977.39

INVITATION

X Habitants des Illinois

/ y

^

'I

Il B RAR.Y

OF THE

UNIVER.SITY

or ILLINOIS

ILL. HÎST. SURV£Y

« ?'4-

Club for Colonial Reprints

The fourth publication of the Club will be issued in April, with the title:

Invitation Sérieuse aux Habitants des Illinois

by Un Habitant des Kaskaskias

Reprinted in facsimile from the original édition published at Philadelphia in 1772

THE only copy of this account of the pre- revolutionary settlements in the upper Missis- sippi Valley which is now known to be in existence, is preserved in the collection of the Library Company of Philadelphia, which bas kindly permitted this facsimile to be made.

The tract was brought to light through the re- searches of Mr. Clarence W. Alvord, the Vice- Président of the recently organized Mississippi Valley Historical Association, and of Mr. Clarence E. Carter, of the University of Illinois. They bave co-operated

in writing the Introduction to this reprint, and in preparing the brief Bibliographical Notes which are appended. The events which led to the publication of the tract, just on the eve of the outbreak of active Colonial résistance to the policy of the British govern- ment, hâve quite escaped the notice, not only of the historians of National development, but almost as completely that of the local chroniclers of West- w^ard expansion. Mr. Alvord and Mr. Carter shovv^ very clearly that thèse events were not without signifi- cance in themselves, and that they left a distinct im- pression upon the development of a most important section in the Middle West. The history of the genesis of the pamphlet makes equally plain that by the beginning of the last third of the eighteenth century, the Western land had come to be almost as closely related to the Atlantic seaboard at Nevsr York, Philadelphia and along the Potomac as it was to the valley of the St. Lawrence. "The events of the prairie and those of the tidewater were being im- pelled by the same forces, and the ideas in which the révolution had its source raised the waters to a flood in French Illinois."

The original tract was issued without any state- ment of the place or date of printing. Dr. Victor H. Paltsits, the State Historian of New York, who con-

tributed an important bibliographical section to the third publication of the Club, has again aided by solving what seemed likely to be a most perplexing puzzle. His letter, printed in the Appendix, is not only a satisfactory answer to a single question, but a suggestive illustration for the guidance of those who are confronted by similar problems.

One hundred copies of this volume hâve been printed on Van Gelder paper, the type and page the same as this announcement. Such copies as are not taken by members of the Club are offered for sale, at two dollars and iifty cents each. Copies numbered to correspond with those of previous publi- cations of the Club will be reserved for the owners of those volumes until June first.

Address

The Club for Colonial Reprints, Box 1275,

Providence,

Rhode Island.

March 20, 1908.

'^rs'^^ 'O'ff^ss^

I n vitation Sérieuse

aux Habitants

des

Illinois

The fourth publication of the Club for Colonial Reprints of Providence, Rhode Island

ONE HUNDRED COPIES

Invitation Sérieuse aux Habitants des Illinois

by

Un Habitant des Kaskaskias

Reprinted in facsimile from the original édition

published at Philadelphia in 1772

with an introduction

by

Clarence Walworth Alvord

and

Clarence Edwin Carter

Providence, Rhode Island 1908

1 :	ÔTANOAK
9 :	PRINTINQ
O :	COMPANY
ô :	. PROV'D

s

Table of Contents

Page

Introduction ........ ix

Reprint of Invitation Sérieuse aux Habitants des Illinois . 29 Bibliographical Data ....... 47

Introduction

by

Clarence Walworth Alvord

and

Clarence Edwin Carter

of the University of Illinois

|HE year 1772 — the date written by Du Simitiere on the title page of the following pamphlet — saw the burning of the Gaspee and the appointaient of the first committees of correspondence. During the previous year the obnoxious Townsend act had been withdrawn, making reconciliation between Great Britain and her colonies seem hopeful ; but in the following year occurred the famous Boston Tea Party, which was the prélude to the acts of coercion and rébellion. Thèse events in American history form part of the main current of development, which swept on, from the time of the Treaty of Paris, to the cataract of révolution. Contempora- neously occurred the events from which the pam- phlet reprinted in this volume sprang, but so seem- ingly insignificant were thèse that the eyes fixed on the main current hâve scarcely noted the passing of the prairie stream. Yet the history of the genesis of the pamphlet will show that the western land was not unrelated to the East, that the events of the prairie and those of the tidewater were impelled by the same force, and that the ideas in which the révolution had its source raised the waters to a flood in French Illinois.

[ X 1 Introduction

Before the outbreak of the Seven Years' War, France had nominal possession of the land watered by the St. Lawrence, the Great Lakes, and the Mississippi with ail its tributaries. Territorially considered she was the prédominant power in North America. In thèse extensive valleys, however, less than one hundred thousand white persons were permanently settled; Canada at the north and the région around New Orléans at the extrême south containing the bulk of the population, while throughout the Old Northwest French possession was insecurely maintained by a few scattered trad- ing posts and small villages, such as Vincennes and Ouiatanon on the Wabash River, Détroit, Niagara, and Mackinac on the Great Lakes, and other iso- lated places. The most important center of French population in this région, outside of Détroit, was situated in the Illinois country. Nestled under the lime-stone bluffs on the alluvial soil cast by the turbid Missouri upon the eastern bank of the Mis- sissippi were the villages of Cahokia, St. Philippe, Nouvelle Chartres, Prairie du Rocher, and Kaskas- kia. Although this settlement was half a century old, the population, counting whites, blacks, and Indians, numbered scarcely a couple of thousand.

Contrasted with this vast area of French territory

Introduction [ ^^ ]

with its sparse population, were the British colonies with more than a million people wedged in between the Appalachian mountains and the Atlantic Océan. Hère the enterprising homeseekers of English, Scotch-Irish, and German extraction were rapidly settling the better lands, so that pressure on the western borders increased every year ; and the fer- tile, unoccupied valley of the Ohio allured the colo- nists westward in spite of hostile Frenchman and lurking Indian. By the fifth décade the barrier was crossed by constantly increasing numbers, and the French found their possession of the West and their monopoly of the lucrative fur-trade of the lake région seriously threatened. Already the more enterprising and foresighted of the British colonists appreciated the future value of the région and began to plan for its systematic exploitation. In 1748 the Ohio Company, composed of London merchants and Virginia land speculators, obtained from the crown a grant of territory south of the Ohio River. This was the precursor of several companies formed for similar purposes. In 1754 the question of west- ern expansion had assumed sufficient importance to engage the attention of the Albany Congress, and plans for the division of the West into colonies were discussed by that body.

