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XLIII The edition consists of sev. en hundred and fifty sets all numbered No. !' J . ." , . .,. a ,J .,.&. . / 7.; I THE PROPERTY OF THE lAW SOCIETY The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN NEW FRANCE 1610 - 1791 THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITAL- IAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLA- TIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES EDITED BY REUBEN GOLD THW AITES Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin Vol. XLIII LOWER CANADA, IROQUOIS: 1656- 1657 CLEVELAND: ttbe JSurrows JSrotbers aOmpan\2, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCIX COPYIUGHT, 1899 BY THE BURROWS BROTHERS Co ALL RIGHTS RESERVED The Imþerial Press, Cleveland EDITORIAL STAFF Editor Translators . Assistant Editor Bibliographical Adviser REUBEN GOLD THWAITES FINLOW ALEXANDER PERCY FAVOR BICKNELL CRAWFORD LINDSAY WILLIAM PRICE EMMA HELEN BLAIR VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS CONTENTS OF VOL. XLIII PREFACE TO VOLUME XLIII 9 DOCUMENTS :- XCIV. Lettre à la R. M. Superieure de l'Hotel- Dieu à Kebec. Paul Ie Jeune ' n.p., March, 1657 22 XCV. Journal des PP. Jésuites. Jeall de Quen and Gabriel Druillettes; Quebec, J anu- ary-December, 1657 26 XCVI. : Relation de ce qvi s'est passé. . . . en la N ovvelle France, és années mil fix cens cinquante fix & mil fix cens cinquante fept. [Chaps. i.- xvi.- first installment of the document.] Paul Ie Jeune, editor; Au College de Clermont, December I, 16 57 . 79 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME XLIII 319 NOTES . 321 J ) .J!' ') ,. ( I . ' 1'f., 1 . ___#. .. ..' \) '.' i' .' .., , (. , ", "" ,. !\f: .J- t , f ' , ð' . 'I' ' , ' . " ... :-, ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL.. XLIII 1. Photographic facsimile of handwriting of Claude Pijart: being an entry, dated June 29. 16 55, in the first register of the Parish of Nôtre Dame, Montreal (1642 -68) . . Facz"ng 62 II. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Rela- It'on of 1656- 57 82 PREFACE TO VOL. XLIII Following is a summary of the documents con- tained in the present volume: XCIV. Le Jeune writes (March, 1657) a short business letter to the hospital superior at Quebec. He refers to certain accounts and bills, some of which he has settled; and states that he has received certain alms for the Quebec convent. He also announces that more nuns are going thither from the Dieppe house. XCV. The Journal des Jésuites for 1657 is written by Jean de Quen; it is much more full than in the years immediately preceding, especially in recording church ceremonies. In January, De Charny, the acting governor, despatches two Frenchmen to Onon- daga; but they cannot go beyond :Montreal, as they have no guide and the roads are bad. Services in the large church are begun :1tlarch 31. The superior receives (April 3) the abjuration of a young man, presumably a Huguenot. A week later, he signs a petition, made by the carpenters of the town, for the establishment of the brotherhood of Ste. Anne. As soon as warm weather approaches, Onondaga Indians commit various hostile acts, notwithstanding the ostensible peace with that tribe. Jean Bourdon sets out, May 2, for his journey to find the North Sea. On the sixth, several Onondaga bands are prow ling about Que bec; councils are held between 10 PREFACE TO VOL. XLIII these and the French with their allies. All the speeches of the Onondagas" amounted to nothing,- meræ ambages, meræ tenebræ." During the negotia- tions, an Onondaga is accidentally wounded by a Frenchman. Complaint of this is made; and Father Ie Moyne " applies to the wounded man a plaster, in the shape of a porcelain collar." The Onondagas return to their own country on the I sth, with three Huron ambassadors; on the way, the Hurons are prevented by the :Mohawks from completing their journey. The first French vessel comes, this year, on May 27. The next day, a Mohawk band come to Quebec, to carry away the Hurons to their country,- for which purpose more councils are held. The French learn that the :1tlohawks have intrigued between the Hurons and Onondagas, to induce the former to go to the Mohawk country instead of Onon- daga. The French try to persuade the :Mohawks to delay this project until the arrival of the new governor, D' Argenson. On the first day of June, Le 11ercier arrives from Onondaga; he brings good news from its mission there. The next day, the 1'lohawks carry away a number of Huron women and children. On the thirteenth, the chapel and all the other buildings at Sillery are destroyed by fire. Three days later, one of the Huron tribes is embarked on the French shallops, to go to live at Onondaga; and, later, Le Mercier again goes thither. A party of French and Algonkins, who had gone in April to trade with the Poissons-blancs, or Attika- mègues, return to Quebec, July I S, laden with peltries. On the twenty-ninth occurs a notable arrival-that of the Abbé de Queylus and three Sulpi- PREFACE TO VOL. XLIII 11 tian priests. Two weeks later, another Mohawk band come to Quebec, and carry away more of the Hurons to the Iroquois land. August 1 I, Bourdon returns from his voyage of exploration, which has proved fruitless, owing to the hostility of the North- ern savages. On the twentieth, a French vessel arrives, whose captain brings information that the new governor, D'Argenson, had embarked on his vessel, but, long delayed by unfavorable weather, had returned to France. Le 110yne again sets out for the Mohawk country. The curacy at Quebec is assumed by the Sulpitian abbé de Queylus, September 12; and, soon afterward, he delivers a sermon against the Jesuits. About this time, De Charny (temporary governor in place of his father, De Lauson) returns to France; D' Ailleboust takes his place until D' Argenson shall arrive. The new governor complains to the Jesuit superior of the latter's want of confidence in him regarding affairs at Onondaga, especially because the presents sent thence to Onontio have not yet been delivered to him. These are accordingly sent to D' Ailleboust by the superior. Unfortunately, another grievance arises between them. Letters from the Jesuits, criticising the governor and De Queylus, fall into the hands of the latter, who are greatly offended thereat. On the following Sunday, the abbé delivers" a sati- rical discourse" aimed at the Jesuits. .Various attacks by the Iroquois, upon both the French and their allies, are recorded in the closing months of the year. D' Ailleboust adopts more vigorous measures than his predecessors had taken; he has all the Iroquois who are at the settlements arrested and put in irons, and then sends two of 12 PREFACE TO VOL. XLIII them back to their own country, to inform their tribesmen that the French now hold hostages of theirs, for the murders which they have committed. A Huron girl of fifteen years dies (Nov. 3) at the hospital, who has become a nun, taking the veil in her last hours. Many of the Algonkins come down to the French settlements, and D' Ailleboust invites them to bring others of their number, to spend the winter at Quebec. Another chapter in the Sulpitian controversy is a summons to appear in court, Ùl re the petition of De Queylus that the Jesuits be compelled to surrender their house for his use, or else refund the 6,000 livres given in 1645, by the habitants, for the erection of a clergy-house. They are also embarrassed by another claim, for money due one of the habitants; this man dies, a fortnight later. A dispute arises between the members of the council of Quebec and those of the court of justice, as to precedence in the church procession and in the reception of the blessed bread. An experiment in regulating the liquor traffic is tried at Three Rivers. De la Poterie, a seignior there, desiring to repress the disorders consequent upon the ordinary sale of liquor to the Indians, opens a tavern, where wine is sold to them at the rate of " two pots for a winter beaver, and one for a summer beaver." The savages do not amend their conduct, and complaints are made against the tavern. The seignior consults with D' Ailleboust, who decides that the tavern must be closed. "Nevertheless, it was continued." XCVI. In this volume are presented Chaps. i.- xvi. of the Relation of 1656- 57; the remainder will appear in VoL XLIV. I t is prefaced by a short letter to the PREFACE TO VOL. XLIII 13 provincial from Le J eune, procurator in France for the Canadian missions. He explains that misfortune has again befallen the Relation (this year, written by De Quen); the ship by which it was sent was H cap- tured by the Spaniards, and all the letters on board were thrown into the Sea." Le J eune therefore compiles a report of the mission work, from some letters recovered from this disaster, and some others which arrived in France too late for the Relation published last year. The burden of this year's report is the work newly begun among the Iroquois tribes. Late in 1655, an embassy from the Senecas arrives at Quebec, desiring to form an alliance with the French. They are cordially received, and set out for their own country; but they are slain, not far above 110ntreal, evidently by some of the 110hawks, who are jealous of any friendship between the French and tribes other than their own. Another embassy comes in January, 1656, at the head of whom is a chief of high standing; "whose heart was entirely French, and who was already won over to the faith;" they ask for Christian teachers to live among them. Again the Mohawks thwart their desire, by killing this chief while he is on a hunting expedition. Late in April, 1656, a large Mohawk band come to attack the Hurons. They are delayed at Three Rivers by parleys and presents, until word of the affair can be sent to Quebec. Father Ie Moyne, who is experienced in dealing with the Iroquois, immedi- ately goes to meet the Iohawks, and after listening to his arguments, they agree to abandon their design against the Hurons, and their army ostensibly disperses. A little later, these treacherous savages, 14 PREFACE TO VOL. XLIII lurking in the woods, fall upon the Onondagas who are escorting the French to their country; but they pretend that this attack was due to a mistake on their part. Again dissembling, these same Mohawks slyly return down the river to Quebec, and, at early morning, fall unexpectedly upon the Hurons of the colony on Orléans Island, killing or capturing many. Some of these captives are burned to death; another, who escapes after being tormented, recounts the sad tale at Que bee. Among the Huron prisoners are many young WOlnen, and several of the most fervent Christians, " the flower of the Huron congregation; " they are carried away in the very sight of Quebec, and the French are too weak to prevent this seizure of their allies and dependents. They are held by the Iroquois, for several days, in an encampment near Three Rivers, where one of the Jesuits visits them several times; "never have they been more fervent or bold in manifesting their devotion, which, in many, would appear extraordinary even in a cloister. " The journey of the Jesuits and French soldiers to Onondaga is described at length, in the journal kept by one of the party, doubtless Father Dablon. This is preceded by a rehearsal of the considerations which induced the missionaries to go thither, despite their long experience of Iroquois treachery and cruelty. A captive Huron, escaped from the Onondagas, tells at Quebec their plot to massacre all the French and Hurons, after they shall have lured these into the Iroquois country. The Mohawks, although pretend- ing to be at peace with the French, may become hostile at any moment, owing to their wild jealousy of the Onondagas, and their desire to compel the PREFACE TO VOL. XLIII 15 latter to trade with them and the Dutch, instead of the French. These dangers, with the difficulties and expenses of the enterprise, make the Fathers hesitate; but not for long. Their decision to make the effort is based not only upon their desire to con- vert the heathen, but upon their perception that it is necessary to pacify the Iroquois at this critical time, lest these begin-as they have already threatened- a war of extermination against the French and their allies. Accordingly, Le Mercier takes with him on this errand Fathers :'Ménard, Dablon. and Frémin, and two brethren; they are accompanied by some forty Frenchmen. While traveling through the wilderness east of Lake Ontario, they encounter the Huron captive before mentioned, who had escaped from the tortures of the :Mohawks; they aid him,. and give him a canoe with which to reach :Montreal. Their provisions being consumed, they suffer from hunger, but having sent ahead a courier to Onon- daga, relief is despatched thence. Before this comes, however, all but five of their savage escort have deserted them. At last, thirty-four days after leav- ing :Montreal, they reach (July I I) the place appointed for the mission, on the shore of Onondaga Lake. The writer mentions some notable characteristics of this locality,-the salt springs, the vast flocks of wild pigeons, and the numerous rattlesnakes. The Indians eat these snakes, and find them as well flavored as eels. The spot chosen by the Fathers is not infested by these reptiles, which haunt the vicinity of the salt springs. At the spot chosen for their residence, they find awaiting them a great crowd of savages, who give them cordial welcome. After a little rest, the French 16 PREFACE TO VOL. XLIII erect cabins for their dwellings, and a fortification for the soldiers. They visit the chief village of the tribe, where they are flattered, caressed, and feasted to the utmost. Envoys from the other Iroquois tribes are attending a great council at Onondaga; and the Fathers devote themselves to conciliating and winning these men. In this council, Le Mercier is chosen arbiter of the difficulty between the Senecas and Mohawks. The Fathers adapt themselves to the customs of the tribes, and make both speeches and presents in all important matters; these, with Chaumonot's fluency in their language, delight the Iroquois. Having won their approval and good will, he preaches to them the gospel, with great eloquence and power. The Mohawks claim to be most friendly to the French; but the latter are warned by their hosts not to trust the :Mohawks, who are deceitful and treacherous. The Fathers build a chapel at Onondaga, and a residence on the shore of the lake, which latter they call Ste. Marie of Gannentaa. They preach, teach, and baptize, at every opportunity, while the French- men who have come with them are erecting the buildings. All this is done in the heat of midsum- mer, with insufficient food and lodging, and many other privations. They suffer from the sudden change of climate, and the harassing attacks of mos- quitoes, both day and night. The result is, that the entire party become ill, "with no other succor than that of Heaven." This help is theirs, however; for God sends them abundance of game and fish, and the Indians bring them fresh vegetables. In conse- quence, they soon recover health. Soon afterward, Ménard and two Frenchmen are sent to the Cayugas, PREFACE TO VOL. XLIII 17 at the urgent request of that tribe; and Chaumonot proceeds to the Senecas, to begin, as the Fathers hope, a mission among those people. It is apparently a part of De Quen's report which proceeds to describe the manner in which part of the Hurons were carried away from Or1éans Island by the Iroquois, in the spring of 1657. The Bear clan go with the Mohawks; that of the Rock, with the Onondagas; while the" nation of the Cord," as they are known to the French, refuse to leave Quebec. An account is given also of Le Moyne's second voyage to the 110hawks, on an errand partly political, partly evangelistic. At Sillery, a great misfortune has befallen the infant church. In June, 1657, fire destroys there the Jesuit residence, the chapel, and some of the dwellings. The Fathers desire to rebuild this mis- sion; but they have not means to do so unless they receive aid therefor. Various incidents of piety and virtue among the Sillery neophytes are related. A letter from one of the Fathers on Or1éans Island gives an account of the Huron colony before its removal thence,- consisting mainly of instances showing the fidelity and devotion of those converts. One of them" manifested a zeal which I have never observed in any Savage, in informing me of faults in the members of the Congregation, without sparing his own relatives; this greatly assisted me in apply- ing a remedy." The Congregation (" of our Lady") numbers eighty members, and is highly useful in training the Indian disciples in piety and morality. The Iroquois country, its physical characteristics, and resources, are described. The trees and fruits of the country are mentioned. The springs of salt, 18 . PRE'FACE TO VOL XLIII sulphur, and petroleum excite the wonder of the French visitors to that region,- as also do the fertil- ityof the soil, and the abundance of fish in the streams and lakes. The five Iroquois tribes who dwell in that land are characterized. Their ferocity and cruelty are extreme, and, in their thirst for blood, they have so devoted themselves to war that their own losses are enormous; "they have so depopulated their own Villages that these now con- tain more Foreigners than natives of the country." The Senecas comprise people from as many as eleven different tribes. Some account is given of the Iro- quois customs in marriage, sickness, mourning, and burial; their domestic relations; their superstitions, especially as connected with dreams; etc. Their hospitality, and kindness to their own poor, are highly praised. They show the utmost kindness to the Frenchmen who have settled at Onondaga, and Le 1vlercier has been adopted by the leading chief there. The Senecas offer an excellent and advan- tageous residence for the" black robes," if they will live among them. The Iroquois mission indicates great promise of success. "110re Iroquois have become Christians in two months than there were Hurons converted in several years. Their fervor would cause this nascent Church to be taken for a Church already formed and established for many years,-nay, for several centuries." Nevertheless, the labors of the missionaries are hindered by the superstition and vice of the people; and the usual slanders against the Fathers and their religious practices are repeated in this new field. 11any incidents are related of their experiences in preaching the gospel, especially at PREFACE TO VOL. XLIII 19 Onondaga, where the most interest and fervor are manifest. An earnest appeal is made to Christians in France, to contribute funds for the redemption of the Christian captives (largely Huron) who are held in slavery by the Iroquois. The mission begun by Chaumonot and Ménard among the Cayugas is described, in a letter written by :Ménard. At first they are coldly received; but the chiefs are friend- ly, and soon a little group of converts is gathered; many others bring their children for baptism. 11é- nard returns to Onondaga after a few months; but at the urgent request of the Cayugas, he soon goes back to them, and his labors meet with great success. R. G. T. )!ADISON, WIS., April, 1899. XCIV - XCV N\ISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS, 16 7 XCIV.- Lettre du R. P. Paul Ie Jeune, S.J., à la R. M. Supe- rieure de I'Hotel-Dieu à Kebec. n.p., March, 16 57 XCV.- Journal des PP. Jésuites, en l'année 1657 SOURCES: In publishing Doc. XCIV., we follow the original MS. in the archives of St. Mary's College, Mont- real. Doc. XCV., we obtain from the original MS. in the Hbrary of Laval University, Quebec. 22 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Lettre du R. Père Paul Ie Jeune, S.J., à la R. Mère Superieure de I'Hotel- Dieu à Kebec. M A RDR MERE Jesus soit v re salute voicy L abbregé d'vne plus gran de Lettre que ie vous ay escrit. ray fait tenir a m r Grignon 800tt pour l'execution de v re memoire apres auoir toutes vos Rescriptions. Je feray tenir Ie reste que i'auray d'argent avos sæurs de Dieppe tant pour v re memoire que pour Ie passage des sæurs qu'elles vous enuoyent. J'ay informé Mada. d'eguillon de tous vos affaires Je luy ay fait oir v re facture et les comptes que ie vous enuois vous resterés Redeuables si elle ny pouruoit. V ous faites bien de faire receuoir I 'an prochain et les annees suiuantes v re argent par vos sæurs de paris et de leur addresser vos Rescriptions, mais gardés pour ces Rescriptions ce que i'en ay escrit au P. Richard. :Ma chere mere c'est Ie meilleur d'addres- ser v re petit fait avos bonnes meres elles vous affec- tionnent Je leur donneray les aumosnes qu'on maddresse pour vouS. Je n'ay point ouÿ parler de Sans soucy ie ne scay ou i1 est Le P Lyonne va à misk i1 ma dit qu'il escriroit aux peres a Kebec. J'ay témoigné a Jaques cottret la satisfaction que vous aués reçue de Luy. Pour yre Retable Je ne scay où vous trouuerés de 1656-57] LE .fEUNE TO .It/OTHER SUPERIOR 23 Letter of Rev. Father Paul Ie Jeune, S.J., to the Reverend Mother Superior of the Hotel- Dieu at Kebec. M y REVEREND MOTHER, Jesus be your salvation. Here is The summary of a longer Letter that I wrote to you. I have forwarded to monsieur Grignon 800 livres in settlement of your account; after having all your Orders, I will forward what money I have remaining, to your sisters of Dieppe,- both for your account and for the passage-money of the sisters whom they are sending you. I have informed Madame d'eguillon about all your affairs. I have shown her your bill, and the accounts that I send you; you will remain Accountable unless she provide for them. You do well to have your money received, next year and in subsequent years, by your sisters at paris, and to address your Orders to them; but observe in regard to these Orders what I have written to Father Richard. My dear mother, it is best to address your little account to your good mothers; they are well disposed to you. I will give them the alms which are sent to me for you. I have not heard mention of Sans soucy; I know not where he is. Father Lyonne is going to miskou. He told me that he would write to the fathers at Kebec. I have assured Jaques cottret of the satis- 24 LES RELATIONS DES./ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 L argent pour y satisfaire La Rde mere de la Resur- rection qui vous honore y pense. Depuis cecy commancé L'affaire de P Lyonne a este changée il sen va a Kebec auec m r Ie Gouuerneur. Item on ma ecrit que sanssoucy s'en aUoit de Baieux a Dieppe pour s'embarquer auec vos sæurs qui vous vont voir elles partiront dans Ie vaisseau du Capito pouUet vers Ie quasimodo. Je ne scay s'il partira ceste année des vrsulines. priés pour vn pauure pescheur Ia R de mere V ostre tres humble seruit. en n s. PAUL LE JEUNE. commancée en feburier fermée en mars 1 6 57 [Addressed: - A La R de mere La Rde mere supériore de l'hotel Dieu A Kebec] 1656-57] LE JEUNE TO MOTHER SUPERIOR 25 faction that you received from Him. As for your Altar-screen, I know not where you will find Money to pay for it. The Reverend mother de la Resur- rection, who honors you, is thinking of it. Since this was begun, Father Lyonne's plans have been changed; he is going to Ke bec with monsieur the Governor. Item, information has been sent me that sanssoucy was going from Baieux to Dieppe, in order to embark with your sisters who are going to see you. They will sail in Captain poullet's vessel about low sunday. I know not whether any ursu- lines will sail this year. Pray for a poor sinner. My Reverend mother, Your very humble servant in our lord, PAUL LE jEUNE. Begun in february, and ended in march, 1657. [Addressed:-To The Reverend mother, The Reverend mother superior of the hotel Dieu At Kebec.] þain beni a Si/lery, sauvages absents... Litanies reþrzses. Pont de glace iusqu'a L lsle- 26 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Journal des Pères Jésuites, en l'année 165'7 · 1657 IANVIER I On tira Ie Canon a la pointe du lour & a Ia l'eIeuation de I'hostie a Ia grande :Messe. 3 deux francois par ordre de Mr Charni partirent de que bee pour porter nos lettres aux trois Riuieres. 6 On cõmenca a donner Ie pain benit en Ia Chappelle de Sillery ou pour Iors il nyauoit point de sauuages apres en auoir obtenu la permission du pere supr par vne requeste a luy presentée et accordée 3 iours auparauant On recomenca a dire Ies litanies de Ia Ste Vierge apres la Messe pour les N ecessités du pais pour les affaires de ce pats que l' on traitte en france, pour les Embarquemens. pour Les Missions den hault & d en bas pour &c. 14 La Riuiere gela de part en part du cotè du nord depuis Ie sault I usques a lisle. 22 partirent 4 francois de que bee pour faire vn Voyage aux trois Riuieres. 3 0 partirent de quebec par ordre de Mr Charni deux francois pour Onontage. FEBVRIER 12 a 9 heures du soir vn des deux Iroquois Anieronons restez dans la Cabane d'atchenha 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 27 Journal of the Jesuit Fathers, in the year 16 57. 1657, JANUARY. I. The Cannon was fired at Daybreak, and at the elevation of the host at high 1iass. 3. Two frenchmen, by order of Monsieur Charni, left quebec to carry our letters to three Rivers. 6. 'Ve began to give the blessed bread in the Chapel of Sillery,-where just then there were no savages,- after having obtained the father superior's permission through a request presented to him, and granted 3 days before. 