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THE JESUIT RELATIONS
AND
ALLIED DOCUMENTS
VOL. II
The edition consists of sev- en hundred and fifty sets all numbered
No
Ml
The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents
Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries
in New France
1610-1791
THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITAL- IAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLA- TIONS AND NOTES ; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES
EDITED BY
REUBEN GOLD THWAITES Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin
Vol. II Acadia : 1612-1614
Cleveland: Gbe Burrows JSrotbera Comparts, publishers, mdcccxcvi
Copyright, 1S96
BY
The Burrows Brothers Co
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
The Imperial Press, Cleveland
EDITORIAL STAFF
Editor . . Reuben Gold Thwaites
Translator from the
French . . John Cutler Covert
Assistant Translator from the French . Mary Sifton Pepper
™ -. r ., ( William Frederic Giese
Translators from the )
Latin ' ' / John Dorsey Wolcott
Translator from the
Italian . . Mary Sifton Pepper
Assistant Editor . Emma Helen Blair
CONTENTS OF VOL II
Preface to Volume II . . . i
Documents: — IX. Lettre an R. P. Provincial, a Paris. Pierre
Biard ; Port Royal, January 31, 1 6 12 . 3
X. Miffio Canadenfis. Epiftola ex Portu- regali in Acadia, tranfmiffa ad Prae- pofitvm Generalem Societatis Jesu. Pierre Biard ; Port Royal, January 31, 1612 . . . . -57
XI. Relation Derniere de ce qui s'est Passe au Voyage du Sieur de Potrincourt. Marc Lescarbot; Paris, 161 2 . .119
XII. Relatio Rervm Gestarum in Novo-Fran-
cica Miffione, Annis 1613&1614 . 193
Bibliographical Data: Volume II . . 287
Notes . . . . . .291
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. II
I. Photographic facsimile of General Map, from Lcs Voyages dit Si cur de Champlain, (Paris, 1613) . . . Facing 56
II. Photographic facsimile of Map of Port
Royal, f rom Ibid . . . Facing 118
III. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Les-
carbot's Relation Dernier e . . .122
IV. Photographic facsimile of plan of Fort at
Port Royal, from Ibid . . Facing 192
PREFACE TO VOL. II
Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume :
IX. The indefatigable Biard presents, herein, a graphic recital of his work among the Acadian sav- ages, and particularly his journeys into the wilderness. His report of a trip with a party of Port Royalists to French trading posts on the St. Croix and St. John rivers, to an Etchemin town probably on the site of the present Castine, Me., and to an English fishing station on the Kennebec, is full of interest.
X. Herein, Biard sends to the general of his order a full report concerning : (i) New France, its physical characteristics, and its aborigines; (2) the circumstances attending the opening of the Jesuit mission in Acadia; (3) Fleche's work previous to the coming of the Jesuits ; (4) visits to savage tribes by Masse and himself, with descriptions of conver- sions and baptisms, and a statement of the conditions and prospects of spiritual work among the aborigines.
XI. LescarboVs Relation Derniere gives an account of Poutrincourt's voyage to New France, in 16 10; of the conversion and baptism of the savage chief, Mem- bertou, and others, by the priest, Fleche; of Bien- court's return to France; and of the experiences of Poutrincourt at Port Royal. The writer praises Pou- trincourt for his exertions in Canada in behalf of
PREFACE TO VOL. II
both religion and civilization ; and urges that he should be aided in his colonial enterprise, as a neces- sary basis for religious work in this portion of the New World. He gives a list of the sponsors of the baptized Indians, who included many of the French nobility and clergy. The life at Port Royal is pic- tured in some detail ; its labors and privations are dwelt upon ; and the customs of the natives described. Lescarbot does not fail, although cautiously, to ex- hibit his dislike of the Jesuits, and endeavors to show that their coming to Port Royal involved delay and expense to the colonial enterprise, thereby injuring Poutrincourt. Our author's closing chapter devoutly catalogues the " Effects of God's Grace in New France ; " he describes how Providence cared for the colonists in their distress, saved them from shipwreck, kindly disposed the savages toward them and the Christian religion, and returned to the Frenchmen their ship, in time to prevent starvation. The res- cue of Aubry is also mentioned.
XII. The Rclatio Rcriim Gestarum {i6ij & 1614.) opens with a description of New France, its geogra- phy, its climate, its peoples and their customs. The experience of the Jesuit fathers at Port Royal is re- lated at length, from their own point of view. A de- scription is given of the settlement of St. Sauveur, on Mount Desert Island, and its destruction by the Virginian, Argall. Then follows an account of the life of the Jesuit prisoners, in Virginia and England. The conclusion is reached that, despite these draw- backs, the Jesuit mission in Canada has made a hope- ful beginning.
R. G. T.
Madison, Wis., September, 1896.
IX
Lettre du P. Biard
au R. P. Provincial a Paris
PORT ROYAL, Janvier 31, 1612
SOURCE : Reprinted from Carayon's Premiere Mission des Jesuites au Canada, pp. 44-76.
LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 2
[44] Lettre du P. Pierre Biard au R. P. Pro- vincial a Paris.
{Copiee sur Vautographe conserve dans les archives du Jesus, a Rome.)
Port- Royal, 31 Janvier 16 12.
Mon Reverend Pere, Pax Christi. S'il nous failloit entrer en compte devant Dieu et Vostre Reverence du gere et negocie par nous en ceste nouvelle acquisition du Fils de Dieu, ceste nouvelle France et Chrestiente, depuis nostre arrivee jusques a ce commencement de nouvel an, je ne doubte point certes, qu'en la sommation et calcul final, la perte ne surmontast les profits; le despense follement en offencant, le bien et sagement menage en obeyssant, et le receu des talents, graces et tole- rances divines, le mis et employe au royal et amiable service de nostre grand et autant bening Createur. Neantmoins, d'autant que (comme je croy) nos ruines n'edifiroyent personne, et nos rentes n'establiroyent aucun, il vaudroit mieux que pour le malacquitte, nous le plorions a part; [45] pour le receu, nous imi- tions le metayer d'iniquite loue par Nostre Seigneur en l'Evangile, scavoir est que, faisant part a autruy des biens de nostre Maistre, nous nous en faisions des amis, et que communiquant a plusieurs ce qui est d'6dification en ces premiers fondemens de Chresti- ente, nous obtenions plusieurs intercesseurs envers Dieu, et fauteurs de cet ceuvre. Mesme que ce faisant, nous ne defrauderons en rien la debte, ainsy
1612-14] THE JES UIT RELA TIONS
[44] Letter from Father Pierre Biard to the Rev- erend Father Provincial, at Paris.
{Copied from the autograph preserved in the archives of Jesus, at Rome. )
Port Royal, January 31, 16 12.
My Reverend Father, The peace of Christ be with you. Were we compelled to give an account before God and Your Reverence of our administration and our transactions in this newly acquired kingdom of the Son of God, this new France and new Christen- dom, from the time of our arrival up to the beginning of this new year, I certainly do not doubt that, in the aggregate and final summing up, the loss would ex- ceed the profits; the foolish cost of transgression, the goodness and wisdom of obedience; and the reception of divine talents, graces, and indulgence would exceed their outlay and use in the royal and agreeable service of our great and so benign Creator. Nevertheless, inasmuch as ( I believe ) no one would be edified by our losses, or greatly benefited by our gains, it is better that we mourn our losses apart; [45] as to our receipts, we shall be like the unjust steward commended by Our Lord in the Gospels, namely, by sharing our Master's goods with others we shall make them our friends ; and in communicat- ing to many what is edifying in these early founda- tions of Christianity, we shall obtain intercessors with God and supporters of this work. Yet in doing this we shall in no wise diminish the debt, as did the
6 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
que fit le Censier inique, baillant a. plusieurs le bien de Nostre Maistre avec profit, et peut-estre acquitte- rons par ceste ceconomie une partie des redevances et de leur surcroy. Ainsy soit-il.
Aujourd'huy, 22 Ianvier, 1612, neuf [huict] mois sont passez des notre arrivee en ceste nouvelle France. Peu apres nostre arrivee, i'escrivy l'estat auquel nous avons retrouve ceste Eglise et Colonie naissante. Voicy ce qui s'en est ensuivy.
Monsieur de Potrincourt s'en allant en France le mois de Iuin dernier, laissa icy son fils Monsieur de Biencourt, ieune seigneur de grande vertu et fort recommandable, avec environ 18 siens domestiques, et nous deux prestres de la Compagnie. Or la tasche et travail de nous deux prestres, selon nostre voca- tion, a este, et icy dans la maison et habitation en re- sidant, et dehors en voyageant. Commencons, comme Ton diet, de chez nous, de [46] la maison et habita- tion ; puis nous sortirons dehors.
Icy done nos exercices sont : dire messe tous les jours, la chanter solemnellement les dimanches et festes, avec les Vespres, et souvent la procession; faire prieres publiques matin et soir; exhorter, con- soler, donner les sacremens, ensevelir les morts; enfin faire les offices de Cure, puisque autres prestres n'y a en ces quartiers que nous. Et de vray, bon besoing seroit que fussions meilleurs ouvriers de Nostre Seigneur; d'autant que gens de marine, tels que sont quasi nos paroissiens, sont assez d' ordinaire totalement insensibles au sentiment de leur ame, n'ayans marque de religion sinon leurs juremens et reniemens, ny cognoissance de Dieu sinon autant qu'en apporte la pratique connue de France, offus- quee du libertinage et des objections et bouffonneries
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 7
wicked Steward, giving out Our Master's goods with profit; but we shall, perhaps, by this prudence ac- quit ourselves of a part of the dues and interests. So be it.
To-day, January 22nd, 1612, eight1 months have passed since our arrival in this new France. Soon after that, I wrote you in regard to the condition in which we found this infant Church and Colony. Here is what followed:
When Monsieur de Potrincourt went to France last June he left his son here, Monsieur de Biencourt, a young man of great integrity and of very estimable qualities, with about eighteen of his servants and us two priests of the Society. Now our duties and of- fices, in accordance with our calling as priests, have been performed while residing here at the house and settlement, and by making journeys abroad. Let us begin, as they say, at home, that is, at [46] the resi- dence and settlement; then we shall go outside.
Here then are our occupations: to say mass every day, and to solemnly sing it Sundays and holidays, together with Vespers, and frequently the proces- sion; to offer public prayers morning and evening; to exhort, console, administer the sacraments, bury the dead ; in short, to perform the offices of the Cu- rate, since there are no other priests in these quarters. And in truth it would be much better if we were more earnest workers here for Our Lord, since sail- ors, who form the greater part of our parishioners are ordinarily quite deficient in any spiritual feel- ing, having no sign of religion except in their oaths and blasphemies, nor any knowledge of God beyond the simplest conceptions which they bring with them from France, clouded with licentiousness and
8 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.2
mesdisantes des heretiques. D'ou Ton peut aussy veoir, quelle esperance il y a de planter une belle chrestiente par tels evangelistes. La premiere chose que ces pauvres Sauvages apprennent, ce sont les juremens, parolles sales et injures ; et orries souvent les Sauvagesses (lesquelles autrement sont fort crain- tives et pudiques), mais vous les orries souvent char- ger nos gens de grosses pourries et eshontees op- probres, en langage francois; non qu'elles en sachent la signification, ains seulement parce qu'elles voyent qu'en telles parolles est leur [47] commun rire et or- dinaire passetemps. Et quel moyen de remedier a cecy en des hommes qui mesprennent (malparlent) avec (d'autant) plus d' abandon qu'ils mesprisent avec audace.
A ces exercices chrestiens que nous faisons icy a l'habitation, assistent aucune fois les Sauvages, quand aucuns y en a dans le port. Ie dis, aucune fois, d'au- tant qu'ils n'y sont gueres styles, non plus les baptises que les pay ens, ne scachant gueres davantage les uns que les autres faute d' instruction. Telle fut la cause pourquoy nous resolusmes des nostre arrivee de ne point baptiser aucun adulte, sans que prealablement il ne fust bien catechise. Or catechiser ne pouvons- nous avant que scavoir le langage.
De vray, Monsieur de Biancourt, qui entend le sau- vage le mieux de tous ceux qui sont icy, a pris d'un grand zele, et prend chaque jour beaucoup de peine a nous servir de truchement. Mais, ne scay comment, aussi tost qu'on vient a traitter de Dieu, il se sent le mesme que Moyse, l'esprit estonne, le gosier tary, et la langue nouee. La cause en est d'autant que ces sauvages n'ont point de religion formee, point de ma-
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 9
the cavilings and revilings of heretics. Hence it can be seen what hope there is of establishing a nourishing christian church by such evangelists. The first things the poor Savages learn are oaths and vile and insulting words ; and you will often hear the women Savages (who otherwise are very timid and modest), hurl vulgar, vile, and shameless epi- thets at our people, in the French language; not that they know the meaning of them, but only because they see that when such words are used there is [47] generally a great deal of laughter and amuse- ment. And what remedy can there be for this evil in men whose abandonment to evil-speaking (or curs- ing) is as great as or greater than their insolence in showing their contempt?
At these christian services which we conduct here at the settlement, the Savages are occasionally pres- ent, when some of them happen to be at the port. I say, occasionally, inasmuch as they are but little trained in the principles of the faith — those who have been baptized, no more than the heathen ; the former, from lack of instruction, knowing but little more than the latter. This was why we resolved, at the time of our arrival, not to baptize any adults un- less they were previously well catechized. Now in order to catechize we must first know the language.
It is true that Monsieur de Biancourt, who under- stands the savage tongue better than any one else here, is filled with earnest zeal, and every day takes a great deal of trouble to serve as our interpreter. But, somehow, as soon as we begin to talk about God he feels as Moses did, — his mind is bewildered, his throat dry, his tongue tied. The reason for this is that, as the savages have no definite religion,
10 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
gistrature ou police, point d'arts ou liberaux ou me- chaniques, point de commerce ou vie civile; et par consequent les mots leur defaillent [48] des choses qu'ils n'ont jamais veues ou apprehendees.
D'avantage, comme rudes et incultes qu'ils sont, ils ont toutes leurs conceptions attachees aux sens et a la matiere; rien d'abstraict, interne, spirituel ou distinct. Bon, fort, rouge, noir, grand, dnr, ils le vous diront en leur patois ; bontc, force, rongeur, noircissure, ils ne scavent que c'est. Et pour toutes les vertus que vous leur sauriez dire, sagesse, fidelitc, justice, mi- sericorde, recognoissance, picte, et autres, tout chez eux tout n'est sinon ilieureux, tendre amour, bon cceur. Semblablement un loup, un renard, un esquirieu, un orignac, ils les vous nommeront, et ainsy chaque espece de celle qu'ils ont, les quelles, hors les chiens, sont toutes sauvages; mais une beste, un animal, un corps, une substance, et ainsy les semblables univer- sels et genres, cela est par trop docte pour eux,
Ajoutez a cecy, s'il vous plaist, la grande difficulte qu'il y a de tirer d'eux les mots mesmes qu'ils ont. Car, comme ny eux ne scavent nostre langage, ny nous le leur, sinon fort peu, touchant le commerce et vie commune, il nous faut faire mille gesticulations et chimagrees pour leur exprimer nos conceptions, et ainsy tirer d'eux quelques noms des choses qui ne se peuvent monstrer avec [49] le sens. Par exemple, penser, oublier, se ressouvenir, doubter : pour scavoir ces quatre mots, il vous faudra donner beau rire a nos messieurs au moins toute une apres-disner, en faisant le basteleur; et encore, apres tout cela, vous trouverez-vous trompe et mocque de nouveau, ayant eu, comme Ton dit, le mortier pour un niveau, et le
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 11
magistracy or government, liberal or mechanical arts, commercial or civil life, they have consequently no words to describe [48] things which they have never seen or even conceived.
Furthermore, rude and untutored as they are, all their conceptions are limited to sensible and material things; there is nothing abstract, internal, spiritual, or distinct. Good, strong, red, black, large, hard, they will repeat to you in their jargon ; goodness, strength, redness, blackness — they do not know what they are. And as to all the virtues you may enumerate to them, wisdom, fidelity, justice, mercy, gratitnde, piety, and others, these are not found among them at all except as expressed in the words happy, tender love, good heart. Likewise they will name to you a wolf, a fox, a squirrel, a moose, and so on to every kind of animal they have, all of which are wild, except the dog ; but as to words expressing universal and gener- ic ideas, such as beast, animal, body, substance, and the like, these are altogether too learned for them.
Add to this, if you please, the great difficulty of obtaining from them even the words that they have. For, as they neither know our language nor we theirs, except a very little which pertains to daily and commercial life, we are compelled to make a thousand gesticulations and signs to express to them our ideas, and thus to draw from them the names of some of the things which cannot be pointed out [49] to them. For example, to think, to forget, to remem- ber, to doubt ; to know these four words, you will be obliged to amuse our gentlemen for a whole after- noon at least by playing the clown; and then, after all that, you will find yourself deceived, and mocked anew, having received, as the saying is, the mortar
12 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.2
marteau pour la truelle. Enfln nous en sommes la encore, apres plusieurs enquestes et travaux, a dis- puter s'ils ont aucune parolle qui corresponde droicte- ment a ce mot Credo, je croy. Estimez un peu que e'est du reste du symbole et fondemens chrestiens.
Or tout ce discours de la difficulte du langage, ne me servira pas seulement pour monstrer en quels efforts et ahan de langue nous sommes, ains aussy pour faire veoir a nos Europeans leur felicite mefme civile: car il est assure qu'encore mesme enhanee1, cette miserable nation demeure touiours en une per- petuelle enfance de langue et de raison. Ie dis, de langue et de raison, parce qu'il est evident que la oil la parolle, messagere et despensiere de 1' esprit et dis- cours, reste totalement rude, pauvre at confuse, il est impossible que 1' esprit et raison soient beaucoup polis, abondans et en ordre. Cependant ces pauvres chetifs et enfants s'estiment [50] plus que tous les hommes de la terre, et pour rien du monde ne vou- droyent quitter leur enfance et chetivete. Mais ce n'est pas de merveille; car, comme j'ay diet, ils sont enfans.
Ne pouvans doncques pour encores baptiser les adultes, comme nous avons diet, nous restent les en- fans, a qui appartient le royaume des cieux ; ainsy nous les baptisons de la volonte des parens et soubs la caution des parrains. Et en cette facon, en avons ja baptise quatre, Dieu mercy. Les adultes qui sont en extreme necessite, nous les instruisons autant que Dieu nous en donne le moyen ; et la pratique nous a faict veoir, que lors Dieu supplee interieurement le defaut de son outil externe. Ainsy, une vieille femme dangereusement malade, et une jeune fille,
1 Vieux mot employe pour signifier extenue de travaux.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 13
for the level, and the hammer for the trowel. In short we are still disputing, after a great deal of re- search and labor, whether they have any word to correspond directly to the word Credo, I believe. Judge for yourself the difficulty surrounding the re- mainder of the symbols and fundamental truths of Christianity.
Now all this talk about the difficulty of the language will not only serve to show how laborious is our task in learning it, but also will make our Europeans ap- preciate their own blessings, even in civil affairs ; for it is certain that these miserable people, continually weakened by hardships [enhance]* will always re- main in a perpetual infancy as to language and rea- son. I say language and reason, because it is evi- dent that where words, the messengers and dispens- ers of thought and speech, remain totally rude, poor and confused, it is impossible that the mind and reason be greatly refined, rich, and disciplined. However, these poor weaklings and children consider themselves [50] superior to all other men, and they would not for the world give up their childishness and wretchedness. And this is not to be wondered at, for, as I have said, they are children.
Since we cannot yet baptize the adults, as we have said, there remain for us the children, to whom the kingdom of heaven belongs; these we baptize with the consent of their parents and the pledge of the god-parents. And under these conditions we have already, thank God, baptized four of them. We in- struct the adults who are in danger of death, as far as God gives us the means to do so ; and experi- ence has shown us that then God inwardly sup- plements the defects of his exterior instruments.
* An old word used to signify weakened by hard labor. — [Carayon. ]
14 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.2
ont este" receues au nombre des enfans de Dieu. La vieille est encore debout ; la fille est allee a Dieu.
Je vis cette fille de 8 a 9 ans, toute transie et n'ay- ant plus que la peau et les os. Je la demanday a ses parens pour la baptiser. lis me respondirent que si je la voulois, ils me la donnoyent tout a faict. Car aussy bien, elle et un chien mort, c'estoit tout un. Ainsy parloyent-ils, d'autant que c'est leur coustume d'abandonner entierement ceux qu'ils ont une fois entierement juges incurables. Nous acceptasmes l'offre, affin qu'ils vissent la difference du [51] Chris- tianisme et de leur impiete. Nous fismes conduire ce pauvre squelette en une cabane de 1 'habitation, la secourusmes et nourrismes a nostre possible, et l'ay- ant tolerablement instruite, la baptisasmes. Elle fut appelee Antoynette de Pons, en memoire et re- cognoissance de tant de benefices qu'avons receus et recevons de Madame la Marquise de Guercheville ; et laditte Dame se peut resjouir que ja son nom est au ciel, car quelques jours apres son baptesme, cette ame choysie s'envola en ce lieu de gloire.
Ce luy aussy fut nostre premier ne, sur lequel nous avons pu dire ce que Ioseph prononca sur le sien, que Dieu nous avoit faict oublier tous nos travaux passes et la maison de nostre Pere. Mais a propos de ce que les Sauvages abandonnent leurs malades, une autre occasion de semblablement exercer la charite chrestienne envers ces delaisses, a eu son issue plus joyeuse, et profitable pour detromper ces nations. Cette occasion fut telle.
Le second fils du grand sagamo Membertou, de qui nous parlerons tantost, appele Actodin, ja chrestien et marrie, estoit tombe en une griefve maladie.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 15
Thus, an old woman, dangerously ill, and a young girl have been added to the number of the children of God. The woman still lives, the girl has gone to Heaven.
I saw this girl, eight or nine years old, all be- numbed and nothing but skin and bone. I asked the parents to give her to me to baptize. They answered that if I wished to have her they would give her up to me entirely. For to them she was no better than a dead dog. They spoke like this because they are accustomed to abandon altogether those whom they have once judged incurable. We accepted the offer, so that they might see the difference between [51] Christianity and their ungodliness. We had this poor skeleton brought into one of the cabins of the settlement, where we cared for and nourished her as well as we could, and when she had been fairly well instructed we baptized her. She was named Antoy- nette de Pons, in grateful remembrance of the many favors we have received and are receiving from Ma- dame la Marquise de Guercheville, who may rejoice that already her name is in heaven, for a few days after baptism this chosen soul flew away to that glorious place.
This was also our firstborn, for whose sake we could say, as Joseph did about his, that God had made us forget all our past hardships and the homes of our Fathers. But in speaking of the Savages aban- doning their sick, another similar occasion to exer- cise charity toward those who are deserted has had a more happy issue and one more useful in undeceiv- ing these people. This occasion was as follows:
The second son of the grand sagamore Member- tou, of whom we shall speak by and by, named
16 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
Monsieur de Potrincourt, s'en allant en France, l'a- voit visite, et, comme il est bon seigneur, l'avoit invite de se faire porter en 1' habitation, pour y estre medicamente. Je m'attendois a cela, qu'on [52] le nous apporteroit; mais on n'en faisoit rien. Ce voy- ant, pour ne laisser cette ame en danger, je m'y en allay de la a quelques jours (car il estoit a 5 lieues de l'habitation). Mais je trouvay mon malade en un bel estat. On estoit sur le poinct de faire tabagie ou convive solemnel sur son dernier adieu. Trois ou quatre vastes chaudieres bouilloyent sur le feu. II avoit sa belle robe soubs soy (car c'estoit en este), et se preparoit a. sa harangue funebre. La harangue devoit finir en l'adieu et comploration commune de tous. L'adieu et le deuil se clost par l'occision des chiens a ce que le mourant ait des avants-coureurs en l'autre monde. L'Occision des chiens est accostee de la tabagie et de ce qui suyt la tabagie, du chant et des danses. Apres cela, il n'est plus loysible au ma- lade de manger ou demander aucun secours, ains se doibt ja tenir pour un des manes ou citoyens de l'autre vie. Je trouvay done mon hoste en tel estat. I'invectivay contre cette facon de faire, plus de geste que de langue, car pour la langue, mes inter- pretes ne disoyent pas la dixiesme partie de ce que je voulois. Neantmoins le vieil Membertou, pere du malade, conceut asses l'affaire, et me promit qu'on s'arresteroit a tout ce que j'en dirois. Ie luy dis done que pour l'adieu et deuil modere, et encores pour la tabagie, cela se pourroit tolerer; mais [53] que le carnage des chiens, et les chants et danses sur un trespassant, et beaucoup moins l'abandonnement d'iceluy, ne me playsoyent point; que plus tost, selon
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 17
Actodin, already a christian, and married, fell dan- gerously ill. Monsieur de Potrincourt, as he was about to depart for France, had visited him ; and being a kind-hearted gentleman, had asked him to let himself be taken to the settlement for treatment. I was expecting this suggestion [52] to be carried out; but they did nothing of the kind. When this became evident, not to leave this soul in danger, I went there after a few days (for it was five leagues from the settlement). But I found my patient in a fine state. They were just about to celebrate taba- gie, or a solemn feast, over his last farewell. Three or four immense kettles were boiling over the fire. He had his beautiful robe under him (for it was summer), and was preparing for his funeral oration. The oration was to close with the usual adieus and lamentations of all present. The farewell and the mourning are finished by the slaughter of dogs, that the dying man may have forerunners in the other world. This slaughter is accompanied by the tabag- ie and what follows it — namely, the singing and danc- ing. After that it is no longer lawful for the sick man to eat or to ask any help, but he must already consider himself one of the ''manes," or citizens of the other world. Now it was in this state that I found my host. I denounced this way of doing things, more by actions than by words; for, as to talking, my in- terpreters did not repeat the tenth part of what I wanted them to say. Nevertheless, old Membertou, father of the sick man, understood the affair well enough, and promised me that they would stop just where I wanted them to. Then I told him that the farewells and a moderate display of mourning, and even the tabagie, would be permitted, but [53] that
18 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
qu'ils avoyent promis a. Monsieur de Potrincourt, ils l'envoyassent en l'habitation; qu'a l'ayde de Dieu, il pourroit bien encore guerir. Ils me donnerent parolle d'ainsy faire le tout; ce neantmoins, le lan- guissant ne nous fut apporte que deux jours apres.
II prenoit des symptomes si mortels, que souvent nous n'attendions sinon qu'il nous demeurast entre les mains. En effet un soir, sa femme et enfans l'abandonnerent entierement, et s'en allerent cabaner ailleurs, pensant que e'en estoit vuide. Si pleut-il a Dieu tromper heureusement leur desespoir; car, de la a peu de jours, il fut plein de sante, et Test encore aujourd'hui (a Dieu en soit la gloire) ; ce que M. He- bert, Parisien et maistre en Pharmacie asses cognu, qui solicitoit ledit malade, m'a souvent asseure estre un vray miracle. De moi, je ne scay qu'en dire, d'autant que je ne veux affirmer ny le si ny le non en ce dont je n'ay evidence. Cela scay-je, que nous mismes sur le dit languissant un os des precieuses reliques du glorieux Sainct Laurens, archevesque de Dublin en Hibernie, que M. de la Place, digne abbe d'Eu, et Messieurs les Prieurs et Chapitre de laditte abbaye d'Eu nous donnerent de leur grace pour con- voy er nostre voyage en ces quartiers. Nous [54] doncques mismes sur le malade de ces sainctes re- liques, faisant vceu pour luy, et depuis il emmeilleura.
Par cet exemple, Membertou, le pere du guery, comme j'ay diet cy devant, fut fort confirme en la foy, et a cette cause sentant le mal dont depuis il est decede, voulut aussy tost estre apporte icy; et quoy- que nostre cabane soit tant estroitte que trois per- sonnes estant dedans, a peine s'y peuvent-elles re- muer, neantmoins si demanda-t-il de grande conflance
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 19
the slaughter of the dogs, and the songs and dances over a dying person, and what was much worse, leaving him to die alone, displeased me very much; that it would be better, according to their promise to Monsieur de Potrincourt, to have him brought to the settlement, that, with the help of God, he might ye* recover. They gave me their word that they would do all that I wished ; nevertheless, the dying man was not brought until two days afterward.
His symptoms became so serious that often we ex- pected nothing less than that he would die on our hands. In fact, one evening, his wife and children deserted him entirely and went to settle elsewhere, thinking it was all over with him. But it pleased God to prove their despair unfounded; for a few days afterwards he was in good health and is so to- day (to God be the glory); which M. Hebert, of Paris, a well-known master in Pharmacy, who at- tended the said patient, often assured me was a genuine miracle. For my part, I scarcely know what to say ; inasmuch as I do not care either to affirm or deny a thing of which I have no proof. This I do know, that we put upon the sufferer a bone taken from the precious relics of the glorified Saint Law- rence, archbishop of Dublin in Ireland, which M. de la Place, the estimable abbe d'Eu, and the Priors and Canons of the said abbey d'Eu, kindly gave us for our protection during the voyage to these lands. So we [54] placed some of these holy relics upon the sick man, at the same time offering our vows for him, and then he improved.
Influenced by this example, Membertou, the father of the one who had recovered, as I have said before, was very strongly confirmed in the faith;
20 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
qu'il avoit en nous, d'estre loge dans l'un de nos deux licts; ce qu'il fut pour six jours. Mais apres, sa femme, fille et brue estans venues, il cogneut bien de luy mesme qu'il falloit tramarcher; ce qu'il fit, s'excusant fort, et nous demandant pardon du conti- nuel travail qu'il nous avoit donne jour et nuict en son service. Certes le changement de lieu et traite- ment ne lui allegea pas son mal. Par ainsy, le voy- ant sur son declin, je le confessay au mieux que je pus, et luy apres (c'est tout leur testament) fit sa harangue. Or en sa harangue, entre autres choses il diet sa volonte estre d' avoir sepulture avec ses femmes et enfants, ez-anciens monumens de sa maison.
Ie me monstray fort mal content de cecy, crain- gnant que les Francoys et Sauvages ne prinssent de la suspicion qu'il n'estoit mort gueres bon Chrestien. [55] Mais on m'opposa que telle promesse lui avoit este faicte avant qu'il fut baptise; et qu'autrement si on l'enterroit en nostre cimetiere, ses enfans et amis ne nous viendroyent jamais plus veoir, puisque c'est la facon de cette nation d'abhorrer toute me- moire de la mort et des morts.
Je disputay contre, et avec moy M. de Biancourt (car c'est quasi mon unique truchement), neantmoins en vain ; le mourant demeuroit resolu. Le soir assez tard, nous luy donnasmes l'extreme onction, puisque autrement il y estoit assez prepare. Voyez l'efftcace du sacrement: le lendemain matin, il mande M. de Biancourt et moy, et de nouveau il recommence sa harangue. Par icelle il declaroit avoir de soy mesme change de volonte; qu'il entendoit d'estre inhume avec nous, commandant a ses enfans de ne point pour
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 21
and because he was then feeling the approach of the malady from which he has since died, he wished to be brought here immediately ; and although our cabin is so narrow that when three people are in it they can scarcely turn around, nevertheless, showing his im- plicit confidence in us, he asked to be placed in one of our two beds, where he remained for six days. But afterwards his wife, daughter, and daughter-in-law having come, he himself recognized the necessity of leaving, and did so with profuse excuses, asking our pardon for the continual trouble he had given us in waiting upon him day and night. Certainly the change of location and treatment did not improve him any. So then, seeing that his life was drawing to a close, I confessed him as well as I could; and after that he delivered his oration ( this is their sole testament). Now, among other things in this speech, he said that he wished to be buried with his wife and children, and among the ancient tombs of his family.
I manifested great dissatisfaction with this, fearing that the French and Savages would suspect that he had not died a good Christian. [55] But I was assur- ed that this promise had been made before he was baptized, and that otherwise, if he were buried in our cemetery, his children and his friends would never again come to see us, since it is the custom of this na- tion to shun all reminders of death and of the dead.
I opposed this, and M. de Biancourt, for he is al- most my only interpreter, joined with me, but in vain ; the dying man was obdurate. Rather late that evening we administered extreme unction to him, for otherwise he was sufficiently prepared for it. Behold now the efficacy of the sacrament; the next
22 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
cela fuyr le lieu comme infideles, ains d'autant plus le frequenter comme chrestiens, a, celle fin d'y prier pour son ame et pleurer ses pechez. II recommanda aussi la paix avec M. de Potrincourt et son fils; que de luy, il avait tou jours ayme les Francoys, et avoit souvent empesche plusieurs conspirations contre eux. De la a peu d'heures il mourut entre mes mains fort chrestiennement.
C'a este le plus grand, renomme et redoute sauvage qui ayt este de memoire d'homme: de riche [56] taille, et plus hault et membru que n'est l'ordinaire des autres, barbu comme un francoys, estant ainsy que quasi pas un des autres n'adu poil au menton; discret et grave, ressentant bien son homme de com- mandement Dieu luy gravoit en l'ame une appre- hension plus grande du Christianisme, que n'estoit ce qu'il en avoit pu ouyr, et m'a souvent diet en son sauvageois. "Apprend vistement nostre langue, car aussy tost que tu la sgauras et m 'auras bien enseingne, je veux estre prescheur comme toy." Avantmesme sa conversion, il n'a jamais voulu avoir plus d'une femme vivante; ce qu'est esmerveillable, d'autant que les grands sagamos de ce pais entretiennent un nombreux serail, non plus pour luxure, que pour ambition, gloire et necessity : pour ambition, a celle fin d 'avoir plusieurs enfans, en quoy gist leur puis- sance; pour gloire et necessite, d'autant qu'ils n'ont autres artisans, agens, serviteurs, pourvoyeurs ou esclaves que les f emmes ; elles soustiennent tout le faix et fatigue de la vie.
C'a este le premier de tous les Sauvages qui en ces regions aye receu le baptesme et l'extreme-onction, le premier et le dernier sacrement, et le premier qui,
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 23
morning he asks for M. de Biancourt and me, and again begins his harangue. In this he declares that he has, of his own free will, changed his mind ; that he intends to be buried with us, commanding his children not, for that reason, to shun the place like unbelievers, but to frequent it all the more, like christians, to pray for his soul and to weep over his sins. He also recommended peace with M. de Po- trincourt and his son ; as for him, he had always loved the French, and had often prevented conspira- cies against them. A few hours afterward he died a christian death in my arms.
This was the greatest, most renowned and most formidable savage within the memory of man ; of splendid [56] physique, taller and larger-limbed than is usual among them ; bearded like a Frenchman, al- though scarcely any of the others have hair upon the chin ; grave and reserved ; feeling a proper sense of dignity for his position as commander. God im- pressed upon his soul a greater idea of Christianity than he has been able to form from hearing about it, and he has often said to me in his savage tongue: " Learn our language quickly, for as soon as thou knowest it and hast taught me well I wish to become a preacher like thee." Even before his conversion he never cared to have more than one living wife, which is wonderful, as the great sagamores of this country maintain a numerous seraglio, no more through licentiousness than through ambition, glory and necessity; for ambition, to the end that they may have many children, wherein lies their power; for fame and necessity, since they have no other artisans, agents, servants, purveyors or slaves than the women ; they bear all the burdens and toil of life.
24 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
de son mandement et ordonnance, aye ete inhume chrestiennement. Monsieur de Biancourt honora ses obseques, mutant a, son possible les [57] honneurs qu'on rend en France aux grands Capitaines et Sei- gneurs.
Or, a ce que Ton craigne les jugemens de Dieu, aussy bien que Ton ayme sa misericorde, je mettray icy la fin d'un francoys, en laquelle Dieu a monstre sa justice, aussy bien qu'en celle de Membertou nous recognoissons sa grace. Celuy-cy avoit sou vent esva- de le danger d'estre noye, et tout fraischement le beau jour de la Pentecoste derniere. Le benefice fut mal recogneu. Pour n'en rien dire de plus, la veille de S. Pierre et S. Paul, comme le soir on fust entre en discours des perils de mer, et des vceux qu'on faict aux Saincts en semblables hazards, ce miserable se print a s'en rire et moquer impudemment, se gaudis- sant de ceux de la compagnie qu'on disoit en telles rencontre savoir este religieu. II eut tost son guer- don. Le lendemain matin, un coup de vent l'em- porta tout seul dehors de la chaloupe dans les vagues, et jamais depuis n'est apparu.
Mais laissons l'eau et venons a la rive. Si la terre de cette nouvelle France avoit aucun sentiment, ainsy que les Poetes feignent de leur deesse Tellus, sans doubte elle eust eu un ressentiment bien nouveau de liesse cette annee; car, Dieu mercy, ayans eu fort heureuses moissons de ce peu qui avoit este laboure du recueilly nous avons faict des hosties, et nous les avons offertes a Dieu. Ce sont, comme nous [58] croyons, les premieres hosties qui ayent este faites du froment de ce terroir. Notre Seigneur par sa bonte les aye voulu recevoir en odeur de suavite, et, comme
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 25
He was the first of all the Savages in these parts to receive baptism and extreme unction, the first and the last sacraments; and the first one who, by his own command and decree, has received a christian burial. Monsieur de Biancourt honored his obse- quies, imitating as far as possible the [57] honors which are shown to great Captains and Noblemen in France.
Now, that the judgments of God may be feared as much as his mercies are loved, I shall here record the death of a Frenchman, in which God has shown his justice as much as he has given us evidence of his mercy, in the death of Membertou. This man had often escaped drowning, and only recently upon the blessed day of last Pentecost. He showed but little gratitude for this favor. Not to make the story too long, the evening before St. Peter's and St. Paul's day, as they were discoursing upon the perils of the sea, and upon the vows made to the Saints in similar dangers, this wretch began impudently to laugh and to sneer, jeering at those of the company who were said to have been religious upon such occasions. He soon had his reward. The next morning a gust of wind carried him, and him only, out of the boat into the waves, and he was never seen again.
But let us leave the water and come on shore. If the ground of this new France had feeling, as the Poets pretend their goddess Tellus had, doubtless it would have experienced an altogether novel sensa- tion of joy this year, for, thank God, having had very successful crops from the little that was tilled, we made from the harvest some hosts [wafers for con- secration] and offered them to God. These are, as we [58] believe, the first hosts which have been made
26 LES RELATIONS DES JE~ SUITES [Vol.2
diet le Psalmiste, veuille donner benignity puisqne la terre luy a rendu son fruict.
C'est asses demeure a la maison; sortons tm pen dehors, comme nous avons promis de faire, et racon- tons ce qui s'est passe par le pays.
J 'ay faict deux voyages avec M. de Biancourt, l'un de quelques douze jours, 1 'autre d'un mois et demy, et avons rode toute la coste des Port-Royal jusques a Kinibequi, ouest-sud ouest. Nous sommes entrez dans les grandes rivieres de S. lean, de Saincte Croix, de Pentegoet et du sus-nomme Kinibequi ; avons visite les Francoys, qui ont hyverne icy cette annee en deux parts, en la riviere S. lean et en celle de Saincte-Croix : les Malouins en la riviere S. lean, et le capitaine Plastrier a Saincte Croix.
Durant ces voyages, Dieu nous a sauvez de grands et bien eminents dangers, et souvent ; mais quoy que nous les debvions tousjours retenir en la memoire pour n'en estre ingrats, il n'est pas necessaire que nous les couchions tous sur le papier, de peur d'etre enuuyeux. Ie raconteray seulement ce qu'a mon ad- vis on orroit plus volontiers.
Nous allions voir les Malouins, scavoir est, le [59] Sieur du Pont le jeune, et le capitaine Merveilles, qui, comme nous avons diet, hyvernoyent en la rivie- re S. Jean, en une isle appelee Emenenic, avant con- tremont le rleuve quelques six lieues. Nous estions encore a une lieue et demye de l'isle, qu'il estoit ja soir et la fin du crepuscule. la les estoilles commen- coyent a se monstrer, quand voicy que vers le Nord soudainement une partie du ciel devint aussy rouge et sanguine qu'escarlate, et s'estendant peu a peu en piques et fuseaux, s'en alia droict reposer sur l'ha-
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 27
from the wheat of these lands. May Our Lord, in his goodness, have consented to receive them as fra- grant offerings and in the words of the Psalmist, may he give graciously , since the earth has yielded him its fruits.
We have stayed at home long enough ; let us go abroad a little, as we promised to do, and relate what has taken place in the country.
I made two journeys with M. de Biancourt, the one lasting about twelve days, the other a month and a half ; and we have ranged the entire coast from Port Royal to Kinibequi,2 west southwest. We entered the great rivers St. John, Saincte Croix, Pentegoet,3 and the above-named Kinibequi ; we visited the French who have wintered there this year in two places, at the St. John river and at the river Saincte Croix; the Malouins at the former place, and cap- tain Plastrier at the latter.4
During these journeys, God often delivered us from great and very conspicuous dangers; but, although we ought always to bear them in mind, that we may not be ungrateful, there is no need of setting them all down upon paper, lest we become weari- some. I shall relate only what, in my opinion, will be the most interesting.
We went to see the Malouins; namely, [59] Sieur du Pont, the younger, and captain Merveilles, who, as we have said, were wintering at St. John river, upon an island called Emenenic, some six leagues up the river. We were still one league and a half from the island when the twilight ended and night came on. The stars had already begun to appear, when sudden- ly, toward the Northward, a part of the heavens be- came blood-red : and this light spreading, little by lit-
28 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
bitation des Malouins. La rongeur estoit si escla- tante, que toute la riviere s'en teingnoit et en reluy- soit. Cette apparition dura demy quart d'heure, et aussy tost apres la disparition, en recommenca une autre de mesme forme, cours et consistance.
II n'y eut celuy de nous qui ne jugeast tel metheore prodigieux. Pour nos Sauvages, ils s'escrierent aussy tost: Gar a gar a enderquir Gar a gar a ; c'est-a- dire, nous aurons guerre; tels signales denoncent guerre. Neantmoins, et nostre abord cette soiree, et le lendemain matin nostre descente fut fort amiable et pacifique. Le jour, rien qu'amitie. Mais (mal- heur!) le soir venu, tout se vira, ne scay comment, le dessus dessous; entre nos gens et ceux de S. Malo, confusion, brouillis, fureur, tintamarre. Ie ne doubte point qu'une mauditte bande de furieux et [60] san- guinaires esprits ne voltigeast toute cette nuit la, at- tendant a chaque heure et moment un horrible mas- sacre de ce peu de Chrestiens qui estions la ; mais la bonte de Dieu les brida, les malheureux. II n'y eut aucun sang espandu, et le jour suyvant, cette noc- turne bourrasque finit en un beau et plaisant calme, les ombrages et fantosmes tenebreux s'estant esva- nouis en serenite lumineuse.
De vray, la bonte" et prudence de M. de Biancourt parust fort emmy ce fortunal de passions humaines. Mais aussy je recogneus asses que le feu et les armes estans une fois entre les mains de gens mal discipli- nes, les maistres ont beaucoup a craindre et a souffrir de leurs propres. Ie ne scay s'il y eust aucun qui fermast 1'ceil de toute cette nuit. Pour moy je fis prou de belles propositions et promesses a Nostre Seigneur, de ne jamais oublier ce sien benefice, s'il
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 29
tie, in vivid streaks and flashes, moved directly over the settlement of the Malouins and there stopped. The red glow was so brilliant that the whole river was tinged and made luminous by it. This appari- tion lasted some eight minutes, and as soon as it disap- peared another came of the same form, direction and appearance.
There was not one of us who did not consider this meteoric display prophetic. As to the Savages, they immediately cried out, Gara gara enderquir Gara gara, meaning we shall have war, such signs an- nounce war. Nevertheless, both our arrival that evening and our landing the next morning were very quiet and peaceful. During the day, nothing but friendliness. But (alas!) when evening came, I know not how, everything was turned topsy-turvy; confusion, discord, rage, uproar reigned between our people and those of St. Malo. I do not doubt that a cursed band of furious and [60] sanguinary spirits were hovering about all this night, expecting every hour and moment a horrible massacre of the few Christians who were there ; but the goodness of God restrained the poor wretches. There was no blood- shed ; and the next day, this nocturnal storm ended in a beautiful and delightful calm, the dark shadows and spectres giving way to a luminous peace.
In truth, M. de Biancourt's goodness and prudence seemed much shaken by this tempest of human pas- sions. But I also saw very clearly that if fire and arms were once put into the hands of badly disci- plined men, the masters have much to fear and suffer from their own servants. I do not know that there was one who closed his eyes during that night. For me, I made many fine propositions and promises to
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plaisoit faire qu'aucun sang ne fust respandu. Ce qu'il nous donna de son infinie misericorde.
II estoit trois heures apres midy du jour suyvant, que je n'avois pas eu encores loysir de sentir la faim, tant j'estois empesche a aller et venir des uns aux autres. Enfin environ ce temps la, tout fut accoyse, Dieu mercy.
Certes le capitaine Merveilles et ses gens mons- trerent leur piete non vulgaire. Car nonobstant cet heurt et rencontre si troublant, le deuxiesme jour [61] d'apres, ils se confesserent et communierent avec grand exemple, et si, a nostre departir, ils me prierent instamment trestous et par special le jeune du Pont, de les aller veoir et demeurer avec eux a ma commo- dite. Ie leur promis d'ainsy le faire, et n'en at- tends que les moyens. Car de vray j'ayme ces gens de bien de tout mon cceur.
Mais, departans un peu de pensee d avec eux, comme nous fismes lors de presence, continuons nostre route et voyage. Au retour de cette riviere Sainct Jean, nostre voyage s'addressoit jusques aux Armouchiquoys. Deux causes principales esmou- voyent a cela M. de Biancourt: la premiere, pour avoir nouvelle des Angloys, et sgavoir si on pourroit avoir raison d'eux; la seconde affin de troquer du bled armouchiquoys, pour nous ayder a passer nostre hyver, et ne point mourir de faim, en cas que nous ne receussions aucun secours de France.
Pour entendre la premiere cause, faut scavoir que peu auparavant, le capitaine Platrier de Honfleur, cy devant nomme, voulant aller a Kinibequi, il fut saisy prisonnier par deux navires angloys qui estoient en une isle appelee Emmetenic, a 8 lieiies dudit Kinibe- qui. Son relaschement fut moyennant quelques pre-
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 31
Our Lord, never to forget this, his goodness, if he were pleased to avert all bloodshed. This he granted in his infinite mercy.
It was three o'clock in the afternoon of the next day before I had time to feel hungry, so constantly had I been obliged to go back and forth from one to the other. At last, about that time everything was settled, thank God.
Certainly captain Merveilles and his people showed unusual piety. For notwithstanding this so annoy- ing encounter and conflict, two days [61] afterwards they confessed and took communion in a very exem- plary manner; and so, at our departure, they all begged me very earnestly, and particularly young du Pont, to come and see them and stay with them as long as I liked. I promised to do so, and am only waiting for the opportunity. For in truth I love these honest people with all my heart.
But dismissing them from our thoughts for the time being, as we did then from our presence, let us continue our journey. Upon our return from this river Saint John, our route turned towards the country of the Armouchiquoys. Two principal causes led M. de Biancourt to take this route: first, in order to have news of the English, and to find out if it would be possible to obtain satisfaction from them ; secondly, to buy some armouchiquoys corn to help us pass the winter, and not die of hunger in case we did not re- ceive help from France.
To understand the first cause you must know that, a little while before, captain Platrier, of Honfleur, already mentioned, wishing to go to Kinibequi, was taken prisoner by two English ships which were at an island called Emmetenic,* eight leagues from
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sents (ainsy parle-t-on pour parler doucement) et la promesse qu'il fit d'obtemperer aux prohibitions a luy faictes, de point negotier en toute [62] cette coste. Car les Angloys s'en veulent dire maistres, et sur ce ils produysoyent des lettres de leur Roy, mais a ce que nous croyons fausses.
Or Monsieur de Biancourt ayant ouy tout cecy de la bouche mesme du capitaine Platrier, il remontra serieusement a ces gens combien il importoit a luy, ofncier de la Couronne et Lieutenant de son pere, combien aussy a tout bon Francoys, d'aller au ren- contre de cette usurpation des Anglois tant contrari- ante aux droits et possessions de sa Majeste. "Car, disoit-il, il est a tous notoire (pour ne reprendre l'af- faire de plus hault) que le grand Henry, que Dieu absolve, suyvant les droicts acquis par ses predeces- seurs et luy, donna a Monsieur des Monts, Tan 1604, toute cette region depui's le 4oe degre d' elevation jus- ques au 46. Depuis laquelle donation ledit Seigneur des Monts, par soy mesme et par Monsieur de Potrin- court, mon tres-honore pere, son lieutenant, et par autres, a prins souvent reelle possession de toute la contree, et trois et quatre ans avant que jamais les Angloys ayent habitue, 011 que jamais on aye rien entendu de cette leur vindication. ' ' Ceci et plusieurs autres choses discouroit ledit Sieur de Biancourt en- courageant ses gens.
Moy, j'avois deux autres causes qui me poussoyent au mesme voyage: l'une, pour accompagner [63] d'ayde spirituel ledict Sieur de Biancourt et ses gens; 1' autre, pour cognoistre et voir la disposition de ces nations a recevoir le saint evangile. Telles doncques estoyent les causes de nostre voyage.
Nous arrivasmes a. Kinibequi, 80 lieues de Port-
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Kinibequi. His release was effected by means of presents (this expresses it mildly), and by his promise to comply with the interdictions laid upon him not to trade anywhere upon all [62] this coast. For the English want to be considered masters of it, and they produced letters from their King to this effect, but these we believe to be false.
Now, Monsieur de Biancourt, having heard all this from the mouth of captain Platrier himself, re- monstrated earnestly with these people, showing how important it was to him, an officer of the Crown and his father's Lieutenant, and also how important to all good Frenchmen, to oppose this usurpation of the English, so contrary to the rights and possessions of his Majesty. " For," said he, " it is well known to all ( not to go back any farther in the case ) that the great Henry, may God give him absolution, in ac- cordance with the rights acquired by his predecessors and by himself, gave to Monsieur des Monts, in the year 1604, all this region from the 40th to the 46th parallel of latitude. Since this donation, the said Seigneur des Monts, himself and through Monsieur de Potrincourt, my very honored father, his lieutenant, and through others, has frequently taken actual pos- session of all the country; and this, three or four years before the English had ever frequented it, or before anything had ever been heard of these claims of theirs. ' ' This and several other things were said by Sieur de Biancourt to encourage his people.
As for me, I had two other reasons which impelled me to take this journey: One, to give [63] spiritual aid to Sieur de Biancourt and his people ; the other, to observe and to study the disposition of these na- tions to receive the holy gospel. Such, then, were the causes of our journey.
34 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.2
Royal, le 28 d'octobre, jour de S. Simon et S. Jude, de la mesme annee 161 1 . Aussy tost nos gens mirent pied a terre, desireux de veoir le fort des Angloys; car nous avions appris par les chemins, qu'il n'y avoit personne. Or, comme de nouveau tout est beau, ce fust a louer et vanter cette entreprise des Angloys, et raconter les commodites du lieu ; chacun en disoit ce que plus il prisoit. Mais de la a quelques jours, on changea bien d'advis; car on vid y avoir beau moyen de faire un contrefort qui les eust em- prisonnes et prives de la mer et de la riviere ; item que quand bien on les eust laissez la, si n'eussent-ils point jouy pourtant des commodites de la riviere, puisqu'elle a plusieurs autres et belles emboucheures bien distantes de la. Davantage, ce qu'est le pis, nous ne croyons pas que de la a six lieue's a l'entour il y ayt un seul arpent de terre bien labourable, le sol n'estant tout de pierre et roche. Or, d'autant que le vent nous contrarioit a passer outre, le troisiesme jour venu, Monsieur de Biancourt [64] tourna l'inci- dent en conseil et se delibera de recevoir l'ayde du vent, a refouler contremont la riviere, pour la bien recognoistre.
Nous avions advance ja bien trois lieues, et le flot nous manquant nous estions mis a l'anchre au milieu de la riviere ; quand voicy que nous descouvrons six canots Armouchiquois venir a nous. lis estoyent 24 personnes dedans, tous gens de combat. lis firent mille tentatives et ceremonies avant que nous aborder. Vous les eussiez parfaictement comparez a une troupe d'oyseaux, laquelle desire d'entrer en une cheneviere, mais elle craind l'espou van tail. Cela nous plaisoit fort, car aussy nos gens avoyent besoin
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We arrived at Kinibequi, eighty leagues from Port Royal, the 28th of October, the day of St. Simon and St. Jude, of the same year, 161 1. Our people at once disembarked, wishing to see the English fort, for we had learned, on the way, that there was no one there. Now as everything is beautiful at first, this undertaking of the English had to be praised and ex- tolled, and the conveniences of the place enumerated, each one pointing out what he valued the most. But a few days afterward they changed their views ; for they saw that there was a fine opportunity for mak- ing a counter-fort there, which might have impris- oned them and cut them off from the sea and river; moreover, even if they had been left unmolested they would not have enjoyed the advantages of the river, since it has several other mouths, and good ones, some distance from there. Furthermore, what is worse, we do not believe that, in six leagues of the surrounding country, there is a single acre of good tillable land, the soil being nothing but stones and rocks. Now, inasmuch as the wind forced us to go on, when the third day came, Monsieur de Biancourt [64] considered the subject in council and decided to take advantage of the wind and go on up the river, in order to thoroughly explore it.
We had already advanced three good leagues, and had dropped anchor in the middle of the river wait- ing for the tide, when we suddenly discovered six Armouchiquois canoes coming towards us. There were twenty-four persons therein, all warriors. They went through a thousand maneuvers and cere- monies before accosting us, and might have been compared to a flock of birds which wanted to go into a hemp-field but feared the scarecrow. We
36 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
de temps pour s'armer et pavier. Enfin ils vindrent et revindrent, ils recogneurent, considererent fine- ment nostre nombre, nos pieces, nos armes, tout; et la nuict venue, ils se logerent a 1 'autre bord du fleuve, sinon hors la portee, du moins hors la mire de nos canons.
Toute la nuit ce ne fust que haranguer, chanter, danser; car telle est la vie de toutes ces gens lors- qu'ils sont en troupe. Or comme nous presumions probablement que leurs chants et danses estoyent in- vocations du diable, pour contrecarrer 1' empire de ce maudict tyran, je fis que nos gens chantassent [65] quelques hymnes eclesiastiques, comme le Salve, V Ave Maris stella et autres. Mais comme ils furent une fois en train de chanter, les chansons spirituelles leur manquant, ils se jetterent aux autres qu'ils scavoyent. Estant encores a la fin de celles cy, comme c'est le na- turel du Francois de tout imiter, ils se prindrent a. contrefaire le chant et danse des Armouchiquois, qui estoyent a la rive, les contrefaisant si bien en tout, que, pour les escouter, les Armouchiquois se tay- soient; et puis nos gens se taysans, reeiproquement eux recommencoyent. Vrayment il y avoit beau rire : car vous eussies diet que c' estoyent deux choeurs qui s'entendoient fort bien, et a peine eussies vous pu distinguer le vray Armouchiquois d'avec le feinct.
Le matin venu, nous poursuyvions notre route con- tremont. Eux, nous ayans accompagnez, nous dirent que si nous voulions du pioiisqucmin (c'est leur bled), que nous debvions avec facilite prendre a droicte, et non avec grand travail et danger aller contremont; que prenant a droicte par le bras qui se monstroit, en peu d'heures, nous arriverions vers le grand sagamo
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 37
were very much pleased at this, for our people also needed to arm themselves and arrange the pavesade. In short, they continued to come and go ; they re- connoitred ; they carefully noted our numbers, our cannon, our arms, everything ; and when night came they camped upon the other bank of the river, if not out of reach, at least beyond the aim of our cannon.
All night there was continual haranguing, singing and dancing, for such is the kind of life all these people lead when they are together. Now as we supposed that probably their songs and dances were invocations to the devil, to oppose the power of this cursed tyrant, I had our people sing [65] some sacred hymns, as the Salve, the Ave Maris Stella, and others. But when they once got into the way of singing, the spiritual songs being exhausted, they took up others with which they were familiar. When they came to the end of these, as the French are natural mimics, they began to mimic the singing and dancing of the Armouchiquois who were upon the bank, succeeding in it so well that the Armouchiquois stopped to listen to them ; and then our people stopped and the others immediately began again. It was really very comi- cal, for you would have said that they were two choirs which had a thorough understanding with each other, and scarcely could you distinguish the real Armou- chiquois from their imitators.
In the morning we continued our journey up the river. The Armouchiquois, who were accompanying us, told us that if we wanted any piousquetnin (corn), it would be better and easier for us to turn to the right and not, with great difficulty and risk, to con- tinue going up the river ; that if we turned to the
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Meteourmite, qui nous fourniroit de tout; qu'ils nous y serviroient de guides, car aussy bien s'en alloyent ils le visiter.
II est a presumer, et en avons de grands indices, qu'ils ne nous donnoyent ce conseil sinon en inten- tion [66] de nous prendre aux filets, et avoir bon mar- che de nous a l'ayde de Meteourmite, lequel ils sca- voient estre ennemy des Anglois, et le conjecturoient l'estre de tous estrangers. Mais, Dieu mercy, leurs embusches se tournerent contre eux.
Cependant nous les creusmes; aussy partie d'eux s'en alloyent devant nous, partie apres, partie aussy avec nous dedans la barque. Neantmoins Monsieur de Biancourt se tenoit tousiours sur ses gardes, et sou- vent faisoit marcher la chaloupe devant avec la sonde. Nous n'avions pas faict plus de demy lieue, quand, venus en un grand lac le sondeur nous crie : ' ' Deux brasses d'eau, qu'une brasse, qu'une brasse partout." Aussy tost: Ameine, ameine, lasclie l'anchre. Ou sont nos Armouchiquois ? ou sont-ils? point. Ils nous avoyent trestous insensiblement quittes. O les traistres ! 6 que Dieu nous a bien aydes ! Ils nous avoyent conduicts aux pieges. "Revire, revire." Nous retournons sur nostre route.
Cependant Meteourmite ayant este adverty de nostre venue, nous courroit an devant, et quoyqu'il nous vist tourner bride, si est-ce qu'il nous poursuy- vit. Bien valut a Monsieur de Biancourt d'etre plus sage que plusieurs de son esquipage, qui ne crioyent lors que de tout tuer. Car ils estoyent en grande cholere et en non moindre crainte ; mais la cholere faisoit plus de bruit.
[67] Monsieur de Biancourt se reprima, et ne fai- sant pas autrement mauvaise chere a Meteourmite,
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right through the branch which was just at hand, in a few hours we would reach the great sagamore Meteourmite, who would furnish us with all we wanted; that they would act as our guides, since they themselves were going to visit him.
It is to be supposed, and there were strong indica- tions of it, that they gave us this advice only with the intention [66] of ensnaring us, and making an easy conquest of us by the help of Meteourmite, whom they knew to be the enemy of the English, and whom they supposed to be an enemy of all for- eigners. But, thank God, their ambuscade was turned against themselves.
However, we believed them ; so a part of them went ahead of us, part behind, and some in the barque with us. Nevertheless Monsieur de Biancourt was always on his guard, and often sent the boat on ahead with the sounding-lead. We had not gone more than half a league when, reaching a large lake, the sounder called out to us: " Two fathoms of water; only one fathom, only one fathom every- where," and immediately afterward, "Stop! stop! cast anchor. ' Where are our Armouchiquois ? Where are they? Not one. They had all silently disappeared. Oh, the traitors! Oh, how God had delivered us! They had led us into a trap. " Veer about, veer about." We retrace our path.
Meanwhile, Meteourmite having been informed of our coming, came to meet us, and, although he saw our prow turned about, yet he followed us. It was well that Monsieur de Biancourt was wiser than many of his crew, whose sole cry was to kill them all. For they were as angry as they were frightened; but their anger made the most noise.
