average China-

man also possess these

>• problem cf tli'- origin of races is well-nigh impos-
sible of solution because the facts relating to the gradual
<nti.it inn of racial traits are lost in the darkness of
igM, When history began, men found them-
selves already possessed of those characteristics of skin
color, hair form, and head shape, which serve as the
marks of race. We must base our explanation of this

ully framed sci theory.

In sent stage of our knowledge of this complex

-•in. tli.- following factors must be considered in any
theory of race • The most highly developed ex-

tinet anthropoid apes have been found in fossil remains
The Pitheeanthropus was found in Java.
rthal skull and the Heidelberg jaw were
found in the vall.-y of the Khine. Of living men, the
lowest in rnltmv ami . are found in Aus-

tralia, Tasmania, and Of these lowest types of

^inking men, some are dolichocephalic* (long-headed)
an-1 others are brachycephalic (round-headed). The
t area of diMiihution of the dolichocephalic, prog-
io1 (nuirkr.l proj.Ttion of upper and lower jaws be-
yond the line of the face), woolly, frizxly or kinky-haired,
men, is south of the equator — in Australia and

• Si* ifor« 64.

LMiS SOCIAL KVnLl'TION-

At'rira.1 The great area of distribution of the bradiy
cephalic, narrow-eyed, lank or straight hahvd, yellow or
red-skinned men, is eastern Asia and western America,
chiefly north of the equator along the semi-circular shore-
line of Asia and America.4 The great area of distribu-
tion of the mesocephalic (medium -headed), orthognathio
(where there is but slight projection of upper and lower
jaws beyond the line of the face), straight and wavy-
haired, brown or white men, is a broad zone from Poly-
nesia in the Pacific, northwestward through southwestern
Asia and northern Africa and most of the continent of
Europe.4 These peoples occupy a zone which coincides
with that in which the richest remains of prehistoric man
have been found. A large proportion of European whites
are relatively dolichocephalic; another large proportion
are relatively brachycephalic. According to Professor
Giddings, any theory of race should accommodate all
these points.

The word race is popularly associated with color of
skin. This classification, however, is not satisfactory.
other distinguishing racial marks such as shape of head,
hair form, and facial angle must be considered. Some
of these traits occur singly, but often they occur in com-
binations. We find that the peoples popularly known as
the "Yellow Race" have a relatively stable combination
of traits so that we find yellow skin usually associated
with straight or lank hair, narrow eyes, and a relatively
round or broad head.5 The peoples commonly called the
"Black Race" have a fairly stable combination of black
skin, with woolly or kinky hair, heavy jaws protruding be-
yond the other features, and relatively long heads.6 On
the other hand, the so-called "White Race" possesses a

« See figures 65 and 66. » See figure 67. « See figure 68.

\M>

conil PS I') no mean* invariable

characteristic!*. Tl lie members of the White race

are usually tan skinned, we fin* 1 that th. re are grain
from a dark skin tint that i> almost black, all the way
through the various degrees of hlondness to a yellowish
<-.,!. .red skin; while most iiM-mbem of the White race are
neither very broad headed nor very longheaded, there are
individuals who are as uded as the Negro and «>th

era who are as round i • aded as the Chinaman; in hair
form, the members of the White race show variations all
the way from straight almost lank hair to frizzly or almost
kinky hair. Th»- White race seems therefore to be more
able than either of the other two great divisions of
mankind.

Because the White race seems to be more variabl
its traits than either of the other two races. Professor
lers that it is the most direct projection
of the original nuv, that it is the variable plastic race
coming down from earliest paleolithic times. He main-
tains that this hypothe <» simplest and agrees with
more facts than «-r theory of race origin. He ac-
counts for the origin of the Yellow and Black races upon
the hypothesis that one contingent of t)
d'-'Tij-t race with a tendency to vary, worked its way
into a favorable location, when*, in the course of cen-
turi'-s, natural sd.M-tion .•!• rated to make it markedly
hocephnlic. fri/./h . an<l Mark; while another
contingent of this original plastic race with a tendency
ary, work.-.l its \\ay into a favorable location, and
there, in accordance with the same selective process, be-
came markedly brachyoephalic, almond-eyed, lank-haired,
and yellow in skin color. While this theory does not take
inui; iot ice of color gradations such as brown,

210 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

and red, it gives an admirable distribution geographic
ally, and besides this, gives a correlation between head
form and hair form. If now, we substitute Professor
Giddings' nomenclature for the popular terms black,
white, and yellow, the system of racial classification as-
sumes the following form:

/. T/» Australian-African Group.

Characteristics: black skin, dolichocephalic,
pro.unathir, woolly or frizzly hair- -1 I.TOSS-
section of hair very elliptical ).7

Area of distribution: Australia and Africa

x'uth of the equator.
II. The Polynesian-European Group.

Characteristics: fair skin, mesocephalic orthog-
uathic, straight or wavy hair (cross-section
> lightly elliptical).

Area of distribution : broad zone from Polynesia
north westward through southwestern A>ia
and northern Africa and most of the con-
tinent of Europe.

///. The Asian-American Group.

riiaractrri-iio : yellow or red -kin, brachy-
cephalic, narrow-eyed, lank or straight-
haired (cylindrical in cross-section).

Area of distribution: eastern Asia and western
America, chiefly north of the equator along
the semicircular shore-line of Asia and
America.

This hypothesis agrees with the conditions which were
first laid down. The Polynesian-European group oc-
cupies at the present time that zone of territory which

7 See figure 64.

Fictwt 07. Brachywphalfe AftUtic Tjrp«; Usbcf. Kip

i; \. B99 \M> PEOPU

extends from .lava on the southeast to the valley of the

•ties on the northwest. I: • /.one ti
earliest man have been found. It these traces in<i

.filial habitat, then mm

his zone.1 If contingents
of the original race \\andered from this zone into

localitl -, Mild Wep- |.n-v,.|lt.-d fi-Min crn»inLT liV ell\ .

me different from tho

HAl t\|M-, the one having \\andt-n-d m«rtli ii
colder dime, the other south into a wanner elime. 'I
in the cour>e of time, these • would

«lilY«-rentiale«l nion- \v'nlely from ea«-h other than from tlie
type. Thix \se tin<l to be true. The roiinil-
j.les of the North are separated

by an intermediate tyj..- from the long-headed curly
haired peoples of the South.

Now by the same reasoning, the original group, the
•ne-liate and plastic type, would become in some way

'lin.tr as part went -outh.-ast or n<

. and these northwestern an-1 soutlieast»-rn groups
ml to «litTer somewhat altlioiiLrh transmitting the
characteristic head form. That is, different se,-tions of
the same general racial group would show slight varia-
tions from the stable peculiarities of the larger racial
ip of which the\ This has been tin- case.9

In the southeast the brunette of southern Ku rope becomes
the brown in Polynesia, while in the northwest the pre-
vailing whi' tirope becomes the pronounced blond
of the Haiti, r.^imis. In the far southeast, the char-

i-tics of long head and kinky hair are extren
Australia and Tasmania, because of long isolation. We
discover that in the other direction also there are

• 8M figure *9. »8« fifurt 70.

214

\l EVOLUTION

blacks with long heads and kinky hair, hlcndinir oft in
Alii, a to ihe Polynesian typo from inter-breeding. All
this a.irivex with our original hypothesis.

For tin- purpo>e< nf mil- >tndy of social evolution we
may dispense with any further examination of the varie-
ties of the Australian African group and of the A
American group, and may concentrate our attention upon

l-'n,ri:i. ii'.i. Zone of DUtrinution of ()ri^in;il Dadifferatiated Race.

• Mings.)

the varieties of the Polynesian-Knropean irronp. The
European part of this race may be divided into two main
divisions. One of these is relatively long-headed and
dark-complexioned; this divi-ion has been called the Eur-
African group. The other is relatively round-headed,
light-complexioned, and inhabits Europe west of the Ural

•Urhoc*ph«lic African Type*;

\M. I'Koi'U-is 217

rig, and Asia immediately east of tin- I nil Moun-

tains; this (1 has been called ti \sian. Geo-

tfraphi.- terras are most conveniently used in thin

ii. lature because t ve a definite sense of loca-

tion. When we further examine the Kur -Afri. an, or

ropean peoples, we lin.l that those in the

northwestern portion of Europe are blond, while the

in- l.y t! mean basin

are dark. A -imil.ir -tu.lv of the round-headed or i

ii peoples o reveals the fact that those in

hahitini: the Alpii >n are relatively <lark, while,

the inhabitants of the Daimhean region an«l tin- northern
slopes of the Alp- are of lighter eomplexion xha.liiiLT int.)
the coloring of the Haiti, population. In accordance
with this system of classification, the population of
led by Oiddings into the following racial

I Tm Krii-ArBicAN RACE ( relatively long-headed, blond
to dark complexion).
rhe Bait,, H<,ce.l°

t blond type, very light hair
and blue eyes, long head and face, tall stature,
narrow aquiline nose.

Area of distrilmtion: the section of northwestern
rope n. .u the Baltic Sea,— the general area
inhahited by the Teutonic peoples,

mean Race"

< 'ham H: brunette type, hair dark brown or

black and eyes dark, head and face long, me*
• Hum and slender stature, rather broad noee.

Area • in southern Euro{)e south of

218 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

the Pyrenees, along the southern coast of
France and Italy, including Sicily and Sar-
dinia. (The Baltic race of Giddings is the
same as the Teutonic race of Eipley, and l>oth
K'ipley and Giddings use the terra Mediter-
ranean to designate the dark long-headed
race of southern Knrope.11)

Some authorities regard the Mediterranean race as
the living representative of the most ;m< i« nl peoples of
Europe.12 The population of Europe in the early and lat<>
stone ages was long-headed. The substratum of paleo-
lithic and neolithic remains indicates that there e.xi
an ancient dolichocephalic race widely distributed over
Europe. There was the short-statured Neanderthal
race and the taller and more finely molded Cro-Magnon
race. Specialists have identified many other varieties,
but all skull remains point to the existence of this early
race with long heads.

II. THE EUR- ASIAN RACE (relatively round-headed).
1. The Alpine Race.1*

Characteristics: chestnut hair with hazel gray
eye, round head and broad face, medium
stocky stature, and variable but rather broad,
heavy nose. (A type intermediate between
the Baltic and the Mediterranean.) Its pecul-
iar! tic- appear most frequently when the type
is found in greatest purity, isolated in a moun-
tain area. The ancient Alpine race may have
been exterminated in the lowlands and the rein -

11 For description of these racial types, see Ripley, The Races of Europe,
/>p. 120-130.

12 Ripley, op. cit., pp. 461-465.

i» A relatively fair type. See figure 71.

220 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

nants driven into the mountain fastnesses by
the energetic Baltic race."

Area of distribution: central France and southern
Alpine highlands.

2, Tin Dnnubean Race.

Characteristics: blond, often red-haired, blue-eyed,
round head and relatively broad face, of tall,
heavy build. This race has played a most
important part in history, variously call<i<l
the Adueans, the Hellenic Greeks, and the
Belgae.

Area of distribution: the northern Alpine high-
lands, and the entire Danube valley.

It is probable that a round-headed white stock working
westward from the Caspian regions of Asia, cros>inir
with the Baltic stock north of the Alps produced the
Danubean race, and crossing with the Mediterranean
stock south of the Alps produced the Alpine race.

This classification of the different racial types found
on the continent of Europe is made on the basis of
geographic distribution because we have good reason
to believe that the great variety of characteristics pre-
sented by the physical environment of Europe has been
a considerable factor in racial differentiation.

Anthropologists have advanced several theories a> \^
the precise area in which the White race was differen-
tiated. De Quatrefages has defended the view that the
White race originated in the far north, probably in Si-
beria, and from thence spread southward. Professor
Brinton and Professor Keane have both defended the
theory that the White race was differentiated in northern

i« Ibid., p. 146.

i; \( KS \.\ i.i:s 221

•a and spread over Europe*. It i> held that the
lilmid race «• '--d in tin* high altitudes of the

\l..ui,i;.iiigf because* in 1 i»eriod a very

defin i.f Mom! to red-haired stock lived in Syria

and Pal. .-8e two autlmriti.H believe that there

waa a relationship between temperature and color shad-
ings. T vnul.l ta plausible except for the fact
11 regions of h< finds sporadi< .-s of the
Mond type; moreover, in the north we find a dark brunette
type habitually li\ »ns.

I >i < .. WoodrntT .-es another view as to

Whit.- rai-f and maintains that his theory
is CO' T with all known farts. 11.- finds a definit*-

correlation between the color shading of man and the dis-
trihution of liirht. If wo distinguish 1n the sun *s rays the
heat ray, the light ray and the actini.: ray we find that
whih* tin* ln-at ray and the actinic ray do not seem to be
l»laii. M»cted with coloration, th»* litrht ray is a very

potent influence in coloration of vegetable and animal
litY

Thus the distribution of tin* liirht rays of the sun U
consistent with tin- facts of th«* distrihntinn »»f the blond
type^ lil.niii t\|»o has never liv«-d in th.-

'i where thf litrht i- intense by reflection, nor in the
«i|uatnr': re the light rays of the sun are

direct and Imrnii IT. hut lia- lived continuously in north-
ern 1 A here great forests existed, — a region having
ly little >nn>hi!ie even to-day, but which was
roast and mi>ty in the early historical pe-
riod. Dr. Woodruff believes, therefore, that we must re-
ject the North African hypothesis and accept the theory
that the blond type originated in northern Europe and

Bftete of JVvpfcvJ Li9kt om II Jk.fr Mr*.

222 SOCIAL INVOLUTION

northern A>ia, in a cloudy region heavily wooded. \Vitli
out committing liiniself to \^r. Woodruff's theory of the
influence of light, Professor Giddings thinks that a pre-
ponderance of evidence indicates a Baltic-Sibiric origin
of the blond stocks of tin- White race.

The early paleolithic men of the Neanderthal type
were distributed over Europe, northern Africa ami west-
ern Asia. Wandering far north, not to the Arctic north,
but into the cool, gloomy, cloudy north of the Baltic
regions, northern Russia and Siberia, these prehistoric
men became quite white in the course of time. Probably
at first they were not distinctly blond, but nondescript
in color, intermediate, " dirty looking." Living in this
cloudy northern region for thousands of years they be-
came eventually quite blond. Under the conditions of
a cool, damp climate with little sunlight and considerable
gloom, whiteness of skin may have had a definite adaptive
value, just as darkness of skin, because it affords protec-
tion from the light rays of the sun, is the prevailing char-
acteristic of races living alon# the equatorial zone.
Hence, all individuals who possessed variations in the
pigment cells in the direction of greater blondness, were
more liable to survive and to transmit to their children
ilii- tendency to blondness. All others not so favored
would live under a disadvantage ,-ind, in time, become ex-
terminated.

Assuming that this relatively white variety of man was
distributed over the Baltic-Sibiric regions, the Glacial
epochs must have caused a crisis in the history of these
blond peoples. As the ice crept down from the North,
the White race, deployed along the ice front, was driven
southward. If an eastward wing should follow the line
of least resistance and find its way into the Japanese

pcwa RarUl T>p.*«; Baltic
Jitrrrmnmn.

i;.\< KS AND PEOPL1

Archipelago, we would expect to find a little group of tin-
White race on ti 1 tii-day. We do find such a whit<
ii.w If an east central contingent, moving south

72. Area of Differentiation of the White feu* in the Baltic.
Cording to Giddinga.)

eastward before the on-coming ic« . worked its way

into southern Siberia we should expwt to fin.l through-
uut thU area in later ages groups of whit** nifii Mended
with the Mongolia stocks of eastern We do find

such groups to-day. If a west central wing moved south,
it \M.uld become broad-headed by intermarry inir with
the east central contingent which had already become
broad-headed by int. r marriage with the Mongolic stocks
'•ntral Asia, and we would expect to find to-day in

"The Ainu* of the Uland of Yew, Japanese Arrhipelago.

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

the western Caspian region, the area of the Black Sea
and the Danube valley ami in tin* Alpine regions a fair
broad-headed type; we do find such a type to-day in thN
region, the type which we have called the Danubean and
the Alpine races. Final Iv, if we assume that a western
wing of this northern people, moving south before the
ice front, returned northwestward when the ice receded
we should expect to find, as we do in modern times, a
definite Baltic area of dolichocephalic blonds.17

As the Glacial epochs lasted for thousands of years,
the ice must have kept these blond groups separated from
one another in an eastern, an east central, a west
central and a western area, respectively. In the regions
of the Caspian we find neolithic remains, then through-
out Assyria, Palestine, Egypt, northern Africa, Spain,
France and even southern England we find remnants of
neolithic stone structures showing how persistently these
areas were inhabited during the Neolithic period.

Then, as the great continental ice sheet melted back
and the interglacial period began, men pressed north-
ward to the regions of the Baltic. This Cro-Magnon,
long-headed, Eur-Af rican man, migrated to the northern
sections of Europe and intermarried with the bio m I
Baltic types. The Baltic peoples, prolific, sent out
waves of migration. The Caspian peoples, also rapidly
multiplying, sent out waves of migration. The Baltic
peoples moving south and southeastward, the Caspian
peoples moving south and southwestward, mingled and
produced in the course of this process all the varieties
of the White race. Professor Giddings maintains that
substantially this explanation of the origin of the varie-
ties of the White race is consistent with the known facts.

IT See figure 72.

BA< l i'LES

The problem of the origin of the aboriginal American
peoples IB as difficult to solve as any racial pi
i rofessor Keane believes that the early inhahitants of
America came by two <IM m«-t mut<-> : from Ah .vay

of Bering Strait ; and in late- ] •• in western

• •enland and Labrador.1*

Airs llrdlicka has can-fully examined tin- remain* of
so-called prehistoric man in both North and South At

i. and concludes that the evidence does not support the

doctrine of paleolithic man in .1. II.- considers

that ti .:;di>pnted geological evidence of an-

and that the somatological evidence bears witness

close affinity of tin- North American remains to

•se of the modern Indian.151 The South American evi-

ise of imp geological de-

terminations and in the failure of those who were not
expert anthropologists to allow for the possibility of ac-
•,tal or artificial int roduction into ol<: ;inea.m

The civilization of the races oi JKJ has spread with

wonderful rapidity until it has set the standards of living
in the remotest islands of the Pacific, as it has determined
the culture ot -rent commercial empires. Civili/.ed man
has succeeded in subduing many of the forces of nature
and in con natural energy into forms serviceable

H« has grown to l»« -lieve that all peoples
who have not L-ained a similar control of natural forces
are to be pitied, that they represent a lower order of in-

• •ct and that their culture is a lower order of achieve-
met is assumption that the l-lurop, ;m White race

is superior to all other races is based upon the remarkable
achievements of the White race.90 We conclude that, since
the 'ion is higher, it took a higher grade of mind

it Keane, op. r,r . PP 392.364.

\9Bumu of \rnrr Ktkmoloyy. Rul. S3. p. 96.

. Bui. 53. p. 368. t« BOM, op. of. p. 2.

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

to develop it. It is argued that the Kuropcan has a
higher aptitude for achievement than a member of
another race, and that this higher aptitude is due to his

Pleistocene Precursor

FlOURB 73. The Family Treo of tin* Hmninidae. (According
to Giddings.)

mental and physical superiority. Professor Boas does
not believe that achievement is necessarily a measure
of aptitude for progress or of intellectual superiority.