'Ve resumed saying the litany of the Blessed Virgin after Mass,-for the Necessities of the country; for the affairs of this country which are transacted in france; for the Embarka- tions; for The upper and lower Missions; etc. 14. The River was entirely covered with ice on the north side, from the sault To the island. 22. 4 frenchmen left quebec to make a Journey to three Rivers. 30. Two frenchmen left quebec, by order of :rvlonsieur Charni, for Onontage. FEBRUARY. 12. At 9 o'clock in the evening, one of the two Anieronon Iroquois who had remained in Bread blessed at Szllery; savages absent. Litany resumed. Brzäge of ice to The Island. I2 COltgreganis/es I. ass. dmts La chamb. Du þere Ponce/... I. messe de Mr vignard I. þrifet de la Cong aon . 28 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 fut blessè a la teste d un tizon par vn Alguon- quin yure, venu depuis peu de lours des trois Riuieres. I alguonquin s appelle :rvIite emeg. Le coup est Leger. I I. 12. 13 On fit L oraison des quarante heures Ie St sacrement fut exposè en Nostre Chappelle Ie II lour depuis 4 heures du matin. lusques a 8 du soir. on y fit Ie saluer a 5 heures. Le 12 on exposa Ie st Sacrement a I hospital 11 y eut Grande messe et sermon et salut a 4 et demi du soir. Le 13 on exposa Ie st sacrement aux Vrsu- lines On y chanta Grand'messe en musique i1 y eut sermon & salut a 4 heures du soir 14 Le lour des Cendres Ie P. Poncet fit la premiere assem blée dans sa Cham bre des Congreganistes de N ostre dame. I1s estoient douze. A 9. heures du soir fut blessè d'un coup de tizon vn des deux Iroquois restè a quebec, par Mite emeg algonquin yure. Ie coup fut fauo- rabIe, la satisfaction faite par vn collier, tout se passa bien 24 :Mr Vignard dit la premiere messe dans la chappelle de la Congregation de nostre dame en la premiere assem blee des Congrega- nistes ou Mr de Charni fut recognu Ie prefet de ladite Congregation. Au soir arriuerent nos deux francois, de l\lontreal n'ayant pú passer outre pour Onon- 1656-57J JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 29 the Cabin of atchenha was wounded in the head by a firebrand in the hands of a drunken Alguonquin, who had come a few Days pre- viously from three Rivers. The alquonquin's name is Mitewemeg. The injury is Slight. I I, 12, 13. The forty hours' devotion was held. The Blessed sacrament was exposed in Our Chapel on the 11th Day from 4 o'clock in the morning Until 8 in the evening. The benediction was at 5 o'clock. On the 12th, the blessed Sacrament was exposed at the hospital. There was High mass and a sermon, and benediction at half past 4 in the evening. On the 13th, the blessed sacrament was exposed at the Ursulines'. High mass was sung there with music. There was a sermon and benediction at 4 o'clock in the evening. 14. On Ash \Vednesday, Father Poncet held, in his Room, the first meeting of the Con- gregation of Our lady. Twelve were present. At 9 o'clock in the evening, one of the two Iroquois who remained at quebec was wounded with a blow from a firebrand in the hands of Mitewemeg, a drunken algonquin. The blow was not serious; satisfaction was made with a collar, and all passed \vell. 24. Monsieur Vignard said the first mass in the chapel of the Congregation of our lady, at the first meeting of the Congrega- tion, at which Monsieur de Charni was announced as the prefect of the said Congre- gation. At evening, our two frenchmen arrived I2 members of the congregation; Istmeeting, in father Poncet's room. Jfonsieur vignard's Ist mass. Ist prefect of the Congregation. P. a/bane! revÙnt des monts n. Dame Sr. 51. Ignace morte. lour des Rameaux 30 LES RELATIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 48 tage selon l'ordre qu'ils en auoient faute de guide et du Chemin qui estoit long et mauuais. :\IARS 8 Ie P. Albanel auec Mr Lepinè & 4 fran- cois Retourne par terre du cotè du sud, de son hyuernement auec les sauuages. Il eut fain en chemin en son retour par terre lespace de 12 lours Il estoit parti des montz nostre dame Ie 3 feburier. IS Iustement a midy expira dans vn assou- pissement sæur st Ignace hospitaliere. L en- terrement se fit Ie lendemain a 9 heures du ma tin. 22 Retourna a tadoussac Ie P Albanel auec Ie sieur Lespinè en chalouppe 25 Vn Ieune francois appellè Ie grand Iacques ou Ie picard passant sur les glaces pour aller a Lisle d' orleans Enfonca et se noÿa. Le Pere supr dit la grande :Messe n'ayant que Ie Pere poncet pour I assister sans diacre et soubdiacre. Ie P Poncet fit l' eau beniste dans la sacristie, puis il asperga Ie peuple. en suitte i1 fit vne petite d'instruction sur la Ceremonie des Rameaux qui se fit incontinent apres par Ie P SUpT. Il donna les Rameaux a Mr Le Seneschal }1Ir Charni n'i estoit pas puis aux Marguilliers. Ie P Poncet fit Ia distribution au peuple. Le P supr. Chant a seulla passion. 28 on les Chanta en nostre chappelle. 11r 1656-57] IOURNAL DES PP. ./ÉSUITES 31 from :110ntreal, not having been able to pass beyond to Onontage as they had been ordered to do, for lack of a guide and on account of the Road, which was long and bad. MARCH. 8. Father Albanel, with 10nsieur Lepinè and 4 frenchmen, Returns by land, on the south shore, from his wintering with the savages. He suffered hunger on the way, returning by land, for the space of 12 Days. He had left the nostre dame mountains on the 3rd of february. 15. Precisely at noon, sister st. Ignace, a hospital nun, expired in a swoon. l The burial took place the next day, at 9 o'dock in the morning. 22. Father Albanel returned to tadoussac with sieur Lespinè, by shallop. 25. A Young frenchman called (( big Jacques" or "the picard," while passing over the ice to go to The island of orleans, Broke in and was drowned. The Father superior said high Mass, hav- ing only Father poncet to assist him, without deacon or subdeacon. Father Poncet pre- pared holy water in the vestry, and then sprinkled the people. Thereupon, he gave a brief instruction concerning the Ceremony of the Palms, which was performed immediately afterward by the Father Superior. He gave the Palms to Monsieur The Seneschal, - Mon- sieur Charni was not there,- then to the Churchwardens. Father Poncet made the Father a/bane! returnsfrom the nostre Dame mountains. Si'ster St. Ignace dead. Palm Sunday. Les tenebres Mercredy. oJlice dans la grande Eglise. Pasques. abjuration. 32 LES RELA TI01VS DES JÉSUITES (VOL. 43 Godefroy chanta la I eTe lecon La 2d pierre duquet. La 3 0 Mr de repentigni. Tout aHa bien. 29 Le P Supr dit la grande messe: per- sonne de nos PP. ny Cãmunia quia non erat numerus competens. on Chanta tenebres, et Ie salut. 3 0 . on chanta tenebres. 3 I . on Cãmenca a officier dans la grande Eglise. Le P Supr officia - Tout aHa bien. AVRIL I. Le P Supr officia a la grande Messe. i1 y eut deux grandes Messes. auec diacre et soubdiacre. Salut chez nous a 5 heures. Au matin arriuerent de Montreal deux agni- eronons pour faire des presens aux hurons vide. [blank space] On prescha apres disner. 2 On chanta la grande :Messe auec Diacre et soubdiacre on prescha Ie matin ce fust Ie predicateur du Caresme. Salut a 5 heures a I hospital. 3 grand Messe auec Diacre et soubdiacre. Salut apres disner aux Vrsulines. Ie fis faire abiuration d heresie en ma cham- bre en presence de 10 bin & pierre d u Val Et du p Chastelain selon la formule du conseil de trente a Vn garcon appartenant au dit Iobin appel1è Rene voie. 10 partit 1Ir de Charni pour les trois Riui- eres dans Vne Chalouppe. 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 33 distribution to the people. The Father supe- rior Sang the passion alone. 28. They were Sung in our chapel. Mon- sieur Godefroy sang the I st lesson; pierre duquet t the 2nd; 1\lonsieur de repentigni, the 3rd. All went well. 29. The Father Superior said high mass; none of our Fathers received Communion, quz"a non erat numerus competens. We Sang the tenebræ and the benediction. 30. We sang the te1zebræ. 3 I . We Began to hold services in the large Church. The Father Superior officiated. All went well. APRIL. 1. The Father Superior officiated at high Mass. There were two high Masses, with deacon and subdeacon. Benediction with us at 5 0' clock. In the morning t two agnieronons arrived from Montreal t to make presents to the h urons; vÙle [blank space]. There was preaching after dinner. 2. We sang high 1\lass, with Deacon and subdeacon. There was preaching in the morning t by the preacher for Lent. Bene- diction at the hospital at 5 o'clock. 3. High Mass, with Deacon and subdeacon. Benediction at the Ursulines' after dinner. I directed in my room,-in the presence of Jobin, pierre du Val, And father Chastelain, according to the formula of the council of trent,- the abjuration of heresy of A servant The Tenebræ, on Wednesday. Services in the large Church. Easter. Abjuration. Confrai'ric de Ste. anne. þoissons Manes 34 LES RELrl TIO.VS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Ce :Mesme lour Ie signè a la Requeste des Menusiers demandans I etablissement de la Confrerie de Ste Anne. 20 partit pour Tadoussac Martin grouel, Et des trois Ri uieres vne Bande de francois pour la traitte des poissons blancs. 22 Le P Superieur donna l'habit a I hospi- tal a Marguerite Bourdon. 25 N ous eusmes nouuelle de 1\lontreal qu'un canot de Cincq Onontaeronons passant par montreal auoit dit que luy Onontaeronon 50e venoit En guerre a quebec contre Ie huron Et Algonquin. 28 Cette nouuelle fut Confirmee des trois Riuieres. on adiousta qu'vne fème huronne fut blessee dans Ie lac St pierre par vn des cincq Onontaeronons Lequel dit qu'il estoit suïui de 3 autres bandes. Ce canot n'apporta aucune Nouuelle des francois d'O- nontagè. MAY 2 :Mr bourdon leua L ancre de quebec pour Ie Voyage du Nord. 5 arri ua Ie sieur de lepinè de tadoussac Et trois Chalouppes de sauuages. 6 huict Onontaeronons Entrerent dans Ie fort de silleri Ie matin trouuant La porte ou- uerte C estoit pour trouuer occasion de parle- menter aux francois ou aux hurons. Degats des Iroquois. Le Mesme lour sur Ie midy Les Onontaero- nons tuerent vne Vache appartenante a pierre 16.')6-57] .JOURNAL DES PP. .JÉSUITES 35 belonging to the said Jobin, called Rene voie. 2 10. Ionsieur de Charni left for three Ri vers in A Shallop. This Same Day, I signed the Petition of the Carpenters, asking for the establishment of the Brotherhood of St. Anne. 20. Iartin grovel left for Tadoussac; And a Band of frenchmen left three Rivers, to trade with the poissons blancs. 22. The Father Superior gave the veil to Iarguerite Bourdon, at the hospita1. 25. 'Ve had news from :Montreal that a canoe of Five Onontaeronons, passing by montreal. had said that they - a part of 50 Onontaeronons-were coming to quebec, To war against the hurons And Algonquins. 28. This news was Confirmed from three Rivers; it was added that a huron woman was wounded at lake St. pierre by one of the five Onontaeronons, Who said that he was fol- lowed by 3 other bands. This canoe brought no News of the french at Onontagè. :\IA Y . 2. Ionsieur bourdon weighed Anchor at quebec for the Voyage to the North. 3 5. Sieur de lepinè, And three Shallops of savages, arrived from tadoussac. 6. Eight Onontaeronons Entered the fort of silleri in the morning, finding The gate open, in order to gain an opportunity to treat with the french or the hurons. On the Same Day, about noon, The Onon- taeronons killed a Cow belonging to pierre Brotherhood of St. anne. Poi'ssons Manes. Havoc by the Iroquois. 36 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 biuil dit Ie suisse sur la graue vis a vis de son logis. II tira vn pierrier dessus les Onon tae- ronons sans Effet. I1s tuerent encor vne truie pleine appartenante au mesme. armée d'Iroçuois Le mesme lour Ie P Ie 1\1oine alla a Sillery & des 8 Onontaeronons qui y estoient en ame- na trois en Nostre maison de quebec pour parler aux Hurons Et Alguonquins. Cela fit bien du bruit. II y auoit 40 Onontaeronons Cabanez en 4 cabanes vis a vis de Sillery de I autre bord de la riuiere lean peltier les fut voir. item dix autres qui entrerent dans la maison de Mr thomas hayot sur Ie bord de la Riuiere. item quelques autres qui a 2 heures de nuict furent a Monceaux pour entrer dans la Maison. Vn francois leur tira vn coup de fusil pour leur faire peur, ils s'enfuirent. 7 Le Conseil fut tenu dans nostre sale pour escouter l'Onontageronon Et scauoir de sa bouche ce qu'il venoit faire icy, tout ce qui! dit n'aboutit a rien, Meræ ambages, Meræ tenebræ. Ceste assemblee estoit com- posee de Onontageronons dAgnieronons, de hurons d' Alguonquins, de 1\1ontagnes et de francois. Mre Charni y assista. L onontageronon parla Ie premier, Et fit 6 presens de porcelaine Enfilee qui disoient tous Ie mesme, scauoir Ie quitte ma hache ie suis ton frere toy francois. toy Alguonquin toy huron qui comprend trois nations. Et a L Agniero- non il dit Ie ne fay rien en Cachette, Tu diras 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 37 bivil, called "the swiss," 4 on the strand, opposite his dwelling. He fired a swivel-gun at the Onontaeronons, but without Effect. They also killed a sow with farrow, belonging to the same man. On the same Day, Father Ie Moine went to An army of Iroquois. Sillery; and, of the 8 Onontaeronons who were there, he brought three to Our house at quebec, to talk .with the Hurons And Alguon- quins. That created a great stir. There were 40 Onontaeronons Lodged in 4 cabins opposite Sillery, on the other shore of the river; Jean peltier went to see them. Item, ten others, who entered l\lonsieur thomas hayot's house, on the shore of the River. Item, some others, who, at 2 otclock at night, were at 1Ionceaux, to enter the House. A frenchman fired a gun at them, to frighten them, and they fled. 7. A Council was held in our hall to hear the Onontageronon, And to learn from his lips what he came to do here; all that he said amounted to nothing,-Meræ a mbages , Meræ tellebræ. This assembly was composed of Onontageronons, Agnieronons, hurons, AI- guonquins, Montagnais, and french. Monsieur Charni was present. The onontageronon spoke first, And made 6 presents of porcelain Beads, which all said the same thing, to wit: "I throwaway my hatchet; I am thy brother, thou frenchman, thou Alguonquin, and thou huron, who com- prisest three nations. tt And to The Agnie- ronon he said: "I do nothing in Secret. 38 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 a tes gens en ton pais ce que tu m' a veu faire Incontinent apres Et sur Ie Chant I Aniero. non fit six presens aussy en porcelaine enfilee, qui Disoient tous Ie mesme. Au francois a I alguonquin aux trois Nations huronnes Ie me resiouis de ce que vous receuez bien mon frere aisné Ie Onontageronon. Et a 1 ononta. geronon Ie me resiouis de ce que tu portes Ia paix partou t Le soir du mesme fut faite vne seconde assemblee en mesme Lieu et des mesmes personnes, ou chaque nation respondit 1 0 aux presens de IOnontageronon 2 0 de L Agnie- ronon. Le francois parla Ie ler a lonontagero- non, et Iuy dit par Vne brasse de porcelaine garde ta parolle ne reprend pI us ta hache contre Ie huron. 2 Ie huron dit voila qui est bien que tu viens visiter tes Amis et que tu as iettè ta hache. 3 0 L' Alguonquin dit nous sommes freres de tout temps Ie tiens ma parole aussy bien que Ie francois. Le francois Respondit a I' Agnieronon voila qui est bien que vous estes con tens tous deux toy Agnier. et toy Onontager. il ne tiendra qu' a vous que Ia terre ne soit vnie. 10 lour de L ascention. Ie P Ie Moine estant a Sillery tint Conseil auec Le huron et L'O- nontageronon. scauoir si Ie huron se donne- roit a Ionontageronon. Ie Conseil fut troublè par vne Nouuelle, qu'on apporta qu'vn Onon- tageron auoit estè blessè d'vn coup de fusil a 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 39 Thou shalt tell thy people in thy country what thou hast seen me do." Immediately thereupon, after the Song, the Anieronon also made six presents of por- celain beads, which all Said the same thing. To the frenchman, to the alguonquin, to the three huron Nations: "I rejoice that you kindly receive my elder brother, the Ononta- geronon. " And to the onontageronon: "I re- joice that thou dost carry peace everywhere." On the evening of the same day, a second assembly was held at the same Place and by the same persons, at which each nation responded, in the 1st place, to the presents of the Onontageronon; and, in the 2nd place, to those of The Agnieronon. The frenchman spoke 1st to the onontageronon, and said to him, with A brasse of porcelain beads: " Keep thy word; do not again take up thy hatchet against the huron." 2nd: The huron said: "It is well that thou comest to visit thy Friends, and that thou hast thrown away thy hatchet. " 3rd: The Alguonquin said: " We are brothers from all time; I keep my word, as well as the frenchman." The frenchman Answered the Agnieronon: " It is well that you are both content,- thou, Agnieronon, and thou, Onontageronon. It will depend only on you that the land be united.' , 10, Ascension Day. Father Ie Moine, being at Sillery, held a Council with The huron and The Onontageronon, to wit: whether the huron should give himself to the onontage- 40 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 la cuisse Legerement par :Mr Ie Mire qui Vou- loit reprimer L insolence dudit Onontageronon et de ses compagnons qui faisoient les Insolens & les larrons dans sa maison. Le Capitaine fit ses plaintes, Ie P. Ie moine mit vne emplastre d'vn collier de porcelaine au blessè. Ie Capitaine aussy fit vn present au franco is mescontent de la leunesse d'Onon- tage. Item vn second presen pour payer les vaches tüées par la Ieunesse. Enfin vn 3 e present pour paier Ie francois d'esiargir ses bras et laisser a..l1er to us les h urons qui V ou- droient aller a Onontage. Puis en Cachette ledit Capitaine fit vn present d'vn beau Collier au huron de la nation d' Arendageronon pour I attirer a Onontage. Le present au lieu d estre cache fut produit par Ie huron a quebec Le soir du lour qu'il retourna du Conseil fait a silIery, dans L assemblee des Alguonquins Et hurons. I I Au matin Ie huron respondit a ce collier d Onontageronon par deux presens par La bouche de Atsenha dit Ie plat. Le mesme lour I I. L alguonquin fit 5 pre- sens au huron de 10 peaux d orignac 1 0 . Ie te remets La teste que I agnierons t'a souuent couppee. 2 Ie t'essuie tes Iarmes. 3 ie te donne vn breuuage. 4 Nous sommes freres risquons Ensemble tousiours. 5 Ne t en va pas sitost a Agnie ny a Onontage, attends encor vn peu ne part point que tu n'aye 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 41 ronon. The Council was disturbed by the News that an Onontageronon had been Slight- ly wounded by a gunshot in the thigh, by 1vlonsieur Ie Mire,5 who vVished to repress The insolence of the said Onontageronon and of his companions, who were acting Insolently and as thieves in his house. The Captain made his complaints. Father Ie moine applied a plaster, in the shape of a porcelain collar, upon the wounded man. The Captain likewise made a present to the frenchman, who was dissatisfied with the Youth of Onontage. Item, a second present, to pay for the cows killed by the Young men. Finally, a 3rd present, to pay the frenchman to open his arms wide, and release all the hurons who 1ight wish to go to Onontage. Then, in Secret, the Captain made. a present of a fine Collar to the huron of the nation of Arendageronon, in order to attract him to Onontage. The present, instead of being concealed, was produced by the huron at quebec, on The evening of the Day when he returned from the Council held at sillery, in The assembly of the Alguonquins And hurons. I I. In the morning, the h uron responded to this collar of the Onontageronon with two presents, through The mouth of Atsenha, called Ie plat [" the dish "].6 On the same Day, the I Ith, The alguonquin made 5 presents to the huron, of 10 moose- skins. 1st: "I restore to thee The head which the agnieronon has often cut off for thee." 2nd:" I wipe away thy tears." 3 rd : moulin de lJl. de mores 42 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES (VOL. 43 apris des nouuelles des francois qui sont a Onontage Et des nouuelles de tes freres qui sont a Agnie. Le huron respondit de bouche aces presens sur I heure 1 0 tu me donne la vie 2 ie veray Ie soleil plus aysement. 3 mon Cæur est en bonne assiette. 4 et 5. Ie penseray a ce que lay a dire. 12 a 8 heures d u soir vn h uron nepueu d' Anotaha fut tuè par vn Onontageronon proche du moulin de 11r de Mores. Le Capi- taine fit semblant de ne point approuuer Ie fait et donna a vn huron qui estoit allè voir les Onontageronons dans leur fort deux presens ler porte ta teste entiere va ten paisiblement a quebec 2 Va ten dire a Onontio & aux Alguonquins que Ie suis marri de ce qui est arriue. 14 partit pour tadousac Ie P. Druillettes en retourna a quebec Ie 27. 15. a 7 heures du matin les Onontagero- nons s'en retournerent En leur pais auec trois ambassadeurs hurons. 22. Le 11ardy 2 de feste de la pentecoste retourna Ie sieur Cousture a quebec des Trois Riuieres: apportant pour N ouuelles que les Agnieronons qui estoient aux trois Riuieres auoient empechè deux des trois Hurons ambassadeurs d'aller a Onontage auec Les Onontageronons. 20 21 22. on fit L oraison des 4 0 heures 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 43 ,. I give thee a drink." 4th:" \Ve are broth- ers; let us always run the Same risks." 5th: "Do not go away at once to Agnie, nor to Onontage; wait a little. Do not start until thou hast learned news of the french \vho are at Onontage. And of thy brothers who are at Agnie. . , The huron forthwith responded to these presents orally. 1st:" Thou givest me life. ,. 2nd: "I shall see the sun more easily." 3rd: " Iy Heart is well disposed." 4th and 5th: "I will think of what I have to say." 12. At 8 o'clock in the evening, a huron, nephew to Anotaha, was killed by an Onon- tageronon near l\Ionsieur de Mores's mill. 7 The Captain pretended not to approve the deed, and gave two presents to a huron who had gone to see the Onontageronons in their fort. 1st:" Carry thy head whole; go peace- ably to quebec." 2nd: "Go and say to Onon- tio and to the Alguonquins that I am grieved at what has happened." 14. Father Druillettes left for tadousac, whence he returned to quebec on the 27th. 15. At 7 o'clock in the morning, the Onon- tageronons returned To their own country with three huron ambassadors. 22. On Tuesday in whitsun-week, sieur Cousture returned to quebec from Three Riv- ers, bringing as News that the Agnieronons ,vho were at three Rivers had prevented two of the three Huron am bassadors from going to Onontage with The Onontageronons. 20, 2 I, 22. The 40 hours' devotion was ltlonsÍl!ur de mores's mill. M. St. athanase Suþre. Vn navzre de france Le 27 de may. 2 hiJes noyez. Renovatirm aux VrsulÙzes- 44 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 aux Vrsulines Ie 8 t Sacrement estant exposè. on y alIa en procession a pres vespres Ies 3 iours La pluye empesche vne fois on y fit aussy trois fois Ie salut. 24 fut esleüe Canoniquement pour supe- rieure aux Vrsulines La .Mere Marguerite 8 t Athanase. 27 a huict heures du soir Ie Nauire de Cap. l\larot basque mouilla dans l'isle d'orleans vis a vis d u fort. A 10 heures du soir du mesme lour arriua a quebec dans vn bateau du bord dudit Cap J\Iarot Ie P Gabriel druillettes dans lequel bord ou Nauire Ie dit Pere s'estoit embarquè a tadoussac. A 9 heures d u soir Pierre d u Val Et le fils de Ionfort allans visiter Ie vaisseau mouillé heurterent contre la vaisseau, Ie Canot tourna et Ies dits deux hommes se noyerent. 28 les Vrsulines firent La renouation des væux. Arriua sur Ie midy vn canot des trois Riui- eres despechè pour nous donner aduis de 24- Agnierons aux 3 Riuieres & 80 a Richelieu prests de descendre a quebec pour enleuer les h urons quatre [heures] apres. arriuerent 4 Canots de 25 Agnieronons. 29 A 8 heures du matin Ie Conseil fut tenu dans nostre sale ou assisterent Onontio Ie P Supr. les dits Agnierons qui auoient demandè 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. ./ÉSUITES 45 held at the Ursulines', the Blessed Sacrament being exposed. 'Ve went thither in proces- sion after vespers, on each of the 3 days; the rain impeded us once. 'Ve also held benedic- tion there three times. 24. Mother JYlarguerite St. Athanase was Canonically elevated to the rank of superior at the Ursulines'. 2ï. At eight o'clock in the evening, the Ship of Captain Marot, a basque, anchored at the island of or1 ans, opposite the fort. At 10 o'clock in the evening of the same Day, Father Gabriel druillettes arrived at quebec in a boat from the vessel of this Captain 11arot, which Ship the Father had boarded at tadoussac. At 9 o'clock in the evening, Pierre du Val And the son of Monfort, on their way to visit the anchored vessel, collided with it; the Ca- noe capsized, and the two men were drowned. 28. The Ursulines made The renewal of their vows. Toward noon, a canoe arrived from three Rivers, despatched to give us warning of 24 Agnieronons at 3 Rivers, and 80 at Richelieu, ready to come down to quebec to carry away the h urons. Four hours later, 4 Canoes arrived, with 25 Agnieronons. 29. At 8 o'clock in the morning, the Coun- cil was held in our hall, at which were present Onontio, the Father Superior, the Agnie- ronons,- who had asked to hold a council,- the Hurons, and 2 Alguonquins. _Wother St. athanase Sflþerior. A shiþfromfrance, on The 37th of may. 2 men drowned. Renewal of vows at the Ursulines'. Iroquois de retour. Nouuelles ft' 01101Zt agué. Ambassade des Izurons se dissiþe. 46 LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 de tenir conseil, les Hurons & 2 Alguonquins. Thearihogen Agnieronon fit 3 presens a Onontio de 4 Castors Chacun. 