[67] Monsieur de Biancourt restrained himself, and
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apprit de luy qtril y avoit une route par laquelle on potirroit passer; qu'a celle fin de ne la pas faillir, il nous donneroit de ses propres gens dedans nostre barque ; qu'au reste vinssions a sa cabane, il tasche- roit de nous donner contentement. Nous luy crusmes, et pensasmes nous en repentir; car nous passasmes des haults et destroicts si perilleux que ne cuidions quasi jamays en eschapper. D' effect, en deux en- droits, aucuns de nos gens s'escrierent miserable- ment que nous estions trestous perdus. Mais, Dieu mercy, ils crierent trop tost.
Arrives, Monsieur de Biancourt se mit en armes, pour en cet arroy aller veoir Meteourmite. II le trouva en son hault appareil de majeste sauva- gesque, seul dans une cabane bien nattee le haut et bas, et quelques quarante puissans jeunes hommes a l'entour de la cabane, en forme de corps de garde, chacun son pavois, son arc et flesches a terre au devant de soy. Ces gens ne sont point niais, nulle- ment, et qu'on nous en croye.
Pour moy, je receus, ce jour la, la plus grande part des caresses; car, comme j'estois sans armes, les plus honorables, laissans les soldats, se prindrent a moy avec mille significations d'amitie. Ils me con- duysirent en la plus grande cabane de toutes; [68] elle contenoit bien 80 ames. Les places prinses, je me jettay a genoux, et ayant faict le signe de la croix, recitay mon Pater, Ave, Credo, et quelques oraisons; puis, ayant faict pause, mes hostes, comme s'ils m'eussent bien entendu, m'applaudirent en leur facon, s'escriant Ho ! ho ! ho ! Ie leur donnay quel- ques croix et quelques images, leur en donnant a apprehender ce que je pouvois. Eux les baysoient
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not otherwise showing any ill-will toward Meteour- mite, learned, from him that there was a route by which they could pass; that in order not to miss it, he would let us have some of his own people in our barque; that, besides, if we would come to his wig- wam he would try to satisfy us. We trusted him, and thought we might have to repent it ; for we trav- ersed such perilous heights and narrow passes that we never expected to escape from them. In fact, in two places some of our men cried out in distress that we were all lost. But, thank God, they cried too soon.
When we arrived, Monsieur de Biancourt armed himself, and thus arrayed proceeded to pay a visit to Meteourmite. He found him in the royal apparel of savage majesty, alone in a wigwam that was well matted above and below, and about forty powerful young men stationed around it like a body-guard, each one with his shield, his bow and arrows upon the ground in front of him. These people are by no means simpletons, and you may believe us when we say so.
As for me, I received that day the greater part of the welcome ; for, as I was unarmed, the most honor- able of them, turning their backs upon the soldiers, approached me with a thousand demonstrations of friendship. They led me to the largest wigwam of all ; [68] it contained fully eighty people. When they had taken their places, I fell upon my knees and repeated ray Pater, Ave, Credo, and some orisons; then pausing, my hosts, as if they had understood me perfectly, applauded after their fashion, crying Ho ! ho ! ho ! I gave them some crosses and pic- tures, explaining them as well as I could. They very
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fort volontiers, faisoyent le signe de la Croix, et, chacun pour soy, s'efforcoyent a me presenter ses enfans, a ce que je les benisse et leur donnasse quel- que chose. Ainsy se passa cette visite, et une autre que je fis depuis.
Or Meteourmite avoit respondu a Monsieur de Biancourt, que pour le bled, ils n'en avoyent pas quantite; mais qu'ils avoyent aucunes peaux, s'il luy playsoit de troquer.
Le matin doncques de la troque venu, je m'en allay en une isle voysine avec un garcon, pour la offrir rhostie saincte de nostre reconciliation. Nos gens de la barque, pour n'estre surprins, soubs couleur de la troque, s'estoyent armez et barricadez, laissans place au milieu du tillac pour les Sauvages ; mais en vain, car ils se jetterent tellement en foule et avec si grande avidite, qu'aussy tost ils remplirent tout le vaisseau, ja peslemesles avec les nostres. On se mit a crier: Retire, retire-toy. Mais [69] a quel profit? Eux aussy crioyent de leur coste.
Ce fut lors que nos gens se penserent estre verita- blement prins, et ja tout n'estoit que clameur et tu- multe. Monsieur de Biancourt a souvent dit et redit, qu'il eut maintes fois le bras leve et la bouche ouverte pour en frappant le premier crier, "Tue, tue;" mais que cette seule consideration, ne scay comment, le retinst, que j'estois dehors, et par consequent que si l'on en venoit aux mains, j'estois perdu. Dieu se servit de cette sienne bonne volonte, non seulement pour ma sauvete, mais autant pour celle de tout l'es- quipage. Car, comme tous recognoissent bien a cette heure, si la folie eust este faicte, jamais aucun n'en fust eschappe, et les Francoys eussent este descries pour jamays en toute la coste.
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willingly kissed them, made the sign of the Cross, and each one in his turn endeavored to present his children to me, so that I would bless them and give them something. Thus passed that visit, and another that I have since made.
Now Meteourmite had replied to Monsieur de Biancourt that as to the corn he did not have much, but he had some skins, if we were pleased to trade with him.
Then in the morning when the trade was to take place I went to a neighboring island with a boy, to there offer the blessed sacrament for our reconcilia- tion. Our people in the barque, not to be taken by surprise under pretext of the trade, were armed and barricaded, leaving a place in the middle of the deck for the Savages; but in vain, for they rushed in in such crowds and with such greediness, that they im- mediately filled the whole ship, becoming all mixed up with our own people. Some one began to cry out, " Go back, go back." But [69] to what good? On the other hand, the savages were yelling also.
Then our people were sure they were captured, and there was nothing but cries and confusion. Mon- sieur de Biancourt has often said and said again, that several times he had raised his arm and opened his mouth to strike the first blow and to cry out, " Kill, kill;" but that somehow the one consideration that restrained him was that I was outside, and if they came to blows I was lost. God rewarded him for his good-will by saving not only me but also the whole crew. For, as all readily acknowledge at this hour, if any foolish act had been committed none of them would ever have escaped, and the French would have been condemned forever all along the coast.
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Dieu voulut que Meteourmite et quelques autres capitaines apprehenderent le danger, et ainsy firent retirer leurs gens. Le soir venu, et ja tous estans retires, Meteourmite manda aucuns des siens pour excuser l'insolence du matin, protestant que tout le desordre estoit venu non de soy, ains des Armouchi- quois; que mesmes ils nous avoyent desrobe une hasche et une gamelle (c'est une grande escuelle de bois), lequel meuble il nous renvoyoit ; que ce larcin lui avoit tant despleu qu'aussitost apres l'avoir des- couvert, il avoit congedie les Armouchiquois ; que pour luy, il avoit bon cceur, et scavoit bien que [70] nous ne tuions ni ne battions point les Sauvages de par deca, ains les recevions a. nostre table, leur fai- sions souvent tabagie, et leur apportions plusieurs bonnes choses de France, pour lesquelles vertus ils nous aymoient. Ces gens, croy-je, sont les plus grands harangueurs de toute la terre ; ils ne font rien sans cela.
Mais, d'autant que j'ay faict icy mention des An- glois, quelqu'un peut estre desirera de sgavoir leur adventure, laquelle nous apprismes en ce lieu. II est doncques ainsy, que Tan 1608 les Anglois commen- cerent a s'habituer en Tune des embouschures de ce fleuve Kinibequi, ainsy que nous avons diet cy devant. Ils avoyent lors un conducteur fort honneste homme, et se comportoit fort bien avec les naturels du pais. On dit neantmoins que les Armouchiquois se crai- gnirent de tels voysins, et a cette cause firent mourir ce capitaine que j'ay dit. Ces gens ont ce mestier en usage, de tuer par magie. Or la seconde annee 1609 les Anglois, soubs un autre capitaine, changerent de facon. Ils repoussoient les Sauvages sans aucun
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God willed that Meteourmite and some other cap- tains should apprehend the danger, and so cause their people to withdraw. When evening came and all had retired, Meteourmite sent some of his men to excuse the misconduct of the morning, protesting that all the disorder had originated not with him, but with the Armouchiquois ; that they had even stolen a hatchet and a platter (a great wooden dish), which articles he herewith returned ; that this theft had so displeased him that immediately after discov- ering it he had sent the Armouchiquois away from him ; that, for his part, he was friendly towards us and knew very well that [70] we neither killed nor beat the Savages of those parts, but received them at our table and often made tabagie for them, and brought them a great many nice things from France, for which courtesies they loved us. These people are, I believe, the greatest speech-makers in the world ; nothing can be done without speeches.
But as I have spoken here of the English, some one perhaps will wish to hear about their adventure, which was related to us in this place. So here it is: In 1608 the English began to settle at one of the mouths of this Kinibequi river, as we have said be- fore. They had then as leader a very honest man, who got along remarkably well with the natives of the country. They say, however, that the Armou- chiquois were afraid of such neighbors, and so put the captain to death, as I have said. These people make a practice of killing by magic. But the sec- ond year, 1609, the English, under another captain, changed their tactics. They drove the Savages away without ceremony; they beat, maltreated and mis- used them outrageously and without restraint ; con-
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honnetir ; ils les battoyent, excedoyent et mastinoyent sans beaucoup de retenue : partant ces pauvres mal- menes, impatiens du present, et augurants encores pis Tadvenir, prindrent resolution, comme Ton diet, de tuer le louveteau avant qu'il eust des dents et griff es plus fortes. La commodite leur en fust un jour, que [71] trois chaloupes s'en estoyent allees a l'escart en pescherie. Mes conjurez les suyvoient a la piste, et s'approchans avec beau semblant d'amitie (car ainsy font ils le plus de caresses ou plus y a de trahison), ils entrent dedans, et au signal donne, chacun choy- sit son homme et le tua a coups de cousteau. Ainsy furent despeschez onze Angloys. Les autres inti- mides abandonnerent leur entreprise cette mesme an- nee, et ne l'ont point poursuyvie depuis, se conten- tans de venir Teste en pescherie en cette isle d'Eme- tenic, que nous avons dit estre a 8 lieues de leur fort encommence.
A cette cause doncques, l'exces commis en la per- sonne du capitaine Platrier par lesdicts Angloys ayant este perpetre en cette isle d'Emetenic, Monsieur de Biancourt se delibera de Taller recognoistre, et y laisser quelque monument de revindication. Ce qu'il fit dressant sur le havre une fort belle croix, avec les armes de France. Aucuns de ses gens luy conseil- loyent qu'il bruslast les chaloupes qu'il y trouva; mais, comme il est doux et humain, il ne le voulut point, voyant que c' estoyent vaisseaux non de soldats, ains de pescheurs.
De la, d'autant que la saison nous pressoit, estant ja le 6 novembre, nous tournasmes nos voiles pour retourner a Port- Royal, passant a Pentegoet, ainsy que nous avons promis aux Sauvages.
[72] Pentegoet est une fort belle riviere, et peut
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sequently these poor, abused people, anxious about the present, and dreading still greater evils in the future, determined, as the saying is, to kill the whelp ere its teeth and claws became stronger.5 The op- portunity came one day when [71] three boat-loads of them went away off to the fisheries. My conspirators followed in their boat, and approaching with a great show of friendliness (for they always make the great- est show of affection when they are the most treach- erous), they go among them, and at a given signal each one seizes his man and stabs him to death. Thus were eleven Englishmen dispatched. The others were intimidated and abandoned their enter- prise the same year ; they have not resumed it since, being satisfied to come in the summer to fish, at this island of Emetenic, which we have said was eight leagues from the fort they had begun building.
So, for this reason, the outrage to which captain Platrier was subjected by these English having been committed upon this island of Emetenic, Mon- sieur de Biancourt decided to go and reconnoitre it, and to leave there some memento in assertion of his rights. This he did, erecting at the harbor a beauti- ful cross bearing the arms of France. Some of his crew advised him to burn the boats which he found there ; but as he is kind and humane he would not do it, seeing they were fishermen's boats and not men-of-war.
Thence, as the season was advancing, it being al- ready the 6th of November, we turned our ships towards Port Royal, stopping at Pentegoet, as we had promised the Savages.
[72] The Pentegoet is a very beautiful river, and may be compared to the Garonne in France. It flows
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estre comparee a. la Garonne de France. Elle se dis- charge dans le Golf e francois ( baie de Fundy ) et a plusietirs isles et roches a l'endroit de son embous- chure; de maniere que si on ne monte fort avant, on estime que ce soit quelque grand sein ou baye de mer, la ou on commence manifestement a recognoistre le lict et cours de riviere. Elle a son large d'envi- ron 3 lieues a 44 et demy degre de l'Equateur. On ne peut deviner quelle est la Norembegue des an- ciens, si ce n'est celle cy: car autrement et les autres et moy, nous enquestans de ce mot et lieu, n'en avons jamays peu rien apprendre.
Nous doncques, ayans advance dans le courant de cette riviere trois lieues ou plus, rencontrasm.es un autre beau fleuve appelle Chiboctous, qui du nord-est vient se jeter dans ce grand Pentegoet.
Sur le confluant des deux rivieres, y avoit la plus belle assemblee des Sauvages que j'aye point encore veue. lis estoyent 80 canots et une chaloupe, 18 cabanes et bien environ 300 ames. Le plus apparent Sagamo s'appelloit Betsabes, homme discret et fort modere ; et, sans mentir, on recognoist souvent en ces Sauvages des vertus naturelles et politiques qui font rougir quiconque n'est eshonte, lorsqu'en com- paraison ils regardent une bonne partie des Francoys qui viennent en ces quartiers.
[73] Apres qu'ils nous eurent recogneus, ils deme- nerent grande joye le soir a leur accoustumee, par danses, chansons et harangues. Et nous, bien ayses d'estre en pais d'asseurance ; car entre les Eteche- mins, tels que sont ceux cy, et les Souriquois, tels que sont ceux de Port-Royal, nous ne nous tenons sur nos gardes non plus qu'entre nos propres domes-
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 49
into french Bay [the bay of Ftindy] and has many islands and rocks at its mouth ; so that if you do not go some distance up, you will take it for a great bay or arm of the sea, until you begin to see plainly the bed and course of a river. It is about three leagues wide and is forty-four and one half degrees from the Equator. We cannot imagine what the Norembega of our forefathers was, if it were not this river; for elsewhere both the others and I myself have made inquiries about this place, and have never been able to learn anything concerning it.
When we had advanced three leagues or more into the current of the river we encountered another beautiful river called Chiboctous, which comes from the northeast to discharge its waters into the great Pentegoet.
At the confluence of these two rivers there was the finest assemblage of Savages that I have yet seen. There were 80 canoes and a boat, 18 wigwams and about 300 people.6 The most prominent Sagamore was called Betsabes, a man of great discretion and prudence ; and I confess we often see in these Sav- ages natural and graceful qualities which will make anyone but a shameless person blush, when they compare them to the greater part of the French who come over here.
[73] When they had recognized us they showed their great joy during the evening by their usual demonstrations ; dancing, singing and making speech- es. And as for us, we were very glad to be in a coun- try of safety; for among the Etechemins, as these are, and the Souriquois, as are those of Port Royal, we are no more obliged to be on our guard than among
50 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
tiques, et Dieu mercy nous ne nous en sommes pas encores mal trouvez.
Le jour suyvant, j 'allay visiter les Sauvages, et y fis a mon accoustume, ainsy qu j'ay diet de Kinibequi. Cela y fut de plus, qu'eux m'ayans diet y avoir quel- ques malades, je les allay visiter, et comme prestre, ainsy qu'est porte dans le Rituaire, recitay sur eux les sainct Evangile et Oraisons, donnant a un chacun une croix pour se la pendre au col.
Entre les autres j'en trouvay un a leur mode esten- du aupres du feu, les yeux et visage fort estonnes, suant a grosse goutte de la seule teste, qui a. peine pouvoit parler, en un grand acces. II me dirent qu'il estoit malade des quatre mois, et que comme il apparoissoit, il ne la feroit pas longue. Or ne scay-je quelle estoit sa maladie; si elle venoit seulement par intervalles, ou non, je n'en scay rien: tant y a que le 2. jour d'apres, je le vis dans nostre barque sain et gaillard, ayant sa croix pendue au col, et me fit recognoissance d'un fort bon visage, [74] me pre- nant par la main. Je n'eus moyen de luy parler, d'autant que lors on faisoit la troque, et a cette cause le tillac estoit tout remply des gens, et tous les tru- chemens empeschez. De vray je fus fort ayse que la bonte de Dieu commengoit a faire sentir a ces pauvres et abandonnees nations n'y avoir que tout bien et que toute prosperite au signe de la saincte et salutaire Croix.
Enfin, pour ne redire souvent le mefme, et en cet endroit et en tous les autres oil nous avons pu con- verser avec ces pauvres gentils, nous avons tasche de leur imprimer quelques premieres conceptions de la grandeur et verite du Christianisme, autant que les
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 51
our own servants, and, thank God, we have never yet been deceived in them.
The next day I went to visit the Savages, and fol- lowed my usual custom, which I have described in speaking of Kinibequi. But there was more to be done here, as they told me they had some sick; I went to visit them ; and as priest, it being thus ordained in the Ritual, I recited over them the holy Gospel and Orisons, giving to each one a cross to wear around the neck.
Among others I found one stretched out, after their fashion, before the fire, wonder expressed in his eyes and face, great drops standing out upon his forehead, scarcely able to speak, so severe was the attack. They told me that he had been sick for four months and, as it appeared, he could not last long. Now I do not know what his malady was ; whether it only came intermittently or not I do not know ; at all events, the second day after that I saw him in our barque, well and happy, with his cross around his neck. He showed his gratitude to me by a cheerful smile [74] and by taking my hand. I had no means of speaking to him, as the trading was then going on, and for this reason the deck was full of people and all the interpreters were busy. Truly I was very glad that the goodness of God was beginning to make these poor and abandoned people feel that in the sign of the holy and salutary Cross there was every good and every blessing.
Finally, not to continue repeating the same story, both in this place and in all others, where we have been able to talk with these poor gentiles, we have attempted to impress upon them some of the simplest
52 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
moyens s'en addonnoyent. Et pour le sommaire en un bloc, celuy a este le fruict du voyage : nous avons commence de cognoistre et estre cogneus ; nous avons prins possession au nom de l'Eglise de Dieu de ces regions icy, y asseants le throsne royal de nostre Sauveur et Monarque Iesus Christ, son sainct autel ; les Sauvages nous ont veu prier, celebrer, prescher par nos discours, les images et croix, la facon de vivre et choses semblables, (ils) ont receu les pre- mieres apprehensions et semences de nostre saincte foy, lesquelles s'esclorront et germeront abondam- ment, s'il plaist a Dieu, quelque jour, y survenant un plus long est meilleur cultivage.
[75] De vray aussi, tel est quasi le principal fruict que nous faisions pour encores icy mesmes a Port- Royal, jusques a ce que nous ayons apris le langage. Ce- pendant cela nous console de veoir ces petits Sauva- geois, encores que non chrestiens, porter neantmoins volontiers, quand ils se trouvent icy, les cierges, les clochettes, l'eau benite et autre chose, marchans en bel ordre aux processions et enterremens que Ton faict. Ainsy s'accoustument-ils a estre chrestiens, pour en son temps le bien estre.
II ne seroit besoin sinon que fussions meilleurs ou- vriers de Nostre Seigneur, et n'empeschassions pas tant de graces d'iceluy sur nous et autruy, par tant de peches et indignite. Quant a moy certes, j'ay grande occasion d'en battre bien rudement ma poic- trine, et tous ceux qui ont le zele de charite en deb- vroyent bien estre touches au cceur. Nostre Sei- gneur, par sa saincte misericorde et par les prieres de sa glorieuse mere et de toute son Eglise celeste et militante, en veuille estre fleschy a compassion !
Particulierement je supplie Vostre Reverence et
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 53
conceptions of the grandeur and truth of Christianity, in so far as our means would permit. And to sum it up in a word, this has been the result of our journey. We have begun to know and to be known, we have taken possession of these regions in the name of the Church of God, establishing here the royal throne of our Savior and King, Jesus Christ, his holy altar; the Savages have seen us pray, celebrate the mass, and preach ; through our conversations, pictures, and crosses, our way of living, and other similar things, they have received the first faint ideas and germs of our holy faith, which will some day take root and grow abundantly, please God, if it is followed by a longer and better cultivation.
[75] And indeed such is about all we are accom- plishing, even here at Port Royal, until we have learned the language. However, it comforts us to see these little Savages, though not yet christians, yet willingly, when they are here, carrying the candles, bells, holy water and other things, march- ing in good order in the processions and funerals which occur here. Thus they become accustomed to act as christians, to become so in reality in his time.
No need is felt except that we ought to be better workers for Our Lord, and ought not to divert from ourselves and others so many of his blessings by our many sins and great unworthiness. As for me, truly I have good reason to severely reproach myself ; and all those who are imbued with earnest charity ought to be deeply touched in their hearts. May Our Lord, by his sacred mercy, and by the prayers of his glori- ous mother and of all his Church, both heavenly and militant, be moved to compassion!
Particularly I beg Your Reverence and all our
54 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
tous nos RR. PP. et FF. de vouloir se ressouvenir, en vos meilleures devotions, et de nous, et de ces pauvres ames, esclaves miserablement soubs la tyran- nie de Satan. Qu'il plaise a ce bening Sauveur [76] du monde, la grace duquel personne ne previent et de qui les liberalites sont tousjours par dessus nos merites, qui luy plaise, dy-je, regarder enfin d'un oeil pitoyable ces pauvres nations, et les retirer tost dans sa famille, en l'heureuse franchise des fortunes en- fans de Dieu. Ainsy soit-il.
De Port- Royal, ce dernier de Ianvier 16 12.
Cependant que j'escrivois ces lettres, le navire qu'on a envoye pour nostre secours, est Dieu mercy arrive sain et sauf , et dans iceluy nostre Frere Gil- bert du Thet. Celuy pourra scavoir l'aise qu'en avons receu et recevons, qui aura cogneu les dangers et necessites ou nous estions. Dieu soitbeny. Amen.
De V. R. filz et serviteur bien humble en Nostre Seigneur.
Pierre BIARD.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 55
Reverend Fathers and Brothers to be pleased to re- member in your most earnest devotions both us and these poor souls, miserable slaves under the tyranny of Satan. May it please this benign Savior [y6'\ of the world, whose grace is denied to no one, and whose bounty is ever beyond our merits, may it please him, I say, to look down with a pitying eye upon these poor tribes, and to gather them soon into his family, in the happy freedom of the favored chil- dren of God. Amen !
From Port Royal, this last day of January, 1612.
While I was writing these letters, the ship which was sent to our assistance has, thank God, arrived safe and sound, and in it our Brother Gilbert du Thet. He, who knows the dangers and necessities we were in, will appreciate the joy we felt and that we feel at its arrival. God be praised. Amen. Of Your Reverence, the son and very humble servant in Our Lord.
Pierre BIARD.
X
BlARD'S EPISTOLA
ex Portu-regali in Acadia
Januarii 31, [1612] DILLINGEN : MEYER'S PRESS, n. d.
SOURCE: Reprinted from O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 1,
MiJJio Canadenfis
E P I S TO L A
ex
Portu-regali in Acadia
tranfmiffa
Ad Praepofitvm Generalem Societatis Iesv A R. Petro Biardo ejvfdem Societatis
Secundum exemplar emiffiim in A N N U I S LlTTERIS Anni CID. IOC. XI
DlLING^E.
Ex Typographeo Mayeria-
na, apud Melchiorem
Algeyer.
Canadian Mission
LETTER
from
Port Royal in Acadia
sent
To the General of the Society of Jesus by- Reverend Pierre Biard of the same Society
According to the copy published in the Annu^e Litters of the year 161 1
DlLLINGEN.
From Meyer's Press,
at Melchior
Algeyer's.
60 LES EEL A TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 2
[iii] Lectori.
POSTQUAM Patrcs Socictatis Jefu malevolentiam inimicorum fnoruvi vicerant et in Galliam rcverfi erant, vocari videbantur alio ad laborcs ftws fruclu- ofe collocandos.
Midta crat in Nova Francia mcffis, ubi incolce pene belhiarum more fine Numinis cognitione vivebant.
Ill-Ac igitur miffi fuerunt duo Societatis facerdotes, Patrcs fcilicct Petrus Biardns ct Enerrmndtis Maffaeus, qui in Acadiam pervencrunt 22 Mali, Anno Sa/utis, 161 1. Sep t cm per menfes ibi commoratus, [iv] P. Biardus hanc cpiftolam, Superior i fuo tranfmijit.
Quatuor velluti in capita hcec litera divifa eft, & narrat:
i0. Quid fit Nova Francia, qua/is rcgio, qui in cd pop- uli, quiqnc mores.
20' Quo modo, quibufvc auxiliis ant fticccffu, Societas mijfionem ilia in rcgionc confecuta fit.
3°- Quonam in ftatu rem Chriftianam Ids in locis offen- der it Societas.
40' Quid a mifionariis liaclenus effcclum feu potius at- tcntatum fit.
Licet epiftola fub fiucm habeat : ultimo die Januarii CID. IOC. XI. ia quidem aut error in anno cfi, aut P. Biardus / 'ecu ndum ftylum veterem f crip fit, nam debet effe annus, CID. IOC. XII.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 61
[iii] To the Reader.
AFTER the Fathers of the Society of Jesus had over- come the ill-will of their enemies and again been admitted into France,7 they felt themselves called to other fields for the fruitful employment of their labors.
A rich harvest was offered in New France, where the natives lived almost like animals, without any knozvlcdge of God.
To that country, accordingly, were sent two priests of the Society, Fathers Pierre Biard and Enemond Masse, who reached Acadia on the 22nd of May, 161 1. After remaining there seven months, [iv] Father Biard sent this epistle to his Superior.
The letter is divided, as it were, under four heads, and relates :
1st. What New France is, the nature of the country, what tribes inhabit it, and their customs.
2nd. In what manner, with what help and with what success the Society secured a mission in that country.
3rd. In what condition the Society found the Chris- tian religion in this region.
4-th. What has been done by the missionaries thus far, or rather what has been attempted.
Although the end of the letter reads : the last day of January, 161 1, — either there is an error in the year, or Father Biard wrote according to the old style, for the year ought to be 1612.8
62 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.2
[5] Missio Canadensis.
REVERENDE IN CHRISTO PATER, Pax Chrifti.
Vocat Nos huius anni cio.ioc.xi. inftans iam atq3 vrgens exitus ad recognofcendum coram Paternitate veftra principium, quo primum Societas in has nouas Franciae regiones delata eft : multorum quoque bene- ficiorum cumulus, quo nos diuina largitas in his & aufpicadis, & fofpitadis initijs profecuta eft, hoc ex- igit, vt in hoc tanquam temporum annique portu adtionum noftrarii, & tanquam velificationis feriem relegetes, Charifs: Patres Fratrefq3 noftros inuite- mus, & ad gaudium pro ijs, quae feliciter [6] in nobis diuina manus operata eft, & fcilicet ad gemitum pa- riter & orationem pro ijs, quae in animorum falute procuranda, fegniter ipfi nequiterque multa deliqui- mus. Quod enim diutius ante Societas multifq3 conatibus intenderat, vt aliquam fuis laboribus poffet huic quoq ; filuaticae genti opem & lucem Euangelio inferendo affere, id hoc ipfa demum anno videtur, vt in tenui exigudque principio fatis feliciter, prdque difiderio effe affecuta.
Atque hoc fcilicet mihi iam narrandum eft, expo- nendumq3 veftrae Paternitati, quae & quanta fit haec meffis animorum, quidve a magno Patrefamilias da- tum nobis hadtenus, quid etiam porro dandum fpe-
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 63
[5] Canadian Mission.
Reverend Father in Christ, The peace of Christ be with you.
The end of this year 161 1, which is already so rapidly drawing near, invites me to write to your Reverence in acknowledgment of its beginning, in which our Society first penetrated into this territory of new France. The profusion of blessings and favors which the divine bounty has bestowed upon us while undertaking and sustaining this infant en- terprise, requires that in this haven, as it were, of time and of the year we should, reviewing the course of our actions and the occurrences of our voyage, in- vite our dear Fathers and Brothers to share both in our rejoicing for those things which the hand of God has happily [6] effected through us, and, too, in our mourning and our prayers for our delinquencies and inefficiency in seeking the salvation of souls. The object sought by the Society for a long time previ- ously and with many efforts, that it might in some degree impart help and light to this savage people also by its labors in bringing the Gospel among them, it seems at last to have attained in this year, with a small and slight beginning indeed, yet auspi- ciously and in accordance with its hopes.
This also I must narrate and explain to your Rev- erence, of what nature and how numerous is this harvest of souls, and what has hitherto been given to us by our Heavenly Father, and what further gifts we may hope for in the future. But to facilitate my
64 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
retur. Sed vt commodiffime tota mihi narratio decurrat, neq; decurrentem, vt fit, multa effugiant, in quatuor videtur velut capita rei totius expofitio effe diuidenda. Expona ergo primum, quae fit hsec noua Francia, quae regio, qui populi morefque : turn deinde quomodo, quibufve tande auxilijs, aut fucceffu Societas miffionem in has regiones [ 7 ] obtinuerit. Tertio quonam in ftatu rem Chriftianam in his terris offenderimus. Poftremo quid a nobis effedtum hadte- nus, feu potiiis quid attentatum fit ad diuinam glo- riam. Haec mihi videtur effe poffe commodiffima & fufficiens narrandorum omnium expofitio.
Atque vt a capite ordiar explicemque primiim, quasnam fit hsec Noua Francia, quod folum, quive ritus gentis, credo non foliim Paternitati veftrae iucun- dum, fed nobis quoq3 neceffarium, regionem vniuer- fam accuratiiis defcribere. Nam ciim hie nobis ad la- borandum campus affignatus, certum eft, non poffe nos a veftra paternitate dirigi pro occurfuum varie- tate, nifi ea fines, adfradtus viarum, viciniorum loco- rum diftantiam, ftatum gentis & rerum, noverit.
Prasterea tot video a Geographis antiquis errores tenebrafque in hanc cognitionem induci, vt nifi a nobis fuccurratur rerum non auditoribus fed fpedta- toribus, non poffit non in noftris itineribus & vefligijs perfequendis haud minus a veritate, quam a corpore cogitatio peregrinari. [8] Norumbegam illi nobis nefcio quam, vrbefque & caftella nominant, quorum hodie ne vmbra quidem aut ipfa vox extant.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 65
whole narration, and to obviate the possible omission of many details in its course, I think it best to divide the whole matter under four heads. I shall there- fore first describe new France, the country, the na- tives, and their customs ; next, in what manner, and with what help, and with what result, our Society secured a mission to this country ; [7] thirdly, in what condition we found the Christian religion in this region ; and, finally, what has been accomplished by us thus far, or rather what has been attempted for the glory of God. This appears to me a very con- venient and sufficient summary of all I am to tell.
And, in order that I may begin at the beginning and explain first what sort of a land New France is, the nature of the country and the customs of the natives, I think it will be not only a pleasure for your Reverence, but also a necessity for ourselves that the whole territory be rather accurately described. For, since this is the field assigned to us for our labors, it is certain that your reverence cannot direct us in accordance with our varied needs with- out a knowledge of the extent of the country, of the impediments to travel, of the distance of neighbor- ing settlements, and of the condition of people and things.
Besides, I find this matter involved in so much error and darkness by the older Geographers, that unless we, who know these things not from hearsay only, but are eyewitnesses thereof, come to the res- cue, it is impossible that the mind, in tracing our footsteps and our journeys, should not wander as far away from the truth as it has to do from the body. [8] They speak of a certain Norumbega and give the names of cities and strongholds of which to-day no trace or even report remains.
66 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
Verum quod polliciti fumus exequamur. Noua Francia, vti nunc Galli vfurpant, regio ilia eft trans Oceanum Gallicum, quae a quadragefimo primo gradu vfque ad quinquagefimum fecundum latitudinis, aut etiam quinquagefimum tertium procurrit.
Scio ab alijs multo latius fines regionis porrigi, ab alijs coardtari anguftius, fed ego hie non difputo: id folum expono, quod nunc vti dixi communiiis vfurpa- tur, vel quod hoc terrarum Gallorum nauigationibus ab aliquot iam annis maxime frequentatum & vindi- cation eft, vel quod illud idem fere antiquae Franciae parallels asqualiter earn ab occidente refpicit.
Haec igitur Noua Francia oram habet fane multi- fariam, finubus marinis fluminibufque exefam, an fradtuofam & recurrentem. Sinus duo funt maiores, [9] vaftique; alter is, qui S. Laurentij gurges; alter, qui Francius appellatur.
Namque a. quadragefimo feptimo gradu, vfque ad quinquagefimum primum, tellus velut gremium ape- rit ; fme ad accipiendum introrfus Oceanum, flue ad ex- onerandum magnum flumen Canadan. Atque hie gurges S. Laurentij dicitur, cuius in introitu ingens ilia adiacet infula, quam terras nouas Galli, Barbari Praefentis appellant moluarum pifcatu celeberrima; oram fmus fluminifque tenent Aquilonem versus Ex- comminqui, fme, vt vulgus indigetat, Excomunicati. Fera gens eft, & vt dicitur Anthropophaga, quanquam & hi olim fatis diu pacifice cum Gallis agitarunt, nunc irreconciliabiles cum his inimicitias exercent.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 67
However, let me fulfill my promise. New France, as the French now call it, is that territory across the French Ocean which extends from the forty-first to the fifty-second, or even fifty-third degree of lati- tude.
I know that some extend the boundaries of this region much farther, while others restrict them more narrowly, but I am not arguing this point; I merely explain what is, as I have said, the prevailing interpretation of them, either because this part of the country has been for many years past particularly explored and claimed by the French, or because the parallels bounding this western region are almost the same as those of old France.
New France has an exceedingly varied sea-coast, indented by bays and rivers, broken and irregular. There are two principal bays [9] of vast size, one called the gulf of St. Lawrence, the other French bay.
Indeed, from the forty-seventh degree as far as to the fifty-first, the land opens its bosom, as it were, to receive the Ocean into it, or to facilitate the outflow of the great Canadian river. This gulf is known as the gulf of St. Lawrence, in the mouth of which lies that enormous island which the French call new- foundland, the Savages Praesentis [ Plaisance ] ; 9 it is famous for its cod-fishery ; the shores of the gulf and the rivers are occupied toward the North by the Ex- comminqui, or, as they are commonly called, the Excommunicated.10 This tribe is very savage, and, it is said, is addicted to Cannibalism ; although once in very peaceful relations with the French for a con- siderable length of time, it is now on a footing of irreconcilable enmity. There follow, in the interior, toward the west, the Algonquins; then the Mon- tagnais; those dwelling at the head-waters of this
68 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
Seqtmntur interius, occidentem versus Algonquini, poft Montagnefij, intimi funt ad capita ipfms magni fluminis Canadas, Irocofij, qui etiam late Auftrum verfus protenduntur.
Atque hi fere Irocofij noti funt Gallis duntaxat ob perpetua bella, quae cum Montagnefijs, & Algonqui- nis fcederatis [10] & amicis populis geruntur. lam vero Auftrum versus terra ab hoc S. Laurentij fmu paulatim vfque ad quadragefimum tertium gradum excurrit, vbi rurfus altero fmu maximo inciditur, quern Francicum appellant. Hie gurges terras vafte exedens, fefeque Aquilonem verfus & S. Laurentij fmum incuruans, velut Ifthmum efficit ; Ifthmumque adiuuat S. Ioannis longiffimum flume, quod orfum ab ipfa propemodum ora magni Canadas in hue fefe Francicum gurgitem exonerat. Continet hie Ifthmus leucas admodii quingentas circuitu fuo, eumque occu- pant Soriqui populi. In hoc Ifthmo portus regalis eft, vbi nunc degimus, ad gradum latitudinis quadra- gefimum quartum cum beffe. Sed habet portus ofti- um fuum (ne quis fallatur) non in Oceanum ad orien- tem obuerfum, fed in fmum eum, quern dixi Franci- cum : ad Occidentem & feptentrionem a fluuio SanCti Ioannis vfque ad fluuium Potugoet, atque adeo vfque ad flumen Rimbegui habitant Etheminquenfes. Ha- bet Rimbegui oftia fua fub gradu quadragefimo [n] tertio cum beffe. Nee procul eft Chouacoet, quod al- teram eft latus hue brachium terrae, quod finum Fra- cicum excipit. Namque ad orientem eft illud, quod
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same great Canadian river are the Irocois, whose territory also extends far to the South.
These Irocois are known to the French chiefly for the perpetual warfare which they maintain against the Montagnais and Algonquins, allied [10] and friendly tribes. To the South, however, the coast gradually advances up to the forty-third degree, where once more it is interrupted by a very large bay called French bay. This gulf, advancing far into the interior, and bending toward the North and the gulf of St. Lawrence, forms a sort of Isthmus; and this Isthmus is completed by the St. John, a very long river which, taking its rise almost at the very banks of the great Canadian river, empties into this French bay. This Isthmus has a circuit of fully five hundred leagues and is occupied by the Soriquois tribe. In this Isthmus is port royal, where we are now sojourning, lying on the parallel of 44° 40'. But this port (to obviate misunderstanding) is not on the Ocean lying eastward, but on that gulf which I have called French bay. To the West and north, from the river of St. John to the river Potugoet,3 and even to the river Rimbegui,2 live the Etheminqui. The mouth of this river is in latitude 430 40'. [11] Not far distant is Chouacoet,11 which is the other shore or arm embracing French Bay. For to the east lies what we call cape sable, while Chouacoet lies toward the West; both are on the forty-third parallel, though they are separated by an interval of a hundred leagues. From the Rimbegui* river to the fortieth parallel the whole country is in the possession of the tribe called the Armouchiquois. Such is the distribution of the territory. The tribes amount to seven in number, differing from each other
* Sic. for Kinibequi.— [O'Callaghan.]
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promontorium fabulofum nominamus : ad Occiden- tem Chouacoet ; vtrumque ad quadragefimum tertium eleuationis gradum, cum tamen inter hoc atque illud centum leucarum intercapedo fit : a, fluuio Rimbegui* vfque ad quadragefimum gradum late poifident, qui Armouchiqui appellantur. Atque haec fere partitio eft regionis: itaque fi numeres, populi erunt feptem, lingua inter f e ac ftudijs dif crepantes ; Excommuni- cati, Algonquini, Montagnefij, Irocofij, Soriqui, Etheminquenfes, & Armouchiqui. Sed ex ijs nee Excommunicati, nee Irocofij, nee Armouchiqui mul- tum Gallis noti funt. Reliqui quatuor in firmam iam videntur cum ijs amicitiam & cofuetudinem coaluiffe. Pernodtant ipfi nobifcum, nos cum ipfis vagamur, venamur, viuimus line armis, line metu; & quod adhuc apparuerit, fine periculo. Cauffa fre- quentandi pifcatio fuit Moluarum, [12] quibus hoc mare abundat, & pellium permutatio. Nam cum aere, ferro, canabe, lana, frugibus, atq3 omni fere artificio Barbari careant, hsec a Gallis accipiunt. Ipfi contra, qui vnicus thefanrus eft, pelles retribuunt. Eft autem regio tota magnam partem perfrigida. Cauffae funt plures ; vna quod valde aquofa eft ; nam praeter- quam quod vndique fere mari alluitur, fluminibus prasterea & ftagnis lacubiifque maximis abundat. Infulae ita frequentes funt, vt ora tota ijs intercifa, & tanquam baccata fit. Hinc fequitur nimirum, vt pruinofa fit, & tame ventofa, fed flatu non nifi fere
* Sic. pro Kinibequi.
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in language and character : the Excommunicated, the Algonquins, the Montagnais, the Irocois, the Sori- quois, the Etheminqui and the Armouchiquois. But of these neither the Excommunicated, nor the Iro- cois, nor the Armouchiquois are well known to the French. The remaining four tribes appear already to be united in firm friendship and intimacy with them. They stay over night among us ; we rove about with them, and hunt with them and live among them without arms and without fear ; and, as has thus far appeared, without danger. This inti- macy arose partly from association while fishing for Cod, [12] which abound in these waters, and partly from trading in furs. For the Savages, who have neither copper, iron, hemp, wool, vegetables nor manufact- ured articles of any kind, resort to the French for them, giving in return the only thing of value they have, namely, furs. This whole region is for the most part very cold, owing to various causes. In the first place, the country is a very wet one ; for, besides being washed on almost every side by the sea, it abounds in rivers and ponds and large lakes. Islands are so numerous that the whole shore is cut up by a confused procession of them, as it were. Moreover, though a land of frost, it is very windy, the wind being nearly always a cold one. Another cause of cold is the wildness of the country ; for, be- ing covered on every side by one continuous forest, it naturally follows that the soil hardly ever becomes really warmed through. A third cause is the mount- ains, covered with snow and perpetual frost, which are said to wall us in far away to the North and the West.
We certainly get nothing from that quarter but piercing winds and snow-storms. Elsewhere, how-
72 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.2
algido. Altera eft cauffa frigoris, quod inculta lit; nam cum late omnia filua vna contineat, nihil mirum eft, fi vix vnquam poffit humus calefieri. Adde his, fi placet, cauffam tertiam, montes videlicet niuofos ac perpetuo rigentes, quibus dicimur ab Occidente ac Septentrione procul obuallari.
Certe quidem ab ea parte non nifi gelu perflamur & niuibus. Alioqui fane facies regionis eft pera- mcena, pluribus [13] locis hofpitem inuitans ac bene poilicens ; & quod apparuit, fi colatur, non inf cecunda. Indigenae rari funt. Etheminquenfes mille capita numerare non poffent, nee multo plus Algonquini limul & Montanenfes iundti: Soriqui duo millia non conficerent : Itaque f ummum quatuor capitum milli- bus tarn vafti terrarum & littorum tradtus non tenen- tur, fed percurruntur. Gens enim eft vaga, filueftris, & fparfa, vt quae venatu folo & pifcatu viuat. Im- berbes fere, & quidem ftatura comuni, vel paulo breuiore ac graciliore quam noftri, at non degener tamen aut indecora; color non multum fufcus, faciem vulgo pingunt, & in luctu atrant. Iuris amantes, ac vim latrociniumque perofi. Quod fane mirum eft in hominibus, qui lege ac magiftratu carent. Sui enim quifque dominus eft ac vindex. Sagamos quidem habet, hoc eft bellorum dud;ores, fed quorum omnino precarium fit imperium, fi tamen imperium appellan- dum eft, vbi nulla eft neceffitas parendi. Sequuntur vel exemplo, vel vfu, vel affinitatis [14] aut generis conciliatione indudti, nonnunquam etiam certe cuiuf-
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ever, the appearance of the country is very pleasing, and in many [13] places inviting to the settler and quite promising; and, as experience has shown, it is not unfruitful if cultivated. The natives are not nu- merous. The Etheminqui number less than a thou- sand, the Algonquins and the Montagnais together would not amount to much more, the Soriquois would not amount to two thousand. Thus four thousand Indians at most roam through, rather than occupy, these vast stretches of inland territory and sea-shore. For they are a nomadic people, living in the forests and scattered over wide spaces, as is natural for those who live by hunting and fishing only. They are nearly all beardless and of average stature, or even a little shorter and more slender than we, but not degraded nor ill-favored in appearance ; their color is not very swarthy; they commonly paint their faces, and, when in mourning, blacken them. They love justice and hate violence and robbery, a thing really remarkable in men who have neither laws nor magis- trates; for, among them, each man is his own master and his own protector. They have Sagamores, that is, leaders in war; but their authority is most precari- ous, if, indeed, that may be called authority to which obedience is in no wise obligatory. The Indians follow them through the persuasion of example or of custom, [14] or of ties of kindred and alliance; sometimes even through a certain authority of power, no doubt. They wage war as a tribe on account of wrongs done to a private individual. The whole race is very re- vengeful and, after the fashion of savages, insolent in victory, carrying about the heads of their captives as trophies and spoils of victory.
They are even said to have been addicted to the eating of human flesh, and the Excommunicated and
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dam potential auct.oritate : bella populatim gerunt, ob illatas priuatis iniurias. Genus totum vindidtse aui- dum ; & vt barbarum, in Victoria infolens, captiuorum capita tanquam opima fpolia & torques magno gaudio circumferunt.
Et quidem dicuntur humanis carnibus non abfti- nuiffe, idque etiamnum perhibentur & Excommuni- cati & Armonchiqui facere : verum ab ijs, quorum eft cum Gallis confuetudo, tantum fcelus procul abeft.
Religio tota certis incantationibus, choreis, & vene- ficijs conftat ; nimirum vt aut neceffaria vitae conqui- rant, aut inimicos amoliantur; fuos habent Autmoi- nos, hoc eft veneficos, qui malu Daemonem confulant de vita & morte, futurorumque euentis ; & quidem fefe illis mala bellua praefentem faepe fiftit, vt ipfi afferunt, vindidtam annuit, renuitque, mortem inimicorum fuorumve, venationem profperam, & cetera eiufmodi ludibria, quorum vt ne quid defit, [15] etiam fomnijs fidem habent : fi forte f uper placito & bene aufpicante fomnio euigilauerint, confurgunt, vel de nodte con- cubia, & omen cantu ac choreis fequuntur. Templa, aedefve facras, ritus, caeremonias, difciplinam nullam habent, vti nee leges aut artificia politiamve vllam, praeter certos mores & confuetudinem, quoru funt retinentiffimi. Si quern Veneficus refpondit ad certa diem moriturum, is deferitur ab omnibus ; quin ipfe adeo mifer, vtpote iam mortis certus, vitro fibi inediam atque omnium incuriam indicit, credo ne videatur contra fatum pugnare.
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Armouchiquois tribes are said to have the same prac- tice even now. Those, however, who are intimate with the French are far from being guilty of so great a crime.
Their whole religion consists of certain incanta- tions, dances and sorcery, which they have recourse to, it seems, either to procure the necessaries of life or to get rid of their enemies ; they have Autmoinos, that is, medicine-men, who consult the evil Spirit regarding life and death and future events ; and the evil spirit [great beast] often presents himself before them, as they themselves assert, approves or disap- proves their schemes of vengeance, promises them the death of their enemies or friends, or prosperity in the chase, and other mockeries of the same sort. To make these complete they [15] even have faith in dreams ; if they happen to awake from a pleasing and auspicious dream, they rise even in the middle of the night and hail the omen with songs and dances. They have no temples, sacred edifices, rites, cere- monies or religious teaching, just as they have no laws, arts or government, save certain customs and traditions of which they are very tenacious. If the Medicine-man predicts that a certain person will die before a fixed date, this man is deserted by all ; and, in his misery, feeling certain of impending death, he voluntarily condemns himself to suffer hunger and complete neglect, apparently that he may not seem to contend against fate.
If, however, he does not appear to be in a dying condition by the time predicted, his friends and rela- tives even hasten his death by pouring jars of cold water over his stomach. Such is the piety of these servants of Satan. Thus, no doubt because he is always deceitful, the soothsayer never appears to
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Quin etiam fi forte ad prasftitutam diem, vt faspe fit, moribundus non videatur, pro fe quifq3 proximi vrceis frigidae in ventrem miferi inuergendis celerant mortem. Hasc pietas eft Sathanas mancipijs: ita quoque nimirum, quia femper fallax eft, diuinus nunquam fallit ; quaquam natio ifta deceptrix aruf- picum multum iam de audtoriate fua ab aduetu Gal- lorum amifit ; paffimque nunc quiritantur, fuos iam Diabolos viribus exidiffe, [16] praeut quidam feriit Pa- trum fuorum fuiffe temporibus. Mortuorum ita cum corpore fepeliunt memoriam, vt ne nomen quidem deinceps audire fuftineant. Dei quidem vnius fupre- mi tenuem quandam habent cognitionem, verumta- men affedtibus & vfu deprauati nihilo feciiis, vt dixi, Cacodasmonem etiam colunt ; ob vitas commoda, algo- ris & mediae patientes funt fupra modum. Odto, de- cern dies, fi fors ita exigat, feram ieiuni perfequutur, fummis niuibus frigoribufq3 turn maxime ardet vena- tio. Et tamen hi ipfi Borea, vt fie dicam, & cryftallo nati, vbi femel fub fuis tugurijs cum praeda confede- runt, inertes illico, & cuiufuis laboris impatientes fiunt : f eminis mandant omnia : hae praeter onerofam liberorum educations, geftationemque, infuper feram ex eo loco vbi ceciderit, aduehunt : has lignatum & a- quatum eunt has fupelledtilem conficiunt, curantque : cibos apparant, feras excoriant, pelles fullonis arte conficiunt, veftimenta confuunt, pifcantur & conchas maxime ad cibum legunt, faspe [17] etiam venantur: has canoas, hoc eft cvmbulas miras celeritatis e cortice
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deceive himself ; although this lying race of prophets have lost much of their authority since the coming of the French, and now universally complain that their Devils have lost much of their power, [i 6] if compared with what it is said to have been in the time of their Ancestors. They so completely bury the very re- membrance of the dead with their bodies that they will not even suffer their names to be mentioned after- wards. Of the one supreme God they have a certain slender notion, but they are so perverted by false ideas and by custom, that, as I have said, they really worship the Devil. To obtain the necessaries of life they endure cold and hunger in an extraordinary manner. During eight or ten days, if the necessity is imposed on them, they will follow the chase in fasting, and they hunt with the greatest ardor when the snow is deepest and the cold most severe. And yet these same Savages, the offspring, so to speak, of Boreas and the ice, when once they have returned with their booty and installed themselves in their tents, become indolent and unwilling to perform any labor whatever, imposing this entirely upon the women. The latter, besides the onerous role of bearing and rearing the children, also transport the game from the place where it has fallen ; they are the hewers of wood and drawers of water ; they make and repair the household utensils ; they prepare food ; they skin the game and prepare the hides like fullers ; they sew garments ; they catch fish and gather shell- fish for food; often [17] they even hunt; they make the canoes, that is, skiffs of marvelous rapidity, out of bark; they set up the tents wherever and when- ever they stop for the night — in short, the men con- cern themselves with nothing but the more laborious hunting and the waging of war. For this reason
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compingunt, tuguriola, vbi & quando pernodtandum eft, aedificant : denique praeter laboriofiorem venatio- nem & bella nihil aliud quidquam viris efl penfi. Hac de cauffa plures fere vxores quifque habet, Sagami maxime, vt qui potentiam fuam & concurfum pluriu. tanquam clientium tueri nequeant, non folum fine pluribus liberis, qui valeant ad terrorem & gra- tiam, fed etiam fine pluribus mancipijs, quae neceffaria vitas officia & exequantur & tolerent. Nam feminas mancipiorum loco habent, tradtantq3. Inter fe miri- fice liberales fut, nihil quifquam aut fortunarum, aut fibi habere fuftineat, quin partem maxima aftantibus eroget, quin etiam qui Tabagiam agit, vt loquutur, hoc eft qui conuiuio alios excipit, non accumbit ipfe cum reliquis, fed miniftrat, neq3 partem aliquam dapis refiduam fibi facit, fed diftribuit omnia, ita vt famem cogatur eo die conuiuator pati, nifi quis inui- tatoru, ex eo quod fibi fuperfuerit, miferatus ei [18] retribuat. Et fimilis apparuit faepe liberalitas in Gallos aliquo cafu oppreffos. Nam erga reliquos, aut hie aut in nauibus agentes didicerunt a nobis non facile quicqua gratis dare. Pedunculos capitis quaefi- tant, & in delicijs habent. In mendicando & poftu- lando importuniffimi funt, & qui effe fo]ent mendicoru & inopu mores, falfi, obloquutores, affetatores, vani. Gallos quide atq3 omnes gentes ciim femel faturi funt, longe defpiciunt, irridentq3 clanculum omnia; etiam religione, quam fufceperint. Tuguriola fua vbiuis facile ac raptim fudibus ramifice aedificant, &
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almost every one has several wives, and especially the Sagamores, since they cannot maintain their power and keep up the number of their dependents unless they have not only many children to inspire fear or conciliate favor, but also many slaves to per- form patiently the menial tasks of every sort that are necessary. For their wives are regarded and treated as slaves. These Savages are extremely liberal toward each other ; no one is willing to enjoy any good fortune by himself, but makes his friends sharers in the larger part of it; and whoever re- ceives guests at what they call a Tabagie does not himself sit down with the others, but waits on them, and does not reserve any portion of the food for him- self but distributes all ; so that the host is constrained to suffer hunger during that day, unless some one of his guests takes pity on him [18] and gives him back a portion of what remains over from his own share. And they have often shown the same liberality to- ward the French, when they have found them in distress. For they have learned from us that, toward others than these, whether here or in the ships, nothing is readily given away. They hunt after the lice in their heads and regard them as a dainty. They are most importunate beggars and, after the fashion of beggars and needy people, they are hypo- critical— contradicting, nattering and lying to achieve their ends. But when once they have gotten their fill they go off, mocking the French and everybody else at a distance and secretly laughing at everything, even the religion which they have received. They set up their tents easily and quickly in any place with branching stakes, which they cover either with bark or skins or even with mats. The fire is built in the middle. But this is enough, and more than enough,
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aut cortice aut pellibus aut etia tegete cotegunt. Ignis in medio extruitur. vSed haec iam fatis fuper- que de regione & hominibus, maxime ciim accuratam regionis Chorographiam mittam; ex quo vno intuitu, quidquid de terrarum & maris fitu dixi, liquido ap- parebit.
Nvnc ad id venio, quod fecundo loco propofui, vt fcilicet explicem, quanam tandem via Societas miffio- nem in hanc prouinciam obtinuerit. Et quidem noftri [19] Burdigalenfes pro fuo animarum zelo a multis retro annis hue refpedtarant, hue intenderant, vt mif erae nationi opem ferrent : fed pios eorum & ardentes conatus, quos periculi facies non terreret, diu fubfidiorum ad agendum inopia fruftrata eft. Reftituta demum in Galliam Societate, agere ferio per P. Cotonum cum Magno Henrico cceperunt, fibi vt liceret in his quoque regionibus laborare, & am- plexus eft Rex Societatis amans tarn piam & propen- fam voluntatem, fed nihilominus tamen vtilibus con- filijs longa adhuc & odiofa mora interuenit. Nulli adhuc Galli regionem incolebant, commorandi animo, & qui ante a Rege miff us fuerat, explorandi tentan- dique causfa, alienus a facris noftris erat, & ijs pofl- modum rebus, non folum infedtis, fed etiam prope defperatis domum in Galliam redijt: iuffit tamen Princeps inuidtus ne defponderemus animum, mit- ten di folum deftinarentur, moniturum fe cum matu- rum f oret ; atque adeo vt arrha quaedam eff et fponfio- nis, pecuniam ex eo tepore in [20] viaticum affignauit.
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regarding the country and the people, especially as I send an accurate Map of the region, a single glance at which will make clear whatever I have said regard- ing the geography of land and sea.13
Now I shall enter upon my second topic and ex- plain by what means the Society finally secured the sending of a mission to this province. It is true that our adherents at [19] Bordeaux, in their zeal for the saving of souls, had looked forward to this, and had aimed at this for many years back, namely, at bring- ing help to this wretched race. But their pious and ardent efforts, which recoiled before no danger, were long frustrated by lack of means for prosecut- ing them. When our Society was at last re-admitted into France, they began to negotiate in earnest with Henry the Great, through Father Coton, to obtain permission to labor in these regions also, and the King, so full of good-will toward our Society, es- poused this pious and important project; but, never- theless, the taking of active steps was preceded by a long and vexatious delay. No Frenchmen as yet inhabited this region with the purpose of settling here, and such as had been sent by the King as ex- plorers and in a tentative way, being indifferent to our holy aims, had soon returned to France, leaving these things not only unaccomplished but even almost hopeless. But our Prince, undeterred by these con- siderations, bade us be of good heart, and promised, if we would but designate those who were to be sent, that he would let us know when he deemed the time opportune; and, as an earnest of his promise, from that time forward he assigned to us a sum of money for the [20] voyage. But at this point, unhappily, occurred the tragic death of the King. Yet at this very season God came to our help. Some messen-
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Sed haec agentibus, ecce pij Regis funefta mors inter- cedit. No defuit Devs fub idem anni tempus: ad nouum regem nuntij redierunt ab eo, qui anno fuperi- ore in has fibi terras colonia depopofcerat.
Is eft Ioannes Biencurtius, vulgo Potrincurtius, nobilis & magni animi vir. Ergo accepta occafione agitur cum Regina Regente Maria Medicaea, maximae pietatis heroina, vt quae maritus tanta virtute defti- naffet, per earn efficerentur, daretur locus duobus e Noftris in ea naui, quae proxime hue effet ventura. Annuit Regina, munificeque refpondit defiderio. Ergo ftatim ex Aquitania euocatus Sacerdos vnus, alter ex ipfa Francia defumptus. Sed ecce rurfum moras, rursum fefe Sathanas excitat. Dieppa erat foluendum, & ea nauis, quae hue vela faciebat ita erat mercatoribus Haereticis obnoxia, vt fine ipfis commouere fe non poffet. Ergo ij fimul ac Noftros vident, negant enimuerd praecise fefe paffuros, vt rudens expediatur, fi Iefuitae nauigaturi fint. Obten- ditur [21] Reginae imperium, interponitur etiam Gubernatoris au(5toritas. Itur, reditiirque ad Regi- nam, & ab ea literae, mandataque afferuntur, fed ob- ftinationem haereticam, vt Ecclefiae, ita nee Regum frangit aut permouet audtoritas. Haec peruicacia be- nigniffimorum Principum illuftriore pietatam fecit. Namque Antonia Pontia Marchioniffa Guercheuilia matrona clariffima, & vt appellant, filiarum Reginae gubernatrix, vbi has tricas audijt, pro fuo in Devm & Societatem amore, non dubitauit a maximis quibuf q3
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gers came to the new king from the man who last year solicited the royal permission to found a colony in this country.
This man is Jean Biencourt, commonly called Po- trincourt, of noble birth and a magnanimous man. Accordingly, seizing this opportunity, we made over- tures to the Queen Regent, Marie de Medicis, that most pious and exalted lady, begging her to execute what her husband had so piously purposed by giving a place to two of our Fathers in the ship which was to sail shortly for this place. The Queen assented, and responded to our request most liberally. Ac- cordingly one Priest was immediately summoned from Aquitaine, and another was chosen in France. But lo! Satan rouses himself again, and again inter- poses new delay. We were to sail from Dieppe, but the ship that was to bear us to this country was so completely under the influence of Heretical merchants that it could not stir without their consent. Accord- ingly, as soon as they saw our Priests they refused outright to let the ship sail if the Jesuits were to em- bark in it. The order of the [21] Queen was alleged, and the authority of the Governor was interposed. Recourse was had to the Queen, and letters and orders were obtained from her ; but even Royal au- thority is, like that of the Church, unable to break or bend heretical obstinacy. This stubborn resist- ance lent all the more lustre to the piety of our benignant Rulers. For Antoinette de Pons, Marchion- ess de Guercheville, a most illustrious lady, and governess to the daughters of the Queen, on learning these petty hindrances did not hesitate, in her love for God and for our Society, to ask in his name for aid from some of the greatest men in the council of this realm, that the contumacy of the heretics might
84 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.. 2.
totius curias eleemofynam petere eo nomine, vt vidta haereticorum contumaciam Iefuitis liceret in has terras proficifci. Nee difficile ei fuit, in pia cauffa fuapte fponte propenfam Catholicorum Principum benigni- tatem allicere : breui fumma confedta eft librarum quatuor millium. Ea & haereticorum repulit iniqui- tatem, & Noftros in nauim non iam vt hofpites, fed vt magna ex parte Dominos, potentefq3 impofuit. Ita nimirum Chriftus, vt folet, per hoflium impugna- tionem cofirmauit fuos, [22] per iniquitatem auxilijs neceffarijs inftruxit, & per machinationes, atque op- probria e tenebris atque ignobilitate vindicauit : ipfi gloria in faecula. Amen.
