—e a nn PAP : : AD _ a ae area a a nt Seas ere ee oe NIV. bi 443 iif ross va ele arte eélt , 142 ; ; te rhtyth Sedbi) ete 4 ot ai fi : Satet) f ebitc ans tee +h grade’ al etele, rl piteteoes 7: : ‘ mn red a a wk kets ie Jaci, bh COS ¢ a ce Af ISIS International Review devoted to the History of Science and Civilization EDITED BY GEORGE SARTON, D. Sc. Associate of the Carnegie Institution of Washington VOLUME IV 1921-1929 Brussels, Belgium : Weissenbruch, 49, rue du Poincon Brief Table of Contents of Volume IV. Joun Davin Bonp (Knoxville, Tenn.). — The develop- ment of trigonometric methods down to the close of the xvth century (with a general account of the methods of constructing tables of natural sines down to our days) : RicHarRD WALLINGFORD (1299 1335) é PreRRE Bovurrovx (Paris). — L’enseignement de la méca- nique en France au xvii* siécle ‘ : Fortran Cason (Berkeley, Cal.). — Note on the FP AHREN- HEIT scale . ee On the history of caloric. Der ons eee Cuarves H. Haskins (Cambridge,Mass.).— Micnarn Scor and FrREpDERICK II . J. W. S. Jownsson (Copenhagen), — Henrik HArPE- STRAENG. A Danish Salernitan : chet 7a HELENE MerzGer (Paris). — L’évolution du régne métal- lique d’aprés les alchimistes du xvii siécle : G. A. Mitter (Urbana, Ill.). — Different types of mathe- matical history . GEORGE Sarton (Cambridge, ny — An introduction to the history and philosophy of science (preliminary note). The principle of symmetry and its applications to science and to art . Bid oer? tas 0s BN G ha The teaching of the history of science nd asete) Critical Bibliography of the History and Philosophy of Science and of the History of Civilization : Tenth, to April 1921. Eleventh, to October 1921. Twelfth, to March 1922. Pages 225 124 390 572 For the Noles and Reviews see the Summaries of each separate number on p. 1-4, 221-223, 455-458. (a SIS International Review devoted to the History of Science and Civilization. SUMMARY of No. 10 (Vou. IV, 1) (Edited in Cambridge, Massachusetts, May 1921.) l. Main Articles. G. A. Mitier (Urbana, Ill.). — Different types of mathematical history yg ee Fh SS ey atte J. W. S. Jounsson nen | — Henrik HarprE- STRAENG, A Danish Salernitan . yy ea ale Fuorian Casori (Berkeley, Calif.). — Note on the FAHRENHEIT Scale aha GeorGcEe Sarton. — An Introduction to the Piers me Philosophy of Science (preliminary note) . GrorGcEe Sarton. — The Principle of Symmetry and its applications to Science andto Art. . . Il. Notes and Correspondence. Mathematics. L’Encyclopédie des Sciences mathématiques (G. S.) Geography. Puiwip Lee Puiuips’ contributions to the bibliogra- phy of cartography (G. S.) . Hans Peper Steenssy, 1875-1920 (J. W.S. ees Technology. The organization of research in the history of tech- nology on a commercial basis (G. 8.) . Iconography. Medals and other portraits of scientists (G. S.) . Ill. Reviews. S,1.A.C. Lucrécr. De la Nature. Texte et trad. par ALrrep Ernout, Paris, 1920 (G. S.). ; ; S. XJ. Sreenssy, H. P. The Norsemen’s route from ‘Geld to Wineland. Copenhagen, 1918 (G. 8.) VOL. Iv-l Pages 458 4 Science, history. Science, organ. Science, philos. Sociology. SUMMARY ZEITLINGER, H. Bibliotheca Chemico-Mathematica. London, 1921 (G.S.). . . : Mieut, A. (editor). Gli scienziati italiani, Vol. I, iY Roma, 1921 (G. S.) . eeneens) “f Paucot, R. Le rdle des sciences dans l'éducation. Paris, 1920 (L. Guinat.). es Lecuerc pu Sasiton, M. L’unité de la science. Paris, 1919 (L. Gutner.). ‘ Houssay, FR. Force et cause. Paris 1920 (L. sacri), NaviLLE, A. Classification des sciences. 3° éd. Paris, 1920 (G. S.) ; Westaway, F.W. Scientific Method. New eh opti: 1919(G.S.). Westaway, F.W. Science * Theology. ‘Loaat 1920 (G.S.). Sanp, René. Organisation industrielle, médecine so- ciale et éducation civique en Angleterre et aux Etats-Unis. Bruxelles, 1920 (G.S.) IV. Tenth Critical Bibliography of the History, Philoso- phy and Organization of Science and of the History of Civilization (to April1921). . Pages 111 112 114 115 115 118 119 119 122 124 Different types of mathematical history Among the various general histories of mathematics the two written by J. E. Monructa and M. Cantor were especially favorably received. The former of these is frequently spoken of as the earliest real history of our subject and served to a large extent as a proto- type for the latter and for many other less influential undertakings along this line. It is therefore of interest to consider some of the characteristic features of these two works. One of the most striking features is that their authors express their own opinions in no un- certain terms on a large number of fundamental questions. These authors did not seem to endeavor to efface themselves but they present fearlessly conclusions which they had reached after investigating thor- oly the various evidences available in their days, and they often supplement facts in somewhat the same manner as lost Greek works used to be restored from the notes of Pappus and others. The many appreciative comments which these histories have evoked tend to show that a considerable body of readers of general histories of mathematics desires not only the evidences but also the conclu- sions gained by men who were in position to consider these evidences carefully and comparatively. The many lofty and inspiring remarks which those thoroly familiar with the history of our subject are in position to make constitute features which are more attractive to most readers than collections of facts without any attempt to interpret them. Such collections are, however, also useful, but they are apt to detract from the readability of a general history of our subject, and an essential element of usefulness of such a history is that it is actually read. An important difference between the history by Montucia and that by Cantor is that pure and applied mathematics are considered by the former author while the latter confined himself to pure mathe- 6 G. A. MILLER matics. In the preface to the former work we are told that its author had also at first expected to confine himself to pure mathematics but decided to include the history of applied mathematics in order to reach a larger number of readers, He seemed to feel uncertain that this extension of the scope of his work, which was partly due to the advice of friends, was wise. Both Montucta and Cantor treat not only the history of mathe- matics but also the history of some of the most noted mathematicians, and both authors aim to give clear explanations of the fundamental concepts whose history is presented as well as an outline of the polit- ical situations at the times when mathematical advances were made. The former of these features has been widely adopted even by authors of brief general histories of our subject. The latter feature has been less commonly adopted, but it is the more serious of thetwo, sinceitis becoming more and more easy to supply biographical information by means of general works of reference. On the other hand, il is becom- ing more and more difficult for the non-professional mathematician to secure a clear view of the fundamental elements involved in modern mathematical advances. Montucta laid great stress on securing clear ideas of the mathemat- ical concepts before writing on their history, and it seems obvious that a reader cannot secure a deep insight into the history of any scientific subject without first acquiring a thoro knowledge of this subject itself. It is only then that he is in position to understand the significance of the various advances made at different times. This is especially true of mathematics in view of the interdependence of the different branches, and the fact that the more advanced theories cannot, as a rule, be understood without first mastering various special elements involved therein. Probably one of the main reasons why so few mathematicians are especially interested in the history of their subject is that they expect to be better prepared later to take up this subject. A disadvantage of the types of treatments adopted by Montucia and Cantor is that such treatments require a large amount of space. For instance, if the material found in the recent second edition of Casori’s History of Mathematics, 1919, were to be treated in this manner, twenty volumes would probably have been needed instead of the one in which we find it presented. It would evidently have been possible to restrict the number of topics treated and to present these few topics with full explanations of their mathematical significance and their historical DIFFERENT TYPES OF MATHEMATICAL HISTORY 7 connections, but many readers doubtless prefer the « bird’s-eye-view of the development of mathematics from its earliest beginnings to the present time », which the author aims to give here, even if many of the technical terms employed by him convey vague notions. As a matter of fact we need different types of histories of our subject and it seems almost puerile to consider the question which type is the most important in a general way. The different types appeal to different classes of readers, and the healthy growth of our subject and its service to humanity as a whole demand that the needs of all of these readers should be met to the largest possible extent. The main ques- tion is whether a history is reasonably well suited to meet the needs of the class which it is intended to reach. Histories in which the reader is not expected to understand the mathematical significance of many of the concepts have the advantage of brevity and of freedom to read lightly or more seriously as one may desire. If the question, under- standest thou what thou readest ? were asked by a Philip of readers of such a history, various answers might be expected. Some might answer in the old familiar words, how can | except some man should guide me ? Others might be inclined to reply, why should I try to understand ? I am reading a history of modern mathematics. It is too much to ask one to study a subject and its history at the same time. The reader of mathematical history who does not specialize along this line is usually not in position to verify many of the historical statements found in books on this subject, and hence he is naturally greatly interested in securing information relating to the relative accuracy of these books. It is therefore the more singular that in the past the accuracy or lack of accuracy seem to have effected only slightly the popularity of histories of our subject. For instance, F. Horer’s Histoire des Mathématiques was first published in 1874. In the review of it which appeared in the Jahrbuch tiber die Fortschritte der Mathematik two years later, the reader is earnestly warned against the errors of this book. The nature of this review may be inferred from the following sentence which was printed in italics : « Errors of thought and type alternate so elegantly in this book that one must ask oneself whence the author has taken the little that is correct ». Not- withstanding this severe and deserved criticism, the book was reprinted at various times and reached its fifth edition in 1902. Another singular fact is that even the best of the older general mathematical histories are now worse than useless for the beginner since they contain much that must be unlearnt by those who read 8 G. A. MILLER them before they are acquainted with the discoveries of recent years relating to the history of our subject. The fact that we now know that many of the views held by leading mathematical historians fifty years ago are erroneous is not very encouraging if we can reasonably exp ect that those who will live fifty years after our times will discard many of the views which are championed by the mathematical historians of the present day. Fortunately this is not the case. The fact that during the latter half of the nineteenth century the foundations of mathematics were re-examined and older views were subjected to severe criticisms may justify the hope that views on histor- ical questions which stood the test of this age are not likely to rest on insecure foundations. It is, of course, to be expected that addi- tional light will be thrown on many questions by later discoveries, but the fact that our mathematical historians are now confessing ignorance as regards such fundamental questions as when our com- mon number symbols originated and why the circle was divided into 360 equal parts are hopeful signs. The praiseworthy attitude of many mathematical historians to weigh evidences and interpret facts will, however, probably always deprive this subject of the finality as regards reliability which is a property of most of the other mathemat - ical literature. To illustrate the difficulty encountered in weighing evidence we may refer to the statement that the Chinese seem to have known as early as 500 B. C. that 22 — 2 is divisible by the prime p in L. E. Dick- son, History of the Theory of Numbers, Vol. I (A919) p. 59. This state- ment is based upon a note written by J. H. Jeans and published in the Messenger of Mathematics, volume 27 (1898), page 174, where it is noted that this theorem is contained in a paper found among those of Sir Tuomas Wane and dating from the time of Conrucius. It is difficult to determine how much weight should be assigned to such evidence in view of many unwarranted claims made by Chinese writers as regards historical questions, and the fact that the theorem does not seem to be in accord with the mathematical attainments of the Chinese at this early period. The functions of the author of a mathematical history vary with the type of history he aims to produce. If this history is restricted to a comparatively small field, the main object may be to secure a complete list of the advances made in this field with indications relating to their nature and interrelations. As the field to be covered is enlarged and the amount of available space for details is decreased, the function of DIFFERENT TYPES OF MATHEMATICAL HISTORY 9 the author becomes more and more judicial. In a brief general history of our subject the author is compelled to exercise the judicial function in the selection of his material as well as in the treatment hereof, unless his knowledge is so limited that he has enough space to say all he knows about particular subjects, which is unlikely. Perhaps the most difficult function of the author of a small history of our subject is that of a judge of relative values and the significance of particular developments. It may be of interest to note here a few outstanding facts in regard to general histories of mathematics in the English language. The small number of such works and the small extent of those which have appeared tend to raise questions as regards possible explanations which do not reflect on the general mathematical interests of English speaking people. Each of these histories which first appeared in our language was confined to one volume and seems to have had for its main object a popular presentation of the principal facts relating to the history of our subject rather than a contribution to the knowledge relating thereto. Moreover, only smaller histories have been translated into English, beginning with the French work by Bossut which appeared in English in 1803. Two modern English histories of mathematics which aim to cover the entire field are A Short Account of the History of Mathematics by W. W. R. Batt, first published in 1888, and A History of Mathe- matics by Fiortan Casori, first published six years later. A fifth edition of the former appeared in 1912 and various corrections and additions were made, especially in the second edition, issued in 1893, but the fifth edition does not differ widely from the first. On the other hand, the second edition of Casori’s work, issued in 1919, is about twice as large as the first and differs widely therefrom, especially as regards the treatment of the mathematical developments since the beginning of the nineteenth century. Batu’s Short Account was translated into Italian and enlarged by the translator, appearing in two volumes in 1903 and 1904. A few years later an enlarged French translation appeared also in two volumes. The first edition of Batu’s book was quite unsatisfactory from a scientific standpoint as it was based largely on antiquated works. The later editions exhibit considerable improvement but even the fifth edition failed to embody some of the desirable changes to which attention had been called in the various reviews of this work. Its popularity seems to be due to its readableness rather than its accu- 10 G. A. MILLER racy. It contains a considerable number of biographical sketches of leading mathematicians of all times. As the second edition of Cayori’s work is more recent it may be desirable to enter into somewhat greater details in its analysis. Its author added, soon after its publication, two pages, 515 and 516, devoted to additions and corrections. These naturally relate mainly to minor matters since the more serious desirable changes can usually not be properly treated in a few words. In fact, the latter often relate to incorrect impressions conveyed by various statements even when the statements taken separately are substantially correct. As an instance of this kind we may refer to the following two sen- tences which appear on page 302 of the work under consideration. « Euciip proved (I, 27) that — if a straight line falling on two other straight lines make the alternate angels equal to one another, the two straight lines shall be parallel to one another. — Being unable to prove that in every other case the two lines are not parallel, he assumed this to be true. » The natural impression conveyed by these two sentences is that Euc.w proved the theorem mentioned in the former sentence without making the assumption to which reference is made in the latter. Such an impression is incorrect and is the more unfortunate since it is related to a fundamental fact in the history of elementary geometry. Evcuip proved this theorem by first assuming its converse and this converse is practically the assumption to which the second sentence refers. Each of the two sentences quoted above would be correct, with the exception of an obvious misprint, if it were placed in its proper environment, but as these sentences stand in the text they are apt to convey a very unfortunate impression. It is the impression conveyed by a number of sentences or by whole pages which is the most important element of a history of mathemat- ics, and if such a history is largely made up of statements taken in substance from various sources without being fully digested it is very apt to convey more false impressions than the actual inaccuracies in. individual sentences would seem to indicate. In view of the great variety of subjects covered in a history of modern mathematics, it seems almost inevitable to introduce to some degree false impressions into such a history even when each statement taken by itself is practi- cally correct. The reader who realizes this difficulty can use to great advantage a work which otherwise might be harmful to him. For instance, if such DIFFERENT TYPES OF MATHEMATICAL HISTORY ll a reader finds the following statements, on page 325, « what is a curve ? CAMILLE JoRDAN in his Cours d’analyse defined it tentatively as a continuous line », he realizes that this cannot be meant as an actual definition. On reading further he will find various interesting and useful statements about curves, with proper references. While he may feel that the subject should have been presented in a much clearer way, even in the very limited amount of space devoted thereto, he must admit that many of the important elements of the history of curves are actually noted. Perhaps one of the worst instances where false historical impress- ions are apt to be conveyed is found on page 131. In speaking about Germany it is here stated that « she produced Reciomontanus, Coper- nicus, Rueticus, and Kepuer, at a period when France and England had, as yet, brought forth hardly any great scientific thinkers », The natural inference from this statement is that Germany made important scientific progress at an earlier date than France and England, while the reverse is actually the case. In particular, Rocer Bacon was scien- tifically active and antedated all of those named above, and the mathe- maticians of France and England who belonged to no later period than Kepier include Vieta, Oresme, Napier, Briccs, and many others. Another instance where the reader who is not well informed as regards mathematics is apt to be misled in regard to a fundamental matter is found on page 164, where the following sentence in regard to a method used by Fermat appears : « The main difference between it and the rule of the differential calculus is that it introduces the indeterminate quantity e instead of the infinitely small dz. » Little lower on the same page we read that « Fermat introduced the conception of infinitely small differences between consecutive values of a function ». As there is no essential difference between Fermat's method and our modern method of finding the derivative, except as regards notation, the reference to the indeterminate e and the infinitely small dz is misleading, especially since this e is implied to be infinitely small in the second quotation just noted. As these remarks relate to funda- mental questions in the differential calculus where the progress of the student is so apt to be retarded by slight misconceptions, it is espe- cially important that clear statements relating thereto should have been made. Jt is not our purpose in this brief analysis of the second edition of Casoni’s history of mathematics to direct attention to all the desirable 12 G. A. MILLER modifications which ere not noted in the published lists of correc- tions. This edition is more accurate than the first edition was, and the popular style in which it is written will doubtless win for it many readers and secure for it a wide field of influence. Even the profess- ional mathematician will find here much that should prove to be helpful and inspiring, and teachers of mathematics will find much that will clarify the historical notes found in their textbooks. The man who is mainly interested in the history of science as a whole and turns to a history of mathematics for the purpose of securing an insight into this particular part of the general history of science will find Casori’s work especially useful for the purpose of obtaining a superficial but extensive knowledge of recent developments in mathe- matics. The most noteworthy recent contribution to the history of our subject is Dicxson’s History of the Theory of Numbers, the first two volumes of which appeared in 1919 and 1920 respectively (*). This is a reference history on the subject treated as may be inferred from the following quotation found in the preface to the second volume : « what is generally wanted is a ful! and correct statement of the facts, not an historian’s personal explanation of these facts. The more completely the historian remains in the background or the less conscious the reader is of the historian’s personality, the better the history ». These few observations relating to types of mathematical histories and to a brief analysis of a few of the most popular general histories of mathematics are intended to be useful to the historian of science in general rather than to the specialist in mathematics. They may serve to emphasize the fact that mathematical history is still in a somewhat primitive condition, especially in the English language, and that more work along this line is highly desirable. They are also intended to aid in creating a more critical attitude as regards the popular general histories of mathematics in the hope that such an attitude may lead to improvement. G. A. MILLER. (University of Illinois). (4) See Isis, III, 446 ; IV, 107. Henrik Harpestraeng A Danish Salernitan Very few names of mediaeval Danish medical men are left, and the lives, writings, and titles of these are completely unknown in nearly all cases, as are the dates of their births and deaths. Various notes taken from religious and medical manuscripts acquaint us with their existence. A small number of medical texts are, to be sure, available, but, since they are anonymous, further investigation will be necess- ary before their authorship can be determined. Even the most prominent of these mediaeval authors, Henrik HARPESTRAENG, is rather unknown. Pontoppipan (Annales Ecclesiae Danicae 1, 656) quotes his funeral inscription, which is said to bave been in the cathedral at Roskilde, in this way: Non. Apr. Obiit Magister Henricus Harpestraeng, huius ecclesiae canonicus, MCCXLIV, qui multiplices eleemosinas huic ecclesiae contulit, tam in morte quam in vita sua; and from another source (Hamsrort, Script. Rer. Dan. I, 288) we know that he died on the JV Nonas Apriles. The exact date of his death will therefore be April 2, 1244. On the year of his birth, however, it is possible to get only an indirect statement, which will be given later on. Two manuscripts (old royal collection (G. K. S,) 3659, 8°) of the Royal Library of Copenhagen and Codex Grenshol- mensis (vid. Ktrmmine : Lake och Ortebécker, p. 499) date from the xvth century and state : « This is the medicament, which Henprik HARPESTRAENG gave to King Eric». This king (1241-1250) was the son of Wa.pemar the Victorious and Berencania, and these citations con- tain the only items we have on the learned canon and doctor. His works are to be divided into (4), astrological and prog- nostical papers, among which are found some indications for vene- section, written for King Eric; (2), herbals; (3), hygienic, diagnostic and surgical papers; and (4), a manual of treatment, arranged a capite ad calcem (which seems with great probability to be attribu- 14 J. W. S. JOHNSSON table to HARPESTRAENG). All these texts exist only in Scandinavian lan- guages, six of them in Danish, one,in Norwegian dialect, four in Ice- landic, and nine in the Swedish tongue, but further information about them will not be given here, as all these questions are amply treated in the excellent work of Mr. M. Kristensen, which will be mentioned below. It is no wonder that the mediaeval author of so great a literary production has been studied for years. The first edition was made by C. Mo.secu (1826). Though the tithe was Henrm HARPESTRAENGS Danske Laegebog, the edition contained no manual of treatment, but simply one of the herbals, a book of stones, and a cookery-book. Modern critical researches have shown that these two last ones were written by another, unknown author. The Norwegian text is edited by M. Hagestap (Christiania Vid. Selsk. Skr. 1906. Hist. filos. klass n°2) under the title: «Et gammal-norsk Fragment av. H. H.». Some of the Icelandic texts have a very skillful editor in H. KaaLunp. (K6ben- havns Vid. Selsk. Skr. 6 R. Hist. filos. Afd. VI, 4 Alfraedi islenzk, I, 1908). To these Icelandic texts one more is to be added. It was lately found in Dublin (Royal Irish Academy n° 23, D. 3), is in 4° and written at the beginning of the xvth century. It is still unedited, but an edition is in preparation. The Swedish texts were reviewed by G. E. Kuemmine in his remarkable work : Léke-och Ortebécker fran Sveriges Medeltid, Stockholm, 1883-1886. A new period in the HarPEsTRAENG investigations commenced with the splendid edition, made by Dr. Marius Kristensen, the title of which is : HarpESTRAENG. Gamle Danske Urtebdger, Stensbiger og Koge- béger, Kobenhavn, 1908. As will be seen, HarpEstraENG’s name is here used as a collective word, because the edition comprises not only those texts which with certainty may be attributed to him but also the old Danish stone-books and cookery-books. Dr. KristENsEn’s book is remarkable because the modern philological method is for the first time applied, and ample information is given, not only about the different manuscripts, but also about their inner relations and about the place of HarpestRaAENG in the system of medical history. The edition is so elaborate that it satisfies all wants, but it has not yet been completed. We have seen that HARPESTRAENG’s Manuscripts have until now been found only in Scandinavian libraries — with one single exception (Dublin). But the learned author might possibly be found outside these countries, if his Latin name were to be discovered. It would, HENRIK HARPESTRAENG 15 moreover, be a very curious thing if his works had been written only in Northern languages, without any Latin model or original form. Now the writer of these lines, J. W. S. Jonnsson, has found in a manuscript in the royal library of Copenhagen (G. K. S. 1654. 4°) a couple of Salernitan texts, and, between them, one with the title De simplicibus medicinis laxativis, written by a certain Henricus Dacus. A comparison with the text of HaRpestTRAENG made it evident that a Latin translation of the 81st chapter of the herbal had been found, and it was later on edited. (HENricus Dacus [Henrik HARPESTRAENG] : De simplicibus medicinis laxativis, udgivet for forste Gang af J. W. S. Jounsson, KObenhavn, 1914. French translation in Janus, 1917). The Latin name of HarpestraeEnc being thus found, one had new possibilities of learning more about his life in foreign manuscripts. And, really, he does not seem quiteunknown abroad. The ms. fr. 1357, 2v° (XVs) of the imperial (now national) library in Paris contains Symon pe Pua- RES : Recueil des plus celébres astrologues et de quelques hommes doctes, in which a certain « maistre Henry de Danemarche » is men- tioned, and it is said there that he was a famous doctor in Orléans and agreat astrologer who made many predictions. He is also said to have lived in that town during the reign of King Puitippe AucusTE (1465-1223) and, more exactly, in 1181. The identity of Henricus Dacus (Henrik HArpestRAENG) and Henri de Danemarche is almost a certainty, because different facts substantiate it and because the city of Orléans was preferred in the Middle Ages by Danes who studied abroad. Since Danes were enrolled at foreign universities when they were about twenty years old, the year 1181 gives us indications from which the year of his birth may be approximated. The Latin text mentioned has been discussed from different points ofview. The editor of it believes it to be a part of an original model, which was later translated into the Scandinavian tongues. M. Kris- TENSEN thinks it isa work from Harpestraenc’s younger days. But whether it is one or the other, the text points towards Salerno and indicates, in different phrases, that we have before us the fragments of a lecture. HARPESTRAENG Was no Original author. His book is built up from different sources, all Salernitan. The most prominent of these are Macer: De viribus herbarum and Constantinus Arricanus: De gra- dibus liber and De chirurgia. The Latin text is written over citations from AvICcENNA, Copno and SALaDIN. The Harpestraenc studies have not yet come toanend. A. CLEMENT 16 J. W. S. JOHNSSON and M. Kristensen have written about a remarkable stone-name used in the stone-book. (Et merkeligt Stennavn hos H. H., Danske Stu- dier, 1917) and P. Hauserc has shown, by examining manucripts, also from later periods than the Middle Ages, that many fragments were yet to be found, which surely were to be ascribed to the learned canon and doctor. The paper has been included in the periodical just mentioned (Lidt om Henrik HarpestTRAENG Laegebog), and it teaches us that HARPESTRAENG served as a model for several later medical works, especially those of CuristiAN PEDERSEN and Henrik Sip. (Copenhagen.) J. W.S. Jonnsson. Note on the Fahrenheit scale We propose in this note to re-examine the question, how FAHRENHEIT came to adopt the graduation of his thermometric scale and also to consider the question whether he held the zero on his scale to be an absolute zero. The only publications due to GasrieL DanieL FAHRENHEIT are five short articles, in Latin, dated 1724, and published in the Philoso- phical Transactions of London (}). In the first article he gives the boiling points and specific gravities of five liquids ; he says that water boils at 212°. Reference to his thermometers is made in the following passage : 1. « Moreover, the above experiments have not been made at the same time, hence the liquids would have been subject to different degrees of heat ; as, however, the (specific) gravity varies in a different manner and unequally, I calculate their gravity at 48 degrees (a place which on my thermometer is exactly half way between the lowest point of severest cold (intensissimi frigoris) as obtained by mixing water, ice, sal ammoniac or sea-salt, and the degree of heat found in the blood of a healthy person). » In his second paper FAHRENHEIT Says : II. «I manufacture two kinds of thermometers, the one kind is filled with spirit of wine, the other with mercury. Their length varies according to the use to which they are put. But all have this in com- mon, that they agree in the number of degrees and vary between fixed limits. The scale of the thermometers serving merely meteorological purposes, begins with 0° and stops at 96°. This scale rests upon the (') Philos. trans. of London, Vol. 33, for the years 1724 and 1725, London, 1726. First article page 1-3. Second article, p. 78-84. Third article, p. 114-118. Fourth article, p. 140-141. Fifth article, p. 179-180. These articles are repu- blished in German translation in Ostwa.p's Klassiker der Exakten Wissen- schaften N°. 57, 1894. to Vou. 1v-l 18 FLORIAN CAJORI determination of three fixed points which are determined as follows : The first lies at the lowest part or at the beginning of the scale, and is found by a mixture of ice, water and sal ammon iac or also sea-salt ; if the thermometer is placed in this mixture, then the liquid falls to the point marked 0. This trial succeeds better in winter than in sum- mer. The second point is obtained, when water and ice are mixed without the aforesaid salts; when the thermometer is dropped into this mixture, the liquid stays at the 32nd degree, and this point I call the point of initial freezing, for stagnant water is covered with a layer of ice when in winter the thermometer-liquid reaches this degree. The third point lies at the 96th degree ; and the spirit expands thereto when the thermometer is placed in the mouth or under the arm-pit of a healthy person and is kept there long enough to fully reach the temperature of the body... The scales of thermometers to be used in determining the boiling points of liquids likewise begin with 0, but stop at 600 degrees, for at about that temperature the mercury (with which the thermometer is filled) begins to boil. » FAHRENHEIT’S Only other reference to his thermometric scale is in his fifth paper : III. « In my account of experiments on the boiling point of several liquids, I mentioned that at that time the boiling point of water was found to be 212° ; later I recognized through various observations and experiments that this point is fixed for one and the same weight of the atmosphere, but that, for different weights of the atmosphere, it may vary either way ». Deductions : a). From quotation I it follows that the two fixed points chosen for the thermometers which Fanrenueit described in 1724 were those of the ice-water-salt mixture and of blood temperature, : and that the interval between them was divided into 96 steps. b). From quotation II we see that Faurennert (unlike other experimenters) had also a third point, determined by an ice- water mixture. We conjecture that this third point answered the purpose of more carefully comparing and checking the graduations of thermometers. c). Quotations I, II, and III lead to the conclusion that the boiling point of water was not used by FAHRENHEIT as a fixed point in the graduation of the thermometers described in his papers, that, in designing the thermometers which he used in determining boiling points, the 96 degree scale, above referred ee ~ NOTE ON THE FAHRENHEIT SCALE 19 to, was extended by equal steps on the stem of the thermo- meter and that, after the graduation was thus completed, FauRreNHEIT found by experiment that the boiling point of water fell at 212°. The number 212 was, therefore, not pre-arran- ged; boiling water simply happened to raise the mercury column to that point. If our interpretation is correct, then it was equally a matter of chance that, in the thermometers described in 1724, 32° came to mark the freezing temperature of water and that 180 came to stand for the number of degrees between the freezing and boiling points of water. We would expect that in his Jater practice, FAHRENHEIT would profit by the results of his experimentation, that he would discard the two fixed points mentioned in quotation I and choose the freezing and boiling temperatures of water as more convenient fixed points. But we possess no direct and reliable information that either he or his Amsterdam partner, Prius, actually took this step. Unless there are weightier reasons than mere guesses or conjectures (no matter how brilliant and tempting the conjectures may seem), it is not safe for a historian to depart widely from the obvious and direct consequences of statements made by an author. A violation of the rule has led to claims relating to the Faurenneit scale that are most probably wrong. For example, Poccenvorrr (‘) mentions a writer who expressed the opinion that though Faurenueit does not claim to have used the boiling pointas a fixed point in the graduations described in 1724, he nevertheless actually did use it along with the freezing point of water. Guesses of this sort are hazardous. Again, Rosenpercer (*) states, without giving any facts to support him, that Fanrenuert fixed on his thermometer stem the salt-ice and the water-ice points ; then divided that interval by continued bisection into 32 parts, that thereupon the continuation of those divisions, yielded 96 as the temperature of blood. This interpretation does violence to Fanrenneit’s statement as given in Quotation I, and does not fit the description found in the Acta Eruditorum for the (1) J. C. Pogaenporrr, Geschichte der Physik, Leipzig, 1879, p. 520. (?) F. Rosensercer, Geschichte der Physik, Vol. Il. Braunschweig, 1884, p. 281. J. C. Fiscugr, Geschichte der Physik, Vol. UI, Gidttingen, 1802, p. 222. 20 FLORIAN CAJORI year 1714, of two thermometers which Fanrenueit donated to Curis- TIAN Wotr. That description is in part as follows (*) : « The entire scale is divided into 26 equal parts, of which each is subdivided into fourths. Very great cold (frigus vehementissimum) is written at the second division from the cylinder, and from it ascending toward the end of the scale there are marked off 24 degrees, of which the fourth indicates great cold, the eighth cold, the twelfth moderate, the sixteenth hot, the twentieth very hot, the twenty-fourth unbear- ably hot (aestum intolerabilem). » According to this account the interval from ice-water-salt to blood temperature was first subdivided by Fanrenueit into 24 parts, then each of these into four smaller quadrants, making 96 parts in all. This statement is confirmed by Professor Curistrriep Kircu of Berlin who in 1737 gave the following information (?) : 4. My thermometer, which I have used several years, was made by the so skilful Faurenueir more than twenty years ago. On it 24 degrees of heat are numbered ; 0 denotes the greatest cold and 24 the highest heat. Two more degrees are introduced below zero, so that the degree of cold of the thermometer can be reckoned even when, in the case of extraordinary cold, its fluid contracts so as to withdraw below the limit zero. 2. This is a thermometer of small or medium size; its scale measures 5 Rhenish inches from 0 to the 24th degree. The single degrees are divided into four quadrants, so that from degree zero to the last division line there are 96 quadrants. 3. On the newer Faurenueir thermometers the scale is no longer divided into 24 degrees and quadrants, but into 96 smaller degrees, corresponding to the 96 quadrants of the 24 degrees in which the older thermometers are divided. 4. Some years ago | noticed that my thermometer did not entirely agree with others of Fanrenueit, and so I ordered from the famous Mr. FAHRENHEIT a new and exact thermometer, so as to be able to compare with it my own and other thermometers. I found that this new thermometer agrees well with others of FanreNuEIT, but differs noticeably from mine. (1) Acta Eruditorum, Leipzig, 1714, p. 381. (?) Miscellanea Berolinensia, T. VI, printed 1740. We take this quotation from W. J. Fisuer’s article « The Relation of Romer and FaHRENHEIT to the Thermometer » in School Science and Mathematics, Vol. 18, 1918. p. 648. i i a _a es ee NOTE ON THE FAHRENHEIT SCALE 21 Thus both Wotr and Kircn corroborate FAHRENHEIT’s statement of the graduation of his thermometers. As a third historical error, we refer to E. Geruanp’s (*) claim that the 96 degrees of Fanrenueit’s smaller thermometer is an adaptation of the scale in Florentine thermometers, which indicated 16° when the weather was coldest, and 80° when exposed to the summer sun. But the 16° were positive, hence the interval was 80°—16°, not 80°+-16°. The quotations we made from Wor and Kircu show that with FAHRENHEIT the 96 was reached by the route of 4 times 24. Fourthly, in the article « Thermometer » in the Edinburgh Ency- clopaedia (Philadelphia, 1832), Petrus van Musscuensroek (*) is quoted as authority for the statement that Fanrenneit placed the highest point of the scale at the boiling point of mercury and then divided the space between that and his zero into 600 equal parts. A similar statement is found in Cuartes Hurton’s Mathematical and Philosophical Dictionary, 1795. These claims are at variance with FaHRENHEIT’s Own statements regarding his primitive fixed points. Fifthly, A. J. von Oertincen (*) asserts that FAHRENHEIT was the first to construct mercury-in-glass thermometers, but such thermometers were made earlier by the Parisian astronomer Ismafi BouLtiau (1659) and by others. Lastly, Poccenporrr (*) speaks of « die Temperatur des vermeintli- chen absoluten Nullpunkts von Fanrenneit ». Did Fanrenneir con- sider his zero absolute? His reference in our quotation I, to a temperature intensissimi frigoris is not conclusive ; does he mean the most intense cold actually attained or ever attainable? Most probably the first, for : (1) in his fifth paper Faurenneir marks 96° on his scale « extream hott » and 0° « extream cold »; he knew « extream hott » could be surpassed upward, hence, probably, he did not consider « extream cold » to be unsurpassable downward. (2) The frigus vehe- mentissimum on the Faurenneit thermometers described by Wo.r lends no stronger support to Poccenporrr’s contention. (3) On the (!) E. Gertanp Geschichte per Physik, Minchen and Berlin, 1913, p. 620. (?) P. van Musscuensroek, Essai de Physique, Leyden, 1739, § 948. (3) Ostwacp’s Klassiker n° 57, p. 126. (4) Poceenporrr, Geschichte der Physik, p. 519. That Faurenneit consid- ered his zero to be absolute is stated also in Rees’ Cyclopaedia, article « Ther- mometer » and in other publications. 22 FLORIAN CAJORI contrary, according to WoxF and Kircu, the therriometers made by FAHRENHEIT Contained one or two of the large twenty-four-step scale divisions, that were placed below the zero point, thus allowing for temperatures just below the FanrENHEIT zero. — FLorIAN Casort. University of California, Berkeley, Calif. Introduction to the History and Philosophy of Science (Preliminary note) Before leaving Belgium in October 1914, I had buried all my smaller notesin my garden. The rediscovery of these notes and of a good part of my library and of my larger notes, in August 1919, enabled me to resume at once the realization of an old design, namely, the writing of an introduction to the history and philosophy of science. Many months of the fall and winter of 1920 were almost entirely devoted to the reclassification of my material, and it was only on January 12, 1921 that I could begin the actual writing. Ihadat first thought that as soon as my material was duly classified, the writing would be rela- tively easy, for it is a fact that the Introduction exists potentially in my notes. Yet I discovered once more that there is a long, long way from such potentiality to reality. I am now publishing this pre- liminary paper because: 1. I realize that more time may elapse before the appearance of the Introduction than I had at first reckoned ; 2. Toensure greater completeness and accuracy I propose to submit parts of my work as soon as they are ready, to various specialists : this note will explain my purpose to them more fully than I could do it in a letter. This preliminary note is divided as follows : (I) Purpose; (II) Plan; (Ill) Tentative Table of Contents; (IV) Method. I. — Purpose. The fundamental purpose is to establish the history of science as an independent and organized discipline. The lack of organization of these studies is but too painfully obvious. The number of men professionally engaged in them is so small that it can be counted on both hands, and most of them are concentrating their attention upon a particular science or group of sciences. There are no textbooks above the elementary grade and hardly any of the intellectual tools without which research is necessarily very slow. The greatest num- ber of scientists and scholars have not yet understood, —I do not say the importance of these studies, but their mere possibility ; they have 24 GEORGE SARTON not yet admitted their very right to exist. Even when courses on the history of science have been organized in a few of our universities or colleges, the very way in which this has been done, suggests an utter misunderstanding of the question. A university president who would invite a professor of botany to teach Greek history would, of course, make a fool of himself, but nobody laughs when he asks the same professor to extemporize a course on the history of science. Yet the latter undertaking, in the absence of the proper tools, is one of great risk and difficulty, while the existence of many excellent textbooks (each being the result of a long, progressive evolution) makes it relatively easy to prepare a course on Greek history. I do not hesitate to say that albeit I have devoted the best part of my life to the study of the history of science, | would find it much easier to give an accurate (if not original) account of Greek political history, than of the development of science. In the first case indeed, I could at once take full advantage of the labour and of the accumulated experience of hundreds of scholars, in the latter case, on the contrary, I would be largely thrown upon my own resources. Among the scientists and scholars who have become sufficiently interested in our studies, very few seem to have appreciated their special difficulties, which arise from their involving at every step a sound knowledge of two distinct sets of facts : scientific facts and historical facts, and a sufficient familiarity with the methods required to ascertain and interpret these two kinds of facts. The method of the history of science is a combination of the scientific and histor- ical methods. Scientists are apt to underestimate the mere historical difficulties ; historians, to misunderstand the scientific data. To establish the history of science as an independent discipline, our first step must be to define these studies, to explain carefully the knowledge they imply, the methods which must be used to promote them and finally to take stock of what has already been done and draw attention to that which remains to be done. My Introduction will be such a preliminary survey. It will contain also a summary of the history of science in general and of the history of each science in particular. It will deal chiefly with the development of pure sciences and only subsidiarily with their applications ; for one thing, the number of fundamental principles is limited while the number of applications is unlimited, and we must keep within reasonable bounds. Hence all the most important scientists will be included in the survey, while most educators, administrators, physicians, engi- INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY 25 neers, inventors will of necessity be neglected. The most important scientists in our eye are those whose discoveries were more original and fundamental, and oriented scientific thought in a new way or enlarged its horizon. It is of course impossible to make a selection upon which all will agree, but I am taking great pains to realize as objective and comprehensive a choice as possible. The history of science is not simply important in itself, as the his- tory of one of the highest of human activities, but even more because itis the natural basis of the philosophy of science, and indeed of any positive philosophy. To be familiar with the latest stage of knowl- edge is insufficient for all but merely technical aims : it is impos- sible to appreciate the pregnancy of that knowledge unless we know its evolution, and unless we be able to place it in its proper historical as well as in its proper scientific background. From that point of view, it is clear that the history of science is even more significant than the history of religion or the history of art, which have long enjoyed full recognition as separate branches of learning and have reached a high degree of organization. For as soon as we realize that our knowledge of nature and of man can not be complete unless we combine historical with scientific information, the history of science becomes, so to say, the keystone of the whole structure. But it is safe to add that the number of scientists and historians who have fully realized that, is exceedingly small. The aim of the Introduction is to give a complete proof of these assertions, to make a preliminary survey, to provide the student with a synthetic bibliography of the whole field and a master key to its problems. If. — Pian. The Introduction is divided into two main parts, of which the first is devoted to the History and Philosophy of Science as a whole, the second to the History and Philosophy of the special sciences and of their branches. The First Partin its turn is divided into three main sections : the first deals with generalities ; the second is a survey of the work accomplished at certain epochs or by certain racial or religious prov- inces of humanity; the third, a survey of scientific progress, cen- tury by century. The Table of Contents quoted below gives all the information that is needed on the first section. Neither does the second section call for much explanation. Its various chapters are devoted each to one 26 GEORGE SARTON of the great periods of history (prehistoric times, antiquity, Babylo- nia, Egypt, Middle Ages) or to one of the great groups of men (prim- itives, Chinese, Mohammedans, etc.,) whose activity requires inde- pendent study, either for philological or for other reasons. For each of these chapters I will try not simply to give the synthetic bibliogra- phy but also to explain the specific methodology of the subject. It is plain that one can not undertake a study of, say, Mediaeval or Chinese science without undergoing a certain preparation and becoming acquainted with new methods and points of view. Of course these chapters are written primarily for the historian of science. The one dealing with Islamic science, for example, is not written for the Arabic scholar, and I will assume that the reader either knows the Arabic language or does not wish to knowit. Yet it is hoped that the average Arabic scholar, not specially familiar with science, will find in it a sufficient amount of fresh information, and possibly the sug- gestion of a new point of view. The same remarks would equally apply to the other chapters. In the third section, by far the most extensive, I survey the devel- opment of science century by century. For each century, I first quote the main sources relating to the progress of every science and of science in general, then, taking one by one its main scientists, I give a brief account of their life and work, and name the best editions of their writings and the best biographies and commentaries. The selection will be of necessity more rigorous for the later centu- ries and especially for the xixth century because of the increasing abundance of discoveries. Scientists still living will be included if their main work was done before 1901. Down to the year 1501, all the main scientists of any real importance are included, but beginning with the sixteenth century, I consider only those whose activity was not largely restricted to one special science, the others being dealt with in Part I! when I speak of the particular science which they cultivated. For example, PascaL, Newton, Gauss are considered’ in Part I, while Copernicus, Vesa.ius, ViIETE, HARVEY, ABEL will appear only in Part II. However, cross-references will enable the reader to survey with comparative ease, either the total progress accomplished in each century or the continuous development of each science throughout the ages. The Second Part contains an introduction in which the great problem of the Classification of Sciences is studied under its histor- ical and philosophic aspects, and then as many main sections as INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY 27 there are main groups of sciences. I consider seven groups, but I do not attach much importance to this classification and it is quite possible that the editing of my notes will oblige me to change it. While the first part is of greater interest to historians, the second will probably appeal more strongly to scientists and philosophers. The Table of Contents gives its main divisions, and the subdivisions of one of its chapters. III. — Tentative TasLe or CoNnvTeENTS. FIRST PART. The History and Philosophy of Science. (A) Introduction : 1. Definition of Science. Its signification and limitations. 2. History of Science : definition; aim and signification ; sources; methods; history of these studies; their relation to other studies; main sources of auxiliary studies. 3. Organization of Science : external, technical, internal. (cfr. | Isis, I, 195). National and international organization. 4. Philosophy of Science. (B) Development of Science at certain periods or by certain peoples. 1. Introduction. 10. Middle Ages. 2. Prehistoric times. 11. Asia. 3. Antiquity. 12. China. 4, Egypt. 13. India. 5. Babylonia and Assyria. 14, Japan. 6. Old Testament Civilization. 415. Iran. 7. Greece. 16. Islam. 8. Rome. 17. Israel. 9. Byzantium. 18. Primitive and popular Science. (C) Development of Science, century by century. 1. Ninth century B. C. 15. Sixth century. 2. Eighth century B. C, 9. First century B. C. 25. (1) Sixteenth century. 10. First century. 26. Seventeenth century. tesa: itn ©, DE 27. Eighteenth century. 14. Fifth century. 28. Nineteenth century. (‘) From the xvith century on, only general scientists are considered, but the special scientists dealt with in the Second Part are quoted. 28 GEORGE SARTON SECOND PART History and Philosophy of the particular Sciences. (The subdivision of this second part is not yet entirely determined. The following order is given tentatively.) Introduction, Classification of the sciences : History and discussion of the attempts to classify the sciences. Vanity but practical necessity of such efforts. The applied sciences are not disconnected from the pure sciences, but, as much as possible, the principles and applica- tions of science are considered successively in the same chapter. However, applications based upon the principles of many sciences are dealt with separately (ex. gr. technology, medical sciences). (A) Formal sciences (Knowledge of forms) : 1. Logic and Theory of Knowledge. 2. Mathematics (including the statistical method). (B) Physical sciences (Knowledge of inorganic nature) : 4. Mechanics. 2. Astronomy. 3. Physics. 4, Chemistry. 5. Technology. (C) Biological sciences (Knowledge of organic nature) : 1. Botany. 2. Zodlogy. 3. Anatomy. 4, Physiology. 5. Biology. ()) Sciences of the Earth (implying a knowledge of both inorganic and organic nature) : 1. Geodesy. 2. Geography and oceanography. 3. Geology, mineralogy, palaeontology. 4. Meteorology and terrestrial physics. (Nos. 1 and 4 might have been placed in group B; they have been placed here for the sake of completing group D.) (E) Anthropological and historical sciences (Knowledge of man, past and present) : 1. Physical anthropology. 2. Psychology. INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY 29 3. Archaeology. 4, Ethnology. 5. Sociology, jurisprudence and positive polity. 6. Economics. 7. History of civilization. 8. History of art. 9. History of language and literature. 10. History of morals. 11. History of religion. 12. History of superstition and occultism. (In nos. 7 to 12, the word « history » has about the same sense as in the phrase « natural history ». It might be replaced by the word « science ».) (F) Medical sciences : 1. Medicine (to be subdivided in many separate sections). 2. Pharmacy. (G) Educational sciences (the methods of imparting and diffusing knowledge) : 1. Pedagogics. 2. Bibliography. Library science. 3. Museology. (HH) Philosophical sciences. It would be too long to give the contents of each section of this Second Part. I will simply outline one of them, which may be taken as representative. Mathematics. (A) Introduction : 1. Definition of mathematics. Its relations to the other sciences and its main subdivisions. 2. History of mathematics. Its main sources and its history. 3. Organization of mathematics (ea. gr. : bibliography, encyclo- paedias, main textbooks, institutes, teaching, congresses, national and international organizations). 4. Philosophy of mathematics. (B) History of mathematics century by century. 1. for the early times down to the fifteenth century (incl.) this historical outline will be very brief and will consist chiefly in references to the paragraphs of the First Part dealing with mathematics and mathematicians. 30 GEORGE SARTON The sixteenth century. The seventeenth century. The eighteenth century. The nineteenth century. (C) Fase of special branches or topics. 1. History of various branches and sub-branches, with critical bibliography of the main publications relative to each. For example : Arithmetic; Algebra; Geometry (elementary, an- alytical, descriptive, synthetic); Trigonometry, etc. Theory of groups, Theory of Numbers, Determinants, Combinato- rial Analysis, Theory of Equations, Theory of Probabilities, Statistical methods, ete. 2. History of particular topics : Quadrature of the circle, special curves, imaginary elements, mathematical instruments and models, ete. Bites ee CONCLUSION (A) The History of Science, an essential part of education. (B) The Encyclopaedic point of view. History of encyclopaedic endeavours. (C) The New Humanism. History of humanism. Reconciliation of the humanistic and the scientific attitudes. The New Humanism. Indexes. IV. — Metuop. The main substance of the introduction is directly derived from the enormous amount of notes which, being driven by an insatiable curiosity, | have managed to take on practically every topic having any relation, however remote, with the history of science. Unfor- tunately many of these notes were written when I was still very immature and are, in their present form, of little value. Besides, before the war | had no access to as good a library as the one in which I am now privileged to work. Hence many of my pre-war notes, being either immature or second-hand, have to be corrected, com- pleted, rewritten. However, they are very useful to meas finger posts, and my work would be less comprehensive without them. The information derived from my own collections is completed by the systematic use of three other sources : in the first place, the MN bi | INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY 31 Widener library, whose treasures are as accessible to me as if they were my own and whose catalogue is almost perfect; in the second place, a few standard textbooks dealing with the history of particular sciences. However, this second source is distinctly of an auxiliary nature. I use it only to make sure that no item of any importance has been neglected. The total amount of the Widener collections and of mine is so great that the probability of my overlooking any important scientist is very small ; moreover the amount of information I have on each of them — obtained so to say at random during many years of study — enables me to measure their relative importance in an objective way, (that being of course only a first approximation.) Finally I propose to submit various chapters or paragraphs of the Introduction, as soon as they are completed, to experts and to ask for their criticism and advice : this will be my third source. It will be noted that the simultaneous use of my own collections and of these three other sources must give to my selections a good deal of objective value. This is especially important in the present case, for the size of the subject naturally obliges me not simply to select the topics to be considered, but even for each topic, to select the information to be given. The bibliography to be truly synthetic (see Isis III, 159-170) must be critical and selective. | will eliminate the dead wood as much as I ean and add critical appreciations as often as possible. Neither will I hesitate to introduce eventually reflexions of a more personal vein. I will do this for I know by experience how such side remarks can be helpful sometimes even if they be a little adven- turous : how often have I not. wished that authors whom I was consulting had been less reticent! This can not jeopardize the objec- tivity of my work for the reader will always know when [ am stating a fact and when | am simply expressing an opinion. lt is hardly necessary to add, that however much I may try, the various chapters or paragraphs of such a book are bound to be of very unequal value. | may spend so much time investigating the material pertinent to some of them, that the writing of a new mono- graph on the subject would cost me but little additional pains. For many others, | must needs rest satisfied with a far more superficial investigation, or else my Introduction would never be ready, GEORGE SARTON, (Cambridge, Massachusetts. May 23, 1921.) The Principle of Symmetry and its applications to Science and to Art” It is part of the purpose of Jsis to draw the attention upon the process of organization or reorganization which science is constantly undergoing and which causes any attempt at classification of its branches to be extremely precarious. A reorganization may become necessary almost at any time, either by the discovery of a new cardinal fact, or by the introduction of a new fundamental method or by the extension of an old method to a larger field. F. M. JarcEr is pro- fessor of inorganic and physical chemistry at the University of Groningen and has made a special study of crystallography. His « Lectures on the Principle of Symmetry » are a good example of synthesis of the third kind, that is, resulting from the extension of an old method to new objects. He has thought wisely that the theory of symmetry which had proved to be such a powerful instrument of knowledge in a relatively small field should be systematically applied to the other branches of science. The results of his investigations are very encouraging and there is no doubt that it will be worth while to follow his trail. But before examining his work, I must make another remark. The theory of symmetry is of special interest from our point of view because it carries us at once into the borderland between science and philosophy, and also between science and art; — if I may say so, into the very home of Isis! — By the way, it would be fascinating to retrace the development of the idea of symmetry from the Pytha- (1) A propos of F. M. JarGEr’s Lectures on the Principle of Symmetry and its applications in all natural sciences, xu -++ 333 p. Amsterdam, Etsevirr; Cam- bridge University Press, 1917 (A second improved and augmented edition, x11 + 348 p. has appeared in 1920) and subsidiarily of other publications by D’Arcy WENTWORTH THOMPSON, Sir THEODORE ANDREA Cook, Jay HamBIDGE, Denman W. Ross. My quotations have been made from the second edition of JAEGER’S book. THE PRINCIP!E OF SYMMETRY 33 gorean days down to our time. Such a study would enable us to make a master section through the whole history of scientific thought and would provide us with an excellent touchstone to appreciate the relations of science and art at various times. This examination would be very comprehensive, for it would take us into almost every department of knowledge; it would attract us into the work- shops of the craftsmen as well as into the laboratories of the scientists; it would oblige us even to make a pleasant excursion in the realm of Chinese philosophy and aesthetics. Professor JancEer himself might be tempted to carry on these investigations, and he would be doubly well prepared to undertake them (*). To come back to his Lectures, he has not tried to give us a complete account of the mathematical theory of symmetrical systems, as this has been done often enough, but he has simply summed up the main results of this theory, to refresh the reader's memory. After a brief introduction in which he proposes to call symmetrical, figures « such as are similar to themselves or to their mirror-images’in more than one way », he devotes the four first lectures to a brief account of the general theory, applying it already as often as he can, to organic morphology. For example (p. 69-71) he shows how the biologist could avail himself of the principle of symmetry for the descrip- tion of plants and of animals. Haecket tried to use this method in his Systematische Phylogenie, 1894, but failed partly because this theory was not sufficiently developed, partly because of his own ignorance. Chapters V, VI, VII deal chiefly with the more special theory of symmetry as applied to crystals, but incidentally with many other applications. For example in chapter V he answers the query : How is it possible to speak of the specific symmetry of a physical phenomenon, of a physical state, or of a physical medium ? Then apropos of the symmetry of cause and effect he reaches the very interesting conclusion (p. 95) : « the effects may have occasionally the same or a higher symmetry than the producing causes, but the last cannot have a higher symmetry than the effects observed ». In chapter VI, Jagcer considers the case of unlimited systems and dis- cusses the various theories concerning the constitution of crystals, taking into account the new facts revealed by the use of ROntGEN-rays. He ends this chapter by examining similar periodical arrangements (*) For his studies on the history of chemistry, see Jsis, IV, p. 50, 83. Vor. rv-l 3 34 GEORGE SARTON in living nature, — in particular, phyllotaxis. Then, comparing perio- dical arrangements in crystals and in plants, he concludes (p. 170) : « The essential difference between the two cases remains this, that all kinds of net-planes can with a greater or smaller probability of occur- rence, have the function of crystalfacets, while of all theoretically possible regular distributions of the loci of leaf-attachment in plants only those are realized by nature whose divergencies approach closely to those expressed by the fractions of the principal series, 3/2, 1/3, 2I5. 3/g, 5/13, [the so-called series of Fisonacci], or of series deduced from it in a simple way ». Chapter VII is devoted to a study of crystallographic aberrations — mimetic forms and apparent sym- metry — and this enables the author to emphasize more strongly the contrast between organic and inorganic nature : (p. 202) « In living nature, there is a gradual evolution of forms from higher towards lower symmetry and a characteristic preference for the irrational ratio of the « aurea sectio »; in the inorganic world on the contrary, a tendency towards higher symmetry as to a condition of greater mechanical stability and the exclusion of all irrational ratios in the period of the symmetry-axes » (!). This contrast is very great but at the bottom it may be nothing but the obvious opposition between the tendency towards equilibrium (the growth of entropy) and the tenden- cy towards ceaseless change, — or more briefly, the opposition between death and life. Indeed this contrast might be used to define life. But we are not yet at the end of our study. Chapters VIII and IX () It is well to substantiate this general statement with a few examples borrow- ed from JarcEr’s book (p. 200): (A). Tendency towards a higher symmetry in the inorganic world. (1) Apparent and mimetic symmetry in crystals ; (2) polymorphic substances generally changing into higher symmetrical forms when temperature increases ; (3) optical antipodes tending to pass into optically inactive systems; (4) when several isomerides may occur simultaneously, prefer- ential formation of the more symmetrically built molecules (for ex. it is far easier to produce the threefold symmetrically substituted derivatives of phenols, anilines, etc., than their less symmetrical isomerides). — (B). Tendency towards a lower symmetry in the living world. (1) Lower animals show in many cases a much higher symmetry than the mere bilateralism of the higher animals; (2) pelories, that is abnormal regularity of structure occurring in normally irregular flowers : this phenomenon is generally explained as a retro- gression towards an older and more symmetrical prototype. As to the characteristic preference for the irrational ratio of the golden section, it will suffice to recall the frequent occurrence in the living world of pentagonal symmetry, — asymmetry unknown in the inanimate world. THE PRINCIPLE OF SYMMETRY 35 deal with Pasteur’s discovery of the relation between enantiomor- phism and optical activity and with the consecutive development of stereochemistry. PastzEuR was convinced that the production of single optically active substances was the prerogative of life (4), and it is a fact that one has not yet been able to perform a total asymmetric synthesis directly (that is, without the presence of living organisms or of other asymmetric substances). Jarcer fully discusses this funda- mental question, quoting and analysing all the relevant facts. The contrast between the living and the death world seems greater than ever : « The living world is specific in its dissymmetry and its dissym- metric specificity is of the highest nature ». This discussion is of course not new; as JagGeR recalls it (p. 301), a very interesting con- troversy on this very subject was started in 1898-41899 by Japp’s address to the British Association on « Stereochemistry and Vitalisin ». E. Fiscuer was the first to point out, in 1894, that the contrast be- tween natural and artificial synthesis is not as absolute as PasTeur believed it to be. Natural synthesis in the living organism takes place in a one-sided way, because it occurs under collaboration of optically active substances; moreover the one-sidedness may be due simply to the fact that natural synthesis can never lead to a state of completed chemical equilibrium, as the produced substances are gradually consumed by the organism; this one-sidedness is thus brought within the scope of chemical dynamics, being simply reduced to a difference in reaction velocities. If the one-sidedness of chemical reactions in living bodies is explained by the guiding influence of optically active substances, one must still explain how the first substance of this kind originated. A. Byk has tried to demonstrate that this original asymmetry in the living stuff was caused by a constant excess of circularly polarized light of a definite direction of rotation, but this seems to me a little adventurous (*). * * * (‘) « Les produits artificiels n’ont donc aucune dissymétrie moléculaire; et je ne saurais indiquer l’existence d’une séparation plus profonde entre les produits nés sous l’influence de la vie et tous les autres... Il y a la des mystéres, qui pré- parent a l'avenir d'immenses travaux et appellent dés aujourd'hui les plus sérieu- ses méditations de la science. » L. Pasteur, 1860 (as quoted by Jagoxgr, p. 284). (2) Pasteur himself devised ingenious experiments to establish the chemical importance of the asymmetry of natural forces, but failed (See VatLery-Rapot, La vie de Pasteur, end of Ch. III). 36 GEORGE SARTON It is interesting to note that during the last years, many men — of very various types — have devoted much attention to the study of symmetry. Unfortunately when a subject is as broad as this one, and located at the crossroads of many theories, when ils study has not yet been standardized, it always happens that a great deal of the energy of the first investigators is misdirected and actually wasted by their ignorance or their extravagance. This remark does not apply to D’Arcy Wentworth Tuompson’s excellent book on « Growth and Form », Cambridge, 1917, (‘) a very rich collection of facts cautiously selected and wisely classified. But it applies most decidedly to Sir TuEoporE ANDREA Cook’s extraordinary compilation, « The Curves of Life, being an account of spiral for- mations and their application to Growth in nature, to Science and to Art, with special reference to the Mss. of LEoNARDO Da VINCI », London, 1914 (?).. This book written by one of the most accom- plished and learned dilettanti of our time, is a remarkable mixture of wisdom and eccentricity. It contains a very large collection of precious facts borrowed from the most heterogeneous sources, and © the reader having enough knowledge and common sense to be pro- tected against the fanciful theories of the author will find in it valuable material for his studies and much food for his thought. The same remark applies also, I regret to say, to the very indus- trious and ingenious publications of Jay Hampipce. These have attracted so much attention, both in America and in England, that I must say a few words of them (°). This author is chiefly concerned with the application of symmetry to art and he claims to have discov- ered in the Greek monuments of the best period a method of design which may be of great use to the modern artist. He has introduced (1) Cfr. Isis, III, p. 128-129. (7) Cfr. Ises, III, p. 127. (3) Dynamic Symmetry, 15 plates and text which explain some of the more obvious principles of the areas used in Greek design, Boston, Moosehorn Printing Co., 1919. — Dynamic Symmetry, the Greek Vase. 161 p. 4°, Yale University, 1920. — Jay Hamsiner is the editor of The Diagonal, an illus- trated monthly magazine devoted to the explanation of the rediscovered prin- ciples of Greek design, their appearance in nature, and their application to the needs of modern art. Vol. I, 1. Yale University, 1919 (no. 10 appeared in August 1920). I followed an interesting polemic on Dynamic Symmetry in the London Times, December 1919, January 1920; Jay HampipeGe stated his case very well on the 6th of January. a THE PRINCIPLE OF SYMMETRY 37 the terms « static » and « dynamic » symmetry to express the con- trast between the relatively simple sort of symmetry obtaining in the inorganic world and the more subtle and fleeting symmetry of the living forms. By the way this contrast had already been well shown in another way, by Sir THEoporE. The readers of Jagcer’s book or simply of my review of it, will understand the deep significance of this contrast. The origin of beauty in nature or in art is to be found in the presence (conscious or not) of the irrational symmetry of life, and HampinGe’s practical purpose is to give to the artist some simple means to realize mechanically this type of symmetry. So far, so good. Unfortunately the results of his investigations are explained in a mysterious language, obscured by the use of bad geometry and of unnecessary technical terms. It is probable however that it is partly because his « discoveries » have been covered by an air of mystery and rendered artificially far more abstruse than they are, that they have been so successful. Such is the fascination which an appearance of mystery, pseudo-knowledge and muddled thinking always exert upon an ignorant public. To them a theory seems more profound when it is less clear. Hamsince’s discoveries could be explained briefly and clearly in very simple language to any person having a sound knowledge of elementary geometry. They would then be less mysterious and attractive but far more useful. Of course they will never provide recipes for the making of masterpieces (Hampioce himself does not make such foolish claim) but they will give to the artist a method of design which, if it be simple enough ('), may be just as useful to him as, say, his knowledge of the principles of perspective. Or to use other comparisons, this method of design (or other methods similar to it (*), for we do not yet know which will triumph) may help the painter, the sculptor, the architect in the same way that the methods called harmony and counterpoint help the musician, or that the rules of prosody help the poet. All these methods, — that is, those systems of conventional rules, — are very useful even if they are not strictly abided by, for even when the artist chooses to stand at the outside he is still guided by them. (‘) HameiGe’s applications of a sound general principle are already much too complex and farfetched. Artistic methods to be fertile must be very simple, so as to interfere as little as possible with free inspiration. (?) For ex. Denman W. Ross’ ideas as explained in : A Theory of Pure Design. Harmony, balance, rhythm. Boston, 1907. 38 GEORGE SARTON To sum up, JAEGER’s and Tuompson’s books are contributions of great value. They help us to understand more clearly one of the greatest riddles of the universe : the nature of life. Besides, JAzrcER’s book will belp us to apply the Principle of Symmetry to other scientific problems. It would be interesting to conduct similar investigations from the artistic point of view, for the consideration of symmetry throws as much light on the nature of beauty as it does on the nature of life. " The studies published by Sir TueoporE ANorEA Cook and by Jay Hamaince are certainly not lacking in originality and they are very suggestive, but on the whole disappointing. We feel cheated; the vision which these books suggested was so great, — and so little is left of it! Yet, this is only a beginning, and at any rate all these books help us to appreciate the fundamental importance of Symmetry, which has always been and will always remain one of the safest guides both of the scientist and of the artist. GEORGE SarRTON. Notes and Correspondence Encyclopédie des Sciences mathématiques pures et appliquées. — J’ai déja protesté avant la guerre (‘) contre la lenteur de publication de cette encyclopédie. Cette lenteur était vraiment excessive et témoi- gnait d’un joli mépris des intéréts des souscripteurs. La publication a été entiérement interrompue pendant la guerre et aprés plus de deux ans de « paix » elle ne donne encore aucun signe de vie. En attendant, les malheureux souscripteurs (dont je suis, hélas!) se trouvent en pos- session de 32 fascicules — disjecta membra — qui sont les commence- ments de non moins de 17 volumes dont aucun n’est complet! Pour préciser ma critique je donne ci-dessous briévement la liste des volumes entamés; on remarquera d’abord que les 4 premiers auraient pu étre complétés assez rapidement, ce qui aggrave la faute des direc- teurs et des éditeurs; ensuite que la publication d’avant-guerre était deja scandaleusement lente puisque le premier fascicule date de 1904! Voici la liste : Ske MPERONOGUO . \. 8 ft oe ss . 4 fascicules, 1904-1909. ive. Sigebre’). '':° *. By rena. eae id. 1907-1912. I, 3. Théorie des ee tte 7 ‘oo ia Bee ay id. 1906-1910. I, 4. Calcul des probabilités. . . . . . id. 1906-1911. II, 1. Fonctions de variables réelles . . . 2 fascicules, 1909-1912. II, 2. Fonctions de variables complexes. . 1 fascicule, 1911. II, 3. Equations différentielles ordinaires . id. 1910. II, 4. Equations aux dérivées partielles. . id. 1913. II, 5. Développements en série. . . . 2 fascicules, 1912-1914. II, 6. Calculdes variations ... . . 1 faseicule, 1913. III, 1. Fondements de la géométrie. . . . id. 1911, III, 2. Géométrie projective . .... . id. 1913. III, 3. Géométrie algébrique plane . “Ye id. 1911. IV, 1. Mécanique générale. ..... . id. 1912. IV, 5. Systemes déformables. . . . . . 2 fascicules, 1912-1914. IV, 6. Balistique,hydraulique . . . . . 1 fascicule, 1913. VII, 1. Astronomie sphérique. . . . id. 1913. Ces fascicules contiennent ys Sada he matériaux précieux et (*) lets, I, 256, 1913. 40 ISIS. IV. 1921 nombreux, mais tels quels, il est tres malaisé de les utiliser, car aucun volume n’étant complet il est impossible de les faire relier. De plus quand il sera complet, chaque volume sera extrémement hétérogeéne. car si récents que soient les derniers chapitres, les premiers seront déja vieux de vingt ans. Espérons que tous ceux qui sont responsables s’efforceront de réparer ce gachis aussi vite que possible. Il compro- met sérieusement la bonne renommeée des éditeurs scientifiques fran- gais. G. SaRTON. Philip Lee Phillips’ contributions to the bibliography of cartogra- phy. — Mr. Puituips is not simply the chief of the Division of Maps of the Library of Congress in Washington, but its father, for he it is who organized it from chaos to its present condition of almost perfect order and availability. The map collection of the Library of Congress is certainly one of the richest (if not the richest?) in existence, and thanks to the untiring industry of its chief, it is probably the best classified and the best equipped to be found anywhere. On the basis of the immense amount of material systematically arranged by him, Mr. Puiuuirs has published a series of bibliographies which are by far the most extensive and the more elaborate of their kind. It isto him that the student of cartography owes his fundamental bibliographic tools. However Mr. Puituips’ activity and his publications have not yet received the full recognition they deserve and the purpose of my note is to try to make up, as far as it is in my power, for this injustice and to express publicly to him the gratitude and respect which any historian of science who knows his work, can but feel. It is easy enough to accomplish this purpose, for it will suffice to describe Mr. PuILuips’ main publications; any but a very brief commentary would be superfluous. I will be able at the same time to give the reader some idea of the wealth of material — some of it, exceedingly precious — which is now available in Washington (3). Let us consider, in the first place, the most important of Mr. Pam- Lips’ publications, that is, his*monumental List of geographical atlases in the Library of Congress with bibliographical notes, 4 vol. Washing- ton 1909-1920, about 3642 p. (Vol. I and II, 1909 form a whole; vol. III and IV are supplementary lists published respectively in 1914 and 1920. (‘) L extract the following data from the latest Report of the Librarian of Congress. Washington, 1920, p. 60. The Library at the date of June 30, 1920 contained : 158,369 maps, 5,448 atlases, 969 manuscripts, 1,662 views, that is 166,448 items, not counting the Sansorn insurance maps, the British Ordnance survey maps and the Egyptian survey maps, 302,662 in number. (ha NOTES 41 The author list of vol. IV includes references to the 4 volumes, but the reader should consult 3 indexes, in vol. II, II and IV. These 3 indexes contain about 87,300 entries.) These volumes contain the titles of 5,324 atlases. « The arrangement starts with general atlases of special subjects, followed by general atlases of the world arranged chronologically. Following, come America, Europe, Asia, Africa and Oceanica. Included in the collection are the atlases of cities, those to accompany voyages of circumnavigation, historical works, scientific explorations and reproductions in atlases to accompany boundary disputes between nations ». The compilation of such a listis espe- cially useful because a great number of the separate maps contained in the map collections are simply maps which have been « detached » from atlases, and which can only be identified with reference to their source. This is the more difficult that the maps show no indications of their origin on their face. On the other hand, old atlases frequently contain maps of yarious provenances which have been « inserted » by some former owner. It must be noted that old atlases rarely contain tables of contents and are rarely dated. Sometimes the date of dated maps has been erased by unscrupulous publishers that they may be sold again as new ones. For these reasons, Mr. Puituips has taken considerable pains to make sure that the old atlases examined by him were complete, and he has given us complete descriptions of them, map by map. Historians will be glad to find in this list also elaborate descriptions of the collections of old manuscript or printed maps published by SanrTaREM, JOMARD, FiscuerR, MiiLLeR, NORDENSKIOLD and others. Thisis the more valuable that these collections of fac-similes are rare and expensive and that but few people have easy access to every one of them. Among the atlases analyzed in this work one will find ex. gr. : 42 editions of Proremy, of which 32 are previous to 1600; 62 editions of ABRAHAM ORTELIUS; 30 of Mercator; Sir Ropert Dupiey, Dell’ arcano del mare... libri sei, 3 vol, in-2. Firenze, 1646-1647, the first marine atlas in which the maps were drawn on the MERCATOR pro- jection (minutely described in vol. I, p. 203-217), also second ed.,, Firenze, 1661; CornennLe Wytrwiet, Descriptionis Plolemaicae augmen- tum. Louvain, 1597 and 4 later editions, the earliest distinctively American atlas; JepipiAn Morssg, American geography. London 1794, containing the earliest maps of the states in the union; CHRISTOPHER Saxton, Maps of England and Wales. London, 1574-1579, later ed. 1659-1689, the so-called Elizabethan atlas, the earliest survey maps of England and Wales; Antoine Larréry, Geografia. Roma, 1575 (’), described with copious bibliographical notes in vol. III, p, 81-92, also p. tv; WILLEM Janszoon Biargv (1571-1638), Flambeau de la navigation, Vou 1v-l 4 42 ISIS. IV. 1921 Amsterdam, 1620, English ed., 1622; Joan Biaxru (1596-1673), 12 atlases, chiefly his Atlas Major, 11 vol., Amsterdam, 1662-1665, containing 590 maps; the Library of Congress has another copy, partly of the same ed. dated 1662-1672, and also a copy of a Spanish ed. published in Amsterdam in 10 vol., 1659-1672. This Spanish ed. is very rare, as it was almost entirely destroyed by fire in 1672 (vol. III, p. 146-164; IV, p. 132-134); Witt. Janszoon and Joan Buagu, Théatre du monde, Amsterdam, 1635, and 5 other editions; Hrenricus Honpius and JAN JANSSON, Nouveau théatre du monde. Amsterdam, 1639-1640; Jan JANS- son (d. 1666), 11 other atlases; WiLtu1Am Berry. A collection of 38 maps of the world, sometimes called the English Sanson atlas, London, 1680-1689 (only two other copies of this atlas are known); Nicouas Sanson d’Abbeville (1600-1667). Atlas nouveau, 1689-1690, and 2 other editions, also 13 editions of other atlases; JonanNEs COvVENS and CorNELIS Mortirr, Atlas nouveau, 9 vol. Amsterdam, 1683-1761, a magnificent set of 922 maps (vol. III, p. 192-223) and 5 other atlases, etc. The 1525 maps, plans and views contained in Prerer vAN DER AA, La galerie agréable du monde, 66 vol. Leide, 1729 are enumer- ated and indexed (vol. III, p. 288-324). I must quote more briefly Mr. Paruties’ other publications, however important : Maps of Alaska, 1588-1898, 119 p., 1898; A list of maps of America, in the Library of Congress preceded by a list of works relating to cartography, 1137 p., 1901. [The bibliography of cartog- raphy covers 90 p.; Mr. Puitures writes me that a new edition of this bibliography is ready in manuscript. This new work is arranged in dictionary form and includes 28,440 titles (1)]; Maps of Cuba, 61 p., 1898; Foreign Government Maps, 58 p., 1904; JusTINn Winsor, The Kout collection (now in the Library of Congress) of maps relating to America, with index by P. L. Puaituirs, 189 p., 1904;-The Lowery collection, descriptive list of maps of the Spanish possessions within the present limits of the United States, 1502-1820, by Woop- BuRY Lowery. Ed. with notes by P. L. Pumutrs; Maps of Philippine Islands, 1903; Maps and views of Washington and District of Columbia, 1900 (revised ed. ready in Ms.); Notes on the cataloging, care and class- ification of maps and atlases..., 20 p., 1915; Maps of the world war, 202 p., 1918. (Allof the previously quoted publications are published by the Library of Congress and may be purchased at nominal prices from the Superintendent of Public Documents at Washington D. C.). The following fac-simile editions are published by LowpERMILK & Co., Washington D. C.: Map of Virginia and Maryland, by AUGUSTINE (4) See : Report of the Librarian of Congress for 1919-1920. Washington, 1920, p. 61. NOTES 43 HERRMAN, 1673 (from the unique copy in the British Museum); Joxan Fitson’s Map of Kentucke, the first map of Kentucky, 1784; Joun Fircn’s Map of the Northwest, 1785; Manassew CuTLer’s Map and Description of Ohio, 1787. Mr. Paruuies has published himself a book of halftone reproductions of rare views with notes, entitled : The beginnings of Washington as described in books, maps and views, and he has completed in manu- script various other compilations : Maps of California and San Fran- cisco to 1865; Maps and views of New York; Maps and views of Phila- delphia; BERNARD Romans, his biography and bibliography with a reproduction of the « Two whole sheet maps » of Florida, 1775; The first map and description of Tennessee, by General DANIEL SuitH [17957]. It is very desirable that the still unpublished lists of Mr. Patuirs may be published as soon as possible, for they are of great importance. Of course, it is to be hoped that sooner or later his purely bibliographi- cal descriptions will be supplemented by others based on a deeper study and comparison of this enormous mass of material, — that is, that Mr. Parutrs’ analytic bibliographies will be completed by syn- thetic bibliographies (Isis, ILI, 159-170), in which the essential be put in the limelight and the superfluous, dropped, — but even when such indispensable synthesis be perfected, Mr. Putwups’ compilations will still retain their fundamental value. G. SARTON. Hans Peder Steensby (1875-1920). — Hans Peper SreensBy was born on the 25th of March, 1875, in a little town, Steensby, on the island of Fyn, Denmark. His father was a farmer named JENS HANSEN. Because he was born in poor circumstances, he received aid from dif- ferent people in the town who thus enabled him to go to the university of Copenhagen. He there passed his examen as candidatus magisterii in 1900. He studied from 1904 to 1906 at the Berlin university, taking his degree as Doctor of Philosophy in 1905 with a very remarkable book Om Eskimokulturens Oprindelse, 1905 (On the origin of the Eskimo-culture). This book was later on much discussed because it in different places advanced quite new points of view. STrENsBy then took up the study of Danish anthropology, and set forth his results in Forelibige Betragtninger over Danmarks Raceantropologi. Meddelel- ser om Danmarks Antropologi, 1907 (Preliminary considerations on the anthropology of races in Denmark). Following ethnographical pur- suits he travelled in 1908 in Algeria and Tunis (see Geogra/fisk Tids- skrift, 1908-1910), in 1909 to West Greenland and Cape York, and in 1910 through Egypt, British Soudan and parts of Palestine and Arabia. His explorations in Greenland having given great results, he edited Etnografiske og antropogeografiske Rejsestudier i Nord-Gron- 44 ISIS. IV. 1921 land 1909. Meddelelser om Grénland, I, 1912. (Ethnographical and anthropo-geographical studies on a voyage in Nord-Greenland) and later an Anthropo-geographical study of the origin of Eskimo Culture, 1916 (Meddelelser om Grénland, LIII). In 1911 he was named professor of geography at the university of Copenhagen, a few years after which the geographical instruction was completely reorganized, when he started a laboratory which included a great library for the students, and amuseum. He then took up the study of geography on a historical basis, showed in a very elaborate paper that PyTneas of Massilia had travelled along the westcoast of Jutland and had given a description of it (Geografisk Tidsskrift, 1916), and explained in The Norsemen’s route from Greenland to Wineland, Copenhagen 1918, what was meant by the different geographical terms used by the ancient saga-writers, and in what way they had gone to America. This book was for European geographers an event, for it undoubtedly gave the solution to a much discussed problem. The one thing lacking was a practical confirmation of his theories; he therefore in 1920 went to America, traversed it from South to North, and visited Wineland. On a postal-card which I received a day before the arrival of the telegram which announced his sudden death, he stated that he was without doubt about where the different countries of the sagas are to be found. In letters to other friends he has given more detailed statements, which I have not yet scen. STEENSBY was among the best of Huropean geographers, and his sudden death, from apoplexy, was a great loss not only to our univer- sity but to science. (Copenhagen. ) J. W. S. Jonsson. The organization of research in the history of technology on a com- mercial basis. — I have already devoted a note to the activity of Mr. Franz FeLpHavs and of the count Kari von KLINCKOWSTROEM in the Revue générale des Sciences, t. XXIII, p.421. Paris, 1912. There is no use repeating what I said there and then, but I wish to complete and correct the information which I gave. For one thing the great encyclopaedia on the history of technology which was to appear in 1918 (?) has not appeared. Of course, the war happened, and maybe Mr. FELpDHAUs realized after a while that his former plans were far more ambitious than he could realize at the beginning : that is a common experience. But Mr. Ferex.pyaus published in 1914 an excellent book entitled Die Technik der Vorzeit, der geschichtlichen Zeit und der Naturvolker. Ein Handbuch fiir Archiologen und His- toriker, Museen und Sammler, Kunsthandler und Antiquare, mit 873 Abb., xv p. + 1400 col., which contains a large amount of facts. Their NOTES 45 selection is certainly capricious, yet we must be thankful to the author for his extraordinary industry and perseverance. The Quellenforschungen Fretpuaus sur Geschichte der Technik und Industrie, Berlin-Friedenau are now (since June 3, 1919) organized as a limited company whose aim is the study of the history of technology and industry, the commercial exploitation of the results of these stu- dies and the publication of the Geschichtsblatter fiir Technik und Industrie (1). I extract from the first report (1920) the following information. The scientific leaders are FetpHaus and Kuincxow- STROEM ; the capital, 125 000 marks in money plus the following assets : (1) an index of facts (ca. 80.000 cards); (2) an index of names (ca. 22,000 names) ; (3) an index of anniversaries (ca. 2,500 data); (4) a collection of photos and slides (ca. 10,000 photos); (5) archives containing auto- graphs, etc.; (6) a technical library of 6,400 vol.; (7) a collection of engravings (ca. 12,000 items). The Fetpuaus Institute carries on the following activities : Distri- bution of historico-technical information to collaborators , museums and colleagues for scientific purposes (gratis); investigations in con- nection with patents; preparation of historico-technical publications for industrial firms, to be used by them as advertizing matter or to be published apropos of an anniversary or jubilee; genealogical research relative to industrials; preparation of historico-technical articles for magazines. Finally, preparation of collections of industrial anti- quities (objects, prints, etc.) for industrials! This combination of science and business is very curious. At any rate quite a number of good publications already owe their existence to the cooperative efforts of the FEeLpHavus institute and of industrial firms (2). The idea is sound. A list of these publications may be obtained by application to the Quellenforschungen Fevpnavs, Berlin-Friedenau. G. SARTON. Iconography of Science. — I would very much like to develop an iconographical department in Jsis, but have no time to take charge of it myself. Will no one volunteer to undertake this excellent piece of work? It would be useful for ex. to publish a periodical account of the medals devoted to scientists (some of the best might be reproduced each year on a plate), and of the best painted, engraved or sculptured portraits. The activity of the department might be extended to the past (that would be exceedingly useful indeed) and it might either (4) Isis, I11, 370. (*) For ex., Isis, IV, 216. 46 ISIS. IV. 1921 prepare the publication of a series of iconographical monographs, or simply chronicle, as they happen, the main facts and events of interest to collectors of scientific portraits, — the most precious specimens being eventually reproduced. This iconographical chronicle would interest not simply the collectors, but every historian of science who realizes the importance of the human element. Will anybody step forward? Gis. Reviews Lucréce. — De la Nature. Texte établi et traduit par ALFRED Ernoort. (Collection des Universités de France publiée sous le patronage de l’Association GuiILLAuME Bup&) 2 vol. Paris, Les Belles Let- tres 1920. [20 fr.] Cette nouvelle publication du sublime poéme de LucrEce me donne l’oocasion de parler de la Collection des Universités de France qui mé- rite a tous les points de vue les plus grands éloges. Les textes, tant grecs que latins, sont admirablement édités : ils sont établis avec le plus grand soin par des maitres, revisés par d'autres (‘) ; les textes _latins (ou grecs) et francais sont imprimés en regard en caractéres a la fois élégants et faciles a lire. Enfin il est possible d’acheter soit le texte seul, soit la traduction seule, soit les deux imprimés en regard. Cette collection est publiée sous les auspices de 1'Association GuILLAUME Bupk fondée d’ailleurs dans ce but exprés. J’éprouve une trés grande joie a pouvoir exprimer dans /sis, l’organe du Nouvel Humanisme, mes voeux les plus sincéres pour le succés de cette noble initiative. Ce succés me tient fortement a cceur, car il est clair que l'avenir de l’humanisme en France y est intimement lié. Le renouyeau d'intérét dans les classiques grecs et latins est un des résultats les plus heureux de la guerre. Il] n’est pas spécial 4 la France; j’en ai vu des preuves évidentes en Italie et en Angleterre. Dans les pays de langue anglaise la « Lor classical library » a beaucoup contribué 4 renouer les liens entre l'antiquité et le présent. Un grand nombre de volumes tant grecs que latins ont déja paru dans la collection anglaise (chacun d’eux contenant le texte et la traduction anglaise en regard). Il est bon de remarquer toutefois que les volumes francais ne sont aucunement inférieurs aux volumes anglais et qu’ils sont beaucoup moins chers (ils cofitent moins de la moitié!). De plus les membres de l'Association Gui_taume Bupk (cotisation, 10 frances par an) jouissent d'une réduction de 25 p. c. sur toutes les éditions et leur cotisation est remboursable en volumes! Au moment ou j'écris, les ouvrages suivants (4) Par ex., le Lucréce a éte revisé par Gortzar. 48 ISIS. IV. 1921 ont déja paru:en latin, les Satires de Perse et trois discours de CickRoN ; en grec, quatre tragédies d’Escny.re, les Caractéres de THEOPHRASTE et cing dialogues de PLaton. Le texte de la présente édition de Lucrice repose sur une révision et collation nouvelles des deux manuscrits fondamentaux de Leyde. Il est précédé d’une courte introduction résumant nos connaissances sur la vie et l’ceuvre du poéte. La traduction tout en suivant le texte latin de trés prés, est fluide et agréable a lire. Si tous les volumes de la collection sont aussi satisfaisants que celui-ci, le succés est certain. GEORGE SARTON. Steensby, H. P. [1875-1920]. — The Norsemen’s route from Greenland to Wineland. 109 p., illustr., 3 maps. Copenhagen, HENRIK Kop- PELS, 1918. Reprinted with slight alterations from vol. 56 of Meddelelser om Gronland, Copenhagen 1917. A study of capital importance completing GusTAV Srorm’s investigations. While Helluland and Markland have long been identified with the N. E. and the S. E. coasts of Labrador, no one had yet been able to localize Wineland in a fairly convincing manner. The author believes to have solved this riddle and identifies Vinland (Wineland) with a tract about St. Thomas in the estuary of the St. Lawrence or in a wider sense with the St. Lawrence valley. STEENSBY has made a deep study of the sources, that is, ADAM or BRE- MEN (ca. 1075) and the sagas. He accepts Storm's theory that the saga of Eric THE Rep (ab. 1200) is of considerably greater value than the Graenlendingapattr. Eric’s saga knows of only two voyages to Wine- land : the first was LEIF THE FORTUNATE’S, in 1000, the other THORFIN KARLSEFNI's, which most likely took place in 1003-1006. Thesaga ‘deals particularly with the latter voyage. After the first publication of this memoir large subventions had been awarded to STEENsBY to enable him to complete his investigations by repeating the early norsemen voyages. Unfortunately he died suddenly on board the liner FREDE- rick VIII which took him back from America to his country. He was only 45 years old (see Isis, IV, 43). G.S. Istituto di Studi Vinciani in Roma, diretto da Mario CERMENATI. Per il IV° Centenario della Morte di Lronarpo pa Vinc1, II Maggio MCMXIX. Bergamo, Istituto Italiano d’arti grafiche, xx + 442 p., molte illustr. The Institute for the study of Leonarpo pA Vinci established in Rome has taken advantage of the fourth centenary of LEonARDo’s death 2 ES ee Pe PO SS REVIEWS 49 to produce its first publication. It is a great pity that untoward cir- eumstances obliged them to prepare it in such haste that the general result is rather disappointing. This hotchpotch contains, however, a few good morsels, and the most charitable attitude that the critic can take is to concentrate the reader’s attention on the best pieces and help him forget the rest. The following articles are of especial interest : Ex1a MILLosEvicH, LeEonarpo e la luce cinerea (p. 17-19); G. B. De Tont, Intorno un codice sforzesco di Luca Pactor nella Biblioteca di Ginevra e i disegni geo- metrici dell’ opera « de divina proportione » attribuiti a LEonaRDo (p. 41-74); Luca Bevtrram, Il volto di Lronarpo (p. 75-95); GrusEpPE Favaro, Purnto e Leonarpo (p. 133-138); GueLi. Bitanciont, LEONARDO é la fonetica biologica (p. 159-176); Marto CeRMENATI, LEONARDO in Valtellina (p. 209-235); Guipo Mazzont1, Leonarpo scrittore (p. 291-305) ; Ant. Favaro, La morta, la tomba, il monumento di Lronarpo (p. 309-317); Lton Dorez, Ltronarp au service de Louis XII et de Francois I (p. 359-376) ; Enrico Carusi, Per il « Trattato della Pittura » di Leonarpo. The last paper contains a list of references to the manu- scripts for each of many chapters of Lupwic’s edition of the Trat- tato. If the editors had had the courage to publish only the above named essays and to eliminate the many pompous and futile declarations which stuff the book, their publication would have been more cred- itable. But not only have they lacked this elementary courage, — but they have added some irrelevant rubbish of their own. For inst. articles on the king of Italy and President Porncark, with their por- traits! To show how uncritical this performance is, it will be enough to say that the editor has let pass without any correction Mr. Porn- caré’s reference to the Valenciennes drawings (« les fameux dessins de Valenciennes », p. 145) when every Leonarpo scholar knows that there are no such drawings in Valenciennes ! The illustration is rich but much of it has no connection with the text. There are good photographs of Vinci and Amboise. The publication is luxuriously printed, but this very luxury in a time of scarcity makes the lack of internal order and beauty more shocking. I am looking forward to the other publications promised by the Institute (‘), hoping that they will make us forget this first one as quickly as possible. G. 5S. (4) One of them by Liongtto Ventuat has already appeared and is very good indeed. See Isis, II], 458. 50 ISIS. IV. 1921 Jaeger, F. M. — Historische Studien. Bijdragen tot de kennis van de geschiedenis der natuurwetenschappen in de Nederlanden ge- durende de 16¢° en 17*eeuw. Met 45 figuren en portretten, 276 p. Groningen, Wo.TeErs, 1919, [7 fl. 50.] A series of six historical studies previously published in Dutch reviews : I, THEOBALD VAN HOGELANDE (b. ab. 1560 in Middelburg, Zeeland, d. 1608), a very good type of xvith century alchemist of the best kind, that is, an honest and learned man, but lacking common and critical sense. JAEGER gives us a very elaborate study of his family, and of his life and work (p. 1-50). II. Davip vAN GooRLE as atomist, and the VAN Goortz family in the N. Netherlands — Davin vAN GoorLE was born in 1591, January 15 in Utrecht, he died in 1612, April 21in Cornjum. He is known by two posthumous works : Davipis GorLAE! Ultrajectini Exercitationes Phi- losophicae quibus universa fere discutitur Philosophia Theoretica, et plurima ac praecipua Peripateticorum dogmata evertuntur, Lei- den, 1620; Idea Physicae, cui adjuncta est Epistola cuiusdam Anonymi de Terrae motu, Utrecht, 1651. GorRLacus was an important person- ality, a forerunner of Descartes and also with the German DANIEL SENNERT (1572-1637), a forerunner of RoBERT BoYLeE (p. 51-98). III. ANseLmus Boétius DE Boopt (born in Brugge, Flanders 1550 — d. Brugge, 1632, June 21). Belgian naturalist and traveller, physician to the emperor RupotpH II. His main work is his Gemmarum et Lapi- dum Historia, qua non solum ortus, vis et pretium, sed etiam modus quo ex illis olea, salia, tincturae, arcania et magisteria arte chymica confici possunt, ostenditur. Hanau, 1609, which remained the standard book of mineralogy for a considerable time, and has been frequently published. A. DE Boopt was a very learned and intelligent man, who although still a peripatetician has already a modern outlook; he was a Roman Catholic and his culture was chiefly Latin (as opposed to Germanic) (p. 99-149). IV. BEREND COENDERS VAN HELPEN, a xviith century alchemist of Groningen. This Dutch alchemist was born in Groningen, 1601, June, he died in Copenhagen, 1678, January. His was rather an un- significant personality (p. 150-170). Heis not included in FEReuson’s Bibliotheca Chemica. V. WitteM Homeere (born in Batavia, 1652, January 8 — d. 1715 September 24). A great chemical experimenter, to whom many dis- coveries are ascribed; not a great scientist. JAEGER gives us 4 list of his scientific papers, from 1591 to 1714, with critical notes (p. 171-197). REVIEWS 51 VI. Three hundred years of chemical teaching at the University of Groningen, followed by bibliographical lists (p. 198-254). The author has provided many elaborate foot notes elucidating the text (ex. gr. giving information upon the persons quoted) and there is also a good index. His book is an important contribution to the history of Science in the Netherlands in the xvith and xvith centuries. For other publications of the same author see Jsis, IV, 32-38, 83. G. S. Hellmann, G. — Aus der Bliitezeit der Astrometeorologie. J. ST6rFLERS Prognose fiir des Jahr 1524 (Beitrige zur Geschichte der Meteoro- logie, Nr. 1, S. 5-102; Verdffentlich. des Kgl. Preuss. Meteorolo- gischen Instituts, Nr. 273) Berlin, BeHrenp, 1914. The « Almanach noua », edited by the astronomer Justus STOFFLER of Tiibingen and JAkoB Priaum of Ulm, Ulm 1499 (4) had announced for the year 1524, an extraordinarily large amount of planetary con- junctions in Pisces and hence had predicted that extraordinary events would occur in that year. At first little attention was paid to this prognosis, but in 1517, AGostINo Niro, Suessano, published in Florence a book entitled De falsa diluvi prognosticatione quee ex conventu omnium planetarum, qui in piscibus continget, anno 1524 divulgata est, which started a furious polemic, involving 56 authors (*) and causing at least 133 (3) writings to be printed. Never were so many books published on an astrological topic, and this is partly explained by the fact that this controversy occurred when astrology was at its height. HeLLMANN’s fundamental memoir is chiefly devoted to a masterly description of these writings, preceded by a short history of astrology in general and of this special controversy in particular. Most of these writings appeared between 1517 and 1524; a few of 1524 or of a later date, were published to explain why no flood happened on the fati- dical year. The memoir is followed by 34 full-page fac-similes of the " most important title-pages. It is to be noted that Niro’s writing of 1517 which started the controversy, if still extant, must be exceed- ingly rare, for Heimann failed to discover a copy of it, although he applied to 52 Italian libraries; of the 2nd ed. (Naples, 1519) he knows (') Incorrectly described by Harn (15085) and Corptncer. Described by Hetimann in his Neudrucke.,.., Nr. 13, 1904. (?) Amongst whom, 20 Italian, 19 Germans and Austrians, 5 Spaniards, 4 Poles, etc. (3) 62 in Latin, 50 in German, 10 in Italian, etc. 52 ISIS. IV. 1921 only two copies, one in the National Library of Naples and the other in his own library. This is a capital contribution to the history of astrology: it increases materially our already heavy debt to its inde- fatigable author. GOs. Anthiaume, L’Abbé A. — Cartes marines, constructions navales. Voyages de découverte chez les Normands, 1500-1650. Préface de l’Amiral Bucuarp, 2 vol., xtv + 566 p., 597 p, Paris, E. Dumont, 1916. Ces deux volumes contiennent le fruit de dix années de recherches du savant aumonier du Lycée du Havre, connu déja par plusieurs tra- vaux sur l’astrolabe, l’histoire de la cartographie et de la science nau- tiques. Voici le plan de son ceuvre : Courte introduction sur la carte marine avant Cotoms. — Livre I. (1). Les origines et les caracteres distinctifs de la cartographie normande; (2). Cartographes et cartes du xvi° siécle; (3). Idem du xvmt siecle. — Le livre II est consacré aux découvertes des Normands dans le vieux monde et le livre III 4 leurs découvertes dans le nouveau monde. Ces deux livres sont subdivisés géographiquement. — Le livre IV s’occupe de la science et de l’art des Normands d’aprés leurs cartes marines : (1). Quelques particularités des cartes normandes; (2). L’art des constructions navales en Nor- mandie d’aprés la lecture des cartes complétée par d'autres documents ; (3). Les divers systemes de projection cartographique utilisés par les Normands; (4). Influence de la cartographie normande en France et a l’étranger. Vingt-et-un appendices contiennent des documents d’ar- chives et diverses notes, particuliérement des études de nomenclature topographique. Un bref index analytique compléte cette importante publication. G.S. Taylor, Henry Osborn. — Thought and Expression in the X VIth cen- tury, 2 vol., xiv + 427 p., 1v-+-432 p. New York, Macmiuuan, 1920. [$9]. A new book by the accomplished American humanist, HENRY OSBORN TAYLOR, is always a pleasantevent. We owe him already an imposing series of historical syntheses; to wit, his Ancient Ideals, 2 vol. 1900 (2nd ed. 1913); The classical Heritage of the Middle Ages, 1901; The Mediaeval Mind, 2 vol. 1911 (2nd ed. 1914, a third ed. has recently appeared). : The purpose of his new work is « to give an intellectual survey of the xvith century, to set forth the human susceptibilities and faculties REVIEWS 53 of this alluring time, its tastes, opinions and appreciations, as they expressed themselves in scholarship and literature, in philosophy and science and in religious reform ». To give a fair appreciation, one should understand from the beginning, that the author's aim is not to offer us a really comprehensive survey; his treatment is decidedly interpretative, selective, one might add, capricious. He is at his best when he can sketch a great personality, which he happens to like: his interpretations of MAcHIAVELLI, of GUICCIARDINI, Of PHILIPPE DE Commynes are excellent; his portraits of Erasmus, of Rapetais, of CALVIN are superb. A scholar will object that he quotes but few authorities and not always the best, and that he is very inconsistent in the spelling of proper names, — but these are venial sins in a book of this kind, which must be judged from the literary rather than from the scholarly point of view. The subjective and selective nature of this survey is apparent at the first glance, for it is divided into 5 parts: Italy; Germany; France; England; Philosophy and science. Flan- ders and Spain, not to speak of other European countries, are entirely neglected. The fifth part is rather a sort of appendix. Well may Mr. Tay.or say that the advance of science is international, and hence falls necessarily out of the frame of the four first parts. That is not entirely true, and this argumentis especially specious in the mouth of one who claims that he is interested chiefly in form and expression. The substance of science is international, but its expression is influen- ced by national and local peculiarities almost to the same extent as other human activities. We would expect a humanist of Mr. TayLor’s type to be primarily interested in the human side of science, and this brings us back into the national and racial frames. LroNARDO DA VINCI is as pure an Italian as MacuiAvetul. The greatest internationalist of this period is not a scientist, but a man of letters — Erasmus. The truth is, that the author has not integrated his knowledge of scientific advance with the rest of his historical information. However, we can but admire him for the pains he is taking to include the development of Science in his broad vision. It proves the vitality and the youth of his mind. One might also object that his survey is not sufficiently centered upon the period which he has set himself to describe. He deals at great length on the one hand with early Florentine Platonists and with Nicno.as or Cusa, on the other with men like Harvey, Kep.rr, Bacon, GALILEO, who belong to the xvuth century. One might even say that Leonarpo is more a man of the xvth than of the xvith cen- tury; he marks the climax of the early Renaissance, just as the Divina Commedia is the apotheosis of the xuith century. This fifth section is divided into five chapters: the first is an introduction dealing with scholasticism, neo-Platonism and Nicnonas or Cusa, the second a skil- 54 ISIS. IV. 1921 ful portrait of LEoNARpO, in the third entitled Anatomy, Physiology and Disease, he speaks among others of VEsALius, FRACASTORO, PaRA- cELsus; the fourth is devoted to the « Revolution in Astronomy and Physics » (PurBAcH and REGIOMONTANUS are not even quoted!); the last is a study of the «new philosophers » : TELESIO, CAMPANELLA, Brono and Bacon. One must be grateful to Mr. Taynor for having included science in his survey; by doing so, he has given an example which I hope other historians will follow. However, I cannot recommend this part of his work to the historians of science; on the contrary the reading of the four first parts will be very usefulin helping them to construct the literary and philosophical background of their own historical studies. GEORGE SARTON. . Otto Sperling. — Studienjahre. Nach dem Manuskript der Kgl. Bibliothek zu Kopenhagen herausgegeben von WALTER G. BRIEGER und Joun W.S. Jounsson, 133 p. Kopenhagen, HENRIK KopPELSs Verlag 1920. The manuscript which is now published in extenso for the first time was completed in 1673 in the « Blaataarn » (Blue Tower) of the old royal palace of Copenhagen, wherein Orro SPERLING (born in Ham- burg, 1602) was kept prisoner from 1664 to his death 17 years later. The authors have given us a diplomatic transcription of the ms. and have added ample notes, including ex. gr. biographical information on all the persons named init. This is the first study devoted to SrEr- LING in which sufficient stress is laid on the many points of his auto- biography which are of special interest to the historian of science. For this autobiography is an impressive human document which helps us to understand the life of a student of botany and other sciences in the xvuth century ; it contains also many personal reminiscences of the contemporary scientists. The authors have made use of SPERLING’S unpublished correspondence (kept at the Copenhagen library) to elucidate or correct the text of his biography; they propose to publish eventually some fragments of this correspondence with such men as Dre Le Bor Sytvius, Jon. Rup. GLAUBER, JEAN BRUN of Bercerac. This carefully edited and well printed book is a valuable addition to our knowledge of scientific life and thought in the xviith century. G. SARTON. os i i ee REVIEWS 55 Blanchet, Léon [Laiz, Ain, 1884-1919]. — Campanewua (Collection his - torique des grands philosophes), 596 p. Paris, ALCAN, 1920. This book offers us a very complete study of CaMPpaNELLa, indeed the most comprehensive study of his life and works available to-day. Of course the author has taken full advantage of previous investiga- tions, and especially of the fundamental works published by Luier AMABILE and J. KVAcaLa, but he has made a new and deep study of CAMPANELLA’S writings and done a great deal of original thinking - Such a survey is exceedingly important not simply because of the greatness and singularity of its object — for CAMPANELLA, poet, astrol- oger, conspirator, social and religious seer, courageous defender of GALILEO, is a most attaching personality — but even more because it enables us to measure more accurately what the Italian Renaissance bequeathed to Descarres, Spinoza and Lereniz. As the author says : « La pensée de CAMPANELLA, OU Se perpétuent, enrichies de conceptions neuves ou d’interprétations originales, toutes les traditions philoso- phiques du xvi® siécle, aussi bien dans le domaine de la physique, de la psychologie et de la théorie de la connaissance, que dans celui de la magie naturelle, de la religion et de la morale, c’est le legs de la Renais- sance a la pensée du xvur° siécle. » BuancuHet’s book is divided in eight parts as follows: I. Campa- NELLA’S life and character. This is of course largely based on Ama- BILE, but there are many original suggestions. The most interesting of these perhaps is the one answering the query : How could CAMPANELLA remain a member of the Catholic Church? Btancuer explains CAMPANELLA’s attitude by comparing it with that of ALrrep Loisy as it is candidly revealed in the latter’s autobiography (see for inst. the most pathetic fragment quoted on p. 104). — II. Physics and Psychology. BLANCHET compares CAMPANELLA’S with scholastic ideas and also with Trvesio’s philosophy. — III. His conception of science and art. Influence of xvith century occultism on CAMPANELLA : PARACELSUS, AGRIPPA OF NETTESHEIM, G.B. DELLA Porta. On the other hand, influence of GAtiLteo. CAMPANELLA’S Classification of sciences. His msthetics. — IV. Metaphysics. — V. Morals and religion. — VI. Sociology and positive politics. It is in this part that BuLancaer describes and criticises CAMPANELLA’S great Utopia : the City of the Sun, — his conception of a government largely based upon scientific knowledge as he understood it (that is, a mixture of science and astrology, solid common sense and _ superstition. Think for inst. of his ideas on eugenics), his educational theories. — VII. Conclusion. The balance sheet of the Renaissance and the influence exerted by CAMPANELLA upon seventeenth century thought 56 ISIS. IV. 1921 and especially upon Spinoza (natural religion and pantheism), upon LEIBNIZ (panpsychism), upon Descartes (idealism). — VIII. Biblio- graphy : (1) CAMPANELLA’s printed works; (2) the manuscripts; (3) his correspondence; (4) the publications devoted to him. — The absence of an index is deplorable. The best edition of La Citta del Sole appeared too late to be included in this bibliography. Hence it is well to say a few words of it (on the basis of Mueui’s review in his Archivio, I, 423-424). It has been prepared by GiusEPPE PaLapino (Napoli, GENNARO GIANNINI, 1920) and represents chiefly the primitive version of 1602. Three later versions date respectively of ab. 1611, 1623, and after 1631. — CampaNnELLa’s Apologia pro Galilaeo, written in 1616 was published in Francfort in 1623. ‘ BuancHEt’s book is prefaced by a short biographical study written by one of his masters, Leon Brunscuvice. It is sad to think that such a promising career has been stupidly cut short by a premature death. He died from influenza at the age of thirty five. He had written a thesis entitled « Les antécédents historiques du Je pense, donc je suis » and had contributed two important papers to the Revue de Métaphy- sique et de Morale : one in 1919 on « L’attitude religieuse des Jésuites et les sources du pari de Pascau »); the other (1920), written a month before his death, was an essay devoted to J. ROGER-CHARBONNEL’S book on « La pensée italienne au xvi siécle et le courant libertin » (Paris, Cuampion, 1919), a book which BLANCHET was unusually well prepared to criticize. CHARBONNEL’S book is an important contribution to the history of philosophy as it helps us to understand better the transition from scholasticism to the religious thought of the xvuth century and also from Averroistic libertinage to modern freethought. It seems, however, that CHARBONNEL’s knowledge of CAMPANELLA was insufficient, and it was BLANCHET’s plain duty to correct and complete his investigations. GEORGE SARTON. Dussaud, René. — Les civilisations préhelléniques dans le bassin de la mer Egée; 2° éd. revue et augmentée, x-+482 p. Paris, GEUTHNER, 1914. 6 This second edition of Dussaup’s work might be considered as a new work, for the amount of text and illustrations is almost doubled. The illustrations, chiefly the 14 plates of which 5 are coloured, are splen- did. There are also very good maps and an excellent synoptic table showing the chronological relations between the ancient civilizations. The text is a very simple, very full and very clear account of the REVIEWS 5T results of archzological research in the Mediterranean world (!). Mr. Dussaup examines successively the archzological evidence fur- nished by excavations in : (1) Crete; (2) the Cyclades; (3) Troy; (4) Greece proper; (5) Cyprus. The following (sixth) chapter deals with 2gean influence in Egypt and Syria and contains an interesting comparison between Cypriot and Phenician art (p. 326) : « La défi- nition de l'art phénicien comme un compromis entre l'art égyptien et l’art assyrien est insuffisante; il faut y joindre une forte influence venue de Chypre, telle que, dans certains cas, on substituera au terme d’art phénicien celui d’art chypriote ». — Chapter VII is a very long and elaborate study (p. 327-413), which Mr. Dussaup was of course especially qualified to undertake, on Cults and Myths. The last chapter is a sort of synthesis, naturally very hypothetical, of our knowledge of the 4#gean peoples. It is divided into 4 main sections respectively devoted to Navigation, Writing, Language and Race. Let us hope that Mr. Dussaup may be persuaded to publish a supple- mentary volume explaining the facts which have been brought to light since 1914. As a conscientious record of archeological facts, scienti- fically described, his volume of 1914 is of lasting value, if he will only take the trouble to bring it up-to-date in a new publication. Apropos of this I would like to remark that such supplementary publications have at least one advantage upon the entirely new ones, in that they do not oblige the reader to go back over familiar ground, but give him only that which is likely to interest him most. G. SARTON. Budge, Sir E. A. Wallis. — An Egyptian hieroglyphic dictionary. With an index of English words, king list and geographical list with indexes, list of hieroglyphic characters, Coptic and Semitic alphabets, etc., cLiv+1356 p., 28 em. London, Joun Mor- RAY, 1920, [15 guineas]. It is unnecessary to analyze this monumental dictionary, which the adepts already have in their possession, but it is well to draw the attention of the profane toits introduction. By the way, an enormous amount of excellent stuff is buried in the introductions of many of the (1) It was remarkably up-to-date in 1914. Apropos of this, I must apologize for publishing this review of a capital book so late. It is not my fault. When I had to abandon my Belgian home in Oct. 1914, I took special pains to protect the books which had been sent me for review in Jsis and had not yet been reviewed, that is, the books which did not yet belong tome. However I did not find Dussavp’s book among the others in 19419, and would have entirely forgotten it but for a note recently discovered. Vou, tv-l 5 58 ISIS. TV. 1921 4 dictionaries which we use every day. If this stuff were published in ordinary book-form it would certainly be read and used to a far larger extent, — but how many stop to study the introductions of their dictionaries and encyclopedias? The introduction to BupGer’s hiero- glyphic dictionary retraces the history of Egyptian lexicography — and that involves necessarily other developments of Egyptian scholarship — from 1761 on, that is, from the day that the abbé J.J. BARTHELEMY showed satisfactorily that the « cartouches » con- tained royal names. This history is a much longer story than most scholars would expect, and I will not attempt to outline it. The best that I can do is simply to give the headings of the chapters : Youne’s hieroglyphic alphabet and vocabulary; Ricnarp LEpsius and SAMUEL Bircw; Bircu’s « Sketch of a hieroglyphical dictionary » (London, 1838); CHAMPOLLION’S « Dictionnaire Egyptien en écriture hiéroglyphique » (Paris, 1841); Bircn’s dictionary (London, 1867); Hrmnricn BruGscu and his « Hieroglyphisch-Demotisches Worterbuch » (7 vol., Leipzig, 1867- 1882); PuerREt’s « Vocabulaire hicéroglyphique » (Paris, 1875); SImEONE Levi's « Vocabolario geroglifico copto-ebraico » (Torino, 1887-1894); HaGemans ( Lexique francais-hiéroglyp hique » (Bruxelles 1896). The interest of this historical analysis is greatly increased by many fac- simile reproductions of the older lexicons. BupGe then proceeds to explain the inception, development, contents and methods of his own dictionary. This part of his introduction also is of great interest to the historian of science, for apropos of the fundamental problem of transliteration, he gives us a good historical account of it and shows how the transliterated alphabet changed as knowledge increased. It is now generally agreed that Egyptian is fundamentally an African language, but it has long been maintained that it was closely related to the Semitic languages; the history of this controversy is briefly told. : The present dictionary includes nearly 24,000 forms of Egyptian words collected from texts of all periods between the IlIrd dynasty and the Roman times. Itis divided as follows: list of the sources; list of the most frequent hieroglyphic characters with their phonetic values together with their significations when employed as determi- natives and ideographs; various Oriental alphabets; the dictionary proper in alphabetical order (1065 p.); very copious index of English words; index of Kings; indexes of geographical names (English, Coptic, Greek, Hebrew; Assyrian and Persian, Ethiopic, Syriac, Arabic); Greek, Coptic and Oriental indexes. The work ends with a catalogue of Messrs. Harrisons’ fount of Egyptian type (2863 items). GEORGE SARTON. Sr REVIEWS 59 Marshall, F. H. — Discovery in Greek lands. A sketch of the prin- cipal excavations and discoveries of the last fifty years, x11+127 p., 38 fig. Cambridge, University Press, 1920. [8 sh. 6 d.] An excellent little book which enables one to measure quickly how much has been added to our knowledge of Greek history by the use of archeological methods. Our literary sources are well-nigh exhausted and there is not much hope of finding supplementary infor- mation of this kind at least on the earliest times; on the contrary there is still an enormous amount of unexcavated material, and one has good reason to hope that the application of archeological methods will still materially increase our knowledge of the distant past. In other words, the progress of positive science obliges literary men to surrender to scientists their main stronghold : ancient history. The book is divided as follows (I quote for each period the main excavated sites) : 1. Earlier prehistoric period (before 1000 B. C.) : Knossos and Crete, Phylakopi, Mycenae, Tiryns, Troy, prehistoric N. Greece, Cyprus. — II. Later prehistoric period (ab. 1000-700 B. C.) : Olympia, Sparta, Argos, Athens, Thera. — III. Earlier historic period (ab. 700-500 B. C.) : Rhitséna, Corinth, Ephesus, Miletus, Naukratis, Rhodes, Daphnae. — IV. Later historic period (ab. 500- 150 B. C.) : Tanagra, Tegea, Mantinea, Megalopolis, Rhodes, Perga- mon, Ephesus, Priene, Magnesia, Sardes.— V. Temple sites. Thermos, Kabeireion, Ptoion, Oropos, Epidauros, Eleusis, .Egina, Lykosura, Kos, Samos, Assos. — VI. Great centers of Greek Life. Dodona, Delphi, Olympia, Delos. — VII. Some isolated discoveries : Cortu, disc., Giédlbaschi-Trysa, Sidon, Antikythera find, Mahdia find. —- There is also a select bibliography, a chronological list of the main excavations (it would have been well to add the names of the main investigators and of the institutions employing them), an index, a good choice of illustrations (it is a pity, however, that no indication is given of the places where the represented objects are now exhibited). I hope that similar surveys will eventually be prepared for the other ancient civilization areas and that this one and the others will be kept up-to- date. GEORGE SARTON. Banerjee, Gauranga Nath. — /J//ellenism in ancient India. Second edition, thoroughly revised and enlarged, vin+344 p., Calcutta, Burrerwortn, 1920. The conclusion of Book I (introductory) is that « Greece has played a part, but by no means a predominant part in the civilization of ancient India. The evolution of Philosophy, Religion and Mythology 60 ISIS. TV. 1921 has gone along parallel but independent paths. India owes to Greece an improvement in Coinage and Astronomy but it had begun both; and in lyric and epic Poetry, in Grammar, the Art of Writing, the Drama and Mathematics, it had no need to wait for the intervention or the initiative of Hellenism. Notably perhaps in the plastic arts and especially in the details of some of the architectural forms, clas- sical culture has acted as a ferment tu revive the native qualities of the Indian artists, without robbing them of their originality and subtlety ». — Book II deals with the Hellenistic influence on the art of India : architecture, sculpture, painting, coinage. — Book III. The evolution of scientific and literary culture in India and Hellenism : astronomy, mathematics, medicine, art of writing, literature, drama.