HACKS AND l'Kol'1,1.-

We must rememb' none of the great civilization*

<>f tiie world was the product of the genius of a single
people." In ancient times, . mli/ation was shifting over
a rat In- r limited area and was transferred from con-
queror to conquered, or vice versa. Ideas an»l inventions
wen* i from one to another and each people par-

tied in this rarly development and contribute! iN
share to the general progress. In tin- process of bor-
rowing ami development, the fact that iropean race
happ. -n. -.1 to di-tance all others is merely a matter of a
few thousand years, ami in tin- va-t hi-tory of man this
18 a short p. -riod. We in ! the highly
specialized Magdal.-nian culture is not less than t\\
thousand years old, and yet th«»n» is no reason to believe
that this stage wa> d by mankiml the world
at the same period." Now that we know that we are

line it seems probable that

the life hi-tnry of a people, the Hides of its history,

an- fully sufii.-i. nt to explain a delay of this character

without obliging us to assume a difiV

tude for social development.*3 iation would

be significant only if it could be shown that it occurs in-

•idently over and over airain in the same race, while

ier races great • lit y of development was found

lly in inde: ! cases."14

the "present time, prarti.-aily all members of the
White race participate to a mvatep or less degree in the
advance of civilization. In no other race has the civili-
zation that has been attained at one time or an«
reached all the tribes ,.r peoples of that race. This does

ft /6M . pp. 6-7.

tt||«.f p. 9.

"Wait*. T.-.4nlArt*olofM *r tf«l«rt*lfc«r. ted. cd.. vol. I. p. JSI.

M BOM, op. Hi., p. 10.

» K^IAL EVOLUTION

not mean that all members of the White race had the
power of originating or developing the essential elements
of civilization with equal rapidity. But the White race
does show a remarkable power of assimilation, which
does not seem to have manifested itself to an equal <1<
gree in any other race.25 The problem is, therefore, <m<
of explaining- why the tribes of ancient Europe readily
assimilated the civilization that was offered to them by
Rome and Greece, while at the present time we find primi-
tive peoples dwindling away before the approach of mod-
ern civilization.

In the first place these barbarous peoples were in their
appearance, like the civilized men of their times. The
stigma of inferiority, because they had not developed a
civilization like the ancient civilization, did not attach to
these peoples. The colonies of ancient times grew by
accretion from among the more primitive people. Then,
in ancient times, the devastating influences of diseases
which nowadays begin to ravage the inhabitants of ter-
ritories newly opened to the whites, were not so marked.
These peoples lived in more permanent contiguity, and,
being always in contact with one another, were subject
to the same influences; consequently no isolated portion
of the race had opportunity to become immune to cer-
tain diseases through natural selection. In modern
times, the settling of an area near the habitation of some
primitive folk is followed 1>\ epidemics among them con-
tracted from the whites which sweep away large numbers,
disturbing or completely destroying the whole social or
economic structure of the people.

But the most potent fact which accounts for the ap-
parently greater powers of assimilation possessed by

« Ibid.

BA< l i'LKS 231

the ancestors of tl «»8t is foun<i in tin-

ditY.-rences of culture which are economic I
between tin* cultm- tin- inod.-rn whit-

man and that of the primitiv u snore funda-

:il than the contrast between tin- im.-i.-nN and the
people with whom they came in contact. Ti.i- i- parti.-u-
larly in econoi: 1 industrial a.-tiviti.-. Tin- in-

of primitive peoples of our times are <

••88 and '-nnniioiiB qunntity of th«-

iinportnl l»y the \vl. .••!*. The slow and

laborinus in<lu-trial processes of primitiv jieoples can-

• •!•• \v itli the power of pnxliiction of tlu- inarhim-s
of tin- whitrs. Moreov«-r. primitiv.. triU»s are swamped
hy tin* niiiiilMTs of tin- iininiirratinir r;i«-r. \\hirli <•?
them out of tii.-ir old haunts SO rapidly that th-

irr.idiuil a^-imilation. In olil«>n times there was
no sii'-li inmirnsr in.-.|u;i!it\ in nnnil>er8 as we observe
in many regions to-day.** "We con.-lu.li-. thm'fore,
that the conditions for assimilation in an«-i.'iit
were inu.-li niorr favorahh* than in thos«« .'ountri.-- win-P-
in our tiim-s primitive people come in contact with
civilization. I -fore, we do not n< • <1 to assume that
the an.-i.-nt i ins were more irift.-.i than oth.-r races

which hnv<» not become exposed to tin- influences of civ-
ili/ation until p-crnt tiin

SUrn. i Ki:.\m\ua

BOAS, P.— Thr Mind of / N Man.

DKNIKH * Race* of I/an.

iiixtw. F II i (pits of Sociology, part iii. rhap*
(the theory of the prcaeot chapter will n<

. IS.

F - UfArofofrofrw^N-. tot II. pp. 390 rf Mf .

232 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

reference as it has been advanced since "The Principles"
was published, and is taken with Professor Giddings' per-
mission from notes of his lectures at Columbia University. )

KEANE, A. II. — Ethnology.

Kii-LEY, W. Z.—The Races of Europe.

SEROI, G.— The Mediterranean Race.

TYLOR, E. B. — Anthropology.

vi : i
SIM II;TV

TSIKRB are three means <• mining approximately

ics of social life among prehistoric men:
first, a rable mass of a rclieo logical remains;

second, the existence of survivals in the traditions of <-i v i 1
iied > MT a t line when the ancestors of these

i mul«T very primitive conditions; and third,
a general parallelism between some features of prehis-
toric cultures and some features of the culture of primi
tive societies which exist to-day among the Australian
aborigines, the American Indians, and other savage peo-
ples.

But this parallelism has certain important limitations
be remembered in any comparison we may
wish to make. Modern savage groups live in relatively
barren, inhospitable, inaccessible regions of the earth,
into which they have been crowded by stronger peoples.1
over, the spread of the European race with its
hiirl:' loped civilization has cut short the growth of

the existing independent germs of civilization among
these primitive peoples without regard to their mental
aptitude.1 Thus the parallelism is not exact, for while
we cannot premise any marked intellectual superiority
of prehistoric man over exi-tim? savages in explaining
present cultural diiYeivnces, we must recognize that ad-
vantage of some sort was possessed by the prehistoric

i Giddtaft. Principle of lociolof* p. 210. t BOM. op. of., p. 17

HI

234 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

ancestors of rivi I i /.«•<! races over the early ancestors of
existing savage peoples.

The aroheologieal remains of prehistoric man reveal
to us much of his culture and practices. We have men
tioned briefly in the third chapter the various types of
implements which prehistoric men manufactured. They
were made of rough chipped flint, and later of polish < «1
stone, and finally of rudo metal. The arts of pottery and
weaving were pracii-e.l. When we examine tin- flint and
stone implements of primitive men living in the savage
state to-day, we find that their implements resemble these
old remains which come down to us from prehistoric
times. Comparison of prehistoric pottery and weaving
with the pottery and weaving carried on by existing
savages reveals a similar identity.3 Thus we have evi-
dence which leads us to believe that as regards the arts
of manufacturing flint and stone implements, and even
in the more pacific arts of pottery and weaving, exist-
ing savage societies are passing through the same cul-
tural stage of development that the ancestors of European
peoples passed through in prehistoric times. This iden-
tity in important phases of culture leads us to believe that
in other respects the culture and social organization of
prehistoric men were similar to the culture and social
organization of modern savage societies. Consequently,
if we would understand the social organization of prehi<
toric peoples, we must study the social <»i -anixation and
culture of modern primitive groups.

The most characteristic fact of primitive social organ-
ization among all groups of savage peoples — Eskimo,
Australians, American Indians and others — is that the
bond of union is always and everywhere one of ficti-

* See figures 74 and 75 and compare with figure 43.

4

fnm TW a*>»«» «* u» ••*«• o* !• itin — n 'uj

FI..I ut 71 r ••• ::. made by the Pirn* Indians of Southern Aritotui

TRIBAL s<>< n 237

and magical or of real blood relationship. The
members of a group are members of that group and not
i.tli. i because they are relat. 1 hv m »r as

kin t.. ntliiTs in tli. uroup. This group of kindred trac-
ing relationship and descent through ur through
fathers is found in • •thnic >...-i.-ty, l>"t!i savage and bar-

cit 75. Ha«kft« made by the Pima Indian* of Southern
ArUona.

an, and is generally known as the "clan." "Any
L-ioup of kindred which includes all descendants of a
mother throuirh h«-r daiiLrlitrr<f ijraiiddau^hters, and so
mi, and excludes all descendants tlirouirli !i.r sons, grand-
sons, and so on, is a n n. In like manner,

icroup of kindretl which includes all descendants of
a first father through his sons, grandsons, and so on, and

« "liana" U that mysterious strength, virtu.-, ^rnor. creating, wiving, or

: power v mind associatm with many objecta, and

he believes to be communicable or contagious. It in the basis of

much prim f, of magic, and of ih.- North American In-

dian's "medicine"

238 SOCIAL INVOLUTION

excludes all descendants through his daughters, grand
daughters, and so on, is a patronymic clan."5 Thus the
dan is of two forms, the metnm\ inic, in which descent
i> traced through the mother line only, and the patro-
nymic, in which the descent is traced through the father
line only.

In the literature of historic peoples there is evidence
which indicates that the clan was a very widespread in-
stitution in ancient times. The clan existed among the
kg, limner tells us of the manner in which the
Greek warriors were separated by tribes and by clans.6
In the Old Testament of the Bible there are frequent pass-
ages revealing the existence of social organization on
kin-hip line>. The metronymic clan existed in Shechem,
for we read that Abimelech went unto "his mother's
hrethrcn" and because he was regarded as their brother
ohtained favor with them.7 When Abram went down
into Egypt he directed his wife Sarai, who was a beau-
tiful woman, to say that she was his sister in order
that the Kiryptians in seeking to take her might not kill
her husband. Afterwards lie explained that while she
was the daughter of his father, she was not the daughter
of his mother. In accordance with the metronymic sys-
tem of relationship he could marry her because only
relation in the mother line counted.8 The clan or gens
existed among the Romans in the early historical period ;
those related to each other through males were known
as agnati, those related to each other through females

»Gi(l<Iii sociology, p. -4.

/.'!•/•/. ii ;ii. -hit* ••! l,\ Lang, Leaf and Myers, p. 32; and Mor-
gan, L. U.— .Indent KociV/i/. p. 2 '_'•_'.
i Judges, ch. ix, 1-3.
• Genesis, ch. xii, 10-20; ch. xx.

TK'IHAI, SiM-IKTY 290

were known a* cognati* Ainon- tin- Hindoos the clan is
called the (i I unions tin- Arabs tin* lln\ni. Among

the an- i« m 1 1 Mi the clan was variously culled tin- Tunth,

//*«.10

As only inruiiipl.'te records come down to us of social
among these historic peoples in the period when
they were organ i/ed in clans and tribes—on the pa

ni<- or-ani/atinn in -rii.-ral — we shall find it more

profitable to >tudy primitive society as it exists to-day,

ami from this study, attempt to reconstruct a picture of

what social relations were among the men of the pre-

ii. period.

MI. ri. an Indian tribal groups, especially the
tribes of the Iroquois confederacy and certain N

tic Coast tribes, and tin- native tribrs of Australia,

airly typical of important characteristics in the life

of primitivi' JM ,,j.los. We will, therefore, study these

l-r'unitive groups to gain a picture of social organization

among un<-ivili/ed peoples.

Tin- Iroquois tribes inhabited a region including the
part of the present states of New York, Penn-
sylvania and Ohio, and portions of Canada north of
Lake Ontario. It is thought that they originally came
I'mni beyond the Mississippi, making thrir way to the
\allry of the St. Lawrence and thence into central NV\v
. The five tribes of the Iroquois people were the
Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas.
The\ 1 in villages which w.-re usually surrounded

ades, and subsisted upon fish and game, and the
products of a limited hortieultmv. In numbers th.-y did

• Justinian. I**titut< *. I.il-. I, XT. i, ( i. 156: abo Morgan, op.

pp. 285308.

Miu-ll. The Brtkom L<m. pp. 102.109.

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

not at any time exceed 20,000 people. They lived in
the great forests of New York. A long period elapsed
after their settlement in New York before the confederacy
was formed. During this time they made common cause
against tin ir < -in -mies and experienced the advantages of
cooperation both for aggression and defense. They were
first discovered by white men in 1608 and about the year
1675 attained the culminating point of their power and
influence.11

While this confederation of Indian tribes was ostensi-
bly for purposes of mutual protection, there was a deeper
basis for it in the bond of kin. The real tie was the ex-
istence of certain clans which the tribes had in common.
All members of the same clan, whether Mohawks,
Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, or Senecas, were brothers
and sisters to each other in virtue of their descent from
the same common ancestor. Three clans, the Wolf, Bear,
and Turtle, were common to the five tribes. Between
the separated parts of each clan, although its members
spoke different dialects of the same language, there ex-
isted a fraternal connection which linked the nations to-
gether with indissoluble bonds. In the estimation of an
Iroquois Indian every member of his clan in whatever
tribe, was as certainly a kinsman as his brother. This
system of cross-relationship between persons of the
same clan in different tribes is still preserved and recog-
nized among the Iroquois in all its old force. Dissen-
sions between component tribes in the confederacy were
thus guarded against, for if the Mohawks fell upon the
Oneidas, since the Bear clan was common to both tribes,
there would be conflict between brother kinsmen, an un«
thinkable situation in the mind of primitive man.

i» Morg;u . ch. v, pt. ii.

TBIBAL SIM u. 241

••r important bond of m.i-.u was the possession of
.•union M nguage.

tribes11 occupied positions of entire equality in
the confederacy, in rights, privileges, and obligations.
Each tribe remain. -.1 in. Impendent in all matters pertain
ing to local self-government The confederacy created
a general council of fifty sachems,1* equal in rank and
authority and invested with supreme powers over all
ling to the c< icy. The sachems

clans. The clans also had the ritrlit to
remove a sachem from office for just cause. Eacli nil..
had a council composed of its chiefs and sachems with
MI prome power over matters which pertain. «1 t.. th. tril.e
• •x.'liixivrly. rnaniinity in the council of the confederacy
was e»ential to rv.-ry public a«M, aini in thN .••mn.-il the
sachems voted by tribes. The tribal < -ouncils alone had
the power to convene the general council of the confed-
eracy. The people had the right to participate directly
in the discussion of public <| s in the council l»y

m I- i-r.-. nt thnn. The weak point in the
confederacy was that there was no exemtiv. head, no
••hirf magistrate. Thnv were two equi-powerful war-
chiefs with \ -rto power over each other's acts. This pro-
vision, howev. r. .lid not do away with the serious defi-
ciency in administrative power. In this remarkable
organization of a primitive people still in the cultural
stage of stone implements and rudimentary agriculture,
puhlic opinion was very important. The distinctly demo-
crat ic form of this system of social organization shows

i* A tribe it a community of people occupying a deflniie territory, •peak-
ing one language or dialect, and baring many custom* ami traditioat fa
common; it in usually *ubdirided into m«ver«l clans.

"Civil leaden aa -who were military kwdera.

242

s<>, [AL EVOLUTION

i of UM Burtui of Am«Tic»n Ethnoloci-

FIGURE 76. An Indian Tepee.

that the aptitude for democratic government is not in
the exclusive possession of the Greek, the Roman, and
the Anglo-Saxon peoples, but is quite likely to crop out
wherever the circumstances are favorable.

The Iroquois called themselves "The People of the
Long House" (Ho-de-no-sou-nee). The Iroquois In-

kL SIM n Ml

lived in a communit) hou-e whidi was long and

OW, with compartment- lor eadi family of tin- dan.
'I'll.- dan dominated the long house because it was
.e dan Imuso, ami the flan wan tin* most ii
taut Ixxly in local affairs. Since tin- dans were

woman in tin- long house was the
.n win. ran the house with supreme authority over
all its inmate- in dome-tic atfair-. It' a n n of-

(1, he was thrust out by the order of the house
matron. All a. hilts, men and women, had equal voi
the clan coundl, hut in tin* tribal council women had no
voice. Tims we see that among the Iroquois In<lians
the : of woman was on an equality with that of

man. The ; notion that among primi

peoples woman had a degraded position is not borne
out h\ the >tudy of many tribal groups. Among the
Iroquois clans there was g< 'ion of the

ol.liLration not to marr\ within the dan. That i-. men of
the Bear clan must seek for wives, women of the Turtle
clan or of some other clan, they nm-t not marry women
of their own clan, the I',. ;U dan. 'Phis usage is con-
nected with the i.h-a that all persons bearing the same
crest, or tot- a name, are related by blood an«l

ii-riaire I. .-t \\.-.-n them i- tabooed. A clan which
follow- the custom of requiring it- members to in
individuals in another clan is called an exogamous clan.
The fa called exogamy.

further unit of organi/ation in the structure of
Iroquois society must be mentioned. It is the jmratry.
The Iro«|uois tribes had a total of thirty-eiirht dans, and
in four of these tribes the dans were combined into a
of eight phratries. The phratry was a brother
hood of clans, probably originally one clan, which, be-

L'44 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

coming overlarge, had subdivided." Originally, mar-
riage was not allowed between the members of the same
phratry; hut tin* members of either could marry into
any clans of the other. Morgan regards this prohibit ion
as an indication that the clans of each phratry were sub-
divisions of an original clan, and that, therefore, the pro-
hibition against marrying into a person's own clan had
followed to its subdivisions. The phratry was partly
for social and partly for religious purposes. At tin*
tribal council of chiefs and sachems members of each
phratry usually seated themselves on opposite sides of
an imaginary council-fire, and the speakers addressed
the two opposite bodies as the representatives of the
phra tries. While blood feuds were ordinarily the con-
cern of the two clans involved, it often happened that
the clan of the murdered person called upon the other
clans of their phratry to unite with them in avenging the
deed. The phratry participated in funeral ceremonials
and was also concerned in the election of the sachems
and chiefs of several clans. In ball games the Senecas
played by phratries, one against the other; and th<-y bet
against each other upon the result of the game.

As to the religious ideas of the Iroquois Indians, we
know now that their conception of a " Great Spirit " has
been misunderstood by those who first described HM-HI as
IM licving in a single all-powerful deity identified with the
Christian concept of one God. The Indian word "Mani-
tou," which has been considered by many as an Indian
name for God, does not mean the " Great Spirit " in the
sense of an all-powerful ruling spirit; it is merely an ad-
jectival concept containing the idea of the "big," the
• ' I >owerful. ' ' Manitou means strange, wonderful ; it does

"Morgan, op. cit., ch. Hi; Giddings, op. dt., p. 461.

TRIBAL SIM IKTY MB

not mean a deity wlii«-h is extraordinary in itself, l.ut
things which are strange, or n»\-' tou.

us the Indian has no idea of one Great and Ruling
Spirit as we have, but h«- hHi.-v.- in a mult it nde of spirits
animating all surroundinu' objects.1*

One of the most int. tituti-niH of primitiv.-

people is "Tot'-mUm." r dHiih-d a totem as, "a

>at«-rial nl.j.M-ts whiHi a savage regards with
sniMTstitioiis ivH|i,.,-t. lii-IirviiiLr that tln-n- exists b«-tu
him ai m.-mlM-r of the class an intimate and alto-

gether sp< ' I0 Because t -u is of'

dMdj :••<! with thr social and ivl; ' ':-titutions

• riiniti\ •• j,.-,.;.!,. it is our of the most ilhnninating sub-

Is of study for th. anthiopologist. Th< -everal

features which various autb«»riti«-s have believed to be
symptomatic of totemism. I>r. Qoldenweiser has sum-
iiiari/i-d th. -in as follows:
An exogamous clan.

(2.) A Han namr derived from the totem.

(3.) A u> attitude towards the tot^m; as a

"friend," ubroth<

(4.) Taboos, or restrictions against killinir. e.t
(so - touHiing and se- m.

in drsr,-nt t'mm the totnn.17

Si i. ii>m among the Australian tribes and among

tli.- Indians of I'.ritM: Columbia presents certain Hiai

itures mentioned above, we will study these
]>rimiti\v groups and tlv tion to totemism. It

necessary to recogni/f that the totem is of three general
kinds: the Han totrin, common to all inrmhers of the

W.— "The Algonkin Manitou," Jo*r. Am*r. Folk-Is**. n>l.
PP. 183-190. »• FVmwr, J. O.— Totemi**, p. 1.