1 0 Onontio ouure tes bras laisse aller a Agnié tes enfans les hurons, tu me la deia promise 2 Ie scay que tu ayme la foy, nous Croirons auec Les hurons. 3 e preste leur des chalouppes pour les embarquer. A 7 heures du soir arriua vn Canot de :Mont- real qui nous apporta les lettres de nos Peres d 'Onontage que les Onontageronons Venant en guerre Contre les hurons et L Alguonquin auoient cachèes vers Richelieu, puis repris en se retournant de quebec Et portez a 1Iontreal. les nouuelles contenües dans ces lettres estoient bonnes. 30. On tint Conseil au mesme lieu, Et les mesmes personnes que Ie 29. Le francois Repondit a I Agnieron par trois presens, trois peaux d'orignac. ous aprismes que L' Agnieronon qui estoit aux trois Riuieres auoit debauche deux des trois Atnbassadeurs Hurons qui montoient auec des presens auec des Onontageronons a Onontagè, Et que d autres Agnieronons a Iont- real auoient empechè le troisiesme de monter aussy. Et que ledit ambassadeur s en estoit fui en Cachette et auoit mis entre les mains du pere du Peron les presens qu'i1 portoit de la part des Hurons L'onontageronon n'ayant pas voul u s en Charger. 1656-57] /OURNAL DES PP. /ÉSUITES 47 Thearihogen, an Agnieronon, made 3 pres- ents to Onontio, of 4 Beavers Each. 1st: " Onontio, open thy arms; let thy children, the hurons, go to Agnié; thou hast already promised me this. ' , 2nd:" I know that thou lovest the faith; we will Believe with The hurons." 3rd:" Lend them shallops, in which they may embark." At 7 o'clock in the evening, a Canoe arrived from 1Iontreal, which brought us the letters from our Fathers of Onontage; the Ononta- geronons, Coming to wage war Against the hurons and The Alguonquins, had hidden these in the vicinity of Richelieu, then recovered them again on returning from que bee, And carried them to :Nlontreal. The news con- tained in these letters was good. 3 0 . A Council was held at the same place And by the same persons as on the 29 th . The frenchman Responded to the Agnieronon with three presents, namely, three moose- skins. We learned that The Agnieronon who was at three Rivers had led astray two of the three Huron Ambassadors who, along with some Onontageronons, were going up with presents to Onontagè: that other Agnieronons at Mont- real had also prevented the third from going up: And that this ambassador had Secretly fled, and had put into father du Peron's hands the presents which he was bearing on the part of the Hurons, The onontageronon having refused to take Charge of them. 1st: "Onontio is coming from france, And IroquOts returned. News from onontagué. Embassy of th hurons breaks uþ. Le R Pere Ie Mercier de retour. hurons vont a agniez. Sillery brulé. 48 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 1 0 Onontio vient de france Et a escrit qu'il vouloit voir les hurons deuant qu'ils partissent pour Agnie. 2 tu dis toy Agnieronons que tu prieras dieu auec Ie huron, tu n'en feras rien si tu Ie fais ce sera en apparence. 3 toutes les chalouppes francoises sont allè au deuant du gouuerneur tu scais bien faire des canots tu en fais quand tu viens quasser la teste au huron tu en feras pour Ie venir querir IUIN I Arriua a 4 heures du matin Ie Pere Ie Mercier en vn Canot auec Caron et boquet et quelques autres francois en bonne santè et portans de bonnes nouuelles de La foy a Onontagè. La lettre que m'escrit de Ganen- taha proche d'Onontagè Ie P Chaumonot est dattee du 17 May. ainsy Ie P Mercier n'aura mis que 14 lours a descendre d'onontage a quebec 2 14 femmes hurones auec plusieurs petits Enfans s'embarquerent dans 7 Canots Agnie- ronons pour sen aller demeurer a agnie. C est icy Ie comëcement du debris des hurons. I I A 11 heures de Nuict arriua Ie P Rague- neau dans vne chalouppe des trois Riuieres pour monter a Onontage. I 3 a deux heures de la Releuee La maison de Sillery la chapelle & tous les bastimens furent reduits en Cendre par Ie feu qui prit 1656-5i] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 49 has written that he wishes to see the hurons before they leave for Agnie." 2nd: "Thou sayest, Agnieronon, that thou wilt pray to God with the huron. Thou wilt do nothing of the kind; if thou dost, it will be in appearance only." 3rd: "All the french shallops have gone to meet the governor. Thou knowest well how to make canoes; thou makest them when thou comest to split the huron's head, and thou shalt make some to come and bring him. .. JUKE. I. At 4 o'clock in the morning, Father Ie :1-!ercier arrived in a Canoe,- with Caron and boquet, and some other frenchmen,-in good health, and bringing good news of The faith at Onontagè. The letter which Father Chaumonot writes to me from Ganentaha, near Onontagè, is dated the 17th of :1Iay. Thus, Father 11ercier must have taken only 14 Days to come down from onontage to quebec. 2. 14 huron women, with several little Children, embarked in 7 Agnieronon Canoes, in order to go and live at agnie. Here begins the destruction of the hurons. II. At II o'clock at Night, Father Rague- neau arrived in a shallop from three Rivers, to go up to Onontage. 13. At two o'clock in the Afternoon, The house at Sillery, the chapel, and all the build- ings were reduced to Ashes by the fire, which The Reverend Father Ie l fercier returns. Hurons go to agniez. Sillery burned down. Hurons von! a 01lo1ltagué. P. ragueneau. Iroq. þcrissent au Sault S. Loilis. fran. et algonq. aux þoissolls bla1lcs Riv. du bùþtzsKam. 6. L. au dessous des 3 Rivi. 50 LES RELA TIO_VS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 par la Cheminee de la Cuisine & que Ie vent porta par tout. 16 a 6 heures du matin les hurons de la nation de la Roche s embarquerent a quebec dans trois chalouppes equippees de francois pour les mener iusque a :\Iontreal. Et de la les dits hurons debuoient aller a Onontage pour y demeurer. 2 I Mouilla deuant Quebec le vaisseau du Capt tadourneau. 22 Partit pour Onontage Ie P Ragueneau auec l'equipage dans Vne chalouppe. 24. se noye proche du Moulin des chaste- lets Margontier 4 iours apres son arriuee [en] ce pals. 27 partit dans vne chalouppe pour :Mont- real Ie P :Mercier auec vn second equipage pour onontage. IUILLET IS Retourna de tadoussac Ie P Albanel dans vne chalouppe. 22 arriuerent a montreal 10 Canots d'onon- tageronons qui venoient [querir] Les hurons attendans a Montreal. sept Onontageronons verserent dans Ie Sault St. Louis, et y perirent. 25 Arriua Mr Ie moine a quebec, qui nous en apporta la nouuelle. IS. Le 20 Auril partirent des trois Riuieres 8 francois auec 20 Canots de sauuages alguon- quins pour aller en traitte aux poissons blancs. I1s entrerent dans les terres par la Riuiere de 16.56-571 JOURNAL DES PP. IÉSUITES 51 caught in the Kitchen Chimney, and which the wind spread everywhere. 16. At 6 o'clock in the morning, the hu- rons of the nation of the Rock em barked at quebec in three shallops, manned with french- men, to convey them to :Montreal, whence these hurons intend to go to Onontage, to dwell there. 2 I . Captain tadourneau's vessel anchored before Quebec. 22. Father Ragueneau started in A shallop for Onontage, with his outfit. 24. Iargontier is drowned near the l\Ioulin des chastelets, 4 days after his arrival in this country. 27. Father Mercier left in a shallop for Montreal, with a second outfit, to go to onontage. JULY. 15. Father .Albanel returned from tadous- sac in a shallop. 22. 10 Canoes of onontageronons arrived at montreal, who came to meet The hurons waiting there. Seven Onontageronons upset in the Sault St. Louis, and perished. 25. :Monsieur Ie moine arrived at quebec, and brought us the above news. 15. On the 20th of April, 8 frenchmen left three Rivers, with 20 Canoes of alguon- quin savages, to go to trade with the poissons blancs. They penetrated into the country through the River baptiskam. which is 6 leagues below three Rivers. 8 On this River, Hurons go to on01ttagué. Ft.?ther ragueneau. Iroquois þerish in the Sault St. Louis. Fnnch and a/gon- quins go to the þoissons b/anes. River baþtiskam, 6 Leagues be/ow 3 Rivers. francolS no)'é da11S un raþide. 3, nations au nord. retour de .llfr. d'ail/ebout ct aut. abbé de Kay/us et 3. Ecc/uiast. 52 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 baptisKam, qui est 6. lieuës au dessous des trois Riuieres. I1s passerent dans ceste Riui- ere 28. sauUs en 14 lours. I1s arriuerent au terme de leur voyage Ie 28 }/Iay apres avoir Passè 74. saults ou portages. ils retournerent aux 3 Riuieres Ie 15. Iuillet chargez de Cas- tors. Ie voyage est rude, Long et hazardeux. Neanmoins il fut heureux. 11 ny eut qu'vn seul francois, qui y perit, en tombant dans vn rapide en glissant ou il se noya. I1s y virent des poissons blancs, qui demandent a prier dieu. des agouing i, ec et des Kristinons qui sont proche de la mer du nord. 29 a 10 heures du matin mouilla deuant quebec Ie vaisseau Nantois qui nous apporta Mr d'alliboust. Et laissa a lisle d'orleans chez monsieurs Maheu Mr Maisonneufue Et Mr L abbè Kelus auec 3 ecc1esiastiq3. 31. Ie Capitaine marot fit voile pour la france du port de quebec. a 10 heures du matin. AOUST agmi:z cherche1l1 9 arriuerent a quebec 20 agnieronons pour Les H#r011S. emmener Ie reste des hurons. I1s estoient 100 dont ces 20 se sont detachez. Les 10 Canots d onontageronons dont i1 est parlè cy dessus 22 Iuillet. s en sont retournez se voy- ants plus foibles pour leur entreprise que les Agnieronons. les 80 agnieronons, attendirent a Montreal les 20. descendus a que bee. 1656-57] .JOURNAL DES PP. .JÉSUITES 53 they passed 28 rapids in 14 Days. They arrived at the end of their journey on the 28th of l\Iay, having Passed 74 rapids or por- tages. They returned to 3 Rivers on the 15th of July, laden with Beavers. The journey is rough, Long, and dangerous; nevertheless, it proved successful. But a single frenchman perished, by slipping and falling into a rapid, where he was drowned. They saw some of the poissons blancs, who are asking some agouingwi, wecs, and some Kristinons, who are near the northern sea, to pray to God. 29. At 10 o'clock in the morning, the Nan- tois vessel anchored before quebec; it brought us :Monsieur d'alliboust, And left l\Ionsieur 1Iaisonneufve And Monsieur The abbé Kelus, with 3 ecclesiastics, at the house of monsieur :Uaheu, in the island of orleans. 9 3 I. Captain marot set sail for france from the port of quebec, at 10 o'clock in the morning. Frenchman drowned in a raþid. .J nations of the north. Return of J1onsieur d' ail/ebout and others. Abbéde Kay/us, and 3 Ecclesiastics. AUGUST. 9. 20 agnieronons arrived at quebec, to Agniez suk The carry away the rest of the hurons. Their Hurons. band numbered 100, from whom these 20 detached themselves. The 10 Canoes of onontageronons - of whom mention is made above, under July 22 -have returned, seeing themselves weaker for their undertaking than the Agnieronons. The 80 agniero- nons remained at :Montreal waiting for the 20 who came down to quebec. I I. At ten o'clock in the evening, Ion- retour du voïage au nord. JJf. bourdon. hurons tüez. Tourbillon. Nou Iubz1é. lJfonsieur d ar genson. þ. Ie moine. P P. þoncet, de /a þ/au, þijart c. 54 LES RELA TIOJllS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 I I a dix heures du soir arriua deuant quebec Mr bourdon de son voyage du nord. deux hurons qu i1 auoit menè furent tuè par les sauuages et vn francois blessè. 13 Ie tonnerre Et Ie vent ietta par terre la grange des V rsulines a 8t Ioseph deux bæufs furent estouffez soubs les ruines deux autres bæufs blessez et Ie chartier blessè. 12 Nous cõmencasme a gagner Ie Iubile par I ouuerture dune procession generale. 17. arriua de tadoussac Ie P Albanel pour la 3 e fois a 4 heures du matin. 20 Arriua a 4. heures du matin Mr Ie gagneur qui porta Nouuelle, que son vaisseau estoit a I isle aux coudres qu i1 auoit relachè deux fois en Irlande. que 1ir d Argenson gou- uerneur, Ie P Lionne Mrs becancour, des musseaux et Ie petit de la poterie, estoient retournez de france. 2 I partirent de quebec quelques hurons auec les Agnieronons pour demeurer a Agnie. 26 partit de quebec pour Agnie Ie P Ie Moine auec Ie petit Iroquois francizè Et quelques hurons. 28 part it Ie p poncet pour Onontage. 29 Ie P de la place arriua des trois Riuieres a quebec a 9. heures du soir. 3 I arriua de tadousac Mr Lepinè. SEPTEMBRE 3 Arriua de l\lontreal Ie P Piiart dans la barque de Mr Grouelle. sieur bourdon arrived before quebec, from Return from the his journey to the north. Two hurons, whom journey to the north: h h d k . h h . k ' ll d b th Monsieur bourdon. e a ta en wIt 1m, were 1 eye Hurons killed. savages, and a frenchman was wounded. 3 13. The thunderstorm And the wind over- threw the U rsulines' barn at 81. Joseph. Two oxen were smothered under the ruins, two other cattle wounded, and the carter hurt. 12. vVe began to celebrate the Jubilee by opening it with a general procession. 17. Father Albanel arrived from tadoussac for the 3rd time, at 4 o'clock in the morning. 20. Monsieur Ie gagneur arrived at 4 o'clock in the morning. He brought News that his vessel was at the isle aux coudres; that he had twice put back to Ireland; that Monsieur d' Argenson, the governor, Father Monsieur d'argen- Lionne, and 1Iessieurs becancour, des mus- son. seaux, and the young son of la poterie, had returned to france. 2 I. Some hurons left quebec with the Agnieronons, to live at Agnie. 26. Father Ie Moine left que bec for Agnie, .f<àther Ie moine. with the little gallicized Iroquois And some hurons. 28. Father poncet left for Onontage. 29. Father de la place arrived at quebec from three Rivers, at 9 o'clock in the evening. 3 I. Monsieur Lepinè arrived from tadou- 1656-57] .f0 URNAL DES PP. .fÉSUITES 55 sac. Whirlwind. New.fubilee. Fathers poncet, de la place. SEPTE IBER. 3. Father Pijart arrived from Montreal in þl/art, atzd others. l\lonsieur Grovelle's bark. 56 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 2 arriuent les Onontageronons a la Cabane d Eustache et deux a quebec; apres auoir esté bienveignez par 3. Presentz au nom de nos 3 nations, et dict q3 Ie lendemain matin ilz parleroient, ils s'en retournerent, disantzqu'ilz n'auoient pas de Pñtz; Le mesme iour 2 autres reuienent pour dire q3 tous tant qu'ilz estoient vouloiêt venir a Ke bec, Les Aig. et h urons ayantz representé q3 si quelqun d'eux s'eny- uroit, quelq3 accident fascheux a l'onõt. estoit a craindre, q3 les frãçois lieroint & pilleroint les Ieunes onôt. qui desroberoint les citrouil- les, cõe ilz font les Algäq. & les hurons, enfin q3 l' Ambassadeur Algôq. seroit trop en peine, si quelqun d'eux estoit icy mal traicté; la dessus les onôt. se despitent, disantz qu'ilz n'y viendroint pas du tout, mais q3 Ie lende- main ilz repasseroint la Riui. et q3 Ie iour suiuant, ilz remõteroint; en effect, Le lende- main ilz se sont remis dãs leur fort du Printemps prés Ire Nic. mais enfin se raui- santz, ils ont deputé 4. des leurs pour venir parler aux hurons principalemt, disantz qu'ilz auoint desia parlé aux Algõq. cest esté aux 3. Riui. on leur donne 8. a 10. sacs de bled. 6. Lesdictz onõt. font Pñtz de 3. colliers particulierem t aux hurons, outre ceux de Porcel. enfilee, qui aboutissent ales inuiter de se ioindre a leur compagnie, a l'occasion 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 57 2. The Onontageronons arrive at Eus- tache's Cabin, and two of them at quebec. tO After having been welcomed with 3 Presents in the name of our 3 nations, and having promised that the next morning they would speak, they returned at the appointed time, saying that they had no Presents. The same day, 2 others came back to say that aU, as many as they were, wished to come to Kebec. The Algonquins and hurons represented to them that, if anyone of them should become drunk, some disagreeable accident to the onontageronons was to be feared; that the french would bind and plunder the Young on- ontageronons who should steal the pumpkins, as they do with the Algonquins and the hurons; finally, that the Algonquin Ambassador would be very much grieved if any of them were ill- treated here. Thereupon, the onontageronons grew vexed, saying that they would not come at all, but would, on the morrow, cross the River, and, on the following day, go up again. In fact, The next day, they returned to their Spring fort, near Master Nicolas'. But finally, upon second thought, they commissioned 4 of their men to come and talk with the hurons especially, saying that they had already par- leyed with the Algonquins the past summer at 3 Rivers. We gave them 8 or 10 sacks of corn. 6. The onontageronons make special Pres- ents to the hurons, of 3 collars, besides some strings of Porcelain,- with the result that they invite the latter to join their band, on f. Nic. fauconnier abbé de Kelus fait La cure P. þoneet et Le f. ambr. en france Meurlre des hurons. f.þ. Enfranee oneïouts en guerre ici bas. 58 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 d'vn Pere, et de KahiK an Ambassadeur AIgõ- quain, qui doibt aller auec eux a Onõtaghè. 9 N f. Nicolas fauconier fit ses derniers væux en nostre Chappelle Ie p Supr disant la Messe 12 a 8 heures d u soir retournerent de Montreal Ie P. Poncet, Mrs L abbè et d alli- boust. le dit sieur abbè prit la charge de la Cure. 18 Le vaisseau du Cap Poulet partit de quebec auec Mr Charni Ie P Poncet et n f Ambroise Cauuet. 23 fit vn prosne contre nous L abbè 26 partit Ie Cap tadourneau. OCTOBRE 2 I allè voir Mr L abbè, pour luy tesmoi- . gner Ie desir de la paix. 3 II me rendit vne visite pour Ie mesme subiect. 6 arriua au soir Boquet auec 8. francois d' onontage sans sauuages qui nous apporta Ie meurtre fait Ie 3 lour d'aoust a 4 lournees au dessus de montreal par les Onontageronons Contre les Hurons du quebec qui montoient auec Ie P. Ragueneau a Onontagè. 9 II neige toute la matinee. IsLe dernier vaisseau part it de quebec et emmena N f pierre. 16. arriua vn chalouppe des 3 Riuieres, qui nous apporta pour nouuelles que depuis 8. iours il y auoit vne trouppe de 10 Ononta- 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 59 account of a Father and of Kahikwan, the Algonquain Ambassador, who are to go with them to Onontaghè. 9. Our brother Nicolas fauconier made his final vows in our Chapel, the father Superior saying the Mass. 12. At 8 o'clock in the evening, Father Poncet, and Messieurs The abbé and d'alli- boust, returned from Montreal. The sieur abbé took charge of the Curacy. 18. Captain Poulet's vessel sailed from quebec with Monsieur Charni, Father Poncet, and our brother Ambroise Cauvet. 23. The a b bé delivered a sermon against us. 26. Captain tadourneau set sail. OCTOBER. 2. I went to see Monsieur The abbé, in order to testify to him the desire for peace. 3. He paid me a visit for the same purpose. 6. Boquet arrived in the evening with 8 frenchmen, from onontage, without savages, and brought us news of the murder committed on the 3rd Day of august, 4 Days' journey above montreal, by the Onontageronons Upon the Hurons of quebec, who were going up with Father Ragueneau to Onontagè. 9. It snows the whole morning. 15. The last vessel sailed from quebec, and carried away Our brother pierre. 16. A shallop arrived from 3 Rivers, which brought us the news that for 8 days a band of 10 Onontageronons or Oneiotchronons had Brother Nicolas fauconnier. A bbé de Kelus takes charge of The curacy. Father þoncet and brother ambroise go to france. Murder of the hurons. Brother þi'erre goes To france. Oneiouts at war down here. Plaintes du gou r . contre Le þ. Suþer. Excuses des IroquOIs sur Le meurtre des hurons c. se defentlre des þillages de L'Iroquois. Lambert closse. 60 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUETES [VOL. 43 geronons ou Oneiotchronons, qui rodoient vers les trois Riuieres et quebec pour tüer des Alguonquins et hurons et qu'au cap a labre ils auoient pillè 2. francois qui estoient a la chasse. 20 arriua a 6. heures d u matin de tadous- sac Mr lepinè. Mr d'alliboust gouuerneur se plaint de moy du peu de Confiance que I ay en luy. disan que Ie ne luy Cõmuniq. pas les affaires qui regardent la mission d'onontagé. 1 0 en ce que ie ne luy ay pas portè les 2. presens que Ie P Ragueneau ill'auoit enuoyè d'onontage, lesquels presents s'adressoient a. Onontio. faits par les Onontageronons qui disoient. Onontio Nous ne consentons pas au meurtre fait en Chemin par nostre Ieunesse sur les Hurons, Onontio nous payons les torts que nostre Ieunesse a fait aux habitations fran- coises par les pillages et tueries des bestiaux. Ie p drüillettes porta de ma part les 2. Col- liers a Mr d alleboust 2 lours apres. 2 I. IHr Ie Gouuerneur fit vne assemblee des habitans, ou il fut ConcIu d'vn commun consentement de tous les habitans et du dit Sieur Gouuerneur que les francois se deffen- droient contre les Insolences des Iroquois d'en bas et d en hault Et qu' on ne se laisseroit pas V oler ny piller ni faire autre acte d hostilitè soubs pretexte de paix. 22 I apris que trois lettres l'une du p. 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 61 been prowling about three Rivers and quebec, in order to kill some Alguonquins and hurons; and that, at the cap a labre, they had robbed 2 frenchmen who were hunting. 20. At 6 o'clock in the morning, Monsieur lepinè arrived from tadoussac. Monsieur d'alliboust, governor, complains of me for the little Confidence which I have in him, saying that I do not Impart to him the matters which concern the mission of onontagé; and 1st, that I did not convey to him the 2 presents which Father Ragueneau had sent to me from onontage. These pres- ents were addressed to Onontio, and offered by the Onontageronons, who said: "Onon- tio, We do not approve the murder committed upon the Hurons by our Youth, on the Way. Onontio, we pay for the damage which our Youth have done to the french settlements through robberies and killing the cattle." Father drüillettes conveyed on my behalf the 2 Collars to :Monsieur d'alleboust, 2 Days after. 2 I . Monsieur the Governor held an assem- bly of the habitans, at which it was Resolved, by common consent of all the habitans and of the Sieur Governor, that the french should defend themselves against the Insolence of both the upper and lower Iroquois; And that no one should be allowed to commit a Theft or robbery or any other act of hostility, under pretext of peace. 22. I learned that three letters,-one from the father Superior, the second from father The governor's c01.n laznts agaznst The father Su erior. Excuses of the Iroquois for The 1.nurder of the hurons, etc. Self-defense agaznst the robberies of Tlte Iroquois. La1.nbert closse. Let/res interceþlées, doni Le gou. et L. Kay/us sonl choquez. discours salty. de L' abbé Kelus. 62 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 48 Supr, 1 autre du p Mercier et la 3 e du p piiart. toutes trois a Mr Lambert Closse qui les receut en Chemin de Montreal a quebec tomberent entre les mains de Madame d'alleboust par vn accident apres que ledit Sieur lambert les eut lües Et quilles eut mis sur la table au fort de quebec estant allè visiter Mr Ie Gouu. et m de la Gouuernan qui s'en saisit puis les monstra a Mr Le Gouuerneur et a Mr Labbé qui en fut fort piquè parceque dans Ie 2 der- nieres il y auoit des mots piquants contre luy entre autres en celles du p piiart i1 y auoit que ledit sieur estoit violent et nous faisons vne guerre plus facheuse que celIe des Iroquois. 2 I lour de dimanche :Mr LAbbe faisant son prosne dit Messieurs deuant que de vous dire vn mot touch ant I euangile, Ie vous donneray Vn aduis. II y a des personnes, qui viennent a l'eglise, non pour s'appliquer ce qu'ils entendent mais pour Ie controller et expliquer mes Intentions; il Vaudroit mieux, qu'ils demeurassent a la maison et qu'i1s fus- sent Couchés auec vne bonne fiebure quarte. Puis il cõmenca I explication de L euangile, qui est Cuius est Imago. ou les pharisiens tachent de surprendre N. S. en ses parolles. i1 les fait ainsy parler qui est done ce Iesus Nouuellem t Venu, qui se fait aymer de la populace, qui nous veut decrediter? II y a trente et 40 ans que nous gouuernons lestat et ;; ...... :: ;; to ':P 8: _. (j = 'f, ::II r- m 0 :I. '1'j :r: :t> . Z 0 .... ;:0 ;: ::j Z C') ;>J :1. 0 :1 '1'j o ::. ("') 2 ç :: c . 0 ? [T1 to :::.. Ü o - ..., L.. ." :t> 10 ;:0 --I I S, Z L... f1) '" g f1) '" :J' '" Q IT L -.... \>:<' ';- "- n t k- " " ;;' \' . " r"" ,..... ;t.... ( X ,t ,,'I' "\- . h;) - T-- ; '-+- h r îG:::" p ; ... ;--:. ; 1ï"S ..: '" "\ '- " "' ,... - ... :r- - I :. ,1 - ..... \...'\ ....... 11 _ _' ,,;-'__ lY 3- \ '1\::: :L... :0 "... ;r- _ :;" ;t: = - ... ." - " ( ,; . r') & . ; t ... >{ t) \j !I...... ' ; -\ t -- :- Z' j ;. G r; j :r:- '-'G ;.-- l' ^ - ; .. ç3 \::- '-+-1-;: ' -3. ..... . I" '" (; :.-. # - "'.I L... . . :; . : ) ...:... x\.;'" :t- ,J .' - - . " 11 :. . .. -' '" ) " · C3 .; t--./t G' . 1 _ . è. "\ ..;.." .' i <: . :: .:: :: _ ;;. ...:" .. -:t' ,-' . ;.... :. _ . ,; <. f r. :- ' .. 1\ - ,,\..J ...... - ','" .., . _ <:"\ =-- À" . c..... .. c... .. · };: ...... n ;:. " '\ t' r1! ::. . ;.. [\ r :;. __ '). s >. ...... :: t'- ..\ . c:..... :- :I - e Ì'(j · 'j :: :. :: [j. . f-'" ( i'(j <; t r ".... ." - -: -"'"""" ,I _ .. .. \ -....., , ... - -('"" "'\. . .L. . ) 1 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 63 :Mercier, and the 3rd from father pijart,-all three addressed to Monsieur Lambert Closse,lI who received them on the Way from Montreal to quebec,- happened to fall into the hands of lVladame d' aIle boust. After Sieur lambert had read them, he laid them on the table at the fort of quebec, having gone thither to visit Monsieur the Governor and madame the wife of the Governor. The latter took pos- session of them, and then showed them to Monsieur The Governor and to 1Ionsieur The abbé, who was greatly piqued by them, because in the 2 last there were cutting words against him. Among other things, in the one from father pijart, it was stated that this sieur is of a violent temper, and that we are carrying on a war more annoying than that of the Iroquois. 