— Book IV. Independent evolution of religion, philosophy, mythology and fables in India and Greece. This book strikes me as being at once well-informed (though KaAyeE’s studies are not mentioned!) and for an Indian book, remarkably well- balanced. Each chapter is followed with a long bibliography, which is not exclusively English, but without dates! Itis a great pity that the book is not illustrated, for it is impossible for those not familiar with the subject to follow the argument (ex. gr. on the arts) without illustrations. The first edition appeared in April 1919, the second in July 1920 : a well deserved success which should encourage the author to make further efforts to improve the following editions. G. S. James Haughton Woods. — The Yoga-system of Patanjali. Grand in-8° de x1-384 p. (Harvard Oriental Series, 17). Harvard Univ. Press, Cambridge (Mass.), 1914. | Venu a l’indianisme par curiosité spéculative, M. Woops, qui compte parmi les plus éminents philosophes américains, a fait ici ceuvre de spécialiste. Il s’est persuadé a juste titre que la compétence philoso- phique devait aider 41’intelligence des doctrines indiennes,ala condition qu'un Occidental apprit 4 l’école des traditions indigénes le sens authentique des textes. Ainsi est né ce livre qui résulte a la fois d’études poursuivies aux Indes mémes, et d’une réflexion trés personnelle appliquée a linterprétation des doctrines. D’ot la valeur de cet ouvrage, et son originalité en comparaison des traductions antérieures. Il nous offre a propos des Sttras de ParaNsaui, que lon attribue au IV? ou au V° siécle de notre ére, une version anglaise du Chasya imputé a VyAsA (entre 650 et 850) et de la glose de VAcaspatimicra (vers 850). La traduction est faite de main de maitre; nous ne croyons pas la déprécier en lui reprochant d’étre souvent, de par sa technicité, aussi REVIEWS 61 ardue a comprendre que le texte : c’est la rancon de toute version systématique; ce n’est le défaut que des ceuvres excellentes. Ajoutons qu’un tel ouvrage apporte a sa facon une contribution a |’histoire de la science, car les pratiques tant intellectuelles que physiologiques, dont se compose le Yoga, n’ont jamais cessé de supposer, pour les conscien- ces indiennes, un ensemble de faits d’une objectivité incontestée. Cette dogmatique d’une certaine ascése et d'un certain mysticisme implique la notion trés rigoureuse d’une correspondance particuliére entre le macrocosme et le microcosme. P. Masson-OuRSEL. J. S. Speyer. — Die indische Theosophie. In-8° de vil-336 p. Leipzig, HAESSEL, 1914. Recueil de conférences, ce travail est ceuvre de vulgarisation, mais traitée par un spécialiste consciencieux, qui a représenté dignement, durant sa laborieuse carriére (1849-1913), l'indianisme hollandais. Le dernier tiers du volume n’offre plus la concision des deux cents premiéres pages; toutefois le lecteur y trouvera encore de justes apercus et la dénonciation d’erreurs courantes. Le principal mérite de lexposé qui remplit les deux premiers tiers de l’ouvrage est d’avoir cherché parmi les explications du syst¢me du monde et les doctrines de salut — constitutives de la theosophie au sens que S. lui préte comme M. OLTRAMARE, — les divergences d’inspiration a travers l’unité apparente des syncrétismes traditionnels. Ainsi l’on aremarqué fort a propos le caractére non védique du Yoga, la diversité des écoles dans Bhakti-mirga, le paradoxe de |l’application a |’'Etre supréme de la doctrine des avatiras. Toutes sortes d’arriére-pensées, de réserves (allerlei Riickhalte und Vorbehalte, 182) sont trés finement signalées. Mais pourquoi un silence sur le vaste développement spéculatif des écoles mahayanistes? (Voir la notice nécrologique consacrée a JAcoB SAMUEL SPEYER par J. Pu. Voce. dans le Journal R. As. Soc., Jan. 1914, pp. 227-232.) P. Masson-OURSEL. Ernst Windisch. — Geschichte der Sanskrit-Philologie und indischen Altertumskunde, 1 Teil. (Grundriss d. indo-arischen Philol. u. Altertumskunde, I Bd., I Heft B.) Gr. in-8° de 208 p. Strass- burg, TruBNer, 1917. [12 Mk. 50.] Exposé remarquablement précis et complet de l'histoire de l'india- nisme jusqu’a l’ceuvre de Lassen. La contribution de chaque indologue 62 ISIS. IV. 1921 est définie avec objectivité, sans partialité pour ou contre aucune école ou nationalité. Le seul arbitraire est dans le choix du terminus a quo : pourquoi cette revue de Vindische Altertumskunde commence-t-elle a la fin du xv® siécle, passant sous silence les efforts de l’antiquité comme du Moyen Age pour explorer l’Inde? Vasco DE GAMA n’a fait que suivre les exemples de Marco Potro, de BENJAMIN DE TupELA, de PTOLEMEE. =n ce qui concerne l’intérét porté par ]’Allemagne aux découvertes de Vindianisme, l’ouvrage, malgré son austere Griindlichkeit, ne supplante pas le travail d’ArtHur F. J. Rémy, The Infiuence of India and Persia on the Poetry of Germany (Columbia Univers., Germanic Studies, I, No IV, 1901). Souhaitons que l’interruption de la publication a Strasbourg du Grundriss qui a fait voir le jour a tant d’ceuvres maitresses, ne compromette pas plus long- temps l’apparition de la seconde partie de ce monument élevé a la gloire de l’indologie. P. Masson-OvuRSEL. M. Winternitz. — Geschichte der indischen Literatur. 2 in-8° de x111-505 et vi-288 p. Leipzig, AMELANG, 1908 et 19153. (Huvre de mérite et de grande utilité, cette histoire de la littérature indienne sera, une fois achevée, la plus lucide, la plus complete des entreprises similaires. Des deux parties qui ont déja vu le jour, la premiere, traitant de l’antiquité brahmanique, contient deux cents pa- ges sur la littérature védique, et autant sur les épopées ainsi que les puranas; la seconde est consacrée au Bouddhisme, envisageant’ la littérature palie, canonique ou non, puis la production bouddhique de langue sanscrite. Ces deux volumes constituent des a présent un excellent manuel, mais ot le double souci d’objectivité et de clarté ont le plus souvent dissuadé l’auteur de nous offrir autre chose que des appréciations moyennes, volontiers et délibérément équidistantes des theses plus tranchées que présentent des ouvrages plus personnels. Le maitre de M. WINTERNITzZ, BUHLER, parait avoir gardé son secret quant ala maniere de concilier une extréme originalité et une impeccable objectivité. Mais sans doute est-ce le désir de bannir tout subjectivisme qui a inspiré l’éléeve fidele dans la réserve et la mesure de ses juge- ments. Au surplus, alors méme qu'il n’apporterait qu’un tableau schématique de cette immense production intellectuelle qu’a enfantée le génie de l'Inde, l’ouvrage serait précieux, tant pour les savants que pour les profanes. P. Masson-OvrRSEL. ¥ REVIEWS 63 Abu-Mansur ‘abd-al-Kahir ibn-Tahir al Baghdads (d, 1037). — Moslem Schisms and Sects (Al-Fark Bain al-Firak) being the history of the various philosophic systems developed inIslam. Part I, translated from the Arabic by KatTrE CHAMBERS SEELYE. (Columbia Univer- sity Oriental Studies, XV) vmi+224 p. New York, Columbia University Press, 1920. This translation is made from the text published in 1910 by Mvus#amMap Bapr of Cairo, a text based upon one single manuscript and not free from errors (see I. GorpzmmeErR, Zeits. d. Deut. Morgenlt. Gesell., Bd. 65, 1911, p. 349). It will enable students who cannot read the Arabic original to make a deeper study of Mohammedan thought. Similar writings by iN Hazm and at SHAHRASTANI being already available it is interesting to compare these three writers, using for this comparison the material offered by Mrs. SkELye in her introduc- tion. But before doing this it is well to recall that Moslem sects are not as spohtaneous as, say, Christian sects. Indeed many of them were invented simply to justify the tradition according to which Islam would be divided into 73 sects. Hence a great number of sects separated by hairsplitting quibbles have existed either in reality or only in the brains of theologians, who do not at all agree on their classification. The Sunnites recognize no sect within the orthodox fold, but are divided into the four great schools, each of which recog- nizes the other : the Hanifite, the Malikite, the Shafiite and the Hanbalite. Our three authors being Sunnites, agree thus far; their disagreements begin with the divisions of the Shiites. For the details see Mrs. Seretye’s book. Let us simply introduce the three authors : Au BaGupapi, born in Bagdad, died in 329/1037 (see Encycl. of Islam, under BaGupapi). He was versed in 17 sciences and wrote many books. The work translated by Mrs. Sre.ye is based upon the tra- dition : there shall be 73 sects in Islam, of which one only shall be saved. At BaGupApi does never lose sight of this form of the tradition, rejoicing all the time in his blessed orthodoxy. SHaAuRASTANI was born in 467 or 479 and died in 548/1153. His work entitled Kitab al-Milal wa'l-Nihal, transl. by Haarpriicxer, Halle, 1850, is more scholarly, more carefully arranged, and he tries, not always successfully, to remain neutral. [‘ALi 1N-AHMAD IBN-SA‘Tp] 1BN-HazM [1BN-GHALIB IBN- SAuim ABU-MuHAMMAD] was born in Cordova in 384/994. His book bearing the same title as that of SHanrasTAni, partly transl. by FriepLAnperR in Journal Am. Or. Soc., vol. 28-29, 1907, is unfettered by tradition and absolutely neutral. As FriepLANpER says : « We may safely assume that each name recorded in his book represents an 64 ISIS. IV. 1921 historical fact and not as in the case of all other writers a mere pro- duct of the imagination ». This author is especially remarkable for his « breadth of outlook, power of observation and fairness of judgment ». To conclude, anyone who cannot afford to make a long study of all the documents should read only 1nn-Hazm’s book. We must be grate- ful, however, to Mrs. SEELyE for having made accessible to us another source less valuable in itself yet worth considering. It is not possible to understand Moslem science if one does not know their religious thought; Mrs. SEELYE has given us one more key to their soul. We hope that the end of her translation will not be delayed too long. GEORGE SARTON. Goldziher, Ignaz. — Le Dogme et la Loi de Islam. Histoire du déve- loppement dogmatique et juridique de la religion musulmane. Traduction de Féiix ARIN, vi-318 p. Paris, Pau GrurHNER, 1920. This translation of GoLpzInER’s Vorlesungen iiber den Islam appears ten years after its German original and six after it was itself finished. Yet that does not mean that Gotpztmer’s work is in the Jeast out of date and still less that it has been superseded by any later work. It is exactly as authoritative as it has been from the beginning and holds the same unique position among the books on Islam of the whole learned world. Those of us who are students of Islam know very well that GoLpziHER is the father of us all; and while we may disagree with him on details, we have always an uneasy consciousness that he may berightafter all. The title of the French translation — an admir- able translation, often reading more easily, even for those who are familiar with German, than does GoLpzIHER’s somewhat involved style — limits the book more narrowly down to theology and law than does the original Lectures on Islam. According to the chapter-head- ings the book covers (I) MoHamMep and Islam; (II) the Jegal devel- opment; (III) the theological development; (IV) asceticism and mysticism ; (V) the sects; (VI) later formations. To each is added an array of notes and references, intended for the student who has access to the original sources and covering in this translation 50 pages of small type. A hardly adequate index of fifteen pages, reproduced without additions from the German, closes the book. But the subject- matter is wider than these rubrics suggest. Itis the whole essence and being — genus, species and differentia — of Islam, taking that term as correlative to Christendom. It is true that GoLDzIHER care- fully avoids treating philosophy, but to the present reviewer that is REVIEWS 65 the weak point of his method. It is impossible to make the attitude of AL-GuHazzALI, for example, thoroughly intelligible without dealing with those of AvicENNA and AVERROES, as AQUINAS involves ABELARD and Duns Scotus. And excluding philosophy excludes with it physical science, which would come under philosophy in a Moslem system of encyclopedia. All other activities, physical and mental, in the Moslem civilization fall under crafts, trades, occupations; a physician, fo~ example, would be either a philosopher or a barber-surgeon; an architect would be a masterbuilder; any kind of artist would be a craftsman. This, of course, reminds us at once of medieval Europe and it may be said shortly that there was no break in medieval times between Islam and Christendom, each understood the other in a way that has never been possible since the renaissance. But for the readers of this periodical the interest of GoLDziHER’s book must lie in the light which it throws on the position of science, in the modern sense, in Islam. Of that there is no explicit treatment, but it is made very plain by the whole drift of development that science has never been, in any true sense, a permanent, self-continuing element in that civilization. Only exceptional individuals have been interested in science, and schools of science have flourished.only under the protection of princely patrons. The flowering times of Baghdad, Cairo and Cordova were short and left no heirs. This is the real explanation of the puzzle of the impermanence of Moslem civilization. The university life of Islam turned steadily to theology and canon law and to their strictly ancillary disciplines. And these latter dwindled, through lack of independent life and interest, until philosophy became scholastic theology and astronomy became the art of constructing the ecclesiastical calendar. For fuller consideration of this primary historical fact I venture to refer to my paper of sixteen years ago, read before the St.-Louis International Congress and printed in its Proceedings. Of course, there were from time to time individuals interested in all the facts of the world. But they were few. AL-Breruni stands almost alone in objective consideration of the non-Moslem world. The professed « philosophers » — of various phases of the neo-Platonic Aristotelian amalgam — either enjoyed princely protec- tion or camouflaged themselves, sincerely or insincerely, with mysti- cism, or else externally « conformed », confiding their real views to their own students. It is significant how early it was that Islam developed the idea of an economy of teaching, that truth must be different for different classes of minds, which led to the twofold truth of the European Averroists. In Islam truth was admittedly manifold, and some orthodox theologians were driven — between philosophy and dogmatics — to a doctrine practically that of the different classes 66 ISIS. IV. 1921 of ( judgments » of our own day. But all these were isolated cases and it was only in the mystical schools that free speculation continued in any measure to flourish, with tendencies even there toward crystallizing into barren scholasticism. The end could not be doubtful. Theology was not only the queen of the sciences ; it came to reign alone and, so doing, became sterile. Such sciences as, through the ineradicable vitality of the human mind, survived, took forms which could relate themselves to theology — magic, astrology, alchemy. They could thus justify their existence by an assertion of usefulness. For the intellectual life of Islam had passed under the ban of utilitarianism. However excellently science in the abstract might be praised, the sciences were always divided into the praiseworthy and the blameworthy, and the blameworthy were those which could not give a useful reason for their existence; useful, that is, for man’s life in this world or for his future salvation. Anything else man had better leave alone, even if there were nothing especially hurtfulin it. A universally accepted and much quoted tradition from the Prophet is adduced in support of this position. « Itis part of the beauty of the Islam of a man that he should leave alone that which does not concern him. » Under this rulig the pure sciences cannot be cultivated and only the applied sciences are possible, a position amply sufficient in itself to explain the decadence of Islam. And it must not be thought that this was the position of theologians and ethicists only. Ibn Kuaupun, the Berber, who died A. D. 1406, while not technically a man of science like AL-BERuNI, has left us, in his Prolegomena to History, a most open-eyed and intelligent picture of the whole Moslem civilization of his time, applying to it a very acute psychological and historical analysis. His book is unique in Arabic and he was evidently deeply interested, in the modern sense, in all the phenomona of life. But this apparently unconscious attitude and practice of his were contrary to his explicit teaching, for, in at least two places in his book (Dr SuaneE’s transl., III, p. 185 f., 285 f., QUATRE- MERE’S text, III, p. 135 f., 258 f.), he lays down the position stated above and quotes in support of it the tradition. Nothing of this will strictly be found in GoLpziHER’s book; but its reader will easily see there within what narrow bounds the normal intellectual life of Islam was permitted to move, and will understand Heryricu Rirrer’s dictum that the ingenious but fantastic atomic scheme of the Moslem scholastic theologians is Islam’s most character- istic and original contribution to the history of philosophy and not the derivative comments and supercomments of the Arabic-writing Aristotelians and neo-Platonists. Duncan B. MAcpDONALD. REVIEWS 67 Julius Ruska. — Zur Ailtesten arabischen Algebra und Rechenkunst, in Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, p. 1-125, 1917. This work by Ruska and the work of SurTer on the astronomical tables (1) of AL-KHOWARIzMI are certainly the most noteworthy contri- butions to the history of medieval Arabic science, made within the past decade. Both occupy themselves with the achievements of the great Arabic mathematician, astronomer, and geographer, MOHAMMED IBN Musa AL-KHOoWARIZMI, whose contributions to elementary arithmetic, algebra, and trigonometry are fundamental in the development of these subjects, directly influencing nomenclature and methods for seven centuries and exerting influence even to the present day. A.-KHowaRizMi’s contributions to astronomy and geography were equally important in the development of these subjects among the Arabs. The discussion of the Arabic terminology and the Latin and English translations of At-Kuowarzimi’s Algebra by Ruska throws new light upon the whole subject from the point of view of modern Arabic philology, the first adequate treatment of this subject. At the same time Ruska discusses various questions touching the development of mathematical ideas in a scholarly manner. While here and there one may disagree with the conclusions drawn by Ruska one cannot deny that the historical and philological facts involved are clearly presented by one who is a master of Arabic and of philological method as applied to historical problems. The twelve sub-divisions of Ruska’s work have the following titles: I. The title of Monammep BEN Musa’s algebra. Il. The Liber augmenti et diminutiones and the Kitab algam‘wal- tafrik. Ill. The Regula Sermonis. IV. Content of M. b. M. ’s algebra and treatment of its sources from CossaLi to CANTOR. V. On the history of the Arabic numeration (names of numbers). VI. On the Inheritance problems in M. b. M.’s algebra and the original application of the terms, mal and schai. (1) Die astronomischen Tafeln des Muntammep inn MUsA A.-Kuwagizmi in der Bearbeitung des Maslama ten Auwep at-Mapsarrt und der latein. Uebersetzung des Atuetarp von Barn auf Grund der Vorarbeiten von A. Bsénxno und R. Brsruorn in Kopenhagen, herausgegeben und kommentiert von H. Suter, Zarich. Mémoires de UV Academie Royale des Sciences et des Lettres de Danemark, Copenhagen, 7™ Serie, Section des Lettres, vol. III, 1944. 68 ISIS. IV. 1921 Vil. The terminology of the quadratic equations. VIII. On the development of the number system. IX. The names of the Arabic numerals. X. The chapter on mercantile problems. XI. Concerning the chapter on measurement. XII. M. b. M.’s Algebra as a part of his total scholarly achieve- ment. So far as the title (hisab algabr walmukabalah) is concerned, Ruska shows that Rosen is extremely careless and unscientific in his English translation of the two terms involving the idea of restoration or com- pletion (algabr) and of reduction or comparison (almukabalah). Both terms are carefully explained by AL-KnowarizMi in connection with algebraic problems. When the Arab arrives at the equation 10% — x? = 2] he conceives of 10x as being incomplete by the amount x? which he « completes » with x«?, arriving at 10x — 21+ «?; the word used for « completes » is a verb formed from the same stem as gabr (algabr). When the Arab arrives at an equation 50 + x? = 29 + 10x, he « redu- ces ») by casting out 29 from the 50, arriving at 21 + «2 = 10x; the verb uséd for « reduces ») here is from the same stem as mukabalah. The precise and literal translations of selected passages of An-Kuo- WARIZMI's algebra and of other Arabic works constitute a noteworthy part of RusKa’s contribution to our knowledge of Arabic mathematical science. The discussion of the medieval Latin translation published by Lisri, probably due to GERARD of Cremona, shows that this transla- tion was carefully made by one who had a keen perception of the niceties of the Arabic language; this directly controverts the statements which have frequently been made from the time of RoGER Bacon down maligning the whole group of translators of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Rosen’s translation is shown repeatedly to be inferior in interpretation of Arabic terminology to the Latin translation. In fact Ruska shows that the Latin translation of the Lipri text was based upon a better Arabic text than the one used by Rosen. So far as the terms for x and x? are concerned, ROBERT OF CHESTER uses « radix » and « substantia » throughout the preliminary discussion, but in the problems changes to «res» and «substantia ». The fact that the second power of the unknown was considered almost as a second unknown is well illustrated by the text of Abu Kamit who solves geometrically, as I have shown (The algebra of ABu Kami, Bibl. Math., v.12, p. 40-55, 1912), not only for « radix » but also for « census »; in this he was followed by Au-Karxut. Any consistent symbolism was not found until the time of VieTA. Ruska calls attention properly to the importance of the neglected REVIEWS 69 portions of At-Kuowarizmi’s work, those dealing with the inheritance problems and with mensuration problems. On the Hindu source of many of the algebraical, arithmetical and geometrical ideas involved in this work, Ruska throws new light, while at the same time he points out the particular contributions of the Arabs as a race, and of the author At-KHowARIzMI as an individual. In particular the definite Hindu character of the chapter on mercantile transactions is clearly demonstrated on the basis of material in ARYABHATTA, BRAHMAGUPTA and BuasKARA; Similarly with the work on mensuration, including the approximate formulas for the length of circular ares, and areas of the segments. To one point of vie w taken by Ruska (p. 48) serious exception can be made. To assert that the practical uses of computations in daily affairs was the occasion of the extension and development of either arithmetic or algebra is as unwarranted a deduction as the assertion, repeated since the time of HEeropotus, that geometry owes its origin to the measurement of land. The necessity for these developments is intellectual. The demands of the commercial life of Greece had no part in the progress of Greek science, nor were the scientific develop- ments of the Arabs dependent upon commercial needs. It must be admitted, of course, that the Hindus and the Arabs, like the Egyp- tians, had a keener sense than the Greeks for application of science to affairs, but this was primarily by way of popularization rather than as source of development. In passing should be mentioned Rusxka’s article : « Neue Bausteine zar Geschichte der arabischen Geographie(') » in which is emphasized the importance of AL-KHowarizmi's contribution to early map-making. At-KHowarizmis « surat alard » was the text accompanying a world map, much improved by Arabic geographers over PToLEemy’s map. The manuscript of this geographical work appears to be in Strassburg, having been found in Cairo in 1878 by W. Spirra(?). Later NAurino(}) and more recently Hans V. Mzik(‘) have given further information (1) Geographische Zeitschrift, Vol, 24, 1918, p. 77-81; Ruska here inadvertently speaks of the author as Ant Ga‘ rar M. b. M., instead of Abt ABDALLAH M. B, M. (?) w, Sprrra. Huwanazmi’s Auvzug aus der Geographie des Ptolemaeus, Zeitschrift Deutschen Morgen. (esell., vol. 33, 1879. (3) Nactusso, At-Huwanizmt e il suo rifacimento della Geografia di Tolomeo, Atti della R. Accad. dei Lincei, Avno 291, Serie V, Memorie, Classe di Sc. Mor., Vol. Il, Rome, 1896. (*) Hansv. Mzix, Procemagus und die Karten der arabischen Geographen, Mitteil. d.k.k. Geogr. Ges. in Wien, Vol. 58, 1915, p. 152; Afrika nach der arabischen Bearbeitung der yewypaqiKh b@rymois des CL. Protemarus von Mun. tn MUSA at- Hwanizati, Denkschriften d. Akad, d. Wissen, in Wien, Phil.-hist. KL, Vol. 59, 1916. 70 ISIS. IV. 1921 concerning the work, and V. Mzix has reconstructed the map of Africa. Ruska has thrown light upon a series of difficult problems in connec- tion with Arabic science. The Arabic contributions to Western civili- zation touch vitally many different fields. Their direct and indirect contributions to navigation and discovery in the fifteenth and preced- ing centuries has never received adequate appreciation. A work like this by Ruska deeply concerns the whole intellectual history of medie- val Europe, as modern historians of this period are beginning to realize. (University of Michigan.) Louis C. Karpinsk1. T. Endo, History of Japanese mathematics, revised and enlarged (in Japanese). With notes by Mixa, Oxamoro and Oranr and with a biography of the author by Mixam1, 702 p. Tokyo, 1918. Mr. Enpo was a zealous student of the history of Japanese mathe- matics. He began his studies in this direction in 1878 and published the results of his research in 1896 in a work entitled History of Japanese Mathematics. He devoted his time to revising and enlarging this work from then on, until 1915, when he died at the age of 72 Under the direction of the late Baron Kixucui his manuscripts were set in order by Y. Mikami, N. Oxamoro and R. Oran, whose notes are recorded in the margin of the book. The resulting work is twice as large as the original publication. Mr. Enpo divides the history of Japanese mathematics into four periods : The first period : Primitive Japanese age, about which almost noth- ing is known. The second period : beginning with the vuth century A. D., when Chinese arithmetic was introduced and learned in Japan. There are few records concerning this age In later times the Japanese forgot their previous knowledge. The third period : which includes the beginning of the Edo Era, or the xvuth century, during which Chinese works were learned for the second time. The Japanese were soon to advance in their own mode of learning. The fourth period : beginning with the appearance, about 1675 of Seki Kowa. His achievements are highly Japanese in character, most of them not appearing in previous Chinese works. His disciples, both direct and indirect, advanced still further. The establishment of the endan and tensan algebra and of the circle-principle is most note- worthy of this period. ae REVIEWS 71 The fifth period beginning with Asma’s revision of the circle-prin- ciple, and ending with the organization of the Sagaku Kaisha — Mathematical Society — in 1877. The Restoration of 1868 forms a distinct break in the history of Japanese mathematics, after which scholars take up European mathematics principally, and postpone the older native science. For a while, however, the latter struggled desperately for existence. The newly founded association was com- posed of members of both parties, between whom there sometimes arose bitter enmity. The older science rapidly lost ground. Mr. Expo does not describe these matters, although he has himself been present at the very scene of the struggle. Nor does he give any account of the - native mathematics which followed. Characteristic of this fifth period is the treatment of various problems leading to double or multiple integration. Various other interesting problems, mostly of a geomet- rical nature, were also handled and solved. Mr. Enpo gives his account in chronological order. He is very remarkable for the richness of his materials, in the compilation of which he was exceedingly painstaking. It is to be regretted, however, that he has, as a rule, failed to record his sources of reference. He is sometimes not discriminating in his judgments. The weakest point of the work lies in the author’s utter ignorance of Chinese mathematics. Mr. Enpo writes as follows : The publication of Yosuupa’s treatise of 1627 was of great value for the progress of Japanese mathematics. Some time later, the abacus algebra of the Chinese became known in Japan. Though the authori- ties did not support the pursuit of this science, individuals among the people were eager for its advancement. Seki now appeared on the scene. He established the written algebra of true Japanese form, which developed from the Chinese abacus algebra. He and his disciples made various discoveries. There arose several rival schools. Since crafty men would sometimes learn of the achievements of others and publish them as their own, it became necessary to keep discoveries secret. In Seki’s school the highest diploma was given only to two persons, an act which has certainly proved detrimental to the natural growth of the science. It was customary, in the enemy schools, more- over, to disregard the art of mensuration. The Fusrra-Aipa contro- versy uselessly exhausted the effort of students. Because the stream of progress was now flowing in vigorous torrents, however, the discussion retarded it to no great extent. Various mathematicians vied with one another, and their happy emulation resulted in many discov- eries. In the latter half of the xvmith century, the problems of inseribed figures were mainly studied. Since there were soon no new problems 72 ISIS. IV. 1991 of this kind, the mathematicians strove to excel each other in their skilful treatment of old problems. Successive improvements upon the rules of solution given by previous writers ensued. As, however, there was no knowledge of geometry in Japan, the scholars found difficulty in selecting new, interesting problems. The barrenness in physical sciences was also highly detrimental to the progress of Japanese mathematics. But in the domain of the circle-principle, after the improvements of Agima and Wana, science was wonderfully developed in a way quite incomparable to that of former times. The solution of complicated problems became a simple matter. This progress has resulted entirely from the efforts of private individuals. As to the contents of the work, it cannot easily be told in brief, because the subjects are arranged in chronological order and are very numerous, (Tokyo ) . Yosuio MIkAMI Science in Japan (in Japanese). By the Japan Civilization Society. xx1+415 p. Tokyo. 1917. Histories of special sciences in Japan have occasionally been written, as, for example, Fujikawa’s History of Japanese Medicine, Enpo's History of Japanese Mathematics, ete.; but the treatise before us is the sole one that considers the entire subject of Japanese science, as a whole, in a single volume. We regret only that the name of its author is withheld. Though the work treats of the development of science in Japan from oldest times, it is professed that the Meiji Era, or the latest growth, is mainly considered. For this purpose the book is divided into three parts : 1. Oriental sciences studied and completed in Japan (p. 1-116); 2. Introduction and spreading of European learning (p. 117-215); 3. Science in the Meiji Era (p. 217-415). This scheme shows that the work is quite different from those of FusIKAWA and Enpo, who considered mostly or wholly the old Japan- ese science. In some parts it undoubtedly follows the plan of Marquis OxuMa’s History of the Fifteen Years of the Opening of the Country. In the opening chapter the nature of Japanese civilization is discuss- ed. Though some consider it to be wholly imitative, the author does not admit it. He maintains that itis assimilative. Japan was not content with base imitation of Chinese and Hindoo civilizations, nor did she remain on a lower level than these. Confucianism and Buddhism as developed in Japan prove this clearly. Japan's assimilation of Occi- dental civilization during the last half-century has been brought about in a manner similar to those of former times when she came in contact SE eS, REVIEWS 73 with the civilization of China and of India. Thus does Japan devour and digest the civilizations of other peoples. Medicine early developed in Japan, being influenced first by Indian and then by Chinese art. Some treatises on medicine were early written, marking the progress of medicine in advance of other branches of knowledge. In modern times medical men have sometimes been in advance of philosophers in matters of thought. It is thus shown that medicine has always held a most important place in the progress of Japanese learning. Natural history is an outgrowth of medicine. In describing the progress of medical science the author appears in the main to be following Dr. Fusixawa's great work. Mathematics is considered in regard to the causes of its progress. These are presented as follows : 1. Arithmetic being generally known to the people; 2. Establishment of the astronomical board by the Shogunate; 3. Establishment of astronomical boards and of mathematical schools by local feudal authorities; 4. Love for learning and willing instruction; 5. A succession of proposals of problems and their solutions; 6. Suspension of arithmetical tablets before the temples. I have myself discussed the same problem in the Shigaku Zasshi. The author in the main accounts for EnpO’s opinion. He considers the existence of rival schools and the ensuing controversies as Jamentable events in the history of science; but this may be considered other- wise, since these very events have, in a certain sense, undoubtedly been for the good of scientific progress. In Japan astronomy flourished only as the art of calendrical regu- lations, of which this work gives only a short sketch, without going into a discussion of its development. The progress of mathematics among the people fortunately brought about the calendar reform, after a long interval of retrogression. Physics and chemistry were practi- eally unknown in Japan until after the influence of Europe. The progress of industry is briefly considered, but nothing is said of its relation to the development of science. The introduction of Western learning began when the Portuguese brought in the gun. The Christian missionaries, who soon after visited Japan, sometimes practiced medicine. It was thus that the Portuguese knowledge of medicine prevailed over the older art. The Dutch in subsequent years brought with them the art of war and the science of medicine, two branches of learning which were most conspi- cuous among the Dutch sciences learned by the Japanese. Its superi- ority in the knowledge of anatomy has largely contributed to the adoption of Dutch learning in Japan, since the older knowledge of the Vou. tv-l 6 74 ISIS. IV. 1921 Japanese on the subject had been of a very meagre kind. It was in 1771 that the first Dutch anatomical treatise was translated in Japan. SiepouptT’s visit to Japan proved of advantage in spreading Dutch science. It reacted upon older Japanese science in such a way as to invigorate the spirit of the advocates of the latter. There ensued therefore a rivalry between the two parties. In the end, however, the Shogunate founded a school were Dutch medicine was taught. The medical men of the Dutch school were quick to learn, in addition to their special subjects, politics, gunnery, military science, fortress construction, etc., etc., becoming in consequence, the leaders in the propagation of this newly come civilization. The influence of these studies has in no small degree brought about the opening of the country for foreign intercourse. The need of building ships and organ- izing new armies was so keenly felt by the feudal lords of ministerial rank that men were sent to Holland to learn modern methods. Medical students were also sent there. The necessity of competing with foreign powers was the cause of this general advance, which resulted in the political change of government called the « Restoration ». After the Restoration of 1868 the importation of Occidental knowl- edge was conducted on a larger scale and with determined hand. In the earlier periods of seclusion, the old classics had been most revered ; now the positive sciences were brought to the fore. A splendid scheme of school eduvation was planned, and was satisfactorily carried out. The two decades following the Restoration were spent in adopting the foreign sciences, special education being conducted mainly by foreign professors. Thereafter the Japanese were able to assimilate what they had learned from abroad. Gradually native scholars began to appear, replacing by degrees their foreign masters. During the course of this development, the art of medicine was in the lead, and consequently medical institutes were made foremost in the university system of Japan. All the various branches of sciences, however, were taught and learned to some extent. It must be noted that scientific education was not at first brought into intimate contact with practical life. In the latter domain capitalists and courtisans were used to carry out their functions under the guidance of foreign engineers. This state of affairs has long held the public from paying reverence to science and to scientists. The progress of education, however, did gradually send forth educated engineers into society, and scientists of some merit gradually advanced in their achievements. The outbreak of the great war was of great benefit to the progress of science in Japan, since the public was compelled by circumstances to recognize the usefulness of science. Y. MIKAMI REVIEWS abs Y. Mikami. — The causes of the development of mathematics in Japan, The Shigaku Zasshi, vol. 29, n° 3. The flourishing age of old Japanese mathematics covers the entire period of the Tokugawa Shogunate. Its development is due first to the introduction of Chinese mathematics, Cu’ENG’s work of 1593 and Cuou’s work of 1299 being mainly studied. Practical need also induced its development, for the time had come when a knowledge of mathe- matics was required in land survey, large fortifications, irrigation work, etc., etc. The improvement of social conditions was a further influence. Economic development, greater leisure, ineffectualness of religious restrictions, increasing self-consciousness, all these proved of importance for the development of mathematics as well as for the general progress of civilization. The Japanese remoulded the mathematical knowledge which they received from China, for, as will appear in the case of art and archi- tecture, Buddhism, philosophy, etce., remoulding was the usual outcome of Japanese civilization. The best example of mathematical remoulding will be seen in the development of written algebra from the abacus algebra of the Chinese. In this, the Dutch influence is insignificant. The Japanese notation of algebra was the natural outgrowth of the method of recording algebraical representations by calculating rods which was used by the Chinese. The use of these rods had directly influenced the develop- ment of Chinese mathematics, and continued to work indirectly upon the progress of Japanese mathematics. The soroban also had great influence. Although calculating rods could be used for higher numerical equations, yet their actual applica- tion was so cumbersome that the Japanese always preferred the soroban, which proves very convenient in practice, and endeavored to devise some treatment of problems by which this dexterous abacus could be used in solving them. As a result certain methods of infinite expansions and repeated approximations were established. Japanese mathematics contains much that is of no practical value. Most of their problems were non-practical in nature. The Japanese studied mathematics principally for the sake of enjoyment. ‘Tablets presenting mathematical problems together with their solutions were often suspended before the temples — a practice which shows that mathematics was considered as a form of art. Although the art of mensuration was held in very low esteem by the Samurai class, yet even some members of the feudal lords’ class and of other ranks had a taste for mathematics. They studied it despite the mockery of their friends, asifit were aform of pastime. In most cases they could earn 16 ISIS. LV. 1921 nothing from their knowledge of mathematics, since there was little opportunity to gain a livelihood as a professional mathematician. Exceptions were extremely rare. The problems considered in Japan are very numerous, but they may be classified under a small number of headings. Most of them differ from those that accompanied the first rise of Japanese mathematics. The methods of solving them also differ. Japanese mathematics was not rich in principles and methods, but in the practical exercise of the few which they possessed the Japanese were very skilful. The same fact holds true in the case of the fine arts and of the art of war. In Japanese mathematics, methods of demonstration were not fully developed. The Japanese often preferred incomplete induction, or inference from numerical values. Geometry asa demonstrative system had no place in Japan. Japanese mathematics is full of erroneous results. Complicated problems were at first prevalent, but after a time sim- plifications setin. The passing of time has brought a graduai theoret- ization of mathematics. European influence is quite undeniable, and appears in the use of trigonometry, logarithms, problems on the centre of gravity, etc., yet the whole structure of Japanese mathema- tics was never shattered during the entire period of foreign influence. The case is quite different from those of astronomy and calendrical art, into which the European system was introduced. Y. MIKAMI. Y. Mikami. — Magic squares in Japanese mathematics (in Japanese), 1v + 174 p. Tokyo, Imperial Academy of Science, 1917. The Japanese mathematicians were fond of artistic considerations of non-practical problems. One kind was that of magic squares, concerning which there are numerous documents. This subject was, of course, introduced from China, the works of Yanc Hui and Cuu Suin-Cuien, who flourished in the xmith century, being the earliest treatises that contain examples of magic squares. These works were brought to Japan. YAane’s work, indeed, in which magic squares are considered, was lost in China. Yane’s and Cuu’s magic squares are similar. There are several printed works in Japan of the xvmth century, in which examples of magic squares are given. Isomura (1660), Muram- ATSU (1663), Saro (1666) and Hosuino (1672) are the authors of these works. Ina written work of 1683, Sexi treated the subject of con- structing one form of magic squares. Anpo treats another way of Fe be ee ee REVIEWS 77 constructing magic squares in a printed work bearing the dates 1694 and 1695. ANpd says that he has learned his method of consideration from SuimaDA, in 1653, a date which is the oldest in Japan that bears upon the matter. The contemporary of Sexi and Anpd, Tanaka, discussed in a manuscript treatise the construction of magic squares, according to which consideration many different arrangements may be obtained. His work bears the date of 1683. Seki’s disciples, TakenE, MarsunaGA and Aoyama wrote several manuscripts, in which they considered new methods of constructing Magic squares. KurusHiMa’s way is very interesting. Heretofore, during Sexi's time, layer after layer of a magic square were success- ively arranged; now a different mode of procedure was adopted. When the methods of construction had advanced to this point, there arose an attempt to enumerate the different magic squares which may be constructed. YamaJi was perhaps the first mathematician to enter this field. He tried to give the number of all 5-squares which may be arranged according to Seki’s method. A few anonymous manuscripts refer to similar treatments. After Yamasi’s time there appeared several mathematicians to carry out the same scheme. Toward the close of the old Japanese school of mathematics, new attempts of constructing methods were made by Icuikawa, GoxKai and others. These subjects are treated under thirty-four separate heads. Prof, T. Hayasni published a comment on the work in the Tokyo Butsuri Gakko Zasshi, No. 312, 1917. He adds something very interesting about Tanaka’s work of 1683, based upon a better man- uscript of it. Y. MIKAMI. S. Kanetsune. Music in Japan (in Japanese). Tokyo, 1912. — H. Tanabe. Lectures on Japanese music (in Japanese). Tokyo, 1919. Because these two works contain many facts of interest to students of the history of science, something of their contents is here given. The music of the Japanese, though first introduced from China, was ultimately destined to be remoulded to suit their own taste The musics of the two nations are fundamentally different from each other, being reflections of their respective national characters. The Chinese had held music in high esteem from remotest times, as will be seen from the use of the term li-yiieh, — « institutions and music ». There is no wonder, therefore, that the Chinese have made extraordinary 78 ISIS. IV. 1921 progress in music. They early considered the theories of music, some accounts of which are found scattered in the older classical works. But the Shih-chi (Historical Records) and the Huai-nan Tst are the oldest works remaining extant in which a full treatment of the subject appears, both belonging to the first century B. C. In these works the musical scale is considered to be formed by a method called the increase and decrease of one-third of the length of a given musical tube. Thus twelve tubes are obtained which give a scale of twelve tones, in essence corresponding to PyTHAGoRAS’ scale. CHING Fane of the later Han Dynasty applied the same method of treatment and found a scale of 60 tones, said to be essentially the same as BosanQueEtT’s scale of 53 tones. Subsequently Cu’1en Yiirn-cuin of the Liu-Sune Dynasty obtained a scale of 300 tones, and Cuin Cuune of the L’ian Dynasty, a scale of 360 tones. Thus the same way of treatment was followed for many hundreds of years, but at last, toward the close of the Mine Dynasty, Cuvu Tsai-yii abandoned the method of taking one-third, and adopted one of taking a geometrical average, whereby he obtained a new system of twelve tones, which is equivalent to the twelve average intervals of the West. Mr. Kanet- SUNE discusses these matters at considerable length in his work, the separate topics of the subject having previously been treated in sever- al articles in the Toyo Gakugei Zasshi by Mr. TanaBE and Prof. S. NAKAMURA. There are two kinds of music, Mr. KaNrTsuNE says, the one being born music and the other constructed music. Chinese music belongs to the latter class, of which none is found in other Asiatic nations (p. 425). Thus in China the rules of harmony were obtained as results of scientific treatment, upon the actual applications of which there ensued the gigantic harmonical music of the Sur and T’ane Dynasties (TANABE, p. 27). The musical instruments which were imported from China to Japan in those times are known to have been of highly developed kinds, some of them being provided with several tubes with tongues and small holes at and near their bottom, some with reso- nance boxes, some with chords whose lengths could be controlled at will by the finger. In the method of harmony with regard to the instrument called sho, the resolution of dissonant sounds was already adopted. Thus all the formal elements had been in existence and standing upon a firm scientific basis, and the mode of composition, also in wonderful progress, was already comparable to the subsequent development in Europe during the seventeenth and later centuries. The Chinese alone were able in those early ages to succeed in such a logical way with musical composition. Nevertheless Chinese music was preéminent only in its formal respect; as to its contents, REVIEWS 719 Indian music must be preferred. It is only since the YuEN Dynasty that the Chinese have begun to attach some importance to the contents of music, and that dramatic progress has been made. (TANABE, p. 96-129). Since the Chinese are essentially a people given to reason, formal music of this kind has developed among them. But the Japanese are of an emotional disposition, so that the magnificent harmonical music imported from China has only undergone a kind of retrogression, being at last replaced by an emotional kind of music character- istic of the Japanese. In China even Confucianism was left much to the consideration of scholars in its formal or rationalistic aspect. In Japan, where theoretical treatments were little in favor, the practical application of the doctrines was better realized. (TANABE, p. 22-23). TANABE divides the development of music in Japan into four stages, as follows : The first or primitive period : There was no instrumental music; only some crude kinds of vocal music prevailed. The second or Chinese period : when the formal music of China was introduced and cultivated. In the first half of the period, which lasts to the first half of the tenth century, only the court nobles struggled to imitate the Chinese mode of instrumentation. In the second half of the period, which comes toward the end of the court supremacy, or the twelfth century, the instruments brought in from China underwent some remoulding, and there arose a kind of vocal music in which harmony was inclined to be neglected. By and by the literal meaning of songs came to be stressed. The third, or feudal period : Japan was now free from foreign influence, so that music was destined to make progress in a true Japanese way, and there appeared nothing but vocal music, which served only to express the senses of songs. This period is divided into three sub-periods : A) The Kamakura era. (xuth-xivth centuries). — Now disap- peared altogether the formal music of the preceding age. The local feudal warriors who had just come into power were so little educated that they needed a very primitive kind of music. But this era is important in the history of Japanese music as being an age of transi- tion, during which music was being transformed into something dram- atic and sensual. B) The Muromachi era (xivth-xvith centuries). — Now, the Shogun- ate being opened in Kyoto, the feudal vassals were influenced by the formalistic, cultured atmosphere of the oldimperial capital. Thus the music of this era becomes enveloped in a sort of formalism, although 80 ISIS. IV. 1921 its essence still lies in its dramatic contents. This may be a piece of contradiction. But the warriors’ life was a contradiction in itself in those days, for they had to meet and congratulate even lamentable death with a smile. The so-called Bushido, or warriors’ morals, were merely emotional, and never explicable by dint of reason. The war- riors were accustomed to support their emotions on the one hand and to suppress them on the other. In thus leading a contradicting life, they necessarily developed a form of music expressing this contradic- tory mood. The Japanese, since they were not of a rationalistic turn of mind, were not able to appreciate a purely rational harmony. Melody, like- wise, was not retained in the music of these simple-minded warriors. Time was the only element which was kept. Because music was to consist of this single element alone, the yokyoku appeared, a form of music in which the organization of the time-element is wonderfully complicated and developed. C) The Edo era (xvuth-x1xth centuries). — Japanese music now becomes very variegated, the different classes of people having come © into possession of typical sorts of music. But the most characteristic forms of this era were those that arose among the merchants and labor- ers, the aim of which was the expression of human sentiment, and the mode of execution of which was wonderfully developed. But these pieces of music are of little value without the Japanese words, and are utterly destitute of scientific basis. TANABE considers especially the joruri as the most representative among them. Its develop- ment separates naturally into two stages, first at Osaka and then at Edo. Osaka was a city that had long flourished and was open to trade, its merchants being wealthy and leisureful, and the surrounding ter- ritory having been long influenced by the old culture of the imperial capital. The merchant of Osaka was thus destined to introduce a new kind of music which embodies common-sense, is free and unconstrained by any theoretical considerations, and which expresses the internal conflicts of obligation and sentiment. The common-sense education of the Osaka merchants did not suffice, however, for the further develop- ment of the music thus brought into existence. Now Edo becomes the centre of Japanese culture. Music too contin- ues its development there. At first coarse kinds of music flourished, but there was soon transplanted to the Shogun’s capital a sort of music which had originated in Kyoto. Because this ancient capital was now out of worldly activities, its music, too, was not of a lively character and lacked force of expression. The conventional colour of old times was, however, retained in some way, which gave it an esti- a REVIEWS y mable character. This piece, when played at Edo, must discard all its conservative garments of Kyoto, and assume a new colour suitable to the newly-established feudal capital. The artisans were now gaining the ascendency in the community of Edo. They were without educa- tion, and could not, therefore, understand the sense of sentiment, as had been the case in Osaka. They were generally poor and worked by the day, and so were keen in sentiment and inclined to strong im- pulses. In their music they cared little for form or style; they need- ed only that which pleases the ear or which satisfies the senses. The statements of songs thus became out of tune. In the emotional music of Japan, the Chinese mode of harmonic seales was postponed, the scales being accounted for unaided by the eye. In consequence, there arose the so-called melodic scales. In the vul- gar music of the Edo era the scales were freely arranged and regulated according to the moods which sentiment produced. As a result, the scales cannot be measured mathematically as in the case of Chinese music. In Japan no occasion arose for theories of music to make their appearance. A kind of scale, of twelve tones, had, to be sure, unwittingly arisen in Japan, but it was of a kind utterly unknown in China, so that all efforts to explain it from the standpoint of Chinese musical theories failed. The mathematician NAKANE GENKE! was the only person in Japan who could give a rule for the Japanese scale of music. All this shows clearly that the Japanese, though skilled in the art of execution, had no ability whatsoever, as a theoretician; a fact in direct contrast with Chinese genius. The fourth or modern period : the present age, during which Occi- dental music was introduced and continues to be studied. Nothing characteristic of the Japanese is as yet to be ascertained in connection with this lively and prosperous epoch. The forms of music characteristic of the Japanese have all been vocal. One exception may be pointed out in the case of the jiuta, played with the accompanying instrumentation of the koto. This sub- ject is treated in full’ by Kanersune. According to him, the jiuta consists of a series of fine phrases, the meaning of whose words is second in importance to the accompanying instrument. KANETSUNE, in discussing the source of this kind of music, accounts, first, for its place of origin having been the ancient city of Kyoto; second, for the use of the koto, which is suitable for independent instrumentation ; and third, for the interest taken in this form of music by blind men, who prefer the sounds of songs to the senses of them. (KANETSUNE : p. 153-156). (Tokyo.) Yosu1o MikaMi. 82 ISIS. IV. 1921 Graesse, J. G. Th. — Kunstgewerbliche Altertiimer und Kuriosititen. Fihrer fiir Sammler und Liebhaber von Gegenstiinden der Klein- kunst, von Antiquititen sowie von Kuriositiiten. Begriindet von J. G. Tu. GraksseE, fortgefiihrt von F. JaEnnIcKE. 6te Aufl., samt Zeittafel und Register bearbeitet von Franz M. Feipnaus, 262 S. Berlin, R. C. Scumipt, 1920. The first ed. of this book appeared without any text in 1871 under the title Guide de Amateur; a second so-called « édition revue et aug- mentée », differing little from the first one, followed in 1877. The 3rd ed. entrusted to F. JEANNICKE appeared in 1904 under its German title; this was really a new book; the 4th ed. dated 1909 was very similar to the 3rd one. The fifth (1916) and the present ed. were prepared by FreLtpHavus, who has made use of TuiemE and BECKER’sS Kiinstlerlexikon and of his own extensive material partly published in Die Technik, 1914. — This Guide is divided into 25 chapters each devoted to one of the arts or to a special kind of objects; ex. gr. Elfen- beinplastik; Glyptik ; Eisenschnitt ; Niello; Tula; Email; Glasmalerei; Uhren; Wandteppiche; Waffen; Brillen; ete. Each chapter contains a short historical summary, with more or less miscellaneous informa- tion, bibliographical notes and a chronological list of craftsmen. The chief feature, perhaps, is a large collection of craftsmen-marks and signatures (p. 221-258) — This book contains a large amount of information in very condensed form, and will prove useful to the col- lector and the antiquarian. Yet, there is still room init for consid- erable improvement. GS: Thomson J. Arthur. — The System of Animate Nature. The GirrorD lectures delivered in the University of St.-Andrews in the years 1915 and 1916. 2 vol., xx + 687 p. London, Witurams and NorGAteE, 1920. « It has been declared by some that the world is a dismal cockpit, that in the behaviour of living creatures mind is a negligible quantity, that the study of heredity must leave us fatalistic and that evolution is largely a chapter of accidents. Such views engender what may be called natural irreligion and it is the object of this course to show that such views are scientifically untenable ». Part I. The realm of organisms as it is : (1) the unfathomed universe and the aim of science; (2) organic vs. inorganic nature; (3) criteria of livingness; (4) organism and mechanism; (5) uniqueness of life; (6) animal REVIEWS 83 behaviour; (7) the problem of body and mind; (8) the fact of beauty; (9) the issues of life; (10) adaptiveness and purposiveness.— Part II. The evolution of the field of organisms; (11) the concept of evolution; (12) great steps in organic evolution; (13) originative factors in evolution : variation; (14) directive factors in evolution : selection; ° (15) the individual and the race : heredity; (16) the evolution of mind and mind in evolution: (17) nature crowned in man; (18) disharmonies and other shadows; (19) the control of life : lessons of evolution; (20) vis medicatrix naturae. This very stimulating book, based ona sound knowledge of the relevant facts, is less a philosophy of biology than a general philosophy from the point of view of the biologist. Complete summaries of each chapter enable one familiar with the subject to follow and appreciate quickly the author’s argumen- tation. G. S. Jaeger, F. M. — Elementen en Atomen eens en thans. Schetsen uit de ontwikkelingsgeschiedenis der elementenleer en atomistiek. 2de verbeterde druk, met 24 fig., 50 portr. en 1 kaartje, vim + 312 blz. Groningen, Wolters, 1920, F. M. JaxrGer is professor at the University of Groningen, Nether- lands and the author of a very remarkable book on the Principle of Symmetry (see /sis, 1V, 32). The present book has been prepared as a textbook for Dutch students. Rather than to attempt to give ina little more than 300 p. a complete history of chemistry, JAEGER has wisely chosen to concentrate his attention upon the development of our notions on elements and atoms. Thus limited, the history is much simpler, and much more effective. The plan is as follows : (1) notions of elements in antiquity and in Asia; (2) elements and atoms as conceived by the Greeks before ARISTOTLE; (3) ARISTOTLE; (4) origin, form and propagation of alchemy; (5) iatrochemical and phlogistic periods; (6) atomism in the nineteenth century; (7) modern ideas; unity of matter; (8) index. The last chapter on contemporary science is very full (p. 210-281), and will enable the reader to have a very complete view of the development of chemistry, almost to our own days. ‘The author has taken great pains to go back to the sources whenever possible. The foot- notes contain much bibliographical information, and there are many well chosen illustrations. For other historical studies by the same author, (see Isis LV, 50). G. S. 84 ISIS. IV. 1921 M. Delacre. — Histoire de la Chimie, xvi + 632 p. (140 X 225), Paris, GAUTHIER-VILLARS & Ci®, 1920. [Sans indication de prix.] Cet ouvrage est « un livre de combat », nous dit l’auteur dans sa préface. Comme tel, et malgré sa documentation, il ne peut prétendre étre une histoire de la chimie. Et en fait, il constitue surtout une charge a fond contre les hypothéses, les idées théoriques que l’auteur était tenu d’enseigner dans sa chaire de l'Université de Gand, et pour lesquelles cet enseignement lui a donné, dit-il, « une irrémédiable aversion ). Niera-t-on cependant, pour ne prendre qu’un exemple, que la relation réciproque des notions d’oxydation et de réduction ait été pour la premiére fois éclaircie par la théorie du phlogistique, que des expéri- mentateurs aussi habiles que PRIESTLEY et SCHEELE ont acceptée pendant toute leur vie? Certes, la science n’est pas l'étude des hypotheses, elle doit étre létude de la réalité, des sensations, mais, comme l’a fortement marqué JEAN PERRIN, « & condition d’adjoindre aux sensations actuelles toutes les sensations possibles ». M. Devacre est trop foncierement « chimiste » pour étre historien. Il considére la chimie comme une entité, pourrait-on dire, et nulle part ne s’inquiete du mouvement des idées dans les autres sciences, ni dans la philosophie. Il ett cependant été particuliérement important de le faire pour ceux qu'il appelle avec mépris les Professeurs de 1860. Nous avons ici une histoire des faits bruts, appuyée sur des textes, mais non l’histoire de leur genése. A Et méme, avons-nous vraiment histoire des faits bruts? L’attitude combative de l]’auteur permet d’affirmer le contraire. La phrase suivante, par laquelle sont jugées les syntheses de carbures d’hydro- gene, de BERTHELOT, est assez représentative : « Que valent pour l’épo- que ces syntheses de carbures? Ce sont trop souvent des réactions brutales, a rendements infimes, et qui ont perdu aujourd’hui tout intérét. » (non souligné dans le texte, p. 569.) Enfin, cette citation de la derniére phrase du dernier chapitre en dit long sur un certain état d’esprit dont n’a pas pu se défaire l’auteur. « Mais il nous parait certain qu’on jugera que tous les FiscHER du monde ne viennent pas, tous ensemble, ala cheville d'un PasTEuR ou d’un Devitte. » C’est 1a du nationalisme, et non de l’histoire de la chimie. L. GUINET. REVIEWS 85 Baddeley, John F. — Russia, Mongolia, China, being some record of the relations between them from the beginning of the xvuth century to the death of the Tsar ALexrer MixuarLovicu (A.D. 1602- 1676). Rendered mainly in the form of Narratives dictated or written by the Envoys sent by the Russian Tsars, or their Voevo- das in Siberia to the Kalmuk and Mongol Khans and Princes; and to the Emperors of China. With introductions, historical and geographical also a series of maps showing the progress of geo- graphical knowledge in regard to Northern Asia during the xvith, xviith and early xvuith centuries, the texts taken more especially from manuscripts in the Moscow Foreign Office Archives, 2 vol. in folio, 16 + cccLxvi p., 22 maps and 3 plates printed separately, illustr. in text and genealogical tables; x1-+ 448 p., 3 pl. and 5 maps printed separately and other illustr. London, Macmir- LAN, 1919. [Only 250 copies at 12 guineas each.] This important publication offers us the results of research carried on by Mr. Joun F. BappELEy during eight years and it embodies the experience of many more. It developed in an unusual way. The second volume was written and printed first; it was in type before the war; the index to both volumes appears at the end of vol. I. This is simply due to the fact that after having edited the texts which fill the second volume, the editor realized the necessity of adding historical and geographical introductions. These introductions grew as his enquiries advanced and they make up the greatest part of vol. I. Historians of science will take special interest in the geographical introduction of which I will speak presently. Volume the second contains the English translation of a series of narratives written or dictated by Russian envoys in Mongolia and China. Most of these narratives have not been published before except in Russian; some have not even been published in Russian and of these the Russian text is given in vol. I (except in the case of the TUKHACHEVSKY'S Mission, 1634-1635, the Russian text of which was mislaid by the editor). The earliest text published, relating to an expedition to and beyond the Yenesei in 1602-1609, no longer exists in Russian and is known only through a Dutch translation by Isaac Massa published by Hesset Gerrirzoon, Amsterdam, 1612, together with other information, in a small volume entitled : Beschrij- vinghe vander Samoyeden Landt in Tartarien(')... Many other (4) Speaking of this book, Mr. Bappetry says (vol. II, p. 1) « that no other ever presented in so small a space so much new, varied and important geographical information, » 86 ISIS. IV. 1921 seventeenth century texts are published in full — too many to be quoted here, all the necessary elucidations being given, in the foot- notes or in appendixes. These texts will help tc explain the history of Russian expansion in the East, and also the development of our geographical and ethnographic knowledge of Northern Asia. In the historical introduction (96 p.) an endeavour is made to explain the development of N. Asia from the earliest times down to the begin- ning of the seventeenth century. This history is divided into three parts : Before the Mongol Invasion; The Invasion; After the Invasion. Special chapters are devoted to : Mongols and Kalmuks; Vas:11 II to YERMAK, with notices of HERBERSTEIN, MENDEZ PINTO and JENKINSON; YERMAK (d. 1585); Lamaism; The State of Affairs in N. Asia c. A. D. 1600. Two interesting notes complete this historical survey. One is a brief history of the Settlement of Siberia (1586 to 1718), the other deals with sables. Let me quote a few lines of SpaATHARY; they attest in a picturesque way to the immense importance which these furs had taken in ancient times « Now the Sable is a beast full marvellous and prolific, and it is found nowhere else in the world but in Northern Siberia... a merry little beast it is, and a beautiful : and its beauty comes to it with the snow, just as with the snow it disappears. And this is the beast that the ancient Greeks and the Romans called the Golden Fleece ». For us the most interesting part of the book is the Geographical Introduction (119 p.) which retraces the whole development of our knowledge of N. Asia, special emphasis being laid on the maps. The most important of the ancient maps are minutely described and analyzed, critically compared and splendidly reproduced. One cannot praise Mr. Emery WALKER too much for these excellent repro- ductions. It is worth while to quote the maps examined by the author. E A first chapter takes us rapidly from the earliest times to the Gopu - NoFFmap. These earliest maps are not reproduced, but the information which they offer on N. Asia is briefly analysed. After a few short paragraphs devoted to antiquity, the Dark Ages, the Orient and the early relations between South Russia and Siberia (relations clearly proved by the analogies between Siberian and Scythian art), Mr. Bap- DELEY considers successively the following maps : Eprist, 1154; Marino Sanuto, 1320; Duxcerr (? DaLorto) 1339; Pizzicani, 1367; Catalan Map, 1375; Borgian Map, ca. 1410; Lrar- pus, 1442, 1448; Fra Mauro, 1459; Brnaim, 1492; WaALDSEEMULLER, 1516; AGNESE, ?1525; Wiep, 1542; HerpersTeIn, 1546: JENKINSON, 1562; Mercator, 1538, 1569; Isaac Massa, 1612; Gerritszoon 1613; SANsonN, 1650, 1654. The total result of this analysis (vol. I, p. cx1), is REVIEWS 87 « that practically the whole of the information added to European maps of Middle and Northern Asia from Provemy to the second half of the seventeenth century, came from Epris!1, Marco PoLo, WIED, HERBER- STEIN, JENKINSON and Massa... This information, such as it was, left all Asia north of the old silk-traders’ route and east of the Ob, speaking broadly, as unknown as the reverse of the moon. So that it remained for the Russians in their clumsy, ignorant, rule-of-thumb way, and one zealous Dutchman, NicoLaas WITSEN, to throw light for the first time on those vast regions... » The author now proceeds to examine very carefully the following maps : 1525 Battista AGNESE. Map of Russia. Reproduced. 1562 JENKINSON. 1570 ABRAHAM ORTELIUS, Tartariae sive Magni Chamiregni typus (in Theatrum Orbis Terrarum). Reproduced. 1657 Jan Jansson. Tartaria sive Magni Chami Imperium (in Aflas Novus..., Amsterdam). Reproduced. 1667 The Gopunorr Map. The original being lost, it is only known through different copies. A copy made by the Swedish envoy to Russia, Frirz CRONMAN (or KRONEMAN) in 1669, is reproduced; a Russian version of 1672 (?) and another Swedish version of 1674 are also reproduced and discussed 1673 Ethnographical Map of Northern Asia (Remezorr Atlas, sheet no, 23/25). Reproduced. 1690-1693 ScuLEIssinc’s Map. Another version of the GopuNoFr map of little value. Reproduced. 1692 Le R. P. Avriz. Nouvelle carte de la Sibérie et du Kitay ... tirée de l’original de la chancellerie de Moscou. Repro- duced and discussed in vol. II, p. 215 sq. 1687 NicoLtages CoRNELISZOON WiTsEN (1641-1717). This map is discussed and compared with that of STRAHLENBERG (1730) and with modern maps (see synthetic sketch map). « On the whole, WitsEN’s map, with all its shortcomings, marks the most important addition ever made at one time to the cartographical knowledge of Northern Asia. » 1696-1701 The Remezorr maps. (The original atlas, manuscript, is in the RuMmIANTserF Museum, Moscow. It was reproduced imperfectly in 1882, by the Imp. Archzeological Commission. The ethnographical map of 1573 quoted above, is a part of that atlas). Three more Remezorr maps are here reprodu- ced : Map of all the waterless and difficult country of the mountain steppe; The Exarerinnor-palace Wall Map of N. Asia; Map of the Yakutsk Town-Territories. 88 ISIS. IV. 1921 Bef. 1733 The RENaT maps (two reproduced in fac-simile, with key maps). 1836 Sungaria, excerpt from KLAPROTH map. 1862 Sungaria, excerpt from the Kien-Lung Jesuit map. 1760 Sungaria, excerpt from the Kien-Lung Jesuit map. 1724 Sungaria, UNKovsky’s map (with key map). Among the appendixes to vol. I, I should mention a bibliography of the subject (MSS. and printed books, Russian and Non-Russian) and genealogical tables of Mongol and Kalmuk princes. Among the notes of vol. II, the two most interesting perhaps are one devoted to the traveller and adventurer NikoLaI GAVRILOVICH SPATHARY (1625 or 1635-1708) — the records of his travels and residences in N. Asia fill more space (vol. II, p. 204-422) than all the other records here publish- ed; — and another devoted to the great personality of Father Frerpr- NAND VERBIEST, S. J. By the way, Mr. BappELEy seems to be unacquain- ted with the biographies of him given in 1912 and 1913 by H. Bosmans, and in 1913 by A. Damry, also by L. Van HEE('). Other studies may have appeared apropos of the inauguration of VERBIEST’s statue in his native place Pitthem, W. Flanders in 1913 (?). On the other hand, I draw the attention of VERBIEST’s biographers to the new information on his life derived from Russian sources, which is contained in Mr. BaDDELEY’s book. Itis to be deprecated that only 250 copies of this important book have been published. Sucha small edition would not even be sufficient to enable each large library of the world to obtain a copy. Much as I love beautiful books, I have no sympathy for that collector’s aberra- tion which prompts them to publish limited editions to increase artificially the number of rarities. Itis as if they could only enjoy a thing to the extent that others were deprived of it. Their selfishness debases the love of letters and beauty into greed and speculation. Most of the books published in small editions by collectors are so unimportant that their scarcity does not matter, but when a work as fundamental as Mr. BAppELEY’s is dealt with in the same way, there is good reason to be anxious and sad (5). GEORGE SARTON. (4) See Isis, I, 159, 554, 765; II, 268; 1v, 146. (2) See Isis, 1, 705. The German invaders reaching that little village in 1914, must have been nota little surprised to be suddenly confronted with a Chinese mandarin ! (3) Mr. Joun F. Bappexey published previously : The Russian Conquest of the Cau- casus, xxxyur-+ 518 p., London, Lonemans, Green & Co., 1908, and another book of his has just appeared : Russia in the Eighties, Sport and politics, xv1 + 467 p. Lon- don, Lonemans, 19214. REVIEWS 89 Vom Altertum zur Gegenwart. Die Kultursusammenhiange in den Hauptepochen und auf den Hauptgebieten. Skizzen von F. Bott, A. CurtTivus, u.s. w. vu + 308 p. Leipzig, TeuBner, 1919. The preface dated May 1919 and signed by Epuarp Norpen, profes- sor of classical philology in Berlin, explains that the aim of this book is to provide the German people at a critical juncture with a careful estimate of their intellectual patrimony. The only way to endure the present misfortune is to look toward a new era and to be ready to work hard to reconstruct a new and better world. But in order to do that, it is more than ever necessary to take stock ofall that the past has bequeathed tous. To do our share of the work with courage and faith it is enough to realize the continuity and the unity of civilization. Whatever happens, this unity, this integrity must be preserved. This is certainly a noble th ought and it is much to the credit of the German scholars that they prepared the writing of such a book at the darkest hour in the history of their country. This return to the past to strengthen one’s ideal, is essentially a return to Greece, and this book is chiefly a study of Hellenism, of its relations with the modern world and its special signification under the new circumstances. Itis placed under the patronage of PLaro, GorTHE and HumMBo.pr. The work is divided into two main parts, — one devoted to the unity of civilization in general at various periods of our history, — the other, considerably longer, to unity and continuity in special domains of human endeavour. This second part contains seyenteen chapters, dealing with practically every aspect of modern culture. The first nine deal with law, politics, education, philology, history, literature, art, religion, philosophy. The others are devoted to special branches of science, and as these are of greater interest to the readers of Jsis, I will quote the names of their authors : mathematics by Conrap Mi- LER, cosmology and physics by Ernst GoLpBECK, astronomy by FRANZ Bo.., geography by JosepH Partscu, biology by H. STADLER, caemistry by E. v. LippMann, medicine by Jonannes ILBERG, technol- ogy by ALBERT REHM. It woul! be interesting to compare this undertaking with a similar one in England, due to theinitiative of Francis SypNEY MARVIN (see /sis, II 425, III 419). Briefly, the German effort is much more comprehen- sive and systematic; it is more exclusively concerned with one part of the past, Hellenism; it is also more nationalistic. On the other hand, it must be noted that Marvin's endeavour is far more effective because it is repeated year after year, and takes the form of live lectures toa large and responsive audience before being crystallized in print and buried in book form. G.S. VOL. Iv-1 ~j 90 ISIS. IV. 1921 Eugenio Rignano. — Psychologie du Raisonnement, x1 + 544 p. in-8° Paris, Aucan, 1920. [15 fr.] EvuGENIO RiGNaNno, le directeur de Scientia, a qui nous devons déja plusieurs ceuvres vraiment fortes et originales (‘) vient de nous donner un nouveau livre tout a fait admirable. La these fondamentale de lauteur c’est que « le raisonnement est constitué tout entier par le jeu réciproque des deux activités fondamentales de notre psyché : les activités intellectives et les activités affectives, les premiéres consis- tant dans la simple évocation mnémonique de perceptions ou d'images du passé, les secondes se manifestant comme des tendances de notre esprit vers une fin donnée a atteindre, vers laquelle est dirigé le raison- nement lui-méme». I] est a remarquer que les tendances affectives ont elles-mémes une origine et une nature mnémoniques (le premier chapi- tre est consacré a la démonstration de cette these). Il suffit alors d’admettre cette spécificité unique — la propriété mnémonique — pour expliquer toutes les manifestations finalistes de la vie. C’est en effet grace a cette propriété spécifique que les organismes vivants peuvent reproduire des modalités énergétiques d’adaptation exclusivement par des causes internes, ou en d’autres termes, c’est grace a cette propriété que les étres vivants sont mis en partie par des forces a fronte et non pas seulement par des forces a tergo. On pourrait diviser l’univers en deux groupes nettement tranchés : le monde inorganique régi exclu- sivement par des lois physico-chimiques; le monde organique, régi par les mémes lois, mais caractérisé en plus par la propriété mnémo- nique qui fait qu’aux forces externes s’ajoutent des forces internes. Le monde organique lui-méme peut étre divisé en deux nouveaux groupes, moins nettement tranchés toutefois : les étres doués de la propriété mnémonique, et ceux chez qui a cette propriété s’ajoutent des activités affectives qui rendent possible l’élaboration du raisonnement, la mani- festation la plus haute et la plus complexe de l’aspect finaliste de la vie. ( De la vient, nous dit l’auteur (p. 535), la tragique et éternelle opposition entre notre vie intérieure, toute imprégnée de finalisme, qui sent que ce finalisme est la chair de sa chair et le sang de son sang, et le monde extérieur inanimé, qui, si anxieusement qu’on l’ait scruté durant des siecles et des siécles, ne nous semble mtu, au contraire, par (4) Un socialisme en harmonie avec la doctrine économique libérale, éd. ital., Turin, 1901; éd. frang., Paris, 1904. La sociologie dans le cours de philosophie posi- tive d’ AucustE Comte, éd. frang., Paris, 1902; éd. ital., Palerme, 1904. Sur la trans- missibilité des caractéres acquis. (Hypothése d’une centro-épigénése), éd. frang., Paris, 1906; éd. ital., Bologne, 1907; éd. allem., Leipzig,1907; éd. anglaise, Londres, Chicago, 1911. Essais de synthése scientifique, éd. franc., Paris, 1912; éd, angl., Londres, 1918. REVIEWS 9} aucune finalité. Et cette tragique et éternelle opposition entre le mi- crocosme essentiellement finaliste et le macrocosme purement mécani- que. c’est elle qui constitue le substratum profond de la lutte plus que millénaire entre la science et la religion, la premiére contrainte par la raison fondée sur les faits a dénier a l’univers une finalité, la seconde, par contre, irrésistiblement poussée a l’affirmer par les plus intimes fibres du sentiment ». La thése de RIGNANO est appuyée sur une documentation a la fois trés riche et trés prudente et il la démontre avec beaucoup de rigueur et de méthode. Il suffira ici dindiquer bri¢vement les grandes lignes de son exposé. I1 s’efforce tout d’abord dans les trois premiers chapitres de retrouver par la méthode phylogénétique, l’origine et la nature intime des phénomeénes psychiques fondamentaux : les tendan- ces affectives et l'attention. Dans le chapitre IV, il examine la question Qu’est-ce que le raisonnement? et généralisant la notion du « Gedan- kenexperiment » de Macu, il montre que le raisonnement n’est autre chose en substance, qu'une combinaison mentale d’expériences imagi- nées. Il s’attache ensuite 4 montrer qu'une telle expérimentation mentale est bien loin d’étre stérile. La fécondité du raisonnement est due d'une part a la fécondité meme de l’imagination, d’autre part a l’intensité affective orientée vers le résultat 4 atteindre. « C’est cette affectivité, visant a une fin donnée ou recherchant le sort d’un objet donné. qui constitue, en somme, le phénoméne psychique, qui, seul et unique, reste invariant durant tout le cours du raisonnement. C’est par suite elle qui associe, lie, enchaine les unes aux autres, les diverses péripéties expérimentales, auxquelles on suppose soumis l’objetdenotre désir; et c’est par suite elle qui constitue ce qu'on appelle le fil du raisonnement. » (p. 128). Les chapitres V et VI sont consacrés a |’étude de l'évolution du raisonnement : (1) du raisonnement concret au raison- nement abstrait; (2) de l’intuition a la déduction, et les chap. VIIa IX, a l'étude des formes supérieures du raisonnement : (1) le raisonne- ment mathématique dans ses phases du symbolisme direct et indirect; (2) le raisonnement mathématique dans ses phases de condensation et d'inyersion symbolique; (3) mathématiques et logique mathématique. Ces trois chapitres intéresseront tout spécialement les historiens des mathématiques; je n’essaie point de les analyser. RiGNANoO montre ensuite qu'indépendamment de ce raisonnement constructeur, dont il vient d’ctudier les manifestations les plus hautes, il en existe une forme dérivée et corrompue qui vise plutét a classifier et a présenter des faits connus, d'une certaine facon plutét que d'une autre. C'est ce qu'il appelle le raisonnement«¢ intentionnel ». Il en distingue deux formes fondamentales, a l’examen desquelles les chapitres X et XI sont déyoués : le raisonnement dialectique et le raisonnement métaphy- 92 ISIS. IV. 1921 sigue. Ces deux chapitres renferment d’excellents morceaux de criti- que, par ex. sa démonstration de l’inanité de la spéculation métaphy- sique, etsa critique des idées vitalistes. Dans le chapitre XII, RiGNano étudie les diverses mentalités logiques : esprits synthétiques et analytiques; esprits intuitifs et logiques; esprits romantiques et classiques; esprits audacieux et esprits timides; imagination et éru- dition, originalité et mémoire; visuels et auditifs; raisonneurs cons- tructifs et raisonneurs intentionnels; positivistes et métaphysiciens. La conclusion de cette revue c’est que les facultés logiques d'un indi- vidu sont influencées dans une tres large mesure par sa nature affective. Pour compléter sa documentation, RicNano fait maintenant appel a la pathologie du raisonnement qui est admirablement traitée dans les trois chapitres suivants (XIII 4 XV): (1) lincohérence et lillogicité des réves. La théorie de l’auteur c’est que la propriété fondamentale des réves c’est d’étre non-affectifs. Cette théorie me parait trés satis- faisante; elle explique fort bien les phénoménes oniriques. I] est inté- ressant de remarquer que cette théorie est diamétralement opposée & celle de Freup; (2) fous cohérents et illogiques par mono-affectivisme. L'étude des paranoiques et des monomanes est particuliérement inté- ressante parce qu'elle permet de distinguer et de séparer nettement deux caractéristiques fondamentales du raisonnement, la cohérence et la logicité ; (3) fous incohérents par instabilité, impuissance ou absence des tendances affectives. La conclusion de ces études pathologiques, c'est que l’équilibre mental n’est qu’équilibre affectif et que la cohé- rence et la logicité de notre pensée sont essentiellement d’origine affective. Un dernier chapitre ¢tudie le raisonnement conscient et inconscient. Aprés avoir établi que « chaque état psychique n’est pas lui-méme ni conscient, ni inconscient, mais devient l'un ou l'autre seulement par rapport a quelque autre état psychique servant de point de repére » (p. 507), (cela est en partie une question de définition) (4) il s’efforce de prouver que la plupart des psychologues ont attaché une importance excessive a linconscient et qu’au contraire « le raisonnement, chez l'homme normal, se produit presque exclusivement a l'état conscient et que la part de l’'inconscient daus l’idéation géniale. est presque nulle ou tout a fait nulle » (p. 529). Quoique l’argumen- tation de RIGNANO soit assez convaincante, je ne puis accepter cette (4) Ce chapitre nous doune aussi (p. 486) une excellente définition de la compréhen- sion : « comprendre, c'est pour ainsi dire, rapporter au substratum affectif de l’indi- vidu tel ou tel groupe d’éléments sensoriels ou mnémonico-sensoriels; c’est donner une tonalité affective 4 ce que projettent en nous, du monde extérieur, nos sensations et nos souvenirs respectifs ». REVIEWS 93 derniére conclusion sans réserves. Il est certain que la part de l'in- conscient a été exagérée, mais au risque d’étre traité de « mystique » par l’auteur, il me semble que son propre radicalisme rend bien diffi- cile l’explication du génie précoce, celui de Mozart ou de GALois par exemple. Je me suis étendu assez longuement sur l’ceuvre de RIGNANO, parce qu'elle est d’une importance capitale pour tous ceux qui s'‘intéressent ala philosophie et a l‘histoire des sciences. Les historiens notamment y trouveront un bon nombre de matériaux sur la psychologie de l’in- vention. I] serait utile de comparer cet ouvrage au Traité de Logique de Gos.ot (cfr. Jsis, III, 306). Ces deux livres sont indépendants et extré- mement différents, bien que les auteurs aient au moins un but com- mun, c’est-a-dire d’expliquer la fécondité du raisonnement. Mais GoBLor est surtout un dialecticien et un philosophe, tandis que RIGNANO est plutot un savant, un biologiste. Il me parait extrémement désirable que la Psychologie du Raison- nement soit traduite aussi vite que possible en anglais. G. SARTON. Pierre Boutroux. — L'Idéal scientifique des mathématiciens, 274 p., Paris, ALcan, 1920. [8 fr.] M. Bourrovx s’est proposé de dégager les tendances des mathéma- tiques modernes de maniére 4 pouvoir faciliter l’orientation des jeunes mathématiciens. [I] s'est apercu bien vite que cela lui serait d’autant plus facile que le passé des mathématiques lui apparaitrait plus clairement. De la, sa curiosité historique, curiosité limitée d’ail- leurs par son but pratique précis. « C’est dans ‘histoire des sciences, convenablement étudiée, que nous avons le plus de chances de décou- vrir les fondements et la direction de la pensée scientifique. — L’his- toire des sciences ainsi entendue est A égale distance de l’observation psychologique individuelle et de la systématisation philosophique. Elle est donc la préface naturelle de la philosophie des sciences » ('). — I] examine done successivement avec beaucoup de clarté et d’élégance la conception hellénique des mathématiques, puis ce qu'il appelle la conception synthétiste. L’attitude du géométre grec était surtout contemplative ; il s’efforcait de dévoiler la beauté, l’harmonie de l'uni- (4) P. 8 — Que le lecteur me pardonne de rappeler que c’est 1A un point de vue que je défends depuis dix ans. J'ai fondé Isis (inspiré par Comrr) pour construire collecti- vement les fondements historiques de la philosophie des sciences. Voir par ex., t. L.. p. 193-196. 94 ISIS. IV. 1921 vers et obtenait ainsi une science harmonieuse mais étroitement et arbitrairementlimitée. — La conception qui s’élabore ensuite lentement grace aux efforts des algébristes orientaux et chrétiens et qui triomphe vers la fin de xvm® siécle est au contraire une conception synthétique d'aprés laquelle la mathématique idéale serait une construction logi- que effectuée suivant des régles fixes sur des éléments fixes. Un pas- sage spécialement intéressant de cette seconde partie c’est celui (p. 116-129) ot M. Bourrovux s’attache a montrer que la partie la plus féconde de la nouvelle mathématique créée par NEwron et LEIBNIZ n’était point le calcul des différentielles ni le probléme de Vintégration, mais la théorie des développements en série. Les algébristes du xvi’ siécle se heurtaient au probleme suivant : dans quelle mesure les fonctions transcendantes peuvent-elles étre assimilées aux fonctions algébriques? Ce probleme, — cette crise — est heureusement compa- rée par l’auteur, a celle que durent résoudre les géométres grecs lors- quils se heurtérent aux quantités irrationnelles. Un troisiéme chapitre est consacré 4 l'étude de « l’apogée et du déclin de la conception synthétiste ». Je ne puis m’arréter a tous les bons endroits, car ils sont trop nombreux. L’auteur commence par expli- quer le développement au xvii® siécle de la synthése algebrico-logique, c’est-a-dire l’extension naturelle et l’organisation systématique des grandes conquétes du siécle précédent. La richesse des résultats obtenus suggere aux mathématiciens que cette méthode algébrico-logi- que est toute puissante; elle les améne 4 concevoir une mathématique parfaite qui serait « une science synthétique et mécanique dont les eal- culs s’effectueraient, pour ainsi dire, automatiquement »; certains finissent par s’imaginer que les théories mathématiques sont une créa- tion libre de leur esprit et ne sont d’ailleurs que des instruments de démonstration : ils cessent de croire a l’objectivité des mathématiques. M. Bourrovux expose habilement ces excés intellectuels en nous fai- sant voir tout d’abord les limites de la logique, ensuite les limites de Valgebre. Il nous donne ainsi une critique excellente et d’ailleurs tres mesurée, du mouvement logistique. A titre d’exemple il examine la notion de fonction et montre nettement (p. 167) que « cette notion est avant tout pour le mathématicien, un indéfini, un indéterminé. L’idée que nous en avons est plus riche et plus pleine que toutes les défini- tions ou expressions que nous pouvons donner ou construire. Par conséquent une théorie logique des fonctions, quelque parfaite soit- elle... ne pourra jamais satisfaire la curiosité et les aspirations du mathématicien. Pour acquérir sur les fonctions des connaissances neuves et fécondes, il est indispensable de retoucher sans cesse les définitions et les principes sur lesquels on opere. En d'autres termes, les progrés les plus importants que réalisent les mathématiques sont REVIEWS 95 obtenus, non en perfectionnant la forme, mais en modifiant le fond de la théorie. Ces progrés ne sauraient étre regardés comme étant d’ordre logique ». La fin de cette citation nous donne en quelque sorte l’idée mére du livre, car sa brillante esquiSse de l’'analyse moderne fournit 4 M. Bovu- TROUX mainte occasion de montrer que dans l'incessant conflit entre l'invention et le développement purement déductif, c’est de plus en plus l’invention, c’est-a-dire, le choix en apparence arbitraire de nou- yeaux problémes ou de nouveaux points de vue qui joue le roéle pré- pondérant. Nous reyenons ainsi a l’attitude grecque, car le choix implique une contemplation, et si notre intuition nous permet dé découvrir de nouveaux faits mathématiques, il faut bien admettre que ces faits existent en dehors de notre esprit, qu’ils sont doués d’une objectivité intrinséque. La notion mathématique de fonction n’est que le reflet de la notion physique de loi. « La correspondance mathéma- tique n’est pas une conséquence des opérations algébriques; elle est Yobjet méme qui les détermine » (p. 206) ('). L’expression des faits mathématiques est nécessairement conventionnelle, mais les faits eux- mémes ont une existence propre. Le géométre ne les crée point; il les dévoile. — I] est possible toutefois que le contraste entre l’analyse du x1x® siécle et celle des siécles précédents ne soit pas tout a fait aussi violent que l’auteur ne nous le faitcroire. Sans doute la richesse des mathématiques modernes est si grande qu'elle nous donne parfois une apparence de désordre, et que le jeune mathématicien, doué d’imagina- tion, est un peu comme un naturaliste dans un pays neuf. Mais cela n’est-il pas en partie une illusion due au fait que nous dominons les mathématiques du passé, tandis que nous sommes nous-mémes domi- nés et pour ainsi dire écrasés par celles de l’ayenir? Le conflit entre l'invention, l’exploration d’une part et d’autre part l’élaboration sys- tématique, la construction logique n’est-il pas aussi vieux que la science’ — Il faut concevoir le progrés des mathématiques (et de la science en général) comme une série de paliers de plus en plus élevés, interrompus par des rampes plus ou moins raides. Bien entendu si l'on regarde d'un peu plus prés, on s’apercoit que les rampes elles- mémes ne sont qu'une succession de petits paliers, —les marches. Les inventions fondamentales semblent absolument différentes du labeur presque automatique qui se fait sur les grands paliers, mais la transi- (4) Citons encore, p. 247 : « Il est impossible de considérer la mathématique comme le moule de la théorie physique, car il y a dans cette science méme autre chose qu'un moule, il y a un fond objecti{ qui ne se laisse qu’incomplétement réduire en termes logiques ». 96 ISIS. IV 1921 tion nous est donnée par les inventions secondaires, tertiaires, etc..., e’est-a-dire par des inventions de plus en plus concrétes et limitées. Le livre de M. Bourrovx est fort bien écrit et se lit avec beaucoup de plaisir. Peut étre le chapitre IV, consacré a l’analyse moderne, aurait-il pu étre un peu plus serré; il ne me donne pas la méme impression d’élégance que les autres. La seule objection de détail que je puisse faire m’est suggérée par la toute premiere page ou l’auteur nous dit « que les mathématiques pures sont ni guidées par l’expé- rience, ni suscitées par les événements de la vie ». Voila bien, un étrange lapsus et que du reste, lafindulivredément. Cen’est pas par hasard que certaines des plus grandes découvertes mathématiques ont été faites par des physiciens : ARCHIMEDE, NEWTON, LAGRANGE, Fou- RIER... L’histoire nous enseigne que les différentes branches de la science ne progressent pas indépendamment. C’est d’ailleurs pour cela qu’il est utile d’étudier histoire de la Science, c’est-a-dire, lhis- toire des interactions continues entre les diverses sciences. [I] serait facile de montrer que presque toutes les inventions fondamentales de chaque science — toutes les grandes rampes dont je parlais tantot — furent causées par de pareils phénomenes d’interaction. I] est indis- pensable de connaitre l’histoire de la science pour comprendre le déve- loppement de chacune de ses branches. G. SARTON. Pierre Boutroux. Les Principes de l! Analyse Mathématique (exposé historique et critique), tome second, 460 p. chronological and historical notes (p. 461-482); Index (p. 483-507). Paris, Hermann et Fils, 1919. The first volume of this work, which closes with « Book II, Chap. III, » has already been analysed in Isis (t. I, 1914. p. 734-742) by M. EmiLe TurRIERE; and it has also been considered from a philoso- phical point of view in an editorial appearing in the same number above the signature of M. GrorGe Sarton. This first volume was divided into two Books; of which the first consisted of four chapters : « Les. Nombres; » « Les Grandeurs; » « Les Figures; » « Le caleul algé- brique ; » and the second of three chapters : « Le calcul algébrique; » « Caleul des fonctions; » « Algébre Géométrique ; » under the main heading « Construction. » The volume now under consideration starts with: « Livre Deuxieme, chap. IV, Art. 579 »; so that it is a direct continuation of the first volume. It seems therefore a pity, as M. Bourrovx considered it advisable to make the separation of his volumes take place in the middle of a Book, that a fresh pagination should be used for the REVIEWS 97 second volume. The separation here is justified, however, because in this chap. IV, the author leaves the algebraic view-point, and studies geometric figures « pour elles-mémes». He begins by pointing out that the application of arithmetic to geometry is as old as geometry itself, and that the fundamental metric theorems discussed in vol. I were the first-fruits of this application. Here we see the motif of the work; history, not for history’s sake, but merely a tool to elucidate the progress of mathematical thought, to clarify the ideas underlying processes, and to promote development along similar lines. Taking the contents of this volume in order, we have: (II, 4) « La géométrie algébrique ». In this the author, after a discussion of the reduction of geometric problems to a system of equations, proceeds to a consideration of the Géométrie of Descartes. Here M. Bourroux brings out well the point that made Cartesian geometry the important innovation that it was, namely, the fact that is was truly analytical. « L’équation d’une courbe renferme sous forme condensée, contient en puissance, toutes les propriétés de la figure; l'analyse les en fait sortir.» Further, itis pointed out that the order of the curve (i. e., the number of possible intersections with a straight line) can by means of Cartesian geometry be made a matter of algebra; upon which point rests the possibility of an analytical infinitesimal calculus. The non-critical contents of this chapter serve as an excellent exposition of the facts and processes of elementary plane and solid coordinate geometry; with a section on the algebra of vectors of one dimension, and a brief mention of vectors of two and three dimensions, such as form the subject-matter of the Ausdehnungslehre of HERMANN GRASSMANN; and the chapter closes with a historico-critical discussion of descriptive (or synthetic) geometry, which leads to the consideration of linear and homographic transformations and the principle of duality, introduced by PonceLer and afterwards considered algebraically by Picker. In this chapter there is one point which I feel bound to criticize. M. Bourroux, in Art. 609, while calling attention to the fact that, if F (x, y) is the quotient of P (x, 9*) and Q (x, y), then F (x, »)=0 represents the same curve as P (x, y) = 0, whereas (y — zs) F (x, y)=—0 represents the two curves y — s = 0 and F (x, y) = 0 together, yet states that equivalent algebraical equations represent the same curve. He misses the point for a quotient function, in which the numerator and denominator have a common algebraical factor. Thus, to take a very simple case, it should have been made clear that 1) ¥ (« — 2) — x? — 6x? + llx — 6 = 0, (11) y= (x° — 6x? + lx — 6) (x — 2) and (111 ¥ = xt— 4x + 3, 98 ISIS. IV. 1921 represent three totally different things; and just where the equivalence is broken should have been pointed out. For (m1) represents a parabola, (1) the combination of this parabola with a parallel to the y-axis, while (11) has an indefinite value for y for the value x = 2. These differences could have been brought out excellently by plotting curves for dif- ferent values of a in the equation __ (e' — 6x? + 21x — a) fot («— 2) and observing the form of the curve as a approaches the value 6; or 1) S83 2 i= similarly from y = eee ho when 6 approaches the value 2 from either side. In (11, 5), M. Bourroux returns to the algebraic view-point. He starts by discussing critically the extension of algebra to what he calls synthése algébrico-logique; and points out that for the purpose under consideration the extension of the algebraic method is not along the natural line, but to a study of things of a new sort, — convergent algebraic expressions defined as the result of an infinite number of operations. The discussion of these is deferred till later ; and a section on determinants follows, in which the fundamental properties are proved and the application to the solution of sets of linear equations is demonstrated. Then we have a section on complex numbers, as a preliminary to the discussion of points at infinity and imaginary figures, under the heading géométrie irréelle; the usual tranformation to homogeneous coordinates being very lucidly illustrated by point- correspondance between a plane and a certain spherical surface. Then we are led back once again to pure algebra and the theory of substitu- tions and groups comes under consideration, reference being made to the work of Sopnuus Liz. There follow sections on the logical construction of mathematics, the definition of number, DEDEKIND’s theory; systems of geometry, Euclidean and non-Euclidean, coupled with the names of SaccHERI, LQ@BATSCHEFFSKY and Bouyai on the one hand, and RieMANN on the other; an explanation of algebraic logic, coupled with the name of Boots, closes the chapter. In (11, 6), M. Bourroux leaves the domain of logic and returns to mathematical theory, and gives an account of the extension of the algebraic method to the consideration of series in which the number of operations is infinite. He first gives MeRcATOR’s series for loge (1+2), and then passes on to Newron’s generalization of the Binomial Theo- rem. The historical and critical accuracy of the work here, to my mind, suffers a temporary lapse; this is caused by (1) the deliberate rejection of the series of GrEGory and others as of no historical value, REVIEWS 99 and (1) the description of NEwTon’s work of discovery in an inverted order. For the first point, the publication, by so many persons, by very different methods, of infinite series, almost simultaneously, leads us to but one conclusion; namely, that the time was ripe for the discussion of processes involving an infinite number of operations. In this connection also, mention should have been made of the infinite continued products of Watuis, the infinite continued fractions of BRounckKER, and the « Arithmetical Tetragonism » of LErBNiz, who espe- cially speaks of his own series, n/4 = 1 — 1/3 + 1/5 — ..., (which by- the-way, was discovered and proved geometrically from a diagram of Barrow) as being a triumph, not because of the discovery itself, but because therewith a transcendent number was for the first lime express- ed by means of natural numbers and the usual elementary operations of arithmetic. As regards the second point, the inversion of the order of the description of NEwrTon’s work tends to throw a false-coloured light on the genius of Newron. M. Bourrovux says « Newron fait une induction hardie »; he omits all mention of the real source from which the idea of the induction sprang — the Arithmelica Infinitorum of Wa tts, the inventor of the symbol «w. It was while studying this book that Newron turned his attention to formulae for interpolation; he especially tried for a means of interpolation for Vit x as a mean between 1 and 1 + x, by studying the coefficients of (1 +.x), set down in the tabular form used and fully explained by Wa..is in the Arith- metica, which forced Newton to the recognition of the factor (m— p+ 1)/p. As Ihave shown in another place, the whole of the generaliza- tion, the whole of the work,stood forth self-evident— not needing either the brain-power or the imagination of a Newron — to anyone definitely seeking for an interpolation formula, as soon as the tabular form had been filled up, after the manner of Watuis, for the first few positive integral indices. Nerwron obtained the series for Vi+x in WaALLIs’ factor style for the coefficients, and verified it by the square root pro- cess for the first few terms; then the series for (1+ x«)—! or 1 (1+ x), verified by division; after that series for indices 3/2, — 1/2, in each case verified; then, and not till then, did he dare to generalize, as any mathematician of his time would have done. Nrwron owed the Bino- mial Theorem to WaLLIs, just as EvLer owed his Gamma Function to Watuis and Brouncker. Another point; unless my memory fails me, Newton had accomplished the inversion of his sin~ ! series, to yield a sin series, by a process of gradual approximation, before he had fully developed his Analysis per Aequationes. The sin-'! series was the first-fruit of the discovery of the Binomial expansion, combined with the differentiation and integration of an integral power of the variable, already known from Watuts, and the fact that the differential coeffi- 100 ISIS. IV. 1921 cient of sin—! x was l/ V1 — x%, probably learnt from Barrow and a geometrical figure. Thus, ; 1 x5 3 x5 Se! 3 245 5 x7 then pcre is ee (A) A first approximation is x = y; put this in the second term of (A), and obtain a second approximation by omitting higher powers than the cube — i. e., Let FY ew, use the second approximation in the second term of (A), and the first in the third term, or, what comes to the same thing substitute the second approximation in the terms of (A) and omit powers that are higher than the fifth, and so obtain a third approximation in the form y npr Same rig er cA a 1207 and soon. Now it is seen that by this method, the inverse series could only be obtained when y tends to x as x becomes small; thus we have the motive for the search for a general method, such as called forth the Analysis per Aequationes. It is to be noted that M. Bourrovux brings out the point that Newron and his contemporaries never bothered themselves with convergency while the series was being sought. After the series had been obtained, by no matter what means, all that remained was to determine whether the series was arithmetically intelligible. Thus we can imagine a Newton of today using divergent series in his research, obtaining a convergent series as a result in some special case, and being quite satisfied with it. This was the spirit of the induction used by WALLIs, which might have been put in words; « Nature never intended such a thing to be true in such a large number of cases, unless she intended it always to be true ». This was the spirit that led Newron, after verifying the truth of his interpolations for a number of cases, natur- ally and without any qualms to boldy generalize the Binomial expansion. The second section of this chapter is naturally the consideration of tests of convergence of infinite series; and this just as naturally leads to a discussion of the circle of convergence, and TayLor’s series; with this we come to the end of Book II. Book III treats of « ANALYSIS » ; and consists of four chapters dealing respectively with : — « Analytic method in Mathematics » « Infinites- REVIEWS 101 imal Analysis»; « Analysis of the Principles of Mathematics »; (A naly- sis of the Notion of a Function ». The first chapter consists of a single critical section which discusses the two great tendencies of altogether different character that actuate the mathematician; the contemplative tendency that seeks for development by the demonstration of new results, and the constructive tendency for which method is of para- mountimportance. From this thereis anatural transition to the second chapter dealing with Infinitesimal Analysis; for the history of this is perhaps one of the most striking examples of the alternations of these two great tendencies. First the machinery and the notation is per- fected; then comes the consideration of the axioms and the efforts to reduce these to a minimum; then the analysis of these axioms, such as the notion of continuity, to find out what is essential and what hypo- theses are necessary and sufficient for the purpose in hand; finally, the very heart of the matter, the notion of function, is attacked. Thus, in the words of M. Bourrovux, « L’analyse aboutit toujours a des construc- tions nouvelles. Elle ne rend pas la synthése inutile, mais lui sert de préface et la conditionne. » M. Bovurrovux opens his discussion, in chap. II, with CAVALiErRI’s Geometria Indivisibilibus, and gives a clear account of the objections made to it by GuLpin, and the justification of his ideas by CAVALIERI in his Exercitationes Sex, a work published 12 years after the other. M. Bourrovux, after giving the summation of the area under the para- bolas (y = x"), without mentioning the work of WALLIs, proceeds per saltum to the idea of a limit, coupled with the name of Cavucuy, a jump of at least 150 years. Surely it would be more in keeping with the spirit of this work to have followed the historical line and to have brought out the fact that Caucny « fut le premier a tirer au clair lVidée générale de limite », long after the calculus was fully developed as a too] in the hands of Leipniz, the Bernoutiis and Euter. Leaving that as a debatable point, and acknowledging that after all M. Bourrovx is the best judge of the order in which matter should appear in his own book, yet, having given such a lucid account of the notion of a limit, surely he might have spared us the confusing, if time honoured, sym- bolism, 0/0,9 ~ « , and the like, forindeterminate forms. Iam far from being satisfied with Art 903, in which M.Boutrovux deduces the conclu- sion that the sum of the rectangles under a curve has a limitin general, and that that limit is the area under the curve — a general geometrical limit, be it noted — from the arithmetical results obtained with regard to special curves. Especially so, since it would have been so easy to have demonstrated the matter geometrically, by transferring the limit of error, the difference between the inscribed and the circumscribed rectangle, for each pair of consecutive ordinates, to the space between 102 ISIS. IV. 1921 the ultimate pair of ordinates; and thus visualized the total limit of errorasa rectangle of finite height standing on a base which diminishes indefinitely as the number of ordinates increases, and can be made smaller than any assignable length by taking the number of ordinates great enough. This would not only have brought the demonstration dead into line with the notion of limit already explained ; but it would have also been historically accurate, for itis thus that both Barrow and Newron deal with it. But Barrow is not mentioned at allin the text of this volume; indeed, from the historical note on BARRow in the appendix, it would seem that M Bovurrovux is not very familiar with Barrow's work. It is not the case that Barrow chiefly « s’occupa du probleme inverse des tangentes» ; the Lectiones Geometricae form,when translated into coordinate geometry, a complete text-book on the differentiation and integration of the functions then known, their products, etc., and a proof that differentiation and integration are inverses; all under the guise of the drawing of tangents and the finding of areas. Neither is it true that the collaboration of Newron extended beyond the second edition of the Lectiones Opticae, with which the first edition of the Lectiones Geometricae was bound up and issued as one volume. M. Bourroux, however, realizes that his assumption is unjustifiable as an assumption, and must be demonstrated in the general case. So, in Art. 908, he has recourse to an Archimedean type of proof which, in effect, defines the area under the curve by a method analogous to the Dedekindian definition of an irrational. He has two infinite series, one having no highest term, and the other no lowest term; and he shows that the area is greater than any term of the first series and less than any term of the second series, and therefore is a limit for either under the conditions of the problem. Again, in my opinion, M. Bourroux altogether misses the meaning of the passage which he quotes from GreruHarpT’s edition of the early mathematical writings of Lerpniz. He attributes to LErBniz the argu- ment that d diminishes the dimensions because dx is infinitely small compared with x. Shades of Lersniz! In the particular passage from which the quotation is made, dz, ifit had occurred, would have denoted arectangle! M. Bourroux’s words are : « La somme j; somme d’un nombre infini de termes, est infiniment grande par rapport 4a ses ter- mes (elle est d’un ordre de grandeur supérieur, donc elle est finie si ses termes sont infiniment petits); la différence est infiniment petite par rapport a la quantité dont elle est l’accroissement (elle est d’un ordre de grandeur inférieur); ainsi écrit Lemwniz ut [ augebit, tla d diminuet dimensiones ». Either I must be mistaking the meaning of the above quotation, or else M. Bourroux has made a very bad error, and has got a totally wrong conception of the whole passage from REVIEWS 103 which the quotation is taken. The word dimensiones, as always with Lersniz, has its everyday meaning in mathematics. LErBNiz states that i} converts a point into a line, a line into an area, an area into a volume, i. e., increases its dimensions; similarly, d, which LrErBniz writes in the denominator, diminishes the dimensions, converting an area into a length in the particular case he is considering. Let me state the whole passage and try to explain it correctly. « Given / and its relation to x, to find {/. This is to be obtained from the contrary calculus, that is to say, suppose j l=ya Let 1 = ya/d; then just as { will increase, so d will diminish the dimen- sions. But ( means a sum, andd a difference. From the given y, we can always find y/d, or l, that is the difference of the y’s. Hence one equation can be transformed into the other; ... ». This is my inter- pretation of the passage. Leripniz knows that (/, the sum of all the ordinates of a curve, is an area. Hence taking y to be a length, tlie ordinate of another curve which he usually calls a quadratrix, he intro- duces the length a to keep the dimensions correct, i. e.,ya is a rectangle equal in area to the sum of all the ordinates, j l, which gives the area under the firstcurve. Then he argues that / must be an area divided by a length, and he introduces the length denoted by d to keep the dimensions correct. Thus here we see that ( increases the dimen- sions, converting a line into an area, and d, in the denominator, decreases the dimensions by converting an area into a length. There are many examples of this introduction of a constant to keep the dimensions correct scattered throughout these early manuscripts ; and in this case it is clear that dis the subtangent. 1 will try to imitate as far as I can the manner, diagram, and lettering of Letsniz; he does not give a figure, and for a very good reason; he was considering one of Barrow’s figures, when he wrote the above. Let AC be acurve, whose axis is AB, and let the ordinate BC be /; let AD be another curve having the same axis, and letits ordinate be called y; let this curve AD be such that, for all positions of ©, the area ABC, i. e., all-the-l’s or { /, is equal to the product of BD and a given line, i. e., equal to ya: then taking B (B) equal to unity (the usual thing with Lerpniz, and akin to Newron’s unit-0) we have 1= BC. B(B) = area ABC — area A (B) (C) = a. BD — a. (B)\D) = aw; where w = BD — (B)(D, = DN the difference be - tween the y's. 104 ISIS. IV. 1921 But, DN: B(B) = DN: (D)N = BD: BT = y:d say, where dis the subtangent. But since B (B)is unity, we have w= DN = x , and therefore / = - , « But », continues Lerpniz, « d signifies a difference... ». I think this is now plain; it is acontemplative note. Lxrrsniz, who is accustomed to writing down all his thoughts, wonders at the remarkable conclusion to which he has come : * = w, the difference between the y’s, which hitherto in his work on series he has always called dy ; « how then can 2 and dy stand for the difference of the y’s? » This worries him, and later we find him trying to find a meaning for d as an opera- tor, in a MS. dated November li, 1675, where he considers whether dx dy ’ words, is d distributive in a product and quotient as it is in asum or difference? Further, with the explanation J have given of the passage (and I cannot see any other explanation that will make it continuous sense), LEIBNIz gives an exact line for line analytical equivalent of Lect. X, Prop. 11 of BARRow’s Lectiones Geometricae, wherein is proved geometrically and rigorously that differentiation is the inverse of inte- gration. Thus, read as I consider rightly, in this passage, LeIBNiz gives for the first time a rigorous proof of an analytical nature for this propo- sition. For all we have to do is to put B (B) = dx instead of unity ; then, if we call the subtangentt instead of d to avoid confusion, we have t = dx dy is the same as d(xy), or a(") the same as i. e., in other —_* __ instead of ae also { l becomes ( / dx, as afterwards used (dy |dx) w , by Lerpniz. Then we have the theorem : If (ldx =ay; thenl = =m == 2 dy. I have felt all the more bound to dwell at length on the point made above, because, in Art. 911, M. Bourrovux argues, with some justice perhaps from one point of view, that the notion of function was more important than the technique of a calculus; while he asserts that the general theory of functions owes more to Newton than to LEIBNIZ. What then is left to Lerpniz? His notation only? M. Bourrovux, to my thinking, seems to have got a wrong impres- sion of this early work of Lerpniz. For instance, in a footnote to Art. 914, he gives 1684 as the date of publication, in Acta Eruditorum, of Lerpniz’ algorithm; but he does not state that in GERHARDT’s work on the early MS. of Lerpniz, which he has already quoted, there is given a full statement of the algorithm — i. e., for powers and roots as REVIEWS 105 well as for addition, subtraction, multiplication and division; the date of the MS. being July 11,1677. Nor does he mention that of this there is a detailed revision, probably the rough draft from which the essay in Acta Eruditorum was worked up; in this Lrrpniz, while he uses infinitesimals, has arguments and proofs that are geometrical, and itis the ratio of infinitesimals that is considered primarily. Again, in Art. 920, M. Bourroux is apparently following LriBniz’ development in the matter of differentials of the second order; and he mentions the strictures of NIEUWENTIJT. But he does not comment on the reply of Lerpniz (contained in the GrErHARDT publication), in which proofs of the infinitesimal equalities are given by the use of (dx), (dy), (dz), (dv), finite quantities which are taken proportional to dx, dy, dz, dv. In this reply there is no use of anything of the nature of ae whereas ddy ddx* LeiBniz seems to be considering d as an operator, — for his d, owing to we do have the use of Early in his work, November 1675, ‘ : : : d : the fact that dx is considered as unity, is really — : and later this x idea seems to have been more insistent. This gives a more feasible 2 origin for the symbolism = than that given by M. Bovurrovux : thus : — ddy, or d*y, with Lrrsniz, since dz is the difference in the 3's corresponding to a small unit difference, dx, in the independent vari- dj(d ‘ d.\o5. on ane able x, really means 7 (5) wy a: é., (sys and this is re 2 x In this reply too, Lerpniz states his Law of Continuity, and y or gives several examples of cases in which a limit of a sequence may sometimes be considered as a term of the sequence, at least in his opinion. My reason for this lengthy criticism of this one section of M. Bov- TROUX’s work is that, altough his separate sections are labelled analysis of this that and the other, his work is tacitly, and must be considered to be in its most important bearing, an analysis of the progress of mathematical thought. The work of Leipnizis a condensed epitome of such progress, and no finer example could have been given. I should have liked to have seen at least twenty or thirty pages devoted to Ler- Niz, and the comparison with his predecessors, contemporaries, and immediate successors; from this could have been deduced the manner in which discoveries are made, that they are made simultaneously by different men when the time is ripe, and that they are gradually led up to, even in the case of the work of one of the discoverers, by a necessity Vou. tv-l 8 106 ISIS. IV. 1921 for the first step, and after that, by suggestions and further necessities arising out of the work to which the first step is due. The whole of M. Bourrovux’s rather laboured work on infinitesimals seems to me to have the aim of legitimatizing the separation of the variables in a differential equation, so that P(x) = Q(y) pe may be x written as P\x) dx = Q(y) dy, and thenintegrated. But surely a better way of legitimatizing the work is to say that it is only a convenient device, and that a is really meant is represented as follows : fee — Qi) § ; then, on integrating with regard to x, we have x x d nicer = (ay) °Y dx ; Xo e Xo doe dy (ay) in which the factor as Y (or as LEIBNIZ would have written it, Ta ES ya the finite ratio of the ordinate san the subtangent; and thus (dy, (doe) are the infinitesimals used in integration. Hence (dy): (dx) = dy : dx, that is to say, Noe = dy, where the dy and dx x yee 1 Bie [Pesax = \QVy)dy= | Qyidy nos 38 = 595 ¥Y =Yo where (xo, Vo), (x, y) are corresponding values of the variables. Any- way, this is more in accordance with historial development : LEreniz is continually hovering apparently between differentials and differen- tial coefficients, and perhaps never attains really to Nerwron’s supreme idea, the notion of rate; but his ideas are at least direct and rigorous, though sometimes he cannot explain them clearly in his ear- lier work, on account of the fact, as noted before, that he takes dx as unity, which conceals the fact that, when he apparently uses infinitesi- mals, he is in reality using a differential coefficient. I have spent so much time over this that I can only give brief notice to the remainder of the work; which is perhaps the most important part of it. Sections 5 and 6 deal with definite integrals and line inte- grals; with a discussion on the coefficients of Fourigr’s series, in the first section, and a demonstration of the necessary and sufficient condition that a line integral should be independent of the form of the arc joining two given points, in the second section. Sections 7 and 8 discuss double and triple integration, and their application to areas and volumes. Sections 9 and 10 demonstrate the application of infini- tesimals to geometry and mechanics; in the latter, force is defined dynamically, i.e., as something proportional to the acceleration, which is the first time-derivative of the velocity, this in turn being the first a REVIEWS 107 time-derivative of some position abscissa; i.e., Newron’s Laws are taken as definitions of force. This last section closes chapter IT. Chapter III starts with a discussion on Continuity (§ 1), proceeds to aggregates (Canror, § 2), and discontinuity (RreMANN, BARE, LEBESGUE, § 3). Section 4 deals with the fundamentals of geometry, the geome- try of HiLBerT, and the axiom of ARCHIMEDEs; and closes a most im por- tant and well-handled chapter, which, however, might with advantage have been extended a little, as regards § 1, to include a note on Ler- niz’ idea of continuity of state as contrasted with continuity of matter (with atomic theory) and geometrical continuity, giving as illustrations a discussion of the paradoxes of Zeno and the theory of Bosucovyic. Chapter IV opens with the contention that the fundamental general notion of a function depends on correspondence or relation. Then follows a long section, admirably treated, on the first principles of the theory of functions; this leads to sections on analytical functions and Caucuy’s theorem, singularities, classification of functions, and periodic func- tions; and the volume closes with the Existence Theorem of Caucuy. There is an appendix giving short accounts of famous mathemati- cians in chronological order, which is distinctly useful. But surely it was unintentional to have omitted the name of TorriceLLi, who was important as a worker on the problem of tangents. Indeed, if we are to believe an almost contemporaneous account of the work of Torrt- CELLI, given by ~TommMAso BoNAVENTURA in 1715, as a preface to ToRRICELLI'’s Lezione Accademiche, the latter was the originator of the idea of indivisibles as ascribed to Cavauieri. For we read : « in the Dialogues, which Father Cavauieri had already prepared in reply to Father Guupinus » (this would seem to refer to the Exercitationes Sex), « who in a book published by him just at this time, had violently attack- ed the doctrine of Torricelli ») (the italics here are mine). BOoNAvVEN- TURA goes to the length of accusing the French savants and Barrow of borrowing from TorriceLui’s communications to them and publish- ing his theorems without acknowledgment. It would seem therefore that Torricetii should have had his name included in the list. (Manchester, England.) J. M. Cuivp. L. E. Dickson. — History of the Theory of Numbers : Vou. II « Dio- phantine Analysis ». xxv + 803 p. Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1920. This is the second volume of a work, of which the first volume has already been reviewed in /sis (iii, 446). What was said about the latter applies to the former, if indeed the second volume does not deserve higher praise than the first As the title shows, it is solely confined 108 ISIS. IV. 1921 to the enormous and intensely interesting literature of Diophantine Analysis. As in the case of the first volume, we have here a preface, of some ten to twelve thousand words, which might well stand, for most read- ers, as a concise history of the subject. The author therein states his point of view with regard to the aim of a historian; namely, to give a record of facts, with no attempt to follow out the sequence of deduction of these facts from earlier facts. He considers that « at least the germs of many important results are discovered by a sudden and mysterious intuition, perhaps the result of subconscious mental effort ». To the reviewer it appears that the whole of the truth in the passage cited above lies in the last six words, and that the rest is a direct contra- diction to those six. Thus, in a history, it is the sequence of develop- ment of thought that is of paramount importance and the most valuable aid to further research. A new method in general arises from amore or less accidental connection of one man’s method with another man’s subject by a third man; the genius of the third man consists in the capacity for observing that the connection is possible, the rest is mere skill and eruditon. As an illustration, take EvuLrr’s application of Wa.uis’ methods and Brouncker’s Continued Fraction to the solution of the so-called PELL Equation, and the invention of the Beta and Gamma Functions. This capacity for observation of the possibility of a connection may be, most probably is, due to a lively and orderly subconsciousness. Surely, then, the more our third man knows of the development of mathematical thought, the greater chance there is that he may recognize the possibility of the connection. However, the author has given us his work according to his own stand-point ; and we are bound to accept this stand-point, if we propose to make use of his book or to criticize it; in this case, we can do nothing but give that praise which is so well-deserved by Prof. Dicx- son and the mathematicians who have assisted him. At the very least, if in times to come some other author shall take in hand the writing of a history of the development of ideas in number theory, Prof. Dickson will have saved him the work of years in the collection of material, and put him under an obligation which it would be almost an impertinence to consider was met by mere acknowledgment and thanks. The table of contents is too long to be reproduced here; but modern interest is especially awakened over Chapter XXV (which gives an account of Warine’s Problem), owing to the recent work of G. H. Harpy and J. E. LirrLewoop. Chapter XXVI, forty-five pages on FERMAT’S Last Theorem, will also appeal to many readers; especially owing to the report that, before these lines appear in print, a complete proof of the theorem will have been published. J. M. Cui.p. REVIEWS 109 Heinrich Wieleitner. Geschichte der Mathematik, I1. Teil, Il. Hilfte. Sammlung Schubert, LXIV. vi+220 p. Berlin und Leipzig, 1921. [In Germany, 45 Marks; in America, $ 2.25]. This work is a continuation of the one begun some years ago by Prof GiinTHER and Braunmua_, of which the first volume was completed by the former in 1908, after the death of the latter. It represents not merely the scholarschip of Prof. WIELEITNER, but the care of EneEsTROM and TroprKE in reading the proof sheets. It may, therefore, be safely considered as a reliable work of reference. The author has divided his presentation of the subject into nine chapters relating respectively to (1) the analytic geometry of the plane, with special reference to conic sections; (2) solid analytic geometry and surfaces ; (3) higher curves in general; (4) special curves; (5) differential geometry ; (6) perspective, together with descriptive geometry ; (7) pro- jective geometry ; (8) trigonometry; (9) elementary geometry. This is a large field to attempt to cover in such a small treatise, but the author, has been successful in condensing his presentation of the several topics and in giving a satisfactory survey that will be found helpful to students and teachers. Whether the great discrepancy between the German price and that which foreign scholars are asked to pay for the book will prove to be profitable to the publishers or the German government is very doubtful. Davin EUGENE SMITH. Oscar [Christian Strange] Preisler [b. in Aarhus, Denmark, 1879, Jan. 6 — d. Kongens Lyngby, nr. Copenhagen, 1920, May 16]. Bibliographisher Fiihrer durch die medizinische Literatur, Ein Grundriss. 87 p. gr. in-8°. Kébenhavn, Det akademiske antikva- riats haandbéger, 1920. J. W.S. Jonsson explains in a short Danish preface that the author had prepared this bibliographical introduction for publication in Ger- many, but that the war shattered his plans. After the death of the author, his widow intrusted the manuscript to J. W.S. Jounsson, who under the new circumstances, decided to have it published in Denmark. The text is the original text, dated Sept. 1916, without any change or addition. This bibliography seems to be very carefully compiled and it will prove useful, — much less however than if critical notes had been added to enable the reader to make a reasonable choice between so many items. The book is subdivided as follows : I, Algemeiner Teil : Terminologia medica, Lexica; allgem. bio-bibliographische Werke ; 110 ISIS. IV. 1921 Biographie. — II. Spezieller Teil : (1) Anatomie; (2) Mikroskopische Anatomie; (3) Anthropologie; (4) Entwicklungsgeschichte; (5) Biolo- gie; (6) Biochemie; (7) Physiologie; (8) Allg. Pathologie und pathol. Anatomie; (9) Bakteriologie, Mikrobiologie und Parasitologie ; (10) Immunititsforschung. — III. Spezielle Pathologie und Therapie : (11) Innere Medezin; (12) Infektionskrankheiten; etc...; (33) Hygiene; (34) Soziale Medizin; (35) Gerichtliche Medezin. Each section is divided into four subsections : (1) history ; (2) biblio- graphies and annual reviews; (3) indexes to periodicals; (4) textbooks and monographies. A final section (no. 36) is devoted to the history of medicine (p. 75-85) ; it contains inter alia paragraphs devoted to the history of science in general, medicine and art, history of medical knowledge, history of the medical profession and teaching, history of the medical academies, anecdotes and curiosities; history of hospitals, popular medicine. G. SARTON. Dannemann, Friedrich. — Die Naturwissenschaften in ihrer Entwick- lung undin ihrem Zusammenhange. 2' Aufl. — I. Bd. Von den Anfiingen bis zum Wiederaufleben der Wissenschaften. x11 + 484 S.,64 Abb. Leipzig, ENGELMANN, 1920. I have published a long review of the first edition of this work when its fourth and last volume appeared (1913) in Jsis, II, 218-222. The first volume came out in 1910. Unfortunately I cannot compare the new edition with the old, for the latter disappeared from my Belgian library during the war. However comparing the new volume with my review of the old (Revue générale des Sciences, t. XXII, p. 931, 1911), I notice that the text has been materially increased (496 p. instead of 380) and that there have been some slight changes in the titles of the chapters. These titles are as follows in the new edition : (1) Origins of the sciences in Asia and Egypt; (2) Development of science in Greece until the time of ArisToTLE; (3) The age of ArIsToTLE: (4) The Alexandrine period; (5) Roman science; (6) End of ancient science; (7) Decadence of sciences in the early Middle Ages; (8) The Arabic period; (9) Sciences under the influence of Christian-Germanic culture; (10) Renaissance of science; (11) CopERNIC; (12) The reconstruction of the inorganic sciences. In short these 500 p_ take one from prehistoric times until the days of Gatiteo. That may seem a very swift progress, yet DANNEMaN’s is the most elaborate history thus far in existence! Is any other proof needed to show that our studies are still in their infancy? The value of this new edition is increased by the collaboration of REVIEWS lll E. WiepEMANN, E. v. LippMann and J. Wiirscumipt. Many errata and addenda mostly contributed by them are given on p. 478-484. Because of WiEDEMANN’s collaboration, I turned with special eagerness to the chapter devoted to what is improperly called Arabic (instead of Mohammedan) science (1), but this chapter does not seem to me very different from the old one? May be I am wrong, for I have to depend on my memory. At any rate we would expect more from the learned Arabic scholar of Erlangen. — In my first review, I complained that the account of Evuciip’s work was insufficient : has any material change been made? at any rate the account is still very meager. Of course the reader must not forget the limitations to which the author had to submit himself : to tell the whole history of all sciences from the beginning of civilization to the xvuth century in 500 pages is a sort of a wager. The result however good cannot inter- est the scholar. Taking these limitations into account, DanNEMANN’s book is satisfactory; in fact it is by far the best of its kind and as such it would be useful to translate it into English. G. SARTON. Zeitlinger, Heinrich. Bibliotheca Chemico-Mathematica. Catalogue of works in many tongues on exact and applied science. With 127 plates containing 247 portraits and fac-similes, 2 vol., x1-+964 p. London, Henry Sorueran, 1921 [3 guineas] A very interesting catalogue of books for sale by the well-known London firm, SotrHeraAN & Co. It contains 17.397 items, many of which are followed by short biographical and bibliographical notes and is richly illustrated by 247 portraits and fac-similes. This is certainly the largest bibliography of its kind which has thus far appeared. This is about the most that can be said in praise of this trade catalogue. Unfortunately, there is very much to say against it, and it must be said, the more so that the price of this book is extrava- gantly high. For one thing, this is not by any means a complete list for it contains only the items which happen to be for sale at Sorneran’s. Neither is it critical, for anything which is for sale is considered quotable, and but for the accidental annotations (many of which deal with trivial or unessential matters), all items are put on the same level. Of course (4) The more so that some of the greatest scientists of Islam were distinctly not Arabs. 