[ xii ] Introduction

To prevent such encroachments and enterprises, the French erected a line of forts to protect the fron- tier, and succeeded in holding back the westward- pushing Americans for a few years. The outcome of the Seven Years' War brought this rivalry to a close. Defeated both in Europe and America, France paid the enormous war indemnity of the cession of ail her possessions east of the Mississippi River except the Village of New Orléans.

This cession gave a fresh impetus to the spirit of land spéculation and exploitation which had been discouraged during the first years of the war. Im- mediately after the signing of the treaty at Paris in 1763, and before the British ministry had deter- mined its policy in regard to the new acquisitions, the Mississippi Land Company was organized by prominent Virginians and Marylanders for the pur- pose of planting colonies in the Illinois and Wabash régions. Plans of this character received an officiai check, when the British ministry announced its western policy in a proclamation on October yth of the same year. By this proclamation, civil gov- ernments were created for the provinces of Québec, the two Floridas, and Granada, and ail the territory lying north of the Floridas and west of the Alle- ghanies was reserved for the use of the Indians.

Introduction [ xiii ]

Henceforth the colonial governors were forbidden to issue patents for land within this réservation without the consent of the crown. This royal proclamation made no provision for the isolated French villages in the Northwest. Consequently they were left with no government except such as might be exercised by the military officers stationed in them for the régulation of the Indians.

The policy thus proclaimed marks the beginning of that vacillating and at times restrictive policy of Great Britain towards the West, which was contin- ued henceforth through the Revolutionary War. The proclamation was correctly interpreted by the most intelligent American colonists as temporary in character and as issued to reassure the restless and alarmed Indians. It did not, therefore, deter the land speculators and fur-traders. The attitude of several members of the British ministry gave assur- ance that some plan for the settlement of the région would be finally adopted. Conspicuous among thèse was Lord Shelburne, who received very favorably Benjamin Franklin's suggestion for the establishment of a proprietary colony in the Illinois country and who agreed to throw ail his influence in favor of its adoption. Supported by the influence of such men, successive plans were formed in 1766,

[ xiv ] Introduction

1768, and 1773 to put into exécution colonizing enterprises. In thèse plans such trading companies as Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan of Philadelphia and Franks and Company of Philadelphia and Lon- don were promoters, and men such as Sir William Johnson, Benjamin Franklin, William Franklin, the Washingtons, Lees, Fitzhughs with other promi- nent men in New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia were interested.

The earlier plans for colonization were not con- fined in area, and the promoters allowed their fan- cies to play with the thought of colonies in Illinois, around Détroit, and on the Ohio ; but in 1768 a more definite direction was given to their enter- prises. By that time the British ministry had returned to their original purpose of running a boundary line between the settlements and the In- dians west of the Alleghanies. At the Treaty of Fort Stanwix this line was determined, and there was opened up for colonization the valley of the upper Ohio River. Lord Hillsborough's hint that the plan for a proprietory colony in this région would receive a more favorable hearing than one in the Illinois, which was at the time under considéra- tion, gave birth to the Vandalia scheme ; and the persons who had been most interested in the Illinois

Introduction [ ^^ ]

country turned their attention in that direction. It was not until 1773 that new plans for the colo- nizing of Illinois were formed, and a beginning was made by the purchase of land by the Illinois Land Company. It was during thèse few years of com- parative quiet from spéculative enterprises in the far west that the following French pamphlet was printed.

Almost as soon as the Illinois country was occu- pied by the British Troops, there was an eager rush of English and Americans thither. Thèse were for the most part merchants and traders anxious to par- ticipate in the fur-trade and in any other possible advantages which the new country might ofFer. Many of thèse purchased lands from the French and even from the Indians in spite of the prohibi- tion by the British government, and some agricul- tural enterprises were conducted with success.

By coming into contact with thèse men, the French inhabitants were aroused from a lethargy which had enveloped them for over half a century. Most of the French people of Illinois came origi- nally from Canada. There were among them two classes, the " gentry " and habitants ^ the latter being greatly in the majority. Thèse had belonged to the lower classes of Canada and possessed few of

[ xvi ] Introduction

those social and intellectual attainments which marked their superiors. Occupied chiefly in the collection of furs or in the humbler duties of com- merce, they came into close contact with the In- dians, in whose villages much of their time was spent. They were in many ways well adapted for this mode of life, for they were active and reckless, and fond of the forest life. Outside of the gains made by the trade in peltry or their wages as boat- men, their lives were not productive, and the little they earned was spent in the pleasures of the village. They cared nothing for agriculture and similar pursuits, and exhibited in ail their activities a total lack of initiative and of capacity to adapt themselves to settled life. On the other hand the " gentry," comprising the traders and farmers, came from the better classes in Canada and France. Many were wealthy and influential ; some were even of noble birth ; and ail possessed considérable éducation. The members of this class were particularly affected by the example of the Americans, and the désire was born within them to acquire for themselves some of the benefits of their position. Illinois was favorably situated to participate in the Ohio and Mississippi trade, and to control a large part of the exportation of furs from the West to

Introduction [ xvii ]

Europe. The various attempts of the Americans to settle the territory had drawn the attention of the more enterprising French to the vakie of their land for agricultural purposes, and the latter began to dream of a large and prosperous colony of French people in the heart of North America.

It is possible to trace the birth and development of this idea in the minds of the French colonists. Since civil government was not provided for the West by the Proclamation of 1763, it remained under the control of the British commander of the army in North America, General Gage, whose headquarters were in New York. From the time of the occupation of Fort de Châtres in October, 1765, the French settlers and the American traders were subjected to the varying caprices of half a dozen différent commandants. Ail the evils of such a military régime were présent. Not only was there friction between the soldiers and the inhabitants, but the commanding officers were fre- quently guilty of arbitrary and oppressive acts. This was particularly true of Commandants Reed and Wilkins during the years 1766 to 1771. The former demanded, among other unjust exactions, exorbitant fées from the French for administering the oath of allegiance. The inhabitants might

[ xviii 1 Introduction

hâve meekly submitted to siich acts of tyranny, had they not been inspired to resist by some of the Americans among them. The most prominent of thèse latter was a Philadelphia merchant, George Morgan, whose letter-book, kept during thèse years, is one of the principal sources of our knowledge of the British government in this far away country. Under Morgan's direction, a pétition praying the board of trade to grant a civil government to the country was circulated. For the first time the French had used the British method of bringing to the notice of the authorities the wrongs from which they were sufFering. From the time of this first déclaration of rights their courage grew, and, with their courage and increasing knowledge of English law, their désire for greater liberty developed.