IT Golden welter, A. A.— 'Totrmimn, An Analytical Study." Jow. Amtr.
Folk-Lor*, vol. xxiii, April-Jane, 1010, no. IxxzriU.

•J4<> SOCIAL EVOLUTION

clan, and hereditary; the sex totem, one common to all
males, another common to all females, of a tribe; and the
individual totem, belonging to a single individual, and
not hereditary. Moreover, totomisin is to be distin-
.irnishod from t< ti-lii-m. A totem is a class of objects.
If the eagle is the totem of a < Ian, all eagles are hold in
sacred veneration by all members of the clan. A fetish
is an individual object, not a class of objects.18

\Ve first noted that totemism is related to exogamy.
In British Columbia the local clan or family is the im-
portant social unit among the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian,
and Kwakiutl.10 The Tlingit people comprise fourt< « n
divisions each consisting of >< -\ « -nil towns. At the pres-
ent time there are two strictly exogamous phratries, with
descent through the mother. These phratries are sub-
divided into clans which generally derive their names
from the locality they originally occupied, — "Of the
Island of Teqo," "Of the House in the Middle of the
Valley," etc.20 Among the Haida we find two exogamous
metronymic clans. The members of one clan are re-
garded as closely related, and marriage between persons
<>f the same clan is viewed by them with almost the same
abhorrence as incest is looked upon by us.21 The
Tsimshian clans are also exogamous and metronymic.
The northern Kwakiutl are organized like the Tsimshian,
with the exception of descent, which is both maternal and
paternal. The system of descent among the southern
Kwakiutl presents an interesting example of what is

i«Frazer, op. dt.. pp. 2. 15. 52, 56.

"Boaa, F.—lnt*rn<itif,it'ih-r Americanist en Kongress Stuttgart, 1004.
vol. xiv, pp. 141-148.

*o Swanton. J. R. — Social Condition*, Beliefs, and Linguistic Relationship
of the Tlingit Indian*, 26th. Report Bureau Amer. Ethnology, pp. 396-390.

21 Ibid.

TRIBAL sc. L-47

ably a transition from male to female descent

nKli marriage, a man a«-'|iiir.- the position ami privi-
leges of bin in law uhidi lie cannot use for him
.self I. ut tran>niit> to his son. These are unmistakable
iii'ii. ations of a f< through tin* fat I
Hut famous. Indeed* a woman is
ail vised to marry in h.-r dan. The custom of ma
ni'-niU-r of the same clan and of never making mat i
nial alliance with ont-i«l« -rs, is called endogamy. The two
phratri.-s of the Tlr K'av.-ii and Wolf. The »
amy of the British ( 'olumhian 1 n«lians does not seem to be
-olubly bound up with tl -m of t t. mism, so
that we cannot always expect totemism to appear in con-
• n with exogamy. Although many of the clans and
y names of these peoples are animal names, the clans
e Tlingit and the families of the Haida bear names
od from localities. Thus tin* iu-titution of t<
i>ru may ,-xist without tli«Te being derivation of the dan
name from tin tot

The British ('<>luml>ian Indians do not generally be-
lieve that the clan descended from the totem animal. In
the most common type of tradition found among the
Tliimit. Haida, and Tsimshian, the ancestors of the dan
.uiily wen- believe«l to have come into relations with
some animal in the rarly historical period and to have
'l.-ri\.-.i from this animal the dan name. One of these
traditions is somewhat as follows: some people captun .1
a small beaver and k«-pt it as a pet because it was « uu
and very clean. It was w« 11 eared for, but by and
1>> it took offense at something and l>egan to compose
Afterwanl ou.» of tin- hravt-r's ma-t«-r- w.-nt

F.—Tkf Social Orynmuation and Rfrret fioriftir* of tkr Kwakimll
Report of th* V. \tu*>um. 1895, pp. 334 5. 431.

248 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

through the woods to a certain salmon creek, and found
two salmon-spear handles, beautifully carved, standing
at the foot of a big tree. When he carried them home,
the beaver said that they were his make. Then the
people said something that offended it again, whereupon
the beaver began, to every one's surprise, to sing just
like a human heing. While singing, it seized a spear and
throw it straight through its master's chest, killing him
instantly. Then it throw its tail down upon the ground
ami the earth upon which the house stood dropj>< <1 in.
They found aftorwards that the beaver had been digging
out the rarth under the camp to make a great hollow.
The people who had this experience, claim the leaver
as their crest and are proud to possess the songs com
posed by him.23 In other traditions of the same sort
there is no indication that the clan is thought of as having
descended from the totem animal. The grizzly bear crest
was obtained by a man who married a she-bear.24 In
some cases it was believed that the crest animal came to
earth and became a man, the ancestor of the clan.25 In
the case of the Thunder-Bird, it is related that Too-
Large, the Thunder-Bird, flew with his wife through the
door of the upper world down to the lower world of men
where there was a man at work upon his house. This
man called to them that they should become men and help
him. Too-Large at once lifted the jaw of his thunder-
bird mask, and said, "0 brother! we are people." In
these legends the ancestor is first an animal, but becomes
a man by taking off his animal mask.26 Thus the concept

*»Rwanton, .T. R. — Tlingit Myth* and Texts, Bureau of Amer. Ethnol,
bill. 39, 1909, p. 227.
*«/Wd., pp. 228-229.
*• BOM, op. cit., p. 382.

and Hunt, Kvakiutl T<xt», Jcsup Expedition, vol. iii. 1005.

r*MB DM lUpofta of UM »«?••• of I ••>!••• m«ili«y

Flouir. 77 Indian M*»k» from the Pacific Coast

250 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

of descent from the totem as an integral part of tin
totemic system is absent in British Columbia.27

The taboo is not associated with totemism among tin-
British Columbian tribes.28 After the birth of a cliiM
the woman must not eat any fresh meat for a period of
from six months to one year. The husband must not
eat or touch the flesh of any animal for at least a day
after it has been killed. Twins are considered tr;i
formed salmon; and as the children of salmon they are
guarded against going near the water for fear that they
will be retransformed into salmon. Their mother's marl;>
are regarded as the scars of wounds which they received
when they were struck by a harpoon while still having
the shape of a salmon.29 The Kwakiutl do not eat deer,
because that would make them forgetful. Thus we see
that the relation of the people to their crest is one of
historical association, rather than one of descent; and
taboo is not here an important feature of totemism.

The ceremonial life of the British Columbian Indians is
quite elaborate. When an Indian kills an animal the
element of propitiation is usually strongly emphasized.
Having killed a bear, the Lillooet hunter sings a mourn-
ing song as follows: "You died first, greatest of animals.
We respect you and will treat you accordingly. No
woman shall eat your flesh; no dogs shall insult you.
May the lesser animals follow you, and die by our traps,
snares, and arrows! May we now kill much game, and
may the goods of those we gamble with follow us and
come into our possession! May the goods of those we
play lehal with become completely ours, even as an ani-

rr Goldenweiuer, Op. cit., p. 18.

"/Wet., p. 22.

*» Boas, British Assoc. Adv. of Set., vol. 59, 5th. Kept., p. 51.

TRIBAL BO li

inul slain by us!"*" \\ i • n tlu» berries an* ripe the chief
summon* all the people and announr< 'he time for

•lie people, who have
paint. -d themMhret in h«.n..r of the magical ceremony,

tli'- .-hi. -I' holds a bir.-li I'.-uk ti Mining some of tin-

ripe an. I | . toward* :!;•• ii^hest

mountain in Mirht, announcini: to thi- mountain that tin-
to eat friil- nis each of th«-
LTi.Mip is given a lx»rry to eat, and all then proceed to
kl lierri-

The s\>tem of Lruardian >pirits and secret soci«
which has d«-Vflo|n-d anmnir tin* soutln-ni Kwakiutl is
mii»|iir amoiiir |.rimitiv«- |M-oplrs. Mai-h rlan d«-riv.
ii from a mvthi.-al am-.-xtor, on whose advent
the crests an«l pri\ il«-LT'-> of tin- dan d«-prnd. This an-
cestor in the course of his adventures, meets a certain
animal, and in a variety of ways ol'tain- from him super-
powers or magical objects: such as, "the magic
• MI." which insures success in sea-otter hunting;
••the water of life/' which \ katea the dead, and o

objects of a similar mairieal po\\.-r. He obtains besides
these things, a dance, a song, and cries which are peculiar
to each spirit, as well as the ri^ht to us«* certain peculiar
carvings. The dance is alwav> a dramatic presentation
of the myth in which the ancestor acquired the gifts of
the spirit. The-e -jMnN are animaU the l»ear,

ion, kill, r whales which have become the protectors
of men.81

Guardian >pi: acquired individually by younir

They are spirits which protect the younir man and

him powers of invulnerability. One such spirit is

"Making \11 ( >ver the-Karth/' under whose protec-

t, Je**p Brptd., vol. ii, p. 270. " Bo«*, JTraliifff, pp. 333-390.

252 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

tion the youth may obtain three powers. Another spirit
who Brants to his wards nine powers is, "The-First-One-
to-Kat : -the-Mouth-of-the-River." These spirits

are hen-Jit a ry and their number is limited to various
(dans in different trills. As they appear only in winter,
the ceremonials connected with them are held in the win-
ter. Durinir the rest of the year the Indians are organ-
ized, in common with other Pacific Coast tribes, in a sys-
tem of three classes — nobility, common people, and slaves.
As the slaves are rated on a par with personal property,
the social structure really consists of the nobles and com-
mon people. These two classes comprise the clans and
families. The ancestor of each family has a tradition
of his own, apart from the clan tradition, and possesses
certain crests and privileges. In each family the single
man who impersonates the ancestor and enjoys his rank
and privileges, is one of the nobility. Nobles range in im-
portance according to the rank of their ancestors. Dur-
ing the period of the winter ceremonial this social order
is thoroughly rearranged. Individuals are no longer
grouped according to clans and families, but according
to the spirits that have initiated them. At this time the
people are divided into two main groups — the initiated,
called "seals," and the uninitiated, called "sparrows."
Throughout the ceremonies these two groups are hostile
to one another, and the "seals" attack and torment the
"sparrows."32

Throughout these ceremonies there is continuous use
of elaborately carved wooden masks. When an Indian
has on one of these grotesque masks he is regarded by
the people as impersonating the spirit who gave the mask.
These masks are painted and carved to represent certain

. pp. 399-409.

TI;II:\L BO 263

ammaN." The two dominant tendencies seem to be to
represent the ent in- animal, or to sin^r orae charac-

teristic feature of the animal which serves as an unmis-
takable mark of i<l< ntification. Although many of these
carvings are most r«-a!i-: have been so far con-

1 that i. lrntitiratic.il is ilifticiilt. llesi<l<*s

fiE 78. Totem Pole*.

these carved masks there are the familiar totem poles
which stand before the houses of the Indians.84 These
generally represent the history of the clan or famliy. "In
the prolific development of art— realistic in part and in
highly conventionalized — we must see the ... dyna-
mic clement of the totemism of Bri olumbia.
Deeply saturated with tot< mi<> associations, that art has

77. MSee fiura 7S.

254 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

flooded the cut in- material culture of the area, and has
thus become the most conspicuous factor in the cere-
monial as well as the daily life of the people. Nay, the
art of British Columbia is more than merely an impor-
tant factor of totemism, for it has become a self perpetu-
ating M'invo of totemistic suggestion."85

The pliratry, which we found so characteristic of the
Iroquois organ i /at ion, is a constant feature in the social
organization of Australian trihcs. There are usually
two phratries which are exogamous. The I)i< ri tribe is
divided into two exogamous phratries, Kararu and Mat-
t»-ri. each of which comprises a number of totemic clans.
Among the Arabana these two exogamous phratries are
known as the Kirarawa and Matthurie. In hnth these
trihes the mother's phratry and totem are inherited.
But the social system is not as simple as this among all
of tlie Australian tribes. The Kamilaroi are <livi«le<l into
two exogamous phratries, but in addition, each phratry
comprises two classes, while each class contains parts of
all the clans of one phratry. Tn the Warrannm.ira trihes
conditions are even more complex.30 Thus the social or-
ganization of these most primitive peoples is quite com-
plicated. But the matrimonial classes, which constitute
the complicating factor, do not usually bear animal or
plant names; it is the clans which invariably derive
their names from their animal, plant, or inanimate
totems.

The Australian natives have various traditions of de-
scent from the totem. The Arabana legends tell of small
companies of half-human, half-animal individuals of un-

•• Goldonpeter j op. dt.t p. 50.

*« Howitt, A. \\\—Thc \ative Tribes of Southeast Australia, 1904, pp.
103-190.

HBAL BO II.

known origin, who wandered about in the mythical period

• •it. It. tintm). They were possessed of superhuman
power, and became the ancestors of the totemic groups.
A great -i«li\ i.lual gave rise to the carpet-

snake group. In their \\an«l« rings over the country
these strange in«li\ -i-luals performed sacred cerem<>
At places where they stopped and went into the ground,
a rock or water-pool arose to mark tin* spot. Hep- a
number of spirit individuals came into being who became
transformed into men and women, — the first totemit« ~
In the Aramla al« li« rin^a there were no human beings
but only inmmpN -te ereatures of various shapes. "They
had no distinct limbs or organs of sight, hearing, or smell,
<li<l i food, an. I presented the appearance of human

{• all double.! np into a rounded mass, in which just
the outline of the •lirtVp-nt parts of the body could be
vaguely seen."87 The Ungambikula ("Out of X,,tl.

\isting") took hold of these creatures, and by
means of a complicated surgical operation shaped them
int.. men and women.

In Australia, the tahoo plays an important part in con-
nection with the totemic system. A member of the
ana must not rat the totem animal, but can kill it
and hand it over to the members of other tot. -m 1:1
to be eaten by them.38 A kangaroo man must not kill a
kangaroo with any show of brutality. He is only per-
mitted to hit it on the neck. Then he can eat its head,
feet, and liver; the re>t he must leave to his friends. The
mosquito man may neither kill nor eat insects. The rain
man must use water moderately, and when it rains must

•T Spencer and Gillen.— Tk* \orthrr* Tribn of Cimtrv! .4«*fro/,o. 1004,
pp. 145-146, and Tkr .Valirr Tribn of Central .4iufrvJi«. 1899, p. MS,
••Spencer and Gillen, T** \ortkcr* Tribe*, etc., p. 149.

256 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

stand in the open with no protection over his head other
than his shield.89

Magical crrnimnirs arc an important par! of the insti-
t ut ion of totemism in Australia, Among the Araiula, the
main part of the intichiuma ceremonies consists of a
series of magical rites supposed to further the increase
of the totem animal. The kangaroo totem intichiuma is
quite spectacular. The ceremony is performed at a spot
where in the alcheringa many kangaroo animals went
into the ground. The rock ledge is decorated with red
ocher and powdered gypsum in alternate vertical lines
about a foot in width to represent the red fur and the
white bones of the kangaroo.40 Men of opposite phratries
do this painting; the painting of the left side being done
by the Panunga and the Bulthara men, and that of the
right by the Purula and Kumara men. Those men then
sit by phratries on the sides they have respectively
I tainted. "They open the veins in their arms, and allow
the blood to spurtle out over the edge of the ceremonial
stone on the top of which they are seated. While this
is taking place, the men below sit still, watching the per-
formers, and singing chants referring to the increase of
the numbers of the kangaroos which the ceremony is
supposed to insure/' 41 The pouring out of the blood of
kangaroo men upon the rocks drives out in all directions
the spirits of the kangaroo animals and the number of
kangaroo is increased.42

Sections of the territory frequented by the Aranda are
dotted with totem centers. Alcheringa ancestors are

••Spencer and Gillen, The Native Tribes, etc., p. 166.
« /6.W., p. 201.

"Strehlow, C.— Die Aranda und Loritja-Stamme in Zentral-Australien,
vol. !, pt II, 1908, p. 50.

*« Spencer and Gillen, op. cit., p. 206.

\l, so. 257

represented as carrying with them one or more sacred
stones or / Inn mga, each one of which was associated with

the Spirit part of sonic indi\idual. At the RpoU where

the ancestors originated and stayed, or at the camping-
places where they stopped daring their wanderings, local
i centers arose; for at such spots a number of the

ancestors went into the ground with th<i: inga.

Their bodies died, 1 . e or a rock arose to mark the

spot But another >pirit issues from the sacred tree or
rock and watches over the ancestral spirit. Ainon^ the

'-h it is 1 that the ancestors leave behind •

-pint children who emanate fnun their liodies during the

• nuance of sacred ceremonies. These spirit chi
are reborn by entering the bodies of women who pass
near the spots haunted by such spirits. Male chi
«l\\e!l in : trees, or mistle-branches ; female chi 1

in roek s.4a

The contrast of totemic systems in these different
ritories, Australia and P.ritMi < <>luml>ia, reveals the fact
h people has its own characteristic institution.
Indeed, ; ort to show that t • -n is invariably

associated with the ti\ « features mentioned is doomed to
failure. We are bound to recognize that primitive peo-
ples have their own individuality, as persons and collec-
tively. It is not possible to lump all savage peoples to-

r and make dogmatic generalizations about t
Primitive men have their own distinctive marks of
torn and culture, just as modern men have, and sociologic-
ally we can distinguish many different types of social
stru« -lure just as physically we find different racial varie-
ties.
The ceremonial activities of primitive peoples are a

«• Goldenweiwr, op. ri!., p. 31.

258 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

very important part of their life.44 In Australia, the
natives devote much time to the initiation of the young
men into tin- rights and privileges of the tribe. These
initiation ceremonies are regarded as such an important
im-ans of conserving the traditions of the people, that
the whole tribe occupies itself for three months together
with these elaborate functions. The education of the
Australian boy includes three sets of ceremonies. When
the boy has reached the age of twelve, the first ceremony
of "throwing up in the air " is performed. Then his nose
is bored for a nose-ring. Three or four years later, at
puberty, far more formidable ceremonies are undertaken
and a very painful operation is undergone. These rites
last ten days, during which the boy must not speak except
to answer questions. He is pledged to secrecy concern-
ing all that he sees and hears. He is impressed with the
importance of obeying the tribal precepts and learns
reverence for the superiority of the old men. At the age
of from twenty to twenty-five a still more impressive
series of rites is conducted which often lasts for several
months. In this period there are dances and the churinga
or sacred emblems are exhibited. < 'en-monies imitating
various totem animals are performed with elaborate cos-
t nines. The young man is made to feel his importance
and responsibility in this initiation into all the mysteries
of the clan. The feeling of reverence for the old men
which is inculcated and the sense of pride at the posses-
sion of all this mysterious knowledge, tends to develop a
deeper sense of unity and tribal cohesion.45

The ceremonial life of primitive peoples is bound up
with a belief in magic. This belief is supplemented in

"See figure 79.

*» Spencer and Gillen, op. cit.t cha. vii-ix; and Chapin, op. cit., pp. 36-40.