Dieppa foluimus incommodiffimo tempore, vigefimo fexto Ianuarij Anni huius cio.ico.xi. Nauis erat non magna, & haud fatis inftructa, nautae ex magna parte haeretici ; & vt hyeme in procellofo mari, multis grauiffimifq3 tempeftatibus perfundti fumus, tenuitq3 nauigatio menfes ipfos quatuor. Ex quibus apparet, quam multa omnis generis perferenda fuerint. Certe alter noftrum magnam itineris partem aeger, debili- tatiifque iacuit. Conati tamen fumus confueta Socie- tatis munia exhibere. Mane ac vefpere ad orationem vedtores conuocabantur quotidie: feftis etiam officia quaedam Ecclefiaftica decantabantur ; faspe habeban- tur cohortationes piae, interdum nonnullae cum haere- ticis difputationes : iurandi cofuetudo & verborii lafciuia reprimebatur. Non omittebantur multa flmul humilitatis, fimul charitatis exempla.
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be subdued and the Jesuits permitted to sail to this land. Nor did she have any difficulty in gaining the good-will of the Catholic Princes, inclined of their own accord to sympathize with this holy cause ; in a word, the sum of four thousand livres was collected. This not only put an end to the iniquitous resistance of the heretics, but gave our Priests the influence of Masters rather than of mere passengers in the ship. Thus, no doubt Christ, as usual, has strengthened his own followers through the attacks of enemies; [22] through their iniquity he has furnished aid to his own children and protected them from the darkness and the baseness of their foes, even through their intrigues and insult; his be the glory forever and ever. Amen.
We sailed from Dieppe in a most unfavorable sea- son, on the 26th of January, of this year 161 1. The ship was not large and was insufficiently equipped ; the sailors were mostly heretics. As it was winter and the sea was stormy, we encountered many severe tempests and the voyage lasted four whole months, from which it is apparent how many sufferings of every kind we underwent. Indeed, during the greater portion of the voyage one or the other of us lay sick and debilitated. Yet we attempted to discharge the usual duties of our Society. Morning and evening, every day, the passengers were called together for prayer; on holidays certain Ecclesiastical services were held, pious exhortations were frequently made, and sometimes disputations with the heretics took place. The habit of swearing and using obscene lan- guage was repressed. Nor were there wanting many examples of humility and of charity.
[23] Finally, with God's blessing, we brought the Heretics, who, evidently through the preaching of
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84 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 2.
totius curiae eleemofynam petere eo nomine, vt vidla haereticorum contumacia. Iefuitis liceret in has terras proficifci. Nee difficile ei fuit, in pia cauffa fuapte fponte propenfam Catholicorum Principum benigni- tatem allicere : breui fumma confedta eft librarum quatuor millium. Ea & haereticorum repulit iniqui- tatem, & Noftros in nauim non iam vt hofpites, fed vt magna ex parte Dominos, potentefq3 impofuit. Ita nimirum Chriftus, vt folet, per hoftium impugna- tionem cofirmauit fuos, [22] per iniquitatem auxilijs neceffarijs inftruxit, & per machinationes, atque op- probria e tenebris atque ignobilitate vindicauit: ipfi gloria in faecula. Amen.
Dieppa foluimus incommodiffimo tempore, vigefimo fexto Ianuarij Anni huius cid.IC3.xi. Nauis erat non magna, & haud fatis inftrudta, nautae ex magna parte haeretici ; & vt hyeme in procellofo mari, multis grauiffimifq3 tempeftatibus perfuncti fumus, tenuitq3 nauigatio menfes ipfos quatuor. Ex quibus apparet, quam multa omnis generis perferenda fuerint. Certe alter noftrum magnam itineris partem aeger, debili- tatufque iacuit. Conati tamen fumus confueta Socie- tatis munia exhibere. Mane ac vefpere ad orationem vedtores conuocabantur quotidie: feftis etiam officia quaedam Ecclefiaftica decantabantur ; faspe habeban- tur cohortationes piae, interdum nonnullae cum haere- ticis difputationes : iurandi cofuetudo & verboru lafciuia reprimebatur. Non omittebantur multa fimul humilitatis, fimul charitatis exempla.
-
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1 ■ ■
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THE JESUIT EEL A TIONS
85
be subdued and the Jesuits permitted to sail to this land. Nor did she have any difficulty in gaining the good-will of the Catholic Princes, inclined of their own accord to sympathize with this holy cause ; in a word, the sum of four thousand livres was collected. This not only put an end to the iniquitous resistance of the heretics, but gave our Priests the influence of Masters rather than of mere passengers in the ship. Thus, no doubt Christ, as usual, has strengthened his own followers through the attacks of enemies ; [22] through their iniquity he has furnished aid to his own children and protected them from the darkness and the baseness of their foes, even through their intrigues and insult; his be the glory forever and ever. Amen.
We sailed from Dieppe in a most unfavorable sea- son, on the 26th of January, of this year 161 1. The ship was not large and was insufficiently equipped ; the sailors were mostly heretics. As it was winter and the sea was stormy, we encountered many severe tempests and the voyage lasted four whole months, from which it is apparent how many sufferings of every kind we underwent. Indeed, during the greater portion of the voyage one or the other of us lay sick and debilitated. Yet we attempted to discharge the usual duties of our Society. Morning and evening, every day, the passengers were called together for prayer; on holidays certain Ecclesiastical services were held, pious exhortations were frequently made, and sometimes disputations with the heretics took place. The habit of swearing and using obscene lan- guage was repressed. Nor were there wanting many examples of humility and of charity.
[23] Finally, with God's blessing, we brought the Heretics, who, evidently through the preaching of
86 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
[23] Denique illud Dei beneficio obtentum eft, vt Hseretici, qui nos ante velut monftra e fuoru vide- licet ore Miniftrorum reputabant, non folum agnoue- rint fuorum in hac re impoftorum malitiam, fed etiam multis poftea locis laudum noftrarum praedicatores extiterint; hie ergo fummatim fuit nofter in has terras ingreffus.
Seqvitvr iam ex initio propofitis tertium, nimirum vt exponatur, quonam tande loco rem Chriftianam his in locis off enderimus. Certe ante hoc tempus vix vnquam a Gallis vacatum fuit conuertedis incolarum ad Chriftum animis. Obftabant multa. Nam & peregrinabantur hue tantum, non comorabantur : & qui commorari voluerunt, tarn aduerfis conflidtati funt cafibus, vt ei rei dare operam fane multam non potuerint. Deuehebantur duntaxat interdum non- nulli in Galliam, ibiq; baptizabantur, fed ijdem vt nee fatis inftituti, & a paftoribus deftituti, fimul ac in has oras remigrauerant, ad folita prorfus & vfitata reuoluebantur. Appulimus hue nos [24] vigefima fecunda Maij, ipfo facro Pentecoftes die, anni huius CIO. IOC. XI. Quo duntaxat anno is, quern faepius ap- pellare neceffe eft, D. Potrincurtius ad fedes hie domiciliumq3 figendum peruenerat, fecumq3 Sacer- dotem fsecularem aduexerat. Is Sacerdos per eum annum dicitur capita fere centum baptimo initiauiff e ; in his celebrem inter Sagamos, & de quo nos infra plura dicemus, Henricum Membertou cum familia vniuerfa, hoc eft cum tribus liberis iam coiugibus.
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their own Pastors, regarded us as monsters, to recog- nize the malice of these impostors in this matter, so that they afterwards on many occasions stood up to proclaim our praises. Such, in brief, was our voy- age to this land.
Now follows the third of the topics proposed in the beginning — the setting forth, namely, of the condition in which we found the Christian religion in this country. Certainly before this time scarcely any attention has ever been given by the French to con- verting the souls of the natives to Christ. There have been many obstacles. For the French only wandered through these regions, but did not remain here, and those who wished to remain were harassed by so many calamities that they assuredly could not give much thought to this matter. Some natives, it is true, were occasionally brought to France and bap- tized there, but these not being sufficiently instruct- ed, and finding themselves without shepherds as soon as they returned to these shores, immediately resumed their former habits and traditions. We landed here [24] on the 22nd of May, on the holyday of Pentecost of this year 161 1 . In this very same year Sieur Potrincourt, whom I shall have occasion to mention several times, had come here to establish himself permanently, and had brought a secular Priest with him. This Priest, it is said, baptized nearly a hundred persons during the year, among them one of the most celebrated of the Chiefs, of whom we shall have to speak again later, Henry Membertou, with his whole family, that is, three children already married. But, since neither this Priest nor any one else knew their language, save so far as pertains to the merest necessities of intercourse
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Sed, vt fit, cum nee Sacerdos ipfe, nee alius quifquam linguam noffet, nifi quatum attinet ad vitae & merci- moniorum neceffitatem, erudiri videlicet neophyti non potuerunt.
Baptifmum accipiebant velut facrum aliquod fig- num fimilitudinis & confeederationis cum Gallis. De Chrifto, de Ecclefia, de Fide ac Symbolo, man- datis Dei, oratione ac Sacramentis vix quidquam nouerant, ignari & crucis efformandae, & ipfius nomi- nis Chriftiani. Itaque nunc vulgo fcifcitantibus nobis, Chriftianus es? negat optimus quifque, [25] fcire fe quid rogetur. Mutata interrogatione quaeren- tibus, baptizatus es? Annuit vero ac propemodum fefe iam Nortmannum pronuntiat; nam Gallos fere omnes Nortmannos appellitant. De caetero nulla omnino in Chriftianis a. Gentilium ritu mutatio. Ii- dem mores, confuetudo & vita, idem chorearum, rituum, cantuum, atque adeo veneficiorum vfus, prorfus antiqua omnia. De vno Deo & bonorum retributione dodti funt aliqua, fed quae fe ipfi femper ita audiuiffe & credidiffe profiteantur. Sacellum re- perimus vnum valde anguftum & miferum, fed nee profedto reliqua habitatio, vt in principijs, aut valde laxa aut commoda eft.
Vnica hie adeft D. Potrincurtij familia, fine feminis capita fumus viginti. Nos duo e Societate tugurio- lum habemus ligneum, in quo vix pofita, mensa. com- mouere nos poffumus. Et reliqua funt huic certe habitationi ac noftras profeffioni, hoc eft, paupertati
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and trade, the neophytes could of course not be in- structed in our doctrines.
They accepted baptism as a sort of sacred pledge of friendship and alliance with the French. As re- gards Christ, the Church, the Faith and the Symbol, the commandments of God, prayer and the Sacra- ments, they knew almost nothing; nor did they know the sign of the cross or the very name of Christian. So, even now, whenever we ask any one, "Are you a Christian?" every one of them answers that he does not understand what [25] we are asking him. But when we change the form of our question and ask, "Are you baptized?" he assents and declares himself to be already almost a Norman, for they call the French in general Normans. In other respects there is almost no change from the religion of the Gentiles to Christianity. They keep up the same manners and traditions and mode of life, the same dances and rites and songs and sorcery ; in fact, all their previous customs. Concerning the one God and the reward of the just, they have learned some things, but they declare that they had always heard and believed thus. We found one little chapel here, a very small and poor one, but the other dwellings also, as is to be expected among new settlers, are by no means large or commodious.
Sieur Potrincourt's family is the only one here; without the women we number twenty. We two of the Society have a wooden cabin in which we can scarcely turn around when we have a table in it. And everything else is certainly in keeping with our dwelling and our vocation in life, that is, poverty. God grant that from these humble beginnings may rise and greatly flourish the work of salvation; [26] to this we bend all our efforts, though, as we are but
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cofentanea. Vtinam ab humilibus principijs exurgat aliquado, & efiiorefcat falus animorum ; [26] hue incumbimus, fed vt languidi cultores non magno fucceffu, qualis tamen, quantufque is fuerit, hoc mihi iam narrandum eft, quoniam id iam explicui, quod tertium erat ex propofitis, videlicet quonam in ftatu vineam hanc feu potius virgultum offenderimus.
Pervenimvs hue (ficut ante numeratum eft) vige- fima fecunda Maij. Itaque non multo plus hodie, quam feptem menfes hie commorati fumus. Per hoc igitur tempus, & domi aliqua gefta funt, & foris. Domi primum dedimus operam, vt pro noftris viribus officium Ecclefiafticum ne deeffet. Nam Sacerdos ille, qui hue ante nos aduenerat, a noftro ftatim aduetu in Galliam fua ipfe fponte & pro veteri defi- derio remigrauit. Dominicis feftifque diebus folem- nem miflam & vefperas decantamus, cohortamur, & nonnunquam procedimus, ipfis etiam noftrorum filuicolarum pueris cereos, vrceos, aut aliud quid pium, quando hie adfunt, praeferentibus. Ita enim paulatim noftris ceremonijs affuefcunt. Solemnior ea proceffio fuit, qua [27] fandtiffimum Sacramentum fefto ipfi die cumtulimus. Ipfe enim D. Potrincur- tius fedulitatem in eo noftram collaudauit, ficut & in facello, quantum poteft, in tanta paupertate coor- nando. Et quoniam animaduertimus eos, qui ante baptizati effent, vix aliud quidquam cum baptifmate, nifi periculum maius fufcepiffe, prole dtationem illam proiedtionemq3 ad baptifma quomodocumq3 offeren-
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feeble workers, with no great success. What the nature and extent of this success has been I must now relate, since I have already treated my third topic, namely, the description of the state in which we found this vineyard, or rather this wildwood.
We arrived here, as already noted, on the 22nd of May. Accordingly, we have now sojourned here a little more than seven months. During this period we have accomplished some work both at home and abroad. Our first efforts we expended at home, so that, as far as it lay in our power, there might be no interruption of Religious services. For the secular Priest who had preceded us here, immediately on our arrival, of his own free will and in accordance with a long-cherished desire, had returned to France. On Sundays and holydays we celebrate solemn mass and vespers ; we preach and sometimes have processions, the boys of our children of the forest carrying before us, when they are present here, tapers and censers and other sacred utensils. For thus, little by little, they become accustomed to our ceremonies. Our pro- cession was, however, a more solemn one on the day of Corpus Christi when we carried about the [27] blessed Sacrament. Sieur Potrincourt himself praised highly our efforts in this, as well as in adorning our chapel as much as we could, in spite of our great poverty. Since we have observed that those who had been previously baptized had gotten scarcely anything else through their baptism than increased peril, we have restrained this eager inclination to administer this sacrament without discrimination, and we insist that no adult person shall receive it until he has the necessary un- derstanding of his faith and his profession. So, as we have thus far been ignorant of the language and have been unable to explain our doctrines through
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dum reiecimus, in edque perftamus, ne quis adultus ante neceflariam fuae fidei prof effionif que cognitionem initietur. Ita cum adhuc ignari linguae fimus, neque per vllum interpretem enuntiare facra noftra, aut fcriptis mandare potuerimus, quantacumque in eo fit opera, vti fane pofita eft plurima curfus nimirum Euangelij in his hadtenus haeret vadis ac fyrtibus. Id fuademus, vt infantes ad nos luftrandi afferantur, quod etiam Dei beneficio iam ccepit fieri. Duos bap- tizauimus, & tertiam puellam circiter nouennem. Haec puella non magis morbo, quam efurie neglec- tuque contabef cebat ; f olet enim haec natio facile def- perare medicinam, [28] & defperatos prorfum ab- ijcere, vt ante didtum eft. Ergo hanc ita depofitam a cognatis depofcimus ad baptifmum, illi vero perli- benter earn nobis concedere, non ad baptifmum foliim, fed etiam ad voluntatem, vt quae, inquiebant, inftar iam effet canis mortui. At nos, vt fpecimen daremus Chriftianae pietatis, in feparatum earn tranf- tulimus tuguriolum, ibiq3 earn aluimus & curauimus ipfi fedulo, inftitutamque quantum extremo periculo conflidtanti neceffe effet, abluimus aqua falutari. Nono demum poft die abeuntem ad fuperos laeta fpe fumus profecuti, cum gauderemus ccelo iam nonnihil noftri laboris placere. Laetior exitus in alio fuit, fed exemplum non diffimile charitatis: hie eft, fecundd genitus Celebris illius Sagami Membertou, quern ante diximus primu omnium Soricorum noftra facra fufce- piile.
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any interpreter, or to commit them to writing, how- soever great a labor that may prove — and it will cer- tainly prove a great one — the course of the Gospel is, up to this point, embarrassed by these shoals and quicksands. We try to persuade the savages to bring their babes to us for baptism; and this, with God's blessing, they are beginning to do. We have bap- tized two boys, and a girl about nine years old. This girl was wasting away as much from hunger and neglect as from sickness ; for this people very readily despair [28] of relief in sickness, and, as previously stated, soon abandon those whose recovery is deemed hopeless. Thus, when this girl was given up by her relatives, we asked that she be given us for bap- tism. They very willingly gave her to us, not only for baptism but to dispose of at our pleasure, as be- ing, they said, no longer of more value than a dead dog. But we, to show them an example of Christian piety, carried her to a separate cabin and there fed her and cared for her; and, after teaching her as much as was necessary for one struggling with death, we cleansed her with the saving waters. On her death, nine days later, we entertained the glad hope that our labor had found some favor in heaven. We soon found opportunity for another deed of charity not dissimilar to this, though its result was more auspicious. This was in the case of the second son of that famous Chief Membertou, whom I have already mentioned as having received our doctrines first of all the Soriquois.
I went to visit this chief's son, who was already at death's door. I found that, in accordance with their old custom, they were holding a tabagie, that is, a solemn feast for the distribution of his property, so that after the entertainment he might, not like Jacob
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Huius ego filium extremo iam difcrimine pericli- tantem inuifi : reperio pro more veteri de ipfms bonis tabagiam, hoc eft epulum folemne, vt fcilicet poft epulas non ficut Iacob benediceret fuis, [29] fed vale- diceret, ac deinde coclamaretur, & coclamato canes praemitterentur ad interitu. Increpaui ego, vt potui, per interprets paganicos hos mores in iam Chriftianis. Benigne refpodit pater ipfe Membertou neophytos fe effe, verum imperarem; in mea potefhate efle omnia. Negaui ego licitam effe illam occiftone canum, aut deplorati derelidtionem ; choreas, cantufve funeftos segroto ipfo infpedtate mihi non placere ; ipfam alio- qui tabagiam, & piam in extremis agetis confalutati- onem ac mandata permifi. Refponderunt omnes fibi hoc fatis effe, reliqua fefe reiedturos. Caeterum D. Potrincurtij nomine ipfos inuitaui, vt segrn in ipfms aedes deportaret (aberat enim valde procul) fperare nos de mifericordia Dei fore, vt conualefcat, quo tande intelligant falfas atq3 impias effe, aut momorii fuoru, hoc eft fatidicoru denunciationes. Paruerunt illi, atq3 ad nos depofitum triduo poft, hoc eft femi- anime detulerunt. Quid multa? Fecit dextera Dni virtutem : non eft mortuus, fed vixit ; & nunc inco- lumis narrat opera [30] Dni. Hoc exemplo commotus fenior ipfe Membertou cum earn invaletudinem fenfiffet, quae poftrema illi fuit, deportari ipfe vitro ad nos voluit, atq3 adeo in noftrum ipforum tugu- riolu, & fi placet, in leclum ipfum alterius noftru. Ibi decumbentem quinq3 dies profecuti fumus omni
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give them his blessing, [29] but might bid them farewell, after which they were to bewail his death and then to offer up a sacrifice of dogs. I rebuked as well as I could, through an interpreter, these pagan usages among a people who were already Christians. The father himself, Membertou, an- swered mildly that they were but neophytes ; that I had but to command and that everything lay in my power. I said that this slaughtering of dogs was wrong, as well as this abandonment of the sick man for whom they were mourning ; I added that these dances and death-songs in the very presence of the sick man displeased me, though I permitted them to hold their tabagie elsewhere, as well as to visit the dying man and learn his last wishes. All replied that this was enough for them, and that they would dispense with the rest. Moreover, in the name of Sieur Potrincourt I invited them to transport to his house the sick man (who was at a very great dis- tance), and said that we hoped, with God's mercy, for his recovery, so that they might thus learn at last that the predictions of their medicine-men or proph- ets are false and impious. They obeyed, and the third day after brought to us the sufferer, whose life they had despaired of, in a half-dying condition. God's right hand exerted its power; he did not die, but lived, and now, completely recovered, relates what [30] God has done for him. Moved by this example, the elder Membertou himself, when he began to suffer from that sickness which was to be his last, desired of his own accord to be brought to us and to be received into our own cabin, and even, if it pleased us, to occupy one of our beds. He lay there five days, during which we performed every friendly and even every menial office. But on the sixth day,
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no folum officio, fed etiam famulatu. At fexto die cum iam vxor eius adueniffet, & cerneret ipfa vix alteri noftru, quo mifere humi decubaret, locum effe in tuguriolo derelidtu, alio fuapte fponte demigrauit, vbi & piam morte obijt. Certe hunc reperimus (quip- pe Domini primitias ab hac gete) prseter cseteros mi- rabiliter folitu intrinfecus adeo moueri, multo vt ipfe plus de noftra fide conciperet, quam quantu potuiffet auditione accipere. Itaq3 folebat ipfe crebro didtitare, valde optare fe, vt cito lingua noffemus. Continuo. n. poftquam id perdidiciffet, fe futuru apud gentem fuam cceleftis verbi ac dodtrinae prsedicatorem. De- derat ipfe in madatis, vt antiquo in monumeto cu de- mortua prius familia (qua fcieba paganice obijffe) [3 1] fepeliretur. Ego re improbaui, veritus fcilicet, ne vel Galli, vel etia Getiles hoc interpretaretur in fidei noftrse iniuria. Sed ille hoc refpodebat: ita fibi promifsu. fuiffe, antequa Chrifto nomen daret, fore, vt locus cofecraretur, & exemplu proferebat ex ante- adtis non diffimile ; alioqui. n. cotra fe vereri, fi noftro in ccemeterio humaretur, ne fui deinceps locu refu- gerent, atq3 ita nunqua ad nos redirent. Oppofui ego contra, q potui, & mecu is, quo fere folo vtor in- terprete, D. Biencurtius, fili9 D. Potrincurtij. Difceffi mceftus: nihil. 11. difputando profecera. Extrema ni- hilominus vnctionem, ad qua paratus erat, non dene- gaui. Valuit vis Sacrameti : poftridie D. Biencurtifi, meq3 magnopere aduocat, docet audietibus omnib9 mutata fibi sententia, velle fe nobifcu humari, fuifq3
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when his wife had also come, and when she saw that there was scarcely room left for one of us to find a wretched couch on the ground in our cabin, he, of his own accord, went elsewhere, and there died a pious death. We found, indeed, that this man (the first fruits of the Lord among this people) was, beyond all others, wont to be so wondrously moved within, that he apprehended much more of our faith than he could have learned from hearing us. Thus he used to say frequently that he ardently desired that we might soon know his language. He said that as soon as he had learned them thoroughly he would become the preacher of this heavenly word and doctrine among his people. He himself had commanded that he should be buried in the ancient burial-place of his family, with those who were already dead (who, I knew, had died as pagans). [31] I opposed this, fear- ing, of course, that the French and even the Gentiles might interpret this as an affront to our faith. But he answered that it had been promised him, before he gave himself to Christ, that this place should be con- secrated ; and he cited a past example of something of the sort, adding that he feared, on the contrary, that if he were buried in our cemetery his people might thenceforth avoid the place and thus never return to us. I opposed all the reasons I could, and so did Sieur de Biencourt, the son of Sieur de Potrincourt, he being almost my only interpreter. I went off sadly, for I had accomplished nothing by arguing. Never- theless, I did not refuse him the extreme unction, for which he was prepared. The power of the Sacra- ment manifested itself ; the next day he called eager- ly for Sieur de Biencourt and myself, and told us in the hearing of all the others that he had changed his mind, and wished to be buried in our cemetery; and
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pcipere, ne ideo locu refugiant ex veteri errore, quin poti9, e Chriftiani populi fapietia magis ob earn ipfam cauffam locu adament, frequententque ; ad pias vide- licet pro ipfo preces effundedas.
Pacem deinde cum Noftris iterum, [32] iterumque commendauit, meq3 adeo prseeunte ac manum regen- te, fmgulis fuorum pio more benedixit: nee loge poft extindtus eft. Funus curatum magna ad exemplum pompa. Et certe diu inter hos populos tantae aucto- ritatis Sagamus no fuit. Quo magis eft mirum, quo- modo in eo femper inuidtus confilio perftiterit, etiam ante conuerfionem, ne plures vnquam fimul vxores habere vellet.
Atque haec domi gefta, nunc exeamus foras. Luf- traui ego cum Domino Biencurtio magnam totius regionis partem, hoc eft totum id, quod antiqui No- rumbedam appellabant, flumina etiam ingreffus fum praecipua. Frudtus is extitit, vt & cognofceremus, & cognofceremur ; ipfique filuatici, qui nunquam antea Sacerdote, aut facra noftra viderant, inceperint ali- quid noftra de Religione apprehendere. Vbicumque ac quoties potuimus, infiniti pretij hoftiam obtulimus Omnipotenti Deo, vt fcilicet altari, tanquam fede fua pofita, inciperet hoc fibi dominium feruator hominum vendicare; terreretiirque ac fugarentur [33] vfurpa- tione fua laruales tyranni. Et aftiterunt frequenter Barbari magno femper filentio ac reuerentia. Inuife- bam poftea ipforum cafulas, orabam, segris manus imponebam, cruciculas asnaes aut imagunculas dona-
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to teach his people that they should not avoid the place in accordance with their old and erroneous notion, but rather, with the wisdom of a Christian people, should love and frequent it, in order to utter pious prayers for him.
Then he recommended to them again [32] and again to maintain peace with us, and also piously gave his blessing to certain of his people, I dictating the words and guiding his hand. A short time after, he died. We deemed it well to celebrate his funeral with great pomp. And certainly there has for a long time been no Chief of such great authority among these people. What is still more remarkable is that he always adhered firmly to his resolution never to have more than one wife at a time, even before his conversion.
Such are the things achieved at home ; let us now consider what has been done elsewhere. I have ex- plored with Sieur Biencourt a large part of this whole region — all that portion, namely, which the old geog- raphers called Norumbega, including the principal rivers. The result is that not only have we come to know the country, but also to be known ourselves, and the savages, who had never before seen a Priest or the rites of our Religion, have begun to learn some- thing concerning it. Wherever and whenever we could do so, we offered the priceless host to the Om- nipotent God, so that the altar might be as a seat dedicated to the savior of men, whence he should begin to extend his dominion among this people, while their own hobgoblin tyrants are stricken with terror and driven [33] from their usurpation. The Savages have often been present, always profoundly silent and reverent. / Afterwards I would visit their huts to pray and to lay hands on the sick ; I gave
100 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
bam, ipfifq3 de collo fufpendebam, & quae poteram diuina infmuabam. Excipiebant illi omnia perliben- ter, fignumque Crucis me ducente conformabant, fereq3 omnes pueri etiam me longe profequebantur, vt ipfum faepius iterarent. Semel contigit, vt quern aegrotum altero ante die inuiferam, propemodiimque depofitum audieram, poft cernere vegetum, hilarem- que, cruce fua gloriantem, & mihi vultu mamique gratulantem, vt fufpicio magna fit, non folum opem crucis fenfiffe, verum etiam agnouiffe. Si quando in Gallicas naues incidebamus, vt faepe incidimus, mo- nita falutaria dabantur pro loci & temporis opportu- nitate : interdum etiam vedtores expiabantur. Se- mel maxima quasdam complurium mala, & animorum f ortunariimque labes auerfa eft per Dei gratiam : fe- mel item [34] exitium certiffimum, caedefque non pau- corum. Reconciliatus quoque magni quidam Iuuenis & animi & fpei. Is quod fibi a D. Potrincurtio timeret, annum iam vnum cum Siluicolis eorum more atque veftitu pererrabat : & fufpicio erat peioris quoque rei. Obtulit eum mihi Devs, colloquor, de- nique poft multa Iuuenis fefe mihi credit, deduco eum ad D. Potrincurtium, non pcenituit fidei datae, pax facta eft maximo omnium gaudio, & Iuuenis poftridie, antequam ad facram Euchariftiam accede- ret, fuapte ipfe fponte a circumitatibus mali exempli veniam petijt. Iam vero vti fuperuacaneum eft de nauigantibus dicere, quod multa pericula mirabiliter euaferint; ita & de hie commorantibus, quod multa
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 101
them little crosses of brass, or images, which I hung about their necks, and as far as possible I infused some religious notions into their minds. They re- ceived all these things very gladly, they made the sign of the Cross under my guidance, and nearly all the boys followed me a long distance in order to re- peat it oftener. Once it happened that a savage whom I had visited a couple of days before, finding him sick and almost given up by his friends, as I heard, met me rejoicing and well, and glorying in his cross, manifesting his gratitude toward me with hands and countenance, so that I strongly suspected that he had not only experienced the help of the cross but even recognized it. Whenever we fell in with French vessels — and this often happened — salu- tary counsels were given to the men, in accordance with time and place; sometimes, too, the passen- gers made their confession. Sometimes calamities that threatened the welfare and fortune of many were averted through the grace of God ; sometimes, too, [34] certain destruction and the slaughter of no small number. We have also succeeded in reclaiming a certain Young Man13 of great courage and hope who, through fear of Sieur de Potrincourt, has roamed about for a whole year with the Savages, adopting their ways and dress — not without suspicion, too, of some- thing worse. The Lord brought about a meeting between us. I spoke with him, and at last he con- fided himself to me. I brought him to Sieur de Po- trincourt ; he did not repent of having placed faith in me; peace was made, to the great joy of all, and next day the young man, before receiving the holy Eucharist, of his own free will begged the pardon of those who surrounded him, for his evil conduct. But as it would be superfluous to speak of the many
10'2 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
fuftineant. Quod aqua bibatur, nulla querela eft: fiquidem ccepit iam nobis ante fex hebdomadas ita panis deficere, vt nunc detur in hebdomadam, quod ante dabatur in vnum diem. Nauim expedtamus fubfidio venturam. Interim Pifiores ac Fabri magno fcilicet nomine atque antiquo viuimus, & [35] incidi- mus quibus vterque in grauem aegritudinem, fed Dominus fuppofuit manu fuam. Nam neque id diu fuit, & femper altero decumbente, alter ftetit. Ex- perimur fane, quantum fit onus vitae neceflitas, dum lignatum, dum aquatum imus, dum coquimus ipfi nobis, dum indumenta aut lauamus, aut rencimus, dum farcimus tugurioli labes, dum in reliqua corpo- ris cura neceffario detinemur. Inter haee dies nobis, mifere, noclefque depereunt; ilia nos fpes confolatur ac fuftentat, fore, vt qui fubleuat abiedtos Devs, vili- tatem ipfe noftram pro fua quandoque mifericordia non defpiciat. Quamqua certe dum in fubfidiorum inopiam, dum in afperitatem regionis & gentis mores, dum in difficultates rerum, & colonioe conftituendae, dum in mille pericula obicefq3 vel maris vel homi- num intendimus, fomnium & idea Platonica videtur quod conamur. Demonftrarem hoc figillatim, nifi hoc effet cum Hebrasis exploratoribus magis pro hu- manis viribus, quam pro diuino auxilio, nee minus ex [36] animi languore, quam ex rei veritate dicere: Terra haec deuorat habitatores fuos; nos locuftae fumus, ciim hie monftra fint de genere Giganteo. Sed enim tamen, quanticunque fmt hi Gigantes, prae-
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 103
perils so miraculously escaped by our vessels, so would it be to speak of the many sufferings of those who sojourn here. We make no complaint of having to drink water ; as for bread, in less than six weeks the supply ran so short that now no more is allowed for a week than formerly for a single day. We are await- ing a ship that is to bring supplies. In the mean- time, as Bakers and Artisans, a great and ancient qual- ity withal, [35] we continue living here, but we have each fallen seriously ill ; however, the Lord sustained us with his hand. For this did not last long, and whenever one of us was sick the other was well. We feel, indeed, how great a burden it is to attend to all these household duties, in going for wood and water, in cooking, in washing and mending our clothes, in repairing our cabin, and in giving the necessary time and attention to other material cares. Thus our days and nights wretchedly slip away ; but the hope consoles and sustains us that God, who raises up those who are cast down, will some time in his mercy not despise our unworthiness. Though, certainly, when we consider our lack of resources, the trying nature of the country, and the manners of the natives, the difficulties incident to our undertaking and those incident to the establishing of a colony, the thou- sand perils and impediments interposed by the sea or by our fellow men, our enterprise seems but a dream and a Platonic idea. I might set forth all these things one by one, if this were not to imitate the Hebrew explorers, and rather with regard to our hu- man strength than to God's help, and no less through the [36] faintness of our own hearts than in accordance with the truth of things, to say: "This land devours its inhabitants ; we are locusts, while there are here monsters of the race of Giants." But yet, however
104 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
ualebit ille Dauid in funda & lapide, qui conculcat terrain in fremitu fuo, & in furore obftupefacit gen- tes; ille Iesvs hominum Seruator, qui benefacit ter- ram & perficit earn, quantumcunque infirmata fit; ille vero, ille, vti fperamus, benignitatis ac potentiae fuae ducet effe, vt quod vaticinatus eft Ifaias, Exult et folitudo & floreat Jicut lilium : quemadmodum fapien- tise pariterq3 potentiae fuae reputauit id, quod cer- nimus, vt cultimma imperia, atque omnibus elata viribus, & gloria, fuae cruci atque humilitati fubiuga- rentur. Amen ita fit. Atque hoc noftrum votum adiuuent comprecatione fua ccelites omnes, atque in primis ccelitum Regina & praefes; adiuuet Ecclefia vniuerfa, fpeciatimque Ecclefiae pars ilia, cui Pater- nitas veflra nutu diuino iam diu prseeft, Societas, votum meum; adiuuet oro atque obfecro [37] Pater- nitas veftra omni ope, fuamque nobis ad id benedic- tionem pijlfimam, fi placet, largiatur. E portu Re- gali in noua Francia vltimo die Ianuarij Anni
CID.I3C.XI.
Vefircu Patcrnitatis filius ac
fcnius indignus
Petrvs Biardvs.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 105
great these Giants be, that David with the sling and stone shall prevail against them, even he who tramples the earth under foot in his anger, and in his rage strikes terror into the senses of men ; that Jesus, the Savior of mankind, who blesses the world and leads it toward perfection in spite of all its short- comings; he, even he, as we hope, will deem it a thing worthy of his love and his power that, as Isaiah prophesied, The solitude should exult and blossom like a lily ; even as he deemed it good in his wisdom and his power that, as we see, the most civilized em- pires in the height of power and glory should receive the yoke of his cross and his humility. Amen, so be it. And may all heaven with its prayers further this, our hope, and above all the glorious Queen of heaven ; and my own prayers be aided, too, by the universal Church and especially by that portion of the Church over which, in accordance with God's will, your Reverence has so long presided — the So- ciety; and I also pray and beseech [37] your Rever- ence to further it with all possible aid, and to be pleased to bestow on us toward this end in all charity your benediction. From port Royal, in new France, the last day of January, 1 6 1 1 .
The son and unworthy servant of Your Reverence
Pierre Biard.
L06 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol. 9
Index rerum ac nominum nunc primum huic £piftolae adjundtus
ACADIA, duo Societatis Sacerdotes illuc mijji funt . . . . . iii
et ibi prcvcniunt . . . .26
Aigonquini gerunt bella perpetua cum Trocofiis . 9
t rib us Nova Francia . . ■ .11
et Montague fit iunrti, rnulto plus mille capitum numerate non pojfunt . . 13
Anthropophagi > Excominqui et Armonchiqui pcrhi-
bentur ejfe . . • • . o, 14
Aquitanid euocatus, Sacerdos ad Novam Franciam fnroficifcitur ..... , Xrmonchiqui terra m pojjidcnt a fiuvio Kinibequi vfque
ad quadragefimum gradum . . .11
Anthropophagi perhibentur . . • l4
Automoinos, vel venefieost Barbari con/uiunt . 14
Faia Fundi], vide. Sinus FrancicMS. Bapti/mum velut fignum confeederationis cum Galiis
irbari accipiunt . . • • -4
Barbari i vfiratu carent [40] . 13
Barbari quomodo vivnnt . . . 13
bella populatim gerunt . . • l4
nee templa nee odes facras habent . 1 5
cunt corpore memoriam ac nomen mortuorum
fepeliunt . . . • .10
unit in coin nt . . . .16
ucm cosrnitionem Dei habent . .16
O
nulli in Galliam deuehuntur et ibi baptisantur 2 3 . :tu)n in Novo* Francia baptizati funt . 24
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 107
An index of matters, persons and places now for the first time added to this Letter
[Figures refer to original pagination. — Ed.]
ACADIA, tzvo priests of the Society arc sent . thither . . . . . iii
and arrive there . . . .26
Algonquins wage perpetual war with the Irocois . 9 a tribe of New France . . .11
and the Montagnais together cannot much exceed a thousand in number . . 13
Cannibals, the Excomniiniqui and Armouchiquois .
are said to be . . . . . 9, 14
Aquitaine, a Priest departs for Nezv France, sum- moned from . . . . .20
Armouchiquois occupy the region from the Kinibequi
river to the fortictJi parallel . . .11
are said to be Cannibals . . .14
Autmoins, or medicine-men, the Savages consult . 14
Bay of Fundy, vide French Bay.
Baptism is accepted by the Savages as a sign of con- federation with the French . . .24
Savages, they have neither laivs nor magistrates [40] 1 3
Savages, hozv they live . . . 13
wage war as a ivholc people . . .14
have neither temples nor sacred edifices . 1 5
bury the name and memory of the dead with
their bodies . . . . .16
worship the Evil Spirit . . .16
have a slight notion of God . . .16
some brought to France and baptized there . 2 3
a hundred are baptized in New France . 24
108
LES RELATIONS DES fESUITES [Vol. 2
velut fignum con feeder at ionis cum Gallis bap t if mum accipiunt
Gallos Nortmannos appellant .
canes immolant cum mors cuivis fuorum appro pinquet ....
Barbarorum Novce Francice tribuum nomina
Nova; Francia numeri ac nomina . 1 1
pelles unicus thefaurus
vultus color ct mores .
in quo con ft at religio .
in conviviis confuetudo
infantes baptizantur
P. Biardus invifit cafulas Bella Bar bar i populatim gerunt Biardus, P. Pctrus, in Acadia mittitur
cafulas Barbarorum invifit
magnam Norumbcgce part um lit fir at .
quemdam iuvenem D. Potrincurtio reconciliat Biencurtius, Joannes, colonos pro Nova Francid de-
pofcit .
(vide Potrincurtiits.) Biencurtius D. Potrincurtij filius, intcrpretis vices
gerit .....
magna in Norembcgce partem cum P. Biardo lufirat [41] Cacodcemonem Bar bar i colunt Canada, Irocofii degunt ad capita mag 11 i fin minis .
S. Ioannis fiiimen orfiini fititm habet propemo-
dum or a flu minis ....
Canes, Barbari imminent c morte affueti funt imlare
Patres Societatis Jiunc morcm increpant Canoes c corticc compinguntitr Chorographiam Nova Francice P. Biardus proponit
mitt ere .....
24 25
28 9
, n 12
13
17 27
33 14
iii
33
32 34
20
3i
32
19
9
10 28 29
17
18
1612-14]
THE JESUIT RELA TIONS
109
receive baptism as a sign of confederation with the FrencJi .
call the French Normans
sacrifice dogs when one of their people is about to die ....
Savages of New France, names of the tribes
of New France, their numbers and ?iamcs
hides their only treasure
their faces, color, and manners
in what their religion consists .
their custom at tJieir feasts
infants baptized
Father Biard visits their huts . Wars, the Indians wage war as a people Biard, Father Pierre, is sent to Acadia
visits the huts of the Savages .
explores a large part of Norumbcga
reconciles a certain young man with Monsieur de Potrincourt Biencourt,Jean dc, asks for colonists for New France
vide Potrincourt. Biencourt, son of Potrincourt, serves as interpreter
explores with Father Biard a large part of Norumbcga [41] . Evil Spirit, the Savages worship the Canada, the Irocois live at the head-waters of the
great river of .
the St. John river takes its rise near the river of . Dogs, the Savages at the approach of death are ac- customed to sacrifice ....
the Fathers of the Society blame this custom Canoes constructed out of bark Chart of New France, Father Biard proposes to send
24 25
28
9
11. 13
12
13
14
17 27
33 14 iii
33
32
34 20
3i
32 19
10
28 29
17 18
110 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 2
Choucao'et brachium eft terra? quod finum Francicum
excipit . . . . .11
Color Barbarorurn . . . . .13
Conviviorum apud Barbaras confuctudo . .17
Co ton us P. veniam obtinet ut Socictas Iefv in Nova
Franc id labor et . . . .19
Dei, Bar bar i habent tenuetn cognitioncm . .16
Dieppam, duo Iefuita cunt ad confeendendum . 20
et folvunt ab hac portu . . .22
Ethcminquenfes inter S. Ioannis et Kinibcqui fluvios
habitant . . . . .10
tribus Nova Francics . . . .11
millc capita numerarc non poffunt . .13
Excominqui fcra gens eft et Anthropophaga . 9
Excommunicati, nomen vulgus E xcominquorum . 9
tribus Nova Francia? . . . 9, 1 1
Anthropophagi pcrhibentur . . 14
Expofitio feu capita hujufce Epiftoles . . 6
Flumina Nova Francia . . . 9, 10
Famina apud Barbaros . . . .16
locum mancipii tenet . . . .17
Francici finils pofitio [42] . . . .10
Galli, qua regio ab illis Nova Francia ufurpatur .
Nova Francia regionem non incolant . .19
Galliam, Barbari devehuntur et baptizantur . 23.
Gallis, Irocofii et Arvwnchiqui non multum noti funt 1 1 Gallorum numcrus in Acadia . . .25
Geographi antiqui erroribus pleui . . .7
Guerchevilia, Marchionifa, pro Patribus Societatis . navem emit ..... Gurges S. Laurcntii ....
Harctici in navem Icfuitas recipcrc nolunt . Hcnricus Rex, veniam dat Societati in Nova Francia
labor andi, . . . . .19
21
9 20
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 111
Chouacoet is a promontory jutting into French bay . 1 1 Color of the Savages . . . 1 3
Feasts, customs of , among the Savages . 17
Colon, Father, obtains permission for the Society of
Jesus to labor in Nezv France . . .19
God, the Savages have a slight knoivlcdge of .16
Dieppe, two Jesuits go there to embark . . 20
and sail from this port . . .22
Etheminqui, live between St. John and Kinibequi
rivers . . . . . .10
a tribe of New France . . .11
cannot number a thousand . . 1 3
Excominqui, a fierce tribe, a)td Cannibals . . 9
Excommunicated, the, common appellation of the
Excominqui . . . . .9
a tribe of New France . . .9,11
are said to be Cannibals . . .14
Explanation, or heads of this Letter . . 6
Rivers of New France . . . . 9, 10
Women among the Savages . . . .16
fill the place oj slaves . . . .17
French bay, its position, [42] . . .10
French, what country is called by them New France 8 do not settle in the country oj Nezv France . 19 France, Savages brought there and baptised . 23
French, the Irocois and Armouchiquois little known to 1 1 French, their number in Acadia . . .25
Geographers, old, Jull oj errors . . .7
Guercheville, Marchioness de, buys a ship for the
Fathers of the Society . . . .21
Gulf of St. Lawrence . . . .9
Heretics refuse to receive the Jesuits into their ship . 20 Henry, King, gives the Society permission to labor
in Nezv France . . . .19
112
LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES
[Vol. 2
mortuus eft . . . . .20
Infantes Barbarorum baptizati . . .27
Infula Prcefeutis, Terra Nova Barbaris appellatnr . 9 Infulce in Nova Francia frequentes flint . .12
Irocofii ad capita magni flu minis Canada iacent . 9
perpctua bella cum Montagncfiis et Algonquiniis gcrunt . . . . -9
tribus Novce Francice . . . .11
Iflhmum, gurgcs S. Laurentii et finus Francicus
efficiunt . . . . .10
Kinibequi flumen. vide Rimbcqui.
Latitudo Novce Francice . . . .8
Leucas quingentas IflJimus continet . . .10
Lingua indigenarum Patres Societatis ignari . 27
Majfceus, P. Enemundus, in Acadiam mittitur . iii
Mediccea Maria, regina regens, Societati Iefv patro-
cinatur . . . . .20
mandat ut Patres in navem recepti fint ^[43] . 21 Membcrtou, Hcnricus, Sagamus Soricorum, cumfamil-
ia ejus, baptizatur . . . .24
fl/ius ejus cEgrotus deportatus eft in cedes D.
Potrincurtii . . . 28, 29
Sagamus, moritur . . . .30
magna pompd fcpulitur . . .32
Moluarum, Terra nova celcberrima pifcatu . . 9
Montagnejii, ubi habitant . . . .9
tribus Novce Francics . . . .11
Montcs Novce Francice nivofi et pcrpetub rigentes flint 12 Mores Barbarorum . . . . 13, 16
Mortuorum memoriam ac nomen Barbari cum corpore
fcpcliunt . . . . .16
Nomina Barbarorum Novce Francice . .9
Nortmannos, Barbari Gallos appellant . 25
Norumbega nihil eft quam umbra et vox . . &•
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 113
his cleat Ji . . . . .20
Infants of the Savages baptized . . 27
Is/and of Prczsentis \Plaisancc\, Newfoundland is
called by the Indians . . . .9
Islands are numerous in New France . .12
Irocois located at sources of great river of Canada 9 wage perpetual war with the Montagnais and
Algonquins . . . . .9
a tribe of Netv France . . .11
Isthmus, gulf of St. Lawrence and French bay form 10 Kinibequi river, vide Rimbcqui.
Latitude of New France . . . .8
Leagues, the Isthmus measures five hundred . 10
Language of the natives, the Fathers ignorant of it . 27 Masse, Father Ennemond, sent to Acadia . . iii
Medicis, Marie de, queen regent, extends her favor
to the Society of Jesus . . .20
orders the Fathers to be received into the ship [43] 2 1 Membertou, Henry, chief of the Soriquois, is bap- tized with his family . . . .24 his son being sick, is carried to the house of
Monsieur de Potrincourt . . 28, 29
the Chief dies . . . . .30
is buried with great pomp . . 32
Cod-fish, Newfoundland celebrated for the taking of 9
Montagnais, where they dwell . . .9
a tribe of New France . . .11
Mountains of Nezu France are covered with snow and
perpetual frost . . . .12
Manners of the Savages . . . 13,16
Dead, they bury their memory and name with them 16 Names of the Savages of New France . . 9
Normans, the Savages call the French . 25
Norumbega is only a shadow and a name . . 8
114
LES RELATIONS DES J A 'SUITES [Vol. 2
Norumbcgce P. Biardus magnam partem hiftrat Nova Francia, qua fit regio
numeri ac nomina tribnum Barbarorum in
quare rcgio perfrigida cfl ct valde aquofa
Societas Iefv permifftoncm obtinct laborarc in Nova; Francio? chorographia a P. Biardo facienda Novam Franciam Patres Societatis appellunt ad Numerus Gallorum in Acadia Panis in Portu-regali ccepit deficere . Patres Societatis Iefv in Portu-regali degunt
ncccffitatcs ac oner a com in Peduuculos Barbari in deliciis habent Pcllcs unicus tlicfaurus Barbarorum Pontia, Antonia. vide Guerchevilia. Potugoet fluvius [44] Portus-rcgalis latitudo ac fitus
Patres Societatis ibi perveniunt Potrincitrtius, D. Joannes, colonos pro Nova Francid
pofcit
in Novam Franciam perveuit .
familia ejus unica eft in Acadia
Patrnm fedulitatem collaudat .
filius cegrotus Membcrtou deportatus eft in aides ejus Potrincurtio D. quidam iuvenis reconciliatus cfl Prcefcntis infula Promontorium Sabulorum . Fuel la baptizatur
moritur in Saccrdotum tuguriolo Religio Barbarorum Rimbequi (feu potius Kiiiibcqui) flumen Sacerdos fecularis centum fere Bar bar os in Nova
Francid baptizat
in Galliam remigrat .
32
8
1 1
12
19 18
24
25 34 10
35 18 12
10 10 26
20
24
25 27
29 34
9 11
27
28
14 10
24 26
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 115
Norumbega, Father Biard explores a large part of New France, what sort of a country
number and names of its Savage tribes
why the country is very cold and wet
Society of Jesus obtains permission to labor in New France, its chart to be made by Father Biard New France, the Jesuit Fathers land in Number of the French in Acadia Provisions at Port Royal become scarce Priests, the Jesuit, live at Port Royal
their needs and cares . Lice, the Indians regard them as a dainty . Peltries, the only treasure of the Indians Pons, Antoinette de, vide Gucrcheville. Potugoet river [44] Port Royal, latitude and location
the Jesuit Priests arrive here . Potrincourt , Sieur Jean de, asks for colonists for
New France ....
arrives in New France
his family is the only one in Acadia
praises the zeal of the Fathers .
the sick son of Membertou is brought to his house 29 Potrincourt , Sieur de, certain young man reconciled
with ..... PrcFsentis [Plaisance'] island Sable, Cape ....
Girl baptized ....
dies in the cabin of the Priests Religion of the Savages Rimbequi (or rather Kinibequi) river Secular Priest, baptizes nearly a hundred Savages in
New France . . . . .24
returns to France . . . .26
32
8
11
12
19 18
24
25 34 10
35 18 12
10 10 26
20
24
25 27
34
9 11
27
28
H 10
;;/ in hanc pro
116 LES RELATIONS DES fESUITES [Vol.2
Sagami flint bellorum duclores fed imperium eonim
precarium eft . . . 13
6". Ioannis fiumen fefe in Francicum gurgitcm
exonerat S. Lanrcntii gurges Sinus Francicus Societas Iefv, quanam via miffionc
vinciam obtinet
permittitur in Nova Francid laborare .
evocat duos Sac er dotes ut ibi proficifcantur
impedimenta quce eis afferuntur
pat res in Porhim-regalem pcrveniunt . 24, 26
(vide Patres). Somniis Barbari fidcm habent [45] . . . 15
Soricorum Sagamus Henricus Membertou . .28
Soriqui ubi habitant . . . . IO
tribiis Nova Francice . . . .11
duo millia non conficiunt . . 13
Tabagia, convivium apud Bar bar os vocatur . .17
Tabagiam, apud Barbaros mos eft moribundis facere 28
10
9 10
18
l9 20
21
Templa nulla Barbari habent
Terra nova, nomcn fuum apud Barbaros
Tuguriola fee mince cedificant
quomodo czdificantur Venefici apud Barbaros
pot eft as eorum Vultus Barbarorum
15
9
17
18
14 15 13
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 117
Sagamores are leaders in war, but their authority
is precarious . . . 13
St. John river empties into French bay . .10
St. Latvrence, gulf of . . .9
French Bay . . . . .10
Society of Jesus, in what way it obtained the sending
of a mission to this province . . .18
is permitted to labor in New France . .19
summons two Priests to go there . . 20
the impediments put in their way . .21
the fathers arrive at Port Royal . 24, 26 vide Priests.
Dreams, the Savages have faith in [45] . 15
Soriquois, their Sagamore Henry Member toil . 28
where they live . . . .10
a tribe of New France . . .11
do not number two thousand . . 13
Tabagie, feast among the Indians is called . 1 7 Tabagie, a custom among the Savages held for the
dying . . . . . .28
Temples, the Savages have none . . 1 5
Newfoundland, its name among the Savages . 9
Tents, the women set them up . , 17
how they arc constructed . . .18
Medicine-men among the Indians . . .14
their power . . . . .15
Aspect of the Indians . . . 13
Oh
A. Le liet
B. Iardin
C. Allee i
Sieu
D. Ideal
E. entree
XI
Lescarbots Relation Derniere
de ce qui s'est Passe au Voyage du Sieur de
Poutrincourt
PARIS: JEAN MILLOT, 1612
SOURCE : Reprinted from original in Harvard College
Library.
«*
JLV JLj JL-/ JlIl. Jt JL v_*/ JL x
DERNIERE
DECE QVI SEST
PASSE' AV VOYAGE
DV SIEVR DE POVTRINCOVRT
en la Nouuelle- France
depuis 2o«,mois enca.
PdY Marc Lescarbot ^Aduoc^ en Parlement.
V
6?*&A
A PARI S,
Chez Iean Millot., deuanr S.Barthelerayaux troisCouronncs* j
JW. T> C X 1 1.
AYEC PRIVILEGE DY ROY^
LAST RELATION
OF
WHAT TOOK PLACE
IN THE VOYAGE MADE
BY SIEUR DE POUTRINCOURT
to New France, twenty
months ago.
By Marc Lescarbot, Advocate in Parliament.
PARIS:
Jean Millot, opposite St. Barthelemy, at the Three Crowns.
M D C XII.
BY ROYAL LICENSE.
124 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
Relation Derniere de ce qvi s'est passe av voy- age dv fieur de Poutrincourt en la Nou- uelle-France depuis 20. mois enca.
PREFACE.
LE proverbe ancien eft bien veritable, que les Dieux nous vendent toutes chofes par labeur. Ceci fe reconoit par experience ordinaire en plufieurs chofes, mais particulierement au fait duquel nous avons a parler: auquel donne fujet par fes in- comparables vertus le fieur de Poutrincourt, de qui les labeurs plus que Herculeans ont des y a long temps merite vne bien ample fortune, & y euft donne attainte au temps de nos troubles derniers, s'il n'euft efte trop entier a maintenir le party qu'il auoit em- braffe. Car le Roy le tenant en perfonne affiege dans le chateau de Beaumont [4] lui voulut donner le Com- te dudit lieu pour fe rendre a fon fervice. Ce qu'ay- ant refufe, il le fit toutefois peu apres gratuitement voyant fa Majeste reduit a l'Eglife Catholique Ro- maine. Vray eft que noftre feu Roy Henri le Grand l'auoit oblige en vne chofe, c'eft d'avoir rendu par fa bouche ce temoignage de lui, qu'il eftoit vn des plus hommes de bien, & des plus valeureux de fon roy- aume. Suiuant quoy auffi apres noz guerres paffees, lui qui naturellement eft porte aux entreprifes dini- ciles, fuiant la vie oifive, auroit recherche l'occafion de faire plus que devant paroitre fon courage, honorer fon Prince, & illuftrer fa patrie. Ce qu'il auroit fait
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 125
Last Relation of what took place in the voyage
made by sieur de Poutrincourt to New
France, twenty months ago.
PREFACE.
THE old proverb is true that the Gods sell us all things for work. This may be recognized in many of the ordinary events of life, but espe- cially in the matter of which we are about to speak, and for which we have a subject in the incomparable virtues of sieur de Poutrincourt, whose more than Herculean labors have for a long time deserved a very ample fortune, which he might have succeeded in acquiring during our late struggles, had he not been too entirely devoted to the party which he had embraced. For the King, holding him besieged in person in Beaumont castle, [4] wished to give him the County thereof to attach him to his service. Re- fusing the gift at this time, he nevertheless accepted it freely soon afterwards, when he learned that his Majesty had embraced the faith of the Roman Catho- lic Church. It is true that our late King Henry the Great had rendered him one service ; that is, he had testified with his own lips that he was one of the most honorable and valiant men in his kingdom. Again, after our recent wars, being naturally attracted to difficult enterprises and shunning a life of idle- ness, he sought some occasion to more effectually show his courage, to honor his Prince, and to glorify his country. This he did by meeting sieur de
126 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.2
par la rencontre du fieur de Monts, lequel en l'an 1603. entreprenoit le voyage de la France Nouvelle & Occidentale d'outre mer, auec lequel il fe ioignit pour y reconoiftre vne terre propre a habiter & y rendre fervice a Dieu & au Roy. A quoy il a depuis travaille continuellement & euft defia beaucoup avance l'ceuvre, fi fa facilite ne fe fuft trop flee a des hommes trompeurs, qui lui ont fait perdre fon temps & fon argent. Voire encore eftant Gentiihomme in- domtable a la fatigue, & fans crainte aux hazars, il fe pourroit promettre vn affez prompt avancement a fon entreprife s'il n'efioit trouble par 1' avarice de ceux qui lui enlevent la graiffe de fa terre fans y faire habitation, & avides des Caftors de ce pais la y vont expres pour ce fujet, & ont fait a l'envi l'un de l'autre que chacune peau de Caflor (qui eft le traffic le plus [5] prefent de ces terres) vaut icy auiourd'hui dix liures, qui fe pourroit bailler pour la moitie, fi le com- merce d'icelles eftoit permis a vn feul. Et au moyen de ce pourroit prendre fondement la Religion Chre- ftienne par dela ; comme certes elle y auroit efte fort avancee, fi telle chofe euft efte faite. Et la confide- ration de la Religion & de l'eftabliffement d'un pais dont la France peut tirer du profit & de la gloire, me- rite bien que ceux qui l'habitent iouiffent pleinement & entierement des fruits qui en proviennent, puis que nul ne contribue a ce deffein pour le foulagement des entrepreneurs, lefquels au peril de leurs vies & de leurs moyens ont decouvert par dela tant les orees maritimes, que le profond des terres, ou iamais aucun Chretien n'avoit efte. II y a vne autre consideration que ie ne veux mettre par ecrit, & laquelle feule doit faire acccrder ce que deffus a ceux qui fe prefentent
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 127
Monts,13 who, in the year 1603, undertook the voyage to New and Western France beyond the sea ; and by associating himself with him, to find a suitable place where he could settle down, and there render service to God and the King. To this end he has labored continually ever since, and would have already great- ly advanced the work, had not his amiable nature been imposed upon by dishonest men, who have been the cause of great losses to him in time and money. But, as he was a Gentleman not to be conquered by hardships, and fearing no dangers, he might have been sure of prompt advancement in his work had he not been hindered by the greed of those who robbed him of the fat of his lands, without making any set- tlement there. These people, eager to get the Beaver skins of that country, go there for no other pur- pose ; and so compete with each other, that they have caused every Beaver skin (which is the chief traffic [5] of these regions) to be worth here to-day ten livres, when they might have been sold for one-half that price, if the traffic therein had been limited to one person. In this way the Christian Religion might have also been established there ; and it cer- tainly would have been greatly advanced, if such a course had been pursued. Also for the sake of Re- ligion and of permanent colonization, from which France can derive both profit and glory, it is well that those who settle there should enjoy fully and wholly the advantages guaranteed by them ; since no one does anything in this direction for the sake of the leaders of the enterprise, who, at the risk of their lives and their fortunes, have discovered coasts and interior lands where no Christian had ever been. There is another consideration which I do not wish to set down in writing, and which alone ought to ob-
128 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.2
& offrent pour habiter & defendre la province, voire pour donner du fecours a toute la France de deca. C'a efte vne plainte falte de tout temps, que les con- fiderations particulieres ont mine les affaires du gene- ral. Ainfi. eft-il a craindre qu'il n'en avienne en 1' af- faire des Terres-neuves, fi nous la negligeons, & fi Ton ne fouftient ceux qui d'une refolution immuable f'expofent pour le bien, l'honneur, & la gloire de la France, & pour l'exaltation du nom de Dieu, & de fon Eglife.
[6] VOYAGE EN LA TERRE-NEUVE.