Colonel Reed was succeeded by Lieutenant- Colonel John Wilkins, who remained comman- dant until his dismissal in 1771. Wilkins used his position to further his private interests. He was evidently assisted in this by the American mer- chants, for several grants of land in which the com- mandant was partly interested are entered in the Kaskaskia book of records. It was, however, his arbitrary dismissal of the law-court which finally aroused the French to action. This court had been

Introduction [ xix ]

established by the proclamation of the commandant in November of 1768 for the purpose of trying civil cases and its jurisdiction had been extended to criminal affairs at a later date. Originally the ma- jority of the justices were Americans, the président being George Morgan. For reasons unknown the personnel of the court was rapidly changed, so that at the close of its career, eighteen months after its inauguration, six of the seven justices were of French extraction, but the presidency continued to be held by Morgan. This body became the center about which the French opposition to the military com- mandant gathered, and its members finally drew up a protest against his arbitrary acts. The protest sounded the death knell of the court, for after June it ceased to meet and Wilkins assumed again the power of jurisdiction.

This act of Wilkins' aroused the French people to take a decided stand for their rights. Hence- forth they ceased to dépend on their American associâtes, whose actions appear to hâve been too often inspired by selfish motives, and several of whom were connected with the spéculative schemes of the eastern merchants for exploiting the country by means of American settlers. The French people readily perceived that their interests would not be

[ XX ] Introduction

promoted by such measures; and yet what had been in the minds of the Americans might be carried to fulfillment by themselves along différent lines. At this time Lord Hillsborough was secretary for the colonies and he was known to be a bitter opponent of western expansion, so that restriction seemed to hâve become a permanent policy, and already many of the American traders who had been interested in the promoters' schemes had become discouraged and were leaving the Illinois. The plan of a French colony appeared to be justified, however, by the ac- tual settlements in existence, and the leaders might reasonably hope that, should proper représentations be made to the minister, no opposition to the créa- tion of a French colonial government on the Mis- sissippi was likely to be met.

It was with this idea in mind that the leaders of the French inhabitants called an assembly shortly after the downfall of the court. A citizen of Kas- kaskia, Daniel Bloùin, was chosen to go to New York and explain the situation to General Gage. He carried with him a mémorial, setting forth the grievances of the people against the military com- mandant and certain of the American merchants, and instructions to use ail possible efforts to obtain a civil government for the country. The French

Introduction [ xxi ]

people had thus advanced beyond their position of 1768, and, without the assistance of the Americans, they had assumed the initiative in a movement for the extension of civil rights to the colony.

The French agent, Daniel Bloiiin, chose as an associate in this mission William Clazon, a French- man with more expérience in English affairs than himself. Thèse two presented their credentials and mémorial to General Gage and prayed that a civil government be established in the Illinois country. Their réception w^as not very gracions, but finally Gage did demand an outline of their plan. Prob- ably the draft of government — Gage speaks of it as a rough outline — had been drawn up by Clazon, for the model of the proposed government was the constitution of Connecticut, the most libéral of the eastern colonies, of which the average Illinois Frenchman could hâve known nothing. Such a proposai was naturally rejected by the gênerai, w^ho, in order that he might hâve more information about the conditions, ordered Major Hamilton, the acting commandant in the Illinois, to question the people concerning their wishes. Gage evidently hoped to discrédit the two représentatives, but in this he was not successful. In a letter to Gage in August, 1772, Major Hamilton relates the results of his

LI8RARY

UNlVEFBfTY (F IJI

[ xxii ] Introduction

inquiry : "According to your Excellency's direc- tions to me I convened the principal inhabitants of the three villages & desired M. Deberniere to talk to them in the manner you desired about some scheme of Civil Government, they were very high on the occasion & expected to appoint their Gov- ernor & ail other Civil Magistrates, but on being desired to draw up their plan in w^riting and sign it, they told me that before M. Bloùin left the Coun- try, at a General meeting they had fixed upon a Scheme which Mons. Bloùin was to lay before your Excellency & till he returned & they knew w^hat success he had met with, they could give no an- swer.'*

A few weeks later, Gage transmitted to Secretary Hillsborough the following account of thèse nego- tiations : "An answer has been returned to the pro- posais sent to the Illinois for the arrangements for that Country, with an account of the motives the people of those Settlements hâve formed of a Civil Government; which I transmit your Lordship in the inclosed Extract of a letter from Major Hamil- ton. Thèse ideas were given them by the Mons. Bloùin mentioned in the Major's letter, or rather an associate of his named Clajon, a Frenchman by birth, an adventurer, artful and intelligent, who

Introduction [ xxiii ]

after passing some years in thèse Colonies went to the Spanish side of the Mississippi & during his résidence in the Colonies, he learnt the English language & got a shallow knowledge of our Laws. Those two people came to me from the Illinois about twelve months ago; but from their character, the disturbance they had occasioned in the Country & the extravagant proposais they brought, I refused to enter into any conférence with them on subjects that had relation to Civil Government."

While thèse negotiations were being carried on, there was printed at Philadelphia the foUow^ing pamphlet, entitled, " Invitation Sérieuse aux Habi- tants des Illinois.'' Aside from the interest of the pamphlet as an historical document, it is worthy of notice that it is the first publication written for western readers by one who could call himself a citizen of Illinois. A careful reading of the pam- phlet shows that it must hâve been composed by some member of the French party which was seek- ing to obtain a civil government, for the ideals set before the readers are those which would promote the development of the French communities. As its title implies it is an urgent exhortation to the Illinois French, inviting them to unité in an effort to win for themselves économie independence.

[ xxiv ] Introduction

" For this purpose let us unité in heart and interest to encourage the agriculture and commerce of our country in its whole extent," is the burden of the message. The body of the work consists of an enumeration and description of the products, such as lead, sait, liquors, wines and sugar, which can be produced in the Mississippi valley. The readers are told that with industry and care the amount of money which is now expended on the importation of such articles can be saved. Other industries can also be introduced, as the brewing of béer, the cul- tivation of tobacco, hemp, flax, silk and cotton.