112 ISIS. IV. 1921 a bookseller is more interested in mere bibliographic rarity and monetary value than in intrinsic value. Yet as a price list this cata- logue is and will remain a very interesting document. In the second place, alhough there is a useful subject index, there is no author index. Now the general arrangement of the kook is as follows. There is a first list of 284 p. (5602 items), the authors being quoted in alphabetical order. Then follows a supplement (p. 285-786) and fur- ther addenda (p. 786-788) in the same order. Finally a new list classified by subjects : general works, mathematics, astronomy and geodesy, physics etc., the authors being quoted in alphabetic order under each heading. Hence to find ex. gr. CanTor’s books we have to look into four or five different parts of the book. And what shall we find : (1) on p. 34, mention of Cantor’s Vorlesungen, first vol. of the first ed. only, without any explanation; (2) on p. 343 a mention of the same work, first ed. of vol. Iand II, 2nd ed. of vol. III with the note : « The standard work on the history of mathematics, indispens - able to any yood scientific library »; (3) in the further addenda, no CANTOR; (4) on p. 798, a mention of the same work, the latest ed. of the 4 volumes at last, with a note repeating the preceding one and adding the name of the contributors to vol. IV. Thatis, after having looked in four different places, I have found three items referring to the same work (of which two were incomplete) and I have found no mention of any other work or paper of Canror! Of course any such large accumulation of titles can but prove useful once in a while, but I have said enough to show that it must be used with great circumspection. The collection of plates illustrating the book is most interesting and forms in my opinion, its most valuable feature. GEORGE SARTON. Aldo Mieli (editor). — Gli scienziati italiani dall’ inizio del medio-evo ai nostri giorni. Repertorio biobibliografico dei filosofici, mate- matici, astronomi, fisici, chimici, naturalisti, biologi, medici, geografi italiani. Volume I. Parte I. vir + 236 p., 47 fig., 28 280 PIERRE Bovurroux (Paris). — L’Enseignement de la Mécanique en France au xvii*Siécle . . . sAI6 Joun Davin Bonn (Baton Rouge, La). — The Perel: ment of Trigonometric Methods down to the close of the xvth Century. (With a general account of the methods of constructing tables of natural sines, down MEME Y Mero a Bn ie! my aeleahl bene ee ce! Sake] me Il. Notes and Correspondence. R. A. Mituixan (Chicago). The most important thing in the world . 322 Gainer. Classiques de laiscionce |. 2.3 A fenciie ies 322 Guinet. Collection des Mises au point. . . . . .. . +> te 323 If. Reviews. ee Ai & PackaRpD, Francis A. Life and times of AMBROISE Pank. New Youk,.1920(G::8.) «0 vy ns 2 + - 324 S. AVIS Dimer, Louis. Burron. Paris 1919(G.S.). . . . 325 S. XIX. Osporne, W. A. WivviamM SUTHERLAND. Melbourne 1920 (Ge) in fet a> 326 Scamipt, Hernricn (editor). gon wir . Exner Bhiwani. verdanken, 2 Bde. Leipzig 1914 (Ernst Biocu) . . 328 Lepsius B. Deutschlands chemische Industrie, 188»- 1913. Berlin 1914 (Ernst Btocu) . . . . . . 333 VOL. 1v-2 16 999 ~~ Antiquity. Byzantium. China. Greece. Islam. Japan. Middle Ages. Rome. Anatomy. Biology. Chemistry. Geography. Language. Medicine. Pharmacy. SUMMARY Sanpys, Sir Joun Epwin. A history of classical scholarship. Vol. I. 3° ed. Cambridge 1921 (G. S ). Scumipt, Max C. P. Kulturhistorische Beitrige zur Kenntnis des griechischen und rémischen Altertums. 1. Heft, 2'¢ Auflage, 2. Heft. ae 1914-1912 (G. S.). TANNERY, Pau. eS noieicniies:. I. ghee exactes dans l’antiquité. 3° vol. Toulouse 1915 (G. S.). ‘ TANNERY, PAuvt. Bein dives mcieaishnues ‘Ty, Riera: exactes chez les Byzantins. Toulouse 1920 (G.S8.). Perrucci, Rapnakt. Kiai Tseu Yuan Houa Tchouan Paris 1918 (G.S.) . Mrgui, Apo. I Prearistotelici, PINSKI). : Browne, EpwaRD G. Arabian rau Cambnage 1921 (D. B. Macponatp) . HoveLaquk, Emits. Le Japon. Paris 1921 (a. S. ve Hearnsuaw, F. J. C. (editor). Medizeval contributions to modern civilization. London 1921 oon THORN- DIKE) - : Autsutt, Sir T. ee Greek mehene in Borel London 1921 (E. C. STREETER) I, Firenze 1916 (Kar- CuouLant, Lupwia. History and bibliography of anato- mic illustration. Chicago 1920 (G. 8S.) . E Boun, G. Le mouvement biologique en ees Paris 1921 (GuINET) Meyer, Ernst, Gesamte Bee Beeaic: 4te Auf. hae zig 1914 (Ernst Broce) . GrarBr, Cart. Geschichte der Pe aateeheln ‘Ghamie! I. Band. Berlin 1920 (A. J. Hopxins) . Margitam, Sir Crements R. The Lands of Silénca! A history of arctic and antarctic exploration. Cam- bridge 1921 (G. S.), : Mason, Wituiam A. A history of the an of aaGne New York 1920 (W. Lipsy) . MEYER-STEINEG, Th. und SupHorFF, Kase! Geschichte der Medizin. Jena 1921 (G. S.). Hisorrer, Franz. 3000 Jahre Medizin. (G.S.). HoLL@NDER, EUGEN, Die Karkaion idk Sars in Ge Medizin, 2* Aufl. Stuttgart 1921 (G. 8.) ; Lewin, L. Die Gifte in der Woligschiee Barta: 1920 (G. S.). a) Ag Berlin 1920 333 334 336 340 343 345 347 349 350 353 355 357 358 359 363 365 366 367 368 369 Philosophy. Physics. Psychology. Religion. Science, history. Science, philosophy. Sociology. Statistics. SUMMARY Bury, J. B. The Idea of Progress. An enquiry into its origin and growth. London 1920 (G. S.) Reicue, Fritz. Die Quantentheorie, Ihr Ursprung he ihre Entwicklung. Berlin 1921 (G. S.) . Brett, G. §. A history of psychology. Vol. II and TIL. London and New York 192] (W. Lipsy) . Spence, Lewis. An introduction to mythology. hanes 1921 (G. 8.) SINGER, CHARLES (editor). Sein in ie history aud method of science, vol. II. Oxford, 1921 (G. S.). Meyerson, Emir. De l’explication dans les sciences. Paris 192] (H. Mretzamr). : Dinever, Huco. Physik und Hiypothess: Hera 1921 (H. M. SHEFFER). Stone, Girpert. A History. of neon Tiguan 1921 (G. S.). KoREN, JOHN (editor). The Histowy of Statistics, ne York 1918 (G.S.) . 1V. Eleventh Critical Bibliography of the History and Philos- ophy of Science and of the History of Civilization (to October 1921) 388 ans a On HRN plein oad mat Pe at ae | tN t AVCRY ‘ it HAAR | if t you ese rath an Sve rth Bet TRG TAL bys NPY: RRR fk co) md Dg aT a 5 (8 u\e t \ 4 “5 aren (8 i) TP | i i ie THTey Shee i ny! \ } si ‘ i " | fi | Phey > 4a ,! ny PASS 1 , ‘ 7 y iy ¢ ¥ ‘th 5 ' 4 \VAe iT 4 7 lif ‘ ane uk I un | . et A - ; \ fi 4 ti { i : : The Teaching of the History of Science (Second article) (1) What is the present status of the teaching of the history of science in European and American universities ? The lists and announce- ments of courses which have been published in various journals (2), may give the reader a very misleading impression. For these lists are many and some are quite long, but most of it is mere bluff. For example, many such courses have been extemporized in America, but, with one exception (Casor1), I do not know of any course delivered by a lecturer having the rank and emoluments of a professor and devoting himself exclusively to it. To be sure, some of these courses offered as a « side show » by scholars whose main business is to study and to teach something totally different, may be very interesting. Among others, the lectures which the physi- ologist L.-J. HeNpERsoN has been giving at Harvard since 1911 have been eminently successful. This exception does not prove anything. Nor does BeRTHELOT’s example prove that it is generally possible to pursue simultaneously experimental and historical investigations with any considerable success. We owe some of the best work in every field to the capricious efforts of dilettanti, but we can never depend upon them and we must of necessity expect the main advances in knowledge to be made by men whose sole duty is to make them and who give their every thought to it. The case of HERMANN GRASSMANN is particularly strange. About 1852, being then in the forty-third year of his age and probably discouraged by the cold reception of his Ausdehnungslehre (first published in 1844, it (1) The first essay, bearing the same title, appeared in the Scientific Monthly , September 1918, vol. VII, p. 193-211. The present paper does not supersede the first one, but completes it. (2) By Exestrém in the late Bibliotheca Mathematica ; by Supuorr and Giin- THER in the Mitteilungen, by Miku in his Archivio, by F. E. BRascu in Science and by myself, though rarely, in Jsis. 226 GEORGE SARTON remained practically unknown for twenty years !), he turned his attention to Oriental studies, and he conquered fame as a Sanscrit scholar before being recognized as one of the greatest mathematicians of his day. It does not follow from this that it would be wise to intrust Vedic exegesis to mathematicians, or vice versa to expect the Sanscrit instructor to offer, as an additional attraction, some lectures on higher algebra or vectorial analysis. To expect a professor of history or science who is not specialized in the history of science to give a course on this subject is equally foolish. Yet this sort of foolishness or wickedness is becoming very common, for every university seems now anxious to add some course on the history of science to its program, though none is willing to pay the price of it. This is in itself sufficient to prove that the signification and peculiarities of such courses are not yet understood, even by those who organize them. To form some idea of the present status of this teaching it will be better not to consider the number of courses offered, nor to enumerate the lecturers, for we should risk being deluded. We will consider only such courses as are offered year after year by specialists and which are placed on the same academic footing as other fundamental studies. Let us ask, first of all, how many chairs are devoted to the history of science? The brevity of the answer will be a sharp contrast with the length of the make- believe lists to which I previously alluded. In America, I do not know of any chair devoted to the history of science proper, but Fiortan Casort is professor of the history of mathematics at the University of California. Of other positions enabling the incumbent to cultivate these studies with relative freedom from material care, I know only the one which was founded for me in 1918, by the Carnegie Institution of Washington. If] am not mistaken, that is all for the New World! Matters are hardly better in the Old World, at least so far as the history of science proper is concerned. I know of only one chair dedicated to it, the one at the Collége de France, which is now occu- pied by Pierre Boutroux (1). Mr. Bourrovux wrote me a few months (1) His title is « professeur d’histoire générale des sciences ». (While correc- ting the proofs, I hear that ABEL Rey is now « professeur d histoire de la philo- sophie dans ses rapports avec les sciences » at the Sorbonne, but that is another subject, as I have shown in my first paper.) THE TEACHING OF THE UISTORY OF SCIENCE 227 ago that for some time to come his lectures will deal with the history of the principles of mechanics. His chair is the very one which poor Comre had vainly tried to have established, but which was not founded until 1892, thirty-five years after Comte’s death, and intrusted to Prerre LarritTeE. In 1903, the latter was succeeded by G. Wyrousorr instead of Paut TANNERY, who was obviously the right man. If Tannery and later Dunem had been appointed to it (it appears that political prejudice was the only obstacle to their nomination), this chair would have behind itself the noblest tradition imaginable; but it was not to be. Let us hope that Pierre Bourroux is now inaugurating a new tradition which may make us forget the brilliant opportunities which were lost in the past. The chair of the Collége de France is to-day the only one in the world devoted to the history of science. It is true, Epmonp GosLot of the University of Lyons bears the title of « professeur d’histoire de la philosophie et des sciences », but the emphasis is laid on philosophy, not on science, and Gosiot’s own work is chiefly in the field of logic (1). I should mention as being in the same line the course offered at University College, London. ABRAHAM WOLF is in charge of it with the title of professor of logic and scientific method. His own work is also exclusively in the field of logic (2). Short courses on the history of science have lately been organized under his direction (3), but as I am dealing here only with regular and permanent courses and not with makeshifts, I can not consider them. The situation is even worse than it seems at first sight, if one remembers how many chairs are devoted to historical studies. In the latest Harvard catalogue/( 1920-1921), I find that not less than thirty-five members of the faculty are primarily engaged in historical teaching of some sort, the history of science alone being excluded. There are thus in the world thousands of professors of history, but only one of them is teaching the history of science! Shall we weep or laugh? The history is taught of everything under the sun, except science; yet we call this age of ours, the age of science! A moment's reflection will convince anyone that the only human activity which is truly (1) Isis, TI, 306. (2) I know two books of his : The ewistential import of categorical predication, Cambridge 1905, and Exercises in logic and scientific method, London, 1919. (3) Isis, IIT, 419. 228 GEORGE SARTON cumulative and progressive is scientific activity, — the acquisition, accumulation and transmission of knowledge. The only conquests which are final are our conquests over ignorance. Thus any history of humanity should be focussed upon the progress of knowledge; that should be the thread, the lettmotiv of the human epos. Yet that very part of our annals is either ignored or treated in such offhand and scandalous fashion that complete silence would be more reverential. 1 have spoken thus far of the history of science in general. The situation is better with regard to special sciences or groups of sciences. Casort’s teaching at Berkeley has already been mentioned. The chair of Heidelberg has been made famous for ever by the late Moritz Cantor (1). There may be, at least in Germany, a few other chairs devoted to the history of mathematics. It is in the medical domain, however, that historical studies have been organized in the most elaborate manner. The Institute for the History of Medicine founded at the University of Leipzig by the munificence of Tu. PuscHmMaANN has become, under the direction of Kart SuDHOFF, one of the greatest historical institutes in the world. There are also historico-medical institutes and chairs at the University of Vienna (Max Nevupurcer) and Jena (TH. Meyer-STEIngG) and there may be still others : I have quoted those which are, and justly so, the best known. I do not know of any chair for the history of medicine in any other country, though lectureships are fairly common. At one time (1863-1891), ANGELO CAMILLO DE MeEIs (2) was professor of the history of medicine in Bologna, but he was never replaced. The privileged status of the history of medicine calls for some explanation. How shall we account for it? For one thing, the history of medicine has always attracted far more attention than the history of other sciences or techniques, because of its intensely humane character. Try as you will, the history of the medical art can never be divested of its human element. The average man is more likely to be interested in the riddles of disease and death, which confront him at every step, than in the principles of geometry or mechanics. This interest will easily take an historical turn, for the solution of riddles evokes anecdotes; men are naturally fond of anecdotes, and anecdotes belong to the past. On the other hand, the clinical and historical points of view have something in common and (1) He has been succeeded by Karu Bopp. (2) Ists, IV, 421. THE TEACHING OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 229 the physician is perhaps more tempted than any other scientist to delight his well-deserved leisure with historical research. This explains why the literature of medical history is so enormous and also why so much of it is rather of an inferior quality, — more in the nature of anecdote, gossip and idle antiquarianism than of philosophical history. The most important feature of the history of medicine, however, is that it is, in fact, far more comprehensive than its name would suggest. Textbooks on the history of medicine are not by any means restricted to medical topics; they deal as well with anatomy, phy- siology, botany, even to a certain extent with chemistry, arithmetic, astrology, etc. For the mediaeval period down to the xvith century, some of these histories might be passed off as histories of science. At any rate, physicians are generally ready to take them as such, for they are not philosophically minded, they hate abstractions, they ignore the more exact sciences and are satisfied that the history of medicine gives them all that is really worth knowing of the history of science. Thus did it come to pass that the history of medicine, — having considerably enlarged its natural scope and received a sufficient elaboration at a comparatively early date, — filled the needs and gratified the curiosity of a large part of the students who might have become interested in the history of science proper. From this point of view it may be said that the earlier and greater success of historico-medical studies has temporarily impeded the progress of our own. At all events, this does not matter much, for whatever historical research was done by historians of medicine either in their own or in neighbouring fields, is done. They have helped to develop methods which can easily be extended to similar investigations with regard to other sciences, they have created model institutions which it will not be difficult to render more comprehensive, they have awakened an historical interest which may be progressively diverged to the broader sphere. And whatever errors of interpretation were due to their peculiar point of view, their onesidedness and their ignorance, will be easily righted in the course of time. To appreciate properly the present situation of the teaching of the history of science, it will be well to compare it with that obtaining in other historical departments comparable to it, chiefly the history of art and the history of religion. A comparison with the latter is particularly apposite, and I will come back to it presently. As to 230 GEORGE SARTON the former, its situation is incomparably more favorable. There is no college, I am sure, that has not at least one chair devoted to the history of art. In the larger colleges a whole department is devoted to art, though the greatest part of its activity is naturally absorbed | by practical rather than historical subjects. But this teaching suggests another comparison. We have seen that the history of medicine has to a large extent supplanted the history of science proper. In the same way, the history of the so-called « fine arts » has superseded the history of art to such a degree that the average man very often mistakes the former for the latter. This comparison should not be carried too far, however, because the situations of both cases are reversed. The history of the more abstract and the purer kind of art has drawn most of the attention, while the applied or decorative arts have been comparatively neglected. On the other hand, it is the applications, chiefly the medical applications, of science that have first engrossed the historian’s interest, at the expense of the more abstract disciplines. To put it more briefly, man’s historical curiosity has been (and is still) arrested primarily by the highest forms of art and the lowest forms of science. II A comparison with the history of religion is extremely instructive, for the present status of our studies is very similar to its own some fifty years ago. Before that time the history of religion had been considered by the theologians and the educated public either with undisguised disfavour, or (and this became gradually the more common attitude) with that polite indulgence which one readily grants to curious but futile investigations. When the first courses were organized, it was thought that almost any theologian could prepare them, an assumption which was the further from the truth in that at that time scientific textbooks on the subject were not yet available. The first good textbooks appeared only at about the end of the last century (4). The first chair devoted to the history of (1) Corneis P. Tinie, Geschiedenis van den godsdienst tot aan de heer- schappij der wereldgodsdiensten, Amsterdam, 1876 (English translation, Lon- don 1877). — CHANTEPIE DE LA SaussaYE, Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte, 2 vol., Freiberg, 1887-1889. The second edition prepared by CHANTEPIE with THE TEACHING OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 231 religion was established in Lausanne in 1871. Then followed in quick succession : Genéye and Boston, 1875; Oxford (Manchester College), 1876; Groningen, Leyden and Utrecht, 1877; Amsterdam and Upsala, 1878; Paris (Collége de France), 1880; Brussels, 1884 (1). In 1870, there was not a single chair of the history of religion, and the scien- tific and systematic study of this subject had not yet begun. Thirty- four years later, in 1904 (2), there were scattered all over the world not less than thirty chairs, and the history of religion had become solidly established as an independent discipline, having its own methods and instruments, its own traditions. The days of chaos were past; it was no longer believed that anyone could study — not to say, teach — the history of religions without special training; museums and schools had been founded, and their doors were carefully guarded. The reader will readily forgive me for having spoken of the history of religion at a greater length than he would probably expect in an essay on the history of science, for could anything give us more courage and inspiration than this brief history of a discipline so closely related to our own? In 1870, the history of religion did not exist; to-day, it is safe to say that at least one chair is devoted to it in every university or seminary worthy of the name. This preamble makes it easy to explain my own ambition. We are starting almost from the point whence the TreLes and _ the CHANTepiEs started fifty years ago. We must emulate them and exert ourselves to such an extent that fifty years hence the faculty of no university or college will be deemed complete if one at least of its members be not exclusively engaged in the study of the history of science. I am writing this in the autumn of 1924. I am ready to fight for the assistance of a few other scholars (1897, French translation 1904, third German edition 1905), was probably the first satisfactory textbook, though it did not include Christianity. (1) It is interesting to note that small nations like Holland and Switzerland took the lead. Holland’s credit is particularly great because the teaching of the history of religion was from the beginning in the hands of masters: T1eLe in Leyden and Cuantepic in Amsterdam. The first incumbents in Paris and Brussels were respectively ALBERT ReviLLe and GosLeT D’ALVIELLA. (2) My information is derived chiefly from Louis Henry JoRDAN, Comparative religion. Its genesis and growth, Edinburgh, 1905. 232 GEORGE SARTON this cause and I will not retire alive from the arena until I have won (41). I will not lay down my arms if at least twenty chairs devoted to our studies do not exist by the year 1941, — and if there be not at least fifty of them by the year 1974, I will not hesitate to jump out of my grave and fight all over again. The history of religion has been established as an independent discipline during the last quarter of the past century; it is our sacred mission to establish the history of science as an independent discipline during the second quarter of this century. We must work so hard and so well that other scholars will be obliged to recognize the independence and the fundamental importance of our studies; we must elaborate and systematize the necessary methods and instruments; we must create traditions which enforce obedience, discourage amateurish efforts and render unskilled teaching un- thinkable. It is also our particular duty of the moment to make it clear to university presidents, deans and other authorities that, if the teaching of American or Greek history is considered as a man’s job, a fortiori the teaching of the history of science must be. For in the first case there are excellent textbooks, dictionaries, and various other intel- lectual tools; the subject has been studied from every angle; the main points have been emphasized and the moot questions discussed over and over again; the teaching itself is well-nigh standardized. In the second case, there are only numerous and often conflicting mono- graphs written by various scholars in many languages; there are no exhaustive textbooks (2) and the instructor is left to find and clear his own way in the bush. It is our duty to hammer into their heads the conviction that to intrust the teaching of a new subject to non- specialized scholars and especially to those who have already other scientific obligations and can devote only a small part of their time to the new ones — is a joke and a very bad one at that. And when they do so it is our duty to proclaim their foolishness, their incapa- city, and to give them generously all the discredit and ridicule which bad educators and ignorant administrators fully deserve. (1) To avoid any misunderstanding, I hasten to add that I have personally nu wish to becomea professor. Sic ego non mihi... (2) Fr. Dannemann’s book is satisfactory as far as it goes, but it is elementary (Isis, IV, 110). THE TEACHING CF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 233 Ill It is useless to discuss the teaching of the history of science if one has not thoroughly understood the double origin, the double nature of this discipline. Its name is sufficiently significant, but one often overlooks the obvious. The history of science is a historical disei- pline; it is also a scientific discipline. The historian of science must have a sound knowledge of two sets of facts : historical facts and scientific facts. He must be familiar with the methods required to ascertain and to interpret these two kinds of facts. It would serve him little to be a good scientist, if he had no historical sense, no historical training; it would serve him less to be a well-trained historian if he had no understanding, no knowledge of science. To make this clearer, let us consider again the branches of learning more comparable to our own : the history of art and the history of religion. If the historian of religion were deprived of religious feeling and religious experience, he would be doomed to make capital blunders at every step. His learning would be but dead and senseless pedantism; it would be worthless. The case of the histo- rian of art is even more manifest : of what use would it be to him to know the names and dates of the old masters if his heart did not understand their silent voices? The art critic who has not himself the temperament of an artist is doomed to failure. He may know all the details; he is unfit to understand the essential. In the same way, the historian of science who does not grasp the scientific facts and theories (it does not generally suffice to know the definite facts in question; one must be able to grasp whole series of related facts and to seize the trains of thought involved by them), who has no scientific experience and feeling, is bound to make essential mistakes, irrespectively of his learning. Historical and scientific errors must be equally avoided, but many historical errors are only venial offences, while the scientific errors are deadly sins. The former, indeed, imply merely a misapprehension of the accessory circumstances, while the latter prove that the very sub- stance of one’s investigations has not been understood. Imagine a teacher explaining to his audience the theory of homocentric spheres. He might fail to introduce it properly, and the lack of historical perspective would unduly increase Evpoxus’ fame at the expense of 2.34 GEORGE SARTON his predecessors; this would shock us but we might forgive him. Imagine now that his historical account be perfect but that he proves his inability to understand the theory itself. What confidence could we have in him? When the fundamental facts are wrong (and in our ease, these are the scientific facts) we do not even care to know whether the historical circumstances are right or not. One may object that those who deal with mediaeval or oriental science do not need as much scientific knowledge. That is true but only to a certain extent. It is true enough, for imstance, that we owe some of the best work on mediaeval science to historians who had not received any scientific training. Such exceptions do not prove anything, and we must remember on the other hand that the two greatest students of mediaeval science of our time are (or were) professional scientists : Kart SupHorr and the late Prerre DuHEM. It is obvious that their work could not have been done by laymen. Besides, the field of mediaeval science gives us but too many examples of erudite research vitiated by scientific ignorance. A common source of error is the confusion between mediaeval and modern terminology, and the extension to the former of connotations of a much later date. This applies particularly to studies on Hindu science. Finally, I must point out that there is a great difference between learning and teaching. A mediaeval scholar without scien- tific training may yet carry on investigations of great value, for if he be prudent enough to avail himself of expert advice he will easily avoid the scientific pitfalls. He may thus produce excellent papers and yet remain unqualified to teach mediaeval science, for he could not appeal to his scientific adviser in the course of a lecture, and a teacher must be able to give additional elucidations and to answer troublesome questions. I hope that my emphasis upon scientific errors will not be miscon- strued. If I were to say that killing a man is a worse offense than cheating at cards, this would not mean that I condone cheating. There is a hierarchy of sins, there is a hierarchy of errors. When f say that, for the historian of science, scientific errors are generally mortal, I do not mean that historical errors are of no importance. We must try to avoid them by all means. Historical facts are valu- able only to the extent that they are accurate; it would be foolish to collect worthless material. Our idea] of historical truth can never be placed too high. ee THE TEACHING OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 235. IV Granted the priority and essentiality of scientific facts, it follows that the historian of science, especially the one engaged in teaching, should be primarily a scientist and secondarily a historian, a philos- opher. There is another reason, hardly less cogent, why his train- ing should be primarily scientific. This is the well-known fact that scientific knowledge, and even more so, scientific methods and points of view, must be assimilated while one is young; that is the more true that the sciences considered are more abstract. In the extreme case of mathematics, it may well be said that he who has not studied them before he was twenty or twenty-five will never be able to master them, for he will never again find the time nor have the persistent and docile energy which are needed to complete such systematic training. The same might be said of experimental work; experi- mental habits must be made in youth; we can not fully understand the experimental spirit unless early practice has caused it to im- pregnate our own substance (1). On the other hand, historical training, difficult as it is, can be eventually undertaken later. The true historical spirit is innate rather than acquired. And as to historical understanding, it can but increase as we gain more knowledge of the world, more expe- rience of life. Children cannot possibly understand history; they misunderstand it systematically. Indeed, there are many historical facts which can not be appreciated except in the maturity of one’s age, when personal experience has revealed the true meaning ot human passions, when one has been able to measure their violence with one’s own heart. It takes many storms to make a good sailor. For example, familiarity with the political conditions of one’s own day will help one to judge the political problems, the political pas- sions and crimes of the past. Thus the older one becomes, the better does one understand political history, — and history in general. One must also take into account the extreme interdependence of scientific facts, the rigorous concatenation of scientific theories, (1) Itis for these reasons that I advise young students interested in the history of science to study as much mathematics and carry on as much laboratory work astheycan. It is for them a matter of now or never. 236 GEORGE SARTON vhich makes it generally far more difficult to understand isolated facts or theories than is the case in the historical domain. One unfamiliar with physics and chemistry will be unable to read with any profit a book on spectroscopy, while he will find no essential difficulty in reading and following the history of Ethiopia even if his previous knowledge of the subject, and of history in general, is very small. I think we may now consider as proven that early and thorough scientific training is the prime qualification of the historian of science. The next question is then naturally, what should be the extent of this training? To be ideal it should be encyclopaedic. Such training is not at all irrealizable, but the number of people having undergone it is of necessity very small (not because of any insuperable difficulty, but simply because of a lack of organization, because it is not « done »; I will come back to this presently) and we must take into account existing conditions. We must frankly admit that if the teaching of the history of science were suddenly organized on a large scale — if, say, ten chairs were established at cnee — it would be well-nigh impossible to find men fully qualified to occupy them. That would be no serious obstacle, however, for it would be much easier to find scholars ready to teach the history of one science or group of sciences, and the more general teaching might be temporarily replaced by a more special one. It is in the nature of things that the first teachers, the pioneers, are inferior to the later ones, even though their inspiration be of 1a higher quality. Our best works are nothing but stepping stones for our followers. It would be unwise to insist at once upon the necessity of an encyclopaedic training, but there are minimal requirements which should be satisfied in any case. It would be unadvisable, for instance, to intrust such teaching to men having no experimental training whatever. This training can not be obtained simply by the making of artificial experiments —- such as those prepared for the students in college laboratories — the results of which are known beforehand. It is necessary to have made at least a few genuine experiments, experiments in the unknown. A minimal knowledge of mathematics should also be required (except for those restricting themselves to the history of medicine), and this minimum should include at least some familiarity with analytic and synthetic geometry and infinitesimal calculus. For without such knowledge it would li aa ass an ital THE TEACHING OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 237 be impossible to speak tolerably (1) of such men as ARCHIMEDES, ApoLLonius, DescarTEs, Huycens, Newton, Lereniz and EvLer, and a course on the history of science containing no account of them would be very much like the play of HamLer without Hamner. Keeping these minimal requirements in mind, one could rightly expect the teacher to be able to expound the whole history of science down to the beginning of the last century (with more empha- sis on the subjects he knows best and a more superficial account of the others). He should not be expected to explain the latest devel- opments except of those sciences with which his special training has caused him to become more familiar. Courses on the history of science should have the same flexibility as courses on the history of art or religion. The teacher to whom the latter are intrusted should not necessarily be expected to devote as much attention to every religion or sect or to every phase of their development. If he were an Arabic scholar, he would be justified in giving relatively more time to Islam and thus letting the students share the fruits of his studies, or else a bent to ethnography might induce him to treat more fully the more primitive stages. A pro- fessor of art might be more interested in painting and (after due warnings to his audience) there would be little harm in his neglect- ing relatively the other arts to lay more emphasis on the history of painting. In this case, however, he would be frequently obliged to deal with the other branches of art merely to explain the development of his favourite one. In the same way, the historian of science could never neglect too much any branch of knowledge, for the evolution of every branch is simultaneous and none is independent of the others. It is impossible to understand the development of any one science without reference to the others. Even then, the pro- fessor of the history of science should remain unusually free in the selection and the treatment of his subject. Administrators should always be ready to sacrifice programs to personalities. They should never forget that the presence of a real scholar in their midst is an inestimable blessing. Even if he be a poor teacher, his very presence (1) I do not say to ewplain their work, for this would require a far deeper knowledge of mathematics. For example, a very sound knowledge is indispens- able to explain the development of Greek mathematics and astronomy. A knowl- edge of elementary geometry is not at all sufficient to interpret I{ucuip. 238 GEORGE SARTON is an inspiration. There are hundreds of good teachers for one criginal and complete scholar. To be more specific, we might divide roughly all scientists into three groups : biologists and naturalists; physicists (including chem- ists and astronomers); and mathematicians. If the training of a prospective teacher had been chiefly biological, he might be expected to teach the history of science down to about 1800, with special emphasis on natural science and biological problems. He might give also a course on the history of biology down to our time, a course which would naturally culminate in a discussion of the main prob- lems of our day and possibly in a vision of the future. In his general course, he should be allowed to skip over the mathematical subjects, though it should be made clear to him that he would improve his qualifications by a certain amount of mathematical study. In a similar way, the physicist would become a far better teacher of the history of science if he would study some biology. The best for him would be to spend his summer vacations in a biological station, like Naples, Wimereux, Roscoff or Woods Hole, where he could pleasantly divide his time between investigations along the beach and rocks, interviews with his expert colleagues, and microscopical or expe- rimental work in the laboratory. The case of the mathematician may be more difficult. The pure mathematician — I mean the one with no experimental training and a marked predilection for the more abstract subjects — should not attempt to teach the history of science, though he might be able to give an interesting course on the history of logic and mathematics. The average mathematician, however, has received some training in experimental physics, and is interested in various applications. He might become an excellent teacher of the history of science, if he would spend his vacations in a biological station, undertake if possible some experimental research and take advantage of every opportunity to visit laboratories, workshops and mills. He should indulge in frequent discussions with engineers and inventors. They would gradually inculcate on him the difference between mathematical possibility (the absence of internal contradic- tion) and practical possibility. He should be made to realize it repeatedly in different ways and he should learn also to distinguish the many degrees of possibility and the conditions of each. To sum up, the only unqualified scientist is the lopsided one, he whose knowledge is abnormally developed in a single direction and THE TEACHING OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 239 who has lost touch with the rest of science (it is hardly necessary to point out his disability to him, for he is depressingly aware of it, but he will seldom admit the qualifications of others!). Of the specialized scientists, none is better prepared than the biochemist, if he has received a good mathematica! and physical training. For his own speciality is located, so to say, at a strategic point; he has learned to appreciate the cardinal problems of many sciences. But even to him we should prefer the scientist who, after a long training both theoretical and experimental, has chosen for his life-work the study of general science — we might call him the specialized ency- clopaedist. His particular training makes it much simpler for him than for any other scientist to observe the life and analyze the con- gruity of science, to watch its increasing unity amidst innumerable changes, to follow the growth of the tree of knowledge and of every one of its branches, to survey with comparative ease either the total knowledge of any one period or the evolution of some special science throughout the ages. V The historical method has been so often used in elementary and popular handbooks that to many people the phrase « history of science » conveys vaguely the meaning of « introduction to science ». The misunderstanding has been aggravated in America by the organ- ization of courses on the history of science, which are professedly introductory. Their aim is to offer to the students at the beginning of the curriculum a sort of bird’s-eye view of the whole of science in order to facilitate their choice of a proper direction. There is little doubt that the historical method is excellent for that purpose. It is also the most natural one. Each man must somehow retrace the whole evolution of his ancestors. The historical method consists in replacing him in the psychological status of early man and in making him retrace step by step, though more rapidly, the intellectual progress of mankind. This method is extremely pleasant and suggestive, and it is remarkable how much knowledge can be imparted by its means to an intelligent audience. However, its limits are very quickly reached. The journey already accomplished by man is so immense that, even if one avails oneself of all the historical short cuts, the advance made possible by this method is too slow 240 GEORGE SARTON and precarious. It is soon found necessary to use other methods which are almost the reverse of the chronological one. One starts from the latest notions instead of the most primitive, and one readily reconstructs the edifice of knowledge without reference to the acci- dents of discovery. In both cases the progress is from simplicity to complexity, but in the historical method the elements are simple by their concreteness, in the synthetic method they become simpler by increasing abstraction. The use of the historical method is limited not simply by the lack of time, but also because as soon as one needs more than a bare outline, it becomes unmanageably complex. It is not possible to teach a subject and its history at one and the same time. The best method (one which every author has been gradually led to follow) is to give at first a brief historical outline which awakens the stu- dent’s curiosity and makes it easier to define the field and the purpose of the science one is dealing with; then to abandon the historical order altogether and teach the subject in a systematical manner; finally to teach the history of the subject, thus enabling the student to review his knowledge from a different point of view and to deepen his understanding of it. The last stage — the true historical one — is frequently omitted, because its importance has not yet been fully realized and because the practical needs of the student are satisfied at the end of the second and he generally lacks the disinterested curiosity and the enthusiasm which are necessary te go any further. Certain « introductory » courses written along the historical method (Macn’s mechanics is the best example) are as simple as they are deep, but this simplicity is rather deceptive. At least the mean- ing of such books is disclosed only to those who have already a thorough knowledge of the subject. One encounters the same fallacy with regard to other elementary books. A summary is relatively richer in facts and meaning than a complete textbook, but the profit that we can derive from it is strictly dependent upon our memory of all the substance which it represents. The complete and seasoned scholar may find much to please and instruct him in a good ele- mentary book, but it would be foolish to imagine that the same book will be equally instructive for an apprentice. Where the latter can but see a curious, if not a repellent, skeleton, the master will evoke at a glance the flesh and life around the dry bones. It takes a wise man to understand a primer. THE TEACHING OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 24) When I am speaking of the history of science, I am not thinking of these historical introductions; it is hardly necessary to worry about them. The teaching I am thinking of is, on the contrary, a sort of conclusion to be offered only to advanced students, in their last year. It should be to them, before their departure from the college, the supreme humanistic initiation. It would involve a sort of synthetic review of their studies. They would have taken courses in science, in literature, in art, in history. This final course on the history of science would reveal to them the interrelations of all these parts, it would show them that they are bul fragments of a single whole; it would expose to their view the magnificent harmony, the congruity, the unity of knowledge. As I said a moment ago, an attempt has been made in some uni- versities to offer such a course at the beginning of the curriculum, but it is then necessarily restricted to vague generalities and, even so, how much of it do the students understand ? I think it is wiser to place it at the end, for a good deal of intellectual experience and maturity is needed to benefit by it: this teaching will be the more pregnant to each student that he has already acquired more knowledge. Indeed, knowledge bears interest like money; the richer one is, the easier it is to get richer still; the more and better one knows, the easier it becomes to increase and improve one’s knowledge. It is encouraging to realize, for example, that because of the unity and consistency of science, it is possible to understand its development much beyond one’s own direct experience, that is, provided one’s initial knowledge be sufficient and of good quality. If a student has taken the pains to carry on investigations along a certain line, and if he has conducted genuine experiments — experiments fol- lowed by frequent deceptions and perhaps finally rewarded by the discovery of a new fact, however humble — he will easily understand the meaning of other experiments not simply in the same field, but even in totally different ones. For the elements of experimentation are essentially the same in every field, and the most complicated and forbidding apparatus are made up of elements which are relatively simple and belong to a relatively small number of types. The same can be said of scientific method in general. An intelligent scientist can understand and appreciate the work of fellow scientists, even of those who are engaged in research widely different from his own. A Vou. rv-2 18 242 GEORGE SARTON sound scientific initiation is indispensable to such understanding, but it does not matter so much which. This comparison might even be pursued outside the sphere of experimental science. Let us again consider the history of religion, for example. It is clear that a scholar who has made a deep study of the development of one religion will find it relatively easy to understand the vicissitudes of another, for the human motives and the psychological problems involved are essentially the same in every clime. As far as the scientific aspect of this teaching is concerned, it is hardly necessary to press the point : one’s interest in the history of a thing can but increase as one becomes more familiar with it. The advantage of late instruction is not less obvious from the historical point of view, though a course on the history of science and civili- zation (that is, a history of civilization focussed upon the progress of science) can be made very interesting to an audience having but little knowledge of history. I have made the experiment more than once. I have lectured on Greek science and civilization, for instance, to boys whose whole past — whose living past — was at most two centuries deep: the depth of a skin. Yet I managed to entertain them and they entertained me too, for such ingenuity is not without charm. I prefer, however, to lecture to more sophisticated people, who have already obtained some sort of historical background and a sense of perspective. It is a great pleasure to be able to reveal to them that the history with which they are already familiar is not by any means the whole story, and to make them realize gradually that the history of mankind is double: political history which is to a large extent a history of the masses, and intellectual history which is largely the history of a few individuals (1). The first development is the obvious one; it is the one which has thus far claimed the attention of historians almost exclusively. The peoples of the earth and, within each nation, the different classes of men, are not equally fertile, ingenious, energetical, ambitious. Their ambition — in the case of peoples one calls it, often, imperi- alism — is a function of their strength and vitality. If they become conscious of their superiority without being restrained by moral or religious motives, they are bound to become aggressive. Between strong, numerous, hungry people on the one hand and effeminated (1) For further development of the same idea, see my essay on Secret History, Scribner's Magazine, vol. 67, p. 187-192. New York, 1920. THE TEACHING OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 243 people, weak, scarce and replete on the other, there arises, so to say, a difference of potential which, if it reaches a certain limit, causes a sudden disruption, — war or revolution. Political or economic history can thus be explained in terms of forces chiefly material. (At least in theory, for in most cases the complexity of causes is too great to admit of a strict analysis, and we must be content to register most historical disruptions as we register earthquakes or cyclones : we know the causes, but only in a genera! way, and our hold on them is very weak.) To be sure, other factors than the material must be considered — moral and religious factors, for instance, — but the fundamental causes are material. Leaders may exert a deep influence and modify the course of events, but only to a limited extent, for their energy remains always a function of the energy of their follow- ing. They can lead only to the extent that they avail themselves of existing passions, of the differences of potential which already obtain : they can not create these differences, but they can make use of them in various ways; they can delay the discharge or else provoke it and modify its nature. The second development is far less obvious; in fact, so far as the majority of people is concerned, it is almost secret. Yet it is the development of the activities which are most specifically human, the development of all that is best in humanity : I mean the development of art, of science, of justice, of moral and religious ideals; in short, the creation and evolution of spiritual values. These values are created by individuals; in most cases, isolated individuals. Carsar and NAPOLEON can not accomplish their destiny without the collabo- ration of millions; Spinoza, Newton, Pasteur do accomplish their own in seclusion. They thrive best in solitude. The elaboration of their sacred task — the very fulfilment of human destiny — is toa large degree independent of circumstances. At least, external cir- cumstances seem purely accidental, not really creative. Society can poison Socrates, crucify Jesus or behead Lavoisier; it can not cause them to be born, it can not dictate their task. It is, as I said, a very great pleasure to reveal to a young audience this second but essential aspect of human history — the very course of human progress — for they know generally but little of it, and what they know has been obscured by the large mass of irrelevant and indifferent facts. They see kings enthroned, peoples in arms; they hear the clash of armies or of mobs; they may even hear the 244 GEORGE SARTON impassioned orations of statesmen or rebels. But how could they see the poor philosopher working in his miserable garret; the artist wringing under the load of his inspiration; the scientist pursuing silently, obstinately his self-imposed quest? It requires more wisdom and imagination than they can possibly have to see these things. But they may know pretty well the historical background. It is then the estimable privilege of the historian of science to place in front of it the small but central figures. Of course when the history of science is more generally known a greater place will be given to it in the regular courses of history, but even then the supreme historical teaching will have to be delayed until the end of the studies; it will remain a conclusion, not an introduction, for the reasons which I have already set forth. As I see it now, historical teaching will proceed in the following way: the first teaching will be primarily political and economic; that is, the teacher will paint the background first. In later stages he will then introduce gradually the central figures and he will bring them out more distinctly as the knowledge and experience of the students increase: — the artist, the seer, the thinker, the scientist, the saint. This order is the natural one. We must expect young students to be interested chiefly not in our highest but in our most primitive activities. Our deepest motives are centered upon such primal matters as food and shelter; love and hatred; business and play; health, disease and death. Besides, it is the abnormal conditions, not the normal ones, which excite the greatest curiosity. One needs the cold language of statistics to describe normality with any accu- - rateness; but abnormalities are always sufficiently conspicuous; they need no barking at the door; they oblige us all to pause. It is not peace and plenty, therefore, but war and famine which interest the people most; not sanity, but insanity; not health, but diseases and plagues; not the soundness of love, but its perversions and irregu- larities. And the cruder the people, the more eager is their concern in monsters and oddities : the publishers of the yellow press know it full well. I will readily confess that when I am myself too tired to study or meditate, I have still enough energy to read the news- paper’s gossip. That is, when my better self is exhausted, I can still draw upon the more primitive curiosity which is dormant a the bottom of my heart. All this explains why it is the conven- THE TEACHING OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 245 tional history (one might call it the pathological history of human- ity) which interests man first and most. It is thus better perhaps not to quarrel with the old-fashioned historian : let him do as he is wont and give the people what pleases them most. They like to hear of wars and revolutions, of kings and princesses. They love the pageantry of the past, the pageantry and the scandals. Let them have them! That is the background of the picture; they will have to know it at any rate, why not first ? There can be no objection to that, but we have a right to insist that some historical course, revealing the essential and putting matters in their true perspective, be given at the end of the curriculum. This would be the supreme humanistic initiation. Amd I add: let the historian of science do it, for he alone who is equally familiar with science and history, is fully qualified to explain the true nature of human progress. VI The history of science is an encyclopaedic discipline. It will stand or fall as we accept or not the possibility of encyclopaedic knowledge. I claim that such knowledge is both necessary and possible (1). It is necessary as a coordinating and harmonizing agency; the very progress of special research would become more difficult without it. It remains possible because the increasing extension and complexity of science are largely compensated by its consistency and its pro- gressive umification. To deny the possibility of encyclopaedic knowledge is almost as foolish as it would be to say that it is impossible to draw a geographic or geological map of the world. And yet such maps are being drawn, and they were already drawn a long time ago, when our geographical knowledge was considerably smaller than it is now. It is necessary to do it periodically, each time that science has reached a higher level, in order to inventory our knowledge, to determine more exactly our ignorance and to guide and ease further advance. To every stage of the progress of science there corresponds a stage of encyclopaedic knowledge which is, so to say, the image or the map of science at that particular time. The gaps of our knowledge are no obstacle to it: they are simply (1) Ihave developed this point in my paper on Herpert Spencer, Jsis, III, p. 375-386. 1921. 246 GEORGE SARTON the blank places, the terrae incognitae of the map, and nothing is more inspiring to the future explorer than to see them there and then in their proper relations to the better-known territories. Encyclopaedic knowledge is not necessarily more difficult to obtain than any other. Nor is it necessarily vaster than any special ized knowledge, for its elements are different. There are as many names on the map of Massachusetts as there are on the map of the world, but they are names of a different kind. It is true, ency- clopaedic knowledge requires special qualities; it is hopeless to attain it unless one be endowed with a synthetic intelligence. But that is equally true of any occupation : it takes a collector's mind to collect insects, at least to do it well; it takes a computer’s mind to prepare a table of logarithms. It is easy enough if you have the right brains: it becomes impossible if you have not. Encyclopaedic knowledge is relatively rare, not because of its difficulty, but rather because very few attempt to obtain it, or, if they do, do it in the right way. There is no tradition to help one, there are no traced roads to follow, and one can not become an encyclopaedist as passively as one becomes a physician or an elec- trical engineer. Yet the increasing specialization of knowledge will sooner or later make it imperative to create professional codrdi- nators (1). To quote a single example, it would not be unreasonable to expect university presidents to be encyclopaedists. It is true that under present circumstances (2), they have so much administrative work and so many social duties (outside of the faculty) that the training of a diplomat or of a banker may suit them better, and that they need entregent more than knowledge. However, as the administrative burden increases it will soon be necessary to divide the intellectual and the administrative functions, and the more so that they are essentially different. This may be the best way to check the pro- gressive industrialization of American universities (3). There must (1) For the sake of concreteness, I propose to publish in an ulterior paper the outline of a complete curriculum. A course of seven years would be quite sufficient for anyone having already received a solid secondary education, such as is obtainable in a French lycée. (2) It is the American conditions which | have particularly in mind in this paragraph. (3) Of course this is partly caused by their tremendous growth. Every living creature has an optimal size. It is likely that there is also for each institution THE TEACHING OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 247 be some coordinating agency between the members of the various faculties, and the coérdination must be of the highest order; mere administrative codrdination is almost worthless beyond its own limited range. The president to whom the intellectual leadership would be intrusted would need possibly an encyclopaedic education, and in any case a scientific one. Some fifty years ago it was assumed thai a college president could be chosen only from among the theologians. Fifty years hence the presence at the head of @ great institution of learning of a man having no other training than a literary or legal one, will appear as incongruous as that of a minister would now, and for the same reason. It will be generally assumed that the head of such an institution must have a minimal understanding of the activities over which he is expected to preside. Literary men, of course, will maintain that they do not lack that understanding, for few of them have yet realized the seriousness of their ignorance. But the plain, if unpleasant, fact is this : there can not be complete reciprocity between the literary man and the scientist, for the latter can understand the former, while the former can not understand the latter. {magine an assembly of men who are supposed to deli- berate and work together : one third can speak but English, another third can speak but Latin, and the rest are versed in both languages. Would it not be wiser (ceteris paribus) to select the leaders in the third group? I give this comparison faute de mieux, but it is unsatisfactory, for it is far easier to translate from one language into another than to impart a scientific attitude to one who has no scientific experience. The encyclopaedic training would be the ideal one for a college president and for any man whose scientific duties are not specialized. Vil The organization of courses on the history of science like those I am dreaming of — not introductory, but rather retrospective — an optimal size, beyond which it can not remain a live institution. But this abnormal growth is itself asymptom of industrialism. With the exception of a very few colleges (notably Princeton, Dartmouth, Bryn Mawr) the proportion of applicants who are refused admission is exceedingly small. It would benefit the Great Republic more to have fewer students and better universities. (Conclusions based upon figures published in the New York Times of Oct. 16, 1921). 248 GEORGE SARTON would have far-reaching consequences. It would be the wedge by means of which encyclopaedic studies and the encyclopaedic point of view would gradually penetrate into our universities. It is partly because of this that I insist so much upon the history of science as against the histories of particular sciences. Such special histories are, to be sure, interesting enough, and their study should be encouraged to insure a deeper understanding of the science concerned; indeed, from the purely scientific point of view their interest is very great, but none of them can possibly have the same educational, humanistic bearing as the history of science. The progress of civilization is a function of the growth of knowledge in general, not of any special kind in particular. Besides, the evolution of each science is dependent in many ways upon the advance made by the others. From this point of view, it should be remarked that the teaching of the history of science will not be simply one more teaching added to so many others, but will have a synthetic and codrdinating value the importance of which can not be overestimated. Of course, this synthetic value will depend very much upon the personality of the teacher. But I am so convinced of its importance that I would fain say that the teaching of the history of science must be of a synthetic nature, or else that it does not deserve to exist. But that is not all. The whole historical teaching will be gradually influenced by the history of science. Even if it be found expedient to leave to elementary teaching a purely political and pathological character (that is, if, as I now believe it, it is thought best to paint the background first), even then historians will be gradually impressed with the need of a scientific training. They will cease to be purely men of letters; driven between the archaeologists on the one side, and the historians of science on the other, their traditional ignorance of science will no longer be for them a matter of jest or boast, but a matter of shame. We have already attended a similar evolution with regard to geography. When I was a child, teachers of geography were literary men; their transformation into scientists has taken place so rapidly that before long a literary geographer will be as rare as the dodo. It is now generally understood that a sound knowledge of the structure of the earth, and of the soil, the meteorological conditions, the minerals, the plants and animals of each climate, is the natural introduction to geographical studies. That is, geology, meteorology and natural history are now considered as the ——— THE TEACHING OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE 249 foundation of geography. Before the end of this century it will seem equally obvious that only those who are able to understand the elements of human progress are entitled to teach its history. The historical seminaries will then contain laboratories and small collections of natural history (as mementos!) and it will be recognized that for the average historian some knowledge of science is far more essential than a knowledge of heraldry or sigillography : the necessity of scientific propaedeutics will be generally accepted. A good example of such preparation was given a long time ago by my dear master, Epwarp Gipson. I quote from his autobiography this most interesting fragment (1) : « After a short holiday, I indulged my curiosity in some studies of a very different nature, a course of Anatomy which was demonstrated by Dr. Hunter, and some lessons of Chemistry which were delivered by Mr. Hicers : the principles of these sciences, and a taste for books of Natural History, contributed to multiply my ideas and images, and the Anatomist or Chemist may sometimes track me in their own snow. » GisppoN did not pursue his scientific studies beyond this preliminary stage, yet he had clearly understood their importance, and scientists will have now one reason the more (if they did not know of it) for admiring him. If all historians took as much pains to approach the scientific point of view as Grppon did, there would be less ground for complaining of their onesidedness, and the chasm between them and the scientists would not be quite as deep as it is. The history of science will be the channel through which science will gradually penetrate into a system of education from which it has been thus far jealously excluded. It is through it that the humanizing value of science will first be felt. But well may the conservative hesitate to introduce it into the curriculum, for it will slowly but surely call forth a radical transformation of the whole system, a transmutation of educational values. The historians of science will constitute the vanguard of the New Humanism. Cambridge, Massachusetts, GEORGE SARTON. October 1921. (1) The Autobiographies of Epwarp Gipson edited by Jonn Murray. London, 2°¢ed., p. 315, 1897. The fragment quoted refers to December 1777; G1BBoN was then forty years old; the first volume of the Decline and Fall had appeared the year before. Michael Scot and Frederick Il In any judgment respecting the scientific activity of the court of Freperick II, much depends upon the opinion formed of MIcHAEL Scor, the emperor’s astrologer, whose writings form a large part of the scientific and philosophic product of the Magna Curia. Condem- ned by Rocer Bacon as « ignorant of the sciences and languages », Scor is praised by Grecory IX for his knowledge of Hebrew and Arabic, and addressed as summe philosophe by Leonarpo Pisano, the most eminent mathematical genius of his time. Naturally enough for an astrologer, Scot early became a subject of legend, and the small body of fragmentary fact has not yet been winnowed from the mass of tradition. The elaborate biography by Dr. J. Woop Brown (1) contains far too much of pleasing conjecture, and its insecure chronol- ogy has misled more than one subsequent writer. It may help investigation if we try to set down the ascertainable events of Scor’s life and to group his works in some chronological order, as a prelim- inary to an examination of his treatises on astrology and his intel- lectual relations with the emperor. Concerning the place and date of Scot’s birth no evidence has reached us. We may, however, be sure that when Master MicHAEL calls himself Scor (2) he means a native of Scotland and not an Irishman, as the name frequently signifies in mediaeval usage. * Not only did he hold benefices in Scotland (3), but he refused a most lucrative appointment, the archbishopric of Cashel, because he was ignorant of the Irish tongue (4). That he knew English appears (1) Ax Enquiry into the Life and Legend of Micuaxt Scot (Edinburgh, 1897) ; followed closely in the article in the Dictionary of National Biography. (2) « Cui ego Micuet Scorrus tanquam scottatus a multis et a diversis » : Bodleian. MS. Canon. Misc. 555, f. 45; infra p. 270. « Ego Micuagr. Scotus » : JournDAIN, Recherches sur les traductions latines d’AristoTE (Paris, 1843), p. 127-129; MS. Pisa 11, on p. 252, below. (3) Buiss, Calendar of Papal Letters, I, p. 102. (4) Zb..1, p. 98. MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK II 251 from a list of Anglo-Saxon names of months which he inserts in his Liber introductorius (1). The facts of his career place his birth somewhere in the late years of the twelfth century. Of his education we know nothing, the statements concerning his studies at Durham, Oxford, Bologna and Paris being mere guesses of modern writers. All that we can say is that his writings show a knowledge of the elements of Latin culture — the Bible, AvcusTINE, the writers on the trivium and quadrivium — and that this was probably gained before he went to Spain for more special studies. We must likewise dismiss as entirely baseless Dr. Brown's chapter which makes Scor tutor of the young Freperick I and author of various works composed in Sicily in 1209 and 1210. The sole foundation for this elaborate construction is the misreading as « MCCX » of the « MCC ete. » of a Vatican codex of the Abbreviatio AvicENNE (2); and there is no evidence connecting Scor with Sicily until many years later. The first specific date in Scor’s career is 18 August 1217, when he completed at Toledo his translation of at-Birropst (ALPETRAGIUS) On the Sphere (3). He had plainly been for some time in Spain and (1) Nemina mensium secundum Anglicos. Primus mensis anni Anglorum est giuli, id est januarius; 2. est solmonant, id est februarius; 3, est heredemonath, id est martius; 4. est turimonath, id est aprilis; 5. est thrumiei, id est maius; 6. est lidan; 7. est lydi; 8. est vendmonath; 9 est aligmonanh; 19. est gyh. Hee gentes suum annum incipiunt a medianocte nativitatis Domini et quociens sunt kalende mensium tociens solempne pulsant campanas ecclesie maiori post complementum officii matutini cum interpollatione et omnes gentes summa devocione vadunt ad eandem ecclesiam portantes aliquid ad offerendum. Cod. Lat. Monacensis 10268, f. 7lv. (2) See the facsimile in Brown, p. 55. Monsignore Aucust Pevzer of the Vatican Library informs me, as I had conjectured from the facsimile, that « MCC etc.» is the necessary reading of the original. I find that Sir Jonn Sanpys had also questioned Brown’s reading, but without rejecting the inferences from it (History of Classical Scholarship, third edition, I, p. 566). (3) Jourpain, Recherches, p. 133, where one Ms. has the Christian and one the Spanish era. This is confirmed by MS. Madrid 10053 (ca. 1300, formerly in the chapter library at Toledo), f. 156v.: « Perfectus est liber AVENAL- AVENALPETRAUG a magistro MicHaELE Scorto Toleti in decimo octavo die veneris augusti hora tertia cum ABUTEO levite anno incarnationis Jesu Christi 1217 ». MS. Barserini Lat. 156 of the Vatican, f. 194, has 1221, but with the same day of the week and month. Sreinscuneiper, in Vienna Sitzungsberichte, CXLIX, p. 57 (1904), gives incorrectly 1267. Cf. MS. Arsenat, 1035. 252 CHARLES H. HASKINS gained something of that acquaintance with Arabic which was to serve him later. The next point in Scor’s biography is 21 October 1220, when he appears at Bologna, living in the house of the widow of ALBERTO GALLO and giving a medical consultation on a neighbor’s case of calculus (1). The sworn note to this effect which he appends to certain copies of the De animalibus gives the year as 1221, but the day of the week given shows that he is using the Pisan style, as in his later works (2). This is his first appearance in Italy, and it should be remarked that Freperick II was in the neighborhood of Bologna at the same time (3), although we have no evidence that Scor was then in the emperor’s service. From 1224 to 1227 the papal registers show that Scor had the active favor of Pope Honortus HI and his successor, Grecory IX. This interesting series of entries begins 16 January 1224 with a letter from Honortus III recommending Scot to the archbishop of Canterbury as a man of eminent learning (singularis scientia inter alios litteratos), worthy of a benefice in that province (4). The church assigned yielded an insufficient income, and 48 March he received permission to hold two benefices (5), one of which appears from what follows to have been in England. His tenure of these was unaffected by his elevation the following May to the archbishopric of Cashel (6), but by 20 June he had declined this preferment because of his ignorance of Irish (7). 9 May 1225 he is allowed to hold an additional benefice in England and two in Scotland (8). 28 April 1227 Grecory IX, shortly after his accession, urges Micuae.’s claims on the archbishop of (1) The note is printed by Dr. M. R. James in the Catalogue of the Manu- scripts in the Library of GoxvILLE and Catus College, I, p. 112, from MS. 109. It is also found in a xuith century copy of the De animalibus in the manu- scripts of the Convento S. Caterina at Pisa, MS. 11, f. 133-133v (cf. Studi italiani di filologia classica, VIII, p. 325), where the following is added to Dr. James text: « ejecit in octabis sancti JoHANNIS maiorem post. VIII. dies post minorem. » (2) Below, p. 266. (3) Boumgr-Fickrr, Regesta Imperii, Nos. 1176-1194. (4) Pressutt!, Regesta Honorii Pape \II, No. 4682; Chartularium Universi- tatis Parisiensis, I, No. 48; Brown, p. 275; Buiss, Calendar of Papal Letters, I, p. 94. (5) Pressutti, No. 4871; Buiss, I, p. 96. (6) Pressurti, No. 5025; not in Buiss. (7) Pressorti, No. 5052; Buss, I, p. 98. (8) Pressutt1, No. 5470; Briss, I, p. 102. MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK II 253 Canterbury as one who had pursued learning since boyhood and added a knowledge of Hebrew and Arabic to his wide familiarity with Latin learning (1). In 1228, or, since we are in Pisa, more probably in 1227, falls the dedication to Scot of the revised edition of the great treatise of Leonarpo Pisano on the abacus, of which Scor had solicited a copy from the author (2). As LEoNARDO was in relations with Freperick II and the philosophers of his entourage as early as 1225 or 1226 (3), Scot may have already become connected with the emperor’s court. In any event, Scor disappears from the papal registers after 28 April 1227 and no long time can have elapsed before he joined the court of Freperick II with which he is thereafter identified. Contempo- raries call him Freperick’s astrologer and recount various stories of his skill, even to the prediction of the place of the emperor’s death (4), while Scot himself mentions instances of his prophesying from the stars the results of Freperick’s military operations (5). Scot’s later works are dedicated to the emperor, and one of them, the Abbreviatio AVICENNE, was kept in the emperor’s library in 1252. The loss of the imperial registers, save for a fragment of 1239-1240, prevents our tracing details of his activity at the court, except for some indications in Scot’s own writings to which we shall come below. If we could accept the statement of a note which accompanies this prophecy in one manuscript, Scot was at Bologna in 1231, where he was consulted by the podestd and notables concerning the fate of the Lombard cities and replied with a famous set of verses predicting the fate of each. The references to the events of 1256 and following are, (1) Auvray, Régestes de Grécorre IX, No. 61; Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis. 1, No. 54: Portuast, Regesta, No. 7888; Buss, I, p. 117. (2) Boncompaent, Seritti di Leonardo Pisano (Rome, 1857), I. p. 1; for the date 1228, see BoncompaGni in Atti dei Lincei, first series, V, p. 73 f. (1851); Cantor, Vorlesungen tiber die Geschichte der Mathematik, Ul, p. 7. (3) Seritti, If, p. 253. On the chronological difficulties, see ENgzsTRéM, in Bibliotheca Mathematica, IX, 72f. (1908). (4) Satimpenr, ed. Ho_per-EaceEr, p. 353, 361, 512, 530; Riccopapi of Ferrara, in Muratori, Scriptores, IX, col. 128; Francxsco Pipint, 7b., IX, coll. 660, 670. (5) « Et ut apercius hee dicta pateant, recordamur duarum questionum inter alias principis volentis ire super duas civitates sibi rebelles », followed by the observations, with diagrams, and Scor’s deductions. Liber introductorius, MS. n. a. Lat. 1401, f. 99v. 254 CHARLES H. HASKINS however, so specific as to indicate that this Vaticiniwm was written subsequently and ascribed to Scor (1), who was known to have made definite predictions foretelling the emperor’s triumph over his ene- mies (2). The date of Scor’s own death is apparently fixed by certain verses of Henry or AvRANCHES dedicated to the emperor shortly before his last return to Italy from Germany early in 1236 (3). Scor is here mentioned as one who has passed, apparently recently, into eternal silence, and there is no reason to doubt the testimony of a court poet then in the emperor’s following. If we attach any weight to the Paris manuscript of Scor’s Vaticinium, he was in Germany with the emperor on this journey, and would thus have met his death there (4). — The story ran that he was killed at mass by the falling of a stone, in spite of a metal headpiece by which he had sought to protect himself (5). The only reason for seeking to place Scor’s death later is connected with the dates of his writings. The manuscripts of his Liber particu- laris bear a title tempore domini pape INNocENTI quarti (1243-1254), and since the preface refers to an event of 1228 this cannot be explained away by Brown as a slip for Innocent III; but, as there is no reference to this pope in the text, we may have no more than the guess of a scribe, itself inconsistent with a closing verse of 1256 (6). The commentary on the Sphere of Joun or Sacroposco must be subsequent to the date of that work, often stated as 1256, but the facts of Sacroposco’s life have not been sufficiently investigated, and Scor’s authorship is too uncertain to permit drawing any decisive conclusion. Scor’s writings are, with one exception, undated in the form in (1) Hotprr-EaeeEr, in Neues Archiv, XXX, p. 349-377, where the text of the verses appears as well as in his edition of SaLimBENg, p. 36]. Cf. WinKELMANN, Kaiser Frieprics II, i, p. 323,n. A note in MS. lat. n. a. 1401, f. 124v., not used by Ho_pER-EeeGeEr, states that the verses were recited to the emperor by Scot before the departure from Germany : DELIsLE, Catalogue du fonds de La TREMOILLE, p. 43. (2) Poem of Henry or Avrancues : Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, XVIII, p. 486. (3) Ibid. (4) Catalogue du fonds de La TREMOILLE, p. 43, cited above. (5) Prprni, in Murarort, IX, col. 670. (6) This verse is also found in the Vaticintwm of Jonn or Tovepo : Neues Archiv, XXX, p. 353, note. ET OE AE Ne Se MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK Ii 255 which they have reached us. They can, however, be distinguished into two main groups, corresponding to the two chief periods of his activity, the Spanish and the Sicilian. Speaking broadly, natural philosophy predominates in the earlier period, and astrology in the later. Let us consider them in this order : (I) The only dated work is the translation of at-BitropJ1, completed at Toledo 18 August 1217. This treatise, which develops ArIsTOTLE’s theory of homocentric spheres against the eccentrics and epicycles of Protemy, was of considerable importance as a source of Aristotelian cosmology in the thirteenth century, and Scot’s version seems to have been the medium through which it was known to Rocer Bacon and others (1). Scot’s version of ArisToTLe’s Historia animalium is in three of the manuscripts dated at Toledo (2). His authorship is clear from a memorandum inserted in his own copy and preserved in two extant manuscripts (3). This note, dated at Bologna 21 October 1220, shows that the work must have been completed before this date, and thus strengthens the statement that this version belongs to the Toletan period of Scor’s life. As the manuscripts lack a dedication, the words at Caesarem added in current usage would appear to rest on a confusion with the Abbreviatio AviceNNE. Whether the translation was made from the Hebrew or from the Arabic has been a matter of dispute (4); in any event a Jewish interpreter (5) seems to have been used. The version is closely literal, so that it has even been used for reconstructing the Greek original (6); but there are also numerous errors, which were repeated by Atpertus Macnus in using it (7). Here, as in the usual Arabic tradition of the work, the Historia (1) For the date and manuscripts, see above, p. 251 ; for the contents, P. Dune, Le systéme du monde (Paris, 1914), III, p. 241 ff, 327f. (2) Merton College, MS. 278; Cues, MS. 182 (GraBMann, Aristotelesiiber- setzungen, p. 187): Laurentian, Plut. XIII, sin., cod. 9 (Banpin1, IV, p. 109). (3) See above, p. 252, note. (4) See especially Wiistenrep, in Abhandlungen of the Gottingen Academy, XXII, p. 101-106 (1877); Sreinscunemwer, Die hebriiischen Uebersetzungen des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1893), p. 479-483. (5) Rocer Bacon, Compendium Studii, ed. BREWER, p. 472. 6) RupserG, in Lranos, IX, p. 92ff. (7) H. Srapier, Albertus Magnus de animalibus (Minster, 1916), I, p. x1; Id.,in Archiv fir die Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften, V\, p. 387-593 (1913), 256 CHARLES H. HASKINS animalium consists of nineteen books, including not only the De animalibus historia, with the spurious tenth book, but the De partibus animalium and the De generatione animaiium. For allof these Scov’s version was the first and remained in use till the fifteenth century (1). In the case of other works of ArisToTLE the question is complicated by the fact that there was more than one version from the Arabic in circulation in the thirteenth century, as well as by their relation to the accompanying commentary of AverRoEs. The one entirely clear case is the De celo et mundo, to which Scot has prefixed a preface addressed to STEPHEN oF Provins, a French ecclesiastic who is found in various documents between 1211 and 1231, in which year he is named by Grecory IX as one of the commission to examine and purge the newly translated works of ARISTOTLE on natural science (2). This version is subsequent to 1217, as it cites the translation of Au-Birropyi. It is altogether likely that Scor is the author of the version of the De anima which, with the commentary of AVERROES, regularly accompanies his De celo in the manuscripts (3). Transla- tions of the Physics, Metaphysics, and Ethics have been ascribed to Scot, but without sufficient evidence (4). The argument is somewhat stronger for certain other commentaries of AVERROES, coinciding as they do with Scot’s Questiones Nico.ai (5), but the matter is not yet clear. In any event Scor’s role was merely that of translator; it was AVERROES, Che il gran commento feo (6}! Two philosophic treatises of Scot probably belong to the Spanish (1) See in general, (tRaBMANN, Forschungen tiber die lateinischen Aristoteles- iibersetzungen des XIII. Jahrhunderts (Minster, 1916), p. 185-187, and the literature there cited. This version passed quickly into use. Before ALBERTUS Maenus we find it cited by Puitip DE Gréve, 1228-1236 (Menaxs, in Philo- sophisches Jahrbuch. XXVII, p. 28); and by BarTHoLoMEw Ana.icus, ca. 1240 (GRABMANN, p. 42). (2) Jourpatn, p. 127f.; GraBmann, p. 175; Renan, AveRRogs (Paris, 1869), p. 206; bull of Gregory in Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, I, No. 87. Another manuscript is at Erfurt, F. 351. (3) Haurtau, Philosophie scolastique (1880), Il, 1, p. 125; GRABMANN p- 198. (4) Jourpatn, p. 128, 141f., 144; Grapmann, p. 172, 212, 215, 217. Note that the Hthics is cited in the preface to the Liber introductorius (see below), and the Metaphysics in the Commentary on SacroBosco. (5) Renan, AVERROEs, p. 205. (6) Dantes, Inferno, IV, line 144. MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK II 257 period. One, a Divisio philosophica, or classification of philosoph- ical knowledge, preserved only in fragments by VINCENT oF BEAUVAIS, is based in considerable measure upon Dominicus GuNDISALYI, who worked in Spain in the xmth century (1). The other, known in extracts as the Questiones Nico.al peripatetici, is definitely assigned by ALBERTUS Macnus to Scot (2), who here seems to take shelter in anonymity in order to preach strong Averroism (3). (II) From the Sicilian period of Scot’s activity we have, first of all, the Abbreviatio AvIcENNE de animalibus, dedicated to Freperick II asemperor. We have already seen that this cannot be dated 1210 (4), as Brown fondly thought; all that we can say is that it was anterior, and probably not long anterior, to the copy made from the emperor's original by Henry or Coxoene at Melfi 9 August 1232 (5). FREDERICK'S keen interest in animals, and especially in birds, is a sufficient explanation of its origin (6). The most ambitious of Scot’s works belong to this period, the series of treatises on astrology made up of the Liber introductorius, the Liber particularis, and the Physiognomia. In their final form these are subsequent to 16 July 1228, since the general preface refers to FRANCIS OF Assisi as already a saint (7). They are dedicated to the emperor, whom they mention in the text, and, as we shall see, contain in part answers to specific questions asked by him. (II1) The remaining works attributed to Scor are more or less doubtful. The court of Freperick IT became a peg on which to hang (1) Baur, Dominicus GunpissaLinus De divisione philosophiae (Miinster, 1903), p. 364-367, 398-400. (2) « Feda dicta inveniuntur in libro illo qui dicitur Questiones Ntcoxat peri- patetici. Consuevi dicere quod Nicotaus non fecit librum illum sed Micwart Scotus, qui in rei veritate nescivit naturas nec bene intellexit libros Aristotilis. » Opera (ed. Paris, 1890), IV, p. 697. (3) Haurtau, Philosophie scolastique (1880), I, 1, p. 127; Renan, Aver- roks, p. 209f.; Dunem, Le systéme du monde, Ill, p. 245f,, 339, 346f. (4) Supra, p. 251. (5) Huittarp-Brexoues, Historia diplomatica, IV, p. 381. (6) See my study of Freperick’s De arte venandi cum avibus, in English Historical Review, July, 1921. (7) « Quandoque sine vestibus cum alis, ut seraphim ad beatum FRavciscum et MicHaEL quando pugnavit cum dracone et quando consignavit in Monte Gar- gano ecclesiam, propter quod dicitur Mons Angeli qui est prope Romam versus Apuliam ». Munich, Cod. lat. 10268, f. 9v; N. a. lat. 1401, f. 22, omitting what follows « ecclesiam ». Vo-. tIv-2 19 258 CHARLES H. HASKINS all sorts of fictitious attributions (1), and Scor’s popular reputation could easily lead to connecting his name with the works of others. Such false ascriptions are particularly frequent in the alchemical literature of the xmth and x1vth centuries, and until this has been more carefully sifted, it is safer to reserve the question of the specific alchemical writings which bear Scor’s name (2). It is altogether likely that they have a genuine nucleus, indicated by the mention of Scot and Friar Exts in the text of the Corpus manuscript and by the knowledge of alchemy displayed in the passage from the Liber particularis printed below. The commentary on the Sphera of JoHn or Hotywoop has already been mentioned apropos of the date of Scot’s death. No manuscript has been cited, and the only basis for ascribing it to Scor is the title of the printed edition (3). The preface shows some similarities of phrase to the preface to the De arte venandi of Freprrick IT (4), and the commentary recalls at-Birropst (5); but there are no references to the emperor in the body of the work, and the scholastic style is quite unlike that of Scot’s astrological writings, which are, indeed professedly popular. The treatise on geomancy ascribed to Scor in a (1) Ch. V. Laneiors, La connaissance de la nature et du monde au moyen age (Paris, 1911), p. 190-192. (2) Brown, c. 4. E. von Lippmann, Entstehung und Ausbreitung der Alchemie (Berlin, 1919), does not discuss Scor’s alchemical writings, but only (p. 514, 680) his illustrations of the planets. (3) « Eximii atque excellentissimi physicorum motuum cursusque syderei indagatoris MicHAELIS ScoTI super auctorem sperae cum questionibus diligenter emendatis incipit expositio confecta Ilustrissimi Imperatoris Dni. D. FEprEricI precibus ». I have used the Bologna edition of 1495 (Hain, 14555) in the Tuar- CHER collection in the Library of Congress. (4) « Causa efficiens est magister JOHANNES DE SacRoBusTo et alii composi- tores. Causa finalis cognitio corporum celestium in se et proprietatum....... modus agendi est quintuplex, scilicet definitivus, probativus, id est probatitius, exemplorum positivus, ut legitime per se liqueat ». Jb., f. lv. So FREDERICK considers intentio, utilitas, and describes the modus agendi as « prosaycus, pro- hemialis, et executivus, executivus vero multiplex, partim namque divisivus, partim descriptivus, partim convenientiarum et differentiarum assignativus, partim causarum inquisitivus ». Vatican, MS. Pal. lat. 1071, f. 1v. The preface to Scot’s Liber introductorius discusses ars, genus, intentio, utilitas, finis, instrumenta, etc. Clm. 10268, f. l6v; N. a. lat. 1401, f. 35. That of the Liber luminis luminum (Brown, p. 81, 240) has intentio, causa intentionis, ulilitas. (5) Dunem, III, p. 246-248, who accepts Scot’s authorship. — MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK II 259 late Munich manuscript is very doubtful (1), and the Mensa philo- sophica, at times attributed to him (2), is clearly by another and later hand. Scor’s translations were the occasion of unfavourable judgments on the part of Rocer Bacon, who declared that Scor did not reallly know the languages or the sciences, and that the work was chiefly done by a Jew named AnprEw (3). Help of this sort was usually employed by the Toletan translators (4); whether MicHAEL was more inaccurate than others is a question which has not been investi- gated (5). On the other hand Bacon seems to ascribe too much credit to Scor as the introducer of the natural philosophy of ArisToTLe (6), for, as we have seen, only one of these treatises, the De animalibus, was first given to the Latin world by Scor. Bacon’s date 1230 has likewise been taken too literally, especially by those who have sought to connect it with the letter recommending the new versions of ARISTOTLE to the universities, a document once ascribed to Freperick II but now generally admitted to come from Manrrep, and to relate to the translations made at his court (7). In general Scor’s writings show a respectable education. He quotes the Scriptures freely and refers occasionally to AucUSTINE and AmprosE and more frequently to Bortuius, Istore and BEDE. Classical Latin writers, such as VirerL, Cicero, and Ovip, rarely appear. The citations from AristoTLe are fairly numerous; besides the Meteora and De caelo they include two references to the full text of the Ethics, then just coming into use in the West (8). There is (1) Cod. lat. 489, ff. 174-206v (szec. xvi) : Liber geomantiae MicHak is Scott. (2) As by QuERFELD, p. 12. 3) Compendium Studii, ed. Brewer, p. 472; Opus Tertium, ed. Brewer, p. 91. (4) Rose, in Hermes, VIII, p 332zff. (5) Save in the case of the De animalibus; supra, p. 255. (6) « A tempore Micwag.is Scoti qui annis Domini 1230 transactis apparuit deferens librorum AristToTiLis partes aliquas de naturalibus et metaphysicis cum expositionibus authenticis magnificata est philosophia ARisToTILIs apud Latinos, » Opus Majus, ed. Bringers, I, p. 55, III, p. 66. (7) Document in HuILLarp-BREHOLLES, Historia diplomatica, IV, p. 383; Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, I, No. 394. Cf. Béumgr-Ficker, Regesta, No. 4750; GRABMANN, p. 201-203, 237, 249. (8) « Ethica est scientia moralis quam reperitur conpillavisse ARISTOTILES, cuius liber sic intitulatur, Ethicorum Nichomachiorum AristoTives liber primus 260 CHARLES H. HASKINS no evidence of any real knowledge of Greek, the etymologies and the Greek names of months, climates, and points of compass being easily available at second hand; indeed it has been pointed out that in mentioning specifically Scot's knowledge of Hebrew and Arabic, Grecory 1X would hardly have omitted Greek if Scot had known this language. The extent of Scor’s knowledge of Hebrew we are unable to judge, but he seems to have been in relations with Jacop ANATOLI, the translator of Averrors and Protemy (1). It may also be noted that the Arabic writers on astronomy and astrology whom Scot cites freely were in large part available in Latin versions of the twelfta century. His scientific writings show a knowledge of medicine (2), natural philosophy, and music, as well asa familiarity with the various branches of astronomy and its mediaeval applications. They deserve a closer examination than can here be given in relation to the astron- omy and cosmology of his age. Scor’s writings on astrology were the basis of his literary fame in the Middle Ages, and it is by these that his scientific attainments must chiefly be judged today. The three treatises are introduced by a general preface, which he also calls an epilogue and which was hence written after the completion of the series (3). It is here clear that the three are parts of a single comprehensive work, and cross- references are frequent between the Liber introductorius and the Liber particularis. This general preface, which is long and diffuse, eccupying thirty-eight pages in the principal manuscript, is largely given up to a loose discussion of the Creation — in the course of which the Averroistic doctrine of the eternity of the universe is incipit; et sunt 10. libri cuius primus ita incipit, Omnis ars et omnis doc- trina, etc. » Clm. 10268, f. 18v; N. a. lat. 1401, f. 37. « Unde ARISTOTILES in libro Ethicorum : desideratur res propter aliud. » Cod. lat. Mon. 10268. f. 16; MS. lat. n. a. 1401, f. 33v. The history of the Latin versions of the Ethics is treated by Pruzer in the Revue néo-scolastique for 1921, p. 316°341, 378-400. (1) Renan, in Histoire litteraire, XXVIII, p. 580-589; SreinscHNeIDER, Hebriische Uebersetzungen, p. 58, 61, 523, 553. On contemporary Jewish culture in Sicily see further M. GiipEMANN, Geschichte des Erziehungswesens der Juden in Italien (Vienna, 1884), p. 101-107; R. Straus, Die Juden im Kénigreich Sizilien (Heidelberg, 1910), p. 79-91. (2) CE. also the prescriptions which passed under his name : Brown, p. 154f. (3) Munich, cod. lat. 10268, ff. 1-19v; Bibliothéque Nationale, MS. n. a. lat. 1401, ff. 11-39; Edinburgh, MS. 132, f. 34. Cf. Bou, Sphdra, p. 440, n. MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK II 261 specifically denied (1) — God, the Trinity, the nature of man, and the various orders of angels and evil spirits. The heavenly bodies are not the cause of the events which they indicate, but only the signs, as the circle before the tavern is only the sign of the wine within (2); but, granted an accurate knowledge of planets and the zodiac, we may know future events and the right occasions for doing anything (3). Indeed, we are later told that the astrologer need not err, by God’s help (4). Sound learning (mathesis) is carefully distinguished from those magic arts (matesis) (5), which no Christian can rightly practise — geomancy, hydromancy, aeromancy, pyromancy, spatulamancy, necromancy, divination, auguries, incantations, presti- giation, ete. The examples show that Scor was not unacquainted with these arts, as when, in the name of the Trinity, he gives an incantation for summoning the spirit FLlornicer (6). The list of magicians includes Simon Macus, Vireit, PETER ALEXANDRINUS, the artolus of ALEXANDER, and Peter ABELARD; to whom he elsewhere (7) adds Sotomon and OTToNEL oF Parma. The history of astrology is traced from ZoroasTER to GERBERT, via Nimrop, whose dialogue with IoANTON, illustrated with circles and figures, Scor has evidenitly seen and indeed uses in the body of the Liber particularis (8). From Egypt, where it was elaborated by King Protemy, astronomical knowl- edge was carried to Spain by Artas, all before the birth of Mosgs, and from ArLas two French clerks brought the knowledge of the astrolabe in France to GERBERT, optimus negrimanticus, who by diabolical arts attained the archbishoprics of Reims and Ravenna and at last the papal see. The last of the three treatises, the Phystognomia, may be dismissed (1) « Ob hane causam dicunt multi quod mundus sit ab eterno... et quod non sit mundus eternus patet aperte. » Clm., f. lv; Nal., f. llv. Cf. the commentary on Sacrososcog, f. 2. (2), Clm., £.. 1s Nakot div. (5) Clm., f. 15; Nal., f. 32v, (4) Clm., f. 118v. (5) Ib., ff. 17-17v. So Roger Bacon, as in the Secretum secretorum (ed. STEELE), p. xxvull, 2f. (6) Clm., f. 114v; not in Nal. (7) Clm., f. ll4v. (8) See my article, « Nimrop the Astronomer », in the Romanic Review, V, p. 203-212 (1914). The figures of the Venetian manuscript deserve study; ef. p. 263, note 4 below. 262 CHARLES H. HASKINS with a word, as it has long been accessible in print and has been studied by Foerster (1) and more recently by one of SupHorr’s pupils, A. H. QuerFetp (2). Dedicated to the emperor, whom it professes to guide in his judgments of men, it contains a treatise on generation and an account of the prognostications from dreams, complexions, and the different parts of the body. Its indebtedness to the Physiognomy of the Pseudo-Aristotle is limited to the preface; it makes free use of Razi, and shows some affinities with TRoTULA and other SALERNITAN writers (3). There is also, possibly through a common Arabie source, some connection with the contemporary Latin version of the Pseudo-Aristotelian Secretum secretorum (4). The Physiognomia was much the most popular work of Scot, having been printed in a score of incunabula and nearly as many later editions (5). The Liber introductorius, consisting of four parts or distinctions, is Scor’s most ambitious work (6). It is written in more or less (1) De translatione latina Physiognomicorum quae feruntur ARISTOTELIS (Kiel, 1884): De ArtstoTELis quae feruntur Secretis Secretorum (Kiel, 1888); Scriptores Physiognomici (TEUBNER ed., 1893). (2) MitcHazt Scotrrus und seine Schrift De secretis naturae (Leipzig diss., 1919). (3) Forster, Scriptores, p. XXUI-XXV, CLXXIX; QUERFELD, p. 20-23, 26. (4) Forster, Scriptores, p. cLXxIx; RoGEeR Bacon’s Secretum Secretorum, ed. STEELE (Oxford, 1920), p. xvIlI-xxI, LXIII. (5) QuERFELD, p. 14 f., who has also used the AMBROSIAN manuscript of 1256. I have used still another printed copy in the Harvard library, ca. 1490 (Retcu- Linc, No. 1864), which is omitted from the Census of Fifteenth Century Books owned in America. The printed text lacks the chapters on urine, also copied as a separate treatise, which QuERFELD prints, p. 50-60; Italian version at Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS. XV, F. 51. (6) Munich, cod. lat. 10268, 146 folii, with notable figures, xivth century; Oxford, MS. BopiEy 266. a copy of the Munich manuscript (BoLL, Sphdara, p. 444); Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Nouv. acq. lat. 1401, ft. 39, 128v, prob- ably copied in 1279 (DEListx, Catalogue du fonds de La TréMoitiE, p 41-43); Escorial, MS. f. III, 8; modern copy at Munich, cod. lat. 10663. Extracts at the University of Edinburgh, MS. 132 (= Munich MS., ff. 118-146v); Biblio- théque Nationale, MS. lat. 14070, ff 112-118v (= Munich, ff. 86v-89v) ; Vienna, MS. lat. 3124, ff. 206-21], MS. 3394, f. 214 ff. (Saxx, in Der Islam, Ill, p. 166); Vatican, MS. Pal. lat. 1363, ff. 90-94; MS. Pal. lat. 1370 (Sax, in Heidelberg Sitzungsberichte, 1915, p. 25); MS. Vat. lat. 4087, ff. 88-99v; see also Brown, p. 27. None of these manuscripts seems complete. The Munich and Oxford codices lack the fourth distinction which cross-references show to have contained chapters MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK II 263 popular fashion (leviter) for beginners in the art of astrology (4), but is also intended for the convenience of adepts who may not have at hand the many works to which the author refers. It is not well organized, but the early portions are chiefly astronomical and the later astrological, the various heavenly bodies being taken up one by one and detailed advice given for the practice of the astrological art. The calendar is treated at some length, and there is a certain amount of meteorology, developed more fully in the Liber particularis. Emphasis is laid on the mystical value of the sevens which rule the world — seven planets, metals, arts, colors, odors, tones, etc. The music of the spheres leads to a digression on music, de notitia totius artis musice, which gives an outline of the whole subject, with citations of BorrHus anid Guipo (2). The astronomy is based chiefly on AL-Farcani, with occasional citation of the Almagest (3), but the remarkable figures of the constellations and planets in the Munich and Oxford manuscripts represent an antique tradition which is ascribed by Bott to the scholia of Germanicus (4). Scor uses the Toletan tables, though he knows those of Arin and others. The astro- De anima (Munich, MS. ff. 15, 88v), De arte cyromantie, and De elementis (MS. Canon. Misc. 555, f. 37-37v); they also contain later additions, as a table of 1320 (Munich, f. 76v) and a judgment of BarTHoLOMEW oF PaRMa in | 287 (f. 125v). The Paris copy is earlier and considerably briefer, but includes the fourth distinction (ff. 105v ff., where the elements and the soul are treated). It ends (f. 128v): « Librum primum in arte astronomica incepimus in honore et laude Dei et ad preces domini nostri FREDERIcCI Rome imperatoris et semper augusti leviter composuimus propter novicios in arte et pauperes intellectus, et nunc ipsum complevimus suo adiutorio cui sit dignus honor, grandis laus cum actionibus gratiarum, concors amor, una fides, rectus timor, et reverens obeden- tia cum omni supplicatione humilitatis in preceptis eius per nos et sequentes amen, amen.» The Munich manuscript ends merely : « Expliciunt iudicia questionum hominum secundum sentenciam MicHakLIs Scorti grandis astrologi condam imperatoris FrrepErici de terra Teotonica, Deo gratias amen. » I have used the Munich manuscript, cited as Clm., of which I have a complete rotograph, and the Paris manuscript, cited as Nal. (1) Clm., f. 30; cf. ff. 74, 100, and the explicit of the preceding note. (2) Clm., ff. 38v-43. (3) E. g., ib., f. 32v. (4) Sphdra, p. 441 ff.; Bruno A. Fucus, Die Ikonographie der siecben Planeten in der Kunst [taliens (Munich. Diss,, 1909), p. 24-29 and plates; Sax, in Der Islam, Ill, p. 166-168, 175-177, and plate 27; Catalogus Codicum Astrologi- corum Graecorum, V, part I, p. 86. None of these has compared the figures in the Venice manuscript of the so-called Nimrop (Lat. VIII, 22). 264 CHARLES H. HASKINS logical writers cited are the usual ones : ALBuMASAR, JAFAR, ZAEL, Hermes, DororHeus, THEBIT BEN KoraH, MESSEHALLA, and the Centiloquium (1). In one instance the Liber novem indicum is specially commended (2). The author also refers guardedly to more dangerous books : a Liber perditionis anime et corporis containing the names, abodes, and workings of demons; and a Liber auguriorum, ymaginum, et prestigiorum « which we have seen and possessed in our time, although the Roman church prohibits employing them or believing in them (3) ». Scor has plainly gone beyond the books and conducted his own experiments, leading at times to new resulls (4). That this experi- mental temper was shared by his imperial patron we know from FREDERICK'S treatise on falconry (5), and Scor gives additional illustrations of this side of the emperor’s mind. Not only did FreperIck, as he himself tells us, have experts brought from Egypt to Apulia to test the incubation of ostrich eggs by the sun’s heat (6), but he also experimented with the artificial incubation of hen’s eggs (7). Scor advised the emperor to seek counsel at the time of the new moon (8), and to avoid bloodletting when the moon was in (1) On these and similar authorities see the Speculum astronomie ascribed to ALBERTUS Maanus (Opera, 1891, X. p. 629), and by Manponnet to RoGER Bacon (Revue néo-scolastique, XVII, p. 313; cf. Pauitzsca, Roger Bacons Zweite Schrift uber die Kritischen Tage, Leipzig diss. 1918, p. 12-15), with STEINSCHNEIDER’S commentary in Zeitschrift fiir Mathematik und Physik, XVI, p. 357-396 (1871). (2) Clm., f. 128. (3) Clm., f, 114, 116v. (4) « Nos quidem fecimus multa nostris temporibus nobis et amicis de quibus vidimus magnam probationem in rebus divinis prout diverse fuerunt instructione libri ymaginum lune. Verbi gratia quadam vice recipiens semper solis radium per bussulum magnum in culo totum perforatum ad instar sachi discusiti in yma- ginem quam faciebamus ad valimentum cuiusdam rei future et optate diu » Clm., f. 114. (5) See my article, « The De arte venandi cum avibus of the Emperor Fre- DERICK II », in English Historical Review, July, 1921. (6) Ib., p. 342. (7) « Et istud fecit probare dominus imperator F. multociens et ita est reperta veritas eorundem. » Clm.,, f. 117. (8) « Solebamus dicere domino nostro F, imperatori, Domine imperator, si vultis a sapiente clarum consilium, postulate ipsum crescente luna. » Clm., f. 118. MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK II 265 Gemini, lest the puncture be repeated; but the emperor, wishing te test this for himself, called his barber at this season. The barber assured him there was no danger and staked his head upon it, but aiter a successful puncture he dropped the lancet accidentally on the emperor’s foot, causing a swelling which required the care of a cynigus for a fortnight (1). Scot also gives his version of an experiment which is recounted to much the same effect by SaLmMBENE (2). FREDERICK had Scot calculate the height of the starry heavens — whatever that may mean — by the tower of a certain church, and then had the tower cut off somewhat and casually brought Scor back to the site. Scor took his observation and answered that either the heavens were more distant or the tower had sunk a palm’s breadth or less into the earth, both of which were impossible, whereupon the emperor embraced him in admiration ot his skill (3). (1) « Hligicur purgatio et diminutio sanguinis et proprie manus luna existente in signo igneo vel aereo, excepto signo Geminorum quod dominatur manibus et brachiis notando quod tune geminari solet percussio lanceole. Hoc autem voluit videre dominus meus F. imperator et sic quadam vice luna existente in signo Geminorum vocavit suum barberium dicens ei. Est modo tollere sanguinem ? Barberius dixit, Sic domine, quia tempus pulerum est et quietum, vos autem estis bone sanitatis, etc. Cui dixit imperator, Magister, timeo ne bis me percu- tiatis, quod quando contingit periculosum est, etc. Tunc barberius ait, Domine, volo perdere caput si plusquam semel vos percussero, etc. Tune dedit sibi ver- bum et in uno ictu exivit rivulus sanguinis. Letatur barberius dicere imperatori, Domine, timebatis de bina percussione. Habens vero barberius lanceolam in manu apposuit eam sibi in ore, quam cum sic teneret cecidit super pedem imperatoris et imperator fuit in culpa. [lla cum carnem tetigisset exivit sanguis cum dolore et inde secutus est tumor unde locus habuit consilium cynigi 15. diebus. Videns barberius casum et percussam dixit, Domine, grandis sapientia est in vobis et magna provissio futurorum, ete. » Clm., f. ll4yv. (2) Ed. Ho_tper-Eaerr, p. 353. (3) « De hoe probavit nos imperator in venatione apud turrim cuiusdam ecclesie ville. Facta autem ratione per geometriam et arismetricam ei diximus summam miliariorum et hance fecit notare in scriptis. Interim fecit latenter trun- cari turrem per .i. semissum, iterum conduxit me in venatione per illas partes et cum fuimus iuxta turrem finxit se non bene recordari de summa numeri mensu- rationis cacuminis turris usque ad celum sydereum et sic secundo petiit rationem facti a me. Facta vero ratione sapienter nec invenerim ut prius, dix), Domine, aut celum superius ascendit quam erat externa die vel turris intravit terram per unum palmum sive semissum, quod est mihi impossibile credere, et cum non perpenderem detruncationem pedis turris factam latenter ipse imperator amplexatus est me et miratus est valde de sententia numeri et omnis qui cum eo erat. » Clm., f. 31. 266 CHARLES H. HASKINS Apart from these mentions of the emperor, there are few references to Italy. Scor tells us he predicted the rising of Aquila in Italy 20 December (1). He begins the year in the Pisan style (2), and notes that the imperial notaries begin the year at Christmas and the Venetian notaries with the Lord’s incarnation (3). In the streets of Messina and Tunis (?) there are fortune-tellers who follow the Oriental precepts of ALCHANDRINUS and seek out newly arrived merchants (4). Among the questions which the astrologer must be prepared to answer are those concerning the acceptance of election as podesta or the fate of a city in war (5); indeed the whole account of the wealth and position of the astrologer and his mode of life (6) reflect the influence and position of the profession in the Italy of the thirteenth century. The Liber particularis (7), also written at Freperick’s request, is likewise a popular introduction. Much briefer than the Liber intro- ductorius, it seeks to supplement this in certain particulars, as the preface explains : Incipit liber particularis Micuaetis Scort: astrologi domini Frederic! Rome imperatoris et semper augusti quem secundo loco breviter compillavit ad eius preces, in nomine Jesu Curist1 qui fecit celum et terram in intellectu, Prohemium. Cum ars astronomie sit grandis sermonibus phylosophorum et quod (B)1b aoa, (4) « Et talis modus qualem ALcnaprinus ostendit in generali servatur inter Arabes et aliquos Indorum, ut patet in viis et stratis Messine et Tonisti in quibus sunt mulieres docte que invitant novos mereatores inquirere de statu illorum, de domo sua, de fortuna suae mercationis, etc. » Ib., f. 119. (5) 1b., f. 133v, 142v. (6) Zb., £. 118v. (7) It is found in the Bodleian, MS. Canon. Misc. 5535, ff. 1-59, dated 1256 (unless otherwise stated, references below are to this manuscript); the Ambro- sian, MS. L. sup. 92, f. 1-89, where the date 1256 also appears; Bibliothéque Nationale, MS. n. a. lat. 1401, f. 129-162v, incomplete at beginning and end, following-Liber introductorius; Escorial, MS. e. III. 15, incomplete at the end. Vatican, Rosst MSS (Neues Archiv, XXX, p. 353f.) ; Breslau, MS. f. 21; (Pertz, Archiv, XI, p. 704; QurerreLD, p. 14). The extracts in MS. Cor- pus 221, f. 2-53 (Coxr, Catalogi, p. 88) are probably in part from the Liber particularis. MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK II 267 de ipsa multi multa scripserunt et diversa veluti cognoverunt semel et pluries experimentis celestium et per celestia de terrestribus, idcirco que compendiose sufficiunt scribere novicio in eadem arte ad preces domini nostri Freperict Rome imperatoris et semper augusti iuxta vulgarem in gramatica compillavi ut aliquis novicius hoc opus inveniat quantum per se valeatistudere in ipso et de arte astronomie intelligere competenter (1)... ...Sed quia in precedenti libro tractavimus de hiis que utilia sunt et necessaria omni volentium scire prenominatam artem, in hoc secundo libro adhue recitamus quedam particularia de arte plenius que vero sunt penitus de necessitate cognoscenda pariter et scienda. Et hec que intendimus dicere in illo non tetigimus quod sciamus. Qui vero hos duos libros plene noverit ac sciverit operari nomen novi astrologi optinebit (2). The treatise contains relatively little astrology in the narrower sense, being devoted to the reckoning of time, where the author cites Hetperic, BEDE, GERLAND (?), and modern computists (3) ; sun, moon, and stars; the winds and tides; and various meteorological questions, many of which are also touched in the Liber introductorius. The whole is a curious mixture of Ismore, Roman tradition, ARISTOTLE’S Meteora, ecclesiastical writers, and bits of Arabic learning. The setting is Italian and in large measure Sicilian, mention being found of the tramontana and the oppressive south wind, the Germans in the Romagnola and the mark of Ancona (4), the sulphur baths of Monte- pulciano, Poretta, and Montegrotto (5), and the volcanic phenomena of Sicily. (1) Here follow a list of writers on astrology, much as in the Liber introduc- torius, and a list of necessary instruments : « tabule Tolletune vel alie meliores eis ac faciliores si unquam appareant, studiosa compotatio algorismi in suis speciebus, horologium perfectum, astrolabium integrum, quadrans iustum, et spera lignea qua utuntur phylosophi ad oculum cum tractatu regularum Pari- siensi, cui spere in nostro magisterio addidimus circulos planetarum sperales quos collocavimus seriatim infra zodiacum cum corporibus planetarum desig- natis. » (2) MS. Canon. Misc. 555, f. 1-lv; MS. Ambrosian, L.'sup. 92, f. 1-2. (3) « Computiste ecclesie, ut ALpericus, Grrarpus, et Bena », MS. Canon, Misc. 555, f. 6v: compotiste moderni, 7b., f. 10. (4) « Idem est de bestiis, verbi gratia gentes Alamanie in asta sunt difficiles gentibus Romaniole ac marchie de Ancona, etc. » MS. Canon., f. 4lv. (5) « Ut patet in Pulicano Viterbii, in comitatu Padue ubi dicitur Mons Gotus, etc. » MS. Canon., f. 43v: see also below. 268 CHARLES H. HASKINS The most interesting part of the Liber particularis is the last quarter, consisting of a series of questions of FREDERICK II on various scientific and quasi-scientific matters, with MicuarL Scor’s answers. FREDERICK'S use of the questionnaire has long been known from the so-called « Sicilian Questions » directed to the various Saracen rulers and preserved in part through the answers of Ipn Sasin of Ceuta analyzed by Amari in 1853 (1). More recently fragments of a set of questions on optics have been recovered by WiEDEMANN (2). The series printed below is, so far as I am aware, unknown and doubtless owes its preservation to its incorporation as an addendum to the Liber particularis (3). Cum diutissime FrREDERICUS imperator Rome et semper augustus oppinatus fuisset per institutum ordinem o semetipso de varietatibus tocius terre que sunt et apparent in ea supra eam inter eam et sub ea, quadam vice me MicHAELEM Scotum sibi fidelem inter ceteros astro- logos domestice advocavit et in occulto fecitque mihi sicut eidem placuit has questiones per ordinem de fundamento terre et de mirra- bilibus mundi que infra continentur, sic incipiens verba sua : Magister mi karissime, frequenter ac multipharie audivimus questiones et solutiones ab uno et a pluribus de corporibus superi- oribus, scilicet solis et lune ac stellarum fixarum celi, et de elementis, de anima mundi, de gentibus paganis et Christianis, ac de ceteris creaturis que sunt communier super terram et in terra ut de plantis et metallis. Nundum autem audivimus de illis secretis que pertinent ad delectum spiritus cum sapientia, ut de paradiso, purgatorio et inferno ac de fundamento terre et de mirabilibus eius. Quare te deprecamur amore sapientie ac reverentia nostre corone (4) quatenus tu exponas nobis fundamentum terre, videlicet quomodo est constancia elus super habyssum et quomodo stat habyssus sub terra et si est aliud quod sufferat terram quam aer et aqua, vel stet per se an sit super celos qui sunt sub ea; quot sint celi et qui sint sui rectores ac in eis principaliter commorentur; et quantum unum celum per veracem mensuram cesset ab alio, et quod est extra celum ultimum cum sint plures et quanto unum celum est maius alio; in quo celo (1) « Questions philosophiques adressées aux savants musulmans par l’empereur Freveric II », in Journal Asiatique, 5¢s., t.1., p- 240-274; 7¢s., t. XIV, p. 341. (2) » Fragen aus dem Gebiet der Naturwissenschaften gestellt von FRiED- rica II ». in Archiv fiir Kulturgeschichte, XI, p. 483-485 (1914). (3) MS. Canon. Mise. 555, f. 44v; Ambrosian MS. L. sup. 92, f. 69; MS. n. a. lat. 1401. f. 156v, a somewhat different text, briefer at some points but con- taining the two additional passages printed in the following notes. 