2 I, Sunday. Monsieur The Abbé said, upon preaching his sermon: "Messieurs, before saying a word to you concerning the gospel, I will give you A piece of ad vice. Some persons come to church, not to apply to themselves what they hear, but to criticise it and explain my Intentions. It Would be better for them to stay at home, and be Abed, with a good quartan fever." Then he began the explanation of The gospel, which was, Cu/us est Imago.'! wherein the pharisees try to surprise Our Lord in his words. He thus made them speak: "Who, then, is this Jesus, this Newcomer, who makes himself beloved by the populace, who tries to discredit us? For thirty or 40 years, we have governed the Letters interceþted, at which The governor and The abbé Kaylus are offended. Satirical discoursl by The abbé Ke/us. 64 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 la Religion. Nous auons accoustumè a cõmander &c. N e voulans pas 1 u y parler eux mesmes lIs Iuy enuoyerent vn faiseur de com- plimens. 24 a 4 heures du soir est arriuè nouuelle des trois Riuieres: que 9 alguonquins sont allès en guerre contre les Iroquois d en bas Et d en hault ayant apris que Ies Iroquois y venoient les premiers: et qu' on en auoit veu deux canots au lac St pierre Vn Cabanage dans Ies trois Riuieres et que quelques Iroquois ont pillé deux francois a I arbre a la Croix. 24. Mr Ie gouuerneur assembla au fort les Alguonquins Et hurons pour Leur presenter les 2 colliers enuoyès d'Onontage par Ie P Ragueneau Ces 2 colliers disoient 1 0 que les Anciens n'auoient point trempè dans la trahison faite contre les Hurons. 2 0 que cestoient pour payer les domages et les tors que la Ieunesse d Onontage auoit fait aux francois en leur habitations. Les sauuages demanderent quo men ils se Comporteroient enuers les Iroquois den hault & d en bas. La reponse fut 1 0 qu i1 leur seroit Iibre de se deffendre ou d'attaquer les premiers qu i1 seroit a propos neanmoins quil n'attaquasse point par de nos habitations. 2 0 que Ie francois Deffendra les Hurons Et algon- quins a la veüe des maisons francoises. 3 0 . 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 65 state and Religion. \Ve have been accus- tomed to command," etc. · , Not wishing to speak to him themselves, They sent him a dealer in compliments." 24. At 4 o'clock in the evening, news arrived from three Rivers that 9 alguonquins have gone to war against both the lower And the upper Iroquois, having learned that the Iroquois were the first to come thither; that two canoes of the latter had been seen in lake St. pierre, and An Encampment on the three Rivers; and that some Iroquois have plundered two frenchmen at I' arbre a la Croix. 24. Monsieur the governor assembled at the fort the Alguonquins And hurons, in order to present to Them the 2 collars sent from Onontage by Father Ragueneau. These 2 collars said: I st, that the Elders had not had a hand in the treachery committed against the Hurons; 2nd, that they were intended to pay for the damages and the wrongs which the Youth of Onontage had done to the french in their settlements. The savages asked how they should Conduct themselves toward the upper and lower Iro- quois. The answer was: 1st, tl?-at they would be free to defend themselves or to attack first; that it would, nevertheless, be proper for them not to make their attacks near our set- tlements. 2nd, that the french will Defend the Hurons And algonquins within sight of the french houses. 3rd, that the french will not be the first to strike the blow, and will not Pznguet. xcõcãon. 66 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Ie francois ne frappera pas Ie premier & ne rompera pas Ie premier la paix. 4 0 tous les francois on t consen ti a tout ce que dessus. 25. a 6 heures du soir trois Agnieronons pillerent Iusque a la chemise M Pinguet Ie vieux, qui faisoit sa pesche d anguille vn peu au dessus du Cap rouge. Vn huron de ceste bande pris a I isle d orleans depuis deux ans s echappa & se rendit au quebec. (Cela s est trouuè fault) 25 Nous aprismes par deux francois a 10 heures du soir: que Ies Agnieronons estoient en nombre, et qu'il faisoient vn fort au cap rouge. Cela se trouua faux.) 28 Mr. L abbè Ietta I excõmunication a la grand'messe apres auoir publiè Ie monitoire par trois diuers dimanches, contre Ceux qui auoient bruslè La maison de Mr denis. NOUEMBRE francois mis a mort Arriua Ie matin de Montreal Vn canot a quebec qui porta nouuelle que Les Ononta- geronons ou autres sauuages auoient tuez trois francois scauoir Mr Nicolas godet, St pere, Et son garçon: Ce fut Ie 25 octobre. Huronne religieuse. 3 1Ylourut a 6. heures du soir geneuiefue huronne, a I hospital, Mr L'abbè luy auoit donnè Ie Viatiq3 Ie iour de la toussaints, et I 'habit Religieux, Ie lour des morts I extreme onction Et vn peu deuant que de mourir elle fit les vreux de Religion selon qu' elle auoit desiré. Elle n'auoit que 15 ans elle fut 1656-57] .I0UR.NAL DES PP. ./ÉSUITES 67 first break the peace. 4th, all the french agree in everything, as stated above. 25. At 6 o'clock in the evening, three Ptnguet. Agnieronons robbed 1Ionsieur Pinguet, senior, Even to his shirt, while he was fishing for eels a little above Cap rouge. A huron of this band, taken at the island of orleans two years ago, escaped and betook himself to quebec. (That was found false.) 25. We learned from two frenchmen, at 10 o'clock in the evening, that the Agniero- nons were in force, and that they were making a fort at cap rouge. (That was found false. ) 28. Monsieur The abbé, after having pub- Excommunication. lished the monitory on three several sundays, Hurled excommunication, at high mass, against Those who had burned The house of Ivlonsieur denis. NOVEMBER. I. In the morning, A canoe arrived at que- Frenchmen put to bee from Montreal, which brought the news death. that The Onontageronons or other savages had killed three frenchmen,-to wit, Mon- sieur Nicolas godet, St. pere, And his serv- ant. 12 This was on the 25th of october. 3. Geneviefve, a huron, died at the hospi- Huron nu". tal, at 6 o'clock in the evening. Monsieur The abbé had given her the Viaticum, on all saints' day, as also the garb of Religion. On all souls' Day, he administered extreme unc- tion; And, a little before dying, she took the vows of Religion, as she had desired. She 68 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 enterre Ie lendemain lour de dimanche a 1 hospital par Mr L abbè. agniez þrisonniers - A 9 heures du soir Ie sieur la Meslee amena de trois Riuieres 5 Agnieronons a Mr Ie Gou- uerneur pour scauoir deux les meurtriers des trois francois tuez a montreal. ces 5 agniero- nons furent pris auec 6 autres agnieronons par les francois des trois Riuieres qui les oblige- rent tout par finesse d'entrer dans Ie bourg & là s en saisirent vn desquels se deffendant Contre Mr Ie barbier qui se trouuoit trop foible pour larrester. mit La main a lepee & frappa Ie dit Agnieronon de la pointe qui ne fit qu'effieurer la peau. les 5 cy dessus sont logez chez Mr Cousture & ont les fers aux pieds deux a deux. 3 En mesme temps nous aprismes, que les alguonquins 9 en Nombre qui estoient allez en guerre contre les Onontageronons vers les isles de Richelieu, estoient de retour auec vne Cheuelure d'Onontageronon. 4 a 7. heures du matin Mr d Alliboust Gouuerneur me donna aduis de ceste Nou- uelle: me dit qu i1 estoit d'aduis d'Enuoyer 2 agnieronons des I I prisoniers en leur pais pour aduertir leurs gens de leur detention et du subiet qui estoit du meurtre de 3 francois par les sauuages Et pour scauoir distincte- ment les meurtriers. Sur les I I heures du matin i1 assembla les principaux habitans (aucun de nos peres ny fut appellè non plus 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. I SUITES 69 was on] y 15 years old. She was buried the next day, Sunday, at the hospital, by Mon- sieur The abbé. At 9 o'clock in the evening, sieur la Meslee Caþtive agniez. brought 5 Agnieronons from three Rivers to :Monsieur the Governor, in order to learn from them who were the murderers of the three frenchmen killed at montreal. These 5 agnieronons, with 6 other agnieronons, were taken by the french of three Rivers, who had obliged them all by subtlety to enter the village, and seized them there. One of them defended himself Against Monsieur Ie barbier, who, finding himself not strong enough to stop him, laid hold of his sword and struck the said Agnieronon with the point, which merely grazed the skin. The 5 men- tioned above are lodged with Monsieur Cous- ture, and are shackled together, two by two. 3. At the same time, we learned that the alguonquins, 9 in Number, who had gone to war against the Onontageronons, toward the islands of Richelieu, had returned with an Onontageronon Scalp. 4. At 7 o'clock in the morning, Monsieur d' Alliboust, Governor, 13 gave me word of this News. He told me that he was of opinion that 2 agnieronons of the I I prisoners should be Sent into their country, to warn their peo- ple of their detention and of the cause of it,- which was the murder of 3 frenchmen by the savages,- And to learn definitely who were the murderers. About II o'clock in the morning, he assembled the principal habitans joint aþþellez aux ass. fran. noyé 70 LES RELA TIOfilS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 qu'aux autres assemblees) leur exposa Ie subiet de leur assemblee. La Conclusion fut qu i1 failloit enuoyer deux Agnieronons &c. Vt Supra 5 6. 7. Mr Ie gouuerneur fait scauoir au fort aux sauuages Ie dessein qu il a pris d en- uoyer a agnièe deux des prisoniers pour faire entendre a leur gens la cause de I empri- sonement de leur Compagnons les sauuages approuuent ce dessein. 6. on mene deux prisoniers Chez nous, on leur dit qu'on les enuoye a Agnie. 7 Ie lendemain Ils partirent pour les trois Riuieres dans vne chalouppe. 17 Arriua de trois Riuieres vne chalouppe pleine de sauuages des terres qui apportent nouuelle que leur gens y sont arriuez. Ils venoient scauoir Ce qui se passoit a quebec. 19 Mr Ie gou uerneur prend dessein auec les sauuages de les enuoyer querir pour venir hyuerner a quebec. A Midy vn canot tourna deuant quebec vn des deux francois qui estoit dedans fut noyè. 20 nous aprismes par lettres des trois Riuieres que les trois Agnieronons qu'on en- uoyoit en leur païs pour les affaires cy dessus partiren t Ie 13 de nouem bre des trois Ri uieres en Compagnie des francois qui les escorterent dans vne chalouppe iusques au premier sault de la Riuiere de Richelieu, crainte de mauuais rencontre. 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 71 (none of our fathers was called, any more than to the other assemblies), and set before them the purpose of their meeting. The Conclu- sion was, that it was necessary to send two Agnieronons etc. ,- Ut Supra. 5, 6, 7. Monsieur the governor communi- cates to the savages at the fort his resolution to send two of the prisoners to agnièe, in order to apprise their people of the reason for the imprisonment of their Companions. The savages approve this design. 6. Two pris- oners are brought To us; they are told that we are sending them to Agnie. 7. The next day They started in a shallop for three Rivers. 17. A shallop arrived from three Rivers, full of savages from the inland, who bring news that their people have arrived there. They came to learn What was going on at quebec. 19. Monsieur the governor takes counsel with the savages, to send for them and invite them to come and winter at quebec. At Noon, a canoe capsized before quebec; one of the two frenchmen who were in it was drowned. 20. We learned by letters from three Rivers that the three Agnieronons, whom we were sending to their own country in behalf of the above-mentioned affairs, left three Rivers on the 13th of november. They went in Company with some frenchmen, who escorted them in a shallop as far as the first sault in the River of Richelieu, for fear of a hostile encounter. Not called to tlte assemblies. Frenc Itman drowned. f01"Ce canots aux 3- nuie. Exþtoit Enuoie þar L. Que/us Chartier Le grøl. Dtsþute entre les 3. corþs de Iustice- 72 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL_ 43 Ce mesme lour 13. de Nou. arriuerent aux trois Riuieres 60 Canots des terres & 30 des alguonquins ordinaires. dont i ay escrit cy dessus. on en attend encor 30 canots deuant les glaces. 22 La Vigne sergent nous apporta au P Richard dans nostre Maison de quebec vn exploit pour comparoistre a I audiance Ie mardy Ensuiuant 27 dudit mois et respondre a la raqueste presentèe par Mr d'allet au nom de Mr L abbè quelus, a Mr Chartier lieutenent General de quebec, par laquelle requeste il demande que les PP ]esuites ayent a quitte leur maison pour y loger ledit abbè comme Cure de la paroisse de quebec ou de rem- bourse 6000tl a eux donnés par la Cõmunautè pour faire vn presbetere. 18 II y eut disputé entre Les messieurs du Conseil de que bec et mrs de la I ustice. ceux- cy voulans aller les premiers a la procession & avoir Ie pain benist les premiers. contre Ie Reglement qui auoit estè gardè iusques icy au Contraire. 23 Mr Ie gouuerneur fit aduertir Mr Seues- tre de payer 15000tl en castor quil debuoit au magazin. Auquel sieur seuestre nous debuions 8000 et tant en castors que nous ne pouuions payer presentem t . audit sieur & ..cependant se voyant pressè de Mr Ie gouuerneur no us pressoit de son cotè. 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 73 This same Day, the 13th of November, 60 Canoes from the interior and 30 of ordinary alguonquins arrived at three Rivers,-the same of whom I have written above. 30 more canoes are expected before freezing weather. 22. La Vigne,14 sergeant, brought to us- to Father Richard, in our House of quebec- a writ to appear in court on the Follow- ing tuesday, the 27th of the same month, and to make reply to the petition presented by Monsieur d'allet, in the name of Monsieur The abbé quelus, to Monsieur Chartier, lieu- tenant-General of quebec. 15 In this petition, he asks that the Jesuit Fathers be obliged to leave their house, in order that the abbé might lodge there as Curé of the parish of quebec; or to refund the 6000 livres, given to them by the Community for building a clergy-house. 16 18. There was a dispute between messieurs of the Council of quebec and messieurs of the court of J ustice,- the latter wishing to march first in the procession, and to be the first to receive the blessed bread, counter to the Regulation which had been hitherto observed to the Contrary. 23. Monsieur the governor sent notice to Monsieur Sevestre to pay the 15000 livres in beaver which he owed to the warehouse. To this sieur sevestre we owed 8000 [livres], and an equal amount in beavers, which we could not pay just then to the sieur,-who, mean- while, seeing himself hard pressed by Monsieur the governor, on his part continued to press us. Many canoes at 3 rivers. Wrzt Sent by The abbé Que/us. Cltartier, Lieuten- ant-general. Disþute between tlte 2 bodies of Justice. 74 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Apres auoir Enuoyè querir les sauuages des trois Riuieres [il] fit arrester toutes Ies marchandises des marchands de quebec &c. Chicane de Labbé. 25 L' abbè en son prosne dit qu'il feroit Ie salut du st Sacrement tous les leudis de l'an- nee, et les samedis de I aduent en I honeur de N dame. 27 Retourna la chalou ppe des trois Ri uieres sans les sauuages qui y furent arrestez par les francois. Noel DECEMBRE 3 nous receusmes Le second adiournement pour Com paroistre a I a udiance pour Ie procez de 6oootl. 2 st francois Xauier tombant Ie I er diman- che de I aduent L office en fut remis au lundy 3 du mois Ie dimanche 2 du mois nous fismes Ie salut cõmencant par iste Confessor, Magni- ficat l'antienne Alma &c. Le Lundy 3 du mois Ie P. Claude piiart dit Ia grande Messe a 9 heures prescha. on chanta la messe en musiq3 a 2 heures & demi on dit vespres en musiq3. Colation. tout aHa bien. 8 Mourut heureusement a midy Mr Seues- tre & fut enterrè Ie lendemain dans l' eglise. 25 Le P Supr. dit la messe de minuict qui fut chantee en musiq3. qui ne valut rien. On oublia a chanter Ie Te deum. au cõmencement. Nostre chappelle fut toute pleine de monde. beaucoup de Communians. les Alguon- quins y assisterent, les Hurons entendirent My Seuestre 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 75 After Sending for the savages of three Rivers, he had all the wares of the merchants of quebec seized, etc. 25. The abbé said in his sermon that he Th abbé's cavil. would have benediction of the blessed Sacra- ment every Thursday in the year, and on saturdays in advent, in honor of Our lady. 27. The shallop returned from three Riv- ers without the savages; they were detained there by the french. DECEMBER. 3. Vve received A second summons to Appear in court for the lawsuit about the 6000 Ii vres. 2. St. francis Xa vier's feast falling on the 1st sunday in advent, The office for the same was postponed till monday, the 3rd of the month. On sunday, the 2nd of the month, we had benediction, beginning with 'isle Confessor, Magnificat, the anthem Alma, etc. On Monday, the 3rd of the month, Fa- ther Claude pijart said high Mass at 9 o'clock, and preached; the mass was sung with music. At half past 2, vespers were said with music. Collation. All went well. 8. Monsieur Sevestre died happily at noon, MonsÙur Sevntr . and was buried next day in the church. 25. The Father Superior said the midnight Christmas. mass; it was sung with music, which was worth nothing. They forgot to sing the Te DC2111Z at the beginning. Our chapel was quite full of people; many received Communion; the Alguonquins were present. The Hurons C abarel aux trois rivieres. abM Que/us malade 76 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Ia messe de minuict a 1 hospital qui fut ditte par Ie P Mercier. Ie P Piiart La dit aux Vrsu- lines on sonna chez nous Ie I er coup a onze. Ie 2 a onze heures et demi & Le dernier a onze heures 3 quarts. Nostre chappelle estoit toute pleine de Luminaires bien disposez & fut fort chaude tant a cause que Ie temps fut doux que pour Ie feu qu'on y auoit miSe Antoine ab kima me donna des lettres des trois Riuieres. 11 estoit arriuè Ie soir veille de Noel. 26. 2 francois arriuerent de trois Riuieres. Ia perle et Ia motte. Ie 9 decembre on dressa vn cabaret aux trois riuieres, ou I on vendoit aux sauuages du vin deux pots pour castor d hyuer vn pot pour castor d estè. Ce cabaret fut etabli par :Mr de la poterie du consentement de quel- ques habitans: et comme les desordres ne cessoient pas par ce moyen, on se pleignit de ce cabaret. si bien que l\1r de la poterie fut oblige d'enuoyer a quebec pour scauoir la volontè de Mr Ie gouuerneur touchant Ie dit Cabaret. la Conclusion fut qu'i1 ne failloit point continuer. on ne laissa pas toutefois de Continuer. 3 I Ie fus saluer Mr L abbè Malade et luy donnè Ie boniour et le bon an par auance. 1656-57] JOURNAL DES PP. JÉSUITES 77 heard midnight mass at the hospital, which was said by Father Mercier. Father Pijart said It at the U rsulines' . We rang the 1st bell at eleven, the 2nd at half past eleven, and The last at a quarter to twelve. Our chapel was quite full of Lights, well arranged, and was very warm, both because the weather was mild, and on account of the fire that had been provided. Antoine Waboukima gave me some letters from three Rivers. He had arrived on the evening before Christmas. 26. 2 frenchmen arrived from three Riv- ers, la perle and la motte. On the 9th of december, a tavern was set up at three rivers, at which wine was sold to the savages,- two pots for a winter beaver, and one pot for a summer beaver. This tavern was opened by Monsieur de la poterie, with the consent of some of the habi- tans; but, as disorderly acts were not stopped by this device, complaints were raised against that tavern, insomuch that Monsieur de la poterie was obliged to send to quebec, in order to learn the will of Monsieur the gov- ernor with regard to that Tavern. The Con- clusion was, that it must not be continued. Nevertheless, it was Continued. 31. I went to greet Monsieur The abbé, who is Sick, and wished him good day, and, in advance, a happy new-year. Tavern at three rivers. Abbé Que/us sick. XCVI RELATION OF 16 6 - 7 PARIS: SEBASTIEN ET GABRIEL CRAMOISY, 16 5 8 SOURCE: We follow a copy of the original Cramoisy (H. 110), in possession of The Burrows Brothers Company, Cleveland. In this volume appear chaps. i.- xvi.; the rest of the document will be given in Volume XLIV. ?' RELA TION DE CF Q.VJ S'EST PASSE' DE p Lv S 1"( E lvl1\ RQY A B L F AVX tvl(SS,OI'S DES PERE d la COll1p,tgnie de 1 E S V s, EN.L A 1\ 0 V VEL L E F It A l' C E) cs années n1 .lix C\.'J,S cinquat1tc {ìx & 111d lìx cells jnquant lèpt. i(jf{:?'p . \i 'A \' . fA.J... þ.tj< fL I' ,v::. " 4. .; .J>"" f -.;" :;/v \ .....-: " - ,/ >.,,' 'f}'" , ,.. - Þ/"' /i .-.... <.( J'. -1 . . r : .... ....t ;-' . 1 .t-...:::;J' J. w - r .'":'-:;.._ (.} . ... \ . 1 .' '- ','JfJI1óI!'" . '.. , .-, #"" ' ifi .I- ', ' . f " ,'..'It 't > .lJit::.:<; "' . ;:Y .... ../4 ,,- 't_ . 'Z:: . f . ....' ::.,. '_ ':.c i ;. ' I · _ :-: " ,j" .- .. .,..: \ r:1 ( ; "'-4.f ?3 '" t t '. ::' :. 4)&;1: .' .cij .:: j .. v ,; .' ':- '. A PAR. IS, rS!ßAsTrEN CRAMOl Y"l .. S t I . d . I ( rut", mpnmcl1r or :murc l. t.1 I J. I . ( R ] 1 ( .lù1 uCS ...... lCZ oy & (lC J RC}'UC. " .-' C. I .llI>.. Cl- I: T t (O,'GU. '-:..GA BR!FL CRA).{ oltoS\".J 11. D. C. L V I [ 1. .A. r. E C P.:l(l PI L Gê '1J,r 7(0 r RELA TION OF WHAT OCCURRED 1\1 0 S T REM ARK A B L E IN THE MISSIONS OF THE FATHERS of the Society of JESUS, IN NEW FRANCE, in the years one thousand six hundred and fifty-six and one thousand six hundred and fifty-seven. PAR IS, ! S E BAS TIE N eRA MOl S Y, ! .. S . '. rue t. Jac- P . t Pnnter In ordinary to the h nn - . ques, at t e d b King and to the Queen, S . f h e y AND Ign 0 t e GAB R I E L eRA MOl S Y. Storks. M. D. C. L V I I I. BY ROYAL LICENSE. 