The author's admiration for the English and their ways is évident. He urges his compatriots to lay aside their ill-humour at the introduction of new ways and industries by thèse strangers, for they hâve proved the possibility of distilling liquors at Kaskaskia, and one of them bas introduced several kinds of fruit trees. The writer expects that New Orléans will be occupied by the British in a short time, so that the navigation of the Mississippi will be open to the colonists. It seems probable that there is in the thought of the author the possibility of a French colony occupying both banks of the Mis- sissippi : " for we ail know that there is no extent of bad land on either bank of the Mississippi from

Introduction [ xxv ]

the sea to the Falls of St. Anthony. There is no lack of hills and plains fitted for the culture" of vines. The Illinois French hâve not yet enjoyed any advantages from becoming British subjects ; but this has been due to their great distance from their sovereign and parliament. Thèse latter would long since hâve granted them a civil government, had they been informed of the importance and consé- quence of the colony to the empire. There is added the hope that in a short time the right to enjoy their religion will be confirmed and a civil government established. The pamphlet closes with an exhortation that schools be founded so that ail the children may be taught to read and write their mother tongue and that some may be able to learn the English language.

The writer signs himself, "An Inhabitant of Kaskaskia," and there is no other indication in the pamphlet of his identity. The whole tone of the work forbids assigning its authorship to one of the many Americans who were interested in the Illinois country. The language, also, is that of the French- Canadian of the West rather than the more perfect French of the school, which would hâve been writ- ten by an American. Instinctively the names of Daniel Bloiiin and William Clazon come to the

[ xxvi ] Introduction

mind, and one or both may hâve been the author, for they were in the East, and were both so full of hope in their mission that they might well hâve written in 1772 that it was possible that a civil government w^ould soon be inaugurated.

The pamphlet was printed in Philadelphia in the year 1772 according to Du Simitiere, from whose library the only existent copy was acquired by the Philadelphia Library Company, which has kindly permitted the présent facsimile to be made. Had the pamphlet been printed in New York, we should not hâve hesitated to assign its authorship to Bloùin or Clazon, by préférence to the former, for he was an inhabitant of Kaskaskia and Clazon was not. On account of the close commercial relation be- tween the West and Philadelphia it is possible that thèse représentatives of Illinois spent some of their time in the more southern city ; but for a similar reason other members of the French party may hâve been called to the same place ; or the pamphlet may hâve been written in the West, and the manu- script sent to Philadelphia with a consignment of furs. The possibilities of authorship are, therefore, too numerous to warrant ascribing the writing of the pamphlet to anyone. We must be content to hâve shown the causes from which it arose and

Introduction [ xxvii ]

the party to which its author must hâve belonged.

The French party failed to attain its purpose, for the British ministry would not even entertain the proposed plan of government. The attention of the authorities had been called, however, to the needs of the Illinois villages ; and it was to relieve the situation that General Gage, acting under advices from the ministry, sent thither in 1773 an outline of a plan of government, which contained some popular éléments, but which retained the power of appointment and control in the hands of the home authorities. This plan was submitted to the people by the British commandant at Kaskaskia, but was promptly rejected.

This event closed the successive attempts to create in Illinois an independent colony. The same year the Illinois Land Company purchased from the In- dians a large tract which they proposed to colonize, but the purchase was shortly annulled by the au- thorities, and nothing further was donc by the promoters until after the outbreak of the Revolu- tionary War.

During the years passed in review by this sketch, events were occurring in Canada, which caused the ministry to take into considération the needs of that colony. The proclamation of 1763,

[ xxviii ] Introduction

by introducing English law, had brought many hardships to the French-Canadians. The griev- ances of thèse latter were at last to be investi- gated by the ministry and parliament. The British government understood now, better than in 1763, the conditions in the far West, and a solution of the problem there appeared to be closely connected with that of Canada. It was determined, therefore, to consider both questions at the same time. For this purpose among others General Gage was sum- moned home in 1773 in order that he might give information in regard to the West. The resuit of his recommendations and of the investigations of the ministry and parliament was the Québec Act of 1774. By this act the whole Northwest was united to the province of Québec, and provision for the government of the Illinois villages was made in the instructions to the governor, which were shortly afterwards issued. Thèse were never put into exé- cution, because the outbreak of the war with the colonies made the maintenance of a military force in such distant villages seem dangerous. A new séries of events now began in the French villages, which was to end in the acquisition of the whole région by the new state which was born ; but thèse events hâve no bearing on the following pamphlet.

The Reprint

INVITATION

SERIEUSE

AUX

HABITANTS

DES

ILLINOIS.

PHILADELPHIE MDCCLXYII

INVITATION

SERIEUSE AUX HABITANTS

DES

«

ILLINOIS.

Mes Frères,

/MT^iJ^, # ,j^"lH\ E S connoiffances font de peu d'ufage, lorf- 3i. ^^ ♦Ji qu'elles font reilrainte à la (impie fpccula- • V' « L ^ * *'*'° ' "'"*'^ lorfque des vérités fpeculativcs jfilni ^'Si ^°"^ réduit à la pratique, lorfque des theo- ^ ^"^ ; '^'"' ^0"*^^' ^"'" l'expérience font appliqué *R-*à> ^5:»Jfi jujç iifagrs de la vie, et lorfque par ces " moyens l'agriculture eft perfeflionnée, le commerce étendu, *' les facilités de la vie rendus plus aifé et plus agréable, & " confcqucmment, l'accroiflemcnt et le bonheur du genre hu- «♦ main augmenté, alors les connoiffances fant avantageufes."

Tous les membres d'une focieté qui en ont la capacité et le pouvoir, font fans doute oblige de contribuer, au progrès de c«s connoiffances. Ceux qui ne le preuvent par la commu- nication des leurs, et de leur expériences, doivent foigneufc- mcDt écouter les inftruéHons de ceux qui le peuvent, et qui le

font

font avec vérité et bonté de coeur, particulièrement, les habi- tants des nouveaux établiflements, afin de pouvoir obtenir les connoifTances neceflaires ; et par ce moyen la perfeâion de leur établifTements.

Les habitants des Illinois fouflTient de grandes difficultés par les defavantages et les grands découragements qui s'oppo- fent à leurs efforts, en tâchant de pcrfedionner leur agricul- ture, leur commerce et tous les autres arts neceflaires. Mais n chacun de nous, félon notre Htuation et pouvoir voulions nous efforcer, d'améliorer notre Situation, et notre pays, nous pourrions en peu d'années, rendre cette colonie la plus heu* reufe do continent.

Pour cet effet, uniffons nous de coeur etd'intcrct afin d'en- courager l'agriculture et le commerce de notre patrie dans toute fon etendiie ; en nous oppofant aufiî, à l'introduflion de toute les chofes étrangères, dont nous puiffions nous paffer avec facilite et fans inconvénient, ou que nous puiffions fabri- quer nous mtmes. Les articles fuivantes peuvent immédiate» ment être effacé de nos mémoires d'introduélion, et foub peu d'années, nous ferons enétat de noUs paffer de nombres d'autres, que nous pourrons nous procurer ; et que nous fommcs aiîtuellement obligé de tirer d'Europe, ou de quelque colonie Ameriquainc.