TRlllAL S<M 1KTY

the minds of peoples that have made some advance be-
yond the lowest savagery by a belief in personal spirits
or ghosts. The basis of magic is the "mana," already

mentioned.

izer reduces the fundamental principles of magic
to two: first, that liU produces like, or that an
effect resembles its cause ; and second, that things v.
have once been in contact, i»ut have ceased to be BO,
«>iitinn<> to act on each other as if the contact still per-
sisted. The savage inf. is from the first of these prin-
ciples that he can produce any desired effect by in

ni the second principle he concludes that
he can influence at pleasure and at any distance, any per-
son of whom, or any tiling of which he possesses a
particle. Magic of the first sort I has called "imi-

tative magic," and magic of the second kind he has called
"sympathetic magic." I'.ut inasmuch as the efficacy of
nitative magic depends upon a certain physical in-
•e or sympathy, both kinds of magic may be con-
•• 'iitly called sympathetic niOL

most familiar application of imitative magic based
upon the principle that like produces like, is the attempt
to injure or destroy an enemy by mutilating or destroy-
ing an image of him, in the belief that, just as the
image is hurt, so does the man suffer and die when the
image perishes.4* The Ojebway Indian d* ->ii -inir to work
evil to his enemy, makes a little wooden image of him
and runs a needle into its head or heart, or he shoots an
arrow into it, for he believes that by so doing his foe
will at the same instant be seized with a sharp pain in
the corresponding part of his body. A Malay charm
which enables Q mother person is to take

« Fraxer, J. G.—Tkt Ootdtn Bough, Sad. «L, vol. i, pp. l>

262 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

the parings of nails, hair, eyebrows, and spittle of the
victim, enough to represent every part of his person, and
then make them up into his likeness with wax from a
deserted bee's comb. The figure must be scorched slowly
a lamp every night for seven nights, with the fol-
words:

"It is not w;ix tluit I inn scorching,
It is the liver, heart, and spleen of So-and-so that I scorch."

After the seventh time the figure must be Imrm •«!, and
the victim will die1.17

On the principle that like produces like, the savage
does many things in deliberate imitation of the results
which he seeks to attain. The Indians of British Colum-
bia live largely upon the fish of their seas and rivers. If
the fish do not come in the expected season and the
Indians are in need of food, a wizard will make an
image of a swimming fish and place it in the water in the
direction from which the fish usually appear. This
ceremony when accompanied by a prayer that the fish
may come, will cause them to arrive at once. Some of
the tribes of Central Australia subsist upon a certain
grub, called the witchetty grub. They hold a ceremony
which consists of a pantomime representing the fully-
developed insect in the act of emerging from the chrysa-
lis. "A long narrow structure of branches is set np to
imitate the chrysalis case of the grub. In this structure a
number of men, who have the grub for their totem, sit
and sing of the creature in its various stages. ' ' After this
they shuffle out of it in a squatting posture, and as they do
so, they sing of the insect emerging from the chrysalis.

«T Ibid.

TKIKAL SnrlKTT 263

iit.« IB supposed to iii.-r.-ane the number of the
and give the people a larger food supply."

Ih'ii.-m medicine -in,. n perform certain magical

tices which are supposed to efTect the well-being of

Their supernatural powers

are also invoked to euro disease and sickness. But tin-
savage's notion of disease, of tin- .-an-.- of illness, is 68-

illy diffrrrnt from tin- modern maiiV imdrrslandini;
of it. To the savage, a disease or ~s is always evi-

that the victim is possessed by an evil spirit or
In- has 1 ..... n he\vitrhrd hy evil mairic. It' a \\oimd l.l.-.-.U
exce.- i»c thought that some malignant spirit

is surkinvr the blood of the in.jured person. Chants, ac-
companied hy tin- Iwatin^ of ilruins, an- nii.lrrtnk.-ii with

loathat !•> tlrse means tin «-\ il >pirit may 1
enod away and th.- hi., .ling stopped. Sometimes a sav-
age dreams that one of th. m< -.li. -in.- men has got some of
his hair, or a piece of his food or clothing, or indeed any-

' that ho has used. Should IK- <ln»am this several
times he feels sun- that it is so, and he calls his friends
together and t»-ll> th.-m that he has been dreaming about
a man who must havr soin.-thing belonging to him. His
fri. -nds go and ask the man if h<- has anything belonging
to the other. The medicine-man usually denies it, but
if he sees no other way out of it he makes the excuse

;ic has something that he is burning, but that it was
v'ivrn him to burn, and that he did not know to whom it
h. longed. In such a case he will give the thing to the
friends of the sick man, tellinir them to put it in water
to put the tin out ; and when thU has been done, the man
will prolwhly feel better. Sometimes a mc.licine-man
may suck an evil spirit out of an affected part, thus effect-

2(U SOCIAL EVOLUTION

ing a cure. The Tonga ranka medicine-man, \\ li<>n about
to practise his art, sits down on the windward side of his
patient, and his power is supposed to pass to the sick
person "like smoke." The medicine-man then sucks tin'
affected part, and withdraws his power out of him, and
also at the same time the pain, usually in the form of a
quartz crystal.49 Magical ceremonies are performed
with the object of treating the soul of the crop in order
that the yield may be abundant. Harvest ceremonials
are survivals of the primitive practice of treating the
soul of the crop.

The primitive man's belief in "mana" magic and in
spirits is directly related to his religion. There is no
support for the statement that there exist tribes which
have no religion. Such statements are based upon the
idea that organized systems of theplogy alone constitute
religion. Hence, any recognition of the universality of
religion depends somewhat upon the definition of religion
which we have in mind when we affirm or deny that a cer-
tain tribe has a religion. The definition of religion most
generally accepted among anthropologists was advanced
by Professor E. B. Tylor in his work, "Primitive Cul-
ture," as "the belief in spiritual beings."50 Under the
name of Animism, Tylor investigated the various forms
of this belief in spiritual beings. Animism divides into
two great dogmas, forming parts of one consistent doc-
trine: first, concerning souls of individual creatures,
capable of continued existence after death or destruction
of the body; second, concerning other spirits, upward to
the rank of powerful deities.

There were two problems which deeply impressed the

«• Howitt, op. cit., pp. 355-398.

w> Tylor, E. B.— Primitive Culture, 1891, vol. i, pp. 417-431.

TRIBAL BO ii. MB

thinking savage. What i- it that makes the difference
between a living hody ami a dead one; what causes wak-

!.M-|.. i disease, death? What an- those hu-

man shapes which app<>ar in dn -am

"But in the very process of reflecting u|>on its own
ideas tin- min.l of man was beginning to look in upon

I phriioim-na of which the animal

min.l has m-\- r l-.-.-n .•••n-.-i.ni-. It was beginning to
have ideas < ideas of volition, lit'.-, and cause;

ideas of tlir sources of those manit'.-tations of power

had awakenrd won. In- ami fear. It was beginning
an intaiiLril'!'- world."

OH fur tin- lir-t time man analy/.cd himself. Ordi-
nari! lit ami body seemed to be inseparable. Or-

dinarily tin- bodies of other men seeded like his •
they acted like his own ami responded so perfectly to his
>]>ok»-n or a.'tod thought that in thmi also body and
thought seemed to be a concrete whole. But he* had seen
them when th.-y responded no more. It was as if some-
thing n-al. though impalpable and rva-ivr, had dep;:
with tin- In-- • thru, aft.-r all, in •

man two selves! It seemed almost as if there might be,
and the longer primitive man thought ahout this question
and talked about it with his comrades, the moiv probable
to his mind did the affirmative answer become. His own
experiences seemed to furnish the final proof. Had lie
not often in imaginative moods witnessed things not visi
Mr to the bodily eye! Had he n.>' t.-dly in dreams

! far in th.- f«>rest, while his body lay motionless

> in tin* individual and in the social mind was born
at l,i "f th« }>ersonality, as a con*.

lit. dwelling in th- '-nt distinct and

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

separable from it."51 All these varied experiences have
developed the concept of a soul whieh lives after the
death of the body, of a thin, unsuh-tantial human i
in its nature a sort of vapor, a film, a shadow, the
of life and thought in the individual it animates, capable
of leaving the body far behind to flash swiftly fmm plaee
to place, invisible yet manifesting physical powers. The
Indian believes that diirinir sleep the human spirit wan-
ders about and actually lives through the dream experi-
ences which are remembered upon awakening. Hence
some Indians never wake a sleeping man suddenly, be-
cause his soul might be wandering far distant and might
not get back to the body in time. With the healthy wak-
ing life, the savage associates the phenomena of breath,
shadow, and echo. Walking in the sunlight, he always
saw a shadow that moved as he moved or was motionless
when he stood still, but which never completely detached
itself from him. To his mind this could be none other
than a conscious self, belonging to the bodily self and
usually merged in it, but capable of going away to live
independently. Looking in the pool, the savage saw the
shadow self more distinctly, and it behaved as before.
In the mountains his voice reechoed. Thus he came to
believe that his double self could be far away and invi>i
ble, and yet speak, preserving all the identity of his
proper tone.52 Consequently we find that among primi-
tive peoples the spirit and the shadow are synonymous
terms. The Algonkins describe a man's soul as his
shadow (otahchuk). "The Zulus not only use the word
tunzi for shadow, spirit, ghost ; but they consider that at
death the shadow of a man will in some way depart from

»i Giddings, op. tit., pp. 246-247.
"76«f., p. 248.

TRIBAL SOCIETY MI

the corpse, to become an ancest .rit.f> 'I ibs

connect tin- puUes with spiritual beings."

Si IMC t lii-re was a spirit separable from the body,
primitix. man no longer thought of death an the .-ml of
conscious life. Tin- -pint mi-ht leave the body, hut it
•ht return, or it m'mht enter other bodies or obj«

• lu.-lliiiLT in them ;m<! animatim: t IK-HI. In .••.m;i the body
miirht :a\ I in a -tat.- in«INt iniruMiahle from death.
In • 'i.| insanity tin- individual i- ohvimi*ly not
himself; henre the U Unly as animated
by sori;- il >j«irit. To tlii- .lay th<» ignorant
helirve that an insane person N possessed," and t)

18 current usage of the forms, "he is not in his r
miihl," ami "he is out of his head.""1' Thus, it has be-
come a rooted convi. tmn amomr primitive peoples that
ghosts or surviving spirits of the dead sometimes
come back to their proper bodie>, hut oftener wander
through the air. « it. -ring now into one person or object
\ into another. The world is regarded as peopled
with -lio^N.

Mut primitive men attribute to all external objects,
whetji.-r animate or inanimate, the possession either of

.ana," or of an actuating spirit. The tree, the stone,

• juite as much as the human being or the swift forest
animal, may have souls and are moved by feelings of
love, envy, appetite, ,-urio-ity, aiul desire. Hence all
Nature is animated by spirits. **Some of them are con-

and man can abuse them or use them; but
others are terrible, swift, subtle, or mysterious in their
ion and fill the w<>n<lerin£ human soul with mingled
tion ami «liva«l. The serpent that could run with-
it le that could breathe air or live in wnt
M Tyler, op. "Giddingt, op. rif.. p. 249.

268 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

the hawk that could see its prey from the sky, the plant
that could heal or poison, the tornado, the lightning, and
the sun — these were beings to be regarded with awe,
and to be propitiated with the ceremonial respect ac-
corded to all -]><>\v< -rful men."58 Thus the savage does
not believe in < )ne Spirit, hut lie believes in many spirits
of which some are good, others are bad spirits. Tin- hit
t«-r must l»e appeased witli offerings and ritual, lest their
cruel plans work out to the harm of men. Sometimes
their rvil designs may be overthrown by magic. And so
the mind of primitive man seems to us, as Bagehot has
so aptly put it, " tattooed over with monstrous images." 86
Life experiences are a confused mass of mysterious an«l
inexplicable happenings; for the savage has failed to
make that " rigid distinction' between the subjective and
the objective, between imagination and reality"57 which
the modern man is accustomed to make. Ideas and
images are repeatedly confused with facts, a process
which leads to blind gropings after wrong causes.

In primitive culture the different fields of human
thought and effort, Law, Religion, Literature, Music, Art,
Science and Magic, are not clearly differentiated and
conceived of as more or less separate lines of endeavor ;
consequently many actions which we regard as quite
commonplace and unconnected have for the savage defi-
nite religious significance or symbolic meaning. The
traditional material in their culture has not been so care-
fully worked over and checked up as ours. The result
is, that the same act will bring to the mind of the sava
and the mind of the civilized man, radically different

ssGiddings, op. cif., p.

»• Bagehot, Physics and Politics, p. 120.

"Tyler, op. tit.

TRIBAL sn< n/n 200

associations, and hence the explanations will differ
markedly,

•mtive people have in general two theories of the

in -oul. Tin- idea of tian>i .f souls, and

the idea of an independent lite of the son lie death

i aiiMniiri.itinn is illustrated by

the belief that the s«ml of the dead person i- r« incarnated
in the body of the next born chihl. An Indian will some-
tirm^ l.ury a dead child un«ler the spot where two paths
OTOts, in the hope that the soul of the dead child, lin^erinir
near, may enter the body of some woman who passes that

;m«l be born in the body of her next child. TV
also tlie helief that animals are often . nt. re<l hy the souls

parted men. 1 1 enee there arise r ons as to the

killing of certain animals. The doctrine nf the independ-
ent life of the soul after death takes two forms: the

Miious notion, and the retributive notion. In ac-
cordance with the former it is believed that the soul of
the human U-ing continues after death the activities
which it was accustomed to during its existence in the

. Hence there are lmrie.1 with the dead warrior, his
spears, arms, utensils, nnd personal belong; <1 in

some cases his favorite \\it< and his slaves are >.
on t! Ti •• r--t rihntive notion is less wi«l»-

spread and of a later origin. Accor<l hi- it is be-

lieved that the condition of the after life .l.-p. nds upon
conduct ami during the worldly existence in the

In Jiddition to these beliefs we find among priini-

peoples the system of worshiping I rs. The

-pirits of the recent dead are believed to take particular
int. rest in the affairs of the living. Ancestor- worship
involves the question of the benevolent or malevolent in-
tluencc of these spirits. Hence there have arisen elab-

270 SOCIAL INVOLUTION

orate rites and ceremonies connected with this system
which aim at propitiating the souls of powerful ancestors
in order that these spirits may 1»«- favorably inclined and
advance the material prosperity of the living.58

The economic life of primitive peoples presents many
striking contrasts to the systematized economic activities
of civilized men. Savages live from day to day, from
hand to mouth, satisfying their immediate pleasures and
making little provision for future needs. Compared
witli the careful methods of the modern business man we
would say that the untrained native lacked foresight.
The savage does not seem able to sustain protracted
labor. He does not appear to possess the power of con-
tinuous application which has made the prosperity of
modern peoples. The routine and drudgery of agricul-
ture is too great a burden for the Indian. Under it ho
often sickens and dies. The Indian is nervously more
unstable than the average civilized man. He is more
frequently subject to hysteria and becomes easily intoxi
cated. As the activities of primitive peoples are largely
those of war, hunting, magical and religious ceremonies,
there is little control of conduct by economic motives.

The scale of values of modern peoples is foreign to
the savage. His sense of values is undeveloped by com-
parison with the finely sensitized value concept which we
are accustomed to recognize. This difference is not pri-
marily due to any mental defect inherent in the savage,
Imt is almost entirely due to different traditional associ-
ations. Because we are familiar with a highly developed
system under which we can procure what we want at
store or market in exchange for money, we think that

*• Giddingg, Descriptive and Hint. Roc., pp. 464-465; and Hozumi, Ances-
tor-Worship and Japanese Law, pp. 9-11, 12-14.

IKAL SIM OBT1 271

l'!-iiniti\.- HP -ii must have similar usages. But the first
discoverers of the Australian natives f..mid that they bad
no conception of exchange. Th< ir interest was not even

ised by the ornaments offered them, and gifts v.

)>een present. .1 t<» th.-m \\.-re cast away in neglect
and stn-un .ii<out the woods. The same experiences were

Mth the In. haii tribes of Brazil. Hut in spite of thi-
apparent absence of modern usage, tin* tribes carried on
le in pots, stone hatchets, hammocks, cotton
thren klaces of mussel-shells, and a variety of other

ait ides. Direct observation showed that the explanation
<»f tiiis riddle was in fact simple enough, — the transfer
of goods was not true economic exchange, but ensued by
way of presents, and, under certain eimi instances, by
way of robbery, spoils of war, tribute, fine, compensa-
tion, and winnings in gaming. A virtual community of
goods prevails between members of the same tribes in
matters of su-t« IUHK « . ( u-toins of hospital most

liberal When a herd of cattle is slaughtered, the
passer-by must be invited to the meal. One may t Y, •• -ly
« lit. r a hut and ask for food and is never r« fused. When
there is a poor harvest, it is the custom for whole com-
munities to visit their neighbors, who are expected to
support them. The customs of loaning articles of use
and implements is universal and all hut obligatory.

v is no private property in land. Surplus stores can
ii/.'-d only for consumption, since all households pro-
duce similar commodities and a»ist each other when n.-.-d
arises. Hence there is no occasion for direct barter.**
Between tin- tril.es of this locality rules of hospitality

id which necessitate the presentation of a gift to the
stranger. "A ft.-r a certain interval he reciprocates, and

"BClcher. Carl— Industrial Krotutio*. 1901. pp. 89-82.

272 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

at his drparturr still another present is handed to liim
This custom of reciprocal gifts of hospitality permits
ran- products of a land or artistic creations of a tribe
to circulate from people to people, and to cover great dis-
tanoes." Thus the early transfer of goods wa> through
IT! ft making to strangers and others. But even before
this there was the giving of presents with a view to pro-
pitiate. Evil spirits, powerful chiefs, and objects of
reverence, might be appeased by gifts of useful articles.
Hence the giving of presents was not in response to
altruistic or unselfish motives but purely with a view to
diverting or directing away from self some impending
danger. "The transition from this form of propitiation
to exchange for its own sake is easy, but the fiction of
present-giving is long retained. ' ' 60

In the course of time, production of articles of food
and wear is no longer followed directly by consumption,
but there is interposed the process of exchange for the
sake of exchanging what is not wanted for what is de-
sired. This exchange creates from tribe to tribe its own
contrivances for facilitating matters. The most impor-
tant of these are markets and money.61 Markets are
held among Negroes, East Indians, and Polynesian- in
open places, often in the midst of the primeval for< -N,
on the tribal borders. The market is a neutral district
between the bordering territories of the two tribes. It
is a sacred place within which all hostilities must cease.
Presents were first exchanged here, perhaps to keep up
friendly relations ; in time there was a growth of senti-
ment that members of tribes should be unmolested while

•o Giddings, Principles, p. 280.

«i Bttcher, op. cit.; and Seligman, E. R. A. — Principles of Economics,
1908, pp. 67-80.

TRIE \l< -s'" H

langes in t

is , -\.-liaiiL- ..-niv arti.-i,-, \\hirh cannot be

•ici-d in one's own tril..- at al . t in as large

• inantiti.-. This h-ads rach tribe to produce more than

.s-hirh an- d.-ired by 0
th.-s,. it «-st too

which • not possess one's self, hut which

r* manufacture in >urplus <|iiantiti«-s. In this way
the idea of value or ! an.l d«-v«-lnp,.d in romp!,

until among modern nation- \\«- lia\«« many grades in our
scale of values. In the course of tim«- it always happens
.ni".iiry has been exchanged so much
jiK'iitlv than .> -n.-ii ran always be

•hat with it thry can pun-ha-.- any ..tln-r commodity
" Whatever this specially well-known and
hiirhiy-valur.l rmninniHty maybe — whrth. ..r trrain,

beads or shells — it is a trn»- im-il'min nt> «-\<>!iJiuur«'. it is a
tnn- money.62 But it is seldom that tru. m< aiiul

in priniitivi. s«)«-i«-t\ rige is usually mere barter, t ho

transfer of goods in kind. It has taken many <M'ntiin«*s
of constant transfer and < \< hange of goods before one
ular commodity was recognized as a universal me-
dium oi '"ge, — money.

au-c tlie system oi mir«' and trade is in I

a nidini.-ntury stage of derelopmenl among primitive
les, modern concepts of price and timi an* un-

known, ion in tin- economic sense,

for that implies pr'nv and ditY.'rinir «|iiality in i;oods.