84 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [V OL. 43 Av R. P. Ie P. Lovis Cellot, Provincial de la Compagnie de IEsvs. de la Prouince de France. M ON R. P. Pax Clzrtfli, De cinq ou fix vaiffeaux qui ont eflé ce Printemps dernier en la Nouuel/e France, celuy qui en efl retourné Ie premier, m' a apporté des Lettres du Pere lean de Quen SuperÙur de nos Miffions en ces Contrées/ qui nt' aprennent qu'il deuoit enuoier à V. R. la Relatt"on entÙre de ce qui s' efl paffé depuz's vn an dans nos Miffions, dont il nt' a addreffé, par auance quelques caltiers. Or Ie Nauire au- que! on l'auoit confiée, ayant eflé pris par les Efpagnols, & toutes les Lettres qui s'y font trouuées ayant eflé Ùttées dans la Mer, i' ay eflé oblt"gé de ramaffer dans Ie Liuret que Ù prefente à V. R. ce qu' on a p12 recouurer de ces Lettres, & de quelques autres .hfe11l0ires qui nous furent rendus trop tard l' année precedente. Ceux quz" s' intereffent pour la gloire de noflre Seigneur en fa conuerfion des Infidel/es, fcront bien aifes de 'voir comme nos Peres marchant fur les pas de ceux de noflre Compagnie, qui ont eflé grillés, roflis, & mangés depuis quelques années par les lroquoÙ, font entrés dans Ie païs de ces Ant/lropoplzages, auec moins de peur de leurs tralz , tJons & de leurs cruautés, que d' amour & de zele pour Its gagller à I E S V S - C H R 1ST. Le Pere quz O a dreffé ces lVle11loires que i' ay receus, affeure que qui voudroit agir parmi ces peuples. felon la prudence purement Izumaine, ne feroit tOamais ]656-57] RELA T10N OF I6S6-S7 85 To the Reverend Father, Father Louis Cellot, Provincial of the Society of JESUS in the Province of France. M y REVEREND FATHER, Pax ChrÚti. Of the five or six ships which saÜed to New France last Spring, the first that returned brought me Letürs from Father Jean de Quen, tlze Sllpertor of our MÚÚons Ùl those CountrÙs, wh1:ch inform me that he was to send to Your Reverence the complete Relation of what has occurred during the past year in our Missions, some sheets of wh1:ch he forwarded me 1:n advance. Now, the Ship to which Ü Ilad been confided was taken by the Span- iards, and all the Letters on board were thrown into the Sea . and thÚ lIas compelled me to gather together, in the lz"ttle Book whz"ch I present to Your Reverence, all that could be recovered of those Letters and of some other hlem01:rs 'lr.Jhicll reached us too late last year. Those who, for the sake of our Lord's glory, take an interest Ùl tIle con'version of the Infidels, will be glad to see that our Fathers, follow- ing in tIle footsteps of those of our Society who for some years past have been broÜed, roasted, and eaten by the IroquoÚ, have made their 'Zi.1ay into the country of tIle Calmibals, wÜh less fear of their treachery and cruelty than love and zeal for gaining them to J E S Use H R 1ST. The Fatlter wilD has drawn up these Memoirs wltidt I have raez"ved asserts tllat he, who should attempt to be guided by purely human prudence, z.n whatever he does among these peoples, would /lever effect mudl for tlleir salvatt"on. "It 86 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [V OL. 43 rÙn de fort auantageux pour leur falut. II faut fe mettre dans les dangers du feu de la terre, pour les delz"urer des feux de l' Enfer. II fe faut Jetter dans la captt"uité, pour les mettre en liberté. II faut endurer la faÙn, la foif, la nudité, pour les nourrir, & pour les reuejHr de I E S V S - C H R 1ST. On ne ffauroit fe figurer tout ce que noZiS auons fouffert dans vn voyage fort lotlg, tres-rude, & rempli à tous momens de dÙærs dangers de la mort; en fuite duquel nous 11ltj"mes pied à terre au bord d'vn bois, qu'Ü fallut faire reculer à grands coups de hac/us, pour dontler place à Illabitation que nous ';.1oulz"ons dreffer. Mais as grandes forefls eflant gardées pendant l' Eflé des petÜs Dragons volans, Ù veux dire par vn mÜlz"on d'efcadrons de Moufquittes, de Afari[nJgoins ou de Coujins tres-auides d'Vll fang, qu'ils n' auoient iamais gouflé: 1lOUS eflions contraints de leur ceder la place pendant la nuifl, & de nous aller coucher fur des rOc/les au bord d"lIn lac, expofez à l' al:r, au vent & fouuent à la pluye. Ces trauaux fouflenus feulement d'vn peu de bouillie faÜe de fart:ne de bled d'Inde, cuite dans la belle eau claire, nous abbatirent prefque tous. Plus de quarante huifl perfontzes de noflre monde, tomberent malades: II nous fallut loger fous des roches ji à l'eflroÜ, que nous efll:ons prefque entaffez les vns fur les autres. Pendant que l'V1Z brufloÜ dans l' ardeur de la fievre, I' autre trembloit de froid: & pour nous confoler, on nOllS venoÜ fouuent dire de diuers e1ldroÜs qu' on nous alloit egorger, que nous fcrions bien-tofl delz"urez de tous nos maux. Quotidie morimur, & ecce viuimus, nous 11l0urions tous les iours, & tlOUS voilà encore graces à Dieu tous viuans: II efl vrai que ceux qui font alterez du falut des Ames, qui ne s' opere iamais que par la croix, trouueront icy dequoy fe fatisfaire: mais il ne faut rien craindre, Dieu efl partout; c' efl icy qu' on Ie goufle plus 1656-57J RELA TION OF I6S6-S7 87 is 't cessary to expose oneself to the dangers of earthly fires, itz order to deÜver tllem from tIle fires of Hell/ Ü is necessary to cast oneself into cap tivz"ty , in order to secure their freedom . ,it is necessary to endure hunger, thirst, and nakedness, in order to nourÙh and clothe tltem 'i.tJ'l"th J E S Use H R 1ST. It is impossible to conceive all that we suffered on a very long and very rough journey, during whicll we were contz"nually beset with dangers of death in divers ways/ finally, we landed on the edge of a forest whielt we lead to cut away by dint of many heavy blows of Ollr axes, Ùt order to make room for the settlement that we wished to establish. But these great forests were guarded, during tIle Summer, by little winged Dragons,-I mean, by innumerable legions of Mosquitot's and Gnats, all very thirsty for a blood fllat tltey had never tasted/ we were compelled to give way to them during the night, and to sleep on the rocks, on the slwre of a lake, exposed to tlte air, to the wind, and frequently to the rain. These labors- durÙtg the performance of wIdell our only sustenance con- sÙted of a little meal of Indian corn, boiled in clear 'water- prostrated nearly all of us. More tllan forty-eight of our people fell sick. We had to lodge under rocks, where we had so little room, that we lay almost in a heap, one upon anotller. Vhile Otle was burning in tlte heat of fevt'r, another shivered with cold/ and, to console us, we were often told, by people from various places, that men were coming to kill us, and that we would soon be delivered from all our ills. Quotidie morimur, et ecce vivi- mus,- we were dying daily, and behold, we are still alive, thanks to God! It is true tltat they wlw thirst for the salvation of Souls, which is never effected except througll the cross, will find Ilere something wlzerewitlt to satisfy themselves. But one must fear not/ling; God is everywhere ' here his presence is felt more clearly, wÜh 88 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 purement, & quafi fans mélange des creatures. Enjin falutem ex inimicis nofiris & de manu omnium qui oderunt nos. II nous a fauuez par nos ennemis mefmes & par /es mains de ceuz quz. nous haijJoient à mort. Nous marchons la tefle leule, ils nous ont fecourus dans nos befozons, 1ZOUS prefchions, nous catech , zjimzs nous baptzjions publiquement dans leurs bourgades: on y drefJe des Chapelles, on y prÙo DÙu, on y dit la fainfle MefJe/ Oil y reçoit les Sacremens. Vn grand nombre d'IroquoÙ y fat"! hautement profeffion de la Foy de IESVS-CHRIST: En vn mot Deus Dominus illuxit nobis, c' efl Dieu qui a fat"! ce grand iour. Voilà mon R. P. ce que vous verrez en detail dans cette Relation, & qztt" fans doute portera V. R. & tous ceuz qui ayment l' Eglife de I. C. à prÙr pour ces pauures peuples, & pour ceuz qui trauaillent à leur conuerfion, comme auffi pour celuy quz O efl de V. R. Le tres-humble & tres obeyfíans feruiteur en nofire Seigneur, P A VL LE IEVNE, de la Compagnie de IESVS. A u College de Clermont ce I. de Decemhre I 657. 1656 - 57] RELA TION OF r656-57 89 scarcely any alloy of created tllings. Fz"nally, salutem ex inimicis nostris, et de manu omnium qui oderunt nos,-' he has saved us through our enemies themselves, and by the hands of those very men who hated us unto death.' We walk with heads erect/ tlley succored us in our needs; we preached, we catechized, we baptized publicly in their towns. Tllere, Chapels are built/ there. God is invoked/ there, holy Mass is said . there, the Sacraments are received . tllere a great many Iroquois openly profess tIle Faith of JESUS CHRIST. 111 a word, Deus Dominus illuxit nobis,- it is God who is tIle author of thz"s great light. · , Tllis, my Reverend Father, is wllat you will see detailed in this Relation/ and, doubtless, it will induce Your Re'l/ere1lce, alld all who love tIle Church of Jesus Christ, to pray for those poor peoples, and for those who labor for their conversion, as also for him who is Your Reverence's Very humble and very obedient servant in our Lord, PAUL LE JEUNE, of the Society of JESUS. At the College of Clermollt, this 1St of December, I657. 90 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Table des Chapitres contenus en ce Liure. R ELA TION de ee qu'i s' efl paffé en la Nouuelle- France, és années I656. & I657.. page CHAP. I. Ambaffade des IroquoÙ Sonnon- toeronnons trauerJée par I' Iroquois Agnie- ronnon. page CHAP. II. Deffein des IroquoÙ Agnieronnons fur la Colonz"e des Hurons dans l'Ifle d' Orleans. pag. 6 Les Hurons dans l'Ifle d' Orleans attaquez par les Iroquois AgnÙronnons. page 15 [i.e., 13] Voyage des Peres de noflre CompagllÙ & de quelques FrallfoÙ au pays des IroquoÙ JuperÙurs appellez 01l11OntoerOn1lons. 2 1 Noflre arriuée au Heu où no us alU:OllS defll:né noflre demeure, & la receptt"on que nous firent les peuples du pays page 45 Vne partÙ des Hurons va demeurer à Agnié. 68 L' autre partÙ des Hurons va demeurer à Onontagé. 77 Du voyage du Pere SÙnon Ie Moyne, aux AgnÙron- wm. . De la refidence de S. Iofeph en l'Anee de Sillery. 9 2 Des Sauuages Hurons deuant leur e1lleuement de l'Ifle d' Orleans. 10 4 De la nature & de quelques partl:cularitez du pays des Iroquois. 119 Du naturel & des mæurs des IroquoÙ. 12 4 Des teJmoignages reciproqucs d' amÜié entre nous & les IroquoÙ. 134 1656-57] RELATI01V OF I656-57 91 Table of the Chapters contained in this Book. R ELA TION of what occurred in New France, Ùl the years z656 and z657. . page I CHAP. 1. Embassy of the Sonnontoeronnon Iroquois tit-warted by tlte AgllÙromzon Iroquois. page I CHAP. II. Design of the Agnier01l1Z011 Iroquois against the Huron Colony on tile Island of Orleans. page 6 The Hurons on the Island of Orleans attacked by the Agnieroll1zon Iroquois. page 15 [i.e., 13] Journey of the Fathers of our Socz"ety, alld of some Frencll1lzen, to the country of tile upper Iroquois, called Onnontoeronlzons. 2 I Our arrival at the place 'ltJhere we had determined to establish our abode, and the reception given us by the people of tile country. page 45 A portz"on of tile Hurons go to dwell at Agnié. 68 Another portz"on of the Hurons go to dwell at Onon- tagé. . 77 Of the journey of Father Simon Ie Moyne to the country of the Agnieronnons. . 84 Of the residence of St. Josepll at the C07Je of Sillery. 9 2 Of the Huron Savages before their removal from the Island of Orleans. 104 Of tile natur and of some peculz"arz"ties of tile Iroquois country. I 19 Of tile character and customs of the Iroquois. 12 4 Of the mutual tokens of frz"endslzz"p between us and the Iroquois. . 134 92 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL, 43 Des difpojitions que /es IroquoÙ ont à la Foy. 139 Des premieres Jemences de la Foy parmy les IroquoÙ, 150 De la publt"catt"on de la Foyauz IroquoÙ Ot'ogoen- hronnons. I 57 De la publt"cation de la Foyauz Iroquois Sonnontou - hronnons. 166 De la publicatt"on de la Foyauz Iroquois Onneiout- hronnons, 171 De la publication de la Foy auz Iroquois Onnontage- Itronnons. 175 Des nouuelles eJperances du progrez de la Foy dans Üs Mtffions de la Nouuelle-Frãce. 183 Lettre eJcrÜe au R. P. LouÙ Cellot Prout'nct"al de la Compagnie de IEsvs de la Prout'nce de France, par Ie Pere François Ie Merâer de la meJme Compagnie. 189 Derlzieres nouuelles de ce qui s' efl paffé en la Nou- uelle-France. . . 201 1656-57] ORh"LA TION OF r656-57 93 Of the dÙposÙions of the Iroquois toward the Faith. 139 Of the first seeds of the FaÜh sown among the Iroquois. 1 So Of the preachzOng of the FaÙh to the Oz"ogoenhronnon IroquoÙ. 157 Of the preaching of the Faith to tIle Sonnontoue- hronnon IroquoÙ. 166 Of the preachzOngofthe Faz"th to the Onnez"outhronnon Iroquois. 171 Of the preacltt"ng of the Faz'th to the Onnontage- hronnon IroquoÙ. 175 Of the fresh hopes for tIle progress of the Faith in the MÙsions of New France. . 183 Letter written to Reverend Father Louis Cellot, Provincial of the Society of JESUS in the Prov- ince of France, by Father Franfois Ie Mercier of the same Society. 189 Latest news of wllat has occurred in New France. 20 I 94 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Extraict dv Privilege du Roy. P AR grace & Priuilege du Roy, il eft permis à S E BAS TIE N eRA MOl S Y , 1iarchand Libraire Iuré en I'Vniuerfité de Paris, Imprimeur ordi- naire du Roy & de Ia Reyne, Direéteur de l'Impri- merie Royalle du Louure, Bourgeois & ancien Efcheuin de Paris: d'imprimer ou faire imprimer, vendre & debiter vn Liure intituIé, La Relation de ce qui s' eft paJJé en la MiffiOJl des Peres de la Compagnie de IE S V S, au pays de la NOlluelle-France és années 16 5 6 . & 16 57. Et ce pendant Ie temps & efpace de vingt années confecutiues. Auec deffenfes à tous Libraires, Imprimeurs, & autres, d'imprimer ou faire imprimer Iedit Liure, foubs pretexte de deguifement ou changement qu'ils y pourroient faire, aux peines portées par Iedit Priuilege. Donné à Paris Ie 3. Decembre 1657. Signé, Par Ie Roy en fon Confeil. MABOVL. 1656 - 57] RELATION OF I656-57 95 Extract from the Royal License. B y grace and License of the King, permission is granted to SEBASTI EN C RA MO ISY, Book- seller under Oath in the University of Paris, Printer in ordinary to the King and to the Queen, Director of the Royal Printing-house of the Louvre, Citizen and former Alderman of Paris, to print or to have printed, to sell and to retail a Book entitled: La Relation de ce qui s' est passé en la Mission des Peres de la Compagnie de J E S US, au pays de la Nouvelle-France és années 1656. et 1657. And this during the time and space of twenty consecutive years, prohibiting all Booksellers, Printers, and others to print or to have printed the said Book. under pretext of any disguise or change that they might make therein, under pain of the penalties set forth in the said License. Given at Paris, the 3rd of December, 1657. Signed, By the King in Council, MABOUL. 96 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Permiffion du R. P. ProuinciaI. N OVS LOVIS CELLOT, Prouincial de Ia Com- pagnie de I E S V S en Ia Prouince de France, auons accordé pour l' aduenir au fieur S E BAS- T IE N C R A 1\1 0 I S Y, Marchand Libraire, Imprimeur ordinaire du Roy & de Ia Reyne, Direéteur de 1'Imprimerie Royalle du Louure, Bourgeois & ancien Efcheuin de cette vi lIe de Paris, l'Imþreffion des Relations de la Nouuelle-France. A Paris, Ie 28. Decembre, 1656. Signé, LOVIS CELLOT. 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656-57 97 Permission of the Reverend Father Provincial. W E, LOUIS CELLOT, Provincial of the Society of J E S U S in the Province of France, have granted for the future to sieur S E BAS TIE N CRAMOISY, Bookseller, Printer in ordinary to the King and to the Queen, Director of the Royal Print- ing-house of the Louvre, Citizen and former Alder- man of this city of Paris, the Printing of the Relations of New France. At Paris, the 28th of December, 1656. Signed, LOUIS CELLOT. 98 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 [I] Relation de ce qvi s'eft paffé en la Miffion des Peres de la Compagnie de IE S V S, aux paÏs de la Nouuelle France, depuis l'Efté de l'année 1656. iufqu'à l'Efté de l'année 1657. CHAPITRE 1. AMBASSADE DES IROQUOIS SONNONTOERONNONS TRA- UERSÉE PAR L'IROQUOIS AGNIERONNON. N ovs auons fouuent remarqué dans nos Relations des années paffées, qu'il y a cinq Nations Iroquoifes, dont les trois principales [2] font les Sonnontoeronnons, qui font les plus nombreux & les plus éloignés des François. Les Onnontoeronnons, où nous auons depuis peu commencé vne bonne Miffion. Et les Agnieronnons qui ont commerce auec les Hollandois voifins de la nouuelle Angleterre. Le 19. de Septembre de l'année 1655. Ie P. Iofeph Chau- mont, & Ie P. Claude d'Ablon partirent de Quebec pour aller recognoiftre Ie païs des Sonnontoeronnons, qui no us preffoient de les aller in firuire , & d'aller eftablir en leur païs vne habitation Françoife. Leur voiage eft amplement décrit dans la Relation de l'année derniere. Peu de temps apres leur depart de Quebec trois perfonnes confiderables arriuerent de Sonnontoan païs des Sonnõtoeronnons, qui nous don- nerent aduis que les efprits de leur nation eftoient 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656- 57 99 [I] Relation of what occurred in the Mission of the Fathers of the Society of JESUS in the countries of New France, from the Summer of the year 1656, to the Summer of the year 1657. CHAPTER 1. EMBASSY OF THE SONNONTOERONNON IROQUOIS THWARTED BY THE AGNIERONNON IROQUOIS. W E have frequently stated in our Relations of the past years that there are five Iroquois Nations, of whom the three principal ones [2] are the Sonnontoeronnons, who are the most numerous, and the most distant from the French; the Onnontoeronnons, among whom we have lately commenced a good Mission; and the Agnieronnons, who trade with the Dutch, neighbors to new Eng- land. On the 19th of September of the year 1655, Father Joseph Chaumont and Father Claude d' Ablon started from Quebec, to reconnoiter the country of the Sonnontoeronnons, who urged us to go and teach them, and to establish a French settlement in their country. Their journey was fully described in last year's Relation. Shortly after their departure from Quebec. three personages of importance arrived from Sonnontoan, the country of the Sonnontoeronnons; they informed us that the minds of their nation were inclined to peace, and that next winter they would 100 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 difpofés à la paix, & que 1'hyuer prochain ils deuoient venir en bon nombre, contraéter auec nous & auec les Hurons & les Algonquins vne alliance inuiolable. On ne manqua pas aux prefens reciproques de part & d'autre, fuiuant la couftume de [3J ces peuples. Apres quoy, vn des trois fe refolut de paffer l'hyuer auec nous, comme voulant feruir d'oftage de leur fidelité. Les deux autres fe mirent en chemin au commencement de Nouembre de la mefme année 1655. pour porter plus promptement en leur pays les heureufes nouuelles de l'accueil qu'on leur auoit fait. Ces deux Ambaffadeurs furent tuez à leur retour, ainfi que nous 1'aprifmes par la rencontre qui fe fit d'vn des cadavres que l'on trouua à trois ou quatre lieües au deffus de 1iontreal, tout couuert de playes & de fang. Le foupçon de ce meurtre ne pût tomber que fur les Iroquois Agnieronnons, qui jaloux de l'amitié dont les autres nations Iroquoifes nous recherchent, la veulent empefcher par toutes fortes de moiens. Cela n'empefcha pas que dés Ie commencement du mois de Ianuier 1656. nous ne vifmes icy l' Ambaffade dont nous auions parole. Ils eftoient dix de compagnie, dont Ie chef eftoit vn des premiers Capitaines de tout leur pays, âgé de cinquante [4J à foixante ans, homme fage & adroit dans les affaires, eloquent au delà de ce qu'on en peut croire, dont Ie cæur eftoit tout François, & defia gagné à la foy. De vingt & vn pre fens qu'il fit, Ie plus riche & Ie plus ec1atant, fut celuy par lequel il nous tefmoigna hautement que toute fa nation vouloit fe faire inftruire; qu'elle demandoit pour cét effet des Peres 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656-57 101 come in good number to contract an inviolable alliance with us, and with the Hurons and Algon- quins. A mutual interchange of presents took place, according to the custom of [3] these peoples, after which one of the three resolved to spend the winter with us, to serve as a hostage for their fidelity. The two others set out at the beginning of November of the same year, 1655, in order to carry more promptly to their own country the happy news of the welcome that they had received. These two Ambassadors were killed on their return journey, as we learned when, three or four leagues above Montreal, one of the dead bodies was found, all covered with wounds and blood. Suspicion of this murder could fall on none but the Agnieronnon Iroquois, who are jealous of the friendship which the other Iroquois nations seek to form with us, and endeavor to thwart it by every possible means. This did not prevent us from seeing here, at the beginning of the month of January, 1656, the Embassy of which word had been sent us. It consisted. altogether, of ten men, the chief of whom was one of the leading Captains of their entire country, from fifty [4] to sixty years of age,-a wise man, and one skilled in such matters, eloquent beyond expectation, whose heart was entirely French, and who was already won over to the faith. Of the twenty-one presents that he gave, the rich- est and most striking was the one by which he loudly proclaimed that his entire nation wished to be instructed; that, for that reason, they asked for some of the Fathers of our Society, and desired those blessings which are enjoyed only after death, and of which the many Christian Hurons who were living 102 LES RELATIONS DES/ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 de noitre Compagnie, & qu'elle fouhaitoit les biens qui ne fe voient qu'apres la mort, dont les Chrefiiens Hurons captifs en grand nombre chez eux, leur par- loient auec tant d'efiime, que plufieurs d'entre eux auoient defia Ie cæur Chrefiien, auant que de l'efire. Les deffeins du Ciel ne nous font pas moins adorables que cachez. Ce Capitaine qui apres Dieu appuyoit Ie plus nos efperances, nous fut rauy en vn moment. Ces Ambaffadeurs pour fe diuertir, efioient allez à la chaffe du Cafior entre les trois Riuieres & Quebec, en attendant la fin de l'hyuer pour leur retour. Vne troupe d'Iroquois Agnieronnons, [5] qui venoient en mefme temps à la chaffe des hommes, rencontrerent leurs pifies, & ayant furpris à l'efcart ce Capitaine, fans l'auoir reconnu de plus pres, ils Ie tuerent d'vn coup de fuzil, qui luy perça Ie cæur. Apres ce coup, capable de mettre la guerre entre ces deux Nations Iroquoifes, ils continuerent les vns & les autres dans la confiance qu'ils auoient en nous, n'ignorants pas que nous auons Ie cæur ouuert pour to us les peuples de ces contrées, & nous confiderans comme vne Nation neutre, & comme vn lieu de feu- reté. En effet vne bande de guerriers Algonquins, s'efiant trouuée en mefme temps dans les trois Riuieres, auec I' Agnieronnon leur ennemy mortel, ils s'y parlerent auec douceur, its s'y regalerent auec ioye, & à les voir, on eufi creu qu'ils efioient amys. Ce n'efi pas vn mauuais prefage, quand Ie Loup & l' Agneau habitent fous Ie mefme toiét. Quand Ie Lion & la Brebis paiffent enfemble, c'eft vne marque que IESVS-CHRIST veut eftre leur Pai1:eur. . 1656-57] RELA TIO V OF I656-57 103 as captives with them spoke with such esteem that the heSLrts of many among them were already Chris- tian before they themselves had become Christians. The designs of Heaven are no less adorable than they are hidden. This Captain-upon whom, after God, our hopes were resting - was snatched from us in an instant. These Ambassadors had gone, for sport, to hunt the Beaver between three Rivers and Quebec, while awaiting the end of the winter to set out on their return journey. A band of Agnieron- non Iroquois, [5] who came at the same time to hunt men, chanced upon their tracks, and, surprising that Captain in a lonely place, without approaching him closely enough to recognize him, killed him with a gunshot which pierced his heart. After this blow, which was sufficient to cause war between those two Iroquois Nations, they both retained the confidence which they had in us; for they knew that our hearts were open to all the tribes of these countries, and they regarded our French as a neutral Nation and our settlement as a place of safety. In fact, a band of Algonquin warriors hap- pening to be at three Rivers at the same time as the Agnieronnon, their mortal enemy, they conversed peaceably with each other, joyfully regaled them- selves together, and, to behold them, one would have thought that they were friends. It is not a bad omen when the Wolf and the Lamb dwell under the same roof. When the Lion and the Sheep feed together, it is a sign that] ESUS CHRIST wishes to be their Shepherd. 104 LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 [6] CHAPITRE II. DESSEIN DES IROQUOIS AGNIERONNONS SUR LA COLONIE DES HURONS DANS L'ISLE D' ORLEANS. L E vingt-cinquiéme iour du mois d' Auril 16 5 6 . deux Iroquois Agnieronnons, s'eftant coulez par les bois au deffous de Quebec, en vn lieu où la chaffe des oyfeaux de riuiere eft en abondance; deux Hurons qui y aborderent en vn canot, y furent falüez chacun d'vn coup de fuzil: l'vn tomba roide fur la place; l'autre, quoy que bleffé griefuement, eut toutesfois affez de courage & de force pour pouffer fon canot en l'eau, & fe fauuer heureufement. Vingt Hurons s'embarquerent promptement à cette nouuelle, pour couper chemin en quelque lieu, aux meurtriers, qui auoient pris la fuitte par terre. A plus de vingt lieües de là, ayant [7] apperceu quel- ques piftes fur Ie riuage de noftre grande Riuiere, ils atteignirët leur proye; mais comme ces deux fugitifs ne marchoient qu'efloignez l'vn de l'autre, il n'yen eut qu'vn de pris, qui eftant mené à l'Ifle d'Orleans, y fut condamné à la mort & au feu, qu'il auoit fans doute bien merité. Nous auions fait auec douceur tout ce qui fe pou- uoit, afin qu'on luy accordaft la vie & que l'on peuft fe feruir de luy, pour deftourner vne troupe de trois cens Iroquois Agnieronnons, dont nous fçauions que la Colonie Hurone de l'Ifle d'Orleans eftoit menacée: mais les efprits eftoient trap efchauffez dans Ie 1656 - 57] RELA TION OF r656-S7 106 [6] CHAPTER II. DESIGN OF THE AGNIERONNON IROQUOIS AGAINST THE HURON COLONY ON THE ISLAND OF ORLEANS. O N the twenty-fifth day of the month of April, 1656, two Agnieronnon Iroquois slipped through the woods below Quebec, at a place where there is an abundance of water-fowl; two Hurons landed from a canoe, and were each received with a gunshot. One fell dead on the spot; the other, though severely wounded, had nevertheless sufficient courage and strength to push his canoe into the water, and was fortunate enough to escape. On hearing news of this, twenty Hurons embarked at once, to cut off at some place the murderers, who had fled by land. At a distance of over twenty leagues from there, [7] they found some tracks on the bank of our great River, and overtook their prey; but, as these two fugitives had separated from each other, only one was captured. He was taken to the Island of Orleans, where he was condemned to death and to the fire, which doubtless he richly deserved. We did, by gentle means, all that could be done to have his life spared, in order that he might be made use of to turn away a band of three hundred Agnieronnon Iroquois, by whom we knew that the Huron Colony on the Island of Orleans was threat- ened. But their minds were too hot with resentment at a crime which they had so recently seen committed before their very eyes, and for which the father and 106 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 reffentiment d'vn crime qu'ils auoiët vû tout fraifche- ment deuant leurs yeux, & dont Ie pere & la mere du defunt demandoient inftamment iuftice. C'eftoit les plus riches de tout Ie bourg Huron, & qui pleuroient leur fils vnique, qui eftoit vn ieune homme plein de belles q ualitez, deftiné à la charge de Capitaine, & qui auoit depuis deux ans donné la vie à cinq Agnieronnons, qu'il auoit fait prifonniers de guerre. [8] Le mefme iour qu'on bruíloit ce captif Iroquois, heureux dans fOB mal-heur, en ce qu'il receut Ie Baptefme, & qu'il mourut Chreftien: Quelques Fran- çois des trois Riuieres rencontrerent à dix ou douze lieuës de là ces trois cents Agnieronnons, qui venoient fondre fur les Hurons. Ces guerriers traiterent douce- ment nos François, ils leur firent part de leur chaffe, & en les congediant leurfirent vn prefent de Pourcelaine, afin qu'on ne donnaft point des trois Riuieres aduis à Quebec de leur marche. Le lendemain trois de leurs Capitaines vinrent eux-mefmes aux trois Riuieres, fçauoir où on defiroit qu'ils campaffent, & protefter de la continuation de la Paix auec nous. Pour les arrefter en chemin par les voyes de dou- ceur, Ie Gouuerneur des trois Riuieres leur fit trois beaux prefens, les