I. Plomb en Plaques a Balles et a Giboyer.

2 Sel.

3 £au-de-vie de France, taiHa, et liqueurs

fortes de toute efpece.

4 Vin, et

j;. Sucre.

Il y a longtems que nous nous plaignons de manquer d'ar» «cnt, et de notre incapacité de payer les debtes que nous avons

contraâé

< 5 >

tontra^lê pour les fufdits articles, et quoique nous paroiflbns être convaincu, que nous pouvons éviter d'en introduire, néan- moins nous continuons à le faire, et pour ce, fommes obligez de contra<ner de nouvelles debtes; fans faire le moindre effort, pour nous affranchir de ce -mal dangereux. Il eft vrai, que nombres de bon et vertueux habitants des Kan<alkias ont déjà Tti leur erreur et ont commencé à y remédier ; afin d'éviter les dangers, qui menaçoient leur négligence ; je ne doute même pas, que foub peu de tems nous ne joignions nos efforts tous enfembles, pour encourager, et faire fleurir tout ce qui peut être cultivé ou manufa^uré dans notre colonie.

Afin d'y contrîbiier, et de rendre les habitants des Illinois aulB riche et heureux, qu'ils font affc^ionnéz et humain, je me propofc de convaincre ceux d'entre nous, qui n'ont pas encore attentivement confideré cette matière.

Prïm. Que, nous fommes en polfellion, ou que nous pou- vons cultiver, ou manufaâurer, chacune des articles fus men- tionnez, d'une aufli bonne qualité, et peut être meilleure que celles que nous faifons venir.

Second. Que, le montant de l'épargne ou profit, que cela donnera, au peu d'habitants qui font aéluellement aux Illinois» montera dés le principe, à deux cent vingt cinq mille livres par an. ce qui dans le cours de cinquante ans, montera à la femme de onze millions deux cents cinquante mille livres i une telle fomme, nous rendra la plus riche et floriffante co- lonie de l'Amérique, et mettra notre pofterité en état, foivant leuis inclinations, ou, de fe retirer en Europe en eut de s'éta- blir a leur aife, ou bien de fc fixer dans cet heureux pays, pour y jouir des fruits de notre induflrie, en pourfuivant avec prudence les moyens que nous avons actuellement en notre pouvoir.

Quelques

< 6 >

Quelques ans de nous.fommes à la Tenté avanci en Sge, et il eft fouveol difficile de fe perfuader d'abandonner un fen- tier frayé et pratique par nos pères et nous mêmes ; d'autre» faute de favolr mieux, font prévenus en faveur des n>cthode» dans lefquelîes ils ont été thré, et comme les fauvages, ne voulant pas être inftrr.it perfiftent dans leur folle ignorance, mais comme je me flatte, qu'il n'y en a que très peu de ce dernier nombre parmi nous et que les autres ont un defir fin- cerc de faire fleurir notre fituation et celui de notre pon:e- rité, travaillons donc je vous prie conjointement a infpirer en tous les habitants fans diftinâion, les connoiflances neccflairc» à ceiie heureufe fin ; et je ne doute nullement du plus heu- reux fucccs. Car.

Prem. Nous avons pluficurs -mines de plomb, qui fins beaucoup de travail, nous donnera plus de ce nictaî, oui! ne fera neceffaire, pour la conforamation de tous les habitants, et pour le commerce des Indiens ; et dans une fuite d'années» nous pourrk)os être en état d'en fournir, non feulement à tous les ports de l'Amérique, mais même à grande partie de l'Europe s'ils le requeroient. Ainfi j'efpcre qu'on conviendra fans dif- ficulté, que nous aurions tort d'introduire dans cette eolooie* du plomb en plaque a balles ou a giboyer, daillcurs, quel- «ju'one de ces mines font mêlées d'argent, et nous avons toute raifon de croire, que foub peu d'années, nous pourrons pro- cirrcr des ouvriers, capable de feparer ce précieux métal, à notre grand avantage. Les recherclics même que ces mines nous occafioneront, pourront nous conduire, à la connoifTance de quelques une» de fer ca de cuivre, métaux, d'une valeur plus réelles ^ue l'or et l'argent du Pérou.

SECOND. I^otre pays abonde en fources falécs, dcfqneHes nou» pouvons tirer plus que deux fois la quantité de fei, ne* cedaire pour notre confommaiion a beaucoup meilleur marché

que

< 7 >

que nous ne pouvons l'acheter, et prefqu'egal en qualité; nous pouvons donc nous paflcr du fcl d'Europe et d'ailleurs.

Trois. Des vins fait de nos raifins, et des grains de notre crû, nous pouvons faire dcl'eau-de-vie, égal pour la qualité et le goût, au meilleurs de Cognac, et du taffia beaucoup fu- pcrievir a celui qu'on nous porte, de la Nouvelle Orléans, et d'autre lieux ; et a moins de la moitié du prix que bous pay- ons pour ces articles. De ceci, nous avons une preuve con- vaincante, par la manufadure dernièrement établie aux Kalka- ftias laqu'elle fi elle etoit encouragt'e, fans jaloufie ni préjugé contre les propriétaires, nous auroit été d'un grand avantage. Il eft en vérité à fouhaiter, que nous puflions nous pafler de toutes liqueurs fpiritueufes, mais comme cela eft prefqué im- polTible et que ks meilleurs, et les plus favants medicins, font convenu que l'efprit extrait. des bons grains, de la manière qu'on le pratique aduellement, en France, en Hollande et a l'Amérique du Nord, eft le plus fain et le meilleur de tous, nous devrions certainement, fuivre ce plan heureux, que nous pouvons exécuter avec tant de facilité et diftiller nos liqueurs rpiritucufes nous mêmes; fans en acheter ni de la Nouvelle Orléans, Philadclphia, ni autre Lieux : Monfieur Ti/Tot cé- lèbre Medlçin Français et auteur de plufieurs ouvrages con- fidcrablcs et très eftimez, dans fes inftrudtions fur la confer- vation de la fanté, dit, " Les efprits extraits des grains, font ** nouriflants et fortifiants, et peuvent ctre d'un grand ufage; " riches et égayants autant que le vin, beaucoup plus nou- ** riflant, pouvant fervir démanger et de boifibn." Boerhaave de qui le nom eft fameux partout dans la médecine, dit, " L'efprit *« extrait des grains, eft le plus égayant et du meilleur ufage.'*

Les Anglois induftrieux, ont introduit parmi nous, une

boifibn pour l'ufage ordinaire qui ne nous etoit connu, que

par le peu que les Révérend Pcres Jefuitcs faifoit pour le

• leurs;

i 8 >

leurs; on s'apperçoit que je parle de la bierre, ils nous f« Tendent a fort bon marché et offrent d'inftruire nos familles a la fiiire d'une qualité bien meilleurs et aune très petite dé- penfe ; ceci n'eft pas la feule 'des chofes neceffaire qu'ils oat introduit parmi nous ; l'un d'eux a apporté ici a des fraix coa> fiderables une grande quantité d'arbres fruitiers, de prefque toutes les cfpeces, et en outre du chanvre, du lin, de l'orge, des patattes, des navaux et bien d'autre chofes que nous n'a- vions pas vu ici auparavant, lefquels il a diflribuè à tous ceux qui ont voulu prendre la peine de les cultiver et travailler à la propogation de ces denrées, fi necelTaire et avantageufe z cette partie du monde.