I'ay rapporte en mon hiftoire de la Nouvelle France ce qui eft des deux premiers voyages faits outre mer par le fieur de Poutrincourt. Ici i'ay a ecrire ce qui s'eft enfuiui es voyages fubfequens. Depuis quelques annees vne fucceffion lui eft echeue a caufe de Dame Iehanne de Salazar fa mere, qui eft la Baronnie de Sainct. Iuft en Champagne. Les rivieres de Seine & d'Aulbe rendent le lieu de cette Baronnie autant agre- able, que fort & avantageux a la defenfe. La au com- mencement de Fevrier mil fix cens dix il fit partie de fon equippage, y ayant charge vn bateau de meubles, viures, & munitions de guerre, voire tellement charge qu'il n'y reftoit que deux doigts de bord hors de l'eau. Cependant la riviere eftoit enflee & ne fe pou- uoit plus tenir en fon li(5t a caufe des longues pluies hivernales. Les flots le menacoient fouuent, les per- ils y eftoient prefens, mefmement es paffages de No- gent, Corbeil, Sainct. Clou, Ecorche-veau, & autres ou des bateaux perirent a. fa veue, fans qu'il fuft aucune- ment emeu d'apprehenfion. En fin il parvint a Di- eppe, & apres quelque fejour il fe mit en mer le 26.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 129
tain the above-mentioned privileges to those who present and offer themselves to settle and defend the province, and indeed to give assistance to the entire French colony over there. There has always been a complaint that affairs of general importance are ruined by giving too much attention to the considera- tion of personal interests. It is to be feared this may be the case in the affairs of the new World, if we neglect them, and do not encourage those who, with an unchangeable purpose, take great risks for the wel- fare, the honor, and the glory of France, and for the exaltation of the name of God, and of his Church.
[6] VOYAGE TO THE NEW WORLD.
I related in my history of New France what hap- pened in the first two voyages made by sieur de Poutrincourt to the lands beyond the sea. Here I shall give an account of what took place in the sub- sequent voyages. Some years ago an inheritance, the Barony of Sainct Just, in Champagne, fell to Sieur de Poutrincourt through his mother, Lady Jehanne de Salazar. The Seine and Aulbe rivers render the situation of this domain as beautiful as it is strong and eligible for defense. Here, in the be- ginning of February, one thousand six hundred and ten, he partly equipped his ship, loading it with fur- niture, provisions, and munitions of war; and, in- deed, so freighted it down that the sides were only two finger-lengths out of the water. Meanwhile, the river had risen until it could no longer be con- fined in its bed, on account of the long winter rains. Often threatened by floods and by imminent perils in the passages from Nogent, Corbeil, Sainct Clou, Ecorche-veau and other places, where vessels were wrecked before his eyes, he was not in the least
130 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
dudit mois de Fevrier. Plufieurs en cette ville la be- niffoient fon voyage, & prioient Dieu pour la prof- perite d'icelui. La faifon eftoit ru.de, & les vents le plus fouvent contraires. Mais on peut bien appeller vn [7] voyage heureux, quand en fin on arrive a bon port. lis ne furent gueres loin qu'ils rencontrerent a Forbaus vers le Cafquet vn nauire de Forbans,a lef quels voy- ce/ont ans iedit Sieur & fes gens bien refolus de fe defendre
Pyycit€S,
fi on les attaquoit, pafferent outre. Le 6. de Mars ils rencontrerent vnze navires Flamens, & fe faluerent l'vn l'autre de chacun vn coup de canon. Depuis le 8. iufques au 15. il y eut tempete, durant laquelle vne fois ledit Sieur eftant couche a la poupe, fut porte de fon lidt pardeffus la table au lidt de fon fils. Ce mau- b Su, c'efi vais temps les fit chercher leur route plus au Su,b & Midi. virent deux iles des Effores, Corbes, & Flore, la ou ils eurent le rafraichiffement de quelques Marfoins qu'ils prindrent. Et comme Fon dit que de la guerre vient la paix, Ainfi apres ces tourmentes ils eurent des calmes iufques au iour de Pafques Fleuries plus facheux que les tourmentes: car quoy qu'on foit en repos, il n'y a pourtant fujet de contentement : car les vivres fe mangent, & la faifon de bien faire fe paffe : bref vn grand calme eft fort mauvais fur la mer. Mais cela n'eft point perpetuel : & quelquefois (felon l'inconftance d'Eole) apres le calme fuit vn vent fa- vorable, tantoft vne tempete, comme il furvint vn peu apres (fcauoir le lendemain de Pafques) laquelle fit faire eau a la foute, qui eft le magazin du pain, ou bifcuit. Occafion que le Charpentier du navire vou- lant aller remedier au mal avenu, d'autant qu'en fai- fant ce qui eft de fon art il troubloit les prieres pub- liques qui fe faifoient du matin, ledit Sieur lui
1612-14]
THE JESUIT RELA TIONS
131
affected by fear. At last he arrived at Dieppe, and, after a sojourn there, he put to sea upon the 26th of this same month of February. Many people of that city wished him well in his voyage and prayed God for its success. The season was stormy, and contrary winds prevailed the greater part of the time. But we may indeed call a [7] voyage fortunate, which brings us at last safe into port. They were not far away when they met, in the direction of Casquet,14 a ship of Forbans,a who, seeing that the Sieur and *Forbans his crew were all ready to defend themselves if at- are pirates. tacked, sailed on past them. On the 6th of March they met eleven Flemish ships, and they saluted each other by a discharge of cannon. From the 8th to the 15th there was a tempest, during which the Sieur, who was lying down on the poop, was thrown from his bed, over the table, to that of his son. This bad weather made them turn their route more to the South, b where they saw two of the Essores islands, Corbes and Flore ; and there they had some fresh food by catching a few Porpoises. And as, according to the old saying, peace follows war, so, after these storms, there were calms more trying than the tem- pests, until Palm Sunday; for then, although there was rest, there was no satisfaction in it, for the food was being consumed and the good season was pass- ing away; in short, a great calm is a very harmful thing upon the sea. But it does not last always ; and sometimes (according to the fickle moods of ^olus) after the calm comes a favorable wind, sometimes a tempest ; as happened shortly afterwards (namely, the day after Easter), and this caused a leak in the soute, which is the storeroom for bread or biscuit. Now the ship's carpenter, who went to repair the leak, while doing what his trade demanded, inter-
b South,
that is,
Meridian.
332
LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol. 2
Peril d'vn charpen-
tier.
"Voy
VHiJl. de
la Nonv.
France
liv. 4.
chap. 12.
c An me Hie
liv.
ch. 7.
d Ceremo- nies de funerailles.
commanda [8] de befongner par le dehors, la ou eftant alle il trouva le Gouvernail rompu (chofe dangereufe) lequel voulant aller racontrer, comme il eftoit a fa be- fongne,a il tomba de fon echaffaut dedans la mer. Et bien vint que le temps f eftoit ammodere: car au- trement c' effort vn homme perdu. Mais il fut garenti par la diligence des matelots, qui lui tendirent vne corde, par laquelle il fe fauva.
Le 1 1. de May la fonde fut iettee, & fe trouva fond a 80. b braffes: indice que Ton eftoit fur le Banc des Monies. La ils s'arreterent pour auoir le rafrai- chiffement de la pecherie foit des poiffons, foit des oifeaux qui font abondamment fur ledit Banc, ainfi que i'ay amplement decrit en madite Hiftoire de la Nouvelle France. Le Banc paffe, apres auoir foute- nu plufieurs vents contraires, en fin ils terrirent vers Pemptegoetc (qui eft l'endroit que noz Geographes marquent foubs le nom de Norombega) & fit dire la Meffe ledit Sieur en vne Ifle qu'il nomma de l'Afcen- fion, pour y eftre arrive ce iour la. De ce lieu ils vindrent a Sainte Croix premiere habitation de noz Frangois en cette cote, la oil ledit Sieur fit faire des prieres pour les trefpaffez qui y eftoient enterrez d^s le premier voyage du fieur de Monts en Fan 1603. & furent au haut de la riviere dudit lieu de Sainte Croix, ou ils trouverent telle quantite de Harens a. chaque maree, qu'il y en avoit pour nourrir toute vne groffe ville. En autres faifons il y vient d'autres poiffons. Mais lors c'eftoit le tour aux Harens. La mefme il y a des arbres d'inefiimable [9] beaute en hauteur & groffeur. Sur cette meme cote, devant qu'arriver au Port Royal d ils virent les ceremonies funebres d'un corps mort decede en la terre des ^Etechemins. Le
1612-14]
THE JESUIT RELA TIONS
133
fered with the public prayers which were being of- fered in the morning, and the Sieur commanded him [8] to do his work outside. He obeyed, and there found the Rudder broken (which is a very dangerous thing) ; wishing to readjust it, while he was engaged in the work,a he fell from his scaffolding into the sea. And it was well that the weather had moder- ated; for otherwise there would have been a man lost. But he was rescued by the efforts of the sailors, who threw him a rope by which he saved himself.
On the i ith of May, the sounding lead was cast, and bottom was found at 8o b fathoms ; a sign that they were upon the Codfish Banks. There they stopped to obtain fresh food, either fish or birds, which are abun- dant upon these Banks, as I have described fully in my History of New France. When the Banks were passed, after having encountered several contrary winds, at last they landed in the neighborhood of Pemptegoet,c (the place that our Geographers des- ignate by the name Norembega) ; 15 and the Sieur caused Mass to be said upon an Island, which he called Ascension, because they arrived there upon that day. Thence they came to Sainte Croix,16 the first settlement of our French upon this coast, where the Sieur had prayers offered for the dead who had been buried there since the first voyage made by sieur de Monts, in the year 1603. Then they went up the river Sainte Croix, where they found such a great number of Herrings at every tide, that they had enough to feed a whole city. During the other sea- sons there are other kinds of fish, but at that time it was the Herring season. Also there are trees there of [9] indescribable beauty, height, and grandeur. Upon this same coast, before reaching Port Royal, d they saw the funeral ceremonies over the corpse of a
a Peril of a car pot- ter.
b See His- tory of New France book 4. ch. 12.
c In the
same book
ch. 7.
cl Funeral c eremonies.
134 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [Vol.2
defundt eftoit couche fur vn ais appuye de quatre fourches, & fut couvert de peaux. Le lendemain ar- rive la grande affemblee d'hommes, lef quels dan- ferent a leur mode alentour du decede. Vn des an- ciens tenoit vn long baton, ou il y avoit pendues trois tetes de leurs ennemis; D'autres avoient d'autres marques de leurs vidtoires: & en cet etat chanterent & danferent deux ou trois heures, difans les loii- anges du mort au lieu du Libera que difent les Chre- tiens. Apres chacun lui fit don de quelque chofe, comme de peaux, chaudieres, pois, haches, couteaux, "Mat a- Heches, &Matachiaz & autres hardes Toutes lef- chiaz, ce qUelles ceremonies achevees, on le porta en fepulture
I on car ^^ ^ ^ l'ecart loin de la terre ferme. Et au par-
guans, ^
echarpes,&* tir de la tira ledit Sieur au Port Royal lieu de fon ha-
braffelets. bitation.
RELIGION.
Le fieur de Poutrincourt n'eut a-peine pris haleine apres tant de travaux, qu'il envoya chercher Member- tou premier & plus ancien Capitaine de cette contree, pour lui rafrechir la memoire de quelques enfeigne- mens de la Religion Chretienne que nous lui avions autrefois [10] donne, & l'inftruire plus amplement es chofes qui concernent le falut de l'ame, afin que cetui-ci reduit, plufieurs autres a fon exemple fiffent le meme. Comme de fait il arriva. Car apres avoir efte catechize, & les fiens avec lui, par quelque temps, il fut baptize, & vingt autres de fa troupe, le iour faindt Iehan Baptifte 1610. les noms def quels i'ay bL/v.j. enrolle en mon Hiftoire de la Nouvelle Franceb fe- ch. j. pa. ion qu'ils font ecrits au regiftre des baptemes de l'Eglife metropolitaine de dela, qui eft au Port Roy-
1612-14]
THE JESUIT RELA TIONS
135
savage who had died in the land of the Etechemins. The body was resting upon a plank supported by- four stakes, and covered with skins. The next day, a great crowd of men arrived, who performed their customary dances around the corpse. One of the old men held a long pole, upon which were dangling three of their enemies' heads; others carried other trophies of their victories ; and thus they continued to sing and dance for two or three hours, chanting the praises of the dead instead of the Libera of Christians. Afterwards each one made him a gift of some kind, such as skins, kettles, peas, hatchets, knives, arrows, * Matachiaz,11 and articles of apparel. When all these ceremonies were finished, they carried him for burial to an isolated island, far from the main- land. And, leaving there, the Sieur sailed for Port Royal, the place of his residence.
RELIGION.
Sieur de Poutrincourt had hardly taken breath after so many labors, when he sent for Membertou, chief and oldest Captain of this country, to refresh his memory in regard to some of the principles of the Christian Religion, which we had [10] previously taught him, and to instruct him more fully in things which concern the salvation of the soul ; so that, he being converted, many others might follow his ex- ample. As in truth it came to pass. For after hav- ing been catechized for some time, and his family with him, he was baptized, as were also twenty others of his company, upon saint John the Baptist's day, 1610. I have enrolled their names in my History of New France, b just as they are written over there in the baptismal register of the mother-Church, which is at Port Royal. The Pastor who accomplished this
a Matachiaz are neck- laces,
scarfs and bracelets.
b Book 5.
ch. 5. page 638.
130 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
al. Le Pafteur qui fit ce chef d'ceuvre fut Meffire Iefle Fleuclie natif de Lantage, diocefe de Langres,
» Miffion. homme de bonnes lettres, lequel avoit pris fa miffion a de Monfieur le Nonce du Saindt Pere Euefque de Rome, qui eftoit pour lors, & eft encore a Paris. Non qu'un Eueque Francois ne l'euft peu faire : mais ayant fait ce choix, ie croy que ladite miffion eft auffi bonne de lui (qui eft Eveque) que d'vn autre, encore qu'il foit etranger. Toutefois i'en laiffe la cofidera- tion a ceuq qui y ont plus d'intereft que moy, eftant chofe qui fe peut difpnter d'une part & d'autre, parce qu'il n'eft pas ici en fon diocefe. Ledit Seigneur Nonce, dit Robert Vbaldin, lui bailla permiffion d'ouir par dela les confeffions de toutes perfonnes, & les ab- foudre de tous peches & crimes non referves expref- fement au fiege Apoftolique; & leur enioindre des penitences felon la qualite du peche. En outre lui donna pouvoir de confacrer & benir des chafubles & autres vetemens facerdotaux, & des paremens d'au- tels, excepte [i i] des Corporaliers, Calices, & Patenes. C'eft ainfi que ie Pay leu fur les lettres de ce odtroy- ees audit Fleuclie premier Patriarche de ces terres la. Ie di patriarche, par ce que communement on l'appel- loit ainfi: & ce mot l'a deu femondre a mener vne vie pleine d'integrite & d' innocence, comme ie croy qu'il a fait. Or ces baptizailles ne furent fans *confeffion folennites. Car Membertou (& conf equemment b les
de Foy de autres) avant qu'eftre introduits en l'Eglife de Dieu. fit vne reconoiffance de toute fa vie paffee, confeffa fes peches, & renonca au diable, auquel il avoit fervi. La deffus chacun chanta le Te Deum de bon courage, & furent les canons tires avec grand plaiflr, a-caufe des Echoz qui durent audit Port Royal, pres d'un
Membertou.
1612-14]
THE JESUIT RELA TIONS
137
master-piece [chef d' aeuvre~\ was Messire Jesse Fleu- che, a native of Lantage, in the diocese of Langres; he is a scholarly man, and received his commission a from Monsieur, the Ambassador of the Holy Father, the Bishop of Rome, who was then, and is still, in Paris. Not that a French Bishop might not have given it to him ; but, as this one was chosen, I believe the said commission is as good from him (since he is a Bishop), as from another, although he is a stranger. However, I leave the consideration of this matter to those who have more interest in it than I have, it be- ing a question that admits of dispute on both sides, since here he is not in his diocese. This Ambassador, called Robert Ubaldin,18 gave him permission to hear confessions from all people over there, and to ab- solve them from all sins and crimes not strictly re- served to the Apostolic see ; and to impose upon them penances, according to the character of the sin. Furthermore, he gave him power to consecrate and bless the chasubles, and other priestly vestments, and the altar furnishings, except [i i] the Corporals, Chal- ices, and Patens. It is thus that I have seen it stated in the credentials granted to the said Fleuche, first Patriarch of those lands. I say patriarch, because that is what he was generally called: and this was an incentive to him to lead a life full of integrity and innocence, as I believe he has done. Now these baptismal ceremonies were not without solemnity. For Membertou (and consequently b the others), before being introduced into the Church of God, made an examination of all his past life, confessed his sins, and renounced the devil, whom he had served. Then each one joined heartily in singing the Te Datm, and there was a joyful discharge of cannon, so that the Echoes lingered in Port Royal
;i Commis- sion,
Confession of Mem- bertou.
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quart d'heure. C'eft vne grande grace que Dieu a fait a cet homme d'avoir receu le don de la Foy, & de la lumiere Evangelique, en l'age ou il eft parve- nu, qui eft a mon avis de cent dix ans ou plus. II fut nomme Henri du nom de noftre feu Roy Henri le Grand. D'autres furent nommez des noms du faindt Pere le Pape de Rome, de la Royne, & Meffei- gneurs & Dames fes enfans, de Monfieur le Nonce, & autres fignalez perfonnages de deca, lefquels on print pour parrins, comme ie l'ay ecrit en madite Hiftoire.a Mais ie ne voy point que ces parrins fe foient fou- venus de leurs filieuls, ni qu'ils leur ayent envoye aucune chofe pour les fuftenter, ayder, & encourager a. demeurer fermes en la Religion qu'ils ont receue: Car pour du pain on leur fera croire ce que Ton vou- dra, & peu a peu leur terre [12] eftant cultivee les nourrira. Mais il les faut ayder du commencement. Ce qu'a fait le fieur de Poutrincourt tant qu'il a peu, voire outrepaffant fon pouvoir il en a ieufne par apres, comme nous dirons ailleurs.
RETOUR EN FRANCE.
Trois femaines apres l'arrivee dudit Sieur en fa terre du Port Royal il avifa de renvoyer en France le Baron de fainct. lust fon fils aine, ieune Gentilhomme fort experiment^ a la marine, & lequel a cette occa- fion Monfieur 1' Admiral a honore du tiltre de Vice- Admiral en la mer du Ponant es cotes de dela. Car ayant a nourrir beaucoup d'hommes au moins l'efpace d'un an & plus, attendant vne cueillette de blez, il eftoit befoin d'une nouvelle charge de vivres & mar- chandifes propres au commun vfage tant de lui & des fiens, que des Sauvages. II le fit done partir le 8.
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nearly a quarter of an hour. God has shown great mercy in granting that this man should receive the gift of Faith, and the light of the Gospel, at the age to which he has attained, which is, I believe, one hundred and ten years, or more. He was named Henry, after our late King, Henry the Great. Others were given the names of the holy Father, the Pope of Rome, of the Queen, of my Lords and Ladies, her children, of Monsieur the Nuncio, and of other notable personages over here, who have been chosen as godparents, as I have written in my History. a » Page 6j8. But I do not see that these godparents have re- membered their children, nor that they have sent them anything to support, aid, and encourage them in remaining firm in the Religion which they have ac- cepted: for, if you give them bread, you can make them believe almost anything you wish ; when, little by little, their land [12] is cultivated, they will de- rive from it their support. But they must be assisted in the beginning. Sieur de Poutrincourt has done this as far as he was able, even going beyond his means, for which he fasted afterwards, as we shall relate elsewhere.
RETURN TO FRANCE.
Three weeks after the Sieur's arrival at his estates in Port Royal, he made up his mind to send back to France his eldest son, the Baron de sainct Just, a young Gentleman who is well versed in seamanship, and whom, upon this occasion, Monsieur the Admiral has honored with the title of Vice-Admiral of the Western ocean and its more distant coasts. For, be- ing obliged to furnish food for a great many men at least during the space of a year and more, while wait-
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Iuillet, ltd enioignant d'eftre de retotir dans quatre mois, & le conduifit dans vne Pinaffe, ou grande cha- louppe environ cent lieues loin. En cette faifon on a beau rire le long de la cote. Car il y a des iles en grand nombre vers le Cap Fourchu, & le Cap de Sable fi pleines d'oifeaux, qu'il ne faut qu'affommer & charger, & avec ce le poiffon y foifonne en telle forte, qu'il ne faut que ietter la ligne en mer & la re- tirer. La contrariete du vent les ayant plufieurs fois [13] contraint de mouiller l'ancre parmi ces iles, leur fit faire epreuve de ce que ie di. Ainfi ledit de faindl Iufl s'en alia rengeant la terre l'efpace de deux cens lieues, iufques a ce qu'il eut paffe l'ile de Sable, ile dangereufe pour eftre baffe & fans port affeure, fife a vingt lieues de la terre ferme vis a vis la terre de Ba- *Voy caillos. Le 28. de Iuillet il eftoit fur le Banca aux Hiftoirede Monies, la oil il fe rafraichit de vivres, & rencontra France plufieurs navires de noz havres de France, & vn An- Hv. 4. glois, d'oii il eut la premiere nouvelle de la mort de :hap. 12. n6tre grand Roy Henri. Ce qui le troubla & fa com- pagnie, tant pour l'accident fi funefte de cette mort, que de crainte qu'il n'y euft du trouble pardeca. Le Dimanche premier iour d'Aouft ils quitterent ledit Banc, le 20. eurent la veue de la terre de France, & le 21. entrerent dans le port de Dieppe.
AUANCEMENT DE LA RELIGION.
Comme le fieur de Poutrincourt fuivoit la cote con- duifant fon fils fur le retour, il trouva quelques Sau- vages de conoiffance en vne ile, ou ils f'eftoient ca- bannez, faifans pecherie: lef quels ayant aborde, ils en furent tout ioyeux : Et apres quelques propos tenus de Membertou, & des autres, & de ce qui s' eftoit paffe
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ing for the wheat crop, he needed a new supply of provisions and merchandise suitable for general use, both for himself and his people, and for the Savages. So he had him leave on the 8th of July, enjoining him to be upon his return voyage in four months; and he accompanied him in a Pinnace, or large boat, for about one hundred leagues. At this season it is pleasant to sail along the coast, for there are a great many islands in the neighborhood of Cape Fourchu 19 and Cape Sable, which are so full of birds, that all there is to do is to knock them down and reload; also, fish are so plentiful, that it is only necessary to throw out the line and draw it in. Contrary winds having several times [13] forced them to cast anchor among these islands, this gave them an opportunity of verifying what I have said. So sainct Just con- tinued to coast along for two hundred leagues, until he had passed Sable island,20 a dangerous place be- cause it is low and has no safe harbor ; it is twenty leagues from the mainland opposite the land of Ba- caillos.21 On the 28th of July, he reached the Codfish a » See His- Banks, where he obtained fresh food and met several tory °f New ships from our French ports, and one English ship, b k ' whence he received the first news of the death of , /,. J2. our great King Henry. This grieved him and his crew, on account of the sad circumstances surround- ing the death, and because they feared trouble might arise from it. Sunday, the first day of August, they left these Banks; on the 20th they sighted the land of France, and on the 2 1st entered the port of Dieppe.
PROGRESS OF RELIGION.
As sieur de Poutrincourt sailed along the coast, while accompanying his son upon his return, he found
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en leurs baptizailles, a il leur demanda s'ils vou- loient point eftre comme luy, & croire en Dieu pour eftre auffi baptizes; A quoy ils [14] s'accorderent apres avoir efte inftrnits. Et la deffus il les envoya au Port Royal pour eftre plus a loifir confirmes en la Foy & doctrine Evangelique : la oil eftans ils furent baptizes. Cependant ledit Sieur pourfuivoit fa route allant toujours avant le long de la cote, tant qu'il vint au Cap de la Heve, environ lequel endroit il laiffa aller a la garde de Dieu ledit fieur de fainct Iuft fon fils, & virant le cap en arriere cingla vers la rivi- ere dudit lieu de la Heve, qui eft vn port large de plus de deux lieue's & long de fix, cuidant y trouver vn Capitaine des long temps appelle Martin par noz Francois. Mais il fen eftoit retire, a-caufe de quel- que mortalite la furvenue par des maladies dyfente- riaques. Depuis, ledit Martin ayant entendu que le- dit Sieur lui avoit fait tant d'honneur que de Taller chercher, il le fuivit a. la pifte avec trente-cinq ou 40. hommes, & le vint trouver vers le Cap de Sable pour le remercier d'une telle vifite. Ledit Sieur homme ac- cort & benin le receut humainement, encores qu'au- paravant en l'an 1607. il y euft eu quelque colere contre lui, fur ce que paifant icelui Sieur par ledit lieu de la Heve foible de gens, & fe voyant environne de trois chaloupes de Sauvages pleines de peuple, il les fit ranger toutes d'un cote. Sur quoy ledit Martin ayant dit qu'il avoit done peur d'eux, il fut en danger de voir par effet que fa conclufion eftoit fauffe. A cette derniere rencontre ledit Martin fut careffe & in- vite a fe faire Chretien, comme Membertou, & b plu- fieurs autres: & [15] s'en aller au Port Royal pour y recevoir plus ample inftrudtion. Ce qu'il promit
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some Savages whom he knew, encamped upon an island and engaged in fishing; they were overjoyed at his arrival, and after some talk about Membertou and others, and about what had taken place at their baptism, a he asked them if they did not wish to be a Act of like him, to believe in God and be baptized : this they piety. [14] agreed to do after they had been instructed. And thereupon he sent them to Port Royal, where more time could be given to confirm them in the Faith and doctrines of the Gospel ; they went there and were baptized. Meanwhile the Sieur continued on his way, always following the coast, until he came to Cape de la Heve, near which place he consigned his son, sieur de sainct Just, to the care of God; and, veering around the cape, he sailed toward the river of la Heve, which forms a port more than two leagues wide and six leagues long, expecting to find there a Chief, whom the French had for a long time called Martin. But he had gone away, on account of the deaths which had occurred there from some form of dysentery. Afterwards, this Martin, having heard that the Sieur had done him the honor of coming to visit him, followed him up with thirty-five or forty men, and near Cape Sable overtook him and thanked him for this visit. The Sieur, who is a pleasant and agreeable gentleman, received him kindly; although some time before, in the year 1607, he had been somewhat angry at him, because when he, (the Sieur), with only a few men, was passing this same la Heve, seeing himself surrounded by three canoes full of Savages, he made them all get in line upon one side. Thereupon, Martin having remarked that the Sieur was afraid of them, the former was, in fact, in danger of seeing that his conclusion was wrong. At this last
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faire avec fa troupe. Et d'autant que les Sauvages ne vont iamais voir leurs amis les mains vuides, il alia a la chaffe, afin de porter de la venaifon audit lieu: & cependant ledit Sieur s'avance & va devant pour les Peril. y attendre. Mais etant environ le Cap Fourchu, c le voila porte d'un vent de terre droit a, la mer, & ce fi avant, qu'il fut fix iours fans aucune provifion de vivres (que de quelques oifeaux pris es iles, qu'il avoit de refte) & fans autre eau douce que celle qui fe re- cuilloit quelquefois dans les voiles: Bref fans rien voir que ciel & eau; & s'il n'euft eu vne petite bouf- folle il eftoit en danger d'eftre porte a la cote de la Floride par la violence des vents, des tempetes, & des vagues. En fin par fon induftrie & iugement il vint terrir vers l'ile fainte Croix, la oil Oagimont Capi- taine dudit lieu lui apporta des galettes de bifcuit qu'il avoit troquees avec noz Francois. Et dela eftant en lieu de conoiffance il traverfa la baye Fran- coife large en cet endroit de vingt lieue's, & vint au Port Royal cinq femaines apres fa departie oil il trouva des gens bien etonnes pour fa longue ab fence, & qui defia pourpenfoient vn changement qui ne pou- voit eftre que funefte. Ceft ainfi qu'au peril de fa vie, avec des fatigues & fouffrances incroyables il va ehercher des brebis egarees pour les amener a la ber- gerie de Iefus-Chrift, & accroitre le Royaume celefte. Que fi la converfion de ces peuples ne fe fait par mil- liers, il faut penfer [16] que nul Prince ou Seigneur n'a iufques ici affifte* ledit fieur de Poutrincourt, au- quel meme les avares vont ravir ce qui eft de fa pro- vince, & fa bonte fouffre cela, pour ne faire rien qui puiffe aigrir les grands de deca, encores que le Roy luy ayant donne la terre il puiffe iuftement empecher
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meeting, Martin was treated with great kindness, and invited to become a Christian like Membertou andb h Act of several others, and [15] to go to Port Royal to be piety. more fully instructed. He promised to do this and to bring all his company. And, as the Savages never go to visit their friends empty-handed, he went hunting, that he might get some venison for this occasion; meanwhile the vSieur went on ahead, in order to meet them there (i. e. at Port Royal). But near Cape Fourchu,c behold him carried by a » Peril. land breeze straight out to sea, and so far, that he was six days without food (except some birds caught upon an island, which he still had), and without other fresh water than what he could sometimes catch in the sails ; in short, seeing nothing but sky and water ; and if he had not had a small compass, he would have been in danger of being carried to the coast of Florida by the violence of the winds, the tempests, and the waves. At last, owing to his good judgment and energy, he was able to land near the island of sainte Croix, where Oagimont, Captain of the place, brought him some sea-biscuits, for which he had traded with the French people. And thence, being familiar with the place, he crossed French bay, about twenty leagues wide here, and reached Port Royal, five weeks after his departure. Here he found his people wondering greatly at his long absence, and al- ready meditating a change, which could not have been otherwise than disastrous. It is thus, at the peril of his life, and with incredible hardships and suffer- ings, he goes out to seek the lost sheep, to lead them back into the fold of Jesus Christ, and to add to the heavenly Kingdom. And if these people are not converted by the thousand, it must be remembered [16] that no Prince or Lord has, up to the present,
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qu'on ne hii enleve les fruits d'icelle, & qu'on n'entre dans fes ports, & qu'on ne lui coupe fes bois. Quand il aura de plus amples moyens il pourra envoyer des hommes aux terres plus peuplees, ou il faut aller fort, & faire vne grande moiffon pour 1 'amplification de l'Eglife. Mais il faut premierement batir la Repu- blique, fans laquelle l'Eglife ne peut eftre. Et pour ce le premier fecours doit eftre a cette Republique, & non a ce qui a le pretexte de piete. Car cette Re- publique eftant etablie, ce fera a elle a pourvoir a ce qui regarde le fpirituel. Retournons au Port Roy- al. La ledit Sieur arrive trouva Martin & fes gens baptizes, & tous portes d'un grand zele a. la Religion Chretienne, oyans fort devotement le fervice divin, lequel eftoit ordinairement chante en Mufique de la compofition dudit Sieur.
Ce zele s'elt reconu non feulement aux neophytes Chretiens, comme nous particulariferons cy-apres ; mais auffi en ceux qui n'eftoient point encore inities aux facrez myfteres de notre Religion. Car lors que ledit Martin fut baptize, il y en eut vn tout decharne, n'ayant plus que les os, lequel n'ayant efte en la com- pagnie des autres, fe porta, a toute peine, en trois cabannes [17] cherchant ledit Fleuches Patriarche pour eftre inftruit & baptize.
Vn autre demeurant en la baye faindte Marie a plus de douze lieues du Port Royal, fe trouvant ma- lade, envoya en diligence faire fcavoir audit Patri- arche qu'il eftoit detenu de maladie, & craignant de mourir, qu'il defiroit eftre baptize. Ledit Patriarche y alia, & avec vn truchement fit envers lui ce qui eftoit de*l'ofnce d'un bon Pafteur.
Quant aux Chretiens, vn defdits Sauvages neo-
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given any assistance to sieur de Poutrincourt ; the avaricious are even stealing from him the wealth of his province, and he permits this in his goodness, in order to do nothing that will exasperate the nobles over here; although, as the King has given him the land, he would be justified in refusing to others the fruits thereof, as well as entry into his ports, and the cutting down of his forests. When he has more ample means, he can send men into the more popu- lous districts, where they must go in strength, and reap a great harvest for the extension of the Church. But we must first establish the State, without which the Church cannot exist. And for this reason the first help should be given to this State, and not to what has the pretext of piety. For, when the State is founded, it will be its duty to provide for that which is spiritual. Let us return to Port Royal. When the Sieur arrived there he found Martin and his friends, baptized, and all strongly imbued with zeal for the Christian Religion, listening very devout- ly to divine service, which was usually sung to Music composed by the Sieur.
This zeal is noticeable, not only in the Christian neophytes, as we shall state more in detail hereafter ; but also in those who are not yet initiated into the sacred mysteries of Religion. For, as soon as Martin was baptized, there was one who was absolutely fleshless, having nothing left but bones, who, not having been with the others, dragged himself, with great suffering, through three cabins, [17] seeking the Patriarch Fleuches, to be instructed and baptized.
Another living at the bay saincte Marie,23 more than a dozen leagues from Port Royal, being sick, sent posthaste to the Patriarch, to let him know he was detained by sickness, and fearing that he might
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phytes ci-devant nomme Acoiianis, & maintenant Loth, f e trouvant malade, enuoya fon fils en diligence de phis de vingt lieues loin fe recommander aux pri- eres de l'Eglife: & dire que s'il mouroit il vouloit eftre enterre au cimetiere des Chretiens.
Vn iour le fieur de Poutrincourt eftant alle a la de- poui'lle d'un Cerf tue par Louis fils aine de Henri Membertou, comme au retour chacun f'eftoit embar- que en fa chaloupe & voguoit fur le large efpace de la riviere du Port Royal, avint que la femme dudit Louis accoucha, & voyans que 1' enfant eftoit de petite vie, ils crierent hautement a noz gens Tagaria, Taga- ria, c'eft a dire Venez ca, Venez 5a, fi bien que l'en- fant fut fur l'heure baptize par le Pafteur fufdit.
Cette annee il a couru par dela plufieurs maladies de dyfenteries, qui ont efte mortelles a ceux qui en eftoient attaints. Eft avenu que ledit Martin huit iours apres fon bapteme a efte frappe de ce mal, dont il eft mort. Mais [18] c'eft chofe digne de memoire que cet homme mourant avoit touiours le facre nom de Iesvs en la bouche. Et requit en ces extremites d'eftre enterre apres fa mort avec les Chretiens. Sur quoy il y eut de la difhculte. Car les Sauvages ayans encore de la reverence aux fepultures de leurs peres & amis, le vouloient porter au Cap de Sable a 40. lieues dudit Port. Ledit Sieur d' autre part le vouloit faire enterrer felon qu'il 1' avoit demande La deffus vn debat fe prepare. Car lefditz Sauvages prenans en main leurs arcs & fleches, vouloient emporter le corps. Mais ledit Sieur fit armer vne douzaine d'ar- quebuziers, qui l'enleverent fans refiftance, apres leur avoir remonftre quelle avoit efte 1' intention du dece- de, & qu' eftant Chretien il falloit qu'il fuft enterre"
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die, desired to be baptized. The Patriarch went to him, and, with the help of an interpreter, did for him what pertained to his office as a good Pastor.
As to the Christians, one of these Savage neophytes, previously named Acoiianis, and now Loth, becom- ing ill, sent his son with all speed more than twenty leagues distant, to request the prayers of the Church, and to say that, if he died, he wished to be buried in the Christian cemetery.
One day sieur de Poutrincourt went to see the dis- memberment of a Deer which had been killed by Louis, eldest son of Henry Membertou; and, when they had all embarked for their return and were rid- ing upon the waves of the broad river of Port Royal, it happened that the wife of Louis was delivered of a child ; and, seeing that it was short-lived, they cried loudly to our people, Tagaria, Tagaria, that is, "Come here, Come here." So the child was immediately baptized by the aforenamed Pastor.
This year the country has been visited, here and there, by dysenteric troubles, which have been fatal to those affected by them. It happened that Martin was stricken a week after his baptism with the dis- ease, and died thereof. But [18] it is worthy of being remembered that this dying man always had the sacred name of Jesus upon his lips. In his last mo- ments he requested that when he died he should be buried with the Christians. There was some trouble about this. For the Savages having still some rever- ence for the burial places of their fathers and friends, wished to take him to Cape Sable, forty leagues dis- tant from the Port. On the other hand, the Sieur wished to have him buried according to his request. Thereupon a dispute arose, and the Savages, seizing their bows and arrows, wanted to take away the
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avec fes femblables, comme en fin il ftit, avec les prie- res accoutumees en l'Eglife. Cela fait on leur bailla a tous du pain, & fen allerent contens.
Mais puis que nous fommes fur le propos des mala- dies & mortuaires, ie ne veux paffer fouz filence chofe que ie ne fcauoy pas, & laquelle pour ne 1 'avoir veu pratiquer, ie n'ay point ecrite en mon Hiftoire de la Nouvelle France. Celt, que noz Sauvages voyans vne perfonne languiffante de vieilleffe ou de maladie par vne certaine compaffion ilz lui avancent fes iours, lui remonftrent qu'il faut qu'il meure pour acquerir vn repos, que c'eft chofe miferable de touiours lan- guir, qu'il ne leur fert plus que de fardeau, & autres chofes femblables, par lefquelles ils font refoudre le patient a [19] la mort. Et lors ilz lui otent tous les vivres, luy baillent fa belle robbe de Caftors, ou d'autre pelleterie, & le mettent comme vn homme qui eft a demi couche fur fon lidt, lui chantans des lou- anges de fa vie paffee, & de fa conftance a la mort : A quoy il f 'accorde, & repond comme le Cygne fait fa derniere chanfon : Cela fait, chacun le laiffe, & f 'ef- time heureux de mourir pluftot que de languir. Car ce peuple eftant vagabond, & ne pouvant touiours vivre en vne place, ils ne peuvent trainer apres eux leurs peres, ou amis, vieillars, ou malades. C'eft pour- quoy ilz les traitent ainfi. Si ce font malades, ilz leur font premierement des incifions au ventre, defquelles les Pilotois, ou devins fuccent le fang. Et en quelque facon que ce foit, s'ilz voyent qu'un homme ne fe puiffe plus trainer, ilz le mettent en 1'eftat que deffus, & lui iettent contre le nombril tant d'eau froide, que la Nature fe debilite peu a peu, & meurent ainfi fort refolument & conflamment.
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corpse. But the Sieur placed a dozen arquebusiers under arms, who carried it off without resistance, after he had demonstrated to them that this had been the intention of the deceased, and that, being- a Chris- tian, he must be buried with his fellow-Christians ; and so he was, with the usual prayers of the Church. When this was done, they were all given some bread, and went away happy.
But as we are now on the subject of sickness and death, I do not wish to pass over in silence a custom which I did not know about, and which, never hav- ing seen practiced, I did not speak of in my History of New France. It is, that when our Savages see a person gradually failing from old age or sickness, through a certain compassion they hasten his death ; showing him that he must die to procure rest, that it is a wretched thing to languish from day to day, that he is only a burden to them, and offer other similar arguments, by means of which they make the sick man resolve to [19] die. And then they take away from him all food, give him his beautiful robe of Beaver or other fur, and place him in a half -reclin- ing posture upon his bed, singing to him praises of his past life, and of his fortitude in death ; to this he agrees, and replies with his last chant, like the Swan ; When it is finished, all leave him, and he considers himself happy to die rather than to linger on. For these people, being nomadic, and not being able to continue living in one place, cannot drag after them their fathers or friends, the aged, or the sick. That is why they treat them in this manner. If they are sick, they first make incisions into their stomachs, from which the Pilotois,23 or sorcerers, suck the blood. And, whatever the cause, if they see a man can no longer drag himself along, they put him in the condi-
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Ainfi en avoit-on fait a Henri Membertou, qui fe trouvoit indifpofe. Mais il man da au fieur de Pou- trincourt qu'il le vinft voir ce iour la, autrement qu'il eftoit mort. Au mandement ledit Sieur va trouver Membertou au fond du Port Royal a quatre lieues loin de fon fort, auquel ledit Membertou conte fon affaire, difant qu'il n'avoit point encore envie de mourir. Ledit Sieur le confole, & le fait enlever de la pour le mener avec lui. Ce qu'ayant fait, & arrive audit Fort, il lui fait preparer vn bon feu, le couche aupres fur vn bon lidt, le fait frotter, dorlotter, [20] & bien pen- fer, lui fait prendre medecine, d'oii s'enfuivit qu'au bout de trois iours voila Membertou debout, preft a vivre encore cinquante ans.
On ne peut arracher tout d'un coup les coutumes & facons de faire inveterees d'un peuple quel que ce foit. Les Apotres ni plufieurs fiecles apres eux ne l'ont pas fait, temoins les ceremonies des chandeles de la Chandeleur, les Proceffions des Rogations, les Feuz de ioye de la faindt Iehan Baptifte, l'Eau be- nite, & plufieurs autres traditions que nous avons en l'Eglife, lefquelles ont efte introduites a bonne fin, pour tourner en bon vfage ce que 1 on faifoit par abus. Ainfi iacoit que la famille de Membertou foit Chre- tienne, toutefois elle n'avoit efte encore enfeignee qu'il n'eft pas loifible aux hommes d'abbreger les iours aux vieillars, on malades, quoy qu'ilz penfent bien faire, mais faut attendre la volonte de Dieu, & laiffer faire fon office a la Nature. Et de verite vn Pafteur eft excufable qui manque a faire chofe dont il n'a connoiffance.
Vne chofe de meme merite avint en la maladie de Martin. Car on lui ietta de l'eau femblablement,
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 153
tion above described, and throw upon his navel so much cold water, that Nature weakens little by little, and thus he dies with great steadfastness and fortitude.
This is the way they had treated Henry Member- tou when he was sick. But he sent and asked sieur de Poutrincourt to come and see him that very day, otherwise he would be dead. At this request the Sieur went to seek Membertou at the farther end of Port Royal, four leagues away from his fort ; to him the said Membertou related his story, saying he did not care to die yet. The Sieur consoled him, and had him lifted up and taken away with him. Then, when they arrived at the Fort, he had a good fire prepared for him, and, placing him near it upon a good bed, had him rubbed, [20] nursed, well cared for, and doctored ; and the result was, at the end of three days, behold Membertou up and about, ready to live fifty years longer.
You cannot all at once eradicate the deep-rooted customs and habits of any people, whoever they may be. The Apostles did not do it, neither was it done several centuries after them ; witness the ceremonies of the candles on Candlemas, the Processions of the Rogation-days, the Bonfires of saint John the Bap- tist's day, the holy Water, and many other traditions that we have in the Church, which have been intro- duced for a laudable purpose, to convert to a good usage what had only been abused. So, although Membertou's family were Christians, nevertheless they had not yet been taught that it is not lawful for men to shorten the days of the aged, or sick, although they think they are doing right ; but rather that they must await the will of God, and leave Nature to do her work. And certainly a Pastor is excusable who fails to do things of which he has no knowledge.
154 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
pour ne le voir languir: & eftant malade comme le- dit Patriarche, & vn nomme de Montfort lui euffent pris a la chafCe & fait manger quelques tourtres, lef- quelles il trouva bonnes, il demandoit lors qu'on luy parloit de Paradis, fi Ton y en mangeoit: A quoy on lui repondit qu'il y auoit chofe meilleure, & qu'il y feroit content. Voila la fimplicite d'un peuple [21] plus capable de poffeder le royaume des cieux que ceux qui fcavent beaucoup, & font des ceuvres mau- vaifes. Car ce qu'on leur propofe, ilz le croyent & gardent foigneufement, voire reprochent aux noftres leurs fautes, quand ilz ne prient point Dieu avant & apres le repas: ce qu'a fait plufieurs fois ledit Henri Membertou, lequel affifte volontiers au fervice divin, & porte tou jours le figne de la Croix au devant de fa poitrine. Meme ne fe fentant affez capable de former des prieres convenables a Dieu, il prioit le Pafteur de fe fouvenir de lui, & de tous fes freres Sauvages bap- tizes. Depuis le dernier bapteme duquel nous avons fait mention, il y en a eu plufieurs autres du 14. & 16. d'Aouft, 8. & 9. d'Octobre 1. de Decembre 1610. Et en fomme ledit Pafteur fait eftat d'en auoir bap- tize fept vingts en vn an, aufquels ont efte impofez les noms de plufieurs perfonnes fignalees de pardeca, felon l'affection de ceux qui faifoient l'office de pa- rins, ou marines, lefquels ont bailie des nlleuls a ceux & celles qui enfuiuent.
ET PREMIEREMENT,
Monfieur le Prince de Conde. Monfieur le Prince de Conty. M. le Comte de Soiffons. M. le Due de Neuers. M. le Due de Guife.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 155
Something similar was done in Martin's sickness. For they threw water upon him in this way, in order not to see him linger along; during his sickness, when the Patriarch and a man named de Montfort had caught for him, and made him eat some wild pigeon, which he liked very much, he asked them, as they were speaking to him about Heaven, if there would be any wild pigeon there. To which they answered that there was something better there, and that he would be happy. Such is the simplicity of a people [21] more fit to possess the kingdom of heav- en than those who know a great deal, and whose deeds are evil. For they believe and carefully ob- serve what is proposed to them, even reproaching our people for their carelessness, if they do not pray to God before and after eating; this was done a number of times by Henry Membertou, who likes to attend divine service, and always wears the sign of the Cross upon his bosom. Furthermore, not being able to formulate suitable prayers to God, he begged the Pastor to remember him, and all his brother Sav- ages who have been baptized. Since the last bap- tism, of which we have spoken, there were several others, on the 14th and 16th of August, the 8th and 9th of October, and the 1st of December, 16 10. And altogether the Pastor calculates that he has baptized one hundred and forty in one year, to whom have been given the names of many distinguished people over here, according to the inclinations of those who held the position of godfathers or godmothers; these have given godsons to the following.
AND FIRSTLY TO,
Monsieur the Prince de Conde. Monsieur the Prince de Conty.
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M. le Prince de Ioinuille.
M. le Prince de Tingry.
M. de Praflin.
M. Roger Baron de Chaource fils dudit fieur de Praflain.
M. de Grieu Confeiller au Parlement de Paris. [22]
M. Seruin Aduocat general du Roy audit Parlement.
M. de la Guefle Procureur general du Roy audit Parlement.
M. le Comte de Tonnerre.
Meflire Ieffe de Fleuchey, Patriarche de Canada.
M. Belot, dit de Monfort.
M. de Iouy.
M. Bertrand natif de Sefane, prefens & affiftans aufdits baptefmes.
M. de Villars Archeuefque de Vienne Daulphine.
M. Defcars Euefque & Due de Langres.
M. de Gondy Euefque de Paris.
M. Dormy Euefque de Boulongne.
M. de Braflay Euefque de Troyes.
M. l'Abbe de faindte Geneuiefue fils de M. de Beauuais Nangis.
M. Abbe de Cleruaux.
M. de Vaufemain Baron de Chapleine, Bailly de Troyes.
Frere Claude de Vauuillier Penitencier de Molefme.
M. Bareton Chanoine grand Archidiacre & Official de Troyes.
M. Douynet, Chanoine & Promoteur audit Troyes.
M. Megard, Chanoine & Threforier de faindt Vrbain audit Troyes.
M. Megard Licentie es Droidts, Chanoine en l'Eglife faindt Efti- enne audit Troyes.
M. Fombert Chanoine en l'Eglife de Vienne.
M. Guilliet Chanoine audit Viennes.
M. Bourguignon cure de faindt Eftienne au mont a Paris.
M. Dauiau Vicaire & receueur audit S. Eftienne.
M. Rouure cure de Lantage.
M. de Marquemont auditeur de Rothes a Rome.
M. de Sauarre Confeiller au Parlement de Paris.
M. Vigor Confeiller au grand Confeil.
M. de faindt Iuft.
M. de Lantage-baratier, fieur dudit Lantage.
M. Edme baratier fon fils.
M. de Lantage Motleliart.
M. de Saindt Simon.
M. de la Berge.
M. Augufte du Boullot, fieur de l'Eftain.
M. Regnard Secretaire de la Chambre du Roy, & de Monfieur le Procureur general.
1612-14]
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155
Something similar was done in Martin's sickness. For they threw water upon him in this way, in order not to see him linger along; during his sickness, when the Patriarch and a man named de Montfort had caught for him, and made him eat some wild pigeon, which he liked very much, he asked them, as they were speaking to him about Heaven, if there would be any wild pigeon there. To which they answered that there was something better there, and that he would be happy. Such is the simplicity of a people [21] more fit to possess the kingdom of heav- en than those who know a great deal, and whose deeds are evil. For they believe and carefully ob- serve what is proposed to them, even reproaching our people for their carelessness, if they do not pray to God before and after eating; this was done a number of times by Henry Membertou, who likes to attend divine service, and always wears the sign of the Cross upon his bosom. Furthermore, not being able to formulate suitable prayers to God, he begged the Pastor to remember him, and all his brother Sav- ages who have been baptized. Since the last bap- tism, of which we have spoken, there were several others, on the 14th and 16th of August, the 8th and 9th of October, and the 1st of December, 16 10. And altogether the Pastor calculates that he has baptized one hundred and fortv in one vear, to whom have been given the names of many distinguished people over here, according to the inclinations of those who held the position of godfathers or godmothers; these have given godsons to the following.
AND FIRSTLY TO,
Monsieur the Prince de Conde. Monsieur the Prince de Conty.
156 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
M. le Prince de Ioinuille.
M. le Prince de Tingry.
M. de Prafiin.
M. Roger Baron de Chaource fils dudit fieur de Praflam.
M. de Grieu Confeiller au Parlement de Paris. [22]
M. Seruin Aduocat general du Roy audit Parlement.
M. de la Guefle Procureur general du Roy audit Parlement.
M. le Comte de Tonnerre.
Meflire Ieffe de Fleuchey, Patriarche de Canada.
M. Belot, dit de Monfort.
M. de Iouy.
M. Bertrand natif de Sefane, prefens & afliftans aufdits baptefmes.
M. de Villars Archeuefque de Vienne Daulphine.
M. Defcars Euefque & Due de Langres.
M. de Gondy Euefque de Paris.
M. Dormy Euefque de Boulongne.
M. de Braflay Euefque de Troyes.
M. l'Abbe de faincte Geneuiefue fils de M. de Beauuais Nangis.
M. Abbe de Cleruaux.
M. de Vaufemain Baron de Chapleine, Bailly de Troyes.
Frere Claude de Vauuillier Penitencier de Molefme.
M. Bareton Chanoine grand Archidiacre & Official de Troyes.
M. Douynet, Chanoine & Promoteur audit Troyes.
M. Megard, Chanoine & Threforier de fainct Vrbain audit Troyes.
M. Megard Licentie es Droicts, Chanoine en l'Eglife fainct Efti- enne audit Troyes.
M. Fombert Chanoine en l'Eglife de Vienne.
M. Guilliet Chanoine audit Viennes.
M. Bourguignon cure de fainct Eftienne au mont a Paris.
M. Dauiau Vicaire & receueur audit S. Eftienne,
M. Rouure cure de Lantage.
M. de Marquemont auditeur de Rothes a Rome.
M. de Sauarre Confeiller au Parlement de Paris.
M. Vigor Confeiller au grand Confeil.
M. de fainct Iuft.
M. de Lantage-baratier, fieur dudit Lantage.
M. Edme baratier fon fils.
M. de Lantage Motleliart.
M. de Sainct Simon.
M. de la Berge.
M. Augufte du Boullot, fieur de l'Eflain.
M. Regnard Secretaire de la Chambre du Roy, & de Monfieur le Procureur general.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 157
M. the Count de Soissons.24
M. the Duke de Nevers.'25
M. the Duke de Guise.'26
M. the Prince de Joinville.
M. the Prince de Tingry.
M. de Praslin.21
M. Roger, Baron de Chaource, son of sieur de Praslin.
M. de Grieu, Counselor in the Parliament of Paris.'28 [22]
M. Servin, Advocate-general of the King in Parliament.
M. de la Guesle, Procuror-general of the King in Parliament.
M. the Count de Tonnerre.
Messire Jesse de Fleuchey, Patriarch of Canada.
M. Belot, called de Monfort.
M. de Jouy.
M. Bertrand,-9 native of Sesane, present and assisting in these baptisms.
M. de Villars, Archbishop of Vienne, in Daulphine.
M. Descars, Bishop and Duke de Langres.
M. de Gondy, Bishop of Paris.
M. Dormy, Bishop of Boulongne.
M. de Braslay, Bishop of Troyes.
M. the Abbe of saincte Geneviefve,30 son of M. de Beauvais Nangis.
M. the Abbe of Clervaux.
M. de Vausemain, Baron de Chapleine, Bailiff of Troyes.
Brother Claude de Vauvillier, Penitencier of Molesme.
M. Bareton, Canon, grand Arch-deacon and Official of Troyes.
M. Douynet, Canon and Promoter at Troyes.
M. Megard, Canon and Treasurer of sainct Urbain, at Troyes.
M. Megard, Licentiate in Law, Canon in the Church of St. Esti- enne at Troyes.
M. Fombert, Canon in the Church of Vienne.
M. Guilliet, Canon at Vienne.
M. Bourguignon, pastor of Sainct Estienne au mont, Paris.
M. Daviau, Vicar and receiver of St. Estienne.
M. Rouvre, pastor of Lantage.
M. de Marquemont, auditor of Rothes, at Rome.
M. de Savarre, Counselor in the Parliament of Paris.
M. Vigor, Counselor in the grand Council.
M. de sainct Just.
M. de Lantage-baratier, sieur of Lantage.
M. Edme baratier, his son.
M. de Lantage Montleliart.
M. de Sainct Simon.
M. de la Berge.
158 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
Monf. Symony Sieur de Rouelle Aduocat a Langres. [23] M.'Fombert Procureur en Parlement. M. Dauant Prefident & Lieutenant general a Troyes. M. de Bobus Lieutenant Criminel audit Troyes. M. Bazin Procureur du Roy audit lieu. M. Parmentier Lieutenant de robbe courte audit Troyes. M. Iacquinet maiflre des eaux & forefts audit Troyes. M. Megard Lieutenant des Chirurgies audit Troyes. M. Martin Lieutenant general au Marquifat d'Ifle. M. l'Euefque Procureur audit lieu. M. Iamin Greffier audit lieu. M. de la Rue Vicaire de Virey foubs Bar. M. Belot threforier extraordinaire des guerres en Guienne. M. Belot Commiffaire des guerres. M. Belot fieur du Pontor. M. Belot Procureur au grand Confeil. M. Hardy Receueur des tailles au Mans. M. Marteau Secretaire du fieur Preuoft Morel. M. Baioue Grefner au bailliage de Monfort Lamaury. M. de Creffe Commis de Monfieur Eftienne Controleur des bafti- mens du Roy.
M. du Val luge & Garde de la Iuftice de Lantage.
M. de la Creufe Secretaire de Monfieur de Chaftille.
lean, Mathieu & Gregoire de Fleuchey freres dudit Patriarche.
Pierre Rouffel fon beau frere.
Ferry Rouffel fils de Gabriel Rouffel dudit Lantage.
Robert Roy, Serget Royal Foreftier de la foreft de Romilly.
Claude Iouguelat.
Quand mix fcmmcs on a donne" des filicides a celles qui enfuiuent .
Madame la Princeffe de Conde. Madame la Princeffe de Conty. Mad. la Comteffe de Soiffons. Mad. la Ducheffe de Neuers. Mad. de Guife. Mad. de Longueuille. [24] Mad. de Praflam mere du Sieur de Praflain. Mad. de Praflain.
Mefdamoifelles Catherine, Blanche & Claude filles dudit fieur de Praflain.
Mad. la Comteffe de Tonnerre
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 159
M. Auguste du Boullot, sieur de l'Estain.
M. Regnard, Secretary of the King's Chamber and of Monsieur the Procuror-general.
Mons. Symony, Sieur de Rouelle, Advocate at Langres. [23]
M. Fombert, Procuror in Parliament.
M. Davant, President and Lieutenant-general at Troyes.
M. de Bobus, Criminal Lieutenant at Troyes.
M. Bazin, Attorney of the King at that place.
M. Parmentier, Lieutenant of the short robe 3I at Troyes.
M. Jacquinet, master of streams and forests at Troyes.
M. Megard, Lieutenant of Surgeons at Troyes.
M. Martin, Lieutenant-general of the Marquisate of Isle.
M. l'Evesque, Procuror at that place.
M. Iamin, Master of Rolls at that place.
M. de la Rue, Vicar of Virey soubs Bar.
M. Belot, treasurer extraordinary of the wars in Guienne.
M. Belot, military Commissioner.
M. Belot, sieur du Pontor.
M. Belot, Procuror in the grand Council.
M. Hardy, Receiver of taxes at Mans.
M. Marteau, Secretary to sieur Prevost Morel.
M. Bajoue, Master of Rolls at the bailiwick of Monfort Lamaury.
M. de Cresse, Clerk to Monsieur Estienne, Controller of the King's buildings.
M. du Val, Judge and Guard of Justice at Lantage.
M. de la Creuse, Secretary of Monsieur de Chastille.
Jean, Mathieu and Gregoire de Fleuchey, brothers of the Patriarch.
Pierre Roussel, his brother-in-law.
Ferry Roussel, son of Gabriel Roussel, of said Lantage.
Robert Roy, Sergeant Royal, Forester of the forest of Romilly.
Claude Jouguelat.
As to the women, goddaughters were given to the follow- ing.
Madame the Princess de Conde. Madame the Princess de Conty. Mad. the Countess de Soissons.24 Mad. the Duchess of Nevers.25 Mad. de Guise.26 Mad. de Longueville. [24]
Mad. de Praslain, mother of Sieur de Praslain.21 Mad. de Praslain.
Mesdemoiselles Catherine, Blanche, and Claude, daughters of sieur de Praslain. Mad. the Countess de Tonnerre.
160 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
Mad. Anne de la Val Dame de Ricey.
Mad. Frangoife de Faulch femme du fieur Delantage Baratier.
Mad. Charlotte leur fille.
Mad. de Grieu.
Mad. de la Berge.
Mad. de Sauare.
Mad. Anne Arleftain femme du fieur de l'Eftain.
Mefd. Philippes & Charlotte de Arleftain fes foeurs.
Madam. Regnard femme dudit fieur Regnard.
Mad. Belot Treforier.
Madame Simony vefue de Monfieur Simony Procureur en Parlemet.
Mad. de Beaulieu.
Mad. Marguerite Simony.
Mad. Hardy.
Mad. Belot femme de Mofieur Belot Procureur.
Mad. Bajoue.
Mad. Ieanne des Marets femme du fieur Megard Chirurgien a Troyes.
Barbe Ramin mere dudit Patriarche.
Barbe de Fleuchey fa foeur.
Ieanne, Clemence Rouffel & Valentine Drouin femes defdits Fleu- chey freres dudit Patriarche.
Voila ce que i'ay extrait d'un ordre confus des parins & marines, lef quels i'ay voulu coucher icy pour les inuiter a faire du bien a ceux qui ont ete baptizez foubs leurs noms, dont ie veux bien efperer meme de ceux de baffe condition. Que fi la conver- fion de ces peuples ne va par milliers, il faut confide - rer l'eftat du pais qui n'eft fi frequent en hommes que noz villages de France. On pourroit faire plus grande moiffon qui voudroit paffer plus outre : mais il faut vouloir ce que Ton peut, & prie Dieu qu'il vueille faire le refte, puifque les hommes ont cette entreprife tat a mepris.
[25] EXERCICES. La piete du fieur de Poutrincourt veut que le pre-
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 161
Mad. Anne de la Val, Lady of Ricey.
Mad. Francoise de Faulch, wife of sieur Delantage Baratier.
Mad. Charlotte, their daughter.
Mad. de Grieu.
Mad. de la Berge.
Mad. de Savare.
Mad. Anne Arlestain, wife of sieur de l'Estain.
Mesd. Philippa and Charlotte de Arlestain, his sisters.
Madam. Regnard, wife of Sieur Regnard.
Mad. Belot (wife of Treasurer.)
Madame Simony, widow of Monsieur Simony, Procuror in Parlia- ment.
Mad. de Beaulieu.
Mad. Marguerite Simony.
Mad. Hardy.
Mad. Belot, wife of Monsieur Belot, Procuror.
Mad. Bajoue.
Mad. Jeanne des Marets, wife of sieur Megard, Surgeon at Troyes.
Barbe Ramin, mother of the Patriarch.