••nd«-nt upon a mou

omy, forpri-c N t ho amount of money a given quantity of
goods will exchange for. Without mon.-y thore could
«>1>\ iously be no concept of price; and as we have seen,

"Gidding*. op. rif.. p. SIS.

L'74 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

money was unknown because primitive exchange is mere
Imrtrr, the giving of goods for goods. There was no
such system as hiring help for work because each com-
munity was self-support in.ir; <'<m>r,|Urntly there could
be no competition 1»< t\\< < n wn.no earners producing a rntr
of wages. The industry which was carr'n •<! mi. Ml to the
lot of the women of the community, or to slaves, and no
form of remuneration was paid for this work as such.
Competition between different forms of capital reflected
in the rate of interest could not exist, because the con-
cept of capital was absent, there being little or no
private property. The idea of property in land was
but slightly developed since the land was held in com-
mon by the clan. Private property in objects was un-
important because of customs of lending, sharing, nml
giving presents. The growth of property by inheritance
was checked by the custom of burying the treasures of tin*
dead with them. The Indian's concept of property there-
fore differs radically from our concept of property. The
Indian regards his name as his personal property just
as much as we regard our house or our clothes as our
private property. He can pawn his name if in debt, or
loan it to a friend.

Perhaps one reason for the slow growth of economic
concepts among primitive peoples was the existence of
certain -traditions which hampered the development of
means of producing goods. New methods of production
were less easily justified than in modern society. An
improved method of producing an article encountered
as obstacles to its general introduction many senseless
superstitions and conservative prejudices. On the
Xirobar Islands the art of pottery was given up because
some of the natives who had just begun to make pottery

OBAL BOOH

We must remember thai, "in barbarian and
savage conmnmiti.- tin- collective re-illation of life IN
not less but LM- .it.-r than it i- in the civilized state. Tin-
may be overstepped are narrow and dread.
Immemorial cu- and half of all the pee-

si hie joys of existence are forbidden and taboo.

the conscious cooperation of eld« im-eiing the

ing of children by young parents, by organized ini-

'i ionics, by clan and tribal councils, each new

generation is remorselessly M ln-liefs, habits

and loyalties which the group regards as vital to its ex-

<-e."64 Thus beneficial innovation in means of pro-
dih tion is as likely as not to go contrary to some t
usage, and hence be repressed because, being new and
better, it might offend the spirit associated with the cus-
tomary way.

»ther hindrance to the development of production
must be men t ion. -.1. It should be remembered that
among primitive people agricultural and industrial ac-
tivities are usually earned on by the women of the com-
munity:15 The woman of the family was the food
the weaver, the skin dresser, the potter, the
beast of t>ui 1 the "Jack les." The able-

bodied men went on the chase, or went to war. Only
the old and decrepit, the weaklings and the sickly men
were left at home to stay with the women. These de-
spised individuals fell into the productive activities of
the women, weaving, dressing skins, pottery and other
occupations requiring a sedentary mode of life. These
occupations therefore, became associated with the weaker

•«R*trr1. .infAropopnyropAy. vol. ii, p. 990.

"Giddingt, "Social Sri: vlr. no. 4, 1900.

•»M*»on, O. T— Woman'. Store in Primitive Cullmn, 1894.

278 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

and despised members of society. It was only another
step to regard as contemptible all productive occupation^
because only weaklings and women followed them. Con-
sequently the proper tiling for tho strong adult man was
the life of battle and limiting; routine and drudgery were
to be left to all who had not sufficient strength to follow
ilie more noble callings.

In the presence of these hindrances to improvements
in the means of production, the development of an in-
dustrial society was of necessity slow and arduous. AV i 1 1 1
taboos upon the doing of certain acts, with popular pn-
judice against industrial and agricultural occupations,
the time when the community could habitually produce
a surplus of goods over and above the actual needs of its
members was necessarily far distant. The creation of
more commodities than could be directly consumed was
naturally dependent upon the existence of a fertile soil
and a good water supply, but aside from this there must
be a class in the community who labored constantly and
persistently at the despised productive occupations. By
the introduction of slavery on a somewhat large and
systematic scale, this requisite was satisfied. Since war-
riors and hunters scorned industrial labor, slaves woro
forced to work in the fields and houses. The institution
of slavery taught mankind the habit of steady labor and
proved a good school-master for men who had avoided
hard persistent work. The defeated were forced into
it and learned to- submit to it. Thus slavery was one
part of the discipline by which the human race has learned
to carry on industrial organization.68

••Seligman, op. cit., p. 156.

TKIMAL S<»< IKTV L'77

SUPPLEMENT US.

BOAR, P.— The J/iii./

BOAS, F.— 7*Ar •Sot-iir' '

Kimkiutl /

/ii./ii.Wri.i/ Ki';lutio*.
<>RTB, — Bnri«/ 'ology.

FRAZER, J. 0.— TV' u Boti^A.

PRAUtt, J. 0.— 7'-

<iii.|.is.;>. K. II Oology.

linu.iN,. . I-' II. — Dejrr '•!/'•'

'KNWEiKER, A. A.— '•TotiMiiism," ^our. .!'/•". Fol

vi.l. \\iii.

i. A \V. ///, xof Son

s, ir.— "Thr Alironkin M.m: KT. .Im.r. AW/.--/

v..l. \\iii.

M« I . •' F. — Studies in Ancient History.

M» I.1 AN \\. .). F. — The I >ry.

MA»>V «) T \\ mitivt Culture.

MORGAN, L. H. — Ancimt Society.
SPENCER, H., and OILLKN, F. J., — Th, Tribes of Central

An
SPENCER, B., and < in M \, F. J.,— The Northern Tribes of Cen-

tral Austm

M \\ I Social Origins.

-Anthropology.

•u. K. li.— I'rimitin- C'ulturr, 2 vols.

IX

TIIK TRANSITION FROM TRIBAL SOCIETY
TO CIVIL SOCIETY

MANKIND did not make tin- change from primitive so-
ciety, organized on the basis of blood relationship, to
civil society where the bond of union is mutual toleration
and cooperative interest, in any sudden and complete
manner. The transition period was a long and an im-
portant one. Many factors and numerous influences
were at work undermining and breaking down the old
structure of society. Although the beginnings of this
change belong to a more or less remote prehistoric period,
the later stages of the transition have been recorded in
a most interesting manner in the early literature and laws
of historic peoples. Ancient Greek literature, early
Irish, Welsh, and Saxon laws, contain numerous refer-
ences to a structure of society which was neither tribal
nor yet properly civil, but presented rather the charac-
teristics of a transition form. We must not consider
that this change took place at the same time all over Iho
world among those peoples which are now civilized, for
there is indication that different races attained civiliza-
tion at different periods. Nor must we expect to find
that the transition was always made in accordance with
the same process of change. Sometimes one factor was
most important, at other times or among differently
situated peoples some previously neglected influence be-
came a dominant force. Thus the problem is one of ex-
ceeding complexity and all we can hope to do is to study

278

TRANSITION FROM TRIBAL SOCIETY

a few of the more important i nf! u.-ncos which have been at
work in combining to produce ci\ >n.

Tii.- LT'-nn "i' a eivil state appears when several ti
unite .-iii'l form a confederation for purposes of mutual
protection. We saw that tin- Iro.|u.»is confederacy was,
in many respects, like a true eivil state. Yet this re-
markable organization was really not advanced I*
the stage of Mimic -,.,-i,-t\ i,,.,-;m-- it was composed of

I of Indians who trae.-d de^-.-nt thmuLrh tin- mother
line. The ehanice from nietn.n) mie to patronymic or-
- to liave been al in tin- early his-

tory of many peoples for tin- final tfreat transition to

This rhanuv appears to have «• 1 at any

stage in social .-volution. A patriarchal organ ix.
bad IMM-II ali«-a.iy at hy most historic peoples wben

rli.-xt known lit.-r;it un- \\a> written; in conse-
• jiie!!' ii down to the mioMle of the nineteenth

. trailitions 'ier m«-t ronymic organi/.atioii had

passed from iii«-nV iniinls.1 In passing from metro
nymic to patronymic organi/at'nui. >o.-i(.ty was deeply in-
fluenced by the economic struggle for foods. In this

•»i human savagery ha«l full e: n. There w. -re

ruthles> war- . Miination and surplus ]>opnl.

within the group was put to death. Social regulation-,
placed a ban upon the marriage of young men, resulting
in polyandry2 and in polygymy8 among the older and
powerful ehi.-:

i Dralry. J. Q.—Thr f',, r* Porte/o^col Atptrt*, 1012, p. 27, M«

:»!-.• I \lalrimottinl Institution*. Morgan** Amrirm!

de CoulaafM* A*eim i d/y. HoberUon Smith's A*in«Ai> amH \larr\a 9* of
Karty Arab*. LouU \\nili*' Sorioloyinl StuHy of tkr /f,6/r. KelWr't
Homeric Society, Guminrn-*-* Germanic Origin*, and H«arn'» Aryam He
/>•/' i A marriage system in which a woman baa several

• A marriage system in which a man has several wire*

*Deaky, op. ctr, p, 23

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

One of the important factors in the change seems to
have been the practice of obtaining wives by capture.
Under the system of mother descent, the husband came to
live with his wife's kindred, and the children were claimed
by the mother clan and took its name. In the new re-
lations which grew out of the system of wife capture,
the children of the e;iptured wife <jiiite naturally belonged
to the kiu of the father as long as he chose to keep them
and their mother, and if he cared enough for them to
hold them as his property until their maturity, they took
his name. This transition is described by Tylor as tak-
ing place under his observation among the Malayan tribes
of the Baber Archipelago.5 Powell lias d< •>< -riln •«! how
force of circumstances consequent upon the conditions
of life in the desert region has caused the Pueblo In-
dians, a matriarchal people with female descent, to place
the control of family affairs temporarily in the hands
of the husbands and fathers. As water is scarce for ir-
rigation in their desert region, these Indians are obliged
to separate widely for the cultivation of lands at a dis-
tance from the central pueblo. The consequence is that
the control of the families and the training of children
are temporarily taken out of the hands of the mother's
kin.6

Economic changes of vast importance occurred at about
the time this system of wife capture was originating.
These changes operated to strengthen the motive to ob-
tain possession of offspring.7 In early stages men ob-
tained their food by hunting wild animals. "Under cer-

5 Tylor, E. B.— /our. of the AntkropohgtaA Institute, vol. xviii, p. 261.
« Powell, J. W.— Letter quoted by Tylor, ibid., p. 258.
•foldings, Dcscrip. and Hist. Sociology, p. 464, Principles, p. 288;
Dealer, op. cit., p. 24.

IK QJSn UOM TKIBAI

tain circumstances where game had become scarce, it was
discovered, at ti that a legs precari-

ous food supply could be secured by preserving various
animals and caring for tin ir increase, rath. -r than by de-
vouring at once tin- < ntin produce of the chase. Do-
ion of animals was a discovery of momentous
import, and with their iiiultipli.Mti.Mi first for food, then
.ui.l finally for clothing, protection and
pleasure, we have the ron,; or the transition to the

•ral stage."' Tin- chief reMilt of tin- dom.
imals was assurance of a ]>• nt food supply,

and ' ith man, "in | -lying on natural pm-

»>n, gorging himself in one season, starving in
another, was able to store \\\> food supply into flocks and
ring a constant an.l ahnn.lant source
of ilcsh and milk." ' Thus there was afforded an oppor-
tunity to accumulate wealth which stimulated the ambi-
tion of man to devote himself to activities oth. r than
those of war and the chase. "In th<> pastoral life was
born the desire to multiply herds and herdsmen, and to
property to sons." I0 Male children of the wife
veil an asset of considerable importance
g man who had plun.irred his foe's herds.
Consequently there was an economic motive to reinforce
the social usage of wife captm. and retain possession of
<•hildr.ii.

"Under these new conditions courage and vigor were
in demand, had of necessity to be brave

in the defense of its wealth and aggressive against rob-
Uands and < arnivorous beasts. The inert and the
cowardly were killed, or as sla In return

for labor. In this way developed a breed of masterl>

• Scligroaa, o; 71 • Dmfcr. op of. "Gidding*. of. ctl.

282 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

men who loved war with its turmoil and bloodshed ,-md
who ruled with an iron hand over slave and family alike.
These dominating males, as warriors, priests, and
judges, were the heads of powerful families and groups,
owning slaves, flocks and herds, and wide areas of graz-
ing-lands." ll The industry developed under these new
conditions, diverted attention from war, and marriage
by purchase gradually succeeded marriage by capture.
This new form of marriage gave the husband even greater
authority over the wife than he secured by capture, sim •«•
his right to the purchased wife cannot be denied by her
kinsmen. She was wholly surrendered by her kinsmen
and could cherish no hope of restoration to them.12 The
husband's authority was further increased by religion.
Ordinarily the children would follow the totem of the
mother, but if the totems of the two parents were hostile.
confusion resulted. Hence there developed the system
of adopting the captured or purchased wife into the clan
and totem of the husband. In this way the children be-
came in every sense the kindred of the father. McLen-
nan has described a transition of this sort among the
(luinea negroes. The chief's principal wife and her chil-
dren must be of the clan and totem of her kinsmen by
blood, but the husband often purchases a slave or a
friendless girl and by consecrating her to his bossum, or
god, he makes her of his kin and faith. The bossum wife
and her children are under the husband's control, and it
is the bossum wife who is sacrificed at the chief's death,
that her spirit may follow his.13 By means of these dif-
ferent usages the father's power was finally established
over his small community.

11 Dealey, op. cit., pp. 24-25.

12 Giddings, op. tit.

" McLennan, The Patriarchal Theory, pp. 235-236.

TRANSITION FHUM TIMIIAI- SOCIETY

Population multiplied rapidly under these improved
conditions, and the food supply became inadiH) un-
certain densely peopled regions. Presumably by aooi-

d-'iil, it \\.-i- found that the seeds would multiply th«-m

^, and that tin- stick was more effective for grubhiim
than the band; when ' U»s were made we

have the beginninif of tin :ti..n of th<» soil. But

.we must not think <>f \\.\- agricultural stage* of food get-
ting as always following upon the nomadic or pastoral
stage, because the resources of many regions will i
a- hull <>f agriculture and can only funiMi a scant subsist-
ence for an occasional wan.lcrinir h.-nl. Thus the transi-

was not an in\ ariaMe one from pastoral to agr
tural. hut «iuite as likely there wa> the change from
huntinir to airriculf :ce we often find ainonir primi-

tive peoples a degree of agriculture comhine,! with the
hunt HILT or fishing stage. We cannot assert the exact
chronological sequence of these stages because knowledge

; the details is lacking. Some of the most careful in-
vestigators now IM-H.-VC that the <1« .ition of animals
was not the ut of the hunter at all, but of the
primitiv* t;n tin r. and ilat the pastoral stage was an out-
growth of early agriculture. At any - reason-
al.ly MM r tliat the primitive tilling of the soil wa-
on by the hunt«»rs' wives and daughters as a subordinate
and auxiliary means of support." Only at a much lat«-r
^i It ure acquire more i in; >ort an until
the game supply had be. -n pr.x ti< ;il!\ < \hausted and the
roving life of the hunter made im] Me was chi«

m put upon agricultnr. .M It t!i. food supply was
hy the system of raising flocks and herds it was
made douhly se< ui e by crop raising. As grain and w

^ligman, op .

LN4 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

ild be stored and kept for long periods of time the day
of famine was less imminent than over before, and
men could dwell iii ;\ -reiirity seldom pre\ iously experi
enced.

The patriarchal orirani/ation of society was influen« <1
by this momentous economic change and now the religious
pr. -ro Datives of the family group took on added sig-
nificance. If men were generous to their household godg
in irifts and sacrifices, thru there would be bountiful har-
vests for man and beast Tims, while the family may n
gard natural < and forces as animated by friendly

or evil spirits a> l>e fore, they entertained for the soul of
the departed founder of the bouse the stronger feeling
of veneration. They thought of the ancestral -pint as
their friend and protector. To the ancestral spirit,
therefore, they paid their principal devotions. It was
believed that the soul had need of a dwelling-place and
of food and drink, for the soul that had no tomb, wan-
dered forever as a homeless spirit, and instead of beiuir
a protecting power, it usually became a malevolent
ghost.15 To secure the repose of the soul, its body must
be reverently buried and a tomb prepared where food
could be left and libations poured in accordance with
proper ceremony. Often there was an altar within the
house whereon there burned a sacred fire, extinguished
only after the entire family had perished.16

Ancestor- worship reacted upon the domestic life 4\md
marriage was arranged with reference to the transmission
of property and of priestly office to sons, and to the pres-
ervation of the integrity and continuity of the family
group." As none but a son could properly perform the
rites of the ancestral tomb, the patriarch of the house

i* Giddings, Principles, p. 291. i« Ibid.

Ti; \\-li UOM TUI', A I, BOCIKTV 285

make sure of legitimate male oflfspn The con-

sequence was that the position of woman was regarded

Having lost the power of personal choice in

iage "she was eompeih-d to take whatever husband
chance or fortune • II. r day of fonder- hip in

household management had passed and there remained
only drudgery within a limi'

p. ii. •! the whim of her hushand, so that she no

longer had M in it- duration. II* r duties were

often so arduous that she became prematurely old. i

was always the danger that her place mi^ht be

taken by a younger and more attractive wife. In this

: al love marriage of earlier civili/ation"

yielded to one of uncertainty and sensuality. But this

-ramous marriage system existed only among the

hy and powerful. Among the masses monogamy
was the rule, >ince it became too expensive for the ordi-

man to maintain more than one wife. Thus "the
riage basis had become largely economic." IT An
other and darker aspect of the fierce transition from

• ii) mic conditions to the new organization, was the
enslaving of marriageable women of the conquered in
become the concuhines of the conquerors.

With the estaMUhment ..f male ; and ance-

worship, clan headships and tribal chieftainships tended
to become hereditary in eertain famili---. \ l»indimr con-
tinuity of trihal tradition was formed which held to-
gether in compact union not only the mnnhrrs of the
clan and of the family, but also the livinir with the dead.
Thu> there was social integration and the structure of
society became more coherent and substantial. Yet it

:nic trihe in which chieftainship had become heredi-

»' TValry. op. rtr. pp. 29-30.

286 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

tary soon underwent changes of organ) /.a lion. These
changes consist! .1 in the gradual and almost imperceptible
weakening of the bond of kinship and a strengthening of
the bond of personal allr^iance. A barbaric feudalism
slowly d d, and, stop by step, this new system of

social organization was substituted for the old system
of kin, and a ne\\ basis for the social structure began to
gain recognition. The powerful and wealthy chief ob-
tained the admiration of his followers, and in time needed
retainers to care for his large possessions. But so long
as wealth consisted only of implements and weapons,
game, skins, small stores of grain, baskets, pottery, and
beads, and so long as relationships were metronymic, the
chieftain's wealth could never be large enough to become
a source of formidable power. But when the tribe had
become rich in cattle and masculine power had been
firmly established through patronymic kinship and an-
cestor-worship, then conditions were dilTerent. Among
the Kaffirs of South Africa this barbaric feudalism has
been observed. The chief and his family are regarded
as noble, since his wealth is the inherited cattle of his
father, increased by other cattle obtained from numerous
fines and confiscations levied upon his followers.18
Among the privileges he obtains from his followers is
the right to pasture his increasing herds on the outlying
border of the tribal domain. To the simple tribesman
his wealth seems stupendous. By dispensing favors and
enriching favorites he is able to control the retinue, or
court of adventurous men who come to him from all parts
of the tribe, and convert them into formidable bands of
retainers.19

i» Maine. II. S.— Early History of Institutions, 1888, pp. 143-144.
i»Giddinga, op. cit.t p. 294.