coniurant de retourner en leur pays, puis qu'ayants la paix auec nous, & les Hurons eftants auffi nos alliez, nous deuions efpargner Ie fang & la vie des vns & des au tres. [9] Les Iroquois refpondirent par huiét prefens de Pourcelaine, dont les quatre plus remarquables furent ceux-cy. Leur Chef faifant paroiftre vn grand collier de 1656-57J RELA TION OF r656-57 107 mother of the deceased urgently demanded justice. They were the wealthiest" people of all the Huron village, and were weeping at the loss of their only son, who was a young man, full of good qualities, destined for the office of Captain; within two years he had spared the lives of five Agnieronnons, whom he had made prisoners of war. [8J On the same day, while they were burning that Iroquois prisoner,-who was fortunate in his misfortune, inasmuch as he received Baptism and died a Christian,- some Frenchmen from three Ri vers met, at a distance of ten or twelve leagues from there, the three hundred Agnieronnons who were coming to fall upon the Hurons. Those war- riors treated our French kindly; they gave them some of their game, and on parting they presented them with some Porcelain beads, in order that information of their expedition might not be sent from three Rivers to Quebec. On the following day, three of.their Captains came themselves to three Rivers, to learn where it was desired that they should camp, and to protest that they wished to continue the Peace with us. In order to check them on the way by gentle means, the Governor of three Rivers gave them three fine presents, begging them to return to their own country, because, as they were at peace with us, and as the Hurons were likewise our allies, we must spare the blood and the lives of both. [9] The Iroquois replied with eight presents of Porcelain beads, the four most remarkable of which were as follows. Their Chief showed a great collar of Porcelain beads, and said: C C Here is an iron chain, larger 103 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Pourcelaine: c'eft icy, dit-il, vne chefne [sc. chaifne] de fer, plus groffe que les arbres qui naiffent en nos forefis, qui liera les Hollandois, les François, & les Agnieronnons enfemble. Le tonnerre & la foudre du ciel ne rompront iamais cette chaifne. Par vn autre prefent, ie connois, difoit-il, l'efprit d'Onnontio, ie fçay que Ie François eft veritable en fes promeffes. Si ie voy quelqu'vn de mes gens tué [ur la Riuiere, ie n'auray aucun foupçon que ce foit par la trahifon des François. Ie te coniure auffi de croire Ie mefme de moy; & s'il fe trouue quelque François tué à l'efcart, n'en accufe pas l'Iroquois Agnieron- non; nos mains en feront innocentes, & ne trahiront pas nofire cæur, qui ne refpire que la Paix. Quand queIque malheur, difoit-il, par vn autre prefent, arriuera au François, ou à l' Agnieronnon, nous meílerõs enfemble nos pleurs & nos larmes; & [10] nos cæurs auront les mefmes fentimens: car ie n'ay plus qu'vn cæur auec toy. Par Ie dernier de ces prefens, i'obeys à Onnontio, difoit-il, ie m' en retourne en mon païs, & ma hache pour cette fois ne fera pas rougie dans Ie fang des Hurons. Mais ie defire auffi que Ie François m'obe- iffe en vne chofe, c'efi qu'il ferme la porte de fes maifons & de fes forts à l'Onnontageronnon, qui veut efire mon ennemy, & qui couue des penfées de guerre con tre moy. Ces prefens efioient acheuez, mais l'affemblée n'efioit pas encore feparée, lors que l'on apperceut trois canots qui venoient d'en haut. C'efioit Iean- Baptifie Ochionagueras Capitaine Onnontageron- non, qui ayant embraffé Ia foy depuis deux ans; & dés-Iors ayant pris vn cæur tout François, procura 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 109 around than the trees that grow in our forests, which shall bind the Dutch, the French, and the Agnieron- nons together. The thunder and lightning of heaven shall never break that chain." \Vith another present he said: " I know Onnontio's mind. I know that the Frenchman is truthful in his promises. If I see anyone of my people killed on the River, I will have no suspicion that it was through the treachery of the French. I beg thee also to believe the same of me; and, if any French- man be found killed in a secluded place, do not accuse the Agnieronnon Iroquois of it. Our hands will be innocent of it, and will not betray our hearts, which breathe but Peace." " \Vhenever any misfortune," he said with another present, "shall happen to the French or to the Agnieronnon, we will mingle our weeping and our tears, and [I oJ our hearts shall have the same senti- ments; for I have henceforth but one heart with thee. " With the last of these presents he said: " I obey Onnontio. I return to my own country, and this time my hatchet will not be reddened with the blood of the Hurons. But I also wish the Frenchman to obey me in one thing; that is, to close the doors of his houses and of his forts against the Onnontage- ronnon, who wishes to be my enemy, and who is hatching some plot of war against me." The giving of these presents was over, but the meeting had not yet dispersed, when three canoes were observed coming from above. It was Jean Baptiste Ochionagueras, an Onnontageronnon Cap- tain, who had embraced the faith two years before, and, as his heart had become quite French, had 110 LES RELA TIONS DES jÉSUITES [VOL. 43 puiffamment la Paix que nous auons auec les Nations Iroquoifes d'en-haut. Les Iroquois Agnieronnons voyant cet homme, qu'ils fçauent efire de grand credit, & grand guerrier, prierent nos François de ne luy rien tefmoigner du prefent qu'ils venoient de faire, [IIJ nous inuitant de fermer nos portes aux Onnontageronnons, & de ne nous ioindre pas d' alliance auec eux. Le iour fuiuant, nous reçeufmes aduis à Quebec de tout ce qui fe paffoit aux trois Riuieres: ce fut par des hommes enuoyez exprez, qui firent trente lieuës en vn iour auec tant de bon-heur qu'ils trom- perent toutes les diligences des Iroquois Agnieron- nons, qui auoient mis part out fur les chemins des corps de garde pour fermer Ie paffage. II fut iugé neceffaire pour Ie bien public, d'en- uoyer quelqu'vn de nos Peres au deuant de ces trois cents Agnieronnons, pour arrefier leur courfe, nous doutans bien que contre leur parole, ils auroient continüé leur deffein de pouffer iufques à l'Ifle d'Orleans. pour fe vanger de la mort de l'Iroquois Agnieronnon, qui venoit d'y efire bruí1é depuis fi peu de iours. Le Pere Simon Ie loyne qui aime & efi aimé tendrement des Iroquois, fe trouuant à lors à Quebec, par vne heureufe rencontre, fut preft en moins d'vne heure pour partir fans delay. II [12J fait rencontre en fon chemin, au milieu de la nuit, des canots Iroquois qui eftoient aux auenuës, pour découurir ce qui pourroit paffer. On Ie conduit dans vne paliffade, enuiron à demie-lieuë de là, où leur gros efioit campé. II leur fait dix prefens, pour rompre leur deffein, & les faire retourner fur leurs pas. Apres 16.')6 - 57] RELATION OF I656-57 111 vigorousl y aided in securing the Peace between us and the upper Iroquois Nations. \Vhen the Agnieronnon Iroquois saw that cap- tain-whom they knew to be a man of great renown, and a distinguished warrior - they begged our French not to let him know anything of the present which they had just made,- [I I] asking us to close our doors against the Onnontageronnons and not to enter into an alliance with them. On the following day, we received information at Quebec of all that was passing at three Rivers through special messengers, who accomplished thirty leagues in one day, with such good luck that they eluded all the vigilance of the Agnieronnon Iroquois, who had stationed pickets on all the roads to bar the ,yay. It was considered necessary for the public welfare, to send one of our Fathers to meet those three hun- dred Agnieronnons, in order to check their ad vance; for we suspected that, contrary to their word, they would persist in their design to push on as far as the Island of Orleans, and would avenge the death of the Agnieronnon Iroquois who had been burned there within the past few days. Father Simon Ie :Moyne, who loves the Iroquois and is tenderly beloved by them, was fortunately in Quebec at the time, and in less than an hour he was ready to start without delay. [12] At midnight, he meets on his way SOlne Iroquois canoes which guard the approaches and watch for whatever may happen. He is taken into a palisade, about half a league distant, where the main body are camped. He gives them ten presents, to induce them to abandon their design and retrace their steps. After protracted 112 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 de longues deliberations ils luy tefmoignent que fa voix efi toute-puiffante fur eux, & pour l'en affeurer par effet, plus que de parole, ils font vn cri dans Ie camp, qui congedie toutes les troupes: C' efi à dire que les petites bandes, de dix ou douze hommes pour l'ordinaire, ayent à fe feparer. Les vns vont d'vn cofié, prenans parti pour la chaffe de I' orignac: les autres vont d'vn autre cofié à la chaffe du cafior: quelques-vns au nombre de trois ou quatre font mine d'aller à la petite guerre, pour faire quelque coup à l'efcart. La plufpart retournent, difent-ils, en leur païs. Cette nouuelle donna de la ioye à Quebec, & quel- que forte d'affeurance aux Hurons de l'Ifle d'Orleans: mais [13] qui ne leur ofia pas toutesfois toute leur crainte. II leur refia quelque defiance de l'efprit perfide de l'Agnieronnon: mais pleufi à Dieu qu'elle eufi efié plus grandee Voycz Ie Clzapitre dixiéme. 1656-57] RELA TION OF r6s6-S7 113 deliberations, they tell him that his voice has an all-powerful effect on them; and, to convince him of it by deeds more than by words, they utter a yell in the camp which disbands all the troops,-that is to say, it is a signal for the small bands, which usúally consist of ten or twelve men, to scatter. Some go one way, to hunt for moose; others go in another direction, to hunt for beaver; some, to the number of three or four, pretend to go on a hostile raid, to strike a blow in some isolated spot. The majority, they say, return to their country. This news caused joy in Quebec, and gave some assurance to the Hurons on the Island of Orleans; [13J it did not, however, dispel all their fears. They still felt some distrust of the treacherous spirit of the Agnieronnon; would to God that it had been greater. See tile tenth Cllaþter. 114 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 CHAPITRE III. LES HURONS DE L'ISLE D'ORLEANS ATTAQUEZ PAR LES IROQUOIS AGNIERONNONS. L E 18. de May 16 5 6 . ces perfides s'efians cachés dans les bois, à dix ou douze lieuës au deffus de Quebec, où ils voyoient fans efire veus, laifferent paffer vne efcoüade de François & de Sau- uages, qui montoient au pais des Onnontoeronnons. Mais les mains leur demangeans, & leur accoufiu- mance au maffacre les follicitant, ils fe iettent fur quelques canots qui faifoient l'arriere-garde: Ils bleffent, ils prennent, ils pillent, ils mal-traitent ceux qui les conduifent. Mais enfin les Onontoeronnons & les François les menançants, ces traitres firent fem- blant de s'efire mépris, [14J comme nous verrons au Chapitre fuiuant, ils rendirent les prifonniers; mais à condition qu'ils pourfuiuroient tous leurs route, fans que pas vn fufi obligé de defcendre à Quebec. Cette tempefie efioit effuyée, nos Gens efiant paffez outre fur Ie grand Fleuue de Sainét Laurens. 11ais la nuiét du dix-neuf au vingtiéme du mefme mois de May, ces mal-heureux couuerts des tenebres de cette nuiét tres-obfcure, defcendirent fans bruit, paffant deuant Quebec fans efire apperceuz. Ils aborderent auant Ie iour au deffous de la bourgade Huronne, & ayant caché leurs canots dans Ie bois, ils fe répan- dirent de tous cofiez aux auenuës des terres, que l'on enfemençoit pour lors de bled d'Inde. 1656-õi] RELA TION OF 1656-57 115 CHAPTER III. THE HURONS ON THE ISLAND OF ORLEANS ATTACKED BY THE AGNIERONNON IROQUOIS. O N the 18th of 1ay, 16 5 6 , those perfidious foes concealed themselves in the woods, ten or twelve leagues above Quebec, where they could see without being seen. They allowed a band of French and Savages to pass, who were on their way to the country of the Onnontoeronnons. But their hands itched, and, their habituation to massacre goading them on, they fell upon some canoes that formed the rear-guard; they wounded, they captured, they pillaged. they ill-treated those who were in the canoes. But, finally, when the Onontoeronnons and the French began to threaten them, those treacherous assailants pretended that they had made a mistake. [14] As we shall see in the following Chapter, they g ve up their prisoners, but on the condition that they should continue their journey, and that not a single one of them should be allowed to go down to Quebec. \Vhen this storm had passed, our People pursued their voyage along the great River Saint Lawrence. But, on the night of the nineteenth to the twentieth of the same month of 11ay, those wretches, under cover of that very dark night, descended the river noiselessly, and passed before Quebec without being perceived. They landed, before daylight, below the Huron village; and, after hiding their canoes in the 116 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Le matin tous les Chreftiens Hurons ayant affifté à la Meffe, felon leur couftume, & par bon-heur la plufpart s'eftant confeffez, vne partie fortit pour Ie trauail. Les ennemis qui eftoient en embufcade, fe ietterent fur eux, en maffacrerent quelques-vns fur la place, & en emmenerent quelques autres captifs, Ie [15] refte fe fauuant dans noftre Maifon ceinte d'vne paliffade de bonne deffence, fortifiée pour de femblables occafions. Apres cette deffaite les ennemis fe retirerent fur Ie Midy. I1s auoient enuiron quarante canots, qui parurent fur noftre grand Reuue, prenant la mefme route pour leur retour, qu'ils auoient prife la nuid pour faire ce mal-heureux coup. Noftre perte a efté de foixante & onze perfonnes, auec vn grand nombre de ieunes femmes, qui eftoient la fleur de cette Colonie. Les François de l'Ifle d'Orleans qui furent rencon- trez par ces Barbares, ne furent point faits captifs, les Iroquois difant qu'ils auoient la Paix auec nous. Ce qui n'empefcha pas qu'ils ne pillaffent quelques maifons abandonnées, dont ils ont fait depuis leurs excufes, condamnans d'vne part l'infolence de leur ieuneffe, qui par toute la terre eft difficile à retenir dans la chaleur de la vidoire, & accufans d'autre part ceux de nos François qui auoient quitté leurs maifons; ayant pris, difoient-ils, l'efpouuante [16] mal à propos. 11 eft vray que les Iroquois ont refpedé les lieux qu'ils ont trouué habitez mefmes par de fimples femmes, s'y comportant auec toute la douceur poffible. Ce mal-heur arriua vn Samedy, Ie vingtiefme iour de May, fi toutefois les maux de cette vie font des 1656-57] RELATION OF 1656-57 117 woods, they sca ttered in all directions, sta tioning themselves at the approaches to the fields that were then being sown with Indian corn. In the morning, all the Christian Hurons attended :Mass according to their custom, and, happily, most of them confessed themselves. A party issued forth to work; the enemies in ambush fell upon them, massacred some on the spot, and carried off others as prisoners. The [15] remainder took refuge in our House, which is surrounded by a palisade, easily defended, and fortified for such emergencies. After this defeat, the enemies withdrew toward the South. They had about forty canoes which appeared on our great river, taking, on their return, the same route that they had followed during the night to strike that unfortunate blow. Our loss consisted of seventy-one persons, including a large number of young women who were the flower of that Colony. The French on the Island of Orleans, who were encountered by those Barbarians, were not made prisoners; for the Iroquois said that they were at Peace with us. This did not prevent them from pillaging some abandoned houses, for which they have since offered excuses, condemning on the one hand the insolence of their young men, who through- out the earth are difficult to restrain when heated by victory; and, on the other hand, accusing those of our French who had abandoned their houses, because, they said, they had taken fright [16] unnecessarily. It is true that the Iroquois respected the places which they found inhabited, even by women alone, and behaved there with all possible gentleness. This misfortune happened on Saturday, the twen- tieth day of Iay,-if, indeed, the ills of this life be 118 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 malheurs, lors que Dieu en tire fa gloire & Ie falut de fes eleus. II fe trouua entre ces Hurons captifs onze Congre- ganiftes qui n'ont pas perdu l'efprit de la pieté dans l'extremité de leurs miferes, du nombre defquels fut Iacques OachonK, alors Prefet de la Congregation & Ie plus feruent de tous nos Chreftiens. Ce bon Chreítien fe voyant captif, au lieu de chanter fes proüeffes de guerre felon la couftume, prit pour fuiet de fa chanfon ce qu'il auoit plus dans Ie cæur. Ne me plaignez point, difoit-il, ne m'efti- mez pas malheureux, ie feray heureux dans Ie ciel. Ie ne crains point les feux que mon fang eft capable d'efteindre, ie crains Ie feu d'enfer qui iamais ne s'efteindra. Cette vie ne m'eft rien, quand [17] mes penfées me portent au Ciel. II pouffoit ce chant d'vne voix fi puiffante, qu'il fe faifoit entendre prefque de demie lieüe, l'eau & Ie vent portant fa voix iufques à nous. Il confoloit les autres, & les animoit aux fouffrances, & fe voyant bruílé en toutes les parties du corps, auec des haches toutes rouges de feu, & des tifons ardens; fans jetter aucun cry, ny fe plain- dre des cruautez qui Ie faifoient mourir mille fois, auant que d'en mourir vne feule; il prioit Dieu au milieu des flammes, & difoit hautement que jettant les yeux vers Ie Ciel, auec cette parole, IE S V S ayez pitié de moy, il fentoit cbaque fois l'allegement de fes douleurs, & vn furcroift de force & de courage. N ous en auons fçeu toutes les particularitez par vn autre Chreftien qui eftoit captif auec luy, nommé Ioachim OndaKont, qui s'eft veu dans les flammes auec luy, y ayant admiré fa conftance & fon efprit vrayment Chreftien dans les tourmens. 1656-5i] RELA TION OF 1656-57 119 misfortunes when God derives from them his glory and the salvation of his elect. Among the captive Hurons there were eleven members of the Congregation who, in the extremity of their misery, did not lose the spirit of piety. One of them was Jacques Oachonk, then the Prefect of the Congregation, and the most fervent of all our Christians. \Vhen that good Christian found himself a prisoner, instead of singing of his warlike achievements, according to custom, he took for the subject of his song what he had most at heart. "Do not pity me," he said; "do not consider me unfortunate: I shall be happy in heaven. I fear not fires which my blood can extinguish; I fear the fire of hell which never dies out. This life is nothing to me, when [17J my thoughts carry me to Heaven." He sang this chant in so powerful a voice, that he made himself heard at a distance of nearly half a league, and the water and wind bore his words to our ears. He consoled the others, and encouraged them to bear their suffer- ings. vVhile he was being burned in every part of the body - with hatchets heated red-hot in the fire, and with blazing firebrands-he uttered not a cry, or any complaint of the cruelty which made him suffer death a thousand times before dying once. He prayed to God in the midst of the flames, and said aloud that, when he raised his eyes to Heaven with the words, " J E S US, have pity on me, " he felt each time an alleviation of his pains, with an increase of strength and courage. vVe have learned all the particulars from another Christian who was a captive with him, named Joachim Ondakont. He was himself in the flames with 120 LES RELA TIO.NS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Ce Ioachim eftoit Ie plus confiderable de tous ceux qu'on auoit fait captifs, [ISJ grand guerrier, & dõt la vie n'eft qu'vne fuitte de yidoires & de rencontres, d'où fon courage l'a bien fouuent retiré contre toute efperance. Cette derniere fois ayant defia efté bruílé à demy corps, ayant les doigts couppez, & eftant tout couuert de fang; la nuid qui deuoit eftre fa derniere, n' attendant que Ie poind du iour auquel deuoit acheuer fon fupplice, la cabane où il auoit efté bruílé, eftant pleine d'autant de bourreaux qu'il y auoit là d'Iro- quois, qui eftoient plus de cinquante à Ie garder; Ie fommeil les ayant abbatus, il fut affez heureux pour rompre fes liens, & pour trouuer paffage: & s'eftant veu en liberté, Ie corps nud & déchiré, fans proui- fions, fans armes, & fans fecours, il marcha quinze iours entiers par des routes égarées, pour fe fauuer, en fe perdant, & n'ayant plus de forces, eftant arriué fur les riuages du grand lac des Iroquois; par bon- heur il y fit rencontre de la bande des François qui anoient à Onnontagé: fans eux, il eftoit mort, & par leur moyen il recouura la vie. On luy donna des viures, vn canot, [I9J & vn ieune-homme Huron detaché de leur compagnie, auec lequel il peuft ache- uer fon voyage, & venir à Quebec. Cét homme auant fon mal-heur s'eftoit relafché de fa ferueur, & ne paroiffoit qu'à demy Chreftien, faifant mefme gloire de tefmoigner qu'il ne faifoit pas eftime de la Foy, ny des Chreftiens: Mais ayant veu que c'eft en Dieu feul qu'on trouue la confola- tion, la patience, & la ioye, mefme dans les tourmens, il a fi heureufement changé de fentiment, qu'il ne peut affez Ie benir, ny affez loüer les Chreftiens, 1656-57J RELA TION OF 1656-57 121 Jacques, and admired his constancy and his truly Christian spirit amid the tortures. This Joachim was the principal man among all those who had been taken captive; [ISJ he was a great warrior, and his life had been but a series of victories and combats, in which his bravery had very often saved him, contrary to all expectations. On this last occasion, he had already been burned up to the waist, his fingers had been cut off, and he was all covered with blood. On the night which was to be his last, he was awaiting the dawn of the day on which his torture was to be ended. The cabin in which he had been burned was filled with as many executioners as there were Iroquois in it, of whom more than fifty were guarding him. Sleep overcom- ing them, he was fortunate enough to break his bonds, and to make his way out. Finding himself at liberty, with his body all naked and torn, without food, with- out weapons, and without assistance, he walked for fifteen entire days, through devious paths, to find safety in losing himself. His strength was exhausted when he reached the shores of the great lake of the Iroquois, where, by good fortune, he met the band of French who were going to Onnontagé. Had it not been for them, he would have died; with their help. his life was saved. They gave him some food, a canoe, [I9J and a young man, a Huron, whom they detached from their party, and with whose assistance he was enabled to finish his journey and come to Que bec. Previous to his misfortune, this man's fervor had relaxed, and he seemed to be only half a Christian, even glorying in showing that he had no esteem for the Faith or for the Christians. But, when he saw 122 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 dont il a veu dans l'occafion des exemples d'vne vertu qui ne peut auoir de reproche. Vn des Peres de noftre Compagnie s'eftant trouué aux Trois-Riuieres, lors que les Iroquois y repaffe- rent, & ayant efté heureufement engagé d'aller vifiter ces bons Chreftiens, dans les liens de leur captiuité au camp de l'ennemy, en receut vne confolation fi fenfible, qu'il en écriuit en ces termes. Bene 01/l1zz"a fecit. En verité, mon Reuerend [20J Pere, les iugemens de Dieu font eftonnans. I'ay veu la fleur de la Congregation Huronne emmenée captiue par des Infidelles, auec quantité d'autres, dont la deuotion pafferoit mefme dans les Cloiftres, pour extraordinaire. Qu'il en foit beny à iamais, puifque belle omnia fecit; Iugez combien cela m'a efté fenfible, par la grande affeétion que i'auois pour cette pauure nation. I'ay eu Ie bon-hel1r de les vifiter trois fois dans Ie camp des Iroquois, éloigné des Trois-Riuieres d'vne demie lieüe. Ie les confeffay là tous, apres leur auoir fait prier Dieu. Certes la foy regne dans leurs cæurs: iamais ils n'ont tefmoigné de plus grands fentimens de deuotion, ny plus hardiment qu'ils ont fait en cette occafion, en prefence de tous les Iroquois, qui ne firent paroiftre aucune auerfion de la priere: Car ayant pris l'occafion par cinq ou fix fois dans diuerfes cabanes, de dire vn petit mot du Paradis & de l'Enfer, ils m'écouterent toûjours auec grand refpeét. I'ay trouué parmyeux vne ieune femme de dix- huit ans nommée Agnes [2 I] Aoendoens baptifée par Ie deffunt P. Ieã de Brebeuf laquelle i'oüis en Confeffiõ. En verité ie n'ay iamais rien veu de plus innocent: vne perfonne enfermée dans vn Cloiftre 1656 -57] RELA TION OF 1656-57 123 that in God alone can consolation, patience, and joy be found, even in the midst of tortures, his senti- ments became so happily changed that he cannot sufficiently bless God, or sufficiently praise the Chris- tians, in whom he has observed, in this emergency, examples of a virtue beyond reproach. One of the Fathers of our Society happened to be at Three Rivers when the Iroquois passed on their return, and was fortunately impelled to go and visit those good Christians in the bonds of their cap- tivity in the enemy's camp. He was so greatly consoled thereby, that he wrote of it in the following terms: "Bene 011Z1Zia fed!. In truth, my Reverend [20] Father, the judgments of God are wonderful. I have seen the flower of the Huron Congregation carried away into captivity by the Infidels, with many others whose devotion would appear extraordinary even in a Cloister. Praise be to him forever, since bene 011Ulia fed!. You may judge how deeply this has afflicted me, since I had so great an affection for that poor nation. I had the happiness of visiting them three times in the Iroquois camp, about half a league from Three Rivers. I confessed them aU, after making them pray to God. Assuredly. faith reigns in their hearts; never have they been more fervent or bold in manifesting their devotion, than on that occasion, in the presence of all the Iroquois. And these showed no aversion to prayer; for, when I seized the opportunity on five or six occasions, in various cabins, to say a word about Paradise and Hell, they always listened to me with great respect. "I found among them a young woman, eighteen years of age, named Agnes [2 I] Aoendoens, who was 124 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 ne fe feroit pas mieux conferuée dans la pieté. En vn mot ie n'ay point de termes pour vous expliquer tout ce qui s'efl paffé dans ce rencontre. Voilà ce que Ie Pere nous a efcrit. 