Barbe de Fleuchey, his sister.
Jeanne, Clemence Roussel, and Valentine Drouin, wives of said Fleucheys, brothers of the Patriarch.
The above are the extracts I have made from a confused list of godfathers and godmothers, whom I wish to enumerate here so that they may do some good to those who have been baptized under their names, which I am willing to hope for, even from those of humble condition. And if the conversion of these people is not effected by thousands, we must consider the state of the country, in which there are not as many men as in our villages in France. A greater harvest could be reaped by those who could go farther beyond; but we must be willing to do what we can, and pray God that he may consent to do the rest, since men look upon this enterprise with so much contempt.
[25] OCCUPATIONS.
Sieur de Poutrincourt's piety requires that the first exercise of the day in this country be to pray to God
162 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
mier exercice de la journee en ce pais la foit de prier Dieu, a 1' imitation d'Abel, lequel (ce dit Philon) offrit au matin fon facrifice. Ce que ne fit Cain. Et les fages remarquent par la comparaifon de Iacob qui re- ceut la premiere benediction d'Ifaac, laquelle fut plus forte que celle qui fut donnee a Efau : que ceux qui prient du matin, receuans la premiere benediction de Dieu, ont auffi plus grande part en fes graces. C'eft pourquoy vn illuftre perfonnage de ndtre temps entre fes preceptes moraux & fentences vrayement dorees, a ecrit.
Avec le jour commence ta journee Dc V Etemel le fame? nom benijfant: Le foir aufsi ton labeur jinijfant, Loue-le encor, & pajfe ainfe I'annee.
C'est ainfi que ledit Sieur en a fait, ayant expres mene a fes depens le fufdit Patriarche, lequel ie voy par les memoires que i'ay ne s'eftre iamais epargne a ce qui eftoit de fa charge s'eftant tranfporte quelque- fois quatre, quelquef ois douze lieues loin pour baptizer des enfans de Sauvages, au mandement qu'ilz luy en faifoient, difans qu'ils vouloient eftre comme Mem- bertou, c'eft a dire Chretiens. Quelquefois auffi il a conduit fa troupe en proceffio fur vne montagne qui eft au Nort de leur habitation, fur laquelle y a vn roc quarre de toutes [26] parts, de la hauteur d'une table, couvert d'vne mouffe epeffe oil ie me fuis quelquefois couche plaifammet: i'ay appelle ce lieu le mont de la Roque au pourtraidt que i'ay fait du Port Royal en mon Hiftoire, en faveur d'un mien amy nome de la Roque Prevoft de Vimeu en Picardie, qui defiroit prendre la vne terre, & y enuoyer des hommes.
Le fecond exercice c'eft de pourvoir aux neceffitez de la vie, a quoy il employa fes gens chacun felon fa
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 163
like Abel, who (as Philo says) offered his sacrifice to God in the morning; which Cain did not do. And sages observe, by citing Jacob, who received Isaac's first blessing, which was stronger than that given to Esau, that those who pray in the morning and receive the first benediction of God, always have a greater share in his mercies. Hence an illustrious personage of our times has written, among his moral precepts and truly golden sentences ;
With the light thy day beginning, Theft praise the name of the Eternal One; Again at evening when thy ivork is done, Thus spend the year his praises singing.
The Sieur has done this, having brought here, ex- pressly at his own expense, the aforementioned Pa- triarch, who, I see from memoranda which I have, has never spared himself in the performance of his duties, going sometimes four, sometimes twelve leagues away to baptize some of the children of the Savages, in answer to their requests, saying they wanted to be like Membertou, namely, Christians. Also sometimes he has led his band in a procession to a mountain North of their settlement, upon which there is a square rock [26] as high as a table, covered with thick moss, where I have sometimes enjoyed a pleasant rest. I have called this place mount de la Roque, in the sketch I made of Port Royal in my History, after one of my friends named de la Roque, Provost of Vimeu in Picardy, who desired to take up land there and to send over some men.
The second duty was to provide for the necessities of life, and to this end he employed his people, each according to his trade, as soon as they arrived; some were employed in tilling the ground, some in build-
164 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
vacatio, eftant arriue a la terre, qui au labourage, qui aux batimens, qui a la forge, qui a faire des ais, &c. Le Patriarche fufdit s'empara de mon etude, & de mes parterres & jardinages, ou il dit auoir trouve ar- rivant la, quantite de raves, naveaux, carottes, pa- nais, pois, feves, & toutes fortes d'herbes jardinieres bonnes & platureufes. A quoy s' eftant occupe, il y a laiffe a fon retour (qui fut le 17. de Iuin dernier) vn beau champ de ble a beaux epics, & bien fleuri.
Plufieurs autres fe font occupes a la terre, comme eftant le premier metier & le plus neceffaire a la vie de l'homme. lis en ont (comme ie croy) maintenant recuilli les fruidts, hors-mis des arbres fruitiers qu'ils ont plantes, lefquels ne font fi prompts a cela.
Quant aux Sauvages ils ne fcauent que c'eft du la- bourage, & ne s'y peuvent addonner, courageux feule- ment & penibles a la chaffe, & a la pecherie. Toute- fois les Armouchiquois & autres plus efloignes plantent du ble & des feves, mais ils laiffent faire cela aux femmes.
[27] Nos gens outre le labourage & iardinage, avoient l'exercice de la chaffe, de la pecherie, & de leurs fortifications. Ils ne manquerent auffi d'exer- cice a remettre & couvrir les batimens & le moulin de- laiffez depuis notre retour en l'an 1607. Et d'autant que la fonteine eftoit vn peu eloignee du Fort, ils firent vn pui dans icelui Fort, de l'eau duquel ils fe font fort bien trouvez. De forte que (chofe emer- ueillable) ils n'ont eu aucunes maladies, quoy qu'il y ait eu beaucoup de fujet d'en avoir par la neceffite qu'ils ont foufferte. Car le Sieur de Saindt Iuft fils dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt ayant eu mandement de retourner dans quatre mois (comme nous avons dit
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ing, some at the forge, some in making planks, etc. The Patriarch took possession of my apartment, and of my parterres and gardens, where he says he found, at his arrival, a great many radishes, parsnips, car- rots, turnips, peas, beans, and all kinds of good and productive culinary herbs. Occupying himself with these things, upon his return (which was the 17th of last June), he left a beautiful field of wheat with fine, well-flowered heads.
Several others were occupied in agriculture, this being the occupation of prime importance, and most necessary to human life. They have now ( I sup- pose ) reaped the harvest thereof, except that of the trees they planted, which are not so prompt in bear- ing.
As to the Savages, they know nothing about cul- tivating the land, and cannot give themselves up to it, showing themselves courageous and laborious only in hunting and fishing. However, the Armou- chiquois and other more distant tribes plant wheat ^ and beans, but they let the women do the work.33
[27] Our people, besides the farm and garden work, passed their time in hunting, fishing, and in making fortifications. Work was not wanting also in repair- ing and roofing the buildings and the mill, aban- doned since our return in 1607. And, as the spring was some little distance from there, they dug a well in the Fort, and found the water very good. So that (wonderful to relate) they had no sickness, although there was sufficient cause for it in the privations they suffered. For Sieur de Sainct Just, son of Sieur de Poutrincourt, having been ordered to return in four months (as we have said above), was expected the last of November, with fresh supplies; yet he did not come until the day of Pentecost, the 22nd of the
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ci-deffus) on l'attendoit dans la fin de Nouembre pour avoir du rafraichiffement, & toutesfois il n'arriva que le iour de Pentecofte, qui fut le 22. de May enfuivant. Cela fut caufe qu'il fallut re trencher les vivres qu'ils avoient en affez petite quantite. De manger tou jours du poiffon (s'il n'est bo & ferme) ou des coquillages feuls fans pain, cela eft dangereux, & caufe la dyfen- terie, come nous avos rapporte ci-deffus de quelques Sauuages qui en font morts, & pouvons en avoir autre temoignage par les gens du Sieur de Monts, qui mou- rurent en nombre de vingt la premiere annee qu'ils hivernerent a Kebec, tat pour la nouveaute de la de- meure, que pour avoir trop mange d'anguilles & autres poiffos. La chaffe auffi ne fe trouve pas a foi- fon en vn lieu ou il faut viure de cela, & ou Ton fait vne demeure arreftee. C'eft ce qui rend les [28] Sau- vages vagabons, & fait qu'ilz ne peuvent vivre en vne place. Quand ils ont efte fix femaines en vn lieu il faut changer de demeure. Ilz prindrent au terroir du Port Royal fix Grignaces ou Ellans, cet hiver, dont ils en apportoient vn quartier ou moitie aux notres. Mais cela ne va gueres loin a tant de gens. Le iour de Pafques fleuries le fils aine de Membertou dit Loui's, en pourfuivoit vn, qui s'eftant venu rendre au Port Royal paffoitl'eau, quand la femme dudit Loui's vint faire vne alarme en criant plufieurs fois, Ecli pa- da, Ectipada, c'eft a dire, Aux epees, Aux epees. On penfoit que ce fuffent quelques ennemis, mais il fut le bien venu. Le Sieur de Poutrincourt fe mit dans vne chaloupe pour aller au devant, & avec vn dogue il le fit tourner en arriere d'oii il venoit. II y avoit du plaifir a le cotoyer fi proche de fa mine. Si-toft qu'il approcha de terre, ledit Louis le tranfperca
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following May. For this reason they were obliged to diminish their rations, of which they had rather a small quantity. To always eat fish (unless it is good and firm) or shellfish alone, without bread, is dan- gerous, and causes dysentery, as we have observed above in regard to certain Savages who died of it. We can prove this also by Sieur de Monts' men, who died, to the number of twenty, the first year they wintered at Kebec, both on account of their change of dwelling, and because they ate too many eels and other fish. Furthermore, game is not always to be found in abundance in a place where people are obliged to live on it, and where there is a permanent settlement. This is what makes [28] nomads of the Savages, and prevents them from remaining long in one place. When they have been six weeks in a place, they are obliged to leave their habitation. This winter, in the neighborhood of Port Royal they took six Grignaces u or Elks, and brought a quarter or half of them to our people. But that did not go far with so many men. On Palm Sunday, Louis, the eldest son of Membertou, was on the trail of one which had reached Port Royal and was just crossing the river, when his wife caused an alarm by crying out several times, Eclipada, Eclipada, that is, " To arms, to arms." They thought it might be an ene- my, but it was a welcome one. Sieur de Poutrincourt got into a boat to go and head it off, and, with the help of a big dog, made it turn back whence it came. There was some sport in chasing it so near its death. As soon as it approached the land, Louis pierced it through with an arrow, Sieur de Jouy discharged his arquebuse at its head, but Actaudinccti , or Paul, the younger son of Membertou, dexterously cut a vein in
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d'tme fleche, le Sieur de Iouy luy tira vne arquebu- fade a, la tete, mais Aclaudinecli dit Paul fils puifne de Membertou lui coupa dextrement vne veine au col, qui l'atterra du tout. Ceci donna vne curee & confo- lation ftomachale aux notres. Mais cela ne dura pas toujours. II fallut revenir a l'ordinaire. Et faut penfer qu'en ce retranchement de vivres dont nous avons parle il y eut de grandes affaires pour le chef, car des mutineries & confpirations furvindrent, & d'vn cofte le cuifmier deroboit vne partie de la portion des autres, & tel crioit a. la faim, qui avoit abondance de pain & de chair dans fa [29] cellule, ainfi que s'eft veu par experience. Ceux qui portoient le ble au nioulin, de quinze boiffeaux n'en rendoient que douze de farine au lieu de dix-huidt. Et de la neceffite d'autrui ils troquoient avarement des Caftors auec les Sauvages. Neantmoins (par trop de bonte) tant de fautes leur furent pardonnees apres vifitation faite. Pauvres fots qui font des confeils fi legers, & ne voyent point ce qu'ils deviendront par apres, & que leur vie ne peut eftre affeuree que par vn perpetuel exil de leur pa- trie, & de tout ce qu'ils ont de plus cher au monde.
En cette difette on eut avis de quelques racines que les Sauvages mangent au befoin, lefquelles font bonnes comme Truffes. Cela fut caufe que quelques pareffeux fe miret avec les diligens a fouiller la terre, & firent fi bien par leurs iournees qu'ils en defri- cherent environ quatre arpens, la. oil on a feme des fegles & legumes. C'eft ainfi que Dieu fcait tirer du mal vn bien ; il chaftie les fiens, & neantmoins les foutient de fa main.
Quand l'hiver fut paffe, & que la douceur du temps allecha le poiffon a. rechercher les eaux douces, on de-
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its neck, which completely finished it. This gave our people some game, and consolation to their stom- achs. But it did not last always, and they had to come back to ordinary fare. You must bear in mind that, in this cutting down of supplies, of which we have spoken, there were great responsibilities for the commandant; for mutinies and conspiracies arose; and on the one hand the cook stole a part of what belonged to the others, while a certain one cried ' ' hunger ' ' who had plenty of bread and meat in his [29] cell, as has been proven. Those who carried wheat to the mill, from fifteen bushels brought back only twelve of flour, instead of eighteen. They also took advantage of the necessity of others, in miserly traffic in Beaver skins with the Savages. Neverthe- less (through too much kindness), all these faults were pardoned after they had been looked into. Poor fools, who take good counsel so lightly, and do not see what will become of them afterwards, and that their lives can only be assured by a perpetual exile from their country, and from all they hold dear- est in the world.
During this scarcity they heard of some roots which the Savages eat in their time of need, and which are as good as Truffles.35 To seek for these, some of the lazy ones, as well as the more industri- ous, began to dig; and did so well that, by working daily, they cleared about four acres, in which rye and vegetables were planted. It is thus that God can draw good from evil ; he chastises his people, and yet sustains them with his hand.
When the winter was over and the mildness of the weather allured the fish to seek fresh water, upon the 14th of April, men were sent out fishing. There
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pecha des gens le 14. Avril pour faire la quete de cela. II y a nombre infini de ruiffeaux au Port Royal, entre lef quels font trois ou quatre oil vient a foifon le poiffon au renouveau. L'vn apporte l'Eplan en Avril en quantite innnie. L' autre le Haren, 1' autre l'Etur- geon & Saumo, &c. Ainfi furent lors deputez quel- ques vns pour aller voir a la riviere qui [30] eft au profond du Port Royal, fi l'Eplan eftoit venu. lis y allerent, & leur fit Membertou (qui eftoit cabanne la) bonne chere, de chair & de poiffon. Dela ils al- lerent au ruiffeau nomine Lieffe par le Sieur des Noyers Advocat en Parlement, la ou ils trouverent tant de poiffon, qu'il fallut envoyer querir du fel pour en faire bonne prouifion. Ce poiffon eft fort favou- reux & delicat, & ne fait point de mal comtne pour- roient faire les coquillages: & vient enuiron l'efpace de fix f emaines en ce ruiffeau : lequel temps paff e il y a vn autre ruiffeau audit Port Royal, oil vient le Haren, item vn autre oil vient la Sardine en meme abondance. Mais quant a la riuiere dudit Port, qui eft la riviere de l'Equille, depuis nommee la riviere du Dauphin, au temps fufdit elle fournit d'Eturgeons & Saumons a qui veut prendre la peine d'en faire la chaffe. Quand le Haren fut venu, les Sauvages (felon leur bon naturel) firent des feuz & fumees en leur quartier, pour en doner avis a noz Francois. Ce qui ne fut neglige. Et eft cette chaffe beaucoup plus certaine que celle des bois.
RETOVR EN LA NOVVELLE-FRANCE.
II eftoit le 10. de May quand la derniere cuiffon du pain faite, on tint confeil de retourner en France, fi das le mois n'arriuoit fecours. Ce qui fut preft
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are a great many streams at Port Royal, and among them three or four where the fish swarm in the spawning season. One contains vast numbers of Smelts36 in April. Another, Herring, another, Stur- geon and Salmon, etc. So some were then sent to the river at the [30] back of Port Royal, to see if the Smelts had come. When they reached the place, Membertou ( who was encamped there ), received them hospitably, regaling them with meat and fish. Thence they went to the stream called Liesse37 by Sieur des Noyers, an Advocate in Parliament, where they found so many fish that they had to send and get some salt, to lay in a store of them. These fish are very tempting and delicate, and are not so injuri- ous as shellfish are apt to be. They remain about six weeks in this stream ; after that there is another small river near Port Royal, where Herring is found, also another to which Sardines come in great abun- dance. But as to the river of the Port, which is the river Equille, since named the Dauphin/38 at the time of which we speak it furnished Sturgeon and Salmon to any one who would take the trouble to fish for them. When the Herrings came, the Savages (with their usual good-nature ) let the French know it by signaling from their quarters with fires and smoke. The hint was not neglected, for this kind of hunting is much more sure than that of the woods.
RETURN TO NEW FRANCE.
It was the 10th of May, when the last bread was baked, that they took counsel about returning to France, if help did not come within a month. This they were ready to do. But on the day of Pentecost [May 22nd] [31] God sent his consoling spirit to this
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d'eftre execute. Mais le iour de la Pentecofte [31] Dieu envoya fon efprit conf olateur a cette compagnie ja languiffante, qui lui furuintbien apropos, par l'arrivee du Sieur de Sainct Iuft, duquel il nous faut dire quel- que chofe : car ci-devant nous l'avons laiffe au port de Dieppe, fans avoir veu ce qu'il a fait depuis. S'efiant pref ente a. la Royne ; elle f ut merveilleufement re- jouie d' entendre la converfion de plufieurs Sauvages qui avoient efte baptizes avant le depart dudit fieur de Saind: Iuft, dont ie lis vn recit public que ie pre- fentay a fa Majefte. La deffus les Iefuites fe pre- setet pour aller au fecours. La Royne le trouve bon. Elle les recomande. I'euffe defire qu'avant partir quelqu'vn euft remontre a fa Majefte chofe qu'elle n'euft fait que trop volontiers: C'eft d'eiivoyer quel- que prefent de vivres & d'habits a ces Neophytes & nouveaux Chretiens qui portet les noms du feu Roy, de la Royne Regente, & de Meffeigneurs & Dames les enfans de France. Mais chacun regarde a fon profit particulier. Ledit fieur de Saindt Iuft apres fon rapport fait, pretendoit obtenir quelques defenfes pour le comerce des Caftors, cuidant que la cofidera- tion de la religion lui pourroit faire aifement accorder cela. Ce qu'il ne peut toutefois obtenir. Et voyant que cette affaire tiroit en longueur, & qu'il falloit al- ler fecourir fon pere, ayant mandement de faire en forte d'eftre de retour dans quatre mois, il print coge de la Royne, laquelle luy bailla de compagnie deux Iefuites pour la converfion des peuples Sauvages de dela. Mais puis que le fieur de Poutrincourt avoit pris vn [32] homme capable a fon partement, il me femble que ceux-ci (qui peuvent eftre plus vtiles par- deca) f e hafteret trop pour le profit dudit Sieur : Car
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company, already so disheartened, and it came to them very opportunely in the arrival of Sieur de Sainct Just, of whom we must say a few words ; for awhile ago we left him at the port of Dieppe, and have not seen what he has been doing since. When he was presented to the Queen, she was wonderfully pleased to hear about the conversion of several Sav- ages, who had been baptized before the departure of sieur de Sainct Just, an account of which I published and presented to her Majesty. Thereupon the Jesuits offered themselves to aid in the work. The Queen favored the plan, and recommended them. I should have been glad, if, before their departure, some one had suggested to her Majesty a thing which she would willingly have done; namely, to send some presents of food and clothes to these Neophytes and new Christians, who bear the names of the deceased King, of the Queen Regent, and of my Lords and Ladies, the children of France.39 But every one looks out for his own interests. Sieur de Sainct Just, after his report had been made, meant to obtain protection for the Beaver trade, believing that considerations of a religious nature would easily secure this for him. However, he could not obtain it. And seeing that the affair was dragging on, and that he must go and relieve his father, having been ordered to so arrange affairs as to be back in four months, he took leave of the Queen, who sent with him two Jesuits for the conversion of the Savage tribes over there. But as sieur de Poutrincourt had taken an [32] able man at his departure, it seems to me that these men (who can be more useful here) were in too much of a hurry for the best interests of the Sieur ; because the delay, which took place on their account, was very detri-
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le retardement echeu a. leur occafion lui a prejudicie de beaucoup, & caufe la rupture de fon affociation. Et faut en telles affaires fonder la Republique premi- erement, fans laquelle l'Eglife ne peut eftre, ainfi que i'ay def-ja ecrit ci-deffus. I'en avoy dit mon avis au- dit fieur de Saindt Iuft, & qu'il falloit affeurer la vie avant toutes chofes, faire vne cuillette de bledz, avoir des beftiaux, & des volatiles domeftics, devant que pouvoir affembler ces peuples. Or cefte precipitation penfa, outre la perte fufdite, reduire la troupe qui eftoit pardela a, vne miferable neceffite, n'y ayant plus que la cuiffon de pain ja faite & diftribuee.
Ledit Sieur de Poutrincourt s' eftoit affocie de deux marchans de Dieppe, lefquels voyans les fufdits Ie- fuites, fcavoir le Pere Biar homme fort fcavant Gaf- con de nation duquel Monfieur le premier Prefident de Bordeaux m'a fait bon recit; & le Pere Nemon preft a s'embarquer, s'oppoferent a cela, & ne vou- lurent permettre qu'ils fuffent du voyage, difant qu'ils nourriroient volontiers toute autre forte d'hommes, Capucins, Minimes, Cordeliers, Recollets, &c. mais quant a ceux-ci qu'ils n'en vouloient point, & ne pou- voient tenir leur bien-affeure en leur compagnie. Que fi la Royne vouloit qu'ils y allaffent, on leur ren- dift leur argent, & qu'ils fiffent ce que bon leur fem- bleroit. La deffus voila vn retardemet. [33] II faut ecrire en Cour, remontrer a fa Majefte 1 'occafion de cela, demander de 1' argent pour rembourfer lefdits Marchans, faire des allees & venues: cependant la faifon fe paffe. La Royne leur ordonna deux mille efcus, outre lefquels ils firent des colledtes par les maifons des Princes, Seigneurs, & perfonnes devotes, d'ou ilz tirent auffi de bon argent. Bref ilz rem-
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mental to him, and caused a dissolution of his part- nership. In such undertakings the State must first be founded, without which the Church cannot exist, as I have said before. I expressed my opinion on this subject to sieur de Sainct Just, to the effect that it was necessary to guarantee a living before any- thing else, to obtain a crop of wheat, to have cattle and domestic fowls, before they could bring these people together. Now this blind haste came very near, besides the above-mentioned losses, reducing the company that was over there to misery and want, as they had nothing left but the one baking of bread, already made and distributed.
Sieur de Poutrincourt had gone into partnership with two Dieppe merchants,40 who, seeing the two Jes- uits,— namely, Father Biar[d], a very learned man, a native of Gascony, of whom Monsieur the first Presi- dent of Bordeaux has given me a high opinion ; and Father Nemon [Ennemond], — ready to embark, they objected, and did not want them to go upon the voy- age, saying that they would willingly provide for all other kinds of men, Capuchins, Minimes, Cordeliers, Recollets, etc. ;41 but, as to these, they did not want them at all, and could not consider themselves safe in their company; that if the Queen wished them to go there, let their [the merchants'] money be re- funded, and they might do whatever they wished. Now there is a delay. [33] The Court must be writ- ten to, her Majesty must be informed of the situa- tion, the money to reimburse the Merchants must be collected, and journeys must be made: meanwhile, the season is passing away. The Queen granted them two thousand ecus, in addition to which collec- tions were made from the families of Princes, Nobles,
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bourfent lefditz Marchas de chacu deux milles livres, & fe mettent en fin a la voile le 26. de Ianvier 161 1. Le temps eftoit difficile, la plus rude faifon de l'hiver. lis furent quelque temps en mer penfans combattre le vent, mais ils furent contraints de relacher en An- gleterre, la ou ils furent iufques au 16. de Fevrier. Et le 19. Avril ils furent fur le grand Banc des Mo- rues, ou il trouverent des Navires de Dieppe & de Sainct Malo. Et le 29. eftans entre ledit Banc & l'ile de Sable, ils cinglerent l'efpace de douze lieues parmi des glaces hautes comme montagnes, fur lef- quelles ils defcendirent pour faire de l'eau douce avec icelles, laquelle fe trouva bonne. Au fortir defdites glaces, fut rencontre vn Navire du Sieur de Monts, auquel commandoit le Capitaine Champlein, duquel nous attendons le retour, pour entendre quelque nou- uelle decouverte. Depuis lefdites glaces, ils en ren- contrerent d'autres continuellemet l'efpace de cin- quante lieues, lefquelles ils eurent beaucoup de peines a doubler. Et le cinquieme de May, ils decouvrirent la terre & port de Campfeau, duquel on peut voir l'af- fiette dant la grande Table geographique de mo Hif- toire. [34] La ledit Pere Biar chanta la Meffe. Et depuis ils allerent cotoyans la terre, en forte que le 2 1. de May ils mouilleret l'ancre a l'entree du paffage du Port Royal.
Le fieur de Poutrincourt avoit cedit iour fait affem- bler fes gens pour prier Dieu, & fe preparer a la cele- bration de la fete de Pentecote. Et comme chacun c' eftoit range a fon devoir, voici environ trois heures apres le coucher vne canonade, & vne trompette, qui reveille les dormans. On envoye au devant. On trouve que ce font amis. La deffus allegreffe & re-
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and people devoted to the cause, whence they ob- tained a great deal of money. In short, they reim- bursed each of the Merchants two thousand livres, and at last set sail, the 26th of January, 161 1. The weather was disagreeable, this being the roughest part of the winter. They were some time upon the sea, thinking they would be able to resist the winds, but they were compelled to put into port in England, where they remained until the 16th of February. And the 19th of April they were upon the great Cod- fish Banks, where they found some Ships from Dieppe and Sainct Malo. The 29th, being between these Banks and the island of Sable, they sailed before the wind a distance of twelve leagues, in the midst of ice, mountain high, upon which they disembarked to get some fresh water, which they found good. In emerging from this ice, they met one of Sieur de Monts' ships, commanded by Captain Champlein,42 whose return we are awaiting to learn of some new discoveries. Afterwards, they continued to encoun- ter other masses of ice, for a distance of fifty leagues, which they had much difficulty in outsailing. The fifth of May, they sighted the land and port of Camp- seau, the location of which can be seen in the great geographical Chart in my History.43 [34] Father Biar[d] sang Mass there ; then they sailed along the coast, so that the 21st of May they cast anchor at the entrance to the passage which leads to Port Royal. The same day sieur de Poutrincourt had called his people together to pray to God, and to prepare them- selves for the celebration of the Pentecostal feast. And, as each one had placed himself at his post of duty, suddenly, about three hours after bedtime, there is heard the sound of cannon and trumpet,
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joui'ffance, & adtions de graces a. Dieu en proceffion fur la montagne que i'ay mentionne ci-deffus. La premiere demande que fit ledit Sieur a fon fils, ce fut de la fante du Roy. II luy fit reponfe qu'il eftoit mort. Et interroge de quelle mort, il lui en fit le recit felo qu'il l'avoit entendu en France. La deffus cha- cun fe print a pleurer, meme les Sauvages apres avoir entendu ce def afire, dont ils ont fait le dueil fort long temps, ainfi qu'ils euffent fait d'vn de leurs plus grands Sagamos.
A peine fut arriue ledit fieur de Saindt Iufl, que les Sauvages Etechemins (qui ayment le fieur de Poutrin- court) lui vindrent annoncer qu'il y avoit en leurs cotes trois Navires, tant Maloins que Rochelois, lefquels fe vantoient de le devorer ainfi que feroit le Gougou vn pauvre Sauvage. Ce qu' entendu par ledit fieur de Poutrincourt, il n'eut la patience de faire defcharger le vaiffeau nouuellemet arrive, ains a 1'inflant meme alia ancrer au-devant defdits [35] trois Navires, & fit venir tous les Capitaines parler a lui, qui preterent obei'ffance, & leur fit ledit fieur reconoitre l'authorite de fon fils, comme Vic' Admiral efdidtes terres du Ponant. Vn Navire Maloin voulant faire quelque re- bellion, fut prins, mais ledit fieur felon fa debonnai- rete accouftumee, le relacha, apres lui avoir remontre de ne plus venir en mer fans fa Charte partie. La le pere Birat dit la Meffe, & fit ce qu'il peut pour ranger vn chacun a ce qui eftoit du devoir. Et particuliere- ment il fit reconoitre fa faute a vn ieune home qui avoit paffe l'hiver parmi les hommes & les femmes Sauvages, lequel demanda pardon a qui il appartenoit, & receut la Communion de fa main. Cela fait cha- cun revint au Port Royal en grade rejouiffance.
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which awakes the sleepers. Scouts are sent out; they are found to be friends. Then there is joy and gladness, and thanksgivings to God in a procession to the mountain of which I have spoken above. The first question which the Sieur asked his son, was about the King's health. He answered that he was dead. In reply to further inquiries, he told the story as he had heard it in France. Thereupon, they all began to weep, even the Savages joining in after they had heard about the catastrophe ; and they con- tinued to mourn for a long time, just as they would have done for one of their greatest Sagamores.
Sieur de Sainct Just had hardly arrived, when the Etechemin Savages (who love sieur de Poutrincourt) came to announce to him that there were three Ships upon their coasts, from St. Malo and Rochelle, which were boasting that they would devour him as the Gougou44 would a poor Savage. Upon hearing this, sieur de Poutrincourt would not even wait to have the lately-arrived ship unloaded ; but straightway went and anchored opposite [35] these three Ships, and summoned all the Captains to come and speak with him. They obeyed, and the sieur made them acknowledge the authority of his son, as Vice-Admiral in the said lands of the West. One of the Malouin Ships, while trying to make some resistance, was taken, but the sieur, with his usual good-nature, re- leased it, after having admonished it never again to come to sea without its Charter-party.45 There Fa- ther Birat [Biard] said Mass, and did all he could to bring each one to a sense of his duty. In particu- lar, he caused a young man to acknowledge his trans- gressions, who had passed the winter with the men and women Savages : he [the young man] asked par- don from him [Poutrincourt] to whom this was due ;
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Le retardement fufdit eft eaufe que lefditz navires & autres eftas arrives devant ledit fieur de Sct. Iuft, ils ont enleve tout ce qui eftoit de bon au pais pour le commerce des Caftors & autres pelleteries, lefquelles fuffent venues es marins du Sieur de Poutrincourt fi fon fils fuft retourne par-dela au temps qui lui avoit efte enioint. Et davantage on en euft fauve pour plus de fix mille efcus que les Sauvages ont mangees du- rant l'hiver, lefquelles ilz fuffent venus troquer audit Port Royal s'il y euft eu les chofes qui leur font ne- ceff aires. Vne faute auffi fut comife avant le parte- ment de Dieppe par 1'inndelite du Contre-maiftre de navire, lequel ayant charge d'enruner (c'eft a dire mettre dedans) le ble, le detournoit a fon profit. [36] Ce qui ayda a la dif ette que noz Francois ont par-dela foufferte. Et neantmoins Dieu les a tellement fuf- tentes, qu'il n'y a eu aucun malade: voire ceux qui en font de retour fe plaifent a cela, & n'y en a pas vn qui ne foit en volonte d'y retourner.
EFFECTS DE LA GRACE DE DIEU EN LA NOUVELLE-FRANCE.
Nous pouvons mettre ce que ie viens de dire entre les effedts de la grace de Dieu : comme auffi les ra- cines qu'il leur envoya au befoin, dont nous avons parle, & fur-ce l'exercice des pareffeux qui ne s'ef- toient voulu occuper a la terre, lef quels fans y penfer en cultiverent vn beau champ en cherchant defdites racines. Mais particulierement encore l'exemption de maladies, qui eft vn miracle tres-evident. Car es voyages precedens il ne s'en eft iamais paffe vn feul fans mortalite, quoy qu'on fuft bien a. l'aife. Et en cetui-ci non feulement les fains ont efte preferuez,
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 181
and received the Communion from his [the Father's] hand. After this they all returned to Port Royal, with great rejoicing.
In the delay previously mentioned may be found the reason why these ships and others, having arrived before sieur de Sainct Just, took away all that was valuable in the country as regards the Beaver and other fur trade, which would have reverted to Sieur de Poutrincourt's sailors if his son had returned from over the sea at the time stipulated. And besides, more than six thousand escus [ecus] worth of peltries would have been saved which the Savages devoured during the winter, and which they would have come to Port Royal to exchange, had they found there what they needed. A wicked act was also com- mitted before the ship's departure from Dieppe, by the Overseer of the boat, who, being charged to load [enruner] the wheat, appropriated it to his own profit, [36] which contributed to the scarcity which our coun- trymen suffered over there. And yet God so sus- tained them, that no one has been sick ; even those who have come back, are fortunate in that respect, and there is not one of them who would not like to return to that country.
EFFECTS OF GOD'S GRACE IN NEW
FRANCE.
What I have just related may be attributed to the grace of God ; as also the roots that were sent them in their need, which we have already mentioned; and furthermore, the exercise given the lazy ones who would not take part in tilling the soil, and who, without intending it, prepared for cultivation a fine field, while seeking for these roots. But more par- ticularly the exemption from sickness, which is a
182 LES RELATIONS DES JE~ SUITES [Vol.2
mais auffi ceux qui eftoient affligez de maladie en France ont la receu guarifon. Tefmoin vn honete per- fonnage nomme Bertrand, lequel a, Paris eftoit jour- nellement tourmente de la goutte, de laquelle il a efte totalement exempt par dela. Mais depuis qu'il eft de retour, le meme mal eft retourne avec plus d'effedts de douleurs qu'auparauant, quoy qu'il fe garde fans aucun exercice.
[37] Mais qui ne recognoiftra vne fpeciale grace de Dieu en la perfone dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt & fes gens, lors qu'il fut porte par vn vent de terre a la haute mer en danger d'aller voir la Floride, ou d'eftre accable des ondes, au retour de la conduite de fon fils, ainfi. que nous avons rapporte ci-deffus.
I'appelle auffi miracle de voir que les pauvres peuples de dela ont conceu telle opinion de la Reli- gion Chretienne, que fi-toft qu'ilz font malades ilz de- madent eftre baptizez, voire encore qu'ilz foient fains, ils y vont avec vne grande Foy, & difent qu'ilz veulent eftre femblables a nous recognoiffans fort bien leur defaut en cela. Membertou grand Sagamos exhorte vn chacu des Sauvages a fe faire Chretiens. Et tefmoignet tous que depuis qu'ils ont receu le bap- teme ils ne craignent plus rien, ilz vont hardiment de nuict, le diable ne les tourmente plus.
Quand le Sieur de Saindt luff, arriva a Campfeau, les Sauvages non baptizez s'enfuioient de peur. Mais les baptizes en nombre d'environ cinquante s'appro- cherent hardiment difans, Nous fommes tes freres Chretiens comme toy, & tu nous aymes. C'eft pour- quoy nous ne fuyons point, & n'avons point de peur: Et porterent ledit Sieur fur leurs bras & epaules juf- ques en leurs cabannes.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 183
very evident miracle. For, as to former sojourns, not one has been passed without some deaths, although they were well provided for. And in this one not only the healthy remained well, but also those who were afflicted with ill-health in France have there recovered. A witness of this is a worthy man named Bertrand,39 who, at Paris, was daily tormented with the gout, from which he was entirely free over there. But, since he came back here, the same trouble has returned with more severity than ever, although he takes care not to indulge in excesses.
[37] But who will not recognize God's peculiar grace in the case of Sieur de Poutrincourt and his crew, when, upon his return from accompanying his son, he was carried by a land breeze out into the open sea, in danger of making a visit to Florida, or of be- ing overwhelmed by the billows, as we have stated above.
I call it also a miracle that these poor people have conceived such an opinion of the Christian Religion, that as soon as they are sick they ask to be baptized ; and, even when they are well, they approach it with great Faith, saying they wish to be like us, fully rec- ognizing their own shortcomings. Membertou, the great Sagamore, exhorts every one of the Savages to become Christians. All bear witness that since they have been baptized they are afraid of nothing, and go out boldly at night, the devil no longer torment- ing them.
When Sieur de Sainct Just arrived at Campseau, the Savages who had not been baptized ran away in fear. But those who were baptized, about fifty in number, approached boldly, saying, " We are thy brothers, Christians as thou art, and thou lovest us. Hence we fly not away and are not afraid : ' ' and
184 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
Sur la fin du Printemps les enfans de Membertou eftans alles a la chaffe, en laquelle ilz firent long feiour, avint que ledit Membertou fut preffe de ne- ceffite de vivres, & en cette difette [38] il fe fouvint de ce qu'il avoit autrefois oui dire a noz ges que Dieu qui nourrit les oifeaux du ciel, & les betes de la terre, ne delaiffe iamais ceux qui ont efperance en lui, fe- lon la parolle de notre Sauveur.
En cette neceffite done il fe met a prier Dieu, ayant enuoye fa fille voir an ruiffeau du moulin s'il y auroit point apparence de pouuoir faire pecherie. II n'eufl efte gueres long temps en prieres que voici fadite fille arriver criant a haute voix, Nouchicti ', Beggi?i pecti - kmok, Beggin eta pecti kmok : e'eft a dire: Pere, le ha- ren eft venu ; le haren certes eft venu. Et vit par effect, le foin que Dieu a des fiens, a fon contente- ment. Ce qu'il avoit vne autrefois eprouve, ayant eu (ou les fiens) a tel befoin la rencontre d'un Elian, & encore vne autrefois vne Baleine echouee.
Qui voudra nier que ce ne foit vn fpecial foin de la providence de Dieu envers les fiens, quand il en- uoya au Sieur de Poutrincourt le fecours defire le iour de la Pentecofte derniere, duquel nous avons fait men- tion cy-deffus?
Ie ne veux rememorer ce que i'ay ecrit en mon Hiftoire de la Nouvelle- France, livre 4. chap. 4. de la merveille avenue au premier voyage du Sieur de Monts en la perfonne de Maitre Nicolas Aubri Preftre d'vne bonne famille de Paris, lequel fut fe[i]ze iours perdu dans les bois, & au bout dudit temps trouve fort extenue, a la verite, mais encore viuant, & vit encore a. prefent, aymant fingulierement les entreprifes qui fe font pour ce pais la, ou le desit [39] le porte plus
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 185
they carried the Sieur upon their arms and shoulders to their wigwams.
Towards the end of Spring, when Membertou's children had gone hunting, where they remained a long time, it happened that Membertou was sorely pressed for food; and in this time of need [38] he re- membered that he had formerly heard our people say that God, who feeds the birds of the air and the beasts of the fields, never abandons those who have hope in him, according to the words of our Savior.
So, in this necessity, he began to pray to God, after having sent his daughter to see if there were any signs of fish in the mill-creek. He had not been a long time in prayer, when lo, his daughter comes running back crying in a loud voice, Nouchich\ Beg- gin pecti kmok, Bcggin eta pecJi kmok ; that is, "Father, the herring have come ; the herring have come in- deed." And he saw effectually, and to his satisfac- tion, God's care over his own. He (or some of his family) also had proof of this upon another occasion, in a like time of need, when he encountered an Elk, and another time a stranded Whale.
Who will deny that it was a special manifestation of the providence of God towards his own, when he sent to Sieur de Poutrincourt the desired help upon the day of last Pentecost, of which we have made mention above?
I will not repeat what I have written in my History of New France, book 4, chap. 4, of the wonderful thing which happened, during Sieur de Monts' first sojourn, to Master Nicolas Aubry,46 Priest, of a good family in Paris, who was sixteen days lost in the woods, and at the end of that time was found, very much emaciated, in truth, but still living; and he is living yet, and is singularly devoted to the enter-
186 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
qu'il ne fit iamais, comme auffi tons autres qui y ont fait voyage, lef quels i'ay preque tous veux defi- reux d'y hazarder leur fortune, 11 Dieu leur ouvroit le chemin pour y faire quelque chofe. A quoy les grans ne veulent point entendre, & les petits n'ont les ailes affez fortes pour voler iufques la. Neant- moins c'est chofe etrange & incroyable de la refolu- tion tant dudit Sieur de Monts, que dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt, le premier defquels a toujours continue depuis dix ans d'envoyer par dela: & le fecond, non- obftant les difficultez que nous avons recitees ci- deffus, n'a laiffe d'y r'envoyer nouuellement, atten- dant ici le renouveau, pour aller revoir les qens. Dieu doint a l'vn & a 1' autre le moyen de faire chofe qui reufiffe a la gloire de fon nom, & au bien des pauvres peuples que nous appellons Sauvages.
A DIEV SEVL HONNEVR
ET GLOIRE.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 187
prises being carried on in behalf of that country, whither his [39] desires more than ever attract him, as well as all others who have once made the voy- age ; these I have observed are almost all desirous of risking their fortunes there, if God would open up the way for them to do something. To this the great do not care to lend their ears, and the small have not wings strong enough to fly so far. Never- theless there is something strange and incredible in the perseverance of both Sieur de Monts and Sieur de Poutrincourt ; the former having continued to send expeditions over there for ten years ; and the latter, in spite of the difficulties enumerated above, having recently sent over another one, awaiting here the re- turn of spring, to go again to see his people. May God grant to both the means of doing something which may succeed to the glory of his name, and to the welfare of the poor people whom we call Sav-
ages.
TO GOD ALONE THE HONOR
AND GLORY.
188 LES RELATIONS DES J ^SUITES [Vol.2
[40] Extrait du Priuilege du Roy.
Par grace & Priuilege du Roy, il eft permis a lean Millot Marchant Libraire en l'Vniverfite de Paris, d'imprimer, ou faire imprimer, vendre & distribuer par tout noftre Royaume tant de fois qu'il luy plaira, en telle forme ou charadtere que bo luy femblera, vn liure intitule Hijloire de la Nouvelle-France contenant les nauigations faitcs par les Francois cs Indes Occidentals, & terres-ncuves de la Nouuelle-France ', & les dccoiiucrtcs par eux faites efditz lieux, A quoy font adjoutees les Mufes de la Nouvelle France. Enfemble pluiieurs Chartes en taille douce, ou font les figures des Provinces, & Ports, & autres chofes feruans a ladidte Hifloire, com- pofee par Marc Lescarbot Advocat en la Cour de Parlement. Et ce jufques au temps & terme de fix ans finis & accomplis, a copter du jour que ledit livre fera achieve d'imprimer. Pendant lequel teps defenfes font faictes a tous Imprimeurs, Libraires, & autres de quelque eftat, qualite ou condition qu'ils foient, de non imprimer, vendre, contrefaire, ou alterer ledit liure, ou aucune partie d'iceluy, fur peine de cofifca- tion des exemplaires, & de quinze cens livres d'amende appliquable moitie a nous, & moitie aux pauvres de l'hoftel Dieu de cette ville de Paris, & defpens, dom- mages, & interefts dudit expofant: Nonobftant toute clameur de Haro, Charte Normande, Privileges, lettres ou autres appellations & oppofitios formees a ce contraires faidtes ou a faire. Et veut en outre le- dit Seigneur, qu'en mettant vn extraidt dudit Privi- lege au comencement, ou a la fin dudit livre, il foit
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 189
[40] Extract from the Royal License.
By the grace and Prerogative of the King, permis- sion is granted to Jean Millot, Bookseller in the Uni- versity of Paris, to print or to have printed, to sell and distribute throughout all our Kingdom, as often as he may desire, in such form or character as he may see fit, a book entitled, History of New France, containing the voyages made by the French to the West In- dies, and new countries of New France, and the discoveries made by them in said places. To which are added The Muses of New France. Also a number of Charts in copper-plate, which represent the Provinces, Ports, and other things appertaining to said History, com- posed by Marc Lescarbot, Advocate in the Court of Parliament. And this to remain valid until the ex- piration of six full and complete years, counting from the day upon which said book shall be finished. During said period of time, all Printers, Booksellers, and other persons of whatsoever rank, quality, or condition, are prohibited from publishing, selling, imitating, or changing said book, or any part there- of, under penalty of confiscation of the copies, and of fifteen hundred livres fine, one half of which is to be paid to us, and one half to the poor of the public hospital of this city of Paris, together with the costs, damages and interests of the aforesaid peti- tioner. Notwithstanding all cries of Haro, Norman Charter, Licenses, letters, or other appeals and coun- ter-claims, opposed to this, now or in future.47 And His Majesty also wills that in placing an extract
190 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
tenu pour deuement fignifie, come plus amplement eft declare par les patentes de fa Majefte. Donne a Paris le 27. iour de Novembre, l'an de grace 1608. Et de noftre regne l'vnzieme.
Par le Roy en fon Confeil.
Signe, Brigard.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 191
from said License in the beginning or at the end of said book, it shall be regarded as a notice duly served, as has been more fully described in the patents of his Majesty. Given in Paris the 27th day of Novem- ber, in the year of grace 1608, and of our reign the eleventh.
By the King in Council.
Signed, Brigard.
A. Logemens ties artifans.
B. Plate forme ou eftoit le canon.
C. Le magafin.
D. Logemet du fieur de Pontgrai
& Champlain.
E. La forge.
| Facsimile of Champlain 's j
XII
Relatio Rerum Gestarum
in Nova-Francica Missione, Annis 1613 & 1614
LYONS: CLAUDE CAYNE, 1618
SOURCE: We follow the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 6. The Title and Tabula Rerum are the work of that Editor. The Text is from the original volume of An- nua? Littera? Societatis Iesu, Anni CIO IOC XII, pp 562-605, in the Riggs Library, Georgetown, D. C. The bracketed pagination is that of the Annua? ; that in Roman, of O'Cal- laghan.
RELATIO
RERVM GESTARUM
IN
Novo-Francica Miffione
ANNIS 1613 & 1614.
Ex Annvis Litteris Societatis lESV imprcffis
LVGDVNI,
Apvd Clavdivm Cayne, typographvm.
CI3 IDC XIIX
A RELATION
OF OCCURRENCES
IN THE
Mission of New France
DURING THE YEARS 1613 AND 1614.
From the Published Annual Letters of the Society 0/jESUS
LYONS,
Claude Cayne,
printer.
1618
196 LES RELATIONS DES JE~ SUITES [Vol.2
[iii] Tabvla Rervm
Pag.
i
I /'"""N UID fit Nova Francia
II \) De climate . . . .2
III ^*- De moribus gentivm . . 4
IV De prima exploratione Novce Francice . 4 V De fitu, flvviis et incolis . . .5
VI De promontory's, de quinqve Francorvm domi- ciles . . . . .8 De ortu domicilij Sancli Saluatoris ad ojlivm
amnis Pentegoetij . . .9
VII Appvlvnt nojlri ad Portvm Regalem . 16
VIII De labor ibns nojlrorvm . . 17
IX De rebvs angi'Jlis . . . 25
X Patres radices legvnt et pifces ad fvjle?itvm
domicilij [iv] . . . .36
XI Sanffceiis ex Francia folvit ad ?wvas miffionis fedes collocandas et Sancli Saluatoris domi- cilivm inchoat . . . -37
XII De impetu Anglornm in miffwnem Sancli Saluatoris et de ruina Sanclce Crucis et Regii Port is arciam . . 41
XIII Patres in Virginiam et inde in Angliam de-
portati . . . . «53
XIV Svmma rervm in Novo-Francica mijfione
gejlarvm . . . .59
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 197
[iii] Table of Contents.
Page.
I
I T T 1 HAT New France is II V V Climate . . . .2
III Customs of the people . . 4
IV First exploration of New France . . 4 V Location, rivers, and inhabitants . . 5
VI The capes; the five settlements of the
French . . . . .8
Origin of the settlement of St. Sauveur at
the mouth of the river Pentegoet . 9
VII Our fathers land at Port Royal . .16
VIII Labors of our fathers . . 17
IX Their hardships . . . 25
X The Fathers gather roots and fish for the
support of the colony [iv] . .36
XI La Saussaye leaves France for the purpose of establishing new missionary stations, and begins the settlement of St. Sauveur . 37
XII Attack of the English upon the mission of St. Sauveur, and destruction of the forts of Ste. Croix and Port Royal . 4 1
XIII The Fathers are carried to Virginia and
thence to England . . -53
XIV Summary of occurrences in the mission of
New France . . . -59
198 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
[562] In Novam Franciam, sev Canadiam Miffio.
NOVA FRANCIA, Brafiliae ac Peruuio continens ad Boream vaftiffima regio, Aquitanico Galliae littori ad occafum obuerfa, directas ab Occidente in Orientem, & contra, lineas cum [563] noflra Francia communes habet; ab eaqne non ita longo maris tra- iedtu odtingentarum, aut is vbi latiffimus eft, mille leu- carum dirimitur interuallo. Ex huiufmodi oppofitu & vicinitate noftratis Fraciee, Nouam Franciam maio- res earn appellarunt; cui nomenclationi & ilia altera, rei maxime congruens, acceffit ex euentu caufa, quod earn terrarum adhuc incognitam oram primi mor- talium Franci noftrates deprehenderunt, crebrifque nauigationibus, centum eoque ampliiis abhinc annis, frequentarunt. Canadise vero nomen, quod vulgo vni- uerfam in earn regionem confertur, eius modo plagae Septemtrionalis proprium eft, quae Canada fluminis, & nobilis fmus, cui a San<5to Laurentio nomen eft, co- piofis aquis alluitur. Enimuero vniuerfae Nouse Francise amplitudo, nunc, ad Floridas confinia, multo licet quam nuper contractor, vndequadragefimo ta- men gradu, versus Auftrum, determinatur: vltraque noftratis Francise latitudinem non paucis leucis por- rigitur: exinde autem ignotis adhuc finibus in Aqui- lonem, ficut & immefis tradtibus in Sinicum mare ad Occidentem excurrit: qua denique Eurum fpeCtat, noftro Aquitanico Oceano, Britannicoque, ipfi linea- rum parallelis obiecto, definitur.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 199
[562] The Mission in New France, or Canada.
NEW FRANCE, an immense region adjoining Brazil and Peru on the North, and opposite the coast of Aquitaine in a westerly direc- tion, is situated between the same parallels of latitude as [563] is our France ; and is separated from it by the very moderate voyage of 800 leagues, or, where the ocean is broadest, of 1,000 leagues. Because it is thus opposite and near to our France, our ancestors called it New France; and for this nomenclature another especially appropriate reason occurred in the good fortune by which our French fellow-countrymen were the first to take possession of this hitherto unknown region, and visited it in frequent voyages more than a hundred years ago. But the name of Canada, which is commonly given to this entire country, belongs only to that Northern re- gion which is washed by the abundant waters of the river Canada,48 and of the noble gulf which is called St. Lawrence. Indeed, the whole territory of New France, although now much more confined than for- merly, towards the frontiers of Florida, is neverthe- less bounded on the South by the thirty-ninth parallel, and extends many leagues beyond the breadth of our France. Moreover, it stretches with yet unknown limits towards the North, and in vast expanses to the Chinese sea on the West ; finally it is bounded East- ward by our Aquitanian and Breton Ocean, lying op- posite and between the same parallels.
200 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
Caeli eadem omnino, quae noftri Gallici tempera- tio, ex ea ratione Climatis eiufdem, quam indicaui- mus, ineffe illi regioni debet, vti reuera ineft. Soli autem quin par quoque fit ratio, nihil prohiberet, ft iugis adeffet campeftris terrse cultura: & perpetua- rum fere filuarum abeffet denfa opacitas. [564] Nam opima omnino vniuerfi terreni vifcera, facile prodit ingens arborum amplitudo, atque proceritas : fum- mam quoque glebam vbertate multa pinguem, tota planitie camporum, hilariter herbefcens terrae viridi- tas oftendit.
Gens ea diftindtis lingua & fede multis populis con- tinetur, nulla vfquam confiliorum aut fortunarum communione deuindtis: nulla nee lege, nee arte; nullo nifi pifcatus, & venatus vitae fubfidio inftrudtis: vix vlla Numinis cogitatione, aut falutis cura infor- matis : ad omne opus ignauis : ftupidis ad artes, quae ingenio aut memoria nitantur: in fumma, belluinis paene hominibus conftat ea natio. Populus cum lon- ginquo propinquove populo vix habet commercium, nifi quod bello inferendo, aut defendendo poteft inter- uenire. Immo, neque idem populus, eadem loci re- gione, ac tuguriorum vicinitate iundtus, ferme vn- quam coire folet, nifi vt de armis, aduersiim com- munes hoftes capita conferat. Exterarum vero nati- onum Francicam vnam fere fuos in portus admittunt, Fibrinis, atque huiuimodi pellibus fuis diftrahendis, neceffariaque vefte, ac fupelledtile permutandis.
Hanc noui orbis partem ex Francis nauarchis primi explorarunt Britones, anno quarto post millennium
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 201
There ought to be in that region the same sort of Climate in every respect as that of our France, from the fact, as we pointed out, of its similar situation, and this is actually the case. Moreover, there is no reason why the soil should not be equally fertile, if the cul- tivation of the plains were long continued upon the up- lands, and if it were not for the dense shades of the al- most unbroken forests. [564] For the subsoil of the whole country is very rich, as trees of immense size and height readily demonstrate. That the surface-soil is also endued with great fertility is shown by the pleas- ing luxuriance of the vegetation over all the plains.
The people comprise many tribes diverse in lan- guage and situation, united by no mutual purposes or interests ; possessing neither laws nor arts, and know- ing no other means of gaining a livelihood than by fishing and hunting ; having almost no conception of Deity or concern for salvation ; indolent in every oc- cupation, and dull in those pursuits which depend upon talent or memory. On the whole, the race con- sists of men who are hardly above the beasts. One tribe hardly ever has intercourse with another, either distant or near, except such as may arise in the pros- ecution of offensive or defensive warfare. Even the members of the same tribe, united by a common loca- tion and the vicinity of their dwellings, are seldom accustomed to meet together, except to take measures concerning war against a common enemy. Of for- eign nations, the French are almost the only people whom they admit to their harbors, for the sake of dis- posing of their Beaver skins and other peltries, in exchange for necessary clothing and utensils.
Among French navigators, the Bretons first ex- plored this part of the new world in 1504;49 and after they brought back reports of it, they had in
202 LES RELATIONS DES /^SUITES [Vol.2
quingentefimum ; de qua vbi renunciauerant, eius repetendae nauigationis, vel comites, vel aemulatores habuerunt deinceps frequentiffrme, turn Normannos, turn cseteros Gallici Oceani accolas. Vndeuicefimo poft anno, Ioannes Verazanus [565] Florentinus,vicefi- mo item, ac tricefimo quarto Iacobus Quartierus Gal- lus, Brito, cum imperio miffi ab Francifco Primo, Gal- lorum Rege, ipfius aufpiciis occupatam regionem il- lam, eius pofterorumque Regum iurifdidtioni vindica- runt, cuius poffeffionem, per interualla fuffedtae aliae atque aliae Francorum expeditiones, in hanc vfque diem Gallorum Regibus afferere perfeuerarunt. De noftris vero miffi quoque funt anno fuperiore, qui Hen- rici Quarti audtoritate populos, Francico nomini ami- citia & Societate iundtos, ac reliquos etiam Canadios, Euangelij tanto fandtiore fcedere, Chrifto regum regi deuincirent. Quo de negotio ante quam inftituamus dicere, praeter ea quae generatim complexi fumus, ne- edle eft de loco ac gente flgillatim quaedam capita enucleatius explicemus.
Nova Francia Gallis adeuntibus gemino littore pa- tet; altero, quod angufta fronte Oceano noftro, & Orienti obtenditur: altero, quod produdtiore tradtu ad Floridae vfque confinia Auftro obiacet. Iflud latus portubus, atque oftiis fluminum frequens eft, quibus commode penetrari poffit in regionis mediterranea, & hac fere Galli terras illas ineunt : illud vero, Franciae nofhrae obiedtum littus, quoniam oppofitu ingentis in- fulae, quam Nouam Terram appellant, importuofum paene eft, ea regione noftrates non fubeunt. Eius
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subsequent voyages thither, many companions or rivals, — not only the Normans, but also other dwell- ers on the Sea-coast of France. In the nineteenth and also in the twentieth year thereafter, John Verazano, [565] a Florentine; and, in the thirty-fourth year thereafter, Jacques Quartier, a Frenchman of Brittany, were sent as commanders by Francis I., King of France ; and, by the occupation of this region under his authority, brought it under the jurisdiction of that King, and also of his successors. Various French ex- peditions, sent out at intervals, continue to this day to maintain that possession for the Kings of France. Some of our brethren were also sent last year in order, by the authority of Henry IV., to unite the tribes joined in friendship and Alliance with the French, and also the remaining Canadians, by the far holier tie of the Gospel, to Christ, the king of kings. Before we begin to speak concerning this undertaking, we must, in addition to our general de- scription, explain more fully some matters concerning the country and people.
New France presents to the French, as they ap- proach it, two coasts, one which borders with a nar- row frontage upon our Ocean to the East ; and another far longer, which extends Southward to the confines of Florida. The former side abounds in bays and estuaries, by which one may readily penetrate into the interior ; by these routes the French usually enter these regions ; but, since the other coast, lying oppo- site our France, is rendered almost inaccessible by the intervention of a great island which they call Newfoundland, our people do not approach in that direction. The immense plain in that quarter is watered by a river of vast size and mighty volume, its course directly eastward from almost the farthest
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orbis vaftiffima planitiem ingentiffimi aluei, aquis co- piofiffimum fiumen irrigat, diredto limite ab vltimo paene occafu ad ortum, quoad angufto freto ad infulam Terras [566] Nouae, ipfnifque infulae oppofitu, eius of- tia in Auftrinum littus infledtantur. Ei fltmio gen- tile nomen eft Sacqnd, Sandtum Latirentium Galli ap- pellarunt ; cuius caput amplius quingentis inde leucis indigenae ab lacu in trecentas patente leucas repetunt. In hunc amnium principem alij amnes nobiles ab Aquilone infmunt, nempe Saguenaiiim, Tergeminus amnis, feu tres amnes, fimul coeuntes, Algomequium, & caeteri non pauci. Saguenaij quingentarum, Ter- gemini quadringentarum leucarum nauigatio longe porrigitur in Boream. E montibus, ad ripam Auftri- nam Saquei amnis, tranfuerfi feruntur in Meridianum Oceani littus alij quoque fluuij celebres ; vnde popu- lis, atque illius tradtus regionibus plerifque gentilia dudta funt nomina; fed eorum nonnullis fui moris appellationes Franci poftea indiderunt. Fluuij autem funt hi ad Auftrum conuerfi, Sandtus Ioannes, Pente- goetius, Quinibequius, Choiiacoetius, Norembega, quern poftremum amnem Cbamplaenius eumdem ac Pentegoetium effe contendit. Populi trans Saque- um, Sandtumve-Laurentium, versus Aquilonem, non procul illius oftiis, funt Canadij, & Excomminquij : longe vero ab his, eadem Boreali ripa, versus occa- fum, e regione Floridae, incolunt Algomeguij, atque Ochafteguij. Cis Sandtum-Laurentium, in Auftrali ora degunt item Canadij, ad ipfum magni amnis flexum, ab Euro in Auftrum declinatis. Poll eos ad Occafum
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west, until, by reason of the narrow strait at the island of Newfoundland [566] and the opposition of the island itself, its mouth is broadly curved towards the Southern coast. The native name of that river is Sacque ;™ the French have called it St. Lawrence; its source the natives seek more than 500 leagues distant, in a lake 300 leagues in width. Into this main stream other noble rivers flow from the North, such as the Saguenay,51 the Three Rivers,52 — or three rivers flowing together, — the Algomequi,53 and many others. These rivers are open for naviga- tion far Northward — the Saguenay five hundred leagues, the Three Rivers four hundred leagues. From the mountains M upon the Southern bank of the Sacque River other notable streams flow across to the Southern coast of the Ocean, and from these the na- tive names for most of the tribes and districts of that region are derived; but upon some of them the French afterward conferred names after their own fashion. The rivers flowing Southward are the St. John, Pentegoet, Ouinibequi, Choiiacoet,11 and No- rembega, which last stream Champlain55 asserts to be the same as the Pentegoet. The tribes across the Sacque or St. Lawrence, towards the North, not far from its mouth, are the Canadis56 and Excommin- quis 10 ; but at a distance from these, on the same North- ern shore, toward the west, in the direction of Florida, dwell the Algomeguis 5r and the Ochasteguis.58 Across the St. Lawrence, on the Southern bank, the Canadi live also, directly at the bend of the great river, which turns from the East towards the South.59 Beyond them, toward the West, lie the Souriquois, inhabitants of the country of Acadia ; 60 thence, toward the Pente- goet or Norembega River, the Pentegoets ; 6 [567] to their right, looking Westward, about the fortress at
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vergut Souriquij, Acadiae regionis incolse: deinde ad Pentegoetium, feu Norembegam fluuium, Pentego- etij : [567] ad horum dextram, Occafum fpedtantium, circa Quebecum arcem, Montagnetij : poft Pentegoetios redto tradtu Eteminquij, ad amnem Quinibequium : inde Almochiquij ad flumen Choiiacoetium, latiffimis campis diffufi: denique inter Floridam, & Sacqueum magnum amnem, Iroquij campeftribus, montofifque locis latiffime habitant. Reliquos Nouae Franciae po- pulos multos, praef ertim trans magnum Sacqueum am- nem, Aquilonares, Galli noftrates non nifi ex auditione norunt. Ex notis autem, amicos, ac paene Socios habent Souriquios, Eteminquios, Montagnetios, Almo- chiquios, Algomequios, & Ochafteguios : iftis capi- tales hoftes Iroquios, hoftili quoque in fe animo ex- periuntur, eo maxime nomine, quod Iroquiis Galli cum ipforum hoftibus bellum intulerint. Horum quidem populorum foli agriculturam, infcienter ta- men, exercent Almochiquij, Iroquij, & Ochafteguij, miliumque Indicum, & fabam Brafilicam ferunt.