Ti; LN8ITIOK M TIUHA1 YT 287

it laws of til- Irish show us the successive
steps by which feudal us were created in patro-

nymic tribal KO< i he Brehon laws disclose that at the

period the chief was above all things else, a man
rich in cattle and sheep. One of the laws prescribes that
the head of a tribe besides being experienced, noble, and
learned, must possess wealth, and be "the most powerful
to oppose, the most steadfast to sue for profits and to be
sued for losses." * It is evident from these laws that the
way to - iuship was always open through the ac-

tion of wealth. Tin- tribesman who had grown
in cattle and was striving to become a chief, was called,
a "bo-aire,M or cow-nobleman.

The lir>t step in the direction of securing large pos-
sessions in the coveted oxen, was to serve some air
estaMi>l t'. The young, the clever, and the brave,

who came to do court service to this well-known l«-ad«-r.
veil as his companions, portions of his stock and
shares in the booty of marauding expedition-. Th«
also extended his right of pasturage in the outlying waste
to his retainers, whose own herds rapidly increased in
numbers.

struggle for wealth there were some unfortu-
nate individuals who suffered loss and ruin. They

in the broken and crushed men who were known
in c\ ii tril". as •• fuidhuir-." At first this class of

fuidhuirs was composed of outcasts from the clans, men
who had disobeyed the clan rules and violated tribal cus-
The numl ;idhuirs was increased by inter-tri-

bal wars, in which tribes are broken up and scattered.
Such ruined and outlawed men the bo-aire gathered about
him on the tribal waste land as a band of rough adventur-

w Maine, op. rff^ p. 134.

SOCIAL INVOLUTION

era, ready to follow him at any moment on marauding -
peditions. In course of time these lawless hands \v< r<
used hy the ho-aire in commit tin;: «1< predations on weaker
trihes and in stealing their cattle. "Deprived of all
possessions, conquered trihes can then subsist only l.y
borrowing stock back from the arrogant cow-noblemen,
who thus become receivers of regular tributes and
rents."21

Mr. Mallock calls the struggle which develops under
the conditions of tribal feudalism, the struggle for dom-
ination to distinguish it from the struggle for mere ex-
istence described by Darwin. In this struggle, wealth
had become an important social element and operated to
differentiate the tribal population into classes. Yet the
retainers of the chieftains, or the followers of these re-
tainers, might themselves be men of any tribe, although
society continued to be organized on the gentile princi-
ple. This is clear evidence that we are dealing with an
intermediate stage which was neither pure tribal organi-
zation, nor yet true civil organization. The bond of union
was allegiance; no question of relationship was asked; it
was only necessary that they should he loyal adherer
faithful to their chosen leader and protector. "Here was
a first step in that momentous change which was finally
to break down tribal organization and substitute for it
the civil organization of society on the basis of industrial
and political association, irrespective of the limitati<
of blood relationship."22

Many historical peoples have passed tlimnirh the stage
of rude feudalism which the Brehon laws describe.23 We

"GiddinpR, op. cit., pp. 295-296.
**Gi«l«lin«rs. Descrip. am/ Hi.it. 8oc., pp. 472-473.

"Hopkins. K. \V.— "The Social and Military Position of the Ruling
Caste in Ancient India/' Jour. Amer. Oriental Society, vol. xiii, 1888.

n:n.M 1 V. 289

tin,! : Led iii tli. "Odyssey" as the so* -r of

1. Tacitus tdls of the
in ni' tfiviim rattle and grain to tribal chiefs which

•Jermans and indicate the beginii

of barharic tVu<: tve seen how

a metronymic people like the Iroijimi^ Indians had com-

trihex int.. a coni .vhieh reinaiiieil

a source of power and -I read to all their <-n«-mp- for two

hun.i ars." Hut patmnNmic tiil.es of the same

. dwelling within a territory affording natural
geographical unity and protection, have united in mili-
tionfl that are more formidable, and more
>tahle than the <-st of n. -nic confederations.

"The Ki:yptian-. th«- Chald tlie Hebrews, the

Greeks, the K'omans the Saxons, the Franks, the Ger-
mans, and the Slavs were originally tribally orgai

lea which, by growth of population, confederation,
and consolidation, developed into civil states."

••When patronymic tiihes conf- and form the

ethnic nation, the agnatic principle and ai worship,

combined with political and military eondition>. 0

• authority upon the cliief of the ..n. He

becomes a military l.-a.l.-r. a religious leader or }v
and a Mipivme judire. all in oiir. The ehief, iii a v
becomes a kin.ir."18

This patriarchal organization of society did not in-
itely remain the eha- *ic mark of the social

structur- ;ianircs oeenrred in all of the comp«'

family irroui u new conditions which

grew out of these relations of prosperity and unity. The
family became increasingly definite, the clan gave place

, i, en. XT.

tt Morgan, op. rit.. ,.t ii. , h. v. MCidding^ op, cil.. p. 473.

SOCIAL EVOLUTION

to new and sjMM-iali/.rd forms, ami so in like manner, did
the tribe. The old series of ordain/at i<m> making up the
ethnic nation were supplanted by compact kindreds, ham-
lets and towns. "This patriarchal kindred wherever
found, as among the Aryans of India, the Greeks, tin-
Slavs, the Celts, and the Germans, normally consists of
five generations of descendants of a common ancestor,
dwelling together as a community, sometimes as a joint
family, and owning an undivided estate. At the end of
the fifth generation the estate is divided, and each of tin*
male heirs may be the first ancestor of a new kindred
that will hold together, as before, for five generations." 27
This system recommends itself to our common sense when
we consider that five generations is all that the average
man can ever know of his kindred. His personal ac-
quaintance seldom extends beyond his grandfather, and
rarely to his great-grandsons ; thus any given individual,
his father and grandfather, his son and grandsons, may
constitute a five generation group.

The patriarchal kindred occupied a definite territory,
but on their possessions were often found dwellers in
some sense attached to the kindred, though not str'n-fly
members of it. These people were of different origins ;
sometimes they were remnants of a conquered people,
often they were individuals from shattered kindreds else-
where who, by some service, had won the hospitality or
protection of the proprietary kindred. By adoption they
were often taken into participation in some of its priv-
ileges. Although commonly organized in partial imita-
tion of the patriarchal kindred, these individuals were
always on a basis of strict equality among themselves.
In return for the privileges of occupying the land, they

« Ibid., p. 481.

UOM TIMI'.AI. s« , •]

may have paid rent in produce or rendered the proprie*
.rroup various services. "In this differentiation of
at ion oocupying land held by a proprietary kin
we probably see the beginnings of that sharper <li

M which at a later time is presented within tin* man-

community. The groups of non-kindr. ••!. b

equal among themselves, were probably the beginnings of

the class at t* i \\ani known as villain tenants. An«l that

democrat!. • .Duality which many students of economic

u ago attrilmted to the 'village com-

munity* probably neve pt within these or-

ions of non-kinsmen. Mft

In these several ways, through tribal feudalism in

which the bond of allegiance and faithfulness was sub-

stituted for that of simple blood relation, as well as

•he custom of admitting to certain privileges of

ive generation kindred a group of dependents who

occupied the proprietary domain, the old structure of

ethnic society was 1 down and a new basis of

was appearing. Now the supreme power which is

1 in the patriarch of the irroiip, faced now problems

of 01 - <-ed upon it by the contact of a rulinir

and a subject population. The old usages were found in

effectual in dealing with the complex relations which had

arisen. Unattached to the tribes with which they had

cast their fortunes, but acquiring \\valth and power, the

miscellaneous elements living <>n the tribal domain de-

manded juristic and political rights.19 Comme

\M were first granted with hut little hesitation. But

p. 482; and 8e«bohm, Y.-Tke Tribal Syttem in Walet. and fn
bnl rl4sf..... I'M .4 *glo-8**on Latr ; Seebohm, If. K.—Tkr Strvcttirt of Or*ek
Tribal And Tkc Ycnrtotia* Code, Ancient La** and InstiMat of

Wmim,
ttGiddinf», rrincimto, pp. 314-331.

L".»L' SOCIAL EVOLUTION

to permit the alien l<> marry into a local clan was to ad-
mit the wife to the worship of strange gods, ;m<l was ulti-
mately to intrust to strangers the solemn sacrifices to the
protecting ancestral spirits. This innovation was of such
a serious nature, to the mind of primitive man, that it
was deferred until the pressure forced general recogni-
tion of the heterogeneous population. New relations
V»T, were in course of time expressly authorized and
sanctioned : thus the* customary usages of the people were
converted into positive law.80

"Each nation in its infancy has regarded itself as a
peculiar people. It has cherished its law as a body of
unique and unequaled wisdom. When, therefore, after
it has subjugated alien peoples and has annexed their
lands, and has discovered that their systems of law differ
only in form and detail from its own, its conception of t lie
nature of law necessarily undergoes a profound change.
It finds itself obliged to think of law as made up more of
general than of peculiar principles. It begins to think
of certain principles as universally true, and to identify
them with the nature of society. It observes, moreover,
that the universal rules of customary law ar< independ-
ent of the forms of government, and it 1 io regard
them, therefore, as of superior authority, ami to believe
that governments should themselves be governed by the
universally accepted rules of right."31

Back of these changes in the structure of society, and
at the basis of most innovations in custom and usage;,
were certain wider economic conditions. One of the chief
of these was the existence of natural resources in soil
and surroundings which would permit of a somewhat easy

»o/6uf.; and Tarde, op. tit., pp. 310-322.
»i Giddings, op. cit., p. 329.

II : \ - 1 TION FROM TRIBAL SOCIETY 293

muilation of wealth. As long as m«-n lived from hand
'iioutli an<l consumed imnic.l ;i|l that was pro-

duced, no enduring basis for formidahlo pow. «<L

i to store their food supply in ftV

and herds an.: <*nd upon cultivated plants for their

sul .it was pc to lay aside an

fun. I of supplies, a Mirplus which could be drawn upon

in time of famine or nth. With th- /ation

'iarchal BO< no an established

•itution. ami -la\ cry becalm an important -..rial sys-

. Th. of war was rmployrd as a cowherd or

a sln'phrnl. Sinre large flocks can IK? att« n«l« .1 hy rela-
ti\r|\ fr\\ -..-n, slavery did not reach its most •

rm of development until opportunity was af-
• led for the use of lar.ir«* numbers. The pressure of
population upon tin* food supply developed a system of
riiltix atin- tin- -oil which, though arduous, was profitable,
vi.led a good supply of labor could be hinl. The slave
i into agricultural labor and cultivation of the
soil wa i« «1 on upon a large scale. I'.y tin- em-

ployment of gangs of slaves it was possible to produce

^e the surplus. I.ut if there
t unity i i nir«- the surplus products of

locali; •••! arti-- i «»th«-r n-irions. tl.

was a definite limil surplus prodi;

It was only with the growth of barter ami the increas-

-sihilit> hanging surplus products that it be-

ue profitable to augment both one's land and one's

• r agricultural production must
«»p an«l trade open up before slavt be

hiirhly lu. • in a-Mition to the existence of a

market, one other condition was essential to the spread of

ttgelignuui. op. of., PP. 1M 162.

•J!>4 SOCIAL EVOLUTION

slavery: a supply of free land. The reason for this is
found in the nature of slave labor. The slave was usually
unskilled at methods of cultivation, since as a warr'mr, be-
fore his capture and humiliation, he was accustomed to
regard manual labor as degrading. Moreover, his labor
was reluctant, hence he was not interested in making it
rflicieiit. And further than this, the slave was stupid and
ignorant of right methods. Because of these traits of the
slave, his work was wasteful and extravagant. Con
quently, the only way to get increasing r» -turns from agri-
cultural work of this sort, was to set the slave at a new
tract of virgin soil as soon as he had used up the vital
qualities and destroyed the fertility of the land which he
had been cultivating. It paid better to bring fresh land
under the plow, than to put more effort into old land; it
was more profitable to increase acreage than to redouble
effort. And so, as long as there was a boundless ex pa n se
of good land available, slave labor, which implied super-
ficial cultivation, was still economical, but as soon as the
supply of land decreased through occupation or exha
tion of its resources, slavery waned in importance. Thus,
although slavery was an institution of great importance
in prehistoric and ancient times, with the virtual exhaus-
tion of free land, slavery in modern society has gone,
never to return.

One consequence of this creation of a surplus, whether
by slave labor, or otherwise, has been that certain classes
in the community have not found it necessary to devote
their entire time to depressing and enervating labor.
Some individuals were afforded leisure from the drudgery
which dulls the finer sensibilities and reduces bodily
vitality. With the attainment of leisure, came the possi-
bility of an increased development of Art, Literature,

I TION FBOM THIHAL - Y 296

Science and I'!iil«.-..|,i.\. of all higher arts of life and
refinements of living which have i primitive cul-

tures ai -Tied them into ci\ ili/.ati«

We \\i\\ ated another factor as bound up with the

creation of a surplus. This was the establishment of a

s. Probably no oth«-r single force
in human 1 ias been more important in l>ri<

about the complete transition from tribal to rivil >.
than the growth of commerce. 1 f t here was opportunity
•mmerre t ! ion of a surplus was fa

mg of an excess in the horn* produce for some

new want stimulated the further production of surplus

• >n» fully satisfy that wdnt. In time, new industries

ated, and t turn, \v« re worked for the surplus

ict which could be iged for still newer wants.

iltintf «liver>itieation of wants was educational

f..i the people an<l t« n<led to lay the basis for a rich and

staining economy which becomes the found.
of a great civi! «>r responding to the exchange

in wares and articles of commerce, there was a communi
i <>f new ideas and transmission of intelligence that
could 11 to react profoundly upon the dc1

culture of the people. The commercial people be<

of customs other than their own and learn famil-
iarity \\ith stranireand : localities. All this va
of e.\ o broa-; ir point of view and gives a
ripeness and maturity • culture \vhi.-h no other in-
fluence can bring.

Thus, in the transition from tribal to civil society there
occur important modifications in the social structure,
making it mor- and broadening its scope and

power of ad through

force of adverse or favorable circumstances, that the local

L".M> SOCIAL EVOLUTION

group which reared and nurtured thorn is but part of a
\\ider wxaety. A wraith of race experience is acquired
along with an increasingly secure economic basis for hot h
individual and social life. Production, local exchange of
wares, and extensive commercial relations are developed.
I.< nnoniio and industrial activities become of more im-
portance than warfare, and continuous prosperity and
freedom from dangerous famines is the lot of larger
and larger iiumhers of mankind. With a more plastic
and flexible structure of social relations, founded upon
a substantial and e\ten>ive economy, the plane of tin-
struggle for existence is, for most of mankind, once for
all raised above the level of the brute, and the im r< ,i iim
dependence placed upon the intellectual and ethical ele-
ment assures a truer realization of justice, humanity
and happiness.

SUPI'LKMKNTAKY READINGS.

DEALEY, J. Q. — The Family in Its Sociological Aspects.

GIDDINGS, V. II. — Principles of Sociology.

(iinniNGS, F. H. — Descriptive and Historical Sociology.

(JiNM.LL. — The. Brehon Laws.

MAIM:, II. S. — The Early History of Institutions.

MORGAN, L. H. — Ancient Society.

MVRES, J. L. — The Dawn of History.

BOHM, F.—TJte Tribal System in Wales.
SEEBOHM, P. — Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Lnu-.

I'.OIIM. II. K.— Tin Sfnirturr of Greek Tri lml Society.

MOM AN, E. R. A. — The Principles of Economics.
TACirrs.- ' ia.

THOMAS, W. I. — Source Book for Social

•IX I. KXA.MI'I.Ks MK SOCIAL AND SOCIETAL

> to a greater

nmge of thought i |>nmr Mian wi

••nee is far more sever- . for famine, pesti-
M beasts, and ferocious enemies are an

preset .<»%• r, men are so ignorant of the causes

«»f these | are loath to run the risk oi

ways -.•: ..Id n.-eds >«• and wont have demount

hed mod- II !!•••

atL.nl to take tin- risk of innovation, ami flu* pressure of ar

immemorial nistom, and of mechai -••mnny is

harsh and ar! 1'riuiitivf sorial as<-,>n.i. impatient

iivi.lual idiosyncrasy and manifests itself in those cnuler
forms of social control which

The Hlllttl.' and rrtin.'d ii; tl of sn.-ial order, 8U

•MM.",* .ind persona] id--.tU. are less important than tribal
.o.-ial ru-t'.iii. magical (•• 1 Iwlirf in the super-

.ral.

«'1.-NV8 Parsons* has assembled som sting

tin- siip.-niatural i^ a VITV potent

means of presen primitive social onler. Thr "bogy-

who carries off naughty rhildn n. \\i... oats and kills un-
manageable juniors, is ;ipp,-alrd to I iy primitive parents to keep
\\II.T.- t! ng and out of the way of adults.

wl will com.' and take aw.ty noisy children of the Thompson

timitivc Social Ancrmlat 1 an an Ap-nt of ScWetlOM in So-

rmiwion from PuUi-
•»j of tkf American Kocido^Ml > I 1 "17

nk« hrtwrrn Hrlifrioo and Morality in Karlv »'ultur»fw Amtr. An
tkrop.,! . \\ II. \... 1. ,.,. U-«7.

m

•J<>s APPKNDIX

•my. and Sioux Indians.8 Caffre children are
threat. -n. -d with the XomgOgwana monster.' Tin- <;ineet (lin.vt
of th<> Knahlayi tribe of New South Wales is alert to catch bad
children in his Q<

In initiation oenmouiei the social hold upon the n<.\

:thene<l by taboo. Boys and girls i.t't In- Lower Murry trilie.s
in Australia arc told that to eat emu. wild duck, twins, geese,
black duck, or the eggs of any of these birds will cause their hair
to become prematurely irray and their muscles to shrink.'1 If a
Urabunna initiate should allow a woman to see one of the secret
sticks, he and his mother and sisters would drop dead.7

Those who commit incest among the Omeo tribe of Victoria are
beaten by the "jidjigongs" or snak« v Anyone who married into
prohibited subclasses of the <t>uern^l;in<l sava;_'.-s would die be-
cause his behavior was offensive to Kohin. an earth-roamim: spirit
of the Milky Way.8 The islanders of the Malay Arehip.-lau'n
b.-lieve that sickness will follow the eating of stolen food from
tabooed fields.' Batak thieves are cursed by the magic of the
great priest of Baglige.10 Iconoclasts amoni: the Dakota. Ainu,
and in the Malay Archipelago will be punished by supernatural
powers.11

tralian blackfellows are educated from their infancy to
believe that departure from the ens' ihe tribe will in-

evitably be followed by such evils as becoming prematurely gray,
being afflicted with ophthalmia, skin eruptions, or sickness, and

» J. Teit, "The Thompson River Indians," Mem. Amer. Mus. \</f.
II. 108.
«D. Kidd, Savage Children (London, 1000), pp. 90-97.

U Parker, The Ev ibe (London. 1 :::.

• P. Beveridge, Jour, and Proc. Roy. 8oc.t flew So. Wales, XVII
27.

*B. Spencer and F. J. C.illen, The Northern Tribes of Central Aus-
tralia (London and New York. HKIJ I, p. 498.

• A. \V. Hmvitt. The W* <outh-Kast Australia (London and New
York, 1904), p. 498.

tM. Bartefc, Die Medicin der IWwrfUMf (Leipcig, 1893), p, 29.