4) Ac imperii maiestatis, the Paris MS. »dds. MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK I! 269 Deus est substantialiter, scilicet in divina maiestate, et qualiter sedet in trono celi; quomodo est associatus ab angelis et a sanctis, quid angeli et sancti continue faciunt coram Deo. Item dic nobis quot sunt habyssi et qui sunt spiritus commorantes in eis nomine, ubi sit infernus, purgatorius, et paradisus celestialis, scilicet an sub terra vel in terra vel supra terram (1). Item dic nobis quanta est mensura huius corporis terre per grossum et per longum, et quantum est a terra usque in celum altissimum et a terra usque in byssum, et si sit una byssus vel sint plures byssi, et si sunt plures quantum cesset una ab alia; et si hec terra habeat loca vacua vel non ita quod sit corpus solidum ut lapis vivus; et quantum est a facie terre deorsum usque ad celum subterius. Item dic nobis quomodo aque maris sunt sic amare ac fiunt salse in multis locis et quedam sunt dulces extra mare cum omnes exeant de vivo mari. Item dic nobis de aquis dulcibus quomodo ipse omni tempore eructuant extra terram, et quandoque de lapidibus et de arboribus ut vitibus velud in vere apparet per putationem, unde veniunt et surgunt et quomodo est quod earum quedam eructuant dulces et suaves quedam clare et quedam turbide ac quedam spisse ut gummose, quoniam mirramur ex eis valde eo quod scimus iamdiu quod omnes aque exeunt de mari et euntes per diversa loca regionum et venarum adhuc intrent in mare, et ipsum mare est tantum et tale quod est lectus et receptaculum omnium aquarum decurrentium. Unde vellemus scire \si sit unus locus per se qui habeat aquam dulcem tantum sicut unus est que habeat aquam salsam, an sit embarum aquarum unus locus, et si est unus quomodo iste due aque sunt sibi tan contrarie cum ratione diversitatis colorum et saporum atque motuum videatur quod sint duo loca. Unde si sint duo loca aquarum scilicet dulces et salse, querimus certificari quis eorum sit maior et minor, et quomodo est quod hee aque decurrentes per orbem terre videantur eructuare omni tempore ex nimia habundancia sui de loco sui lecti, et licet tam copiose habundent illico tamen non multiplicant quasi ultra communen mensuram ratione tanti additus sed sic stant eructuantes quasi ex una mensura vel ad similitudinem unius mensure. Vellemus etiam scire unde fiunt aque salse et am?ze que per loca reperiuntur surgitorie et aque fetide, ut in multis locis halhearum et piscinarum, an ex se ipsis fiant vel aliunde. Similiter iste aque que per loca eructuant tepide vel bene calide aut ferventes velut essent supra ignem ardentem in alliquo vase quomodo sunt ita, unde veniunt et unde sint et quomodo est quod aquarum eructuantium quedam semper fiunt clare quedam turbide. Vellemus etiam scire quomodo est ille ventus qui exit de multis partibus orbis et ignis (1) Here the Paris MS. inserts: « Et que sit differentia animarum que cotidie illuc defferuntur et spirituum qui de celo ceciderunt, et si una anima in alia vita cognoscit aliam et si aliqua potest transire ad hanc vitam causa loquendi et se demonstrandi alicui, et quot sunt pene inferni. » 270 CHARLES H. HASKINS qui eructuat de terra tam planure quam montis; similiter et fumus apparens modo hic modo illic unde nutritur et quod est illud quod facit ipsum flare, ut patet in partibus Scicilie et Messine sicut in Moncibello, Vuleano, Lippari, et Strongulo. Quomodo etiam est hoe flamma ignis ardentis visibiliter apparet non solummodo in terra sed in quibusdam partibus maris Indie (1). Then begins Scot’s long reply : « Gui ego MicHaEL Scorrus tanquam scottatus a multis et a diversis libere spopondi dicere veritatem cum vehementi admirratione tantarum et talium questionum : 0 bone imperator, per memetipsum oppinor vehementer quod si unquam fuisset homo in hoe mundo qui per suam doctrinam evasisset mortem, tu es ille qui inter ceteros debuisses evadere. Sed mors est talis calix et tam communis quod ex eo bibit et bibet omnis sapiens et insipiens, cum in hoc mundo nihil reperiatur fortius morte. Tamen doctrina sapientum vivorum et mor- tuorum que in hoe seculo dicitur vel scripta reperitur ad instruendum indoctos et ad memorandum peritos donec vita permanet proficit muitis et in multis, videlicet quantum ad corpus et quantum ad animam, de qua multum curandum est. Et ideo mihi est valde accepta- bile duras questiones audire eo quod tune proficio in scientia multis modis principaliter dum sunt ipsius scientie qua pocior et glorior inter gentes ac me penes vos video honoratum. Unde sicut consti- tuistis cor vestrum ad has cogitationes questionum quas nunc mihi dilucidastis ordine pretaxato, sic ponite aures vestri capitis ad audiendum et mentem vestram ad intelligendum plenam satisfactio- hem omnium predictorum que vobis leviter et sine disputatione pan- dere non pigritabor si Deus voluerit. » This boastful preface introduces thirty pages of manuscript which it is unnecessary to reproduce in full. Brief statements concerning hell, purgatory, heaven, and the terrestrial paradise are followed by an account of the marvels of nature — strange lakes and rivers of the East, wondrous metals, stones, plants, drugs, and animals, with their respective virtues. The magnet is mentioned incidentally three times (2), each time as something well known. The most interesting (1) The Paris MS. adds . « Et quomodo est hoc quod anima alicuius hominis viventis dum transierit ad aliam vitam quod nec amor primus nec etiam odium dat sibi causam reddeundi tanquam nihil fuisset, nec de remanenti re videtur amplius curare sive sit salvata sive dampnata. » (2) « Per calamitam scitur ubi est tramontana cum acu, et cognito domino anni adequatione tabularum de Tolleto scimus quod futurum est in rebus. » MS, Canon. Misc., f. 48v. « Item est lapis qui sua virtute trahit ferrum ad se ut MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK II 227 /L of these chapters is that on metals, a summary of alchemistic doctrine which can be usefully compared with the alchemical writings attri- buted to Scot : Metallum est quedam essentia que dicitur secunde compositionis, cuius species sunt 7, scilicet ferrum, plumbum, stagnum, ramum, cuprum, argentum, et aurum, sciendo quod generantur compositione argenti vivi, sulphuris, et terre. Et secundum unitam materiam eorum quibus componuntur sunt ponderis et coloris. Aurum plus tenet sul- phuris quam argenti vivi; argentum tenet plus argenti vivi quam terre et sulphuris; ferrum plus tenet terre quam argenti vivi, etc. Valet quodlibet ad multa ut in compositione sophystica et in aliis virtutibus. Verbi gratia: aurum macinatum valet senibus volentibus vivere sanius et iuniores esse sumptum in cibo, et per eum comparantur multi denarii argenti causa expendendi, fiunt multa monilia, decor- antur vasa, et pro eo acquiruntur femine ac multe possessiones. Argentum emit aurum et ex eo multa acquiruntur ut ex auro et fiunt ut denarii, vasa, etc. Stagnum valet ad faciendum vasa et aptandum ferrum laboratum et ramum. Idem dicitur de plumbo ramo ete. Sophysticantur metalla doctrina artis alchimie cum quibusdam addi- tamentis pulverum mediantibus spiritibus quorum species sunt 4, scilicet argentum vivum, sulphur, auripigmentum, et sal ammo- niacum. Ex auro cum quibusdam aliis fit plus aurum in apparentia, ex argento et ramo dealbato cum medicina fit plus argentum in apparentia, etc. De argento leviter [fit] azurum. De plumbo leviter fit cerusa. De ramo leviter fit color viridis cum aceto forti et melle. De plumbo et ramo etc. fit aliud metallum. De stagno et ramo fit peltrum cum medicina. Argentum vivum destruit omne metallum ut patet in moneta quam tangit et stagno cuius virgam rumpit tangendo, etc. De plumbo fiunt manubria lime surde quo sonus mortificatur. Argentum vivum interficit edentem et tollit auditum si cadat in aures. Metallorum aqua, ut ferri arsenici vitrioli calcis et viride- ramini, corodit et frangit calibem. Ex vilibus et muracido ferro fit ferrum andanicum, et ecce mirrabile magnum (1). Coming at last to the emperor’s penetrating questions concern- ing the earth, Scot explains that the earth is round like a ball, surrounded with water as the yolk is surrounded in the egg, the waters being held in their place by a secret virtue; but any further calamita et ostendit locum tramontane septentrionalis. Et est alius lapis generis calamite qui depellit ferrum a se et demonstrat partem tramontane austri. » Jb., f. 50. « Calamita reconciliat uxorem ad maritum. » Jb., f.50v. Cf. Physiognomia, part 1, c. i. On the compass in the xuith century see the various studies of Scniick (Isis, IV, 438) and of Giinrner in Deutsche Revue, March, 1914. (1) MS. Canon., f. 5, MS. Ambrosian, f. 76v. 272 CHARLES H. HASKINS knowledge of this is beyond human ken and merit. The distance to the extreme of the waters beneath the earth equals the distance to the moon. After air ends fire begins, extending from the moon to the eighth sphere, then a multitude of waters and then the ether as far as the ninth sphere, the spheres being fitted one about another like the layers of an onion. The waters of the sea are bitter because they are older and are not exposed to the sun’s heat. Waters were created with inexhaustible virtue of pouring forth so long as the world endures, and they move about in the earth like blood in the veins, the quality of the water depending on the earth through which it passes, and its heat coming from dry, hot rocks, especially sulphur. The hot springs of Montegrotto, Porretta, and Montepulciano and the volcanic outpourings of Etna and the Lipari islands are explained as follows (1): Nam illius quod me interrogastis de flammis ignis que visibiliter apparent in multis locis huius mundi ut in partibus Scicilie ete., iam supra diximus intellectum huius in capitulo quod incipit, Tellus Scicilie, etc., et in capitulo alio quod incipit. Queri solet de aquis fluminum (2). Sed quia de hoc facta est expressa questio iterum studebimus dictas questiones solvere. Unde dicimus quod in ventre terre sunt saxa sulphuris vivi et petre calidissime nature et in eisdem partibus sunt multe vacuitates quas venas appellamus et fistulas. Causa est fervor caloris quo terra grustificatur cessans a sede illius sulphuris, et ventus qui spirat per orbem reperit fixuras terre in extremis partibus et cavernas qui dum intrat in eas non revertitur retrorsum ymo filat antrorsum de vena in venam et de fistula in fistulam et sic tentans loca cavernosa pervenit ad has vacuitates ubi est tanta copia sulphuris et petrarum calidissimarum, et quia ventus est substantia calida et sicca atque subtilissima et se fricat per tales partes magis subtiliatur, et quia est de materia elementali recipit compositionem qua cum exit de locis apertis usque que (3) continuator illa multitudo sulphuris et petrarum calidissi- marum apparet flammahilis vehementer, et a diversis gentibus iudi- catur et creditur esse ignis cum habeat onmes condicione signis nostri, scilicet motu sintilis figura dumi fumo et cinere in eisdem partibus. Calore vero tali aer in eisdem partibus inflammatur et fit subtilis calidus et sulphure odoriferus. Unde aque calide et bullientes surgunt (1) MS. Canon., f. 56v-57v; MS. Ambrosian, f. 85-86v; not in Nal. (2) MS. Canon. Misc. 555, f. 40, 43, where these topics are more briefly dis- cussed. (3) I. e. usquequaque. MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK II 273 in eisdem partibus et sunt balnee multe, sicut est Pellicanus apud Viterbium, balneum de Porreta, de Monte Gotto in districtu Padue, etc., sciendo quod ubi habundat calor et sulphur sub terra crescit aurum et nascitur, econtra in contraria parte nascitur plumbum ferrum et argentum utrumque. Sunt etiam aque frigide, lacus magni, nives, etc., unde substantia illius flamme ignis parissibilis in certis locis terre et maris non est aliud quam vapor calidus et siccus violenter inflam- matus a maiori calore et siccitate, quod totum fit secundum quod prediximus. Et quia ventus non cessat antecedere sive per aerem expeditum ut supra terram sive per cavernas terre prepeditum, aut in exitu loci exit calidus invisibiliter aut inflammabilis visibiliter aut frigidus invisibiliter. Et est sciendum quod si sulphur continuatur producte usque ad exitum venti exit ventus in modum flamme que est magna vel parva secundum quantitatem substantie venti et habun- danciam caloris et condictionem aeris quem reperit impeditum ab aliqua impressione vel absolutum, et hoe dico tam de vento invisibili quam visibili et tam de frigido ut in partibus Sclavonie et Alamannie quam in partibus Scicilie, ete. Ut etiam patet per Strongulum montem qui est in medio maris et per Strongulinum, per Vulcanum et Vulcaninum, per Moncibellum et per insulam Lipari in qua sunt omnia genera bonarum arborum et herbarum. Nam Stron- gulus est mons magnus in mari et de sumitate illius exit continue magna flamma ignis. Similiter exit continue flamma ignis de sumitate montis Strongulini qui est mons minor Strongulo. De Monte Vulcani et Vulcanini, Moncibelli et imsule Lippari dicimus quod ex eis quan- doque exit flamma ignis ut quociens ventus qui dicitur auster spirat et non alias et quando cessat flamma exit fumus maximus. Et est sciendum quod ista flamma ignis cuiuslibet dictorum locorum sepe importat lapides adhustos et quandoque sticiones lignorum et cinerum que cooperit totam terram inde et aerem sepe obcecat ut est in parti- bus fluminum de arena. Eiciuntur etiam multi igniculi extra in altum cum flamma ardentiores ut ferrum focine fabri sintillans qui descen- dendo franguntur in multa frustra et magna et parva, et hec repe- Tiuntur esse pomices quibus utuntur scriptores, et has pomices mare portat ad littora et colliguntur a gentibus et inde murantur domus et parificantur ut apud nos de lateribus, quare in eisdem partibus sunt montes et fragmenta ut de lapidibus apud ceteras regiones. Aqua quidem pellagi est inde frigens et sulphurea unde marinarii transeuntes hinc quandoque implent nodos harundinum et catinos de illa aqua que cum est frigida esse sulphur probatur coagulatione, et est sciendum quod quanto plus aqua accedit prope montes ubi bullit tanto magis sulphur est melior. Verum est quod sulphuris alius albus alius niger alius zallus, ete., sciendo quod unusquisque habet certas virtutes magni valoris, ut in alchimia ad commutandum metalla et ad faciendum focum zambanum, unguenta ad scabiem, ete., suffumigatio cuius dealbat setam zallam et folia rose et lilii et eum ardet reddit Voi tv-2 20 274 CHARLES H. HASKINS aerem feculentum. Insuper dicimus quod sit illa flamma esset ignis ut noster extingueretur ab aqua que est nostro igni contraria percurrens sub terra in partibus sulphureis in quibus inflammatur, sciendo quod sicut est cursus aquarum super terram et origo fontium lectus fluminum et multitudo lacuum et stagnorum, sic est inter terram. Item dicimus quodsi dicte petre tam calide nature essen super terram sicut sunt in ea absconse et sulphur cum eis, iam mundus esset undique consumatus caliditate flatus ventorum inde transeuntium. Sed cum misericordia Dei sit maxima in dispositione constitutionis mundi, hune sulphurem et hos lapides locavit inter terram propter melius, nolens quod mundus taliter destruatur, unde voluntate Dei flamme dictorum locorum nec mundum destruunt nec loca sibi propinqua, unde super dictos montes sunt domus que ab hominibus inhabitantur et cultus terre quo fructus habentur multi. Such evil signs have led many to believe that these voleanoes are the entrance to the hell which is vividly described in the vision of St. Pau in prison; but whether the gate to the lower regions is here or in the northern isle seen by St. BRANDAN, Scot will not decide. Whatever the way in, hell is in the bowels of the earth, and there is no way out (4). Scot does not answer all the emperor’s questions anid his answers are far from satisfactory, yet all is not empty words. He has some acquaintance with the principal sulphur springs and volcanoes of Italy, and, while his knowledge of the Lipari group does not neces- sarily rest on personal observation, it at least represents inquiry among those who have observed. Although the omission of any special account of Etna is noteworthy, he has in these local matters gone well beyond ArisToTLe’s Meteorology and given some real description of volcanic phenomena. Nevertheless, making. all allowance for the fact that it is easier to ask questions than to answer them satisfactorily, the emperor’s questions show the keener mind (1) The treatise ends ; « Hec autem que breviter et facile diximus nunc ut melius fuit nobis visum, vobis, domine imperator, sufficiant ad presens de recita- tione mirrabilium mundi que Deus fecit cum magno delectu ad instar ioculatoris et adhuc facit continue, et de expositione fundamenti terre. Volentes hic finire secundum librum quem incepimus in nomine Dei cui ex parte nostra sit semper grandis laus et gloriosa benedictio et triumphus in omnibus per infinita secula seculorum amen. Explicit secundus liber Micuaris Scotti qui dicitur liber par- ticularis. Nune incipit liber physionomie «... MS. Canon. Misc. 555, f. 59; Ambrosian MS. L. sup. 92, f. 88v-89. MICHAEL SCOT AND FREDERICK II 275 and the more penetrating intelligence. They raise real difficulties, and, like those preserved by Ipn Sasin, they cut deeply into the current cosmology. That one who can go so far in these directions should at the same time accept implicitly the facile predictions of the court astrologers, is one of the typical contradictions in the intel- lectual life of the xmmth century. Harvard University. Cuar.es H. Haskins. L’Enseignement de la Mécanique en France au XVII° siécle La science avance-t-elle par une série de sauts brusques, corres- pondant a des découvertes et dus 4 des hommes déterminés, ou est-elle au contraire le résultat d'une évolution insensible, le fruit d’un effort collectif et en grande partie anonyme? Cette vieille question a été récemment remise a l’ordre du jour, en ce qui concerne la mécanique, par les savants travaux de Pierre Dunem. On sait qu’a la suite d'une étude approfondie de l’histoire de la science, DuHEm a formulé des conclusions qui bouleversent l’opinion commune relative aux origines de la mécanique moderne. Celle-ci ne serait pas née brusquement, comme on le croit, au cours du xvu™ siécle. Elle n’aurait pas pour pere GaLiLéEE. Mais elle serait l'aboutissement direct de la pensée du moyen age qui, a travers de multiples péripéties, aurait lentement muri au sein des vieilles universités. C’est le fil de cette pensée qu’auraient ensuite repris KepLer, GALILEE et Descartes. Toutefois leurs contemporains — qui, pour la plupart, ignoraient tout du passé et le méprisaient — ne s’en sont point apercus. Trompés a leur tour, les historiens modernes crurent de bonne foi qu'une science nouvelle avait été créée par cette poignée d’hommes éminents dont Jes noms étaient universellement célébrés. [1s méconnurent les philosophes qui avaient précédé Kepler et GaLiL&e; ils ignorérent les savants plus modestes qui, au xvi™ siécle méme, collaborérent dans l’ombre a lceuvre collective. De 1a, sur l’évolution de la mécanique, une vue completement erronée, que Dunem cherche a corriger en rétablissant la chaine continue dont on n’apercevait, avant lui, que quelques anneaux. I! y aurait beaucoup 4 dire sur ces conclusions. Je me contenterai aujourd hui d’insister sur une distinction qui a été déja bien souvent signalée, mais que DuHEM parait avoir un peu perdue de vue. L’ENSEIGNEMENT DE LA MECANIQUE EN FRANCE 277 Lorsqu’on étudie l’histoire des problémes mécaniques et physiques, on doit avoir soin de séparer, d'une part les théories ot se refléte Yenseignement donné ou recu par les savants dont on analyse les ceuvres, d’autre part les idées originales qui se sont dégagées de ces ceuvres et qui ont exercé une action positive sur le cours de la science. — Les idées directrices qui sont 4 la base de Ja mécanique moderne sont relativement simples et peu nombreuses; elles sont précises ou elles ne sont pas, et elles ne comportent pas de degrés; aussi, & qui considérera uniquement les idées et les principes, le développement de la mécanique apparaitra presque certainement comme discontinu. Au contraire, les conditions dans lesquelles se donne l’enseignement lui conférent nécessairement — fit-ce d'une maniére artificielle — un caractére de continuité. Le professeur d’université, ou lauteur de manuel, a tendance 4 toujours répéter les mémes lecons; lorsque les progrés de la science l’obligent 4 remanier son cours, il conserve le plus possible des théories anciennes et y insére adroitement les idées ou les faits nouveaux en rendant la soudure aussi peu apparente que possible. Ce travail de mise au point est souvent fait si ingénieusement qu'il devient presque insensible. Aussi l’historien qui jugerait de J’évolution de la science d’aprés les livres d’ensei- gnement verrait-il celle-ci se dérouler comme une chaine parfaitement unie, ainsi que le dit Pierre DuHEM. Mais, précisément Dunem ne fonde-t-il pas principalement ses conclusions sur l'étude d’ouvrages qui sont des manuels d’ensei- gnement, des cours de professeurs ? Les traités du moyen age et du xvi™e siécle qu'il a analysés rentrent presque tous dans cette catégorie. Les écrits de jeunesse de GaLitfe — qui n’ont d’ailleurs pas été publiés de son vivant et auxquels on attache peut-étre aujourd’hui trop d'importance — sont le résumé de ses lecons. Les premiers écrits du Pére Mersenne sur la mécanique, les traités d’Hericone, du Pére Fapri ou du Pére Decuates, auxquels Dunem accorde une place importante dans ses Origines de la statique, sont des ouvrages purement scolaires. N’est-ce pas parce qu'il s'est longuement attaché a de tels auteurs que Dunem a été conduit a sa doctrine historique? Nous serons portés 4 le croire si, en appliquant nous-mémes la méthode de Dune, nous cherchons a poursuivre son ceuvre. DuHEM n’a pas eu le temps d’étudier le xvu™* siécle aussi complétement qu'il a étudié le moyen Age. I] a laissé de cOté pas mal d’ouvrages qui ne sont guére connus des historiens. Or, si nous recherchons et parcourons ‘278 PIERRE BOUTROUX ces ouvrages, nous nous trouvons tout d’abord naturellement entrainés 4 raisonner comme Dunem. Non seulement nous rencontrons 4 chaque pas de nouveaux indices de l’évolution continue dont il nous parle, mais nous voyons les chainons, les intermédiaires se multiplier de plus en plus. Si nombreux sont les arguments analogues 4 ceux de DuHEM que nous fournit la période du xvu™ siécle que des doutes finissent par naitre dans notre esprit. Les raisonnements qui prouvent trop sont suspects a juste titre, car ce sont bien souvent ceux-la qui ne prouvent rien. Et, de fait, une question préalable domine le probléme. Parmi tous ces écrits, oti les théories scientifiques paraissent s’ébaucher, puis se développer, et se transformer progressivement, quels sont ceux qui ont eu effectivement quelque influence? L’histoire de la pensée scientifique du moyen age et de la Renaissance nous est trop mal connue pour que nous puissions dire jusqu’a quel point tels ou tels intermédiaires ont été nécessaires, dans quelle mesure telles formes transitoires des théories ont contribué 4 préparer leur épanouissement final; il est également difficile de savoir quelles connaissances un GALILEE ou un DescarTEs a directement ou indi- rectement puisées de l’ceuvre du moyen age (Dunem n’hésite pas 4 croire que ces savants ont lu beaucoup plus d’auteurs anciens qu'il n’apparait d’aprés leurs citations). Mais, par contre, nous sommes renseignés en détail, par de nombreuses correspondances, sur les relations qu’ont eues entre eux les savants du xvi™@™ siécle. Nous pouvons ainsi contrdler l’impression que nous donne, 4 premiere lecture, la série des ouvrages secondaires auxquels je faisais allusion tout a l’heure. Or, si nous procédons 4 ce contrdle, notre premier sentiment, favorable 4 la thése de Dunew, ne tarde pas 4 disparaitre. Grace 4 l’abondance des documents dont nous disposons pour l'étude du xvu™ siécle, nous nous formons une conviction qui équivaut presque a une certitude : les ouvrages d’enseignement, pendant cette période, n’ont joué a peu prés aucun role dans la formation de la science moderne. Faits de piéces et de morceaux et présentant sous un jour trompeur |’enchainement historique des théories, ils ne nous éclairent que peu ou point sur la marche véritable de la pensée créatrice. S’ensuit-il, cependant, que l’historien doive négliger les ouvrages de ce genre? Non, car nombre d’entre eux nous four- niront des indications précieuses sur les circonstances au milieu desquelles la pensée scientifique s’est développée, sur les traditions et les habitudes d’esprit contre lesquelles elle a di réagir. Ils ne nous ees L’ENSEIGNEMENT DE LA MECANIQUE EN FRANCE 279 instruisent pas du progrés de la science, mais plutét ils nous feront connaitre les obstacles et les résistances qui ont contrarié ce progrés. C’est 14 un point de grande importance, et c’est pourquoi l’on doit, a mon avis, étudier attentivement, a la suite de DuneEm, l’histoire de lenseignement scientifique, tout en la distinguant soigneusement de Vhistoire de la science proprement dite. On trouvera ci-dessous, 4 l'appui des remarques et des réflexions que je viens d’énoncer par avance, quelques exemples tirés de l’ensei- gnement de la mécanique en France au xvii™ siécle et, plus parti- culiérement, aprés 1650. - * * Dans les ouvrages antérieurs au xvu™ siécle le mot méme de « mécanique » était le plus souvent employé dans un sens assez restreint (1). Il ne s’appliquait qu’a Ja théorie des machines simples, étudiée par les méthodes statiques d’ArcHmipE et des Alexandrins ou par les méthodes exposées dans le traité aristotélicien (2) des (1) Cette acception s’est d’ailleurs conservée pendant tout le xvuit¢ siécle, et nous la retrouvons encore, par exemple, dans le Dictionnaire mathematique d’Ozanam (1691). C’est dans cette méme acception que DrscarTks prend le mot mécanique lorsqu’il compose, 2 la demande de ConsTanTIN Huyaens, un petit traité de statique, qu’il appellera « Mes Mechaniques ». Monantueuit définit la mécanique, en termes plus généraux, mais équivalents ; « l’art de fabriquer des machines pour tirer, pousser ou porter les corps qui surpassent les forces humaines » ou encore « l'art de forcer les corps autant qu’il est possible a aller contre leur nature ». Un cours que nous citerons plus loin (Le Monnigr, vers 1700) définit semblablement la mécanique « la science qui enseigne par quels moyens les corps difficiles 4 mouvoir peuvent étre mus plus facilement ». La définition d’Hericonr (Cours mathématique, 1634) est plus moderne. Elle se distingue des précédentes en ce qu’elle fait intervenir la netion de temps et par conséquent celle de mouvement effectif (et non plus seulement les cas d’équi- libre ou de rupture d’équilibre). « La mécanique — dit Herigone — est la science qui considére les forces mouvantes et la durée du temps du mouvement ». L’Abrégé de Méchanique de SauveurR, que nous citerons a la fin de cet article, part d’une définition analogue: « La mécanique est une science qui examine la propriété des mouvements. Dans les mouvements il faut considérer la masse, la vitesse, la direction ou la détermination du corps et la quantité de mouvement ». MERSENNE donne de la mécanique une définition beaucoup plus générale et fan- taisiste : la mécanique est un art qui sert, tant6t 4 imiter la nature comme fait le peintre, tantét a l’aider comme fait le médecin, tant6t a la contraindre ou a la tromper comme dans les cas des machines, etc. (2) On sait qu’il n’est pas certain que ce traité soit l'uvre d’ARisToTE lui- méme. 280 PIERRE BOUTROUX Questions mécaniques. A cété de cette théorie restreinte, cependant, une autre — plus vaste — était enseignée dans les cours de physique : une théorie générale des mouvements, fondée principalement sur la Physique et le Traité du Ciel dAnistoTe et sur les commentaires relatifs 4 ces traités. Les cours de physique, qui rattachaient les phéno- ménes de mouvement a l’ensemble des propriétés du monde, avaient un caractére systématique, logique et dogmatique, tandis que les ouvrages inspirés des Questions mécaniques tendaient a revétir une forme mathématique et s’orientaient vers la pratique. Ainsi se sont constitués peu 4 peu plusieurs types distincts d’écrits. mécaniques que nous trouvons représentés en France au début du xvir™° siécle par des échantillons variés. On publie encore a cette époque de nombreux commentaires des traités physiques d’AristoTEe. Citons comme exemples ceux de Ruvio, ceux d’EustacHE DE SainT-PauL, ceux du Collége de Coimbre, qui eurent de trés nombreuses éditions en plusieurs pays, et qui furent indiqués 4 Descartes par le Pére MersennE (1). D’autre part, MOoNANTHEUIL, professeur au Collége de France, publie en 1600 un commentaire (2) des Questions mécaniques. Et nous possédons par ailleurs plusieurs traités de statique mathématique du méme temps qui sinspirent principalement des écrits des savants italiens du xvr™¢ siécle, Guipo UBALDO, BENEDETTI, TARTAGLIA et CARDAN, COMMANDIN et MAurROLICo. Ces divers ouvrages ressemblent entiérement 4 ceux qui ont été composés par les générations précédentes. Toutefois on y reléve certains caractéres qui, s‘ils ne sont pas nouveaux, paraissent du moins se préciser et s’accentuer. En premier lieu, les cours de statique, qui doivent beaucoup, comme je viens de Je dire, aux auteurs italiens, se séparent de plus en plus des théories physiques et métaphysiques pour devenir purement mathématiques. Ils savent quelquefois étre concis et atteignent un haut degré de précision, se rapprochant par l’esprit et par la méthode de nos livres modernes de statique élémentaire. Comme exemple de traité de ce type, on peut, avec le cours de RopervaL (3), citer un traité de mécanique dont deux rédactions (1) Ceuv. de Descartes, éd. ApaM-Tanngry, t. III, p. 185 et notes ibid., p. 194-197. (2) ArRistorzLis Mechanica, Paris, 1599. (3) Voir notamment, sur ce traité, les Origines de la statique de DuneM, t. its chap. XVII. ; L’ENSEIGNEMENT DE LA MECANIQUE EN FRANCE 281 d’éléves sont conservées 4 la Bibliothéque Nationale (1). Le cours. @HERIGONE appartient 4 la méme catégorie, et pareillement celui de Mersenne (Mechanicorum (2) libri), dont la matiére est riche, mais qui est touffu et mal ordonné. Tous ces traités contiennent — avec la théorie classique des machines simples complétée par diverses additions — une théorie générale des centres de gravité et une théorie de Yéquilibre sur le plan incliné. Dans l’enseignement de la physique, d’autre part (et des lois du mouvement en particulier), nous observons un affaiblissement de plus en plus marqué de la structure logique des théories et de leur caractére systématique. Chaque jour la doctrine perd quelque chose de sa pureté et de sa cohérence. Les vieilles idées d’eléments, de lieu et de mouvement naturels, restent la base des explications données; mais elles ne sont plus définies avec précision, leurs propriétés ne sont pas déduites rigoureusement, et l’on néglige de s’assurer si elles ne donnent pas lieu 4 des contradictions. Combien le monde savant était devenu indifférent a la pureté logique et philosophique de la doctrine, nous en avons la preuve dans le gotit qui se manifeste alors pour les traités de physique simplifiés et abrégés. ABrA DE Raconis condense la physique en quelques pages dans un minuscule manuel (3) qui a eu de nombreuses éditions et que MERSENNH recommande a DescarTEs (4). Le médecin parisien J.-C. Frey (5) fait imprimer en 1633 un Compendium analogue. Les traités sommaires et superficiels, mais faciles a lire, de Saint Jean DamascENE (6) et du philosophe byzantin NickpHorRE Biemmipas sont traduits en latin et paraissent appréciés. (1) Manuserits, fonds francais, 14748 et 14749, La deuxieme rédaction est datée de 1708 et contient une allusion & Descartes qui ne se trouve pas dans la premiére. La plus grande partie de ce cours doit remonter au milieu du xvue siécle; l’auteur ne connait ni la théorie du barométre ni, semble-t-il, aucun auteur postérieur & STEVIN. (2) Cet ouvrage, publié en 1626, dans l'une des éditions de la Synopsis mathematica est un livre d’enseignement qui ne contient probablement que peu de parties originales. (3) Ce manuel parut successivement sous divers titres: Totius philosoph ce compendia (1622), Totius philosophice brevis tractatio et Universe Philosuphie compendium. (4) euv. de Descartes, t. III, p. 194. (5) Universe Philosophie compendium luculentissimum, Paris, 1633. (6) Jean Damascene est traduit par De Bitty (1603), Nictpuore BLeMMIDas par Weee tn (1605). Cf. les Préfaces des traducteurs. 282 PIERRE BOUTROUX En méme temps qu’ils perdent leur pureté logique — et a cause de cela méme — les traités de physique deviennent volontiers éclectiques. Nous y voyons se cotoyer des explications difficilement conciliables. On se complait 4 énumérer, sur chaque sujet, les diverses théories proposées sans se prononcer nettement pour l’une ou pour l’autre. Nous noterons enfin qu’a l’instar des savants du xvi™* siécle, maints auteurs s’évertuent 4 associer étroitement la théorie et l’application pratique de la science. C’est le cas pour MoNANTHEUIL, membre de ce Collége de France qui, depuis Oronce Fin£, s’efforce d’introduire la science pratique dans l’enseignement universitaire. Prenant pour texte de ses legons (1) les Questions Mécaniques, MONANTHEUIL y intercale une foule de questions d’actualité, relatives 4 l’érection de lobélisque de Rome, a la construction du Pont-Neuf, aux horloges, a lart typographique, aux mouvements des portefaix parisiens lors- qu’ils soulévent de grands poids, au mouvement du clou fiché sur une roue (probléme de la roulette étudié au xvi"° siécle par le Parisien ‘CHarLes BoveE.ies). Ce gout de l’application concréte s’affaiblit au cours du xvu™° siécle (on le trouve encore chez MERSENNE, un peu chez RoBervaL, et surtout chez des auteurs moins connus comme HENRION ou JEAN BouLENGER). Mais, vers la fin du xvi™° siécle, il contribua fort 4 faire passer la mécanique au premier rang des études scientifiques. En déclarant que Dieu est géométre, PLaton — dit MoNANTHEUIL (2) — n’a énoncé qu'une partie de la vérité. Dieu est avant tout mécanicien; car, qu’est le monde, sinon une immense machine dont Dieu est le mécanicien. Et c’est pourquoi — ajoute MonanTHEUIL — il n’est pas indigne d’un professeur royal au Col- lége de France de traiter de la mécanique dans son cours bien que elle-ci ait un caractére d’utilité pratique. Tels étaient, vers le commencement du xvu™ siécle, les caractéres des écrits mécaniques les plus répandus. Comment, au cours des années qui suivirent, les ouvrages de ces divers genres se sont-ils transformés? C’est 14 ce que nous désirons savoir. Or, lorsque nous regardons avec attention tous les traités que nous connaissons, lorsque nous les comparons entre eux, nous sommes conduits 4 la constatation que j’énongais plus haut. I] est impossible de découvrir, dans cette ‘suite d’écrits, l’évolution d’une théorie qui se perfectionne, le progrés (1) Dans l’ouvrage cité plus haut. (2) Loe. cit., Préface. L’ENSEIGNEMENT DE LA MECANIQUE EN FRANCE 283 d'une pensée qui murit. On y voit seulement une série de retouches assez gauches, opérées par insertion de piéces nouvelles plus ou moins bien rattachées, par retranchement d'autres morceaux, par adaptation A des usages nouveaux de certaines notions artificiellement détournées de leur signification primitive. Voyons, cependant, de plus prés sur quelqties exemples, comment s’effectue dans la pratique cet ingénieux travail de rapiécage. Le remplacement d'une théorie ou d’une hypothése scientifique par une autre se fait presque toujours de la méme maniére. Conformément a la tendance éclectique que je signalais tout 4 l'heure, on commence par indiquer — comme si |’on voulait simplement documenter le lecteur — les diverses explications des mémes faits proposées par différents auteurs : on continue toutefois 4 donner la préférence a la théorie consacrée par l’usage. Puis un nouveau pas est franchi : on déclare quwii est impossible de se prononcer entre les théories en présence et que le probléme considéré est litigieux. C’est ainsi que, dans les examens de doctorat, par exemple, un certain nombre de théses sont présentées comme incertaines (1) : « Incertum est an, an, ..., etc. ». Enfin, peu a peu, on laisse tomber les hypothéses surannées pour ne conserver que les nouvelles. C’est de cette maniére — il est facile de s’en convaincre — que lhypothése de Copernic (2) s'est peu a peu introduite dans l’ensei- gnement de l’astronomie. Les traités commencent par présenter cote a cdte la série des systémes proposés depuis l’antiquité : systéme des sphéres homocentriques, systéme de Ptorémre, systéme dit « des Egyptiens » (ou systéme d’Héractive pu Pont, dans lequel les (1) Cf. les théses mathématiques soutenues par PoNTCHARTRAIN au Collége Louis-le-Grand en 1685, et diverses théses, soutenues entre 1675 et 1695, figurant dans le recueil coté SX d. 11, 4 la Bibliothéque de la Sorbonne. On retrouve la méme forme d’exposition dans de nombreux ouvrages, — par exemple dans le Cursus mathematicus de Mi.uer Decuaves (voir t. I, 1674, p. 432) ou dans les Questions inouies de MERSENNE, p. 67 (« On ne sait pas, etc. ») (2) Cf. notamment, au xvi® siécle, la Sphére du Monde de Fin, et, au xvul® siécle, le Traité de la Sphére du Monde de J. Boutencer, professeur au Collége de France (quatre éditions au moins, la deuxiéme en 1628), la Cosmo- graphie d’Henrion (1*° édit., 1620), la Nouvelle théorie des planétes de N. Dur- ret (1635), le Traité de la sphere de Provémée et de Copernic de I’Ecossais J. Hume (Paris, 1637), le traité de Forest Ducnesne et le cours de Le Mon- NIER cité plus bas, etc., traités dont il faut rapprocher les ouvrages de Mer- SENNE et |’ [nstitutio astronomica de GassEnDi. 284 PIERRE BOUTROUX planétes inférieures tournent autour du soleil), systéme d ARISTARQUE « et de Copernic », systéme de TycHo-BranHe. Puis on refuse de: choisir entre ces systémes. Enfin on laisse entendre que l’hypothése de Copernic est la plus vraisemblable et la plus satisfaisante pour esprit; et, si néanmoins l'on rejette cette hypothése, dit un auteur de théses (1) en 1685, c’est uniquement parce quelle est contraire: a lEcriture. Faisons abstraction de cette derniére restriction, due a la circonstance qu’on est ici en présence d'une condamnation formelle de lEglise : il reste un procédé général de transformation, dont nous rencontrons de fréquentes applications lorsque nous étudions Phistoire des théories de la mécanique. Je ne nYarréterai pas aux théories relevant de la statique mathé- matique. Ici, en effet, on marchait sur un terrain sir. Une vérité mathématique bien établie est définitive. Aussi, en statique, n’a-t-on guére qu’a ajouter et rarement a retrancher. Il y avait cependant dans la statique du début du xvi° siécle certaines taches qu’il failait faire disparaitre, notamment une théorie trés défectueuse du centre de gravité (2) (que lon voulait définir physiquement, comme le point. dun corps qui tend 4 s’unir au centre du monde, au lieu d’y voir simplement le centre mathématique d’un ensemble de forces paralléles) et certaines applications vicieuses du principe des vitesses virtuelles et du principe des moments. Mais RoBERVAL a su corriger ces défauts sans toucher au reste de l’édifice, et celui-ci s'est trouvé tout prét a recevoir les additions dues aux recherches personnelles du savant professeur : sa définition précise de la force, et surtout la démonstration générale de la régle de la composition des forces. D’autres progrés, comme VY introduction du principe de TorRICELLI sur la descente du centre de gravité, furent également réalisés sans effort. Plus difficile & effectuer était la mise au point des théories relatives au mouvement, le passage de la dymamique du moyen age a celle de Descartes et de Huycens (3). La transformation s’accomplit cependant. sans heurt, suivant les principes que nous indiquions tout a l'heure. L’une des principales questions que I’on avait 4 étudier était celle de la chute accélérée des graves. DuHEM a montré (4) que les physiciens. (1) Ponrcuartrain (voir plus haut). (2) Cf. Dunum, Les origines de la statique, t. II, chap. XVe XVI. (3) La mécanique de Newron et celle de Lersniz n’ont point le temps de péné- trer dans ]’enseignement des écoles frangaises avant le xvu® siécle. (4) Etudes sur LkonarD DE VINCI, 3° série, 1913 passim. L’ENSEIGNEMENT DE LA MECANIQUE EN FRANCE 285 parisiens du x1v™ siécle étaient arrivés 4 formuler certaines hypo- théses qui — lorsqu’on les rapproche les unes des autres — donnent immeédiatement la Joi de GaLiLée. Ces hypothéses, cependant, n’étant étayées, ni par des expériences précises, ni par des raisonnements solides, ne s’imposaient pas au monde savant. Chacun restait libre, semble-t-il, de les accepter ou de les rejeter. C’est pourquoi la plupart des cours du xy1i™° siécle ne regardent pas la question comme tranchée, mais énumérent simplement les diverses explications de la pesanteur qui ont été proposées. I] se peut — dit une thése (1) de 1685 — que ce soit le mouvement méme qui engendre l’accélération, ou bien que la cause mouvante (cause, quelle qu'elle soit, de la pesanteur) imprime au mobile une qualitas impressa ou impetus, ou bien que le mouve- ment des graves soit entretenu et accéléré par l’action de l’air. Réduites a des affirmations aussi vagues, les trois hypothéses se laissent conci- lier, l'une aussi bien que l'autre, avec la loi de GALILEE (hauteur de chute proportionnelle au carré du temps). Et cette loi peut tout aussi aisément étre mise d’accord avec la théorie qui fait dépendre l’acce- lération de lattraction : encore que l’on ignore la cause de la « plus grande vitesse » des corps qui tombent, écrit MERSENNE (2) a propos des résultats de Gauivée, « l'on peut néanmoins expliquer quelques raisons qui satisferont 4 plusieurs personnes, soit que la pesanteur des corps les pousse en bas, que lair les chasse hors de son lieu, que la terre les attire, ou que ces trois causes et plusieurs autres contri- buent a cet effet ». Aussi voyons-nous la loi mathématique de GALILEE communément admise dans la deuxiéme moitié du xvu™* siécle par ceux-la mémes qui ne repoussent pas absolument les théories aristotéliciennes (« cette proportion admirable qu il y a entre la hauteur et le temps de chute ne peut étre mise en doute par personne », dit la thése de 1685 déja citée). Mais, puisque loi et théorie ne s’impliquent pas nécessairement l'une Il’autre, la théorie n’a plus en réalité de réle a jouer. Elle devient plutot une géne et l’on va bientot juger bon de l’abandonner. Déja lauteur de (1) La thése de Pontouartrain, citée plus haut. La troisiéme explication indiquée ci-dessous est admise concurremment avec la premiére ou la deuxiéme par l’auteur de théses soutenues dans une discussion publique qui eut lieu a Pont-a-Mousson en 1622 (Selecte propositiones in tota sparsim mathematicw pulcherrime, Bibl. Nat. V. 8424) et par GassenpI dans ses premiers ouvrages {voir les L’pistole tres de motu impresso, 1641). (2) Traité des mouvemens, 1633. 286 PIERRE BOUTROUX théses (1) soutenues a Liége en 1603 déclare que l’opinion la plus. vraie est l’opinion commune, d’aprés laquelle « c’est le mouvement précédent qui est la cause de la vitesse plus grande prise par le mouvement suivant ». Or cette opinion ne peut vraiment pas étre regardée comme une explication ou une théorie. Ce n’est, en somme, que Ja constatation méme du fait de l’accélération. La loi du mouvement parabolique des projectiles s'introduit dans. lenseignement (2) tout aussi aisément que celle de la chute verticale. On sait qu’aprés divers tatonnements les auteurs du Moyen age et de la Renaissence, se fondant sur la distinction radicale qui sépare selon eux le mouvement naturel du mouvement violent, s’étaient presque tous arrétés a une figure de Ja trajectoire du projectile formée de deux segments rectilignes réunis par un are de courbe, et fort semblable a une parabole. Les conceptions qui ont guidé ces auteurs n'ont point contribué a préparer la démonstration de GaLiLEEe sur le mouvement parabolique. Elles nous en éloigneraient plutot (3). Toutefois. — venant aprés ces essais de solution du probléme, assez heureux quant aux apparences données 4a la trajectoire et confirmés, semblait-il, par la pratique de Ja balistique — l’apparition de la parabole en la question parait moins surprenante que si elle était survenue d’emblée. Le probleme des percussions (plus spécialement le probleme ayant. pour objet la mesure de J’action d’un maillet qui tombe sur un clou) tenait une place importante dans Ja plupart des cours de mécanique. Mais de ce probléme aucune solution précise n’avait été donnée. Dans quelle proportion la force de percussion dépend-elle du poids du maillet et de sa vitesse ? On restait indécis entre diverses époques (4). Aussi la théorie des chocs de billes, qui est le fondement de la méca-. nique de DescarTEs et qui fut mise au point par HuycEns, trouva-t-elle (1) Perrus Bertius, De motu gravium et levium, Liége, 1603. (2) Cette démonstration repose sur une application particuliére de la loi dinertie, que (comme nous le verrons tout 4 l’heure) on ne peut mettre d’accord avec Ja doctrine du mouvement naturel (d’ou l'ancienne physique voulait déduire la trajectoire cherchée) qu’a la condition de modifier profondément cette doc- trine. (3) Voir, par exemple, le Dictionnaire mathématique d’Ozanam, 1691, p. 334-335. Dans le cours du Pére Fasri (voir Tractatus physicus de motu locali, rédigé par Mousnier, 1644) les voies sont préparées & l'introduction de la trajectoire parabolique. (4) Voir notamment Mersenne, Cogitata physico-mathematica, 1644, p. 72 et suiv., 85 et suiv., et également MoNANTHEUIL, loc. cit., p. 128 et suiv. L’ENSEIGNEMENT DE LA MECANIQUE EN FRANCE 287° facilement moyen de sinsérer dans la physique des écoles (1), bien. que son auteur principal eat eu au contraire pour dessein de l’opposer a cette physique. Si nous en venons maintenant aux questions plus délicates touchant aux premiers principes de la mécanique, nous voyons la transfor- mation des théories s'accomplir d'une maniére analogue, quoique avec plus de lenteur et de résistance. La doctrine du lieu, par exemple, appliquée au mouvement des. astres et au mouvement centripéte des graves, continue longtemps a étre enseignée, bien qu’elle se réduise au xv siécle 4 quelques propositions extrémement vagues. L’ordre du monde demande — écrit Forrest-DucHEsNE, professeur de rhétorique, mathématique, philosophie et théologie (2) — qu’autant qu'il est possible les corps: graves soient en bas et les corps légers en haut. Ainsi les mouvements naturels des corps sont des mouvements qui ont pour but de rétablir (le plus directement possible, done en ligne droite) ordre de la nature lorsque celui-ci a été troublé. Dans le vide il n’y aurait aucun mouvement naturel des corps graves ou Jégers, parce qu'il ne pourrait y avoir aucun désordre a réparer; un corps situé dans le vide ne serait done ni grave ni léger. Le Pére Fasri, dans son cours de physique (3), enseigne une doctrine analogue. Le grave se meut naturellement de facgon a atteindre le lieu qui lui est assigné (ut swam finem conse- quatur), ¢c’est-a-dire de facon a aller vers le bas. Dans le vide absolu il n’y aurait ni haut ni bas et aucun grave ne se mouvrait natu- rellement. Mais cette explication de la pesanteur ne joue plus, dans le systéme de physique enseigné par le Pére Fasri, aucun réle important. Elle n'est 1a, pour ainsi dire, que pour mémoire. Le Pére Fasri déduit en fait les propriétés des corps graves d’un ensemble de définitions qui énoncent les mouvements constatés sans rien postuler sur la cause de ces mouvements. C’est sur de semblables définitions que les théses de doctorat citées plus haut fondent la théorie des graves, et, dans ces théses, les lois non établies par l’expérience ne sont rapportées que (1) Elle est exposée en détail dans un cours de mécanique (Abrégé de méca- nique) que nous citons plus bas. Cf., également, les Dialogi physici du P. Fasrt, 1669, et un cours de physique professé @ Paris vers 1700 par Lk Monnigr, pro- fesseur de philosophie. (2) Selecte dissertationes physico-mathematicw, 1647, p. 156 et suiv. (3) Physica, Lyon, 1669, t. I, p. 241 et suiv. 288 PIERRE BOUTROUX ~ comme des propositions douteuses (1) (incertum est...). « On ne saurait dire » si les graves se portent vers le centre de l’univers, s ils tombent vers la terre 4 quelque distance qu’ils soient placés de celle-ci, ‘si, parmi les corps du ciel, les uns tendent a s’approcher du centre de la terre, les autres 4 s’en écarter, si la gravité et la légéreté sont deux principes distincts (2), ete. Et l’on se contente done de définitions comme celles-ci (3) : Parmi les corps, ainsi que nos yeux le constatent, il en est qui se meuvent vers le bas : ils sont dits graves; d'autres se meuvent vers le haut, ils sont dits Jégers, d'autres encore se meuvent autour d'un centre, ils sont dits célestes. Désormais la porte est ouverte 4 des explications nouvelles : on est libre de donner comme cause a la pesanteur attraction de la terre (explication admise par GAssENDI, RoBERVAL, Mais qui ne semble pas avoir trouvé grande faveur dans Tenseignement francais au xvu™ siécle) ou, a Vinstar de DESCARTES, certains mouvements tourbillonnaires. De fait, la théorie cartésienne des tourbillons, plus ou moins altérée il est vrai, s'est, comme on sait, rapidement répandue dans les écoles frangaises (4). Nous voyons par les exemples qui précédent comment les théories et les hypothéses devenues caduques s’éliminent peu a peu, sans bruit, pour faire place a d’autres. Dans certains cas, le processus de transfor- mation est un peu différent, et il est plus curieux encore. Certaines théories vétustes, au lieu de disparaitre, s’affirment au contraire autant que jamais, mais se métamorphosent, changent de sens, de (1) Théses de PoNTCHARTRAIN, citées plus haut (1685). Cf. le Cursws mathe- maticus de DEcHALES (t. I, p. 432 et suiv.). ; (2) On savait au moyen age (comme l’a montré DuHEm) que l'on peut, sans rien changer 4 ce que l’on enseigne sur les mouvements des corps graves et légers, admettre que la légéreté n’est. point une qualité positive, mais seulement une moindre gravité. Cette maniere de voir est la seule correcte d’aprés le cours de Le Monnier cité plus haut (vers 1700). Dans le traité du Pére Casati (Lyon, 1684) il est affirmé au contraire que la légéreté est une qualité positive. Beaucoup de traités, comme celui de ForEst-Ducuesng, laissent la question dans le vague. (3) Théses de PontcuartrRaIN. Dans ses Traites de mécanique (1679), le Pére Lamy procéde d'une maniére analogue. (4) Dans l’enseignement de Lz Monnier (vers 1700), elle est devenue partie intégrante du cours de physique. Déja le Pére Fasri enseigne dans sa Physica {t. I, 1669, p. 240) qu’aucun corps ne peut descendre sans qu’un autre monte en méme temps (mouvement circulaire de DescaRTES). L’ENSEIGNEMENT DE LA MECANIQUE EN FRANCE 289 maniére a s’adapter 4 des conséquences nouvelles. C’est le cas pour la doctrine du mouvement naturel, qui, grace 4 une ingénieuse inter- prétation, se mue en un principe nouveau ou |’on voit poindre la loi moderne de l’inertie. On sait que la physique ancienne attachait une importance capitale a la distinction du mouvement naturel (rectiligne pour les corps terrestres, circulaire pour les astres) et du mouvement violent. Mais cette physique enseignait, d’autre part, que les mouvements parfaits sont les mouvements uniformes, et, a ce titre, il semblait que tout mouvement naturel dit étre uniforme (ou composé de mouvements uniformes). Comment expliquer alors que la chute naturelle dvi grave soit accélérée? Nous avons rappelé tout a l’heure les causes que l’on imaginait pour rendre compte de cette accélération. ARrISTOTE, en particulier, la croyait due a la poussée de l’air, ce qui, au fond, revenait 4 admettre (sans qu’on le dit expressément) que le mouvement de chute dépend en partie d’une action violente, celle de l’air en contact. Cependant le moment vient ow la loi précise de la chute des graves est formulée, et la conviction s’impose que l’accélération est le résultat d'une action de la pesanteur elle-méme. GALILEE constate, d’autre part, que, sur un plan horizontal, si l’on fait abstraction des résistances, tout mouvement uniforme se perpétue de lui-méme indéfi- ment sans qu'il faille aucune cause (pesanteur ou autre) pour lentretenir. Bient6ét aprés Descartes rend extrémement vraisemblable cette idée, que les astres eux aussi fendent a conserver vitesse et direction, et que c’est la combinaison d’un mouvement d’inertie avec un mouvement centrifuge ou centripéte qui produit leur cause curviligne. Comment faire entrer ces faits dans le cadre de l’ancienne théorie? On y parvient en franchissant une série d’étapes successives, presque insensibles. Nous nous rappelons que, d’aprés les physiciens parisiens du xiv™° siécle (1), le corps grave qui tombe serait le siége d'un impetus qui va continuellement en s’accroissant. Du jour ow ils furent familiarisés avec la loi quantitative de l’accélération, les adeptes de cette doctrine admirent tout naturellement que chaque nouvel accrois- sement d’impetus consiste en un degré de vitesse constant qui se perpétue indéfiniment tant qu’aucune cause étrangére ne l’affecte (2), (1) Cf. Donem, notamment dans ses Etudes sur Ltonarp pe Vine, 3° série, 1913. 4 (2) Cf. les théses de PonTCHARTRAIN, la Physique du Pere Fasri, t. I, p. 246, etc. Vou. tv-] 21 299 PIERRE BOUTROUX en sorte que, par l’addition d’tmpetus égaux dans des temps égaux, le mouvement accéléré se produit suivant la formule de GaLiLee. Ainsi se trouve affirmée Ja loi de la conservation de la vitesse pour le mouvement rectiligne résultant dun impetus unique. Loi qui est encore fort loin, toutefois, de notre principe d’inertie, car l’impetus est considéré par la plupart des auteurs comme une sorte de qualité active, ou de vertu imprimée dans le corps, laquelle est trés analogue a la « tendance naturelle » d’Aristote (1). Cette vertu est regardée comme la cause qui entretient la vitesse du grave, et c'est encore par une vertu semblable — ayant la propriété de mouvoir les corps en cercle — que l’école de Burman explique la course des astres. Mais, laissant de cdté ces considérations, retenons simplement lidée générale, trés naturelle (et trés vague d’ailleurs), de l’addition des impetus. De cette idée, un pas facile 4 franchir nous conduit 4 la doctrine qui est énoncée par MOoNANTHEUIL (2) : Le mouvement vraiment naturel — celui qui se produit sans intervention d'un agent extérieur — est le mouvement rectiligne (Omnis motus naturalis est per rectam de centro ad locum). Mais, alors, le mouvement des astres, le mouvement accéléré des graves devra-t-il done étre regardé comme un mouvement violent? On s’achemine en effet vers cette idée. « Si Yon demande — dit MonANTHEUIL — pourquoi le ciel se meut circulai- rement, je répondrai qu’il se meut ainsi, non naturellement, mais par Yeffet dune volonté. Cette volonté est celle dune intelligence qui gouverne le monde comme notre ame gouverne notre corps. » Et Forest-DUCHESNE, se servant adroitement de la doctrine (3) des ames célestes, enseigne (4) que, dans chaque astre, Dieu a logé un ange qui préside a sa course. Ainsi le mouvement d'un astre est, a la lettre, celui d'un corps poussé par un agent étranger. L’impetus imprimé a (1) Giovanni pe Guevara dans ses Jn ARISTOTELIS Mechanicas commentarii, Rome, 1627, consacre un chapitre 4 démontrer que la théorie de l’impetus n’est pas en désaccord avec la physique d’ARISTOTE (p. 26] et suiv.). (2) ARISTOTELIS mechanica, p. 104. MoNANTHEUIL ne se prononce pas, par contre, sur la question de la conservation de la vitesse, et, en un autre passage de son traité (p. 202), il admet, avec beaucoup d’autres auteurs, que ‘impetus, du moins l’impetus violent imprimé 4a un projectile, s’affaiblit peu 2 peu comme la chaleur que l’on imprime dans un morceau de fer. (3) Notamment de la doctrine enseignée par NIcoLAS DE CUSE. (4) Selecte dissertationes, 1647, p. 148 et passim. Cf. le Discours sur le mouvement local du Pére Parptks (2¢ édit., 1674, p. 43). L’ENSEIGNEMENT DE LA MECANIQUE EN FRANCE 291 un corps terrestre n’est lui-méme — selon le cours de Le Monnier (1) — que la puissance divine imprimée au mobile, et c'est pourquoi il persévere indéfiniment : l’addition des impetus dans le grave qui tombe est par conséquent l’effet d’une action extérieure, — de l’action divine. Ainsi l’on en vient a enseigner positivement que la chute du corps pesant est bien, en réalité, un mouvement violent. Et, dans les théses de 1685 que nous avons déja plusieurs fois citées, nous voyons enfin Yaction de la pesanteur devenir le type méme de laction violente, en sorte que l’on nous propose de définir une force queleonque comme étant lagent ou la cause produisant un mouvement uniformément accéléré (c’est-a-dire accéléré dans la proportion qui caractérise la pesanteur ). Si l’on admet cette définition de la force et du mouvement violent, expression « mouvement naturel » devient alors synonyme exact de « mouvement non accéléré » ou « mouvement d’inertie ». Tel est, en gros, l’artifice grace auquel le principe d’inertie peut étre introduit dans la mécanique ancienne. Le mot « artifice », certes, n'est pas trop fort ici, car aucune évolution naturelle de la science n’aurait pu aboutir, croyons-nous, a la métamorphose qui vient d’étre décrite. La doctrine qui fait du mouvement de la pesanteur un mouvement violent est en réalité inconciliable avec les principes d Aristote. Elle détruit, en effet, les fondements mémes de Ia distinction établie entre les mouvements naturels et les mouvements violents. Prétendre main - tenir cette distinction (2) tout en enseignant une pareille doctrine est manifestement un défi au bon sens. Aussi bien le vrai principe d’inertie n’a-t-il été nullement, dans l’histoire, l’aboutissement de la conception aristotélicienne du mouvement naturel, comme certains ouvrages d’enseignement pourraient le faire croire. I] n’est pas entré dans la science par la voie que nous venons de décrire. Mais il a été (incomplétement d’ailleurs) suggéré 4 Gatitfe (3) par l’expérience; il a été, d’autre part, imposé 4 Gassenpi par les problémes de la (1) Vers 1700 (voir plus haut). Lz Monnier enseigne que l’énoncé donné par Descartes du principe d’inertie n'est pas acceptable parce qu’il porte atteinte a la toute-puissance divine. (2) Ozanam, dans son Dictionnaire mathématique de 1691, donne encore les définitions suivantes incompatibles avec l'idée d’inertie : « Le mouvement égal est le mouvement des corps célestes qui se meuvent en rond. Le mouvement ineé- gal est le mouvement des corps terrestres, qui n’est pas uniforme. » (3) Nous savons (cf. les études de Dunem) que maints philosophes du moyen 292 PIERRE BOUTROUX théorie atomistique et dicté a Descartes par les exigences de son systéme. L’analyse que nous venons de faire 4 propos de la notion de mouvement naturel pourrait étre répétée dans bien d’autres cas. Considérons, par exemple, la notion de moment. A lorigine, le mot « moment » a un sens trés large : c'est la puissance de mouvement que possede un corps eu égard aux conditions dans lesquelles il est placé (1), aux liaisons auxquelles il est soumis [dans le cas particulier d’un corps suspendu au bout d’un bras de levier horizontal, le moment se trouvera étre égal au poids du corps multiplié par la longueur du bras]. De cette acception trés générale, que l’on particularise et que l'on précise, on passe par degrés insensibles a la définition mathéma- tique que nous donnons aujourd’hui du moment statique. Le mot si fréquemment employé d’ « impetus » donne lieu 4 des observations semblables. En en suivant la fortune, on verrait comment limpetus, qui est originairement une vertu, une qualité imprimée dans un corps, devient, 4 un certain moment, une quantité, la quantité de mouvement de DescarTEs (2). A mesure, d’ailleurs, que le sens des notions se dégage, les théories qui servaient primitivement 4 les étayer deviennent superflues, et disparaissent plus ou moins vite. Ainsi, en particulier, une fois venu le age avaient observé avec attention certains effets d’inertie (par exemple Ja ten- dance qu’a une meule & continuer & tourner indéfiniment). Mais leurs observa- tions n’étaient pas suffisantes pour leur permettre d’en tirer avec certitude des conclusions semblables a celles de GaLitiz. Ajoutons que le moyen age (et-GALI- LEE lui-méme a un certain point de vue) croyait que la tendance du mouvement uniforme 4 se conserver peut exister pour le mouvement circulaire aussi bien que pour le mouvement rectiligne. (1) C’est ainsi que MerSENNE interpréte la notion de « moment » dans son exposé de la statique de GaLiLeE (Les Méchaniques de GauiLisz, 1634, p. 7). (2) La mécanique des fluides — que j'ai laissée de cdté dans cet article — donnerait lieu 4 des constatations semblables. Dans les ouvrages du Pére Noi, par exemple, on voit s’opérer le passage entre la théorie scolastique des fluides et la théorie de DescaRTES. — Egalement instructive est la métamorphose du centre de violence dun corps (point faisant pendant az centre de gravité dans la doc- trine qui fait de la gravité naturelle et du mouvement violent deux principes opposés) : au xvu® siécle. ce point devient le centre d’agitation, et bientdt le centre d'oscillation du pendule composé (cf. Dunum, Ltudes sur LioNARD DE Vinci, 1¢ série, p. 108 et suiv., 147 et suiv.). L’ENSEIGNEMENT DE LA MECANIQUE EN FRANCE 293 jour ot lon dispose des lois mathématiques du mouvement des graves, — du principe de la conservation de la vitesse (introduit comme nous I’avons vu tout a heure), — d'une définition précise de la quantité de mouvement et de la théorie élémentaire des chocs, on peut, franchissant un dernier pas, Jaisser tomber tout le reste : on a alors une théorie dynamique — celle de DrescarTes, revue en ce qui concerne les lois du choc, et complétée par les lois de GaLILee —- qui est parfaitement cohérente et est devenue aussi purement mathéma- tique que le sont les cours de statique. Ce dernier progrés est réalisé (vers la fin du xvu™* siécle, sans doute) dans un cours « abrégé » de mécanique di peut-étre 4 SauveuR et qui se trouve parmi les manus- crits de la Bibliothéque Nationale (1). Avec cet Abrégé de mécanique précis et concis — le plus moderne et le plus remarquable des cours que j’ai examinés dans les pages qui précédent — nous touchons au terme de |’évolution qui a transport Ja mécanique du domaine de la physique et de la philosophie dans celui de la géométrie et de lalgébre. Sans doute bien des maitres conti- nueront longtemps encore 4 regarder la théorie des mouvements comme une partie de la philosophie (c’est ainsi qu’elle se présente dans le cours de (2) Le Monnier cité plus haut. Mais le lien qui rattache cette théorie au reste de la physique est devenu désormais extrémement lache et artificiel. Du point de vue mathématique, par contre, — n’oublions pas de le remarquer — la théorie dynamique exposée dans l’Abrégé de mécanique que je viens de citer aura encore beaucoup a progresser pour rattraper la science, qui a la fin du xvu™ siécle marche a pas de géant. Dans ce traité, la notion précise de vitesse instantanée (vitesse en un temps ¢) ne se trouve pas encore (3). La notion de force —— étrangére, comme on sait, 4 la dynamique cartésienne qui est (1) Abrégé de méchanique, fonds frangais 14750. Deux autres cours manus- crits presque identiques se trouvent 4 la Bibliothéque Nationale, et celui qui parait le dernier en date est donné comme étant le cours professé par Sauveur (1653-1716). Outre les matiéres dont je viens de faire mention, ces cours con- tiennent une théorie du mouvement des corps fluides fondée sur les lois du choc. (2) Vers 1700 (voir plus haut). La théorie cartésienne des chocs occupe la place @’honneur dans les chapitres du cours de Le Monnikr consacrés & la mécanique. (3) La vitesse d’un corps est simplement définie comme « le plus ou moins de chemin que le corps fait pendant un certain temps ». 294 PIERRE BOUTROUX fondée uniquement sur la considération des chocs — est absente (1). La direction du mobile (« ligne qu il parcourt ou tend 4 par- courir (2) ») est encore distinguée de la vitesse (qui, dés lors, n’est qu'un nombre). La notion de vitesse ou plutdt de direction est présentée en des termes qui rappellent encore trop les anciennes distinctions scolastiques (on nous dit, en effet, que la direction est simple lorsqwil n’y a qu’une cause tendant 4 mouvoir le corps, composée lorsqu’il y a plusieurs causes en présence). Les lois du choc et la distinction des corps élastiques et non-élastiques ne sont pas établies complétement (3). I] reste, on le voit, pas mal a faire pour mettre cet enseignement d’accord avec les travaux de Huycens, de Newton, de Lerpniz. Ce sera 1a ]’ceuvre des maitres du xvir™® siécle. Collége de France. PreRRE BouTrovx. (1) Le mot «force» apparait, il est vrai, exceptionnellement en quelques pas- sages, mais seulement comme synonyme de « quantité de mouvement ». (2) On remarquera la précaution prise ici pour pouvoir appliquer & des mou- vements virtuels la définition donnée. La considération de tels mouvements était classique. (3) On n’y traite que le cas peu intéressant des corps absolument inélastiques cas étudié en détail par Wa ttis). a The development of trigonometric methods down to the close of the XVth century. (With a general account of the methods of constructing tables of natural sines down to our days.) This paper serves as an introduction to a study on RiIcHarD WALLINGFORD’S Quadripartitum which will be published (with notes and translation) in an ulterior number of Jsis. My study of the Quadri- partitum was undertaken in the summer of 1918 at the suggestion of Professor L. C. Karpinski of the University of Michigan, who had himself made a preliminary examination of the manuscript. The introduction is largely based on the late A. von Braunmuut’s Vorle- sungen. It treats the evolution of the methods of plane trigonometry from the earliest times to the close of the fifteenth century. However, since WALLINGroRD makes the methods of calculating tables of sines and chords the central feature of Part I of the Quadripartitum, it has seemed advisable not to limit in point of time the treatment of the methods of constructing tables of natural sines. The whole work, as published in this and following numbers of Jsis, was submitted as a thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy in the University of Michigan, 1920. To Professor L. C. Karpinskt my thanks are due for very helpful directions and criticism throughout the preparation of this dissertation. In the construction of their pyramids, nearly all of which had their faces inclined approximately 52° to the horizontal, the ancient Egyptians employed the practical equivalent of trigonometric func- tions. As interpreted by Cantor (1). DF <— pir em us (fig. 4), (1) Cantor, Vorlesungen tiber Geschichte der Mathematik, 2nd Edition, vol. 1, p. 59-60. Leipzig, 1898, 296 JOHN DAVID BOND DC = qai en haru, 2CF = uzxa tebt, 2CE = senti. But seqt, « the ratio number », in one plane is esl se = ad = cos DFC and in piremus DE qaienharu CD 1/2 senti CE pyramids probably used the term seqt somewhat as modern carpen- ters use the word pitch in sawing rafters. « The sockets cut into the limestone surface of the desert plateau in which the cornerstones of the Great Pyramid were laid... enabled Perrig to establish the length of the sides as 755 feet. The maximum error he found to be 0.63 of an inch, that is, less than one fourteen-thousandth of the total length of the side. The error of angle at the corners he found to be 12" of a degree, that is, one twenty-seven-thousandth of the right angle which the architect had laid out at the corner » (1). With this glimpse at the earliest trace of our science we must turn to astronomy or astrology for further development. In fact it was only with the object of perfecting astronomical calculations that trigonometry was cultivated at all for some 3000 years. The first independent treatise on trigonometry is that by At-Tusr of Bagdad in the thirteenth century, while two centuries more passed before a similar work appeared in Europe. Because of the interest in astron- omy, spherical trigonometry was developed prior to the plane, but we shall limit our discussion to the latter. A. von BraunmunL (2) remarks that while in a papyrus of the early Egyptians was discovered the first trigonometric ratio we possess only fragmentary records of the early astronomical observations and computations. Doubtless the Egyptians and, probably earlier, the Chaldeans cultivated with devotion the pseudo-science astrology, as related by THEoN or Smyrna. Among the early Chinese there are also traces of some idea of trigonometric ratio. But the first noteworthy development is to be found among the Greeks, who built their scien- tific structure upon the foundations erected by the Egyptians and the Babylonians. Indeed the earliest Greek mathematicians and astron- omers were travellers who acquired their knowledge at the feet of the other it is = tan DEC. The stone-cutters of the (1) Breastep, « The Origins of Civilization », Scientific Monthly, p. 91-92 January, 1920, (2) A. von BraunmuHL, Vorlesungen iiber Geschichte der Trigonometrie, vol. 1, p. 3-6. Leipzig, 1900. Later references to this volume will be devoted simply by BRauUNMUHBL. ae THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 297 Egyptian and Babylonian priests. Thus Tuates (640-548 B. Cc.) O Miletus, who spent many years in Egypt and became the first promi- nent mathematician among the Greeks, learned to determine from its shadow the height of a pyramid and from the similarity of triangles the distance of a ship from the harbor of Miletus. ANAXIMANDER, contemporary and pupil of THaLes, appears to have introduced into Greece the gnomon (sun-dial) of the Babylonians : from the lengths of the gnomon and its shadow the determination of the height of the sun leads to the tangent of its altitude. But it is in the little book of 18 propositions On the Sizes and Distances of the Sun and Moon by Aristarcuus (about 310-230 B. c.) of Samos that we first find an attempt to calculate trigonometric ratios. HeatH (1) says: « Besides the formal assumptions at the beginning of the treatise, there lie at the root of ArIsTARCHUS’ reasoning certain propositions assumed without proof, presumably because they were generally known to the mathematicians of the day. The most general of the propositions are equivalent to the statements — If a is what we call the circular measure of an angle, and a is less than 7/2, then (I) the ratio sin a/a decreases as a increases from 0 tom/2, but (II) the ratio of tan a/a increases as a increases from 0 to 7/2”. In propositions 7, 11, 12, 13, respectively, ArisTarcuus reaches conclusions equivalent to the following : 41/18 > sin 5° > 1/20, 1/45 > sin 1° > 1/60, 1 > cos 1° > 89/90, 1 > cos? 1° > 44/45 (2). The statement of proposition 7, for example, is : « The distance of the sun from the earth is greater than eighteen times, but less than twenty times, the distance of the moon from the earth ». The assump- tion here is that at dichotomy the angle at the sun is 3°. Hipparcuus, called by the Greeks the Father of Astronomy, was born at Nicea and lived in Rhodes and Alexandria during the period 161 to 126.8.c. That he was also the founder of the trigonometry of chords appears from two sources. Tneon (about 365 a. p.) of Alexandria says that Hipparcuus wrote a treatise in 12 books on the calculation of chords in a circle, but no trace of this book has been found. Furthermore one work of Hipparcuus from a commentary on the astronomical work of Evpoxus and Aratus has come down to us, in which he says that he had proved graphically (Petavius’ translation (1) Heatu, Aristarchus of Samos, p. 333, Oxford. 1913. (2) Braunmint, incorrectly gives here 1 > cos 1° > 44/45, p. 8. 298 JOHN DAVID BOND is « per lineas ») in an earlier work all that he used in the commen- tary (1). From THEON we also learn that MENELaus (about 98 a. D.) of Alex- andria treated in 6 books the trigonometry of chords, but this book is also lost. However, Arabic and Hebrew translations of the Spheries of MeneLaus in 3 books have come down to us (2). Similar works of ANAXIMANDER (about 614 3B. c.), AuToLycus (about 330 B. c.), Euciip (about 320 B. c.), HypsicLes (about 180 B.c.) of Alexandria, and TuHeEobosius (first century Bs. c.), of Tripoli contain not a trace of trigonometric computation. But Menetaus’ Spherics gives in great completeness the geometric theorems on which Greek trigonometry is built and in the last book treats of the relations between chords and ares. The first theorem in the second book, generally known as the Theorem of MENELAUS, is the foundation of the laws of the spher- ical trigonometry that obtained until trigonometry twelve or fourteen centuries later broke the shackles that bound it to astronomy. The Theorem of MeneLaus may be stated thus : The product of the three ratios of the consecutive segments of the sides of a plane triangle made by any rectilinear transversal equals unity. Let the transversal intersect the sides of triangle ABC in the points D, E, F (fig. 2). Dropping from A, B, C perpendiculars AM, BN, CP to AD AM BE BN CF_ CP DB BN’ EC CP’ FA AM Whence by multiplication — Re = AD, BE, CF — DB, EC, FA. Now it is to be observed that if we consider the figure ABCDEF a complete quadrilateral, there are involved four distinct triangles and a transversal corresponding to each. But only two of these triangles are considered by MENELAUS, ProLemy, and their followers, for as we shall see in the next paragraph, their point of view was wholly different from ours. By them one ratio was always equated to the product of the other two. For example, os = which is always stated line FD, we have by similar triangles = 1, or as it is often written, (1) See BraunmUxL, « Beitrage zur Geschichte der Trigonometrie », Adh. d. Kais. L.-P. Deutschen Akad. d. Naturforscher, vol. LXXI. n. 1, p. 4, Halle, 1897. (2) ByornBo, « Studien tiber Menetaos’ Spharik », Abhandlungen zur Ge- schichte d. Math. Wis., vol. 14, p. 10. Leipzig, 1902. THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 299 in words just as we find it in the Quadripartitum : « The ratio of AD to DB is composed of the ratio of CE to BE and of the ratio of CF to FA »(1). If in the equation AD. BE. CF = DB. EC. FA we divide by the product of BE. CF and each of the factors on the right successively, we obtain 3 distinct « composed ratios ». By inter- changing the denominators on the right of these we obtain 3 other forms. Then because 6 different forms occur with each of the ante- cedents AD, BE, CF there are in all 18 « modes » to use the classic term employed by Watuincrorp. THasit 1BN Qurran (836-901, Bagdad) wrote a work on the « 18 modes » which is extant in the Arabic text and in Hebrew translations, besides Latin versions (2). In his Liber Abaci (1202) Leonarp or Pisa translated the Arabic al-katta (the cutter) as figura cata(3). Later writers evidently adopted simply the term cata, for we often find WaLLINcForD speaking of « arranging the catha » (or chata or chatha) for the solution of a particular problem. The ancient theory of the quadrilateral reaches its highest development in At-Tusi’s Treatise on the Quadrilateral (4). The medieval point of view is found in the Quadripartitum of which Part III is devoted entirely to the treatment of the quadrilateral. WALLINGFORD says : «I shall draw the two lines AC and AD (fig. 3) from the point A and two other lines CE and DB from the extremities C and D and intersecting in a point G. Then I say that the ratio of AC to AB is composed of the ratio of CE to GE and of the ratio of DG to DB. From B I shall draw a line BF parallel to CG and in the proportion put GE between CE and BF. Then by the argument of Part If 2(5) the ratio of CE to BF is composed of the ratios CE to GE (1) The regula sex quantitatum, as this theorem was known when applied to the spherical quadrilateral, is obtained by changing the above lines to arcs and writing « The ratio of chord (2AD) to chord (2DB) is composed of the ratio of chord (2CE) to chord (2BE) and of the ratio of chord (2CF) to chord (2FA) «. It is well to observe that the period covered in this dissertation antedates the symbolic notation and the equation of modern algebra. (2) BRaunmiat, p. 46. (3) Cantor, Vorlesungen, vol. 2, p. 15, note 3. (4) Traité du Quadrilatére attribué & NassmuppIN-gL-Toussy d’aprés un manuscrit tiré de la bibliothéque de S. A. Caratuzopory, Constantinople, 1891. Copy used was loaned by Prof. ALexanpER Ziwer of the University of Michigan. (5) Part III is devoted to the application to the catha of the theory of the « six quantities » developed in Part II. To us today much of this seems quaint and laborious, for modern methods have greatly simplified the processes. 300 JOHN DAVID BOND and GE to BF. But by Evcuin, VI 4 the ratio of GE to BF equals the ratio of DG to DB. Hence the ratio of CE to BF is composed of the ratios CE to GE and DG to DB. But it is known by VI 4, that the ratio of CE to BF equals the ratio of AC to AB. Therefore the ratio of AC to AB is composed of the ratios CE to GE and DG to DB ». This is the first of 18 cases of conjunctive catha, corresponding to external section of the sides of the triangle; these are followed by the 18 cases of disjunctive catha, corresponding to internal section of two of the sides. In the second of his two figures Pro.emy (4) says that GE GZ DB, uA ~ pz’ Ba 'S: 4)- Evidently this is the source of the term disjunctive employed by Wat.inerorD. Thence naturally arose the opposite term for the former type. We may pause here a moment to consider the purpose of the Quadripartitum. A perusal of Part I will show that the object in view is the calculation of tables of sines as given by Az-Zargai and, incidentally, tables of chords as given by Protemy. Similarly the ultimate purpose of the remainder of the work is evidently the making of astronomical calculations with the use of the tables of sines. But although the author’s primary interest in the work was astronomical, the form of it and various remarks show clearly that he was imbued with the scientific spirit and that he keenly felt the need of a solid mathematical foundation for such work. He complains of the lax methods of his predecessors. For example, in connection with his proof of the Theorem of Menetaus for the spherical quadrilateral (p. 27, line 11) we read: « Then because the figure of the demon- stration varies in three ways and Pro.emy touched only one of them, in order that we may leave nothing incomplete... let us pursue all three modes» (2). Again (p, 33, line 8) he says: « But first observe that in the Canones of Arzacuet (Az-Zargatt) and others the doctrine of this operation (of finding celestial latitude) is not to multiply mean by mean and divide by the first (term of the proportion) but to multiply the first by the third and to divide by the second... » Clearly WaLLiNcrorD is here endeavoring to make sure of the mathe- matical basis of his own work. one shows « by division » (kata diaipediv) that (1) Almagest, Edition Haima, vol. 1, p. 51. (2) Compare Bsdrnzo, « Studien tiber Menevaos’ Sphirik », Abhandlungen zur Gesch. d. Math. Wis., vol. 14, p. 88-92. Leipzig, 1902. | THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 301 Ciaupius Protemy who made astronomical observations in Alexan- dria during the period 125-161 composed in Greek a work of 13 books commonly called the Almagest (1) which holds in astronomy the place held in pure mathematics by the Elements of Eucuup. It is safe to say that all astronomical tables for more than a millennium were based on the Al/magest. We are chiefly concerned with the first book, in which the mathematical foundation of the work is laid. Pro_emy divides the circumference into 360 degrees and the diameter into 120 parts and then subdivides each part into minules, seconds, thirds, etc. (partes minute prime, partes minute secunde, partes minute terti@, etc.) in the sexagesimal system of the Babylonians with which we are today familiar in the subdivisions of the degree and the hour. He assumes the ratio of the circumference of a circle to its diam- eter to be 3°8'30", that is m—3-+8/60+4-30/602—377/120= 3.14166 (2). In the Almagest are found 4 fundamental principles used by PToLemy to calculate his table of chords for intervals of 30’ of arc (3). (1) By the theorems of Evcuip are found the sides of the regular triangle, quadrilateral, pentagon, hexagon, and decagon in parts of which 60 make the radius. In reverse order the values obtained are : chd 36° — 3774/55", chd 60° = 607, chd 72° = 70°32'3", chd 90°= 84°51'10", chd 120° = 103?55'23". Since the chords of supplementary arcs form with the diameter a right triangle, chd 144° = 1202 — (chd 36")2, and so for the supplement of any arc whose chord is known. (11) The so-called Theorem of Protemy, « The rectangle (product) of the diagonals of an inscribed quadrilateral equals the sum of the rectangles of the opposite sides », given in the form of a lemma, is used to find the chord of the sum or difference of two arcs. This theorem furnishes the results that we obtain by the addition and subtraction formulas. After proving the general theorem PToLEmy uses the special case when one side is the diameter to find the chord of the difference of two ares. To show how closely this is related to our trigonometry, we have (fig. 5) : BG, AD = AG, BD — AB, GD, that is chd (AG — AB), 27 = chd AG, chd (180° — AB) — chd AB, (1) All our references are to Hatmas edition, Paris, 1813, which contains the Greek text and a French translation. (2) Almagest, p. 413. (3) Almagest, p. 28-36. See also BraunmOut, p. 19-21. 302 JOHN DAVID BOND chd (480° — AG), which is Protemy’s formula. If now we put angle AEG = 2a, angle AEB = 28, and r=41, we have sin (a — B) =sinacosB —cosasinB (1). The fundamental difference is that our notion of ratio does not enter into the trigonometry of the Greeks or the Arabs. They dealt with the lengths of chords or half-chords (sinus) in a circle of known radius and it was more than eight cen- turies after Protemy that the thought of making the radius unity occurred to an Arab, Asu’L-Wera; still later by about six centuries a European, Bure, conceived a like notion (2). Similarly Protemy finds from the chords of two given arcs the chord of their sum. Thus given (fig. 6) arcs AB, BG with known chords a, b, to find x, the chord of their sum. We have 2 = AG a ae le By et + —\Vi*— CD and cp =" =O) it we put AZB = 2a, BZG = 28, r= 1, the latter reduces to cos (a + £) = cos a cos B —sinasin B. (1) The chord of the half arc is found from that of the arc as follows (fig. 7): Let DB = a be the given chord, G the mid-point of arc BD, and AD a diameter. Make AE = AB = a’ and draw GZ per- ! pendicular to AD. Then EG =BG—=GD and EZ = ZD = lie o~_ where a = \/4r? — a®. Whence Pro.emy gets finally GD = \/2r-ZD. Making r = 1, arc BD = 2a, and from the value of ZD obtaining GD = Vr Qr —a’), we have sin .= 1 By the use of this theorem are found from the chord of 12° the values chd 3/2° = 173415", chd 3/4° = 0? 47'8". ({V) By means of an ingenious method of interpolation based on the principle (1) used by AriIstarcuus, Protemy finds chd 1° = 1?2'50". Then by III. chd 1/2° = 0°31'25". He now has the complete means of calculating his table of chords for differences of 30' of arc, with which he contents himself. We find that his table of chords is accurate to at least five decimal places throughout. For instance set- (1) Compare TroprKE, Geschichte der Elementer Mathematik, vol. 2, p. 226. Leipzig, 1903. (2) For the development of the idea of ratio compare Jackson, Sixteenth Cen- tury Arithmetic in Columbia Contributions to Education, Teachers College, Series 8. ——_ THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 303 ting r = 1 and observing that 1” = 1/60, we have sin 30’ = 1/2, chd 1° = 0°31'25"” = 1885/3600? — 1885/216000 = 0.0087268 to seven decimal places, which agrees to six places with the correct value 0.0087265. Improvement of mathematical tables has naturally gone hand in hand with the development of the science, but for our purpose it seems fitting to unify our discussion of trigonometric tables. Hence we shall conclude the treatment of this phase of the subject before proceeding further with the general development of trigonometric methods. In the Surya-Siddhanta the Hindus, assuming a = 225’ = sin a and proceeding for intervals of 225' = 3°45’, gave rules equivalent to the sina sin2a_ sinda formula (41), sin(n {\a = sin(na sin a —— — ———_ — (1), (ect §) (na) -- sin @ sin a sin a —.....————~. By subtraction this becomes sin o : ; . : : sin sin (n + 1)a = sin(na) + |sin (na) — sin (n — 1)a — ewe) , ‘ : d , sin (na) . where sin(na) — sin (n —4)a is the first difference and m1 ie) i sin o the second. Here r=3438' and the results are in error less than 1" in the accompanying table. That the table was not constructed from the rules, but conversely, is shown by the fact that the tabular values exceed by 1’ those given in some instances by the rules. Using the Hindu sinus or half-chord, the Arabs were able to improve the Ptolemaic tables. Asu’L-Wera (940-998, Bagdad) calculated a table of sines for intervals of 15’ in which the error for sin 30! is only one unit in the ninth decimal place (2). From the sines of 36° and 60°, by the bisection of angles, he readily obtains the values of sin 18/322, sin 15/32°, and sin 12/32° = sin (86° — 30°) /16 and then, using the fact that for 90° >a+B >a>B>0, sin(a + B)—sina< sina—sin(a—B), finds sin 16/32° > sin 15/32° + 1/3 (sin 18/32° — sin 15/32°) and sin 16/32° < sin 15/32° + 1/8 (sin 15/32° — sin 12/32°). The arith- metic mean gives sin 1/2° = sin 15/32° +- 1/6(sin 18/32° — sin 12/32°), (1) Bureess, « Translation of the Surya-Siddhanta », Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 6. 1860, p. 196, ch. II, stanzas 15-16. (2) Worpcke, « Mathématiques chez les Orientaux », Journal Asiatique Series V, vol. 15, 1860, p. 285 and fol. 304 JOHN DAVID BOND a value too large by 0.00000 00010 00529 (4). The error arising from the formula of interpolation is about 6 times that of the quantities entering it but the error is only about 4/{4 of that of the formula derived from PtoLemy’s method, namely, sin 1/2° = 1/3 (2 sin 3/8° + sin 3/4°) (2). The last and probably the greatest of the Arabic astronomers was Utue Bee (1593-1449, Samarcand) who found sin 1° by means of his celebrated third-degree equation sin 3° + 23 or? 4 in which he replaces x by sin 1° and solves directly by a very ingenious method of approximation. For r = 60 the result in the sexagesimal system is of the form 2 = ad) + a,/60 + a,/602 + a3/603 + -.--. » or as given in the Prolégoménes, sin 1° = 1” 29'49" 43™ 41°, a result correct to within 1/4 of 1'’, that is within 4 units in the tenth decimal place (3). Utue Bee’s table of sines is constructed for intervals ot one minute. But in Europe little progress was made in advance of the tables of Protemy until Reciomonranus, following Prurpacu’s construction of a table of sines with radius 600.000, used the radius 6.000.000 and later made the great step forward of employing a radius of 10.000.000, thus paving the way for decimal values with unit radius. Using sin 3/4° + 1/3 sin 3/4° > sin 1° > sin 3/4° + 1/6 (sin 6/42 — sin 3/4°) (1) For complete geometric proof see BRAUNMUHL, p. 56-57. But observe typegraphical errors. In the second of the above inequalities 15/32° appears as 18/32°. Correctly written, 46% 40¥'50¥" = 0.00000 00010 00529 and sin 1/2° = 0.00872 65364 98903. Troprke (vol. 2, p. 298) and Cagori (History of Mathematics, 1919, p. 106) both give this value of sin 1/2° as correct to the ninth decimal place instead of the eighth. (2) Woerprcke, » Discussion de deux méthodes arabes pour déterminer une valeur approchée de sin 1° », Journal de Mathématiques, vol. 19, 1854, p. 159 and fol. (3) Sépittor, Prolégoménes des Tables astronomiques d’O.ouc-Bxe, p. 81 and fol. Paris, 1853. Full treatment of the theory involved is given in the above article by Worpcke, p. 167 and fol. See also BRauNMUHL, p. 73, 74. For r =1 and x=sin 1° the equation becomes the well known relation sin 3° = 3 sin 1° — 4sin3 1°. We have here an illustration of the dependence of the trisection problem upon the solution of an equation of the third degree. er THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 305 and r = 6.000.000, by the formula for the half angle he gets 59360 > sin 1/2° > 52358. Whence sin 1/2° = 59359. For r= 1 this becomes sin 1/2° = 0.0087265, correct to 7 decimal places. The table is constructed for intervals of one minute (4). The Opus Palatinum de Triangulis of Geore Joacuim Ruaeticus (1514-1576), finished at Neustadt in 1596 by his pupil, VALENTIN OtHo (1550?-1605), contains the natural values to 10 places (i. e. r = 10'°) of the six trigonometric ratios for every 10” sexagesimal. Correcting the work of Ruaeticus and Oro, BartHoLomarus Pitiscus (1564-1613) published at Frankfort in 1613 his Thesaurus mathematicus sive canon sinuum containing the natural values of sines and cosines for r== 10*> with the same interval of 10” (2). But with the invention of logarithms the following year and the subsequent publishing of 1 ogarithm tables, the use of tables of natural values of trigonometric functions largely ceased until the recent invention of calculating machines made natural tables again desirable (3). In the meantime modern analysis has supplied for the construction of such tables manifold methods of computing and checking results. Among the few tables besides those of Ruaeticus that have been computed de novo undoubtedly the most notable (4) are the Nouvelles tables trigonométriques fondamentales calculated « without personal or mechanical assistance » during the period 1908-1914 by H. Anpoyer of the University of Paris. We shall merely outline the method of computing the natural sines and cosines as given by the author (5). (1) For further consideration of the work of Peursacn and RErGIoMONTANUS see p. 40-43. Braunmiut believes that the above method, evidently based on the Arabic, is due to the influence of Az-ZarqaLi (BRauNMixL, p. 121). (2) For detailed treatment of these works see BraunmOuL, p. 212 and fol. RuztTicus had himself begun the tables with » = 1015. He was the first European to discard the arc for the angle by relating functions to the right triangle. (3) Compare Napier Memorial Volume, p. 243 and fol. London, 1915. (4) Perers published in Berlin in 1911 a table of natural sines and cosines to 21 decimal places for every 10" sexagesimal. (5) The entire work comprises about 1600 quarto pages. The logarithmic tables appeared in one volume in 1911. The natural tables are appearing in three volumes. Vol. | (1915) is described below; vol. 2 (1916) contains natural tangents and cotangents; vol. 3 will contain natural secants and cosecants and two auxiliary tables to assist in calculating cosecants and cotangents for angles less than 15°. Vou, Iv-2 22 306 JOHN DAVID BOND Using 1 = 3.14159 26535 89793 23846 26433 8 +- he calculates for convenience the first 50 multiples of m? and then obtains from the fundamental formulas of analytic trigonometry established by Ever sin (17/2)x = 1.57079 63267 94896 61923 13212 — 0.64596 40975 96246 25365 575623 + 7969 26262 46167 04512 050525 — 468 17541 35318 68810 068527 phd AS x27 and a similar series for cos (1/2)z. Putting x =y/100 in these for- mulas and then giving y the values 4, 2, 3, ... 50, y being thus given in grades (i. e. in hundredths of a right angle) denoted by y¥, a 20-place table (II) of sines and cosines from 0° to 90° is obtained, This is followed by a table of the variations of these functions from the first to the eighth order inclusive. Next (1) using the sin y¥ for y = 0, 1, 2, ..., 33 and dividing the interval of this table into 6 equal parts, the values of sin(y + 1/2), sin‘y + 1/3), sin(y + 1/6), sin(y + 5/6) are calculated; likewise the cosine, This gives a 17-place table for each 9/ up to 30°. The values from 30° to 45° are found by the formulas sin (30° + a) = cos a — sin (30° — a) and cos (30° + a) = cos (30° — a) — sina where a varies from 0° to 15°. From these results a table of differences for intervals of 18’ from 0° to 30° is constructed to 20, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30 decimal places for the respective orders 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6(2).. Table IV A, containing the sines and cosines and their differences to 15 decimal places for every 10", is then constructed by means of interpolations from the preceding tables from Os to 30°(3). To complete the table to 45° use is made of the formulas. A sin (80° + a) = Acosa + Asin (30° — a— h), A cos (30° + a) = — Asin a —A cos (80° — a—h), where h desig- nates an arc of 10” and Af(x) = f(a + 10") — f(z) for all values of x. Besides the methods of procedure here outlined ANpDoyYerR presents (1) « It is not possible to interpolate directly in these tables (II) to construct by the method of differences the definitive tables which are the chief object of this work : the interval is too great. It is then necessary to construct other intermediary tables (III) which permit us to reach the desired goal. » P. x11. (2) For the method of reducing these differences for intervals of 10" see Log. Tables, p. XXII-XXIv. (3) For details see Log. Tables, p, XXVI-XXVII. cum THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 307 numerous methods that he used to check by other formulas the results already obtained. Returning now to Hindu trigonometry, we find expressed in words relationships equivalent to sin? a + cos? a = 1and sin? 2a + versin? 2a —(2sina)? or sina = \/1/2(1 — cos? a) where r—1 (41). These formulas differ from Ptotemy’s in the use of the sinus (half-chord) instead of the whole chord. It was by the use of this more powerful instrument that the Arabs were enabled to build on the Greek founda- tion of the auxiliary trigonometry of chords the complete and inde- pendent trigonometry of the sine. About the beginning of the ninth century of our era the caliphs of Bagdad gathered together men of learning and set them to transla- ting into Arabic the scientific works of the Hindus and the Greeks. Before the century closed the labors of AL-KHuwarizmr (about 825), Tuapit 1BN QurraH, and others had not only made these treasures accessible to the Arabs but had also given an impetus to independent investigation, as soon evidenced in the work of AL-Bartani, Asu’L- Wera, and later At-Tus!. In his Opus astronomicum (2) At-Bairani, known in medieval Latin works as ALBATEGNIUS (3), uses sinus, sinus complementi or cosinus, and sinus versus but follows closely the older Arabs in blending Greek and Hindu notions. He constructs his table of sines simply by halving the Ptolemaic chords. For determining the altitude of the sun by the shadow, umbra extensa (cotangent), of the gnomon (sun-dial) of 12 units length according to Hindu custom (cfr. Varana Mintra, p. 34) he makes a table (4) for every 1° from 0° to 90° of parts and minutes (1) Varana Miamra, Panchasiddhantika, edition Tuisaut, chap. IV, Ver- ses 3, 4, p. 22. (2) C. A. Natiino, At-Battan! sive ALBATENIL Opus astronomicum, Publica- zioni del Reale Osservatorio de Brera in Milano, N. XL, 1913, 1917. The text and annotations by NALLINO, an authority on Arabic science, are in Latin and occupy some 850 quarto pages. (3) Ast Asp ALLan Munammap Ipn Jasin At-Batrani, called the Protemy of the Arabs, made observations in Ar-Raqqa 879-918 and died in 929. (4) A similar table but with numerous discrepancies of 1’ is found in the Latin translation by ATHELARD of Bath of AL-Mapgriri’s revision of the tables of At-Kuuwarizmi. (Compare Natutno, Part II, p. 60, and Suter, Die Astro- nomischen Tafeln des MuutAMNED IBN MUsa At-Kwarizmi, p. 174. « Copen- hagen, 1914.» That contained in the Alfonsine Tables shows inaccuracies mounting to 40’. (Rico y Sinonas, vol. IV, p. 8.) 308 JOHN DAVID BOND (sexagesimal), The uwmbra recta (or extensa) and the umbra versa seem to have been viewed as things wholly apart from sinus and cosinus. Not until the xv century were they placed by Europeans in the same category by the adoption of a common radius. In addition to the formulas of the Almagest Au-Battant has expressions equivalent to c:a=siny:sina andb:a=sin§8: sina but that he knew the general sine law seems doubtful (1). In his Almagest (2), Apu’L-Wera (3) explains the character of his work thus : « Although this subject has been treated by Hipparcuus, ApoLLonius, Ptrotemy, and other eminent men of the ancients, we have followed in this book a method indicated by none of them... We have avoided the known methods that are difficult to understand, such as those of the quadrilateral and the six quantities. With the object of arriving at results most easily and directly... we have opened new views and furnished new proofs. We have also added several propositions, very useful in astronomy, which they did not mention ». We find the equivalents both in sinus and in chords of the formulas 2 sin? a/2 = 1—cosa and sin2a=—2sinacosa. He also obtains geometrically sin (a + B) = sin a cos B + cosa sin after having found by another method without being able to simplify sin (a +B) = \/ (sin? a — sin? a sin? B) + \/ (sin? B — sin? a sin? B). His proof of the last result is, however, very simple. That for a + B follows. Given arcs AB, BC (fig. 8), draw radii OA, OB, OC and to OA, OC the respective perpendiculars BT, BH and join HT. Then HT equals the sinus of arc AC. For prolong BT, BH to E, D and join ED. HT then equals half DE because T, H are the mid-points of BE, BD. Therefore arc DBE is twice arc CBA and HT is equal to the sinus of arc CA. Furthermore the wmbra is handled by him as a genuine trigono- metric line and the following relations established : tana: 4 =< sina: cosa; cota:1—cosa:sina; tana: seca=sina:1; tana:1=1:cota; secca—V(i + tan?a); csca = V (1 -+ cot? a). Here we have replaced his 7 by unity. Asu’L-Wera himself says : (1) Naxuno, Part I, p. xLvil. (2) Carra DE Vaux, « L’Almageste d’Apvu’L-Wira ALBuzDsani », Journal Asiatique, series VIII, vol. 10, 1892, p. 408-471. (3) Asu’L-Wera Muwammap aw-Buzpsani (940-998, Bagdad). THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 309 =O 310 JOHN DAVID BOND THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 311 « It is evident that if one takes the radius as unity the ratio of the sinus of an are to the sinus of its complement is the tangent (first shadow), and the ratio of the sinus of the complement to the sinus of the arc is the cotangent (second shadow) ». (Carra DE Vaux, p. 420.) Moreover he constructed a table of tangents and cotangents with the radius, subdivided sexagesimally, equal to unity, an idea ascribed by At-Tusi to At-Biruni (1). Braunmunt (p. 58) remarks that the above quotation can not be sufficiently emphasized, for in spite of its clear statement of the idea of setting r = 1, the radius was dragged along into the eighteenth century. Contemporary with Apu’t-Wera was [pn Yunus (2), astronomer of Cairo and author of the Hakimite Tables which contained, according to HANKEL, the sum total of two centuries of development of Arabic astronomy and was the authoritative source for all later astronomers of the Orient. In his collection of rules, given without proof, is included the equivalent of the formula, cos a cos B = 1/2{cos(a +- 8) + cos (a — B)] (3). In addition to editing and revising many Greek and Arabic works, including a revision of the Hakimite Tables, At-Tusi1(4) wrote the important Treatise on the Quadrilateral (Shakil al-Katta). As pre- viously mentioned, this is the first known work in which trigonom- etry is treated independently of astronomy. Moreover both plane and spherical) trigonometry (5) are developed in great completeness. The fourth book closes thus: « But the moderns, either from fear of confusion in the investigation of the different ratios and their varieties or to avoid the tedium involved in the use of composed ratios have devised easier methods to take the place of the quadrilateral. Also, once engaged in this study, we thought it useful to speak of these methods in order to give completeness to this branch of science ». Here for the first time in mathematical literature we find the explicit formulation of the sine law for the plane triangle. Two methods of proof for both the acute and the obtuse triangle are given. We shall reproduce one of the former. (1) Traité du Quadrilatére, p. 165. (2) Apu'L-Hasan ALI .....18N Yunus (JuNos), active 1003. (3) For probable method of proof see Braunmiut, p. 62-64. (4) Nastr ap-Din at-Tust (1201-1274, Bagdad). (5) Of the 5 books of the Treatise the third is devoted to plane trigonometry and the fifth to spherical. 341 524 JOHN DAVID BOND Let- ABC (fig. 9) be the given triangle. Prolong CB to make CE =60—=R. From the center C with radius CE describe an are meeting CA produced at D, and from D drop DF perpendicular to CE . Similarly construct TK. Draw AL perpendicular to CB. Then by similar triangles AB: AL = TB(R): TK and AL: AC = DF: DC(R) - Thence AB: AC = DF: TK = sin ACB: sin ABC (4). Methods of solution of the triangle for all cases, with only one solution for the ambiguous case, are developed but where the sine law is inapplicable the procedure is to reduce to right triangles. An important feature of this work is the reproduction of the methods of proof of numerous predecessors of the author and statements concerning questions of priority. The chief difficulty encountered in studying the historical side of medieval mathematics is the failure of the authors to mention their sources of information. We must now turn our attention to the West Arabs in Spain, for it was through this channel that mathematics flowed into medieval Europe. Although the East Arabs and the West Arabs possessed the same written language and religion, political animosities broke their free intercourse, so that the works of Apu’L-Wera and At-Tusi appear to have remained unknown in Europe to the time of ReélomoNTANus. We shall find that science in Spain did not keep pace with the develop- ment in Bagdad. Az-ZarQaui (2) was the most celebrated astronomer of his time. Under his direction a group of Moslem and Jewish scholars constructed the Toledo Tables which enjoyed an enormous circulation. The introduction to the tables, entitled Canones sive regule super tabulas astronomie (3) and containing besides the canons the explanation of the calculation of the tables, was written by Az-Zargaut himself. STEINSCHNEIDER records 48 Latin manuscripts of this work in European libraries besides numerous extracts and commentaries in Latin, Hebrew, and Arabic(4). He also observes that although the celebrated (1) Traité du Quadrilatére, p. 70. (2) Apu IsHag az-ZarQaLi (ARzACHEL of the Latins) made astronomical observations in Toledo 1061-1080. (3) Bibliotheca Mathematica, Third series, vol..1, p. 337 and fol. Leipzig, 1900. Currzr publishes here the Latin translation by Grrarp of Cremona. (4) Bullettino di Bibliografia e di Storia delle Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche, published by Boncompaent, vol. 20, p. 6-32. Rome, 1887. This is one of a series of articles by STEINSCHNEIDER on the life and work of Az-ZARQALI. THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 313 Alfonsine Tables were constructed under the inspiration and guidance of King Atronso the Wise of Castile in the decade 1262-1272, most of these manuscripts were written after the middle of the xm‘ century. The climax of Az-Zargaui’s astronomical work was his Safiha (saphea) or universal astrolabe (1). Having assumed the circumference of a circle to be 560° and the diameter 300’, an innovation found in no previous work, Az-ZARQaLl, following the Hindus, defines the kardaga (2) as the arc of 15°, the sinus rectus as the half-chord of twice the given arc, the sinus totus as the semi-diameter of 150’, and the sznus versus as 150' less the sinus of the complement of the given arc(assumed < 90°). He then proceeds to give substantially the following description of the accompanying figure (fig. 10). Let the lines ga and bd intersect orthogonally in the center e of the given circle abgd, and with the centers b, d and the given radius let two other circles be described intersecting abgd in the points m,/,t,7. Then chords /b, bm, me, el are all equal, as also their arcs, and en, nb are each half the radius. Similarly de—=ce = en. Hence /t = mi = cn = radius, and the circle abgd is divided into 6 equal parts. Then mp (text gives mg) = sinus of 30° = 75’ and mn = sinus of 60°. Since zh = \/45000 is the chord of 90°, sinus of 45° = 11250. To find the chord of are /a = 30° add the square of /o, the sinus of 30° to the square of oa, the difference between the radius and the sinus of 60°, and take the root (3) of the result. Then la/2 = sinus of 15°- Again if are fz = are zs = 15°, fg = sinus of 15° and qb = fx = sinus of 73°. Therefore sinus of 75° = \/150? — /q). Now since 2 kar- dagas = 30° the sinus of 2 kardagas is 75' and the sinus of 4 kardagas is the root of the difference of the squares of the radius and the sinus of 2 kardagas. Similarly from /a/2, the sinus of 1 kardaga, find the sinus of 5 kardagas. Then subtract the sinus of 15° from the sinus (1) Rico y Stnopas, Libros Alfonsies del Saber de Astronomia, Madrid, 1864. The third of the five folio volumes is devoted to the construction and use of this instrument. (2) A-Brrunt reports that kardagia used to mean an arc of 225’, which is the arc the Hindus considered equal to its sine. The word is perhaps an alteration of the Sanscrit cramadjya, which signifies sinus rectus. (Retnaup, « Mémoire géog., hist. et scientifique sur ]'Inde », Mémoires, Académie des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres, vol. 18, p. 313.) (3) Here and later the square root is to be understood, 314 JOHN DAVID BOND of 30° and the residuum is the sinus of the second kardaga. The difference between the sinus of 30° and the sinus of 45° is the sinus of the third kardaga, and so on(1). We find also the equivalent of sin 7°30! = \/sin 30°(sin 90° — sin 75°) — \/1/9(1 — cos 15%) (2). Then follow the rules for finding the sinus of 82°30’, 45°, 22°30’, 67°30’, 14°15’, 78°45’, 87°30’, 52°30’. Using the Hindu gnomon of 12 units length but retaining his own radius of 150’, he finds the shadow of the sun from its altitude, and conversely, by formulas equivalent to COS O cot a : 1 —, cosa = —————, sing = ——————. sin @ Veot? a +4 Veot? a +4 As values of t he gives 22/7, \/40, 62832/2000. The work of Jasir (8), 9 books on astronomy, in the translation of GERARD OF CREMONA Was published by Peter ApIAN in 1534 (4). Pro- position XXIV of the first book follows. « And since this has already been explained let us begin to show how the unknown sides and angles of a triangle are found from the known, in order that we may avoid repetitions. Therefore I say that when in a rectilinear triangle abg (fig. 11) two sides ab, bg and the included angle b are known, the side ag and the two remaining angles are also known. And this is the proof. I shall draw from point a to line bg the perpendicular ad. Then because angle abg and line bg are known it is known whether ad will fall within or without bg. And since d is a right angle line ab is the diameter of a circle which contains triangle abd. Also since angle Db is known the arc of this circle above ad will be known. Therefore the chord ad will be known from the measure (quantitatem) by which the diameter of the circle is known. Hence the line bdis known. Then since line bd is known cota = (1) This is doubtless closely connected with the Hindu rules for calculating their table of sines and the method of differences employed in these rules. See page 303 above. (2) « Siautem volueris invenire sinum secundum minores circuli porcionis, sinum huius kardage sexte in sinum 30 graduum multiplica, et collecte inde summe quere radicem, que erit sinus 7 graduum et dimidii. » This, the complete explanation of the above equation, illustrates the absence of proofs in Canones. (3) Apu MunamMap JaBiIR IBN AFLAH (GEBER of the Latins) was active in Seville between 1140 and 1150. (4) Instrumentum primi mobilis a Petro Apiano... Accedunt tis Gebri filii Afla Hispalensis... libri IX de astronomia... Norimb. 1534, in folio. THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 315 in relation to lines ab and bd line dg is also known. And since it has already been shown that line ad is known therefore must line ag be known. Therefore by the measure by which side ag is 120 is the perpendicular ad known. Therefore the are ad in the circle con- taining triangle adg is known, Hence angle agd is known, and since angle abg was already known angle bag is known. Therefore all the sides and angles of the triangle are known and the proof is complete. » We observe that Jasin divides the triangle into two right triangles about which he circumscribes circles and finds the unknown parts by the method of chords. The first sentence quoted above shows that he felt the need of an independent trigonometry but the chief value of the work concerns spherical trigonometry and astronomy and therefore need not detain us further. Turning now to Christian Europe, we find hardly a trace of our science until the twelfth century, about the time Archbishop Ramonp (between 1430 and 1150) instituted in Toledo a school of translators of Arabic works. From the time of Gerbert (940-1003, in 999 became Pope Sytvester Il) who probably possessed Arabic works in Latin translation (1) interest in the philosophy of AristoTLE and con- sequently in astronomy and mathematics grew until, with the waning o f Moslem power in Spain, the Christians, assisted by Jewish scholars, in the XIIth century attained an activity in translating Arabic works that rivalled that of the Arabs themselves in their acquisition of the treasures of Greek and Hindu learning. The most prolific of these translators was GerarD or Cremona (1114-1187). Among the 76 works that he turned into Latin were Protemy’s Almagest, the Canones of Az-Zanoaul, the Spherics of Menetaus, and the works of Jasin and THapit BN QurRAH. JOHN oF SEVILLE (active 1435-1153), known also as Joun or Luna and as Jonannes Hispavensis, produced a Latin version of Au-Fercan’s (ALFRAGANUS in Latin) astronomy, Ptato of Tivoli (about 1136) translated At-Battani’s De motu stellarum and the Spherics of Tueonosius, and ATHELARD oF Batu (between 1120 and 1130), one of the earliest in this field of activity, made accessible to the Latins the astronomical tables of AL-KuuwanizMt (2). (1) Dunem, Le systéme du monde, vol. 3, p. 163-165. Paris, 1915. (2) See also Haskins, « The Reception of Arabic Science in England », The English Historical Review, Jan. 1915, p. 56-69. Here are discussed the labors of Watcuer, Petrus Anrusi, Ropert or Cuester, Rocer or Hererorn, DanieL or Montey, etc. 316 JOHN DAVID BOND With the opening of the thirteenth century we observe the tran- sition from mere translation to constructive mathematical production. In the year 1202 Leonarp or Pisa, called also Freonaccr, published his Liber Abaci, of great importance in the history of arithmetic and algebra, and in 41220 his Practica Geometric (1), in which for the first time surveying by trigonometric methods is reduced to a math- ematical basis. While earlier works on surveying had been for the most part a collection of rules, LEONARD oF Pisa gave derivations and proofs. His knowledge of trigonometry is derived from Protemy but he defines the sinus rectus and sagitta (sinus versus) like the Arabs. His table of chords and ares is constructed with a diameter of 42 periice aud circumference 132 pertice, where 1 pertica (measuring rod) = 6 pedum = 108 unciarum = 2160 punctorum (2). With his quadrant (3), constructed after the manner of the Arabs, can be read from the position of the plumb-line the wmbra recta and the umbra versa though the term umbra does not appear (4). However, in the work of Ropert THE Enéuisuman (about 1231, Montpellier) we find expressed between the two umbre the relation which is equivalent to tanacota = 1. Apparently the Toledo Tables were little known to the Latins until they appeared in the writings of WILLIAM THE ENGLISHMAN (about 1234, Marseilles) (5). We have already referred (p. 313) to the important astronomical compilation of which the Alfonsine Tables formed a part. We may add here that Lucas Gauricus (1476-1558), an Italian astrologer and a prolific writer, attributes to Campanus or Novara (active about 1260-1280) a true table of tangents for each degree from U° to 45°, This antedates by about two centuries the tabula feconda (see p. 322) of Reciomontanus which, apparently with good reason notwithstanding Gauricus’ statement, has been supposed the earliest constructed in Europe. An anonymous manuscript bearing close resemblance to the Quad- ripartitum was published by Curtze, who shows that the supposed (1) Boncompaeni, Scritti di Lronarpo Pisano del Szcolo Decimoterso. Rome, 1862. Practica Geometrie is the second volume of the Serittt. (2) Practica Geometric, p. 95. (3) Same, p. 206. (4) Compare BraunmiiHL, p. 96-98. (5) Dune, vol. 3, p. 315. In the Latin texts Witttam is often designated simply as « MaRSILIENSIS ~. THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 317 author was only a commentator and that instead of belonging to the fifteenth century as was formerly supposed the manuscript belongs to the thirteenth century (1). It occupies folios 837 — 103° of an excellent manuscript of 127 leaves containing 11 other works. We find in it the terms gardaga (kardaga, p 313 above), cada (catha, p. 299) (2), sinus reclus, sinus versus. The diameter is assumed to be 300 minutes (500 minutorum) for sines and 120 degrees (120 graduum) for chords. There is one numerical and one linear demonstration of a ratio composed of ratios. The figure illustrating the application to the catha and labelled cada coniuncta corresponds to WALLINGFoRD’s catha disiuncta and there is no figure given in the second case. The application of Protemy’s Theorem to the case when one side of the quadrilateral is a diameter of the circle and to finding the chord of the sum and of the difference of the arcs of two given chords concludes the part preceding the astronomical section, that is to folio 87%. The latter part of this treatise contains a section on the umbra, a subject not found in the Quadripartitum, Now Wa..incrorD devotes two- thirds of the 46 pages of his work to laying the mathematical foun- dation whereas the other uses only 8 and in these 8 pages no author or theorem is cited. Our conclusion is that the two works can be only indirectly connected through common sources; a single source seems quite improbable. (1) Bibliotheca Mathematica, Third Series, vol. 1, Leipzig, 1900. Under the title : « Urkunde zur Geschichte der Trigonometrie im christlicher Mittel alter », Curtzz gives the Latin texts of parts of 8 important manuscripts as follows, the fourth being that under consideration above : 1. Aus dem liber embadorum des Savasorpa in der Uebersetzung des PLato von Tivout, p. 321-337. 2. Aus dem Scripta MARSILIENSIS super Canones ARZACHELIS, p. 347-353. (Compare page 312 above.) 3. Aus den Canones sive regule super tabulas Toletanas des AL-ZaRKALi, p. 337-347. 4. Anonyme Abhandlung tiber Trigonometrie aus dem Ende des xitt Jahr- hunderts, p. 353-372. 5. Aus Leo pe Batngouis Israneita de sinibus, chordis et arcubus, item instrumento revelatore secretorum p. 372-380. 6. Anonyme Abhandlung De tribus notis, p. 380-390. . 7. Die Canones Tabularum primi mobilis des JouaNnnes De LIiNeRus, p. 390-413. 8. Die Sinusrechnung des Jouannes DE Muris, p. 413-416. (2) Both Curtze and Braunmiut say that the variation of the consonants indicates Saxon authorship. 318 JOHN DAVID BOND To the year 1324 belongs Leo pE BaLneois IsranELita de sinibus, chordis et arcubus..., (1) of Levi BEN Gerson (died 1344, Avignon), known also as Leo DE BaLNEotis. It contains 9 chapters, of which the second, composed of 5 parts (dictiones), is of special interest for the history of trigonometry. The dictio prima gives definitions and explanations of degrees, minutes, etc., signs of the zodiac, division of the diameter into 120 degrees (« not equal to the degrees of the circumference »), arc, chord, sinus, and sagitta. The dictio secunda contains the derivation of the relations which we write thus : versina + cosa=14, versin(90° -+ a) =1-+sina, chd? (a + B) = (sin a + sin B)? + (versin a — versin 8)*; the relation chd? a = sagitta-diameter; and the fact that the chord of the half arc is known from the chord of the arc. From these relations Levi BEN Gerson constructs a table of sines for intervals of 15’. From the sines of 90°, 60°, 36° are obtained besides the sines of the halves of these angles the sines of 24°, 6°, 8°15! (6° + 2°45’), and finally of 15! + 1/128° (33/128°) and 15'— 1/64° (15/64°). Thence is found the sinus of 15' = 0°15/42"28"12'" 27%, a value correct to 7 decimal places. Some further calculation concludes dictio tertia. In dictio quarta is given the Tabula sinus and the explanation of its use for finding the sinus and the sagitta from the arc, and conversely. Dictio quinta (2), containing the theory of the solution of triangles, is an important independent contribution by Levi BEN Gerson. It contains the fol- lowing propositions : (I) Given two lines in a right triangle, the remaining parts are known. (II) Given the three sides of any triangle, all the angles are known. (IIL) Given two sides and the angle opposite one of them, the remaining side and angles are known. (Only one solution.) Corollary A. « In every triangle one side has to another the same ratio that one sinus of the angles subtended by the lines has to the other ». Corollary B. If the angles and one side of a triangle are known, so are the remaining sides. (1) See note, p. 317. This work was translated from Hebrew into Latin in 1342, a fact to which we shall later have occasion to refer. (2) This part is not given in the above citation but was published by Curtze in Bibliotheca Mathematica, 1898, 2nd series, vol. 12, p. 103-106. os THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 319 (IV) Given two sides and the included angle of a triangle, the remaining parts are known. Here appears for the first time in the mathematical literature of Europe the clear and definite statement of the sine law. Also the four theorems here presented show great contrast with a similar work on the solution of triangles, De tribus notis (1), written about the same year and containing separate treatment of 25 different cases. The method of De tribus notis is that of Japir, that is to divide each triangle into two right triangles and solve by means of the chords and arcs of the circumscribed circles. Levi BEN Gerson uses the Pythagorean Theorem and the sinus in the first case; in the second he determines the height by the Euclidean method and then applies the sinus. We give below a rather free translation of his proof of the third case. He uses the same figure in the fourth (2). In triangle abe (fig. 12) let the lines ab, be and the angle bac be known. I say that the line ac and the remaining angles are known. To prove this let a circle be passed through the vertices of abe and let ad be the diameter of this circle. Because angle bac is known and inseribed in the circle of which 360 degrees subtends two right angles therefore be will be known and from the tables of arcs and sines we shall know the chord bc in terms of the 120 degrees of ad. So we know the ratio of cb toad. Then from the known ratio of be to ab is known the ratio of ab toad. Then we know the value of ab in degrees (diametral]) and from the tables we shall thus know arc abe. Therefore we know are ac, the difference of the known arcs. Hence from the tables we know angle abc. Finally from the two known angles we know the third angle. Therefore etc. The Canones tabularum primi mobilis (3) of JoHANNES DE LINERIIS, without mentioning any source, employs verbatim the method of calculating the sinus found in the Canones of Az-Zargaui. Among the tables are tabule sinuum et cordarum, tabula umbre, and tabula proportionis. Joun or Meuns, in the last of the Curtze group of manuscripts, shows some independence by constructing a figure of his own to replace that handed down from Az-Zargauit. The Practica geometrie shows that its author Dominicus pe Ciavasio (active 1349- 1357, Paris) was acquainted with sinus, sinus versus, complementum (1) See note page 317. (2) Compare Braunmiat, p. 103-106. (3) Written in Paris, 1322. See note, p. 317. 320 JOHN DAVID BOND sinus versus, umbra recta, umbra versa and well versed in Euctip, Protemy and WitELo. Moreover he gave strict proofs for the rules he set up for surveying (1). JOHANN SCHINDEL (1380 ?-1442), known also as JOHANNES DE GEMUNDEN, wrote JOHANNES DE GEMUNDEN de sinibus, chordis et arcubus in which appear the terms sinus rectus, sinus versus and sagitta, sinus totus or perfectus, cardaga. As in our tables he uses proportional parts and gives the differences. With him originates the radius of 600 000 though the idea of combining decimal and sexagesimal measurement may have been due to JoHANNES DE Lineris. It remained for Geore PeurBACH (1423-1461, Vienna) to construct a complete table of sines for intervals of 10! with the above radius (2). It is interesting to note that PEURBACH was the first to employ the « geometric square » for astronomical as well as for terrestrial measurements (3). Instead of he usual 12 units for the length of BC (fig. 13) he uses 1200. He finds sin a = ears -600000 V (a? = 1200?) | where a=BP. So we really have a table of arctangents, since a == arctan a/1200. JOHANNES MULLER (1436-1476), generally known as REcIOMONTANUS from the Latin name of his birth place, Kénigsberg, became at the age of 15 years a pupil of Peurpacu. In intimate association and collaboration with his teacher during the last ten years of PeuRBACH’s life ReciomMoNnTANUS gained the neeessary inspiration and equipment for the great labors that lay before him. In his extensive travels he made the acquaintance of the Italian astronomers as well as those of his own country. He was well versed in Greek and Latin and as early as 1464 he lectured on the Arabic astronomer AL-FERGAnI. Indeed it was from Arabic sources that he drew most of his (1) Currzz, « Ueber den Dominicus Parislensis der Geometria Culmensis », Bibliotheca Mathematica, 1895, p. 107-110. Currze says: « The Practica Geometriz reveals Dominicus as an able mathematician who for his time developed noteworthy accomplishments ». (2) This table was not published because the more accurate table of Reaio- MONTANUS appeared before Prursacu’s Tractatus went to press. (BRAUNMUHL, p. 116.) (3) Curtze, « Ueber die Mittelalter zur Feldmessung benutzen Instrumenten », Bibliotheca Math., 1896, p. 65-72. THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 321 knowledge of trigonometry (1). His short but very active career came to an end in 1476 while he was in Rome to reform the calendar for Pope Sixtus IV. We have already mentioned his construction of trigonometric tables (p. 304). To his Tabule directionum (2) is appended a table of sines to radius 60 000 for intervals of one minute. This we may consider as the forerunner of the popular 5-place tables of the nineteenth century. With the Tractatus Georciu Pursacun super propositiones PtoLem&1 de sinibus et chordis which contains the familiar figure of Az-Zarga.i and 6 propositions for finding the chord of any arc is commonly bound Reciomontanus’ Compositio tabularum sinuum. This work also contains 6 propositions: (I) Given the sinus of an are, to find the sinus of its complement. (II) To find the sinus of ares by kardagas. (III) The sinus of an are (< 90°) is the mean propor- tional between r/2 and the sinus versus of twice the arc. (IV) To find the side of regular pentagon and decagon. This is followed by a table, for 7 = 600 000 000, of the 96 values of the sine that can be readily obtained by applying the preceding propositions. (V) To find the side of the quindecagon. (VI) Ordinates of equal ares are farther apart toward the center of the circle. Then comes the table of sines for r = 6 000 000 followed by the table for r = 10 000 000, the interval in each case being one minute. The first systematic treatise on trigonometry published in Europe is JOHANNES DE Monterecio de triangulis omnimodis libri quinque (3). Of the five books the first two deal witb plane and the last three with spherical triangles Of the 57 propositions of book I the first 19 treat of proportion and the rest deal geometrically with the finding of unknown parts in right, isosceles, and scalene triangles. Following each proposition is an explanation of its use and often a numerical illustration is also given. Only in proposition 20 is there mention of a trigonometric function : « [In any right triang'e, if you describe from one acute angle a circle with the greatest side as radius the side 1) Braunmiat concludes after careful examination of the matter that his sources were the works of At-BaTrani, AL-FerRGANI, Az-ZaRQaLI and JaBiR. (- Nassirn Eppin lust und Re@tomontan », p. 38). (2) Written about 1467 and published in 1490 by Rarpovt in Augsburg (3) Written about 1464 and published in Nuremberg in 1533. The Compositio was published there in 1541. The three works are in the University of Michigan library VoL. 1v-2 23 322 JOHN DAVID BOND opposite this angle will be the sinus rectus of its arc; but the third side will be the sinus rectus of the complementary arc. » The first of the 33 propositions of book II is the sine law. The one figure and the proof resemble At-Tusi’s given above (p. 3142) but it has not been proved that the Treatise on the Quadrilateral was known to Reci0- MONTANUS. The statement and proof of proposition 25 follow. « If in any triangle we know the base, the opposite angle and the perpendicular (altitude) or the area we shall at once know each of the sides. Inthe triangle abg (fig. 14) let the base bg, the perpendicular ad, or the area since the one depends on the other, and the angle bag be known. I say that we can know each of the sides. For let angle bag be obtuse and let the perpendicular from b meet ga produced at k, Then since angle bak is known the ratio of ab to bk is known by (blank) of this (book). But this ratio equals the ratio of ab times ag to bk times ag. Then since bk times ag is twice the area of triangle abg it is known and therefore the rectangle (product) of ab and ag is known. Now by the preceding proposition the diameter of the circumscribed circle is known from the perpendicular ad and the rectangle of ab and ag. Let the diameter pq meet the chord bg in m and let the radii eg, ea be drawn, as also el parallel to bg and meeting ad produced in n. Then dn equals em which is known from eg, mg and right angle emg. Hence an is known, Then ne is known from an, ne and right angle ane. Thus is known its equal dm and consequently the smaller segment bd which is the difference between bm and dm and the larger segment dg which is their sum are known, From these two segments and the perpendicular ad will be known the two sides » (1). It is evident that RecioMonTANUS was interested in a unified basis and systematic arrangement of trigonometric theory with the object of making it useful to the astronomer. That he early saw the advantage of the tangent function is evidenced by the appearance in his Tabule directionum of a table of tangents for every degree from (0° to 90° with r = 100 000. He called it the tabula feconda, that is (1) We can find ab and ag from the two equations bg? = ab? + cg? — 2-ab-ag: cos bag, ab-ag- sin bag =ad-bg. The first implicit statement of the formula for the area of a triangle in terms of two sides and the sine of the included angle appears to be proposition 26: « The area of a triangle and the product of two sides being known, either the included angle or its supplement will emerge ». THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRIGONOMETRIC METHODS 323 the fruitful (and therefore very useful) table, and the name was afterwards generally adopted to distinguish this table from the tabule umbrarum, The influence of Reciomontanus’ work on the progress of science was very great; his De triangulis ushered in a new era in the development of trigonometry. Joun Davin Bonp. (Louisiana State University Baton Rouge, La.) Notes and correspondence. The most importsnt thing in the world. -—— From my point of view there are two things of immense importance in this world, two ideas or beliefs upon which, in the last analysis, the weal or woe of the race depends, and I am not going to say that belief in the possi- bilities of scientific progress is the most important. The most impor- tant thing in the world is a belief in the reality of moral and spiritual values. It was because we lost that belief that the world war came, and if we do not now find a way to regain and to strengthen that belief, then science is of no value. But, on the other hand, it is also true that even with that belief there is little hope of progress except through its twin sister, only second in importance, namely, belief in the spirit and the method of GauitEeo, of Newron, of Farapay, and of the other great builders of this modern scientific age, this age of the understanding and the control of nature, upon which let us hope we are just entering. For while a starving man may indeed be supremely happy, it is certain that he can not be happy very long. So long as man is a physical being, his spiritual and his physical well-being can not be disentangled. No efforts toward social readjustments or toward the redistribution of wealth have one thousandth as large a chance of contributing to human well-being as have the efforts of the physicist, the chemist, and the biologist toward the better under- standing and the better control of nature. (1). (UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO.) R. A. MILLiKan. Classiques de la Science. — A plusieurs reprises (Isis, I, 99, 246, 476. 706; I1, 125-161, 168-170), G. Sarron a parlé ici des collections des classiques de la science. Les lecteurs de langue francaise n’ont eu longtemps a leur disposition que les recueils de mémoires originaux, souvent difficiles 4 consulter, et non traduits. Enfin avait commencé a paraitre, en 1913, a la librairie Ap. Coin. une collection des Clas siques de la science (Isis, I, 706), dont les volumes se succédent avec une lenteur désespérante : sept seulement ont vu le jour jusqu’a présent, dont les quatre premiers en 1913. Maurice SoLOVINE a commencé a faire paraitre, en 1920, a la librairie (1) From the address delivered by R. A. Mrturkan at the National Museum, Washington D. C. on May 25, 1924, in connection with the presentation of a gram of radium to Mad. Curie. as printed in Science, vol. 54. p. 1-8, July, 1921. NOTES 325 GauTHIER-ViLLaRS & C, une collection des Maitres de la pensée scienti- fique qui comprendra les mémoires et les ouvrages les plus importants de tous les temps et de tous les pays. et dans laquelle tous les domaines de la science seront représentés. Ont déja été publiés, en petits volumes (180 X 115), HuyGens: Traité de la lumiére ; Lavoisier : Mémoires sur la respiration et la transpiration des animaux ; SPALLAN- ZANI: Observations et expériences faites sur les animalcules des infusions ; Cratraut : Eléments de géométrie ; LAVoIsieER ET Laplace : Mémoire sur la chaleur ; Carnot : Réflexions sur la métaphysique du calcul infinité- simal ; D’ALEMBERT: Traité de Dynamique; Dutrocuer: Les mou- vements des végétaux; du réveil et du sommeil des plantes. Chacun de ces volumes comporte une notice biographique, un peu trop breve, a mon avis. Sont annoncés des mémoires d’AMPERE, LAaPLACE, GALILEE, Hertz, MaRIOTTE, etc. L. GUINET. Collection des Mises au point. — Apres les bouleversements causés par la guerre dans presque toutes les branches de la connaissance, un instant de recueillement est nécessaire si nous voulons arriver a saisir & quel point nous en sommes, quels sont les résultats acquis, tant au point de vue de la science pure que de la science appliquée. Partant de cette idée, la librairie GauTHieR-VitLars & C* entreprend la publication d’une Collection des Mises au point, placée sous le patro- nage de l'industrie, et dans laquelle chacun des livres — il y en aura une vingtaine — rédigé par un spécialiste. répond a ces questions pour une science déterminée. Chaque volume comprendra, d’apres la notice de l’éditeur : 1° Un rappel des principes essentiels (anciens et nouveaux); 2° Un tableau assez détaillé de chaque science, l’historique de la science étudiée, lenchainement des méthodes, |l’évolution des doctrines et des idées, et les perfectionnements des méthodes ; 3° Des conclusions générales sur l’extension de la science envisagée, les possibilités d’évolution des théories et principes. les principaux problémes qui restent a résoudre et les perfectionnements a réaliser. Pour que ces mises au point restent ce qu’elles veulent étre, des rééditions de chaque volume seront tenues a jour J’ai sous les yeux un volume de cette collection, dia L. pe Launay, Ou en est la géologie. Il est digne du but que se sont proposé les éditeurs ; il y manque cependant un index sommaire des principaux ouvrages et périodiques relatifs a la Géologie. Ont également paru un volume traitant de la météorologie, de A. BerGer et un autre pour l’astronomie, de l'abbé Tu. Moreux. L. GUINET. Reviews Packard, Francis R. — Life and times of AmMBRoise Par& (1510-1590). With a new translation of his Apology and an Account of his Journeys in Divers Places, xm + 297 p., illustrated. New York, Paut B. Hoeser, 1921. [$ 7 50] The distinguished editor of the Annals of Medical History is offer- ing us a new account of the life of AmBRoIsE PARE. He does not claim to have discovered any additional information but simply to tell afresh the facts which have been brought to light by MALGaiGne (1840-1841) and Le Paubmier (1884) and told in English by STEPHEN PAGET (1897). Dr Packarp’s account is clear and entertaining; the facts of Park’s life and his literary productions are introduced in one single chrono- logical sequence. Then follows the translation of the racy autobio- graphical fragments which Par&é published in 1585, in the fourth French edition of his collected works. The moot question, whether ParE was a Huguenot or not, is discus- sed in avery judicial manner. In a memoir written by Parsé in 1575 (and published by Lr PautmirER) he stated himself that he belonged to « the Religion », but he was at any rate a very lukewarm Huguenot, who had many powerful friends at the Catholic court and was spared at the massacre of St. BAarRTHoLOoMEW. As all that we know of him makes him appear a very pious and honest man, we must conclude that Park was like MonraiGNe, RABELAIS and Erasmus « au-dessus de la mélée ». Possibly also his scientific curiosity and his professional duties engrossed him so much that there was no place left in his heart for religious fanaticism of any kind. The book is splendidly got up. Asa matter of fact I doubt whether such an expensive publication was entirely justified. It seems to me a little extravagant. There are many beautiful illustrations; but some are not strictly relevant (the two folded maps of Paris, for instance). I have noticed a number of misprints in the French and Italian phrases. Maybe some are sixteenth century misprints, but then the editor should have guarded himself by adding the word sie. REVIEWS 327 Such misprints (in the matter of accents, for example) are always irritating, but never more than in an edition de luxe: they look then like greasy spots on a wedding gown. G. S. Louis Dimier.— Burron, 3098p Paris, Nouvellelibrairie nationale, 1919. Ce livre contient la matiére des legons données par l’auteur en 1918 a l'Institut d’Action Francaise a Paris. M. Louis Dimer s’était donné pour tache de réhabiliter Burron et cela est fort bien, car ce grand homme est injustement discrédité de nos jours. Mais il était possible de le réhabiliter sans insulter les Encyclopédistes. Détruire une injus- tice est une ceuvre louable, mais remplacer une injustice par une autre, a quoi bon? — Quoi qu'il en soit, en dépit de son parti pris clérical. ce livre est fort intéressant et se lit avec plaisir. Et j’ajouterai qu'il y a toujours du profit 4 lire des ouvrages dominés par des préjugés hosti- les a ceux qu'on nourrit soi-méme. — Burron était décidément un homme de l’ancien régime; il n’en avait pas les vices, mais il en avait toutes les qualités et Jes élégances; il était généreux et bon et l’on ne peut refuser son admiration a l’auteur de |’Histoire naturelle, un des plus grands monuments du xvil° siecle. Le livre de M. Dimier est fort bien informé et nous raconte agréablement comment |’ Histoire naturelle fut lentement édifi¢ée par Burron et ses nombreux collaborateurs, savants et artistes. Par exemple, plus de quatre-vingts artistes furent employés continuellement pour les planches en couleurs. I] nous fait voir aussi la grande ceuvre administrative de Burron, qui fut le vrai créateur du Museum. A ce propos il nous donne des renseignements fort intéressants sur les collections d'histoire naturelle existant 4 Paris. En 1787, il n’y en avait pas moins de quarante-cing. L’auteur en conclut que la diffusion de la science était poussée plus loin au xvil® siécle que de nos jours : c’est la une conclusion bien hasardeuse. Il ajoute un peu plus loin (p. 181): « Si le xvu® siécle fut le siécle de la science, il faut avouer que le xix* aura été celui de la pédanterie, ete... » Il y a du vrai dans ces diatribes, mais elles n’en sont pas moins sectaires et injustes. Les relations de Burron avec les Encyclopédistes donnent 4 M. Dt- MIER une excellente occasion de médire de ceux-ci. Encore une fois cer- tains de ses reproches ne sont que trop fondés. Lorsqu’il signale les plagiats de |'Encyclopédie, par exemple. il fait chose utile. Il est cer- tain que Burron n’aimait point les philosophes; il fréquentait le salon de M™* Necker, et Necker, adversaire de TurGor, était leur ennemi. Cependant, Burron donna l'article « Nature » a 1'Encyclopédie. M. Dimier a un peu plus d'indulgence pour Vouraire, et je veux citer 328 iSIS. Iv. 1922 le passage suivant (p. 226), qui donnera une idée de sa maniére: « Si parmi tant de négations détestables, il y eut chez VourairE un mérite, c’aura été la persévérance. l’éloquence, les ressources d'invective et de satire avec lesquelles il combattit la bestialité de RoussEau. Au milieu d’erreurs et de méchancetés sans nombre, VoLrairE fut un civilisé; Rousseau fut un sauvage. DipEeror et ses pareils, contemplés de ce point de vue, apparaissent comme civilisés a peine, par lidée ravalée quils se faisaient de l’esprit, aussi bien que de l’effort humain: tout leur éloge des arts n’aboutissant qu’a l’apothéose des inventions ». Burron était up grand seigneur, mais si le portrait de M. Dimer est fidele, c’était un homme aimable autant que grand. Il mourut en 1788 a la veille dela révolution, mais celle-ci causa la ruine de sa famille et son fils unique périt sur léchafaud. On concoit que M. Dimier ait écrit avec joie un éloge qui lui permit de montrer |’ancien régime sous son aspect le plus séduisant. Comme il défend une cause perdue — car Vhumanité ne revient jamais sur ses pas, — je lui pardonne volontiers son intolérance. GEORGE SARTON. W. A. Osborne. — WiLLIAM SUTHERLAND. A biography, 102 p. Mel- bourne, The Lothian book publishing Co., 1920. Dr. W. A. OsBorne, professor of physiology at the University of Melbourne, has written this biography con amore, and it is doubly precious to us for it retraces the life of one who was at once a noble man and one of the first Australian scientists. WILLIAM OsBoRNE was born in Dumbarton, Scotland, on August 4, 1859. Both his parents were Scots; they were poor but gentle. The father was a woodcarver, and his specialty was the carving of figureheads for ships. They migrated to Australia in 1864, having at that time six children. They first went to Sydney, but in 1870 they moved to Mel- bourne where they finally settled down. Wi uiiAM gave signs promptly of his higher intellectual abilities and was educated at WEsLEy College, later at Melbourne University (which was, in 1876, only twenty years old, a very small institution indeed, counting only 130 students, all boys). In 1880 he won the Givcurist scholarship for study in England. He arrived in London in the previous September, and it seems that his trip from Australia to the old world was his first contact with the uglier and ruder side of life, so well had he been thus far protected by the refined atmosphere of his home and of his university environ- ment. He matriculated at University College, London, sat at the feet of Ray LANKESTER and Carey Foster and won first class honours in experimental physics in 188]. On the whole his stay in England rather disappointed him, — he had become an Australian to the core — and REVIEWS 320 after five weeks of travel in France, Germany and Italy, he hastened to return to his beloved country. His first scientific paper on «the mechanical integration of the pro- duct of two functions» was published in the Philosophical Magazine of August 1885; but his first paper of real importance appeared only a year later in the same journal. It deals with « the law of attraction amongst the molecules of gas». He thus revealed from the beginning his bent towards molecular physics, to the study of which his whole life was to be devoted. ln this paper SUTHERLAND showed that the molecules of a gas attract one another with a force inversely proper- tional to the fourth power of the distance between them, — a law which he applied later in 1893. to discover the true relation between viscosity and temperature. As this discovery will probably immortalize his name more than any other, itis well to explainit briefly. CLERK Max- WELL had stated in 1860 that, if the kinetic theory of gases was correct, the viscosity ought to be independent of the pressure, Experiments confirmed this. But MAxwe t had also stated that the viscosity should vary as the square root of the absolute temperature, and this was experimentally disproved. Surn&rLaAnp showed that the true relation was the one summarized in the formula: a @ : Nog GC \2738 wherein @ is the absolute temperature and C a constant (SUTHERLAND'S constant). I can not describe SUTHERLAND’s other investigations on such subjects as the nature of emulsion, the application of electrochemical ideas to the properties of matter, the molecular structure of water, etc. The reader will find a brief but sufficient treatment of these questions in Osporne’s book. He will find in it also a list of SurHERLAND’s sixty-nine scientific papers with the corrections found in the author’s own copies of them. Suffice it to say that most of them deal with molecular physics, and are chiefly theoretical, though SuruertAND took into account every available experimental datum. He himself did not conduct experiments, beyond a few very simple ones. It is probable that even if he had been able to avail himself of a well equipped labora- tory, he would not have become a remarkable experimenter, for it is clear that he was not a born experimenter; he was essentially of a meditative nature. This also explains why he could never be persuaded to accept a regular position. He was anxious to remain entirely free to follow his intellectual dream without restrictions of any kind. No amount of money could have compensated him for this loss of freedom. Hence he 330 ISIs. Iv. 1922 did only such work as was necessary to provide for his very simple needs ; he did some coaching and examining and wrote weekly articles for the Melbourne press. These articles were devoted either to popular explanations of the scientific problems of the day or to the disinterested discussion of current events. Ata time when most men, small or big, poor or rich, seem always ready to prostitute themselves for a little more money, and have no time left for the only things which make life worth living, it is truly refreshing to meet a man like OsBorne. ( Sometimes — wrote he in 1886 — I regard myself as a very enviable creature, earning little enough it is true, but with no outside worries or duties — working away in the quiet house — working to a con- tinual accompaniment of CHOPIN, SCHUBERT and BEETHOVEN.» Music was his main recreation and occasionally short walking trips in the Australian bush. SuTrHERLAND was a man according to my own heart lt is a pity, however, that he did not marry. As he lived with his brothers and sisters and had no establishment of his own, his material life was considerably simplified. But an unmarried philosopher can not be a complete philosopher. It is only when a man has to strive toward a high ideal and at the same time provide for the comfort and happiness of wife and children that the struggle becomes truly heroic and that we can judge him at his best. WILLIAM SUTHERLAND died on October 5, 1911. We may properly conclude this review with the last words of his biographer: «Science, we all know, has had her martyrs. What we should realize with equal conviction, is that she has had her saints. Andamongst the saints of science high place will assuredly be found for WiLLIAM SUTHERLAND.) GEORGE SARTON. Was wir Ernst Haeckel verdanken. Ein Buch der Verehrung und Dankbarkeit. Im Auftrag des Deutschen Monistenbundes heraus- gegeben von HeErnricH Scumipt. Mit 12 Abbildungen, darunter 5 HAECKEL-Portrits. 2 Binde, 432 und 416 Seiten, Weltformat IX Leipzig. 1914, Verlag UNEsmaA. Zur rechten Zeit ist dieses Buch erschienen, knapp vor Ausbruch des Krieges, der mit seinen Folgeerscheinungen die klare Atmosphire wissenschaftlichen Urteils itber Manner wie HArEcKEL so sehr getriibt hat. Auch haben es die Nachkriegsverhiltnisse mit sich gebracht, dass anlisslich des Todes des grossen Gelehrten (9. August 1919) weit weniger Urteile tiber ihn ver6ffentlicht wurden als bei friiheren An- lissen, z. B. seinem achtzigsten Geburtstage, dem auch die vorliegende Festschrift galt. Sie orientiert reichlich, wenn auch nicht erschépfend, von der einen Seite her — derjenigen seiner Freunde und Anhanger — REVIEWS 331 iiber des Gelehrten Lebenswerk. 