Promontoria celebria Franciam Nouam ineuntibus Meridiano littore occurrunt, Britonicum, ad ipfa oftia magni amnis, hoc eft Sandti Laurentij ; ab hoc deinde Heuaeum, Arietinum, Sabulofum, Bifidum, Sandtus Ludouicus, Album, Sandta Helena. Eamdem oram a Promontorio Britonico legentibus obuij hunt portus, Campfaeus, Sefambraeus, Regius, Pulcher. Mediter- ranea vero per Sacqueum amnem, & Canadiae fines fubire volentibus, praeteruehenda funt, Britonicum, ad oflia eiufdem fluuij ; Sandtus- Laurentius; Epifco-
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Quebec,™ the Montagnais; beyond the Pentegoets, di- rectly toward the Quinibequi River, the Eteminquis ; then the Almochiquois, at the Choiiacoet River, scattered over a very extensive region ; finally, be- tween Florida and the great Sacque River, the Iro- quois inhabit enormous tracts of both level and moun- tainous country. Many of the remaining tribes of New France, especially those of the North, across the great Sacque River, our French countrymen know only from hearsay. Among those whom they know, however, they have secured as friends, and al- most as allies, the Souriquois, Eteminquis, Monta- gnais, Almochiquois, Algomequois, and Ochasteguis. The Iroquois, who are deadly enemies of these tribes, prove hostile to the French also, mainly because the latter have waged war against them, in company with their enemies. Certain of these tribes — the Almochiquois, Iroquois, and Ochasteguis — practice agriculture, though unskillfully, and plant Indian corn and the Brazilian bean.61
Numerous headlands meet those who approach New France by the Southern coast: Breton, at the very mouth of the great river St. Lawrence ; next in order, La Heve, Mouton, Sable, Fourchu, St. Louis, Blanc, Ste. Helene.62 Those who coast along the same shore from Cape Breton meet the harbors called Campseau, Sesambre, Port Royal, and Beaubassin.63 But those who wish to journey inland, beyond the borders of Canada, by way of the Sacque river, must pass Cape Breton, at the mouth of the St. Lawrence; Cap de l'Eveque, [568] Cap Chat,64 and some other headlands, — finally reaching Tadoussac bay, at the mouth of the Saguenay river, where it enters the Sacque.
Moreover, in this great extent of territory, by
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pium, [568] Chataeum, & alia nonnulla promontoria : Tadouffacus denique portus ad Saguenaij fluminis oftia Sacqueum ineuntis.
Porro in tarn immenfo terrarum ambitu, frequen- tibus expeditionibus, annis amplius centum, Franci domicilia omnino quinque conftituerunt, quorum pri- mum pofuit Iacobus Quartierus pofteriore fua nauiga- tione, non ad SanclcE Cruets, quae nunc eft, importuo- fas anguftias, & cautes : fed in iis psene veftigiis vbi nunc eft Quebecum, Sandta Cruce quindenis leucis citerius. Alteram Petrus du Gas, dominus de Monts, anno quarto fupra millennium fexcentefimum erexit, in angufta infula, inter Eteminquios, in Auftrali pro- pemodum littore: cui domicilio ac infulae nomen Sancla Crux indidit. Idem eodem anno, in quafi pen- infula, orae Acadicae, ad Regium Portum, eiufdem nominis exiguam arcem foffa & aggere munitam ex- ftruxit. Portus Regius, & portui cognominis arx, funt in ea, quam Franciam Baiam vocant, centum quin- quagmta leucis a Campfaso promontorio, leucas odto intra continentem. Baia fcilicet Francis, ficut Hif- panis, eft amplior terras fmus ad oram maris, aut flu- minis maioris, angulato orbiculatove receffu, influenti aquae ad interiora continentis praebens aditum. In extremo Francico Sinu portus eft octingentorum paf- fuum oftio peruius, duas leucas longus, vnam latus, duum millium capax maiorum nauium, cui ab nobili- tate Regius Portus nomen a Champlaenio Franco eft inditum. Tertiam fedem quarto poft anno condidit dominus de [569] Monts ad Quebecium cornu, in
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means of numerous expeditions and in more than a century, the French have established only five settle- ments ; 65 the first of these was founded by Jacques Quartier during his last voyage, not at the inaccessible narrows and rocks of the place now called Saincte Croix,m but in almost the very spot where now stands Quebec, fifteen leagues on this side of Ste. Croix. An- other was built by Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts, in the year 1604, upon a small island, among the Ete- minquis, close to their Southern shore, to which settle- ment and island he gave the name of Saincte Croix. He also in the same year, upon a sort of peninsula on the Acadian coast, near Port Royal, erected a small fort of the same name, defended by a ditch and a rampart. Port Royal, and the fort of the same name as the harbor, are on what is called French Bay, one hundred and fifty leagues from Cape Campseau, eight leagues from the sea. A bay among the French, as among the Spanish, is a large indentation in the land at the shore of the sea or of a great river, angular or round in shape, giving the waters entrance to the interior regions. At the head of French Bay is a harbor, reached by a channel three-quarters of a mile long ; it is two leagues long and one wide, capable of re- ceiving 2,000 large ships, and because of its majestic appearance was named Port Royal by the Frenchman Champlain. A third settlement was founded by sieur de [569] Monts, four years later, at the point of Que- bec, on the Southern bank of the Sacque river, near the isle of Orleans,67 in the territory of the Monta- gnais; Champlain, who was in charge of the work, called this fort Quebec, from the name of the dis- trict,41 and observed that in almost the same place Jacques Quartier 's post of Ste. Croix had in former
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Auftrali ripa Sacquei amnis, e regione Aurelianae infulae, in Montagnetiorum folo ; quam arcem Cham- plaenius, qui operi prsefuit, Quebecum a, foli nomine appellauit, & eodem paene loco Sandtam Crucem Ia- cobi Quartieri arcem olim conditam fuiffe obferuauit. Quinti & vltimi Francici domicilij fundamenta Patres noftri iaciebant, ad oftium amnis Pentegoetij, cum ab irnimpentibus Anglis opere prohibiti, at que in captiuitatem contra fas, & ius gentium abducti funt. lis ad hunc modum prsemiffis capitibus, quae alioqui moratura erant inflitutam rerum narrationem, ad fuf- ceptam a Patribus noftris Canadicam expeditionem ftylum conferamus.
Potrincourtius Regij Portus caftellum a domino de Monts fibi dono datum, eo ipfo tempore, quo conde- batur, ab Henrico Quarto petiuerat, eo iure, quo op- timo, fibi afferi, vindicarique ? ac eius non modo vin- dicias, fed nexum etiam impetrauerat. Secundum quod ius arcis, & imperij prseterea certis finibus in Noua Francia Potrincourtio attributi, Rex Patri Cotono fignificat, velle fe vti Sociorum opera in Barbaris illis ad Chriftum adiungendis ; proinde fcriberet ad Gene- ralem Societatis Praepofitum fuo nomine, vti defigna- rentur Patres in earn rem, quos primo quoque tempo- re illuc mittendos ipfe Rex ad fe accerferet, annuis duum millium Librarum vedtigalibus illi Miffioni attributis. Annus huius fasculi odtauus agebatur, cum Rex ita de Canadicis rebus decerneret, cuius tamen cogitationes grauioribus negotiis alio feuocan-
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days been built. Our Fathers were laying the foun- dations of the fifth and last French settlement at the mouth of the Pentegoet river, when they were pre- vented from prosecuting the work by a descent of the English, and carried off into captivity, contrary to justice and the law of nations. These details, which otherwise would have delayed the orderly nar- rative of events, having been thus first explained, let us devote our pen to the Canadian expedition under- taken by our Fathers.
Potrincourt had asked of Henry IV. the fort at Port Royal, because it had been granted as a gift to him by sieur de Monts at the very time of its estab- lishment, which was perhaps the best reason he could give for advancing and maintaining his pretensions, and had obtained not merely a claim upon it, but its possession. Following the grant of this fort, and also the government of a definite territory in New France, to Potrincourt, the King informed Father Coton 68 that he wished to employ the services of our Brethren in bringing the Savages to Christ. He also desired him to write to the General of the Society, in his own name, in order that Fathers might be selected for this undertaking, whom the King himself would take measures to send thither at the first available oppor- tunity, while an annuity of 2,000 livres was to be al- lowed the Mission. It was during the eighth year of this century when the King made this decision in re- gard to Canadian affairs ; but, in spite of his plans, by reason of more weighty business which called his at- tention elsewhere, [570] and also the hindrance caused by his death, but especially because of the negligence of those who were managing the Canadian province for the Crown, the departure of our brethren was delayed until the third year thereafter. Moreover,
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tibtis, [570] eius quoque interueniente obitu, fed eo- rum maxime negligentia, qui Regio nomine Canadi- cam prouinciam adminiftrabant, noftrorum profedtio in tertium poft annum eft dilata. Siue autem cafu quopiam, fme hominum confilio, earn proferri trienni toto contigit, cum iam in procindtu noftri effent; obortae tamen fubito funt eae difficultates, quibus pla- num fieret, Cacodaemoni effe inuifa noftrorum in ea profedtione confilia. Regina quingentos aureos nummos, ex defundti Regis decreto numerauerat: Domina de Vernueil, de Sourdis, de Guerclieiiille, alia facrum arae inftrumentum, alia linteam veftem copi- ofam, alia peramplum viaticum munifice contribue- rant: Pater Petrus Biardus, & Pater Enemundus Maffaeus e6 deftinati animis ingentibus fe compara- uerant, vela & ventos auide praeftolantes. Status condidtus dies vela faciendi eis conuenerat cum Bien- courtio Potrincourtij filio, & Thoma Robinio, ex- peditions ducibus, ad odtauum calendas Nouembris anni decimi fupra fexcentefimum ; fed cum eo die adfuiffent, nauigium farciebatur, & ofcitanter qui- dem, in continenti ; tantum aberat, vt idoneo comme- atu & nauigationis, & Canadicae familiae inftrudtum effet. Inftaurandas naui fuas operas, materiamque locauerant Caluiniani duo, & quia Biencourtio ac Ro- binio ad operarum mercedem deerant facultates, Cal- uiniani mercatores certam nautici frudtus partem padti fibi erant, edque nomine, pro dominis in ea naue gerere poffe fibi videbantur Iefuitis igitur locum
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either by some accident, or by the purpose of men, it came to be delayed the entire space of three years, although our brethren were already equipped. Such difficulties, also, suddenly arose as plainly showed that our plans for this voyage were displeasing to the Evil Spirit. The Queen had paid over 500 golden crowns, according to the decree of the late King; Mesdames de Vemueil, de Sourdis, and de Giierchcville had given generous contributions, — one, the sacred furniture of the altar; another, an abundance of linen vest- ments ; the third, a very liberal allowance of money for the expenses of the voyage. Father Pierre Biard and Father Enemund Masse had been selected for the undertaking, and had prepared themselves with great courage, eagerly awaiting their departure. The day for sailing had been agreed upon by them with Biencourt, the son of Potrincourt, and Thomas Robin, the leaders of the expedition, for the 24th day of October, 1610; but, when they arrived upon that day, the ship was undergoing repairs, and that, too, in a negligent manner, upon the land; so far was it from being provided with suitable equip- ment either for navigation or for the Canadian colo- ny. Two Calvinists had devoted their services and resources to the repair of the ship, and, because Bien- court and Robin lacked means to pay for the work, the Calvinist merchants had contracted for a specified portion of the profits of the voyage. By this right, as masters in the ship, they thought themselves able to declare, in the presence of the Jesuits, that there would be no place for them in the vessel; [571] and they emphatically asserted that, if it should be otherwise, they would straightway forsake the prosecution of the work, and all other business in their contract. From this resolution, not even the authority of the Queen
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in nauigio [571] non futurum palam, & affeueranter edicunt, aut fi futurum fit, ab illius operis redemtura, & csetera omni pac5lione fe iamiam difcedere: qua de fententia nee ipfms Reginas audtoritas, ab Domino de Cicoigne, Dieppenfis vrbis regio Praefide, grauiter, fe- uereque denunciata, Caluini affeclas non potuit dimo- uere. Defperata res plane videbatur, quod hsec vna modo nauis in Nouam Franciam anno illo adornare- tur ; & non paterentur duo illi Caluiniani vlla f e ra- tione demitigari: quae noftra deftitutio Dominam Guercheuillaeam, religiofiffimam, & ingentis animi feminam, acriter pupugit; fed ea qua eft follertia, confeflim ad manum habuit rationem, qua non iam vt vedtores nos, fed vt partiarios, exclufis inhumanis Hsereticis, in nauem induceret. Quattuor igitur mil- lium Librarum ftipem de principibus viris ac feminis ex Aula, paucis diebus, corrogat, quantum erat opus ad nauem inftruendam ; eaque collata fumma, Calui- nianos illos duos nautica focietate deiicit, fimulque idoneam fortem conftituit, vnde Canadicae negotia- tionis praef edti perpetuam quotannis penfionem noftrae Miifioni penderent. Sublatis itaque, illius feminse induftria, quae nos morabantur impedimentis, ternis fere menfibus adornandas naui confumtis, huius tan- dem faeculi anno vndecimo, ante diem fextum calen- das Februarias, e littore Dieppenfi, Deo duce, folui- mus, totoque quadrimeftri nauigantes Campfasum in portum, Auftralis littoris Nouae Franciae appulfi fu- mus; inde centum viginti leucarum vel maritima, vel
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herself, pronounced with dignity and severity by Sieur de Cicoigne, the royal Governor of the city of Dieppe, could move these servants of Calvin. The matter was apparently in a desperate condition, be- cause only this one ship was that year being fitted out for New France, and the two Calvinists would not permit themselves to be moved in any respect. This difficulty of ours deeply pained Madame de Guercheville, a woman of extreme piety and great spirit; but her ingenuity speedily devised a method by which she might place us on the ship, not as passengers, but as partners, to the exclusion of the churlish Heretics. She therefore collected in a few days, from the leading men and women of the Court, 4,000 livres, as much as was necessary for fit- ting out the ship ; and by raising that sum deprived the two Calvinists of a share in the vessel, establish- ing at the same time a sufficient capital from which there might each year be paid to the director of the Canadian undertaking an allowance for our Mission. When, therefore, by the diligence of this woman, the obstacles which delayed us had been removed, al- though nearly three months had been spent in equip- ping the ship, still, in the eleventh year of this cen- tury, on the 24th day of January, we set sail under the leadership of God, from the shore at Dieppe; and, after a voyage lasting in all four months, ar- rived at Campseau harbor, on the Southern coast of New France; at a distance thence of 120 leagues, either by sea or land, we joyfully entered Port [572] Royal. The exercises of the members of the Society in piety, humility, and kindness toward all manner of men, were especially observed by our brethren during that sea- voyage, because an expedition of great importance was being undertaken, and also for
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terreftri via Portum [572] Regium lsetantes iniuimus. Quae follemnia funt Societatis hominibus in eo nauti- co curfu pietatis, demiffionis, humanitatis erga omne hominum genus, haec, tanto minus ab noftris omiffa funt, quod ingentis momenti expeditio inftituebatur, & praeter Caluinianos nonnullos, iis praefedtis vel fociis rei nauticae vtebamur, quos, noftrae confuetu- dinis ratione, omnino oportebat de Societatis Inftituto redtius, quam imbuti accefferant, imbui. Appellenti- bus nobis ad illius orbis littora nauigium, fadtus eft obuiam Champlaenius, cum caetera virtute, turn fep- tenni iam illius maris nauigatione clarus, quern fum- mo noftro ftupore fpedtauimus aduerfum glaciatas aquae moles, ingentibus terrae collibus magnitudine pares, maximis animis, ac fmgulari induftria & arte decertantem, interque ilia pericula fortiter enauigan- tem. De Sandto-Laurentio, amne Canadienfmm maxi- mo, fcribit idem Camplaenius in nauigationum com- mentariis, eius fummas aquas tribus totis in imum vlnis conglaciari Ianuario, & infequentibus menfibus duobus ab oflio furfum versus, centum leucarum itin- ere, nee vltra. procedere rigorem aquae, cum tamen nulla pars fluminis, diredto alueo ab occafu in ortum manantis, fit Aquilonibus altera propior, aut monti- bus ad apricationem tedtior. Addit etiam, ineunte Aprili, foluta glaciei tanta vi, Sandti-Laurenti laxiffi- mum oftium congelatis molibus paene obftrui, quas ait in altum mare longius prouedtas, doudenis diebus, quotannis fere liquari.
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the reason that, besides a few Calvinists, we were as- sociated with officers and seamen to whom it was ab- solutely necessary that we should, on account of our frequent intercourse, give more correct ideas concern- ing the Institutum 69 of the Society than they had for- merly received. When we brought the ship to the coast of this region, Champlain ro met us, — a man renowned not only for his valor in other respects, but also for his voyages in this sea for seven years past; whom, to our utter amazement, we have seen battling against masses of ice, equal in size to great hills upon land, with the greatest courage, and with remarkable activity and skill, sailing forth bravely amid all these dangers. Concerning the St. Lawrence, the greatest river of Canada, this same Champlain writes, in his commentaries upon his voyages, that its surface is frozen to the depth of three entire yards, during January and the two following months, to the distance of a hundred leagues upward from its mouth; and that the freezing of the water does not extend farther, although no part of the river, since it flows directly from west to east, is more Northerly than another, or more protected by mountains, so as to be warmer. He adds also that in the beginning of April, by the melting of so great a mass of ice, the broad mouth of the St. Lawrence is almost blocked with frozen masses, which, he says, are carried forth a long distance into the sea, and usually melt within twelve days, each year.
The arrival of our brethren at French Bay [573] and Port Royal occurred on the 26th day of June, and ^
also, — certainly a most auspicious omen, — the sacred feast of Pentecost. Nothing more opportune could have happened to Potrincourt than the arrival of sup- plies, if only these had been abundant, since his priva-
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Appvlsvs noftronim ad Francicum Sinum, [573] Portumque Regium, in ante diem feptimum calendas Quintiles, eumdemque Pentecofles facrum feliciffimo plane omine incidit. Nihil Potrinconrtio accidere poterat allato commeatu opportunity, fx tamen is am- plus effet, vt quern rei angufliae coegerant, Barbaris partem familiae alendam diuidere. Vt ne autem inftrudtiores a commeatu veniremus, fecerat turn na- uigij, fexaginta dumtaxat doliorum, breuitas; turn plus inftrumenti pifcatorij, quam cibariorum in na- uem immiffum ; turn deniq ; ab tricenis fenis capiti- bus, quot vehebamur, grauior in nauticam penum illata folido quadrimeftri labes. Quamobrem Potrin- courtio fexaginta hominum contubernio, tenuiffima re domeftica, iam eum psene iplis initiis opprimente, mature prouidendum fuit, ne Portus Regij penuaria cella in fequentem hiemem exhaufta relinqueretur. Cuius procurationis, vt familise patrem decuit, fumto fibi onere, ipfe in Galliam traiedturus, de Porturegi- enfi multitudine psene quadragefimus medio Iulio foluit, exeunteque Augufto Gallise littori appulfus eft, relidto Biencourtio filio, cum reliqua cohorte, qui Porturegienfi arci prsefideret.
Nostris interea, quod fuarum partium eflet, enixe fatagentibus, cordi erat in primis popularis linguae cognitio, quam Galli leuiter modo delibatam, fi vnum exciperes, tradere praeceptis, vfiive docere non pote- rant ; vt vna dumtaxat reliqua effet ratio eius ab flu- pidis indigenis, non inftitutione, fed affidua confue-
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tions had compelled him to place a portion of the colony to be supported among the Savages. Moreover, the fact that we had not come well-furnished with provi- sions was due, not only to the smallness of the ship, which was of only sixty tons burden, but also to the placing of more fishing tackle than provisions in the cargo; then, finally, by thirty-six persons, the number which was on board, there was a great consumption of the ship's stores during four en- tire months. Wherefore, Potrincourt, almost over- whelmed, at the outset, by the necessity of maintain- ing sixty men in this scarcity of provisions, was forced to take early precautions lest the meagerly furnished storehouse at Port Royal should be left bare for the coming winter. As behooved the father of the col- ony, he took upon himself the burden of managing this business, and resolved that he himself would cross over to France. With about forty of the people at Port Royal, leaving his son Biencourt in command of the fort there, and the rest of the company, he set sail in the middle of July ; and, in the latter part of August, he reached the French coast.
Meanwhile, the greatest desire of our brethren, zealously occupied with the performance of their du- ties, was at the start to know the language of the natives, which the Frenchmen — caring but little for it, with one exception — could not impart by rules, or teach with advantage ; so only one method remained, to learn it from the stupid natives, not by lessons, but by constant practice. Consequently, after our associates had made various attempts to conciliate the Savages, by gifts, by friendliness, and by [574] every sort of service, they accomplished little or nothing. For, besides the fact that they employed teachers not at all fitted for instruction, from whom nothing could
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tttdine tandem exprimendse. His itaque, muneri- bus, comitate, atque [574] omni officij genere concili- andis cum noftri nihil non tentallent, parum aut nihil permouerunt. Enimuero, praeterquam quod minime idoneis ad difciplinam magiftris vtebantur, a quibus nihil expromeres, nifi afflueter ante faginato aquali- culo, & quos morse, vel non diuturnse, impatientim- mos idemtidem abs te abalienaret, auelleretque ftudi- ofa cuiufque rei percontatio: ipfa quoque linguae conditio, idoneorum, ad res etiam vulgatiffimas, voca- bulorum indigentiffimae, noftrorum incenfa ftudia deftituit, & animos gauiter afflixit. Rerum fcilicet, quae fub afpedtum, tadtum, & reliquos fenfus cadunt, ex Barbarorum refponfis nomenclatio vtcumque de- prehendebatur : fed earum quae fenfuum vim fugiunt, fumma eft apud earn gentem appellationum penuria, & alta quoque rerum ignoratio. Pofterioris autem generis defperata difciplina, cum neque priorem Barbari aut poff ent, aut vellent tradere ; vna reliqua fpes erat in adolefcente Gallo, vernaculae linguae bene perito, eximia humanitate, & comitate, quern etiam Pater Biardus non vulgari beneficio fibi deme- ruerat. Is erat Pontgrauseus, Pongrauaei filius, egre- gij viri fuperioribus annis cum Champlaenio vices Domini de Monts in Francia Noua gerentis; quern adolefcentem, decern & odto leucis Regio portu non longiiis, hiemare parantem, ad amnem Sancti Ioan- nis, fumma ipfius voluntate, nullius incommodo, noitri eius inftitutione Canadicum idioma erudiedi adire cuperent. Verumtamen Biencourtius eius pro-
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be obtained unless their stomachs were first liberally crammed, and who, being very impatient of even a short delay, would often be distracted and drawn away from one by earnest inquiry about any subject: the very nature of the language, also, so deficient in words suitable for the expression of even the most common ideas, evaded the eager pursuit of our men, and greatly disheartened them. Of those things, in- deed, which fall under sight, touch, and the other senses, the names were obtained from the answers of the Savages in one way or another; but for those things which elude the senses, there is the greatest scarcity of names among that race, and also a pro- found ignorance of the things themselves. The knowledge of the latter class was despaired of, since the Savages either could not, or would not explain the former; one hope remained, in a young Frenchman, fluent in the native tongue, of remarkable kindness and affability, whom Father Biard also had laid under obligations to himself by no ordinary favors. This was Pontgrave, the son of Pontgrave,71 an ex- cellent man, who in former years, together with Champlain, represented Sieur de Monts in New France; and this youth, who was preparing to pass the winter no farther than eighteen leagues from Port Royal, at the river St. John, our brethren were anxious to meet, with his own ready consent, and with inconvenience to no one, for the sake of the aid of his instruction in acquiring the Canadian language. Although Biencourt was consulted about this expedi- tion, and also requested by our comrades that they might be allowed by his kind permission [575] to make progress through Pontgrave in the foreign idiom, by their ignorance of which, they were losing all the fruits of their voyage to New France,72 they did not
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fedtionis confultus, ac rogatus etiam a noftris, vt, eius bona venia, [575] proficere per Pontgrauseum in pere- grino idiomate fibi liceret, cuius ignoratione, fuse na- uigationis in Nouam Franciam frudtu penitus exci- derent : quod ea communicatio cum Pontgrauseo noua- rum rerum fupicionem moueret Biencourtio, nihil impetrarunt. Tantifper ergo noftris has difficultates aequo animo tolerantibus, dum qua fe aperiret via fuo inftituto conuenientior, Deus materiam non procul qusefitam fubiecit, de grauiter segroto Henrico Mem- bertouio, Sagamo, bene merendi; & corporis, & ani- mi eius diligenter curanda falute. Sagamo apud earn gentem cuiufque populi praefes appellatur: Sagamon vero agebat inter Souriquios, in Acadia, Membertouius, ad Aquilonare latus Porturegienfis caftelli, ad Sandti Ioannis flunien. Cum tamen dyfen- teria ccepit tentari, degebat in Baia Mariana, vt vo- cant, hoc eft, in Mariano Sinu, Portum Regium inter, Meridianumque littus, vnde afportari fe iufferat in arcem, vt medicorum noftrorum curatione vteretur. Angufta fua cellula eum noftri exceperunt, diebuf- que non paucis, abfente ipfius coniuge, ac filia, diu no(5tuque, in grauiffimo fordid j morbi fcetore, pro affi- duiffimis, & maxime follicitis miniftris ei libentiffime operam fuam nauauere. Is vbi Confeffione fuerat expiatus, Sacrdque inundtus oleo, de fepultura fua egit cum Biencourtio, feque humari velle ait in maio- rum fuo fepulcro. Biencourtius, qui tanti rem efTe non putaret, facile affentiebatur ; auditifque Patris
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succeed ; because such intercourse with Pontgrave in- spired suspicion in Biencourt. While our brethren therefore patiently endured their troubles, until some path more suitable to their plans should be revealed, God placed within their reach the desired oppor- tunity, for doing a kindness to Henry Membertou, a Sagamore who was dangerously ill, by caring diligently for the salvation of both his soul and his body. Among this people the chief of each tribe is called a Sagamore, and Membertou was Sagamore among the Souriquois, in Acadia, to the St. John river, North of the fort at Port Royal. However, when he began to be afflicted with dysentery, he was residing at Bay Ste. Marie, as they call it, be- tween Port Royal and the Southern coast, whence he had ordered himself to be brought into the fort, in order that he might profit by the care of our physi- cians. Our fathers received him into their narrow cabin, and, for many days, in the absence of his wife and daughter, by day and night, amid the noxious filth of a vile disease, freely bestowed upon him their services, as most assiduous and exceedingly solicitous attendants. When he had been absolved upon Con- fession, and anointed with the Holy oil, he arranged with Biencourt about his burial, and said that he wished to be interred in his own ancestral burial place. Biencourt, who did not think the matter of much importance, readily consented, and, upon hear- ing the objections of Father Biard to his decision, believed that trouble might be prevented if [576] that grave would be blessed according to the Christian rite. This opinion of Biencourt rendered Membertou so much the more steadfast in his resolution ; Father Biard declared that he would not agree with them in this, and explained why he would not consent. There
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Biardi contra fuam. fententiam rationibus, occurri poffe incommodis cenfebat, ii [576] fepulcrum illud ritu Chriftiano luftraretur; quae Biencourtij opinio Membertouium tanto conflantiorem in fuo decreto cum faceret, Pater Biardus neque id fe illis affenfu- rum confirmauit, & cur non affentiretur oftendit. Non dubium erat, quin fi Sagamus in confilio perftaret, eiufque adftipulator fieri pergeret Biencourtius, offen- fionis atque turbarum inde quidpiam oriretur: fed huic malo Diuina occurrit prouidentia ; poftridie siquidem Membertouius fua fponte poftulauit com- mune Chriftianorum ccemeterium, qua & in fententia mortem obiit ; vti fcilicet hoc fuo fa<5to fidem fuam omnibus Chriftianis ac Barbaris teftatam relinqueret, fuffragiorumque Ecclefise fieret particeps. Magnus omnino vir fuit hie Sagamus, non fuorum magis, quam noftrorum iudicio, cuius eximiam indolem fu- pra vulgare Canadiorum ingenium longe ideo extu- lifTe vifus eft Deus optimus, vt hunc fibi iuftas eius gentis primitias legeret. Ex odtogenis fere Nouo- Francis, quos ab ineunte Iunio anni fexcentefimi de- cimi, nulla plane imbutos catechefi, temere Baptifmo impertierat IofTseus nefcio quis, fui muneris parum intelligens facerdos, vnus dumtaxat Membertouius, pro eo quantum fuos omnes populares fagacitate & prudentia longo interuallo anteibat, follerter difpexe- rat, quanti effet, Chriftianum non cenferi quidem, fed reipfa idoneis eo nomine praeditum moribus vi- nere. Et certe reliquis omnibus de illo odtogenario
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was no doubt that, if the Sagamore persisted in his purpose, and Biencourt continued to support him, some offense and disturbance would arise therefrom ; but Divine providence prevented this evil. The day thereafter, Membertou of his own accord requested the usual Christian burial, in which resolution he died, evidently purposing by this act to leave his faith attested to all Christians and Savages, and to become a participant in the privileges of the Church. This Sagamore was in every respect a great man, not only in the opinion of his own people but in ours; and the good God seems to have raised this man's excellent nature high above the ordinary char- acter of the Canadians, in order that he might gather him to himself as the first fruits in righteousness of his race. Out of some 80 natives of New France whom since the beginning of June of the year 1 6 10 a certain Josse,73 a priest unfamiliar with his duties, had heedlessly baptized, although they cer- tainly had had no religious instruction, Membertou alone, who greatly excelled all his countrymen in acuteness and good sense, had wisely discerned how important it is not merely to be considered a Chris- tian, but actually to live with a character agreeing to the name. And indeed, although the entire remain- der of that 80 had continued their brutal mode of life ever since Baptism, this man alone deserved to be called a Christian, and indeed led a praiseworthy life in [577] the midst of dense ignorance, before our breth- ren had come thither. As he, first of all the inhabit- ants of New France, was sprinkled with the saving wa- ters, it seems, beyond doubt, that he so imbibed their most potent virtue, that nothing remained for him but to secure those teachers, by whose instructions he would be trained in Christian principles until he should
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belluinum a Baptifmo viuendi morem perpetuo reti- nentibus, hie folus vt Chrifliano dignum erat, in [577] multa etiam ignorantia, priufquam eo noflri aduenif- fent, vitam cum laude traduxit. Primus omnium de Nouo-Francis falutaribus afperfus aquis, earum vim potentiffimam ita fcilicet vifus eft combibiffe, vt ei nihil longius effet qua vt eos nacifceretur magiflros, quorum difciplina Chriftianis inftitutis eo vfque in- ftrueretur, dum idoneus fieret, qui fuos inter popula- res Apoftolicum ageret doc5torem. Ardentis huius defiderij locupletes teftes noftri, has voces eius ex ore fsepenumero exceperunt: Per Deum immorta- lem, date operam Patres, noftrum vt idioma breui perdifcatis, vti vobis dodtoribus vfus, ficuti vos eftis, ego quoque concionator, & docendi magifter euada, noflraque coniundta opera Nouo-Francoru gens vni- uerfa ad Chriftum traducatur. Hunc virum, vix quin- decim menfibus, ex quo in Chriftianorum numerum venerat, fuperftitem, paucis diebus noflra inflitutione informatum, multae tamen vere Chriftiani ac pij ani- mi virtutes illuftrem fecerant; quam fcilicet tam vberem frugem fmgulares probae indolis dotes in eo nuper, patriis etiam moribus viuente, praefagierant. Omnium prouincialium teflimonio, quotquot multis ante fseculis floruerant, Sagamos hie vnus animi robo- re, muneris militaris fcientia, clientelarum multitu- dine, frequentiaque, potentia, & gloriofi nominis cla- ritudine inter fuos, atque ipfos hoftes facile fuperauit. Quern celebritatis fplendorem perpetuum non potuit,
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become fit to introduce among his countrymen an Apostolic teacher. Our brethren are competent wit- nesses of this burning desire ; they often heard from his lips these words : ' ' By the immortal God, Fathers, endeavor to quickly learn our language, in order that, after having employed you as teachers, I also, like you, may go forth as a public exhorter and in- structor ; and by our united labors the entire popula- tion of New France may be brought to Christ. ' ' This man, who survived hardly fifteen months after be- coming a Christian, and was accorded but a few days of our training, was nevertheless rendered illustrious by many virtues truly Christian and belonging to a pious spirit ; and, indeed, unique marks of an upright character had presaged in him this fruit which was so rich, a short time previously, while he was still liv- ing according to his ancestral customs. By the testi- mony of all the inhabitants of the province, this one man, in strength of mind, in knowledge of the mili- tary art, in the great number of his followers, in power, and in the renown of a glorious name among his countrymen, and even his enemies, easily sur- passed the Sagamores who had nourished during many preceding ages. This universal honor and renown he could not have attained, even among Savages utterly untaught, except from an established reputation, the knowledge also of the exceptional justice of his [578] character, and his temperance. Indeed, concerning this last virtue, although nothing additional can be cited, there was certainly a dis- tinguished example of a man of great self-restraint in the continual monogamy of Membertou, in which rank, thus far, New France has recognized him alone as a phoenix indeed. For, though all the rest of the natives, but especially the Sagamores, covet above
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etiam inter Barbaros, nulla vllius rei dodtrina imbu- tos, confequi, nifi ex certa fama, adedque etiam notitia eximise in eo vigentis [578] aequitatis, atque tempe- rantise. De temperantia quidem eius, vt praeterea ni- hil afferri poffit, luculentum fane fuit, fibi magnopere moderantis hominis, documentum, perpetua in Mem- bertouio monogamia, quo in genere folitarium vere phoenicem Nouo-Francia eum adhuc agnouit. Quod enim reliqui omnes indigense, fed Sagami praefertim, ex vxorum multitudine ftirpis numerofam feriem ex- petunt fummopere, atque fperant, fuse vtique poten- tial fmgulare columen ac nrmamentum ; id vti more gentis vfurparet, adduci numquam potuit Member- touius, quod altiore quadam, fupra vulgus Sagamo- rum, fapientia perspiceret, grauiora inter difcordes vxores, & earum liberos fimultatum, fub eodem tedto, detrimenta exiftere, quam emolumenta opum, & neu- tiquam confentientis potentiae. Sollemne eft illi genti, ex fuperftitiofo ritu, quod genus omnes habent praecipuum, demortuorum neminem fuo vnquam nom- ine appellare, fed aduentitium cuiuis, ex re nata, indere, quo cum perpetuo inter commemorandum de- notent: quo ex more Henricum Membertouium ab virtutibus bellicis nuper clariffimum, congruenti eius laudibus nomenclatione, Magnum Imperatorem, fuo idiomate, nuncuparunt.
Potrincovrtivs Biencourtij pater, in Galliam menfe Iulio nauigarat, commeatus fummittendi gra- tia, cuius erant magnae anguftias in Porturegienli
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all else from a multitude of wives a numerous train of progeny, and desire them as the especial support and foundation of their power; Membertou could never be induced to conform to this custom of the race, because, with a certain wisdom deeper than that of the mass of Sagamores, he perceived that the evils arising among the quarreling wives and among the children of these rivals, beneath the same roof, more than balanced the increase of resources and of power that might arise from a large family. It is an observ- ance of that race, from a superstitious rite which all especially revere, to never mention by name any de-* ceased person ; but to give each, according to circum- stances, an additional appellation, by which they al- ways designate him whenever they mention him. In conformity with this custom, they called Henry Mem- bertou, because he had of late been highly renowned in warlike virtues, by a name agreeing with his repu- tation, meaning, in their language, Great Chief.
Potrincourt, the father of Biencourt, had sailed for France in the month of July for the sake of pro- curing supplies, of which there was a great scarcity in the colony at Port Royal ; but up to the following month of October no provisions had been sent from France ; therefore, Biencourt decided to make a trip, in company with Father Biard, to the Almochiquois, who lived near the Choiiacoet river, [579] and had plenty of Indian corn, in order by the exchange of French goods to obtain some food for the winter. But be- cause he turned aside from the journey across French Bay, to the St. John river, in order that he might exact from the young Pontgrave and the rest of the Maclouins a tax upon their Canadian traffic, and be- ing longer delayed by disputes which arose with that colony, he waited almost beyond the time for obtain-
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familia, Odtobri menfe infequente ; cibariorum tamen nihil e Gallia milium erat ; idcirco Biencourtius ad Al- mochiquios, Choiiacoetij fluminis [579] accolas, Indici milij copiis abundantes, nauigationem, comite Patre Biardo, inftituit, Gallicarum mercium permutatione ad hibernam aliquam annonam frumentaturus. Sed quod ex itinere ad Sandti Ioannis flumen, trans Fran- cicum Sinum diuerterat, vt ex adolefcente Pontgra- useo, reliquifque Maclouienfibus quintas exigeret Ca- nadicse negotiationis, diutius eum morantibus fubortis cum ea familia difcordiis, tempore frumentationis paene exclufus eft, ad quam deinde cum eft reuer- fus, Barbarorum delufus fraude, qui fpem frumen- tariae permutationis fecerant, vacuus in Portum Re- gium renauigauit. In ea excurfione feliciter obtigit Patri Biardo, vt Pontgrauaeo conciliaret Biencourtium, ficuti nuper Potrincourtium eidem infenfum placaue- rat, & vt Merueillaeo item Maclouienfi, de falute, ob nefcio quas fufpiciones, periclitanti grauiter, eadem pacificationis opera, vitam affereret; quo fuo fadto vtrumque fibi magnopere deuinxit. Noftro Sacer- doti demeritos effe beneflciis liomines huiufmodi, cum ob eastern multa, turn ob id in primis opportune accidebat, quod eorum opera fideli, ac vtili effet vfu- rus in difciplina Canadicae linguae, quam Pontgrauaeus callebat egregie, fi dies aliquot vna. viuere, aut certe frequentius congredi liceret. Id certe, vt Pater Biar- dus no expeteret, quod expetebat, ipfi vitro ambie- bant, delato ei perhumaniter fuo contubernio ; quibus
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ing corn ; and, when he finally returned to that business, deceived by the pretensions of the Indians, who had held out the hope of buying food, he sailed back empty-handed to Port Royal. During this trip Father Biard fortunately succeeded in reconciling Biencourt to Pontgrave, just as he had lately concili- ated Potrincourt, who had been enraged at the same man ; and also, by the same office of pacification, in preserving the life of Merveille, the Malouin, who was in great jeopardy on account of certain suspi- cions ; by which actions he acquired the greatest in- fluence over them both. It was advantageous to our Priest to have men of this character indebted for fa- vors to him, not only for many other reasons, but especially, because he designed to make use of their faithful and effective services in learning the Cana- dian language, in which Pontgrave was unusually skilled, if they should be allowed to reside together for a few days, or to meet even more frequently. They, of their own accord, took care that Father Biard might not request what he desired, by very politely offering him the privileges of their home ; the Father was grateful to them, and for the present returned thanks, requesting them, however, to postpone their kind- ness to him until that time when it would be proper for him to accept it ; for it was not then fitting for him [580] to desert Biencourt, especially when he was engaged in a dangerous journey. Afterwards, while Biencourt was returning from that unsuccessful trip to the Quinibequi for provisions, which we have just de- scribed, when they had arrived at the Pentegoet river and the island of Ste. Croix, Father Biard endeav- ored to persuade him, and even begged him, to send him to Pontgrave from that place, which was near at hand, for the purpose of composing a Canadian cate-
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in praefentia Pater egit gratias, habiiitque, rogatis tamen, vt fibi hanc benignitatem, in id tempus refer- uarent, quo bene vti fas effet; tunc enim haud [580] decere Biencourtium, in periculofa praefertim nauiga- tione, ab fe deferi. Biencourtio deinde redeunti ex irrita ilia Quinibequienfi. frumentatione, quam modo indicauimus, ciim ad Pentegoetium amnem, & Sanctae Crucis infulam ventum effet, fuadere conatus eft, immo fupplex fuit Pater Biardus, vt fe inde, loco ex propinquo, ad Pontgrauaeum dimitteret, Canadici ca- techifmi contexendi caufa, quod inter eos ante con- uenerat. Huic poftulationi, licet aequiffimae, is cuius nihil plane intererat, non nifi eis conditionibus affen- fus eft, quae & iniquiffimae, & nequaquam in poteftate Patris effent. Quamobrem facultate deiedtus idioma- tis vernaculi condifcendi, ad otiofam pasne vitam in arce degendam adactus eft, ingenti fua moleftia. Nouembri exeunte, iam ferme exaufto penu, nulli nuncij afferebantur e Gallia; & quod reliquum effe poterat ab venatione fubfidium, niuibus obfitu fo- lum intercipiebat ; vt ex parfimonia petendum effet vedtigal, quo plures in dies annona fufficeret. De- menfum igitur cuiuflibet e familia, in quamque heb- domadam, ad denas panis vncias, lardi felibram, pifi aut fabae ternas fcutellas, & prunorum vnam denique redierat. Atque tametfi familia vniuerfa eo comme- atu, quern noftrum e Gallia importaueramus, vitam tolerabat, nihil nobis liberaliiis, quam cuiuis de calo- nibus eo tempore indultum eft, neque vt indulgere-
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chism, which had previously been agreed upon be- tween them. To this request, although most just, and although it certainly made no difference to him, Bien- court would not consent, except under conditions which were both exceedingly unjust and by no means in the power of the Father. Therefore he was disap- pointed of the opportunity of learning the language of the natives, and was compelled to lead an almost inactive existence in the fort, to his great vexation. By the end of November, although the provisions were already almost exhausted, no tidings were re- ceived from France ; and what aid they might have obtained by hunting was cut off by the deep snow that covered the ground ; so it was necessary to exer- cise the greatest economy, in order that the pro- visions might last longer. The weekly allowance, therefore, of every one in the colony had finally been fixed at ten ounces of bread, half a pound of lard, three dishes of peas or beans, and one of prunes. And, although the whole colony was living upon the pro- visions which we had brought from France for our own use, we were treated with no more indulgence at that time than any one of the servants, nor did we wish for special privileges; although a certain rascal, in a writing published in France,74 has not hesitated to circulate many statements to the con- trary, in the most shameless and calumnious manner. Until the 24th of January, in the year [581] 1612, the scarcity of provisions lasted, upon which day a ship entered Port Royal with a small quantity of supplies, bought and sent over by Madame de Guercheville. This pious lady had paid to brother Robert du Thet, 1,000 golden crowns, contributed according to the agreement between Robin 75 and the Canadian Fa- thers, for the purpose of purchasing and conveying
234 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
tur, optauimus, quamquam nebulo quidam, fcripto in Gallia edito, non eft veritus multa fecus per fummam impudentiam & calumniam diffeminare. Ad nonum calendas Febrtiarias, anni [581] fexcentefimi duode- cimo, tenuerunt cibariorum anguftiae, quern ad diem in Portum Regium inuedta eft nauis cum mediocri admodum annona, Dominse Guercheuillaeae fumtibus emta, & tranfmiffa. Mille aureos nummos, ex padlo focietatis cum Robinio & Patribus Canadienfibus ini- tae, contributes haec pia matrona numerauerat Rober- to du Thet, fratri noftro coemendis tranfrnittendif- que Porturegienfi contubernio cibariis ; fed eorum quadringentis fratrem noftrum, non fatis cautum de- pofiti cuftodem, Potrincourtius oblata fuae fyngraphas cautione, confeftim emunxit ; ficque res tota rediit ad fexcentos, vnde annona nobis exigua conflaretur. Sed neque tot aureorum cibaria in nauem illata funt, nam Potrincourtij naualis adminifter partem coemti frumenti auertit in Gallia, & eorum quae aduedta erant, Porturegienfi Societati quantum collibuit, nee amplius, reddidit. Nofter Gilbertus du Thet, cuius in oculis horum pleraque commiffa erant, poftea quam vidit, ab eo qui annonae tranfuehendae praefue- rat, nullas acceptorum rationes referri, afTumto Patre Biardo, apud Biencourtium egit modefte, vti ab eo, qui mandato parentis eius, pro magiftro in naui gef- ferat, acceptorum ratio repof ceretur : intereffe fiqui- dem nauticorum omnium fociorum, vt conftaret, quantu a fmgulis expenfum acceptiique effet. Bien-
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 235
provisions to the colony at Port Royal ; but Po- trincourt, by means of his promissory note, straight- way cheated our brother out of 400, as he was not a sufficiently careful guardian of his trust, and so the whole sum was reduced to 600, by means of which a scanty store was provided for us. But not even pro- visions to the value of that number of crowns were placed in the vessel, for Potrincourt's naval agent76 embezzled in France part of the grain purchased ; and, of the supplies carried over, he delivered to the So- ciety at Port Royal as much as he pleased, and no more. Our brother Gilbert du Thet, before whose eyes most of these acts had been committed, when he saw that no account was rendered, by the person in charge of the transportation of the supplies, of what had been received by him, in company with Father Biard modestly requested Biencourt that a reckoning concerning his trust be demanded from the man who, by order of his father, had acted as captain of the vessel ; saying that it was to the interest of all the ship's company that it should be made manifest how much had been received and expended by each individual. Biencourt indeed admitted at that time, and often thereafter, that nothing more modest or more just could be asked by any person ; but, nevertheless, just as if Simon Imbert, whose account in [582] the matter was desired, had been cruelly accused by our brother, he so represented to the former the request of the lat- ter, that he made him our bitter enemy. Therefore Imbert, in order to make Biencourt his friend and alienate him from us, and to release himself from the necessity of rendering an account, placing an evil in- terpretation upon the plan of Madame de Guerche- ville, who had taken occasion to make an agreement between the society and Robin, in order that he
236 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
courtius quidem & turn, & deinde faepius eft profef- fus, nihil moderatius, nihil sequiiis poftulari a quo- quam potuiffe : nihilo tamen minus, quafi a noftro atrociter infimularetur Simon Imbertus, cuius fides in [582] eo negotio defiderabatur ; ita illius poftulata ifti de pinxit, vt eum nobis infenfiffimum faceret. Im- bertus ergo vt Biencourtium fibi conciliatum a nobis abalienaret, feque referenda^ rationis neceffitate abfo- lueret, maligne interpretatus confilium Dominae Guer- cheuillasae, quae pacifcendae focietatis cum Robinio anfam captauerat, vt Miffionis noftrae rebus tanto cer- tius caueret; fraudulenter cauillatus eft, per caufam eius focietatis intendi machina, qua Biencourtiorum nome Porturegienfi arce, atque vniuerfa Noua Fran- cia detruderetur. Ex hac calumnia illse Biencourtij fimultates exftiterunt, quibus fadtum eft, vt noftro- rum opera Nouo-francis populis, quin & ipfis quoque Gallis nihilo fere quam ifti minus egentibus inftitu- tione, deinceps effet inutilis. Calumniatoris menda- cia facile fuit noftris diluere, & femel, iterum, ac terti6 tarn aperte ac valide apud Biencourtium, au- diente vniuerfo contubernio, dihierunt; vt poftre- ma refutatione ad infantiam adactns Imbertus eo deueniret, vt excufandae noxas gratia profiteri non vereretur, fibi largiter temulento illas aduerfum nos calumnias excidifTe. Biencourtium acriter pupu- gerat nuncius, quo afferebatur, etiam confcio pa- rente fuo Potrincourtio, vniuerfse Nouas Franciae ius imperiumque a maximo amne Sacqueo ad Flori-
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 237
might more securely guard the interests of our Mis- sion, falsely charged that by means of it a conspiracy of the society was in progress, by which the authority of the Biencourts was to be destroyed in the fort at Port Royal and in the whole of New France. From this slander arose those quarrels with Biencourt by which our services were rendered useless to the tribes of New France, nay, more, to the French themselves, who needed instruction scarcely less than the natives. It was easy for our brethren to refute the falsehoods of their defamer; and once, twice, and a third time they so plainly and completely disproved them, be- fore Biencourt, in the hearing of the whole settle- ment, that Imbert was rendered speechless by the final refutation, and was so reduced that he did not hesitate to claim, for the sake of excusing his wickedness, that these slanders had been uttered by him while much intoxicated. Biencourt had been deeply vexed by the news which was brought, to the effect that, even with the knowledge of his father, Po- trincourt, the possession and government of the whole of New France from its greatest river, the Sac- que to Florida, except Port Royal, had been granted by a Royal charter to Madame de Gucrcheville ; and that, by documents under public authority, there had been transferred to her also by Sieur de Monts every- thing which he had recently possessed in this region by the grant of Henry IV. And, although he could not suppose that these things were done because of our [583] influence, still he thereafter acted towards us just as if he had so believed. The idea of Madame de Guercheville was, indeed, that their respect for her authority might serve as a strong restraint to hold to their duty the Biencourts, both father and son, who up to this time had kept poor faith with us and felt
238 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
dam, Portu Regio demto, Giiercheuillcea Regio diplo- mate eff e coceffum eidemq ; a Domino de Monts quid- quid Henrici Quarti beneficio nuper in eadem ora poffediffet, id omne tabulis publice confignatis effe tranfcriptum. Atque, vt non putaret, haec nobis [583] auctoribus gefta effe, perinde tamen poftea in nos affectus fuit quali credidiffet. Guercheuillaeae qui- dem mens, fuit huius principatus fui reuerentia, velut potenti freno iniedto, Biencourtiorum vtrumque, pat- rem & filium, fidei hadtenus in nos parum fincerae, ani- mique minus grati, fuo in officio continere; nihil au- tem de Porturegienfi iure ipfis detrahere. Sed fui ni- mio plus amantes homines alienam in re propria caution em, fuam iniuriam interpretabantur : quod tamen res iis effet angufta domi, nee viderent vnde commodius cella Porturegienfis inftrui poffet, quam a Guercheuillaea in gratiam noftrorum Patrum, ne hac annona exciderent, fuum dolorem taciti conco- quebant. Noftrorum facillima fuit apud Biencour- tium purgatio, quam cum accepiffet in prsefentia, re- conciliatis animis Patres ad inftitutum Canadienfis idiomatis condifcendi magnis animis reuerfi funt, par- titis inter fe prouinciis, vt Pater Maffseus ad Ludoui- cum Membertouium, Henrici vita fundti filium, eius rei caufa demigraret; Pater Biardus magiflrum eius linguas domi Barbarum fibi adhiberet. Patri Maffaeo ad Sancti Ioannis flumen apud hofpitem, cum ado- lefcente Gallo focio degenti, ex diuturna inedia, & Nomadicse vitae continentibus vexationibus, accidit
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 239
little gratitude toward us ; but not by any means to deprive them of their right to Port Royal. But these men, too fond of their private interests, consid- ered as an injury to themselves the solicitude of others in regard to their own affairs; but because their affairs at home were embarrassed, and they knew no more convenient source of provisions for Port Royal than Madame de Guercheville, for the sake of our Fathers, they silently smothered their vexation, in order not to lose these supplies. Our brethren very easily exonerated themselves before Biencourt, and when he had for the time being ac- cepted their excuses, and harmony had been restored, the Fathers returned with great determination to their purpose of learning the Canadian language, di- viding the business between them, so that Father Masse should go for this purpose to Louis Member- tou, son of the late Henry; while Father Biard . should have a Savage to teach him the language at home. While Father Masse, with a young French companion, was residing with his host at the St. John river, he fell seriously ill from long fasting and the continual annoyances of a wandering life ; and, al- though he did not die, he was reduced to the utmost weakness. During this illness a very ridiculous discussion, worthy of a Canadian intellect, took place between Membertou and his guest, the Father. The savage approached the prostrate Fa- ther, very anxious and grieved, as his countenance actually showed, because of the Priest's unfortunate condition, [584] whom he addressed with these words: "Hear me, Father, you will surely die, as I indeed an- ticipate ; write therefore to Biencourt, and also to your brother, that you have by no means perished at our hands, but been overcome by disease, in order that no
240 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 2
grams aegrotatio, qua tantum non confedtus ad vlti- ma delaberetur, inter quern morbum Membertouio cum hofpite Patre accidit ridicula plane, ac Canadico ingenio digna fermocinatio. Ad decumbentem fcili- cet Patrem is adiit, vt quidem eius vultus praeferebat, Patris acerbo cafu [584] valde follicitus ac mcerens, quem in haec verba compellauit. Audi me, Pater, moreris omnino, vt ego quidem auguror: fcribe igi- tur ad Biencourtium, itemque ad tuum fratrem, te a nobis nequaquam trucidatum occubuiffe, fed morbo confumtum, ne qua in nobis tui obitus noxa refideat. Cui contra retulit Pater Maffaeus: Non committam, vd quod mones, imprudenter ad meos fcribam : ne tu ex mea imprudentia fadtus audacior, fecuriorque vio- lentas manus afferas, nihild tamen minus innocentiae teftes meas litteras apud te habeas, quae te noxa exi- mant. Inexfpectato, & arguto refponfo perculfus Barbarus, quafi ex alto fopore mox ad fe rediit, atque renidenti ore, ait : Iefum igitur tuis precibus tibi pro- pitium facito, vt te periculo mortis eruat, ne quis in nos tui occafus culpam conferat. Illud ipfum euro, inquit, Pater, define effe follicitus, nee enim me hie morbus exhauriet. In Porturegienfi quiete Pater Biardus interea dodtore Barbaro vtebatur ad condif- cendam barbariem, quae fe idoneum Euangelij praeco- nem in rudi admodum gente praeflaret: cui dodtori quamdiu habuit vnde menfam infterneret, eius facili, vtilique opera profecit, fed difcendi docendique cur- fum poft aliquot hebdomadas inhibuit penus inopia.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 241
harm may come to us because of your death." Fa- ther Masse answered him in turn : " I shall not do as you advise me, and imprudently write to my friends, lest you should become bolder and more careless, be- cause of my lack of foresight, and lay violent hands upon me, while nevertheless possessing my letter as proof of your innocence, which would save you from punishment." The Savage, astonished by this un- expected and keen reply, soon came to himself, as if from a deep sleep, and said with a smile : " Therefore make Jesus favorable to you by your prayers, in order that he may save you from the danger of death, and no one may lay the blame of your fate upon us." " I am attending to that very thing," said the Father, " cease to be anxious, for this disease will not end me." In the calm of Port Royal Father Biard, in the meantime, employed a Savage as teacher, that he might learn the barbarous tongue, which pre- sented itself as the suitable vehicle for the Gospel among this utterly rude people. As long as he had provisions with which to furnish the table for his teacher, he made progress by the aid of his willing and efficient services, but after a few weeks the scarc- ity of supplies interrupted the course of learning and teaching. By these difficulties our brethren were also hindered in the case of four Savages, whom Father Biard and Biencourt, in a time of peril upon tne sea, had vowed, with the concurrence of the Savages them- selves, to make Christians, if they should safely escape from the threatened shipwreck. When they were delivered from this danger, and had brought the ship to Port Royal, there was nothing in the storehouse with which to feed the Savages until they should be suitably instructed in the Catechism; and, because of this poverty of our brethren, the opportunity of sue-
242 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
Cuius anguftiis quoq; prohibiti funt noftri, ne quat- tuor Barbaros, quos Pater Biardus & Biencourtius in maritimo difcrimine, ipfis Barbaris ratum votum ha- betibus, futuros Chriftianos vouerant, fi e praefenti naufragio incolumes euaderent. Erepti periculo cum ad Regium Portum appuliffent nauem, non fuit in cella vnde alerentur Barbari, quoad idonea Catechefi effent imbuti, qua deftitutione affedlis nobis rei bene gerendae occafio periit, nee poftea rediit.
In Nouembrem eius faeculi annus duodecimus iam procefferat, cum exigua cibaria fuperiore Februario allata, aut abfumta penitus, aut tenuiffimis arcta re- liquiis Biencourtium valde anxium habebant: fed eo maxime, quod ex Galliis nauis nulla veniebat. Noftris, pofteriore Februarij menfis commeatu, fum- miffa fuerant priuatim quaterna puri tritici dolia, vnumque hordei, quae in futurum fibi fepofuerant; quam annonam, accifis communibus contubernij re- bus, conferendam in medium rati, Biencourtio earn permiferunt, vt in quotidianos familias totius vfus diuideret, ipfofque in diurno demenfo cum caeteris domefticis aequaret. Eo fubfidio ad tempus fubleua- tas funt publicae neceffitates, fed in tota hiberna mul- titudine, tametfi non numerofae, tenuius id fuit vedti- gal, quam pro foli conditione, nullam frumentationis, incertam venatus, pifcatufque fpem offerentis. Vt autem dierum tempeliiuitas omnis adeffet ad pifca- tum, locorumque opportunitas : aberat tamen neceffa- rium ad hanc operam pifcatorij lembi inftrumentum.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 243
cessfully accomplishing the undertaking passed by, and did not afterwards recur.
The twelfth year of this century had already ad- vanced to November, when the fact that the scanty supplies, brought the preceding February, were either entirely consumed, or reduced to extremely scanty remnants, caused Biencourt great anxiety, but es- pecially, because no ship was coming from France. There had been sent to our brethren privately, among the preceding February's supplies, four casks of pure wheat and one of barley, which they had laid aside for their own use in the future. This grain, because of the general extremities of the colony, they judged should be added to the common stock ; and gave it to Biencourt, in order that he might distribute it for the daily needs of the whole settlement, and give them an equal allowance each day with the rest of the people. By this aid the general necessities were relieved for a time; but for the winter, and among all that crowd of people, although not numer- ous, this was a scanty supply, considering the condi- tion of the ground, which presented no opportunity for agriculture, and an uncertain chance for hunting and fishing. Moreover, even if the weather and the accessibility of the places had been every way favor- able for fishing, there was still lacking for this pur- suit the necessary aid of a fishing boat. Therefore, while the rest of the settlers were slothfully enjoy- ing winter cheer before the blazing hearth, as if for- getful of their poverty, our brethren devoted their attention and labor to the construction of a boat. While they were engaged in this sort of work, the whole colony guessed and wondered what men so un- skilled in the carpenter's art, unprovided with work- ing tools, and unsupplied with material, were trying
'ad.