10 J. von Brenner, Besuch bei den Knnnihnhn Xumatmt l\\iir/bcrp.
1894), p. 226.

11 M. Eastman, Dacotah (New York, 1849), p. 87; H. R. Schoolcraft,

Al

.11 Itukal.ti I if a

man il women «•• -, \\..uid (li

and give birth (•> animals • >!' tin- i-.f m kin-l if NOOU* awful

disea*- 1: If u nmii of thr KIk rlan «.f the Omaha* ate of any
f the male elk, he would bn-ak out m Ix.iU and white «poU

'-. r.-nt parts «>!' Ins l..,,h ' Among the Hamoans th-
who at.- a turtlr would 1*1 ill. and I In- turtl- within him

him." «'• M ,f th«-

th<-ir miinU

liim fro'ii all h. Ipful n-
1 i. mail mills, so that I.. -uf

•• And S4i it goes, i"-ii,-f in tin- npernatoral

ilts in?

fiinuity to t-ustoii ! nlT.-iid.Ts . :iissi,,n to s

In this way a selertrd and approved cond;. I and th«-

aoci.i preserved without viol.-n

''niu'iite proinifietl \>\ l»«-li.-f an- n-.r i]

inuiK i the social order must be presrr-\,-.l. tl..- trroup

siippli-ineiiUi control by this means with rougher mrthodt. Seri
customs are enforced on pain of o and out-

lawry \ Omaha brav \\.-U on toward th.- hiirh rank of

u and went upon an unauthorized war
T performing tl -nies that al

f the tribe. Although he was

successful, he was punished by debasement for breaking tribal
ni.l§ Delib.-ratr murder am«.n.j the Omuhas is punished by
banishin.-ni for four years of solitary lit dlage,

communicating with no one.1*

Indion TfibM, II ( Phll«dH|.hi«. 1V,I IT), 195-96; J. lUchrlor. T*< Am*

ItOl), |M. :,s. IT; 78,
^f^a/.dH //

p 309.
M TAir./ I«HU<J( Report. Iturcau of America* A.'rAno/ocy. p. 226.

l». W.
»• Ttcmly «rmi/ H IHM...I/ A' >att of Amcric** Klkmotofy. ;

rntrmth \ nnu.il /;. /..-rr. Hurrtiu of Amrricum Ktkmotogy. p. 283.
•rrm/ A Annual Rrport. /hirrou o/ 4 wrriron Ktkmolofy. p. 405.

!»/ '15.

A serious breach of tribal custom among the YYyandot i>
punished by outlawry declared after formal trial before the
triltal council. Should the offender continue in the commission
of the wrong act. it is lawful for any person to kill him on si-lit.
and sometimes it becomes the duty of all men to kill him.- ' The
Kamilaroi drive out of the company of his friends a man who
persists in keeping as his wife a woman of a subclass with which
his subclass must not marry. When this does not induce him to
leave the woman, his male kindred follow him and kill him, and
the female kindred kill h«

One who makes light of the authority of the chiefs or of the
sacred ; .ha is considered a disturber of the peace,

and by ord--r of the tribe is killed by being wounded with the
poisoned end of a start'.- Amoni: the Tlingit, when a murderer is
not high caste enou-jh to make up for the dead man. a council of
the people of the victim gather before the house of a man of eoual
caste and call him out to be killed.'-"1 A murderer or his
kin is killed by the Iowa.24 The natives of Southeast Australia
ordinarily kill young men who tr,: the mama-

rules. The Karamundi and Harkinji kill men who break the
totem marriage rules. The Yaitma-thang and Wolgal tribes
Dually punish infringements of this sort by death. Amoiiur the
Tongarankas the whole tribe take a hand in the killing of an
offender against marriage laws or class rules.25

Adultery is a particularly heinous offense against marriage

'oms, and among many primitive peoples is punished by
death. It is regarded as a grave tr;: ion because the wife

is ordinarily considered to be the property of her husband.28 In
Melanesia adultery is regarded as an offense against
The man who commits it is led before the chief, jud-j-d by the

20 First Annual Import, Bureau of Ame> lf>logy, pp. 07-68.

[owHt, <•}>. «t., p.

22 Twenty-seventh Annual /,'• , <m >,f t//- p. 213.

M Twenty -xi.rth \in\unl Ifijinrt. Hun mi >,f ImtHctm /.'(// >io/o*///. p. 11!'.
24 J'tt't' < nih .\iuinal /,' nn I t lni>,l<i</». j,. .'

.p. :w-2.

•oiirncau. /<//i^n of Marriage and the Family (London.

pp. 208-27.

A 1 • i X

spot." In Africa, at

.M.I han

smaftht.l by IMMH; In Uganda King II 'teaa

caused adult. smember --^ one hint, at ..

the vulture, who feasted on it I

: the Kskimo,

• .-life a man ami womuii taken in adultery. '•' The I 'ij.il.-,
Of Salvador punish tin* delinquents with death. l In Yucatan
the guilty ones \\ with arrows and impaled

• •am grin-rally piinisiK-il tin- ulTfiiHT
will

, l.y «l«-atli penalty thone who

reveal tribal secrets. • IK- killing of any man

.•vrals tli.- hull roarer to a woman. ••:• secrets of

the Kin-ni'jal. The council of Heatlmen of the
lanii tribes may decree the death of men whose <
irregular.3' The Kamilar« -r kill a man

wh«> has spoken to or has had any cominunitMtinn with his
mother." Tli 11 im-n who become insane or hav<- the

;. mutt tiiomselves because they are

\ ullc*

rly Minn- jiriiu-ipli- . mass of ifleetive

pli'-ii'-iip • throw li-.'ht upon t! >f adapta-

tion secured by so- krol An ezaminatkm of tbe treateeot

•ivrn t" si-l.-i-ti.iii «*s a state

•ipnji tliis jx.iiit. Natural selection i, not always
»listii, . : ami the tt-rms social selec-

• •»• -i. |. 202.

>* Dcnliain and ( l»|.|. \\\ II ;. •

*• SjH«kr, Voyage to Ike Source* of '

»°IVin« urg dft different prwp/r«, 1 19.

»» I
«/
u Pmct.r 26.

< of gociolofy -rk. 1909). p. Stt;

AITKMHX

tion and societal selection are used interchangeably to deal

processes that secure quite dilVerent forms of adaptation.
\\liat some writers call countcrselection,88 or mi^ch vti«m.
really t'.>rms of social selection. While it is not wise to try to

«.n mobile lif«- processes which arc in |

of flux and forming, it is at least worth the effort to make an
attemp- 1 classification.

When a human being «:cts in the way of ponder,,^ social iiMi-
tntions or aged customs driven by tlic momentum of antiquity, a
social seleetion takes place; the unlucky individual may be
.-rushed to physical exlerminat ion. or simply pushed out of the
• if ordinary social intercourse. In any event a social selec-
tion quite ditVerent from natural selection occurs, and in the
long run the process seems to result in the survival of a race
of tractable and conforming individuals.

Coiisidenni: this phenomenon we find that sociologists have not
always distinguished between selection that works on the pi
plane and selection that works on the psychic plane. This dig-
tinction is very important, for selection on the physical plane
involves the extermination of the individual and brings decisive
results. The antisocial, the innovators, the non-conformist ^. and
olVenders are once for all eliminated. Selection on the psychic
plane is milder. It merely modifies conduct and thought. It
fails to strike through to racial stock and secure a physical ba-is
for perpetuating its grains.

<is examine this selective process that works on the physical
plane. It manifests JK ]f in various ways. Sometimes it in-
volves the killing of helpless non-producers — the aged and the
infants— as in parricide or infanticide. These victims of
power are not offenders a(_rain<t social usa«re: their only sin is
that they stand in the way of group survival. In communities
when- thes.- practices flourish the stru «_"_'] c for severe

and food is searce, so that this established population policy of

and C. A. Ell wood v Sociology in Its / \*pecta (New \<>rk.

1918

»8A. (J. K.-I1. ' .,h,tion (New V«.rk. 1015), «-hap. vi.

39 E. A. i: i '»: :«i'(l /'ou»'/

of Sociolofj Y,,rk. 1!»(>5), pp. 328-3n.

A ! • ! X

natural selection

»eh a case th .iting mcxif of the

mi in I i inal like mindedneia. Sometimes the

• ly Men, as when society de-
liberately destroys tin* offender againxt iU ways. Again, the
impii: f a mob eruahea th«- lit".- of an offender. Some-

timea conventions of th-- standarda of

marriage amour strains -•: the popu!

,'il'i|.l\ limn- sl..\\ly than the squalid and reckless.
s the process of survival «.f th.- phyKieally
<>fien by standard^ are later

(1 wholesale by machiii<-r\. like so much meat in a
grimier, and the weak are left behind tn perp.-tuat.- the race.
Again, a formal and custom-bound religioua system, intolerant
i.-pmdeiit thought, ruthlessly tortures and kills the r.:

it And •). ;- •(.•• human variate is caught and

death in s«i. \ that other mm of other agea

have 1 motion, and thus the in-

It, the oi .ind, in faet. any who

dare • ^ocate a new idea are executed, lynched,

inged, or Itu ileath by torture, for the mills of

•sxly if not consistently fair.

Hut selection in I of the bloody type that

kilU. and it often fails to mold the race by establish ini; a sel-
hirth-rat.-. Soi-ial si-l.-etion takes plaev nn the psyehie plane also.
upon th.- path of some K< tution may IH» m

A hi!.- the procession proceeds upon

• • unary are simply

const! !• coerced into appn>\. d l..-havi..r. It is not a]

necessary to cnish the d.-lin-pi.-nt lif.Oevs in order that his anti-
sociii uia\ !><» eliminated.

*ns of social selection upon tl»e psyehie plane
otT.-nd.-r is separat.-d from the

privileges of association with his fellows by expulsion from
This process ' forms of ostracism and

forms of banish me i and out-

lawry forms and

ft. In all these ways the harmful idea and conduct are

APPENDIX

got rid of by doing away temporarily or permanently with the
individual who originates or practices them. Sometimes the
method of physical ehastixement and corporal pnnislnnei
used to coerce delinquents. Finally, dinvt s«-l« ction of ideas may
proceed witli great deliberation, as in formal discussion by a
legislative body of the merits of SOUK- resolution. IVrhaps tin-
highest type of this selective process is seen m those forms of
popular legislation known as the initiative, the referendum, ami
the recall <>t' e|e,-ted officials, as well as in popular voting under
universal suffrage.

Ross40 in speaking of social seleet ion and Keller" in describing
the process of societal selection have called attention to the differ-
ence between selection that takes place upon the physical plane
and that which takes place upon the psychic plane. Vet even
these authors have left the matter somewhat indefinite. I would
therefore suggest the following distinctions in an endeavor to
attain a sound basis for clear thinking- about this import ant
phenomenon of social life. The terminology has been worked out
in consideration of the foregoing analysis. m the belief that it
may help to correct a confusion in thought that is so clearly in-
dicated by confusion in prevailing terminoloL1.

When the pressure of social ascendancy or the slow crowding
of social conditions, customs, and conventions causes the death of
any individual or the termination of his family line, the phe-
nomenon is social selection. Now this social selection not only
takes the form of conscious group action to exterminate offenders
or obnoxious persons, but there is also the Mind and mm
purposive crowding of technique conditions and social in
tions which often establishes a selective death-rate or a selective
birth-rate. Hence, borrowing a distinction from Keller.43 we
may say that social selection is sometimes rational and sometini'-s
automatic. It is automatic whenever the victim has met hi

*o Social Control, pp. .".. foundations of Sociology, pp. 343-48.

*i Sftriftal Ernlutf.n. pp. 71-72, 89.

«2 I proposed t«TiniiM.l..i:y for these types of

ii in an article, "The Experinu-nt:il Method and Sociology," Scien-
tific Monthly, i \l:mli, 1917.
43 Op. cit.f chaps, iii, iv, and v.

Ai

••kf in the way of hi axiom, or ha*

face of an aneinit
a mob. In the

i"«- tli-- mode of the aocial mind i* what

iiii^s calls s\ inpathetic lik«- iinii.l. -dnexs; in the former eaaea

li that haa aet the «•
-j the other haiul. '
eaa becomes a non-c»

• . thou-li' out plan of

•'li'i-'-i i! follows formal trial. <»r in

'ini-l. m .1 procedur. In all guch caaea

tli'- tii«* social mind is rational like-minded-

neas. \ •.-. in iln-s,- rma of aocial •election it .should

always !»•• r.-inrinl.rr.-.i that lh«- olij.-.-tinnalilf thintr \vlii.-h i> u'"t

, in ir.-n.-r.il. tli- iial.it. Th«- killing

•s rxponrnt or promoter is only i; ' to the accomplish-

• of this conscious or dim'. L Thus so.

selection wot Is of psv :f, although

it acts upon a physical pi.

Turninu' now to ->f selection \\hi»-h works upon a

psychic plane, atiainmij its results by the coer nt

of human variates, I would suggest the term stn-ii t<il K for

this process. Societal & of

i the group of obstructionist^

sts, or K« 'ii

i the KM This process

ia sometimes automatic and soniftimrs rational. It is automatic

- ki was shunned l»v

the .\ni--ri.-an pul.lic. I1 .il when an ol«j.vtioiiaMe person

n.iip for detinit.- and well-

understood reaaona. Its poiiti<-al forma are sei-n in c\ilc. I...-.
1 an.l interdiet are

rms. Tl :ictly social form of rational

soci- iHiprisonment of d'-liii'iuents and esp«-eiully

the individi; D of punishm. nt ll.?-e again, as in so.

•election, tl onahle thini: p»t riil of is. in | 'he

1 ahit. hut in this »-ase the end is ac-
r means. Not only is sin-ieta!

306 A 1 TEND IX

harsh, ii is also more di -lislit ideas are expelled fr»m the

social mind in tin- art of formal voting by any deliberative 1>
of human beings, whether at an election, in legislative assembly,
or by the popular initiative, referendum, and tin- recall of »•!•
officials.

Assuming for the moment that this pro|>oscd terminology,
which I believe corresponds to real and significant distinctions,
meets with your approval, let me conclude with a brief examina-
tion of the types of adaptation attained l.y social as contrasted
with societal selection. If we consider social adaptation as such
a relationship between human individuals, social <_rroups, or in-
stitutions as is favorable to existence and growth,44 then analysis
discloses the following facts.

Social selection working on the physical plane exterminates the
antisocial and solves the problem of the social order so that it
stays solved. It works on instinct and evolves a human type with
inborn social tendencies. lint the process is expensive, The
criteria of social selection are often set by blind social conditions
or accidentally and ignorantly attained. Unequable tax system
and impediments upon the marriage of the intellectual discour-
age propagation of the best stock. The machinery of social
lection is rude. As often as not the innocent man is lynched, and
justice frequently miscarries. There is no racial ^ain from the
vicarious death penalty. AmoiiL' the Tlin«rit Indians when a
murderer is not hiirh caste enough to atone for the dead man.
an innocent man of the same caste who b"longs to the kin of the
offender is killed.46 Social selection is unduly harsh in case of
minor otVenses. The primitive man who revealed tribal secrets or
married in violation of his class or totem rules was killed. Even
in England it was not until is:r_> that the death penalty
sheep, cattle, and horse stealing was abolished.4* Finally social
tion fails to recognize in certain type* of psychic variation
a higher social usefulness than is apparent on the surface, and 90
genius and original ability have been ruthlessly crushed out.

«« L. M. P,ri-i..|. N'-< -inl Adaptation (('auil.ri. !;_'••. 1915), p. 8.
«* Twenty-sixth Annual if>-jn»rt. linn mi <,f \m<r\«in Ethnology, p. JIM.
'. I li.n. llittory of the Criminal Law of England, I (London,
» 74-75.

A 1 ' • i X

11 has fthown !.•••. breed

and th«-n mai hug« nets, thin titu<-

lislm,- .iteh thoNe who * most fear-

less, truth-sen modes of thought, and

•111- most • lli/atinil

ng check -ln-ir progen;

lal selection is also sl.,\\ in attaining its adaptation. It
taken agea of i

purged of antisocial adap-

>tt*t eomlii!. i. In the in anew

lik<- as nut. arisen and *w. -'••« in

ria of ael«'»-ti.iii liav.- api'-an-tl. In shor moat

IIH Koss .<,k tli.- fart thaT -ii adapts

I rniulir Hiiinanit,

u.l waste of social

hastril tllf i-Vol .

away from 8<> -m of th«« weed ing-out

process. The hi- vard gentl.-r pmalties f-

f.-nsivf rmnluct is known to all. Let us consider, th.-rrfnre. the
>f adaptation aehi« \. ,1 l,\- >• -1. -. -ti..n that works on the j»v

M attain- )>y nicrrini; ai

r iilens while
!>it. werdini:

-ice adaptation that may not emlim- without
• ••slrainini: pressure of social a^. ^nin l«mse the

bindi; ! pn-ss,-v riofi. and

priinitiv.- Inn I out in savage impulse. I;

•iirht that h- ..minunity 1-

A ay \\ifh th«- iiis-t itutimis of marriage. pri\

\*ew liar-
f man's
i th« >ut these bait els of »> r.4*

-9^). pp. 34.1 II

4* < 104. ant*; *Uo "Moral Profrvw,**

Mont) 1915.

306 APPENDIX

',ll selection has the merit of \H'\\\£
It is 1 fill nf lilllll.lll life and spills li.i blood. Yet

• nt'nrmity nl' tin- browbeaten imi(>\,,!«ir \v!n» leeretly muses
upon his L ' mm wholesome. It is superficial adap-

tation often purchased at 1..- peel. The

.d selection an- in im track nf blood, but in a trail of broken
sj)irits and t'rst.-riii'j hypncris\ . Happily the increasing ra'imi-
ah/.atinn «.!' snrirlal sdc.-t inn I vcrcd a ivfin.-d iiistniiurnt

of social order in tlic t'nnn <»!' individnali/atimi ni' |)iinisliiMrnt.
liy this deviee tin- |>!-.^xU|V nf sncial ascciidaiir\ may !•<• d.-liralrly
adjusted, and «-nn t'nnnity may In- sccnn-d \\ilh. .lit djin.Lrrr nl' nn-
d'-niiinin^ the sclt'-rcsdin-cr and Belf-reBpecl <>f an <»lVcndci-. Tin1
din-r: to nl' idras lias liccn made iimn- ••tVn-imt l>y -ndi

devices as parliamentary rnh's nl' pr dnrr. and l»y tin- ma

chiiu-ry nf the popular initiative and n-ferendum.

des lieii. . annther merit nf snei-Mal selection is that

• jiiiek results— -adaptation is relatively immediate. The

young of one generation after aunt her ar.- readily molded to type.

Knr this reasi.n. \\heu adaptatinn is at last attained it is more

nearly adaptation to eontem|)orary ennditinns than can ever lie

MM with adaptation jn-ndneed hy BOCia] ^electinn. In short,
the adaptation lap is less than that which follows s,M-ial selection.
But even the rational form of societal selection is at best only a
hit-or-mixx .-tVi.rt to snlve the proldeuis nf the social order. It
mii-t always remain larL"-ly the method of trial and error prac-

cnlleetively and necessarily accompanied by considerable
waste. Viewed in evolutionary perspeetive its lastiiiir achieve-
ments are only those which natural selection workinir irroupwise
to confirm. M ' ibei a eoriou

wliieh the Seri taboo a-jainst the killinp: nf smaller rodents has

permitted their multiplication in such numbers that hundreds

i, ire miles of territory round about Seriland have been

y combed with their burrows. 4>A special consequence of

.ibu is found in the fact that the myriad squirrel tunnels

have r ! much of the territory impassable for horses and

so Kci*cntccnlh Annual Report, Bureau of American I P;nt I. \-

<i\

by serve-.

thrtjeulnil* tnb«'sii. .riiii-i-

i«-h cases of ation

hubsei|u»-ntly applied to

has ma- ' aocietal

••• -.sful in tbe n-alm iriCt

"th.-
mast striking in tm, II- M.-.- ntional -

subsist-

I these a-

• >

: in.

.vith I|M- linii-
• based upon sani-

.••niiniiiMitirs pr

sori«-t;i: .-omet

cause natural

nan has progressed so far in manual ami industrial arts
and !> -1 has born s<> •*!,,

In tl .1 natural p

in th«- lattrr !Md th

Hut although tin- process of ipta-

• •88 cost and !in.