123 Manner und Frauen aller Berute, auch zahlreiche Auslinder, sprechen aus, welchen Gewinn ihnen und anderen HarckeEts Wirken gebracht habe, und man erhilt ein glaub- haftes Bild von der grossen, geistigen Bewegung, welche durch ihn hervorgerufen beziehungsweise gesteigert wurde. Als Einleitung schrieb der Harecket-Schiiler H. Scumipt (Jena) eine interessante Abhandlung: sie stellt zunichst das Lebenswerk HAECKELS in den grossen Zusammenhang der kulturellen und geistigen Stro- mungen der Neuzeit und berichtet sodann vach sachlichen Gesichts- punkten iiber des Gelehrten Leben und Arbeit. Wieder wird seine ungeheure Arbeitsleistung auf systematisch-zoologischem Gebiete sowohl wie insbesondere fiir den Ausbau und die Anwendung der Darwinschen-Lehre aufgerollt; eine Leistung, die sich zu DARwINs Grundsiitzen so verhilt wie das Arbeitsprodukt zum Werkzeug. Denn der englische Gelehrte hatte induktiv gearbeitet und jene Forschungs- grundsiitze geschaffen, die — nicht bloss bei Harcken und nicht bloss in der Biologie im engeren Sinne — ihre epochalen Wirkungen entfalten sollten Harcke:s Stiirke war die Deduktion und Synthese, gepaart allerdings mit schiirfstem Blick fiir Tierformen und ihre Beziehungen, sowie mit einer seltenen Arbeitskraft. Sein kiinstlerischer Trieb nach Volistiindigkeit der Lehre und des ganzen Weltbildes fand in Darwins Ideen das geeignete Instrument; einmal (1860) erfasst, wirkten diese als Auslésung der einzigartigen Energie des 26jiihrigen Mediziners und inspirierten ihn zur Berufswah! und ganzen Arbeitsrichtung — durch ihn hunderte yon Forschern, die unter seinen Einfluss traten und hunderttausende yon Menschen, die er fiir den Darwinschen-Ideenkreis gewinnen sollte. Was der Wiener Zoologe B. Harscuek (II, 236) tiber ihn sagt: dass die meisten lebenden Zoologen als seine mittelbaren Schiiler betrachtet werden kénnten, ist fiirdas deutsche Sprachgebiet sicherlich richtig; und dasselbe gilt von dem Aussprach Bagces (II, 153) die grossziigige freigeistig-kulturelle Bewegung Deutschlands in den letzten Jahren (vor dem Kriege) wiire ohne HArcket nicht modglich gewesen. — Die Gegenstrémungen hat Scumipr nur insoweit beriick- sichtigt, als sie dem jungen Hagecket galten, der sie so schneidig ab- wehrte; die scharfen Entgegnungen auf seine naturphilosophischen Schriften, insbesondere die verbreitetste von ihnen, Die Weltriitsel, sind kaum gestreift, die heftigen persénlichen Angriffe gegen den greisen Forscher iibergangen — obwohl letztere nicht gegen HAECKEL, sondern nur gegen seine Feinde sprechen. Vielleicht wiire es auch von einer ernsten wissenschaftlichen Darstellung nicht zuviel gefordert, die Irrtiimer Harckets und seiner Freunde z B. die Bathybius-Ange- legenheit, zu erwiihnen; das Gesamtbild hiitte dadurch gewonnen. Im Hauptteile folgen die Antworten der befragten Personenim ganzen 332 ISIs. rv. 1922 zufillig (in der Reihenfolge ihres Kinlangens) aufeinander; man muss die Stimmen sichten. um einen reinen Eindruck zu erhalten. Im Vorder- grunde steht begreiflicherweise die Persénlichkeit des Gelehrten Den Auftakt gibt WiLakLM OsrwaLp, dessen Initiative das Buch zn ver- danken ist. Er schildert Harcket als einen Mann ** von einer geradezu riihrenden Bescheidenheit und Bereitwilligkeit, sich beeinflussen zu lassen und seine Meinungen zu priifen.... Die Art, wie er sich z. B. zu den wohlbekannten groben und iiber die sachliche Gegnerschaft weit hinausgehenden Angriffe CHwoLsons dusserte, entsprach so sehr dem von dem Stifter des Christentums aufgestellten Ideal der persén- lichen Milde auch den Feinden gegenitiber, wie ich sie bei meiner mannigfaltigen Kenntnis von Geistlichen, theologischen Professoren, Priestern usw. niemals vorher bei den Dienern am Worte Gottes an- getroffen hatte. Dieser unverséhnliche Gegner alles dogmatischen Christentums erwies sich als der beste und vorgeschrittenste ,.Christ‘‘. den ich je personlich kennen gelernt hatte'‘. In gleicher Weise findet sich der wissenschaftliche Gegner (SCHAXEL) nach dem Eindruck der Kimpfernatur, die aus HarckeLs Reden und Schriften spricht, von dessen persénlichem Wesen iiberrascht: ,,Bei grosser Bestimmtheit im eigentlichen Vortrag und im geschriebenen Wort oder gar in der 6ffentlichen Polemik zeigt er sich in der privaten Diskussion von einer iiberraschenden Bescheidenheit, von einer Zugiinglichkeit fiir alle Kin- wendungen, die niemand erwartet, der ihn nur als Redner und Schrift- steller kennt.‘’ Wabrlich Beitriige zur Wesensschilderung des modernen Dogmatikers! Ein anderer wissenschaftlicher Gegner (BRUNNER) fiihrt die Anerkennung, welche er trotzdem bei Harcken fand, auf dessen ..grundgiitiges‘‘ Menschentum zuriick. Und immer wieder kehrt das Lob des .,priichtigen, natiirlichen, liebevollen Menschen’! HAECKEL (WALTHER May). Ueber HarcKkeL als Fachmann spricht wieder OstwaLp das Leit™ motiv: ,,Ich fand in ihm einen der reinsten und gleichzeitig edelsten Reprisentanten des romantischen Typus der Forscher‘‘. Fiir die Merk- male eines Romantikers, wie sie OsTwaLp in dem Werke Grosse Manner aufgestellt hat, finden sich bei HarckeEt in der Tat stets neue Belege. Die grosse Geschwindigkeit der psychischen Reaktion wird aus mit- geteilten Gespriichen und Gelegenheitsreden deutlich. Die leidenschaft- liche Begeisterung fiir das eigene Fach und die Gabe, sie anderen mit- zuteilen, erhellt aus den Aussagen der durch Harcket person lich dafiir Gewonnenen (R. KELLER, Ricn. HeRtwiG, LEON u. a.). Der Romantiker ist ein guter, iiberzeugender und weite Wirkungen tibender Lehrer — die fesselnden Schilderungen des Milieus an Harckers Lehrkanzel durch AntTipa, LeEEGE, SCHAXEL, VERWORN (weniger giinstig: Ren) er- innern deutlich an das Wirken eines anderen Romantikers, von dem Nees 6 ee ee eee REVIEWS 333 ein halbes Jahrhundert friiher der Aufschwung der deutschen chemi- schen Forschung ausging, an LigBiG. Wie Liepics Schiller besetzen auch diejenigen HAECKELSs eine grosse Zah] von Lehrstiihlen im eigenen und Auslande und griinden so neue Zentren seines Einflusses ; von ihnen kommen zu Worte Rasi-Leipzig, (Osk. HertwiG-Berlin), Ricw. Hertr- wic-Miinchen, FUERBRINGER-Heidelberg, Leon Jassy, OrtTMANN-Pitts- burgh. — Der Romantiker ist ein fruchtbarer Schriftsteller, streut reiche Anregungen aus und geht in seinem Eifer gelegentlich tiber das hinaus, was sich strenge aufrecht erhalten liisst: vielleicht war dieser Charakter unentbehrlich fiir die Aufstellung solecher Hypothesen- gebiaude wie es HAarcKeLts Stammbiume waren; enthilt doch sein Werk Systematische Phylogenie nach A. Lane (I, 135) tiber 600 solcher Hypothesen. Harecket war itiberzeugt, damit eine notwendige und er- spriessliche Arbeit zu Jeisten und seiner Meinung war auch Huxtey, welcher schon 1869 iiber die Natiirliche Schopfungsgeschichte schrieb: , Mag man nun mit Haecker iibereinstimmen oder nicht, so fiihlt man doch, dass er das Denken in Bahnen gezwungen hat, in denen irre- zugehen vorteilhafter ist als stillezustehen* (I, 103). — Mehrere Aeus- serungen vervollstiindigen das ‘ harakterbild des Forschers: seine , ausserordentliche Synthetisierungskraft‘' Anripa, das epochal wir- kende Zuriickdrinyen der Detailfragen gegen die grossen, vom Darwi- nismus aufgeworfenen Grundfragen (R. Herrwic, das grosse kiinst- lerische Verstiindnis |Maler Koerner), die Auswertung der Reisen, die ihn Gorerue und Humpoupt zur Seite stellt (WALTHER); u. dgl. m. Der Philosoph Haecke und sein einschligiges Hauptwerk Die Welt- riitsel (1899) begegnen auch hier verschiedener Beurteilung, wenngleich die unbedingten Anhinger tiberwiegen. Die Akademiker enthalten sich zumeist der Aussage, doch zeugen gelegentliche Bemerkungen einiger von ihrer ablebnenden Stellung; so sagt Harscnek bei aller begeister- ten Anerkennung des Zoologen HArcKkE., dieser folge seinem urspriing- lichen Hange zur Naturphilosophie vielleicht allzusehr; fiir W. May waren die Weltritsel geradezu Anlass zur Wiederabkehr von der Welt- anschauung, die er aus der Natirlichen Schépfungsgeschichte aufge- nommen hatte. R. Go_pscuerp berichtet von den scharf verurteilenden Worten des bekannten Philosophen PAuLSEN und behauptet aus authen tischer Quelle zu wissen, er habe sie spiiter bereut. — Aus den meisten Urteilen spricht eine tiberstr6mende Dankbarkeit fiir die Befreiung vom Druck des Aberglaubens und die Einfiihrung in die reiche Welt der Naturwissenschaft. Typisch ist z.B der Ausspruch von Dr Huscuke: ,,Man mag gegen dieses vielbefehdete und verketzerte Buch vorbringen, was man will... fiir mich ist es im héchsten Grade segensreich gewesen*:. In der Tat: der naturwissenschafllich-gerichtete Kritiker mag den naiven Reslismus HarcKxers als Philosophie ab- 334 ISIS. Iv. 1922 lehnen — er wird ihm darum doch die grosse aufklarende Wirkung, die Beiseiteriumung sovielen mittelalterlichen Schuttes danken und die neue Welle der Begeisterung fiir die Wunder der Naturwissen- schaft, im besonderen die erfolgreiche Bekiimpfung der Indolenz gegentiber der Entwicklungslehre (Ras) als Kulturtaten gréssten Stiles begriissen. Mehrere Mitarbeiter wurden durch HArcKEL yon unertraglichem Druck der Héllen- und Gespensterfurcht befreit — der Ausdruck ,,mein Erléser‘: fiir den Gelehrten kehrt mehrmals wieder; ebenso sind die Bemerkungen typisch: .,er hat meinem Leben Zweck und Inhalt gegeben‘‘ (ScHNEIDER, Bankbeamter); das Buch bedeutet ,,meine eigentliche Menschwerdung*‘ (Riess, Kaufmann); , dieser Lichtschimmer durch die Aufklirung war ein Wendepunkt in meinem Leben*‘ (Dorr, Arbeiter); usw. Die Weltrdtsel waren bis 1913 in 310 000 deutschen Exemplaren verbreitet; aus dem englischen Sprachgebiet berichtet McCaBe (London), dass mehr als 250 000 Stiick der Uebersetzung gekauft wurden. Die grossen Kulturnationen sind simtlich mit anerkennenden Aeusserungen tiber Harckets Lebenswerk vertreten; die Franzosen allerdings nur durch den franzdsischen Schweizer Professor YuNG und durch den Briisseler Prof. Jousser DE BELLESME. Der erstere be- richtet tiber die starke Beeinflussung seiner jugendlichen Landsleute durch HArEcKErs Biicher; der zweite schildert die Hindernisse, welche in Paris bis 1892 dem Entwicklungsgedanken bereitet wurden. Wenn er den geringen Einfluss Harckxes in Frankreich aut das Joch eines alten theokratischen Atavismus zuriickfiihrt, von dem sich das Land trotz der Anstrengungen nicht befreien kénne, so scheint dem doch einiges zu widersprechen und die Aeusserung bediirfte niherer Auf- klarung. Viele Beitrage bringen autobiographisch Wertvolles. WALTHER MAy schildert sein wechselvolles Leben, der Anatom FUERBRINGER seine unter HAECKELS Zeichen stehende Laufbahn; R HeErtwie berichtet, wie er und sein Bruder Oskar, urspriinglich zu Chemikern bestimmt, durch HarckEts Persénlichkeit fiir die Zoologie gewonnen wurden; ahnlich der russische Musiker Daviporr. Endlich lernt man aus dem Buche auch den Deutschnationalen HAECKEL kennen, welcher am Geburtstage seines Grossherzogs in malerischer Tracht zur Gratulation antritt, und der die Initiative zu einer besonderen Ehrung Bismarcks durch die Jenaer Universitit er- greift. Der Wiener Soziologe GoLpscuErp berichtet hingegen. wiesehr noch der greise Forscher als Ehrenprisident des ,,Monistenbundes‘‘ von alten Ansichten abriickte, und heute kann darauf verwiesen werden, dass diese grésste Vereinigung von Freidenkern in ihren Publikationen eine entschieden kriegsgegnerische, vélkerverséhnende Tendenz ver- REVIEWS 335 folgte. Méoge diese vor dem Kriege gestreute Saat in der Nachkriegs- zeit, die ihrer Friichte sosehr bediirftig ist, reich aufgehen und dem gegenseitigen Verstindnis bei der Beurteilung auch dessen, was im Kriege geschah, den Weg bereiten. (Briinn, Mahren.) Ernst Biocu. B. Lepsius. Deutschlands Chemische Industrie /888—1913, 108 S. in-8°. Berlin, Grore STILKE, 1914. Der Aufschwung der deutschen Industrie wihrend der Regierungszeit WILHELMs II. ist eine Tatsache von so grosser geschichtlicher Be- deutung und derjenige der chemischen Industrie in diesem Rahmen ein so typisches Beispiel, dass die vorliegende Monographie dauernden Wert besitzt, obgleich sie aus einem Gelegenheitswerke stammt und unter dem Zeichen einer Geschichtsbetrachtung steht, die man als iiberwunden ansehen darf. Das Buch ist ein neubearbeiteter Beitrag za einem Sammelwerke ,,Soziale Kultur und Volkwohlfahrt wihrend der ersten 25 Regierungsjahre Kaiser WILHELM II‘*. Nach einem langeren Exkurs in die Vorgeschichte wird das Gesamtgebiet der che- misch-industriellen Praxis des Vierteljahrhunderts durchschritten, die wichtigsten in Deutschland aufgefundenen Verfahren nach ihrer Ent- stehungsgeschichte geschildert, jeder Industriezweig an der Hand einer Fille statistischer Daten in seiner Entwicklung verfolgt. Obwohl sich in dem Buche kaum prinzipiell Neues findet, wird doch das gedriingte Bild der innigen Verflechtung von Wirtschafts- und Geistesgeschichte sowie des Standes der angewandten Chemie im beginnenden zwanzig- sten Jabrhundert auch dem Fachmann von Bedeutung sein. (Briinn, Mihren.) Ernst Biocnu. Sir John Edwin Sandys. A history of classical scholarship. Vol. I. From the vith century B.c. to the end of the Middle Ages. Third edition. xxiv +702 p., 24 illustr. Cambridge University Press, 1921. The first edition of this volume appeared in 1903, and a second edition of it was called for in 1906, that is, before the completion of the work. Volumes II and III were published in 1908 and a complete summary of the whole work (A short history etec.), in 1915. As the author points out (p. 13), a knowledge of the history of classical scholarship «is in- dispensable to the student, and even to the scholar, who desires to make an intelligent use of the leading modern commentaries on classical authors which necessarily refer to the labours of eminent scholars in bygone days. And the study of that history is not without its in- 336 ISIS. Iv. 1922 cidental points of interest, in so far as it touches on themes of such variety. and such importance, as the earliest speculations on the origin of language, the growth of literary and dramatic criticism at Athens, the learned labours of the critics and grammarians of Alexandria and Rome, and of the lexicographers of Constantinople. It has also its point of contact with the scholastic philosophy of the Middle Ages, with the revival of learning and the reformation of religion, and with the foun- dations of the educational systems of the foremost nations of the modern world » The subject has been divided into six sections the dates are only approximate): (1) The Athenian age, from 600 to 300 B.c.; (2) The Alexandrian age, from 300 to the beginning of the Christian era; (3) The Roman age of Latin scholarship from 168 Bc to 530 a.p.; (4) The Roman age of Greek scholarship from the beginning of the Christian era to 5304.pD ; (5) The Byzantine age, or the Middle Ages in the East, from 530 to 1350 4. p.: (6) The Middle Ages in the West. from 530 to 1350 a.p. It is out of the question to attempt a further summary of a work containing an enormous amount of information in a highly com- pressed form. Suffice it to say that it is exactly what we would wish such a work to be: it is accurate, clear, complete, yet never dull. A very pleasant feature is the insertion of twelve chronological tables which enable the student to take a bird’s eye view of the development of scholarship at any given period. The text of this third edition is substantially the same as that of the second but the author has submitted the whole volume to a careful revision. Special advantage was taken of Lupwic TRAUBE’s posthumous Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen, Munich 19(9—1911, of Kart Manirivs’ Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittclalters, Bd. 1, Munich, 1911 and of Remicio SaBBavini’s Le scoperte dei codici latini e greci, vol. 2, Firenze 1914. At a time when publishers are becoming more and more expert in the art of making a leaflet look like a grownup book and of selling it as such, it is a real comfort to get hold of a volume as compact and sub- stantial as SAND ys’ history. Praise to the Cambridge University Press! G. SARTON. Max C.P. Schmidt. Aulturhistorische Beitrige sur Kenntnis des grie- chischen und romischen Altertums. Erstes Heft: Zur Entstehung und Terminologie der elementaren Mathematik. Zweite verbesserte Auflage, xvi+ 2698S. Leipzig, Durrr, 1914. Zweites Heft: Die Entstehung der antiken Wasseruhr, 113 S. Leipzig, Durrr, 1912. Max C. P. Scumipr is widely known as the author of a Realistische Chrestomathie aus der Literatur des Klassischen Altertums (1), thatis. (1) In three vol. Leipzig, Duerr, 1900—1901. Vol. I deals with mathematics; vol. II, with astronomy and geography: vol. III, with physics and. technology, REVIEWS 337 a collection of Greek and Latin texts illustrating ancient science. From the beginning, his interest in Greek and Latin literature has been that of a true humanist, to whom no aspect of intellectual progress is in- different. The two collections of learned monographs now under review afford further proof, if such were needed, of his deep interest in ancient science and technology. He tells us that his original aim was to write a history of Greek culture, but that he soon realized that such a history could not be satisfactorily written until a large amount of additional research had been accomplished. It was necessary to de- termine, for instance, the development of physical knowledge, the for- mation of geometrical ideas and propositions, the identification of ancient names of plants and animals with the modern ones, the signi_ fication and extent of Greek technology. It was equally indispensable to reach more definite conclusions on the relations between Greek civilization and the Mycenean and Oriental civilizations. He was thus obliged to change his plans, and, instead of writing a comprehensive history, to undertake many special investigations. It is the results of these patient investigations that he is now offering us, to be used as materials for the historical synthesis of his dreams, when the time comes to build it. The philological point of view is fundamental throughout the book, but Prof. Scumipr never forgets the reality which our words, however ancient they be, are meant to represent. He has tried to round out every topic which he has touched as completely as pessible. His book is thus an incomplete collection of finished fragments. The first volume dealing with the formation and terminology of elementary mathematics contains an introduction of 56 p., wherein he studies mathematical terminology in general, also the Greek concept of elementary mathematics and the influences to which early mathe- matics was subjected (in two chapters respectively entitled: Nil, E uphrat, Indus— Milet, Ephesos, Samos; Scumip1’sconclusionsare very conservative; he does not deny the possibility of Oriental influences, but considers them as entirely unproved, except as far as the initial stimulation received from Egypt is concerned). Then follows a series of philological monographs which I will simply enumerate: Punkt, Linie, Gerade, Fliche, Ebene, Grenze, Winkel. — Tuates. — Lineal und Richtschnur, Lotstift und Lotschnur, Winkelmass und Zirkel. — PyrTuaGcoras. — Die Seitenharmonie des PyruaGoras. — Herkunft des Wortes Hypotenuse. — Herkunft des Wortes Kathete. — Herkunft des Wortes Peripherie. — Eukiip. — Das Rechnen bei den Griechen. — Das Rechnen bei den Rémern. — Herkunft des Wortes Summe. — Zur lateinischen Terminologie der elementaren Arithmetik. The author’s main conclusion is tersely expressed as follows: Ex VoL. 1v-2 24 338 ISIS. Iv. 1922 oriente lux, ex occidentelex. The initial ferment came from the East; the elaboration and codification took place in the West. It is very typical that our geometrical terminology is mainly of Greek origin, while our arithmetical words are mostly Latin; this may be taken as a good example of the sort of historical information crystallized in our language. The word algebra is Arabic, and that also is a tell-tale. The second volume is more homogeneous, or at least has a more orderly appearance. Itis entirely devoted to the ancient waterclock, the story of which is told in chronological sequence: (1) Introduction ; (2) Description and history of the ancient clepsydra. Period of Dorian- Ionian philosophy; (3) Period of Attic logography; (4) Alexandrian and Roman period; (5) Conclusion. Both volumes are divided into three main parts: the memoirs, the notes and the documentary texts (chiefly Greek). The first volume contains 65 p. of texts, the second, 30 p. The texts quoted in the latter are divided into four sections: the clepsydra as an observation instru- ment; the clepsydra as a clock; the clepsydra in Alexandrian and Roman times; ancient waterclocks. GEORGE SARTON. Paul Tannery. Mémoires scientifiques publiés par J. L. HerBere et H. G. ZEUTHEN. III. Sciences exactes dans lantiquité, 3™° volume (1899-1913), xv 4- 419 p. Toulouse, Epouarp Privat, 1915. Les deux premiers volumes de l’admirable monument élevé a Pau TANNERY par la piété de sa veuve ont été analysés dans Isis, I, p. 114- 115, 509-512. Ces deux volumes, parus en 1912, contenaient soixante- cing notes et mémoires relatifs aux sciences exactes dans l’antiquité classique, publiés de 1876 a 1898. Le troisieéme volume, qui contient vingt-cing mémoires publiés de 1899 a 1913, complete la section de Vouvrage relative a l’antiquité. Une analyse détaillée de ces mémoires prendrait trop de place; je dois me borner a les énumérer en inter- calant quelques bréves remarques qui permettent au lecteur averti de se rendre compte du contenu de chacun d’eux. Toutefois, au lieu de signaler ces mémoires dans l’ordre ou ils sont publiés, je les ai classés chronologiquement, conformément a la méthode d’/sis. Pol ego's TC A propos des fragments philolaiques sur la musique (p. 220-243). Revue de philologie, t. 28, p. 233-249, 1904. « En résumé, je serais porté a eroire qu’en ce qui concerne les intervalles mélodiques, la musique grecque a subi dans les sept siécles de PyruacoreE 4 PTOLEMEE une évolution sur laquelle les théories n’ont exercé qu'une influence d’autant plus faible qu’elles ont suivi les faits au lieu de les régler. REVIEWS 339 De ces théories, celle d’ARISTOXENE est restée lettre morte; la lutte a existé en réalité entre deux écoles qui remontent l’une a PLaTon (celle des canoniciens classiques), l'autre 4 ARCHYTAS ». S. PVG. Sur les problémes attribués 4 ArisToTE (p. 32-36). Annales interna- tionales d histoire, 5™° section. « Histoire des Sciences » 108-11]. (Remarques faites au Congrés de Paris, 1900, 4 propos du travail de MavRICE GALLIAN.) Y a-t-il un nombre géométrique de PLaton? (p. 188-195). Revue des études grecques, t. 16, p. 173-179, 1903. Sur un point dhistoire de la musique grecque (p. 90-96). Revue archéologique, t. 39, p. 49 54, 1902 — A propos d’un passage du Tepi wovowxns de PLurarque. Ce texte, « en établissant, dés l'époque d’ARISTOXENE, l’altération des sons dits fixes, permet de supposer que les tonalités de notre mode majeur étaient dés lors introduites; la méme supposition peut naturellement étre faite pour le mode mineur, qui n’entrainait qu’une altération des sons mobiles ». Sur le spondiasme dans l’ancienne musique grecque (p. 299-309). Revue archéologique, t. 1, p. 41-50, 1911. Un traité grec d’arithmétique antérieur a Evuciipe (p. 244-250). Bibliotheca mathematica, t. 6, p. 225-229, 1905. A propos d’un fragment d’Arcuytas conservé par Borce. Le mémoire de 1904 sur les fragments philolaiques, cité plus haut, se rapporte aussi en grande partie a ARCHYTAS. Evupoxe (p. 366-369). Article de la Grande Encyclopédie (c. 1893). S. III A. CG; Ivauthenticité de la « Division du canon » attribuée a EvucuipE (p. 213-219). Comptes Rendus de l'Académie des inscriptions, t. 4, p. 439-445, 1904. Evciipe (p. 362-366). Article de la Grande Encyclopédie (c. 1893). Porisme (p. 374-377). Idem. (ec. 1900). APOLLONIUS (p. 322-325). Idem. (ce. 1887). ARCHIMEDE (p. 326-329). Idem. (c. 1887). Conon (p. 353-354). Idem. (c. 1891). ERATOSTHENE (p. 358-362). Idem. (c. 1893). ee ae” AT 8 L'invention de l’hydraulis (p. 282-298). Revue des études grecques, t. 21, p. 326-340, 1908. (Mémoire inachevé complété par une uote du baron CARRA DE VAUX.) 340 ISIS. Iv. 1922 Bea AG. Le philosophe AGanis est-il identique 4 Geminus? (p. 37-41, 379.) Bibliotheca mathematica, t. 2, p. 9-11, 1901. Compte rendu du t. III des ceuvres de H&Ron D’ALEXANDRIE, édité par HerMANN ScuHONE (p. 131-157). Journal des Savants, p. 147-157, mars 1903 et p. 203-211, avril 1904. Notes critiques sur les Metrica de H&ron (p. 196-207). Revue de philo- logie, t. 28, p. 181-188, 1904. CLEOMEDE (p. 351-353). Article de la Grande Encyclopédie (c. 1891). Spee & Sur la sommation des cubes entiers dans l’antiquité (p. 116-118). Bibliotheca mathematica, t. 3, p. 257-258, 1902. (Se rapporte a la propo- sition de NicoMAQuE qui est probablement plus ancienne.) AnaToLius sur la décade et les nombres qu'elle comprend (p. 12-31). Annales internationales d’histoire, 5° section, p. 42-57. Congres de Paris, 1900. (Suivi de deux appendices publiés en 1899 et 1905.) Anatouius d’Alexandrie (p. 321-322). Article de la Grande Encyclo- pédie (c. 1887). Note sur le probleme de Pappus (p. 42-50). Extrait des ceuvres de Descartes publiées par Apam et Tannery, t. 6, p. 721-725, 1902. DIOPHANTE (p. 355-358). Article de la Grande Encyclopédie (c. 1892). S. V. Le manuel d’introduction arithmétique du philosophe Domninos de Larissa (p. 255-281). Revue des études grecques, t. 19, p. 360-382, 1906. (traduction et commentaire). Note sur Anonymi fragmentum de revolutionibus lunae publié par Ch. E. RuEwxeE (p. 310-311). Catalogus codicum astrologorum graecorum, t. 8, p. 125, Bruxelles. 1911. (Ce texte avait été publié ibidem, p. 126-134.) « Il semble impossible de faire descendre ce fragment jusqu’a l’époque de THEODORE DE MELITENE (i. e., c. 1361), car il ne renferme aucun indice de connaissance de l’astronomie persane ou arabe...; la langue et la valeur du fragment permettent bien plutot de le faire remonter au v® ou vI° siécle. » Ss) Vis Simpuicius et la quadrature du cercle (p. 119-130). Bibliotheca mathe- matica, t. 3, p. 342-349, 1902. Astronomie. Le Cadran de Carthage (p. 1-11). Comptes rendus de l Académie des Inscriptions, t. 27, p. 38-48, 1899. A propos du cadran plan du Musée des Peres Blancs a Carthage, différent des cadrars solaires grecs analogues. REVIEWS 341 Astronomie (p. 335-351). Article de la Grande Encyclopédie (c. 1887). (Breve histoire de l’astronomie.) Mathématiques. Du role de la musique grecque dans le développement de la mathé- matique pure (p. 68-89). Bibliotheca mathematica, t. 3, p. 161-175, 1902. Notions historiques (p. 158-187). Extrait des Notions de Mathéma- tiques de JuLes TaNNeERY, p. 322-348, Paris, 1903. Bréves notes d’his- toire sur les sujets suivants: 1. Origines de l’algebre. —2.Sens des mots analyse et synthese chez les Grecs et leur algébre géométrique. — 3. Quantités positives et négatives. — 4. Courbes étudiées par les an- ciens. — 5. Origine de l’emploi des coordonnées pour la représentation graphique de la variation des phénoménes. — 6. Origines du calcul infinitésimal . Symbole de soustraction chez les Grees (p. 208-212). Bibliotheca mathematica, t. 5, p. 5-8, 1904. Trois manuscrits grecs mathématiques de Turin (p. 251-254). Revue des études grecques, t. 18, p. 207-210, 1905. Arithmétique (p. 330-335). Article de la Grande Encyclopédie (c. 1887). Géomeétrie (p. 370-374). Idem. (c. 1894). Porisme (p. 374-377). Idem. (ec. 1900). Musique. Plusieurs mémoires cités plus haut se rapportent a la musique grecque (ArisToxéNE, ArcHyTAS, Evciipe). Voir par exemple le premier mémoire du paragraphe précédent. Sur les intervalles de la musique grecque (p. 97-115). Revue des études grecques, t. 15, p. 336-352, 1902. L’évolution des gammes antiques (p. 312-320), Guvre posthume inedite publiée par les soins de Th. Remacu, suivie d’une lettre a EpMonpb Gostor (1896) sur la musique grecque (reproduite en fac-similé). Physique. Métrologie. MENSURA (UETPOV, mesure) (p. 51-67). Article du Dictionnaire des anti- quités grecques et romaines de DAREMBERG et SAGLIO, t. 3, p. 1727-1731, 1902. Ce volume est orné d'un portrait de Tannery lycéen en 1859 (un crayon d’ArMAND Berton d’aprés une photographie) et il se termine par un copieux index des tomes I a III. G. S. 342 ISIS. Iv. 1922 Paul Tannery. Mémoires scientifiques publiés par J. L. Herpere. IV. Sciences exactes chez les Byzantins (1884-1919), xv + 442 p., 9 planches. Toulouse, Epovuarp Privat, 1920. Pour ce qui concerne les trois volumes précédents, voir plus haut mon compte rendu du t. III. Je me propose d’analyser le volume IV en suivant la méme méthode. Ce volume est d'un intérét peut-étre encore plus grand que les précédents, car tandis que la science grecque commence a étre assez bien connue, la science byzantine a encore tout le mystére et le charme des domaines a peine explorés. Si WT, Notes critiques sur le traité de l’astrolabe de Puitopon (p. 241-260). Revue de philologie, t' 12, p. 60-73, 1888. Ce traité a été publié par H. Hase dans le Rheinisches Museum de 1839, p. 127-171, mais cet éditeur n’en a pas bien compris toute l'importance. Si l’on tient compte de ce que le Planisphére de ProLémMéE est un ouvrage purement théo- rique, le traité de JEAN p’ALEXANDRIE, dit PHILOPON, est le premier qui ait été consacré a l’astrolabe et le seul qui nous soit parvenu de l’anti- quité. L’instrument décrit par Puiopon (dotpokdBoc) était déja aussi perfectionné qu’il l’a jamais ¢té par les Arabes. ae @ PsELLus sur la grande année (p. 261-268) Revue des études grecques, t. 5, p. 206-211, 1892. — Les chiffres donnés par PseLLus dans sa Aidacxakia tavtodam) (éd. Fasricius, 1712) dérivent sans doute de la Syntaxe de ProLkMEE. PsELLus sur les nombres (p. 269-274). Ibidem, t. 5, p. 343-347, 1892. Texte inédit tepi dpiOumy tiré d’un MS. de l’Escorial. Ce texte est une analyse ou un résumé des trois livres (V, VI, VII) que JAMBLIQUE avait consacrés 4 la Physique, a l’Ethique et 4 la Théologie dans son grand ouvrage sur la secte pythagorique dont il ne nous reste que les quatre premiers livres. PsELLUS sur DIOPHANTE (p. 275-282), Zeitschrift fiir Mathematik und Physik, Hist. Liter. Abt., t. 37, p. 41-45, 1892. Fragment inédit tiré de MSS. de l’Escorial et de la Laurentienne. La méthode algébrique de DIOPHANTE y est étrangement appelée analyse égyptienne (h kat Aiyuttious udé8odoc, } Aiyuttiaxt dvdAvoic). DIoPHANTE est antérieur a ANATOLIUS. S. XII. THEODORE PropromME. Sur le grand et le petit (A Iraticos). Texte grec inédit et notice (p. 207-222). Annuaire del’ Association pour l'encou- REVIEWS 343 ragement des études grecques en France (p. 104-119, 1887). PropRomr, écrivain et commentateur d’ARISTOTE, vivait au début du xu® siécle Le texte édité par TANNERY et tiré de MSS. de la Bibliothéque natio- nale est consacré a réfuter un passage des Catégories ol ARISTOTE a placé le grand et le petit, le beaucoup et le peu dans la catégorie du mpos TL et non pas du Toodv, ou il a nié que ces termes fussent respec- tivement contraires entre eux. 5.2m MANUEL Moscuopou.os et Nicotas RHABDAS (p. 1-19). Bulletin des sciences mathématiques, t. 8, p. 263-277, 1884. Le traité de Manuet Moscuopoutos sur les carrés magiques. Texte grec et traduction (p. 27-60). Annuaire de l Association pour lencou- ragement des études grecques, p. 88-118, 1886. Ce texte a été publié pour la premiére fois par SteGmuND GiiNTHER (Vermischte Untersuchun- gen sur Geschichte der mathematischen Wissenchaften, Leipzig, p. 195- 203, 267-268, 1876), mais d’aprés un mauvais MS. de Munich. Ce traité a da étre écrit au début du xrv® siécle; il est dédié 4 Ruagppas; c’est le plus ancien document connu de la tradition grecque sur les carrés magiques, tandis que ceux-ci étaient déja connus par les Arabes au x* siécle. Furent-ils découverts par les Arabes? Le traité de Moscuo- POULOS ne décéle aucune influence arabe. Le texte publié par TANNERY est basé sur un MS. de la Bibliothéque nationale. Notice sur les deux lettres arithmétiques de Nico.as Ruaspas. Texte grec et traduction (p. 61-198). Notices et extraits de la Bibliothéque nationale, t. 32, p. 121-252, 1886. Astronomie. Les noms de mois attiques chez les Byzantins (p. 222-239). Revue archéologique, t. 9, p. 23-36, 1887. Les éphémérides chez les Byzantins (p. 289-293). Bulletin des sciences mathématiques, t. 30, p. 59-60, 1906. Mathématiques. Le scholie du moine Ntopuytos sur les chiffres hindous (p. 20-26). Revue archéologique, t. 5, p. 99-102, 1885. Les chiffres arabes dans les manuscrits grecs (p. 199-205). Jbidem, t. 7, p. 355-360, 1885. Le calcul des parties proportionnelles chez les Byzantins (p. 283-287). Revue des études grecques, t. 7, p. 204-208, 1894. Chiffres, histoire (p. 413-421) Article de la Grande Encyclopédie, vers 1891. 344 ISIS. Iv. 1922 Superstitions médiévales Le Rabolion (ceuvre posthume). Traités de géomancie arabes, grecs et latins (p. 295-411). — La géomancie est un procédé de divination a l'aide de sable (on marque des points au hasard sur une surface de sable et on interpréte les figures formées par ces points. Je n'indique que le principe; l’opération méme est assez compliquée). Cette super- stition est d’origine arabe. Les Arabes appelaient la « science du sable » raml d’ou dérive le mot byzantin dafddiov. Quant au mot geomantia (yewuavteia) il n’a été découvert dans aucun texte grec ancien; on le trouve pour la premiére fois dans un fragment de Varron cité par IsIDORE DE SEVILLE (Etym., VIII, 9, 13). TANNERY émet l’hypothése que ce mot fut employé pour la premiére fois pour désigner le raml par HuGo SANCCELLIENSIS, un des traducteurs de l’arabe en latin. Si comme le dit TANNERY, HuGo vivait vers le milieu du xu® siécle, son traité de géomancie serait le plus ancien de l’Occident (1). L’étude de la géo- mancie dérive la plus grande partie de son intérét du fait qu’elle nous denne l’occasion de comparer des développements contemporains arabes, byzantins et latins. Le grand mémoire (en partie inachevé) de TANNERY se compose de quatre parties : la premiére due au baron CaRRA DE VAUx est un examen de la géomancie arabe (avec reproduction fac-similé de trois talismans arabes); la seconde contient des études sur l’histoire du mot géomancie, le traducteur HuGo SANCCELLIENSIS, l’Ars geomantiae, la Geomantia nova et la technique de la géomancie ; la troisiéme relative 4 la géomancie byzantine, nous donne le texte de deux MSS. grecs de la Bibliotheque nationale ; la quatrieme relative a la géomancie occidentale, contient le texte de deux MSS. latins, l’un de la Bibliotheque nationale, l’autre de la Laurentienne. Je dois encore citer, pour compléter cette analyse, une note « sur le projet d’un Corpus des humanistes byzantins » (p. 422-428). C’est le projet formulé d’abord par Lupwic Stein au Congrés d'histoire de Rome en 1903. A-t-il regu un commencement d’exécution ? 11 y aurait sans doute un trés grand intérét 4 rassembler les textes (2) de la grande renaissance byzantine qui, provoquée par le sac de Constan- tinople par les Croisés en 1204, s’accusa vers le milieu du xm° siécle et s’épanouit au xv°’, au moment méme ou la civilisation byzantine va succomber devant l'islamisme. Pau. TANNERY préparait lui-méme Védition du traité de GzorGEs PacHyMéRE (1242-1310) sur les quatre (4) WusrenFeLp rangeait Huco arbitrairement parmi les traducteurs du xive siécle (Die Uebersetzungen arabischer Werke, p. 120-121, 1877). (2) Il faudrait les cataloguer tous avec résumés et extraits étendus et publier les principaux in extenso. REVIEWS 345 sciences (sauf la musique déja publiée). Il écrivait 4 Diets en 1886 quil avait déja 450 pages de texte grec prétes pour l’impression. Qu’est devenu ce travail? G. S. Raphaél Petrucci (7 1917). Kiai Tseu Yuan Houa Tchouan. Les ensei- gnements de la peinture du jardin grand comme un grain de mou- tarde. Encyclopédie de la peinture chinoise. Traduction et com- mentaires, augmentés d’une préface, d’un dictionnaire biogra- phique des peintres et d’un vocabulaire des termes techniques. In-f?, xm-+519 p., env. 500 grav. Paris, Henri Laurens, 1918. [300 fr.] Le sous-titre donné par le trés regretté Perrucct a la traduction de cet ouvrage n’est pas du tout une exagération, car le Kiai tseu yuan houa tchouan constitue une véritable encyclopédie de la peinture chi- noise. L’historien de la pensée asiatique le lira avec beaucoup d’intérét, car le texte nous révéle 4 tout moment des apercus nouveaux sur les conceptions que les Chinois se font de l’univers. Certaines de ces con- ceptions ont une base scientifique, d'autres sont purement magiques (par exemple les idées sur le regard, a propos de la peinture des yeux). L’ouyrage nous donne le résultat d'études analytiques poursuivies pen- dant des siécles avec un bon sens et une méthode admirables ; — bien souvent elles évoquent celles entreprises par LEONARD DE VINCI, et le fait que nous ne trouvions pas d’autre point de comparaison en Occi- dent est significatif. Mais aux résultats de ces recherches positives sont inextricablement mélées des conceptions philosophiques — taoistes et bouddhistes ou plus anciennes encore — qui donnent au livre une saveur étrange, comparable a celle que nous inspirent les vieilles peintures chinoises elles-mémes. Rappelons-nous a ce propos que l’ceuyre de Ltonarp est elle aussi saturée de pensées médiévales, que lui aussi ne peut s’empécher de comparer sans cesse le macrocosme et le microcosme et que pour lui tout autant que pour lartiste chinois la montagne Gtait une chose vivant d’une vie cachée: l’eau circulant a lintérieur étant comme le sang qui se meut dans notre corps. Le pre- mier livre est tout particuliérement intéressant. Il nous offre d’abord un résumé de l’esthétique chinoise : nous y retrouvons, par exemple les six principes énoncés par Siz Ho au v° siécle, éclairés cette fois par un admirable commentaire de Petrucci. Ensuite une série de cha- pitres sur les encres, les couleurs, les procédés d’atelier, les papiers, les soies nous permettent d’apprécier l’évolution des arts et métiers en Chine. (La troisiéme partie du livre IX doit étre rapprochée de la fin de l’introduction, qu'elle compléte et corrige.) Le Kiai tseu yuan houa tchouan dans sa forme actuelle date de la fin 346 ISIS. Iv. 1922 duxvui’ siécle.L’édition princeps de la premiére partie date de 1679, celle de la seconde partie parut en 1701 (1). Mais les éléments en sont beau- coup plus anciens, car cet ouvrage n’est en somme qu'une codification de la tradition chinoise. Le premier noyau de l’ouvrage fut constitué par un ensemble de planches relatives au dessin du paysage accompa- gnées d’un texte explicatif par le peintre Li Tcn’anc-HENG (ou Li Lizov- FANG, né a Kia-ting en 1575, mort en 1629). Cet album faisait partie des collections de CHEN SiN-yEou (appellation, Yrn-Po), le possesseur du jar din Kiai tseu (duquel notre ouvyrage dérive son nom) a Nankin. Grace a ses efforts et 4 ceux de son beau-pere Li Yu, le Kiai tseu yuan devint un véritable centre de publications d’art. Ce Li Yu (appellation, Li- wonG) était un écrivain et un critique, il vivait 4 la fin du xvu? siécle et au commencement du xvi®. C’est a lui et 4 CHEN SIN-YEOU que nous devons la rédaction du Kiai tsew yuan houa tchouan. IIs se firent aider des trois fréres WANG, artistes et archéologues distingués: le plus jeune, WANG , YE (appellation, SsEU-TCHE); WaNG NGAN-TSIE (aussi appelé Lov-rcn’a1); Vainé, WANG Cue (appellation, Fovu-tTs’ao). La seconde partie (livres VI a XI) fut rédigée avec la collaboration des deux peintres WANG YUN-NGAN et TcHou CHENG (JE-JoU). Cet ouvrage eut un trés grand succés et fut souvent réédité en Chine et au Japon. La traduction de Prerrucci a été établie sur l’édition lithographique de Changhai, 1887, mais il a pu en collationner le texte et les planches avec l’édition princeps de 1679 pour ce qui concerne les cing premiers livres et avec la réédition de 1782 pour le reste. Le Kiai tseu yuan est divisé en onze livres, comme suit: I. Intro- duction générale (j’en ai parlé plus haut). — IJ. Les arbres. — III. Les pierres. — 1V. Les Jen-wou (les hommes et les choses tels quils apparaissent dans le paysage). — V. Exemples de peintures de pay- sage. — VI. La peinture des iris et des orchis. — VII. Les bambous. — VIII. La peinture de prunier. — IX. Les chrysanthémes. — X. Plantes herbacées (sans le bambou) et insectes. — XI. Plantes ligneuses et oiseaux. Dans chacun des chapitres I] 4 XI, l’auteur fait une analyse péné- trante de la structure des objects considérés du point de vue pictural. Il montre ensuite comment chacun des grands peintres chinois a repré- senté les détails de cette structure ou de quelle maniére il en a fait la synthése. Comme le remarque Perrucct, ces études trés précises et accompagnées de croquis nombreux, seront fort utiles aux amateurs qui voudront identifier les vieux tableaux chinois en suivant les m¢thodes morelliennes. Mais hélas, elles ont été beaucoup plus utiles encore aux faussaires 4 qui elles ont expliqué en détail la maniére de (14) Ces deux éditions contiennent des planches en couleur d’une grande beauteé. REVIEWS 347 ressusciter les vieux maitres! Considérons, par exemple, la peinture de prunier. Les explications données par le peintre Sone T’anc TCHENG- TCHONG (appellation CHovu-ya) sont particuli¢rement remarquables (p. 292): «l'étude de la forme est tellement précise qu'elle nous livre ici une anatomie de la fleur avec chacune de ses parties dénommées. Si le terme chinois ting qui correspond au calice, s’étend au pédoncule et ne comprend pas les sépales, il n’en est pas moins vrai qu’a chacun des termes chinois, nous pouvons faire correspondre un terme précis de notre botanique et cela suffit 4 montrer la précision et la clairvoyance d'une recherche instaurée dans un but purement esthétique). — Mais comme je le remarquais plus haut, ces analyses pénétrantes sont géné- ralement suivies de considérations métaphysiques abstruses basées sur la comparaison de chacun des organes de la plante avec divers élé- ments cosmiques (le chapitre VI du livre du prunier est un cas extreme). R. Perrucci a accompagné la traduction de notes nombreuses et d’un commentaire érudit et perspicace. De plus il y a ajouté deux index qui sont de vrais dictionnaires : un vocabulaire des termes techniques (p. 447-462); un dictionnaire biographique des peintres et personnages cités dans le texte ou les notes (p. 463-509). On remarquera qu’en dehors de l'introduction qui a une portée tout a fait générale, l’ouvrage est déyoué uniquement a la peinture de paysage. Mais l’intention de CHEN Sin-yrou n’était point de s’en tenir la. Dans la préface de l’édition de 1701, il annon¢ait la publication d’une derniére partie consacrée a la peinture de figure. Toutefois, ce ne fut que plus d’un siécle plus tard, en 1818, que cette derniére partie fut publiée. Le texte en était da au peintre Tinc Kav. Petrucci se proposait de traduire cette der- niére partie et d’en faire le centre d’une nouvelle publication qui aurait été le complément de la premiére. Hélas! ce beau projet comme tant d'autres fut anéanti par la mort et sans doute de longues années se p asseront avant que les qualités scientifiques et artistiques indispen- sables soient de nouveau réunies dans une autre ame. En résumé, la Kiai tseu yuan houa tchouan intéressera beaucoup les historiens de la pensée chinoise; aux historiens de l'art chinois elle est absolument indispensable. G. SARTON. Mieli, Aldo. / Prearistotelici. I (Storia generale del pensiero scienti- fico dalle origini a tutto il secolo XVIII; La scienza greca), xvi + 503 p. Firenze, Libreria della Voce, 1916. The diversity of interest and the breadth of training of ALpo Miett are well attested by the notable contributions which he has made to the history of Chemistry, to the history of Philosophy, and to the 348 ISIS. Iv. 1922 general history of Science. Of equal value has been the stimulus which he has given in Italy to the history of science, so that a whole series of publications by other writers can be directly traced to his enthusiasm. The present volume is dedicated to GrorGE SARTON « per l’eroica sua patria, per il suo esilio doloroso, riaffermando su queste pagine di studi sereni la condanna dell’antica rinnovata follia : La Guerra. » It is the first of a series devoted to the history of scientific thought from its origins to the end of the xvuith century. Whether the monumental project conceived be completed or no, the fundamental value of this contribution cannot be disputed. Even the statement of the projectis a contribution of no mean value. This study of Greek science before ARISTOTLE, as a whole, is made, fortunately, from the point of view of one acquainted with the earlier contributions made by Babylonians and Egyptians and by one who is fully conscious of the fact that science is universal in its appeal and in its development. Too often Greek science is discussed by those whose limited acquaintance with the development of science as a whole has led to a contemptuous attitude towards the contributions to early science of others than the Greeks. The book suffers in spots somewhat from a characteristically Italian diffuseness of treatment. It is a generous fault, enjoyed by LEonArRD oF Pisa, 1202, in his almost too monumental Liber Abaci, by Cossaui 1797, in his Origini, trasporto in Italia, primi progressi in essa, dell’ Algebra, and more recently by CAVERNI in his Storia del Metodo sperimentale. This monograph treats in 503 pages the Ionic School, the Pythag- orean School, and the Eleatic School and Hrrakweiros; two further volumes are to be devoted to the pre-Aristotelian period, to EMpE- DOKLES, ANAXAGORAS, the medical scientists and the atomists, and to the formation of the ancient Greek mathematics and astronomy, the Sophists and PuLaTo, respectively. The work is a study of scientific ideas, largely free from the bio- graphical details with which many writers divert themselves from the history of science. Here and there one may dispute the assertions of the author. Thus the absolute rejection of the accounts of PyTHAG- ORAS by PorpHyry and Iamsuicuus is of late somewhat modified. To assert (p. 5) that Egyptian influence upon Greece began only after PsAMMETIK (c. 656 B. C.) is questionable, particularly in view of the recent Cretan discoveries. The systematic consideration of the geographical, biological, psy- chological, astronomical, and mathematical developments among the early Greeks, with the proper background of philosophy, constitutes REVIEWS 349 the most noteworthy advance of Mieui’s work over any other study of Greek science which has yet been attempted. Whether it will be possible for one individual to continue such comprehensive studies of scientific ideas to the end of the eighteenth century with anything approaching the thoroughness and scholarship of this volume is highly problematical. The mass of literary material becomes too enormous to be encompassed within an ordinary lifetime. The bibliography, making no pretence of completeness, nevertheless presents, in brief characterizations of a large number of works, mate- rial which is of great value to any student of Greek thought and achievement in relation to the general history of science. The further volumes of this undertaking, two of which are said to be nearly ready for the press, are anticipated with the expectation that they also will mark, as this volume does, definite advancement in the serious study of the intellectual history of man. (University of Michigan.) Louis C. KARPINSKI. Arabian Medicine, being the Firzparrick Lectures delivered at the College of Physicians in November 1919 and November 1920, by Epwarp G. Browne, M. B., F. R. C. P., Sir THomas ApAms’s pro- fessor of Arabicin the University of Cambridge, vi-+-138 p., Cam- bridge, at the University Press, 1921. In this most interesting and valuable book almost the only thing to which serious exception can be taken is the title. That can only help to perpetuate the unhappy delusion, far too common in our encyclo- pedias and books of reference, that the Mohammedan civilization was racially and geographically Arabian; while it may be asserted most absolutely that there never existed any such things, in a scientific sense, as an Arabian philosophy, an Arabian art, an Arabian science or, as in this case, an Arabian medicine. These sprang up in the Mohammedan civilization, but were the contributions of other races and countries and were connected with Arabia only by being written in a form of the Arabic language. They were no more Arabian than the works, though written in Latin, of a ninth century Irish monk in Ireland were Roman. Itis true that Professor Browne knows this and explains it most carefully in the opening pages of his book. But the mischief of popular miscomprehension has already been done; and the title of a book goes much farther than the book itself. A complete history of Moslem medicine is, of course, impossible in these 126 pages of text. We have only a sketch ; but such headings as « evolution of scientific terminology in Arabic », « psychothera- 350 ISIS. Iv. 1922 peusis », « School of Toledo », « dissection in Moslem lands », « Moslem hospitals », « fees of physicians », « dropsy cured by a diet of locusts », « early tradition of anesthesia », will show how high is its interest. Prof. BRownE rightly believes in anecdotes and has accumulated a number of striking « clinical cases » from Arabic and Persian records. Even the Arabian Nights in the Tale of Tawappup is drawnin. Of the physicians whose lives and methods are described AvicENNA we all know, but Raz, a far greater name, will probably be new to non- orientalists, in spite of the several European editions of his masterly study of small-pox and measles. When, in next year’s Firzparrick lectures, Prof. Browne treats in detail, as he promises, the « Qanun » of AvICENNA it might be well, for the general mise en scéne of his subject, to deal specifically with two matters : the relation of the phy- sician to the physicist and the relation of both to the magician. For these AvicENNA, who had in him a dash of the systematizer and also of the charlatan, is an excellent starting point. Professor Browne, of course, knows the popular romances in Turkish and Arabic — prob. ably, too, in Persian — of the life of Avicenna, the magician. If he will compare these with the medieval European lives of VirGi.ius the magician, he will notice how closely they agree in incidents and that there can be little or no doubt of a close relationship. Other sides of Mohammedan medicine which invite further study are hypno- tism, evidently referred to as ilm at-tawahhum in the « Fihrist » (p. 309, 1. 12, p. 312, 1. 25) and the kutub al-bah, the Moslem equiv- alent for our «self and sex » books. It would be highly interesting to know how professed physicians formally dealt with such subjects. To the first Prof. BRowNE makes general reference as « psychothera- peusis » (p. 82 ff.) and « suggestion » (p. 90); but there was evidently a specific and at least semi-scientific literature, derived allegedly from India. Does hypnotism, it may be worth while to ask, appear in Greek medicine? There are some little details which might be consid- ered in a future edition. Isn Kuaupwn (p,7) was almost certainly a Berber, not an Arab; to call the body of traditions of the sayings and doings of MoHAmMED « carefully authenticated » (p. 12) suggests at least that they are trustworthy — of course they are not; it isa grave misunderstanding of the development of Moslem thought to describe the Mu‘tazila school of theology as « more liberal » (p. 5), although HorvTeEN uses the term regularly; see, to the contrary, GOLDZIHER’S « Vorlesungen », p. 117; read Agu’ 1-Hasan (p. 31 foot), in spite of Payne and Bourton, and Ispn Barrura (p. 101). There is an admirable 12 page index. D. B. MACDONALD. nn = a REVIEWS 351 Hovelaque, Emile. — Les peuples d’Extréme-Orient. — Le Japon. (Bibliotheque de philosophie scientifique), 344 p. Paris, FLAMMa- RION, 1921, (fr. 7.50.] Ce livre qui fait suite au livre sur la Chine di au méme auteur, est comme ce dernier une sorte de petite encyclopédie, — fort claire, péné- trante, sympathique, et qui n’a qu’un défaut, notamment celui d’étre trop condensée. La thése fondamentale de l’auteur c’est que l’'idéal japonais n’est point, comme celui d’autres peuples, un idéal religieux ou moral, mais plutot un idéal esthétique. M. HoveLaQue est évidem- ment fort bien documenté, etil a cette faculté rare, surtout en France, de voir les peuples étrangers non de son point de vue a lui, mais de leur point de vue a eux. Il est clair que sans cette faculté il ne peut y avoir de vraie compréhension ni de yraie sympathie. Le livre VI consacré au Japon moderne, m’a spécialement intéressé, parce qu'il était pour moi le plus neuf. L’on ne peut s’empécher de frémir en son- geant a la tragédie terrible qui se déroule en ce moment dans ces iles privilégiées : comment la vieille 4ame japonaise parviendra-t-elle a se garantir contre les progrés sinistres de l’industrialisme et du maté- rialisme que lui impose la défense méme de son existence? Les jugements de M. HoveLaQue sont généralement clairs et pro- fonds, mais on ne peut que regretter que son éducation exclusivement littéraire ne lui permette point de voir les questions de race sous leur vrai jour. Ces questions sont essentiellement d’ordre biologique. Ce qui fait la force de la culture japonaise, c’est l’extréme pureté de sa race. Cette pureté est aussi la source de son style. De méme c’est enfantin de parler de l’impérialisme allemand comme d'une création artificielle : limpérialisme allemand tout comme l’impérialisme japo- nais était essentiellement un résultat, non pas une cause, L’impéria- lisme des peuples est comme l’ambition des hommes, une conséquence naturelle de leur vigueur. Cet impérialisme ou cette ambition collec- tive est tout a fait comparable a une pression hydrostatique ou un potentiel. Il existe une tension vers l’équilibre qui augmente avec la différence de potentiel ; si léquilibre ne peut se rétablir normalement et si la différence de potentiel s’aggrave, une décharge violente devient inévitable. Dans le cas des peuples, cette décharge n’est autre que la guerre. J’aime beaucoup l’esprit du livre de M. Hoveraque. Je pense comme lui que la connaissance du Japon, comme celle de la Chine, enrichit notre ime. Elle nous enrichit par le sentiment des différences qui nous séparent, et plus encore par la découverte des trésors qui nous sont communs. Mais M. Hove.taQque n’a pas apercu la difficulté essen- tielle du probléme, due a la contradiction suivante : tandis que l'étude 352 ISIS. Iv. 1922 de l’idéal asiatique est extrémement désirable — et cela implique des rapports plus nombreux et plus intimes entre eux et nous, — il n’en est pas moins vrai que le mélange des races serait absolument funeste. De cette opposition fondamentale résulteront tot ou tard des diffé- rences de potentiel formidables et probablement des calamités qu'il est impossible de s’imaginer. Ce probleme m’angoisse plus que je ne puis le dire, et je m’étonne que l’auteur ne lait pas méme effleuré. Sous cette réserve, ce petit Jivre est excellent, et il aurait suffi d’y ajouter un index pour justifier l’assertion des éditeurs, qu’il constitue un manuel complet du Japon ancien et moderne. GEORGE SARTON. Medizval contributions to modern civilisation. A series of lectures delivered at King’s College, University of London. Edited by F. J. C. Hearnsuaw, M. A., LL.D. with a preface by ERNEST BarRKER, M. A., 268 p. London, Harrap, 1921]. (10s. 6d.] The foregoing title, doubtless devised to attract the narrow glance and to flatter the self-sufficiency of the average present-day reader, had the effect rather of prejudicing the reviewer against the work, for how can anyone do justice to medieval civilisation who enumerates only those features which have contributed to modern civilisation? This initial prejudice was aggravated by an advertisement on the wrapper that « The standpoint of this book is the present day », and more to the same effect, and by an approving quotation on the first page of Prof. HEarnsHAw’s introductory chapter of what, let us hope, is the silliest thing that Lord Mortey ever said, namely, « I do not in the least want to know what happened in the past, except as it enables me to see my way more clearly through that which is happening today ». (1) Are we to delete from knowledge’s ample page everything which is not concerned with the happenings of the moment? That attitude has cost us many a precious manuscript and stained glass window and would in the end leave us nothing whatever. We must know everything possible of the past, for it may enable us to cope the better with what will happen, not today only, but tomorrow and next day and the day after ad infinita saecula saeculorum, Amen. Fortunately most of the authors of the ten lectures on the middle ages and their religion, philosophy, science, art, poetry, education, society, economics, and politics, have refused to be fettered by the 4 It is essentially the same attitude as that quoted at page 130 of our text from St. Amprose, « To discuss the nature and position of the earth does not help us in our hope of life to come ». REVIEWS 353 limitations of the title and have been free to point out gaps and sores where modern civilisation might with profit borrow balm and ballast from medieval. At the same time they frequently guard against the danger of idealising the middle ages, and the book as a whole is characterized by sound English common sense, many acute observa- tions, and frequent flashes of wit and humor. There is not much new matter in most of these lectures, but something rather fine informs them all, and the sympathetic presentation of medieval thought and ways is accompanied by brave hopes for a better social structure and economy of our own and a somewhat surprising faith in the possibility of common action and democratic culture. Indeed, the chief general criticism which I have to make turns out to be — rather inconsistently — that the authors have not kept as close to their title as they might. They have largely dwelt upon men- tal attitudes which moderns have taken or might take over from the middle ages, or which have been remote but not to be forgotten starting points of modern development, and upon « spiritual » things such as hymns and universities. But our modern civilisation is notoriously materialistic and motor. « Let's go» is its favorite slogan. Why not date this spirit back to barbarian invaders and Norse vikings, or to pilgrims and crusaders? Why is there no lecture on medieval geographical expansion and progress in navigation? Why are not the concrete things invented in the medieval period mentioned? For instance, why are not the material comforts of the modern home connected with medieval chimneys and plumbing and glass windows? Or the trench hats and artillery of the recent war with feudal armor and the invention of gunpowder? Gunpowder is mentioned in that chapter of the book which is of closest interest to the readers of /sis, namely, Dr. CHARLES SINGER'S sketch of science through the middle ages. This tends to correct an earlier assertion (at p. 49) that « No idea of any order in nature, or any conception of the sequence of cause and effect, awoke a scientific scepticism in the medieval mind », but Dr. SiInGerR might have made more of alchemy and of the experimental tendency during the middle ages as a contribution to modern science than he does. In the main, however, considering its necessary brevity, his outline seems as com- prehensive and well proportioned as could be expected, and he does well to emphasize the dominance of the astrological hypothesis in medieval science. In the main, too, his account keeps abreast of the most recent investigation in the field and contains more new matter than most of the chapters; indeed, he perhaps dates or locates some medieval scientists a little too definitely. His suggestion as fairly clear-cut dividing dates between ancient and medieval and medieval 1 }~4 ~* VoL. iv-2 354 ISIS. Iv. 1922 and modern science of the deaths of ProLEMy and GALEN and the year 1543, when appeared the fundamental works of Vesauius and Copernicus, is noteworthy, if not entirely convincing. ‘0 is his observation, « I seriously doubt if the title science should be applied to any knowledge as such, but should not rather be reserved for the process which makes knowledge. » In general Dr. SinGEr’s sketch is so dependable that one or two slips or questionable statements should be pointed out. Itis unlikely that « The student of an earlier time » (than the xuth century) « could find no effective Christian teacher of literary Arabic » (p. 125), sincea ixth century ecclesiast was shocked by the way in which Spanish Christians studied Arabic and neglected Latin literature. The usual complete Latin translation of the pseudo-Aristotelian Secret of Secrets was by PuHiip oF TRiPoLi; JOHN OF SPAIN (p. 127) seems to have trans- lated only the medical portion. The quotation from AMBROSE (p. 130-131) is scarcely a fair sample of the total attitude toward natural science of the Hexaemeron of Basit from which AmBRosE copied the statement in question. BARTHOLOMEW (p. |39) should be ANGLICUS. not DE GLANVIL who lived centuries later, and the fixed date in the career of BarTHoLOMEW of England is 1230, not 1260. Wrreto (p. 140-141) is scarcely « the earliest » of the group of scientists mentioned, and he should be dated ec. 1270 rather than ec. 1250, since his Perspectiva is dedicated to WinLiAM oF MOERBEKE, penitentiary to Pope CLEMEnT IV, later archbishop of Corinth, and whose translations date from 1268 to 1281 or later. At p. 112 Dr. SinGER, and again at p. 149 Rev. Percy DEARMER continue to associate the date 1453 with the spread of Greek letters to the west, regardless of the warning sounded by Professor HEARNSHAW at p. 37. None the less, itis Rev. Percy DEeARMER’s lecture on Art that has especially filled me with joy and gladness, and I wish that every modern might read it. And every reader should have his own copy, because he will probably be irresistibly stirred, as I was, to underline passage after passage — for instance, « if PERIcLEs had worn a top-hat and spats, where would PueErp1As have been? » — and even if he has no scruples against defacing the copy belonging to a library or to a friend, he will probably find that in any alien copy someone else has already done the underlining. LyNN THORNDIKE. (Cleveland. O.) REVIEWS 355 Sir T. Clifford Allbutt. Greek medicine in Rome. The Firzparrick Lectures on the History of Medicine delivered at the Royal Col- lege of Physicians of London in 1909-1910 with other historical essays, in 8vo., xIV-+580+53 p. Macmitiuan & Co , London, 1921. The Firzparrick lectures proper occupy 388 pages of this notable volume ; supplement this number with the congruous matter contained in the author's essays on Byzantine Medicine, Public Health service and Salerno (in which the fading traditions of Greek and neo-Latin medi- cine are linked up with the Middle Ages) and we have a total of 474 pages bearing upon the propagation and development of Greek medicine in Rome. Breadth and subtility of scholarship is impressed on every page of this new contribution from the Regius of Physic at Cambridge. As style is habitual with a man, we need not dwell on the sustained charm and allusive grace of presentation. There is a dynamic prepotency in his faculty for compressed statement that places him apart —- apart from other medical historians — in a kind of perpetual felicity. Sir Cumrorp has that skill in phrasing that often involves one in perilous departures from the usages of speech to which average mankind is very properly restricted; and he holds this gift without any countervailing rhetorical flaw. Flawless too, is the manner in which his historic background is laid in, — the racial and cultural elements of primitive Rome. Rome is the vast dark back- ground against which he projects the processions and conflicts of human ideas as they gathere! from east to west. The predilection of the author for « denationalized origins » of medical theory, « the pure form and growth of medical thought » irrespective of nations an? tongues, is early manifested and gives rise to rich and varied recon- structions. He holds himself free to make large digressions in space and time, so as to link up the chains of thought from generation to generation. This is what BitiinGs describes as obtaining a « parallax in time». The only untoward result of this is an agonizing giddiness, a labyrinthine vertigo, which soon passes away. Rational procedure in medicine was in no sense the creation of Rome, but came, with the settlement of Greek physicians in Rome and the Roman colonies, as (a superfetation upon, not an ingredient in, the national character ». Rome was but the arena whereon Greek met Greek in a furious and fateful conflict of ideas. And shrewd brushes they were, by the Rood! With what clamor, gusts of passion, shifts of fortune, this conflict went on, we may readin GaLeN. But to under- stand just why the rising medical sects at Rome, like infinitely repellent particles, went slithering away from one another on slight differences of doctrine it is necessary to retrace « long and broken ways of history ». 356 ISIS. 1v. 1922 Ionian elements constitute such a large part of the total content of Greek medica] theory that we must survey with minutest care the physical and physiological inquiries of the lonian nature philosophers and of the Italo-Sicilian schools. Remote in time as these consider- ations are, the author repeatedly warns us that without them the doctrines of the Greek physicians in Rome, of the Methodists and Pneumatics for example, cannot be comprehended. Sir Cuiirrorp’s rehearsal of the ancient and several philosophical syntheses, « the cosmogonies of those brilliant children, the Ionians », is eloquent but difficult; for the elder Ionians became « twice infants, rocked in the cradle of speculation » and their speech was gnomic and oracular. We have less difficulty in keeping our bearings among the Italo-Sicilian factions, but even here, the veiled, cryptic, half-symbolic guesses as to the nature of the atom and the mystery of motion tease us out of mind, elude our pains. They will not readily be drawn out in lucid categories of precision and reveal their worth to medicine. Ancient philosophical thought is of sovereign importance for later biological history — those who undo the corded bales find splendid stuff. There were dissections done in Ionia and Southern Italy, auguring good physical physiology. Ionian seers perceived the key to living pro- cesses to be a mode of combustion. PyTHAGORAS, ALCMAEON, EMPEDOCLES, DIOGENES OF APOLLONIA form a Cyclopean group between whom and ourselves Sir CLIFFORD removes the awful distance. Entertaining their theories however carries the peril that comes from conjuring spirits; Pyruacoras redivivus will visit some mischief upon any author who does not give him instant employment, for he is known of old to have committed weird rogueries. Passing to the chief medical protagonists in Rome, it must now be clear that time can neither dissipate the « heat at the centre », nor abate the volume of vital energy, in such men as ASCLEPIADES, TuE- MISON, CELSUS, SORANUS, ARCHIGENES, Rurus and GALEN. Here were genuine colossi, dominating, achieving, through resistless intelligence. These figures are drawn in full length-drawn with the pencil of InGrEs, be it added. The imperishable meaning of their work, the social significance of their lives, break down all the reticences which the ages would interpose. An intensely vivid human drama was that which enframed the adventurous Greek practitioners in Rome. Mark also, by the controversies raging along such bitter courses, that this will be accounted one of the greatest burgeoning periods in the history of the human mind. The degree of insight, the amount of scholarship. seasoned but unincrusted, which Sir CLirrorD brings into play in the imperial period is nothing short of amazing. He styles himself a child in scholarship — what then, is a grown man in REVIEWS 357 England? His thrice-expressed fear that he has « failed to bring the Greek physicians in Rome out of chronological tables and to present them in living portraiture », awakes no echo in the charmed mind of the reader. In summarizing he says: « I have made a fair endeavour to illustrate the inner movements, and to read the genius, of those variously gifted races of whom Roman medicine was engendered — the dreamy Sicilian, the positive and sagacious Greek, the subtle and demonic Oriental — which, blended in Sicily and Alexandria, inspired the motley players who walked the stage of our art and mystery at the feet of the imperious mistress of the world ». We are very grateful to the author for the inclusion in this volume, of his essays on « The rise of the experimental method at Oxford », « Medicine in 1800 », « Medicine in the xxth Century », and his delightful paper, reprinted from the Proceedings of the British Academy, on « Patissy, Bacon, and the Revival of Natural Science » (Boston.) Epw. C. STREETER. Ludwig Choulant (Dresden, 1791-1861). History and bibliography of anatomic illustration in its relation to anatomic science and the graphic arts. Translated and edited with notes and a biography by Morrimer FRANK (1874-1919), xxvu + 435 p. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1920. [10 Dol.] CHOULANT’s Geschichte und Bibliographie der anatomischen A bbildung (Leipzig 1852) has long been aclassic, and if the readers of Jsis were exclusively historians of medicine it would be superfluous to under- line itsimportance. As many readers, however, are not physicians, nor anatomists, itis well to say a few words of the original work before introducing to them this excellent translation. CHOULANT was a very industrious Dresden physician, who found time to publish many important historical works, chiefly his Handbuch der Bicher- kunde fiir die altere Medizin, 1828 (new ed., 1842; anastatic reproduc - tion 1911) and the Geschichte now under consideration. Both works are learned and carefully made compilations, the value of which is certainly great; but to call their diligent author a « great man », even to place him on the same level as Lirrrt, DAREMBERG and HAgsER, is one of these exaggerations into which biographers are but too likely to fall. The aim of Cuou.ant’s Geschichte was to study the development of anatomic illustration from two points of view: (1) the aid rendered to anatomic science by the graphic arts; (2) the aid rendered to the graphic arts by anatomic science. ‘The results of his long researches 358 ISIS. Iv. 1922 were offered in the form of a series of monographs of anatomists (Monpino, Marc ANronio DELLA TORRE, MAGNus Hunp?, VESALIUS, etc. , and artists (LEoNARDO DA VINCI, MICHELANGELO etc.), with abundant and precise bibliographies, — the whole being preceded by a short histori- cal introduction. The history of anatomic iconography is divided by CHOULANT into six periods: (1) prior to BERENGARIUS DA CARP! (1521 ; (2) from BrrenGarius to Vesauius (1521-1543); (3) from VEsALius to Cassertius (1543-1627); (4) from Cassrrius to ALBINUS (1627-1737); \5) from ALBINUS tO SOEMMERING (1737-1770); 6) after SOEMMErRING. To come to the translation. The late Dr. Mortimer FRANK, real- izing the importance of CHouLANt’s investigations, but keenly aware of the many additions which have been made to our knowledge since 1852, undertook in 1916 the compilation of a revised translation. The main additions are due to the wonderful activity of Kari SupHorr, and they alone would have given to FrAnk’s translation the value of a new book ; — but as his task grew, the translator became more ambitious and gradually enriched CuouLant’s work with a large amount of com- plementary information inserted either in the text or in the footnotes. Aside from the Introduction, the chapters not devoted to single individuals (these are too numerous to be quoted) are the following. Anatomic illustration of antiquity and of the middle ages; Manuscript illustration of the pre-Vesalian period (by FRANK, summarizing SupnHorr’s investigations): Drawings showing influence of tradition upon early illustration. The Provencal-Basel skeleton and other graphic skeletal representations of the middle ages. MS. diagrams of the foetus tn utero and their origin from MSS. by Soranus (by the way, this evolution is remarkably free from oriental influence, the tradi- tion of obstetric drawings going back directly to antiquity without the mediation of the Arabs). Schematic drawing of the eye. Schemata of male viscera in bloodletting manikins of the xvth cent. Schemata of the female viscera in situ c. 1400-1543. (all this is splendidly illustra- ted) — Fugitive sheets with pro-Vesalian anatomy (p. 156-167) — Turkish anatomy (p. 330; apropos of an anatomy published in Scutari 1815 by the Ulema Scuanr ZaDEH) — Works on artistic anatomy (p. 351- 361; a list completing the bibliographic information given in previous sections). As if this revised edition were not initself a sufficient gift, the editors have added to it a series of appendixes: The life of Jou. Lup. C HOULANT by Frank, including a bibliography — A memorial notice of Mortimer FRANK by F.-H. Garrison — Chinese anatomy by CHOULANT (from Illustr.-med. Ztg., t, 3, p. 211-216, Miinchen 1853) — Sculpture and painting as modes of anatomical expression by F.-H. GARRISON and Edw. C. Srrreerer. — Anatomical illustration since the time of | RES ese Sia See le REVIEWS 359 CHouLant by F.-H. Garrison (a critical bibliography with brief preface). The way in which this excellent book is got up is a credit to the University of Chicago Press. G.S. G. Bohn. — Le mouvement biologique en Europe, 144 p. (185 » 120). Paris, A. Comin, 1921. [4 Fr.] Chargé par le ministére de l’instruction publique, en 1913, de visiter en Autriche-Hongrie, en Russie et en Allemagne, les centres les plus actifs des recherches biologiques, G. Boun vient de publier les réflexions suscitées en lui par son passage dans les laboratoires de Strasbourg, Heidelberg, Wurtzbourg, Munich, Vienne, Cracovie, Mos- cou, Saint-Pétersbourg et Berlin. Les savants allemands, trop spécialisés, et les splendides labora- toires quils dirigent, lui ont semblé, somme toute, fort peu intéres- sants, a inverse de l’impression qu'il a recue en Pologne et en Russie, et de celle qu'il ressent en France, en présence de BaTainuon, de Fr. Houssay, et de... lui méme. Et il pense, avec juste raison d’ailleurs, que « la production scientifique d’un peuple est étroitement li¢e a sa mentalité sociale ». Si la science allemande lui semble en décadence, — un des symptomes les plus nets de ce fait étant représenté par le sue- cés des théories néo-vitalistes en Allemagne, des théories de Drirscu — c’est quelle est trop spécialisce, trop organisée. « Si la discipline ren- force l’esprit de logique, elle tue au contraire l’esprit d’invention ». Lidée est intéressante, mais elle est insuffisamment développée. On trouve d’ailleurs dans ce livre trop de choses qui n’ont, a tout prendre, qu'un lien fort ¢loigné avec le mouvement biologique en Europe. En dehors des descriptions de certaines expériences de Prazi- BRAM, KAMMERER et autres, 4 l'Institut de biologie expérimentale de Vienne, sur la régénération, ou l’action des divers facteurs du milieu extérieur sur |’¢volution des organismes, de celles de Paviov et de ses éléves, dans les trois laboratoires qu'il dirige 4 Saint-Pétersbourg, sur les phénoménes cérébraux, de quelques autres travaux qui ne sont guére qu'indiqués, et d'un chapitre ot l'auteur cherche 4 montrer que l'étude de lhérédité, qui accapare actuellement le plus grand nombre des biologistes, doit céder le pas a celle de la morphogénése, on trouve une longue description, d’aprés Stepiecki (Cracovie), du fameux jardin botanique de Buitenzorg, un chapitre (p. 35-45) sur le socialisme de Kari Marx, oppose a l'individualisme, la discussion de cette opinion de Mazaryk que « la jeunesse est conservatrice parce qu'elle n'a pas d'expérience », ete. 360 ISIS. Iv. 1922 Au reste, il est difficile de savoir 4 quels lecteurs louvrage est des- tiné; parlant d’animaux ovipares et vivipares, l’auteur croit nécessaire de définir ces qualificatifs, tandis qu’il est question ailleurs, sans explication, de la pariétale ascendante, des tropismes, de para- noiques,... termes dont le sens est cependant beaucoup moins généra- lement connu que celui des précédents. L. GUINET. Ernst v. Meyer, Professor der Chemie an der Technischen Hochschule in Dresden. Geschichte der Chemie von den dltesten Zeiten bis zur Gegenwart, zugleich Einfiihrung in das Studium der Chemie. Vierte Auflage, XIV + 616 S. in 8°. Leipzig, Verr & ©°, 1914 Schon die erste Auflage dieses Buches (1885) hatte eine Liicke in der deutschen wissenschaftlichen Literatur auszufiillen, denn seit dem Er- scheinen von Kopps klassischem Werke waren mehr als vierzig Jahre verflossen. Seither ist das Buch als standard work der chemischen Geschichtsschreibung stets unentbehrlicher geworden. Die vierte, im Vergleich mit der dritten wieder stark angewachsene Auflage bietet in mehreren Richtungen grosses Interesse. Es werden daraus die Fort- schritte der chemisch-historischen Forschung sowie der Chemie selbst in der etwa zehnjihrigen Zeit seit dem Erscheinen der dritten Auflage augenscheinlich. Die Hauptpunkte in ersterer Hinsicht seien hervor- gehoben. Ueber die Chemie der Aegypter hat der Papyrus von Leyden und jener von Stockholm wertyolle Aufschliisse gegeben. Sie besassen er- staunliche Kenntnisse iiber Metalllegierungen, Edelsteinfalschungen und Farbstoffe. Hingegen hat W1IEDEMANN nachgewiesen, dass die chemischen Kenntnisse der Araber friiher tiberschitzt wurden. Die Ergebnisse BerTueors auf gleichem Gebiete bediirfennach den Arbeiten von LippMANNS und Diets’ einiger Einschrankungen. JoacHIM JUNGIUS wird als Vorlaufer BoyLes warm gewiirdigt. Desgleichen, auf Grund von Forschungen MENscauTkins, der russische Forscher M. W. Lomo- nossow (1711 bis 1765) als Vorliufer Lavoisrers und friihzeitiger Ver- fechter der Atomenlehre, der kinetischen Wirmetheorie und der Ener- gieerhaltung. Ueber die Aufstellung der Atomenlehre durch Daron hat A. N. Meiprum in Manchester 1910 und 1911 wertvolle neue Ergebnisse veroffentlicht. Die Kenntnis AvoGApros und der Geschichte seiner Theorien wurde durch Guarescu! wesentlich gefordert. Die Geschichte der organischen Chemie hat eine Bereicherung erfahren, indem AN- SCHUETZ ein merkwiirdiges Werk des 6sterreichischen Physikers JOsEF Loscumipt aus dem Jahre 1861 entdeckte und neu herausgab (OsTWALDS Klassiker Nr. 190), in welchem dieser Forscher als Vorliufer KEKULES in der Benzoltheorie und als friiher Vertreter der graphischen Darstel- REVIEWS 361 lung chemischer Formeln erscheint. Gréssere Aenderungen erfuhren ferner die Kapitel tiber Energetik, chemisches Gleichgewicht, tiber die Erfindung des Riickflusskiihlers und des Wasserbades, tiber die Ent- stehung des Petroleums, iiber Gihrungserreger und Fiiulnis, tiber die Erfindung des Porzellans, iiber Photographie, Kautschuck, tiber Uni- versitiitslaboratorien. Eine Reihe kurzer Biographien bedeutender Minner wurden neu eingefiigt. Ernst v. Meyer ist am 11. April 1916 im Alter von 69 Jahren ge- storben Seine grossen Verdienste um die Geschichte der Chemie sind um so bemerkenswerter, als er bei dem Fehlen eines chemie-geschicht- lichen Lehrstuhles in Deutschland diese Titigkeit nebenamtlich ver- richten musste. Vielleicht wurde ihm der Anstoss dazu durch den Umstand gegeben, dass er als einer der letzten, treuen Anhanger H. Kowses noch in den Achtzigerjahren die chemische Strukturtheorie ablehnte und dann doch den neuen Anschauungen Raum geben musste. Seine Publikationen zeichnen sich durch den weiten Blick des Histori- kers aus, so die chemischen Teile des bei TEUBNER erschienenen encyklopiidischen Werkes Die Kultur der Gegenwart, die von ihm redigiert wurden und eine lingere, geschichtliche Einleitung aus seiner Feder enthalten. (Briinn, Mahren.) Ernst Biocu. Carl Graebe. Geschichte der Organischen Chemie. Erster Band, x + 4168S. Berlin, Junius SPRENGER, 1920. Here we have an intimate and delightful account of the development of Organie Chemistry during its first one hundred years — an account written by one who has figured as the prime mover in some of the spectacular advances of this subject and in close touch with all. In his preface Dr Grarse tells us that an interest in the historical side of chemistry has pursued him ever since his university days and that ever it has been his desire to produce a book which should supplement the ordinary text books by supplying the human factor, the steps by which the present theories of Organic Chemistry from earliest times have advanced to the point where now we may express our conceptions in established space —, or structural — formulas. The present book is evidently the fruit of years of contemplation on chemical processes from the historical standpoint; and comes after a life so filled with the details of the lecture and laboratory that now for the first time this History of Organic Chemistry has become possible. The book begins with the work of ScureLe on vegetable and animal chemistry from the pharmaceutical standpoint and with the reform established by Lavorsier (which affected organic as well as inorganic 362 ISIS. Iv. 1922 chemistry) and continues thru the xixth century nearly to the end, to Fiscner’s work on phenylhydrazine and the recent theory of the arrangement of atoms in space. The second volume will be left to younger hands and will continue the story from about 1890 up to the present time. This latter volume, which will appear in about two years, is now being elaborated in the hands of Professor Dr. Kurt HOESCH. In order to show how in the passage of time the subject of Organic Chemistry has been developed, the present book is divided into time- sections and each such section deals with the separate investigations of the period. In this way a general picture is developed — a kind of moving picture — of the gradually changing points of view which were fruitful in the progressive development of the subject as a theoretical and experimental science. In each period there are given short notices of the lives of eminent chemists with abstracts or reierences to commemorative addresses. This gives an added human interest which will be especially accept- able to those many Americans whose early education was laid in the European universities, so that they were brought into touch with these great leaders. The first time-seclion in three chapters deals with the period from 1770 to 1810 when organic chemists were to be found almost wholly in pharmaceutical or medical] lines. We learn that in SCHEELE’s time only four organic acids had been prepared : acetic and formic by distillation and benzoic and succinic by sublimation. (Salts of oxalic and tartaric acids were known, but not the free acids.) Alcohol had been distilled and converted into ether and other products. Also, Berlin blue and potassium ferrocyanide had been prepared. But in chapter I, after a short notice of SCHEELE’s life, it is shown that an original systematic method was developed by this versatile worker, by which he was able in a short time to add eight organic acids, as wel! as hydrocyanie acid, to the list. He developed also a method of attack upon the esters, thus laying the foundation for our present methods of saponification and the preparation of both « base » and « acid » from these « ethereal salts ». Itis to be remembered also that SCHEELE was the first to pre- pare that important compound glycerine. Lavoisier’s life follows in chapter II, together with the application of his oxygen theory of bases and radicles to organic chemistry, which brought into this previously forbidding realm a new conception of compounds and the possibility of their quantitative examination. By the oxygen theory, tho it is known more prominently thru its applic- ation to the inorganic field, investigators in organic chemistry felt themselves for the first time invited to their labor rather than repelled REVIEWS 363 from a great and seemingly unwieldy mass of the animal and plant products. The qualitative developments, following ScureLe, rather than the slower quantitative methods of Lavoisier, filled the rest of this period as described in chapter III. Fourcroy and VaAvQueELIn continued successfully the preparation of organic acids; and other contributions followed which were necessarily of minor importance, for attention at this time was focussed upon the great discoveries in inorganic chemistry with which we connect the names of BERTHOLLET, PRovsT, KuaprotH, Davy, DaLtrox, GAy-Lussac and THENARD. We remember also that in 1810 and 18]! appeared the memorable contributions of BERZELIUS and AVOGADRO. The second time-period, from 1810 to 1820, is covered by Chapters IV to VI inclusive. Here are described the first elementary organic analysis, with details cf the contributions and methods of Gay-Lussac and THeénarp, of Berzetius and then of Liepic; the researches on cyanogen, on the composition of alcohol and ether, on starch and sugars; CHEVREUL’s well known work on fats with methods by which pure products could be obtained from natural substances. It was CHEVREUL who anticipated the artificial preparation of urea by a year or two by refusing to ascribe any function to the mythical « vital force ». At this time came the first researches on the alkaloids and on the oxidation of alcoho] to aldehyde and then to acetic acid; and FARADAY’s preparation of halogen substitution products and of p-naphthalene sulphonic acid. i The third period includes the progress of discovery from 1820 to 1840. « Important new theoretical developments were established on an experimental basis, like the recognition of isomers and the founding of the first constitutional formulas. Many new interesting compounds were discovered; and the synthesis of organic preparations started on its first development. » In this work, besides Gay-Lussac, BERZELIUS and MirscHuer.ticn, stand out preeminently the names of Dumas, Wouver and Lieeic. The time periods now follow the decades : Fourth period, 1840-1850, in which the work of the great chemists, already mentioned, ended; and the work was continued by younger men — especially Laurent and Grruarpr, HormMann, FRANKLAND, Kose and Pasteor. Fifth period, 1850 to 1860. This is the decade which includes the new type-theory and the new radicle-theory, the labors of WILLIAMSON, Bertueror and Kekvune, with Canizzaro and the acceptance of the theory of AvoGapRo Sixth period, 1860 to 1870, including the establishment of atomic weights. graphic formulas and structural formulas. 364 ISIS. Iv. 1922 Seventh period, 1870 to 1880. Here we have very well told the dramatic story of KEKULE’s conception of the benzene formula (1865) and its experimental verification; the variations of this formula due to CLaus (1867) and to LApENBURG (1869); the objections to KEKULK's formula of Bruni and Junrus THomsen; the centric formula of ArM- STRONG-BAEYER; and the swing of preference back and forward from 1870 to 1890 between the KrEkuL&, the prism and the centri¢e formulas ; and the lack of agreement upon either one. Finally come the wonder- ful stories of indigo and quinone, and the constitution of naphthalene and alizarene, with which the author’s name will be ever associated. Eighth period and last, 1880 to 1890. In this decade is included an account of triphenylmethane and the azo-dyes, of researches on per- fumes and lastly the « Lagerung der atome in Raum » — the arrange- ment of atoms in space; so that the whole long story ends with about the year 1890. Thus we have a fascinating account of perhaps the greatest progress made in any single department of science and that too in a century in which the advancés in all departments of science crowd upon each other — a story well told by one who has an easy command of language. The text is filled with quotations and references to the original articles. Moreover the interlarding of the text with the stories of the lives of the most noteworthy contributors to the ad- vancement of the science is a pleasing device, relieving the account of any possible leaning towards monotony. To divide an historical account absolutely into decade periods is of course impossible but the author seems to gain easily the advantage of this aide-mémoire by judicious contributions of foresight and review, thus locking the story into a complete whole. As one finds readily at hand histories of the time preceding his own activity but obtains with more difficulty an accepted account, with the proper perspective, of very recent years, so the reviewer whose work began in 1899 reads with the keenest pleasure this new contribution to the History of Chemistry, as presented in volume I, by Dr. GRAEBE, yet looks forward with an interest touched perhaps with some anxiety, to the appearance of the more difficult summary of the thirty recent years, as promised from the pen of Dr. Horscu. In so excellent a book, which is supposed to cover the world- advances in organic chemistry, it would seem proper to inquire if there were no noteworthy contributions in America until after 1890. No mention is made of REMSEN and his collaborators, of the work on the sulphonic acids and the discovery of saccharine, the founding of the American Chemical Journal or of the rather extensive work on American petroleums. a tt — REVIEWS 365 Germany may well be proud of her record in organic chemistry. This science begun by ScHEELE and Berze.ius in Sweden, clarified by the theory of Lavoisier in France, owes nearly all its development to the labors and clear insight of the German, The aniline dye industry, starting in England, found its almost complete development in the German laboratories. Possibly, nine tenths of the history of organic chemistry is frankly German. Remembering this, it seems eminently proper and fitting that we should look to that country for a sympa- thetic and inspiring history of this science, such as has now come to hand as a monument to that Cart GRArBE of Frankfort who, among other discoveries, established the constitution of anthracene and gave us what afterward developed into the quinoid color-theory. (Amherst College.) ARTHUR JOHN Hopkins. Markham, Sir Clements R. (1830-1916). The Lands of Silence. A history of Arctic and Antarctic exploration, xu +539 p., with many maps and illustrations. Cambridge, University Press, 1921. This posthumous volume edited by the care of F. H. H. GuitLeMarp is the worthy termination of an admirable career (for which see, for example, the Encyclop. Brit., llth ed). Many of Sir CLements’ numer- ous publications are of interest to the historian of science; one of them, his translation of Garcia DA Orva’s Colloquies was reviewed in Isis by Mrs. A. Arber (t. II, 415). He was very well prepared to write a history of polar exploration, not only by his lifelong studies in the history of geography, but even more because he himself was a member of the first FRANKLIN search expedition in 1850-1851 and because, as president of the Royal geographical society, he was the chief organizer of the national Antarctic expedition under Captain Roperr Scorr in 1901-1904. To appreciate fairly this history, it is necessary to bear in mind that the author’s aim was not to write a history of scientific explora- tion or of the progress of polar knowledge, but rather a history of these expeditions from the seaman’s point of view. In other words, he is more interested in the heroic aspect of polar discovery than in its scientific implications. If we admit that, it is not altogether fair, as has been done by another reviewer (1), to reproach the author for having given so little importance to scientific research. We must state, of course, that his history is not complete, but what Sir CLemENntTs proposed to do, he did very well. He explains his point of view on p. 174. when, (1) Hues Rosert Miu, in Nature, vol. 107, p. 291; a careful review. 366 ISIS. Iv. 1922 after having mentioned the presence of NELSON as a midshipman on board the Carcass (Puipps expedition of 1773 to the Greenland sea, reaching the latitude of 80° 50'N.), he remarks: « The future hero thus gained his first naval experience in the Arctic regions, as other naval heroes of lesser fame have done before and since his time... It is this phase of exploration that has the highest importance. Great as are the commercial advantages derived from Arctic discovery, and still greater as are its scientific results, the most important of all are its uses as a nursery for our seamen, asa school for our future Newsons, and as affording the best opportunities for distinction to young naval officers in time of peace ». Sir CLEMENTS’ account is very methodical, accurate and its simplicity does not detract anything from the grandeur of the deeds recorded, on the contrary. The book is divided into two main parts : Part I, by far the longest (386 p.), dealing with the Arctic regions; part II, with the Antarctic regions. The second part is much shorter because the second history began much later. While the first expedition to the North dates back to 1553 (WiLLouGHBY and CHANCELLOR), the first expedition to the South did not occur until more than two centuries later, in 1772-1775 (Cook): the Antarctic circle was crossed for the first time in the his- tory of civilized man by Captain Cook on the 17th of January 1773, in 39° 35’ E. The scientific aspect is not entirely neglected, for each part begins with introductory chapters explaining the problems that were to be solved and ends by a conclusion setting forth those the solution of which has not yet been attained. There is also a short chapter (p. 426-429) devoted to Antarctic oceanography. Still the scientific history of polar expedition remains to be written; Sir CLEMENTS’ narrative provides the human background of it, — a back- ground in this case of heroic proportion. I should mention that Sir CiLEements’ book contains (p. 57) a list of astrolabes treasured in English collections. He gives a sympathetic account of Hak.uyrt, remarking incidentally (p. 119) that his first book, the Divers Voyages touching the Discoveries of America, 1582, was the first impetus to colonization. « Virtually, RALEIGH and HAKLUYT were the founders of those colonies which eventually formed the United States ». Scorr’s two expeditions are very soberly but very effect- ively described and one can but subscribe to his final judgment ‘p. 504): « In the whole range of polar history there is no greater name than that of Rosperr Faucon Scorr. A life of devotion to duty, latterly of devotion to scientific discovery, was closed by a heroic and glorious death. A man with rare gifts both of head and heart; those gifts were nobly used through life, and were never more prominent than in his last fatal march and in the hour of death.» — But indeed the a - Sas / / | REVIEWS 367 whole history of polar expedition is an unparalleled tale of endurance and heroism. The book is completed by a bibliography and a chronology of polar voyages. The illustrations are numerous but we would have wel- comed more portraits of the great explorers. G. SARTON. William A. Mason. A History of the Art of Writing. 502 p. New York, MacmILLan, 1920. Mr. Mason in undertaking a comprehensive work in a field thronged with experts has shown a courage not inferior to that of H. G. WELLs. It is much more than a history of the alphabet. It attempts to trace the evolution, from primitive picture writing, of our present-day phonetic characters. The effort is certain to be severely and copiously criticized, but, on the whole, the volume — generously illustrated — is a readable and illuminating work. of which the author and the publisher have a right to be proud. The contents bear witness to years of investigation and collection of data carried on with the enthusiasm of a real amateur. This zeal for the subject is supplemented by an exceptionally fine appreciation of artistic writing and printing. The author employs a simple and straightforward style, as free as his subject will admit from technical expressions. He is never dull, and appears to greatest advantage in the direct exposition of the facts gathered by his comprehensive studies. The generalizations are limited in number and marked by sobriety of judgment. The author has availed himself of the results of recent archeological research, and is careful to recognize that there are gaps in the story of our alphabet that are still to be made good. He supports the traditional view that the Greeks obtained their alphabet from the Phoenicians. Did the Phoenicians in turn derive their phonetic signs from the Cretans? That and many similar questions must, for their answer, await the results of further inves- tigation. In the opening chapter Mr. Mason shows the persistence in our present language of primitive elements, which, like rudimentary organs, afford a clue to the evolutionary process. Has development been arrested by the establishment of conventional standards’? The story of progress told in this fascinating History of the Art of Writing should encourage the efforts of those who would press on to a pho- netic system of writing and printing ideally economic and artistic. It is one of the admirable features of the book that considerable space is given to the Peruvian knot-records, the picture writings of 368 ISIS. Iv. 1922 the ancient Mexicans, those of the northern American Indians — on stone, wood, birchbark, hides, and other materials — as well as to the hieroglyphic writing of the South Sea Islanders. Subsequent chapters deal with the Chinese, the ancient Egyptians, the Babylonians and Assyrians, Hittites, Greeks, and Romans. The author exposes himself more than once to the censure of the student of hieroglyphic and cuneiform writing. Having undertaken to treat so wide a range of material he has been tempted to rely on the authority of certain scholars, whose work has at times been called in question. He follows, for example, a discredited system of chronology in the case both of Egypt and Babylonia. He seems even to confuse Cyrus with Darius (p. 226). Indeed, the book is in need of careful revision. It is too good in its general conception, in its spirit, and in its wealth of illustrations to go unrevised. The last three chapters deal with writing in the middle ages, European alphabets derived from the Greek, and the age of printing. The last chapter does not give a very lucid account of the invention and early history of printing. lt is followed by a bibliography of seven pages. WALTER Lipsy. Th. Meyer Steineg und Kari Sudhoff. Geschichte der Medizin im Ueberblick mit Abbildungen, 444 S., 208 Abb. Jena, Fiscurr, 1921. This outline will prove highly interesting, not simply to the student and the educated physician for whom it was composed, but also to the experienced historian of medicine. For when two old masters like SupHOFF and MEYER-STEINEG join hands in such an undertaking, we are extremely interested to find out the results of their selection : what did they finally decide to include and to omit? what were to their minds the essential points in the history of medicine? Such an outline should be consulted by the veteran historian for the sake of correcting, if needs be, his perspective. He will not refer to it for positive information, since the book was not made with that purpose in view. As the authors state in their preface, for the study of the concept of disease he should rather turn to Ernst ScHwaBe’s Leit- faden for historical detail to PAGEL’s Einfiihrung revised by SUDHOFF ; for a comprehensive and philosophical treatment of the whole subject to Max NrevusurGer’s Geschichte; for monographs on special topics to TuEop. PuscuMann’s Handbuch. ‘To this list, I would like to add Frievpinc H. Garrison’s History which contains a very complete, if brief, summary of modern medicine. But the main interest of this outline lies in the abundant and well- chosen illustrations, most of which are based upon the original mate, REVIEWS 369 rial collected by SupHorF in his Institute at the University of Leipzig, and by Mreyer-STEINEG in his Museum at the University of Jena. The greatest part of these illustrations have already been published, chiefly by the authors themselves, but it is pleasant and stimulating to see them again following one another in orderly sequence. The book is divided into three parts, SupHorr being responsible for the middle one and Mryer-StTeinec for the two others: Part I. Pri- mitive medicine. Medicine of the ancient east and of classical antiquity down to GaLEN — Part II. The middle period from GALxn’s death to Bacon — Part III. Modern times from Harvey down to our days. These three parts cover respectively 140, 159 and 125 pages, with 75, 83 and 50 illustrations; that is, they are almost equal, somewhat greater importance being given to the middle one, and a somewhat smaller to the last one. This subdivision pleases me much, but it is, of course, open to criticism; that is partly a matter of taste. The illustrations relative to recent times are but few, but the student will find many more, if he wish, in Garrison’s book above-mentioned. The student of this subject could find no better introduction to it than SupHorr and MEyYER-STEINEG’s book. GEORGE SARTON. Hiibotter, Franz. 3000 Jahre Medizin. Ein geschichtlicher Grund- riss, umfassend die Zeit von Homer bis zur Gegenwart unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Zusammenhinge zwischen Me- dizin und Philosophie, 535 p. in-f°, illustr. Berlin, Oscar ROTHACKER, 1920 (150 autographic copies). The author delivered a course of lectures on the history of medicine at the University of Berlin in 1915 and the book under review is an outgrowth of these lectures. Dr. Hiiporrer’s purpose is to give a readable account of the development of medicine from the heroic ages of Greece to our day. The development of the last century is of course simply sketched. A history of the special branches of medicine will appear later in the encyclopedic collection Die Kultur der Gegenwart. The treatment of Oriental medicine (except Islamic medicine) has been deliberately avoided because the author plans to come back to it after along journey in Asia which he is now making and which will keep him busy for many years (when I last heard from Dr. Hiisorrer, he was in Japan). He declares that it is impossible to give a satisfactory account of Asiatic medicine before extensive investigations have been completed. This statement has the more weight in that Dr. Hiisorrer knows perhaps more of Chinese medicine than any other man. He has already published important contributions on this his favourite sub- VoL, iv-2 26 370 ISIS. Iv. 1922 ject, and the study of Chinese medicine will probably engross the rest of his life. To come back to the present work, Dr. Hiiporrer has wisely concen- trated the attention of his readers upon the main personalities. He has treated with special care the great medical systems of the xvmth and xviith centuries, analyzing each of them as objectively as possible. Upon the advice of one of his former teachers, Prof. F. Kraus, he has given a particularly elaborate account of the development of the notion ofirritability. Also, as is emphasized in the title, he has taken pains to show the interrelations between medicine and philosophy. It is interesting to note that according to the author the greatest heroes of medical history are: GALEN, AVICENNA, VESALIUS, Part, Harvey, HAtL- LER, ListeR, VIRCHOW and Kocu (why is Pasteur not included? By the way, the account of PAsTEuR’s work is very unsatisfactory, and CLAUDE BERNARD is not even quoted!) An excellent feature of this textbook is the inclusion of the original texts of the fundamental sources, with translations in the case of Greek fragments; what is even better, there are facsimile reproductions of many pages, for example of HArvey’s de motu cordis et sanguinis. The student is thus placed at once in the sacred presence of the greatest medical authors. Bibliographical information has been reduced to the essential, but Dr. Hiiporrer refers his reader for more literature to HERMANN VIE- RORDT’s handy Medizin-geschichtliches Hilfsbuch (Isis, 1I1, 365). We look forward to the results of Dr. Hiinorrer’s studies in Oriental medicine. May his investigations be successful ! G.S. Hollander, Eugen. Die Karikatur und Satire in der Medizin. Mediko- kunsthistorische Studie. Zweite Auflage, xv1-+ 404 S., Hoch- Quart., mit 11 farbigen Tafeln und 251 Abbildungen im Text, Stuttgart, FERDINAND ENKE, 1921. Prof. Dr. HoLLANDER has been studying for many years the relations between art and medicine and collecting photographs of the works of art of medical interest. His books on these subjects have already become classical. They are: Die Medizin in der klassischen Malerei, 1903, second ed. 1913; Plastik und Medizin, 1912 and the book now under review, the first edition of which appeared in 1905. The new edition is not essentially different from the first one, though small changes and additions have been made here and there. This study of Caricature and Satire in Medicine is subdivided as follows : Antiquity, Caricatures by Egyptians, Greeks and Romans. Satires by the Greeks (AESopuUS, ARISTOPHANES, PHILEMON, anthology) ; by the Romans (Cato, Puiny, Martiauis) and in the East (India, China, REVIEWS 371 Persia, Palestine). Middle Ages (chivalric and heroic songs, dance of death). Satire and caricature before, during and after the Reforma- tion : JOHANN WEYER, PETRARCA, RABELAIS, ERASMUS, SEBASTIAN BRANDT, GEYLER, MURNER, MOSCHEROSCH, TILL EULENSPIEGEL, PAULIS Scuimpr and Ernst, AGRIPPA VON NETTESHEIM, ULRICH VON HUTTEN, MONTAIGNE. Xxvith and xvuth century : Moire, his school and Ger- man imitators — Medical fees — Satire and caricature of pathology : RaBELAIS, LEONARDO DA VINCI. gout, plague, syphilis, cholera, nervous diseases etc. — Caricature of medical methods and diagnosis ete. — Quacks — Medico-political caricature and satire — Modern medical caricature. The illustrations are excellent though not always pleasant, and are mostly of German, English or French origin. Among the coloured plates I notice some by L. Boitty, J. Gitutray, J. RowLanpson. J would personally have preferred a chronological classification of the whole material, but I quite realize that many will like better the author’s scheme. G.S. L. Lewin. Die Gifte in der Weltgeschichte. Toxikologische, allge- meinverstandliche Untersuchungen der historischen Quellen, xv1+596 p. Berlin, SPRINGER, 1920. This is a very elaborate study of the use of poisons from the earliest times to our own. Lewin’s investigations have been carried on in such a comprehensive and fastidious manner that his book might well be called an encyclopedia of historical toxicology. Such a subject may seem at first sight to be one of rather remote interest, but a moment of reflection will convince us to our deepest shame that it is singularly up-to-date. For poisons have been used at all times, but never on so gigantic a scale as during the latest war; and even now every « civil- ized » nation is keeping up a staff of chemists to discover new poisons or « improve » the old ones. The amount of poisons used during the war in the form of poisonous gases or liquids has been tremendous, and what role poisons will play in the next world war — if such ever breaks out — only the Devil knows. To make a summary of such a book, which will be used as a reference book rather than read from cover to cover, is out of the question, and the best that I can do is to outline its contents. ({) Development, diffusion and application of toxicological knowl- edge in ancient times: this includes such topics as the relation of poi- sons to magic, the use of love potions (pocula amatoria) and abortives, and the imaginary poisons, ex. gr. the alleged poisoning of wells by Jews or Christians, not to mention of course the broader subject 372 ISIS. Iv. 1922 implied in the title, the history of toxicological knowledge in anti- quity. (II) Poisonings from the pathological viewpoint : poisonings which simulate diseases ; mental disorders caused by poisons; stupefaction of condemned witches; diagnosis of poisoning, etc. (every topic is treated historically). (III) Toxicological therapeutics in ancient times : antidotes; alexi- pharmaka; emetics. (IV) Laws concerning poisoning : Greek, Roman, Jewish, canonic, Germanic laws. Use of poisons by the state for punishment (hem- lock, p. 65-72; snake venoms; etc.). (VY) Poisonings by means of drugs : accidental and intentional poisonings by physicians; how they were dealt with in ancient times; poisonings by narcotics; accusations of Jewish physicians as poi- soners ; poisonings caused by defective posology. (VI) Poisonings caused by indirect means : ex. gr. by means of per- fumes or of scented flowers and letters; by means of gloves, wigs or undergarments. Poisoning of wounds and of the membranes (ear, nose, rectum, vagina). Poisoned nails and weapons. Inhalation of poisons. (VII) Suicide by poisoning : p. 121-156. (VIII) Antiquity and signification of arsenical compounds as poi- sons : the first chapter tells the story down to the xivth century. (IX) Prominent men who were the perpetrators or victims of poisonings : Greece, Palestine, Rome (the case of ALEXANDER takes 11 pages!). — MonammMep; the Assassins; the time of the Crusades. — Germany from the xiith to the xvth cent. — France, Burgundy, Netherlands, England, Spain, Portugal, Russia during the same period. — Italy in the x1vth and xvth. — Poisonings in the xvith cent. and later. (X) Poisonings perpetrated by women: Down to the xvith cent. The Renaissance in Italy and France. France under Louis XIV, and South Italy. (XI) Priests who were the authors or victims of poisonings : the Emperor Heinrich VII. — Poisonings of popes and princes of the church — ALEXANDER VI and Ca#sar Boreia. — Poisonings of popes in the xvith and xviith cent. (XII) Poisons in warfare : Secret introduction of poisons into the enemy’s camp or country. — Poisoned arrows. — Military use of venomous animals. — Poisoned projectiles and gases. The author’s allusions to the great war are very discreet; he has not written this book with any aggressive bias or any purpose other than the purely historical one. The sources are duly given and, when suffi- REVIEWS 373 ciently brief, the relevant passages are quoted in the footnotes and translated in the text. The plan adopted by L. Lewin has entailed frequent repetitions and not a few artificial combinations. I believe a purely chronological order would have been on the whole more satisfactory, though the author’s plan has certainly some advantages. My main objection however is that the immense amount of material collected by him has not been sufficiently digested; his book gives one too much the impression of being a compilation by mere juxtaposition, rather than an organic and harmonious synthesis. At any rate it will be very useful, and for every topic, smacking however little, of poison, the historian will do well to refer to it. GEORGE SARTON. John Bagnell Bury. Theldeaof Progress. Aninquiry into its origin and growth, xv-+377 p. London, Macminuan, 1920. J.B. Bury, regius professor of modern history in the university of Cambridge, to whom we owe already, among other works, the standard edition of Grppon and an excellent History of the Freedom of Thought, has made us a new gift, not less precious nor welcome than his pre- vious ones. His new investigation is of fundamental importance to the historian of science, — forit is safe to assume that the latter’s activity is largely impelled by his belief in progress, at the very least in scientific progress. What makes our studies so fascinating and so inspiring is the fact, which we take for granted, that science is essen - tially a cumulative process, and not simply a progress but an acceler- ated progress (1). The idea of progress dominates modern thought to such an extent, that it takes some effort of imagination to realize its relative youth; itis not yet two hundred years old! What is the idea of progress? it means « that civilization has moved, is moving and will move in a desirable direction ». This definition evidences at once the meta- physical or adventurous character of this idea. Admitting that we can prove the reality of progress in the past and present, we can not prove its indefinite continuance in the future, nor can we prove that humanity will move forever in a desirable direction. Hence belief in progress is an act of faith, but we might as well accept at once the fact (1) For a previous investigation on the idea of progress, a collective investigation which took place in Rome 1942, see Jsis, II, 245. — An elaborate history was published in 1910 by Jutes Detvaitie, Histoire de Uidée de progrés jusqu'a la fin du X VIII siécle, T13 p. Paris, Aucan. I have ventilated my own thoughts on the subject apropos of Rapt, « Geschichte der biologischen Theorien », in Jsis, Il, 226-227. 374 ISIS. Iv. 1922 that inasmuch as the future is unknown, man can not live without faith. His very activity implies some sort of faith. The assumption of progress belongs to the same order of ideas as the belief in Provi- dence or personal immortality. Yet there is a great difference which will be sufficiently illustrated by the fact that the development of the idea of progress is intimately connected with the growth of modern science, the growth of rationalism and the struggle for political and religious liberty. Itis very curious that the Greeks, even the wisest of them, never hit on the idea of progress: their historical experience was far too small, and they were trammelled by their theories of Moira, of degen” eration and cycles and their intellectual conservatism. The only ancient writer to conceive this idea, as restricted to scientific progress, was SENECA, who said, « One day our posterity will marvel at our ignorance of causes so clear to them », (1) a magnificent sentence which every scientist should always keep in mind. The spirit of the Middle Ages was not less incompatible with the birth of this idea, for their exclusive and narrow conception of Providence and their apocalyptic dreams were absolutely opposed toit. Itis only with the Renaissance, when self-confidence had been restored to human reason, that the idea could germinate, though at the beginning the authority justly ascribed to the ancient writers was so overwhelming that the little seedling could grow but very slowly. It was not until Copernicus, VESALIUS and others had crushed this superstitious reverence that its existence was assured. The first to grasp the idea were GUILLAUME PosTEL, 1541 and JEAN Bopin, 1566. Bopin asserted the principle of the permanent and undiminishing capacities of nature; he claimed that the world had not degenerated since ancient times; he conceived all peoples as part- ners in one common undertaking. The next author considered by Bury is Francis Bacon for whom utility was the end of knowledge. But a greater step forward, — perhaps the greatest single step in the whole history of this idea, — was taken by Descartes. For it was only after the supremacy of reason and the invariability of the laws of nature had been proclaimed that the notion of progress could really flourish. A little later, at the close of the Cartesian period, FonrTe- NELLE was the first to formulate the idea of scientific progress as a complete doctrine, and he contributed a great deal to its diffusion by his brillant efforts to popularize accurate knowledge. The first, however, to « express in definite terms the vista of an immensely long progressive life in front of humanity », to conceive civilization as (4) Venit tempus, quo posteri nostri tam aperta nos nescisse mirentur, Natur. quaest., VII, 25. REVIEWS 375 being only in its infancy, was the good abbé pe Sarnt-PierRE in 1737. The development of the idea of progress was now considerably acti- vated by the work of Turcot, who anticipated Comrr’s law of the three stages, and by the Encyclopewdists. The latter indeed were inspired by two conceptions which were, so to say, fragments of the idea of progress : the solidarity of the sciences (already clearly seen by RoGeEr Bacon) and the popularization of knowledge. They believed implicitly in the « indefinite malleability of human nature by educa- tion and institutions » and consequently in its indefinite improve- ment. These efforts and some others which may be found in Bury’s book constitute what may be called the first period in the history of the idea of progress. This first period extends up to the French Revolu- tion. A new period was opened (1774) by Kant, who saw the immense significance of this idea but made it clear that nothing could be affirmed about the course of civilization until the laws of its movement had been discovered. That is what Comre tried todo. This second period is characterized by the search for a definite law of progress ; incidentally, sociology was founded. A third period may be said to begin in 1859, with the publication of the Origin of Species, though the most effective extension of the idea of evolution to that of social progress, SpPENcER’s contribution, partly antedated DARwin’s discovery. However, it was the Darwinian, rather than the Spencerian theories, which established the notion of progress in its present commanding position. No definite law of progress has yet been formulated, yet this idea dominates modern thought and inspires modern action. The tremen- dous compelling power of the principle of duty to posterity — a direct consequence of our belief in progress — is the best proof of this. My summary, however brief, is, I hope, sufficient to show the importance of Bury’s book. It is truly an excellent book, one of the best I have read for along time. My only criticism of it is that the notes have been placed at the end of the volume, which is most irritat- ing. Should this disposition be kept in later editions, I would sug- gest that asterisks be inserted in the text to warn the reader of the presence of a note. G. SARTON. Reiche, Fritz. Die Quantentheorie. Ihr Ursprung und ihre Entwick- lung. vi+ 231 p. Berlin, Sprincen, 1921. This little book is essentially an expanded edition of the essay published by the author in the number of the journal Die Naturwissen- 376 ISIS. Iv. 1922 schaften devoted to PLANcK. It is a clear and comprehensive sum- mary of the theory of quanta. Mathematical developments have been avoided as much as possible or rejected in the notes printed at the end of the volume (p. 162-231). Rertcue’s book will be very useful not simply to the student of physics, but also to the historian of modern science. Max PLANcK’s theory was born in 1900: it was one of the last great achievements of the xixth cent. In fact, PIANcK’s discovery was perhaps the greatest event of the year 1900, together with the rediscovery of MrnpEt’s ideas. The theory of relativity was a consequence of the MicHELSON-MoRLEY experiment; in the same way, the theory of quanta resulted from the difference between calculated and observed values of the radiation of a black body. The student of the history of physics will do well to read REICHE’s book because of the light it throws retrospectively upon the develop- ment of our ideas on radiation. The theory of quanta is still full of mystery; suggestive and useful as it is, one can but feel that we have not yet reached the bottom of it, and such a feeling is extremely stimulating. GEORGE SARTON. George Sidney Brett. A History of Psychology, vol. II, 394, p. and Vol. III, 322 p. London, Grorce ALLEN & Unwin, and New York, MAcMILLAN, 1921. G. S. Brerr, professor of philosophy in the University of Toronto, has now completed his work on the history of psychology, the first volume of which appeared in 1912. This first volume dealt with the Ancient and Patristic Psychology; the second volume covers the Medieval & Early Modern Period, and the third treats of Modern Psychology. This is the best work that has yet appeared in this field; it will soon be recognized and long be remembered as a classic among books concerning the history of the sciences. It should be read by every student of philosophy and psychology. The writer of this review can bear witness to the value of these three volumes for such instructors as may undertake to offer courses for graduate students in the history of psychology. Professor Brert’s mastery of-up-to-date psychology in its various departments, his knowledge of the philosophical foundations of this discipline, and the critical acumen he brings to bear on the great problems must command the respect and stimulate the interest of all advanced students of psychology. : After a careful reading of the whole work one is impelled to ask whether a knowledge of its contents might not lead our professors of psychology to reform their methods of presenting their subject to REVIEWS : 377 undergraduates. Is it not possible that the history of psychology, as the history of science in general, might exert a humanizing influence on both student and instructor? Would the WeBEeR-FECHNER « Law » be presented in the same spirit if the criticisms that have heen leve- led against it were known and appreciated? Would the « JAMEs- Lance » Theory of the Emotions call forth the same attitude in instructor and student if the views of ARISTOTLE and Lorze, and many others, in reference to the relation of emotions and physiological concomitants, could be studied along with the views of Lance and J AMES ? « It is an open question », writes Professor Brerr, « whether a psychologist can be an idealist or a realist. He should perhaps be simply a psychologist. But apart from collectors of detail and writers of monographs, history has failed to produce a psychologist who was nota philosopher of some kind; and it is notorious that a rejection of all metaphysics is the most metaphysical of all positions. The fruits of the sciences may be plucked by every chance comer; yet the tree that bears them must strike its roots deep or quickly wither away. » Whether Professor Brerr’s readers are in full sympathy with this passage or not, even those most inclined to positivism cannot deny that much of our present-day psychology is very superficial, and that its foundatious — so far as it has any — will not bear the test of criti- cism. To our lack of well grounded principles, our inadequate knowl- edge of the history of psychology, other charges must be added — essential ignorance of mental disease, physiology, anatomy, and neurol ogy. Should we attempt to « explain » the soul in terms of the autonomic system and the neurons if we have never handled a scalpel nor looked down a microscope? Moreover, should the court of the Queen of the Humanities be crowded by those who have never read SHAKESPEARE nor turned a page of MOLiERE? Professor Brerr connects the history of psychology with the history of the other sciences, as well as with the history of philoso- phy. He shows the influence of Newron’s discovery of the law of gravitation on the English Associationism of the eighteenth century, the results of the physiological researches of JouANNes MiiLLer and his pupils on the nineteenth century psychology, and the influence on the mental sciences, at various periods, of natural history and biology. Professor Brett is familiar with the history of anatomy and the medi- cal sciences in general. His sketch, however, of anatomy in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries (page 141, vol, II) is in need of some revision. For example, no mention is made of the dissec- tions of Leonarpo pA Vinci. The first edition of the De Humani Corporis Fabrica appeared before, not after, the discovery by SERvetus of the lesser circulation of the blood. 378 ISIS. Iv. 1922 Those interested in the history of science will welcome Professor BreTr1’s recognition of CaBAnis as the founder of modern physiological psychology. Does not Rousseau deserve a larger place than this work gives him as the father of child-study? Itis a mistake to say that Wunpt became the successor of Hersarr at Leipzig (p. 152, vol. III). Among minor errors and misprints might be noted: 1660 as the date for the death of Descartes, instead of 1650 (p. 194, vol. Il); Réné for René (p. 197, vol. II); Cherburg for Cherbury (p. 222, vol. II); lead for leads (p. 352, vol. II); bei Kinder for bei Kindern (p. 337, vol. II); Rapports de physique et de morale de l’homme instead of Rapports du physique et du moral de l'homme (p. 388, vol. II); keine Gedanke for kein Gedanke (p. 173, vol. III); Russell Wallace for Russel Wallace (p. 225, vol. III); élan vilale for élan vital (p. 267, vol. III); langage intérieure for langage intérieur (p. 312, vol. I1I). Professor Brett speaks of Bicnat as the founder of modern anatomy, where the expres- sion founder of general anatomy (that is, an anatomy of the tissues) is to be preferred. WALTER Lipsy. Lewis Spence. An Introduction to Mythology. 335 p. London, Harrap, 1921. « The purpose of this book is to provide the reader with a review of mythic science from its beginnings down to the latest guesses of contemporary authorities ». That is, the author is chiefly concerned with the principles of mythology, and furthermore with the develop” ment of these principles. This book is thus of direct concern to the historian of science, who might not be interested in mythology itself, — though it is impossible to understand the beginnings of science without reference to it, — but who can not help being interested in the history of mythology, in the evolution of human ideas concerning myths. Mr. Lewis Spence has already written many useful books dealing with mythology, chiefly of tropical America, and what he calls an « introduction », is for him rather a conclusion. An introductory chapter is devoted to definitions and general questions. « The function of mythology is the investigation and explanation of myths or tales relating to the early religious and scien- tific experiences of mankind. It throws light upon the material, methods, and progress of primitive religion and science, for many myths are an attempt to explain physical as well as religious phenome- na»), After this preliminary definition, the author quotes many others to determine more exactly what mythology is and what it is not, and to differentiate it from other objects of study, such as folk. lore, legend, religion. Chapter II, to which I shall come back pre- ° - RL REVIEWS 379 sently, deals with the « Progress of mythic science » (p. 40-101), and the rémaining chapters treat successively the following topics: HI, the evolution of the gods; IV, the various types of deity; V, the various classes of myth; VJ, the making of the world and of man (cosmogony): VII, paradise and hell; VIII, folklore and myth; IX, ritual and myth; X, the written sources of myth; XI, the great mythic systems of the world. — It is, as one sees, a brief but compre- hensive encyclopaedia of comparative mythology. Its usefulness to the student is greatly enhanced by excellent comparative tables, on the various classes of myths (p. 144-157) and on the principal creation myths (193-194), Ofcourse chapter VI on cosmogony, is of special importance for the student of early science. Chapter II offers us a very interesting history of mythological science from XENopuHANEs of Colophon to our days. I think it worth while to quote rapidly the principal personalities considered by Mr. SpeNcE: XENOPHANES; TTHEAGENES OF RHEGIUM: PHERECYDES OF Syros: HecaTarus or Miner; PHEeREcYDES OF LeRos ; EUHEMERUS (IVth CD Al ee ; Francis Bacon ; DE Brosses (the first writer to strike upon the true line of interpretation, 1760); Larirau (1724) ; Frieprich ScHetuinc; CreuzeEr; K. O. Mier (the truly scientific treatment of myths begins with his Prolegomena zu einer wissenschaft- licher Mythologie, 1825). Then comes the « philological school » grouped around Max Miniter (1823-1900), from which arose later two sub-schools, the solar headed by Miter himself (they saw sun-gods everywhere) and the meteorological, led by Kun and DARMESTETER (they saw in all myths the phenomena of thunder and lightning). But it was not possible to explain everything in this way and the « anthropological school » developed, as more Aryan and non-Aryan myths were shown to be identical. Sir E.-B. Tytor was first to lay down the anthropological point of view with clearness and accuracy (Researches into the early history of mankind 1865, Primitive culture 1871); Joun Frereuson Mc Lennan (totemism); HeRBERT SPENCER ; WituiamM Ropertson Smiru; CorNnevivus Perrus Tiere ; ANDREW LANG. The latter was the more influential exponent of the anthropological school ; he demonstrated the unsoundness of the « disease of language » theory ; laid stress upon the irrational element in myth ; indicated the complexity of mythic development; applied the idea of evolution to mythology ; showed that the persistence of myth is caused by religious conservatism. Of our contempories, the following have attracted particularly the author’s attention: Sir James GrorGre Frazer, of course ; E-J. Payne; Saromon Reincan; F.-B. Jevons (reflection of myth by ritual) ; R.-R. Marerr ; Sir GrorGe LAuRENCE GOMME ; RENDEL Harris, and finally George Ettiot Smitu whom he names « the Galileo 380 ISIS. Iv. 1922 of mythology », a description which will not be universally approved. Prof. Smiru, it may be recalled, is the chief supporter of the pan- Egyptian theory : he finds traces of Egyptian influence everywhere, even in America. GEORGE SARTON. Charles Singer (editor). Studies in the history and method of science. Volume II, xxm + 559 p., LV pl. and other illustr. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1921 [L. 2. 8. 0]. I have reviewed the first volume of the Studies in Science, vol, 47, p. 316-319, and its contents have been analyzed in the Seventh Critical Bibliography. The new volume shows in every respect great progress upon the first; it is considerably larger and its contents are more varied. There are in all fifteen memoirs which can be classified as follows: 7 deal with biological or medical sciences, 4 with physical sciences, 1 with mediaeval science in general, {3 with philosophical questions. Or in another way: there are 12 original memoirs; 2 exten- sive reviews and 1 translation. Each of these items will be analyzed in the bibliography, but I must speak at greater length of the first memoir by CuaRLeEs SINGER on Greek biology and its relation to the rise of modern biology, not simply because of its importance, but also because of its polymorphism, — of the impossibility of classifying it anywhere. Of course it is a study of the development of biology, but to call it a study of Greek biology would be misleading for it contains a great deal of information on mediaeval sub- jects. Asa matter offact, its mostoriginal partis a study of mediaeval botany! This very valuable memoir is not simply « polymorphic», but highly heterogeneous. The first chapters are devoted to a general com- parison between the spirit and methods of ancient and modern science. This is very suggestive, and I am in agreement with Singer onall points, except when he tries to minimize the importance of the recovery of the original texts of the Greek scientific classics. I think that Sincer overstates his case. He is right when he says (p. 6) : « Above all, we need to distinguish mere passive increase of knowledge brought by the revival of the Greek language from the active extension of knowledge by direct observation that is the essence of the experimental method. This process of active extension began centuries before the learned Greek revival and received its great impetus long after it. » Yet the fact remains that in the xvth century the shortest road to science as distinguished from a mere accumulation of facts) was the recovery of ancient science in its pristine purity. Greek science was the fruit of the sustained efforts of some of the greatest intellects of mankind ; REVIEWS 381 it represented the accumulated experience and wisdom of many centu- ries. If the results of these efforts had not been recovered, the progress of modern science would have been considerably delayed. The study of Greek was as essential in the fifteenth century as the study of one of the European languages is now to any Oriental who wishes to undertake scientific investigations. That is what men like PurBAcH and ReGiomontTanvs clearly understood. It is possible that our misunderstanding on this subject is largely due to the fact that SINGER’s standpoint is that of the biologist, while mine is rather that of the astronomer and mathematician. After this introduction follow two chapters (1, Iv) dealing with Aristotelian biology. In the first of these SINGER examines very carefully its fundamental ideas (classi- fication; phylogeny ; ontogeny); in the second he gives us a very inte- resting account of « some Aristotelian zoological observations and their modern counterparts », to wit : the placental shark, the ruminant stomach, the generative processes of cephalopods, the habits of the fishing-frog, torpedo and bees. These two chapters contain nothing which is essentially new, but one must be grateful to Sincer for his very lucid exposition, and the readers who are not professional zoolo- gists will especially appreciate the abundant illustrations. As far as I am concerned, this is the first time that I have been able to study Aristotelian zoology without continual and tiring reference to zoolo- gical textbooks. The two last chapters (v, v1) are botanical, They contain an elaborate investigation of Greek botany, and SINGER’s account of THEOPHRASTUS has the same qualities of clearness and sim- plicity as his account of ARisroTLe, but the chief feature of these chapters (and indeed of the whole memoir) is a study of mediaeval botany ; that is essentially, a study of botanical iconography (V, b and c). The author is here at his best. He has made a rich collection of the botanical and biological pictures to be found in early manu- scripts and a great deal of this material is entirely new. The memoir contains admirable reproductions (some in colour) of these early pic- tures, The reader can but regret, however, that these illustrations are not more intimately connected with the text (1). Sometimes one has the painful feeling that the text is telling one story, and the pictures another, At any rate it is certain that the greatest defect of this rich memoir is its heterogeneity: for it would have been much better to devote a separate study to the development of botanical images. The same lack of method becomes even more conspicuous when the author interrupts his narrative to give us a list of the 1) Some, including the beautiful frontispiece, are not explained at all ! 