Il n'y a point de doute, que bien des partîeuHers qui font le commerce de la Nouvelle Orléans et de Philadelphia ici» aurpnt de l'humeur contre ces Anglois nos bienfaiteurs, et tâcheront d'injurier leur commerce, en décriant la bonté et I2 qualité de leur marchandizes, en ce que, leur petit commerce efl en quelque façon prejudicié par la diilillerie et la brafièrie établie ici ; mais, n'écoutons point ce que peuvent dire des gens, dont l'intérêt eft de nous tenir dans une ignorance, fur lequel il voudroit établir leur avantage. Car certainement Aucun homme raifonable ne pourra dire, . que nous devrions introduire des eau-de-vie ni des taffia, de la Nouvelle Or- léans, Philadelphia, ni autre lieux, pouvant nous mêmes eo faire de meilleures^ et en quantitéz fufRfante pour notre con- fommation, et pour le commerce avec les Indiens, fans ap- pauvrir notre pays, par la fortie de l'argent neceflaire a l'a- chat de CCS articles, qui nous ont coûté jufqu'a prefent, ao deflus de cent mille livres par an.

QuATR. A l'égard des vins étrangers de toute les efpeces, nous n'en aurions pas befoin d'une feule barrique, fi nous vou- lions prendre la peine, de cultiver les différentes efpeces de?

y'igwit

< 9 >

TÎgncs qui croiïïefit naturellement en ce pay» et en introduire des rejetions de France et d'autres lieux ce qui fe pourroit faire a très peu de fraix ; d'ailleurs, comme le froid et la longueur de l'hiver augmente, plus nous montons le Miflif- fippi, ainfi plus nous defcendons, la froideur et la longueur de cette faifon eft plus modérée, de forte que nous pouvons faire choix du climat le plus propre pour la culture de ces différentes efpeces de vignes, fans crainte de manquer de terres propre et excellente à cette fin, car nous favons tous, qu'il n'y a point d'étendue de mauvais terrain ni de Tua ni de l'au- tre coté du Miflifljppi, depuis la mer jufqu'au chutes de St. Antoine, ce qui fait plus de huit cent lieues le long de ce grand fleuve ; il n'y manque pas non plus de coteaux, ni de plaines pjoprc à cettç culture, br dÎTine Providence nous a fait tons c«s dons précieux, quipeuTcnt être regardez comme une rccompenfe, pour la diftancc a la quelle nous fommes fituées de la mer, et pour la difficulté de notre communicati- on avec d'autre peuples,

Malgré les difficultts que nous fouffrons dans la récolte des raifins, le manque de viifleaux neceflaires, et la méthode la plus propre, l'expérience nous a démontré, que dans nos divers villages, nous pouvons faire annuellement des vignes fauvages, cent cinquante barriques de vin rouge, de bonne qualité, et d'un bon corps; et G nous voulions obferver, de ne point couper er détruire les vignes comme nous le faifons en cueillant les raidns, en vue de faire plus de dcpôcbe, nous pourrions en peu d'années en faire une quantité bien plus grande et de meilleure qualité. Laraifon ne diâe telle pa«, que par la nous detruifons et faifons beaucoup de tort a nonai- bres de vignes et en empêchons l'accroiffemeot, mais fi au lien de les rompre et derruirc de cette façon, nous voulions HOU» Uoancr la peine de les tailler avec prudence, leur produit

B non?

1)011$ recorapcafccojt avantageufemcnt. Nos coteaux, nos vdl^es, et nos plaines, font remplies de vignes qui leur fotu naturelles ils croiflent dans tous les terroirs, et font pMtpiu; à tous les climats, fans culture ils fe chargent de fruits en abondance, plufieurs des quels d'un goût riche et excelleiu^ par ceci la nature fe joint à la raifon pour nous démontrer.

Que fi nous voulions prendre la peine de planter de petit! vignobles, et leur donner le foin necefTaire, foub peu d'an- nces leur produ»îlion nous feroit d'un grjind avantage; et par le moyen de quelque petite recompeofe, nous trouverions des gens qui nous indruiroient dans le ménagement de la vendange et la façon de faire le vin, ce qui nous feroit d'autant pins avantageux, que nous pourrions le faire meilkur que c^ui qu'on nous apporte, et à aufi bon marché qu'on le boit «n France; nous pourrions môme par la. fuite des tems, en envoyer aux'Anglois et a leur colonies.

Quelques Européens pourront fe moquer de ce qiie j'avance ici, et diront que je propofe des impoflîbilitc ; fi on leur demande fur quoi ils fondent cette opinions ils diront ; que les Créoles (nom qu'ils nous donnent par derifion) font trop ignorants et trop parefTeux, pour fe donner de telles peines, que nous na'vons aucune expérience en de telles af- faires, que le travail eft trop cher parmi nous, et nombres d'autres raifons pareils, qui félon moi n'ont pas le moindre poid. force, ni fondement.

Il n'eft en vérité que trop vrai, que jufqu'a prefent nous avons été t«nû dans une grande ignorance, mais cela ne prouve pas que nous devions y continuer. Nous devons auflî confefler, que nous avons trop négligé la recherché des connoiflances neceflaires à notre bien être & à celui de notre pofterité future, déterminons donc de ne plus nous abandon- ner

4{ Il jl

ner à cette indolence, et comme nous avons dcja, dani les diveiî campagnes de 1;* guerre pafTte démontré, que nous fommes égaux, et en bien des cas fuperieurs, aux Européens, de même conteftons avec eux, par notre indirflrie et par nos efforts, à nous procurer les richefTes et les connoifTances ne- ceflaire a notre bien être, et a celui de notre pofteritè, & au lieu de paffer notre temp a fumer du tabac, dans la va- nité & l'indolence qu'ils nous reprochent, déterminons une fois, de régler notre conduite d'une fa^on toutte contraire.