11 n'y auoit pas huit iours qu'i1 auoit quitté ces bons Chrefliens à l'Ifle d'Orleans, où i1 auoit demeuré auec eux depuis vn an, fon obeïffance ne l'en ayant detaché que pour Ie ioindre à la trouppe de ceux qui font allez à Onnontaghe. 1656-57] R LA TION OF 1656-57 125 baptized by the late Father Jean de Brebeuf, and whom I heard in Confession. Truly, I have never seen anyone more innocent; a person shut up in a Cloister could not preserve her piety better. In short, I cannot find words which would express to you all that passed on that occasion." That is what the Father has written to us. Not more than eight days had elapsed since he had left those good Christians on the Island of Orleans, where he had dwelt with them for a year; and his obedience took him away from them solely that he might join those who were going to Onnontaghe. 126 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL 43 CHAPITRE IV. VOYAGE DES PERES DE NOSTRE COMPAGNIE & DE QUEL- QUES FRANÇOIS AU PAYS DES IROQUOIS SUPE- RIEURS APPELLÉS ONNONTOERONNONS. C ES peuples nous ayant defirés, on enuoia l'année 1655. deux Peres de nofire Compagnie en leur pays, pour decouurir leurs difpofitions pour la [22] Foy & leurs inclinations pour les Fran- çois. Apres qu'ils les eurent pratiqués enuiron fix mois, comme il fe voit dans la Relation de l'année precedente, l'vn des deux defcendit à Quebec. Quoy qu'il nous parlafi auantageufemët de la bonne volõté de ces Iroquois, il n'effaça pas neantmoins de no fire efprit les defiances que nous auions pris raifonnable- ment de leurs déloiautés & de leurs trahifons. Si bien que lors qu'il fallut, comme on dit, fondre la cloche, & conclurre l'efiabliffement d'vne Million & d'vne demeure en leur païs, nous nous trouuaÍ1nes merueilleufement en peine, aulli bien que :11onfieur nofire Gouuerneur, duquel dependoit l'affaire en premier reffort. On examina meurement les raifons de part & d'autre: Et on en trouuoit de tres-fortes & de tres-puiffantes des deux cofiés. Nous fçauiõs bien que Ie menfonge, les fourbes, les déloiautés efioient prefque auffi naturelles à ces peuples que la vie. Nous les cognoiffions tres-portés & tres- accoufiumés au fang, au feu & au carnage. Nous nous fouuenions de la defiruétion de [23] nos pauures 1656-5ï] RELA TION OF z656-57 127 CHAPTER IY. JOURNEY OF THE FATHERS OF OUR SOCIETY, AND OF SOME FREKCHMEN, TO THE COUNTRY OF THE UP- PER IROQUOIS, CALLED ONNONTOERONNONS. A s these people had asked for us, we sent, in the year 1655, two Fathers of our Society to their country, to ascertain their dispositions toward the [22] Faith and their inclinations toward the French. After associating with them for about six months,- as set forth in the Relation of last year,- one of the two came down to Quebec. Although he spoke favorably of the good will of those Iroquois, nevertheless he did not efface from our minds the distrust of their perfidy and treachery that we had, with reason, conceived. Thus, when it became necessary to cast the bell, as the saying is, and to decide upon the establishment of a 11ission and a residence in their country, we found ourselves extremely perplexed, as also did Monsieur our Gov- ernor, upon whom the matter devolved at the very start. We fully examined the reasons both for and against; and found very strong and forcible argu- ments on both sides. vVe were aware that falsehood, deceit, and treachery were almost as natural to those people as life itself. \Ve knew how much they were addicted and accustomed to bloodshed, fire, and carnage. \Ve remembered the destruction of [23] our poor Huron Churches, and the cruelties which 128 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Eglifes Huronnes, & des cruautés qu'ils auoient exer- cées fur nos braues Algonquins. N ous auions deuant les yeux les horribles tourmens qu'ils ont fait fouffrir à plufieurs de nos Peres, les brûlant à petit feu, leur appliquant des haches toutes rouges fur les endroits les plus fenfibles du corps, verfant dans leurs pIa yes des chaudieres d'eau boiHllante, en derifion du Baptefme, coupant de grands lambeaux de leur chair gril1ée, qu'ils mangeoient en leur prefence. La fureur qui anime ces Barbares nous difoit tout bas à l'oreille qu'on nous en preparoit autant. Vn Huron captif échappé du bourg d'Onõtaghe paroiffant au fort de nos deliberations, nous affeura qu'il auoit efiudié l'efprit de ces peuples, qu'il efioit entré dans leurs penfées, & qu'ils n'auoient autre deffein que de faire venir en leur païs Ie plus de François & de Hurons qu'ils pOl1rroient pour en faire vn maffacre general. 11 appuia fon aduis de raifons fi fortes, que les Hurons fes compatriotes ayans refolu & prom is aux Onnontoeronnons d'aller en leur païs, & de [24] nous yaccompagner, retirerent leur parolle, & nous dirent que l'ardeur de la Foy nous feroit égorger; nous coniurant par l'amitié qu'ils nous portoient, de ne point nous precipiter dans vn danger fi manifefie. Outre ce fujet de crainte les Iroquois Agnieron- nons auec lefquels nous auons traiét:é de la Paix depuis peu, faifoient paroifire vne ialoufie qui alloit prefque iufqu'à la rage de ce que nous voulions habi- ter parmy ces peuples, ayant vn grand interefi pour leur commerce, que les Onnontoeronnons fuffent toufiours obligez de paffer par leur païs. Nous voyons encore que ces Nations n'ayant aucun 1656-57] RELA TION OF z656-57 129 they had practiced on our worthy Algonquins. We had before our eyes the horrible tortures which they had inflicted upon several of our Fathers, whom they had burned at a slow fire, applying hatchets heated red-hot to the most sensitive parts of their bodies, pouring upon their wounds kettlefuls of boiling water in derision of Baptism, and cutting off great strips of their roasted flesh, which they ate in their pres- ence. The fury that animates those Barbarians whispered in our ears that they were preparing the same for us. A captive Huron, who had escaped from the village of Onontaghe, made his appearance while we were in the midst of our deliberations. He assured us that he had studied the minds of those people and had penetrated their thoughts, and that their sole design was to attract to their country as many French and Hurons as possible, and then to kill them in a general massacre. He advanced such strong argu- ments in support of his opinion, that his Huron countrymen, who had resolved, and had promised the Onnontoeronnons, to go to their country and to [24] accompany us thither, retracted their word. They told us that zeal for the Faith would cause our death, and conjured us, by the love that they bore us, not to cast ourselves into so manifest a danger. In addition to this cause of fear, the Agnieron- non Iroquois, with whom we had recently concluded a treaty of Peace, manifested a jealousy almost verg- ing on fury, because we wished to dwell with those people; for it was greatly to the benefit of their trade, that the Onnontoeronnons should always be compelled to pass through their country. 130 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 befoin des François, nyaucune retenuë du cofié de Dieu, qu'ils ne cognoiffent pas, ny du cofié de la Police humaine, qui n'a autre pouuoir parmy eux que celuy de leur interefi; ils nous pouuoient mettre à mort impunément par vne boutade. Tout cela ioint aux dangers & à la difficulté des chemins, & aux defpences exceffiues & effroyables qu'il falloit faire [25J pour commencer cette entre- prife & pour la conferuer, nous mettoit dans vne extreme inquietude; fi iamais l'axiome fut veritable qu'il y a vne crainte capable d'ébranler vne Arne confiante; tous ces fujets de crainte ne pouuoient nous caufe[r] vne mediocre terreur. On paffa toutes- fois outre, & la refolution fut prife d'accorder à ces peuples ce qu'ils demandoient fi infiamment, & de s'aller efiablir au cæur de leur pays, quoy qu'il en pût arriuer. V oicy les raifons qui nous y porterent. L'vne efioit fondée fur l'authorité & fur Ie raifon- nement de Monfieur nofire Gouuerneur, qui voyoit bien qu'il falloit perir pour ne pas perir, & qu'il falloit s'expofer à toutes fortes de dangers pour euiter tous les dangers. Nous auiõs nouuelles que fi nous rebutions ces Barbares, leur refufant ce qu'ils demandoient auec tant d'ardeur, qu'ils auoient deffein de s'vnir derechef auec les Agnieronnons, & de venir fondre fur les François pour leur faire vne guerre immortelle, & pour les exterminer entiere- ment, s'il leur efioit poffible. N ous [26] n' efiions pas en ce temps-Ià dans la pofiure de foufienir la reuolte de toutes ces nations, fans encourir vn danger plus grand que n 'efioit celuy d'expofer vne efcoüade de François, dont la refolution pourroit donner quel- que retenuë à ces peuples dans leur pays mefme. 1656-57] RELA TION OF z656-57 131 Moreover, as those Nations have no need of the French, and are under no restraint, either as regards God, whom they know not, or human Authority,- which has control over them only so far as it serves their own interest,-we saw that they might put us to death with impunity in a fit of passion. All this, added to the dangers and difficulties of the road, and to the excessive and frightful expenses that would have to be incurred [25] to commence and maintain this undertaking, caused us extreme anxiety. Even if the axiom were ever true, that there is one fear capable of shaking a constant Soul, all these causes for dread could not inspire us with the slightest terror. However, we paid no heed; we resolved to grant to those people what they so urgently asked, and to establish ourselves in the heart of their country, whatever might betide. Here are the reasons that induced us to do so. One was grounded upon the authority and the opinion of Monsieur our Governor, who saw very well that it was necessary to perish in order not to perish; and to expose oneself to dangers of all kinds, in order to a void all dangers. We had been warned that, if we rebuffed those Barbarians by refusing what they so urgently demanded, they intended to unite at once with the Agnieronnons, to fall upon the French, to wage endless war against them, and, if possible, to exterminate them entirely. 'Ve [26] were not at that time in a position to withstand the revolt of all those tribes, without running a greater danger than that of exposing a handful of French, whose resolution might exercise some restraint over those peoples in their own country. 132 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 L'autre raifon eftoit tirée d'vne politique plus diuine qu'humaine. Les Peres de noftre Compagnie qui iufques à prefent n' ont point blefmy à la veuë de leur fang, qui n'ont point encore redouté les feux & la rage des Iroquois dans leurs plus horribles tour- mens, difoient qu'ils baptiferoient bien deuant leur mort autant de moribõds qu'ils feroient de perfonnes, & qu'en ce cas donnant leurs corps pour des Ames, ils ne perdroient rien au change. lIs alleguoient l'exemple des Apoftres qui s'attendoiet bien de perdre la vie dans les pays infideles où ils alloient precher leur 11aiftre, & ne laiffoient pas pourtant d'y aller. lIs produifoient cét Axiome commun: Sallguz"s Mar- tyrum jemell efl Clzrzjlianorum, Ie fang refpandu pour la Foy par les Iroquois crie, difoient-ils, deuant [27J Dieu, non pas vengeance, mais bene[ diJét:ion & pardon pour les mefmes Iroquois. II [e faut confier en celuy qui n'abandonne iamais ceux qui s'aban- donnent fainét:ement pour fa gloire: Et la rage & la perfidie des Barbares, ny les defpences exceffiues ne doiuent point retarder Ie premier de tous les emplois, qui eft la conuerfion des Ames. Dieu qui eft Ie :Maiftre des Grands & des petits, des François & des Iroquois, flechira les cæurs des Infideles pour leur faire receuoir l'Euangile; & ceux des Infideles [see Fideles] pour en faciliter la publication. Enfin la conc1ufion fut prife fur ces raifons & fur plufieurs autres, qu'il fe falloit mettre en campagne, & donner aux Onnontoeronnons la fatisfaét:ion qu'ils demandoient. Auffi-toft dit, auffi-toft fait. Voilà vn bon nombre de François qui s'equippent pour s' em barquer auec Ie Pere René lenard, Ie Pere Claude d' Ablon, Ie Pere Iacques Fremin, Ie Frere 1656-57] RELATION OF r656-57 133 The other reason arose from a consideration more divine than human. The Fathers of our Society- who thus far have never paled at the sight of their own blood, or feared the fires and the fury of the Iroquois in their most horrible tortures - said that they would surely, before their death, baptize a num- ber of dying persons equal to their own; in such case, they said, by giving their bodies for Souls, they would lose nothing by the exchange. They cited the example of the Apostles, who fully expected to lose their lives in the pagan countries whither they went to preach their 1\1aster, and yet they failed not to go there. They mentioned that common Axiom: Sanguis 1Ilartyru11l semen est Chrz"stz"anorum. "The blood shed for the Faith by the Iroquois," they said, "cries out to [27] God, not for vengeance, but for blessing and pardon for those very Iroquois." \Ve must confide in him who never abandons those who holily abandon themselves for his glory; and neither the fury nor the treachery of the Barbarians, nor the excessive expense should delay that foremost of all occupations, the conversion of Souls. God who is the )'Iaster of the Great and of the lowly, of the French and of the Iroquois, will touch the hearts of the Unbelievers to make them receive the Gospel, and those of the Believers to facilitate the preaching thereof. Finally, the conclusion was reached, in considera- tion of the above and of many other reasons, that it was necessary to take the field and to give the Onnontoeronnons the satisfaction which they demanded. No sooner said than done. A goodly number of French prepared to embark, with Father René 1Ienard, Father Claude d' Ablon, Father Jacques 134 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Ambroife Broar, & Ie Frere Iofeph Bourfier, que Ie R. Pere François Ie 1\'lercier Superieur des :Miffions de nofire Compagnie en ces contrees, [28] prit auec foy pour aller faire la guerre aux Demons iufques dedans leur Fort, & pour confacrer ces peuples & tout leur païs à IESVS-CHRIST: 1\'lais fuiuons de l' æil & de la penfée celuy qui nous a tracé leur voyage fur Ie papier & qui efioit de la partie. N ODS partîmes de Quebec Ie 17. de l\lay 16 5 6 . Nofire Gros efioit compofé de quatre Nations, de François, d'Onnontoeronnons, qui nous efioient venus querir, de Sonnontoeronnons, qui efioient venus rechercher nofire alliance, & de quelques Hu- rons. Nous rempliffions deux gran des chalouppes & plufieurs canots. Sortant du port, no us fufmes fuiuis des acclamations de quantité de peuples differents qui bordoient Ie riuage dont plufieurs nous regardoient d'vn æil de compaffion & d'vn cæur trenlblant, nous croyans autant de viétimes defiinées aux feux & à la rage des Iroquois. Ce malheur nous penfa arriuer dés Ie lendemain de no fire depart. Nos chalouppes ayans moüillé l'ancre fur Ie foir à douze lieuës ou enuiron au deffus [29] de Quebec, proche d'vn lieu appellé la Pointe de Sainéte Croix. Nous prîmes refolution d'y defcendre tous Ie lendemain matin, pour y celebrer la Saincle :Meffe. Nos :Matelots s'oubliant de cette refolution, leuerent l'ancre deuant Ie iour & nous firent pourfuiure nofire route. Le danger efioit tres-grand, y ayant en ce mefme endroit trois cents Iroquois Agnieronons cachés qui nous auroient pû prendre fans combat & fans refifiance, pource que 1656-57] RELA TION OF r6.s6-.s7 13.') Fremin, Brother Ambroise Broar, and Brother Joseph Boursier,-whom Reverend Father François Ie Mercier, Superior of the :Missions of our Society in these countries, [28] took with him to wage war against the Demons in their very Stronghold, and to consecrate those peoples and the whole of their country to JESUS CHRIST. But let 11S follow with eye and mind him who has traced their journey for us on paper, and who was one of the party. W E started from Quebec on the 17th of 1Iay, 1656. Our 1Iain body comprised four Nations,- some French; some Onnontoeronnons, who had come for us; some Sonnontoeronnons, who had come to contract an alliance with us; and some Hurons. We filled two large shallops and several canoes. As we left port, we were followed by the acclamations of a multitude, from various peoples, who stood on the bank. 1Ianyof them looked upon us with com- passion and with trembling hearts, considering us as so many victims destined to the fires and the fury of the Iroquois. Such a misfortune nearly happened to us on the day following our departure. Our shallops had anchored at night, twelve leagues or thereabout above [29] Quebec, near a place called the Point of Sainte Croix. 'Ve all resolved to land there on the following morning, for the purpose of celebrating Holy lass. Our Sailors forgot this resolution; they raised anchor before daylight and thus obliged us to continue our journey. The danger was very great; for, at the same spot, three hundred Agnieronon Iroquois lay hidden, who could have captured us without a fight and without resistance, because our 136 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 nos Gens feroient defcendus fans armes, croyant que ces TraÎtres efioien t retournez en leur pais, comme ils en auoient donné la parole à nos François au Lac Sainc1 Pierre, au deffus des trois Riuieres. Nous euitâmes ce danger fans Ie fçauoir; ces Barbares ne s'eftans point produits, quoy qu'ils nous euffent bien apperceuz. 1Ylais ils fe ietterent fur nos canots qui fe trouuerent feparez de nous: I1s en renuerferent vn dans la Riuiere, ils blefferent legerement vn de nos Freres de deux coups de fuzils: ils lierent & garotterent les Hurons: ils traitterent malles Onnon- toeronnons de parole & d'effet, [30] ne pouuant fupporter noftre alliance auec eux. l\1ais enfin la crainte d'entrer en guerre auec ces peuples qui témoignoiêt leurs iuftes reffentimens, appaifa leur colere & les obligea de recourir aux excufes, difant qu'ils croioient d'abord que ces canots ne fuffent remplis que de Hurons auec lefquels ils n'ont point de paix. Enfuitte de quoy ils mirent tout Ie monde en liberté, fans en excepter les Hurons. Ceux qui s'eftoient fauuez dés Ie commencement du choc courant tous nuds par les bois, & r' attrapant nos chalouppes, nous donnerent aduis de ce qui fe paffoit: auffi-toft chacun fe mettant fous les armes, on apper- ceut douze canots qui tiroient vers nous à force de rames. Nous creûmes que c'eftoit l'Auant-garde de l'ennemy, & comme nous nous preparions à les receuoir, nous recogneûmes que c' eftoient nos Gens, qui n'auoient pas fujet d'eftre fort fatisfaits de s'eftre feparez de nos chalouppes. Eftans arriués aux Trois-Riuieres Ie 20. de May, nous les quittâmes Ie 29. & Ie 3 I. nous entrâmes dans l'habitation [3 I] de Montreal, d'où on fit partir 1656-57] RELA TION OF r6s6-S7 137 People would have landed unarmed, believing that those Treacherous foes had returned to their own country, as they had promised to our French at Lake Saint Pierre, above three Rivers. 'Ve escaped that danger without knowing it. The Barbarians did not show themselves, although they saw us very well; but they fell upon our canoes that were sepa- rated from us. They upset one into the River; they slightly wounded one of our Bretbren with two gun- shots; they tied and bound the Hurons; they ill- treated the Onnontoeronnons, both by word and deed, [30J for they could not brook our alliance with them. But, in the end, fear of becoming involved in a war with that people, who manifested their just indignation, cooled their anger, and compelled them to have recourse to apologies; they alleged that they thought at first that the canoes were filled only with Hurons, with whom they are not at peace. After- ward, they set everyone at liberty, including the Hurons. Those who had escaped at the beginning of the fray, ran naked through the woods, overtook our shallops, and informed us of what was passing. Everyone immediately rushed to arms. 'Ve observed twelve canoes, rapidly paddling toward us, and thought that they were the Advance-guard of the enemy; but, as we were preparing to receive them, we saw that they were our own People who had not much reason for satisfaction at having separated from our shallops. We reached Three Rivers on the 20th of May, and left there on the 29th. On the 31st, we arrived at the settlement [3 I] of 1iontreal, whence a canoe was despatched on the first day of June, to give notice of our coming to the Village of Onnontaghé. 138 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 vn canot Ie premier iour de I uin, pour aller donner aduis de noftre marche au Bourg d'Onnontaghé. Le huiétiéme de Iuin nous nous embarquâmes dans vingt canots, les chalouppes n'eftant plus de feruice au delà de :\Iontreal, à caufe des endroits rapides & des Sauts qu'on rencontre au fortir de cette habitation. Nous n'auions pas en cor fait deux lieuës qu'vne efcoüade d'Iroquois Agnieronons nous ayant apperceus de loing, & nous prenãs pour des Algonquins & pour des Hurons, faifie de frayeur, fe ietta dans les bois; mais nous a yan t recogneuz à la veuë de noftre pauillon, qui eftoit vn grand Nom de IE S V S peint fur vn beau taffetas blanc voltigeant en l'air; ils nous aborderent. Nos Americains Onnon- taeronnons les receurent auec mille iniures, leur reprochãt leurs trahifons & leur brigandage: & fe iettans fur leurs canots, ils pillerent leurs armes & prirent ce qu'ils auoient de meilleur dans leur équi- page, vfans, difoient-ils, de repre1Iailles; eux mefmes ayant efté pillez [32J peu de iours auparauant par ces mefmes peuples: voilà toute la confolation que remporterent ces pauures miferables de nous eftre venus falüer. Pa1Iant dans Ie Lac Sainét Loüis vn de nos canots fe brifa, ce qui nous eft encor arriué d'autresfois dans nofire voyage; mais nous iettans à terre, nos Char- pentiers de N auires trouuoient par tout dequoy bafiir vn vai1Ieau en moins d'vn iour: c'efi à dire que nos Sauuages rencontroient facilement des chofes propres pour faire les gondoles qui portoient nofire bagage auec nous. Les Architeétes de ce pays ont bien plufioft bafty leurs :Maifons, leurs Palais & leurs Nauires que ceux d'Europe: que fi on n'yefi pas 1656-57J RELA TION OF r656-57 139 On the eighth of June, we embarked in twenty canoes; the shallops could no longer be of use beyond Montreal, on account of the rapids and Falls which are encountered on leaving that settlement. We had not proceeded two leagues, when a band of Agniero- non Iroquois saw us from afar. 1istaking us for Algonquins and Hurons, they were seized with fear, and fled into the woods; but, when they recognized us, on seeing our flag-which bore the Name of J E S U S in large letters, painted on fine white taffeta - flying in the air, they approached us. Our Onnontae- ronnon Americans received them with a thousand insults, reproaching them with their treachery and brigandage; then they fell upon their canoes, stole their arms, and took the best of all their equipment. They said that they did this by way of reprisal; for they themselves had been pillaged [32J a few days before by the same tribe. That was all the consola- tion gained by those poor wretches in coming to greet us. Entering Lake Saint Louis, one of our canoes was broken, an accident which happened several times during our voyage. \Ve landed, and our Ship Car- penters found everywhere material enough wherewith to build a vessel in less than a day,-that is, our Savages had no difficulty in procuring what was needed to make the gondolas which carried our bag- gage and ourselves. The Architects of this country build their Houses, Palaces, and Ships much more rapidly than those of Europe: and, if one be not lodged there so sumptuously, still one often dwells there in greater comfort and gladness. \Ve killed a number of Elk, and of the Deer which ot1r French call" wild Cows." On the thirteenth of 140 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 logé fi fuperbement, on y habite fouuent plus à l'aife & plus ioyeufement. N ous tuafmes quantité d'Elans & de Cerfs que nos François appellent des Vaches fauuages: mais Ie treiziéme de ruin & les trois iours fuiuans nous nous trouuâmes dans des courans-d'eau fi rapides & fi violents, qu'il falloit fe mettre à l'eau pour traifner quelquefois, [33] & quelquefois porter fur nos efpaules nos batteaux & tout noftre bagage. N ous nous moüillions de tous coftez, car nous auions vne partie du corps en l'eau, & Ie ciel arrofoit l'autre d'vne groffe pluye. Nous employons toutes nos forces contre Ie vent & contre les torrens, portant autant ou plus de ioye dans nos creurs que de fatigue fur nos corps. Le dix-feptiéme du mefme mois nous nous trou- uâmes au bout d'vn Lac que quelques-vns confondent auec Ie Lac de Sainc1 Louis, nous luy donnâmes Ie nom de Sainét François, pour Ie diftinguer de celuy qui Ie precede. II a bien dix lieuës de long & trois ou quatre de large en quelques endroits: i1 eft rem- ply de quantité de belles if1es en fes emboucheures. Le grand Heu ue de Sainét Laurens s' elargiíIant & repandant fes eaux d' efpaces en efpaces fait ces beaux Lacs, puis en les referrant i1 reprend Ie nom de Riuiere. Le vingtiéme de ruin nous paffâmes Ie grand Saut: la mort de cinq fans de biches maíIacrez par nos chaffeurs, & [34] cent Barbuës prifes par nos pef- cheurs, addoucirent nos peines. Noftre boucherie & noftre poiffonnerie furent iufques à lors auffi bien garnies qu'elles furent depourueuës de tout fur la fin de noftre voyage. 