382 Isis. Iv. 1922 manuscripts of DioscoripEs (p. 64-66) or, in another memoir, of those of ALHAZEN (p. 393). (1). The illustrations are very abundant and generally well chosen though they are not always sufficiently subordinated to the text. Their beauty justifies the very high cost of this book, which on their account will appeal very much to certain dilettanti. The author’s love of illustrations is so great that he is sometimes led astray by it, as for example when he included pl, XLI, representing the Hall of the GALILEO museum in Florence, a monument of bad taste of which every Italian artist is ashamed The preface is unpleasant. It is curious that after having taken such pains to edit this splendid volume, Sincer should risk spoiling it all by writing the preface in such a careless way. It is purposed to be a review of contemporary work in the history of science, and SINGER proceeds, so to speak, to distribute good notes to his colleagues of various countries. That may be a generous idea, but if done at all, it should be done very well. SrinGeEr’s selection is invidious, for it is far from being comprehensive and, while many smaller names are included, some of the greatest are omitted. Let us hope that this tradition of poor prefaces will be stopped as soon as possible (a preface is not indispensable) and that the Studies — which are now to appear annually — will enjoy a long and prosperous life. Gale. Emile Meyerson. De l’explication dans les sciences. in 8°, 1° vol. XIV + 338 pages; 2° vol. 470 pages. Paris, Payor, 1921. Voici un livre qui fait penser et qui en conséquence doit étre lu par ceux que la philosophie et l’histoire des sciences intéressent. L’auteur s’est demandé quelle est la véritable portée de l’explication scien- tifique, quelle est sa valeur de savoir, dans quelles conditions les sayants la recherchent, dans quelles circonstances elle les satisfait ou encore elle les dégoit. I] n’a pas chercheé a résoudre ce probleme al’aide d’une théorie de la connaissance posée a priori par un systéme philosophique ; mais en interrogeant habilement les chercheurs de tous les temps et de tous les pays, il a découvert dans la lecture attentive de leurs ceuvres les tendances profondes de leur intelligence et de leur volonté qui sont souvent bien différentes des principes méthodologiques que les auteurs déclarent adopter. Dans le compte rendu d’un ouvrage aussi important, l’on ne peut (1) An appendix contains a lists of 82 MSS. of Aristotelian biological works in English libraries. That is excellent. REVIEWS 383 songer ni a suivre pas 4 pas la pensée de l’auteur ni 4 discuter ses conclusions. Jetons un coup d’ceil sur le point de départ et le point d’arrivée de ses méditations pour apercevoir l'ensemble et nous rendre compte de tout l’intérét qu’elles présentent. Il a commencé par établir que, contrairement aux affirmations reten- tissantes du positivisme, la science ne peut se passer d’attribuer a des « choses » une existence objective. Sous les phénoménes variés, sous les apparences qui nous sont seules accessibles, elle suppose une réalité ontologique persistante. Avec la méme fermeté M. Meyer- SON montre que — quelles que soient les illusions ou les prétentions des savants — l’esprit humain est incapable de s’arréter a l’énoncé brut des lois physiques, résumés d’observations empiriques dont nous constatons la validité, mais qui ne s’imposent pas de force a notre raison ; cela ne nous suffit point. Car non seulement notre entende- ment aspire a savoir ce qu’en fait les choses sont, mais encore il veut étre assuré qu’en droit elles ne sauraient étre autrement qu’elles ne sont. A la description légale, il a tendance 4 substituer l'explication causale. Mais qu’est-ce que l’explication causale? M. Meyerson l’étudie dans toutes ses modalités et dans toutes les sciences ; avec une richesse de documentation remarquable il nous la montre déduisant les faits de leurs antécédents, puis, établissant comment ils sont fonction les uns des autres, enfin démontrant — ou aspirant 4 démontrer — qu’ils sont logiquement nécessaires; bref, que le monde entier est perméable a notre raison. Pour parvenir a ce résultat, comment procéde notre intellect? Déja le sens commun substitue a notre vision immédiate et inconsistante du monde sensible des objets plus stables et plus simples qui lui sont équivalents ; la science, l’auteur le montre avec des exemples a l'appui, poursuivant ce travail par une méthode semblable, détruit l’ontologie du sens commun et remplace ses objets par d’autres plus simples et plus stables; puis, par le méme processus, elle remplace cette ontologie par une plus simple. Enfin, avec le mécanisme. elle ne laisse subsister que l’espace et seules les différences entre les figures et les mouve- ments doivent expliquer les différences entre les choses. Nous abou- tissons, cela se voit, 4 proclamer qu’historiquement et logiquement le conséquent est équivalent a l’antécédent qui le précéde et dont il procede. En réduisant notre image du monde a des modifications de l’espace, nous affirmons sa similitude éternelle, nous nions le « devenir » ou tout au moins le nouveau. Mais si nous rendons raison par la du déterminisme de la nature, nous ne sommes pas encore satisfaits ; la diversité dans l’espace doit étre expliquée comme la diversité dans le temps. En suivant le penchant de notre raison, nous dissoudrions la 384 ISIS. Iv. 1922 réalité dans l’espace indifférencié, détruisant finalement l’ontologie que nous avions d’abord posée, renongant en définitive a expliquer le monde dont la diversité ne peut se ramener a l’identique. C’est que la réalité résiste 4 la contrainte de notre raison; elle n’y résiste, il est vrai, pas compléetement, puisque la science est possible, qu’elle est parvenue dans une certaine mesure 4 expliquer le réel, et que comme le montre un examen attentif ses efforts pour le rationa- liser n’ont pas été entiérement vains. Mais enfin elle y résiste, puisque au terme de ses déductions la science rencontre l’irrationnel qu'elle renonce provisoirement a expliquer! La lecture d’ouvrages scienti- fiques nous convaine de cette vérité, et lirrationnel, la science le rencontre souvent la ot elle ne le prévoyait pas, elle est obligée de laccueillir. Si la science est explicative, elle est loin, ne l’oublions pas, d’étre uniquement explicative; elle vise 4 étre une image du réel qui, ainsi que nous l’ayons vu, ne pouvant se ramener 4 l’identique, est par essence inexplicable! Et ces deux tendances de la science qui en un sens sont opposées, antagonistes, coexistent paisiblement dans la science moderne; les principes de conservation, celui de la conser- vation de ]l’énergie par exemple, posent l’immutabilité du monde, alors que les irrationnels, le principe de Carnot en particulier, reconnaissent que cette immutabilité est impossible. Cette opposition, ou, si l’on veut, cette contradiction entre les ten- dances de la science, ne lui est point particuliere; elle se retrouverait dans les systemes philosophiques ou méme dans les affirmations instinctives du sens commun. L’histoire montre quelle est aussi ancienne que la science ou que la philosophie, et a cet égard, l'étude de la pensée du passé est aussi instructive que l’étude de la pensée moderne. La raison humaine depuis l’antiquité n’a point varié. — « Tout le monde, toujours, en toute circonstance, a raisonné et raisonne selon un mode essentiellement invariable ». Telle est la conclusion a laquelle aboutit M. Meyerson. Cette conclusion, il y parvient aprés avoir écarté les objections des savants et des philosophes, apres avoir analysé la logique de HrGre.; chemin faisant il utilise comme docu- ments la pensée d'un grand nombre d’auteurs, qu'il semble pénétrer a fond; son érudition est immense. Mais a ]’exception d’un appendice consacré a opposition des chimistes aux doctrines de LavoisiER, les textes des savants sont choisis uniquement afin d’illustrer la these de l’auteur ; s’il utilise histoire des sciences, il ne prétend point faire ceuvre d’historien. Or, Vhistoire méthodique des sciences physiques n’est pas encore fort avancée et souvent elle hésite sur sa méthode et sur son but. Parmi les enseignements que l’on peut tirer des livres de M. MEyYERsoNn, REVIEWS 385 de méme que de son ouvrage précédent Jdentité et réalité, un des plus précieux est que cette histoire ne satisfait pas seulement une curiosite, certes légitime, mais stérile; qu’elle peut fournir au philosophe une base lui permettant de mieux connaitre la marche de l’esprit humain. (Paris.) H&LENE METZGER. Hugo Dingler. Puystk uNnp HypotHeseE. Versuch einer induktiven Wissenschaftslehre nebst einer kritischen Analyse der Funda- mente der Relativitiitstheorie; pp. x1-+ 200. Berlin und Leipzig, Vereinigung wissenschaftlicher Verleger. 1921. Professor DINGLER’s book on Physics and Hypothesis consists of a discussion of the concept of rigid body, of the nature of scientific hypothesis, and of some of the underlying epistemological problems. All experiment, according to the author, rests on the notion of a rigid body. A rigid body, however. cannot itself be established expe- rimentally. Hence, there can be no such thing as a purely experi- mental physics; hypotheses must be introduced. The discussion of the nature of hypothesis constitutes the most important part of the book. That the formal architecture of scientific hypotheses, and the interpretations of hypotheses in terms of physical « reality », can best be comprehended by a study of postulational theory and technique as developed so fruitfully in recent years by mathematical logic, is a thesis well worth emphasizing. The last portion of the book is devoted to a metaphysical attack upon all relativity theories in science. (Cambridge, Mass.) H.-M. SHEFFER. Stone, Gilbert. A History of Labour. 416 p. London, Harrap. August 1921. (15 s.) Mr. STONE, sometime secretary to the British coal industry commis- sion, has written for the general reader a very entertaining and well-informed book It is not meant for special students of the subject, but other students will enjoy it, for, though the author has not carried on any original investigations, he has made good use of some of the best secondary sources and he is remarkably free from prejudice and from those rhapsodical tendencies so common among popular writers on social problems. I do not say that he has no bias, but simply that he is very tolerant and judicial. He rejoices in the emancipation of the masses and in the gradual extension to them of a freedom and happiness which for centuries had remained the privilege of the very few. He thinks that the process of emancipation is far VoL 1v-2 27 386 ISIS. Iv. 1922 from being complete, but that it must be slow to be sound, and that, as more power and opportunities accrue to the labouring people, they will of necessity realize more keenly their obligations. He insists, in my opinion very wisely, on the fact that labour problems do not result simply from conflicts of economic interests (p. 216): « The opposition is not between the worker and the capitalist; it is between the man who works, who suffers, who experiences, who knows and the man who never works, never suffers, never experiences and never knows.) I would say, in other words, that this opposition is not only a conflict of material interests, but is also to a degree but another face of the old conflict between ignorance and superstition on the one hand and scientific knowledge and method on the other. And this concerns us directly : Social progress is a function of the progress of knowledge; it is our business and duty to prove it. The subject of Mr. Sronr’s book is at once less and more compre- hensive than the title suggests. lt is not international, but largely restricted to England. It is true, the first chapter deals with Roman slavery and mediaeval serfdom, but that seems a proper introduction. ‘There are also not a few references to conditions in France and the United States, but not more than one would expect in any history of British labour for the purpose of comparison and explanation. For example, the French Revolution marks an important date in English history, and it influenced social problems in England just as the Russian Revolution is now affecting them — and will affect them more and more — in one way or another, all over the world. On the other hand, to illustrate the gradual improvement in the condition of work- men, Mr. Srone has thought it well to explain the contemporary progress in politics and education. His way of limiting and treating the subject seems to me to be adequate to the aim of his book. After having surveyed the progress accomplished down to our day, the author quotes, with evident pleasure, MacauLay’s conelusion : « The more carefully we examine the history of the past, the more reason shall we find to dissent from those who imagine that our age has been fruitful of new social evils. The truth is that the evils are, with scarcely an exception, old. That which is new is the intelligence which discerns and the humanity which remedies them. » This is very true, yet such complacency should not be encouraged, for it is not conducive to further advance. It serves no useful purpose to think of how good we are: it is better to realize more keenly our deficiencies and strive to correct them. Whatever social progress has been made we owe, not to the self-satisfied optimists, but to those who saw clearly the evils of their time and kicked vigorously until they were eradicated. GEORGE SARTON. REVIEWS 387 John Koren (editor). The History of Statistics. Their development and progress in many countries. Memoirs to commemorate the seventy-fifth anniversary of the American Statistical Association. xl + 773 p. New-York, MAcmILLAN, 1918. The American Statistical Association having decided to mark its seventy-fifth anniversary by «a serviceable contribution to our knowl- edge of statistics », invited the leading statisticians of many civi- lized countries to explain the development of their respective national statistics, and has published their reports in the present volume which will remain a historical monument of the first order. Truly this is not a history of statistics, which is still badly needed, but it will offer to the future historian of this fundamental discipline a very valuable collection of materials and will enable him to reach easily a great deal of additional information. It is interesting to note that the American Statistical Association was founded as early as 1839 (at no.15 Cornhill, Boston). Its objects had been very broadly defined : « to collect, preserve and diffuse statistical information in the different departments of human knowl- edge ». Its first foreign member was ADOLPHE QuETELET. The signi- fication of these early efforts will be better appreciated if one realizes that in 1839, there were only two other similar organizations in exis- tence, the Manchester Statistical Society founded in 1833 and the London (now Royal) Statistical Society founded in 1835. The Journal of the London Society began to appear in 1838, — but the British Annual Register was born as early as 1758. The Statistical Abstract of Great Britain dates of c. 1855; it was the first of the many national annuals now published. The Statistical Abstract of the U. S. dates of 1878. The New-York Tribune Almanac dates of 1838. No nation spends more money and energy in the compilation of statistics than the United States, but, asS. N. D Norru has remar- ked, it is certain that much ot the expenditure is wasted. The Constitution ordained that a census of the population be taken in 1790 and every tenth year thereafter, and this has been done faithfully, With increasing comprehensiveness and accuracy. It is interesting to note that it was just a century later, in 1890, that Roperr P. Porter, director of the Eleventh Census, introduced the automatic tabulation : a technical progress of enormous scope. To the federal statistics must be added those undertaken by the 48 separate states and by private organizations (for ex. insurance societies of tremendous power). It is then perhaps less astonishing that the American asso- ciation is one of the oldest of its kind in the world. Koren’s History is divided as follows. An introductory article by 388 ISIS. Iv. 1922 himself relates the history of the association. S.N. D. Norru gives a rapid survey of the progress of statistics since 1839 and shows the outlook for the ffuture. Then follow a series of memoirs explain ng the development of statistics in fifteen different countries : Australia, by GEORGE HANDLEY KNIBBs, Austria, by RoBerT MEYER, Belgium, by ARMAND JULIN, Canada, by Ernest H. Goprrey, Denmark, by ADOLF JENSEN, France, by FERNAND FAURE, Germany, by EUGENE WiRzBURGER, Great Britain and Ireland, by Sir ATHELSTANE BaINEs, Hungary, by LApIsLAUS von Bupay, India, by Sir ATHELSTANE BAINES, Netherlancs, by C.-A. VERRIJN STUART, Norway, by A.-N. KisrEr, Russia, by A. KAUFMANN, Sweden, by Epvarp AROSENIUS, United States, by Jonn CummineGs (federal stat.) and CHArLEs F. Gert- TEMY (state stat.). (The absence of reports relating to Italy and Jaan is not due to the editor’s negligence, as such reports had been promised to him respectively by C A. AscuHieRI and S. TAKARABE, — but I find no mention of the great South American republics !) It is impossible to summarize these reports, which are very full. They are also very unequal. a circumstance which it is easier to de- plore than to avoid. The longest report is the one dealing with the United States (167 p.), then follow the French report (117 p.), the Russian (69 p.), the Belgian (55 p.), the Austrian (41 p.) ete. An ela- borate index makes it easy to use this excellent book for the solution of particular problems, This survey of the progress of statistics in various parts of the world was accomplished at the most suitable time, for it is safe to assume that the Great War closes an old period and opens a new one. May we hope that the new era will see a new development of interna- tional statistics ? This is of course an ambitious dream — for interna- tional statistics imply international comparability, and comparability implies unification of methods. The problems to be solved are nume- rous and very complex, and complete unification will be difficult to accomplish. Yetitis only to the extent that international statis- REVIEWS 389 tics are realized that it will ever be possible to appreciate accurately human welfare and progress, and to prepare a scientific history of social endeavours. The International Statistical Institute, founded in 1885 (1), may become a powerful agency to attain this aim : its efforts should be encouraged and its power strengthened by all means. G. SARTON (1) Avropos of this see the Annuaire de la Vie Internationale, vol. I], Bruxelles 1910-44, p. 1059-65, also Nortn’s article above-mentioned, p. 47. Nine statistical congresses were held from 1853 to 1876, the first in Brussels, the last in Budapest. The International Institute was founded at the London Statistical Jubilee of 1885, and has held biennal meetings at least until the war. The publication of its Bulletin began in 1886. Eleventh Critical Bibliography of the History and Philosophy of Science and of the History of Civilization (to October 1927) This Eleventh Bibliography contains about 41] notes, of which a few have been contributed by L. Guinet (Brussels). The arrangement and leading principles of this bibliography have been fully explained in volume III, 159-171; a complete plan of classification will be found also in the present volume, p. 124-125. The reader will keep in mind that Part I is the fundamental classification (centurial) and that Parts II and III contain only such items as could not be included in Part I. As this bibliography appears only twice a year, I beg the authors to take pains that books and papers on the history and philosophy of science and the history of civilization, be sent to me as soon as they are published. Even then almost a year may elapse before they are included. The aim of this bibliography is to establish the History of Science as an independent discipline and to serve as a center of information and a rallying ground to the scholars engaged in these studies. I can not succeed entirely without their assistance, and they can help me in many ways. To serve them, as wellas I can, is both my duty and my pleasure. Critical work must be approached in a spirit of service or left untouched. 24, Agassiz Street, GEORGE SARTON. Cambridge, Massachusetts, October 1921. Authors’ Index. The Roman figures refer to centuries, the other words, as China, astronomy, etc., refer to the sections of Parts II and II] bearing these titles. The index will enable one to find more easily the papers analyzed in the present bibliography, and also to see at a glance what everybody is doing. ELIzABETH GILPATRICK. A Boll, F., L AAGANESN. Ethnol Bonnet, E., XVIII. riani, N., Ethnology. Binlensar: a 00 Amodeo, F., XVIII, XIX A. en Andel, M. A. van, XVI, Medicine B. AaeM ees Meaeced Uy G.. China. Brimhall, D. R., Science B. Andrews, F. H., China. anager Laan Economics. Andrup, 0., XVII. » L., phy. Arber, E. A. N., Botany. Buchholz, H., XIX B. Arrhenius, 8., Astronomy. aes 7 H. ae eta Avalon. Fi XVIII. urkitt, M. C.; Prehistory. Burr, C. W., XVIII. B Cc epee fale Cabanés, A., History Backer, H. J., Chemistry. npg leary leew nant ot Barbezieux, G., Medicine B. Cajori, F., TIT A. C., XIX B. Bartholin, C. T., XVII. Campbell, N. R., Science D. Bates, O., Archaeology, Egypt. Capelle, W., Greece. Battistini, M., XIV. Carée, K., XVII. Beazley, C. R., Middle Ages. Carpocino, J., IIT. Beazley, J. D., VI A. C. Casanowicz, I. M., Religion. Bein, W., Chemistry. Castiglioni, A., XVII. Bell, E., Greece. Cattell, J. McK., Science B. Berg, W. S. van den, XII. Chauveau, XIX C. Bezold, C., II A. C. Child, J. Mc; DTI A; @. Bianchi, L., Greece. Cleu, H., Medicine B. Bidez, J., IV. Cole, F. J., Anatomy. Bigourdan, G., XVII, Astronomy. Collard, A., Astronomy. Bilancioni, G., XV. Conybeare, F. C., XII. Binyon, L., India. Oordier, H., China. Blok, P. J., XVI. Crane, T. F., Middle Ages, Bloomfield, M., India. Croce, B., History. Boeke, J., XVI. Cumston, C. G., XVI, XVIII. Boerhaave, H., XVIII. Cyriax, R. J., Medicine A. 392 INDEX 3) Dahlgren, E. W., XVIII. Daniéls, C. E., XVII, XVIII. Dannemann, F., Astronomy. Davis, A. McF., China. Delaunay, P., XVIII. Deonna, W., Archaeology. Diels; "Hi; LV °A. C.-L ASG: Dieulafoy, M., Antiquity. Diez, E., Iran. Dorveaux, P., XVI. Dreyer, J. L. E., Middle Ages. Driesch, H., Science D. E Ebersolt, J., Byzantium. Eckleben, W., XI. Endrés, A., IV A. C., Geography. Enestrom, G., XIII. Erdmann, B., XVIII. F Faddegon, B., India. Fahie, J. J., XVII. Favaro, A., XVI. Fehr, H., XVIII. Feltse, C. L., IV. Feyfer, F. M. G. De, XVI, Medicine A Fleming, D. J., India. Fog, R., VIII. Foote, J., Medicine A. Fosseyeux, M., Medicine A. Foster, W., XVI. Fuertes, L. A., Zoology. G Garboe, A., XVII. Garrison, F. H., Medicine A. Giles, H. A., China. Ginzel, F. K., Astronomy. Gleichen-Russwurm, A. v., Middle Ages. Goldziher, I., Islam. Goulard, R., XVII, XIX E. Graeven, H., XVII. Gregory, J. W., Geology. Grennep, A. van, Egypt. Griffini, E., VIII. Griffis, W. E., Japan. Groot, J. J. M. De, China. Guelliot, O., Rome. Giinther, 8., Astronomy, Ethnology, Greece. H Haarhoff, T., IV. Haentzschel, E., III. Hagedoorn, A. L., Biology. Hagedoorn-Vorstheuvel La Brand, A. C., Biology. Haldane, J. S., Biology. Hamburger, O., Egypt. Hammer Jensen, M™ I, III. Hara, K., Japan. Harding, M. C., XIX B. Hardwick, J. C., Religion. Harris; Dion. ai: Hartland, E. 8., Ethnology. Haskins, C. H., XIII. Haug, E., Geology. Hauser, F., XIII. Hellweg, H., XVI. Hemmeter, J. C., XVI. Herrmann, A., China. Hervey, M. F. S., XVII. Herwerden, M. A. van, XIX C., XIX Dz. Herzog, M. A., Education. Hess, J. J., Islam. Hirth, F., China. Holl, M., XVI. Holleman, A. F., XIX B. Holmes, A., Geology. Hooton, E. A., Egypt. Hoppin, J. C., VI A. C. Hopstock, H., XV. Hough, W., Ethnology. Housman, A. E., I. Hiille, H., China. Hume, R. E., India. Hunger, F. W. T., XVI. J Jacobs, K., Bibliography. Jager, F., XIIT. Janet, P., Medicine A. Jaussen (et Savignac), Islam. Jeanselme, E., IV, Antiquity, Byzan- tium, Middle Ages. Jenkinson, J. W., Science D. Jéquier, G., Egypt. Johnson, E. H., Science B. Johnsson, J. W. S., XIII, XVII, Medicine A. K Karpinski, L. C., XIX B. Kaye, G. W. C., Science C. Kennedy, J., I. a eee INDEX Kleij, J. J. van der, XVI. Kleiweg de Zwaan, J. P., Ethnology. Knappert. L., XVI. Krause, E., V. A. C. Krause, F. C. A., XIV. Kreemer, J., jun., Ethnology. Kremer, A. von, Islam. Kroner, R., XII. L Laby, T. H., Science C. Lacroix, A., XVIII, XIX C. Lane, J. E., XVIII. Lang, R., XVII. Langdon, S., Babylonia. Lange, E. F., XIX B. Lanman, C. R., V. Lavignac, A., Art. Lecat, M., Mathematics. Leclerc, H., XVI, XVII, Pharmacy, Superstition. Leersum, E. C. van, XVI, XVIII. Lint, J. G. de, XVI, XVIII, Medi- cine B. Lippmann, O. von, Chemistry. Little, A. G., Religion. Loescheke, S., I. Loewenfeld, K., XVIII. Loghem, J. J. van, XVII. Lorenzo, G. de, XV. Loria, G., XIV, Mathematies. Lucas, F. A., XIX E. Luce, 8S. B., Greece. Lumiére, A., XIX B. Lumiére, L., XIX B. Lundsgaard, K. K. K., XVII. Lungo, C. Del, XVII. Lutaud, A., XIX D. Liitzhéft, F., Medicine A. Botany, XVII, M Maar, V., XVII. Macdonald, D. B., Bible. Manly, J. M., XIII. Marvin, F. S., Science D. Masceart, J., XVIII. Matschoss, C., Science B. McClure, M. L., IV. McClymont, J. R., Zoology. MeMurrich, J. P., XV. Means, P. A., Art. Menetrier, P., Middle Ages. Menke-Gliickert, E., XIX D. Merz, J. T., Philosophy. Meyer, K., XIX B. Meyerhof, M., Islam, Pharmacy. 393 Michaud, F., Physics. Mills, J., Science C. Moissides, Greece. Molhuysen, P. C., XVII. Montgomery, D. W., XVI. Moodie, R. L., Prehistory. Moulé, Léon, Antiquity. Moureu, C., Chemistry. Moutier, F., XVII, XVIII. Mithll, P. von der, IV A. C. Mygind, H., Rome. N Nagl, A., Antiquity. Nass, L., XIX E. Neergaard, C., XVII. Neuburger, A., Antiquity. Neumann, C., XIX B. Neveu, R., Antiquity, Greece. Nilsson, M. P., Ethnology, Greece. Norlind, homme prenait de l’age. L’age! On sait les idées de MetrcunikorrF sur la vieillesse et qu’il con- sidérait qu’une hygiéne rationnelle devait la faire disparaitre, au profit du « besoin de la mort », venant trés tard, sans cette période prémoni- REVIEWS 521 toire si pénible pendant laquelle l'homme se sent vieux. Le récit de ses derniers jours, sans cesse troublés par cette idée, est, sous la plume de M™ METCHNIKOFF qui souvent ici nous donne les auto-observations de son mari, a la fois tragique et tres beau, beau par la foi que con- serve le savant dans l'idéal rationaliste qui l’a toujours guidé, et par son calme devant l'inévitable mort, comme s’il avait eu le besoin de la mort, ce besoin quil prétendait tout aussi normal que le besoin de repos aprés une journée de labeur. L’ouvrage se termine par un index des publications de MercuNikoFr. On aurait aimé y trouver une reproduction des traits du grand savant dont l'Institut Pasteur, auquel il a donné prés de trente ans de sa vie, conserve pieusement les cendres. Le petit volume de A. BesrRepka qui est un des meilleurs parmi les disciples de Mercunikorr, et l'un de ses derniers collaborateurs, com- pléte trés heureusement la biographie écrite par M"® Mercunikorr; il constitue un exposé magistral de l’ceuvre du maitre par l'un de ceux qui ont le mieux connu le développement de sa pensée scientifique. L. GUINET. J. Alfred Sharp. — Davin LiIvINGsTonge, missionary and explorer, 239 p., 2 ill. London, The Epworth Press, 1920. [6 shillings. ] This new life of LivinGsronE (1813-73) is not based upon any new documents, but the author has made good use of the materials already published by former biographers and he has told his story agree- ably and simply, as befitted the noble figure he was portraying. The story is told chiefly for missionaries. and emphasis is laid on Livine- STONE'S missionary activities rather than on his geographical work. Yet the account of his explorations is sufficient for most readers, excepting of course the professional geographer. As Ihave remarked before (Jsis, 1, 97), however great his geographical discoveries, the triumph obtained by Livincsrong in the moral sphere was of far grea- ter importance He it was who gave its death-blow to the slave trade. The story of Livinesrone’s life is one of the most romantic and the most inspiring I have ever heard, and I was quite glad to have it retold to me ina new fashion. The meeting of LivinGsrone and STAN- LEY in Ujiji on Friday, November 10, 1871, is one of the most touching episodes I know of. But above all, I will never tire of hearing of the extraordinary devotion which Livinestrone’s coloured servants showed to him after his death in April 30, 1873. To quote Suarp : « There is nothing finer in the whole sweep of history than the way in which his 522 ISIS. Iv. 1922 ~~ faithful negro followers acted in the great extremity to which the death of their master had brought them». They carried his body amidst innumerable dangers and difficulties from Chitambo’s village at the south side of Lake Bangweolo to Bagamoio, — a journey of almost eight months. This tribute to a very great man was in every respect worthy of him; it at once placed his humble servants on his own level. G. SARTON. L’ Académie royale de Bélgique depuis sa fondation (1772-1922), 343 p. Bruxelles, LAMerTIN, 1922. L’Académie a eu l’heureuse idée de célébrer le 150¢ anniversaire de sa fondation par la publication d’une bréve histoire de son activite. Ceci ne manquera pas d’inspirer a ses membres de nouveaux efforts. Cette histoire se divise en trois périodes : la période autrichienne ou de création, de 1772 a 1794, puis, apres un sommeil de vingt-deux ans, la période néerlandaise ou de réorganisation, de 1816 4 1830; enfin, depuis 1830, la période nationale. Une seconde interruption fut causée par Vin- vasion allemande de 1914 a la fin de 1918. L’historien doit rapporter que le Palais des Académies fut envahi le 20 aout 1914 par les troupes alle- mandes, au mépris de la Convention de La Haye; qu’elles l’oecuperent jusqu’a la fin de leur séjour en Belgique et l’abandonnérent dans un état immonde, apres avoir détruit ou volé une grande partie des tré- sors (livres, archives, médailles, ceuvres d’art, meubles) qui y étaient gardés (1). Ce mémorial est divisé comme suit: le secrétaire-perpétuel, Paun PELSENEER, nous donne d’abord (p. 7-34) Vhistoire générale de |’Aca- démie. Ceci est suivi par l’histoire des différentes classes et sections : les sciences mathématiques et physiques par PauL STROOBANT;. les sciences biologiques par J. Massart; les sciences minérales par P. FourMARIER; les sciences historiques par H. PirENNE; les sciences philologiques par P. Tuomas; les sciences juridiques par G. CorniL; les sciences philosophiques par Lron LECLERE; les sciences économiques par Ern. Manaim. Les rapports déja cités constituent histoire de la classe des sciences et de la classe des lettres et remplissent les cha- pitres II et III. Un quatriéme chapitre est consacré a la classe des beaux-arts (1845-1922), et un dernier a l’histoire des fondations de I’ Aca- démie. Plusieurs collaborateurs sont parvenus a ¢yiter le style soporifique des rapports administratifs et quelques-uns ont poussé l'art si loin qu'il (1) Pour plus de détails, voir Bulletin de la Classe des Sciences, 1919, p. 31 a 35, avec 12 pl. (photographies du Palais au lendemain de l’armistice). REVIEWS 523 est pussible de lire ce quils ont écrit et méme de le lire avec plaisir. ) y a un bon index, et mon seul regret, c’est que le directeur de cette publication n’ait point songé a faire indiquer pour chaque personnalité les notices déja parues, soit dans la Biographie nationale, soit dans la Biographie académique. I] ett été facile de le faire trés briéve- ment et cela eat augmenté considérablement la valear pratique de ce manuel L’Académie fut fondée par Marre-THERESE en 1772, mais la péricde de création n'a qu’un intérét de curiosité. Ce livre se rapporte donc essentiellement au x1x° siécle ou plus exactement a la période séculaire qui s'achéve en ce moment, mais il nous offre un guide excellent pour létude de la pensée scientifique en Belgique durant cette période. GS. Mrs. Ingeborg Hammer-Jensen. — Die alteste Alchemie, 159 p. (Danish Academy of Sciences.) Copenhagen, 1921. In the year 1916, there appeared a short report (1), entitled Deux papyrus a contenu d’ordre chimique by Mrs. INGEBORG HAMMER-JENSEN, of whom von LippMAXN speaks (2)as author of notable philologic works, among others on the Physics of PLaro and on Aristotelian Meteorology. The reviewer, not having the early paper in hand, yet judges from von LippMANN’sS quotations that the present little book is a represent- ation and enlargement of certain rather revolutionary views presented at that time, which may be listed as follows : 1. The author still maintains, against the objections presented in von LippMANN’s paper, that Brertruetot’s idea. and the commonly accepted belief, that alchemy was practised in the Egyptian temples and by Egyptian priests, is untenable. 2 The decree of DiocLeTian, expelling the alchemists from Egypt, could not have been issued. 3. The Leyden papyrus X and the Stockholm papyrus have nothing to do with alchemy. ’ 4. The recipes of the papyri could not have succeeded. 5. Lhe first authentic writers — from Zositmos, onward — show Gnostic and Neoplatonic influence but no trace of Egyptian origin. The conclusion of the author is that alchemy may be assumed to have begun in, or about, the fifth century of our era and under purely Christian influence. (1) In the Budletin de l’ Académie des Sciences de Danemark, p. 279-302, 1916; Tsis, 1V, 398. (2) In his review of this paper, in the Chem. Zeit., p. 589, 1917. ~ =] Vou. tv-3 524 ISIS. Iv. 1922 Since BERTHELOT published his Origines de l Alchimie in 1885, each fresh contribution to the history of alchemy has brought about a clearer understanding of the whole matter. Especially welcome there- fore is this newest addition from one well versed in classical lore As new light is thrown on the ancient mystery, it is found that some of BERTHELOT’ S early conceptions need revision, for he was the pioneer hewing his way thru masses of forgotten alchemistic manuscripts in the libraries. But in general his judgment was sound; and the world will not forget, in spite of the diatribes of von Lippmann and his scarcely substantiated claims against BERTHELOT’ s incompetence, that without the wealth of translations which the great Frenchman has left us we would still be in darkness in regard to this fascinating subject. It is therefore pleasant to see that both von Lippmann and our author most subtly compliment BERTHELOT by quoting him freely, showing that it is to him our thanks are due for the output of these more recent investigators whose writings we welcome as pregnant additions to the history of alchemy, whether the theses postulated are accep- table or not. Our author has made a minute study of those alchemistic writings which may be called the first authentic, from Zosimos to STEPHANOS from the fifth to the seventh century; and in these she discovers influences purely Christian. With this conclusion, which BERTHELOT had foretold, we will all be in complete agreement. The statement is that the first writers belonged to the Gnostic sect — that sect whose ideal, the yvWoic, was the discovery of the chemistry of nature, how all things have been made; to gain the power of the angels by following the method of God, or of nature — but always necessarily on the Gnostic theory that all kinds of matter have resulted from the mixing (1) of the two opposed elements, fire and water (2). « Origim- ally the first elements were fire and water. It is from the joining of fire and water and from their combination, that many metals have been formed, as well as trees and stones (3). » The alchemistic invention of distillation led to the identification of fire with sulphur and water with mercury, which terms were later translated by the Christian monks into body, soul and spirit. There is perhaps an unconscious assumption on the part of the author of certain attributes, inseparable from the idea of alchemy and essential to it: — its connection with magic and mystery and the element of conscious deception. Since all such attributes are quite (1) xuueia, from which the author derives the word chemistry. (2) v. BeRTHELOT, Collection des Anciens Alchimistes grees, III, XVII, 2. (3) Burtusetot, La Chimie au Moyen Age, t. Ill, p. 121. REVIEWS 525 wanting from the Leyden and Stockholm papyri, the latter can have nothing to do with alchemy. And since these elements appear first in a literature which is wholly under Gnostic and Neoplatonic influ- ence, alchemy so conceived and defined shows no Egyptian origin whatever. It is now only a few years — such a very few years — since the reviewer was called upon to give an estimate of a delightful book by a noted scientist, who actually conceived of the history of alchemy as covering the activities and publications of those « pseudo-alchemists » who, in the middle ages and in Western Europe, sought the « pot of gold» at the foot of the ever vanishing rainbow! In this case, the only error was in the definition of alchemy ; — but a definition which involves centuries of history is certainly worthy of serious conside- ration. The question whether the beginning of alchemy should be placed in the xuth or the vth century is purely a matter of the definition upon which we may agree. If we conceive of alchemy as a Western European vagary, our history begins with the xuth or xivth century ; if we conceive of alchemy as Egyptian but involved in magic and mysticism, directed by a systematic theory of nature, our history dates from (possibly) the vth century. Both conceptions of the oldest alchemy seem inadequate. BrrTHELoT has pointed out and von Lipp- MANN has shown very clearly that so complex a system as the accom- plished union of an art and a theory can not have been suddenly produced. In all such cases, the simplest, which is the art, comes first and upon it, in the course of time, some theory may be con- structed; or with it or to it some theory already formed may be inter- woven or adapted. In order to make this clear, let us restate the accepted sequence of events which led up to that condition which Mrs. HAMMER-JENSEN is stressing. vON LipPMANN States that there are specific references to the industry of color-imitation of the noble metals, carried on in the Egyptian temples by employees of the priests, working in shops inaccessible to the laymen. The recipes of the papyri openly confess the purpose of imitation and the most successful of these recipes are recommended as trade-secrets worthy of preservation. The fact that the recipes for metal-coloring occur along with recipes for the older act of dyeing and for mordants and that the very salts used for mordants were successfully used in coloring metals shows the origin of the newer art(1). Such recipes, originally transmitted by word of mouth, from father to son, (1) V. Seience Monthly, p. 530, 1918; Jsis, II, 129. 526 ISIS. Iv. 1922 were later (1) inscribed on styli in the temple work-shops. So far, alchemy existed in its simple form as an art, having no theoretical or scientific background, its literature only a collection of shop-recipes. But as it attracted more and more attention, it was necessary to guard its secrets against the vulgar and there is evidence that a mystic ritual was developed and that a modified system of Platonic philosophy was adopted to defend the art and to transform the naive process of imita- tion into one claiming to be transmutation. The metal was the « body » (oWua) whose whole character was determined by the «spirit» or « fire » which was the color. The tvedua is the essence or quintessence in comparison with which the metal earth-body counts as nil. This Greek philosophical development probably occurred about the 1nd century and the literature which follows, even to the middle ages, shows the recipes of the papyri as the origin of discussion but the philosophy or theory as the cause. Immediately comes DeEmocritTuS placing the recipes for metals and those for dyeing in juxtaposition, as in the Leyden papyrus, but also presenting for the first time argument and defense. The nonsense of magic, philosophy and mys- ticism had already entered into the art but as yet under no Christian influence. Granted that this system of applied philosophy was deve- loped rather rapidly, we can visualize as its quite natural results events which are said to have happened — the interference of Rome in 293 as soon as the foolish claim ef actual transmutation compelled official recognition (2); the aestruction of the work-shops; the flight of the artizans, taking with them the recipes in which alone they were interested ; then in the itvth century, the destruction of the Greek culture ; a second dispersion, this time of the philosophers, transmit- ting to the Alexandrian Christians and (later) to the Syrian and Arabian compilers the philosophy, magic and mysticism, in which alone they were interested but with them some of the (mutilated) recipes. Thus began those two drifts vhich BerrHevor traces thru one thousand years, on the one hand the shop-recipes, handed on from artizan to artizan by an « underground ») system and on the other the great body of manuscripts of theory and poetry, preserved by theolo- gians in the monasteries, such as we find in the « Ms. St Marc» and in the Collection des Anciens Alchimistes grecs of BERTHELOT. (1) Berruetor, Collection II (1); and Les Origines, p. 29, note 2. (2) BertHELoT in Les Origines, p. 14, has quoted, from the Roman law, passages which indicate that the decree of DiocLeTIAN was to have been expect- ed, being in accord with regular Roman practice. Our author’s contention is that since there were no alchemists before the yth century, a decree aimed at the Egyptians « who practised this art » would have no significance. REVIEWS 527 This short statement of the development of alchemy from the simple art serves to orient that particular period in which Mrs. HaMMER- JENSEN is interested and on which she is an authority — the Gnostic and Neoplatonic Christian period, which so stamped the literature of the succeeding centuries that one is tempted to exclaim with our author: Here true alchemy began ! & * % Let us now consider the claim that the recipes of the papyri (for making copper look like silver or gold, by bronzing with salt, alum, vinegar &c, if the copper is alloyed with a small portion of a noble metal) could never have succeeded and that therefore these recipes have nothing to do with alchemy. The artizans sought a product as like as possible to silver and gold while the alchemists (Gnostics) sought by the help of God to change common stuff into nobler matter. The reviewer must strongly dissent from the statement that the recipes could never have produced a silver or gold color upon copper or silver previously alloyed with gold. A direct answer to this ques- tion may be found in the practice and recipes of the modern bronzer. Hiorns (1) states (2) that there «is no other metal which by the agency of its own compounds can be so variously and easily coloured as copper». He then shows that by simple heating with iron oxide, made into a paste of the thickness of cream (3), copper may be colored a deep gold; and that a copper-tin alloy, heated with vinegar and sal ammoniac, by many repetitions (4). produces a yellow bronze (5); and that brass dipped in vinegar and heated gives a golden yellow; and that these bronze colors are permanent if the work is lacquered (6). Recipe 89 of the Leyden papyrus has to do with the preparation of « Sulphur water », calcium sulphide. Hiorns uses a similar reagent : « The following is a most valuable solution for colouring silver goods Barium sulphide 5 grains Water 5 fluid ounces. This solution imparts a beautiful golden tint to silver when worked cold... passing thru crimson to purple... more or less iridescent », The last expression calls to mind the noted sequence of colors occur- (1) Metal Colouring and Bronzing, The Macmitian Co. 1907 (2) As the result of his own many experiments. It would seem that some of his recipes are identical or nearly so with those of the papyri (3) Compare the Greek of the papyrus: « of the thickness of glue ». (4) Compare the Greek of the papyrus: « and do this many times », (5) Compare recipes 15, 20 and 69 of the Leyden papyrus. (6) Again recall the frequent repetition of the Greek xpioic. 528 ISIS. Iv. 1922 ring in all the alchemistic writings: — black, white, yellow and violet (1), the latter being the acme of color, supposed endowed with the power of transmuting color (Ejpiov) and possibly to be identified with the Philosophers stone. That this violet was frequently obtained in iridescent form is confirmed by comparison with the modern recipes and by the frequent allusions in the ancient texts to a colour « like the rainbow » or « like the peacock’s tail ». Hiorns shows that copper alloyed with a small portion of gold (2) and dipped into a mixture of verdigris, blue vitriol, nitre, salt, sulphur-water and vinegar, gives a purple, and that this color is increased by holding over a charcoal fire, in true alchemistic fashion, PELAGIOS states, as quoted in Die Aelleste Alchemie, p. 138, that all transmutation was to the alchemist a production of color. If the converse of this proposition is also true, it would seem that there must have been a still older alchemy before the time of Zostmos. * F x In reviewing the argumentative portion of this book, it may be safely said that our author has discovered and proven that certain characteristics of the modern form of alchemy may be traced directly to Gnosticism; and in the enthusiasm of this discovery, she has been led to ignore certain primary tendencies which led (lst) to the fusion of the primitive art with Greek philosophy and (2nd) to the adoption of this pseudo-scientific syncretism by the Gnostics ; and by ignoring these, she is compelled to ask us to reject much which seems quite probable if not certainly true. Her first authority, Zostmos, shows on every page his dependence upon « The Philosopher » and other predecessors, while he attempts in a vague manner to explain philosophically what is to him already a «(lost art ». Characteristic is such an expression as: « Let us again introduce the ancients. They say that cinabar causes the whitening of magnesia » (Collection, 11, XXVU, I.) There is great need of a clear statement of the history of the sequence of events which led up to the union of Gnosticism with that colouring of metals or transmutation of metals which surely existed before the time of Zostmos. Would that Mrs. HAMMER-JENSEN might, with her eminent fitness for this subject, extend her studies to this earlier field ! ee “he most notable contribution of this book is the author’s estimate ) weddvwoic, AeUKWotc, EdvOwotc, iWotc, ( (2) The uGZa of the papyri. ] 2 REVIEWS 529 of the writers, Zosimos, OLYMPIODOR and STEPHANOS, the most promi- nent of those who tried to revive, or perhaps only to recall to their contemporaries, the art and teachings of alchemy, already forgotten, in that period from the fifth to the seventh century. This has involved studying with care that most forbidding portion of BrERrrTHELoT’s Collection des Anciens Alchimistes grecs as well as portions of La Chi- mie au Moyen Age where most of us have feared to tread, with the result that her explanations are most enlightening. There are two fragments. under the name of Zosimos, so dissimilar that it has seemed that no one man could have fathered both. This mystery is thus explained: — Zosmmos, when a young man and Gnostic theologian, found something in alchemy which so profoundly captivat- ed him by its mystery and poetry that in his youthful exuberance he produced the weird allegories or « Vision of Zosimos », full of the fire and imagination of the convert to a new religion (1). Again we find Zosimos, grown wiser in his later years, the more mature philosopher but eager writer still, producing an extensive work of many parts, of which we have only the final portion, marked «Q» (2). In this portion occurs a letter, addressed to the noble lady TuHEoses1A, probably in Constantinople. who having been inspired to an interest in alchemy persisted in her devotion after Zosimos, with his eyes open to the growing charlatanism, of which he warns her, had lost faith in the whole matter. Of the discussion concerning the xatpixat passage it is impossible to speak within the limits of areview. With the text so mutilated and the readings so numerous (3), one can only admire the courage of the author in attempting an interpretation. OvyMpiopor, the next historic character, is identified with the known Neoplatonic writer of the same name. It is explained that his letter (4) is evidently addressed to one in authority, probably the emperor JUSTINIAN, who had sought information from OLymptopor in regard to alchemistic methods for the manufacture of gold. The philosopher was however of so late a date and so far removed in point of time from actual alchemy that the emperor could have received no useful knowledge of the art which indeed OLympiopoRr himself did not understand. Our author fails to call attention to the fact that this was the same emperor who decreed the dispersion of the Neoplatonists. One can not refrain from the thought that possibly the (1, Berturiot, Collection, p. 107 ff. 2) Bertrueiot, Collection, p. 228 ff. (3) e.g. KaIpikWwyv, KUpikWy, KEepikwv, kKnpuKWV and MeEpikilv. (4) BertuELot, Collection, p. 69-U9, pars. 1-48. 530 ISIS. Iv. 1922 character of OLymMpiopor’s letter was sufficient cause for the emperor’s indignation. With the last important writer, STEPHANOS, alchemy is shown to have so far disappeared from the every-day life of man in the vuth century that this writer and so-called alchemist, as Professor of Phi- losophy at Constantinople, actually delivered his series of tmpakeic or lectures to students in the University on the philosophical and ethical bearing of alchemy ! This study of the writers of the Gnostic-Neoplatonic period is all quite new and a most valuable exegesis on a section of history here- tofore very dimly understood. The book closes with a few notices on minor authors succeeding STEPHANOS. (Amherst, Mass.). A. J. Hopxins. Henri Cordier. — Histoire générale de la Chine et de ses relations avec les pays étrangers depuis les temps les plus anciens jusqu’a la chute de la dynastie mandchoue, 4 vol., 1863 p. Vol. I-III, 1920; Vol. IV, 1921. Paris, Pau GEUTHNER. [100 fr. ] Apres lavoir bien longtemps attendue, nous avons enfin entre les mains cette ccuvre monumentale qui marque le point culminant d’une longue carriére dévouée tout entiére a histoire de |’Extréme-Orient. Ces quatre volumes imprimés sous une forme tres compacte sont le fruit d’une érudition énorme. Ils nous offrent une histoire de la Chine qui est de beaucoup la plus complete et la plus fidéle que nous ayons et qui sans doute ne sera pas détroénée d'ici longtemps. I] faut avouer toutefois que sice récit est exact, il manque d’inspiration. Ce n’est pas une ceuvre littéraire. I] ext bien rare que l’auteur s’enthousiasme ou_se déride; il ne nous émeut jamais A force d’étudier les annalistes chinois, il semble que CorplEeR ait contracté leurs habitudes mentales, et ses annales sont a peu pres aussi monotones que les leurs. Je ne veux pas dire qu'il soit aussi dénué qu’eux du sens de la perspective. Au contraire, il se rend bien compte de l’importance relative des événe- ments, mais son récit ne met pas suffisammenten relief les faits décisils. On m’objectera quune histoire aussi longue que celle des vingt-deux dynasties chinoises doit nécessairement devenir un peu monotone: il doit s’y trouver bien des répétitions apparentes. Sans doute; et il fau- drait avoir l’ame et le talent d’un grand artiste pour peindre cette fres- que avec beauté sans compromettre son exactitude. Un écrivain de race aurait mis de la couleur et du relief, — sans aucun délayage. I] aurait su gagner et garder notre attention; il aurait touché notre sensibilité aux endroits pathétiques, — et ceux-ci ne manquent point. Qu’on me REVIEWS 531 pardonne d’insister la-dessus. Les érudits francais, par la haute tenue littéraire de leurs ceuvres, nous ont habitué a ces exigences. Les deux premiers chapitres du volume I sont relatifs a l'étude des origines de la civilisation chinoise et des sources de son histoire. I] est 4 peine besoin de dire que CorpiEer écarte entiérement lhypothése de lorigine b»bylonienne (TERRIEN DE LACOUPERIE; C. J. BALL). Sil est vrai du reste que la Chine nous offre l’exemple de la plus longue tra- dition nationale, de la plus longue civilisation ininterrompue, il est également vrai que cette civilisation a commencé longtemps apres celle de l’Egypte et de la Mésopotamie. — J’ai eu beaucoup de plaisir a lire ce qui suit (I, 38): Nous avons eu l’habitude d’envisager |’histoire du monde exclusivement au point de vue occidental... Et cependant tel fait qui s’est produit en Europe n’est que le contre-coup d’un événement qui s’est déroulé dans Ja lointaine Asie... Il est tel régne de l’Empire Chinois quia plus d'importance pour l'histoire générale du monde que tel autre considéré comme capital a l'autre extrémité du globe .. L’histoire du monde forme une unité; si on la considére seulement d’un cété de la planéte, si on n’étudie pas sur toute la surface du globe les événements qui s’y déroulent, cette histoire perd ses proportions réelles; on ne pergoit pas la vue de son ensemble, on ne mesure pas exactement les résultats ou le contre-coup de l’action de différents peuples les uns sur les autres... L’histoire se compose non sculement d’une série de faits qui, réunis, coordonnés, constituent l'histoire générale, mais aussi de vastes ensembles qui servent a jalonner les grandes lignes de l’histoire de l’humanité Ces idées sont précisément celles du Nouvel Humanisme; ce sont elles qui ont inspiré Jsis dés le début: ce qui nous intéresse, ce n’est point l'histoire de telle ou telle province, mais celle de humanité tout entiére, Uhistoire de homme. Malheureusement, CorpierR étant essen- tiellement un historien politique, il n’a guére développé les pages de l'histoire chinoise qui seraient les plus précieuses pour l’historien de la civilisation. Ainsi les chapitres consacrés & Conrucius, 4 Lao Tsru et aux pélerins bouddhistes, sont bien maigres. I] consacre quel- ques pages a la sculpture des Wei, mais ne nous parle guére de l'art des T'ang ou des Soung! Cela parait assez arbitraire et je ne vois pas d’autre explication que celle-ci: l’auteur a commencé son histoire avec d’admirables intentions, mais bient6t, accablé par sa documentation et sans doute, entrainé par ses propres penchants, il s’est consacré de plus en plus aux faits purement militaires ou politiques, négligeant tout le reste. La premiére question que se pose le critique charge d’examiner une ceuvre aussi vaste se rapporte a ses proportions générales. Les voici: les quatre premicres dynasties (c’est a dire celles d’avant les Han) occupent 218 p.; les Han, 74: les autres dynasties précédant les 532 ISIS. Iv. 1922 ‘T’ang, 114; les T’ang, 166; les Cinq Dynasties, 56; les Soung, 131; les Youen, 245; les Ming, 89; les Ts'ing, 476; la République, 37. Je ne critiquerai pas l’énorme importance accordée a la derniére dynastie. Cela satisfera sans doute les besoins pratiques de notre temps. Si l’on examine seulement les deux premiers volumes (jusqu’a 1368), ce qui frappe c’est la large place occupée par les Mongols. Celaest dt au fait que e’est 4 ce moment que le contact entre la Chine et l'Europe a été véritablement et définitivement établi. D’ailleurs les chroniques des missionnaires (1) et des voyageurs étrangers donnent 4 I’historien une abondance de matériaux intéressants dont CorpIER a su tirer parti (2) Aprés la dynastie Ming l’auteur a intercalé une sorte d’inter- mezzo (142 p.) consacré aux découvertes géographiques des xv° et xvie° siécles et aux premiéres entreprises coloniales des Européens en Extréme-Orient. A la fin de chaque dynastie, il nous donne un tableau des régnes et a la fin de l’ouvrage des listes des vingt-deux dynasties, des missions catholiques et des divisions territoriales et un résumé statistique (1919.. Il y a un index copieux qui sera d’autant plus utile que ces livres seront plus souvent consultés que lus. C’est bien dommage que CorpieR n’ait pu terminer son livre quelques années avant la guerre, car cela aurait permis une publication moins étriquée. L’éditeur aurait pu y ajouter, par exemple, quelques cartes historiques. La lacune la plus regrettable, toutefois, c’est l’absence presque com- pléte de références bibliographiques ; une absence que la publication antérieure dela Bibliotheca sinica ne justifie point, car peu de personnes possédent cet ouvrage. D’ailleurs, ce qu'il aurait fallu ici, ce n’est point une bibliographie compléte, mais plutot a la fin de chaque chapitre ou de chaque dynastie une bibliographie choisie et critique. Quoi qu'il en soit, l’ceuvre de Corpizr est d'une importance fonda- mentale. GEORGE SARTON.. Sir Thomas Heath. — A distory of Greek Mathematics, 2vol., xv+446p. ' x1-+586 p. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1921. [50 sh.] It seems hardly necessary to speak at great length of a book of which most scholars knew long before it appeared, for few books have been awaited with greater impatience. (It was begun in 1913). Neitheris a detailed analysis needed, for the development of Greek mathematics is already on the whole one of the best known parts of the history of science The student of Canror’s Vorlesungen (third ed. of vol. I, 1907) and of Gino Loria’s excellent manual (Le scienze esatte nell’ antica (1) Le mouvement chrétien date du concile de Lyon, 1245. y (2) Il cite in extenso de nombreux fragments des chroniques médiévales ~-s< REVIEWS 533 Grecia, Milano 1914; Isis. I, 714-716) may claim to have already a fair knowledge of the subject. However, Sir THomas’s accountis far more detailed than either CanTor’s or Lorta’s, and itis more up-to-date, for we may trust him to have taken full advantage of every fact which has been brought to light within the Jast years. Sir Tuomas’ History will be of very great interest to the mathematician, for apropos of every problem which the Greeks solved or tried to solve, he is never satis- fied until the whole process has been carefully explained in mrodern language. He does not simply state that such or such a mathemati- cian succeeded in proving this or that; he shows elaborately how he proved it. The arrangement of the work is not chronological like Lorta’s ‘at least with regard to geometry); it is mainly according to subjects. The author’s reasons will best be explained in his own words : Take the case of a famous problem which plays a great part in the history of Greek geometry, the doubling of the cube, or its equivalent, the finding of two mean proportionals in continued proportion between two given straight lines. Under a chronological arrangement this problem comes up afresh on the occa- sion of each new solution. Now it is obvious that, if all the recorded solutions are collected together, it is much easier to see the relations, amounting in some cases to substantial identity, between them, and to get a comprehensive view of the history of the problem. I have therefore dealt with this problem in a sepa- rate section of the chapter devoted to « Special Problems », and I have followed the same course with the other famous problems of squaring the circle and tri- secting any angle. Simila® considerations arise with regard to certain well-defined subjects such as conic sections. It would be inconvenient to interrupt the account of Mgnakcu- mus’s solution of the problem of the two mean proportionals in order to consider the way in which he may have discovered the conic sections and their funda- mental properties, It seems to me much better to give the complete story of the origin and development of the geometry of the conic sections in one place, and this has been done in the chapter on conic sections associated with the name of Apo.tonius of Perga. Similarly a chapter has been devoted to algebra (in con- nexion with DiopHantus)and another to trigonometry (under Hipparcuus, MENg- Laus and PTo.eMy). At the same time the outstanding personalities of Euctip and ARCHIMEDES demand chapters to themselves. Evciip, the author of the incomparable E/+- ments, wrote on almost all the other branches of mathematics known in his day. Arcuimepes’s work, all original and set forth in treatises which are models of scientific exposition, perfect in form and style, was even wider in its range of subjects. The imperishable and unique monuments of the genius of these two men must be detached from their surroundings and seen as a whole if we would appreciate to the full the preeminent place which they occupy, and will hold for all time, in the history of science. 534 Isis. Iv. 1922 The first volume takes us down to Evc.ip in the following orde1 : I. Introduction; II. Greek numerical notation and arithmetical opera- tions: III. Pythagorean arithmetic; IV. Earliest Greek geometry. TuHaLes; V. Pythagorean geometry; V1. Progress in the elements down to PLato’s time; VII. Special problems; VIII. Zeno; IX. PLato: X. From Puiato to Evcniip; XI. Evcuip (p. 354-446). The second volume then proceeds as follows : XII. Arisrarcuus; XIII. ARCHIMEDES (p. 16- 109; XIV. Conic sections. APoLLoNIus (p. 110-196); XV. The successors of the great geometers (NICOMEDES, DIocLEs, PERSEUS, ZENODORUS, HyP- sIcLEs, Dionysoporus, Posipenius, GEMINUS); XVI. Some handbooks (\CLEOMEDES, NICOMACHUS, THEON OF SMYRNA); XVII. Trigonometry. Hipparcuus, MENELAUS, ProLEMy; XVIII. Mensuration. HERON oF ALEXANDRIA (Sir THomas places him in the ird cent. and perhaps little, if anything, earlier than Pappus. HEIBERG accepts this conclu- sion); XIX. Pappus (p 355-439); XX. Algebra. DiopHantus (p. 440-517; XXI. Commentators and Byzantines : SERENUS, THEON OF ALEXANDRIA, HypatiA, PorpHyry, JAMBLICHUS, PRrocLUS, MARINUS OF NEAPOLIS, Dom- NInUS OF Larissa, SIMPLICIUS, Eurocius, ANTHEMIUS OF TRALLES, the papyrus of Akhmim, Geodaesia of « Heron the Younger », MICHAEL PsELLUS, GEORGIUS PACHYMERES, Maximus PLANUDES, MANUEL MOosCHO- POULOS, NICOLAS RHABDAS, IONNAS PEDIASIMUS, BARLAAM, ISAAC ARGYRUS (one sees that Sir THomas deals with far more Byzantine mathemati- cians than Loria did, but the account is exceedingly brief, — 37 p. for all of them — and more in the nature of an appendix than of an inte- gral part of the work). A regular appendix explains ARcaIMEDES’s proof of the subtangent property of a spiral. A Greek index will prove very useful to the student of ancient mathematics. It would be hardly fair to compare this work with the previous ones by Canror and Loria. Sir Tuomas is easily « primus inter pares »,-but chiefly because he is the latest and also because his account is far more extensive. His superiority over them is not that of genius, but rather that of posteriority and of patience. One cannot too much admire the zeal and the persistency with which he has devoted all the leisure time of a very busy life to this noble hobby, Greek mathematics, and his History is the splendid but natural culmination of almost forty years of study. The perfect clearness of the exposition, its excellent order, its thoroughness lift sir THomas’s work above the previous ones. On the other hand, if one would consider them from a broader point of view than the purely technical, it would be clear that this latest his- tory does not completely supersede the Greek chapters of CANTOR’sS Vorlesungen. For Sir Tuomas is not a humanist in the same sense as CANTOR was; his vision is more precise but it is also more narrow; he never quits the ground; even when he has to deal with such tremendous REVIEWS 535 personalities as Euciip and ARCHIMEDES he never finds the few simple words which would transform his honest and commonplace style and put it at once on the same level as its subject. This History is irre- proachable but it is as cold asablue book. However, when the impera- tive needs of accuracy, completeness and clearness are satisfied, it would seem ungenerous to bewail the lack of style, the lack of enthu- siasm, the lack of grace. GEORGE SARTON. Arthur Berriedale Keith. — Indian logic and atomism. An exposition of the Nyaya and Vaicesika systems. In-8°, 291 p. Oxford, Claren- don Press, 1921. La question des origines et de l'interprétation de la logique indienne mérite d’intéresser, par-dela le cercle des spécialistes, les historiens de la science. Cette logique, dont l’extension a l'Extréme-Orient est impu- table a la propagande bouddhique, ne s’imposa pas moins aux princi- pales civilisations de |’Asie que celle d’Aristote a la culture euro- péenne. Sa formation résulta de la collaboration, ainsi que de la rivalité de divers facteurs : deux écoles brahmaniques, le Nyaya et le Vaicesika, et deux disciplines hétérodoxes, le Jainisme et le Boud- dhisme. Dans chacune de ces traditions spéculatives apparurent, aux Iv° et v* si¢cles, des systemes de pensée logique dont la concurrence incita les défenseurs 4 préciser les postulats distincts, mais dont, 4 mesure que les siécles s’écoulérent, les antagonismes s’émoussérent en un syn- crétisme. La forme éclectique et scolastique de la doctrine, c’est le Nyaya Vaicesika, qui s’enseigne aujourd hui encore dans les écoles indi- genes, et qu’a décrit dans son détail le savant collaborateur d’Jsis, Luiet Suaut (Jntroduzione allo studio della filosofia indiana, Pavia, Marre, 1913). Mais quant aux sources de cette doctrine, en face d’un Jacost ou d’un Svat, enclins 4 tenir pour essentielles les origines brahmaniques, se dresse la these de SrcuerBatsky (Wuséon, V et V1: surtout L’Epistémologie et la Logique chez les Bouddhistes ultérieurs, part. Il, Petrograd, 1909, ouvrage dont la traduction francaise, preé- parée par M™ pe MaNnziaRLy et nous-méme, doit paraitre dans la série des publications du Musée Guimet), aux yeux duquel les origines bouddhiques sont anterieures et déterminantes. A.B. Kerru, l’éminent sanscritiste d’Edimbourg, vient de réussir, dans un livre a la fois succinct et complet, 4 déméler l’écheveau des origines de la logique indienne. 11 lui a suffi, pour cela, comme naguére pour élucider la philosophie Samkhya, d’¢tudier la doctrine a la lumiére de l’histoire, en précisant |'apport de chacun des facteurs constitutifs et en marquant avec un soin jaloux les Gtapes successives de la doctrine. Les sutras du Nyaya et du Vaicesika, qui renferment 536 ISIS. Iv. 1922 des principes réalistes, existaient dés le Iv® siecle, a lépoque out ASANGA et VasuBAnpHuU fondérent lidéalisme bouddhique, aussitot transposé en logique par DignaGa (vers 400) : la théorie bouddhique dont — si l’on met a part les remaniements de texte — ils apportent la réfutation, doit done étre, en dépit de opinion de STCHERBATSKY, non pas l’idéalisme yogacara, mais le nihilisme des Madhyamikas, antérieur dun siécle. La logique brahmanique ne semble donc pas postérieure a la logique bouddhique; et l’auteur montre quelle tire de la vieille exégése mimamsiste, inspiration fonciére de la tradition védico- brahmanique, l’une de ses sources, celle qui devait alimenter le Nyaya. Ajoutons que cette analyse historique se garde bien de méconnaitre d’autres facteurs moins rigoureusement datés, mais non moins cer- tains : telles les méthodes jainas, telle surtout cette sophistique diffuse au sein de laquelle s’élaborérent dogmes et systemes, telle aussi l'action plus ou moins indirecte exercée sur la pensée de ]’Inde par la logique grecque. La friction constante entre une dialectique réaliste et une dialectique idéaliste, voila done en résumé l'histoire de la logique indienne. Le nerf du raisonnement, c’est, dans le Nyaya de GauTama et de VarsyayAna, l’énumération exhaustive de relations réelles; c’est, pour le Vaicesika de PragasTaPapA, déja soumis al’influence de DienaGa, la concomitance du principe et de la conséquence. Pour les logiciens bouddhistes, DigNaGa, puis DHARMAKIRTI, la connexion nécessaire implique, comme dira Kant, une synthese a priori, que l’esprit impose a l’expérience. Mais le réalisme naiyayika protesta contre cette épistémologie; il finit par admettre sinon une dialectique du nécessaire, du moins une constatation du générique, donnée dans la perception du concret. Tandis que la logique des Grecs a été dés le début une théorie des universaux (yévn), celle de l’Inde n’est ainsi devenue que finalement une théorie des genres (jati) : indice peut-étre d’une lointaine influence hellénique, longue a s’implanter dans un milieu spéculatif qui concevait la raison tout autrement que SocratTE, PuaTON et ARISTOTE. Kern, en fidéle analyste des deux systemes qui font l’objet propre de son étude, ne se borne pas a l’examen des doctrines logiques : il scrute les ontologies et les formes de théisme qui en sont solidaires. Dans ce domaine son appréciation de l’atomisme vaicesika ne saurait laisser indifférent l’historien des sciences, qui est désormais en mesure, s'il confronte ce livre avec celui de FappEeGon (The Vaigesika System, Amsterdam, Jon. MiiLiErR, 1918) et avec un pénétrant article de J acoBl (Encycl. of Religions and Ethics, II, 199, Atomic theory), de juger dans quelle proportion les tendances mécanistes se mélent encore de conceptions qualitatives dans les diverses modalités de l’atomisme indien. P. Masson-OvurseL (Paris). REVIEWS 537 G. K. Nariman. — Jranian influence on Moslem Literature. translated from the Russian of INosTRANZEV, with supplementary appendices from Arabic sources. Part. I, in-8°, vi + 205 p. Bombay, TARAPo- REVALA, 1918. Idem. — Literary history of Sanskrit Buddhism (from WINTERNITZ, SyLvain Levi, Huser), in-8°, xu1 + 383 p Ibid., 1920. Nariman rend aux Occidentaux comme aux Asiatiques un réel service en offrant a bas prix une traduction anglaise de louvrage d’INos- TRANZEV. Cette publication, enrichie d’appendices par le traducteur, complete dans l’ordre de la littérature et des idées l’ceuvre de NLDEKE, en contribuant a restituer par les sources d'origine arabe la civilisation iranienne préislamique, de foi zoroastrienne et de langue pehlvie. La tache de l'avenir sera de confronter avec les documents grecs, syriens, arméniens, indiens, chinois, sérindiens, les données que la littérature indigéne postislamique a conservées de l’ancienne Perse; données beaucoup plus importantes, si l'on sait les découvrir, que ne le faisait supposer le préjugé trés répandu, imputant aux Arabes l’en- tiére destruction de la civilisation qu'ils avaient trouvée dans 1]'Iran des Sassanides. L Histoire littéraire du Bouddhisme sanscrit, par le méme auteur, ne s'adresse guére qu’aux Orientaux. Elle compile a leur usage de récents travaux européens ; tels la Geschichte der indischen Literatur de WinterniTz, le Divyavadana de Huser, nombre de publications ou d’articles de S. L&évi. La haute culture indigéne, souvent si peu ou si mal informée du Bouddhisme, y trouvera des notions précises, suscep- tibles de dissiper bien des préjugés. Malheureusement ce répertoire de lindianisme contemporain juxtapose sans critique les avis les plus liétéroclites et introduit beaucoup d’inexactitudes dans les renseigne- ments qu'il fournit. Les termes sanscrits, les noms européens four- millent d’incorrections. (Paris.) P. Masson-OvuRSEL. Sd4nchez Pérez, José A., catedratico de matematicas. — Biografias de matematicos arabes que florecieron en Espana. Obra premiada con accésit por la real Academia de ciencias exactas, fisicas y natu- rales de Madrid, 164 p., Madrid, Esranistao Marstre, 1921. This must prove a most useful compilation, making a very distinct contribution not only to the history of mathematics but to that of astronomy, astrology and the occult sciences. Professor SANCHEZ PéREZ begins his Prolégo with a pious reference to the recent (Sept. 1916) loss of his master EcurGaray who, stimulated by the ideas of the Nor- 538 ISIS. Iv. 1922 wegian mathematican ABEL, had wrought a renaissance of Spanish mathematics before he turned to politics and the drama. There fol- lows a slight sketch of the history of mathematics, in the ancient world first, and then in Muslim Spain down to the xvth century. Throughout the biographies SuTer’s Mathematiker u. Astronomen der Araber and CANnTor’s Vorlesungen have been constant guides but an immense number of other authorities, Arabic and European, have been used besides. From among these HAMMER-PURGSTALL might well have been omitted; nothing can be taken from him without the most searching verification. The result is a series of outlines closely packed with references and facts. Butitis to be hoped that Profes- sor SANCHEZ Pérez will now go on to trace the development of mathematical ideas and theory which must run through these writers. D. B. MacponaLp. Lothrop Stoddard. — The new World of Islam, vuti+362 p., map. New York, CHARLES ScrRIBNER’S Sons, 1921. This book is intented to arouse the Western world to the great trans- formation which is taking place in that of Islam. It begins with an historical introduction on the decline and fall of the old Moslem world, and then developes in nine chapters various aspects — religious, cul- tural, political. economic, social — of the present day evolution. Itis thus partly historical, partly descriptive of the contemporary, but rapidly changing, situation, and partly an apprehensive view of the future. The historical part must be called poor, especially when it deals with the history of ideas — the Mu'tazilite movement, for ex- ample, is completely misunderstood. But the descriptive part is generally good, being based on skilful use of a wide reading in author- ities; the book throughout, it may be said, is based upon « authorities » and not upon independent knowledge. But the exactitude of its view of the immediate present and of the future has suffered under the changes of even the last few months. It is already clear that matters political are not so chaotic as SroppDARpD suggests For his book suffers from an over emphasis — perhaps necessary to gain attention — which shows itself even in the map where immense solid green blocks in the deserts of Persia, Arabia and North Africa suggest a population which is by no means there. It may be doubted, too, whether the educated intellectuals whose views Sropparp quotes represent much beyond their own little coteries. The vast masses of Islam would probably tell different, or at least highly modified, tales if they could reach expression. Their basal religious attitudes are certainly unshaken. The strength, therefore, of this book isin its pictures of economic and social changes, especially as these affect the externals REVIEWS 539 of life. That the Western world, and above all the United States, needs arousing to these changes and to the dangers which lie in them is unquestionable, and the book is, therefore, to be weleomed. As anin any way permanent contribution to the history of civiliza- tion itis negligible. D. B. MAcpoNa.p. De Lacy O’Leary D. D. (Lecturer in Aramaic and Syriac, Bristol University). — Arabic thought and its place in History, yut+320 p. London, KEGAN Paut, Trencu, TRUBNER, 1922. The object of this book is to « trace the transmission of Hellenistic thought through the medium of Muslim philosophers and Jewish thinkers who lived in Muslim surroundings, to show how this thought, modified as it passed through a period of development in the Muslim community and itself modifying Islamic ideas, was brought to bear on the culture of medizval Latin Christendom.» This is very well put and the further thesis of the book is equally to the point. Itshows that while the substance of the Muslim culture was the same as that which had developed in the earlier Latin scholasticism — having had the same source — its form had been greatly modified by its centuries of life apart under other influences, and that it was thus fitted to act as anew and stimulating ferment in the intellectual life of Christendom. In doing so it directed, says Dr. O'Leary, European philosophy into new lines, disintegrated the traditional theology of the Church and directly led up to the Renaissance. But these last points of influence are put too strongly. It was the translation of the Pseudo-Dionysius by Scotus Ericena in 850 which began the long contest of idealism in Europe, and it was direct contact with Greek thought which brought the Renaissance, making Europe again look straight at the facts of life. Muslim culture was scholastic to the end and never reached such direct facing of reality. But the effect of Muslim theology on the theology of the Church has not even yet been fully appreciated. Aquinas, indirectly and unwittingly, sat at the feet of Av-GHazza.i. With such an object the book could hardly fail to be of suggestion and interest. And as such it can be recommended to those whocan read it lightly without giving too much credence to particular statements. For it is plain that Dr. O'Leary's equipment for his task is very un- equal. Syriac literature and the authorities to be found there he knows at first hand and he refers to them easily and exactly. The authorities for medieval and renaissance Europe he knows also: they are open to every one who can read Latin. But there is no sign of first hand acquaintance with the authorities on the Arabic side; it is not even made plain what especial guides he has followed in compiling his VoL. tv-3 38 540 ISIS. Iv. 1922 statements, and the occasional references given are sometimes quite blind; the present reviewer is thus cited as simply « MacDoNaLp », with no book or page. This may be flattering to the « authority »; but it is not helpful to the student. There are far too many misprints, also, and irregularities in names and technical words, and there is no index, or bibliography. Twenty-four pages are expended on a very useless chronological table from A. H. 11-667, giving, year by year, the equivalence A. H. and A. D. and the dates A. D. at which each year A. H. began. If the great blanks under « leading events » had been filled out this table might have been useful. Dr. O’LEAry had a good idea but has failed to carry it to a successful issue through lack of Arabic knowledge; he has also been exasper- atingly careless in matters of form and accuracy. D. B. MACDONALD. Louis Bréhier (professeur a l'Université de Clermont). — L’art chrétien. Son développement iconographique des origines 4 nos jours, 456 p., 233 gravures. Paris, H. Laurens, 1918. Quelques esprits étroits m’ont reproché d’inclure dans Jsis des comptes rendus d’ouvrages ne concernant nos études que d’une maniére tout a fait indirecte. Pourquoi une revue d’histoire de la science ren- drait-elle compte de livres consacrés a la philosophie hindoue ou a la musique japonaise? Pourquoi? Parce que le développement de la science n’est pas indépendant de celui des autres fonctions sociales. C’est en partie pour démontrer cette these, pour montrer que l’activité scientifique n’est qu'une des faces de notre vie (la plus merveilleuse sans doute, mais non pas la seule) que j’ai fondé Jsis. Or,cela m’entraine a faire périodiquement quelques escapades dans des domaines voisins du notre. Si je suis coupable, je le suis doublement, car mon but avoué est d’entrainer les lecteurs d’/sis a faire l’ecole buissonniére ayec moi! Mais je ne serais vraiment coupable que si ces comptes rendus subsi- diaires prenaient trop de place. Le tout se rameéne (comme toujours) a une question de mesure. Ma regle de conduite est la suivante: Isis doit s’efforcer de rendre compte de tous les ouvrages importants rela- tifs a Vhistoire (et a la philosophie) de la science, mais de plus elle doit signaler, a titre d’exemple, au moins quelques ouvrages relatifs aux domaines voisins de l’activité humaine. Je dois encore indiquer une autre distinction. A mesure qu’une civilisation est plus éloignée de la nétre (dans le temps ou l’espace), il devient plus nécessaire que nous la considérions aussi completement que possible, car ce n’est qu’a ce prix que nous comprendrons exactement son aspect scientifique. Ainsi il est a peine besoin d’insister sur le développement musical en Occident REVIEWS 54) au xIx® siecle, car si nous avons des oreilles, ce développement nous est familier, mais il est fort utile au contraire d’expliquer la différence essentielle entre la musique japonaise et la musique chinoise (1), car cette différence nous aide mieux qu’aucune autre a saisir les relations entre ces deux peuples. Elle illumine un tas de problemes qui étaient restés obscurs dans notre esprit; elle y projette tout d’un coup tant de clarté que jamais nous ne pourrons oublier ce qu'elle nous a révélé. L’histoire de la philosophie, l'histoire de la religion, l'histoire de l’art sont particuliérement importantes, car elles nous permettent de péné- trer jusqu’au substratum d'une civilisation. L’historien de la science qui néglige d’en connaitre tout au moins les grandes lignes, nous donne la mesure de sa propre médiocrité. Nous pouvons prédire que ses tra- vaux seront toujours terre a terre, et, quelle que soit leur valeur tech- nique, que leur signification profonde restera négligeable et leur valeur humaine 4 peu prés nulle’ L’histoire de l’art est particuli¢rement utile (du moins pour ceux qui sont capables de la comprendre) parce qu'elle nous donne de la civilisation ot elle s'est écoulée une vision synthé- tique et immédiate. L’art seul accomplit ce miracle. Un torse grec, un paysage chinois, une fresque gothique — chacune de ces petites choses me révéle tout 4coup un univers. Je n’ai pas besoin de comprendre, je le vois 1a devant moi: tout ce que je sais de cette époque s’accroche en quelque sorte a l’ceuvre d’art, tous les détails sont devenus vivants; mes connaissances sont fusionnées en un tout organique, harmonieux, a la fois plein de précision, de grace et d’équilibre. C’est une sorte d'incantation. Je serais presque tenté d’ajouter que celui qui n’a pu évoquer cette vision — que celui qui n’est point parvenu a voir toute la Gréce dans un torse de PRAXITELE, ou toute la Chine dans un tableau des Soung — celui-la n’a vraiment connu ni l’une ni l’autre. Mais a quoi bon insister’? A quoi bon faire de la peine 4 ceux qui ne voient pas, a ceux qui ne me comprennent pas et ne me comprendront jamais? Le livre de Bréuier n'est pas consacré a l’art proprement dit, mais a lieconographie, c'est a dire a examen des ceuvres d'art du point de vue archéologique; toutefois il n’est pas possible de le parcourir, si l’on a l'Ame tant soit peu artiste, sans réveiller a chaque pas des images immortelles. D/ailleurs le mot archéologie ne doit pas étre pris dans un sens trop matériel. La portée de l’iconographie depasse dans une certaine mesure celle de l'histoire de l'art, car c’est grace a elle que nous pouyons é¢tudier ayec précision le progrés de la pensée et du sentiment religieux. Je le recommande de tout cceur a ceux qui étudient la science médiévale, En vérité, ils doivent le lire, mais je leur impose (1) Isis, IV, 77-81. 542 ISIS. Iv. 1922 ainsi une tache bien agréable. J’y insiste d’autant plus que ceux qui s'intéressent a l'évolution des idées scientifiques au moyen age, ne sont que trop portés a chercher les éléments d’une vue synthétique dans une direction toute différente, celle de la philosophie. Bien entendu, il leur faut étudier la philosophie médiévale, mais il y a du danger a s’y attarder trop longtemps. L’exemple de ce pauvre DuneEm est assez significatif. Malgré son immense érudition, il est clair qu’il s’est souvent perdu dans le maquis de la scolastique, et a force de s’y pro- mener, d’y tourner en cercle, de s’y égarer il n’a abouti qu’a nous donner cet ouvrage monstrueux Le Systéme du Monde. Plait a Dieu qu’au lieu de s’attarder 4 fendre des cheveux en quatre dans la compa- gnie de ces vieux écolatres, il se fit agenouillé plus souvent devant les tableaux des grands peintres chrétiens... J’en ai dit assez sur la portée générale de |’ceuvre de BrEnIER. I] est bon d’en indiquer maintenant la méthode et le plan. L’iconographie chrétienne est divisée par l’auteur en six grandes périodes: 1° Période des origines. L’art chrétien a un caractére surtout symbolique ; 2° Du tv° au vi° siecle. Art triomphal et apologétique; 3° Du vi’ au xv® siecle en Orient. Art byzantin. « La doctrine de lEglise grecque qui s’est fixée apres la querelle des images, envisage l’ornementation de l’église comme une commémoration de la liturgie. L’art religieux a done en Orient un caractére presque sacramentel et miraculeux; il est un des moyens par lesquels homme peut s’élever ala contemplation du monde intelligible »; 4° Du vin® au xiv¢ siécle en Occident. Art encyclopédique. Cette période qui nous intéresse tout particuliérement est longuement traitée ; cing chapitres y sont consacrés (p. 167-307). Cet art culmine dans les grandioses encyclopédies de pierre que sont les cathédrales ; 5° Du xur® au xvi® siecle, se développe en opposition a l’art encyclo- pédique, un art plus mystique et individualiste. « L’art cherche moins a instruire qu’a émouvoir par le développement qu'il donne aux épisodes les plus douloureux de la Passion ou a plaire par la recherche des détails pittoresques dont il doit une partie a la mise en scéne des mystéres » ; 6° Période moderne. « Il y a encore des artistes chrétiens, il n’y a plus dart chrétien » (Mate). — Les sources littéraires de cet art sont ayant tout la Bible, les Actes des martyrs et les Vies des saints, mais aussi une série d’évangiles apocryphes (le boeuf et l’ane de la créche, par exemple, leur sont dus), et le Physiologus. Il serait vain de vouloir analyser davantage cet ouvrage encyclo- pédique; j’y renvoie le lecteur. Mais il est bon cependant dindiquer qu’au dela de la division en six périodes qui a fourni 4 Breuier le plan de son livre, il nous fait apercevoir une division plus simple en deux grandes tendances opposées qui traversent toute l’histoire: d’une part la tendance symbolique, pédagogique, abstraite ; d’autre part, la ten- REVIEWS 543 dance pittoresque, historique, dramatique. « On peut dire que la lutte entre ces deux tendances, la prédominance de l'une ou de l'autre, les ten- tatives de conciliation entre elles forment toute l/histoire de l’art chré- tien ». La premiére est née dans le milieu hellénistique d’Alexandrie. Apres la victoire du christianisme au Iv siécle, elle s’amplifia et pro- duisit graduellement toute une théologie figurée. Les deux plus grandes écoles artistiques du moyen age en sont sorties: L’artimpérial byzantin du vif au xe siécle et l'art gothique du xm*. La deuxieéme tendance prit naissance en Syrie au Iv® siécle. Elle n’est pas hellénistique, mais nettement orientale. « L’hellénisme recule devant le retour aux anciennes conventions de lart égyptien ou persan. La composition classique rendait la réalité intelligible en resumant pour ainsi dire dans un épisode essentiel toute la succession des faits: la composition orien- tale cherche au contraire a reproduire cette succession avec une naiveté scrupuleuse, en montrant dans un seul tableau les divers moments d'une méme action ». Il est intéressant de suivre avec l’auteur les conflits, les mélanges, les compromis de ces deux tendances si fonda- mentalement opposées et cependant si voisines dans l’ame humaine. C’est d’ailleurs une histoire extrémement tragique, car si l’on s’en tient a l’évolution fondamentale, que se passa-t-il? La scolastique, qui portait en elle des germes mortels, entraina dans sa chute l’art symbolique et encyclopédique. « Le réalisme mystique triompha dans toute Europe; c'est lui qui inspire en méme temps l’école byzantine de Mistra et nos primitifs occidentaux ». Mais a son tour le triomphe des tendances réa- listes et individualistes amena inévitablement la destruction de l’art chrétien. La préface (p.4-10) contient une intéressante esquisse de l'histoire de Viconographie chrctienne. C’est ala découverte des catacombes a Rome, en 1578, qu’on doit la naissance de cette branche de l’archéologie. La premiére ¢tude scientifique de cette question est due a un Belge, JeaN L’nEvuReux (Macarius, mort a Rome en 1614; son Hagioglypta ne fut publiée qu’en 1856). Cet exemple fut bientét suivi par Bosto, REISKE, CIAMPIANI, JEAN NICOLAI, GAIGNIERES, mais au XVIII" siécle le progrés archéologique est interrompu par l'abus des interpré tations philosophiques. Le mouvement romantique au contraire exerca une influence bienfaisante, — surtout le Génie du Christia- nisme de CHATEAUBRIAND, 1802. La premiére ceuvre d’ensemble sur l'ico- nographie chrétienne est celle de Dipron (1806-1867), le fondateur des Annales archéologiques, 1844. Parmi les auteurs contemporains i] suffira de rappeler les noms de Emire Mave, Bayer, Dirtwn, DaLTon, STRZYGOWSKI. Le livre de Bréuier est solidement documenté, ila été longuement pensé, il est bien écrit sans redondance, sans pédantisme Les sources 544 ISIS. Iv. 1922 sont indiquées bri¢vement au bas des pages; les illustrations sont abon- dantes ; il y ad’excellents index. C’est un bon livre. GEORGE SARTON. Achalme. — L’Atome, sa structure. sa forme, 244 p. (225140), 15 pl., 63 dessins a la plume. Paris, Payor er C'*, 1921. [15 fr.] Il est de mode aujourd’hui de se lamenter sur la spécialisation des Savants qui, ne voyant plus qu’un fragment, toujours le méme, du champ au milieu duquel se déploie l’activité humaine, arrivent a en faire le centre du monde et restent fermés a tout ce qui n’est pas du domaine de leur activité propre. Il y a la d’ailleurs beaucoup d’exagé- ration et l’on ne voit pas du tout comment pourrait monter toujours plus haut, s’étendre toujours plus avant l’édifice scientifique, si les savants ne se spécialisaient point. Quoi quil en soit, a cété de ces spécialistes il est d’autres savants qui voient loin, qui voient grand, sont épris de synthése et ne craignent pas, partant méme d’un point de vue particulier, de dresser d’immenses édifices dans le champ libre ot quelques pierres seulement jalonnent les voies dans lesquelles il est possible de s’engager sans trop risquer de s’égarer. Si parfois ils font fausse route, leurs constructions sont néanmoins intéressantes, lors méme qu’elles s’écroulent; d’autres esprits utilisent 4 nouveau quelques-uns de leurs matériaux et pro- cédent a l’érection d’édifices de plus en plus solides. De ces esprits qui voient grand, que n’effraient pas les projets de constructions audacieuses, fait certes partie AcHALME, directeur de laboratoire 4 I’Ecole des Hautes-Etudes, qui cherche a pénétrer la structure intime du monde extérieur et d’en donner une représentation concréte permettant une explication rationnelle des phénoménes chi- miques et biologiques. Les résultats de sa construction, car c’est d’une véritable construction qu’il s’agit ici, seront donnés dans un ensemble de sept volumes groupés sous l’étiquette commune: Les Edifices phy- sico-chimiques et dont le premier seulement est paru, traitant de l’atome, de sa forme, de sa structure. Les six volumes suivants nous donneront les conceptions de l’auteur sur la molécule chimique en général, la molécule minérale, la molécule organique, la molécule vivante, les étres vivants et enfin l’homme. Dans son travail sur l’atome, AcHALME, partant de l’idée en général admise aujourd’hui que les corps matériels sont constitués par la réu- nion d’électrons n’ayant qu’une masse électro-magnétique et d’unités matérielles qui peuvent se ramener a l’atome d’hydrogéne dont une des propriétés est l’électricité positive, que le poids atomique d’un élément exprime dés lors le nombre d’unités de matiére entrant dans la consti- REVIEWS 545 tution de l’élément et que la valence représente le nombre d’unités de matiére qui ne sont pas neutralisées par des électrons interatomiques, arrive 4 donner au carbone par exemple, non plus seulement le sym- bole C = 12, mais celui-ci: C—=12 U. M+ 4 E (12 unités de matiére + 4 électrons interatomiques) et il tente de donner une représentation matérielle de l’édifice atomique relatif 4 chaque élément, domaine dans lequel il est évidemment impossible de le suivre dans cette courte analyse. Le chapitre purement constructif est précédé d'un rappel critique, en un langage particuliérement clair, des recherches récentes qu'il est indispensable de connaitre pour suivre l’auteur dans sa tentative. Evidemment, un travail de ce genre ne peut prétendre fixer définiti- vement les connaissances relatives a l’'atome et, en particulier, les belles recherches d’AstTon sur les corps isotopes modifieront quelques- unes des données dont ACHALME fait état, mais elles n’infirment cepen- dant en rien la construction qu'il donne, par exemple, de l’atome diode pour lequel il admet un isotope, tandis que pour Aston (juillét 1921), cet élément n’en comporterait pas. Et quel que soit le sort que l’avenir réserve aux spéculations hardies du savant dont on connaissait déja lesprit synthétique depuis la publication, en 1913, d'un gros volume Electronique et Biologie — elles seront sans doute peu goutées des chi- mistes, parce que n’ayant pas pour eux une portée utile immédiate — il y faudra reconnaitre un travail puissant dont maints éléments seront sans doute a nouveau utilisés, si l'avenir ne montre pas la stabi- lité de l'ensemble de sa construction. L. GUINET. G. Urbain. — Les Disciplines d’une Science : la Chimie, 325 p. (185 * 120). Paris, Gaston Dorn, 1921. [10 fr.] L' Encyclopédie scientifique que publie l’éditeur Dorn, sous la direc- tion du Dt Tovurousg, directeur de l’Ecole des Hautes-Etudes et qui ne comporte pas moins de quarante sections devant comprendre, d’apreés la notice de l’éditeur, un millier de volumes, dont a paru un nombre ussez éleyé déja (environ 200, dont certains ont eu plusieurs éditions ou réimpressions) sont écrits par des savyants pour des savants, s’enrichit d'une nouvelle section dite : Bibliothéque d'histoire et de philosophie des sciences, et dirigée par A. Rey, professeur d'Histoire de la philosophie dans ses rapports avec les sciences, 4 la Sorbonne. Le premier volume de cette section nouvelle vient de paraitre, di a la pensée d’un des plus autorisés parmi les chimistes francais, d'un savant qui, bien que spécialisé dans un domaine des moins cultivés de la chimie, celui des terres rares, sait s'élever trés loin au-dessus du champ de ses recherches de laboratoire et, nourri de la pensée de 546 ISIS. Iv. 1922 ConpILLAc et d’AuGusTE ComTE, ne craint pas d’embrasser d’un coup d’ceil d’ensemble la chimie tout enticre, ou plutot la physico-chimie qui est la science de l'avenir, et nous donne ses vues originales sur la systematisation des propriétés physico-chimiques. GrorGes UrRBAIN aime la science qu'il cultive et qu'il enseigne a la Faculté des Sciences de Paris avec un bel enthousiasme, et s’efforce de communiquer aux autres son amour de la science. Mais comme il a eu des désillusions au début de sa carriére de chimiste, voyant la science comme elle n’était pas, mais comme le lui permettait l’¢poque du scien- tisme alors triomphant, il essaie, apres ses trente années de labora- toire, d’épargner aux autres, les incertitudes et les doutes par lesquels il est passé. La longue Introduction de son livre (38 p ) est consacrée a montrer ce qu’est actuellement, du point de vue du savant qui sait se doubler d'un philosophe positiviste, la science, et quel rdle y jouent Yexpérimentation et la théorie. Vue telle qu’elle est, la science est encore assez belle pour celui du moins qui, voulant la juger, s’est astreint a la longue préparation nécessaire. Certains de ses aspects peuvent la faire paraitre seche et rebutante, ils ne sont qu'une bien petite partie de la science et si le savant veut faire ceuvre durable, il doit déployer au moins autant dimagination qu’un artiste ou un poete : « L’ceuvre de science, comme |’ceuvre d'art, évoque des images. Elle ales mémes droits a la beauté ». Cette science, qu’est-elle donc? UrBain la définit: « une adaptation de nos moyens intellectuels aux domaines sensibles de lunivers », vou- lant dire par la que nous pouvons seulement nous familiariser avec les phénomeénes, en prédire le retour avec une probabilité plus ou moins grande suivant des lois plus ou moins approximatives. La prévision est la fin réelle de la science et non !’explication ; le savant ne peut en effet que comparer, trouver des analogies; or, on n’explique pas parce que l’on compare. Mais la condition essentielle a la prévision du retour des phéno- meénes, c’est la connaissance des conditions dans lesquelles ils se sont déja produits. Ces conditions ne sont pas toutes d’importance égale; les unes peuvent étre considérées comme principales : ce sont celles qui seront toujours scientifiquement accessibles; les autres, les condi- tions secondaires, ne seront pas nécessairement accessibles a l’expé- rience, étant donné qu'il y a toujours lieu de faire la part de l'impré- visible; certes, les progres constants de la science restreignent de plus en plus cet imprévisible, mais ils n’arriveront sans doute jamais a l’an- nuler complétement. I] semble donc nécessaire de faire des restrictions sur le déterminisme qui, s’il est une condition suffisante de la science, nest peut-étre pas la loi intransgressible de l’univers: URBAIN se pose, en effet, a4 propos des expériences de Gouy sur le mouvement brow- REVIEWS D47 nien, cette question a laquelle nulle réponse n'est actuellement possible: dire que la micelle colloidale obéit a la loi du hasard, est-ce « faire un aveu d'impuissance a fixer les conditions de ce mouvement », ou bien « mettre en doute le principe souverain du déterminisme universel » ? Ces deux manieres de voir sont, en droit, également admissibles. Comment se fait la science expérimentale ainsi définie? Le savant multiplie ses observations dans une direction donnée, dresse des dia- grammes de plus en plus précis, vise a dégager les lois que peuvent représenter ses figures géométriques et cherche a traduire ses courbes en un langage aussi clair et aussi concis que possible. Mais, entre lobjet observe et les sensations que nous en avons et qui sont les matériaux avec lesquels notre esprit crée des perceptions, interviennent les jugements qui assurent la liaison. Ces jugements, le savant les introduit en nombre aussi petit que possible et c’est la une des carac- téristiques de l’esprit scientifique : les chances derreur augmenten! en effet avec le nombre des jugements. Les lois particuliéres étant ainsi établies aprés observations en nombre le plus élevé possible, l’expérimentation a joue son role prin- cipal, elle doit momentanément céder la place 4 la théorie, et n'inter- viendra plus guére qu’a titre de contrdle. Actuellement, deux théories dominent tout l’ensemble de la chimie, l'une « belle et austére comme la Minerve antique » est lénergétique, l’autre « pimpante et jolie comme une coquette de WarTEAu » est l’atomisme. Quelle qu'elle soit, la théorie est éminemmert commode en ce sens qu'elle coordonne en un ensemble de synthéses économiqnes les documents que fournit lanalyse exp¢rimentale, et dont le nombre croit d’autant plus rapide- ment que le nombre des ouvriers de la science spécialisés va sans cesse en augmentant ; elle est donc un moyen de permettre une plus rapide assimilation des connaissances. Elle est aussi source de découvertes nouvelles. Au reste, atomisme et énergétique ont tous les deux a leur actif d’amples moissons de faits nouveaux de la découverte desquels ils ont ouvert le chemin. Ce sont deux belles routes qui se rencontreront vraisemblablement un jour, et qui, en attendant, desservent des régions différentes : la chimie des espéces thermodynamiquement stables dans des conditions que nous sommes capables de réaliser est dominée par les principes de l’énergétique, celle des espéces thermodynamiquement instables dans les conditions pratiques de l’expérimentation, done la chimie des complexes du carbone en particulier, échappe a cette domi- nation et se trouve envahie presque uniquement par les doctrines atomistiques. Mais ce qui est nécessaire surtout au savant, c'est une discipline intellectuelle et une discipline expérimentale. Ce qui fait par exemple 548 ISIS. Iv. 1922 la grandeur de la réforme de Lavorsier, du Discours préliminaire duquel Urpaln cite plusieurs passages, c’est autant la discipline qu'il a su introduire dans la science, et qu’il a puisée dans la philosophie sensua- liste de Locke et de ConpiLuac, que le principe de la conservation de la matiére, et la substitution de la théorie positive des combustions 4 la théorie du phlogistique. Je me suis étendu longuement sur cette Introduction de l'ouvrage de G. URBAIN parce qu’elle me semble une mise au point trés exacte des principes directeurs que suivent la plupart, non seulement des chi- mistes, mais des savants cultivant d’autres disciplines, et que l'on peut faire entrer dans le groupe des «classiques » d’Ostwap (apud les Grands Hommes). ACHALME, duquel j’ai précédemment rendu compte d'un travail sur Les Atomes, est au contraire un «romantique » et prend une attitude tres différente de celle de UrsBain. Je ne pense pas, pour ma part, que la science doit avoir pour unique objet la découverte des lois ; si la science répond a un besoin naturel de l’esprit humain, c’est que celui-ci cherche précisément l’explication des phénoménes, que se refusent a poursuivre les positivistes. L’ensemble du travail, dans l’examen duquel je ne puis pas entrer, est ainsi partagé: A) Les Crassirications. (1) Les origines de la théorie atomique ; (II) Les classifications. Eléments ou radicaux ; '111) L’Isomor- phisme; (IV) Essai de systématisation des propriétés physico-chimiques : Uhoméomérie [Ce chapitre est l’exposé des vues originales auxquelles est arrivé l’auteur, aprés ses vingt-trois ans de travaux sur les terres rares, la théorie de l’homéomérie, dérivée de l’énergétique, devant englober toutes les lois connues de la chimie et de la physico-chimie. ] — B) Les Invariants : (I) L’énergétique chimique et Vidéal comtien ; II) Deux domaines, deux doctrines [énergétique et atomisme]; (III) Lois rigoureuses [proportions fixes, nombres proportionnels]; (IV) Les géné- ralisations outranciéres [systeme thermochimique de BerrHE.or, théorie actuelle des solutions] et approximations. — C) Lus SYMBOLEs. (I) La constitution des corps ; (II) Les principes de la systématique des complexes minéraux parfaits [travaux de WERNER]; (III) Constitution et propriétés physiques. L. GUINET. Edmund O. von Lippmann. — Zeittafeln zur Geschichte der orga- nischen Chemie. Ein Versuch., 1x + 67 p. Berlin, Juiius SPRINGER, 1921. No sooner had Dr. Lippmann completed his great work on Alchemy (1) than he began the elaboration of these tables on organic (1) See Zsis, III, 302-305. REVIEWS 549 chemistry, for which he had patiently accumulated material at least since 1905. These tables will be extremely useful, even if one makes allowance for the mistakes which are bound to occur in any such extensive compilation. The data are classified primarily in chronolo- gical order, secondarily in the alphabetical order of the modern names of the substances investigated. For the year 1804 we will find ex. gr. the following entries : « Carthamin aus Safflor beob., Durour (A. ch. 48, 283). « Inulin aus Alantwurzel, Rose (GEHLEN 3, 217) (1). « Rhodanwasserstoffsiiure aus Cyankalium und Schwefel, Rink (GEHLEN 2, 460). » The chronological limits of the tables are the years 1500 and 1890, but the author has prefixed a short account of the organic substances which were known in ancient and medieval times (2). The tables have been limited to 1890, because after that date research was orga- nized on such a scale that discoveries increased tremendously in number. Besides, the new BetsTEIN and other reference books make it relatively easy to obtain information on these latest developments and the majority of chemists now living are more or less familiar with them. The year 1890 is a fitting limit for it was immortalized by two great syntheses, that of glucose by Fiscuer and that of indigo by HEUMANN. An excellent feature of the book is the inclusion of references to Epw. Hsewr, Geschichte der organischen Chemie. Braunschweig 1916 (3) and to Car. GRAEBE, Geschichle der organischen Chemie, Berlin 1920 (4). As these two important books have no subject-indexes, LipPMANN’s index will be invaluable as a supplement to them, or as a key. GEORGE SARTON. Stevenson, Edward Luther. — Terrestrial and celestial Globes. Their history and construction including a consideration of their value as aids in the study of geography and astronomy. 2 vol. (Publica- tions of the Hispanic Society of America, No. 86), xxv1-+- 218 p.; xu +- 291 p.; 87+ 143 illustrations. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1921. Globes, both terrestrial and celestial, have always attracted the attention of a large number of people. It is perhaps not too much to (1) Den Namen Inulin gab erst 1811 Tuomson. (2) The xvith and xvutth cent. occupy each ab. | p., the xviith ab, 7 p.! (3) See Jsis, Ill, 440. 4) See Isis, LV, 361-365. 550 Isis. Iv. 1922 say that there is in them a certain fascination. To the uneducated, they seem mysterious emblems of science and power, they often appeal by their beauty and many an ignorant collector of books would deem bis library incomplete if it were not adorned at least with a pair of them For the educated scientist, their fascination is not smaller by any means though of a very different nature : he sees in them the clear synthesis, the epitome of a vast amount of knowledge. If he has a little imagination, he cannot examine a globe without realizing at once the immense display of patient research, of indefatigable en- deavor. of heroic devotion, and even of suffering and martyrdom of which the fruits are thus offered to him in a most condensed yet intui- tive manner. It may seem strange then that an historical survey of these remarkable objects had not yet appeared in English. To be sure many patient investigations have been devoted to them. I need only recall the name of Marreo Fiorini. professor at the University of Bologna, the master, we might even say the founder, of these studies. His most important memoir on the subject, before 1895, was « Le sfere cosmografiche e specialmente le sfere terrestri », which appeared in the Bollettino della Societa geografica italiana, serie III, vol. Vle VII, Roma 1893-1894 (passim). This memoir was translated into German by SieGMUND GiinTHER, « Erd- und Himmelsgloben, ihre Geschichte und Construction. Nach dem Italienischen Fiorinis frei bearbeitet », Miinchen 1895. GiinrHer had added bibliographical references to the Italian text, also short chapters on globe-gore construction. Later Frormn1 published in book-form a more important review of the question : Sfere terrestri e celesti di autore italiano oppure fatte o conservate in Italia, xx1-+ 502 p. Roma 1898. It is obvious that no one could write on globes, after Fiorini, without being deeply indebted to him. STEVENSON proclaims his own gratitude in a very handsome manner (p. xx) : ( The author makes special mention of his indebted- ness to the studies of the distinguished Italian scholar, Prof. Fiorint, adding that with some propriety his name might have a place on the title-page ». This is a great tribute, both to Fiorini’s learning and initiative and to STEVENSON’s modesty. For if it be true that Frorini’s memoirs (which are by the way far more bulky than the book under review) form the core of SrevENson’s work, it is not Jess true that the latter has carried on for many years supplementary investigations and has examined many globes hitherto undescribed (1). The Museum of the Hispanic Society (New York) alone furnished him with a remark- able collection of globes, and he managed to collect not less than 400 globe photographs. One of the most attractive features of (1) More than 850 have been listed by him. REVIEWS 551 STEVENsOn’s book is the very rich series of illustrations, which is more than sufficient to give one a very fair idea of all the types of globes constructed before 1800. This will interest the amateurs for whom such globes are primarily objets of ornament. It must be admitted that some of them, especially the early ones, are very beau- tiful indeed. The scope and general outline of this work are the same as Frorin1’s, but for the addition of a final and very short chapter 24 p.) on the technique of globe construction. Such a chapter was already included in GiiNTHER’s translation, which I was not able to examine. Both authors trace the history of globes as far back as the available material permits and stop it somewhat arbitrarily about the year 1800; for the history of modern globes would be also interesting, though from a different point of view, and the heroic age of globe construction was long passed before the end of the xvith century. The few following facts may be of interest to our readers : the ancients made celestial globes and ProLemy gives one the impression that they were not uncommon in his day. However, but one example is still extant, the Atlante Farnese, a statue of marble bearing a celestial globe, in the Naples Museum, dating from c. 200B.c. The Muslims constructed many celestial globes ‘apparently no terrestrial ones) and quite a few have survived. The oldest of these, dating from 473 a. H. (= 1080/1 A. D.), is kept in the R. Istituto di Studi Superiori of Florence. Srevenson describes others dated respectively 1225, 1275, ¢. 1279. The next globe in point of time is the earliest Christian and the earliest geographical globe extant, constructed by Martin Bena in 1492. Itis interesting to note that this treasure still belongs to the Benaim family, though it is now deposited in the Germanic museum of Niirnberg. Another fifteenth century globe, constructed by JOHANNES STOFFLER (1452-1531) is preserved in the Lyceum Library of Constance, Switzerland. The account covers thus far58 p. The rest of the first volume is entirely devoted to the xvith century, four chapters dealing with the four successive quarters of this century. The second volume treats the xvuth and xviith centuries and ends fittingly with a bibliogra- phical list, an index of globes and globe makers, which will greatly facilitate further research, and a general index. This book has given me considerable pleasure and I have naught but minor criticisms of it to suggest. As to the form, I think that the legibility and attractiveness would ‘be increased, if the quotations, especially the longer ones, were printed in a different type in separate paragraphs. It would be desirable also to indicate the location and size of each specimen illustrated below the illustration itself, to avoid 552 ISIS. Iv. 1922 constant reference to the index. The problem of globe-gore construc- tion deserves a more elaborate treatment than the author has accorded to it. It would be of great interest to the historian of science to follow in detail the interactions between geography and mathematics and to see to what extent map-projection was affected by the far simpler problem of gore construction. As STEVENSON has devoted much space — and very justly so — both to Beuaim and to MErRcaToR, one is a little surprised to find no reference, apropos of the former, to the contro- versy raised by BENSAUDE (/sis I, 716-718; III, 424-426), and apropos of the latter to the NuNez-Mercaror or the loxodromic controversy (Isis, III, 106; IV, 591). The final pages dealing with orreries are so meager thalit would have been better to leave them out. But the author might perhaps be persuaded to give us later a history of these useful instruments? The pedagogical value of globes is indicated but so slightly that the last fifteen words of the title cannot be considered as truthful. The statement that globes and orreries are now hardly used in the American schools is amazing and saddening, for it seems well-nigh impossible to explain the fundamental facts of geography and cosmography to children without them. GEORGE SARTON. I append a list of Dr Srevenson’s main publications on the history of cartography : 1. Martin WaLpsEEMuULLER and the early Lusitano-Germanic cartography of the New World. (Bulletin of The American Geographical Society, p. 193- 215. New York, 1904.) 2. Comparative fallacies of early New World maps. (Proceedings of the Inter- national Congress of Americanists, p. 125-133, XVth session. Quebec, 1906.) 3. Maps illustrating early discovery and exploration in America, 1502-1530; reproduced by photography from the original manuscripts. New Brunswick, 1906. Explanatory text and key maps, 30 p. Twelve maps on one hundred and twenty-four sheets, each map in the size of the original. In imperial portfolio and one roll. Twenty-eight copies printed. 4. Typical early maps of the New World. (Bulletin of The American Geographical Scciety, p. 202-224, sixteen reproductions of early maps. New York, 1907.) &. Map of the World by Jopocus Honpnius, 1611, with title « Novissima ac exactissima totius orbis terrarum descriptio magna cura et industria ex optimis guibusque tabulis Geographicis et Hydrographicis nuperrimisque doctorum virorum observationibus duobus planisphaerijs delineata Auct. I. Honp1o ». Facsimile of the unique original, measuring 160246 cm., in the Library of Prince Max von Wa.pBurG zU Wo.treGG-WALDSEE. Issued jointly with REVIEWS 553 Prof. Joszpu Fiscuer, S.J. Publication of The Hispanic Society of America, No 36. New York, 1907. 6. Marine World Chart of NicoLo DE CaNgRIo JaNvENSIS (ca.) 1502. Fac- simile of the unique original, measuring 115 x 225 cm., in the « Archives du Service Hydrographique de la Marine, Paris », with accompanying critical text. Publication of The Hispanic Society of America, No. 38. New York, 1908. 7. Early Spanish cartography of the New World with special reference to the WoOLFENBiTTEL Spanish Map and the work of Dirco Risgro. (Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, p. 369-419. Worcester, 1909 ) 8. Atlas of Portolan Charts. Facsimile of an original manuscript belonging to the British Museum (Egerton Ms. 2803), edited with a brief introduction and list of charts. Publication of The Hispanic Society of America, No. 81. New York, 1911. 9. Portolan Charts, their origin and characteristics, with a descriptive list of those belonging to The Hispanic Society of America, 80 p. with fifteen full page chart reproductions. Publication of The Hispanic Society of America, No, 82. New York, 1911. 10. Genoese World Map, 1457. Facsimile of an original parchment manu- script measuring 4281] cm., in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence, with critical text incorporating in free translation the studies of Prof. THroBaLp FiscHer revised with the addition of copious notes. Publication of The Hispanic Society of America, No. 83. New York, 1912. 11. Maps reproduced as glass transparencies selected to represent the devel- opment of mapmaking from the first to the xviith century, 55 p. with four map reproductions. New York, 1913. 12. Wittem Janszoon Biagvu, 1571-1638 A sketch of his life and work, with an especial reference to his large World Map of 1605 reproduced in fac- simile of the unique original, measuring 134 x 244 cm., in the Library of The Hispanic Society of America. Publication of The Hispanic Society of America, No. 85. New York, 1914. 13. Portolan Atlas signed « Joan Martines en Messina Any 1582 ». Fac- simile of an original manuscript atlas belonging to The Hispanic Society of America, with an introduction, including a list of Martines’ known carto- graphical productions and bibliographical references. Publication of the Hispanic Society of America, No. 88. New York 1915. 14. Portolan Atlas signed « Yas Ma XGo Conte pe Orto MaNo Frepucei de ancona la fatte nel alo MCCCCCXXX7 ». Facsimile of an original manuscript atlas belonging to The Hispanic Society of America, with an introduction, including a list of Frepucct’s known cartographical productions and bibliograph- ical references. Publication of The Hispanic Society of America, No. 95. New York, 1915. 15. Portolan Charts Facsimiles. Fifteen reproductions of large single sheet portolan charts from originals in the collection of The Hispanic Society of America. Publication of The Hispanic Society of America, No 104. New York, 1916. 554 IsIs. Iv. 1922 Fielding H. Garrison. — An introduction to the History of Medicine (with medical chronology, suggestions for study and bibliographic data}. Third edition, revised and enlarged. 942 p., with 257 por- traits. Philadelphia, W.-B. Saunpers, 1921. [9 dollars. } GaRRISON’s History is already so well and so favourably known at least to the English-speaking reader, that it would be superfluous to analyze it at great length. But the reader is naturally anxious to know in what this edition differs from the preceding ones (1) and this question can be best answered by quoting the author’s own words : « A careful account has been rendered of the newer findings of SuDHOFF, NEUBURGER, WICKERSHEIMER, SINGER and other European investigators of ancient and medieval medicine; new matter has been added on the doctrine of the origin and transmission of ethnic culture (convergence and convection); on Chinese medicine ; on the history of pediatrics, dentistry, public hygiene, military medicine and medical lexicography; on the earlier nuclei of medical education in the United States; om recent Japanese, Spanish and Latin-American medicine; and on the work of the medical departments of armies in the European War. A number of new biographical sketches have been added with portraits of SyMPHORIEN CHAMPIER, VILLEMIN, GURLT, LiTTRE, SAL- KOWSKI, OSLER, Max NeupurGer and others. Errors of omission and commission have been corrected; the bibliographies at the end of the volume have been enlarged and improved; and the author index has been made as complete and exhaustive as possible,.. » It is of course out of the question to criticize in detail a book of sueh amplitude. Even if he tried, the critic might not notice at once the errors which are bound to exist. Butit is interesting to examine the «eneral proportions of the work. Now I find that 54 p. are devoted to primitive and Oriental medicine; 39 to Greek and Greco-Roman times ; 75 to the medieval period (including Byzantium and Islam) ; 56 to the Renaissance ; 73 to the xviith cent.; 110 to the xvinth and 394 to the x1xth century and after. The most striking fact is the enormous space allotted to modern medicine, half of the book being devoted to the last century. I will not quarrel with the author on this score. As his book is written primarily not for historians but for medical students, it seems reasonable to lay emphasis on the latest developments and to speak chiefly of these men who will be so often quoted to them in their medical lectures. Dr. Garrison is thus right, I think, in dividing his book into two equal parts : the past and the present, the dividing (1) The first edition appeared in 1913; it was reprinted in 1914. A revised edition came out in 1917. REVIEWS 555 line being drawn near the year 1+00 A. D. But I can not accept his subdivision of the first half. In particular, the allotment to the middle ages of twice more space than to classical antiquity shocks me toa degree If one realizes the immensity of our debt to the Greeks, and, on the other hand, how little original knowledge has been handed over to us by the medieval physicians, such treatment is but little short of monstrous ingratitude. It is likely that Dr. Garrison has been grad- ually led to assume this criminal attitude by the number of studies which are now devoted to medieval medicine. But the amount of attention paid to a subject is no measure of its real importance. The present popularity of medieval science is easily explained by the fact that it offers to investigators an immense field of research largely unexplored. Thousands of Mss. await readers, and the scholars engaged in transcribing them feel that they are doing useful work : they are preparing new material for the historian of to-morrow. Their activity will make it possible by and by to retrace more exactly the intellectual development of the middle ages, though it is very doubtful whether it will modify in any essential point our general conception of it. It is a very remarkable fact that, as far as I know, no history of medicine proper has ever been written. I mean that every so-called history of medicine includes so many other elements that it would be more correct perhaps to call it a history of science from the medical point of view. This is especially true of GARRiIson’s book which is extremely comprehensive : the anatomists, physiologists, chemists and botanists whom one is accustomed to meet in the medical pageant are there all of them and some more, but even that did not satisfy the author, who has thought it necessary to quote also many a physicist and mathematician! Consider a statement like this, for instance (on p. 424): « Of modern mathematicians, we need only mention the names of EuLER, Gauss, RirMANN, JAcoBI, ABEL, WEIKRSTRASS, CAYLEY, SYLVESTER...» Without stopping to discuss this choice, I wonder what may be the use of such a bare enumeration? It is interesting to compare GARRISON’s history with that published about the same time by Meter-SreineG and Supuorr (1). I wouid advise students to use both books, the former chiefly for the modern part, the latter for the past. Not simply the text of these two books but also their illustrations are complementary. The latter is espe- cially interesting for the archaeological illustrations, while Dr. Gar- rison has offered his readers a splendid collection of portraits. These portraits, 257 in number, though small are excellent. They (1) See Jsis, IV, 368, Vou. tv-3 3Y 556 ISIS. Iv. 1922 alone would give one sufficient reason for buying this very useful volume. GEORGE SARTON. Sir William Osler (Bart., M. D., F. R.S.). — The Evolution of Modern Medicine, 243 p., New Haven (Yale University Press), 1921. This volume comprises six lectures delivered at Yale University in April, 1913, as the tenth of the series of Sm.LimAN Memorial Lectures. Before the author had completed the reading of the galley proof, the great war came with its inexorable claims on his energy and devotion. Fietpinc H. Garrison, Harvey CusHInc, EDWARD C. STREETER, and Lronarp L. Macka.u (Savannah, Ga.) have now brought to publication these lectures, which afford a delightful and illuminating survey of the development of medicine from Egyptian and Babylonian times till our own. The volume with its excellent typography, pleasing format, and copious illustrations is a work of art, worthy of the memory of Sir WILLIAM OSLER. The opening lecture, under the name of Introduction, deals with various phases of oriental medicine, including Hebrew, Chinese and Japanese (ancient). The subsequent lectures deal with Greek medicine, medizval medicine, the Renaissance, and the rise of anatomy and physiology, the rise and development of modern medecine (from about the middle of the xvmth century), and the rise of preventive medi- cine. OsLrER in aletter to one of the editors spoke of these lectures as « an aeroplane flight over the progress of medicine through the ages. )») Nevertheless, though the pace is very rapid at times and one may miss the mention of certain great names — like JOHANNES MULLER, ScHWaANn, and v. Barr — the sketch is eminently satisfying. There is not a dull sentence in the volume, which reflects throughout the author’s vivid personality, his zeal in the cause of human welfare, and his faith in the redemptive power of science. In turning to the consideration of Greek medicine OsLER exclaims : « Let us come out of the murky night of the East, heavy with phantoms, into the bright daylight of the West, into the company of men whose thoughts made our thoughts, and whose ways made our ways — the men who first dared to look on nature with the clear eyes of the mind... The veil of thaumaturgy which shrouded the Orient, while not removed, was rent in twain, and for the first time in history, man had a clear vision of the world about him — had gazed on Nature's naked loveliness (ADONAIs) — unabashed and unaffrighted by the super- natural powers about him. Not that the Greek got rid of his gods — far from it! but he made them so like himself, and lived on terms of such familiarity with them that they inspired no terror. » REVIEWS 557 The author traces medicine through successive stages — a primitive stage in which it emerges as an empirical art from magic and religion, a stage in which the natural character of disease, as something expli- cable as cause and effect. is recognized, a stage in which anatomical structure and physiological function were established, a stage in which species of disease were determined clinically and anatomically, a stage in which the wtiology of disease was successfully investigated, and, finally, a stage in which we turn our real knowledge — the know- ledge of causes — to account in sanitation. Throughout this evolu- tion three principles in the development of scientific truth are noted — that truth grows gradually from a tiny germ (not spontaneously generated nor advancing per saltum), that truth in any one department of science is dependent for growth on the general state of knowledge, and that scientific truth alone, of all the mental treasures of the race, commands universal acquiescence. The editors of this splendid volume and the Yale University Press deserve the gratitude of a wide range of readers. To many it will seem, even more than Sir WitiiaM Os.Ler’s other posthumous work, ultima manus magistri. WALTER Lipsy. Ernst Schwalbe. — Vorlesungen tiber Geschichte der Medizin. Dritte, umgearbeitete Auflage, x+181] p, Jena, Gustav Fiscuer, 1920. The number of books dealing with the history of medicine which have appeared recently is astounding and in great contrast with the relative scarcity of books dealing with the history of many other sciences. Consider for example the following books, all of which except the first are fairly recent : PaGeL, and SupuHorr, Berlin 1915 (Isis, IV, 203); Hermann Vigeronpt, Tiibingen 1916 (Jsis III, 365); PREISLER, Copenhagen 1920 (Isis, IV, 109); Franz Hiiporrer, Berlin 1920 (Jsis, IV, 369); Meyer STremneG und Supuorr, Jena 192] (Jsis, IV, 368); F. H. Garrison, Philadelphia 192] (/sis, IV, 554); Sir Wi.1AM OsteR, New Haven 1921, (Jsis IV, 556). It is remarkable also that all of these books, except two, are German. Dr. E. Scuwavbe is professor of general pathology and pathological anatomy in Rostock. His book is very different from the others, the aim of it being philosophical or propzedeutic rather than _histor- ical. It is obviously the outgrowth of lectures given to medical students and the emphasis is laid on the evolution of medical theories. Biography is reduced to a minimum. The professor's main purpose has been to explain to his students how the ideas which now dominate medical thought and practice have slowly been developed. There are only nine lectures, of which the first deals with generalities (the aim 558 Isis. tv. 1922 of studies on the history of medicine; its relations to other develop- ments); the 2nd with the general concept of disease, primitive and Hippocratic medicine; the 3rd with the period extending from Hippo- CRATES to GALEN: the 4th with late ancient and medizval medicine; the 5th with the Renaissance (from VxrsaAuius to Harvey); the 6th with Harvey to Haier; the three last with modern conditions. This short outline makes an excellent introduction, which would be largely sufficient for the majority of physicians or laymen. Would that every physician had read this book or another equivalent to it! —This is the 3rd edition; the lst appeared in 1905; the 2nd in 1909. The tables compiled by Ascuorr which were appended to the previous edition have not been republished. Otherwise there is no essential difference between the three editions, except that the author has taken pains to remove all foreign words from the last. Considering the conditions obtaining in Germany today, this nationalistic move is excusable. GEORGE SARTON. Karl Sudhoff. — Skizzen, small octavo, 319 p. and Register, portrait. Leipzig, F. C.W. VoGEt, 1921. In this unusually attractive volume we have Prof. SupHorr in the double role of medical historian and Gorrue-forscher. Of his twenty eight papers dealing with medical history, we may say that they constitute in effect a retrospective review of some part of the author’s major labors during the past twenty two years. Here, in searce the space that would suffice for « Contes rapides », SUDHOFF’s program, methods and results stand fairly revealed — if not to outsid- ers and arrivists, at least to his spiritual heirs, to whom the book is dedicated. Rapid in execution, intimate in spirit, adroitly propor- tioned, the varying components of the volume fall finally into an uncanny and uncaleulated symmetry and unity. By some heavenly alchemy he mixes such immiscible elements as « Medicine in the Stone Age » and « HoneNnueiMs literary remains ». He subtily manages to associate, arrange and harmonize, until what was discreet, becomes confluent, so to speak, like the patterns in a Japanese priest robe. Each tract is a strong persuasive to the intensive study of the past, fur the liberation and enrichment of the mind that comes from such study methodically pursued; each tract is an eloquent invocation to search our racial memory — especially when we are confronted by novelty. For itis grievous mischief to science that everything that proclaims itself new is taken at its own valuation. Here History lays a finger upon us pausefully and bids caution. REVIEWS 559 « Die Geschichte einer Wissenschaft ist die Wissenschaft selber -. This pronouncement by GoeTHE forms the key-note of the volume. After dealing with methodology of history, the work of medical his- tory in relation to its kinds of matter, Prof. SupHorr has a very notable chapter on « periodization » and another on « medical archzo- logy » in which the brush-work is broad and the results seizing. His answer to the question « What is the history of medicine?» firmly engages the reader’s interest. His account of the more important «schools of medicine », which is a reprinting of his article in SARASON’S Jahreskurse fiir irztliche Fortbildung Sept. 1918, is perhaps the most illuminating sketch in the book. All are too brief — an epic sweep, a Dantesque compression, characterize them all, as the reader will soon become aware. Medicine and Art and Painting and the History of Medicine we could wish extended tenfold. Less than three pages are alloted to HERMANN BAAs and less than seven to JOHANNES MiiLLER — but we cannot quarrel with the author for are we not warned by the title that this is a sheaf of sketches ? Great satisfaction will it be to the Gorrne-kenner to find in this volume that the final fifth portion is wholly devoted to his man of men. All pass the Gods of Weimar, but few salute them with the same familiar salutation that Supnuorr gives them. A profound GOETHE scholar and Gorrne-forscher in his youth, our author pays his « occa- sional » respects to the memory of that great name, with a high charm and distinction that reveal his own worth, his own ideal of a unified life. We draw increase of pleasure from these pages at the thought of the refreshment they will afford some of our friends; Speck in his laden treasure-room of GorETHE-items in New Haven, MACKALL in Savannah, and countless others of the Cult. Supnorr’s loyal return to GOETHE, like his continuing loyalty to Honenuei, attests a constancy unshak- able. Henceforth his name in science is indissolubly bound up with the names of TuHropuRAstus VON HoneNHEmM and of Gortur. How various influences flowing from these two master-minds have worked together to give such a distinctive and definitive direction to SUDHOFF’s career, would prove no tax upon an E minus intelligence to demon- strate, to a certainty. This work of his, on the whole, presents a solvent to many of those difficulties imminent in teaching and research in medical history. It presents a proper procedure and criteria. It presents a venturesome edge of argument here and there yet carries no controversial matter, no latinity, no esoteric apparatus of scholarship to dismay the unini- tiated. In short it should appeal, through its largeness of sympathy, 560 ISIS. Iv. 1922 variety and brisk vigor of execution, to a very wide circle of readers outside of the medical profession. (Boston.) Epwarpb C. STREETER. Mach, Ernst. — Die Prinzipien der physikalischen Optik, historisch und erkenntnispsychologisch entwickelt, x +444 S., in-8°, 279 Fig. und 10 Bildnisse. Leipzig, J. A. Barru, 1921. [Geheftet 48 M., geb. 60 M.] Die Kunde von Ernst Macus Tode (19. Februar 1916) haben seine Freunde und alle Kenner seiner Lebensarbeit sicherlich mit grosser Bewegung aufgenommen. Aus den Nachrufen ging hervor, dass Gelehrte der verschiedensten wissenschaftlichen Richtungen sich durch ihn bereichert und eigenartig angeregt fiihlten. Er vermochte im Zeitalter der aufbliihenden Entwicklungslehre und der ersten gros- sen Triumphe der Molekulartheorie leitende Ideen des nichsten Zeital- ters — desjenigen der Anwendungen der Entwicklungslehre und der Kritik der molekularen Vorstellungen — yorweg zu nehmen und durch seine stille, doch fortschreitend mehr anerkannte wissenschaft- liche Arbeit dem gegenwirtigen Positivismus in Deutschland ein gut Teil seines besonderen Gepriiges zu verleihen. Als Physiker zeichnete er sich in akustischen und optischen Untersuchungen durch beson- dere Feinheit der experimentellen Methoden aus; seine zahlreichen experimentell-psychologischen Arbeiten ragen durch die durchdrin- gende Methode seines Denkens hervor. Von Bedeutung sind hier die Arbeiten tiber die Ton, Raum - und Zeitempfindungen und besonders jene iiber Bewegungsempfindungen geworden. Seine wissenschaft - geschichtlichen Arbeiten brachten die neue Methode, die Entstehung * und den Werdegang der wissenschaftlichen Ideen kritisch zu durch- forschen, um aus den Begriffen und Theorien den Tatsachenkern zu schalen und sie ailes metaphysischen und hypothetischen Beiwerks zu entkleiden. Von dieser Art waren : Die Mechanik in ihrer Entwick- lung, historischkritisch dargestellt (1883), und Die Prinzipien der Wirmelehre, historisch-kritisch entwickelt (1896) Aber auch sein beriihmtes psychologisches Werk Die Analyse der Empfindungen (1885) hat auf die historisch interessierten Naturforscher allmihlich grossen Einfluss gewonnen, desgleichen einige seiner Populir-wissen- schaftlichen Vorlesungen (1896) und schliesslich sein zweites erkennt- niskritisches Hauptwerk Erkenntnis und Irrtum (1905). Die Wissen- schaft ist fiir Macu Ergebnis der Anpassung der Gedanken an die Tatsachen und aneinander; sie ist als ein organisches Gebilde aus dem Daseinskampf hervorgegangen und yon der Denkweise des REVIEWS 561 primitiven Menschen nur dem Grade nach verschieden. Ihre Begriffe, Systeme, Theorien und Gesetze sind Zusammenfassungen der Tatsachen im Okonomischen Interesse und nachdkonomischer Methode: sie folgen den — sinngemiiss angewendeten — darwini- stischen Grundsatzen der Vererbung und Anpassung. Die Atome und Molekiile, von den Zeitgenossen als die letzten Realitiiten angesehen, waren schon fiir den jungen Maca nur « Gedankensymbole », dien- lich oder nach Umstiinden auch hinderlich bei der é6konomischen Beschreibung der physikalischen und chemischen Erscheinungen. Dem Bediirfnisse folgend, eine gemeinsame theoretische Grundlage fiir die physikalische, die physiologische und die psychologische Forschung zu fin¢en, war er schon friih zu ganz anderen Bausteinen der Welt gelangt : die einfachsten Empfindungen bezeichnete er, um jeder philosophischen Deutung auszuweichen, als « Elemente » und zeigte, wie auch Mathematik und Physik nicht minder als die Psychologie in letzter Linie auf sie, die vorlaufig unzerlegbaren, zariickzufiihren sind. Diese Gedanken-ginge erfuhren zuniichst in der deutschen Wis- senschaft entschiedene Ablehnung, brachen sich aber noch zu Macus Lebzeiten Bahn und wirkten bei der Konzeption von OstwaLDs energe- tischer Naturphilosophie und beider Weiterentwicklung des Positivis- mus in Deutschland entscheidend mit. So konnte der Gelehrte, seit 1898 durch die Folgen eines Schlaganfalles seiner Lehrtitigkeit entzogen, von seinem Wohnsitze in Wien aus, den er spiiter mit einem kleinen Orte bei Miinchen vertauschte, die Friichte seiner Arbeit reifen sehen. Seine Gedankengiinge waren mit jenen verwandter Denker, die jedoch von anderen Gesichtspunkten ausgegangen waren, zusammengetroffen, insbesondere mit jenen des Ziiricher Philosophen Ricuarp AVENARIUS (1843-1896). Die Synthese beider wollen die Vertreter des gegenwiir- tigen « relativistischen Positivismus » vollfiihren. Macus persdnliche Freunde riihmen seine lautere Bescheidenheit und die ausserordentliche Abgeklirtheit seines Wesens, die man nur als Weisheit bezeichnen kann. Sein Tod wurde seinem Wunsche gemiiss erst nach der erfolgten Einiischerung bekanntgegeben. Alsbald wurde auch bekannt, dass von ihm noch ein nachgelassenes Werk iiber die Geschichte der Optik erscheinen solle. Das vorliegende Buch ist der erste Band des Werkes. Im Vorworte sagt der Verfasser, das Buch sei aus Vorlesungen an der Prager Universitit entstanden. « Ich hoffe nicht ohne Erfolg das Entstehen der Begriffe der Optik und den historischen Faden ihrer Entwicklung, befreit von metaphy sischem Ballast, blossgelegt zu haben. Ergebnisse historischer For- schung sind hier aber nicht zusammengetragen, und einzelne von ande- rer Seite erschépfend behandelte Kapitel nur gestreift ». Im dem (1913 geschriebenen) Vorwort nimmt Macu ferner Stellung 562 Isis. Iv. 1922 zur Relativitatstheorie und seine Aeusserung wird nicht verfehlen, in der wissenschaftlichen Welt Aufsehen zu erregen. Er nehme wahr, dass man ihm die Rolle eines Wegbereiters jener Lehre zudenken wolle. Doch lehne er pers6nlich die Relativitaétstheorie ab und werde seine Griinde dafiir im zweiten Bande darlegen. Die Theorie werde gewiss bleibende Werte schaffen, werde sie sich aber lange behaupten kénnen und in der Geschichte der Wissenschaft mehr als ein geist- reiches Apercu bedeuten? Dem ist gegentiberzustellen, dass EINSTEIN in seinem Nachrufe fiir Macu diesen als Vorliufer der Relativititslehre behandelt und es als nicht unwahrscheinlich erklart hat, dass Macu zu dieser Lehre gekommen wire, wenn in der Zeit, als er jugendfrischen Geistes war, die Frage nach der Bedeutung der Konstanz der Licht- geschwindigkeit schon die Physiker bewegt hatte (Physikalische Zeitschrift, 1916). Ist demnach Macnu, als die jiingere Generation zur Relativitiitslehre kam, bei alteren Anschauungen stehen geblieben, oder hat er weiter geblickt als jene? Man darf dem zweiten Bande des Werkes nun mit um so grésserer Spannung entgegensehen. Nach einer Einleitung, in welcher er die allgemeinen Gesichtspunkte seiner Wissenschaftstheorie auf die Lehre vom Lichte anwendet, geht Maca zu folgenden Gegenstinden tiber : Geradlinige Ausbreitung Reflexion und Brechung des Lichtes; Farbenlehre; Periodizitat und Interferenz, Polarisation, Beugung. In 14 Kapiteln wird die Entwick - lung dieser wissenschaftlichen Begriffe einzeln verfolgt. Der Ver- fasser schildert zum Teil eingehend die ersten Beobachtungen, analy- siert die gezogenen Folgerungen, teils durch eigene Anwendungen ; er geht, soweit es in exakter Weise mOglich ist, auf die Motive der For- scher ein, beriicksichtigt den mehrfach stérenden oder verzégernden Einfluss ihrer hypothetischen Anschauungen tiber die Natur des Lichtes und fasst die von ihnen gewonnenen Einsichten wiederholt zu hypothesenfrei formulierten Grundsitzen zusammen. An mehreren Stellen demonstriert er diese durch sinnreich erdachte, einfache Versu- che. Anschaulich tritt die Arbeitsweise eines GRIMALDI, HUYGENS, NEWTON, FRESNEL, zutage; bei HuyGens tritt die « Anpassung der Gedanken aneinander ») sogar dort in deutliche Erscheinung, wo die Wellenlehre durch die Beobachtungen, die sich dem « Sohne eines see- fahrenden Volkes und dem Bewohner einer von Kanilen durchzogenen Stadt alltaglich darbieten mussten », angeregt werden konnte, und der Historiker zeigt solche mégliche Zusammenhiange im einzelnen auf. Die behandelten Kapitel greifen nicht so tief in naturphiloso- phische Fragen ein wie viele in der Mechanik oder Wirmelehre bespro- chenen. Trotzdem wird auch der philosophisch gerichtete Leser reiche Anregung in dem Buche finden; fiir den Fachmann bildet es eine Fundgrube interessanter Gesichtspunkte. [Briinn (Mahren).] Ernst Biocu. REVIEWS 563 Friedrich Dannemann. — Die Naturwissenschaften in threr Entwic- klung und in ihrem Zusammenhange, 2te Auflage, II. Band. Von GALILEI bis zur Mitte des xvul. Jahrhunderts. Mit 133 Abb. x +5088. Leipzig, ENGELMANN, 1921. The first edition of this volume appeared in 1911 (1). It is clear that the author has taken pains to enlarge and improve both the text and the illustrations of his work. Two new chapters have been added, namely those bearing the nos. 7 and 2] in the list below. It is interesting indeed to reproduce briefly Dr. DANNEMANN’s plan. After quoting the title of each chapter, I have added a few words between brackets to show more precisely what it contains. 