CiNq. Le fucre, cft un article dont nous n'avons aucun be- foin, ce pays ci étant rempli de fucriers, defquels pliifieur» faraîDes tirent dtja des quantités fuffifantes pour leur conlbra- ihation, et même pour vendre à d'autres, peu de gens par uu travail modéré, pendant le cours d'un mois, pourroit en faire une "quantité, fufHfante pour la confommatioo de tous les habitants des I^llinois. En outre, nous avons raifon de croire, que l'arbre dont aux Indes on fait l'Arrack, eft le même que notre érable dont nous tirons le fucre, s'il cf^.ainfi, le firop que nous en tirons feroit un efprit, bien fuperieur à toute celle que nous ayons jamais vu en cette partie du monde. Dans la partie du ouell de la Virgine, ils tirent tout le fucre qu'iiS confument de l'Erable, quoiqu'ils ae foieot qu'a une très petite diftance de la mer.

OuTRS les articles fufmentionnér, nous devrions aulH donner nos foins'^'à la culture du chanvre, du lin, Sc de l'herbe a coton, touteces chofes croiflTent ici beaucoup mieux qu'en aucuns des colonies de la Nouvelle Angleterre; de ces produftions, nos femmes & nos filles, pourroient faire tout le linge ncceffaire au ménage, pour notre ufage et celui de nos domeftiques, bas, et autre partie de nos habillements; ce qui nous feroit une épargne très confùerable, je oe fai* nul

doute

«t 12 j>

doute que les dames ne fe portafTent avec beaucoup de fatir- faélion, au fuccés d'un projet f» avantageux.

Un autre article qui paroit très propre a ce pays & à ce climat, eft la foie; de cette manufa(fhire nous pourrons ci après, nous promettre des richefles immenfcs, ctant propre- ment établie. Les habitants des deux Carolines & de Penn' fylvacic l'ont commencé et y trouvent déjà un avantage con- fidcriblc, quoique ces provinces ni font en aucune façon aufli propre que celle ci, la quantité des mûriers dont nos cam- pagnes abondent, nous le démontrent évidemment.

Jr nedoîs pas omettre d'informer mes pays, que la cul- ture du tabac dans la Virgine, (qui n'eft qu'une petite colonie, dans le pays que nous appelions la Nouvelle Angleterre) pro- cure annuellement au Roi d'Angleterre un revenu de trois cent mille livres flerling, égal a fix millions fix cent mille livres de notre monnoie; outre le prix principal, qui appar- tient aux cultivateurs & aux nçgociants qui l'achètent, et cet- te fomme leur cft rembourfé avec grand avantage par les Français à qui ils vendent cette marchandife ; outre cet avan- tage, ce commerce emploie au moins quatre mille matelots pour tranfporter cet article dans leurs vaiffeaux en Europe ; fi donc la petite ile & ville de la Nouvelle Orléans appartenait a la Grande Bretagne, (ce qui ne pourra pas manquer d'ctrc au cas d'une Nouvelle Guerre avec l'Efpagne) le tabac fera un article bien confiderable, & avantageux pour ceux qui vou- dront la cultiver fur les bords du Mifllflippi, car le terrain de de la Virgine eft prefquc ufc, et ne peut pas continuer long- tCms a produire cette denrée comme elle a fait ci devant. D'ailleurs, les terrains fur le MiOliTippi, font par leur quan- tité & qualité, (i fupericure pour la produ<!lion du tabac, que fi les Anglojs venoient à en avoir la polTeflîon, nous pourrions

devenir

< 13 >

deveoir en peu de tems, la plus florinaote colonie du mon4e; et par une conduite prudente, et foumife aux loix d'Angleterre, aux devoirs de notre fainte religion Catholique, et en confer- vaof une charité unlverfelle pour tous les hommes, nous deviendrions le peuple leplus heureux du genre humain. Il cft vrai que jufqu'a 'prefent, nous n'avons reçu que peu d'avantage d'être devenu fujets Anglois, quoique nous nous fuf- fions formé les idées les plus avantageufcs, de la douceur, de la liberté, et de la fagefle des loix de cette brave nation, mais nous devons attribuer ce contretemp, à la diftance à laquelle nous forames placé du Souverain et du parlement de la Grande Bretagne, qui s'ils etoient entièrement informé de l'importance 5c de la confequcnce de cette colonie à leur em- pire, nous auroit fans doute avant ce tems accordé un gou- vernement civil, au moyen duquel nous n'aurions point été fujet, aux importions, et aux opprefHons de nos tirans pafTé ; néanmoins, nous devons actuellement reconnoître avec recon- noiflTance, que nous fommes heureux, d'avoir un Comman- dant * qui dételle toute a<5tion injuftc ou arbitraire tâchons donc de le convaincre, que nous forames des vrais & zélées fnjets de fa Majefté Britannique, et ne doutons nullemenc que foub peu, la jouiflance de nos droits religieux nous feront confirmées, et l'adraiftration du gouvernement civil fera établi parmi nous. Nous ne pouvons à prefent que defirer ces heureux événements; et en même tems je m'efforcerai de prouver, les avantages qui refuhcront fi nous ceflbns cy après d'introduire le? articles fuivantes, a favoir plomb, fel, cau-dc-vie, tafîia, vin, et fucre, et ne faifons ufage que de ces mêmes articles, produites k fabriquez parmi nous a favoir 20,oco Ib. plomb en plaque, a balles Si a giboyer. Que

il

•MoNSiEVR Le Major Ifaac Hamilton.

< 14 >

je fupDofe revendront Tim en l'autre à f 5 fous, .... T5,oo<S

loool. boifTeaax de fei à^ i^ livres, 15,000

2000 pots Eau-dc-vie à 7 livre» 10 fous, rj.ooO'

20,000 pots ta^a Anglais & Français a 5 livres, . .* 100,000 150 barriques de vin a 400 livres, ......... 60,000"

lo^oool. fucre à 40 fous, 20,000

225^000

Îl paroit par ce calcul qui cff très modéré, que oous depen» fons 225,000 livres par an pour ces (îx articles, que nous pourrions autres peu de fraix manufacturer nous même» que dans le cours' de cinquante ans ces mêmes, artidesnous couteroient la fomme de 11,250,000 Irrres que nous pour- rions fauvcr nous mcme, et remettre en Angleterre 00 eh France fuivant nos inclinations. Si à cette fomme, nous a« joutions ce que nous pourrions faiiver, par la culture etmaoa» fa(fture du lin, du chanvre, & du cotton, nous ne pourrions pas eftimer cette fomme, à moins de 15,000,000 de livres, c'eft à dire, qu'au bout de cinquante ans nous ferions plu» lickc que nous ne le fommcs, de 15,000,000 délivres, pour- vu nous cdTions d'introduire les dittes articles, et corhmen- cioDS a les munufàîiturer nous m'mes, que fi nous perfifton» en notre conduite prefente. Refolvons donc tous enfemble de coeur & d'affcdion, d'éviter le mal et de çhoifir le bien, pendant que nous l'avons encore en notre pouvoir, et cefFons enfin d'ctre un reproche parmi nos frerçs Européens, qui Dt cc/Tent avec judc raifun, de fe moquer de notre indolence 5c de notre fuite.