244 LES RELATIONS DES JE'SUITES [Vol.2
Caeteris igitur contubernalibus hiberna folatia ex luculento foco fegniter capeffentibus, quail oblitis fuam penuriam, noftri appellunt ftudium, operamque Rertius aba lintrem fabricandam. Eis ad eiufmodi opus ac- cindtis, fufpicere, demirari vniuerfum contubernium, quid moliantur homines a fabrili arte, ab armis fabrili- bus, a materia tarn imparati : apud focum [586] de tarn nouo inftituto multa verba facere, fubitarios Argonau- tas didteriis figere : fed noflri ab opere neutiquam dif- cedere, rem vrgere. Medio Martio, ftupentibus fuis irriforibus, noftri lintrem in aquam deducunt, flumi- num ac maris ipfms patientem, nee verentur adolef- cente famulo atque alio contubernalium comitibus, aduerfo flumine, Sinum Francicum influente, in filuas ad glandem Chiquebiamque radicem legendam con- tendere. Chiquebi radix eft illius orae praecipua, nof- tris tuberibus haud abnmilis, fed vefcentibus iucun- dior ac vtilior, cuius multiplices bulbi, tenui filo catenati, fub fumma terra nafcuntur. Sed omnia eius radicis cubilia iam a peritis locorum Barbaris delibata noftri leguli deprehendebant, vt multa in- dagine, quilibet eorum eius cibi vnum diarium vix fibi qusereret. Ab hac glandaria, bulbariaque meffe, quandoquidem eius leue fuit mometum, ad Eplani pif- catum ftudia conuertentes, altius versum amnis caput nauigium promouent. Eplanus, feu Epelanus, eft pif- ciculus Trichiae Rothomagenfis magnitudine, hoc eft eius, quern Sardinam vulgus appellat, qui mari egref- fus ineunte Aprili, magnis agminibus dulcis aquae
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 245
to do ; they talked a great deal before the hearth [586] concerning this novel venture, and flung taunts at these rash Argonauts; but our brethren never left their work, and hurried on the undertaking. In the middle of March, to the amazement of their scoffers, our friends launched their boat, which endured the vio- lence of the rivers and even of the sea ; nor did they fear, in company with their young servant and an- other of the household, to ascend the river flowing into French Bay, to gather acorns and the Chiquebi root7' in the forest. The Chiquebi root is peculiar to this coast, and is not unlike our potatoes, but more pleasant and useful for eating ; its numerous bulbs, joined by a slender thread, grow deep in the earth. However, our collectors found that all the spots where this root grew had been already visited by the Savages, who were acquainted with the places; so that after long search each one of them could scarcely find a quantity of this food sufficient for one day. From this harvest of acorns and roots, since it was of small importance, they turned their attention to fishing for the Eplanus,m and ad- vanced their boat farther toward the head of the river. The Eplan or Epela?i is a little fish of the size of the Trichia Rothomagensis, that is, of the fish which is commonly called the Sardine ; and, in the be- ginning of April, it leaves the ocean, and in great shoals enters the fresh-water streams, where it lays the eggs for its abundant young, these streams being very numerous four leagues from the post at Port Royal. Fishing for the Eplanus was succeeded by that for the Halecis, and for other sorts of river and sea-fishes, just as opportunity and suitable place offered for capturing each, up to the month of May; but, contrary to what they most of all wished, our
246 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol. 2
riuos fubit, vbi fundendis ouis feturse operam det, cuius ingens eft copia, quattuor leucis a Porturegienfi ftatione, frequentibus riuoru alueis. Eplanici pifca- tus laborem excepit Halecis, ac cseterorum feu fluui- atilis feu marini generis pifcium praeda, prout cuiuf- que captandi fe dabat & tempeftas, & locus idoneus, ad Maium vfque menfem ; fed contra quam maxime omnium vellent, nofiri pifcatores, [587] Euangelij vel hamo, vel reti capiebant homines, in longe ampliflimo Canadiorum Oceano, non nifi pauciffimos.
Interea teporis in Gallia Reginae audtoritas inter- ponebatur, vt primo quoque tepore Porturegiefi fer- uitute liberaremur, nobis vti liceret, in quolilibet Nouae Franciae tradlu, aut patrium idioma perdifcere, aut quod iam didiciffemus noftro iure, nullius ex- fpedtata venia, inter Barbaros exercere. In earn rem igitur Regio diplomate inftructi Sociorum duo, Pater Quintinus, & qui ante in Galliam renauigarat e Portu Regio, Gilbertus du Thet Nouo-Fracicum littus, an- no fexcentefimo decimo tertio, medio Maio incolumes laetique tenuerunt. Diplomate cauebatur, vti liceret nobis nouu domiciliu commodo loco aedificare, ac ido- neam familiam domicilio tuendo habere, ad cuius inflrudtum annua tricenum capitum cibaria, equi praeterea, capras, ac caetera id genus largiter fummiffa erant. Ad vim quoque propulfandam inftrumenti bellici, & commeatus nonnihil, militaria item quat- tuor tabernacula, quibus tegeremur, dum muri affur- gerent nouae domus, Reginae beneficentia accefferant.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 247
fishermen, [587] with the hook or net of the Gospel, took only a very few men in the immense Ocean of the Canadian tribes.
Meantime in France the authority of the Queen was interposed, that we might at the first oppor- tunity be relieved from our bondage at Port Roy- al, and that we might be allowed, in any part of New France, either to study the language of the na- tives, or practice among the Savages what we had al- ready learned by our own right, and seeking the per- mission of no man. Therefore two of our members, provided with a Royal commission for this undertak- ing,— Father Quintin,78 and he who previously had sailed from Port Royal for France, Gilbert du Thet, — safely and joyfully reached the coast of New France in the middle of May of the year 161 3. It was pro- vided in the commission that we should be allowed to establish a new settlement in a suitable place, and to have a sufficient number of colonists to protect it ; 79 and for its provision there had generously been sent a year's supply of food for thirty persons, and also horses, goats, and other things of the sort. By the kindness of the Queen there were also added weap- ons for our defense, some supplies, and also four military tents, by which we might be sheltered while our new residence was being built. La Saussaye, with a military title and command, was to have charge of the household of colonists, not only while the buildings were in process of erection, but also when they had been completed and fortified, in order that in case of attack nothing might be neglected, but the entire colony should be in a condition of de- fense, and the buildings in good repair. When the supplies were landed at Port Royal, only five of us were there, out of the whole population, Biencourt
248 LES RELATIONS DES JE~SUITES [Vol.2
Sauffeius militari titulo imperioque domefticae co-
horti, domicilio aedificando, eidemque exftructo, ac
munito praefuturus erat, vti nihil deeffet ad ingrue-
tes cafus, quin fedes familiaque omnis farta tecta-
que confifteret. His in Regium Portum appellenti-
bus, quini tantum de toto contubernio aderamus, ab-
fente inter caeteros Biencourtio, cuius vices obeunti
Heberto cum Reginas litterae ledtae fuiffent, [588] qui-
bus dimitti iubebamur, noftras nobis licuit colligere
farcinas, quibus colledtis pofl biduu Porturegienfi fta-
tione, ad nouas fedes collocandas in Norembegenfi re-
gione foluimus. Kadcfqtritum, Norembegae orae por-
tus, nautis edicebatur ex padto, vt eo nauigium appel-
lerent, vnde vniuerfa familia exfcenfionem faceret,
futuri domicilij locum aufpicato captura in proximis
collibus ; fed cum in propiore portu haefiffent, cui a
Sancto Saluatore nomen, ex faufto euentu, indidimus,
afferebant fe padtam fidem abunde exfoluiffe, neque
longius curfum prouedluros. Inter earn contentio-
nem fermo incidit cum indigenis Barbaris, quibus
fuam oram mirifice prae Kadefquito collaudantibus,
«& ad earn fedem deligendam magnopere hortantibus,
eius explorandae cupido nobis inceffit; qua explora-
ta, impenfeque probata ab omnibus, totius multitu-
dinis eo incubuit animus, vt opportuno in colle area
excitando aediflcio delignaretur. Loco itaque inaugu-
rando Crux erigitur, folum exftruendis aedibus de-
f cribitur, iaciendis fundamentis terra err* oditur, eodem
nomine, quo fubiedtus portus, nafcens tenuibus exor-
1 612-14] THE JES UIT RELA TIONS 249
being absent with the others. When the letter of the Queen, [588] in which were orders for our dismissal, had been read to Hebert,80 who represented Bien- court, we were allowed to collect our baggage ; hav- ing done this, two days later we left Port Royal, with the intention of founding a new settlement in the neighborhood of Norembega. The boatmen had been notified, according to their agreement, to land at Kadesquit ,%x a harbor on the shore of Norembega, in order that the whole colony might there disembark, and auspiciously take possession of a site for the fu- ture settlement upon the neighboring hills ; but when we had stuck in a bay, this side of that,83 to which from the favorable outcome we gave the name of St. Sauveur, they declared that they had abundantly ful- filled their agreement, and that they would not con- tinue the voyage any further. During this dispute, we engaged in conversation with the Savages inhabit- ing the spot ; and since they praised their own coun- try as being far superior to that at Kadesquit, and earnestly solicited us to choose it for our settle- ment, we conceived a desire to explore it. After we had examined this region, which was heartily ap- proved by all, the whole company turned their atten- tion to selecting a site for the building upon a suit- able hill. Therefore, a Cross was erected, by way of consecrating the place; the ground was marked out for the erection of the buildings ; the earth was dug up for laying the foundations ; and our abode, while still in its infancy, was called by the same name as the harbor, St. Sauveur. La Saussaye, the com- mander of the colonists, took, from the beginning, so deep an interest in agriculture that he thought of that alone, and neglected everything else; and through his excessive zeal for husbandry, called off a large
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diis domus Sandtus Saluator appellator. Sauffeio co- hortis Duci rufticae rei tam acris cura principio infe- derat, vt id vnum cogitaret, caetera negligeret omnia, exque nimio agricultural ftudio, magnam familiae partem ab opere fabrili ad rufticum feuocaret. Mot- taeus Sauffeio Legatus, Ronferaeus Signifer, Ioubertus ordinum Inftructor, caeterique de Cohorte primores erant in ea fententia, omnibus reliquis pofthabitis curis, aedificandum [589] effe domicilium, edque confe- rendas vniuerfas cohortis operas, quoad aduersum hof- tile vim munitionibus cindtum, tuto habitari poffet. Quamobrem aegerrime ferebant, contubernalium ple- rofque ab asdificando abdudlos arationibus ab Sauf- feio adhiberi, apud quern vehementer inftabant, vt omnium manus & ftudia in aedificationem, vtilius in praefentia vtique negotium, conuerteret; fed furdo canebatur. Ita variantibus procerum fententiis atque inftitutis, exoriebantur contentiones, cuiufmodi folent inter diffentietes nafci, dum quod quifque optimum cenfet, id aliorum confiliis atque coeptis prasuerten- dum putat : fiebatque vt altercationibus dies ab opera inanes traducerentur. Quam inertiam, & difcordan- tium iudiciorum obftinationem, rei Chriilianae cultui- que Diuino in ea ora valde infeftam, Deus vifus eft improuifo infortunio voluiffe multare.
Angli paucis abhinc annis Virginiam occuparunt, quam Ioannes Vezaranus Francifci I Gallorum Regis aufpiciis exploratam, quingentefimo vicefimo tertio anno fub eius iurifdidtionem redegerat. Eadem ipfa eft continens inter Floridam Nouamque Franciam,
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portion of the colony from the work of building, and set them to farming. La Motte,83 Saussaye's Lieuten- ant, Ronseraye, the Color-bearer, Joubert, the Drill- master, and other leading men of the Company were of the opinion that, postponing all other enterprises, the building [589] ought to be completed, and the en- ergies of the entire company be devoted to this, until it should be protected by fortifications against hostile violence, and might safely be inhabited. Wherefore, they were greatly displeased because most of the colonists were taken away from building and em- ployed in plowing by La Saussaye, whom they eager- ly urged to apply the labors and zeal of all in build- ing, a more profitable undertaking for the present ; but it fell upon deaf ears. So, as the views and plans of the leaders were at variance, disputes arose, such as usually take place between those who differ, when each one thinks that what he deems best ought to be preferred to the projects and undertakings of others; the result was, that days were idly spent, away from work, in quarreling. This inactivity, and obstinacy in contrary opinions, so inimical to Christian inter- ests and the Divine worship upon that shore, God seems to have willed to punish by means of an un- foreseen calamity.
The English, a few years before, had occupied Vir- ginia, which John Verazano, in 1523, had explored under the authority of Francis I., King of France, and brought under his jurisdiction. It is the portion of the continent between Florida and New France, which, covering the thirty-sixth, thirty-seventh, and thirty-eighth parallels, was formerly called by the name of Mocosa,m situated two hundred and fifty leagues Westward from the station at St. Sauveur. From the fort [at Jamestown], which they have held
252 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
quam tricefimo fexto, feptimo, & odtauo gradibus fub- ftrata, Mocofce nomine ? veteres defignamnt, du- cetenis quinquagenis leucis versus Occafum ab Sandti Sahiatoris ftatione diffitae. Ex Ieutomo arce, quam egregie munitam, & praefidiario milite in- ftrudtam inibi odlauo ab hinc anno habent, quotannis seftiuam nauigationem inftituunt ad Peucoi'tiarum in- fularum cetarias, pifcariae [590] annonae in futuram hiemem comparandae. E6 cum deueherentur huius anni sedate, inciderunt in eas caeli caligines, quae huic mari denfiffimae folent per eos menfes incubare, in quibus dum incerti locorum diutius haerent, frequen- tibus eos trahentibus aeftuariis, paullatim noftru in littus delati funt, haud procul portu Sandti Saluatoris. Inde Barbarorum imprudentia lapforum indicio, qui eos pro foederatis Gallis fumerent, didicerunt Galli- cam nauem in proximo portu verfari, atque illam qui- dem neque grandem, neque a numerofis epibatis, neqj ab seneis tormentis valide inftructam. Eo nun- cio nihil opportuniiis accidere poterat hominibus feminudis, & cibariorum copia exhauftis, quos praeter hanc inopiam, infita rapiendi cupiditas, & praedae ma- ioris opinio, quam quanta ex direpto noftro nauigio poterat cogi, fua fponte ad vim inferenda, etiam con- tra ius naturale ac gentium, accendebant. Arma igi- tur expediunt, paffis velis, inftrudta acie, diredto curfu in noftrum portum inuehuntur. Quibus argumentis Barbarus ille, cuius maxime indicio fueramus proditi, cum hoftilem in nos Anglorum animum collegiffet,
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for eight years, strongly fortified and occupied by a garrison of soldiers, they make a voyage every sum- mer to the fishing grounds of the Peucoit83 islands, to obtain fish [590] for food during the coming win- ter. While they were sailing thither in the summer of this year, they encountered the heavy fogs which commonly prevail upon this sea during these months ; and while they were thus long delayed, and ignorant of their situation, they were gradually borne by the currents to our shore, not far from the harbor of St. Sauveur. Then, by the information of the Savages, who sinned unwittingly, and took them for friendly Frenchmen, they learned that there was a French ship in the next bay, and that, too, not a large ves- sel, nor defended by a numerous crew, and but lightly armed with brass cannon. Of course, no more wel- come news than this could come to half-naked men, whose stock of provisions was exhausted, — men who, in addition to this poverty, were incited by an inborn love of robbery, and an expectation of greater booty than could have been obtained from the plun- der of our ship, to willingly employ violence, even against natural justice and the law of nations. So they prepared their weapons, and under full sail, and with decks cleared for action, entered directly into our harbor.86 When the Savage by whose informa- tion we had been especially betrayed perceived from these signs the hostile intentions of the English to- wards us, he at once recognized his mistake, and with many tears declared that he had been at fault toward us whom he thought to please. These lamentations he often thereafter repeated, when he sought pardon from us for his error, and even from his Savage coun- trymen, who considered our misfortune their own in- jury, and often threatened him with violence. Mean-
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turn fuum errorem agnofcere, & quod in nos delique- rat, quibus fe crederet gratificari, multo deteftari fletu, quern fletum deinde crebro integrauit, cum a nobis errati fui veniam peteret, & a Barbaris ipfis po- pularibus, qui nofhru cafum, fuam iniuriam interpre- tati, fsepe illi manus intentarunt. Nos interea ancipiti opinione fufpefi, amicos an hoftes cenferemus, quos redla in noftra ftationem fecundus ventus inferebat, euentum trepidi [591] opperiebamur, cum nauigij gu- bernator fcaplia vectus ad explorandum obuiam pro- ceffit, longo tamen circuitu, ne non effet receptui lo- cus, maxime quod is aduerfo, illi obfecundante vento vterentur. Sed explorato nihil fuit opus, clafficum canentes inuehebantur, tela eatenus modo inhibentes, du ea ex propinquo liceret adiicere ; atque ipfos nauis defenfores figillatim deftinare. Quattuordecim gran- dioribtis tormentis, catapultis vero maioris modi, Mof- quetos vocant, fexagenis, impetu fadto in nauigium noflrum, non fublatis anchoris ad motu inhabilem, decern modo propugnatoribus inftrudtum, aerearum cannarum abfente libratore, non multse operse fuit illius, atque omnium noftrum expugnatio, quos in continente Sauffsei'us diftinuerat. Gilbertus du Thet nofter propugnatorem in naui agebat, ciim ab hoiti- bus funeftarum glandium tempeftas maxime ingrue- ret, qua in procella confoffus letali plaga, chirurgi Angli Catholici multa licet diligentia curatus, poftri- die Sacramentorum opportuno folatio adiutus, religi- ofa morte occubuit. Nos vero vniuerfi in poteftatem
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while, we were in doubt whether we should judge as friends or enemies those whom an in-shore breeze was bearing straight towards our position ; [591] while the pilot of the ship set out to meet and reconnoiter them in a small boat, by a long circuit, however, in order that he might not be left without a way of retreat, but especially because the wind was contrary to him, but favorable to the strangers. But there was no need of reconnoitering, for they advanced, sound- ing the signal for battle, only reserving their fire un- til they could use it at close quarters, and aim at the defenders of the ship one by one. With fourteen great cannon, and sixty guns of the larger size, which they call Mosquets, they made their attack upon our ship, which was unprepared for sailing because the anchors had not been raised, and was furnished with only ten defenders, while the gunner of the brass can- non was absent; and so the capture of our ship and all of us, whom La Saussaye had scattered about upon the shore, was a matter of no great difficulty. Our brother Gilbert du Thet was assisting in the defence of the vessel, when an especially violent shower of bullets assailed them, in which he was stricken with a mortal wound; and, although attended with great devotion by an English surgeon who was a Catholic, on the following day he died most piously, after re- ceiving the consolation of the Sacraments. But all of us had come into the power of the English Heretic,87 who, being extremely crafty, secretly abstracted from La Saussaye 's trunk the Royal commission, upon which authority rested the entire establishment of our colony in New France, in order that he might ap- pear to treat with us not as a robber, but upon an equal footing; and then he began to urge La Saus- saye to prove by what right he had planted a settle-
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Haeretici Angli veneramus, qui vt erat infigniter ver- futus, clam fubdudto ex SaufTaeij capfis Regio diplo- mate, cuius fide noftrae coloniae Nouo-Francicse tota ratio nitebatur, vt ne praedatoris more, fed aequo iure, nobifcum agere videretur, SaufTaei'um vrgere inflitit, vti probaret, cuius audtoritate coloniam in Canadiae oras deduxiffet. Sauffaei'us vbi Galloru Re- gis voluntatem atque diploma laudauerat, quod fe in fcriniis luculentum habere diceret, allatis capfis, [592] cuius claues adhuc feruauerat, iuffus eft illud expro- mere; fed ad capfas vbi ventum eft, caetera omnia integra, fuifque locis digefta agnofcebat Sauffseius, diploma tamen non comparebat: quod vbi nullum proferebatur, turn Praetor Anglus vultu ac voce ad feueritatem compofitis, vehementer offendi, fugitiuos, & meros piratas nos omnes afferere, dignos nece prae- dicare, rem noftram militi fuo diripiendam tradere, nos denique hoftium loco habere. Quod autem faci- nus Angli ab fumma iniuria exorfi fuerant, videban- tur maiore quoque iniquitate pertexturi, vt prioris noxae memoriam pofteriore obruerent, nifi mature obuia iretur. Quare Praetore noftri adeunt, fe, ad- huc ignoranti qui effent, ingenue aperiunt, ne im- belli vidtoria elatus de contubernio fuo ftatuat feue- riiis, obfecrant; humanae conditionis vti meminerit, ftudiose admonent: quam benigne fuis rebus vellet confultum, vbi fimilis ipfum perculiffet cafus, tarn humaniter alienis confuleret: in primis autem confi- deraret fibi rem effe cum innocentiffimis hominibus,
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ment upon the shores of Canada. When La vSaussaye had cited the authority and commission of the King of France, which important document he declared that he had in his chest, his baggage, [592] of which he still retained the keys, was brought, and he was ordered to produce it ; but when he opened the chest, La Saussaye recognized everything else untouched and in its proper place, but no commission appeared. When this was not forthcoming, the English Com- mander assumed a severe countenance and tone, and was deeply angered, calling us all runaways and mere pirates, and, declaring us worthy of death, handed over our property to his crew to be pillaged, and, finally, treated us as enemies. Now it seemed prob- able that the English, unless they should quickly be hindered, were about to cover up the outrage which they had already begun, with some greater crime, in order that they might conceal the memory of the previous injury by a fresh offence. Wherefore our brethren approached the Captain ; frankly re- vealed themselves to him, as he was still ignorant of their identity; and begged him not, in elation over his easy victory, to adopt severe measures against their colony ; they earnestly warned him to remember the conditions of human life, saying that just as he would wish his own interests mildly handled, if a similar calamity had fallen upon him, so he ought to act humanely in the case of others ; moreover, that he should especially consider that he was dealing with innocent men, to whom no fault could be charged beyond the fact that, because of their blame- lessness, they had been too careless in a peaceful spot. They were heard somewhat kindly by the Cap- tain, and received with respectful address; the only thing of which he disapproved being that Fathers of
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quibus nihil noxae obiici poffet, quam ab fua innocen- tia in pacato folo fuiffe nimium fecuros. Comiter admodum funt auditi a. Praetore, atq; honorificis ac- cepti verbis, id vnum dumtaxat no probante, quod Patres Societatis, ab religionis & prudentiae fama bene vulgo audientes, in fugitiuorum & prsedonum turba verfarentur. Contubernij vero fui vniuerfi cum caeter- am probam vitam, turn in eo, quo de agebatur, fum- mam innocentia cum noftri validis probaffent argu- ments, vifus eft Praetor, [593] affenfionem praebuiffe, atque id mod6 habuiffe, quod in nobis argueret, negli- gentiam in conferuado noftrae expeditionis diplomate. Ab eo igitur tepore Patres noftros perhumaniter ha- buit, atque honorifice in omnibus, menfaque benigne accepit. Vno interea fcrupulo angebatur, quod cum parte remigum gubernator noftrae nauis euaferat, cuius fuga, & rei geftae nuncius per ilium allatus, ne quid incommodi alicunde fibi arcefferet, verebatur, edque magis, quod ille de nodte fcapha fua ad nauim captiuam appulfa, reliquam remigum manum inde fubduxerat. Hie certe gubernator, tametfi Caluinia- nus, adiit de nodte ad Patrem Biardum, eiufque ap- prehenfa manu, multis obfecrationibus adhibitis, iuffit eum caeterofque Patres de fe, quantumuis fide ac ritibus alieno, omnia Chriftiani ac popularis hominis officia exfpectare, ac perfuafum habere, nulli rei defuturu, quae falute ipforum fpedtaret: vterentur modo libere ipfms opera, videretque quid animi fumturi effent ad fuga capefcenda. Prolixe
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the Society, who had commonly so good a reputation for piety and wisdom, should be among a band of runaways and pirates. When our brethren had proved by strong evidence the entire blamelessness of their colony, not only in respect to their honorable life in other ways, but also in that which was the subject of the conversation, the Captain seemed [593] to yield his assent, and to find as the only fault in us our neglect to preserve the commission of our expedition. From that time on, he treated our Fathers with great consideration, and received them in all matters with honor, and with kindness at his table. In the mean- time he was troubled because the pilot ffi of our ship had escaped, together with a part of the crew; and he feared that harm might in some way fall upon himself, because of the pilot's being free to announce what had taken place ; and the more so, because the latter came in his boat at night to the captured ship and took off from it the rest of the crew. This pilot, indeed, although a Calvinist, came by night to Father Biard, and, taking him by the hand, with many prot- estations bade him and the other Fathers to expect from him, as far as faithfulness and devotion could go toward another, all the services of a Christian and a fellow-countryman, and to be persuaded that he would neglect nothing which might contribute to their safety ; to employ his aid freely, and consider what they should decide upon, as to making their es- cape. Father Biard thanked him profusely, and promised that he would remember such earnest good- will towards himself and his associates; but added, that he would make no plans concerning himself un- til he should see the entire colony placed in safe- ty, and then he would leave to God the decision of his own case ; that in the meantime the pilot ought
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gratias egit Pater Biardus, memoremque fe futu- rum fpopodit tarn ftudiofae in fe ac fuos voluntatis: de fe autem ait nihil fe ftatuere, quoad totius con- tubernij res tuto loco pofitas videret, turn fui arbi- trium Deo permiffurum : caueret interea ipfe fibi gu- bernator, Praetorem quidpe Anglum omnia moliri, vt eum comprehenderet. His monitis ille inftructus, vt fui difceffus opinionem Anglorum animis ingeneraret, quafi receptus ad notam Gallicam nauem captandi caufa feftinaret, per ipfa frementium Anglorum ora intrepide, ac infultantis [594] ore voceque, triduo poft, fcapham traduxit, longioreque fimulato curfu, pone vicinam infula flexit iter, ibique delituit noftrae capti- uitatis euentum obferuaturus. Nobis vero inter du- biam aut necis aut feruitutis aleam fludtuantibus, cum apud notos Barbaros increbuiffet noftrae calamitatis fama, frequentes ad nos ventitabant, magnopere mife- rantes noftrum infortunium, & fuarum fortunarum tenuitatem in fequentem annum totum, fi apud fe reftare vellemus, officiofimme deferentes. De nobis tamen Argallus Praetor Anglus, & ei Legatus Tur- nellus mitiiis cogitauerant, in fpeciem certe, quam rebamur initio: padti nempe cu Sauffaeio coloniae noftrae Duce fuerant noftrum in Galliam reditum: fed reditus conditiones erant eiufmodi, quae parum differrent ab certa noftra pernicie. Triginta capiti- bus quot cenfebamur, vnus linter dumtaxat, haud- quaquam omnium, etiam denfiffime ftipatorum, capax, concedebatur, hafque coditiones acceperat Sauffaeius,
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to look out for himself, as the English Captain was making every effort to capture him. When the pilot had received these warnings, in order that he might cause the English to think he had gone away, three days afterwards, fearlessly, and with taunting [594] expression and words, he passed in his boat before the faces of the angry English, as if he were hastening to seek refuge with some French ship of which he knew ; and, while pretending to go farther, turned about be- hind a neighboring island and there lay in hiding to observe the outcome of our capture. While we were wavering between the doubtful chance of either death or imprisonment, our Savage acquaintances, having received the news of our calamity, visited us in great numbers, deeply pitying our misfortune, and most dutifully offering us the use of their scanty resources for the whole coming year, if we were willing to re- main among them. However, Argall the English Cap- tain, and his Lieutenant Turnell,89 had decided upon milder measures toward us, in appearance certainly, than we at first expected; indeed, they had agreed with La Saussaye, the Leader of our colony, to send us back to France ; but the conditions of return were of such a character that they differed little from our certain destruction. There was allowed to us, although numbering thirty persons, only one boat, which could not hold us all, even if we were crowded together as closely as possible ; and these conditions La Saussaye had accepted, nay, more, he had borne witness with his own handwriting that this had been his preference, which was really the choice of certain shipwreck. However, the efforts of our Brethren prevailed, that the whole colony should not together incur imminent danger ; and it was allowed that only fifteen should be placed on board the boat, of whom
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qtiin chirographo fuo erat teftatus, hanc fuam fuiffe optionem, quae reuera erat optio certiffimi naufragij. Noftri tame eiiicenint, vt ne prsefens periculum adi- ret vniuerfa fimul turba, impetratumque eft, vt quin- deni modo cymbae imponerentur, quorum vnus effet Pater Maffaeus, duo reliqui Patres delati ad infulas Peucoi'tias Anglis pifcatoribus traiiciendi in Galliam commendarentur : caetera pars con tubernij , quaelibens in Virginiam ibat, eo deportaretur. Altera igitur pars contubernaliu nauigatura in Galliam Sauffaei'o duce lintrem confcendit, locorum, & maritimse [595] artis ignara, nauticis praeterea tabulis deftituta, cui Deus in tempore fummifit Caluinianum ilium nauis guber- natorem, valde intentum in popularium fuorum ob- feruandos cafus, vt fi qua poffet via, ipforum aduer- fis rebus opem ferrer. In continentem exfcenderat, & Canadico cultu atque more, quafi vnus e Barbaris, tota ora maritima ferebatur, res noftras exploraturus, ciim opportuniffime incidit in proficifcentem lintrem, qua exceptus, valde idoneum ducem haefitantibus fe praebuit, fuam que cymbam & remiges quattuordecim eis focios viae ac laborum adiunxit. Eorum penuri- am, quoad inuentae effent Gallicae naues, opimus pifcatus bis fubleuauit; varius item Barbarorum in ea ora occurfus, quorum Ludouicus Membertouius lauta vifceratione Orignacij famelicos accepit; Ro- landus, & alij Sagami panis nonnullam copiam, alij pifcium volucriimque non exiguam annonam beneuo- lentiffime diuiferunt. Omnium vero benefadtorum id
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one should be Father Masse, while the two remaining Fathers should be carried to the Peucoit islands and entrusted to English fishermen for conveyance to France. The rest of the colonists were, in accord- ance with their own desire, to be carried to Virginia. Therefore one portion of the settlers, under the lead of La Saussaye, entered the boat to set out for France, although ignorant of the region and of sea- manship, [595] and unprovided with charts, to whom God in time sent the Calvinistic pilot, who had taken great pains to observe the fortunes of his country- men, in order that if any opportunity should offer, he might bear aid to them in their distress. He had landed upon the continent, and, in the Canadian man- ner of life and custom, like one of the Savages, was traversing the entire coast, in order to ascertain our condition, when very fortunately he happened upon the boat which had set out. Upon being received on board, he showed himself a truly able leader in their perplexities, and united his boat and fourteen sailors to ours as comrades in the voyage and its labors. Up to the time the French ships were found, a lucky catch of fish twice assuaged their hunger ; they were also aided by various meetings with the Savages upon that coast, of whom Louis Membertou received them, when famishing, with a liberal present of elk meat,90 Roland and some other Sagamores furnished a sup- ply of bread, and others most generously gave a bountiful provision of fish and birds. But of all blessings, the most grateful was the news, which the Sagamore Roland gave us, that on the neighboring coast, at Sesambre and Passepec91 harbor, were two ships preparing to return to France. The two boats, quickly directing their course thither, fortunately arrived before the vessels left; and, all having
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fuit iucundiffimum, quod Rolandus Sagamus admon- uit, in propinquo littore ad Sefambraeum, & Paffe- pecum portum verfari geminas naues reditum in Franciam adornantes. E6 cum citiffime curfum di- rexiffent duae lintres, opportune adfuerunt, ante quam folueretur, admiffique omnes, velis fadtis in Francicam Britanniam, falui & incolumes Maclouienfe oppidu tenuerunt, vbi Pater Maffaeus fmgulari Ma- clouienfis Antiflitis, Magiftratuum, oppidanorumque humanitate ac beneficentia liberaliffime acceptus eft. De Patribus autem Biardo & Ouintino, vti diximus, conuenerat, [596] vt in infulas Peucoi'tias tranfue(5ti, opera pifcatorum Anglorum inde in Franciam depor- tarentur : fed mutata poft fententia, in Virginia funt deftinati, ciim in captiuam nauem cui Turnellus pras- erat, effent impofiti cum aliis quinque de contuber- nio, caeteris odto fociis in Argalli Prastoriam ingref- fis. Virginienfis prasfidij prasfedtus de captiuis Iefuitis nefcio quid inaudierat, eifque diras cruces ftruebat, cuius decreti nuncius ad noftros in naues & ad caete- ros captiuos aduolarat, qui nonnullis nocturnam qui- etem adimeret, nee ille quide inani rumore nixus ; ciim. enim ad Virginiam naue appulfi effent noflri, eius furori deftinabantur. Argallus autem, qui fidem fuam noftris obligaffet, vt fuo nomine ac genere dig- num erat, intrepide acriterque Praefedto fuppliciis noftros addicenti obftitit, feque incolumi captiuis fuis nihil periculi futurum affeuerauit: Praefedto tamen inftitutum fuu obftinatius tenente, Regium diploma,
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been received on board, they made sail and arrived safe and sound at St. Malo, a town in Brittany, where Father Masse was received with the greatest kind- ness and generosity by the Bishop of St. Malo and the magistrates and people of the town. Moreover, concerning Fathers Biard and Quintin, as we have said, it had been decided [596] that they should be conducted to the Peucoit islands, and thence, by the aid of the English fishermen, should be conveyed to France ; but these plans having afterward been changed, it was resolved that they should be sent to Virginia, they, with five others of the colonists, be- ing placed on board the captured vessel, which was in command of Turnell, while eight other settlers had entered Captain Argall's ship. The governor of Virginia had heard something concerning the captive Jesuits, and was preparing severe punishment for them; this news had come to our brethren and the rest of the prisoners on board the ships, and deprived some of their nightly rest. This report did not rest on idle rumor, for when the ship bearing our breth- ren had reached Virginia, they were exposed to his fury. Argall, however, who had given his word to our brethren, boldly and vehemently, as was fit- ting his name m and race, opposed the Governor in his attempt to punish them, and declared that, as long as he lived, no danger should befall his prisoners. But, when the Governor obstinately persisted in his pur- pose, Argall produced the Royal charter, in depend- ence upon which our colony had been introduced into New France ; and by its authority the Governor was restrained, and dared proceed no farther. In a meet- ing of the council, therefore, the whole affair was more carefully discussed, and all agreed upon the de- cision that Argall, with three ships, should take the
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quo noflra colonia in Nouam-Fraciam deducebatur, protulit, cuius auctoritate repreffus Prasfectus vltra tendere non aufus eft. Coadto poftea concilio, cum de re tota deliberaretur accuratius, ab omnibus itum eft in earn fententiam, vt Argallus cum triplici in- ftrudta naue in Nouam-Fraciam Iefuitas reduceret; eos inde cum certis captiuis in Galliam tranfmitteret ; Sauffaeium, & eius cohortem militarem, quae in Por- turegienfi arce praefidere, falso tamen, dicebatur, in crucem ageret ; Gallorum omnia domicilia diriperet, ac folo aequaret. Reditum eft igitur in Nouo-Franciae oram Gallis habitatam, vbi Sandtae [597] Crucis, Regij Portus arces defenforibus vacuas fpoliauit, & incedit, omnia Gallici nominis monumenta deleuit, Britan- nici aliquot locis infcripfit, oram omnem in Anglici fceptri poteftatem afferuit. His gerendis rebus cum inibi degeretur, bis periculum vitas adiit Pater Biar- dus, quod multis diffuaferat Argallo aditum in Portum Regium, vt nullius emolumenti operam, cuius tamen no vulgaris fuiffet deinde praeda; quod fe indicem eorum locorum praebere noluerat, qui ad praedam quaerebantur ; nonnullorum praeterea Gallorum ca- lumniae iis locis in eum exftitiffent : quibus omnibus grauiter atque ingenti fuo difcrimine apud Argallum Turnellumque offendit.
Regio Portu digreffus Argallus in Virginiam con- tendebat, ineunte Nouembri, anno fexcentefimo deci- mo tertio, fed poftridie quam foluerat, atrociffima tempeftate diuulfae naues in loge diuerfas oras abie-
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Jesuits back to New France; that he should thence send them and certain other prisoners to France ; that he should chastise La Saussaye and his military force, who were said, although falsely, to be in possession * of the fort at Port Royal ; and that he should plunder and level with the ground all the houses of the French. He therefore returned to that coast of New France occupied by the French, where he despoiled and burned the forts of Ste. [597] Croix and Port Roy- al, which were bare of defenders, destroyed all evi- dences of the French occupation, and erected English monuments in various places, declaring the whole coast to be under the sway of the British King. While Father Biard was present during these pro- ceedings, his life was twice endangered, because he had dissuaded Argall with many words from entering Port Royal, on the ground that there would be no profit in the undertaking, from which they, neverthe- less, afterwards obtained an uncommon booty ; be- cause he was unwilling to become a guide to those places where plunder was sought ; moreover, because slanders had been uttered against him by some Frenchmen in that region ; for all of which reasons he offended Argall and Turnell deeply, to his own great peril.
Argall left Port Royal and started for Virginia in the early part of November of the year 16 13, but, on the day after he set sail, an exceedingly violent storm arose, by which the ships were driven asunder in very diverse directions. Captain Argall' s vessel, in- deed, was finally borne to Virginia ; the smaller of the two captured ships, with its crew, was never seen thereafter; the larger of these, which Turnell com- manded, and on board of which we were, after be- ing dreadfully beaten for sixteen days by continuous
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runt: Argalli quidem Praetoria in Virginiam tandem eft delata: minor e duabus noftris captiuis cum fuis vectoribus nuquam deinde comparuit: alia captiua maior, cui Turnellus praefidebat, quaque vehebamur, fedecim dierum continentibus procellis foede vexa- ta, psene abfumtis cibariis defperationem iam adie- rat, cum cadente denique tempeftate, in Virginiam fecundo vento iter intendere coepimus. Vicenis qui- nis leucis, haud amplius, aberamus Virginias littore, vbi de noftra nece a Praefect-O decernebatur edque nobis ea nauigatio erat odiofa, ciim derepente coortus aduerfus ventus proram in Aforas Lufitanorum infu- las [598] obuertit, feptingentis paene leucis inde redto itinere in Ortum lltas. Eius certe venti vis quod nihil intermitteret, Turnellus praeuidebat non nifi capitis fui periculo in Lufitanorum poteftatem fe vetu- rum, qui captiuos Sacerdotes, per fummam iniuriam domicilio fuo auulfos, fpoliatofque fecum traheret; & eo quidem angebatur magis, quod Patrem Biardum Hifpanienfis generis effe crederet, fallis Porturegien- fmm Gallorum accufationibus perfuafus, vt eius noxae criminationem apud Lufitanos non immerito refor- midaret, fi noftri Patres ad fe accufandum animos adiicerent. Ea re ingenue fatebatur vim Numinis, innocentium iniuria vlcifcentis, fibi ac fuis in ea nauigatione infeftam merito effe, qua calamitate fradtus, qui calumniis fua culpa temere perfuafus, Patri Biardo valde infenfus in eum diem fuerat, mag- nopere deinde mitigari, eique placatior ccepit fieri.
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tempests, had reached almost desperate straits, be- cause of the exhaustion of its provisions, when the storm finally ceased, and we resumed our voyage to- wards Virginia with a favoring wind. We were dis- tant not more than twenty-five leagues from the coast of Virginia, where the Governor was planning our destruction, and for this reason the voyage was hate- ful to us ; when a contrary wind which suddenly arose turned our bow towards the Asores islands of Portugal, [598] situated at a distance of almost 700 leagues due East from that point. Since the force of this wind did not at all abate, Turnell foresaw that his life would be endangered should he come into the power of the Portuguese, because he was conveying as prisoners, Priests, who, with the greatest injustice, had been torn from their settlement and despoiled; and he was still more troubled because, persuaded by the false charges of the French at Port Royal, he believed Fa- ther Biard to be a Spaniard, so that he dreaded, with good reason, a denunciation of his offense before the Portuguese, if our Fathers should resolve to accuse him. Therefore he frankly acknowledged that the power of the Deity, which avenges injury done to the innocent, was deservedly hostile to him and his upon that voyage ; and, overcome by this calamity, although he had, through his own fault in rashly be- lieving slanders, been extremely unfriendly to Father Biard up to that time, he began to soften greatly and become more amiable toward him. Moreover, even if the force of the wind were not driving them to the Asores, still, scarcity of provisions and fresh water compelled them to go thither, though against their will ; wherefore, it was necessary for Turnell to take precautions lest the presence of our Fathers should cause him damage ; as no danger was to be feared
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Vt autem ventorum violentia non adigeret ad Aforas : cibarioram tamen eo etiam nolentes amandabat, & aquae dulcis penuria ; quamobrem Turnello videndum erat, ne quid ipfi damni arcefferet Patrum noftrorum praefentia, ex quibus periculi nihil imminebat, fi naue procul in anchoris inhaerente, per fcapham in portum miffam neceffaria annona pararetur, quod futurum Turnellus fperauerat. Contra vero quam crederet, accidit: appulfis enim ad Faealem infula Aforarum vnam, fubeundum fuit in portum intimum, atque in ciuium oculis inter caeteras naues confiftendum : quo vehementius paullo inuedtis, cum noftra nauis in Hifpanienfem faccari naue impadta, [599] prorae ante- rius velum deterliffet, Nauarchus Hifpanus piratam conclamauit, turbamque nauticam ad arma exciuit. Paucis ante hebdomadis Gallus fubita irruptione nauem in eodem portu fpoliauerat, vnde Hifpani fimi- lem cafum veriti, hoc vehementius trepidauerant, tantdque fagacius in Anglum inquirendum arbitra- bantur. Quare Turnello exfcendendum in continen- tem fuit, quern obfidis loco haberent Hifpani, dum accurate luftrarentur interiora nauis, Patribus interim pone lintrem fbudiofimme delitefcentibus, ne quid detrimenti ex eis Anglo crearetur, fi comparerent. Perdifficilis erat latebra loco minime idoneo, re adeo repentina, tamque accuratis fcrutatoribus, nauis om- nia intima rimantibus : fed lynceos eorum oculos fu- gerunt noftri, magna fua voluptate, quod Anglum ita feruaffent: maiore Angli gaudio, quod praeter fpem,
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from them, if the ship should remain at a distance at anchor, and the necessary provisions should be se- cured by sending a small boat into the harbor, as the Captain hoped to do. Matters turned out, however, contrary to his expectations ; for when we approached Faeal, one of the Asores islands, we were compelled to enter the inmost harbor, and take a position among the other ships under the eyes of the inhabitants. Having entered thither a little too swiftly, when our vessel collided with a Spanish treasure-ship [599] and carried away its forward jib, the Spanish Captain shouted out that we were pirates, and aroused his crew to arms. A few weeks before, a Frenchman had plundered a ship in the same harbor by a sudden at- tack ; whence the Spaniards, fearing a similar fate, had been the more alarmed on this occasion, and thought an investigation still more necessary in the case of an Englishman. Turnell was therefore obliged to disembark upon the land, where the Span- ish held him as a hostage while the interior of the ship was being thoroughly searched, the Fathers, in the meantime, carefully hiding behind a boat, in order that the Englishman might suffer no harm on their account if they should be discovered. Concealment was very difficult in a place not at all convenient, as the affair arose very suddenly, and there were so careful searchers, who rummaged the entire interior of the ship ; but our brethren escaped their lynx eyes, greatly to their own delight, because they had thus preserved the Englishman ; but with greater pleasure to the Englishman, because he recognized that he had been saved, contrary to his expectations and his deserts, by those whom he had most wickedly de- prived of their liberty. This service and remarkable good-faith the English recognized at that time with
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ac fuum meritum, ab iis feruatum fe agnofceret, qui- bus libertatem per fummu fcelus ademerat. Id bene- ficij genus, fmgularemque fidem, Angli & in praefen- tia ingentibus grati animi argumentis agnofcebant, & deinceps faepenumero, maxime apud fuos Minif- tros, cum fumma Patrum laudatione, prsedicarunt. Tres folidas hebdomadas fubftitit in eo portu nauis Anglicana, tantumdemque abditi Patres fole carue- runt; inde omiffo in Virginiam itinere, Turnellus in Britanniam contendit, fed redla nauigationis femita cum nos tempeftas deieciffet, in oram Vualliae ad Oc- cafum violenter nos impegit : vbi cum nauem annona deficeret, Turnellus Pembrochum [600] oppidum adiit commeatus parandi gratia. Eius oppidi magiftrati- bus Turnellus mouit fufpicionem maritimi latronis, quod & homo Anglus Francica verehetur naui, & nul- lam litteram fcriptae audtoritatis proferret, qua fuam nauigationem tueretur: neque vel iurato affeueranti, fe tempeftate diuulfum a Praetore fuo Argallo, fides habebatur. Cum eum igitur omne probationum ge- nus deftituiffet, citauit didlorum fuorum teftes duos Iefuitas, quos haberet in naui, quorumque incorruptae fidei neminem mortalium diceret poffe meritd refra- gari. Patribus ergo perhonorifice interrogatis, ciim pro teflimonio apud magifhratum publice dixiffent, Turnellus fuit in lionore, atque vt virum nobilem decuerat, probe omnia gefliffe creditus eft: noftris vero eft honor habitus, & apud Maiorem Vrbis, vt vocant, Magiftratum plebeium fcilicet, hofpitium eft
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marked signs of gratitude, and often thereafter spoke of the Fathers with great praise, especially before their Ministers. Three entire weeks the English ship remained in that harbor, and the same length of time the Fathers were hidden away and deprived of the sunlight; then, abandoning the voyage to Vir- ginia, Turnell proceeded to Britain. But, when a storm had diverted us from the direct prosecution of our voyage, it carried us violently Westward to the coast of Vuallia ; 93 and when here provisions failed the ship, Turnell entered the town of Pembroke [6oo] for the sake of obtaining supplies. The officials of this town suspected him of piracy upon the high seas, be- cause, although an Englishman, he was sailing in a French vessel, and produced no written testimonials of the authority under which he was making his voy- age ; and when he made oath that he had been sepa- rated by a storm from his Captain, Argall, he was not believed. When, therefore, every sort of evidence had failed him, he cited as witnesses for his state- ments the two Jesuits whom he had on board the ship, whose incorruptible integrity, he said, no mortal could deservedly call in question. Therefore, when the Fathers had been very respectfully interrogated, and had given their testimony in public before the magistrate, Turnell was placed in honor, and was believed to have done everything honestly, as befitted a gentleman ; but our brethren were treated with distinction, and were entertained as guests by the Mayor of the City, as he is called, that is, the Magistrate of the common people. When Nicholas Adams, who then represented the Minister of the marine at Pembroke, and in the presence of whom our brethren had given their testimony, heard that they had extremely bad fare upon the ship, he di-
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affignatum. Qui pro Praefedlo rei maritimse ius Pem- brochij turn dicebat Nicolaus Adams, apud quern noftri teflimonium dixerant, vbi audiit peffime iis effe in nauigio, iuffit eos diuerfari apud eu Magiftratum, quem indicauimus, fuaque fide omnia eis fuppeditari copiose, quibus ft deeffet vnde fibi rependerent, Dei caufa fe iis fumtuum gratiam libenter facere dicebat, quod putaret minime decere, ab omni dignitate ac dodtrina inftruct-is viris nihil apud Pembrochios ciues humanitatis relinqui. Miffum erat ad Britanniae Regem de noftris, cuius dum refcriptum exfpedtatur, frequentes vifendi conferendique gratia vndique ad noflros adeunt de nobilitate, de magiftratibus, ac min- iftris [60 1 ] etiam, quorum quaternos in difputationis palaeftra cum illis commifit quidam de proceribus, doctrinas periclitandae ftudio. De illorum autem negotio cum in Regiam allatum effet, iam inaudierat Regis Chriitianiffimi legatus captiuum effe nauigium, & Francos Iefuitas, vrgebatque omnium, ac maxime noftrorum libertatem, quod eius rei habuerat ab fuo Rege ftudiofms iniundta mandata. Nihil itaque mo- rse fuit, quin noftri Pembrochio Douerum arcefferen- tur, vnde breui traiecftu Itium Portum, Francicae orse oppidum, incolumes lsetique deportati funt, decimo fuas captmitatis psene affedto menfe, quo loco Dar- quieni Dynaftse, Regio praefidio Praefedti, & Baulaei Decani eximia humanitate, beneficentiaque lautiffime accepti funt, idoneo preeterea donati viatico, quod Ambianos iter intendentibus in fuum Collegium abunde effet.
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rected that they should be entertained at the home of the Magistrate whom we have mentioned, and that upon his own responsibility everything should be abundantly supplied to them ; and if they should lack the means to repay him, he said that for the sake of God he would willingly do them the favor of meet- ing the expense, because he thought it very unbecom- ing that no kindness should be shown among the citizens of Pembroke to men distinguished in every way for merit and learning. A message had been sent to the King of Britain concerning our brethren ; and, while an answer thereto was being awaited, many came, for the purpose of seeing and conversing with the fathers, from the ranks of the nobles, of the officials, and even of the ministers, [60 1] four of whom one of the councilors put into the arena of debate with our brethren, with the desire of testing their doctrine. Moreover, when their case had been reported at Court, the ambassador94 of the Most Christian King had already heard that a ship with French Jesuits had been captured, and urged the re- lease of all and especially of our brethren, because he had from his King strict commands to this effect. There was therefore no delay in the conveyance of our brethren from Pembroke to Dover, whence, after a short passage, they safely and joyfully arrived, after almost ten months of captivity, at Itius Portus,95 a town on the French coast. Here they were received most honorably, with especial kindness and favor from Sieur d'Arquien, Commander of the Royal gar- rison, and Dean Boulaye; a suitable viaticum was also given to them, which was abundant for their needs during the trip to their College at Ambians96 [Amiens].
Now he who measures the undertaking by ordinary
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Iam Nouo-Francicae Miffionis operae quantum pro- mouerint rem Chriftianam inter Barbaros, non facile difpiciet, qui rem vulgi trutina metietur: qui verd negotium natura fua perarduum, interuenientibus etiam aliunde cafibus valde impeditum, aequis mo- mentis volet aeftimare, maxime idoneis, atque il- luftribus initiis afperrimum folum Euangelicae fe- menti praeparatum, fateatur neceffe eft. In primis enim quantum, quaefo, illud eft, belluini prorfus in- genij atque moris gentem, nuper ab omni commercio externo alieniffimam, ab fua impotentia fufpiciofim- mam, fie nunc effe nobis cociliata, ea de noftris homin- ibus opinione imbutam, vt eos fummo ambitu quili- bet Barbaroru couentus [602] expetat, in fua ora domi- cilium habere cupiat, de fuis copiolis annua cibaria de- ferat, mcerore ac fletu fuum eorum defiderium tefte- tur, implacabili odio in Britannos, noftrae infeftos qui- eti, feratur? Magnum quiddam profedto est, & ingen- tis ad fidem illis animis ingenerandam momenti, erga illius prsecones tarn propenfa ferri voluntate, fiducia, & veneratione. Illud autem alterum longe maius eft, tantdque ad Barbarorum emciendam falutem poten- tius, quanto alienius eft ab humanarum affedtionum ratione, diuinifque motionibus proprium magis. Alte iam infedit Canadiorum animis ilia fententia, aeternis addici cruciatibus, qui Baptifmi expertes e viuis de- cedant, vt tametfi valetes Chriftianae legis conditi- ones, fuo fenfu paulld afperiores, haud facile fubeant, moribundi tamen Baptifmum ingentis omnino bene-
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standards, will not easily see how greatly the work of the Mission of New France has advanced the Chris- tian religion among the Savages; he who will fairly estimate an enterprise very difficult in its nature, and greatly hindered also by the interruption of calamities from without, must confess that the rugged soil has been prepared for the seed of the Gospel with very advantageous and glorious beginnings. For, in the first place, is it not a great thing, I ask, that a race of utterly brutal disposition and manners, lately keep- ing itself far aloof from all external intercourse, ex- tremely suspicious by reason of its impotence, should be now so conciliated towards us, and entertain such sentiments for our brethren, that Savages of every tribe seek them out with the greatest pains, [602] desire them to have a residence in their terri- tory, offer them annual supplies from their scanty store, testify by grief and weeping to their longing for them, and regard the English, the enemies of our peace, with implacable hatred? It is indeed some- thing great, and of the utmost importance to the im- planting of the faith in those minds, that they meet its heralds with such emphatic good-will, confidence, and veneration. Moreover there is another influence far greater, and so much the more powerful in effect- ing the salvation of the Savages as it is remote from the sphere of human affections and more characteris- tic of heavenly emotions. Already there has become deeply seated in the minds of the Canadians the be- lief that those who die without Baptism are consigned to eternal torments; consequently, as long as they are in health, they do not readily submit to the rules of the Christian faith, which to their ideas are a little too harsh; but when at the point of death, they regard Baptism as certainly a great blessing,
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ficij effe ducant, cupideque appetant. Cuius dodtrinae quoniam Patres Societatis audtores habent, eamque combiberunt intimis fenfibus, eius fua fponte illos admonent, & memores effe iubent, quoties popularium quis deterius affedtus decumbit, hortanturque fuos Dodtores vti obitum aegroti praeuertant, falutaribus aquis luftrantes, ante quam occumbat. Atque hos quidem animorum motus, in barbariffimis alioqui hominibus, biennij cultura, & ea quidem non affldua, fed frequentibus interpellata difficultatibus, duo Pa- tres effecerunt, non leuibus certe momentis ad Euan- gelici verbi fatus in ea gente magnis incrementis pro- pagandos. Quam ad propagationem, facrarum pre- cationum, & Baptifmi [603] inufitata vis, infignibus aliquot documentis apud earn nationem interdum pro- dita, incitamento non mediocri videtur olim futura. Patri Biardo ad Eplani pifcis amnem die quodam agenti affertur nuncius ab aegrota, & animam agente muliere, quae ipfum videre atque alioqui valde cupe- ret, ad Sandtae Marias Sinum, duabus ab eo amne leucis. E6 ducem habuit vnum de contubernio, feminamque more gentis praster focum ftratam depre- hendit, tertia iam hebdomada mifere languentem: asgram, quoad per eius morbum licuit, Catechefi necef- faria inftruit, adhibitifq; pro re nata precibus cruce ad pedtus appenfa munit, feque vocari iubet, fi quid ei poftea. deterius accidat. Poftridie mulier bene fana e foco exfilit, & graui onufta facco ad maritum quattuor inde leucas vegeta contendit. Earn fanatio-
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and eagerly seek it. Since they have the Fathers of the Society as authorities for this doctrine, and have absorbed it into their inmost souls, of their own ac- cord they warn and remind their Teachers of it, when- ever any one of their friends is prostrated by some severe complaint, and urge them to anticipate the death of the patient by sprinkling him with the sav- ing waters, before he shall perish. And, indeed, these emotions of the mind, in men who are in other respects most savage, two Fathers have created by a training of two years, and that indeed not continuous, but interrupted by numerous difficulties, which is certainly no light incentive toward propagating the seed of the Gospel among that race with flourishing increase. To this propagation, the unaccustomed power of holy prayers and of Baptism, [603] sometimes disclosed among this people in several remarkable instances, seems likely to be no small incentive in the future. When Father Biard was occupied one day at the river of the Eplan fish, a message was brought to him from a sick woman at the point of death, who was very anxious to see and converse with him, at Bay Ste. Marie, two leagues from that river. He had one of the colonists as a guide thither, and found the woman lying, according to the manner of her race, near the hearth, and now miserably lan- guishing in the third week of her illness. He in- structed the invalid, as far as her disease permitted, in the necessary parts of the Catechism; strength- ened her by prayers adapted to the circumstances, and a cross hung upon her breast ; and directed that he should be called, if she should thereafter grow worse. The next day the woman arose from the hearth entirely well, and, loaded with a heavy bag, started briskly for her husband, who was at a dis-
280 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
nem Caluinianus Dieppenfis omnium primus obferua- uit, confeftimque illius euentum mirabilem nuncia- turus ad Patrem Biardum accurrit. Idem Pater in ora Pentegoetia cum Biencourtio verfabatur, vbi pro inftituto mapalia Barbarorum circumiens, aegros vife- bat, folabatur, precibus, ac Chriftianis documentis iuuabat. Ibi tertium iam menfem aeger decum- bebat, cuius falus erat conclamata, quern Barbari vifendum Patri obtulerunt. Frigido fudore totus manabat, certo fere mortis indice, dim iam eum gra- uis aeftus tenuiffet, cui poft preces, & breuia fidei documenta, cum Pater crucem fsepius exofculandam porrexiffet, eique de collo penfilem reliquiffet, fre- quentibus Barbaris audientibus, & quse gererentur mire [604] probantibus, ab eo ad naue & Biencourtium rediit. Poftera vero die Biencourtio cum indigenis in naue permutationibus mutuis occupato, in ea nauem fanus ingreffus ille aeger, heri moribudus, crucemque gratulabudus, magnifice oftentas, adiit ad P. Biardu, ingentiq; gaudio fuam ei fanitatem teftatus, virtuti S. Crucis accepta tulit. Illuftrius multo eft id quod fequitur, & ad Barbaroru fenfum in Baptifmi laude fingulare. P. Biardus, & Mottaeus Sauffaeij Legatus, Simonque Interpres vna iuerant ad confiderandam area Sandti Saluatoris domicilio defignata, vnde redeuntibus procul ad aures accidit lametabilis vlulatus quserentibufq ; a Barbaro co- mite caufa lugubris clamoris, refponfum eft, fol- lemne illud effe alicuius iam iam vita fundi argu-
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 281
tance of four leagues. A Calvinist from Dieppe first of all observed this cure, and immediately ran to Fa- ther Biard to announce the wonderful event. The same Father was with Biencourt on the banks of the Pentegoet, where, according to his custom, he was going about among the cabins of the Savages, visit- ing and comforting the sick and aiding them with prayers and Christian instruction. There a sick man was lying, who had already been ill three months, whose recovery had been despaired of, and whom the Savages brought to the Father's notice. He was completely bathed in cold perspiration, an almost certain sign of death, since a heavy fever had taken possession of him. After prayers had been said and a short lesson in the faith given, when the Father had held out a cross to him to be repeatedly kissed, and had left it hanging about his neck, many Sav- ages listening to him, and heartily [604] approving what was done, he returned to the ship and Biencourt. But the next day, when Biencourt was engaged upon the ship in trading with the natives, that sick man, yesterday at the point of death, came on board in a state of health, and, joyfully and reverently dis- playing the cross, went to Father Biard, and, testi- fying with great delight to his recovery, ascribed it to the power of the Holy Cross. That which fol- lows is much more remarkable, and by the Savages was ascribed solely to the merit of Baptism. Father Biard, La Motte, the Lieutenant of La Saussaye, and Simon the Interpreter, had gone together to examine the site selected for the settlement of St. Sauveur. While returning thence, they heard at a distance a lamentable wail, and, when they asked of their Sav- age companion the cause of this mournful outcry, the answer was made that it was the customary token
282 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
mentu. Sed propiiis ad Barbarica tuguria fucceden- tibus puer interrogatus indicauit, no mortui, fed morientis effe coploratione ; atque ad P. Biardum conuerfus; Quin tu, inquit, accurris, fi forte in vi- uente adhuc incidas, & eius morti Baptifmum prae- uertas? Ea pueri vox, tamqua cselo miffa, Patrem & comites ad curfum vehementer accendit, quibus ad agreftes cafas appulfis, Barbaroru fub dio ftantium logiffima ala, diredto ordine initrudta occurrit, atq; in fpecftatis alse, & moerore defixse oculis obambulans pater, cuius in vlnis tenellus moriebatur puer. Hie vt animam aegerrime trahebat, interruptis debilitate fmgultibus ad mortem properans, miferum parentem miferatione cruciabat & dolore. Ad quoflibet autem infantis fingultus. horrendum eiulabat parens, cuius eiulatum adftantis Barbaricse concionis mox ludtuofus [605] excipiebat vlulatus. Pater Biardus adiit ad af- flidtum puelli parentem, rogauitque an ipfo volente moribundum infantem Baptifmo effet luftraturus. Ingenti mcerore percitus Barbarus vocem mittere non potuit, fed depofito in poftulantis manibus puero, reipfa, quid cuperet, oftendit. Pater aquam popofcit, puellumque Mottaeo ardentiffime fufcipienti tenen- dum tradit, falutaribus aquis afpergit, Nicolaum de Mottsei nomine appellat, concepta precum formula Barbaris lume ad fidei agnofcendas ingentes opes a Deo precatur. Sub earn precationem receptum de Mottsei manibus infantem matri eius prsefenti defert, mater filio mammam continuo porrigit, puer oblatam
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 283
that some one had already departed this life. But as they approached nearer to the huts of the Savages, a boy, on being questioned, informed them that the lamentation was not for a dead, but for a dying per- son; and, turning to Father Biard, he said: " Why do you not hurry thither, if perchance you may find him still living, and administer Baptism before his death?" The voice of that boy, just as though sent from heaven, caused the Father and his companions to run swiftly, and as they reached the rude dwellings, there appeared a great crowd of Savages, drawn up in regular order, standing in the open air ; and among this mournful-looking company a father walked about, in whose arms a delicate boy was dying. As the child struggled for breath, hastening towards death, and weakly gasping, it tortured the unfortunate parent with grief and sorrow. Moreover, at each gasp of the infant, the father wailed dreadfully, and his lamentation was immediately answered by a howl from the gloomy throng of Savages standing near. [605] Father Biard went to the afflicted parent of the boy, and asked whether he might, with his consent, bap- tize the dying child. The Savage, overcome by the depth of his grief, could not utter a word; but his action showed, by placing the child in the arms of the petitioner, what he desired. The Father asked for water, and giving the child to La Motte to hold, who eagerly received it, he sprinkled it with the sav- ing waters, christened it Nicholas de la Motte, and formulating a prayer, begged from God light for the Savages, that they might recognize the immense bless- ings of the faith. After this prayer he took the in- fant from the hands of La Motte and gave it to its mother, who was present; the mother immediately gave her breast to the child, who greedily accepted
284 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.2
cupide arripit, lac ad fatietatem haurit, atque dein- ceps fanus vegetiifque vixit. Vniuerfus interim Bar- barorum, qui circumfteterat, globus rei haud vfitatse defixus miraculo, petrarum inftar immotus, ac taci- tus haerebat in veftigio. Ad eos igitur fie animo comparatos nofter, quae vifa funt in rem praefentem quadrare, verba fecit, quae auidis mentibus hauferunt, atque vbi perorauerat, iuffit fingulos in tuguria fe recipere. Vti venerabundi ac trementes eius fer- monem fumma reuerentia exceperant, ita cum ccetus fadta miffione receptum in fuas cafas indixit, alto filentio prasferentes inufitatum obfequium, in fua quifque tuguria pacatilTime, citiffimeque dilapfi funt. Haec & huiufmodi alia in Barbarorum oculis, fumma ipforum admiratione, nee minore frudtu gefta, quif- quis perpenderit, vtiliffimis principiis inchoatam Nouo-Francicam Miffionem merito iudicabit.