1. Antiquity and modern times (contrast between ancient and modern thought, historical background); 2. New instruments for research (microscope ; telescope); 3. GALILEO (not less than 61 p. are devoted to him, but that does not seem too much ; the author has accepted too readily WouLWI.v’s conclusions) ; 4. Extension of inductive research (Accademia del Cimento, Borex, thermoscope, Riccioni, GRIMALDI, GILBERT and GUERICKE, Bacon’; 5. TycHo and KEPLER (JOHANN HEVEL); 6. Influence of mathematics upon the progress of natural sciences (STEVIN, VIETA, GIRARD, CARDANO— DESCARTES, FERMAT — NEWTON, LEIBNIZ ; 7. Relations between science and the new philosophy (DescarrTes, GASSENDI, HuyGEeNs, Newron, Lerpniz): 8. Elaboration of the physics of fluids (Stevin, TorriceELLI, PASCAL, GUERICKE, BoyLe, MARIOTTE) ; 9. Further development of iatrochemistry and foundation of scientific chemistry by BoyLte (HetmMont, LiBavius, GLAUBER, BOYLE, JOHN Mayow); 10. Development of botany and zoology (Ciusius, LoBELius, Marrioui, K. BAusin — CaESALPINO — JOACHIM JUNGIUS, TOURNEFORT — Joun Kay); 11. Foundation of scientific academies; 12. Nrewron; 13. HuyGens and other contemporaries of Newron (the BeRNOULLIS, Mariotte, HAutey, Cassini, TSCHIRNHAUSEN, LeIBNIz; this chapter is very long; it would have been advisable to cut it in two); 14. Foun- dation of modern mineralogy and geology (Steno, Kircuer, BARTHOLIN, KUNKEL, Becuer, MARGGRAF); 15. Anatomy and physiology (Harvey, Hooke, Boreti, Ma.picgui); 16. First results of the microscopical study of lower animals (SWAMMERDAM, Repi, MALPIGHI, LEEUWENHOEK); 17. Foundation of the anatomy of plants, discovery of their sexuality (Hooke, Grew, MAvpicui, CAMEeRARIUS); 18. Further development of mechanics, optics and acoustics (the BerNouLuis, EvLer, JoHN Har- RISON, SAUVEUR, D'ALEMBERT, LAGRANGE, LAMBERT, CHLADNI); 19. Pro- (1) I reviewed it in the Rerue générale des sciences, t. 23, p. 202, 1912. — See also Isis, 11, 218; iV, 110. 564 Isis. Iv. 1922 gress of astronomy and celestial mechanics (MAUPERTUIS, CLAIRAUT, HALLEY, MASKELYNE, BRADLEY, LAMBERT, EULER); 20. Mineralogy and geology in xvuith cent. | Linnk, CRonNSTEDT, BERGMANN, ROME DE LISLE, LEHMANN, FiicHsEL, GUETTARD, Burron, PALLAS, SAUSSURE, WERNER, Hutton, Knorr); 21. Natural science and the period of enlightenment (only a few pages). This outline shows that Dr. DANNEMANN’s work is very comprehen- sive. In that respect it is far more satisfactory than the first volume, which was altogether too sketchy. The explanations are clear and simple. Corrections have been made in the text by Ed. 0. von LippMANN, and a few additional notes contributed by E. WirpEMANN and J. Wiirscumipt are printed at the end. The bibliographic notes refer chiefly to OsrwaLp’s Klassiker and to other German publications, but the author of a semi-popular book is justi- fied in doing so. In the absence of any other work comparable to it, Dr DANNEMANN’S history deserves to be translated into English. GEORGE SARTON. Br. Petronievics. — L’ Evolution universelle. Exposé des preuves et des lois de l’évolution mondiale et des évolutions particuliéres (inorga- nique, intellectuelle et sociale) I. L’Evolution mondiale, inorga-, nique et organique, 214 p. (200 x 125), 3 fig. et 1 tableau dans le texte. Paris, Féirx Aucan, 1921. [fr. 7.50] Trés étendue par son programme, quoique petite dans ses dimen- sions, est la premicre partie du nouvel ouvrage de Br. PETRONIEVICS, professeur 4 l’université de Belgrade, dés longtemps adonné 4 la métaphysique, et auteur de Principes de la théorie de la connaissance, de Principes de métaphysique (deux vol. parus), et d’un travail sur Les géométries typiques et 'Infini, tous publiés en langue allemande de 1900 a 3912. L’auteur ne se propose en effet rien moins que de traiter le probleme de l’évolution considérée dans toute son étendue. laissant cependant de eoté la question des causes du probléme évolutif, pour laquelle bien des solutions ont été proposées, sans qu’il soit possible de tenir aucune d’entre elles pour définitive. Ii se borne done a exposer les preuves de l’évolution, 4 en discuter la valeur objective, a en déter- miner le degré de certitude, et 4 énoncer ses lois principales, dans la mesure ou on les connait. Qui dit évolution universelle dit a la fois évolution de l’univers considéré dans la totalité des choses existantes (le probléme est ici dordre métaphysique), et évolution dans les domaines particuliers de la réalité, fait d’ordre scientifique. Br. Perronievics aborde done ces REVIEWS 565 deux ordres de questions, mais réserve cependant pour un second volume l’éyvolution intellectuelle et sociale, et la loi générale de l’évolution. L’ouvrage débute par un court exposé historique du développement de l’idée d’évolution, de THALES 4 BERGSON, puis vient une bonne défini- tion du concept d’évolution, considérée comme « le devenir d'une chose par degrés successifs de changements », cette définition impliquant a la fois changements, devenir, et degrés, sans rien préjuger sur la direction suivant laquelle se font ces changements. Les chapitres suivants sont consacrés au probleme de l’évolution totale de l’univers (considérée par l’auteur comme hypothétique}, de lévolution inorganique et de l’évolution organique, le tout exposé avec beaucoup de clarté, avec une méthode rigoureuse. Malheureusement, PETRONIEVICS a laissé passer ici des erreurs qui. quoique ne diminuant pas l’exactitude des lois énoncées, jettent un trouble sur la légitimité des conclusions qui viendront couronner son édifice. I] considére, par exemple, l’existence de l’éther comme établie expérimentalement; il croit que la principale source qu’on puisse imaginer pour l’énergie solaire, c’est la contraction, le travail mécanique produit par la gravi- tation se transformant en chaleur; les nébuleuses sont pour lui des masses gazeuses froides, etc. Mais il y a plus: ce travail dans lequel se trouvent groupées, cri- tiquées avec beaucoup de soins judicieux, les lois si nombreuses qu’on acru pouvoir énoncer relativement a ]’évolution du monde organique, est rendu de lecture trés pénible par le nombre de fautes d’impres- sion, d’erreurs typographiques, d’incorrections de langue qu’on y a laissé passer. Il mérite infiniment mieux que la présentation qui nous en est donnée; et il faut souhaiter que lors de la parution de la seconde partie, celle dont nous venons de nous occuper soit rééditée avec plus de soin, avec un souci plus grand de déférence pour le lecteur; a cette occasion, l’auteur pourrait aussi, puisque l’ceuvre s'adresse surtout a des lecteurs de langue francaise, donner dans ses notes bibliogra- phiques, les indications des traductions francaises des ouvrages auxquels il se référe — ils sont presque tous traduits — et non pas seulement celles des mémoires originaux. L. GUINET. Edmond Goblot. — Le sjsléme des sciences. (Le vrai, l'intelligible, le réel), 259 p. (190 x 120); Paris, AkRmMANp Co.in, 1922. {7 fr.] Ce livre, dans lequel Gostor nous donne quelques résultats de ses recherches sur la science et la philosophie, a pour origine une série de conférences faites en 1921 a l'Université de Barcelone. On retrouve naturellement au cours de cette revue du systéme de la science dans 566 ISIS. Iv. 1922 laquelle l’auteur cherche, non pas des ressemblances et des différences qualitatives, mais des rapports de dépendance et de subordination, bon nombre des idées déja exposées dans l’Essai sur la Classification des Sciences (1898), et dans le Traité de logique (V. Isis, III, 306-307). L’idée centrale est la suivante : la science part de l’expérience, ¢’est- a-dire « du réel, et tend a intelligible. Plus elle est élaborée, plus elle est loin de la réalité. Mais nous disons qu'elle est vraie quand elle sert utilement et sans mécomptes notre commerce avec la réalité » (p. 88). Les notions fondamentales qui sont a la base des grandes familles de science sont des notions empiriques: quantité pure en arithmétique et en algebre, espace (la seule chose qui soit directement mesura ble) en géométrie, espace et temps en mécanique, matiere en physique, especes de matiere en chimie, etc., fonctions de convenance complexe (adaptées) constituant des processus complets de finalité, c’est-a-dire ayant un terme initial, des termes moyens et un terme final, pour les sciences biologiques, la psychologie et les sciences morales. Mais si partout Vesprit part de l’expérience, nulle part il ne s’en contente; de méme que l’évolution de la physique, par exemple, va vers la mécanique rationnelle, de méme toutes les sciences, d’abord empiriques, tendent a devenir rationnelles. Et la métaphysique elle- méme, qui se prétend science abstraite, comporte une part d’empi- risme, puisqu’elle ne peut atteindre le réel sans faire appel a l’expeé- rience. celle-ci pouvant seule nous apprendre que quelque chose est. « Il n’y a donc pas de philosophie en dehors de la science ». L. GUINET. Hollander, Eugen. — Wunder, Wundergeburt und Wundergestalt in Einblattdrucken des fiinfzehnten bis achtzehnten Jahrhunderts. Kulturhistorische Studie, xvi+373 p., 202 illustr, Stuttgart, ENKE 1921. Dr. HoLLANDer’s studies on the relations of art and medicine are well known (1). The collection of prints dating from the xvth to the Xvilth century, which he is now offering us is not simply of medical interest, it will be of great value to the historian of thought, chiefly the historian of mass psychology and superstition, to the psychologist and the philosopher. It is a collection of monstrosities, most of them human. ‘The uneducated people have always been intensely interested in monsters, chiefly in those of their own race. This curiosity is closely akin to the love of the marvellous, of the abnormal, whichever it be, and, although it is not necessarily morbid, it is dangerously (1) See sis, IV, 370. ee REVIEWS 567 similar to various unhealthy superstitions, such as those connected with devilry, sorcery and black magic. That such curiosity is still flourish- ing is sufficiently proved by the fact that no circus would be deemed complete without its miserable retinue of human monsters : giants, dwarfs, misformed men, bearded women and the like. There are still enough people in the most civilized nations to admire the vulgar pat- terns of a tattooed body or to pay tribute to the fat woman. To give an idea of the variety of Dr. HoLLanper’s teratological gallery, the best that I can do is to enumerate a few of the subjects. Monstrous babies (double ones: others partly or irregularly developed). Monstrous animals. Armless men. Giants. Dwarfs. Hairy men, bearded women. Centenarians. Hornedmen. Acardiaci. Thisfirst section dealing with anatomical monstrosities contains about 5 incuna- bula and 21 xvith cent. prints. The following sections will be of greater interest to the student of human folly, for they deal with the love of wonders. Dr. HoLLANpDER shows us curious prints illustrating witchcraft; fantastic animals; transformation of men into animals (prints dated 1673 and 1701); marvellous peculiarities of plants and animals; extraordinary fasting or eating; bloodsweating; stigmatisa- tion; women bringing forth animals; miracles connected with hosts; marvellous eggs; one-legged men; headless men; men with tails... In the final sections the author examines the attitude of the Church with regard to monstrosities, their reaction upon fashion and politics and the theories imagined to explain them (ARIsToTLE; Konrap von Me- GENBERG; fears or dreams of the mother during pregnancy, etc.). An abundant commentary is added to the illustrations and an intro- duction explains the attitude of antiquity with regard to monsters (hermaphrodites for ex.). The author has also provided a short bibliography but no index. The prints are very well reproduced, — in fact it seems to me, too well. For the luxury of this melancholy book is rather painful, especially in a time of scarcity. It must be admitted, moreover, that the greatest number of these drawings are ugly and unpleasant, and their lack of artistic value is hardly compen- sated by their scientific interest. Yet this inquiry had to be made, and Dr. HorrAnpER was unusually well prepared to make it well. GEORGE SARTON Edward Lawrence. — Spiritualism among civilised and savage races. A study in anthropology, ximi+112 p., 6 illustr. London, Buiack, 1921. The burden of this little book is « that no difference exists between the savage’s idea of a spirit world and that entertained by modern 568 Isis. Iv. 1922 spiritualists. In both cases spirit-land is not far away, as the Chris- tian conceives Heaven and Hell to be, but nearby, in, and surrounding, the present material world. And in that land of ghosts everything goes on just as it does in the world of flesh ». To accomplish his purpose, the author as given us a clear summary of spiritualistic beliefs, on the one hand among European and other civilized races, on the other among barbaric and savage races. He has performed a very useful task in denouncing the crude and disgraceful superstitions too often associated with spiritualism. He is essentially right when he claims that « spiritualism is nothing but the fag-end of an old super- stition — a superstition which obsesses the mind of barbaric man, because he does not possess the necessary knowledge which explains natural phenomena, a knowledge which only modern science is ina position to furnish ». Yet his case would have been much stronger if he had been careful to state that some of the purer ideas underlying the spiritualistic belief are not necessarily wrong. Science can not yet tell us anything about the human soul; but it does not follow that positive knowledge of facts concerning souls. ghosts and spirits is necessarily unobtainable. The true scientific attitude is one of doubt and reverence. Itis pretty certain, however, thatif we are to know anything about psychic phenomena it will not be by the grotesque means used by uncritical people sitting in the dark around a tipping table that we will discover it, but by the rigorous application of the best scientific methods. Itis also a pity that LAWRENCE should have spoiled his otherwise excellent argument by phrases which smack more of controversy than of dispassionate criticism. For example, after having spoken of the performance of a South American medi- cineman, he concludes by remarking that the wizard « medium-like, demanded payment ». Now, mediums, like priests, must live; if some of them show a rapacious disposition, it does not follow that their « religion » is false. Such remarks are irrelevant. I wish that a new edition may soon give the author an opportunity to revise his book from that point of view. As far as he denounces superstition and unreason I am entirely in sympathy with him. GEORGE SARTON. William Radcliffe (Sometime of Balliol College, Oxford). — Fishing from the earliest times, xvu+478 p., illustrated, New York, Dutton, 1921. [10 dollars. ] This is an encyclopaedia of fishing from the earliest times down to about the Vth century, but the author’s irrepressible discursiveness causes him to speak not simply of fishing and fish but of many other REVIEWS 569 things and to forget as well his chronological limit. The historian of zoology will find in ita great deal of fish-lore which RapciirrE has patiently « fished » in the literature of all nations and all times. Of course to the scholar this discursiveness is nothing less than unpleasant and the author's efforts to be witty in and out of season become quickly irritating. It seems a pity that such a good classical scholar has not derived more discretion from his old acquaintance with Greek culture. The undév &yav has apparently made but little impression upon him! We must be grateful to him, however, for the pains he has taken; we will forget his preciosity and his discursiveness for the sake of his « serendipity » and remember that this book of his is the first com- plete account of fishing in ancient times. After an introduction in which pre-historic conditions are briefly dealt with, the author treats successively Greek and Roman fishing (235 p.), Egyptian fishing (45 p), Assyrian fishing (45 p.), Jewish fishing (49 p.) and finally Chinese fishing (20 p.). According to the author (whose theory is but one among others), prehistoric fishing developed in the following order: fishing with the hand; with the hunting spear; with a line of some sort; with a net. By the way, it is a remarkable fact — well emphasized by Rapciirre — that the line of both the ancients and the moderns down till the xviith century was a tight, as opposed to arunning line. For his account of Egyptian methods, he has made good use of Oric Bares’ monograph. 1917 (1). The earliest representation of angling is an Egyptian painting of Beni Hasan dating from c. 2000 B. c.; the next one is a Theban painting of c. 1400 B. c.: in both cases arod is used. Now it is extremely curious that the ancient Babylonians and Hebrews despite their long connection with Egypt, never employed the rod! This fact should be compared with the many cases reported by Fiinpers Perris (2) with reference to Egyptian tools and weapons and be a new warning to historians who underestimate nearly always the inherent originality of peoples. The earliest recorded contract of fishing occurs in the second year of Darius II, 422 B. c.; it deals with netting in Babylonian waters; RapCLirrE gives its full text, as also of a similar document dated 419 8. c. (3). His book brings us a new tribute to ARIsToTLe’s wisdom, for (as Tuomas E. Lones had pointed out before, in 1912) ARISTOTLE Was the first to note that the scales of a fish make possible (1) See Jsis IV, 426 (2) See Isis, III, 314. (3) See Jsis, Ill], 317. 570 ISIS. Iv. 1922 a shrewd, in the case of murex an exact, computation of its age (1). RADCLIFFR argues that the following lines of Martiau (Ep., V, 18, 7): Namque quis nescit Avidum vorata decipi scarum musca ? are the first mention of fishing with a fly, and furthermore that the allusion refers to an artificial fly. That is hypothetical, however, and the more so that some critics prefer the reading vorato... musco. At any rate, AELIAN (beg. of mird cent.) explains the « Macedonian invention », that is, the use of an artificial fly, in his Natural History (XV, 1). No other mention of itis known down to Dame JuLiana’s Book (ce. 1500). If Martian must be denied the honor of this priority, he may at least be acclaimed as being the author of the first notice « fishing strictly prohibited » (IV, 30): Baiano procul a lacu recede Piscator : fuge, ne nocens recedas. As an instance of Rapcuirre’s discursiveness, let me say that apropos of various superstitions connected with fishing, he speaks of the fanciful ideas entertained for some two thousand years on the propa- gation of Eels, ending with a clear summary of the true explanation discovered in 1904 by JoHANN Scumipt of Copenhagen. Scumipt found in September 1920 that the spawning place of European fresh water Eels is not far S. of Bermuda (ab. 27° N., 60° W.), much farther W. than he anticipated. This is rather a welcome digression; they are not all equally happy. The most interesting part of the book to me is the very brief account of the history of pisciculture, which will be found in two places (p. 289- 293 ; 461-464). The Chinese developed this art at an early date. The first pisciculturist, as also the earliest writer on the subject, was T’ao Cuu KuneG (= Fan Li) who lived in the vth century B. c. It must be admitted, however, that his « Treatise on Fishbreeding » (Yang Yu Ching) isa strange production. A Board of Fisheries had been estab- lished in China many centuries before Christ, and the Chou Li already alludes to an organization of that sort. The earliest Western writer was the Roman Varro (first cent. B. c.). But it should be noted that the method of both the Chinese and the Romans was to gather eggs (1) cfr. Natural History, VIII, 30: « the old fish are distinguishable by the size and the hardness of their scales »; Ibidem, V, 15: « the mureo: lives for about six years and the yearly increase is indicated by a distinct interval in the spiral convolution of the shell ». REVIEWS 571 already naturally fertilized. Dom Picnon (1), a monk of the abbey of Réome, who wrote about 1420, seems the first to have conceived the idea of artificially fecundating the eggs of fish (trout), (p. 291, «he pressed out in turn the milt of a male and the eggs of a female into water, which he then agitated with his finger... »). LEONARD MASCALL gave recipes for preserving spawn in his Booke of Fishing, 1590. But we have to wait until the middle of the xvimth century to obtain practi- cal results, the first of which were obtained by the Swede Lunp. The first to achieve considerable success (at about the same time) was Jacosi of Westphalia, who for his services was granted by England a pension for life. In 1845 two fishermen of La Bresse, Remi and Gru, were given a prize by the Society of the Vosges for a similar achieve- ment: on investigation by the Academy of Sciences in 1849, it was found that they had been led from conclusions based entirely on their own obseryations, for they were quite unlettered and ignorant! How is it then that a discovery of such vital importance was not made before? I wish I knew more about these great benefactors of mankind (2). G. SARTON. (1) Who was this Pichon or Pinchon? The author uses both spellings and gives no reference? And where is the Abbey of Réome? Should it not be La Réole, near Bordeaux? Rapcvirre says that the elusive MS. of Dom Picnon was written about 1420 but only rediscovered about 1850. Where and by whom? (2) Rémy and Gruin were two fishermen. I have not been able to find any other information on the latter, but a few lines are devoted to JosepH Rémy (b. in La Bresse, Vosges, 1804-d. 1855) in the Grande Encyclopédie. I wish one of the French correspondents of Jsis could be persuaded to tell us the lives of these two great men. Vou tv-3 40 Twelfth Critical Bibliography of the History and Philosophy of Science and of the History of Civilization (to March 1922). This Twelfth Bibliography contains 538 notes, of which a few have been contributed by A.-K. Coomaraswamy (Boston), L. Guiner (Brus- sels), P. MAsson-OuRsEL (Paris) and C. Scuoy (Essen). The arrange- ment and leading principles of this bibliography have been fully explained in vol. III, 159-170; a complete plan of classification will be found also in the present volume, p. 124-125. The reader will keep in mind that Part I is the fundamental classification (centurial) and that Parts II and III contain only such items which could not be included in Part I. I may add that I am preparing an « Introduction to the History and Philosophy of Science », which will contain a critical and synthetic bibliography of the whole field (see Jsis, IV, 23-31). When the Intro- duction is published (in 1924?) the Critical Bibliographies appearing in Isis will be, so to say, periodical supplements to it. It is hoped that the scholars who do not yet see the value of our classification will understand it better when this Introduction has enabled them to survey with comparative ease the whole field of scientific endeavor throughout the ages. 1 am anxious to obtain the assistance of more collaborators in order that this bibliography be as good as possible. I would be especially grateful to scholars who would undertake to sub-edit one of the chapters, e. g. Greece, or Middle Ages, or astronomy, or botany. The best result would be obtained if every special chapter were edited by a specialist. But that would require teamwork of the first class, and the more so in that Parts II and III should remain subordinate to Part I. There are still other ways to collaborate to this biblio- graphy : one may undertake to analyze a certain number of periodicals, or else send in separate notes at random. As this bibliography appears only twice a year I beg the authors to take pains that books and papers on the history and philosophy of science and the history of civilization be sent to me as soon as ° WIA.) So vitha GC. \S 2 FOAL. 0; 573 they are published. Even then almost a year may elapse before they are included. The aim of this bibliography is to establish the History of Science as an independent discipline and to serve as a center of information and a rallying ground to the scholars engaged in these studies. I can not succeed entirely without their assistance, and they can help me in many ways. To serve them, as well as I can, is both my duty and my pleasure. Critical work must be approached in a spirit of service or left untouched. Harvard Library 183, Cambridge, Massachusetts. GEORGE SARTON. Easter 1922. PART I. Fundamental Classification (centurial). S. VHI A. C. Sidersky, D. L'inscription de Silohé. Journal asiatique, t. 11, p. 558- 561, 1918. I87S Cette inscription, éditée et traduite par Smpersky (la premiére édition en fut faite par CLeRMONT-GANNEAU en 1888), relate le percement du canal de Silohé pour amener l'eau dans la Cité de Davin, travail accompli sur |’ordre d’Ezéoutas, roi de Judée (viir* siécle av. J.-C.). 8. S. VIA. C. Jayaswal, K. P. Another Saisunaka statue. Journ. Bihar and Orissa Research Society, vol. V, p. 550-551, 1919. 1818 Refers to the Parkham image in the Mathura museum, hitherto regarded as Mauryan. The inscription is read as referring to KuNika AJaTaSaTRU (d. 518 8. c.). See the same author's Statues of two SaiSunaka emperors, in the same volume. (s. v. A. ©.) By ers Van Buren, Mrs. E. Douglas. Figurative terra-cotta revetments in Etruria and Latium in the vith and vth centuries B. c., 32 pl. Lon- don, Murray, 1921. isis SAV ‘As CG Ehrenberg, Victor. Zu Hrropor. Klio, t. 16, p. 318-331. Leipzig, 1920. isis (1) Zu Heropors Angaben tiber die Gestalt Aegyptens (corrections to C. Sourpitie. La durée et l'étendue du voyage d’Htropotr en Egypte, Paris, 1910; which Enrenpere considers to be the best book on the subject); (2) Die Quelle des skythischen Stammsage in IV, p. 8-10. G. S. 574 SVIV A..G) \Sia0\ A). Gs SI TAN Jayaswal, K. P. Statues of two Saisunaka emperors (483-409 B. c.). Journ. Bihar and Orissa Research Society, vol. V, p. 88-106, 1919. This very important paper, read in conjunction with the articles by Banergl, R.-D.; Buarracarya, B.-C.; Smita, V.-A.: Barnett, L.-D.; Sen, A.; HaraprasaD SAStTRI; and Mr. Jayaswav’s reply in the same volume, and the remarks by Smitu, V.-A., in Journ. Roy. Asiatic. Soc., London, 1920, p. 154-155 shows that certain splendid and massive sculp- tures in the round hitherto dated as Mauryan must be regarded as statues of pre-Mauryan kings. The sculptures referred to include particularly the two figures from Patna now in the Calcutta Museum, and some others. The paper by HaraprsasaD SaSTRI includes a valuable account of early costume. The new ascriptions are based mainly upon the evidence of the inscriptions. See also the same author’s Another Saisunaka statue in the same volume. (S. VI A. C ). A, KG: Taylor, A. E. Puaro’s biography of Socratres. Proceedings of the British Academy, 93-132, 1917-1918. 1SI8 Taytor’s conclusion is that PLato’s writings offer us a full and faithful portrait of his master. G. 8. S. IVA. C. Emmanuel, Maurice. Le corps de l’harmonie d’apres AristoTEe. Revue des études grecques, t. 32, p. 179-189, 1919. {SIs Howald, Ernst. Die Schriftenverzeichnisse des ARISTOTELES und des Tueopurasts. Hermes, t. 55, p. 204-221, 1920. ISIS Matthew, William Diller. PLaro’s Atlantis in Palaeogeography. Pro- ceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, t. 6, p. 17-18, 1920. Isis Scientific evidence does not lend any support whatsoever to PLato’s Atlantis. It is a fable G. S. Robin, Léon. Etudes sur la signification et la place de la physique dans la philosophie de Piaton. (Extrait de la Revue philosophique, 1918.) 96 p. Paris, ALcan, 1919. ISI8 S. HW A. C. Kramrisch. The representation of nature in early Buddhist sculpture (Bharhut and Sanchi). Rupam, n° 8, p. 7-10, Oct. 1921. Isis A somewhat searching analysis of the psychological meaning of the idioms of Indian seulpture in the second century B. C. A. K. C. S. 1A. °C. Bellessort, André. VirGiLe. Son ceuvre et son temps, 335 p. 6° éd., Paris, Perrin, 1920. [Copyright 1920.] 1818 « Jaurais atteint mon but, sice livre contribuait 4 répandre et 4 préciser les raisons que nous avons d’admirer et d’aimer VirGiLE et de voir en lui non seulement un des plus beaux génies, mais le plus noble inspirateur de notre art, le pére de notre poésie moderne, celui dont l’ceuvre réfléchit déja, BE 575 comme le bouclier d’En&e, toute la gloire e+ l’humanité de la civilisation latine. » Birnbaum, Adalbert. Virruvius und die griechische Architektur. Denkschriften d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. in Wien, philos. hist. Kl, 57. Bd., 4. Abhdl., 63 p., 4 Textbild., 10 Taf. Wien, 1914. 1818 The author has tried to establish the origin of the architectural types which Virruvius does not explicitly ascribe to the Greeks (this is the case for the Ionic pseudopteros, the Greek forum, house, theatre and palestra) ; in the second place, he has tried to determine the time and place, that is, the school of the Greek elements in Vitruvius’ work. To realize this aim, BirnzpavuM had to reconstruct the monuments described by Virruvius and to compare them with existing monuments. VirRuvius’ materials were of Ionian origin. G. S. Ebhardt, Bodo. Die zehn Biicher der Architektur des Virruvius und ihre Herausgeber seit 1484. Mit einem Verzeichnis der vorhan- denen Ausgaben mit Erliiuterungen nach der Sammlung solcher im Besitz des Verfassers, 102 p., 100 ill. Berlin (Grunewald), Burg- verlag. [No date, after 1915.] sts This very well printed and well illustrated book contains an introduction dealing with Roman architecture and Vitruvius’ life; then an analysis of the Ten Books; finally a « catalogue raisonné » of the editions published from 1484 to 1915. Some of these editions are fully described. The most pleasant feature of this book is the rich collection of illustrations borrowed from many editions. The author has given us a real iconographia Vitru- viana ! G. S Schramm, E. Erliiuterung der Geschiitzbeschreibung bei Virruvius, vol. X, p. 10-12. Sitzungsberichte der preuss. Ak. d. Wiss., p. 718-734, 1917. 1s18 Ss. 1. Jourdan, Paul. Notes de critique verbale sur Scriponius LARGus. (Thése, Neuchatel,) 107 p. Paris, Kiincksieck, 1919. 1818 Les notes de critique verbale sont d’un intérét purement philologique, et dans l’absence de manuscrit sont naturellement fort incertaines (notre plus ancien texte des « Conpositiones » est |’édition princeps de Paris, 1529, due a Jean pu Ruxit), mais je signale cet opuscule aux historiens a cause de son introduction ‘bibliographie, vie et ceuvre de Scrisonius, éditeurs et éditions des « Conpositiones ») et de ’'appendice sur les indications de poids et mesures dans le dosage des préparations pharmaceutiques. Les « Conpo- sitiones » furent rédigées vers 47. i, Knorr, Robert. Tépfer und Fabriken verzierter Terra-Sigillata des ersten Jahrhunderts. Mit 100 Tafeln, 52 Textbildern und chrono- logischer Tabelle, x4-140 p. Stuttgart, W. Kon_tuammer, 1919. 1sI8 Lecierc, Henri. Servitius Damocrate, poéte polypharmaque. Janus, 24° année, p. 125-134, 1919. 1818 D'origine grecque, il naquit peut-étre en Asie-Mineure. I] exercait la médecine & Rome vers le milieu du I* sidcle. Il écrivit cing ouvrages en vers iambiques, énumérés par Garten : 1° Kdlvixog (liber clinicus), consacré 4 l'étude de trois médicaments; 2° mu@ixdc (liber pythicus), traitant des drogues utilisées dans les maladies de la gorge et de la bouche; 3° traité 576 S. iI des antidotes; 4° BipAia THY mapudKwv; 5° mididtpoc, compendium de vul- garisation pharmacologique. Il ne reste de ces poémes que dix-huit frag- ments reproduits par GaLiENn et dont trois sont ici traduits en frangais : Liiberis, herbe recommandée dans le traitement de la sciatique ; la poudre dentifrice ; le diacode, un sirop calmant, la premiére préparation maniable ayant pour base opium (dia kwduwv, kwdva = téte de pavot). G.S8. Mock, Rudolf. Pflanzliche Arzneimittel bei Dioskuripes, die schon im Corpus Hippocraticum vorkommen (Diss.), 44 p. Tiibingen, Zaupp, 1919 (not seen). ISIS Strunz, Erich. Zahnheilkundliches in der Naturalis Historia des Gasus Puinius Secunpus. (Diss., SupHorrs Institut), 36 p. Leipzig, 1921. Isis An elaborate compilation of everything in the Nat. hist. which may be of interest to the dentist. G. S. Symes, John Elliotson. The evolution of the New Testament, xvill+353 p. London, Murray, 1921. 1318 Trilk, Fritz. Die zahnirztliche Pharmakotherapie in den « Composi- tiones ») des Scrisontus Lareus. (Diss , SupHoFr’s Institut), 43 p. Leipzig, 1921. ISIS (1) Therapie der Zahnkrankheiten ; (2) Therapie der Mund- urd Kiefer- krankheiten; (3) Blutstillung; (4) Schlafmittel. Verzeichnis der vorkom- menden Arzneimittel. « Scriponius’ Therapie der Mund- und Kieferkrankheiten und die Ordi- nationsweise sind nach damaliger Zeit ausgezeichnet und grosstenteils durchaus rationell, mitunter sogar recht moderner Art, so dass unsere heutige wissenschaftliche Kritik gegen sie kaum etwas Ernstliches ein- wenden kann. « Von den angewandten Mitteln sind viele — ich erinnere nur an Opium — fast unverandert oder in etwas anderer Form in unsern heutigen Arzneimittelschatz aufgenommen und so auch mit zu dessen Grundlagen geworden. » G. 8: Wilke, Georg. Archidologische Erliuterungen zur Germania des Tacitus, 84 p., 74 illustr. Leipzig, K.apirzscu, 1921. 1818 Dr. G. WiLkE to whom we owe already very important prehistorical studies (published in the Mannus Bibliothek) has investigated Tacitus’ Germania with special reference to the archaeological evidence. The result of his inquiry is a justification of the Germania. He considers successively the following topics : geography and natural resources of the country; external appearance of the Germans; tribes; clothing; arms; settlements and dwellings; husbandry and food: arts and crafts; commerce; customs; chronometry; religion. Many archaeological monuments are reproduced. This book will be equally useful to the student of Tacrrus and to the student of European prehistory, GS: S. Hi, Reich, Hugo. Die pseudogalenischen Schriften « de usu farmacorum » und « de clisteribus et colica » in der Dresdner GALEN Handschrift. (Diss., Leipzig, Auszug), 8 p. Leipzig 192!. — Discussion of these two pseudo-Galenic treatises contained in the Dresden Latin Ms. of GaLen, Db, 92.93. G. 8. Ss. UL. Ss. IV 577 Ullrich, Friedrich. Die anatomische und vivisektorische Technik des GAuENos. (Diss., Leipzig), 54 p. Werdau i. Sa., 1919. 1813 A study of GALEN’s technique; material used, instruments, nomencla- ture; special methods of dissection for various tissues and organs; vivisec- tion; physiological experiments. A very useful investigation. G. S Wessely. C. Protkmrr, géographie, 1V,5, 24 et le papyrus Rainer, n° 259. Revue des études grecques, t. 32, p. 504-507, 1919. 1813 Ss. Il. Cumont, Franz. Comment Puiotin détourna Porpuyre du suicide. Revue des études grecques, t. 32, p. 113-120, 1919. 1818 Jeanselme, E. Du tarif des denrées et des salaires sous Diociérien. Extrait de Paris Médical, 2 p. (sans date). Isis S. IV. Albertini. Table de mesures de Djemila. Comptes rendus de l' Académie des inscriptions, p. 315-319, 1920. Isis Bidez, J. Le philosophe JAMBLIQUE et son école. Revue des études grecques, t. 32, p. 29-40, 1919. 1813 Cuq, Edouard. Une statistique de locaux affectés a l’habitation dans la Rome impériale. Mémoires de Académie des Inscriptions, t. 40, p- 279-335. Paris, 1916. 1813 Based on a document of Constantine's time, the Notitia (334) or Curiosum urbis Romae regionum quatuordecim (after 357), and especially on the following phrase : « insulae per totam urbem XLVI-DCII, domus MD-CCXC ». What do the words insula and domus actually mean? According to Cua, insula is not an apartment house but an apartment. It is not possible, however, to deduct the population of Kome from these figures. G. S. Monceaux, Paul. Une invocation au « Curistus medicus » sur une pierre de Timgad. Comptes rendus de l’'Académie des Inscriptions, p. 75-83, 1920. (sis « Subveni, Cristz, tu sole medicus sanctis et penitentibus matrem manibus et pedibus defendentibus ». Date du rv® siécle ou du début du y° siécle; probablement du temps d’AveusTIN. G. S. Monceaux, Paul. L’évolution intellectuelle de saint AuGusTIN. Journal des savants, p. 241-253, 1920. 1818 Apropos of P. Atraric. L’évolution intellectuelle de saint Aueustin, t. I. Paris, 1918. Schipper, Joseph. Ein neuer Text der Gynaecia des VINDICIAN aus einer Miinchener Handschrift des 12. Jahrhunderts (Cod. lat. 4622, Blatt 40.45), (Diss., Leipzig), 29 p. Erlangen, 1921. 1818 This Ms. dates from the middle of the xuth century; it contains various texts without titles or authors’ names. The Vinpictanus text begins thus : « Omne opus medicine quod in hoc volumine contuli propter hominem describere statui », and ends : « Huic vulve collus directus positus est, cuius cervix erigitur, usque ad locum, in quo res venerio perficiuntur, » The author has added a good summary of our knowledge of Vinpicianus. G. S. 578 S. Va 'S. vi’ St "vir ap Ys Jeanselme, E. De la levée en masse au temps des Wisigoths. Insoumis et déserteurs, réformes légitimes, réformes frauduleuses. Extrait de Paris médical, 2 p. (sans date) ISIS Information derived from the Leges Wisigothorum. Gerd, Thomas, Antoine. Une nouvelle édition de MArcELLus de Bordeaux. Journal des savants, p. 15-21, 1920. 1818 A propos de « Marcg.ii de medicamentis liber » Rec. Max NIEDERMANN, xxxvi -++ 368 p. Leipzig, TzuBNEeR, 1916. Ss. VI. Haldar, A. K. The paintings of the Bagh Caves. Rupam, no. 8, p. 12-19, Oct. 1921. Isis Buddhist paintings contemporary with the latest Ajanta painting (vith century); now in a very bad state of preservation. ASCs Lehmann, Alfred. Die zahnirztliche Lehre des Atrios aus Amida (Diss., SupHoFFs Institut), 48 p. Halle a S., Henpricus, 1921. ISIS Kinleitung. Materia medica, Dentition. Krankheiten der Zahne. Erkran- kungen des Zahnfleisches. Abfeilen der Zaihne, Extraktion. Allgemeiner Lehrgang iiber Anwendung aller Mundsalben. Literatur. G. S. Nosske, Bernhard. ALEXANDRI (TRALLIANI?) « liber de agnoscendis febribus et [= ex] pulsibus et urinis », aus dem « Breslauer Codex Salernitanus ». (Diss., SupHoFrs Institut, Leipzig), 39 p. Borna- Leipzig, R. Noske, 1919. Isis The oldest Latin Ms. of this text (Angers) dates from the 1xth century ; hence a Salernitan origin is excluded, the more so that no ALEXANDER is quoted among the many doctors of the Salernitan school. Yet this text was known in Salerno, since it was included in the great Salernitan Ms. of Breslau. Then many Greek words suggest a Greek origin. If it be a Greek writing, which ALEXANDER is the author? Possibly but not certainly ALEXANDER of Tralles. The text was probably translated into Latin in South Italy sometime in the vuth or vith century. It begins thus : « Omnium causarum dum esset difficilis ratio ad praevidendum, non nullarum febrium dimensiones vel dimmissiones vel imminentis spiritus impetus, qualiter ex urinarum diversitate et venarum ratio pulsu agnosci possit, arguto stilo conscripsi, non confusa ratione medicinalis inordinata quantitas querenti pernoscere fecisset cridiem ». It would be interesting to compare this text with the Paris Greek Ms. 2316 « ALEXaNDRI medici opusculum de pulsuum dignotione et aphorismi de urinis ». Let us hope that this comparison may soon be made. Nosske gives us a list of Saler- nitan writings on urine. These were based essentially upon THEOPHILOS PrortospaTarios (vith century) and upon Isaac Jupazus (mid. of xth cen- tury). He gives also a list of the Latin words of Greek origin in « ALEXANDER » (for ex., agmasticus, aianus, apostema, sinthexis). 3 G. S. Vil. Heiberg, J. L. De codicibus PauL! AEGINETAE observationes Revue des études grecques, t. 32, p. 268-277, 1919. ee S. Vill S. x 579 S. VI. Abou Yousof Ya‘qoub. Le livre de l’impot foncier (Kitab el-Kharadji). Traduit et annoté par E. FaGNan (Haut-Commissariat de la Répu- blique francaise en Syrie et au Liban. Service des antiquités et des beaux-arts. Bibliotheque archéologique et historique, I), Xvi + 352 p. Paris, Paul GEUTHNER, 1921. [40 fr.] 1sI8 Axsou Yousor Ya‘QoUs BEN IBRAHIM ANCARI naquit a Koufa en 113-731 et mourut en 182-798. Il fut nommé qadi 4 Baghdad en 166 et fut méme le premier a recevoir le titre de qadi ‘I-qodat, juge 4 compétence générale. I] était trés érudit et le Fihrist lui attribue plusieurs ouvrages de droit, dont le Kitab el-Kharadji seul a survécu. Cet ouvrage, dont E. FaGNAN nous donne une traduction soigneusement annotée, est une réponse aux questions posées a l’auteur par le Khalife Haroun ER-RecHip. Chaque question est résolue sur la base du Livre saint et des Hadith. Souvent l’auteur laisse au lecteur le soin de formuler ses propres conclusions. L’historien de la science trouvera bien peu de chose 4 glaner dans ce recueil. Il intéressera beaucoup, d’autre part, l’historien de la civilisation arabe et aussi l’historien du droit, ear il appartient 4 une époque ow le droit était encore bien loin d’étre fixé sur beaucoup de questions. La traduction est basée sur le texte imprimé & Boulaq en 1302 H. Il y a un index copieux, d’autant plus nécessaire que la composition de cet ouvrage est assez désordonnée. Ce premier volume inau- gure dignement la collection nouvelle 4 laquelle nous offrons tous nos voeux. G. S. Browne, C. A. The poem of the philosopher THropurastos upon the sacred art. A metrical translation with comments upon the history of alchemy. Scientific monthly, t. \1, p. 193-214, 1920 ISIS Translation of the poems published by Ipgver in his Physici et medici minores, Berlin 1841, and ascribed to one THEOPHRASTOS CHRISTIANOs, HreRoTHEOS or ARCHELAOS who fl. in the vith or rth century. (See LippMaNNn, Alchemie, p. 108, 1919.) G. S. Haubold, Rudolf. Ein Miinchener handschriftlicher Text angeblich des ALKINDL: « de signis astronomiae applicatis ad medicinam ». (Diss., Supuorrs Institut), Auszug., 7 p., Leipzig 1921. isis Apropos of the Munich Latin Ms. 267, fi. 84r to 88r. G. S. Iilgen, Herbert Otto. Die abendliindischen Ruazes-Kommentatoren des xiv. bis xvu. Jahrhunderts. (Diss., Supuorrs Institut), Auszug., 8 p. Leipzig, 1921. — S. X. Peine, Johannes. Die Harnschrift des Isaac Juparus. (Diss., SUDNOFRS Institut), 78 p. Borna-Leipzig, 1919. aia Asvu JakuB IsHaQ B. SOLEIMAN EL Israitt, or Isaac Juparus, was born in Egypt c. 830, where he first practised as an oculist; he died ¢. 932, a cen- tenarian. His writings, highly esteemed, were translated into Latin (chiefly by Constantinus Arricanus) and into Hebrew. The Latin trans- lation of his 7 main works was published in Lugd. 1515 : Opera omnia Isaact. Prine gives a long list of Mss. of the de wrinis as translated by ConstantTinus. The text here published is the one of the Opera omnia corrected by comparison with Ms. Leipzig, 1154, dating frome. 1300. G. S. 580 S) XI) sien Suter, H. Abhandlung iiber die Ausmessung der Parabel von IBRAHIM B. SINAN B. THABIT, aus dem Arabischen tibersetzt und commen- tiert. Jahrgang 63 (1918) der Vierteljahrsschrift der Naturfor- schenden Gesellschaft in Ziirich, p. 214-228. Isis Suter published in 1916 (Sitsungsber. d. phys. med. Sozietat, Erlangen, t. 48) the translation of a memoir on the measurement of the parabole by THasiIT 1BN QuRRA. The memoir of which he is now offering us a translation is by THABIT’s grandson IBRAHIM (908-946) ; it is the simplest quadrature of the parabole accomplished before the invention of the integral calculus; in particular IBRAHIM’s solution is much simpler than the Archi- median. Goss Ss. XI. Heywood, William (1857-1919). A history of Pisa in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, vi + 292 p., map. 16 ill. Cambridge, University Press, 1921. 1318 {ibn Yunus]. Die Bestimmung der geographischen Breite eines Ortes durch Beobachtung der Meridianhoéhe der Sonne oder mittels der Kenntnis zweier anderen Sonnenhéhen und den Zugehorigen Azimuten nach dem arabischen Text der Hakimischen Tafeln des lpn Yunus, dargestellt von C. Scnoy. Annalen der Hydrographie und maritimen Meteorologie, p. 3-20, 1 Tafel, Januar 1922 Isis Translation of chapters 12, 21 and of a part of chapter 1] of the Inn Yunus’ astronomical tables (zigh), with notes. Gias. Renauld, Emile. Lexique choisi de PseLtios. Contribution a la lexico- graphie byzantine, xxvii -++ 160 p. Paris, Picarp, 1920. 181s I] suffit de mentionner cet ouvrage, le premier lexique spécial de MicHEL PsELLOS; il rendra service aux étudiants de la science byzantine. Le lexique est précédé de notes bibliographiques relatives & PSELLOS, 4 son ceuvre, la littérature et la lexicographie byzantines. Ga: Resak, Cyriil. Opo MaGpunensis. der Verfasser des « Macer Floridus » und der deutsche Leipziger Macer text. (Diss., SupHoFFs Institut), 49 p. Borna-Leipzig, 1917. ISIS The « Macer Floridus de virtutibus (or de viribus) herbarum » is a Medieval poem describing in 2269 hexameters the medical properties of 77 herbs and roots. A separate section is devoted to each plant. There are 20 more chapters (487 verses) which are apparently a later addition. This Herbal is based upon Piiny, DioscoripEs, GALEN, OREIBASIUS, GAR- GILIUS MaRTIALIS, PALLADIUS, ConsTaNnTINUS AFRICANUS. It is impossible to determine the authorship and date of this poem with any certainty, but the most probable date is the end of the xith century, soon after ConsTAN- TINUS, who fl. 1060-1087. The only author’s name distinctly transmitted in the Mss. is Opo MaGpuNENSIS (OpoN pE Meune sur Loire). It seems that this poem was twice translated into German, in the xmith and in the xivth century; many Mss. of these translations exist. One of them (Leipzig University Library, n° 1129) is here edited; it is a fragment and refers to only 35 plants. Gis. S. XII. Anschitz, Willy. Zwei Fieberschriften des « Breslauer Codex Saler- nitanus ») und die « Fieberlehre der Schule yon Salerno » (Diss., Leipzig), 44 p., Leipzig, Noskr, 1919. ISIS The great Salernitan manuscript of Breslau contains two treatises dealing with fever : a larger one beginning « Febris est calor innaturalis » and a s. XI 581 smaller one, « Febris est calor accensus in corde ultra naturam ». AnscuuTz studies both treatises in their relation to other Salernitan writings and publishes the smuller one (less than 3 printed pages). Index of fever terminology in Latin and Greek. Ge 58. [Berachya Hanakdan]}. Dodi ve-nechdi (Uncle and Nephew). Now edited from Mss. at Munich and Oxford with an English transla- tion, introduction, ete., to which is added the first English translation from the Latin of ApELaRD or Barn’s Quaestiones Naturales by Hermann GoLiancz, xxu + 161-4+ 59 p. Oxford University Press, 1920. 1818 ADELARD’s Uncle and Nephew dialogue on all sorts of « natural questions » is divided into 76 chapters each dealing with one question. I quote the titles of the 7 chapters numbered 1, 11, 21..., 71 as samples : Why do plants grow without any previous sowing of seed?; why some animals have a stomach and others not? how do we hear sounds that reach us?; the nature of smell, taste and touch; why if you have intercourse with a woman after she has lain with a leper, you will catch the disease while she will escape; why sea-water is salt; whether when one atom is moved, all are moved, since whatever is in a state of motion moves something else, thus setting up infinite motion; why the planets and, above all, the sun do not keep to their course through the middle of the aplanos without deviation. This book was written by ADELARD upon his return to England, in the reign of Henry I (1068-1135) and contains the fruits of his Arabian learning. Brracuya’s Dodi Venechdi is a sort of free translation of it. It was thus an excellent idea to publish both texts together. It would be worth while to undertake a critical and comparative study of both from our point of view. BERECHIAH Ha-Naqpan (= Benepictus le Puncteur?) is an English Jew who fl. at the end of the xuth century; he is known chiefly as the author of a set of fox fables (see Jewish Encyclopedia, t. 3. p. 53-55, 1902, Josep Jacons). G.S. Buerschapper, Rudolf. Ein bisher unbekannter Aderlasstraktat des Salernitaner Arztes Mavurus : de flebotomia. (Diss., SUDHOFFS Institut), 38 p. Borna-Leipzig. Noske, 1919. 1818 Mavrus was one of the most famous teachers of Salerno; he flourished c. 1160, that is, about the end of the golden period of this school. The Flebotomia Mauri (or Mart) is here edited for the first time from two Mss. : Dresden Db 91 and Brussels 14324-14343. Both texts are published in extenso in parallel columns, and are followed by a free translation and commentary. Tt. 5. Czarnecki, R. Ein Aderlasstraktat angeblich des RoGer yon Salerno samt einem lateinischen und einem griechischen Texte zur « Phle- botomia Hippocratis ». (Diss., Leipzig), Borna-Leipzig, R. Noskr, 1919, 1818 Republication of the « de modis mittendi sanguinem et de cuiusque utilitate Rooeru chirurgi peritissimi libellus », first published in the Bale edition of ALaccasis, 1541 (see title page in Supnorr’s Beitrage zur Geschichte der Chirurgie im Mittelalter, I[, 17, 1918). Czarnecki con- cludes that Rocer, the father of Italian surgery, who fl. in Salerno c. 1170, was not the author of this phlebotomy. Two other similar treatises are edited in the appendix : an « epistula de fleutomia » which may date from the xth or the mth cent. (Laurenr., Pluteus |. XXXII, Cod. 1): a Greek text (Vienna. Cod. Graec. 16). mepi pdeBotoulac ‘Introxpdtous xpn dé pivWoxetv Sti tovs raidag ob preBotoury dpyxr Etwy 1b.. Explicit : dei Tobs modapyiKods dn’ &yKwvoc pAepotoueiv’ emArmtous de Kai OxotouatiKolc dto Twv OKEkWy LdvoV. Gy 2. 582 Sh xr Erchenbrecher, Hans. Der Salernitaner Arzt ARCHIMATTHAEUS und ein bis heute unbekannter Aderlasstraktat unter seinem Namen (Cod. berol. lat, 4°, 257). (Diss., Supuorrs Institut), Leipzig, 1919 (not seen). 1818 Haskins, Charies H. The Greek element in the Renaissance of the xuith century. American historical review, vol. 25, p. 603-615, 1920. ISI8 A survey of the present state of knowledge on the Greek Renaissance which took place in the xuth cent. chiefly in Sicily. The Greek learning came in a large measure through Arabic intermediaries, but there was also a direct contact with Greek sources. As Prof. Haskins’ studies have contributed much to make this clear, he was fully qualified to prepare this survey, which is very full and gives all the necessary references. It is significant that this early Greek Renaissance was not concerned with the classical works of literature and history, but rather with medicine, mathe- matics, philosophy and theology. It is not yet possible to establish completely the continuity between this x1th cent. Renaissance and the Greek revival of the Quattrocento. In my opinion this is due to the fact that scholars have been so exclusively concerned with the literary and artistic Renaissance that they have not seen the scientific Renaissance which took place at the same time. Let us hope that many students may be tempted to pursue investigations along Haskins’ line. Gues: Jeanselme, E. et Oeconomos, L. Les ceuvres d’assistance et les hopi- taux byzantins au siécle des Comnenes. Communication faite au Ie Congrés de |’Histoire de l’art de guérir, Anvers, 1920; 20 p., 1921. 1SIS Cette étude est basée sur les sources byzantines; elle est précédée d’une bréve histoire des institutions, charitables et hospitaliéres, depuis les pre- miers siécles de notre 6re, c’est-a-dire depuis leur origine, car l’antiquité paienne méconnut toujours le devoir d’assistance. GS: Jeanselme, E. et Oeconomos, L. Ou il est établi que THEODORE PRo- DROME fut atteint dela variole. Communication faite au I* Congrés de |’ Histoire de l'art de guerir, Anvers, 1920; 3 p., 1921. - ISIS Le poéte THkopoRE PRopRomEe florissait & Byzance sous le régne de JEAN Comnine (1118-1143). Il a décrit une grave maladie pestilentielle (hoiwwétc¢) dont il pensa mourir. Les auteurs montrent que cette maladie n’était autre que la variole (décrite exactement dés le 1x°® siécle par Razks). Gis: Kilian, Kurt. Kur und Diadtetik von Nierensteinen nach dem « Breslauer Codex Salernitanus » herausgegeben (im Drucke gektirzt). (Diss., Supuorrs Institut), 16 p. Leipzig, 1920. ISIS With the text : « Contra harenulas in renibus et collectionem humorum in eisdem et dispositionem ad melancholiam et repletionem stomachi », notes and bibliography. Gigs: Kroemer, Georg Heinrich. JouANNs von SANCTO PAuLo « Liber de sim- plicium medicinarum virtutibus » und ein anderer Salernitaner Traktat : « quae medicinae pro quibus morbis donandae sunt », nach dem « Breslauer Codex » herausgegeben. (Diss , SUDHOFFS Institut, Leipzig), 86 p. Borna-Leipzig, 1920. a KrogmMeER has used not simply the Breslau Ms, but many others as well, and a printed edition in the Opera Ysaac, Lugduni 1515, wherein it is wrongly ascribed to ConsTANTINUS AFRICANUS. Of the real author, JoH. DE Sanero Pauto, we know hardly anything. But as the Breslau Ms. was Ss. xl 583 written c. 1160-1170, if Joh. pe Sancro Pau o be the author of this treatise he must have flourished at no later time than the third quarter of the xuth cent. Many other writings are ascribed to him. In the Breslau Ms., the « quae medicinae » follows immediately the former text. It is here published for the first time. It is a collection of medical and chemical short recipes; the first : « pro dolore capitis ex flegmate vel melancholia datur »; the last : « ad faciendum album saponem ad solem vel ad ignem ». This publication ends with an elaborate bibliography and a dietetic-culinary- medical- pharmacological glossary. G. 5. Langebartels, Erich. Zahnheilkunde und Kieferchirurgie in der chi- rurgischen Literature von Salerno, und der weiteren RoGErR- Glosse unter Mitherausgabe der zahnheilkundlichen RoGer- Marginalien im Codex Amplonianus 62a in 8°. (Diss.), 63 p. Leipzig, 1919 (not seen). ISIS Maske, Erich. Der Miinchner Codex latinus 4622 und sein medizi- nischer Inhalt (Auszug, Diss., SupHorrs Institut), 16 p. Druck von AuGuST OBERREUTER in Zeulenroda, Thiir. [n. d., received in 1921]. Ists This Ms. of the State Library in Miinchen is an encyclopaedic miscellany of 179 leaves of which p. 35r to 80v deal with medicine. It dates from the xuth cent. Its medical contents are analyzed, a few extracts quoted with brief commentary and a bibliography. Gs Matthaes, Curt. Der Salernitaner Arzt Urso aus der 2. Hialfte des 12. Jabrbunderts und seine beiden Schriften « de effectibus quali- tatum » und « de effectibus medicinarum ». |Diss., SupHOFFS Institut, Leipzig), 74 p. Borna-Leipzig, R Noskr, 1918. ISI8 These two texts had apparently not yet been published. Many Mss. of the former exist. Matrsaxs’ edition is chiefly based upon the Erfurt Ms., 215 of the beginning of the xIvth cent. « Incipit : Cum quaestionum fere omnium solutiones a qualitatum effectibus sua videantur ducere principia, dignum duxi, earum effectus, quos tum ex se, tum ex subiectorum naturis consequuntur, exponere ». The author knows only two Mss. of the latter . text (Erfurt, Ampion. 204, in-4°; Berlin, Ms. lat. quart. 375) and has used them both. In both Mss. the second text is the sequel of the first. « Jncipit : Quoniam in superiori tractatu de effectibus qualitatum prout divina dispen- satio nobis infudere egimus, ergo in subsequenti opere quaedam necessaria ad cognitionem curarum egritudinum et morborum curationes dicere proposuimus »... We know very little of this Urso : he taught in Salerno in the second half of the xuth cent. and was the master of Arerpius of Corbeil. Griacosa published another writing of his, de urinis. G. 8. [al-Nizamia'-‘Arudi| The Chahar Maqalaof NizAmi-i- Arvpi translated by Epwarp G. Browne (Gipp Memorial series, vol. X1, p. 2). Leyden, 1921. Ists A revised translation of the Four discourses of aL-Nizami, with abridged translation of the notes to the Persian edition (Leyden 1910) contributed by Mirza MusamMap 1Bn ‘Appu’L- Wanuas of Qazwin. The first transla- tion appeared in the Journal of the R. Asiatic Soc., July and Oct. 1899 (reprint, 140 p.). G. S. Ostermuth, Hermann Johannes. « Flores Diaetarum ». Eine salerni- tanische Nahrungsmitteldiiitetik aus dem xu. Jahrhundert ver- fasst vermutlich von JOHANNES bE Sanoro PauLo. (Institut fiir Geschichte der Medizin; Diss.), 58 + xu p Leipzig, 1919. Isis This text had already been published in the complete works of BernarD 584 S. XII pE Gorpon, Lyon 1574. The latter was professor of medicine in Mont- pellier in 1285; he is certainly not the author of the « flores ». The new text is based upon 4 Mss. of Ampionius’ collection (Erfurt); Scuum in his eatal. of the Cod. Ampl. (Berlin 1887) had wrongly attributed the text of these 4 Mss. to ARNOLD OF VILLANOVA. OsTERMUTH has examined also various other Mss. Technical glossary and bibliography. G. 8 Pioss, Werner Ludwig Heinrich. Anatomia Mauri, eine bisher unbe- kannte salernitaner Skizze vom Bau des Menschen auf Grundlage einer Zergliederung des Tierk6rpers, herausgegeben nach einer weiland Heidelberger Handschrift des 12. Jahrh. im Vatikan zu Rom (Pal. lat. 1097, Bl. 122). Diss., SupHorrs Institut), 14 p. Leipzig, 1921. 1SI8 Mag. Maurts fl. c. 1160, that is, about the end of the best period of Salernitan medicine. We have quite a few anatomical treatises of that period. Salernitan anatomy was based upon the dissection of animals, chiefly pigs; this was of course a considerable progress upon mere book knowledge. The first human dissections of the middle ages occurred probably in Bologna about and after 1250. The Ms from which the text of the Anathomia Mauri is reproduced dates from the second half of the xuth century G. 8S Reinhardt, Hellmuth. Ein Tractat tiber Arzneiwisser nach ihren Wirkungen zusammengestellt aus dem « Breslauer Codex Salerni- tanus ») zum ersten Male und mit dem Texte eines Codex aus der Biblioteca Angelica zu Rom verglichen. (Diss., Leipzig, Auszug), 23 p., Freiberg i. Sa., 1921. ISIS One more study devoted to the famous Codex Salernitatus discovered in Breslau, 1837, by HeNScHEL. Gzacosa had assumed that this Ms. and the Codex Angelicus were substantially the same. A comparison of the chapter « de aquis medicinalibus et earum differentiis » reveals many differences ; e. g. medicinal waters mentioned in one are not mentioned in the other and vice-versa. Yet it is very likely that these two Mss. are simply the results of notes taken by different medical students either the same year or at a short interval. It is easy to conceive that the professor would not neces- sarily speak every year of the same waters. The Codex Salernitanus contains no mention of « aqua ardens ». Alcohol became known only c. 1160-1170, in S. Italy. G. S. Riesch, Helene. Die heilige HinpEGARD von Bingen (Frauenbilder). 2te verbesserte Auflage, vii + 160 p., 2 pl. Freiburg i. Br., Herper, 1920. ISIS A popular but comprehensive account of the life and works of HiLDEGARD, first published in 1917. For the preparation of this new edition the author has availedherself of Rorn’s investigations (1918 ; Zsis, IV, 403), but she does not know Sineer’s work (1917). Only a few pages of the last chapter (139-143) deal with Hitpzcarp’s scientific work. Gira: S. Xill Huart, Ci. Saapi, poete persan. Journal des savants, p. 253-262, 1920. Isis Apropos of Henri Mass&, Essai sur le poéte Saapi. Paris, GEUTHNER, 919. he 53g Jansen, B. (S. J). Oxivi der ilteste scholastische Vertreter des heutigen Bewegungsbegriffs. Philosophisches Jahrbuch der Gorres- Gesellschaft, t. 33, p. 137-152, Fulda, 1920. TaIS Important contribution to our knowledge of medieval mechanics. PETRUS S. XIII 585 Jou. Oxtvi (1248 or 1249 to 1298) was one of the earliest authors to explain clearly the theory of the impetus (cfr. PaiLopoNnus, vith and MicuaEt Scot, xuith cent.). To use Father JANSEN’s own words, « Das Entscheidende und Moderne in seiner Bewegungslehre ist demnach, dass er die sogenannte gewaltsame Bewegung im Sinne des heutigen Kraftbegriffes und des Tragheitsgesetzes erklirte, indem er sie auf einen inneren Bewegungszustand zurickfibrte, der, durch die Einwirkung des Bewegers hervorgerufen, unabhangig von dessen weiterer Einwirkung in bewegten Kérper bebarrt ». G. S. Linge, Waldemar. Die Bologneser RoGer-Glosse des RoLANDO CAPEL- LutTI aus Parma. (Diss., SupHoFrs Institut), 33 p., Borna-Leipzig, R. Noske, 1919. ISIS Rovanbo CaPELLutt, born in Parma, was professor of surgery at Bologna about the middle of the ximth cent. His main work, the Chirurgia Rolan- dina, is more than a mere commentary of the surgery of RuGGigRO DA PALERMO, yet it can not be considered as an original work. The author has compared both works, RoLanpo’s as printed in the Collectio chirurgica, Venice 1513, 135-146 and RuGerero’s in Supuorr’s edition, in his « Bei- tragen zur Gesch. d. Chirurgie im Mittelalter «, vol Il, p. 156-236, 1918. He conciudes that the importance of RoLanpo’s commentary has been exaggerated. : Mehner, Moritz Arndt. JoHANNE VON PARMA und seine Practicella. (Diss., SupHorrs Institut), 41 p. Borna-Leipzig, 1918. 1sI8 This GIOVANNI DA Parma is not the one quoted by Pansigr (Janus, 1909, 423) who fl. in Avignon in the second half of the xrvth cent., nor any of the many Jean bE PaRME enumerated in CHevatier’s Répertoire, but rather a Franciscan named by Fasricivs in his « Bibliotheca latina mediae aetatis », who fl. about and after 1250. The author has studied 19 Mss. of the Practicella (and there are still many others), the oldest dating from the end of the x1uth cent The text is reproduced from Ms. Leipzig 1209, which dates from the end of the following century. G: 6. Querfeld, Arthur Heinrich. Micusri Scorrus und seine Schrift « de secretis naturae ». (Diss., Leipzig). Aus dem Institut fiir Geschichte der Medizin, 66 p. Leipzig, 1919. Isis Study based upon the Ambrosiana Ms. L 92 sup. fol. 89r-135r dating from 1256. This Ms. can not be much younger than the composition itself for we know that Micuae. Scor was still alive in 1250. QuERrELp quotes a few extracts of the « de secretis naturae » and analyzes the whole work. (Co Schaarschmidt, Franz Otto. Die Anatomie des WILHELM VON SALICETO. (Diss., Leipzig), 75 p. Borna-Leipzig, Roperr Noske, 1919. Isis Many studies have already been devoted to WILLIAM oF SALICETO (Grunow 1895, etc.) but more attention has been paid to his medical activity than to his anatomy. He was born c. 1210 in Saliceto near Piacenza (hence the surname Placentinus). He studied and taught in Bologna and Lanrranec was one of his pupils. He wrote a CAtrurgia in 1269-1275, then his Summa conservationis et curationis and died in 1276-1280 in Verona or Piacenza. The anatomy was printed twice in Venice 1489, 1546. The new text is edited from Cod. Lips. 1177, dating from 1471, and is followed by an elaborate analysis and bibliography. G. S. Wiedemann, Ejiihard und Hauser, Fritz. Uber die Uhren im Bereich der islamischen Kultur Nova Acta, Bd. 100, p. 272, Halle, 1915, See under Jslam. ists 586 S. XIV Witte, J. Das Buch des Marco Pouo als Quelle fiir die Religionsge- schichte, 126 p. Berlin, Hurren [1916]. ISIS Reviewed by Fr. JAGER in Ostasiatische Z., t. 7, p. 253. S. XIV. Arensberg, Walter. The cryptography of DANTE, x1 + 494 p. New- York, Knorr, 1921. IsIs Another unwelcome addition to cryptographic literature. The author’s special form of the cryptographic disease is aggravated by the addition of Freudian psychology. He is already preparing another volume on « The symbolism of the Divina Commedia » in which he proposes to develop « the interpretation of the sex symbolism not only of the Commedia and of Christian theology but also of myths and dreams in general » (!). Geis: Carbone}li, G. e Ravasini, R. Commenti sopra alcune miniature e pitture italiane a soggetto medico specialmente dell’ arte dillu- strare il « Tacuinum Sanitatis » nei sec. xiv e xv colle referenze ad aleune pitture murali, 8° p., 52 pl., Roma, F. CenTEnaRt, 1918. ISIS Daffner, Hugo (editor). Deutsches DanrEe-Jabrbuch. Sechster Band. 167 p. Jena, Diepericus, 1921. IsIS The following papers of the sixth annual volume of the German DanTE society are of special interest to us : Franz Kampers. Dantes Beziehungen zur Gnosis und Kabbala; WILHELM SCHERER. DanTES padagogische Bedeu- tung; H. Darrner. Biicherschau. [Dante]. Omaggio dell’Olanda. L’Aia, Nyuorr, 1921. ISIS [Dante]. Essays in Commemoration. University of London Press, 1921. IsI8 Dyroff. Adolf. DANTE und Pierro p’ABANo Philosophisches Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesellschaft, t. 33, p. 253-271, Fulda, 1920. IsI8 Fisher, A. Barrtra, nicht Barora. Z. d. deutschen morgenl. Geseli., t. 72, 289, 1918. IsIs Grierson, G. A. and Barnett, L.D. Lalla Vakyani, or wise sayings of the mystic poetess Lat Dep, 225 p., London. Royal Asiatic Soc. 1920. IsIs Mystical poems of the well known Kashmiri poetess of the xiv century, in the tradition of Kashmir Saivism. With linguistic notes and vocabulary by GrIERSON and « disquisition on Yoga by BaRNeETT. A. K. C. Jourdain, Philip E. B. The logical significance of « OcKHAM’s Razor ». The Monist, t. 29, p. 450-451, 1919. IsI8 « The principle of parcimony appears, from a logical point of view, to be simply the maxim that logical analysis is to be carried as far as possible ; and this is no more than DepEKIND’s maxim that what can be proved és to be proved ». Lazzeri, G. L’année de Dante. Mercure de France, Paris, t. 1574. p. 644-659, 15 déc. 1921. IsIs Revue des éditions de DanrE AL1GHiERI publiées 4 l’occasion du VI° cen- tenaire de sa mort, et des trés nombreux travaux parus en Italie en com- mémoration de cet événement. L.G > nt ial. y an Soin Ss. XV 587 Lindsay, James. The logic and metaphysics of Occam. The Monist, t. 30, p. 521-547, 1920. Iss Lippmann, Edmund O von. Das Sammelbuch des ViTatis DE FuRNO und seine Bedeutung fiir die Geschichte der Chemie. Chemiker- Zeitung, Nr. 3 (reprint, 17 p.), 1922. 1818 A study from the chemical point of view of the Pro conservanda sanitate, a pharmacological collection compiled by Viratis DE Furno, (or Vital du Four, from Four in Britanny) Franciscan friar, Cardinal in 1312, Bishop of Albano 132], died in Avignon 1327, It is divided as follows : water and its varieties; metals; other anorganic substances; substances derived from plants; from animals. This collection was very antiquated, its sources being largely ancient, patristic or early Muslim (not further down than 1150 or even 1100). G. S. Lippmann, Edmund O. yon. Chemisches und Technologisches bei Dante. Chemiker Zeitung, Nr. 113 (Reprint, 5 p.,, 1921. 1818 Mather, Frank Jewett, The portraits of DANTE, compared with the measurements of his skull and reclassified {Princeton monographs in art and archaeology, X), xiv + 85 p., 66 illustr. Princeton University Press, 1921. Isis Passerini, (onte Giuseppe Lando (1858- ). Dante. Note biogra- fiche e storiche. Milano, R. Capprgo, 1921. IsI8 Waxman, Meyer. The philosophy of Don Haspai Crescas. (Columbia University Oriental Studies. vol. 17), xi -+ 162 p. New York, Co- lumbia University Press, 1920. Isis Haspal BEN ABRAHAM CReEscAS, born in Barcelona 1340-d. 1410. He belonged to one of the noblest and wealthiest families of the Catalonian Jewry. He was a great scholar, bold enough to oppose the Aristotelian doctrines even in the Jewish garb which Marmonipes had given to them. His main work is the Or Adonai \in Hebrew, « the Light of the Lord -) containing his theological views; he wrote also (in Castilian) a polemical treatise against Christianity. Influential at the court of Arragon, he was nevertheless cast into prison as suspect of sharing in some conspiracy. His only son was killed during the terrible persecution of 1391. Thereupon he removed to Saragossa where the rest of his life was spent in philosophic study. Waxman analyzes his theological and philosophical views and com- pares them with those of Maimonupgs and Spinoza. G.S. Ss Cronau, Rudolf. The discovery of America and the landfall of Co.umBus. The last resting place of Cotumsus. Two monographs, based on personal investigations, 99 p., 35 illustr. Published by R. Cronau. 340 East 198th st.. New-York, 1921. [300 copies]. (sts English edition of the results already published by the author in German: Ameriha, die Geschichte seiner Entdechung, 2 vol., Leipzig. 1892 (also Spanish transl., Barcelona 1692). The conclusions of each essay are : 1. Wattling’s Island is the Guanahani island where (o_umaus landed on Oct. 13, 1492. It is the only island of the Bahama arch) pelago that corre- sponds at all to Co.umpus’ description; 2. The last resting place of CoLumpus is in the cathedral of Santo Domingo. — Both arguments seem conclusive. G. S. VoL. iIv-3 4] 588 S. XVI Davis, Tenney L. The Text of Alchemy and the Songe Verd. The Monist, t. 30, p. 70-106, 1920. Isis Translation of the Songe- Verd, from the French edition of Paris 1695 >» wherein this text is ascribed to one Trevisan. This is probably the famous alchemist BERNHARDUS TREVISANUS (not to be mistaken with tw» later name- sakes!), born at Padua 1406 - died 1490? According to ScumigpEr 1832, this TRevIsaN wrote originally in French? Davis does noi bring any new light on this question, and he could not for he only refers to Horrer’s Histoire de la Chimie, and A. E. Waite’s Lives of alchemystal philo- sophers !!, — two books which should never be used. He would have done better to consult Fera@uson’s Bibliotheca Chemica, 1906, vol. I, p. 100- 104; vol. If, p. 389, 466-467. Gas: Vignaud. Lettre a l’académie. Comptes rendus de lacadémie des inscriptions, p. 158-162, 1920. ISIS Résumé des conclusions de son dernier ouvrage : The Columbian tradition on the discovery of America. CoLOMB n’a pas découvert l’Amérique en s’efforeant de se rendre aux Indes et ToscaNneL.i ne fut pour rien dans sa découverte. G.S Zehl, Curt Alfred. Der humanistische Arzt Dr. ErHirD WINSBERGER (Ventimontanus Aeolides), Professor in Ingolstadt, und seine literarische Betitigung. (Diss., Leipzig), 56 p. Borna-Leipzig, R. NoskeE, 1919. Iss The university of Ingolstadt was solemnly inaugurated in 1472. Ma- gister ERHARDUS VENTIMONTANUS became professor of medicine in 1476, and later he began to teach poetry (Poetrei) as well as medicine! Little is known of his life. He was born in Bale and was a student in Paris from 1472 to 1475. Zen edits and studies some of his MSS. writings /« Recepta concordiae pro dominis doctoribus medicis Nurembergensibus; Consilium for WILHELM VON ErcustapT, 1480; consilium in tinnitu aurium cum dimi- nutione auditus, etc. »). G.S. Broek, A. J. P. v. d. Einiges iiber Harn- und Geschlechtsorgane im besonderen iiber das Koitusbild in der Anatomie des LEONARDO pA Vinci. Janus, 24° année, p. 85-100, 1919. ISIS Saw il [Babur]. Memoirs of Zenir-ep-Din-MuHAMMED Bapur, Emperor of Hin- dustan (1483-1530) in the Chaghatai Turki and translated by Joxun LEYDEN and Wi.uiAM ErRsKINE, annotated and revised by Sir Lucas Kine, 2 vol, cxm +324; vir + 472 p. Oxford University Press, 1921. ISI8 (Barbosa, Duarte]. The book of Duarre BarsBosa. An account of the countries bordering on the Indian Ocean and their inhabitants, written by Duarre Barposa and completed about the year 1518 A. D. Translated from the Portuguese by Manse, LONGWORTH Dames, 2 vol. (HaKLuyr Society, Second series, n® 44, 49). London, 1918-1921. 1s18 Barposa was in the service of the Portuguese government in India from ce. 1500 toc. 1516. His work was long known only through the Iralian version of it included in Ramusto’s Navigationie Viaggi, Venice 1563, ete. An English translation was made from a Spanish MS. version by Lord Stan- $. XVI 589 LEY and published by the Hak.uyr Society in 1865. The Portuguese text was not published until 1812 or 1813, by the Royal Academy of Sciences at Lisbon. Barsosa’s sister, BEATRIZ, married FERNAO DE MAGaLHars. Bar- Bosa joined his brother-in-law’s great expedition in 1519; he was the latter’s mainstay at the most critical point of his voyage, the mutiny at Porto de Sao Juhao on April 2, 1520. After the death of MaGaLHArs at the Isle of Mactan, Philippines, on April 21. 1521, Barsosa tried without result to recover possession of his body. He was murdered himself a few days later, on May 1, by order of the King of Sebu. The value of Barposa’s work is chiefly geographical and ethnographical. « His accounts are extremely accurate in many respects, and show great powers of observation. This applies more especially to the S. of India, where his long residence and his knowledge of one at least of the languages gave him an understanding of the people, of wich we find few traces among the writers of that period ». Elaborate bibliography, introduction, notes and index. G. S. Bosmans, H. Les derniers travaux sur JEAN TAISNIER d’Ath. Revue des questions scientifiques, 4 p. octobre 1921. ISIS Analyse de travaux récents (par J. Dewert, 1913; M. Soons, 1913; L. Gopgavx, 1914-1915) sur Jean Taisnier. médecin, mathématicien, musi- sien, né &@ Ath en 1508. Son opus muthematicum était en grande partie consacré a la chiromancie. C’était un personnage singulier, mais d’ordre secondaire. G.S. Bruck, Walther. Die Historie vom giildenen Zahn eines schlesischen Knaben, 1593. |Kulturgeschichte der Zahlheilkunde, hrg. v. Kurr PROSKAUER, 3) 42 p. Berlin, Hermann Meusser, 1920. 1sIs This is the history ot the first golden tooth-crown in Germany. This crown of a Silesian boy attracted so much attention that a nut inconsiderable literature was soon devoted to it. From the bibliography given by Bruck, I gather that not less than 11 publications dealing with it appeared be- tween 1595 and 1600 The result of the investigation is that it was not a genuive prosthetic crown buta clever fraud, the idea being to make people believe that this golden tooth had grown like the others! Bruck’s story is based upon the early documents, chiefly upon Jakos Horst’s commentary : « De aureo dente maxillari pueri Silesii, primum, utrum ejus generatio naturalis fuerit, necne; deinde an digna ejus interpretatio dari queat. Lipsiz, 1595. Many extracts from this and other early publications (e. q. poems celebrating this wonder tooth) are given. This book is equally interesting for the historian of superstition and the historian of dentistry. G. S. Dehérain, Henri. L’'ceuvre des géographes normands aux xvi° et xvu° siécles. Journal des Savants, p., 21-32, 1920. 1818 Apropos of Anraiaume. Cartes marines, constructions navales, voyages de découverte chez les Normands. 1500-1650, 2 vol. Paris, 1916. (/sis, ILI, 134; IV, 52). G. S. Ferrand, G. Les poids, mesures et monnaies des mers du Sud aux xvi‘ et xvu® siécles. Journal asiatique, t. 16, p. 5-150, p. 193-312, 1920. Isis L’ancienne route des i pie d’aprés Barros (1553), Castannepa (1552) et ALpuquerque (1513); Livre des poids, mesures et monnaies de ANTONIO Nunez (1554); Livre des monnaies, poids et mesures de SpaRrR DE Homperc (1681); prix de certaines denrées & Cananor en 1508 ; extrait du Livre de Duarte Barsosa (1516-1518); souvenirs des affaires de |'Inde 590 S$. XVI en 1625: extrait des Ayn-i-Akbari (1595); Deux tarifs des douanes de Salcete ; tarit de 1619, tarif de Siva Poy; monnaies, poids et mesures du golfe de Bengale ; table de concordance des poids de l’Inde, des unciens poids portugais et du systéme métrique; table de réduction au systéme métrique des mesures de capacité qui étaient en usage dans I’Inde; table d@équivalence en reis portugais des anciennes monnaies de l’Inde; index géographique ; glossaire de quelques noms de monnaies, poids et mesures ; index des monnaies, des poids, des mesures de capacité et de longueur. (CH = Firth, Charles H. Sir Waurer FRareien’s history of the world. Proceedings of the British Academy, p. 427-446, 1917-1918. 1SI8 « Ivenerate », said Lord Acton in one of his letters (1869) « that villainous adventurer, for his views on universal history » ‘ihis history was written in the beginning of the xvuth cent., but Raleigh was a man of the xvith. G.S. Fraaklin, Alfred. Paris et les Parisiens au xvi® siecle. Paris, EMILE Pau, c. 1921 [not seen]. IsIs Gentile, Giovanni. GiorDANO Bruno e il pensiero del rinascimento. Florence, Vallecchi, ec. 1921 [not seen]. ISIS iJzerman, J. W. Dirck GeErRRITSZ Pomp alias Dirck GERRITSZ CHINA. De eerste Nederlander die China en Japan bezocht (1544-1604). Zijn reis naar en verblijf in Zuid-Amerika, grootendeels naar Spaansche bescheiden bewerkt, xxn + 195 p., 2 kaarten, Lin- SCHOTEN- Vereeniging, IX). ’s Gravenhage, Martinus NigHorr, 1915. Isis James, M. &. Lists of manuscripts formerly owned by Dr. JoHN DEE |1527-1608] with preface and identifications. Supplement to the Bibliographical society transactions, n° 1), 40 p. Oxtord University Press, 1921. 1818 [Linschoten, Jan Huyghen van]. Reizen van JAN HUYGHEN van LIN- SCHOTEN naar het Noorden (1594-1595), uitgegeven door S. P. L’HonorkE Naser, Lxxxiv + 308 bdz., 18 kaarten en platen (LixnscHoTEn- Vereeniging, VIII) ’s Gravenhage, M. Nisuorr, 1914. ISIS Travels to the Kola peninsula, the Baren!s sea, Nova Zembla, etc. G.S. Lippmann, Edmund Q von Zur Geschichte des Alkohols. Chemiker- Zeitung, 1922, Nr. 1 (Reprint, 2 p.). ISIS The discovery of alcoholic distillation which occurred probably in 8S. Italy in the xith [or xuth?] cent. was necessarily connected with the improvement of the refrigerating process. LipPMANN hes derived some additional information on the latter subject from Asu’t-Fazi ALLAMI’S Ain-i-Akbarvi (the Government of Akbar, 1556-1605), GS: [Lodewycksz, Willem]. De eerste schipvaart der Nederlanders naar Oost-Indié onder Corxe“is DE Hourman, 1595-1597. Journalen, documenten en andere bescheiden uitgegeven en toegelicht door G. P. Rourrsrer en J. W. IJzerman. I. D’eerste boeck van W1LLEM | opEWwycksz. (LinpscHoTEN-Vereeniging, 7), xxx1v + 248 bdz., titelplaat, 2 portretten, 8 kaarten en 47 platen. ’s Gravenhuge, M. Niguorr, 1915. ISIS Annotated reprint of the first edition of the D’eerste Boeck. Historie ee Se ae ee S. XVII 59] van Indiéa waerinne verhaelt is d2 avontueren die dz hollandtsche schepen bejeghent zijn..., door G. M. A. W. L. Amsterdam, 1598. G. S. Meissner, Richard. Eine deutsche Apotheke des xvi. Jahrhunderts. Dargestellt auf Grund einer notariell beglaubigten und bei dem Verkaufe der Rathsapotheke zu Kolberg im Jahre 1589 auf- gestellten Inventurliste, 397 p. Leipzig, Akademische Verlags- gesellschaft, c. 1920 [not seen]. ists {Ottsen, Hendrik]. Journae! van de Reis naar Zuid-Amerika (1598-1601), door Henprik Orrsen, met inleiding en bijlagen, uitgegeven door J. W. 1Jzerman. | LinpscHoTen-Vereeniging, 16), cxtv + 255 bdz.. 3 kaarten en 5 platen. ’s Gravenhage, M_ Nisnorr, 1918. ISIS Annotated reprint with elaborate introduction of the Journael first published in Amsterdam, 1603. GS. Spampanato, V. Vita di GiorpANo Bruno con documenti editi e inediti, 2 vol. Messina, PrincirpaTo, 1921. IsIs Viviani, Ugo. ANDREA CesALPpiINno Le perizie medico-legali. L’episto- lario. L’iconogratia. La vita e le opere. Con prefazione di PAao.Lo ORANO, xtr + 238 p, 26 pl., 34 ill. Castiglion Fiorentino, Tip. Bennatli, 1917 (1918). 1818 i quote this publication, which seems important,from Mrkui’s review in his Archivio, t. I, p. 87-90, for I have been unable to obtain it though I have tried hard! G.S. Vivier, P. MonrAIGNE, auteur scientifique, +1 p., Paris, MAURICE MENDEL, 1920? 1813 La philosophie des sciences dans Monrtaicne. Physique du globe. Physiologie. Voyage en Italie. Influence et répercussion du tempérament de MontaiGNe sur ses idées. O le magistrat se confond avec le savant. G. S. Wagner, Hermann. Die loxodromische Kurve bei G. Mercaror. Ein Abwehr gegeniiber Senhor Joaquim BensAupe (1917), Vachrichten, Kgl. Ges. d. Wiss., philol. Kl, Giltingen, p. 254-267, 1917. 1818 Mercator’s globe of 1541 was the first correct application of the loxo- dromic lines to cartography. It is true that Pepro Nunes was the first to have a clear idea of these curves and to show that they are spiral coilings round but never reaching the poles. Yet in 1537 Nunes was not yet able to trace correctly a loxodrome on a map, ani there is no Portuguese map with correct !oxodromes, anterior to Mercator’s globe. (Isis III, 424), G.S. S XVII. Baumann, E. D. Freperick Dekkers. Janus, t. 24, p. 233-252, 1919. 1SIs Born The Hague, 1644, died Leiden, 1720. A distinguished Dutch clinician, the first to detect albumen in urine (1694) by boiling in the presence of vinegar, a discovery wrongly ascribed to Domenico CoTuGNo (not Curueno) for the later did not make it until 1764, ars, Berthé de Besaucéle, Louis. Les Cartésiens d'Italie. Recherches sur influence de la philosophie de Descarres dans l’évolution de la pensée italienne aux xvu° et xvi’ siécles | Thése, Aix), XX1V-+- 378 p. Paris, Picarp, 1920. 1818 Les conclusions de cette étude sont: 1° Qu’il existait en Italie a une 592 S. XVII époque de décadence, telle que la fin du xvie® et le début du xvi*, un courant de sagesse et de raison, principe du mouvement qui devait aboutir au Risorgimento ; 2° Que la philosophie cartésienne exerea une influence bienfaisante au dela des Alpes. G8s Brunner, Conrad und Muralt, Wilhelm von. Aus den Briefen hervor- ragender Schweizer Arzte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Herausgegeben durch die Stiftung von Schnyder von Wartensee, x + 378 p., 14 illustr. Basel, Benno ScHWALBE, 1919, [24 fr.]. IsIs This book contains more than the title promises, for the authors have added to the letters such abundant commentary that it might be called a history of medicine in Switzerland during the xviith cent. They have taken pains also in the first part (p. 1-69) to summarize the whole devel- opment of medicine in that century in order to put the Swiss contributions in their true perspective. — Part II dezls with the medical school of Schaffhausen : JoHann JAKOB WEPFER (1620-1695): Jomann ConrapD BRUNNER (1653-1727) ; Jouann ConRaD PryER (1653-1712). — Part III is entitled Zurich as a center of scientific and medical culture in the xvuth cent,; the main figure being that of JonannEs von Muravt (1645-1733). — Part IV is devoted to the medical faculty of Basel: Jon. JakoB HarDER (1656-1711); THkopor Zwineer II (1658-1724). — Many other Swiss and foreign scientists are named in the commentury and in the letters published in eatenso. The book will interest more particularly the Swiss scientists, but every student of science in the xvuth cent. will need to refer to it. There is a good index and excellent portraits of the scientists whom [ have named, except PEyER of whom the authors could not find any (?). Other plates represent Pryrrs’s glands, BRUNNER’s glands, etc. as Eloy, Pierre. Facon. Archiatre du Grand Roi, 88 p.,2 portraits. Paris, Vigot, 1918. Iss Cette biographie de Guy Crescent FacGon (1638-1718), premier médecin de Louis XIV, est une contribution intéressante a létude des mours médicales. Elle nous montre les démélés de Facon avec la cour et de quelle maniere 11 comprenait son réle. Il y a deux beaux portraits, lun de Fagon, autre de MArgScHAL, premier chirurgien du roi. Gos. Gerhardt, Karl Immanuel. Lerpniz and Pascau. With critical notes and a summary by J. M. Cuirp and translations of LEimniz’s MSS. alluded to by Dr. Greruarpr. The Monist, vol. 28, p. 530-566, October 1918. ISI3 [Hamel, Hendrik, van Gorcum]. Verhaal van het vergaan van het jacht De Sperwer en van het wedervaren der schipbreukelingen op het eiland Quelpaert en het vasteland van Korea (1653-1666), met eene beschrijving van dat Rijk. Uitgegeven door B. HorTinx, Lint + 165 bdz , 1 kaart, 11 afb. : Linpscuoren-Vereeniging, XVIII). ’s Gravenhage, M. Nisuorr, 1920. ISIS Harris, David Fraser. ANTHONY VAN LEEUWENHOEK, the first bacter- iologist. Scientific monthly, t. 12, p. 150-160, 1921. 1813 Jaeger, F. M. Over Jonan Joacuim BECHER en zijne relaties met de Nederlanden, 80 p. (Overdruk uit het Economisch-Historisch Jaarboek, Deel V),’s Gravenhage, Martinus NwuHorr, 1919. 1818 Jourdain, Philip E. B. Gauiteo and NrewrTon. The Monist, t. 28, p. 629-633, 1918. 1sI8 An attempt to consider Ngw1on’s debt to Gatitgo both in mechanics and mathematics, more fully than the author had done before. G.S. Ss. XVI 593 Jourdain, Philip E. B. The analytical treatment of Newron’s problems. The Monist, t. 30, p. 19-36, 1920. Elliptie orbits and the growth of the third law with NewrTon. Jbidem, p. 183-198. Nrwron’s theorems on the attraction of spheres. /bidem, p. 199-202. ISIS Knott, Cargill Gilston (editor). Napier tercentenary memorial volume, x1 + 441 p., 16 pl. Published for the Royal Society of Edinburgh by Lonemans, Green and C°., London, 1915. IsI8 Contributions by C. G. Knott, Lord Moutton, P. Humr Brown, GEORGE Situ, J. W. L. Giaisner, D. E. Smitu, F. Casori, G. A. Gipson, Satin Mourap, J. E. A. SteGGatt, G. Vacca, D.M. Y. Somervi.ie, R. A. Sampson, H. ANpoyer, J. BaUSCHINGER, M. D’Ocaener, E. Girrorp, J. R. Mitng, T. C. Hupson, A. Hutcwinson, WILLIAM ScHOOLING, A. K. Ervtane, W. F. SHepparp, ARTEMAS Martin, H. 8S. Gay, ALBERT QUIQUET, etc. Gis: Monal, Emile Les maitres apothicaires de Nancy au xvi siécle. (Thése, Nancy), 237 p., 5 pl., Paris, BeRGER-LEVRAULT, 1917. Isis Not seen ; quoted from an extract published by the author in the Bulletin des sciences pharmacologiques, t. 24, p. 92, sq. G. S. Rambaud, Pierre. Les derniers statuts de la faculté de médecine de Poitiers (1617), Janus, 24° année, p. 146-191, p. 225-232, 1919. Isis Redgrove, H. Stanley and Redgrove, I. M. L. JosepH GLANVILL and psychical research in the xvuth cent., 94 p. London, W. Riper, c. 192] [not seen]. 1st8 [Rogerius, Abraham]. De open-deure tot het verborgen heydendom. Uitgegeven door W. CaLanp. (LINSCHOTEN-VEREENIGING, X), XLIV + 223 p.’s Gravenhage, M. Nuuorr, 1915. Iss An annotated reprint of this work first published in Leyden 1651, of which A. C. BorNELL said in 1898, « it is still perhaps the most complete account of S Indian Hinduism, though by far the earliest ». A German translation appeared in Niirnberg 1663 and French ones in Amsterdam 1670, 1672. G. S. Roux, marquis de. Pascan en Poitou et les Poitevins dans les Provin- ciales (Bulletin de la Société des antiquaires de l'Ouest, 1919), 51 p., 2 portraits. Paris, Cuampion, 1919. 1818 Solovine, M. A propos d’un tricentenaire oublié : Epme MARioTTE (1620-1920). Revue scientifique, p. 708 et 709. Paris, 24 déc. 1921. Isis Rappel des travaux de M. concernant la tache aveugle de l’ceil humain, la compressibilité de l’air, la végétation des plantes, la nature des couleurs, le mouvement des fluides, etc. L. @: Sorley, W.R. Spinoza. Proceedings of the British Academy, 1917-1918, p. 469-486. 1818 Stefanini, Giuseppe. Uno speziale naturalista del secolo xvu (Diacinto Ceston!). Rassegna Nazionale, 34 p.. Firenze 1918. 1818 Biography followed by an account of Cestont’s (1637-1718) investigations on the locomotion of sea-urchins, G. S. Stewart, H. F. La sainteté de Pascau. Traduit de l'anglais par GrorGEs Rorn. Avant-propos de Emite Bourroux, xx--215 p. Paris, BLoup et Gay, 1919. 1818 Biographie. Pascat polémiste. Son systéme doctrinal Sa religion person- 594 S. XVIII nelle. Sept appendices dont le dernier considére les relations de Pascat et de NICOLAS DE CUSE. eS, Tilden, William A. The resting-place of RosBertr Boye. Nature, vol. 108 p. 176, 1921. Isis Boyte died in London, Dec. 30, 1691 and was buried in the chancel of St. Martin’s-in-the-Fields, but that church was pulled down in 1721. What became of BoyLr’s remains then? TitpEn has not been able to solve the question. G.S. Wieleitner, Heinrich. Zur Erfindung der Infinitesimalrechnung. MaTHEMATISCHES LesEeBuUCH, 5. Bd. 15 p. Sterkrade, W. OsTERKAMP, 1921. 1SI8 Clear summary of the question divided as follows : Integral calculus ; differential calculus; Newron ; LEIBNIZ. G.$8 S. XVII. Bigourdan, G. L’observatoire de Le Monnier dans la rue Saint-Honoré. Comptes rendus de lAcadémie des sciences, t. 168, p. 642-647, 1919. -— Les grands instruments et les travaux de LE MOoNnNrER a cet observatoire. Ibidem, p. 709-713. — Ses travaux sur les étoiles et la physique du globe — /bidem, p. 745-749. — Ses travaux a la méridienne de Saint-Sulpice. La fin de l’observatoire de la rue Saint-Honor¢é. Ibidem, p. 8U8-812, 1025 (note). S18 Bigourdan, G. L’observatoire de |’H6tel de Cluny, plus tard Observa- toire de la Marine. Comptes rendus del Académie des sciences, t. 168, p. 1025 1030, 14!9 —Coordonnées et instruments de ’Observatoire dela Marine. Jbidem, p. 1137-1141.— Travaux de cet Observatoire. Ibidem, p. 1174-1178. IsIS [Bouguer, Pierre]. Essai d’optique sur la gradation de la lumieére. Publié avec introduction par Maurice SoLovinE (Les Maitres de la penseée scientifique, n° 11). Paris, GAUTHIER-VILLARS, 1921. isis PrerrE BouGuer naquit au Croisic en 1698; il mourut en 1758. Son pére était hydrographe et trés connu par son Traité de navigation, 1699. L’ Essai d'Optique parut en 1729; il est d’une grande importance historique, car c’est dans cet essai que furent posés les foudements de la photométrie. D’autres problémes y sont étudiés. Par exemple Boucusr s’efforce de déterminer la quantité de chaleur solaire absorbée par l’atmosphére et la quantité de lumiére absorbée par les corps transparents ou diaphanes. BouegurR inventa en 1748 un photométre pour mesurer lintensité du rayonnement solaire. I] découvrit que la lumiére du soleil est plus intense au centre de son disque qu’a son bord et que le contraire s observe sur le disque de la lune, etc. Un développement de cet essai, le Traite d’optique sur la gradation de la lumiére, fut publié aprés sa mort par Pabbé DE LA Catt, en 1760. G. [Carnot, Lazare]. Réflexions sur la métaphysique du calcul infinité- simal. (Les Maitres de la pensée scientifique), 2 vol., vu1+-117 +105 p. Paris, GAUTHIER-VILLARS, 1921. 1313 Ces Réflexions furent publiées en 1797; mais le texte ici reproduit est celui de la 2¢ éd. de 1813. Il est remarquable que Carnot (1753-1823) ait pu les écrire au moment ot il était absorbé par mille soucis politiques et administratifs. Il vaut la peine de reproduire sa préface qui est d’une briéveté magistrale : « Je cherche & savoir en quoi consiste le véritable esprit de l’analyse infinitésimale; les réflexions que je propos: a ce sujet S. XVIII 595 sont distribuées en trois chapitres : dans le premier j’expose les principes généraux de cette analyse; dans le second j’examine comment elle a été réduite en algorithme par l’invention des calculs différentiel et intégral ; dans le troisiéme je la compare aux autres méthodes qui peuvent la suppléer, telles que la méthode d’exhaustion, celle des indivisibles, celle des indéterminées, etc. ». Cet ouvrage eut beaucoup de succés; il fut traduit en allemand dés 180) et en italien dés 1803. G. S. [Cavendish, Henry]. The scientific papers of the Honourable Henry CaveNpisu, F. R. S. Vol. I. The electrical researches Edited from the published papers and the CavenpisH MSS. in the possession of the Duke of Devonshire by J. CLerK Maxwe.u. Revised by Sir JosepH Larmor. Vol Il. Chemical and dynamical. Edited from... by Sir Epwarp TuHorpPe with contributions by CHARLES CREE and others, xxvin-+452 p.; xu-+496 p., 6 pl. Cambridge, Univer- sity Press, 1921. [6 £]. 1sIs Chaplin, Arnold (1864- ). Medicine in England during the reign of GeEorRGE III (The Firzparrick lectures delivered at the Royal College of Physicians, 1917-1918). London, H. Kimpron, 1919. Isis (Clairaut, Alexis-Claude|. Eléments de géométrie (Les Maitres de la pensée scientifique), 2 vol., x1iv-+95-+1U3 p. Paris, Gaurnier- Vitiars, 1920. Isis Ces Eléments de Geometrie furent publiés par CLarraut (1713-1765) en 1741, peu aprés son retour de Laponie. II les avait rédigés a la requéte de la marquise DU CHATELET qui voulait apprendre la géométrie. C’est un bel exemple de vulgarisation scientifique. La méthode suivie par CLAIRAUT e’est la méthode naturelle du concret a |’sbstrait. Cependant son but n’est pas un but pratique (comme celui des traités d’arpentage), mais théorique ; il veut aider le lecteur « 4 decouvrir les principales vérités géométriques ~. Pourquoi les éditeurs font-ils de cet ouvrage deux volumes? Cela me parait bien puéril. G.S. |D’Alembert, Jean]. Traité de dynamique (Les Maitres de la pensée scientifique), 2 vol. Paris, GAUTHIER-VILLARS, 1921. IsIs La premiére édition du Traité de dynamique parut en 1743 (186 p. in-4°). D’ALEMBERT y énoncait le principe qui porte son nom. L’édition ici repro- duite est la deuxiéme, publiée en 1758, soigneusement revue et considéra- blement augmentée (272 p. du méme format), La réimpression de cet ouvrage fondamental est tout & fait opportune, car il y a toujours du profit a relire cette @uvre immortelle. Bezout avait contribué par 61 notes a cette édition ; celles-ci sont également reproduites. G. S. Delaunay Paul. Médecins manceaux d’autrefois, 99 p. (Bulletin de la Commission historique et archéologique de la Mayenne). Laval, GouPiL, 1920. 1818 Cette reconstitution de la vie médicale au Mans est basée sur des docu- ments d’archives de Montpellier, Nancy, Reims, etc.; les documents cités sont presque tous du xvill® siécle. L’ordre suivi est le suivant : La vie scolaire; la vie corporative: la vie familiale; la vie politique; la vie sociale. L’ouvrage se termine par des notes biographiques et généalogiques sur les médecins cités, G. §. Diderot. Entretien entre d’ALemsBert et Dipneror. Réve de d ALEemMBerr. Suite de l’entretien. Introduction et notes de Gitperr MAine, avec un portrait gravé sur bois par Acuitne Ouverr, 197 p. (195 135). Paris, éditions Bossarp, 1921. Isis Réimpression, sous une forme trés soignée, dans la collection des chefs- 596 S. XVIII dceuvre méconnus, de ces trois piéces qui permettent, mieux que toute autre, de définir ce qu’était le matérialisme de Dipgrot Le texte reproduit est celui de l’édition Assrzatr (1875), luirméme conforme a celui des Mémoires et Correspondances, publié en 1830. L. G. Geikie, Sir Archibald. A memoir of Joun MIcHELL, fellow of Queen’s College, Cambridge Woodwardian professor of geology in the Uni- versity 1749-1762, 110 p. Cambridge University Press, 1918. sm Klinkowstroem, Carl von. GorTHE und Rirrer. Jahrbuch der Goethe- Gesellschaft, Bd, 8, p. 135-151. Weimar, 1921. ISIS On the relations between GoETHE and the physicist Joh. Witu. RitTER (1776-1810) introducing 5 letters from RirrErR to GorrHE, 1800-1804. The author mentions incidentally that a new edition of Rirrer’s Fragmente aus dem Nachlass eines jungen Physikers (2 vol., Heidelberg 1810), has been prepared by him, but that he does not know when it will be possible to publish it. G.S. La Mettrie, Julien Offraye de LL’ Homme machine, suivi de ] Art de jouir. Introduction et notes de MAURICE SOLOVINE, avec un portrait gravé sur bois par ACHILLE OUvRE, 219 p. (195x135). Paris, Edi- tions Bossarp, 1921. Is18 Réimpression, dans la Collection des chefs-d’ceuvre méconnus, sous une forme extiémement soignée, de VHommne-machine, daprés Jédition originale de 1748, publiée & Leyde, et de Art de jowir d’aprés Védition des CEuvres philosophiques (Amsterdam, 1753), Excellente introduction biographique et critique ( p. 11-41); notes biographiques sur les auteurs cités par La METTRIE (p. 203-216). (Js¢s I, p. 274). LG; Leersum, E. C. van. Two of Borruaave’s lecture lists. Janus, 24 année, p. 115-124, 2 pl., 1919. 1818 [Mather, Increase]. Several reasons proving that inoculating or transplanting the Small Pox, is a lawful practice and that it has been blessed by God for the saving of many a life by INCREASE Maruer. Sentiments on the small pox inoculated by CorTon MatuHeEr. Reprinted from the original folio single sheet printed at Boston in 1721. With an introduction by GrEorGE LYMAN KirrrepGE, Il + 86 p. Cleveland. Printed for private distribu- tion, 1921. [95 copies]. IsIs This most interesting folio sheet has been elegantly reprinted at th® expense of Witt1AM Gwinn Matuer, Esq. of Cleveland, Ohio, a descendant’ of INcREASE MATHER, with a learned and delightful introduction by Prof- KirrrepGE of Harvard. Of the original only 3 copies are known to exist- The epidemic of small pox in Massachusetts (particularly in Boston) in 172]-1722 marks a date in the history of medicine because of the employment on a large scale of variolous inoculation.. The credit belongs chiefly to Corron Maruer and to Zapper, Boyitston who had the courage to practise inoculation in the face of every sort of opposition. By Sept. 7 he had inoculated 35 persons, with no deaths. It is interesting to note that the opposition was led by the medical profes- sion, though one should add that there was at that time in Boston only one practitioner who could boast a medical degree. On the other hand Maruer has long been considered as an example of extreme superstition. Increase Mater (Corron’s father), then in his 83rd year, and other ministers stcod up to defend Boytsron against the physicians. To show the viclence of the opposition which they had to overcome, it will suffice to say that some compared the belief in inoculation to witchcraft, S) xx 597 while others maintained that it would produce the plague! In this case, at least, the ministers were right against those who were supposed to represent science, the medical empiricists. Greasy. Mukandi Lal. Some notes on Mota Ram. Rupam, no. 8, p. 22-30. Oct. 1921. IsIs A rather detailed account of the Rajput painter and poet of Garhwal, b. 1760 - d. 1833. fame | ng 8 Seilli¢re, Ernest. Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Bibliothéque d'histoire littéraire et de critique), m + 458 p. Paris 1921. Isis « C’est ici une biographie psychologique avant tout. Puisse-t-elle, sans distinction de partis, aider les hommes de bonne volonté sociale a voir plus clair dans le spectacle du présent pour influer de plus utile facgon sur les possibilités de l'avenir, substituer un socialisme rationnel au socialisme romantique qui nous égare et mettre a la base des institutions de demain cette morale d’expérience qui s’appuie sur une psychologie clairvoyante et prescrit & chacun de subordonner raisonnablement sa puissance. » G.S. [Volta, Alessandro]. Le opere di ALessanpro Voura. Edizione nazio- nale sotto gli auspici della Reale Accademia dei Lincei e del Reale Istituto Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere. Volume Primo, xxvul + 591 p., 8 pl. Milano, Hoeput, 1918. 1SI8 This first volume edited by Apotro Sozzant and Luie1 Vora contains the memoirs and letters written between 1792 and 1800. 5. Wallis, C. Edward. Marar Janus, 24° année, p. 77-81, 1919. 1318 S. XIX. A. — Mathematics. Amodeo, Federico, Forrunato PapuLa e la ulteriore produzione di Frauti. Atti dell’Accademia Pontaniana, vol. 51, 30 p. Napoli 1921. 1818 F. Papua (b. Naples 1816 — d. Naples 1881), mathematician, mechani- cian. VINCENZO FLauti d. in Naples 1863. G. S. B. — Physical sciences and technology. Abbot, C. G. The discovery of helium and what came of it. Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1918, 121-126. 18I8 Popular account including the latest application to ballooning. G. 8. Ampére]. Centenaire de ses découvertes. isis On sait que les principaux travaux d’Ampére dérivent de la généralisa- tion qu'il donna de la découverte faite par Orrstep en 1820 de laction des courants sur les aimants. L’Académie des sciences et les principaux grou- pements électriques frangais, scientifiques ov industriels, ont décidé de profiler de la réunion & Paris, pendant la deuxiéme quinzaine de novembre 1921, de la Conférence internationale des grands réseaux & haute tension, pour commémorer & ce moment le centenaire des découvertes d’Ampére. Un comité s'est institué ayant comme président M. Danii BeRTHELOT, comme secrétaire M. BLonpIN ; il organise une manifestation qui aura lieu au Conservatoire national des arts et métiers, une séance solennelle en Sorbonne, sous la présidence de M. Mit-eRanp ; une médaille commémorative sera frappée & cette occasion. L. G, 598 SPXEx Ariés, E. L’ceuvre scientifique de Sap Carnor Introduction a l'étude de la Thermodynamique, 160 p. Paris, Payor et Cie, 1921]. ISIS Le premier chapitre de cette étude constitue une histoire du principe de la conservation de l’énergie, dans laquelle l’auteur, se servant de certaines notes du mémoire de !824 sur la puissance motrice du feu, et de papiers manuscrits de Carnot restés ignorés jusqu’en 1878, montre, aprés L. Décompe (C. R. de VAcad. des Sciences, t. 168, p. 268, 19)9), que personne n’a de titres comparables 4 ceux de SapI Carnot dans la décou- verte du premier principe, qu’il a formellement énoncé, et dont la paternité est généralement attribuée 4 Mayer -1842) ou a JouLe. LiGs Bell, Alexander Graham. Prehistoric telephone days. National geogra- phic magazine, t. 41, p. 223-241, illustr. Washington, March 1922. ISIS Autobiographical fragments of considerable interest, with excellent illustrations. Deiacre M. Wurtz et CLAUDE BerNnarpb. L’hypothese et l’expérience dans les sciences. Mercure de | rance, p. 39-58. Paris 15 févr. 1922. ISIS DELACRE reprend, contre le rdle de lhypothése, et a propos de deux livres récents : Lespreau, La Molécule chimique (Isis, Ill, 426 428) ; Urpain, Les Disciplines dune science, la chimie. (Isis, IV, p. 545), la charge a fond qu il avait antérieurement développée dans son Histoire de la chimie (Isis, IV, p. 84). L. G. [Gerhardt, Charies.] Centenaire de CHarLEs Geruarpr (1815-1856) et de ' ADOLPHE Wuxtz (1817-1884). ‘ISIS L’université de Strasbourg a fété le 5 juillet 1921, n’ayant pas pu le faire pendant la guerre, le centenaire d’un de ses plus iliustres éléves, Ap. Wortz, et d'un de ses plus illustres professeurs, Cu. GERHARDT, de deux des plus grands animateurs de la chimie. Pour GrrHaRDT, inaugu- ration d’une fondation universitaire qui porte son nom; pour Wurtz, inauguration d’une statue sur la place ot prenait jour la maison dans laquelle il est né. Les discours prononcés a cette occasion ont été publiés, avec une note introductive de M. TirrENEau, dans la Revue scientifique du 22 octobre 1921, consacrée & ces deux savants. [Langley, Samuel Pierpont, 1834-1906.] Controversy about LANGLEY’s flying machine, Wricur brothers vs. LANGLEY, the attack against the iatter being led by GrirrirH Brewer, Nature, t. 108, 297-298, 1921; t. 109, 97-98, 305-307, 1922. Iss Lawson, R. W. The part played by different countries in the develop- ment of the science of Radioactivity, Scientia, t. xxx, p. 257-270, 1 octobre 1921. Traduct. francaise : supplément, p. 39-50. Isis L’auteur rappelle en particulier le rdle considérable +t généralement ignoré, joué par le célébre géologue Surss dans la cession faite 48 P. Curt et a Mad. Curie des résidus industriels desquels ils isolérent le Radium. LawG. Leffmann, Henry. Samus. Pierpony LANGLEY [1834-1906]. Pioneer in practical aviation. Journal of the Franklin Institute, vol. 187, Jan. 1919. Reprinted in Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1918, p. 157-167, 9 pl. Isis Ramsay, Sir William. A tablet with a portrait medallion of Sir WicLiam Ramsay, by Cuarves L. HartweE t, will be placed in Westminster Abbey as part of the Ramsay memorial. (Science, t. 54, 151, 1921). IsIS Ss) 05 599 Regnauit, F. L’évolution du cinéma, Revue scientifique, p. 79-86, Paris, février 1922. Iss Excellente étude historique dans laquelle l’auteur, ancien éléve de Marey, apporte des documents nouveaux et corrige plusieurs erreurs; MAREY est incontestablement, au dcuble point de vue scientifique et industriel, le pére du cinéma, et non point Drmeny, comme il fut plusieurs fois écrit aprés la mort de celui-ci en 1917. ll est impossible de savoir 4 qui revient la paternité de plusieurs des perfectionnements trouvés, les brevets ne signifiant rien 4 cet égard. L. G. Smith, Arthur Whitmore. Jonwn Tynpatu (1820-1893). Scientific monthly, vol. 11, 331-340, 1920. 1818 C. — Natural sciences. Corson, Eugene R. AGassiz’s essay on classification fifty years after. Scientific monthly, vol. 11, p. 43-52, 1920. 181s Apropos of Louis AGassiz. An Essay on Classification, London 1859 (first published as an introduction to his Contributions to the Natural History of the United States, 3 vol. 4°), by one who « cannot help feeling that AGassiz’s heroic stand (against the theory of evolution) has been justi- fied by the years which have passed by ». G. S. Descour, L. Pasteur et son ceuvre, 296 p. (200130). Paris, Drea- GRAVE, 1921. ISIS A toutes Jes énudes parues sur Pasteur, L. Descour vient ajouter un volume nouveau dans lequel on chercherait en vain quoi que ce soit qui n’ait été déja dit. Il peut sembler, il est vrai, difficile d’ajouter quelque chose a la Vie de PasteuR de VaLLEery-Raport, et sux travaux de ses colla- borateurs Duciaux({!_ouis PasTEuR) et Roux (L’@uvre médicale de PastEurR). pour ne citer que ceux auxquels il est nécessaire de se reporter, et dont Descour cite 4 maintes reprises de longs passages. Il y aurait cependant peut-étre lieu de ne pas réduire a un p»ragraphe de trois pages le compte rendu de la discussion engagée en 1876 entre Pasteur et Cu. Bastian au sujet de l’origine de novo de la matiére vivante, discussion qui devait donner lieu a la nomination d’une commission de l’'Académie des sciences chargée de départager lesadversaires, qui n’assista jamais a une expérience de BastTIAN, et ne départagea donc rien du tout en réalité. L’admiration qu’é tout homme pour le génie de Pasteur n’en serait en rien diminuée, pas plus qu'elle ne |’a été par les derniéres publi- cations du savant anglais sur le méme sujet (1912). Bonne reproduction du portrait de Pasteur dans son laboratoire, di a Epeire.tpr. Pas de bibliographie. L. G. Dutrochet, René. Les mouvements des végétaux. Du réveil et du sommeil des plantes. Les maitres de la pensée scientifique.) vii-+-121 p. Paris, GAurmier-VILLaARs, 1921. ysis René Durrocuet naquit au chateau de Néon (Indre) en 1776, il mourut A Paris en 1847. Il fut ruiné par la révolution, devint docteur en médecine en 1806 Les deux mémoires ici reproduits sont extraits de son livre: Mémoires pour servir a Uhistoire anatomique et physiologique des véegétaux et des animauaw, 1837. Dutrocnet s'y révéle un adversaire irréductible du vitalisme. I] s’était donné pour tAche d’expliquer toutes les fonctions végé- tales et animales par des forces physiques. C’est surtout la physiologie botanique qui l’a intéressé et il y a fait des déconvertes fondamentales. Par exemple, il est le premier 4 avoir tenté d’expliquer les mouvements de 600 Sixx la séve & l’intévieur des plantes par la diosmose et 4 avoir étudié paralléle- ment l’absorption de l’oxygéne par les plantes et par les animaux. Il a mis en évidence l’action mécanique de |l’endosmose et expliqué en premiére approximation les mouvements de la séve ascendante et descendante. G. 5. Fabre, Jean-Henri. IsIs The French Chamber has voted a sum of 50,000 francs for the purchase of the small house and garden at Sérignan, where tor many years JEAN-HENRI FaBRE prosecuted his study of the habits of insects. Fabre died in the autumn of 1915 at the age of ninety-two. He had been a teacher at Ajaccio and Avignon before he retired, first to a little desert corner near Orange, on the Lower Rkone, and then to Sérignan, in the Department of Vaucluse. As an observer of insects he has been placed second only to Reaumur. He was made a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour and a corresponding member of the Institute, and his house has been a place of pilgrimage for many admirers of his writings. His heirs have consented to the house becoming national property, and his eldest daughter will fulfil the duty of guardian. (ature, t. 108, p. 543, 1921). Hering, Ewald. Fiinf Reden. Herausgegeben von H. E. HErinGc mit einem Bildnis, 140 p. Leipzig, ENGELMANN. 1920. 1818 The five lectures here reproduced by the care of his son are: Memory as a general function of organic matter (1870) ; Specific energies of the nervous system (1884) ; Theory of processes in the living substance (1888) ; Theory of nervoxs activity (1889) and finally the speech made by him when the ALBRECHT VON GRAEFE’s medal was bestowed upon him by the Ophthal- mologische Gesellschaft in Heidelberg 1906. Hrrine expressed his indebt- edness on the one hand to Lamarck and Darwin, on the other to ScHOPEN- HAUERand FecHNER. ‘The idea underlying his optical work was the follow- ing: « der gesamte sensorische und motorische Apparat des Sehorganes — dies Wort im weitestem Sinne genommen — ist ein “ebilde auf dessen Auf- und Ausbau eine unabsehbar lange Kette bewusster Wesen in Laufe unabsehbarer Zeiten gearbeitet hat ». EwaLtp Herine was born in 1834; he died in 1918. Gaiss Metchnikoff, Olga. Life of Ente Mercounixorr, 1845-1916, xxu+297 p. London, ConsTABLE, c. 1921. 1818 Translation from the French of the book reviewed by L. Gurner, Isis, IV, p. 519. (ip Se Orton, James. Memorial to JAMES Orton, Science, t. 54, p. 216-217, 1921. IsIS JAMES ORTON was born at Seneca Falls, New York, 1830. He took part in three scientific expeditions to South America, and died in the course of the latter, in 1876, while crossing Lake Titicaca. His grave is on Esteves Island in that lake. The governments of Bolivia and Peru have erected a monument to him. G.S. Pasteur. ISI8 Joun D. RockreFELLER has provided funds for the purchase of the birthplace of Pasteur at Dole in the Jura. It will be transformed into a museum in which will probably be housed an extensive medical and surgical library, with the authentic documents of Pastrur. (Science, t. 54, p. 574, 1921): Penck, Albrecht. Die erdkundlichen Wissenschaften an der Univer- sitiit Berlin. Rede zur Gedichtnisfeier des Stifters der Berliner S. XIX 601 Universitit Konig Frireprich WitHELMS III in der Aula am 3. August 1918, 44 p. Berlin 1918. IsIs Wollaston, A.F.R. Life of ALFRED Newron, professor of compara- tive anatomy, Cambridge University, 1866-1907. With a preface by Sir ArcHiBpaLD GEIKIE, XV-+332 p. London, Murray, 1921 (not seen). ISIS D. — Medical sciences. Clark, Paul F. Josepn Lister, his life and work. Scientific monthly, t. 11, p 518-539, 1920. ISIS {[Donders, Franz Cornelis]. A statue of Donpers, the great Dutch ophthalmologist and physiologist, was recently unveiled at Utrecht where he had been professor of ophthal- mology and of physiology until his death in 1889. (Science, t. 54, p. 151, 1921). Isis McVail, John C. Half a century of small-pox and vaccination being the Mitroy Lectures delivered before the Royal College of Physi- cians of London in March 1919, vi1+87 p. Edinburgh, Livine- STONE, 1919. IsI8 This survey by one who has been a student of the subject since 1882 will interest the historian, though its aim is medical rather than purely histor- ical, Of the three lectures the first is devoted to Small-pox as it was and is ; the second to Vaccination as it was and is; the third to Control of small-pox in the present day. The first is a clear summary of the history of small-pox in modern times, many statistics being quoted. The second lecture is largely « a rebutment of a contention that infantile vaccination, whilst pro- tecting the individual, makes small-pox so mild and so difficult to recognize where it is not entirely prevented, that the result is such spread of infection from missed cases as to render the practice, on balance, disadvantageous to the community ». G, S. Neuburger, Max. Die Wiener medizinische Schule im Vormiirz, vu + 312 p. Wien, Rikola Verlag, 1921. ‘the medical school of Vienna has known two golden periods: the first founded by vaN Swieten lasted from the middle of the xviuth cent. to the Congress of Vienna, 1814 and is generally called the « Old Vienna School »; the second, due to the activities of Rokiransky, SkopA and others reached its climax after the Revolution of 1848 during the third quarter of the century, and is called the « New Vienna School». But what about the intervening period? Was medical life of no account in Vienna from c. 1814 toc. 1848? Of course not. NruBURGER gives us a very live picture of these times by the simple expedient of quoting contemporary impressions (This is a sequel to his similar work on the Old School analyzed above by E. C. Srreerer, and the same general criticisms apply equally well to both books). There are also many accounts of the « Versammlung deutscher Naturforscher und Aerzte » which took place in Vienna 1832. Six portraits: Lucas Joh. Bo&r, Vincenz v. Kern, Cart RokiTansky, Josepu Skopa, Ferp. Hesra, SEMMELWEIS. G. S$. Pekelharing, A. C. Franciscus Cornetis Donpers. Janus, 24° année, p. 57-76, Leyde, 1919. 1818 Centennial celebration of the birth of the great Dutch ophthalmologist (1818-1889), G. S. 602 S. xix Ravenel, Mazijck P. (editor). A half century of public health. Jubilee historical volume of the American Public Health Association, x1 + 461 p., New York, American Public Health Association, 1921. Isis This beautiful volume, decorated with a portrait of Dr. StepHen Situ, their founder and first president, and dedicated to him,contains the following contributions: the history of public health, 1871-1921 by STEPHEN Smit#; The American Public Health Association, past, present, future by MazicKk P. RavenkL; The story of public health in Canada by PETER H. Bryce ; The history of bacteriology and its contribution to public health work by FREDERICK P. GorHAM; American mortality progress during the last half century by FrepERICK L. Horrman ; The United States quarantine system during the past fifty years by HtGH S. Cummine; History of state and municipal control of disease by CHaRLEs V. Cuapin: Fifty years of water purification by Groner C. WuippLe; Sewage and solid refuse remo- val by KupotpH HERING; Stream pollution by industrial wastes and its control by Earte B. PHetps; Progress in Federal food control by Cart L. ALSBERG ; Food conservation by Samue!. C. !’Rescorr: Milk and its rela- tion to public health by Cartes E. Norts; The history of child welfare work in the United States by Puitip van INGEN ; Housing as a factor in health progress in the past fifty years by |.awRENCE VEILLER; What fifty years have done for ventilation by Grorce T. Parmer ; History of indus- trial hygiene and its effect on public health by Gzorcx Martin Koper; A fifty year sketch history of medical entomology and its relation to public health by L. O. Howarp; The history of public health nursing by Lavinia L. Dock. Gans. Schmiz, Kari (Privatdozent fiir Geschichte der Medizin). Die medizi- nische Fakultit der Universitit Bonn, 1818-1918. Gedruckt mit Unterstiitzung der Fakultit, vim + 103 p. Bonn, Marcus und WEBER, 1920. ISI» This study had been prepared for the second volume of the Festschrift celebrating the centenary of Bonn University, but the publication of this second volume could not take place. Dr. Scumiz’, contribution is thus published independently. The story, which I will not attempt to summa- rize, is divided as follows: General development, manners and currents (this is the most interesting part for the historian who 1s not specially fami- liar with Bonn); institutes of the medical faculty ; medical teaching in Bonn (generalities, then by subjects). An appendix gives one the list of deans and instructors, and statistics: the number of medical students was 156 in 1825, 325 in 1895. 207 in 1905, 1026 in 1915. Gils; Weber, Sir Hermann]. Autobiographical reminiscences written pri- vately for the family, with annotations and a list of his medical writ- ings by his son FrrepDERICK ParKES WEBER, 121 p., 21 illustr. London, Joun BALE, Sons and DaAntEeLsson, 1919. ISIS Herm’ nn Weper, born 1823 in Holzkirchen, Lower Franconia, Bavaria, died in London 1918. Eminent physician; one of the pioneers of the open air treatment of consumption; enthusiastic member of the Alpine club : collector of Greek coins: author of books on climatotherapy, balneotheraj ¥. hygiene, consumption. This autobiography was written when he was al- ready 90 years of age, partly in English, partly in German. It is followed by various obituary notices, bibliographical lists and a splendid set of ei THe os 603 E. — Alia. Babinger, Franz. Isaak JAkop Scumipt. (1779-1847). Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Tibetforschung. Ostasiatische Z., t 8 p. 7-21, 1920. ISIS Bernard, L. L. HERBERT SPENCER'S work in the light of his own life. The Monist, t. 31, p. 1-35, 1921. Isis Bezold. Friedrich von. Geschichte der Rheinischen Friedrich Wihelms- Universitit von der Griindung bis zum Jahr 1870, x + 535 p. Bonn, Marcus und WEBER, 1920. 1818 History of Bonn University from 1814 or 1818 to 1870; enormous as it is, it is only a part of the Festschrift originally prepared for the centenary which would have been celebrated in 1918 but for the war. This volume deals with the University as a whole; a second volume dealing with the special history of every department was planned but will not be published. G. S. Bonney, Thomas George (1833- ). Annals of the Philosophical Club of the Royal Society written from its minute books, x -++ 286 p. London, Macmi.Luan, 1919. 1813 Faulds, Henry, The hidden hand. Vestigia nulla retrorsum. With appendix, 16 p. The Author, Regent House, Hanley, Stoke-on- Trent, England |no date}. 1818 Dr. Kienry Fautps must be considered the inventor of the finger-prints system of identification, if one admits that such a system is not complete and of no use for police purposes, if it does not include a simple method of indexing the prints. Dr. Fautps’ first communication of the subject appeared in Nature, Oct. 28, 1880. Sir Wittiam J. Herscurt had made use of finger-prints in India, before, even as early as 1458, but before 1880 he had published nothing on the subject, he had not thought out a method of indexing and had not tested in a scientific way the fundamental question of permanency. G. S. Gossart, Ernest. Apo.pHe QuereLter et le prince ALBert de Saxe- Cobourg (1836-1861). Bulli. de la Classe des lettres de Acad. de Belgique, p. 211-254, 1919. 1818 L’appendice (230.254) contient des extraits de la correspondance de QUETELET. G. S. Mills, William Haslam. The Manchester Guardian. A century of history, 146 p. London, Cuarto and Winpvus, 1921. 1st8 Thayer, Alexander Wheelock (]817-1897). The life of Brrrnoven. Edited, revised and amended from the original English manuscript and the German editions of Hermann Deiters and HuGo RIEMANN, concluded and all the documents newly translated by HENRY EpWARD Krensien, 3 vol. New York, BeernovenAssociation, 1921. 1Sts The German edition appeared in 5 vol. from 1866 to 1908. S. XX. Millikan R. A. Twentieth century physics. Proc. of the American Institute of Electrical Engineers, Sept. 1917. Reprinted in the Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1918, p. 169-184. Isls VoL. 1v 3 42 604 ANTIQUITY Rasmussen, Knud. Greenland by the Polar sea. The story of the Thule Expedition from Melville Bay to Cape Morris Jesup, Translated from the Danish by Asta and RowLaNnp KENNEY, XXIV + 327 p. London 1921. IsI8 PART ILI. Historical Classification. Including only the materials which could not be included in Part I, the fundamental (centurial classification). 1 and 2. — ANTIQUITY. Autran, Ch. Phéniciens. Essai de contribution a l’histoire antique de la Méditerranée, xv + 146 p. Paris, GrurHNER, 1920. Isis The author’s thesis is that the proto-Phenicians were not Semites but Caucasians, like the men to whom we owe the Egean civilization. G.S. Evans, Sir Arthur. The palace of Minos, at Knossos. A comparative account of the successive stages of the early Cretan civilization as illustrated by the discoveries. Vol. I. The Neolithic and Early Middle Minoan Ages, xxiv + 721 p.. 11 pl. London, Macmin.an, 1921. {SIS Guignebert, Charles. Le christianisme antique. Paris, FLAMMARION, 1921 ISIS Hammarstrém. Magnus. Beitrage zur Geschichte des etruskischen, lateinischen und griechischen Alphabets, vut -+- 58 p. Acta societatis scientiarum fennicae, t. 49. Helsingtors, 1920. ISIS Hazzidakis, Joseph. Tylissos a l’époque minoenne. Suivi d’une note sur les larnax de Tylissos (Etude de préhistoire crétoise) Traduit du grec par lauteur avec la collaboration de L. FraANcHET. Intro- ductions et annotations par L. FRANcHET, 91 p., 48 fig., 10 pl. Paris, GEUTHNER, 1921. ISIS Les fouilles de Tylissos n’ont pas fourni d’objets d’une grande valeur intrinséque, mais elles sont extrémement importantes au point de vue chronologique. Les conclusions de l’auteur, c'est que les neuf divisions chronologiques de Evans ne sont pas applicables, au moins 4 Tylissos, parce qu’elles ne sont pas suffisamment tranchées. Ce premier mémoire, publié d’abord dans |”Apxiohoyixy, “E@nuepic, est consacré a la description des objets trouvés de 1909 a 1912. Les études de L. Francurr sur la céramique antique (voir son Rapport sur une mission en Créte et en Egypte, 1912-1913. Nouv. archives des missions scientifiques, fasc. 15, Paris 1916) ont confirmé les conclusions de Hazzipaxis . Voici d’ailleurs la nouvelle chronologie crétoise proposée par FRANCHET : Néolithique ancien; puis le Néolithique récent., Enéolithique correspond a M. P. I et II de Evans. Bronze I ” M. P. {Il et M. M. I. Bronze II M. M. II, début de M. M. II Bronze III . fin de M. M. Ill et M. D. I cc IE. Bronze IV ” M. D Iil 1 Agedu Fer » Epoque géométrique. Ga\St ANTIQUITY 605 Heitiand, W.E. Agricola. A study of agriculture and rustic life in the Greco-Roman world from the point of view of labour, x + 492 p. Cambridge 1921. An encyclopedia of the subject completed by elaborate indexes. The subject is dealt with from the Homeric age down to Byzantine times (only 5 pages being devoted to the latter, however : Geoponica; The farmer's law of c. 740). 181s Laurand,L Manuel des études grecques et latines, vi + 934 p. Paris, AUGUSTE PicarDp, 1921. IsIs This Manual of classical studies is divided into 7 parts, each of which can be bought separately : the first three deal with Greek studies (Geography, history, institutions, literature, historical grammar); the following three with Roman studies (same order); the last one is common to both Greek and Roman studies, and deals with metre, textual criticism, establishment and interpretation of texts, paleography, epigraphy, numis- matics, archeology, history of philology, bibliography, organization of philologie research. The scope of this Manual is obviously much narrower, and its size much smaller, than those of the two Companions published by the Cambridge University Press. However, even those who use regularly the latter will find it probably profitable to refer to the French Manual, which is the fruit of a long experience and of much learning and wisdom. Gy St. Merlin, A. Lx civilisation carthaginoise. Journal des Savants, p- 193-203, 1920. ISIS Apropos of StrpHANE GSELL. Histoire ancienne de lV Afrique du Nord, IV. La civilisation carthaginoise, 5!5 p. Paris, Hacnetrr, 1920. G. 8. Ninck, Martin. Die Bedeutung des Wassers im Kult und Leben der Alten. Eine symbolgeschichtliche Untersuchung, vir + 190 p. Leipzig, Dierericn, 1921. isis Paton, Lewis Bayles. Spiritism and the cult of the dead in antiquity, 325 p. New York, MacmiLuan, 1921. ists During the last quarter of a century we have witnessed an immense revival of interest inthe phenomena of spiritism. It has seemed timely therefore to present a study of similar psychic»! manifestations in antiquity. The author has enjoyed the assistance of many of his learned colleagues of the Hartford Seminary. His survey is very comprehensive : Spiritism in primitive religion ; in China; among the Indo-Europeans ; the cult of the dead among the latter; spiritism in Egypt; among the early Semites ; in Babylonia and Assyria; earliest Hebrew conception of the dead; Babylo- nian influence on it; worship of the dead by Israel; early opposition to it ; prophetic and legal denial of the vitality of spirits; new theories of immor- tality in post-exilic Judaism ; teaching of Jesus in regard to immortality. G. S. Rostovtzeff, M. The foundations of social and economic life in Egypt in Hellenistic times. Journal of Hellenic studies, t. 6, p. 161-178, 1920. ists Rostovtzeff, M. L’exploration archéologique de la Russie méridionale de 1912 4 1917. Journal des Savants, p. 49-61, 109-(22, 1920, 1818 Schramm, E. Movdykwy und Onager. Nachrichten, Kgl. Ges. d. Wiss.. Gottingen, phil. Kl., p. 259-271, 2 pl., 1918. 1818 The wovdyKwy described in Aro _Loporos’ Poliorcetics and also in a * 606 ANTIQUITY writing attributed to Hero or Byzantium and the onagre described by AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS are identical. Ei S13 Schramm, Erwin. (Generalleutnant s. D.). Die antiken Geschiitze der Saalburg. Bemerkungen zu ihrer Rekonstruktion. Neubearbeitung der Schrift « Griechisch-rémische Geschiitze » (1910) mit 11 Tafeln und 38 Textfig. Herausgegeben von der Saalburgverwaltung, 88 p. Berlin, WEIDMANN, 1918. ISI8 The result of painstaking investigations carried on since 1903 by Dr. ScuRaMM and since 1904 by the late RupoLF ScHNEIDER on the ballistic engines described by Hero, Puito, Virruvius, AMMIANUS, some of which were reconstructed either in natural or in a smaller size. The work is divided as follows : introduction containing the history and bibliography of the question ; history of ancient ballista and other engines for throwing missiles; monuments reproducing such engines; description of the original engine discovered in 1912 in Ampurias, Spain (the capitulum of a Roman engine of the und cent. Bs. c.); finally an elaborate and very precise description and discussion of the reconstructed engines ; HrRo’s gastra- phetes and euthytonon; PuiLo’s palintonon, polybolon and aérotonon ; Vitruvius’ catapulta and ballista; AMMIANUS’ scorpio or onager, etc. Working drawings are provided and the description is a technical one ; the machines constructed for the author were actually used and tested. The late RuDoLF ScHNEIDER was responsible for the philological study ; General Scuramm for the technical. Their work is fundamental. G.S. Stéphanidés, M. La naissance de la chimie. Scientia, Bologna, p- 189-197, mars 1922. ISIS Ia naissance de la chimie coincide avec celle de la chrysopée, ou fabrica- tion de lor, & l’époque de Jinvasion de l’Egypte par les Ethiopiens (718 av. J.