Avant que de prendre congé de vous permettez moi mn chers ticrcs.avcc I amitié l;i plus fincere de vous faire eacore une fois rd'oùvcnir de notre pollerité qu'il eft de notre devoir abfolu Je leur procurer les connoiffances les plut eten dues

as.

< 15 >

& les plus filutalres. Cela etact, comment pouvons nous nous permettre, de les voir rôder dans nos rues, plus comme des vagabonds & des fauvages, que comme des chrétiens. Nou» avons déjà eu, une longue expérience de !a pitié & de la ver- tu exemplaire de nos rerpetHables pères Murrain et Gibeauft employons donc un maiticd' Ecole en chacun dé nos village», et fiipplions ces refpctîlablcs fopericurs, dmfpeélcr leur con- diiitc, nous fommes tous en état et je me flatte porté de boane volonté. A faire bâtir une Ecole au milieu de chaque village &. d'en payer les maîtres à leur fatisfatflion; les étrangers qoi font venu parmi nous, ont obfervé que la valeur 'du tabac que nous fumons dans l'oifivetc, fuffiroit pour cette depenfe ; mai* il n'y a pas de doute, que nous pourrions payer ces fraix, en produit du pays ce qui couviendroit également, à un maître d'Ecole qui auroit une famille ; je voudrols donc propofer qu'on cnfeignat a toute notre jeuneflc, à lire & à écrire correc- tement leur langues maternelles, & l'arithmétique commune au moins, il fcroit aulTi félon moi necefTaiie, que quelques uns et même tous s'il etoit pofBble, pufFent apprendre la langue Anglaife, ce qui leur feroit d'un très grand avantage.

Jf. fûuhaite de tout mon coeur que les avif fus mentionnez, foyent acceptez par mes pays, avec la même fincerité & U même affeélion que je les donne et je me flatte qtf'aprés les avoir mûrement conftderé, ils en feront leur avantage et le fondement de leur bonheur futur.

Un Habitant des Kaskaskia.

Bibliographical Data

Bibliographical Data [ 49 ]

IN writing the introduction we hâve made use of ail available sources, some of which hâve not been seen by previous historians of the period. The "Kaskaskia Records," although not as rich for the British régime in Illinois as for either the previous or succeeding period, contain some most interesting documents. The most important of thèse is the " Register of the Court," begun in December, 1768, and continued by the military commandants after Colonel Wilkins discharged the justices in 1770. In the same volume is the power of attorney given to Daniel Bloùin by the Illinois French. In the collection, besides the " Register," are single papers that contain valuable information, among which is the original draft of the constitution sent by General Gage to Illinois. In the Haldimand Collection of the British Muséum is a copy of this, made at Kas- kaskia, with the endorsements of those through whose hands it passed. From the Haldimand Col- lection, the Public Record Office of London, the Gage letter-books in Harvard University Library, and from the Sir William Johnson MSS. in the New York State Library, we hâve managed to obtain an almost complète set of the letters con- cerning the West which passed between the com- mandants in Illinois, General Gage, and the minis-

[50] Bibliographical Data

istry. George Morgan's letter-book, referred to in the introduction, belongs to a descendant of Mor- gan. A copy of it is now in the Illinois State Historical Library in Springfield. It will be need- less to mention the numerous volumes of printed sources that hâve been used.

Bibliographical Data [ 5 ^ ]

IT will be noticed that there is no indication of the printers in the pamphlet, so that the indi- rect method of proof must be used in establish- lishing their identity as in the case of the author. Fortunately results hâve been more certain, for we are limited by the évidence of Du Simitiere to the printers of Philadelphia. The problem appeared at first to be very simple. In Hildeburn's " Issues of the Press in Pennsylvania " appears this notice:

" Invitation Sérieuse aux Habitants des Illinois. [Philadelphia: W. and T. Bradford. 1772.] 8vo. pp. 15. 2784

"* A Philadelphie MDCCLXXII,' says Du Simi- tiere."

Although Du Simitiere is quoted as authority only for the city and date, yet it w^as expected that the name of the printers might be given in his note books; but those both in the Ridgeway Library at Philadelphia and in the Library of Congress were searched without finding mention of the pamphlet.

There was a chance that the pamphlet was adver- vertised in the newspapers of Philiadelphia, but a search of the files for the years 1772 to 1774 failed to discover any notice of it.

We were limited, therefore, to the pamphlet it- self. The solution of the problem was furnished

[52] Bibliographical Data

us by the following note from Dr. Victor H. Palt- sits, at the time connected with the New York Public Library :

" The appearance of certain elementary ornaments in a printed book of the period is not, in my judg- ment, an essential criterion to establish the printer, unless such évidence is supported by other considéra- tions. For example we find some of the same orna- ments in books printed in this year (1772) at Salem, Mass., Newport, R. I., New York and Philadelphia — to mention those particularly investigated. You remember that Hildeburn states on the authority of Du Simitiere that the * Invitation' was printed at Philadelphia in 1772. I think this is contributory évidence to some which I hâve found.

" If you will look in the copy of * Poems of Several Occasions, with some other Compositions,* by Nathanial Evans (Philadelphia; Printed by John Dunlap, in Market Street, 1772), you will find at the foot of page 142 precisely the same combina- tion of ornaments that appears on the title page of the * Invitation ; ' if you will look also on page xi, you will find that the headbolt is precisely the same combination of ornaments as the headbolt on p. 3 of the * Invitation.' I am therefore strongly in favor of saying that this tract of yours was printed

Bibliographical Data [SS]

by John Dunlap at the Newest Printing-Office, in Market-street, Philadelphia. I hâve also found that Evans was advertised as * Just Published,' in the Pennsylvania Gazette for August 26, 1772."