1612-14] THE JESUIT RELATIONS 285
it, partook of the milk to satiety, and finally lived, healthy and vigorous. In the meantime, the whole circle of Savages who had stood about, struck by the marvelousness of the unusual occurrence, remained motionless as stones, and stood silently in their tracks. Therefore, while they were thus prepared in mind, our brother addressed to them such words as seemed appropriate to the subject in hand; and when he had finished, bade them depart to their own huts. As they, trembling and reverential, re- ceived his discourse, with the greatest respect, so when, the object of their gathering having been ac- complished, he ordered them to depart to their huts, they slipped away, silently exhibiting this unusual obedience, quietly and quickly, each to his own dwelling. Whoever shall carefully examine these and other like acts which have been performed in the sight of the Savages, greatly to their astonishment, and no less to their benefit, will justly conclude that the Mission of New France has been commenced un- der very advantageous beginnings.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA : VOL. II
IX
Our copy of Biard's letter (written in French) to his provincial, dated January 31, 16 12, is from Carayon's Premiere Mission, pp. 44-76, noted under Bibliographical Data of Documents III. -VI., in our Volume I.
X
We follow the style and make-up of O'Callaghan's Reprint of Biard's Missio Canadensis, designated as " No. 1 " in the Lenox Catalogue. According to Som- mervogel's Bibliotlieqae de la Campagnie de Je'sus (Paris, 1890), vol. i., p. 1439, this document was originally published in the Annua Litter a Societatis Jesu, an. 161 1 (Dillingen, n. d.), pp. 121-143. The British Museum has a copy of this volume of Annnce Litter ce, described in its catalogue as published at ' ' Dilingse [ 1 6 1 5 ?] . " Sommervogel adds, regarding Missio Cana- densis : ' ' Was it not published separately ? I find it thus indicated in the catalogue of Mr. Parison, no. 1786." According to a letter written by Father Carrere (June 17, 1890) to Father Jones, of Montreal, the original MS. of this letter was then in the archives of Roder, France.
In Carayon's Premiere Mission (pp. 77-105) there is given a French version of this letter.
It is internally evident that the letter was com- menced January 22nd, and finished " vltimo die Jan- uary." In Father Martin's MS. (translated) copy,
288 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. II
preserved in the Library of Parliament, at Ottawa, he wrote upon it the former date, and it is so calen- dared in the catalogue of that library. Carayon first applied to it the latter date. This of itself has led to some bibliographical confusion.
In Carayon 's Bibliographie Historique de la Compagnie de Jtfsus (Paris, 1864), p. 178, a notice of the original publication is thus given: " P. Biard. — Epistola ad R. P. Prsepositum generalem, e Portu Regali in Nova Francia, data ultimo die Januarii anni 161 1, qua regionem illam describit, et Patrum Societatis Jesu in earn profectionem. — 'Ea inserta est annuis litteris Soc. Jesus ejusdem anni Provinc. Franc, ad finem.' (Sotwell.)." '
O'Callaghan obtained the originals of some of his reprints from the Annua Litterce Societatis Jesu, of which there are incomplete files in the libraries of John Carter Brown; Harvard College; St. John's College, Fordham, N. Y. ; St. Francis Xavier, New York City; the Jesuit colleges at Woodstock, Md., and Georgetown, D. C. ; and St. Mary's College, Montreal. The Brown Library has the richest col- lection.
See references to the O'Callaghan Reprint of Mis- sio Canadensis, in Harrisse's Notes, no. 405 ; Lenox Catalogue, p. 18; Sabin, vol. xvi., p. 542; Brown Catalogue, vol. ii., no. 119; Winsor, p. 300; Henry C. Murphy Sale Catalogue (N. Y., 1884), no. 2960; O'Callaghan Sale Catalogue (N. Y., 1882), nos. 178, 1205, 1250.
Title-page. O'Callaghan's Reprint is closely imi- tated.
Collation of O ' Callaglian Reprint. Title, 1 p.; re- verse of title, with inscription : ' ' Editio ad xxv ex-
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. II 289
emplaria reftridta. O'C", i p. ; Lectori, pp. iii.-iv. ; text, pp. 5-37 ; blank, 1 p. ; Index, pp. 39-45 ; colo- phon (p. 46): "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius j Mense Septembri Anno | CI0.I3CCC.LXX.," 1 p.
XI
The copy of Lescarbot's Relation Derniere herein followed is in Harvard College Library, where it is bound in with the same author's Les Muses de la Nou- velle France (Paris, 16 12). The Harvard copy is the only original of which the present editor has knowl- edge ; it is not listed in Gagnon's Essaide Bibliograpliie Canadienne (Quebec, 1895), but reference to it will be found in Harrisse, no. 26; Sabin, no. 40178; and Winsor, p. 300. There is a reprint of it in Cimber (Lafaist) and Danjou's Archives Curieuses de V Histoire de France, depuis Louis XI. jusqii a Louis XVIII. , first series, tome xv. (Paris. 1837), pp. 377-406, which, however, omits the list of names on pp. 21-24 of the original. The first series of this collection (15 vols.) was edited by L. Lafaist (" L. Cimber, " pseud.) and F. Danjou, assistants in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris; the second series (12 vols.), by Danjou alone, who, on the title of tome viii. of this series, is styled " Bibliothecaire de 1' Arsenal." The 27 volumes were published at Paris between 1834 and 1840.
The orthography of the printed original of the Re- lation Derniere is an interesting mixture of old and new styles. It has many instances of modern spell- ings not found even in the Cramoisy Relation of 1632, which was printed twenty years later.
It will be noticed that the "Privilege" is that granted for the publication of Lescarbot's Histoire de la Nouvclle France (1608).
290 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL.11
Title-page. The one given in the present volume is a photographic facsimile of the Harvard original.
Collation. Title, i p. ; blank, reverse of title, i p. ; text, pp. 3-39; privilege, reverse of p. 39, 1 p. — mak- ing a total of 40 pp.
XII
In our reissue of the Relatio Rerum Gcstarum (16 13- 14), we follow the original text and its pagination, as given on pp. 562-605 of the Annuce Litterce Societatis Jesu, for 161 2, printed at Lyons in 16 18, which we found at the Riggs Memorial Library, Georgetown University, Washington, D. C. This forms the text of O'Callaghan's Reprint, which is arbitrarily desig- nated in the Lenox Catalogue as " no. 6." See ref- erences in Sabin, no. 69245 ; Winsor, p. 300; Lenox, p. 19; and Brown Catalogue, no. 170, and p. 166. Sales are noted in Barlow (no. 1272), Murphy (no. 2960), and O'Callaghan (no. 1250) sale catalogues.
Title-page. We closely imitate that of the O'Cal- laghan Reprint.
Collation of Reprint. Title, 1 p. ; reverse of title, with inscription: " Editio viginti quinque exem- plaria. O'C," 1 p. ; Tabula Rerum, pp. iii., iv. ; text, pp. 1-66; colophon (p. 67): "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius | Mense Martis Anno | CIO IOCCC LXXI," 1 p.
NOTES TO VOL II
{Figures i?i parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages
of English text.)
i (p. 7). — Carayon prints neuf, but this is either a slip of the pen upon the part of Father Biard, or a misprint. The Fathers arrived at Port Royal, May 22, 161 1, so that this portion of the letter was written just eight {huit) months after.
2 (p. 27). — Kennebec River. Sometimes written, also, Rimbegui, Kinibequi, Kinibeki, and Qumebequy. Maurault says that the Abenakis called this river Kanibesek, meaning " river that leads to the lake." — Histoire des Abenakis (Quebec, 1866), pp. iv., 5, and 89, note 2.
3 (p. 27). — Penobscot River. It was sometimes written, also, Pemptegoet and Potugoet.
4 (p. 27). — In their first voyage (1604), De Monts and Poutrin- court visited and named the river St. John; and at the mouth of the Riviere des Etechemins (so named by Champlain; by the Indians called Scoodick or Schoodic), they found an island which they called St. Croix, a name in later days given to the river itself. It lies in the middle of the river, opposite to the dividing line be- tween Calais and Robbinston, Me. Here De Monts, Champlain, and their 77 fellows spent a miserable winter, while Poutrincourt re- turned to France for colonists and supplies to plant his proposed settlement at Port Royal. Thirty-five of the St. Croix party had died of scurvy before relieved in June, 1605, by Pontgrave, De Monts' lieutenant. In August, after a fruitless voyage along the New England coast, De Monts took his party to Port Royal, and there began a settlement before Pontgrave' s arrival. Biard 's letter indicates that winter fur-trading posts were maintained both at St. Croix and on the St. John, for several years thereafter. — See Park- man's Pioneers, pp. 291-293.
Champlain 's chart of the island may be found in his Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. ii., p. 32. Lescarbot, in Nouv. France (Paris, 1612), p. 469, says of the soil: "It is very good, and delightfully prolific."
The identity of St. Croix Island was determined in 1798, by the commissioners appointed, under the treaty of 1783, to determine the
292 NOTES TO VOL. II
boundary-line between New Brunswick and the territory of the United States. Holmes says, in Annals of America (Cambridge, Mass., 1829), vol. i., p. 122, note 1: "Professor (afterwards Presi- dent) Webber, who accompanied the commissioners in 1798, in- formed me that they found an island in this river, corresponding to the French descriptions of the Island St. Croix, and, near the upper end of it, the remains of a very ancient fortification, overgrown with large trees ; that the foundation stones were traced to a considera- ble extent; and that bricks (a specimen of which he showed me) were found there. These remains were, undoubtedly, the reliques of De Monts's fortification." Several cannon balls were also dis- covered while making excavations on this island, about 1S53. The island has been known as Dochet's Island and Neutral Island; but in recent years it has been formally and appropriately named De Monts' Island. See Godfrey's Centennial Discourse (Bangor, 1870), cited in Chajnplain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. ii., p. 33; also Williamson's Maine, vol. i., p. SS, and vol. ii., p. 578.
5 (p. 47). — George Weymouth, a Bristol navigator, entered Ken- nebec River in June, 1605. The stream was called by the na- tives Sagadahoc (sometimes spelled Sagadahock). Weymouth's enthusiastic reports led the Plymouth Company — of which Lord John Popham and Sir Ferdinando Gorges were leading mem- bers—to plant a colony in August, 1607, at first probably on Stage Island, but later on the shores of Atkins' Bay, ten miles up the Kennebec. Owing to the death of Popham, their chief patron, and other misfortunes, the colonists returned to England in 160S. For several years thereafter, Gorges and Sir Francis Popham — son of Lord John — fitted out trading and fishing expeditions to the re- gion, but no permanent colony was again attempted on the Kennebec until 1630. Weymouth had serious difficulties with the natives (1605), and kidnapped several of them; the colonists themselves were, towards the close of their stay, cruel to their neighbors; the outrages in 1609 were doubtless the operations of visiting Eng- lish traders. The boats and other English property seen by the French in 1611, at the Penobscot and Kennebec, of course be- longed to traders, who were at this time numerous along the main shore. Cf. Williamson's Maine, vol. L, pp. 53. ^qi-239'y and Memorial Volume of Popham Celebration, Aug. 29, 1862. Port- land, 1863).
6 (p. 49).— These Indians were the Tarratines (called Penob- scots by the English), one of the three tribes of the Etchemins, — the other two being the Openangos (the Quoddy Indians of English- chronicles) of New Brunswick, and the Marachites of Nova Scotia. For origin of their name, see Maine Hist. Colls., vol. vii., p. 100.
NOTES TO VOL. II 293
The principal Tarratine village was, a half century later, near where Bangor now stands. The town visited by Biard was apparently at or near the present Castine, on Major-bigyduce Point (for deriva- tion of this name see Maine Hist. Colls., vol. vi., pp. 107-109). See topographical description in Williamson's Maine, i.,pp. 70, 71. The " Chiboctous " River, of Biard, was, apparently, but the "wide-spread" of the Penobscot, stretching eastward of Castine. French traders were at Castine at a very early date. The English built a trading fort there in 1625-26, which fell into the hands of the French in 1632. It was styled Pentagoet in those days; but in 1667, was rechristened Castine, after Baron de St. Castine, who for several years maintained a station there. The Dutch were in possession for a time, — indeed, Castine was continuously fortified by English, French, and Dutch, in turn, from about i6ioto 1783.
7 (p. 61). — This introductory note, "To the Reader," is fur- nished by Dr. O'Callaghan, in his Albany reprint of 1870, which we are here following.
The Jesuits had been banished from France by Henry IV., in 1595. He recalled them in 1603, making Father Coton, of their number, his confessor.
8 (p. 61). — It is internally evident that the document, like many others of our series, was written at intervals ; this one was undoubt- edly commenced in 161 1 and closed in 161 2. In a hurry to catch the home-returning vessel, the writer appears to have forgotten the change in the year.
9 (p. 67). — It is possible that the Biscayans originally named what is still known as Placentia Bay, Newfoundland, after the city of that name in Spain. It was known to the English by that name in Biard'stime; — see John Guy's letter, May 16, 1611, in Prowse's History of Newfoundland (London, 1895), p. 127. Biard merely Gallicizes the word. Placentia is the chief seat of French settle- ment in Southern Newfoundland. — See Howley's Ecclesiastical History of Newfoundland (Boston, 1888), pp. 128, 129.
10 (p. 67). — Reference is here made to the Eskimos of Labrador. Says Prowse, {Hist. N. F., pp. 590, 591); " The name Esquimaux is a French corruption of the Abenaki word ' Eskimatsie, ' an eater of raw flesh. The native word is 'Innuit,' meaning 'the people.' Eskimo is the Danish form of the name, and has now quite sup- planted the old French name." They were probably dubbed " Excommunicated " in Biard' s time, because of the marked hostility to them of all the other savage tribes in Canada ; and the French early joined the latter in opposing them. — See Prowse, ut supra, p. 591. The missionaries found the Eskimos difficult material on which to work; although an occasional captive slave, brought to
294 NOTES TO VOL. II
the St. Lawrence by the Indians, would yield to priestly ministra- tions.— See Shea's Charlevoix, vol. iii., p. 30.
11 (p. 69). — Reference is here made to the mouth of what is now Saco River. Choiiacoet was the French rendering of a native word from which the modern Saco is derived. — Champlain' s
Voyages (Prince Soc. ), vol. ii., p. 64.
12 (p. 81). — No map could be found in the archives of the Society at Rome, where the original of this letter is preserved.
13 (p. 127). — See vol. i., note 2.
14 (p. 131).— Casquet("lesCasquetes, "on maps of that period): a dangerous group of rocks in the English Channel, seven miles west of Alderney.
15 (P- 133)- — See notes 3, 6, ante ; and vol. i., note 11.
16 (p. 133). — See note 4, ante.
17 (p. 135). — M at ac hias, or mat achiats; described by Champlain, in Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. i., p. 241, as " beads and braided strings, made of porcupine quills, which they dye in various colors. ' ' Les- carbot says that the Armouchiquois, like the Brazilians and Flori- dians, make ornaments from bits of shell, polished and strung to- gether in bracelets, etc. ; these are called bou-re in Brazil, and matachiaz among the Northern tribes.— See his Nouv. France,
P- 732.
18 (p. 137).— Nuncio of Pope Paul V. to Henry IV. of France; was created a cardinal, December 2, 161 5. — See Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 492; also Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., p. 99. A fortification erected by Poutrincourt, at the entrance of Port Royal harbor, was named by him Fort d'Ubaldini.— See Lescarbot's chart of Port Royal, in vol. i. of this series.
19 (p. 141). — Named by Champlain, from its forked shape, now known as Cape Split; a promontory at entrance of Mines Bay, where it opens into the Bay of Fundy. Jean Blaeu's map, Extrema America (1620), shows it as C. de Poitrincourt ; for explanation of this name, see Laverdiere's Champlain, pp. 271, 272.
20 (p. 141).— Sable Island is thus described by Champlain, Voyages, (Prince Soc), ii., p. 8: "This island is thirty leagues distant north and south from Cape Breton, and in length is about fifteen leagues. It contains a small lake. The island is very sandy, and there are no trees at all of considerable size, only copse and herbage, which serve as pasturage for the bullocks and cows which the Portuguese carried there more than sixty years ago."
The origin of the cattle here mentioned is thus explained by Ed- ward Haies, in his report on Sir Humphrey Gilbert's voyage of 1583, in Goldsmid's Hakluyt, vol. xii., p. 345: " Sablon lieth to the sea- ward of Cape Briton about 25 leagues, whither we were determined
NOTES TO VOL. II 295
to goe vpon intelligence we had of a Portugal — who was himselfe present when the Portugals (aboue thirty yeeres past) did put in the same Island both Neat and Swine to breede, which were since ex- ceedingly multiplied." Lescarbot, however, says the cattle were landed there about 1528, by Baron de Lery; see his Nouv. Frattce, p. 22. Sable Island is noted as the scene of La Roche's unfortu- nate attempt at colonization in 1598, for a graphic description of which see Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 231-235. See Dionne's note on " Les Sablons," in his Nouvelle France (Quebec, 1S91), pp. 311-316.
21 (p. 141). — The name Bacallaos (see vol. i., note 7) was long given to the region afterwards known as Canada. Peter Martyr says: " Sebastian Cabot him selfe, named those lands Baccallaos bycause that in the seas thereabout he founde so great multitudes of certeyne bigge fysshes much like vnto tunies (which th[e] inhabi- tantes caule Baccallaos) that they sumtymes stayed his shippes." — See Eden's Three English Books o?i America (Arber ed., Birming- ham, 1885), pp. 161, 345. Fournier's Hydrographie (Paris, 1667), cited in Browne's History of Cape Breton (London, iS6g),p. 13, says: ' ' It cannot be doubted this name was given by the Basques, who alone in Europe call that fish Bacalaos, or Bacaleos ; the aborigines term them Apage." See also Lescarbot's Nouv. France, p. 237; and Dionne's Nouv. France, pp. 327-331. Cf. Prowse (Hist. AT. F., p. 589) ; he says, in claiming the discovery of Newfoundland for the English, that Baccalao was but "an ordinary trade word, in use at that period." For an interesting sketch of the Basque fisheries in Newfoundland, up to the end of the 17th century, see Prowse, ut supra, pp. 47-49.
That part of the mainland appears on Ribero's map (1529) as " Tiera de los Bacallaos," shown also by Agnese (1554), Zaltieri (1566), Mar- tines (1578), and in map of "Nova Francia et Canada, 1597," in Wytfleit's Descriptio7iis Ptolemaicce Atigmentum. The name was restricted to the southern part of the island of Newfoundland, by Ramusio (1556); to the island of Cape Breton, by Lescarbot (161 2); to an island east of Newfoundland, by De Laet (1640). The name Baccalos " still clings to an islet about forty miles north of the capi- tal [St. John's], in which multitudes of sea-birds now build their nests." — Bourinot, in Canad. Mo., vol. vii., p. 290. See also, An- spach's Hist. N F, pp. 296, 297.
22 (p. 147). — A long, narrow inlet, nearly parallel to the sea, on west- ern coast of Digby County, N. S., and still known as St. Mary's Bay.
23 (p. 151). — A Basque word, meaning sorcerer, corresponding to the native aoutmoin. — See Biard's Relation of 1616, post. Cham- plain (Laverdiere's ed., p. 82) calls them Pilotoua; and Sagard (Canada, pp. 98, 656), Pirotois.
296 NOTES TO VOL. II
24 (p. 157). — Henry II. of Bourbon, prince of Conde, born in 1588; nephew of and next in succession to Henry IV. ; a leader in the Catholic League, and father of the great Conde. He married, in 1609, Charlotte de Montmorency, then fifteen years old, one of the most beautiful women of her day. The king fell in love with her, and his attempted intrigue led to complications that almost caused a war between France and Spain. Conde rebelled against Louis XIII., and in September, 1616, was captured and imprisoned; but he soon afterwards regained his power, which he retained until the as- cendancy of Richelieu displaced it, in 1623; he died in 1646.
The house of Conti was a younger branch of the house of Conde ; that of Soissons was also nearly related to the reigning family of Bourbon. Charles de Bourbon, count of Soissons, was born in 1556. He acted for a time with the League, but left it, in the hope of se- curing as his wife Catherine of Navarre, and became a military officer under both Henry III. and Henry IV. ; Sully, however, com- pelled him to give up his proposed marriage with Catherine. He was Grand Master of France, under Henry IV. ; later, was governor of Dauphiny, and, at his death, of Normandy. At Champlain's so- licitation, he consented to become the head of De Monts's scheme for the colonization of Canada; and he was appointed (October 8, 161 2) by the king lieutenant general and governor of New France, Cham plain becoming commandant under him. But Soissons died, on November 1 following ; and he was succeeded by Henry, prince of Conde, with the title of viceroy of New France. Mareschal de Themins was appointed by Marie de Medicis, acting viceroy during Conde's imprisonment. Upon his liberation (1619), Conde sold his position as viceroy of Canada to Henry, duke of Montmorency, who in turn sold it (January, 1625) to his nephew, Henry de Levis, duke of Ventadour. — See Rochemonteix's Jestates, vol. i., pp. 126, 127, 134, 144, 149.
Champlain (see his map of 1632) named the lake at the mouth of the Ottawa River, Lac de Soissons, in honor of his viceroy; it is now called Lake of Two Mountains.
25 (p. 157). — Charles de Gonzague, duke of Nevers, was born about 1566; his father was a prominent chief in the Catholic League, and, in 1592, introduced the order of Recollets into France. His sister, Catherine de Gonzague, married Henry I., duke of Longue- ville, in 1588.
26 (p. 157). — Charles de Lorraine, duke of Guise, Grand Master of France, and governor of Champagne and Provence, was born in August, 1571, and died 1640. In 1615, he was the proxy of Louis XIII., in the marriage of the latter to the Spanish infanta, Anne of Austria.
NOTES TO VOL. II 297
27 (P- 157)- — Sieur de Praslin was captain of the royal body- guards, and lieutenant of Champagne.
28 (p. 157). — The Parliament of Paris originated in a division of the king's court, made necessary by the increase of its functions, consequent upon the progress of the royal power in France. Judi- cial affairs were allotted to the decision of Parliament ; its organiza- tion was defined in 1302, by Philip the Fair, who ordained that it should assemble at Paris twice a year, for two months, exercising jurisdiction over the whole kingdom. Charles V. (1364-80) made the Parliament permanent. Its jurisdiction was much restricted, suc- cessively by Charles VII., Louis XI., and Francis I.; eight other provincial Parliaments had been formed, by the early part of the 1 6th century, which reduced that of Paris to little more than a munic- ipal jurisdiction, and all had been thoroughly subjected to royal authority. The Parliament of Paris refused, from 1554 to 1662, to ad- mit the Jesuits into the kingdom, and, later, opposed Henry IV. ; but it was compelled to submit by Mazarin, and, later, by Louis XIV. and Louis XV. In 1762, however, it decreed the abolition of the order of Jesuits, and Louis XV. was obliged to confirm this action ; though he exiled the Parliament, eight years later. Within four years, it was recalled by Louis XVI. ; but supporting, in 17S9, the privileged orders against the people, it lost all popularity, and in the following year was suppressed by the Constituent Assembly. It had been mainly composed of lawyers ever since Louis XII. forbade any to enter the Parliament, or to sit as judges, who were not "literate and graduate."
29 (p. 157). — The author of the Lettre Missive (vol. i. of this ser- ies). He is again mentioned by Lescarbot, in this Relation.
30 (p. 157). — The original church of Ste. Genevieve (dedicated to the patron saint of Paris) was built by Clovis, about 510. Near the beginning of the 13th century, it was replaced by another building, erected by King Philippe Augustus; this having, in time, become almost a ruin, gave way to the present handsome edifice, which was begun in 1758, and built under the auspices of Louis XV. See Hunnewell's Historic Monuments of France (Boston, 1884), pp. 195, 196.
31 (p. 159). — Short robe. A term used, at that time, to designate the military profession.
32 (p. 165). — Wheat (ble) is here used generically, but meaning maize ; or, more probably, as a shortened form of ble d'Inde, the term applied by Champlain and other French explorers to the corn culti- vated by the aborigines.
33 (p. 165). — The subject of agriculture among the Indians is ex- haustively treated in Carr's " Mounds of the Mississippi Valley." in
298 A'OTES TO VOL. II
Smithsonian Report (Washington, 1891), pp. 507-533. His general conclusion is that corn was ' ' cultivated in greater or less quantities by all the tribes living east of the Mississippi and south of the great lakes and the St. Lawrence," — indeed, far more extensively than is generally supposed ; and that ' ' the Indian looked upon it as a staple article of food, both winter and summer; that he cultivated it in large fields, and understood and appreciated the benefits arising from the use of fertilizers." Beans, squashes, and pumpkins were also staple crops. In regard to the labor of women, Carr says: ' ' The Iroquois or Six Nations are the only people among whom, so far as I know, it cannot be shown that the warriors did take some part either in clearing the ground or in cultivating the crop ; and we find that even among them the work was not left exclusively to the women, but that it was shared by the children and the old men, as well as the slaves, of whom they seem to have had a goodly number.*** This statement ['that the field-work was not left entirely to the women'], as to the actual condition of a large majority of the tribes living east of the Mississippi and south of the St. Lawrence, is believed to be true ; yet it is not denied that there were many instances m which this labor was, practically, left to the women, owing to the fact that the men were away from home, hunting or fighting. This fact was, unfortunately, of frequent recurrence ; but, as it was the result of an accidental and not of a permanent condi- tion of affairs, it would hardly be fair to ascribe it to the existence of any custom, or to any belief in the derogatory character of the work." — Cf. Rochemonteix {Jesuit 'es, vol. i., p. 97, note).
34 (p. 167). — A word derived, according to Littre, from the Basque orenac, meaning "deer;" elsewhere written orignac, orignas, and orignat; by modern writers, orignal. The " Canadian elk " (orig- nac being used interchangeably with elan, the elk of Northern Europe), or moose (the latter an Indian name), is A Ices Ameri- cantis, the largest of the Cervus family. The males are said to at- tain a weight of 1,100 or 1,200 pounds, and a height of five feet at the shoulder. See also Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. i., p. 265.
35 (p. 169). — Slafter thinks that these roots were probably those of Jerusalem artichoke, Helianl/tus tuberosus. This plant, indig- enous in the Northern regions of America, had been carried to Europe by the Italians, who named it girasole (their word for the sunflower, another species of Helianthus), afterwards corrupted to Jerusalem. Champlain saw these plants cultivated by the Indians — in 1605, near Cape Cod; and again at Gloucester, in 1606. — See Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. ii., pp. 82, 112. The sav- ages also cultivated ground-nuts, of several varieties; among them,
NOTES TO VOL. II 299
Arachis Jiypogaa and Apios tuberosa. — See Carr's " Food of Cer- tain American Indians," in Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, vol. x., parti., pp. 168, 169.
Lescarbot says the roots mentioned in the text were called ca- nadas; Ferland thinks they were those of Apios tuberosa (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 84).
36 (p. 171). — The smelt, Sahno eperlanus, is found in both salt and fresh water ; it is four to eight inches in length.
37 (p. 171). — A small, narrow inlet (Ance, on Bellin's map, 1764), at the head of which is a portage to St. Mary's Bay.
38 (p. 171). — Haliburton, in his Nova Scotia (Halifax, 1S29), p. 15, tiote, says it is the stream now known as the Allen River; but Lescarbot, in our text, and in his chart of Port Royal, identifies it with the larger river now called Annapolis. He says it was ' ' named l'Equille, because the first fish taken therein was an equille. " Its length is about 70 miles, 30 of which are navigable. Littre defines equille as " the name, on the coasts between Caen and Havre, of the fish called lancon at Granville and St. Malo, a kind of malacopter- ygian fish, living on sandy shores, and hiding in the sand at low tide. ' '
39 (p. 173). — The legitimate children of the king himself, as dis- tinguished from those of other branches of the royal family, the lat- ter being only ' ' princes and princesses of the blood. ' '
40 (p. 175). — Du Chesne (or Duquesne), and Du Jardin; see Rela- tion of 1616, post. Ferland says (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 80, note) : "In the History of Dieppe, vol. ii. , mention is made of Ab- raham Du Quesne, a Calvinist, who commanded a Dieppe vessel engaged in the American and Senegal trade. He was father of the celebrated admiral of the same name, born at Dieppe in 1610." Shea adds (Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 262, note), that he " was an ances- tor of the Governor of Canada, whose name was once borne by Pittsburgh."
41 (p. 175). — These orders, except the Minimes, were Franciscan. The Capuchins (so named from the sharply-pointed capuce, or hood, of their robe) were organized in 152S, as a new division of the Fratres Minor es of St. Francis of Assisi ; and were received into France in 1573, at the request of Charles IX., and at the recommen- dation of Cardinal Lorraine. In 1632, they were asked by Richelieu to take charge of the religious affairs of Canada ; but, they declined this proposal, ostensibly through unwillingness to displace the Jesuits, and later went to Acadia. For an account of their work in Maine, see Historical Magazine, vol. viii., p. 301.
The Cordeliers, named from the knotted cord worn at the waist, have two branches, — the conventuals, who are allowed to possess real estate ; and the observants, who may not own any property.
300 NOTES TO VOL. II
The Recollets, strictest of all the Franciscan orders, were thus termed because, devoting themselves to religious meditation (Fr. recollection), they asked from Pope Clement VII., in 1531, permis- sion to retire into special convents, that they might more literally observe their founder's rule. For an account of their missionary work in Canada, see Editor's Introduction, vol. i. of this series. They carried on extensive missionary labors in Spanish America, where, in 1621, they had 500 convents, distributed in 22 provinces. — Ferland's Cours & Histoire, vol. i., p. 169.
The Minimes were founded in 1453, by St. Francis de Paula, of Calabria. Their rule is especially austere, involving total abstinence from wine, flesh, and fish, and even from eggs, milk, or butter. Their founder named them Minimos Fratres, as a special indica- tion of humility. He also instituted an order of Minimes for women, in 1493.
42 (p. 177). — Samuel de Champlain was born probably between 1567 and 1570 (the exact date is unknown); his parents lived at Brouage, a fortified town in Saintonge, where was a large manufac- ture of salt and the finest harbor on the French coast. Champlain became a navigator early in life, and was also a quartermaster in the royal army in Brittany, from 1592 to 1598.
His first voyage to America was in the service of the King of Spain; he spent the time from January, 1599, to March, 1601, in the West Indies and Mexico, and on the northern coast of South America. His valuable MS. report of this voyage, illustrated by his own sketches, was first printed in 1859 (but in an English transla- tion) , by the Hakluy t Society, at London ; in it he suggests a ship canal across the isthmus of Panama. In 1603, he sailed with Pont- grave to Canada, exploring the St. Lawrence as far as the Falls of St. Louis; and again, with De Monts, early in 1604, when they founded the St. Croix colony. Champlain remained in Canada three years, carefully exploring the Atlantic coast from Canso to Wood's Holl, and returned to France in October, 1607. The next summer, he explored the valley of the St. Lawrence, with the Sa- guenay and other tributaries, and founded the settlement of Quebec. October 15, 1612, he was formally appointed commandant in New France. Quebec was captured by the English, July 20. 1629; but was restored to the French by the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, March 29, 1632. Champlain, being again appointed governor of New France, returned to Quebec in May, 1633, where he died December
25, 1635-
43 (P- 177)- — This chart was drawn by Lescarbot, and engraved by Jan Swelinck; it appears in his AToi/v. France (Tross ed., Paris, 1866), facing page 208. It has been reproduced for the present series.
NOTES TO VOL. II 301
44 (p. 179). — Gougou, a frightful monster, in the superstitious be- lief of the savages, who supposed it to dwell on an island near the Bay of Chaleurs ; to have the form of a woman, though of horrible aspect, and so tall that the masts of a ship would not reach to the monster's girdle; and to carry off and devour men. Champlain gives a full account of this belief, and regards Gougou as a demon who tormented the natives; see Laverdiere's Champlain., pp. 125-126. Lescarbot, in his Nouv. France, pp. 397-403, gives the same description, and tries to prove, in a long discussion, that Gougou is a sort of personification of a tormenting conscience.
45 (p. 179). — Charter party. A document which states the terms of rent for the whole or part of a ship. The term is derived from an old usage ; instead of making a duplicate of the contract, it was cut in two, each of the parties retaining one of the halves. — Littre's Dictionnaire de la langue francaise (Paris, 1878).
46 (p. 185). — This young priest had sailed with De Monts, desiring to see the New World. On the shores of St. Mary's Bay, he became lost in the woods ; De Monts searched for him, but in vain, and left the bay. A fortnight later, an expedition sent to St. Mary's Bay, to search for silver and iron ore, accidentally encountered poor Aubry, almost dead with fatigue and hunger, and trought him back to Port Royal. This rescue was especially gratifying to De Monts. as the priest's disappearance had caused a Protestant, who had quarreled with him about religious questions, to be accused of mur- dering Aubry. — Champlain" s Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. ii., pp. 20, 21.
47 (p. 189). See vol. i., note 4.
48 (p. 199). — One of the numerous names given to the St. Law- rence by early explorers and writers ; it thus appears on the map of Jean Allefonsce, given in his Cosmographie (Paris, ed., 1575), fol. i83A; and is so named by Champlain, in his Voyages. The origin of the name Canada is variously explained; but there are two leading theories: (1) That the word signifies, in Iroquois, "town," or "village." See Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 89, note 4; Faillon's Col. Fr. vol. i., p. 14; Hist. Mag. vol. i., pp. 153, 217, 349; and Mag. Amer. Hist., vol. x., pp. 161, 162. (2) That it comes from another and similar Iroquois word, meaning " lake," being applied to the country as a region abounding in lakes. See Hist. Mag., vol. i., pp. 188, 315; cf. Winsor's N. and C. Hist. vol. iv., p. 67, note 1. — Cf. Ferland's Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 25. The name was applied in the earlier maps (e. g., Zaltieri, 1566; Ortelius, 1570; Judseis, 1593) to a district lying along the St. Lawrence, between the Saguenay and Isle aux Coudres, or thereabouts. Later, it was given to all, or nearly all, of the valley of the St. Lawrence. See also vol. i., note 6.
302 NOTES TO VOL. II
49 (p. 201). — This date is evidently obtained from the " Discorso d'un gran Capitano di Mare Francese," found in Ramusio's Raccolta (Venice, 1556), vol. iii., p. 423. The " Discorso " is supposed to have been written in 1539; tne name of the author was unknown to Ramusio himself, but is said by Estancelin, in Recherches * * * des navigateurs Normands (Paris, 1832), to be Jean Parmentier, of Dieppe. See Winsor's N. and C. Hist., vol. iv., pp. 16, 63: cf. also Harrisse's Discovery of North America (London, 1892), p. 180. note 2, and D'Avezac's Introduction to Carder's Brief Recit (Tross re- print, 1865), fol. vii. ; both say that the " Discorso " was written by Pierre Crignon, an astronomer and pilot, and a companion of Par- mentier in his voyages.
50 (p. 205). — Another name for the St. Lawrence River. The apparent etymology of this name would suggest that it was given on account of the powerful current of the river, and its discharge into the Gulf of St. Lawrence. See Trumbull's " Composition of Indian Geographical Names," in Conn. His tor. Soc. Colls., vol. ii., p. 30. Laverdiere erroneously considers Sacqne as another form of Sagne, or Saguenay.
51 (p. 205). — One of the principal tributaries of the St. Lawrence, entering the latter 120 miles N. E. of Quebec. It is 100 miles in length, and remarkable for its wild and picturesque scenery ; along the lower half of its course the banks vary in height from 500 to 1,500 feet, often overhanging the swift current below. Its ordinary depth varies from 100 to 1,000 feet, and even reaches over 3,000 feet near its mouth. It is the outlet of Lake St. John, and was for the French the chief avenue of approach to the Indian tribes around that lake, and even (by portages) to those of Hudson Bay region. This river was, throughout the French regime, the center of both trading and missionary activities for all Northeastern Canada. Tadoussac, at its mouth, from earliest times a favorite rendezvous of the Montagnais and other Eastern tribes, became under the French an important fur-trade center and Jesuit mission ; and is, to- day, a notable watering-place.
The name is also spelled Sagnay, Sagne, Saghuny, etc. Thevet, in his Grande Insulaire (a MS. preserved in the Bibliotheque Na- tionale of Paris, and written before 1571: see Harrisse's notes sur la Nouvelle France, p. 278), declares that the savages then called this river Thadoyseau; while Lalemant (in Relation of 1646) says that they called Tadoussac Sadilege. Probably these names were indifferently applied, in that early time, alike to river and village. Laverdiere derives Saguenay from the Montagnais saki-nip, "the rushing water." See his Champ lain, pp. 68, 69; also Trumbull, in Conn. Hist. Colls., vol. ii., p. 31.
NOTES TO VOL. II 303
52 (p. 205). — Now the St. Maurice; named Trois Rivieres, be- cause two islands at its mouth divide it into three channels. On Creuxius' map (1660), it appears as Metaberoutin River, or Three Rivers; on Duval's (1679), the Riviere de Foix. This last appella- tion seems to be another form of Riuiere du Fouez, given to this river by Cartier. — See Champlain' s Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. L, p. 257. At its mouth is the town of Three Rivers, founded by Champlain in 1634.
53 (p. 205). — The Ottawa River — Champlain's Riuiere des Al- gommequins; see his " Explanation of the Map of New France," in Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. i.,p. 302. Also named, in early days, Riviere des Prairies; so in Relation of 1640, post, and on Creuxius' map (1660): Faillon (Col. Fr., i., p. 82, note * * ) says it was thus named from its discoverer, a young sailor from St. Malo; he is mentioned by Champlain as " a very courageous man," in Voyages (Paris, 1632), p. 159.
54 (p. 205). — The Chicchack (or Shickshock) Mountains; called Notre-Dame by Champlain and other early writers. A range of highlands in the Gaspe peninsula, the easternmost part of the Appa- lachian system, forming the watershed between streams flowing into the St. Lawrence and Bay of Chaleurs. They lie about twelve miles from the St. Lawrence, extending a distance of some 65 miles, be- tween the Ste. Anne des Monts and the Matane rivers ; they range in height from 3,000 to 4,000 feet. — See Rochemonteix'sy^z/z'/^, vol. i., p. 91; also Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 1090.
55 (p. 205). — See Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 179.
56 (p. 205). — Canadis, the Indians of the vicinity of Quebec. Lescarbot says (Nouv. France, p. 238) that "the tribes of Gachepe and Chaleur bay call themselves Canadocoa, that is, Canadaquois, " Sagard (Canada, p. 152) mentions a village of Canadians near Tadoussac.
57 (p. 205). — Algomeguis (also spelled Algoumequins, Algonme- quins, and Algumquins); the Algonquins or Algonkins. Some authors consider this name generic for the Armouchiquois, the Montagnais, the "Petite Nation," the Nation of the Isle, and the Nipissiriniens. — See Martin's edition of Bressani's Relation Abregee (Montreal, 1852), p. 319. Champlain limits this appel- lation to the tribes that dwell upon the Ottawa.
58 (p. 205). — Ochasteguis, according to Laverdiere (Champlain, PP- 3!7> 346) called by Champlain Ochastaiguins or Ochatequins, from the name of one of their chiefs; a name applied to the Hurons. This last appellation was but a nickname of the tribe, which was properly called Wendot or Wyandot. They inhabited the region east of Lake Huron, to Lake Simcoe.
304 NOTES TO VOL. II
59 (p. 205). — The site of Quebec was first visited by Cartier in 1535, and was then occupied by an Indian village, named Stadacona. The foundation of the present city was laid by Champlain, July 3, 1608; for his chart of Quebec and vicinity (with valuable notes thereon, by the editor), and an engraved illustration of the buildings erected by him, see Laverdiere's Champlain, pp. 296, 303. Quebec is also written Quebeck, Quebecq (Champlain), and Kebec, Kebec, or Kebek {Relations); the word, in various Algonkin dialects, signifies " the narrowing of the water," referring to the contraction of the St. Lawrence, opposite Cape Diamond, to a space of only 1,314 yards; while below, at the confluence of the St. Charles, it spreads into a basin over 2, 500 yards in width. See Ferland's Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 90; and Parkman's Pioneers, p. 329.
The first known mention of this name, to designate the locality of the present city, is in Champlain's Voyages, ut supra, p. 89.
60 (p. 205). — See vol. i., ?iote 2.
61 (p. 207). — See notes 32, 33, ante. Brazilian bean; the common bean, Phaseolus vulgaris, indigenous to America. Called "Bra- zilian bean," because it resembled a bean then known in France by that name. — Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. ii., p. 64, note.
62 (p. 207). — Breton. This name (spelled also Bretton, Briton, Brittayne, etc.), was given, at an early date, to the most eastern point of Cape Breton Island, "first seen by some French sailors, who named it either after Bretagne, or from Cape Breton, a town in the election of Landes, in Gascony. " — Bourinot (Canad. Mo., vol. vii., p. 292). Cf. Margry's Navigations Francaises (Paris, 1867), p. 113. It appears on Verrazano's map (1529). See also Laverdiere's Cha7nplai7i, p. 155; and on same page is a quotation from Thevet's Gr. Insul. (1556) which mentions " the cape or prom- ontory of Lorraine, so named by us; others have given it the name of Cape of the Bretons," etc. The island itself was known, during the 16th century, as Isle du Cap Breton, or Isle des Bretons; Cham- plain, in Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. i., p. 280, calls it St. Lawrence; the French named it Isle Royale, upon its cession to them by the treaty of Utrecht (1713); its old name, Cape Breton Island, was re- sumed in 1758, after the capture of Louisbourg by the English. On Gastaldo's map (1548), the name Breton is applied both to this island and to Nova Scotia. See Dionne's note on Cape Breton (Nouv. France, pp. 283-286).
On La Heve, see vol. i., note 42. Champlain's chart of the harbor of La Heve is given in Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 156.
Mouton, probably at Port Mouton; so named, according to Les- carbot, because a drowned sheep came ashore there. — Nouv. France, p. 449.
NOTES TO VOL. II 305
Sable, the most southern point of Nova Scotia, on Cape Sable Island. Cham plain says: "The next day we went to Cape Sable, also very dangerous, on account of certain rocks and reefs extending almost a league into the sea." — Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. ii., p. 13.
St. Louis, thus named by De Monts, but now known as Brant Point ; two leagues from Plymouth Harbor, in Massachusetts.
Blanc, so named by Champlain, from its white sands; three years earlier, named Cape Cod, by Gosnold, from the multitude of codfish in its vicinity. It is shown on Juan de la Cosa's map (1500), but without name; on Ribero's (1529), as C. de arenas; on Vallard's (1543), as C. de Croix.
63 (p. 207). — On Campseau, see vol. i., note 40.
Sesambre, "an island thus named by some Mallouins, distant 15 leagues from La Heve," says Champlain. Laverdiere thus explains the name : "In remembrance of a small island of that name which lies in front of St. Malo. Sesambre became S. Sambre; and the English sailors, who are not greatly devoted to the saints, have called it simply Sambro " (its present name). A cape and harbor near the island bear the same name. Sesambre appears on De Laet's map (1633), as Sesambre; on Bellin's (1744), as Sincembre; but in his Petit Atlas Maritime (1764), also on Chabert's map (1746), as St. Cendre. In Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. ii., p. 151, note 263, the island at St. Malo is called Cezembre.
Beaubassin, the present Chignecto Bay; the northern arm at the head of the Bay of Fundy. Blaeu's map (1620), and De Laet's (1633), show it as B. des Gennes; Bellin's (1744), as Chignitou or Beau- bassin.
64 (p. 207). — Sanson's map of Canada (1656) shows Cap de l'Evesque; and Creuxius's (1660), prom. Episcopi. Bellin's map of the St. Lawrence River (1761) enables us to identify this point as the present Cape Magdalen, or Magdalaine, west of Cape Rosier. Cf. Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 116, note; and Champlain (Prince Soc), vol. i., p. 281, note.
Chat, a corruption of Chaste, the name of Champlain's early pa- tron. Sieur Aymar de Chaste (Chattes, or Chastes), for many years the governor of Dieppe, distinguished both as soldier and sailor, and a personal friend of Henry IV., had formed at Rouen, under a royal commission, a company to prosecute further explorations in Canada. In March, 1603, he sent Pontgrave and Champlain thither, to select a location for the colony he proposed to establish, and to make other preliminary explorations and arrangements ; see Laver- diere's Champlain, pp. 700-704, and 1090, note. During their ab- sence, De Chaste died (May 13, 1603), and his schemes were soon taken up by De Monts (vol. i., note 2). — See Faillon's Col. Fr., vol.
306 NOTES TO VOL. II
i., pp. 74-84. An account of De Chaste's voyage to Terceira (whither he was sent in 15 S3, with a military force by Catherine de Medicis), forms part of Thevenot's Relations de divers Voyages Citrieux (Paris, 1596), under the heading " Voyage de la Tercere."
65 (p. 209). — Of these five settlements, the first was made in 1535, by Jacques Cartier, at the mouth of the river called by him St. Croix, but afterwards named St. Charles, by the Recollet missionaries, in honor of Charles des Boues, grand vicar of Pontoise. — See Shea's ed. of Le Clercq's Establishment of the Faith (N. Y., 1SS1), p. 149. Those of De Monts, at St. Croix and Port Royal, have been already described by Lescarbot. In regard to the settlement at Quebec, which the text inadvertently mentions as the third, instead of the fourth, it was on the northern bank of the St. Lawrence, not the southern, as he says here. The fifth, that of St. Sauveur, is fully described in the present volume.
66 (p. 209). — Pointe St. Croix, now named Point Platon, about 35 miles above Quebec. A small island, not far from this point, was called Ste. Croix Island, up to 1633; after that time, Richelieu, for the great cardinal. As intimated in the text, there has been a difference of opinion as to the place where Cartier spent the winter of 1535-36. Charlevoix (Shea's ed., vol. i., p. 116), claimed that the point mentioned above (Platon) was the St. Croix of Cartier; but Champlain and other authorities have shown that it was, instead, at St. Charles River. See Laverdiere's Champlain, pp. 90-93, and 304-309; also Faillon's Col. Fr. vol. i., pp. 496-499.
67 (p. 209). — Named by Cartier (1535), Island of Bacchus, from the profusion of wild grapes found there. Thevet {Gr. Insul.) says it was called by the natives Minigo. Its later name, Isle of Orleans, would seem to have been given by Cartier, during his first sojourn at Quebec. See Laverdiere's Champlain, p. 88. Le Jeune (Re- lation of 1632, post) mentions it as St. Lawrence Island. It is 20 miles long, and six miles in its greatest width.
68 (p. 211). — Pierre Coton (also written Cotton) was born in 1564, at Neronde, and belonged to a distinguished family of Forez; became a Jesuit priest, and confessor of Henry IV. (see note 7, ante, and vol. i., note 39), and afterwards of Louis XIII. This position he resigned about 1618, then spent six years at Rome. Returning to France (1624) as provincial of his order, he died at Paris, March 19, 1626.
69 (p. 217). — histitntum, the published collection of the laws regulating the order of Jesuits (official ed., Prague, 175 7; new ed., Avignon, 1827-38). For description of this work, see McClintock & Strong's Cyclopcedia of Biblical Liter attire, vol. iv., pp. 865, 866.
70 (p. 217). — See vol. i., note 2.
NOTES TO VOL. II 307
71 (p. 221). — De Monts's lieutenant, Pontgrave, who is men- tioned by Champlain as Sieur de Pont Grave, also as Pont. Lescar- bot, in Nouv. France, calls the lieutenant ' ' du Pont, surnamed Grave." He was a merchant of St. Malo, interested with Chauvin in the Canada trade, and an intimate friend of Champlain ; he made trading voyages to Canada during some thirty years. Concerning his son, see vol. i., notes 13, 44. See Dionne's account of Chauvin and his enterprises {Nouv. France, pp. 193-212, 318-328); on p. 198, he cites from Breard some information regarding Pontgrave's family.
72 (p. 221). — Faillon discusses at length the statement of Charle- voix, that Canada was first called New France in 1609; and he brings much evidence, both circumstantial and direct, to show that this appellation was of much earlier date. He considers it highly probable that this name was applied to Canada at least as early as Cartier's first voyage (1534). — See his Col. Fr., vol. i., pp. 511-513. The " Shorte and brief e narration" of Cartier's second voyage, given in Goldsmid's Hakluyt, vol. xiii., p. 146, says: "Here endeth the Relation of lames Cartiers discouery and Nauigation of the Newfoundlands, by him named New France." Biard says {Re- lation of 1616, post ).• "I believe it was Jean Verazan who was god- father to the title of New France. "
73 (p. 225). — Josse, the priest Jesse Fleche; see vol. i., note 25.
74 (p. 233). — Probably referring to the anonymous author of the Factum; see post, Relation of 1616, chap, x., and note 97, on the Factum.
75 (p. 233). — Robin de Coulogne; see vol. i., notes 31, 37.
76 (p. 235). — This man, whom Champlain calls Simon Imbert Sandrier, is said by Biard (chap, xx., post ) to have been formerly a tavern keeper at Paris.
77 (p. 245). — Chiquebi, the " MicMac potato," as Bourinot calls it {Canad. Mo., vol. vii., p. 292); the ground-nut, sgabun or segubbicn, in the Micmac tongue. See note 35, ante; also Trum- bull, in Conn. Hist. Colls., vol. ii., p. 26.
78 (p. 247). — Father Jacques Quentin, born in February, 1572, at Abbeville, France ; entered the order of Jesuits, June 30, 1604. He was appointed, at the close of his novitiate, professor at Bourges ; here and at Rouen he remained three years ; and in 1609 he was sent to the college of Eu, as acting superior. Four years later, he went to Acadia. After returning to France he devoted himself to preach- ing in cities and villages. In 1616, he became a " spiritual coadju- tor ' ' in his order — according to Littre, one who publicly takes the three religious vows, but not the fourth, which is to go on whatever mission he maybe sent. His death occurred April iS, 1647. — See Rochemonteix'sy^////^^, vol. i., p. 83, note.
308 NOTES TO VOL. II
79 (p. 247). — These colonial experiments were not, for a long time, favorably regarded by the Protestants, or by most Catholics. Sully, minister of Henry IV., says in his Memoirs (Bohn's ed., Lon- don, 1856), vol. ii., p. 453: "The colony that was sent to Canada this year (1603) was among the number of those things that had not my approbation ; there was no kind of riches to be expected from all those countries of the New World which are beyond the fortieth de- gree of latitude. His majesty gave the conduct of this expedition to the Sieur du Mont. ' '
80 (p. 249). — Louis Hebert, born at Paris, an apothecary, was one of Poutrincourt's colony at Port Royal. In 161 7, he returned to Canada with his family, at Champlain's request, as one of the lat- ter's colonists at Quebec. He was the first settler with a family, and the first at Quebec to cultivate the soil as a means of livelihood; and on this account has sometimes been called "the father of Canada," — an appellation also given, and with even more pro- priety, to Champlain. His dwelling was the first in Upper Town, and, according to Ferland (Cours iV Histoire, vol. i., p. 190), was between the present Ste. Famille and Couillard streets. — Cf. Laver- diere's Champlain, p. 988. He was in many ways prominent in the early history of the colony. In 1621, he bore the title of "royal procurator." In 1622, he was, according to Champlain, in Tadous- sac, acting as commander of De Caen's ship during the latter's temporary absence. In 1626, the fief of St. Joseph, on the river St. Charles, was granted by Ventadour to Hebert, under the title of Sieur d'Espinay. In January, 1627, a fall caused Hebert's death; he was buried in the cemetery of the Recollets, by whom, as well as by Champlain, he seems to have been greatly esteemed. — See Sagard's Canada, pp. 590, 591. When Quebec was taken by the English, in 1629, Louis Kirk, at Champlain's solicitation, sent a guard of soldiers to protect the widow Hebert's house, as well as the mission chapels. Many distinguished Canadian families trace their descent from Hebert, as is shown in Tanguay's Dictioimaire Gc'nc'a- logique (Montreal, 1871-90), vol. i., p. 301. — Cf. Ferland's Cours a1' Histoire, vol. i., p. 180, note. His daughter Anne married Stephen Jonquest, in the autumn of 161 7 — this was the first mar- riage in Canada according to church rites, and was performed by the Recollet Father Le Caron; she died in 1620. Another daughter, Guillemette, married William Couillard, August 26, 1621 ; she died in October, 1684. An island in the harbor of Port Royal was named for Hebert, but is now known as Bear Island.
81 (p. 249). — The name given by the natives to the river now called Kenduskeag, apparently a corruption of Kadesquit. It enters the Penobscot near the present city of Bangor, on which site Biard
NOTES TO VOL. II 309
and Masse had intended to establish their mission. — See Cham- plain's Voyages (Prince Soc), vol. i., p. 42.
82 (p. 249). — Frenchman's Bay; see vol. i., note 61.
83 (p. 251). — Nicholas de la Mothe, or de la Motte le Vilin. After his capture by the English, he was among those taken to Virginia, and finally sent back to France. In 1618, he came with Champlain to Canada, where he remained during the following winter.
84 (p. 251). — Champlain says (Laverdiere's ed., pp. 61, 1307), that Virginia was at first called Mocosa by the English. Ortelius's map of 1570 shows Mocosa lying southwest of New France; and his second map (1572) names the region south of the St. Lawrence and east of the Richelieu River, Moscosa. Biard {Relation of 1616) seems to apply this name to the region of Chesapeake Bay.
85 (p. 253). — A group of islands 25 leagues from St. Sauveur, ac- cording to Biard's Relation of 1616, post ; but 16 leagues, according to Champlain (Laverdiere's ed., p. 773). Apparently the Matinic or Matinicus Islands (also spelled Emmetinic). See also Emmeten- ic,* on p. 31 of this volume.
86 (p. 253). — Argall's ship was named " Treasurer." Champlain says (Laverdiere's ed., p. 773), that ten other English ships were approaching, but without the knowledge of the French ; these, how- ever, were probably part of the usual fishing fleet, and not directly under Argall's command.
87 (p. 255). — English heretic: Captain Samuel Argall, of Vir- ginia, afterwards governor of that colony (see vol. i., note 63); dur- ing the first quarter of the 17th century, prominent as an English naval commander. His mother was married a second time, to Laur- ence Washington, an ancestor of George Washington. His destruc- tion of the French settlements has been bitterly censured by some writers, as the act of a buccaneer and pirate ; but he was commis- sioned to do this by the Virginia colonial authorities, who after- wards declared that, in the encounter at St. Sauveur, the first shot was fired by the French. A letter was written by Montmorency, admiral of France, to King James of England, October 28, 1613, ask- ing for the release of the Jesuit fathers, and redress for the injuries done to the property of Madame de Guercheville. The Virginia Council, when called to account for Argall's doings, made a spirited reply in his and their own defense ; and the English Privy Council refused to make any reparation to Madame de Guercheville, alleging that "her ship entered by force the territory of the said colony [Vir- ginia] to settle there, and to trade without their permission." These documents are given in Brown's Genesis of the United States, pp. 573, 664, 665, 725-734. Cf. "Aspinwall Papers," pp. 41-46, in Mass. Hist. Colls., 4th series, vol. ix. The ship, how-
310 NOTES TO VOL. J I
ever, was afterwards restored (see Biard's Relation of 1616, post). SS (p. 259). — This pilot is called Le Bailleur, of Rouen, in Biard's Relation of 1616. Charlevoix (Shea's ed., vol. i., pp. 280-281) er- roneously confounds him with one Lamets, named by Champlain as among the five who escaped from the ship, but after the pilot had left it on his reconnoitring trip. These men seem to have later joined the pilot, as he had 14 men when he encountered La Saussaye.
89 (p. 261). — See vol. L, note 66.
90 (p. 263). — Orignac, m the original; see note 34, ante.
91 (p. 263). — Passepec, shown on Sanson's map (1656), as Pas- pey; on Bellin's (1744) and D'Anville's (1746), as Paspebiac; named Sheet Harbor on Gesner's (1849).
92 (p. 265). — This allusion is a word-play upon Argall's name — argali being an appellation of the wild ram {Ovis aries), found in the mountains of Greece, in Corsica, and in the steppes of Tartary.
93 (p. 273). — Vuallia ; Wales.
94 (p. 275). — Sieur de Buisseaux (also spelled Bisseaux) ; he also aided Sieur de la Motte to regain his liberty, as Biard narrates in his Relation of 1616. In 1617, he was addressed by Raleigh as " mem- ber of the Council of State of France. ' "
95 (p. 275). — Itius Tortus, the place whence Caesar sailed for Britain; generally identified with Wissant, a village in Pas-du- Calais, ten miles S. W. of Calais. Biard says, however, in the Rela- tion of 1 61 6, that it was Calais where they landed.
96 (p. 275). — The modern Amiens occupies the site of the ancient Samarobriva, capital of the Ambiani ; hence its name.
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