-C.) ; le travail de laboratoire de l’art sacré consistait a opérer sur les substances métalliques de facon a en faire le ybua qui donnerait de l’or et dont l’élément fondamental était le plomb.C’est de cet art sacré, dorigine métallurgique, que les Grecs d’Alexandrie et de Byzance ont fait, avec le concours de la philosophie, la yupeia, base de l’alchimie des Arabes et des Occidentaux. (Isis, II, 430-433). UG: Triidinger, Karl. Studien zur Geschichte der griechisch-rémischen Ethnographie, 175 p. (Diss., Basel). Basel, BriRKHAUSER, 1918. IsIs It will suffice to indicate the contents of this thesis : lonian ethnography ; new orientation in the ivth cent.; THropompus; the historians of ALEXANDER ; Posrpontus; SaLLust and Pomprius TRroeus; idealisation of peoples ; Tacitus’ Germania. The tepi dépwv analyzed by F. JAcosy. One notices that TRUDINGER has focused his study of ancient ethnographical ideas upon a few representative personalities. It is sad to think that the gifted author died soon after the publication of his work. G..5: Viedebantt, Oskar. PosEemponios, Marinos, Pro.ematos. Ein weiterer Beitrag zur Geschichte des Erdmessungsproblems im Altertum. Klio, t. 16, p. 94-108, 1919. IsIs Including an appendix on Heroporus’ stadium. re cars Weege, Fritz. Etruskische Malerei. Mit 89 Textabbild. und 101 Tafeln 120 p., 4°. Halle (Saale), Max NIEMEYER, 1921. = An elaborate study not of all Etruscan paintings but of those of the great cemetery of Tarquinii, the old Etruscan capital, near Corneto. Excellent illustrations. at EI, et ASIA 607 Whitaker, Joseph I. S. Motya, a Phoenician colony in Sicily, xvi + 357 p., 1 pl., 116 ill., 2 maps. London, Bett, 1921. 1818 Account of the systematic exploration of Motya or rather of its fringe. Motya is the modern islet of San Pantaleo, near Marsala on the Western- most part of Sicily ; this islet is entirely owned by the author. « On no other Phoenician site, perhaps, are so many ruins of an important fortified city still to be found standing in situ at the present day as at Motya. » P. 260-354 give a description of the Motya Museum organized on the island by the author and Guiseppe Lipari-Cascio. G.S. 3. — ASIA. Bloch, Stella. Dancing and the drama East and West. With an intro- duction by ANanpA Coomaraswamy, 13 p., illustrated by the author, New York, Orientalia, 1922. 1818 « Nominally an essay on the theatre, this is someting more than a discussion of Oriental dancing : it is an introduction to the theory of Asiatic civilization. » (A. C.) Miss BLocn’s drawings of various Oriental dancers or actors are very good. G.S. Eliot, Sir Charles. Hinduism and Buddhism. 3 vol. ctv + 545 p., 322 p., 513 p. London, Epwarp ArNoxp, 1921. 1818 An encyclopedia of the subject with elaborate index by one who has lived in the Far East since 1912 and has travelled in all the countries he speaks of except Tibet. His object has been to trace the history and development of religion in India, Central and Easte.n Asia, with occasional remarks on its latest phases but no systematic attempt to describe modern conditions. Introduction. Early Indian religion. Pali Buddhism. Mahayana. Hin- duism. Buddhism outside India. Mutual influence of Eastern and Wes- tern religions. Elaborate index (50 p.). G'S. Eastern Asia. Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. Notes on the Javanese theatre. Rupam n° 7, p. 5-11, 11 ills. Caleutta 1921. 1818 Shadow plays and human actors; general considerations on Asiatic dra- matic technique. The author is not responsible for the incorrect descriptions of the illustrations. A. K Dohring, K. Kunst und Kunstgewerbe in Siam. Lackerarbeit in schwarz und gold, 3 vol., 76 p. 62 ills. 50 pl. Berlin, Barb, 1914. 18Is A most luxurious production. Only five copies produced (of 500 intended). Prof. Déurine, Court Architect to H. M. the King of Siam, had projected a whole series of works on Siamese art, the publication of which has now become impossible. A. K. C. Dohring, K. Buddhistische Tempel-Anlagen in Siam, 3 vol., 356 p., 180 pl. Berlin, Verlag Asian, 1916. tats Fruin-Mees, W. Geschiedenis van Java. Deel 1, Hindutijdperk, 110 p. 30 pl., map. Deel 2, 127 p., 22 pl., map. Weltevreden, Com. voor de Volkslectuur. 1919, 1920. 1818 Groslier, G. Recherches sur les Cambodgiens, d’aprés les textes et les monuments depuis les premiers siécles de notre ére, x + 432 p., 48 pl., 175 figs., Paris, CaaLuAmer, 1921. 1818 A detailed survey based on the monuments and monumental inscriptions, 608 ASIA chiefly of Banteai Chhma and the Angkor group. The history is divided into Primitive, before the Indian influence; Archaic, ending with the vith century A. D.; Classic, vith to xtuth century ; Modern, or Neo-Angkorean : and Contemporary, or Siamo-Khmer, including all subsequent to the Siamese conquests in the xvith century. The subjects dealt with at length, and fully documented by 200 reproductions of photographs, and 1153 drawings and plans, include Writing, Trade, Weights, Measures and Coins, Costume, Coiffure, Jewellery, Arms, Vehicles and Trappings, Musical Instruments, Pottery, Food; and the actual monuments, which are syste- matically reviewed from the point of view of the historian of art. Valuable comparisons of ancient and modern data are made: the sculptured costume, for example, has been experimentally studied on the living model. As G. GRostier remarks, « If, for example, similar work were done in Java, India, Siam, Burma, and China, a broad comparative survey of these coun- tries would then be possible », and such a comparison would ithrow much light upon the racial history and migrations of the Far East. G. GRosLiER, already well known as the author of Danseuses Cambodgiennes (Paris, 1913), illustrated, like the present work, by his own drawings, is at present Directeur des Arts cambodgiens. ya) «Ci OF The principal interest of Cambodgian art lies in the fact that it illustrates inaremarkable way the age-long conflict between Chinese and Hindu influ- ences. The author attaches more importance to the former than has been done heretofore. To be sure, Chinese influences were more congenial to Cambodgian mentality. Gals. Jasper, J. E. en Pirngadie, Mas. De inlandsche Kunstnijverheid in Nederlandsch Indie. vol. 1. Het Vlechtwerk, 240 + xu p, 81 pl.; vol. 2. De Weefkunst, 375 p., 32 pl.; vol. 3. De Batikkunst, 279 p., 30 pl ’s Gravenhage, Mouton, 1912-1916. TEES A learned and richly illustrated, exhaustive treatise on the textile arts ot Java and Sumatra, Bali, Sumbawa, ete. Numerous coloured plates. A Ro Krause, Gregor. Einiges iiber die Hygiene bei den Baliérn. Janus, 24e année, p. 101-114, 1919. ISIS McGovern, William Montgomery. An introduction to Mahayana Bud- dhism. With special reference to Chinese and Japanese phases, v + 233 p. London, Krean Paun, 1921. IsIS [Musée Guimet | Bulletin archéologique Fascicule I. Salle Epouarp CHAVANNES. Missions Ep. CHavannes (1907), Vicror SEGALEN, GILBERT DE VOISINS et JEAN LARTIGUE (1915), Vicror SEGALEN (1917). — Fascicule IT. Asie Centrale et Tibet. Missions PeLiior et Bacor, 2 vol. in 4°, 72 et 38 p., Paris-Bruxelles, Van Oxsrv, 1921. ISIS A. Moret, conservateur du Musée Guimer, a estimé que la fondation qu'il dirige pouvait, par une nouvelle initiative ajoutée 4 tant d’autres. accroitre encore les services qu’elle rend «i la science Aucun moyen terme n’avait été congu jusqu’ici entre exposé que fournit un livre et la documen- tation fragmentaire que donne un catalogue. Les magnifiques résultats des explorations entreprises par des Frangais depuis quinze ans risquaient donc de demeurer inaccessibles au grand public et méconnus des Orientalistes mémes, une fois terminée l’exposition des trophées archéologiques conquis sur le passé. Désormais Moret et Hackin, assistés d'un comité de rédac- tion composé de Finor, DE GoLovBEW, Sytvain Livi, Maitre et PELLIOT, disposeront d’un Builetin qui ne paraitra que lorsque se sera. produit quelque événement se rattachant a l’activité cu Musée, mais qui présen- BABYLONIA 609 tera en temps opportun l’appréciation synthétique des découvertes toutes fraiches et inédites. On augurera favorablement de cette nouvelle publication par la consultation des deux premiers fascicules, consacrés & rendre hommage 4 |’ceuvre du maitre si regretté de la sinologie, Ep. Cua- VANNES, et 4 préciser la portée des missions SEGALEN en Chine, PELLIoT en Asie Ccntrale et Bacor au Tibet. J. Hackin inventorie les richesses moissonnées en Sérinde, notamment a Touen-houang, et fait preuve d’une sure maitrise en signalant la contribution de ces découvertes 4 notre connais- sance de l’iconographie bouddhique. P. M.-O. [Syria]. A handbook of Syria ‘including Palestine. Prepared by the geographical section of the Naval intelligence division, Naval staff, Admiralty, 723 p.. xiv pl. London, H. M.'s stationery office 1920. {10 sh.] IsI8 An elaborate survey of Syria to as far north as the R. Orontes and a line Antioch-Aleppo-Meskeneh. The first 9 chapters (324 p ) deal with Syria as a whole: Boundaries and physical survey, climate, natural resources, history, inhabitants, Turkish administration, agriculture, industry and trade, currency, weights and measures. The remaining |2 chapters enter into much more detail and treat separately with every district. G. S. 4 — BABYLONIA and ASSYRIA. Cruveilhier, P. Les principaux résultats des nouvelles fouilles de Suse, 1x + 154 p. Paris, Geuruner, !921. [7,50 fr.]. Isis Vulgarisation des découvertes décrites dans les tomes X 4 XV (1908 a 1914) des Mémoires de la Délegation en Perse et mise vu point de la ques- tion, Cet ouvrage ne fait pas double emploi avec l’article du R. P. LaGRaANGR dans le Correspondant, 1913, ni avec le Catalogue des antiquités de la Susiane du Louvre publié par Mauricg P&zarp en 1913, car le but en est différent. L’auteur a voulu résumer |’état de nos connaissances sur l'histoire, la religion, le droit et la philologie. G. S. Cuq, Edouard. Les nouveaux fragments du Code de HAMMOURABI sur le prét a intérét et les sociétés. Mémoires de l Académie des inscriptions, t. 41. p. 159-270, Paris 1920. Isis Ginzel, F. K. Die Wassermessungen der Babylonier und das Sexage- simalsystem. Kio, t. 16, p. 234-241, 1920. 1sI8 Jastrow, Morris and Albert T. Clay. An old Babylonian version of the Gilgamesh epic, on the basis of recently discovered texts, 106 p., 7 pl. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1920. Ists Lutz. H. F. A contribution to the knowledge of Assyro-Babylonian medicine. The American Journal of Semitic languages, t. 36, p. 67-83, 1919. Ists Schwenzner, Walter. Altbabylonische Marktpreise. (Diss., Breslau.) Kirchhain, Scumersow, 1915. 1818 Ungnad, A. Bemerkungen zur babylonischen Himmelskunde. Z. d. deut. morgenl. Ges., t. 73, p. 159-175, 1919. ists Weissbach, F. H. Neue Beitriige zur keilinschriftlichen Gewichts- kunde. Z. d deulschen morgenlind. Ges., t. 70, p. 49-91, 354-402. Leipzig, 1916. — Bemerkungen by C. F. Leamann-Haupr Ibidem, p. 521-524; t. 71, p. 269, 1917; t. 72, p. 287, 1918. 1818 610 BIBLE BYZANTIUM CHINA 5. — BIBLE. (Old Testament civilization.) Jeremias, Alfred. Das alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients. Dritte véllig neubearbeitete Auflage, xv1++712 p., mit 306 Abb. und 2 Karten Leipzig, Hryricas, 1916. 1818 Montgomery, James A. The opportunity for American archaeological research in Palestine. Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1919, p. 433 441, 3 plates, Washington 1921. 1818 Vernes, Maurice. Le serpent d’airain fabriqué par Moss et les serpents guérisseurs d’EscuLaPe. Revue archéologique, t. 7, p. 36-49. Paris, 1918. ISIS Vernes, Maurice Utilisation religieuse des monuments mégalithiques par les anciens Hébreux. Revue archéologique, t. 7, p. 275-290. Paris, 1918. ISIS 6. — BYZANTIUM. Reitzenstein, R. Zur Geschichte der Alchemie und des Mysticismus. Nachrichten, Kgl. Ges. d. Wiss., su Gottingen, phil. K1., p. 1-37, 1919. IsI8 Apropos of the dialogue of CLEoparRa with the philosophers (i. e. the alchemists) already published and translated by BerTHELOT (Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs, Paris, 1888, 3¢ livraison, p 278-287 ; 289-299). New text based upon that contained in the Marcianus 299 (xith cent.), a great collection of alchemic writings, compiled c. 525, wherein it is entitled diakoyos pikoodquy Kai Kkeconatpac (BERTHELOT’S edition contains this text plus a part of the preceding one). At the end of this compilation had been added later other texts, in verse and prose, of which one piece is edited by REITZENSTEIN in an appendix entitled : a Neoplatonic Theophrastus Redi- vivus. It dates probably of the beginning of the vith century. 4G. S. 7. ~- CHINA. Bezold, C. Szi-ma Ts’1en und die babylonische Astrologie. Ostasiatische Z., t. 8, p. 42-49, 1920. IsI8 The Chinese had become acquainted with Babylonian astrology probably already before 523 B. c. and they adapted their own old Chinese names to the Babylonian constellations. Traces of this are found in the Shi-ki (?). G.8. Bouillard. G. et le commandant Vaudescal. Les sépultures impériales des Ming (Che san ling). Bulletin de l’Ecole frangaise d’Extréme- Orient, t. 20, n° 3, grand in-8 de 128 p. et 44 planches, Hanoi, 1920. ISIS La nécropole oi reposent treize empereurs de la dynastie des Ming (1368-1644), prés de Tch’ang-p’ing tcheou, & 40 kilométres au N.-O. de Pékin, est étudiée ici avec la volonté de confronter la réalité actuelle et les descriptions anciennes. Ce travail n’apporte pas seulement une contribution importante a l’archéologie; il illustre par un exemple concret les croyances chinoises relatives au culte des souverains défunts et a la géomancie. Des pories sont érigées non pour ménager un accés vers une direction donnée, mais au contraire pour barrer la route 4 des effluves malfaisants. Le choix CHINA 611 des emplacements des sépultures met en ceuvre des régles de fong-chouei, en vertu desquelles les tombes doivent étre préservées des vents pernicieux, mais favorisées des souffles propices, tenues a |’écart des courants rigides ou contraints, mais participer 4 la proximité salutaire des eaux paisibles. Des avenues sans but apparent, des brisures de perspective se justifient par le désir d’éviter un obstacle a des esprits que l’on veut honorer, de détourner des influences malignes. Maintes singularités de l’esthétique chinoise trouvent de la sorte leur décisive explication, et une lumiére trés vive se trouve jetée sur une pseudo-science, cas fort curieux de positivisme mystique. P. M.-O. Doré, Francois J. La thérapeutique et hygiene en Chine. De l'in- fluence des superstitions sur le développement des sciences médico pharmaceutiques. Préface du prof. EM. Perror, vu-+221 p. Paris, Vicor, 1920. [12 franes] Isis Cette étude est basée en premier lieu sur les documents fournis a l’auteur par son frére, le R. P. Dort, S. J., dont les Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine (Cheng-Hai, impr. de T’ou-sé-wé, 12 vol.) sont bien connues et dont |’ xpérience chinoise est considérable. Par ex. le P. Doré a bien voulu traduire quelques-uns des livres de médecine en usage Elle complétera donc les travaux des Matignon, LEGENDRE, REGNAULT, VINCENT, HURRIER, et d’autant plus que l’auteur ue s'est pas borné a étudier la médecine proprement dite; ses recherches ont porté surtout sur les pratiques super- stilieuses tant bouddhistes que taoistes. Son travail est divisé comme suit : Comment on devient médecin ou pharmacien. Principaux guérisseurs. La médecine. La pharmacie. Superstitions dans leurs rapports avec la médecine et Vhygiéne. Les talismans et l)Olympe chinois. Le peuple. Hygiéne et épidémies. Conclusion (condamnation formelle de la médecine chinoise). Un index, surtout des mots chinois, efit été fort utile. G. S. Forke, Alfred. Der Festungskriey im alten China. Ostasiatische Z., t. 8, p. 103-116, 1920. ISIS Groot, J. J. M., De. Universismus. Die Grundlage der Religion und Ethik, der Staatswesens und der Wissenschaften Chinas, vill +404 p. Berlin, 1919. Isis German translation of the author’s Religion in China, Universism. A key to the study of Taoism and Confucianism, xv-|-327 p. New-York, 1912, with five new chapters and the original Chinese texts. Severely eriticized by Pe.uior in Journal asiatique, t. 16, p. 158-165, 1920. G. S. Herrmann, Albert. Die iiltesten chinesischen Karten yon Zentral-und Westasien. Ostasiatische Z., t. 8, p. 185-198, 1920. 188 The two oldest maps here reconstructed and reproduced date respectively from 440 and 605-6. They will be published again by Sven Hevin in his « Southern Tibet. Discoveries in former times compared with my own researches in 1906-1908. Vol. VIII, Stockholm, 1920 ». G. S. Launay, Adrien. Histoire des missions de Chine (Sociéte des missions étrangéres). Missions du Se-Tchoan, t. I, xxi+662 p. Paris, Traut, 1920. 1818 Retraces the history of the Roman Catholic missions in « Ssich‘nan » from 1640 to 1792, but not more than 25 p. deal with the xvuth cent. G.S. Loria, Gino The debt of mathematics to the Chinese people. Scientific monthly, t. 12, p. 517-521, 1921. 181s Abridged translation by K. B. Mc cienon of Loria’s paper 1920 (/sis II, 470), based chiefly on Mikami, 1912. G.S. 612 EGYPT Pelliot, Paul. Les grottes de Touen-Houang. Peintures et sculptures bouddhiques des époques des Wei, des T’ang et des Song, 2 vol. (Mission PELLior en Asie Centrale, I). Paris, GrurHner, 1914-1920 {sIs Saussure, Léopoid de. Le cycle des douze animaux et le symbolisme cosmologique des Chinois. Journal asiatique, t. XV, p. 55.88, 1920. ISIs Les principes cosmologiques. Les cycles zoaires primordiaux. Le cycle des douze animaux. La conclusion de l’auteur, c’est qu’il existe un symbo- lisme zoaire chinois (de ce que la série duodénaire ne date en Chine que du premier siécle et de ce que les Turco-mongols l’ont en prédilection, Cna- VANNES avait conclu, en 1906, qu’elle avait été importée en Chine par les peuples tures). « Sa caractéristique, c’est que chacun de ses termes repré- sente une phase dans |’espace ou dans le temps, de la révolution dualistique (du yin et du yang). Cette révolution est concue d’aprés un type unique pouvant s’appliquer a toutes les révolutions de Ja nature, annuelle, diurne, sidérale, azimutale. Les cycles zoaires de 4, 6, 8 et 12 termes représentent divers modes de division de cette révolution cosmologique. Le cycle de 4 termes date de la plus haute antiquité. Les cycles de 6 et 8 termes sont antérieurs au Tcheou... Ces trois cycles primordiaux se manifestent dans la littérature canonique et classique. Le cycle des 12 animaux n’apparait explicitement qu’au début de notre ére, mais on en apercoit des indices sous la dynastie Tcheou. La répartition de ses termes démontre qu’il a subi une réforme d’ordre astronomique, avant l’époque ou il apparait dans la littérature. Le dérangement survenu dans la distribution originelle des animaux fournit l’explication de l’ordre de numération des anciens mois tures ». G.:S. Stein, Sir Aurel. Serindia. Detailed report of exploration in Central Asia and Westernmost China. Carried out and described under the orders of H. M. Indian government, 5 vol. royal in 4°, Lxx -}- 1580 p., 175 pl., 345 ill. ete. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1921. {12 guin.]. ISIS Swingle. Walter T. Far Eastern acquisitions. Report of the Libra- rian of Congress for the year 1920-1921, p. 169-175, Washington, 1921. IsIs The Far Eastern collections of the Library of Congress are growing fast. Among the latest acquisitions of Chinese books let us quote : some moré official gazetteers, the L. C. having now a total of 1,047 different official gazetteers; a Ming edition in 100 books of the Yao shan t’'un wai chi, a biographical compilation by the Ming author Cutane I-K’uri; a modern biographical dictionary, the Ching khuo jén ming ta ta’u tien issued in 1921, 1,981 p., 42,000 biographies; 37 new ts’ung shu (collections of reprints), of which there are now in the library 310 different ones containing well over 10,000 different works. Two of these ts’ung shu are of particular interest : the Yao lit chiian shu compiled by the Ming prince Cuu Tsat-yii and published in 1610, a collection of mathematical treatises on music. and the Si yang hsin fa li shv. by Apam Scuatt (T’ane Jo-wana), Nicotas Loneo- BARDI, JEAN Terrenz, JAcQuES Ruo and other Jesuit missionaries, a col- lection of mathematical and astronomical treatises published about 1630 (the set of the L, C. is not complete ; it contains 24 works in 63 be 8. — EGYPT. Borchardt, Ludwig. Die Geschichte der Zeitmessung und der Uhren, herausgegeben von ERNsT VON BASSERMANN-JoRDAN. Band I, Liefe- EGYPT 613 ruug B : Altagyptische Zeitmessung, Berlin und Leipzig 1920, 1v° 70 B. Isis Dies Werk wird im Ganzen 7 Lieferungen enthalten, und jeder einzelne Teil wird von einem Spezialforscher bearbeitet. Der Inhalt vorliegender, auf griindlichsten Quellenstudien an Ort und Stelle basierenden Abhandlung ist der folgende : 1. Die agyptischen Zeitmasse. — 2. Die agyptischen Zeitmesser : a) die Wasseruhren [Auslauf- und Einlaufuhren]; 6) die Sonnenuhren [Messen der Schattenlange, Sonnenuhren mit wagerechter Auffangfiiche, Sonnenuhren mit gestufter Auffangf!ache, Sonnenuhren mit schrager Auffangflaiche, Streiflichtsonnenuhren mit schrager Auffangfliche; Sonnenuhren mit senkrechter Auffangfliche]; c) Sternenuhren. — 3. Schiuss (Riickblich auf die verschiedenen Arten der Agyptischen Zeit- messer und Vergleich derselben). — 4. Nachtrag (A®lteste inschrifiliche Erwahnung der Auslaufuhr; Grabinschrift ihres Erfinders). Das vornehm ausgestattete Buch mit seinem reichen Bilderschmuck von altagyptischen Original-Zeitmessern, gibt zum ersten Mal eine Darstellung dieses interessanten Gebietes altigyptischer (hronologie und Zeitmessung nach den Quellen und ist daher eine Fundgrube ersten Ranges in einem bis jetzt so gut wie unbekannten Wissenszweig des altehrwurdigen Pharaonen- volkes. C. Scnoy. Hopfner, Theodor. Der Tierkult der alten Agypter nach den griechisch rémischen Berichten und den wichtigeren Denkmiilern. Denk- schriften der Akad. d Wiss. in Wien, philos.-hist. Klasse, 57. Bd., 2. Abh., 201 p., Wien 1914. 1gI8 An elaborate survey of this subject, which may interest the historian of zoology. The main subdivision is zoological, 36 successive chapters being devoted to as many species (n° 19 is devoted to the okapi). G. S. Knight, G. A. Frank. Nile and Jordan. Being the archaeological and historical interrelations between Egypt and Canaan from the earliest times to the fall of Jerusalem in A. D. 70. London, CLARKE, 1921. 181s Ricci, Seymour de. Esquisse d’une bibliographie égyptologique. Revue archéologique, t. 6, p. 197-212, 374-391 ; t. 7, p. 158-176. Paris, 1917-1918. Ists A list of the essential books on Ancient Egypt (Greco-Roman and Coptic antiquities excluded); there are but very few critical notes. G. S. Richards, F. S. Note on the age of the great temple of Ammon at Karnak as determined by the orientation of its axis. Cairo, Government Press, 1921. 1318 Reviewed by H. G. Lyons in Nature; t. 108, p. 587, 1921. G. S. Ruffer, Sir Marc Armand (1859-1917). Studies in the palaeopathology of Egypt Edited by Roy L. Moonie, xx + 372 p., 71 pl. Chicago, University Press, 1921. Isis Sethe, Kurt. Die Zeitrechnung der alten Aegypter im Verhiiltnis zu der derandern Volker. Eine entwicklungsgeschichtliche Studie. Nach- richten, Kgl. Ges. d. Wiss, su Gottingen, phil. Kl, p. 287320, 1919. isis Sonne und Mond als Zeitmesser. Das Natur- oder Bauernjshr. Das Fixsternjahr. Die Jahreszeiten. Das Mondjahr. Das Rumpfjabr von 360 Tagen. Das Wandeljahr von 365 Tagen. Das feste Jahr Die Ausbrei- tung des aegyptischen Jahres ausserhalb Aegyptens. 614 GREECE 9. — GREECE. Bidez, J. Projet d'un catalogue des manuscrits alchimiques présenté a l'Union académique internationale. Bull. de la Classe des lettres de UAcad de Belgique, p. 677-684, 1919. ISI8 Custance, Admiral Sir Reginald. War at sea. Modern theory and ancient practice, x1 + 113 p., 12 plans and charts. Edinburgh, Biackwoop, 1919. ISIS « The wars of the ancient Greeks have been used to illustrate the theory, because the theatre of those wars being narrow, and the conditions of life comparatively simple, the working of the great drama can in each case be clearly followed. Moreover, those wars are good examples of the interdependence of the action by sea and by land ». Farnell, L. R. Greek hero cults and ideas of immortality (Girrrorp lec- tures, University of St. Andrews, 1920). Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1921. ISiS Glotz, Gustave. Le travail dans la Grece ancienne, 468 p., 49 gray. Paris, ALCAN, 1920. ISIS Reviewed by Victor CuHapor in Revue de synthése historique, t. 32, p. 109-114, 1921. Heiberg, J. L. Les sciences grecques et leur transmission. I partie : Splendeur et décadence de la science grecque; I1® partie : L’ceuvre de conservation et de transmission des Byzantins et des Arabes. Bologna, Scientia, t. 31, p. 1-11, 97-105; janvier et février 1922. Ists Homolle, Théophile. Ressemblance de l’omphalos delphique avec quelques représentations égyptiennes. Revue des études grecques, t. 32, p. 338-358, 12 fig., 1919. ISIS Kalinka, Ernst. Der Ursprung der Buchstabenschrift. Klio, t. 16, p. 302-317, 1920. ISIS « Die Buchstabenschrift ist eine Schépfung der alten Griechen. Es war die erste Grosstat des griechischen Geistes, der noch viele andere folgten, und begriindete zusammen mit ihnen jene Kultur, in der die heutige wurzelt ». GS: Petersen, Eugen. Rhythmus. Abhdl. d. Kgl. Ges. d. Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, Bd. 16, No. 5, 104 p. Berlin, 1917. ISIS Moderner Gebrauch des Wortes Rhythmus. Ursprung und Bedeutung des griechischen Wortes. AristoxEeNuS Theorie. Einwirkung des Khythmus auf die Bewegung. ARISTOXENUS und die moderne Physiologie. PyTHAGORAS und Myron um Rhythmus gelobter Meister der Plastik, Rhythmus in der Myron gleichzeitigen Malerei und Skulptur. Nach der rhythmischen die ethische Kunst, besonders in Olympia. Von Olympia nach Athen, zur Vollendung in Ethos und Rhythmus. Rhythmus in vor-und nachgriechischen Kunst. Wright, Jonathan. The origin of Hippocratic theory in some of the science of the nature philosophers. Scientific monthly, t. 11, p. 127-140, 1920. ISIS iA! INDIA 61 10. — INDIA. Acharya, Prasanna Kumar. A treatise on architecture and kindred subjects. Thesis for the degree of Ph. D. of the East Indian Archi- pelago at the University of Leiden. Leiden, Britt, 1918. Isis Deals chiefly with the Manasara, an important Sanskrit text probably older than the vth century, and treating of architecture and iconogra- phy. Review in Rupam, N° 4. A. K. C. Bhagavan, Das. Hindu-Aryan astronomy and antiquity of Aryan race by Panpir BHaGwan Das PatTuak, tv + 118 p. Dehra Dun, GahrwalijPress, 1920. [2 rupees]. Isis The author is convinced that Hindu astronomy is of considerable anti- quity (the five major planets being known to them at least as far back as 5000 B. c.!) and precision (data concerning the moon’s sidereal motion dating from 1905 B. c., if applied to computations relative to 1850 a. p., give results agreeing exactly with those of European astronomers!!). The object of his investigations has been chiefly to prepare the rectification of the Hindu calendar. G. S. Bhagavan, Das. Antiquity of Aryan race, x + 102 p. Dehra Dun, U. P., Garhwali Press, 1922 [2 rupees]. Isis This is a sequel to the book on Hindu-Aryan astronomy and antiquity of Aryan race, A study of the constellations has led him to make some very remarkable discoveries, to wit : the ancients originally formed some constellations in c. 120,394 B. c.; the deluge took place and the ancients emigrated to 70 or 69 degrees of N. latitude in c. 86,469 B. c., ete. G. S. Bhagavan, Das. La science des émotions, 206 p. Bruxelles, Librairie théosophique, 1921. 1818 Bloomfield, M. The life and stories of the Jaina savior PARGVANATHA. xu + 254 p. Baltimore. Jouns Hopkiys Press, 1919. ISIS Cohn. W. Indische Plastik, vi + 87 p.161 pl.. Berlin, Bruno CassIRER 1921. 1818 An excellent collection of photographic reproductions of Indian and Indonesian sculpture. With a lengthy introduction (partially translated into English in a long review in Rupam, N° 7). Dr. Coun dissents from the exaggerated views of some authors as to the extent and import- ance of Greek influences in Indian art. Of Plate 120, the onginal is still at Anuradhapura, not in the Colombo Museum. Wok, Coomaraswamy, A. K. Saiva sculptures (recent acquisitions). Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin, N° 118, p. 15-24, 10 fig. Boston, 1922. 18s Duff, James Cuninghame Grant (1789-1858) A _ history of the Mabhrattas. Revised annotated edition with an introduction by S. M. Epwarpes. 2 vol xcu + 586, xxu + 574 p., po trait, map Oxford University Press, 1921. 1818 Farquhar, J. N Outline of the religious literature of India, xxv -+ 451 p. Oxford, University Press, 1920. Isis Foucher, A The Beginnings of Buddhist art, x + 298 p., 50 pl. Paris, Gevuruner, 1917 (and issued to members of the India Society, London). A collection of essays trans! by L. A. and F.W. Tuomas. 1818 Essays entitled : the beginnings of Buddhist art; the representation of 616 INDIA ‘Jatakas’ on the reliefs of Barhut; the Eastern gate of the Sanchi stupa; the Greek origin of the image of Bupp#a; the Tutelary Pair in Gaul and in India; the Great Miracle at Sravasti; the Six-tusked Elephant; Buddhist art in Java; the Buddhist Madonna. Learned and illuminating, indispen- sible to students of Indian art. But Foucwer accuses those who do not agree with him as to the extent and importance of the Hellenistic elements in Indian art, and deny the «manifest superiority » of Gandhara sculptures, aesthetic perversity or nationalist rancour. This is scarcely an adequate substitute for argument. A. K. C. Konow, Sten. The Aryan gods of the Mitani people. Roy. Fred. Univ. Pub. of the Indian Institute, N° 1, 39 p., Kristiania, 1921. ISIS « The Mitani gods were Indian and not Aryan » : hence, « the sphere of Indian civilisation had, in the middle of the second millennium B. c., extended into Mesopotamia ». ASK: Law, Narendra, Nath. Aspects of ancient Indian polity. With a fore- word by ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH. xx + 228 p. Oxford. Claren- don Press, 1921. IsTs Forms and types of states. The state-council. The royal priest. Regal succession. The education of the prince. Theroyal duties : the king’s daily routine of work. The evolution of the principal state officials. Theories of the evolution of kingship among the Indo-Aryans. The religious aspects of ancient Hindu polity. Index. Meyer, Johann Jacob. Das Weib im altindischen Epos. Ein Beitrag zur indischen und zur vergleichenden Kulturgeschichte, xvii + 440 p. Leipzig, Hers, 1915. ISIS See review by JARL CHARPENTIER in Z. d. deut. morg. Ges., t. 70, p. 264-269, 1916. Nahar, P..G. and Ghosh, K. Epitome of Jainism, xvii 4. xxx + 706 --ixxvu p., 10 pl. Calcutta, GuLtaB Kumar library, 1917. ISIS Best general account of the Jain system. A. K. C. Oldenberg, Hermann. Die Lehre der Upanishaden und die Anfange des Buddhismus, 374 p. Géttingen, VANDENHOECK und RUPRECHT, POTS: IsI8 - Reviewed by R. Orro FRANKE in the Ostasiatische Z., 1. 7, p. 242-244, 1919. Pillai, L.D. S. Indian chronology, u + 233 + xi p. Madras, Grant, 1911. ists Comparative tables of eras, and astronomical data. A. Ks G: Popley, H. A. Music of India. Caleutta and Oxford, 173 p., 1921. ISIS A succinct and trustworthy survey, with some examples. A very sym- pathetic as well as learned account of a great and living culture. A. K.C. Pratinidhi, Bhavanrao. The lines to be followed in drawing the pictures for the Mahabharata edition, p 1-34 with ten plates. Annals of the Bhandarkar Instituts, Poona, Vol. 11], pt. 1. 1921. Isis A discussion of ancient Indian costume, based on the sculptures. Ae Sat Op IRAN 617 Rao. T. A. Gopinatha Talamana or Iconometry Mem. Arch. Sur. India n° 3, 115 p. 13 pl., Calcutta, Government printer, 1920. IsIs Detailed study of the proportions of images. No reference to previously published literature. Bis KO, Rao, T. A. Gopinatha. Elements of Hindu leonography. Vol. |, xvim -+- 400 + 160 p, 122 pl.; vol, 2, x1 + 578 + 279 4+ 37 p., 159 Bro Madras, Law Printing House, 1914-1916. Exhaustive and fuily illustrated, plates many and well chosen, but badly reproduced : with texts from Silpa Sastras. A. K. C. Rodin, A.; Coomaraswamy, A.; Havell, E. B.; Goloubew, V. Sculpt- ures Civaites de l’Inde. Ars Asiatica, vol 3, 31 p. 47 pl. Bruxelles et Paris, Van Ogsrt, 1921. Isis Nataraja : Elephanta (Trimurti) : Mahabalipuram. [xcellent plates giving many details separately. A. K. C. Santideva. Sikshasa-Muccaya. A compendium of Buddhistic doctrine compiled chiefly from the earlier Mahayana Sutras. Translated from the Sanscrit by the late Ceci. Benpati and W. H. D. Rouse. London, Murray, 1922. ists Sen, Dinesh Chandra. History of Bengali language and literature. xm -+ 1030 p., 9pl., Caleutta, University, 1911. ists Invaluable for general study of Hindu civilisation, as well as Bengali literature in particular. A. K. C. Sen, Dinesh Chandra. Folk literature of Bengal, xxix + 362 p. Cal- cutta, University. 1920. Isis Woscdroffe, Sir John. Bharata Shakti. Collection of addresses on Indian culture. Third and enlarged edition. xivim -}+- 132 p. Madras, GanesH, 1921 [1* ed., 1917]. [Re. 1-8.} IsI8 Addresses by an English judge in India who is an enthusiastic and generous defender of Hindu culture. « India is not a mere geographical expression nor a mere congeries of people... India is anidea. Itisa particular Shakti, the Bharata Shakti, distinguished from all others by Her own peculiar nature and qualities. No home isa truly Indian home, which is not Her expression. The basis of all culture and the maker of all nationality is Religion... May the great and wonderful antique life of India be reborn in the forms of to-day. » G. S$. Woodroffe, Sir John. The world as power reality. !18 p. Madras, Ganesu, [1921]. [2 Rs.}. 1818 The first booklet of a series explaining succinctly some general philosophical principles of the Doctrine of Shakti or Power from the Shakta Vedanta standpoint. Hindu philosophy and religion are too often treated in an archaeological way. The author's aim on the contrary is to state general principles with reference to the thought of to-day. G.S. Woods, J. Haughton, La théorie de la connaissance dans le systeme du Yoga. Journal Asiatique, t. 11, p. 385-389, 1918. 1818 11. — IRAN. Hodivala, Shahpurshah Hormasj. Studies in Parsi history, 350 p. Bombay, 1920. ers 618 ISLAM Sykes, General Sir Percy. A history of Persia, 2 vol., second edition. London, MAcmiILLAn, 1921. Iss 12. — ISLAM. Basset, Henri. Essai sur la littérature des Berbéres, 446 p. Alger, JULES CARBONNEL, 1920. ISIS Les origines de la langue et l’alphabet national (alphabets libyque, tifinagh, ce dernier en usage chez les Touaregs du Sahara), Le Berbére et sa langue. Littérature écrite (le plus ancien document cité est le Qoran composé en 127 A. H. par Sauin BEN Tarir de la tribu des Berghouata. Littérature juridique. Littérature orale (Contes et légendes; poésie). Index avec la transcription des noms en caractéres arabes. G Campani, Romeo. Calendario Arabo. Tabelle comparative delle Ere Arabo e Cristiano-Gregoriana mese per mese (EKgira 1-1318) e giorno per giorno (E. V. 1900-2000). 151 p. Modena, Societa tipo- grafica modenese, 1914. Isis These tables published for the General Staff of the Italian army are very convenient and very inexpensive as compared with the tables of FErp. WistenFELD (Leipzig 1854) continued by Mauier (1887) or those of De Mas Latrig ‘Trésor de chronologie, Paris 1889). I have used both the German and the Italian tables and can testify to the greater convenience of the latter. It would be well, however, to add at the beginning a shorter table year by year. R. Campani explains the Arabic and Turkish calen- dars in his Introduction and gives a bibliography of the subject. G. S. Carra de Vaux, Baron. Jes penseurs de l’Islam. I. Les souverains, Vhistoire, la politique et la philosophie, vi + 383 p. Paris, GEUTHNER, 1921. 1818 Le premier d’une collection de cing volumes dont le but est de vulgariser la connaissance de la pensée musulmane. L’érudition de ce livre est dissi- mulée sous les dehors d’une prose aimable; l’auteur n’a point essayé d’épuiser le sujet, ce qui l’aurait conduit 4 écrire une sorte de catalogue, mais plut6t d’offrir un choix, le fruit d'une longue expérience : (1-2) Sou- verains ; (3-4) Historiens arabes; (5) Historiens persans et historiens des Mongols; (6) Historiens tures; (7) Philosophie politique; (8) Proverbes et contes. I] semble que ce livre ait été écrit avec trop de hate; l’emploi capri- cieux des dates chrétiennes et musulmanes est ennuyant. G.S Dinet, E. ct Sliman ben Ibrahim. L’Orient vu de |’Occident. Essai cri- tique avec un dessin facsimile de E. Diner, 105 p. Paris, H. Piazza et P. GEUTHNER [Sans date, 1922]. 1818 Ce pamphlet fort intéressant fut rédigé 4 Bou-Sdada en septembre 1921; il est consacré surtout a la critique des ceuvres du P. Lammens et du livre de Casanova, professeur au Collége de France, sur Monammen et la Fin du Monde. Le point de vue d’E. Dinzt (alias Nasr-Ep-Dink) et SLIMAN BEN IBRAHIM est celui de l’Islam. La science du P. LaMMENS ne peut étre mise en doute, mais ce savant apologiste a une tendance déplorable & remplacer les arguments scientifiques par des insultes ou des insinuations. CasANOVA, au contraire, fait preuve d’impartialité et de ce minimum de sympathie sans lequel il est impossible de comprendre la pensée d’autrui. Sa thése, c’est que le Prophéte croyait que la fin du monde était proche et qu’il y assisterait ; c’est pour cela qu'il ne désigna pas de successeurs. Les auteurs discutent cette thése qui leur parait inexacte. Au P. Lammens, qui parait dépourvu de charité chrétienne, il serait peut 6tre bon de rappeler ce pré- cepte de la charité musulmane: « Ne dispu‘ez sur la Religion, avec les gens du Livre, qu’avec la plus grande courtoisie ». (Coran.) G. S$. ISLAM 619 Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Maurice. Les institutions musulmanes, 192 p. Paris, FLAMMARION, c. 1921. ISIS Horten, Max. Die religidse Gedankenwelt des Volkes im heutigen Islam. 2 parts. Halle a. S. Niemeyer, 1917-1918. Isis A study completing that previously published by the same author, 1916 (Isis, 1V, 183); popular vs. philosophical religion. G. 8. Kappauf, Willy. Aus der Zahnheilkunde der Araber in der Uber- lieferung des Abendlandes. (Diss.; SuDHorrs Institut), 80 p. Mann- heim, 1921. ISIS A summary of Muslim dentistry, including many extracts from the sources and a bibliography. G. 8. Nicholson, Reynold A Studies in Islamic poetry, xm + 300 p. Cam- bridge, University Press, 1921. Isis [Transliteration]. Transliteration of Arabic and Persian. Report of the committee appointed to draw up a practical scheme for the transliteration into English of words and names belonging to the languages of the nearer East. Proc. of the British Academy, p- 505-521, 1917-1918. Isis The committee included : Sir Caartes Lyatt, A. A. Bevan, T. Rays Davips, D. S. MareouioutH, Sir Freperick Poiitock, Hinks. Aims: uniformity; avoidance as far as possible of diacritical marks ; conformity as far as possible to English usage. G. S. Wiedemann, Ejilhard und Hauser, Fritz. Uber die Uhren im Bereich der islamischen Kultur., Nova Acta, Bd. 100, p. 272. Halle 1915. Isis A very elaborate description and discussion of the clocks used by the Muslims, chiefly the waterclocks (sundials are not dealt with; for sun- dials see C. Scnoy, Arabische Gnomonik, Archiv der deutschen Seewarte, Bd. 36,1913). The chief part of this long memoir is furnished by the translation of two Arabic works of the beginning of the xiuth cent. : 1. The Kitab fi ma‘rifat al-hijal al-handasija, that is, the book on the knowledge of geometrical ingenious (mechanical) devices which was com- pleted in 1206, by Asu’t'lzz Isma‘tic pn aL Razzaz (son of the rice merchant) at-Gazari (the Mesopotamian) Bapi‘ at Zaman (the peerless one of his time). This at-Gazari fl. in the period 1181-1205 under the Urtuqides who ruled in Kajfa, Maridin and Dijar Bekr; he mentions a door in Amid, the capital of Dijar Bekr, on the Tigris. The translation cf this book covers pp. 58 to 165. 2. Book on the construction and use ot the clock of the Bas Gatrin, by RibwaNn I6n MiuwamMmep at-Caurasani Ripwan 1sn MuHamMen IBN ‘ALi AL* SHURASANi (abbreviated translation p. 176-266). This book was com- pleted in 1203. Gazari’s book spoke only of clocks to be used inside of palaces or else by travellers Rinwan’s book, on the contrary, was devoted to a famous public clock which was placed outside of the Bab Gairtin (or bab al Sa‘at, door of the clock) in Damascus. Ripwan’s father, MvavMep ten ‘ALI inn Rustam AL-CuuraSani At-Sa‘ati (the clockmaker) had constructed this clock sometime between 1146 and 1169. Sometime between 1166 and 1169 it was repaired and improved. It was seen and described by many travellers (Ian Gupatn, 1184; Qazwini; Inn Bartota; etc.). WIEDEMANN’s memoir is an important contribution to the history of Muslim technology. It is more comprehensive than its title suggests; VoL. tv-3 43 620 ISRAEL for it contains information on many other objects than clocks, ex. gr. weights and measures, and incidentally on Muslim civilizatioz . The upshot of this investigation is tbat the Muslims had used their Byzantine models with considerable advantage. Their clocks testify to their great technical skill and help us to realize that the Muslims were able to construct excellent astronomical instruments and to make obser- vations of remarkable precision. Gas: Wiedemann, E. und Hauser, F. Uhr des ArcuIMEeDES und zwei andere Vorrichtungen. Nova Acta, Bd. 103, p. 163-202. Halle, 1918. ISIS The writing entitled « the Clock of ARcHIMEDES » was made known in 1891 by Carra DE Vaux (Journal Asiatique, t. 17, 287). WirpemMann and Hauser give us now a complete translation of this Arabic text, based upon the best MSS. This text is of Byzantine origin and many Persian words suggest that it was transmitted to the Arabs by Persians. Together with Virruvius’ account of Cresipius’ clock it gives us a good idea of ancient clocks. A writing on the clock is mentioned in the Fihrist (p. 266), being attributed to Inn IsHaq at-Napim (d. 995). The authors give also a short account of two other writings on clocks contained in the Bodleian MS, 954. G. S. 13. — ISRAEL. (See also Bible.) Browne, Laurence E. Early Judaism, xiv + 234 p. Cambridge, University Press, 1920. ISIS Cohen, Abraham. The Babylonian Talmud. Tractate Berakot. Trans- lated into English for the first time, with introduction, commen- tary. glossary and indices, 500 p. Cambridge, University Press, 1921. ISIS Gollancz, Hermann. Sepher Maphteah Shelomo (Book of the key of Solomon). An exact facsimile of an original book of magic in Hebrew. with illustrations, xix p. + 79 folios in facsimile. Oxford University Press 1914 (300 copies). [2 guin.] ISIS This MS., in the author's possession, is dated 1700 and is written in the Hebrew cursive script of an Italo-Spanish character. It is of inte- erst to the folk-lorist and to the historian of science, for it contains references to philosophy, medicine, alchemy, astronomy, mathematics, theology, physiognomy, logic, music, politics. SoLomon plays the same role in ancient Jewish magic as Faust does in the Uhristian; the Clavicula Salomonis is supposed to be the source of all Jewish books on magic. Until about 1903 it was thought that the Hebrew text was lost. The present MS. offers the most complete version. A few fragments are transcribed in square Hebrew character and translated into English. For a longer analysis see the author’s previous brochure C/avicula Salomonis, Frankfurt, KaurrmMann, 1903. G. 8. Kallen, Horace Mayer. Zionism and world politics. A study in history and social politics. New York, DousLEpAy; London, HEINEMANN, S21: ISIS Swift, Flechter A Education in ancient Israel from earliest times to 70 A. D., x1 + 134 p. Chicago, Open Court, 1919. Isis MIDDLE AGES 621 15. — MIDDLE AGES. Brodmann, Carl. Deutsche Zahntexte in Handschriften des Mittel- alters (Diss , SupHoFFs Institut), 71 p. Wittenberg, Herrosé und ZIEMSEN, 1921. ISIS The first printed book on dentistry is the Arizney buchlein wider allerlei krankheyten und gebrechen der Czeen, Leipzig 1530, by an unknown physician of Mittweida, Saxony, but this book had been preceded by MSS. texts, 8 of which are here reproduced and annotated with technical index and bibliography. G. S, Cumont, Franz. Astrologica. Revue archéologique, t. III, p. 1-22, Paris, 1916. ISIS A propos : d’une miniature astrologique des célébres Heures du duc de Berry conservées 4 Chantilly; de deux manuscrits latins du 1x® siécle contenant des images des deux hémisphéres célestes (BoLi avait déja publié un MS. grec de la méme époque dans lequel le ciel était aussi divisé en deux hémisphéres) ; d'un MS. astrologique latin du x® siécle (Parisinus 17.868), dont le contenu est briévement analysé. Ce dernier MS est d’autant plus intéressant que si l’on excepte les MSS. de Manitius et de Firmicus Maternus, « il n'existe pour ainsi dire aucun MS. latin relatif & Vastrologie qui soit antérieur a la seconde moitié du xn® siécle, époque ou commencent a se multiplier les traductions de l’arabe ». G. S. Hartmann, Friedrich. Die Literatur von Frih- und Hochsalerno und der Inhalt des « Breslauer Codex Salernitanus » mit erstmaliger Ver6ffentlichung zweier Traktate aus dieser Handschrift : {Ano- nymus]: « De morbis quattuor regionum corporis » [{Ursonis]; « De saporibus et numero eorundem » ; samt Wiederabdruck der Schrift: « De observatione minutionis » (Diss., Leipzig), 70 p. Borna-Leipzig, R. Noske, 1919. isis The texts quoted in the title are printed on p. 53-58. The rest of this little work is a very clear summary of Salernitan medicine, — an excellent primer on the subject. The 43 first pages deal briefly with the main personalities of the early and later Salernitan schools. Then follow an account of the famous Breslau MS. : table of contents; which parts of it were already known through other Salernitan collections?; which parts are new?; which parts have already been published?; which are still un- published?, This very useful little book ends with a catalogue of Saler- nitan writings classified by subjects. G.S. Leach, Henry Goddard. Angevin Britain and Scandinavia, xu + 432 p- Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1921. Isis Poole, Reginald Lane. Illustrations of the history of medieval thought and learning. Second edition revised, xiv -+- 328 p Lon- don, S. P.C. K., 1920. — First published in 1884. [Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum| The School of Salernum, « Regimen sanitatis salernitanum» The English version by Sir Joun HArrine- Ton. History of the school of Salernum by Francis R. Packarp and a note on the prehistory of the « Regimen sanitatis + by Fretpinc H. Garrison, 215 p., ill. New York, Horper, 1920. isis Schmeidier, Bernhard. Hamburg-Bremen und Nordost-Europa yom 9. bis 11. Jahrhundert. Kritische Untersuchungen zur Hambur- 622 ROME gischen Kirchengeschichte des ApAmM von Bremen; zu Hamburger Urkunden und zur Nordischen und Wendischen Geschichte, xx + 363 p. Leipzig, DiepERIcHs, 1918. Iss Sudhoff, Karl. Eine niederliindische Uebersetzung des friihmittelalter- lichen Leitfadens fiir die Kinderpraxis. Janus, t. 24, p. 218-221], 1919. Isis Dutch translation of this early medieval text, edited from Cod. lat. Vindobonensis 2818, fol. 268v-269r, dated from the beginning of the G.S. xvth cent. ’ Tout, Thomas Frederick. Medieval and modern warfare. Lecture, 30 p. Bull. of the Joun Rytanps Library, vol. 5, 1919. ISIS 16. — ROME. Besnier, Maurice. Le commerce du plomb a l’époque romaine d’aprés les lingots estampillés. Revue archéologique, t. 12, p. 210-244, 1920. ISIS Fowler, W. Warde. Ancient Italy and modern Borneo: a study in comparative culture. Journal of Roman studies, vol. 6, p. 13-26, London 1916. ISTs Comparison suggested by the publication in 1912 of Hose and Mc Dov- GALL, the Pagan tribes of Borneo, The author shows that there are many point of resemblance in the mentality of the peoples of modern Borneo and ancient Italy. G. S. Hill, G. F. The mints of Roman Arabia and Mesopotamia. Journal of Roman studies, vol. 6, p. 135-169, 2 pl. London, 1916. iSis Jacovi, H. Fihrer durch die Saalburg und ihre Sammlungen, rx. Auf” lage mit 18 Textabb, 56 p. Homburg v. d. H. 1921. ISIS A short guide prepared by the Director of the Saalburg Museum for the visitors to the Saalburg fort on the Taunus near Homburg, which was an important point of the « limes germanicus ». History and description of the fort, the various encampments, the museum, the Mithraic sanctuary, etc. For more technical information one should refer to the Saalburg-Jahr- biicher, published since 1910 (vol. 5 will possibly appear in 1922). For the ballistic engines see ScHRaMM under Antiquity. G. 8. Jeanselme. E. Quelle était la ration alimentaire du citoyen, du soldat et de l’esclave romains? 31 p. Bulletin de la Société scientifique d’ hygiene alimentaire, 1918.; ISIS Jeanselme, E. De la protection de l’enfant chez les Romains, mu + 94 p. Paris, Masson, 1917. IsIs Etude fort claire et concise de lévolution de la famille romaine depuis les origines Jusqu’a la mort de JustiniEN, du point de vue spécial de l’enfant. . Durant ces treize siécles nous assistons 4 une transformation graduelle mais radicale de la famille : au début, le « pater familias » exerce un pouvoir absolu sur sa descendance; 4 la fin, grace & l’adoucissement des moeurs et surtout a l’influence du Christianisme, le despotisme du pére a été brisé, la famille antique s’est désagrégée, — la famille moderne est née. « La conti- nence et la stérilité volontaire, lavortement, l infanticide, abandon des nouveaux nés, la castration, sont, selon l’époque, approuvés par la loi, auto- risés par elle, mais condamnés par l’opinion publique, ou réprimes avec la derniére rigueur. En sorte que le méme acte, licite sous les rois, parce ARCHAEOLOGY 623 qu'il découle de l’exercice d’un droit, est tenu pour répréhensible au nom de ’humanité et de la morale vers la fin de la République, et méme qualifié délit ou crime sous les premiers empereurs chrétiens ». Un passage intéres- sant de cette histoire est c-lui qui concerne le développement aux premiers siécles de notre ére des « organotrophes » (orphelinats); ceux-ci prirent une rapide extension sous CONSTANTIN. Jeanselme, E. Des mendiants et des mesures prises contre eu sous le Bas-Empire. Revue philanthropique, t. 38, p 361-365. 1308 Kubitschek, Wilhelm. Die Kalenderbiicher von Florenz, Ro» und Leyden. Denkschriften der K. Akad. d. Wiss.in Wien. phil>s. Kl,., 57. Bd., 3. Abh., 119 p. Wien, 1915. 1313 Text der Monatstafeln des Laurentianus xxvii 26 und der Leydener Hdsch. Text der Monatstafeln der vatikanischen Hdsch. Vergleichung des rémischen mit dem Agyptischen und dem hellenischen (antiochenischen) Kalender. G.S. Morin-Jean. La verrerie en Gaule a l’époque impériale romaine. Pré- face d’ Ernest BABELON, x1-+ 308 p., 353 gravy , 10 pl Le Mans, (VIII® Congrés préhistorique de France, 1912, p. 805-821), Mon- NOYER, 1913. Isis Sandys, Sir John Edwin (editor). A companion to Latin studies. Third edition, xxxv + 891 p. Cambridge, University Press, 1921. First ed. 1910; Second 1913. This third edition is substantially the same as the second, though not inconsiderable changes have been made to the sections devoted to Topography of Rome, Flora, Epigraphy. 4G. S. PART III. Systematic Classification. Containing only the materials which could not be included in the two previous parts : centurial and historical. The topics are classified in alphabetic order. 3 — ARCHAEOLOGY. (Museums and collections.) Gautier, E. Ff. Les premiers résultats de la mission Fropentus Revue africaine, 16 p. Alger, 1921. i318 Critique violente du mémoire de Frosenius. « Der klein afrikanische Grabbau. Prehistorische Zeitschrift 1916 » se terminant par un plaidoyer pour la création d'une chaire d’ethnographie et de préhistoire a |’Univer- sité d’Alger. G. 8. Loir, A. et Legangneux. Précis de Muséologie pratique, 107 p., in-16. Le Havre, Museum d'Histoire naturelle, 1921]. 1813 624 ART ARTS ASTRONOM} 4. — ART. ART and SCIENCE. ICONOGRAPHY. Jackson, Sir Thomas Graham. Byzantine and Romanesque architec- ture. 2 vol. Cambridge, University Press, 1913. (Second edition, 1920.) sts Strzygowski, Josef. Ursprung der christlichen Kirchenkunst Neue Tatsachen und Grundsatze der Kunstforschung, x1 + 204 p.. 36 pl, 64 ill. (Arbeiten des kunsthistorischen Instituts der Univer- sitat Wien, 15) Leipzig, Hinricus, 1920. ISIS Ward, James. History and methods of ancient and modern painting, + vol. London, CHapman and Hat, 1913-21. Isis 5. — ARTS and CRAFTS. Baker, Oliver. Black Jacks and leather bottles. Being some account of leather drinking vessels in England and incidentally of other ancient vessels. Privately printed for W, J. Fieipnouse by Ep. J. Burrow, London, 1921. ISIS Burton, William. A general history of porcelain, 2 vol. London, Cas- SELL, 192]. Isis 6. — ASTRONOMY, GEODESY, METEOROLOGY and TERRESTRIAL PRYSICS. Curtiss, R.H. An account of the rise of navigation. Popular Astro- nomy, vol. 26, 1918; also Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1918, p. 127-138. ISIS Fotheringham, John Knight. Historical eclipses. Being the HALLEY lecture delivered May 17, 1921, 32 p. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1921: ISIS [Geophysics]. A survey of research problems in geophysics prepared by Chairmen of sections of the American Geophysical Union. Proceedings of the National Academy of sciences, t. 6, p. 545 601, 1920. Isis Geodesy, by Witi1am Bowir; seismology, by Harry Frevpina Rep; meteorology, by C. F. Marvin; terrestrial magnetism and electricity, by Louis A. Bavrer; physical oceanography, by GW. LirrLrna.es; volcano- logy, by Henry S. WasHINGTON; geochemistry, by RopeRT B. Sosman. G.S. Perrin, Jean. L’origine de la chaleur solaire. Scientia, t. 30, p. 355-371, Bologna, noy. 1921. rats Partant de l’hypothése que le nuciéon (noyau _positif de ’'atome dH.) et les corpuscules, identiques entre eux, de masse 2000 fois plus faible environ que celle de latome d’H., sont les constituants universels de toute matiére, J. P. pense que la condensation d’atomes légers en atomes lourds est l’ori- gine de la chaleur solaire. (Cette théorie a dabord été esquissée par l’auteur dans un travail trés important : Matiére et lumiére, qui remplit a lui seul le numéro de décembre 1919 des Annales de Physique.) L. G. Philip, Alexander. The improvement of the Gregorian calendar, 30 p. London, Rour.epGE, 1918. aes BIBLIOGRAPHY BIOLOGY 625 Philip, Alexander. Thecalendar. Its history, structure and improve- ment, x1+104 p. Cambridge, University Press, 1921. Isis Shapley, Harlow and Curtis, Heber D. The scale of the universe. Bull. of the National Research Council, t. 2, p. 171-217. Washing- ton, 1921. Ists 7. — BIBLIOGRAPHY and LIBRARIES. MacNair, Mary Wilson. A list of American doctoral dissertations printed in 1919. 167p. Washington, Government printing office, Library branch 1921. IsIs A list of the 257 theses printed in 1919, plus a few additions to pre- vious lists. For criticism, see Isis, IV, 439. G.S. Roberts, S.C. A history of the Cambridge University Press, 1521- 1921, xv-+190 p., illustr., Cambridge, University Press, 1921. Isis 8. — BIOLOGY. Bateson, William. Evolutionary faith and modern doubts. Science, vol. 55, p. 55-61, 1922. ISIS Address delivered before the A. A. A. S., Toronto, 1921. Bedot, Maurice. Essai sur ]’évolution du régne animal et la formation de la société, 176 p. Paris, ALcan, 1918. SE) Bohn, Georges. La forme et le mouvement. Essai de dynamique de la vie, 174 p., Paris, FLAamMaRIoN, 1921. Caullery, Maurice. Le parasitisme et la symbiose (Encyclopédie scien- tifique), vit+400 p. Paris, Dorn, 1922, Isis Caullery, M. La contribution que les divers pays ont donnée au déve- loppement de la biologie, Scientia, Bologna, t. 31, p. 23-47, jan- vier 1922. ISIS CAULLERY oppose surtout l’esprit allemand, « avant tout métapbysicien » & la tendance latine « qui procéde de la philosophie positive d’Auc. ComTE», et qu’on retrouve aussi chez les Anglais. (Cette distinction ne peut avoir grande valeur, n’étant vraie que pour une époque, et dans celle-ci, que pour uelques savants.) L. G. Conklin, Edwin Grant. The direction of human evolution, xut+247 p. New York, Scripner’s, 1921. Isis Cunningham. J. T. Hormones and heredity : a discussion of the eyo- lution of adaptations and the evolution of species, xx-+-246 p., 3 pl. London, ConsraBue, 1921 ists Reviewed by W. M. Bayuiss in Nature, vol. 109, 35-37, 1922. Darwin, Léonard. The aims and methods of eugenical societies. Science, t. 54, 313-23, 1921. 1sI8 Knight. Melvin Moses; Peters, Ilva L.; Blanchard, Phyllis. Taboo and genetics. A study of the biological, sociological and psychological foundation of the family. New York, Morrat, 1920. Isis 626 BIOLOGY Kropotkin, Prince. The direct action of environment and evolution. The Nineteenth Century and After, January 1919. Report oj the Smithsonian Institution for 1918, p. 409-427. ISIS Leduc, Stéphane. L’énergétique de la vie. 195 p. (Etudes de biophy- sique, 3). Paris, A. Porat, 1921. ISIs Matisse, G. Le mouvement scientifique contemporain en France. I. Les sciences naturelles, 160 p. 25 fig., Paris, Payor et Cl, 1921. _ 1818 Premier volume d’un ouvrage densemble sur le mouvement scientifique contemporain en France. Aprés un chapitre sur les laboratoires maritimes, l'auteur résume avec beaucoup de clarté, mettant en lumiére les principes et les idées générales ayant une valeur scientifique et une portée philo- sophique, les travaux de Y. Detacer, E. Bararuion, Fr. Houssay, L. CusNor, G. Boun, R. Quinton, G. CHauveaup, M. Mo.uiarp, et L. Marrucsor, dont plusieurs sont morts sans qu’il en donne indication. Aucune conclusion. Quelgques indications bibliographiques. Dy es Piéron H. Du role et de la signification du conflit scientifique entre mécanisme et vitalisme. Scientia, Bologna, p. 115-127, fév. 1922 ISIs Le mécanisme apparait surtout comme un moteur, comme un facteur de recherche hardie, le vitalisme comme un frein, comme un facteur de con- trdle timoré. eG Petronievics, Branislav. On the law of irreversible evolution. Science Progress, January 1919. Reprinted in report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1918, p. 429-440. IsI8 This law was first formulated by the Belgian paleontologist Louis Dotto, in 1893, evenin 1892. According to the author, it is of consider- able importance. Elaborate bibliography. G.S. Rabaud, Et. L’Hérédité, 190 p. 34 fig., Paris, ARMAND Co1in, 1921. 1sIS Bonne mise au point du probléme de l’hérédité et de la variation, avec exposé critique des conceptions mendeliennes les plus récentes, par un savant fortement imprégné de tendances néo-lamarckiennes. EiGes Rabaud, Et. Eléments de biologie générale, 440 p. 51 fig., Paris, Frnix A.can, 1921 (Bibl. de Philos. contempor.) ISIS Etude de la constitution de la substance vivante, du complexe milieu X organisme, et des phénoménes qui découlent de cette interaction : forma- tion des organismes pluricellulaires, accroissement et fractionnement des individus, adaptation et variation, hérédité, notion d’espéce, activité nor- male des organismes, leur répartition géographique, persistance et dispari- tion des espéces, l’évolution phénoméne physiologique. LG; Semon, Richard. The Mneme. English translation by Louis SEMoN, 304 p. London, ALLEN and Unwiy, 1921 (not seen). 1818 Translation of Die Mneme. Leipzig 1904, 3rd ed. 1911. Ge. Woodruff. Lorande Loss. History of biology. Scientific ES i 6.12, p. 253-281, 1921. Isis A summary of this history. G. S. BOTANY 627 9. — BOTANY. Bernard, Noel (1874-1911). Principes de biologie végétale, x1 + 212 p. 18 fig. Paris, Ferix Aucan, 1921. ISIS Volume faisant suite a Evolution des plantes, paru en 1918. Ces deux publications forment un tout dans lequel sont exprimées et condensées les idées neuves et les recherches de ce savant qui, si jeune, était déja un Maitre. Un avant-propos, dQ 4 M™ Bernarp donne des apergus intéressants sur la fagon dont N. B. concevait lenseignemeat. [V. aussi la longue pré- face de |’ Evolution des plantes, due & J. ConsTantin, et un bel article de Cu. Pérez: Nort BEerNnaRD, dans la Revue du Mois, t. XI, p. 641-668, 10 juin 1911). L. G. Berry, Edward W. Paleobotany. A sketch of the origin and evolution of floras. Report of the Smithsonian Institulion for 1918, 289-407, 6 pl. ISIS Preceded by a short historical introduction. G. S. Braun-Blanquet, J. Prinzipien einer Systematik der Pflanzengesell- schaften auf floristischer Grundlage. Jahrbuch der St. Gallischen Naturwiss. Gesellschaft, 57. Bd., 2. Teil., p. 305-351, St. Gallen 1921. ISIS Followed by a « Versuch einer Anordnung der Pflanzengesellschaften nacii ihrer soziologischen Progression ». GB Goebel, Karl. Die Entfaltungsbewegungen der Pflanzen und deren teleologische Deutung. Ergiinzungsband zur Organograp.wie der Pflanzen, vin + 483 p. Jena, Fiscuer, 1920. {sis Contains historical information. Rabel, Eduard. Die Entwicklung der Pflanzensoziologie. Viertel- jahrsschrift der Naturforschenden Gesellschaft in Ziirich, t. 60, p. 573-604, 1920. Isls Definition, aim and importance of plant sociology; its relation to the other branches of botany ; its historical development ; present state of these studies. GB: Rabel, Eduard Ueber die Entwicklung der Gesellschaftsmorphologie. The Journal of Ecology, vol. 8, p. 18-40, Cambridge, 1920. 1818 « Die Pfianzenssziologie ist eine relativ neue Wissenschaft. sie hat wohl bei Humpotpt schon Anklange, doch tritt sie erst bei Grisesacn, bei SeNDTNER, Lorenz und besonders bei Kerver selbstindig auf und findet ihre Ausgestaltung bei Hutt 1881, Sonrérer 1892 und WirMina@ 1895 ». Gi Schuster, Julius. Das Herbarium in der Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft. Herbarium, Organ zur Foérderung des Austau- sches wissenschaftlicher Exsiccatensammlungen, Leipzig, Tukopor OswaLp WeiGe. ; Nr. 50, p. 504-510, 1919. 1818 A short history of herbariums. The oldest extant are preserved in Italy. Two dating from c. 1550 are in the Biblioteca Angelica in Rome ; AvpRovAN. L's dating from 1554 and containing 5055 plants is in Bologna. Then follow: AnpRea Cesacpino, 1563, 768 plants classified according to his own system; Jean Gieaucr (not Greaut), 1558; Leonsarpt Rauwowrr, 1575 (kept in Leiden); Higronymus Harper, four hervariums 1574 to 1599; Caspar Rarzensercer, 1592, 1598. I do not quote the later ones. One finds allusions to older herbariums in herbals, but one may say that 628 CHEMISTRY they represent a development of the xvith cent. Linné gave a tremendous impulse to their preparation. Gi. 10. — CHEMISTRY. PHYSICO-CHEMISTRY. Broglie, M. de. Le type chimique et la substance des corps simples, Scientia, t. 30, 447-455, Bologna, déc. 1921. ISIS Sur les recherches de Astox relatives aux isotopes, et quelques-unes de leurs répercussions, celle-ci par exemple: les éléments légers seraient formés a partir de H. avec un dégagement de chaleur, au contraire de ce qui se passe pour les éléments lourds. L.iGe Clibbens, Douglas A. The principles of the phase theory. Hetero- geneous equilibria between salts and their aqueous solutions, xx + 382 p. London, Macminian, 1920. ISIS Meldrum, Andrew Norman. The development of the atomic theory, 11 + 13 p. Oxiord University Press, 1920. ISIS Mercer, J.E. Alchemy. Its science and romance, x + 245 p., 4 ill London, Society for promoting Christian knowledge, 1921. ISIS This book by the Right Rev. Dr Mercer, sometime Bishop of Tasmania. is distinctly popular. The author’s am will be best defined in his ows words: « This may perhaps claim to be an apology for alchemy. It attempy, to set forth, with more system and sympathy than is usual, its history, thn doctrines it professed and the results it achieved. The defence is based on a critical estimate of the conditions under which the genuine adepts had to think and to work... I have availed myself freely of materials which are more or Jess easily accessible in modern treatises on the Hermetic art. » Sources: BERTHELOT, FiguizR, Murr, THorpPE, an article of Hastines’ Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics and some works of representative al- chemists, especially of the earlier periods. G. S. Patterson, Austin M. A French-English dictionary for chemists, xv + 384 p. New York, Joun WILEY, 1921. ISIS Tilden, Sir William A. Famous chemists. The men and their work, vi + 296 p., illustr. London, RourLEepGE, 1921. ISIS A series of brief but carefully written biographies of the following : I. Rosert Boy.e, the father of chemistry; Il. The phlogistians: BLack ; PRIESTLEY; CAVENDISH; SCHEELE; III. The antiphlogistic revolution: Lavot- sizer; IV. Electricity in the setvice of chemistry: Davy; V. Laws of combination and the atomic theory: Daron; Gay-Lussac; Proust; BERZELIUS; VI. Electrochemistry: Farapay; VII. Molecule and atom defined: AvoGapRo; Cannizzaro; VIII. Early attempts at classification: Liepig; Dumas; |X Theories of chemical action and constitution of mole- cules: FRANKLAND ; WILLIAMSON ; X. Classification and nature of elements : MENDELEEFF ; CROOKES; Ramsay. ‘There are many well-chosen portraits. Excellent introduction to the history of chemistry. Gots: Vanizetti, B. L. De la contribution des divers pays au développement de la chimie. Scientia, t. XXX, p. 85 103. Bologna, Aéut 1921. Isis Webster, David L. and Page, Leigh. A general survey of the present status of the atomic structure problem, Bull. of the National Re- search Council, t. 2, 61 p., Washington 1921. 1818 ECONOMICS EDUCATION ETHNOLOGY 629 11. — ECONOMICS. (Economie doctrines and history, Commerce, Transportation and Communications.) Horner John. The Linen Trade of Europe during the spinning wheel period, xiv + 59] p. Belfast, McCaw, STEVENSON and Orr, Ltd. 1920. ISIS This book was begun about 14 years ago for the purpose of describing a number of flax-spinning wheels and accessories collected by the author in various parts of Europe and presen‘ed by him to the Beliast Museum But he was gradually induced to expand the work into something like a history of the linen trade After a brief introduction dealing with ancient condi- tions (including sketches by LkonaRpo Da VIN«l for a spinning-wheel and a two-spindle wheel), the author traces this history by countries __ Ireland is given the lion’s share (194 p.). Shorter sections deal successively with England, Scotland, France, Belgium and Holland, Germany, Austria- Hungary, Hussia, Scandinavia, Spain and Portugal, Italy and Switzerland. The illustrations will be of special interest to the historian of technology. G. S. Morison, Samuel Eliot. The maritime history of Massachusetts. !783- 1860. Boston, HouGHTron Mirriin, 1921. ISIS 12. — EDUCATION. (Methods, Colleges, Universities.) Gray, John Milner. A history of the Perse school, 162 p., 7 ill. Cam- bridge, Bowes and Bowes, 1921. Ists Pfister, Chr. L’Université de Strasbourg, Paris, Revue bleue, p. 721- 728, déc. 1921. 1st8 Histoire de l’université de Strasbourg, écrite 4l’occasion du IIT* Centenaire de sa fondation par son actuel recteur. L. G. 13. — ETHNOLOGY. (Primitive and popular science.) Ball, W. W. Rouse. String figures. Second edition, 69 p Cambridge, Herrer, 1921. 188 Carmichael. R. D. On the character of primitive human progress. Scientific monthly, t. 12, 53-61, 1921. 1818 Cook, 0. F Foot plow agriculture in Peru. Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1918, p. 487-491, 4 pl. = Cook, O. F. Milpa agriculture, a primitive tropical system. Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1919, p. 307-326, 15 plates, Washington, 1921. ra his system is used generally by primitive peoples in the tropics. It is based on the cutting and burning of new areas of forest each year, in order to clear the land for maize or other crops. It is extremely wasteful. G. S. Fehlinger, H. Sexual life of primitive people. Trans!ated by S. Herperr and his wife, 133 p. London, Brack, 1921. ists 630 KTHNOLOGY Frazer, Sir James George. Adonis. Etudes de religions orientales com- parées. Traduction francaise par Lady Frazer (Annales du Musée Guimet, t. 29), vu--316 p. Paris, GeuTuner, 1921. IsI3 Ceci est la traduction frangaise du commencement de la quatriéme partie du Rameau d’Or (The Golden Bough). La traduction frangaise parait fort bien faite ; il est évident que la traductrice s’est efforcée de préserver aussi complétement que possible la valeur artistique de lceuvre de son mari. « L’idée fondamentale d’Adonis, comme celle d’Atys et d’Osiris, c’est la personnification des énergies vitales, c’est--dire la conception que les forces se manifestant dans la vie végétale et animale s’incorporent dans un per- sonnage divin, dont alternativement la mort et la renaissance excitent par une sympathie universelle tous les phénoménes correspondants de la nature. » Voir Isis, I, 540. G.S. Frobenius, Leo. Atlantis. Volksmiirchen und Volksdichtungen Afrikas (Verdffentlichungen des Forschungsinstituts fiir Kulturmorphologie, Miinchen). Jena, DiepEericus. ISIS An immense collection of African folktales edited by Frosenius; 15 volumes are foreseen, to be issued before 1926. I have seen vol. 6 entitled Spielmannsgeschichten der Sahel (350 p., with map and illustr., 1921). The plan of the collection is as follows : (1-3) Mirchen der Kabylen; (4) Marchen aus Kordofan; (5) Sagen und Mythen des Sudan; (6) Spielmanngeschichten der Sahel; (7) Die Dimonen des Sudan; (8) Erzihlungen aus dem Westsudan; () Erzihlungen aus dem Zentral- sudan; (10) Die atlantische Gétterlehre; (11) Erzihlungen aus Oberguinea ; (12-14) Mythen, Marchen, Tierfabeln der Kassaiden; (15) Regesten. The last volume will contain not simply indexes, but also maps and explanations relative to the whole series. G.S Gardiner, J Stanley. Black coral as a charm against rheumatism. Nature, vol. 108, p. 505, 1921. IsIs In Malay Archipelago. Gas; Hambruch, Paul. Malaiische Mirchen aus Madagaskar und Insulinde. (Die Marchen der Weltliteratur), 1v + 331 p., 8 Taf. Jena, Dreps- RICHS, 1922. sis ae This selection of folktales from Madagascar and the East Indies is very hit carefully edited and beautifully illustrated. It contains not simply the Malay equivalents of Reineke Fuchs (Hikajat Pelanduk Djinaka) and iit Eulenspiegel but also cosmological stories of special interest to the ethno- logist. It is completed by a bibbography with indication of the sources of 5 OF each tale. I note in the preface that the first Ms. was discovered in 1603; - | it is the moralizing story, called « the Crown of the Kings » (Makota segala radjaradja). This book is got up in a very attractive manner. GaSe Hewitt, J. N. B A constitutional league of peace in the stone age of America. The league of the Iroquois and its constitution. Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1918, p. 527-545. IsIS Hilton-Simpson, M. W. Among the hill-folk of Algeria. Journeys among the Shawia of the Aurés mountains, 248 p., 40 ill. London, FisHer Unwin, 1921. IsIS Includes investigations on primitive medicine and surgery. GS Hopkins, E. Washburn. The background of totemism. Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 38, p. 145-159. Reprinted in Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1918, p. 573-584. ISIS GEOGRAPHY 631 Léwis, August von. Finnische und estnische Volksmiirchen. (Die Méar- chen der Weitliteratur), xv + 302 p. Jena, DizrpEricus, 1922. Ists A selection of folktales from Finland, Esthonia, Livonia with brief intro- duction and bibliography. ‘The two great epics of the Finnish Ugrian peoples have been largely drawn upon, the Finnish Kalevala and the Esthonian Kalevipoég. See my note devoted to Hamsrucn’s collection, above. I will not mention in Jsis other books of this series; it will suffice to say that its programme is very comprehensive. In fact it includes repre- sentative tales from every people of the world and will thus be a sort of encyclopedia of folk literature. G. S. Moloney, Michael F. Irish ethno botany and the evolution of medicine in Ireland, %6 p. Dublin, Grit and Son, 1919. Isis Irish ethno-botany (50 p ) is an attempt to establish the native materia medica of vegetable origin (Latin, English and Gaélic names). The second part is a very rough and brief sketch of the history of medicine in Ireland. Gaelic, English and Latin indexes. G. S. Moriey, Sylvanus Griswold. The foremost intellectual achievement of ancient America. The National Geographic Magazine, vol. 41, p- 109-130, illustr. Washington, Feb. 1922 Isis A popular account of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the Maya monu- ments in the ruined cities of Mexico, Guatemala, and Honduras. Mor.ry’s scientific account of his discoveries was reviewed in Jsis, III, 292-294. G.S. Read, Carveth. The origin of man and of his superstitions, xu-- 350 p. Cambridge, University Press, 1920. Isis Roth, H. Ling. Studies in primitive looms ‘complete in four parts). 15) p., illustrated (Reprinted from the Journal of the R. Anthro- pological Society, t. 48 ) Halifax, Kine, 1918. Isis An elaborate study based on original material and abundantly illus! rated. A model for similar investigations relative to other implements. G. S. Spinden, Herbert J. Central American calendars and the Gregorian day. Proc. of the Nat. Acad. of Sciences, t. 6, p. 56-59, 1920. 1s18 Apropos of the dating of events in Central America in terms of the Gregorian calendar. Spinpen believes this can now be accomplished, as far as the existence of monuments permits it, with greater accuracy than is the case for Egyptian, Greek or Roman events !? G. 8. 14. — GEOGRAPHY. Berget, Alphonse. Les problémes de l’océan, 330 p., Paris, Fi.aAmMa- RION, 1920. 1818 Godée Molsbergen, E C. Reizen in Zuid-Afrika in de hollandse tijd. Eerste deel. Tochten naar het Noorden, 1652-1686. Tweede deel. Tochten naar het Noorden, 1686-1806. (Lindschoten-Vereeniging, 2, 12), '’s Gravenhage, M. Nisuorr, 1916. 1818 McEwen, George F. The science of oceanography. Special publica- tions of Bernice P. Bishop Museum, No. 7, p. 597-607, 1921. 1818 632 GEOLOGY HISTORY LANGUAGE McEwen, George F. The status of oceanographic studies of the Pacific. Special publications of Bernice P. BisHuop Museum, No. 7, p. 487-497, 1921. Isis Historical sketch, p. 487-489. 15. — GEOLOGY, MINERALOGY, PALEONTOLOGY, MINING. (For paleobotany and paleozoology, see respectively botany and zoology.) De Launay, L. OU en est Ja géologie, vi+ x + 205 p.. 13 fig , 1 fron- tispice sur bois de Cu. Hato, Paris, GAUTHIER-VILLARS et C*, 1921. (Coll. des Mises au point.) ISIS Introduction : I. Les problémes de la sédimentation. — II. La tectonique ou orogénie. — III. L’histoire des océans. La Méditerranée, |’ Atlantique et le Pacifique. —IV_ Les relations de la géologie avec les autres sciences. — V. Metallogénie et sources thermales. — VI. Les méthodes nouvelles pour rechercher la houille, le pétrole et les minerais métalliferes. L. 1G Gregory, Herbert A. History of geology. Scientific monthly, t. 12, p. 97-126, 1921. ISIS Origin of the earth; meaning of rocks; making of mountains; interpre- tation of natural scenery; meaning of fossils; geologic time scale; age of earth. Rutot, A. L’Atlantide. Bull. de Acad. de Belgique (sciences), p. 907-959, 1919: S18 Wood, Harry O. A list of seismologic stations of the world. Builetin of the National Research Council, t. 2, p. 397-538. Washington 1921. ISI8 16 — HISTORY of CIVILIZATION (General history. Historical methods. Biography and Chronology). Delehaye, Hippolyte (S. J.). L’ceuvre des Bollandistes 1615-1915 (A tra-’ vers trois siécles), 284 p. Bruxelles. bureau de la Société des Bollandistes, 22, boulevard Saint-Michel, 1920. IsIS Cette bréve histoire est suivie (p 245-282) d'un catalogue des publica- tions bollandiennes : Acta sanctorum, Anale ta Bollandiana, Subsidia hagiographica, ‘ arca, et de remarques fort utiles sur quelques publications pseudo-bollandiennes. Lange, Christian Lous. Histoire de l’internationalisme. Vol. I, jusqu’a 1648. (Publications de Institut Nopei Norvégien). Kristiania 1919 (London, WiLiiAMs and NorGate) ISIS 17. — LANGUAGE and LITERATURE. Mantzius, Karl (1860-1921). A history of theatrical art in ancient and modern times With anintroduction by WituiAM ArcHER. Trans- lated by Louise von Cosset, 6 vol. London, Duckworrs, 1903-1921. Isis LOGIC MATHEMATICS 633 [Transliteration]. Transliteration of Slavonic. Report of the com- mittee appointed to draw up a practical scheme for the transliter- ation into English of words and names belonging to Russian and other Slavonic languages. Proceedings of the British Academy, p. 523 542, 1917-1918. ISIS The committee included : Sir FrepericK Pottock, Sir Paut VINo- GRADOFF, HaGperG WricuHt, Minns, Seton-Warson, NeviLt Forses, Hinks. See also under Islam. G. S. 18. — LOGIC and THEORY of KNOWLEDGE. Rougier, Louis. Les paralogismes du rationalisme. Essai sur la théorie de la connaissance, xiv + 540 p. Paris, ALcAN, 1920. Isis Sheffer, Henry M. The general theory of notational relativity. 34 p., 48 fig Cambridge, Mass. 1921 (at the author’s, Emerson Hall, Harvard University ; 250 typewritten copies). 1318 Outline of a new method in mathematical logic. « In a volume entitled Analytic knowledye, which the writer hopes to publish in the near future, this method -- which may be characterized as a sort of Prolegomenon to Every Future Postulate Set — is developed in detail, and is then applied to the solution of a number of fundamental problems in logic, mathematics and Mengenlehre. » SuEFFER introduces the notions of propositional isotropy, stratigrafy and permutivity and proposes to base deductive logic upon them rather than upon propositional negation, implication, disjunc- tion or incompatibility and upon the corresponding « ordinary » postulates (e.g. those of Russe.u’s Principia). Logic would thus be placed upon a superpostulational foundation. (A new edition is in the press). G.S. 19. — MATHEMATICS. Brown, Ernest W. The history of mathematics. Scientific mon(lly, t. 12, p. 385-413, 1921, Isis A summary of this history. G. 58. Cajori, Florian. The spread of Newtonian and Leibnizian notations of the calculus. Bull. Am. math. soc., vol. 27, p. 453-458, 1921. 181s (1) Leibnizian notations in Great Britain; (2) Newtonian notations in continental Europe; (3) Calculus notations in the United States. G. S. Charlier C. V. L. La loi des grands nombres. Scientia, t. XXX, p. 453-439. Bologna, déc. 1921. 1818 Ce n’est pas par l'étude des trajets des particules individuelles (étoiles, atomes, etc ) qu'il est possible de résoudre l’énigme de l’univers, mais par application de la loi des grands nombres. L.G Dickson, L. E. Perfect and amicable numbers. Scientific monthly, t. 12, p 349-354, 1921. sts Keyser, Cassius J. Mathematical philosophy. A study of fate ond freedom. Lectures for educated laymen. New-York, Durron, 1922. isis Kowalewski, Gerhard. « Mathematica delectans. » Ausgewiihlte Kapitel aus der Mathematik der Spiele in gemeinverstindlicher Darstellung 1. Heft : Boss puzzle and verwandte Spiele. 72 p., 24 fig. Leipzig, ENGeELMANN, 1921, ists 634 MECHANICS MEDICINE Miller, G. A. The group-theory element of the history of mathematics, Scientific monthly, vol. 12, p. 75-82, 1921. Isis MILLER divides the history of the group-theory into three periods : 1. The implicit period (to c. 1770) when the group concept was employed without being explicitly stated; 2. The specialisation period (c. 1770 to c. 1870). ‘The theory of substitution groups founded as an autonomous science and the usefulness of this theory in the study of algebraic equations emphasized; 3. The generalization period (from c. 1870 on), characterized by increased generalizations by abstraction and the explicit use of groups in each of the large domains of mathematics. G.S. 20. — MECHANICS. Bird, J. Malcolm (editor). E1xsretn’s theory of relativity and gravita- tion. A selection of material from the essays submitted in the competition for the EuGEN HicGins prize. New York, Scientific American, 1921. Isis Boiton, Lyndon. An introduction to the theory of relativity. x1-+ 177 p. London, Mrruuen, 1921. ISIS Winning essay of the above mentioned competition, amplified. G.S8. Cajori, Florian. Falling bodies in ancient and modern times. School science and mathemalics, yol. 21. p. 638-648. 1921. 1818 A very well informed and clearly written study the burden of which is : (1) that Gatitxo had correctly interpreted Aristotie’s views on falling bodies (against GREENHILL, W. Ramsay, O. Lopex); (2) that GaLiLEo per- formed experiments on this subject and that his de motu shows already more independence of thought than has been claimed (against WoHLWILL) ; (3) incidentally, that Viviani’s biography of his master is in the main remarkably accurate and trustworthy. Gis? Cunningham, E. Relativity, the electron theory and gravitation. Second edition. (Monographs on physics), vu + 148 p. London, LoNGMANS; GREEN, 1921. ISI8 Haidane, Viscount. The reign of relativity, xxm1 + 430 p. London, Morray, 192] ; also New Haven, Yale Press. IsIS Nordmann, Charles. Ernsrein et l’univers. Une lueur dans le mystére des choses, 221 p. (21° mille). Paris, Hacurerrer, i921. Isis Ouvrage de vulgarisation habile, mais un peu vulgaire. G. 8. Wien, WilheIm. Die Relativititstheorie vom Standpunkte der Physik und Erkenntnislehre. Vortrag, 36 p. Leipzig, Barru, 1921. 1818 21. — MEDICINE. A. — History, Organization and Philosophy. Bieuler, Eugen. Physisch und Psychisch in der Pathologie. Vortrag, 52 p. (Z. fiir die gesamle Neurologie und Psychiatrie, t. 30°) Berlin, SPRINGER, 1916. 1818 MEDICINE 635 Bruck, Walther. Zahnirztliche Darstellungen aus alter Zeit. 71 p., 32 illustr. Berlin. Berlinische Verlagsanstalt, 1921. 1818 Publication of a lecture delivered by the author in Nauheim 1920. He has been collecting images relating to dentistry for many years and published his first book on this subject in 1915(Das Martyrium der heiligen APoLtonia und seine Darstellung in der bildenden Kunst). The present book is more comprehensive in its scope and also more popular. A first section is devoted to the martyrdom of St. APoLLonia which has inspired many artists (the author has collected 160 representations of it). The rest of the material is divided into three sections : before, during and after the treatinent. Of the 32 illustrations, 6 are of the xv cent, 7 of the xvi'®, 16 of the xvut®, 2 of the xvi and one (borrowed from GuERINI's History, 1909) reproduces figures from a Scythian vase of Petro- grad said to be of the vi" or vt cent. B. c. (?). G.S. Cabanés, Auguste. L’histoire éclairée par la clinique, 320 p. Paris, ALBIN Micue., 1921. Isis Ces lecons professées a l'Institut des hautes études de Bruxelles en 1919-1920 nous donnent une philosophie de ces études qui doivent tant déja au Dr. Capanks — non pas [histoire de la médecine, mais plutét linterprétation médicale, la médecine de Ihistoire. L’auteur insiste d’ailleurs sur cette distinction fondamentale au chapitre 7. Il étudie les rapports de la médecine d’une part et de la sociologie, de la philosophie, de Vhistoire d’autre part. J indique briévement les titres des autres chapitres : la médecine, science auxiliaire de l’histoire; du réle de l'individualité dans Lhistoire; qu’entend-on par dégénére-cence? Il n’y a pas de dégénérés supérieurs, il n’y a que des désh»rmoniques; les historiens physiologiques (MicHELet, Taine) ; la méthode scientifique : LirtrE et son école ; origine de la psychopathologie historique ; application des notions médicales 4 l'interprétation de histoire, a. S. Cabanés, Auguste. La Salle de Garde. Histoire anecdotique des salles de garde des hépitaux de Paris, 130 p., 9 pl., ill. Paris, Mon- TaGu, 1917. IsIs Chamberlain, Weston P. History of military medicine and its contri- butions to science. Boston medical and surgical journal, April 5, 1917 Reprinted in Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1918, p. 235-249. 1818 Dock, Lavinia L. and Stewart, Isabel Maintland. A short history of nursing from the earliest times to the present day, vi + 3:2 p. New York, Putnam, 1920. 1818 An abridgment of the standard History of Nursing written by M. ADELAIDE Nutting and Lavinia L. Dock in 4 vol. New York, Putnam, 197-1912. Ebstein, Erich. ‘Arztebriefe aus vier Jabrhunderten mit Bilden und Schriftproben, xm + 204 p. Berlin, Sprincer, 1920. 1818 Forgue. Sept siécles de chirurgie 4 Montpellier. Rev. Internat. de l' Enseignement, p. 21-42. Paris, janvier 1922, 1818 Gley. E. La véritable figure de la Faculté de médecine de Montpellier, Reoue scientifique, p. 571-579. Paris, décembre 1921. 1Slo Exposé historique, 4 l'occasion du septiéme centenaire de la Faculté de médecine, développé devant la Société des sciences médic, et biolog. de Montpellier et du Languedoc, le 4 nov. 1921. L. G. VoL. 1v-3 44 636 PHARMACY Koch, Richard. Die Arztliche Diagnose. Beitrag zur Kenntnis des arztlichen Denkens, 127 p. Wiesbaden, BerGmann, 1917. Zweite umgearbeite Aufl., xv + 206 p., 1920 (not seen). ISIS Lint, J. G. De. Volkstiimliche Bilder auf dem Gebiete der Medizin in den Niederlanden. Janus, t. 24, p. 253-315, 1919. ISIS Mackenzie, Sir James. The future of medicine, 238 p. London, Frowpkg, 1919. ISIS Mogk. Werner. Esslinger Wohlfahrtspflege im 15.-18. Jahrhundert (Diss., SupHOFFs Institut), 43 p. Leipzig 1920. Isis Based upon archival documents of Esslingen, the earliest dated 1496. G'S: Mourgue, Raoul. Note sur l’histoire de !hygiéne mentale en France. Informateur des aliénistes et neurologistes, janvier 1922. (SIS Neuburger, Max. Die Entwicklung der Medizin in Osterreich (Oster- reichische Biicherei, 2), 104 p. Wien, 1918. ISIS The Austrian people may well be proud of the contributions which their physicians, and especially those of the Viennese school, have made to the development of medicine. Max Nevsurcer has divided his story into three parts : (I) From Marta Teresita and her physician GERHARD VAN SWIETEN, 7. e. from 1745 to the Congress of Vienna 1814-1815; (II) From 1815 to 1848; (III) Reign of Francis-JosEpu. G.S Saintyves, P. La médecine est-elle dorigine empirique? Janus, t. 24, p. 192-217, 316-325, 1919. ISIS (III) La thérapeutique sacerdotale. (La rédaction de Janus a attribué par erreur la deuxiéme partie de ce travail, relative & la thérapeutique magique, 4 H. Lecterc — et cette erreur a été répétée dans Isis) ; ({V) Empirisme et raisonnement dans la médecine mystique. G. S. Sudhoff, Karl. Geschichte der Zahnheilkunde. Ein Leitfaden fiir den Unterricht und die Forschung, vim + 206 p., 125 Abb. Leipzig, BarRTH, 1921. ISIS Vires. Sept siécles de médecine a la Faculté de Montpellier. Revue Internat. del Enseignement, p. 7-21. Paris, 15 janvier 1922. ISI8 B. — Epidemiology. History and Geography of Disease. Andel, M. A. v. Quelques figures de lépreux dans l’art classique des Pays-Bas. Janus, 24° année, p. )35-145, 6 illustr., 1919. 1818 Effertz, O. Vergleichende Pathologie der Infektions-Krankheiten. Janus, 24° année, p. )-56, 1919. 1818 Introduction and the first of four parts : Exzerpte aus den historischen Biichern der Missionsménche tiber indianische Pathologie, nebst Kom- mentar. The author's theory of infection is : Virulentia hereditaria. celerior immunitas hereditaria. G. S. 23. — PHARMACY and PHARMACOLOGY. Laruelle, E. Les apothicaires rouennais. Histoire de la corporation du Moyen Age a la Révolution, vur + 96 + wu p., 9 pl. Rouen, Henri DEFONTAINE, 1920. [25 francs ] Bib Etude fondamentale basée sur documents d’archives. De pareilles études PHYSICS 637 WVhistoire locale sont indispensables parce que jusqu’a la fin du xvimt siécle la pharmacie ne fut pas régie par une loi générale s’appliquant a toute la France, mais par des réglements purement locaux. L’ouvrage se term'ne par le texte in extenso de 23 piéces justificatives datées de 1508 a 1764. Il est divisé comme suit : I. La corporation, origines, statuts, armoiries, fonctionnement, les maitres, les gardes et leurs attributions, visites, exper- tises, recouvrement des impots, grabelage, laboratoire et collége de phar- macie &@ Rouen au xvi° siécle, conflit avec les épiciers. — II. La lettre de maitrise. — III. La défense des intéréts professionels, les procés, rapports avec les autres corporations. — 1V. Les apothicaires privilégiés : apothi- caires des hépitaux, de la peste. — V. La confrérie. — VI. Quelques figures d’apothicaires, bibliographie. I] manque un index. Gis. Reutter de Rosemont, L. Comment nos peres se soignaient, se parfu- maient et conservaient leur corps. Remédes parfums, embaume- ment, suivi d’un apercu de I’histoire de la médecine et de la phar- macie dans l’ancien comté frangais de Neuchatel (Suisse), 355 p., 38 illustr. Genéve, GrorG, 1917. |9 franes.]} ISI8 La plus grande part de ce livre est consacrée 4 une étude de la cosmé- tique et de l’embaumement dans l’antiquité : I. De l’embaumement : a) chez les Egyptiens; ) chez les Carthaginois; c) parfums égyptiens; d) embaumement 4 travers les ages et son but. — II. Remédes d'origine humaine et animale et parfums grecs, romains, carthaginois et gallo-romains (six chapitres de cette deuxiéme partie traitent de la drogue appelée momie), Ces études sont basées non seulement sur tous les documents littéraires, mais aussi sur des analyses chimiques faites par l’auteur et d'autres savants. Un appendice (25 p.) est consacré a l’histoire de la médecine et de la pharmacie 4 Neuchatel depuis 1330; il edt mieux valu sans doute le publier a part, car il rompt l’unité de l’ouvrage. G. S. 25. — PHYSICS. Adams. Edwin P. The quantum theory. Bull. of the National Research Council, t. 1, No. 5, 81 p. Washington, 1920. 181s Bumstead, Henry Andrews. The history of physics. Scientific monthly, t. 12, p. 289-309, 1921. 1818 Tabloid summary. G. S. Davis, Bergen. Intensity of emission of X-rays and their reflection from crystals. Bull of the National Research Council, t. 1, p. 410- 426, Washington, 1920. ists Duane, William. Data relating to X-Ray spectra With a brief state- ment of their bearing on theories of the structure of atoms and the mechanism of radiation. Bull of the National Research Council, t. |, p. 383-408, Washington, 1920. 1818 Gehrcke, E Physik und Erkenntnistheorie (Wissenschaft und Hypo- these, 22), 119 p. Leipzig, Treupner, 1921. 1818 Divided into two main parts, the first devoted to generalities, the second to special concepts ; space, timé, motion, temperature, energy, scalars and vectors, dimensions, entropy, force, mass, atom, ether G. 8. Hughes, Arthur Llewelyn. Report on photo-electricity including ionizing and radiating potentials and related effects. Bull. of the National Research Council t 2, 87 p. Washington, 192). 638 PHYSIOLOGY PSYCHOLOGY Jeans, James Hopwood. The dynamical theory of gases. Third edition, vil+442 p. Cambridge, University Press, 1921. ISIS First ed., 1904; 2nd, 1916. This third edition contains additions dealing with the quantum theory. Gus: Sanford, Fernando. Some early theories regarding electrical forces. The electric emanation theory. Scientific monthly, t. 12, p. 544- 550, 1921. IsIs GiLBERT, 1600: — Rev. Jonn Lyon. Experiments and observations on electricity, 1780. — Nic. Casarus, 1629. — Earl of Srannopr. Principles of Electricity, 1779. — Axpinus. Tentamen theoriae electricitatis et magnetismi, 1759. — Cavenpisu, 1771. Goss Sommerfeld, Arnold. Atombau und Spectrallinien. 2te Aufl. Braun- schweig, ViEWEG, 1921. IsIs Thomson, J. J. Electricité et matiére, traduit de l’anglais par MaurRicr SoLovine, préface de Paunt LANGEvin, x-+-134 p. (165125). Paris. GAUTHIER- VILLARS et C'®, 1922. Iss Traduction de conférences faites en 1903 a l'Université de Yale. La préface est une courte, mais bonne présentation du savant et de l'Université de Cambridge. Ce petit livre est orné de la reproduction d’un portrait trés vivant de l’auteur. LG: Webster, David L. Problems of X-ray emission. Bull. of the National Research Council, t. I, p. 427-455. WasuinGTon, 1920. ISIS 26. — PHYSIOLOGY. Berman, Louis. The glands regulating personality. A study of the glands of internal secretion in relation to the types of human nature, 300 p. New York, Macmin.an, 1921. ISIS Interesting but a little vulgar; too many loose statements. G. 8. Child. Charles Manning. The origin and development of the nervous system, xv1I+296 p., ill. Chicago, University Press, 1921. Isis Dufestel, Louis. La croissance, xv1+-303 p. (Encyclopédie scientifique). Paris, Doin, 1920. Ists Mourgue, Raoul. L’activité statique du muscle Origine historique de cette notion. Encéphale, juin, 1921. Isis 23. — PSYCHOLOGY. Hollander, Bernard. In search of the soul and the mechanism of thought, emotion and conduct. Vol I. The history of philosophy and science from ancient times to the present day. — Vol. II The origin and the mental capacities and dispositions of man and their normal, abnormal and super-natural manifestations, vu-+361 p. London, KEGAN PAUL, etc., 1920. ISIS Mann, Walter. The follies and frauds of spiritualism, vin-+191 p. London, Warts, 1919. 181s RELIGION 639 Mourgue, Raoul. Etude critique sur |’évolution des idées relatives a la nature des hallucinations vraies, 67 p. ‘Thése de médecine, Paris, 1918-1919). Paris, Jouve, 1919. Isis I. Le: idées des Cartésiens. Les discussions a la Société médico-psycholo- gique (1855-1856). Les idées de Bat tarcer, J. P. Fasrer, etc. Les théories paraphrases. — II. Les théories anatomiques (PaRcHappr, Luys et Rirti, Tampurini, Tanzi). — III Les théories de la dissociation et de ’'automatisme mental (LEuRET, Moreau pe Tours et les etats crépusculaires, Batt, SEGLAs, GILBERT BALLet). Tendances intellectualistes. — Biblio- giaphie. ~ Seul de tous les auteurs étudiés, BaILLaRGrR, dés 1846 (Mém. de l’Ac. de médecine, t. XII), a senti toute la difficulté de la question et conseillé avec la prudence du génie l'étude analytique des faits. - G. S. Rignano, E Le fonctionnement de l’intelligence. Scientia, p. 197-223. Bologna, mars 1922. ists Cette communication — qui résume la thése fondamentale émise par R. dans sa Psychologie du raisonnement (Isis, 1V, 90.93) : le fonctionnement de intelligence est constitué par le jeu réciproque des activités sensorielles et mnémo-sensorielles et des activités affectives, — a été faite 2 une session extraordinaire de la Société frangaise de Philosophie, tenue fin décem- bre 1921, a Paris. L. G. Russell, Bertrand. The analysis of mind. 310 p. London, Aten: New York, MAcmILLAN, 1921. IsIs Wall, Otto Augustus. Sex and sex worship (phallic worship). A scientific treatise on sex, its nature and function and its influence on art, science, architecture and religion with special reference to sex worship and symbolism, xv-+-607 p., ill. Saint-Louis, Mospy. 1919. Isis Warren, Howard C A history of the association psychology, x |-328 p. New York, Scripner, 1921. ists Ziegler, Heinrich Ernst. Tierpsychologie (Sammlung Géschen). 115 p., 17 fig. Berlin, Vereinigung wissenschaftlicher Verleger, 1921. ists This little book is based upon lectures delivered by the author (already well-known by his book Geschichte des Instinktbegriffes, 3rd ed. Jena, 1920) in Freiburg i. B., Jena and Stuttgart. It is divided ito 3 parts : History of animal psychology and its relations to the development of religion and philosophy; Fundamental principles (reflexes, instincts, feelings, habits, memory, with special reference to the chimpanzees of Teneriffa and the performing dogs and horses); Psychical stages :‘1) Protozoa (no nervous system); (2) Cnidaria (diffused nervous system); (3) Worms, arthropodes, molluses (ganglionary nervous system); (4) Vertebrates (animals with brains and spinal cord), Like the other volumes of this excellent collection, this one contains a large amount of information in a very condensed form, G. S$. 20. — RELIGION. HISTORY of RELIGION. RELIGION and SCIENCE. Patterson, L Mithraism and Christianity A study in comparative religion, x1+-102 p Cambridge, University Press, 1921. 1818 640 SCIENCE Smith, David Eugene. « Religio Mathematici ». American Mathemat- ical Monthly, October 1921; also Teachers College Record. New York, November, 1921. 181s Ending up with interesting views on what D. E. Smita calls the duality of mathematics and religion, twelve propositions being quoted both in mathematical and theological language. For ex., the laws relating to finite magnitudes do not hold respecting the infinitely large or the infinitely small = God’s laws are so different from ours as to be absolutely nonun- derstandable by us. G.S. 30. — SCIENCE. A. — Bibliography. Cobb, Ruth. Periodical bibliographies and abstracts for the scientific and technological journals of the world. Bull. of the National Research Council, t. 1, p. 131-154. Washington, 1920. ISIS Massart, Jean. Liste des recueils bibliographiques des sciences mathé- matiques, physiques. chimiques et naturelles. Bull. de l’'Ac. de Belgique (Sciences), 1919, p. 237-248. ISIS Pour chaque science les recueils sont classés en cing groupes : a) Cata- logues de titres sans résumés ; 6) Recueils de résumés, ot les ouvrages sont résumés au fur et a mesure de leur publication; c) Annuaires ow les résumés sont classés méthodiquement ; d) Monographies, ot des questions sont mises au point par des spécialistes; e) Recueils de références : catalogues d’espéces animales ou végétales (avec ou sans description) ,tables de constantes, descrip- tion de corps nouveaux, etc. GS: B. — History. Barnes, Harry Elmer. The historian and the history of science. Scientific monthly, t. 11, p. 112-116, 1920. 1SI8 (1) History of science and interpretation of history; (2) General neglect of the history of science by historians; (3) Present stat:s of the history of science in American education; (4) Necessity of cooperation between histo- rians and scientists in the field of the history of science (with bibliography}. G. S$. [Edinburgh.| Edinburgh’s place in scientific progress. Prepared for the Edinburgh meeting of the B.A.A.S. by the local editorial com- mittee. xvi + 263 p., with portraits. Edinburgh, CuamBers, 1921. ISIS Johnson, E H. The present status of the history of science in Amer- ican colleges and universities. Science, vol. 54, p. 585-595, 1921. Isis Long, Esmond R. Democrats and aristocrats in scientific research. Scientific monthly-, t. 12, p. 414-423, 1921. 1818 C ntrasting different types of scientists and suggesting that it would be interesting to study them in pairs in the PLuTARcH manner. Lone compares briefly WitL1AM OsLER and Emin Fiscner; Darwin and Huxiey; Davy and _Farapay; Pasteur and He_tMHovtz. ‘Gills Miller, G. A. The history of science as an error breeder. Scientific monthly. t. 12, p. 439-443, 1921. sees SCIENCE 641 Penretier, G. Naturalistes normands (xv*-xx° siécles). Communication faite le 7 juin 1911 au Congrés du millénaire normand, 24 p. Rouen, Lton Gy, 1911. 1818 Pennetier, G. Discours sur |’évolution des connaissances en histoire naturelle I. L’antiquité et le moyen-age, 56 p. — II. Renaissance, 69 p. — III. xviit siécle. 95 p. — 1V. 1° xvim*-x1x® siécles. Apercu général, doctrines biologiques. 80 p.; 2° Géologie, 319 p.; 3° Bota- nique, 368 p.; 4° Zoologie (progres et découvertes), 351 p. Actes du Museum d'histoire naturelle de Rouen, 1911-1920, fascic. 24 a 26. Isis Ce travail comprendra encore trois fascicules, l’un de notices biogra- phiques et bibliographiques relatif a la zoologie aux xvu* et xrx® siécles, un fascicule consacré aux conclusions (science et philosophie); le dernier fasci- cule sera réservé aux tables. 5.8 Sarton, George. Third Report to the CarngEaIE Institution. Year Book no. 20, 426-427. Washington, CaRNEGIE Institution, 1922. Isis Report on my work from Sept. 1, 1920 to August 31, 1921] divided as follows : Introduction to the history and philosophy of science; Publication of Is1zs; New Humanism; Harvard lectures. [United States. History of science.} The history of science at the St. Louis meeting of the American historical association. Science, wol. 55, 122, 1922. 1818 C. — Organization. American Association for the Advancement of Science. Summarized proceedings of the 67th meeting (San Francisco. 1915); 68th meeting (Columbus, O.); 69th meeting (New York); 70th meeting(Pittsburgh); 71" meeting (Baltimore): 72° meeting (St. Louis); 73™ meeting Chicago 1920). Together with the Constitution and by-laws and rules of procedure adopted at the St. Louis meeting and also the List of fellows and other members corrected to June 15, 1921. Besides other information concerning the association. 712 p. Published by the Association. Smithsonian Institution, 1921. Isis This list contains 11,934 names of American scientists, with titles and addre ses, G. S. Borel, E. La science dans une société socialiste. Scientia, p. 223-229- Bologna, mars 1922. 1818 Boret indique comment pourraient étre assurées les recherches scienti- fiques dans une organisation sociale pénétrée par les tendances socialistes, L. G. Flinn. Alfred D.; A. J. Porskievics and Ruth Cobb. Research labora- tories in industrial establishments of the United States of America. Bulletin of the National Research Council, t. 1, p. 45.130. Washington, 1920. 1818 Two hundred ninety-seven laboratcries are named in alphabetical oder, then follow classifications ; geographical, scientific and technical, commer- cial. A revised and enlarged edition by Ruta Cons is in the press (thidem, vol, 3). G. 8. 642 SOCIOLOGY Munby, A. E. Laboratories. Their planning and fittings. With a historical introduction by Sir ArTruur E. SuripLey, xix + 220 p. London, BELL, 1921. ISIS Spiller, G. A new system of scientific procedure. Being an attempt to ascertain, develop and systematize the general methods employed in modern enquiries at their best, 1x + 441 p. London, Warts, 1921. Isis Tassy, Edme et Léris, P. Les ressources du travail intellectuel en France, xxi + 71] p. Paris, GAUTHIER-VILLARs, 1921. 1sI8 D. — Philosophy. Strong, William Walker. The new philosophy of modern science, vil + 194 p. York, Pa. Kyle Printing Co., 1920. Isis 31. — SOCIOLOGY, JURISPRUDENCE and POSITIVE POLITY. Barnes, Harry Elmer. The social history of the Western world. An outline syllabus, xm + 126 p. New York, AppLeron, 1921. TSIs Divided into six parts : prolegomena; pre-literary period; early civil. in the Near East including the Aegean civil.; classical society ; mi idle ages; modern times. The book is interesting and comprehensive but, in my opinion, far too succinct. To be truly useful (not simply as a crambook) the statements made should be at least three times longer and selected examples should be quoted. The bibliography is sufficient, but the dates of publication should be given. G.S. Commons, John R and others. History of labor in the United States. With an introductory note by Henry W. Farnam. 2 vol. New York, Macmiuuan, 1921. ists Euken, Rudolf. Socialism. An analysis, 188 p. London, Unwiy, 1921. Isis Translation by JosepH McCase of Der Sozialismus und seine Leben- gestallung. Leipzig, Reclam, 1920. Lord, Arthur Ritchie. The principles of politics. An introduction.to the study of the evolution of political ideas, 308 p. Oxford, Clar- endon Press, 1921. IsIs Maunier, René. Manuel bibliographique des sciences sociales et éco- nomigues. Préface de CHaRLES GIDE, 228 p. Paris. Tentn, 1920. Isis Purdom, Charles Benjamin (editor). Town theory and practice by W.R Lersaspy. GeorGE L. PEPLER, Sir THEODORE G CHAMBERS, Raymonp Unwin and R. L. Reiss 139 p. London, Benn, 1921. Isis Sadler, Gilbert T. The relation of custom to law, vm + 86 p. London, Sweet and Maxwe tt, 1919. IsI8 Union des Associations Internationales. Bruxelles. Centre Interna- tional. Conceptions et programme de linternationalisme. Orga- nismes internationaux et Union des associations internationales Etablissements scientifiques installés au Palais mondial, 130 p., 15 pl. Bruxelles, aout 1921. ISIS Programme fort clair, illustré d’excellents diagrammes et de photographies | | . | | ; . | | | | STATISTICS SUPERSTITION 643 qui permettent de se rendre compte de la grande activité internationale eréée par le génie organisateur de La Fontaine et OTLer a Bruxelles. G. S. Westermarck, Edvard. The history of human marriage. Fifth ed., rewritten, 3 vol. London, MacmiLian, 1921. ISIS The standard book on the subject by a great scholar who has dedicated his whole life to it. His doctor’s thesis at the University of Helsingfors in 1889 was already devoted to this very subject. In 19!4 he published sepa- rately (MAcMILLAN) the results of his investigations on the Marriage ceremo- nies in Morocco. G. S. 32. — STATISTICS. Bisset-Smith, George T. The census and some of its uses. Edinburgh, GREEN, 1921. Ists Boutroux, Pierre. Travaux statistiques relatifs aux mouyements de nos effectifs pendant la guerre. Journal de la Société de statislique de Paris, 1921, 180-189. Isis Je signale cet article 4 cause de son intérét méthodologique. L’auteur a tout 4 fait raison d’insister sur le danger que présente la publication de tableaux statistiques dont les données ne sont pas suffisamment précisées par uncommentaire. Ceci entraine forcément des erreurs qui discréditent les méthodes statistiques. G. S. Bowley, Arthur Lyon. Official statistics, 63 p. Oxford University Press, 1921. ISIS Niceforo, Alfredo. Les indices numériques de la civilisation et du progres, 211 p. Paris, FLAMMARION, 1921. 33. — SUPEKSTITION and OCCULTISM. Christesco, Stéfan. La relativité et les forces dans le systeme cellu- laire des mondes Nouvelle étude de cosmogonie scientifique, 302 p., 10 fig., + tableaux. Paris, Atcan, 1921. {12 frs.] 18sI8 Danmar, William. Modern Niryanaism. The philosophy of life and death (With Phoenix we win!), 1v+-176 p. Second printing. Publish- ed by the author, 5 McAuley Ave., Jamaica, New York, 192l (First printed in 1914). 1818 Lévi, Eliphas. Les mystéres de la Kabbale ou l’Harmonie occulte des deux testaments contenus dans la prophétie d’Ezécuien et l'apo- calypse de Saint Jean, 261 p.. 12 pl.. 95 fig. Paris, Emite Nourry, 1920. iss Ce livre publié avec luxe est imprimé d’aprés un MS. autographe d’Evipuas Lévi, rédigé en 186] pour son disciple le baron J. pz SpetapeRt, qui le céda a un autre disciple en 1880. Le texte et les illu-trations pour- ront intéresser les historiens de la bétise humaine, quoiqu’ils y trouveront sans doute peu de nouveauté ; plus ca change, plus cest la méme chose. La publication d'un pareil livre prouve qu'on a tort de limiter le Moyen Age au xv* ou xvi® siécle ; une bonne partie de l’'humanité v patauge encore, hélas! G. 8. Mager, Henri Les baguettes des sourciers et les forces de la nature. Pourquoi se meuvent les baguettes. Elles obéissent aux lois dAmpére. Services que peuvent rendre les baguettes et les pointes rectangulaires reliées au sol par deux conducteurs, x1 + 423 p., ill , Paris, Dunop, 1920 1813 644 TECHNOLOGY Murray, Margaret Alice. The witch-cult in Western Europe. A study in anthropology, 3l3 p. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1921. Tels Based chiefly on English sources (judicial records and contemporary chronicles), with occasional references to French, Flemish and American sources. The author has also had access to some unpublished trials among the Edinburgh Justiciary Records and also in the Guernsey Greffe. Contin- uity of the religion. Admission ceremonies. Assemblies. Rites. Organ- ization. Familiars and transformation. With a bibliography; lists of covens and names of members; notes on « flying » ointments by A. J. CLarK, etc. G.S. Thomas, Daniel Lindsey and Thomas, Lucy Blayney. Kentucky Super- stitions, vi + 334 p. Princeton University Press, 1920. Isis 34. — TECHNOLOGY. |For mining, see geology; for industrial chemistry, chemistry.. See also Arts and Crafts.| Boffiti, Giuseppe. 11 volo in Italia. Storia documentata e aneddotica dell’aeronautica e dell’aviazione in Italia, xvm + 384 p. Firenze, BaRBERA, 1921. Isis This book is the first attempt to give a comprehensive history of aero- nautics (in its broadest sense) in Italy. The author modestly declares that he has not tried to write a real history, but has simply offered a collection of documents. The book is divided into two almost equal parts : from ArcHytTas to MonTeotrigr, and from MonTGo.FtEeR to our own day; to put it more briefly. ancient history and modern history. The first part contains 12 chapters :(1) Down to the first century ; (2) Patristic period ; (3) Scholastic period; (4: Dante and Leonarno; (5) G. B. Danti of Perugia; (6) xvith cent. : F. Veranzio and G. B. Porta; (7) Aeronantics in Italian literature ; (8) Trro Livio Burattini of Venice; (9) Lana, Jesuit of Brescia (1631-87) ; BorELLI; (10) Their followers; (11) Pier Jacopo MarrTe.11; (12) Experi- ments of TrBERIO Cava._o of Naples at the eve of MonTGOLFIER’S invention. One sees that a great deal of this first part is hardly concerned with the history of technology, but rather with the history of literary imagination ; the second part is of necessity more technical; (13) First aerostatic * experiments in Italy; (14-17) Various early ascensions; (18) Beginning of scientific aerostatics : F. ZamBEccCARI. Scienti ic ascensions of PASQUALE ANDREOLI and Caro Brioscat (Padova, 1808); (19) Ascensions by Francesco Orvanpi; (20) Italian studies on dirigibility; (21) Aerostatic literature; (22) Return to the « heavier-than-air » machines (only 16 p.!). Two appendixes : one by RaFFAELO GIACOMELLI on LEONARDO, the other by the count KiinckowstRoEm on T. L. Burartini (xvuth cent). It is noteworthy that the earliest journal devoted to aeronautics was the Giornalo aerostatico of Milano, Jan. 1784. The book is interesting but devoted mainly to what one might call the prehistory of flying. It is beautifully dedicated « a tutti coloro che tinsero il mondo di sanguigno imporporando il cielo dell’aurora d’un novello domani » G. 8. Chapuis, Alfred (avec la collaboration de Gustave Loup). La montre « chinoise » (Relations de Vhorlogerie suisse avee la Chine), xui+272 p., 33 pl., 245 fig. Neuchatel, Vicror ArtinceR [s d, 30 fr.; relié, 43 fr.]. 1818 Cette lusueuse publication nous retrace V/histoire fort intéressante des montres fabriquées en Suisse pour l’exportation en Chine. Les montres TECHNOLOGY 645 « chinoises » sont, en effet, simplement des montres d’un calibre et d’un type spéciaux faites « pour la Chine ». Cette industrie s’est localisée & Genéve et surtout 4 Fleurier. L’auteur a pu tirer grand profit de l’admi- rable collection de montres rapportée par Gustave Loup de Genéve. Lko- POLD DE SaussuRE a contribué a l’ouvrage par une note introductrice (18 p ) sur l’horométrie et le systéme cosmologique des Chinois. Voici comment le sujet est divisé : I (jusqu’au Premier Empire frangais inclus) : 1° Premiéres relations horlogéres avec la Chine; 2° Les ateliers impériaux d’horlogerie; 3° Deux horlogers suisses en Chine a la fin du xvui® siécle ; 4° Un commer- cant suisse en Chine a Ja fin du xvit® siécle : CHARLES DE ConsTANT; 5° Les montres Louis XV, Louis XV! et Empire. — II : 6° Les premiers Bovrt de Chine (1818-1840); 7° Factoreries de Canton (1836 1843); 8° L’horlogerie suisse et la Chine aprés 1842; 9° La montre chinoise de Fleurier; 10° Les peintres sur én ail et la montre chinoise (1820-1900); 11° Questions secon- daires (p. ex.: les paires de montres; beaucoup de montres se vendaient en Chine par paires ; leur expédition); 12° Diverses autres montres ; 13° Piéces a musique; 14° Montres-bijoux; 15° Commerce de la montre en Chine; 16° Questions d’aujourd’hui. [Il y a un appendice de 6 pages sur l’observa- toire fondé par les PP. Jésuites a Zi Ka-Wei (illustré) et un index copieux. Il ne peut s’agir de résumer plus en détail cette importante monographie industrielle qui intéressera l’historien de la technologie, mais plus encore Vhistorien de l'industrie horlogére et celui des arts appliqués. Les illustra- tions sont fort nombreuses et fort belles. Plusieurs planches en couleur, par exemple, nous permettent de juger de la beauté des émaux avec lesqueis les artistes genévois embellissaient les montres de leurs compatriotes. G.S. Delany, Mary Cecilia. The historical geography of the Wealden Iron industry, 62 p.. 3 maps (Historico-geographical monographs). London, Benn, ¢ 1921. 181s Fiske, Raer Admiral Bradley, A. Invention. The master key to Bronte, 1x+356 p. New York, Durron, 1921. Laking, Sir Guy Francis (Bar.). A record of European armour and arms through seven centuries. With an introduction by the Baron de Cosson, 5 vol. London, Beii, 1920-1922. {15 guin.| IsIs Luckiesh, M. Artificial light. Its influence upon civilization, xiv +-3c6 p., ill. New York, Century, 1920. 1818 Osgood, Ellen Louise. A history of industry, vu-+430 p. Boston, Ginn, 1921. 1818 Robertson, Frederick Leslie. The evolution of naval armament, vi-}+307 p., ill. London, ConstaBur, 1921. 1818 [Technos.| Revue analytique des publications techniques francaises et étrangéres, paraissant tous les mois. Paris, E. Curron, 1920. 18!s Une nouvelle revue bibliographique contenant des analyses de chaque article cité, imprimée au verso des pages seulement pour le découpage. Le n°? 17 (p. 2164 4 2356) a paru en aodt 1921. L’ordre suivi dans chaque nu- méro est : mines; métallurgie, constructions et travaux publics; industries mécaniqueés; industries électr. ques; locomotion; chimie et industries diverses; généralités techniques; économie industrielle. Prix de |’abonne- ment annuel : 60 francs. en France; 70 francs, a |'étranger. G. 8. Warner, Sir Frank. The silk industry of the United Kingdom. Its origin and development, 664 p .54 pl. London, Drane’s. 1921. tei 646 ZOOLOGY vo. — ZOOLOGY. Bouvier, E. L. Habitudes et métamorphoses des insectes, 321 p. Paris. FLAMMARION, 1921. 1sI8 Carpenter, George Herbert. Insect transformation, x+-282 p., 4 pl., 124 ill. London, Mreruuen, 1921. isis Cuénot, L. La genése des especes animales, 2¢ édit. entiérement refondue, vii+558 p., 109 fig. Paris, Fit1x Awcan (Bibl. scientif. internat ), 1921. ISIS Cette édition differe trés notablement de la premiére (1911). Toute la deuxiéme partie de celle-ci (étude sur l’individu) a maintenant disparu, au profit d’un développement plus grand et d’une mise au courant de ce qui est relatif au peuplement de la terre, et surtout de la partie concernant les fac- teurs de ]’évolution, ot l’auteur fait une distinction entre mutations et som- mations (anciennement fluctuations), et continue a ne pas admettre l’héré- dité des caractéres acquis. Est aussi trés notablement accru le long chapitre qui traite de la genése des espéces et des adaptations. La premiére partie du volume est une histoire trés condensée de l’évolutionnisme. — Bonne biblographie. Manque une table analytique. L. G. Gudger, EW Rainsoffishes. Natural history, vol. X XJ, p 607-519. New York, 1921. Isis GupeER’s work in connection with the Bibliography of Fishes, edited by BasSHFOoRD Dean and now nearing completion, has made it possible for him to survey the whole evidence relative to the so-called « rains of fishes ». The oldest account is that given by AtHENus of Naucratis (end of 11nd cent.) in The Deipnosophists or Banquet of the Learned, first printed in 1524 (Aldine) ; the next one is Ropert Conny’s in the Transactions of the R. S., 1698. The third account was given by RapHart Eexini in the Wettenber- gischen Wochenblatt for 1771 with a correct explanation, 7. e. transporta- tion of the fishes by a waterspout or an overflow. The other accounts belong to the xrxth cent. Of them I will quote only that of ALEx. von HuMBOLDT in 1825, relating the spreading of mud and fishes over about 43 square miles by a volcanic eruption. A discussion of all cases recorded by modern observers leads to the conclusion that the most usual cause of such spreading is the action of heavy winds, whirlwinds and waterspouts.. Extensive bibliography. Gis Gurney, J.H Early Annals of Ornithology, 1v-+240 p., ill. London, WITHERBY, 1921. ISIS « The idea with which this little volume originated was to collect all the ancient passages about birds, of any special interest, but more particularly those which concerned British Birds, and to string them together in order of date » : (1) Prehistoric birds; (2) 1vth to 1xth cent.; (3) xth to xith cent.; (4) xith cent.; (5) xmith cent.; (6) xtvth cent.; (7) xvth cent.; (8-10) xvith c.; (11) The crane, bustard, spoonbill and bittern; (12-13) xvuuth cent. ; (14) xviith cent. Index. G.S. Hills, John Walter A history of fly fishing for trout. London, ALLAN, 1921. isIS Jenkins, J. T. A history of the whale fisheries. From the Basque fisheries of the tenth century to the hunting of the finner whale at the present date, 336 p , 12 ill. London, Wirnerry, 1921 ISIS This will fill a gap in the history of whaling, for there was no British ZOOLOGY 647 account comparable to F. S. Miitver’s Geschiedenis der Noordsche Compagnie, Utrecht, 1874, for the Dutch whaling; L. Brinner’s Die deutsche Grénlandfahrt, Berlin, 1912, for the German; or W.S. TowEr’s History of the American whale fishery, Philadelphia, 1907. Jenkins’ account is based cniefiy upon the original writings of the whalers. It isa story full of romance which should help to bring about a regulation of this industry, without which whales and whaling will soon be things of the past. Twenty pages tell the story to 1623; then follows an account of the period from 1623 to 1750 when Dutch whalers were predominant, etc. G.S. Macewen, William. The growth and shedding of the antlers of the deer, the histological phenomena and their relation to the growth of the bone, xvu-+108 p . ill. Glasgow, Mac Lenose, 1920 Isis Topsent. E. Histoire abrégée du Musée zoologique de |’ Université de la Ville de Strasbourg. Paris, Bull. Soe Zool., t. 45, p. 7-13, 1920. Ists ERRATA. For previous errata see vol. I], 480; vol. I1I, 155, 503; vol. IV, 220. Vol. Ill, p. 3, Vol. Ul, p. 5 Vol. IV, 3 Vol. IV, p. 33, 1. 8 : read ewcursion into. Vol. IV, 161, under Arnot, F. S. read London, Sgevey, 1921 (not 1920). Vol. IV, 205 : under Physiology read Artuus, Maurice (not ArtuurR). Vol. Il, p. 315, 1. 13: read spared us instead of spared to us. |. 32 : read uninterrupted. | . 18 : read material. I 32, 1. 4: read to draw attention to. Authors’ Index. The Roman figures refer to centuries; the other words, as China, astronomy, etc., refer to the sections of Parts II and 11] bearing these titles. The index will enable one to find more easily the papers analyzed in the present bibliography, and also to see at a glance what each writer is doing. ELIZABETH GILPATRICK. A Bernard. L. L., XIX E. Bernard, Mad., Botany. Abbot, C. G., XIX B. Bernard, N., Botany. Acharya, P. K., India. Berry, E. W., Botany. Adams, E. P., Physies. Berthé de Besaucéle, L., XVI. Albertini, IV. Besnier, M., Rome. Aisberg, C. L., XIX D. Bevan, A. A., Islam. Amodeo, F., XIX A. Bezold, C., China. Andel, M. A. v., Med. B. Bezold, F. von, XIX E. Andoyer, H., XVII. Bezout, XVIII. Anschiitz, W., XII. Bhagavan, D., India. Archer, Wm., Language. Bidez, J., IV, Greece. Arensberg, W., XIV. Bigourdan, G., XVIII. Aries, E., XIX B. Bird, J. M., Mechanics. Autran, C., Antiquity. Birnbaum, A., I A. C. Bisset-Smith, G. T., Statistics. B Blanchard, P., Biology. Bleuler, E., Medicine A. Babelon, E., Rome. Bloch, S., Asia. Babinger, F., XIX E. Bloomfield, M., India. Baker, O., Arts & Crafts. Boffiti, G., Technology. Ball, W. W. R., Ethnology. Bohn, G., Biology. Barnes, H. E., Sociology, Science B. | Bolton, L., Mechanics. Barnett, L. D., XIV. Bonney, T. G., XIX E. Basset, H., Islam. Borchard, L., Egypt. Bateson, Wm., Biology. Borel, E., Science C. Bauer, L. A., Astronomy. Bosmans, H., XVI. Baumann, E. D., XVII. Bouillard, G., China. Bauschinger, J., XVII. Boutroux, P., Statistics. Bedot, M., Biology. Bouvier, E. L., Zoology. Bell, A. G., XIX B. Bowie, Wm., Astronomy. Bellessort, A., I. A. C. Bowley, A. L., Statistics. Bendall, C.. India. Braun-Blanquet, J., Botany. Berget, A., Geography. Brewer, G., XIX B. Berman, L., Physiology. Brodmann, C., Middle Ages. INDEX Broek, A. J. P., v. d. XV. Broglie, M. de, Chemistry. Brown, E. W., Mathematics. Brown, P. H., XVII. Browne, C. A., VIII. Browne, E. G., XII. Browne, L. E., Israel. Bruck, W., XVI, Med. A. Brunner, C., XVII. Bryce, P. H., XIX D. Buerschapper, R., XII. Bumstead, H. A., Physics. Burton, Wm., Arts & Crafts. C Cabanes, A., Medicine A. Cajori, F., XVII, Mathematics, Me- chanics. Caland, W., XVII. Campani, R., Islam. Carbonelli, G., XIV. Carmichael, R. D., Ethnology. Carpenter, G. H., Zoology. Carra de Vaux, Baron, Islam. Caullery, M., Biology. Chamberlain, W. P., Medicine A. Chambers, Sir T. G., Sociology. Chapin, C. V., XIX D. Chapins, A., Technology. Chaplin, A., XVIII. Charlier, C. V. L., Mathematics. Child, C. M., Physiology. Christesco, 8., Superstition. Clark, A. J., Superstition. Clark, P. F., XIX D, Clay, A. T., Babylonia. Clibbens, D. A. Cobb, R., Science A., Sci. C. Cohen, A., Israel. Cohn, W., India. Commons, J. R., Sociology. Conklin, E. G., Biology. Cook, O. F., Ftlnology. Coomaraswamy, A. K., E. Asia, India. Corson, EB. R., XTX C, Cossel, L. von, Language. Cosson, Baron de, Technology. Cree, C., XVIII. Cronau, R., XV. Cruveilhier, P., Babylonia. 649 Cuénot, L., Zoology. Cumming, H. S., XIX D. Cumont, F., IIT, Middle Ages. Cunningham, E., Mechanics. Cunningham, J. T., Biology. Cuq, E., IV, Babylonia. Curtis, H. D., Astronomy. Curtiss, R. H., Astronomy. Custance, Admiral Sir R., Greece. Czarnecki, R., XII. D Dafiner, H., XIV. Dames, M. L., XVI. Danmar, Wm., Superstition. Darwin, L., Biology. Davids, T. k., Islam. Davis, B., Physics. Navis, T. L., XV. Dean, B., Zoology.. Dehérain, H., XVI. Delacre, M., XIX B. Delany, M. C., Technology. De Launay, L., Geology. Delaunay, P., XVIII. Delehaye, H., History. Descour, | Fe. @ ©. Ga 6 Dickson, L. E., Mathematics. Dinet, E., Islam. D’Ocagne, M., XVII. Dock, L. L., XIX D., Med. A. Dohring, K., E. Asia. Doré, F. J., China. Duane, Wm., Physics. Dufestel, L., Physiology. Duff, J. C. G., India. Dyroff, A., XIV. = Ebhardt, B., I A. C. Ebstein, E., Medicine A. Edwardes, 8. M., India. Effertz, O., Medicine B. Ehrenberg, V., V A. C. Eliot, Sir C., Asia. Eloy, P., XVII. Emmanuel, M., iV A. C. Erchenbrecher, H., XII. Erlang, A. K., XVII. Erskine, W., XVI. 650 Eucken, R., Sociology. Evans, Sir A., Antiquity. EF Fagnan, E., VIII. Farnam, H. W., Sociology. Farnell, L. R., Greece. Farquhar, J. N., India. Faulds, H., XIX E. Fehlinger, H., Ethnology. Ferrand, G., XVI. Finot, E. Asia. hirth; (Cy He Savi. Fisher, A., XIV. Fiske, Rear Admiral B. A., logy. Flinn, A. D., Science C. Forbes, N., Language. Forgue, Medicine A. Forke, A., China. Fotheringham, J. K., Astronomy. Foucher, A., India. Fowler, W. W., Rome. Franchet, L., Antiquity. Franklin, A., XVI. Frazer, Sir J. G., Ethnology. Frazer, Lady, Ethnology. Frobenius, L., Ethnology. Fruin-Mees, W., E. Asia. Techno- G Gardiner, J. 8., Ethnology. Garrison, F. H., Middle Ages. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, M., Islam. Gautier, E. F., Archaeology. Gay, H. S., XVII. Gehreke, E., Physics. Geikie, Sir A., XVIII. Gentile, G., XVI. Gerhardt, K. I., XVII. Ghosh, K., India. Giacomelli, R., Technology. Gibson, G. A., XVII. Gide, C., Sociology. Gifford, E., XVII. Ginzel, F. K., Babylonia. Glaisher, J. W. L., XVII. Gley, E., Medicine A. Glotz, G., Greece. INDEX Godée Molsbergen, KE. C., Geography. Goebel, K., Botany. Gollanez, H., XII, Israel. Goloubew, V. de, E. Asia, India. Gorham, F. P., XIX D. Gossart, E., XIX E. Gray, J. M., Education. Gregory, H. A., Geology. Grierson, G. A., XIV. Groot, J. J. M. De, China. Groslier, G., EH. Asia. Gudger, EK. W., Zoology. Guignebert, C., Antiquity. Gurney, J. H., Zoology. H Hackin, M. J., E. Asia. Haldane, Viscount, Mechanics. lelniihie Al. Ee) WAR Hambruch, P., Ethnology. Hammarstriém, M., Antiquity. Harrington, Sir J., Middle Ages. Harris, D. F., XVII. Hartmann, F., Middle Ages. Haskins, C. H., XII. Haubold, R., VIII. Hauser, F., XIII, Islam. Havell, E. B., India. Hazzidakis, J., Antiquity. Heiberg, J. L., VII, Greece. Heitland, W. E., Antiquity. Hering, E., XIX C. Hering, R., XIX D. Herrmann, A., China. Hewitt, J. N. B., Ethnology. Heywood, W., XI. Hill, G. F., Rome. Hills, J. W., Zoology. Hilton-Simpson, M. W., Ethnology. Hinks, Islam, Language. Hodivala, S. H., fran. Hoetink, B., XVII. Hoffman, F. L., X1X D. Hollander, B., Psychology. Homolle, T., Greece. Hopfner, T., Egypt. Hopkins, E. W., Ethnology. Horner, J., Economics. Horten, M., Islam. Howald, E., IV A. C. INDEX 651 Howard, L. O., XIX D. Huart, C., XIII. Hudson, T. C., XVII. Hughes, A. L., Physics. Hutchinson, A., XVII. I IJzerman, J. W., XVI. Iligen, H. O., VILI. Ingen, P., van, XIX D. J Jackson, Sir T. G., Art. Jacobi, H., Rome. Jaeger, F. M., XVII. James, M. R., XVI. Jansen, B., XIII. Jasper, J. E., E. Asia. Jastrow, M., Babylonia. Jayaswal, K. P., V A.C., VI A.C. Jeans, J. H., Physics. Jeanselme, E., III, V, XII, Rome. Jenkins, J. T., Zoology. Jeremias, A., Bible. Jobnson, FE. H., Science B. Jourdain, P. E. B., XIV, XVII. Jourdan, P., I. K Kalinka, E., Greece. Kallen, H. M., Israel. Kampers, F., XIV. Kappauf, W., Islam. Keith, A. B., India. Keyser, C. J., Mathematics. Kilian, K., XII. King, Sir L., XVI. Kittredge, G. L., XVIII. Klineckowstroem, Count von, XVIII, Technology. Knight, G. A. F., Egypt. Knight. M. M., Biology. Knorr, R., I. Knott, C. G., XVII. Kober, G. M., XIX D., Koch, R., Medicine A. Konow, S., India. Kowalewski, G., Mathematics. Kramrisch, II A. C. 2 Iv-3 Krause, G., E. Asia. Krehbiel, H. E., XIX E. Kroemer, G. H., XII. Kropotkin, Prince, Biology. Kubitschek, W., Rome. L Laking, Sir G. F., Technology. La Mettrie, J. O. de, XVIII. Lange, C. L., History. Langebartels, E., XII. Langevin, P., Physics, Larmor, Sir J., XVIII. Laruelle, E., Pharmacy. Launay, A., China. Laurand, L., Antiquity. Law, N. N., India. Lawson, R. W., XIX B. Lazzeri, G., XIV. Leach, H. G., Middle Ages. Leclere, H., I. Ledue, S., Biology. Leersum, E. C., van, XVIII. Leffmann, H., XIX B. Legangneux, Archaeology. Lehmann, A., VI. Lehmann-Haupt, C. F., Babylonia, Léris, P., Science C. Lethaby, W. R., Sociology. Levi, E., Superstition. Lévi, S., E. Asia. Leyden, J., XVI. IHonoré Naber, S. P., XVI. Lindsay, J., XIV. Linge, W., XIII. Lint, J. G. De, Medicine A, Lippmann, E. O. von, XIV, XVI. Littlehales, G. W., Astronomy. Loir, A., Archaeology. Long, E. R., Science B. Lord, A. R., Sociology. Loria, G., China. Loup, G., Technology. Liwis, A. von, Ethnology. Luckiesh, M., Technology. Lutz, H. F., Babylonia. Lyall, Sir C., Islam. M Macewen, Wm., Zoology. Mackenzie, Sir J., Medicine A, 45 652 MacNair, M. W., Bibliographies. Mager, H., Superstition. Maire, G., XVIII. Maitre, E. Asia. Mann, W., Psychology. Maunier, R., Sociology. Mantzius, K., Language. Margoliouth, D. S., Islam. Martin, A., XVII. Marvin, C. F., Astronomy. Maske, E., XIT. Massart, J., Science A. Mather, F. J., XIV. Mather, W. G., XVIII. Matisse, G., Biology. Matthaes, C., XII. Matthew, W. D., TV A. C. Maxwell, J. C., XVIII. McCabe, J., Sociology. McClenon, R. B., China. McEwen, G. F., Geography. McGovern, W. M., E. Asia. MeVail, J. C., XIX D. Mehner, M. A., XIII. Meissner, R., XVI. Meldrum, A. N., Chemistry. Mercer, J. E., Chemistry. Mertin, A., Antiquity. Metchnikoff, O., XIX C. Meyer, J. J., India. \ Miller, G. A., Mathematics, Science B. Millikan, R. A., XX. Mills, W. H., XiX E. Milne, J. R., XVII. Minns, Language. Mock, R., I. Mogk, W., Medicine A. Moloney, M. F., Ethnology. Monal, E., XVII. Monceaux, P., IV. Montgomery, J. A., Bible. Moodie, R. L., Egypt. Moret, M. A., E. Asia. Morin-Jean, Rome. Morison, 8. E., Economics. Morley, 8. G., Ethnology. Moulton, Lord, XVII. Mourad, S., XVII. Mourgue, R., Med. A., Physiology, Psychology. Mukandi, L., XVIII. Munby, A. E., Science C. INDEX Muralt, W. von, XVII. Murray, M. A., Superstition. N Nahar, P. G., India. Neuburger, M., XIX D., Medicine A. Niceforo, A., Statistics. Nicholson, R. A., Islam. Ninck, M., Antiquity. Nordmann, C., Mechanics. North, CBs xXixe 3p: Nosske, B., VI. O Oeconomos, L., XII. Oldenberg, H., India. Osgood, E. L., Technology. Ostermuth, H. J., XII. P Packard, F. R., Middle Ages. Page, L., Chemistry. Palmer, G. T., XIX D. Passerini, Conte G. L., XIV. Paton, L. B., Antiquity. Patterson, A. M., Chemistry. Patterson, L., Religion. Peine vd, X: Pekelharing, C. A., XIX D. Pelliot, P., China, E. Asia. Penck, A., XIX C. Pennetier, G., Science B. Pepler, G. L., Sociology. Perrin, J., Astronomy. Peters, I. L., Biology. Petersen, E., Greece. Petronievics, B., Biology. Pfister, C., Education. Phelps, HK. B., XIX D. Philip, A., Astronomy. Pieron, H., Biology. Pillai, L. D .S., India. Pirngadie, M., E. Asia. Ploss, W. L. H., XII. Pollock, Sir F., Islam, Language. Poole, R. L., Middle Ages. Popley, H. A., India. Porskievics, A. J., Science C. Pratinidhi, B., India. INDEX 653 Prescott, S. C., XIX D. Purdom, C. B., Sociology. Q Querfeld, A. H., XIII. Quiquet, A., XVII. R Rabaud, E., Biology. Rambaud, P., XVII. Rao, T. A. G., India. Rasmussen, K., XX. Ravasini, R., XIV. Ravenel, M. P., XIX D. Redgrove, H. 8., XVII. Redgrove, .I. M, L., XVII. Read, C., Ethnology. Regnault, F., XIX B. Reich, H., II. Reid, H. F., Astronomy. Reinhardt, H., XII. Reiss, R. L., Sociology. Reitzenstein, R., Byzantium. Renauld, E., XI. Resak, C., XI. Reutter de Rosemont, L., Pharmacy. Ricci, S., de, Egypt. Richards, F. 8., Egypt. Rieseh, H., XU. Rignano, E., Psychology. Roberts, 8. C., Bibliography. Robertson, F. L., Technology. Robin, L., IV A. C. Rodin, A., India. Rostovtzeff, M., Antiquity. Roth, H. L., Ethnology. Rouffaer, G. P., XVI. Rougier, L., Logic. Rouse, W. H. D., India. Roux, Marquis de, XVII. Riibel, E., Botany. Ruffer, Sir M. A., Egypt. Russell, B., Psychology. Rutot, A., Geology. S Sadler, G. T., Sociology. Saintyves, P., Med. A. Sampson, R. A., XVIT. Sandys, Sir J. E., Rome. Sanford, F., Physics. Santideva, India. Sarton, G., Science B. Saussure, L., de, China, Technology. Schaarschmidt, F. O., XIII. Scherer, W., XIV. Schipper, J., IV. Schmeidler, B., Middle Ages. Schmiz, K., XIX D. Schneider, R., Antiquity. Schooling, W., XVII. Schoy, C., XI. Schramm, E., I A. C., Antiquity. Schuster, J., Botany. Schwenzner, W., Babylonia. Seilliere, E., XVIII. Semon, L., Biology. Semon, R., Biology. Sen, D. C., India. Sethe, K., Egypt. Seton-Watson, Language. Shapley, H., Astronomy. Sheffer, H. M., Logic. Sheppard, W. F., XVIL. Shipley, Sir A. E., Science C. Sidersky, D., VIII A. C. Sliman ben Ibrahim, Islam. Smith, A. W., XIX B. Smith, D. E., XVII, Religion. Smith, G., XVII. Smith, 8., XIX D. Solovine, M., XVII, XVIII, Physics. Somerville, D. M. ¥., XVII. Sommerfeld, A., Physics. Sorley, W. R., XVII. Sosman, R. B., Astronomy. Sozzani, A., XVIIL. Spampanato, V., XVI. Spiller, G., Science C. Spinden, H. J., Ethnology. Stefanini, G., XVII. Steggall, J. E.A., XVII. 654 Stein, Sir A., China. Stephanides, M., Antiquity. Stewart, H. F., XVII. Stewart, I. M., Medicine A. Strong, W. W., Science D. Strunz, E., I. Strzygowski, J., Art. Sudhoff, K., Medicine A., Ages. Suter, H., X. Swift, F. A., Israel. Swingle, W. T., China. Sykes, General Sir P., Iran. Symes, J. E., I. Middle fh Tassy, E., Science C. Taylor, A. E., V., A.C. Thayer, A.W., XIX E. Thomas, A., V. Thomas, D. L., Superstition. Thomas, F. W., India. Thomas, L. A., India. Thomas, L. B., Superstition. Thomson, J. J., Physics. Thorpe, Sir E., XVITI. Tiffeneau, XIX B. Tilden, Sir W. A., XVII, Chemistry. Topsent, E., Zoology. Tout, T. F., Middle Ages. rallye, ede Triidinger, K., Antiquity. U Ullrich, F., I. Ungnad, A., Babylonia. Unwin, R., Sociology. Vv Vacea, G., XVII. Van Buren, Mrs. E. D., VI A. C. Vanizetti, B. L., Chemistry. Vandeseal, China. INDEX Veiller, L., XIX D. Vernes, M., Bible. Viedebantt, O., Antiquity. Vignaud, XV. Vinogradoff, Sir P., Language. Vires, Medicine A. Viviani, U., XVI. Vivier, P: M., XVI. Wolis Ibk, OS WAN WwW Wagner, H., XVI. Wall, O. A., Psychology. Wallis, C. E., XVIIL. Ward, J., Art. Warner, Sir F., Technology. Warren, H.C., Psychology. Washington, H.8.,Astronomy. Waxman, M:, XIV. Weber, F.P., XIX D. Webster, D. L., Chemistry, Physics. Weege, F., Antiquity. Weissbach, F. H., Babylonia. Wessely, C., II. Westermarck, H., Sociology. Whipple, G.C., XIX D. Whitaker, J. I. S., Antiquity. Wiedemann, E., XIII, Islam. Wieleitner, H., XVII. Wien, W., Mechanics. Wilke, G., I. Witte, J., XIII. Wollaston, A. F. R., XIX C. Wood, H. O., Geology. Woodroffe, Sir J., India. Woodruff, L. L., Biology. Woods, J. H., India. Wright, H., Language. Wright, J., Greece. Z Zehl, CG. A. XVe Ziegler, H. E., Psychology. , oe aa Rt Peers RRV EW APRS ESEAEY NPR g ; 3 ' Le DPI ye oo fey a Pa os | | . ! 5 t ’ / *. ose ties sak iS nbighie cae Dis aati aa . ; . ia . . / : 7 uy roe | ( ‘ o . =e ? . i ‘ ’ , « iat 4 % | ; . “ - a : 7 ; 4 p ar P| ‘ . ade ie 7 . Tan ¢ a 7 x - . : Ta a : . sa CaGs = ; nthe ie af ‘ ar | . v f t % +* | a eh > . “e fs’ . ? | : wa 5 ia. a ‘ i 4 Be . ie? ? Q Isis 17 Veh Physic al® | Applied Sei, | Serials PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY STORAGE Sachnaamh it Cae LA oe RRO RR ee LRPRP ROW AM OO Poe RR Dae ot .