I i-onfiniifd !

ud upnr itinuiiiL' pr.- social a>

to pressure and • l.-r disiir

'•comes ebaotir as soon a- n Lrrip of its ancient

ruling ord«*r is n rnmiiiur. :\Mbtl

lie restraining bonds of custom and

n, pp. 130-32.
u / '32.

310 APPENDIX

MI ion UK In revolutions, wars, and riots prim

IIUMI, in nature hursts through the thin if civili/.a-

tiou.

It', in conclusion, we agree that there has been a well-delined
historii-al tendency away from liarsh social selection toward mild
societal selection, we are obliged to admit that the hulk of
adaptation is no Inn--'!- capitali/.ed in instinct and race trai'
is taken out in adjustments on the slipp.-ry -jroiind of hahit and
custom. liiolou'ically speaking, social adaptation is in modifica-
tion, not in congenital variation. If it is true that the n
social order develops no new social instincts, only new ha hits, then
the wild 01 lection we have indulged in throughout

Kurope should arouse u. to the imperative need of more rational
social selection. Although we stand committed against a :
to the selective death-rate, we may yet consistently favor a
selective birth-rate guided by the principles of the new science of
lies. But. ^ranted that we establish rational social selection
in the fonn of the selective birth-rate of eugenics and mold a new
race, how do we know that future conditions will suit this race!
It may be said in answer that it is not a question of the future,
but of the present. Natural and social selection have been re-
stricted for so many centuries that man's present equipment in
instinct (notably in the pugnacious, self-assertive, and acquisitive
instincts) is adapted to conditions of long ago. Ther
that the gap be reduced and that our equipment in instinct be
caught up to modern requirements ;md P-sponsihilit ies. This is
all that rational social selection working in the form of a eugenic
selective birth rat. p, , do — to work out a better adapta-

tion to contemporary conditions.

INDI'.X

INI)

Unce oft 32-37.

.. 20-30, 35 37, !«'

Age of human remain*, 50-.-

•j-'i.
Alpine raw, 219-220, 223, 226.

<:, 195, 260, 284,

JvY
An i Miimn. 264.

'~>0.

ill 111.
Aftian-Amrriran racial group, 210,

Attoci J-120, 203; advan-

tage* of, 102-108; an:

i in.i
:iii<l intrlligenet,

1"7 Ins-. ... ( ,, ..

106; and lit

117

82.

in racial group,
210.

ing aapccta of i.

. human and 10.

Bagrh 117.

quotrd lit. I!.'., lis. 268.

'17.228.
Harh.i 286-188.

,
128.

Hirt

Roan.
129.
227t 220-231. J.: 246-261;

i:..!,,. r.-n, .,;..-. N •'•-- H M, :: M,

Bowditrh. II. 1 123.

Brachycophalic bead form, 204-205,
111,

. (..luml.m. In.iiaiu, 24G-
n/e agef 101.

Murk!.-. 11

mm, 82, 84-01. 111.
82-84.

•

Chambrrlain and S.li.1-

84
Chapin. K. S., cited, llfl, 172, 1S3

188, va

314

i\m:\

Chelloan epoch, 76-79.
Civili/ation. lis. M2, 143-144, 150,
227-231, 278-290.

cixil -., ,,t\. 278-296.

•:>5; Greek,

238; IroquoiH, 21". 211, 212-243;
metronymic. '2'M 2:!S; patrony-

237-238; Roman,

Climate-. 20, 84-88, i:t3-145; and
altitude.

depopulation. 1 K» 1 (1 : and lati-
tudc. l.'W i:U; and natural

tion, 20, 88, i:;:. i n;. 22S

na of, 84, 111;
weather. 144-145.
C..1..r of skin, 206, 208-209, 221
K22.

Commerce. ll!»-150, 100.

Communication. Ill 111, 1 i

158-100, 185-186; and density of
population, 146, 186; and tola-
tion, 152-166; laws of, 185-186.

Competition, economic, 273, 271.

Congenital variations, 6, 30-37.

Consciousness of kind, 113.

Continuity of germ plasm, 4-5.

Continuous variation, 4-7.

Cooley, C. IL, cited, 113, 114, 122,
173, 199; quoted, 113, 114, 122
123, 173.

Cooperation, 105, 107, 110, 111.

Cooperative group life, 105-106,
107.

Corsica, the Island of, 153.

Crania, 58-68.

Crowd, the psychology of, 186-187.

Culture, 87, 88, 121, 150. ir.l. Lfft-
160, 160-165; and density of
population, 88, 151; and isola-
tion, 88, 150-157, 158-160; pre-
historic, 68-101; primitive, 68-
101, 233-296.
•erland Gap, 1

Custom, 116, 137, 166, 171-202;
formation of, 178; and group sur-
vival, 116, 117-119.

Danubean race, 220, 226.

Dam >. nc:

288.

port, c. B ].->. 17, 26,

1.V2.
l>< ':'.. J, '.'.. Cited, 27'.», 2M, 285;

quol.-.l. 2^1

rmto, 21-24.

. i». looted, 188.

Drii^ity ,,f (...piilatioM. B8, l.">o-157;
an.l ci\ili/.,tion. i:,o-i:,7; and
.•nltnrr. ss. 151.
!)«• Oiiatrrfa:."-. cit.,|. 220.

10, n1. I1'. 58-68;

tin- thi-oi i. (]„.

thi-iiry applied to limn.
"'. I'i »!». 58-68.

DeVrl •'. m. n.

M- \t. [ted, 1 1 1.

DilTi-n-ntiatinn. 11 n.

•ntiiiiioii- variation. C,. HI.
Doliclioc.-plialic ln-a.1 form, 2" :

215.
Domestication of animal*. HI. KM;,

281,
Dominant Mi-mlrlian <-liaracti-i

15.

Donovan, quoted, 112.
Druid's altars, 97.

Education, 185.
K-ypt, 83, 142. 150,

Klcphants, reproduction in. 21.

Kml.ryo, human compared with
lower animals, 43-46.

Endogamy, 247.

Knvironmcnt, 20, 32-37, 62-f> I
88, 121-170; as an influence ac-
celerating phy-ical growth. I2.'{-
ardic, I;H: awe-in-pirin^'
aspects of. !."»: ]»;:,-. dimaiic in
fluences of, 20, 52-54, 84-88.
145; and the origin of human
qualities, 130-133; and isolation
152-166; and n-i-ration. 1 ji.
physical, 121; and religion n;!i;

INI

111

aa a retarding influence. 123; and
165-166; odor, 881 ; §0-

Kuanthmpua. r.V

l«riod. 75-01; ImpUtm-i

.n race. 217-21*. 826.

•19.

Kv.-h,.,- ITO m; -•" -"" •-••••••

Ffci,, ipe, 40; human. 120.

Festivity an*! '» '»f art tea-

Ill ll-J.

B in. 22.

archill kindred, 200-202.
101.

ng variation, 3-8.
s defined. 177 <-rigin of,

Food, an 04, 134, 150 1

and domeatication of animala, 04,
: tin* unuip -truggle

105, 27l>.
••-:; Hi

ll>»-200.

1. 190, 24«, 261-

C.al "t«*t

11.
Geologic agra. 50-52, 6S-72, 74-76.

Id, 82-S7.

•m j'l:iMii. theory of continuity

•minal variation, 6, SO

102,

1H». 11:1. iv*. 203. 20»-
210. 217-218, 222, 233, 238. 267,

MO. 270, 272. t7), 275, SOO. tOI,
288, 204, tOO | quoted. 71. 100,
100, 111, 112. 265-266, 275, I019

ted, 830.

fiUrirra and prehlalorte culiurr.

74-07.
Glacial period, 52-57, 74-07, 142,

Ooldmweiaer, A '•, 250,

254. 257 253-254.

Greek clan. 230.

Group life. 102-120; advantage* of.

104-107; and custom. II;

and natural selection, 106-107,

111 117.
Gumplowicz, K, cited. 118. 119,

1T-J: .|ii..t.-.l. :7l.

116-118, 145, 166. 1H-178.
Haeokel. cited. 67.
Hair form, 203-206, 800.

- jaw, 65-«7.

Head form, 120-130, 204-208, 210;
brachycephalic, 204-205; dolieho-
cephalic. 204-205; meaoeephalic.
808; long head, 804; round head,

ry and climate, 74-87. 121-
122, 140-151 ; the organic Tlew of,
121-122.

Heredity. 1-10, 122; and acquired

character*. 32-37; and environ-

t, 122, 126; law* of. 4-18;

Gallon's law of regreaaion

Mendelian, 11-15; social. 171-

,id». 40. 113. 280.

!, 185, 2*4, M4

II,.- -:tS.i. ---• !. -7".

Human Infant, 46,

Human nature, 104, 118-113

INMKX

igln of idea of, 265-

llunti 112.

,,u
lluvl- 58.

!. ami Mcnddian inheritance,

11

LSI 186, 187, 190-

. l!'l;

laws of, UU-20-J: direction <-f.
force- of. I'.HI l'i] : mode.

. l,y it, media. I'..:;
1!'}; *|,read

Tmjdcl

i.in. S2; rhellean.
76-79; colitlii.-. 7.;; Ma-.l.il.-nian.
82; Mou-tei-ian. 82; neolithic,
91-101; paleolithic, 70-91; pre-
76-101; Solutrtfan, 82;

ling in mice to show M.-M-
di-lian inheritance, 15.
Indian*, of I'.ritish Columhia.

IroMu..i-. -j:t{»-244; of North

Iinliviilual. (lilfrrriK-rs. 3-7; and
tin- so.-ial nu-diuni. 171-174; and
iorn-ty. 11.". 11^. 171 202.

faberiUoce, I-IM. rj:, 1-J<;. !•_»»-

of ac<|iiirr«l char.!

-' theory of, 9-10;
tli.-ory of. 17

r in man. !."»: Mcn<lrlian law
: 1 I.'. . \\ .•i-inann'«. tin-
6, 1- .
net, 171

it i«.n of like response, 110-
111.

•i and response, 110-
111.

Irish law, 278, 287.

Iron ajro. Inl.

Isolation, and animal lif.-. 20-28;
and biological traits, 20-28; and
culture, 88, 152-154; and prog

]'.<>. 105-166; and to
pography, 152.

Java, tii.« i-lan.l of. r.l-65.

. \\ .. cV

iii. in. cit<>d, 239.
Kail

r, si, 72.

76, .V | ,,M..tr,l.

Kitchen mi. I. Icn-. 71-72.

K.,.|,oikin. I-., died, I"-"-. i"»;

«innte,l. in:;, mi.
K \vakintl Indians, 246; wind i

monial of, 2

l.amarek. «-ite,I.

I-an-ua-,-. 103. Ill 1M.

Law, ancinit Iri.-li. I'.relion. 278,
287; as a Imnd of union in early
group struggle. 1 1«; 117: en
ary, 292; posit iv. .

Like rc-j.Mii>e. 1 In.

Tjll.hork. J.. Cited. 101.

Lull, i:. B, otted, 64,
Lucas, F. A., cited, 61.

MacCurdy

ICeDongan, \v., died, 17-

1!H». I'.tl. 1M2. l!»l.
f|Uo(e,L 1SS, 1'.M»-201.
. .1. !

epoch.
among primitive ;
.Hil: imitatix.-. 261] mana,
i-atlielie. -JC,!.

H. S., cited, 280; qu..te,l.

Ma Hock, W. 11 J88.

Man. and tho apes, 40; Koanthro-

1 S; extinct fon

68; Heidi-llierg. •',: ! nat-

ural

1"7. Ill 117. 1 16) • :-tlial,

68, 82, 218, 222; m-olithic, *91-
Kil; origin of, 39-40. 46-49 \

paleolithic, 70-91; Pitnscai

01-05; prehistoric, 5u i"i
Mt-M4|

nagic. 237, 254.
Manitou. 244-245.

•gamy. 2*5; polyandry, 279;
-amy, 279, 285; by purchase.

Maao. 275.

rotation of hi*.
•7.

Matriarchal organization of »o-
279, 280.

203-204.
rranean race, 217-218, 223.

11.

Mend.! in 11
Msfidelian inberitan.
Meaor. . 208.

«», 21,

in inli. •
wa I • II.

. 105-

rt uii.l in-

iiri

•'

Moiw\ \cbangp, 270, 273;

157.

and nodal

'

Morgan. U II.. rit.-.l. 239. 24<-

'

Motto and UM origin of §|Mwch, I i i

Mutual aid. a factor in tbe » truffle
f*'T nflittlMM^ IOC

Natural wl«etion. and animala, 2O-
28; explains! and group

survival, 100-loT. in n:: .nd
man, 40-49, 87-91, 222-

220; aummarittd, 30

-. general aapccU of, 157-106;
and survival of the fit, 21, 24.

U, jaw, 58.

Neanderthal man, 58, 82, 218;
1.58.

imple-

ta, 91-101. |-ri.Kl, 91-101.
203, 220; remain., 91-101, 218.

illey, 149-151.

North American Indian*, 2S4.
Ml

Olmstead, A. T., quoted, 15O-151.
Origin of specie*, 29-30. 44-49.
Original undifTerentiatod

Paleolithic, ctilturo. 70-01; imple-
menU. 70-91; period, 70-91, 203;
remain*. 70-91, .'

Paleozoic perio.!

Patriarchal organitation of »

•H >"•

Patronymic kin, 290-291.
PMTMM, K^ cit.-l. 17. 125.
Persecution and custom. 115, llrt.
118, 100, 179.

Phratrj, defined, 243-244; in

fcMrio* HI Ml
Pithecanthroput Brsctua, 01-05.
Play, feativity, and UM origin ot

articulaU spawn, 111-114
PWatooMM period, 54.
Poltektd ttoo* «g«t 7«l 87. 91-101

818

INhKX

Polygamy, 270.

P"l\ nr-ian I nrnpean racial group,
210, 21 I.

280.

Popu1 -ity of. :in.| culture.

88, ir.i: .in.l bod, '.'}. 106, 184,
150, 270-283. 203; movement t of.

140-1 in; ii!>. 1.;;,. i«0.

11 Indian-.

-toric, ages, 30-101; caves, 71-

!•!: implement*. 71-KH: in.ui.
30-101; monuments, 1M-101;
period, 71-101, 23!»: remains of
ni:tn. :.s Kil.
Primary period. 52.
Primary -.timuli, 108.

rty. 1S3. 271. 274, 284.

mlMi-injr. 26-27.
Pueblo Indians. 280.

Quaternary period, 52, 57.

J18, 220, 223, 220;
Asian-American racial group. 210.
•_'M; Australian, African racial
group. 210. I'll: P.altic, 217, 223;
I '.la.-k. J08, 209; Danubean. -J •_»•».
226; Fur-African. 217-218, 226;
Kur-Asian, 217, 218-210: Polyne-
sian-Fmopcan racial group, 210-
214; Teutonic. J17-218, 223;
White, 208, 200, 220-220; Yel-
low. 208, 200.

Ratzel, F.. efttod, 117. Ml, 275.

Recapitulation t!..-ory of embryo-
logical development, 43-46, 66-67.

Recessive M«-n«!«-lian character. 11-
|&

Regression, Tlalton's theory of. 17.

f ancestor-wor
and animism, 264-260; con-
tinuous theory of spiritual

:1 <'II\I1..I|

ment, 169; rctril»uti\«- tli<-ory of

itual cxi^tmco, 260; and be*
li.-f in human soul, 265-266, 260;

ainl thfoiy of transmigration of

soul-.
mains of pn-hi-inri.' man, 58-

I(>1. 218.
Kcprodiiction. in li-ln-. -J-J ; in .•!,--

phants. L>! : ami natur.i

20-2-1: and vol.ins. 21-22.
I>-|H,H-,- to stimulii-. Ins,

Kipl.-y. w. 7.., sited, i.vj. 164,

218.

Robins, reproduction in. -Jl
Romanes, G. J.. cited. Jl.
Roman clan, 'J

Ross, E. A., quoted, 185, L04,
Rough stone age, 76, 87, 1»1.

Sardinia. Island of.
OC, l.'ij.

Secondary |)<-ri«»d, 52.

dary stimuli. li".i.
Seebohm,' F.. died, Wl,

inn. II. F.. cited. L"'I.
Scli^man. F. EL L, • Kad,

283, 2M.-J: quoted. 281.
S.-mple, E. C., cited. !•_>•_'. i:;:i. 1 i!».

158; quoted, 12I-1-JJ, !::•.• 1 in.

157.
Sirroshevski, V. L.. cited. 117.

SeXUMl '-.•Irrtidll. '". !)..r-

\\in's theory of, Sl-.'lL*; and man.

Skin col
and climate, 221.

Social animals, 102-104.

il institution-, 171-202, 233-

Social medium, 171 171.

i/.ation, 145, 173, 234,
230

!7. 106.

al selection, 116, 117, 166, 179,
Solutrean epoch, 82. [297-310.

INI-

••«. 20-30, 40, 46-40; human
and other, 40; origin of, 20-3O.
Speech, origin of a Mi-

ni.

Spencer, II.. & Oillm, 1
IM, IM, -j.-.s; ,,„„,,..!. Mi,

la, ancestor . 105, 800,

294-285; 251, 264; con-

tinuous theory of spiritual
•nee, 860; retriUitiv,- theory of

.net. 260.
•logical, 0-10.
Spy cranium. 58.

rim, and study of biological
phenomena, 4, 8-0.

Stimuli. 108-100; 108;

secondary. 100.

Stimulation and response, 108-100.
•m implement*, 76-101,241.

Stone age*, 76-101, 227.
256.
:m epoch, 76.

Struggle for existence, 20-38; among
planta and animals, 20; among
men. 22-24, 46-40, 87-91 ; and
natural selection, 20-38; and
survival of the fit, 21, 24, 87-01,
114-116.

Snetoniu*. cited, 185.

Suggestion. 185-186, 187. 188-100;
conditions of sugv 187-

100; defined, 187-188.

Summary of theory of natural se-
lection, 30-31.

Stunner. W. O., cited. 181, 182;
<H*>t 183.

rays and skin color. 221-888.

8nper*t.ti,.M. IK;. 117. 11 s. i«5t

m I--.-.

Surplus, economic, 150, 276, 883-
IM

» the fit, 21. 24. 87-01,
116

, , • , ; ... ,.

Taboo, 245. 250, 2*5. :
is, cited, 880.

1. 100, 101, 102. 103.
104. 105, 208; quoted, 108-183,
104, 105.

«-riod, 52. 57.

Teutonic race, 217-218, 888.
Thomson, J cited.

5, 6. 0, 13. 15. 17. 25. 38.
Thorn

Topography. 146-140, IW. 165. 166;
and migration,
146

,. 245-258; in AM- trali*. 854-
257; in Mriti.h < 246-

254; defined. 245.
Transylvania.
Tradit. -:»-*•;. 117

171-202,247 ,'M. 279.

Transmigration of souls, theory of.

888,

Tribal society, 233
241.

K. B., cited, 264. 267. 868,
180,

Type, 6, 7, 8, 27, 28, 117, 203-804,
213, 221.

Unlike response. 110.

Usages. 11. .. 165-169. 171-

Variation. 1-10, 36-37. 106-107,

117 congrnitaU 36-47:

•luctuating. 3-8; germinal. 6
36-47; and selection. 83, 31. 106

«table. 6, 0-ia

reitachke. I!., cited. 160

Veatigial stroctnrea,

died. 103.

INDEX

her influences, 144-1 r> Woodruff, C. K.. rited

.1, 5, 16; quoted,

5. V.-llow race, 208, 209.
Whit,- ra,, . 208, 209, 220-225, 226,

•J-J7. •_>•_">. Ximr "f Mi-iL-in «>f human race, 67
Woman, 243, 275. 1 < -' »•

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