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656-57 141 June and the three following days, we found our- selves in currents of water so rapid and strong that we were at times compelled to get into the water, in order to drag behind us, [33] or carryon our shoul- ders, our boats and all our baggage. We were wet through and through; for, while one half of our bodies was in the water, the sky saturated the other with a heavy rain. We exerted all our strength against the wind and the torrents, with even more joy of heart than fatigue of body. On the seventeenth of the same month, we found ourselves at one end of a Lake which some confound with Lake Saint Louis. 'Ve gave it the name of Saint François, to distinguish it from the one that precedes it. It is fully ten leagues long and three or four leagues wide in some places, and contains many beautiful islands at its mouths. The great river Saint Lawrence, widening and spreading its waters at various points, forms those beautiful Lakes, and then, narrowing its course, it once more assumes the name of River. On the twentieth of June, we passed the grand Saute Five fawns killed by our hunters, and [34] a hundred Catfish taken by our fishermen, made our trou bles easier to bear. Our larder was as well stocked with meat and fish at that time, as it was deficient in everything at the end of our journey. On the twenty-fifth, after celebrating holy Mass, we baptized a child, of which the wife of one of our Onnontoeronnon guides was delivered on the way; this did not prevent her from proceeding with the rest through a downpour of rain, which accompanied us all day and the whole of the following night. 142 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Le vingt-cinquiéme, nous baptifâmes, apres auoir celebré la fainéte Ieffe, vn enfant dont la femme d'vn de nos guides Onnontoeronnons accoucha en chemin: ce qui ne l'empefcha pas de pourfuiure comme les autres par vne groffe pluye qui nous accompagna tout Ie iour & toute la nuiét fuiuante. Sur Ie foir quelques chaffeurs nous ayant décou- uerts & nous voyant bon nombre de canots de com- pagnie, s'enfuirent, & laifferent dequoy piller à nos Gens, qui fe faifirent de leurs armes, de leurs cafiors & de tout leur bagage: mais l'vn de ces chaffeurs ayant efié pris nous recognûmes qu'il efioit de la nation des Andafiaeronnons auec lefquels nous n'auons point la guerre: c'efi pourquoy nos François leur rendirent ce qu'ils auoient butiné; ce qui n'obli- gea pas nos Sauuages d'vfer de la mefme ciuilité. [35] Le 26. fur les neuf heures du foir entendant vne voix d'homme affez forte, mais affez lamentable, N ous nous doutâmes bien que c' efioit quelque prifon- nier échappé: 1Ionfieur du Puis braue Gentilhomme, qui commandoit nos foldats François, fit battre Ie tambour pour luy faire cognoifire que nous efiions François. Ce pauure homme n'ayant ofé nous appro- cher, accourut à ce bruit Ie mieux qu'il pût. C'eftoit vn Huron nommé Ioachim OndaKont, duquel nous auons parlé au Chapitre troifiéme. II n'auoit que la peau & les os, s'eftant fauuè du pays des Agnieron- nons à demy bruf1é: il auoit marché dix-fept iours parmy les bois & parmy les rochers, fans manger autre chofe que quelques petits fruiéts fauuages. Nos gens luy firent prendre vn certain breuuage pour difpofer fon eftomach à prendre fa nourriture fans danger, apres vne fi longue famine. Nous luy 1656-57] RELA TION OF r6.s6-.s7 143 Toward evening some hunters perceived us, and, on seeing so many canoes in our company, they fled, leaving behind them some booty for our People, who seized their weapons, their beaver-skins, and all their baggage. But, capturing one of those hunters, we found that he belonged to the tribe of the Andas- taeronnons, with whom we are not at war. Our French, therefore, gave back to them what they had plundered; this, however, did not induce our Sayages to display the same civility. [35] On the 26th, at about nine o'clock in the even- ing, we heard a human voice, loud, indeed, but wailing. \Ve suspected that it must proceed from some escaped captive. Monsieur du Puis,17 a brave Gentleman who commanded our French soldiers, ordered the drum to be beaten, to show him that we were French. The poor man, who had not dared to approach us, ran toward us as fast as he could, on hearing the noise. He was a Huron, named Joachim Ondakont, of whom we have spoken in the third Chapter. He was nothing but skin and bones. He had escaped half burned from the country of the Agnieronnons, and had walked for seventeen days amid the woods and rocks, with no other food than some small wild fruits. Our people made him drink a certain beverage to prepare his stomach, that he might eat without danger after starving so long. 'Ve gave him a canoe and some provisions, to enable him to go down to the French settlements. On the 27th of June, we passed the last rapid, which is half-way [36] between :Montreal and Onnon- tagé,- that is, at a distance of forty or fifty leagues from both places. 14 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 donnâmes vn canot & des viures pour defcendre vers nos habitations Françoifes. Le 27. de Iuin nous paffâmes Ie dernier rapide qui fe trouue au milieu du [36J chemin de Montreal à Onnontagé, c' eft à dire à quarante ou cinquante lieuës de l'vn & l'autre. Le 29. voguant la nuic1 auffi bien que Ie iour, pource que nos prouifions diminuoient fort, nous rencon- trâmes trois canots d' Annieronnons qui venoient de la chaffe aux homInes, rapportans les cheuelures de quatre Sauuages de la Nation des Neds-percez, & tenant captiue vne femme & deux enfans. Le premier de I uillet nous donnâmes la chaffe à vn canot qui parut, l'ayant attrapé comme il efioit du bourg d'Onnontaghé: il nous dit qu'on nous yatten- doit, & que Ie Pere Iofeph Chaumont qui y eftoit refié feul, fe portoit bien. Le troifiéme iour la famine commençant de nous preffer, nous fifmes nos efforts pour arriuer à vn lieu nommé Otiatannehengué, qui eft vn lieu fort recom- mandable pour la grande pefche de poiffon qui s'y fait cbaque année. Nous efperions y rencontrer bon nombre de pefcheurs & en tirer quelque foulagement: Monfieur du Puis fit tirer [37J deux petites pieces de canon embarquées dans nos canots deuant que d'y aborder, pour leur donner aduis que nous n'eftions pas loing: mais la faifon de la pefche eftant paffée en ce quartier-Ià, nous n'y trouuâmes perfonne. Ce qui obligea nos Guides de depefcher vn homme pour aller iour & nuiét porter la nouuel1e de nofire marche à Onnontaghé, & pour faire apporter des viures au deuant de nous. Ce Courier ne deuant pas fi-tofi retourner, parce qu'illuy reftoit encore trente lieuës 16.')6-.57] RELA TIO.N OF .1656-57 145 On the 29th, after traveling night and day because our stock of provisions was getting very low, we met three canoes of Annieronnons returning from man- hunting, who brought back with them the scalps of four Savages of the Neds-percez Nation, and a woman and two children as captives. On the first of July, we perceived and gave chase to a canoe; when we overtook it we found that it belonged to the village of Onnontaghé. vVe were told that we were expected there, and that Father Joseph Chaumont, who had remained there alone, was in good health. On the third day, we began to be oppressed by hunger, and endeavored to reach a place called Otiatannehengué,- a locality greatly renowned for the large quantities of fish that are taken there every year. We hoped to meet a good number of fisher- men there, and to obtain some relief from them. 1Ionsieur du Puis, before arriving there, ordered [37J two small pieces of cannon to be mounted in the canoes and discharged, to give notice that we were not far off; but the fishing season was over in that quarter, and we found no one there. This compelled our Guides to send a man in advance, traveling night and day, to carry the news of our arrival to Onnon- taghé, and to have provisions sent to meet us. As this Courier could not return very soon, because he had still a distance of thirty leagues to go, we sent some French to a nearer place; but the fish had gone, and so had the fishermen, and neither the nets that we cast into the water, nor all our industry, could avail us aught. Ieanwhile, hunger held us by the throat; and, to crown our affliction, our 146 LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES (VOL. 43 de chemin à faire, nous enuoyâmes quelques François en vn autre lieu plus proche: mais Ie poiffon s'eftant retiré, les pefcheurs s'en eftoient allez, fi bien que ny nos filets que nous iettâmes à l'eau, ny nos indufiries n'eurent prefque aucun effet. La famine cependant nous tenoit à la gorge, & pour comble de noftre affiiétion noftre Pere Superieur eftoit tombé malade depuis quelque temps: nous n'auions autre liét à luy donner que la terre, ny prefque autre abry que Ie ciel. Nous ne trouuiõs en to utes nos Hoftel- leries ny pain, ny vin, ny chair, ny poiffon. Dieu [38J nous dõna vn petit fruiét fauuage qu' on nomme icy AtoKa; La ieuneffe en alloit ramaffer dans les prairies voifines, & quoy qu'il n'euft prefque ny gouft ny fubftance, la faim nous Ie faifoit trouuer excel- lent: i1 eft prefque de la couleur & de la groffeur d'vne petite cerife. Nos Sauuages, quoy qu'accouftumez à paffer les deux & trois iours fans manger, ne fe contentant pas d'vne viande fi mince & fi legere, fe defiloient tous les iours: fi bien que de quarante qu'ils eftoient à noftre depart, il n'en refta que cinq qui nous affeu- rerent que iamais ils ne nous abandonneroient. Les Sonnontoeronnons prenant icy leur congé, nous leur fifmes deux pre fens de mille grains de Pourcelaine, l'vn pour nous preparer Ie chemin en leur païs, l'autre pour mettre en oubly les peines & les fatigues qu'ils auoient prifes, venant rechercher l'alliance des François; & pour les porter à nous témoigner bon vifage, quand nous les irions voir. Nous donnâmes en particulier deux capots & quelques autres petits prefens aux principaux pour les gagner. [39] Le cinq & fixiéme de Iuillet nous pefchames 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 147 Father Superior had fallen ill some time before. We had no other bed to give him than the earth, and no other shelter than the sky. In all our Hostelries, we found neither bread, nor wine, nor meat, nor fish. God [38J gave us a small wild fruit, called here Atoka. The young people went to gather it in the neighboring meadows, and, although it is neither palatable nor substantial, hunger made us find it excellent. It is almost of the color and size of a small cherry. 18 Our Savages, although accustomed to remain for two or three days without food, were not content with such slender and light repasts, and their num- ber decreased daily. Thus, out of the forty with whom we had started, there remained only five, who assured us that they would never abandon us. The Sonnontoeronnons left us here. We gave them two presents of a thousand Porcelain beads; one, to pre- pare the way to their country for us; the other, to enable them to forget the trouble and fatigue that they had undergone in coming to seek the alliance of the French, and to induce them to receive us well when we should go to see them. \Ve privately gave two coats and some other small presents to the chief men, to gain their good will. [39] On the fifth and sixth of July, we caught some fish; but they were so few, that we could give only a rather small pike as a meal for sixty men. On the seventh, about ten o'clock at night, we reached the mouth of the River which forms Lake Gannentaa, on the shores of which we intended to establish our residence. \Vhen we a woke on the following day, we encountered currents of water so 148 LES RELA TIONS DES .fÉSUITES [VOL. 43 quelques poiffons, mais en fi petite quantité, qu'on donna pour tous mets vn brochet affés mediocre à foixante hommes. Le feptiéme nous arriuafmes fur les dix heures du foir à I' embouchure de Ia Riuiere qui fait Ie Lac de Gannentaa, fur les riues duquel nous pretendions efiablir nofire demeure; & Ie lendemain à nofire réueil nous apperceufmes des courrans d'eau fi rapides, qu'il les falloit furmõter à tour de bras & à force de rames. Ie vous auoüe que les vifages de la pluf- part de nous déja tout havres & tout défaits parurent extraordinairement abbatus. On n'auoit donné Ie foir à nofire couchée qu'vne goutte d'eau de vie à tous ceux de nofire fuitte, & il falloit partir Ie matin pour combattre tout Ie iour contre des brifants, qui nous faifoient prefque autant reculer que no us auan- cions. En effet, nous ne fifmes qu'vne lieuë ce iour là, vne partie de nos gens tombant malades, & les autres perdant courage, faute de forces. La proui- dence de Dieu eil: admirable, [40] deduát ad" illferos & reducit. Efiant entierement abbatus nous vifmes paroifire vn canot chargé de viures qui venoit à nous plufiofi à force d'aií1es que de rames. Cette veuë guerit quafi tous nos malades, nos forces rentroient par nos yeux, & nos fatigues n'attendoient pas que nous fuffions en repos pour s' en aller. Le regard feul nous rendoit la ioye & la fanté. N ous mettons pied à terre, & celuy qui efioit lvIaifire du conuoy, apres no us auoir fait vn petit compliment, nous pre- fenta de la part des Anciens & du P. Chaumõt des facs de bled d'lnde & de grand Saumons qui venoiêt d'efire cuits. Ce petit canot fut fuiuy de deux autres plus grands, auffi bien rempEs que Ie premier. N ous 1656 - 57] RELATIOJ.V OF r656-57 149 rapid, that we had to exert all our strength and paddle vigorously in order to ascend. I must admit that the faces of most of us, already wan and ema- ciated, appeared dejected to an extraordinary de- gree. At night, all our company lay down, having taken nothing but a drop of brandy; and, in the morning, we had to start out and contend all day long against breakers, which made us recede almost as far as we advanced. In fact, we made only a league that day; for some of our people fell ill, and the others lost courage, owing to their weakness. God's providence is admirable; [40] deducit ad illferos et reduât. In this state of complete dejection, we observed a canoe, loaded with provisions, coming toward us, which seemed to be propelled by wings instead of paddles. The sight cured nearly all our sick; our strength returned to us through our eyes; and our fatigue did not wait to disappear until we should have rested. The sight alone restored us to joy and health. We landed; and he who was the Master of the convoy, after a short greeting, presented us, on behalf of the Elders and of Father Chau- mont, with some sacks of Indian corn and some large Salmon that had just been cooked. This small canoe was followed by two larger ones, as well filled as the first. We give thanks to God for granting us a suc- cor so greatly needed. On every side, Kettles are hanging over the fire, and there is naught but rejoic- ing. One good day effaces the remembrance of ten evil ones. All that remains of our famine, is the glory of having suffered for our Lord, qui facit etz"am cum tentatt:one proventum. Then did he, indeed, make us experience [41] the truth of his promises, by 150 LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES [V OL. 43 rendons graces à Dieu de ce qu'il nous auoit accordé ce fecours fi neceffaire. On met par tout les Chau- dieres hautes, ce n'efi que rejouïffance. Vn beau iour efface la memoire de dix mauuais. 11 ne refie plus rien de nofire famine que la gloire d'auoir fouffert quelque chofe pour nofire Seigneur, quz. facit etiam cum tentatione þrollClltum. I1 nous fit bien alors experimenter [41] la verité de fes promeffes, nous donnant vne abondance plus grande au centuple, que la difette que nous auions reffentie pour fon feruice n'auoit efié preffante. Ie pourrois dire qu'il ramena exprés pour nous Ie poiffon dàns les Riuieres, l'vn de nos hommes ayant pris la meíme nuiét vingt grands Saumons & quelques Barbuës. Et Ie dixiéme du mefme mois de Iuillet paffant vn fault de cinq lieuës, qui eft Ie plus long que nous ayons rencontré, nos gens prirent en chemin faifant trente-quatre autres Saumons à coups d'efpées & d'auirons: il y en auoit fi gran de quantité qu'on les affommoit fans peine. Sur Ie foir nous trouuafmes au lieu où nous voulions paffer la n uiét l'vn des premiers Capitaines d'Onnontaghé qui nous receut auec vne belle haran- gue, dans laquelle il témoigna que la ioye que tout Ie païs receuoit de no fire arriuée n'efioit pas medi- ocre. Que to utes les quatre nations y prenoiêt part, & que tous les Anciens nous attendoient auec impa- tience. L'onziéme de Iuillet nous nous trouuafmes fur les trois heures [42] apres midy à l'entrée du Lac de Gannentaa, fur les riues duquel nous auions defiiné nofire demeure, où les Anciens fçachant que c'efioit Ie lieu que les Peres Chaumont & d'Ablon auoient aggreés, nous attendoient auec vne grande multitude de peuples. 1656-5;] RELA TION OF I656-57 151 giving us an abundance greater by a hundred times than had been the privations which we had suffered in his service. I might say that he filled the Rivers anew with fish expressly for us; for that very night one of our men caught twenty large Salmon, and some Catfish. And, on the tenth of the same month of July, while passing a rapid five leagues in length,- the longest that we had met,- our people killed on the way thirty-four other Salmon with spears and paddles; there were so many of them, that they were struck without difficulty. In the evening, we found, on the spot where we intended to pass the night, one of the leading Captains of Onnontaghé. He re- ceived us with a fine harangue, in which he stated that the joy felt by the whole country at our arrival was not slight; that all the four tribes joined in it, and that all the Elders were impatiently waiting for us. On the eleventh of July, at about three o'clock [42] in the afternoon, we reached the entrance to Lake Gannentaa, on the shores of which we intended to establish our residence. Here the Elders, who knew that this was the spot upon which Fathers Chaumont and d' Ablon had decided, awaited our arrival with a great multitude of people. In size, the Lake is about two leagues in length, and half a league in width. \Ve have observed three remarkable facts in connection with it. The first is, that, South of it, there are springs of salt water, although the Lake itself is very far from the Sea,- just as in Lorraine, where there are simi- lar springs. But I do not think that salt can be obtained there with as much facility as here; for it is found ready-made on the soil in the vicinity of 152 LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 La grandeur du Lac eft d'enuiron deux lieuës de longueur, & d'vne demie lieuë de largeur. Nous y auons remarqué trois chofes affez confiderables. La premiere eft qu'on trouue du cofté du Midy quelques fources ou fontaines d'eau falée, quoy que ce Lac foit fort éloigné de la Mer, auffi bien que Ia Lorraine, où il s'en trouue de femblables: mais ie ne croy pas que Ie fel s'y face auec la facilité qu'on Ie pourra faire icy. Car on trouue du fel tout fait fur la terre aux enuirons de ces fources, & faifant boüillir l'eau, elle fe conuertit aifement en feI. La feconde eft qu'au Printemps i1 s'amaffe à I'en- tour de ces falines vne fi grande quantité de Tourte- relles qu'on en prend quelquesfois iufques à fept cens en vne matinée. [43] La troifiéme chofe remarquable eft qu'il fe rencontre au mefme endroit certains ferpens qui ne fe voyent point ailleurs, que nous appellons des ferpens à fonnettes, pource qu'en rampant ils font vn bruit femblable à celuy d'vne fonnette, ou pluftoft d'vne cigale. I1s portent au bout de leurs queuës certaines écailles rondes engagées l'vne dãs l'autre, de telle forte qu'en les ouurant & referrant ils font ce bruit qu'on entend de vingt pas. Ces fonnettes ou écailles ne laiffent pas de faire du bruit quand on les remuë apres la mort du ferpent; mais il n'eft pas fi grand que celuy qu'elles font lors que Ie ferpent eft en vie. Les originaires du pais difent que fes écailles font excellentes contre Ie mal de dents, & que fa chair, qu'ils trouuent d'auffi bon gouft que celIe de l'anguilIe, guerit de la fieure: ils en coup- pent la queuë, & la tefte qui eft toute platte & prefque quarrée, & mangêt Ie refte. Son corps a 1656-57] RELATION OF I656-S7 153 those springs, and, when the water is boiled, it is easily turned into salt. The second is, that, in the Spring, so great num- bers of Pigeons collect around these salt-springs, that sometimes as many as seven hundred are caught in the course of one morning. [43] The third remarkable fact is, that at the same place there are found certain snakes, which are seen nowhere else. vVe call them rattlesnakes, because, as they crawl along, they make a noise like that of a rattle,-or, rather, of a cicada. At the ends of their tails they have round scales, so joined one with another that, by opening and closing them, they make that noise, which is heard at a distance of twenty paces. These rattles or scales also make a noise when they are shaken after the death of the snake; but it is not so loud as that which the snake makes when alive. The natives of the country say that its scales are an excellent remedy for tooth- ache, and that its flesh, which they find as well flavored as that of the eel, cures fever. They cut off the tail and the head, which is quite flat and almost square, and eat the remainder. The body is about three feet long, thicker than a man's wrist, and all speckled on the back with black and yellow spots,- except on the tail, [44] which is almost entirely black. It has four teeth, two above and two below, as long as our small needles, but much sharper. It bites like a dog, and injects its poison into the wound through a small black sting, which it draws out of a bag containing the poison. When a person is bitten, he at once swells up, and, unless he receive prompt assistance, he dies in a short time, entirely covered 154 LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 enuiron trois pieds de longueur, il efi plus gros que Ie poignet d'vn homme, & tout marqueté fur Ie dos de taches noires & iaunes, excepté fur la queuë [44] qui efi quafi toute noire. 11 a quatre dents, deux en haut & deux en. bas auffi Iongues, mais plus aiguës que nos petites aiguilles. 11 mord comme vn chien, & fait decouler fon venin dans la morçeure par vn petit aiguillon noir qu'il tire d'vne bourfe où ce poifon efi renfermé. Quand quelqu'vn en efi mordu, i1 enRe auffi-toft, & fi il n'efi promptement fecouru, il meurt en peu de temps tout couuert de pufiules rouges. Auffi-tofi que ces Serpens voiêt vn homme, ils fifflent & battent de Ia queuë faifant ioüer leurs fonnettes, foit pour épouuanter leur ennemy, foit pour s'animer au combat, ou plufiofi parce que Dieu leur a donné cét infiinét, afin que les hommes foient fur leurs gardes à l'approche d'vn fi dangereux animal. Ie ne fçay pas fi ces Serpens font attirés par Ie fel; mais ie fçay bien que Ie lieu où nous auons dreffé nofire demeure entourré de belles fources d' eau douce, n'en efi point infeété, quoy qu'il foit fur les riues du mefme Lac. l\Iais reprenons nofire route. 1656-57J RELATION OF r656-S7 155 with red pustules. When these Snakes see a man, they hiss and shake their tails, sounding their rattles, either to frighten the enemy, or to excite themselves for the fight,- or, rather, because God has given them that instinct in order that men may be on their guard at the approach of so dangerous an animal. I know not whether these Snakes are attracted by the salt; but I do know that the spot whereon we have erected our dwelling, and which is surrounded by fine springs of fresh water, is not infested by them, although it is on the shore of the same Lake. But let us continue our journey. 156 LES RELATIONS DES./ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 [45] CHAPITRE V. NOSTRE ARRIUÉE AU LIEU Où NOUS AUIONS DESTINÉ NOSTRE DEMEURE, & LA RECEPTION QUE NOUS FIRENT LES PEUPLES DU PAYS. I ' A Y dit au Chapitre precedent que nous entrâmes l'onziéme de Iuillet dans Ie Lac nommé Gan- nentaa fur les bords duquel nous allions dreffer noftre demeure, eftant auancez iufques à vn quart de lieuë de cet endroit: nous y mifmes no us mefme à terre cinq petites pieces de canon, dont Ie petit tonnerre qu'on fit entendre fur les eaux de ce lac, fut fuiuy de la décharge de toutes les arquebufes de nos gens. C'eftoit Ie premier falut que nous enuoy- âmes par eau, par l'air & par les bois aux Anciens du pays qui nous attendoient auec vne grãde mul- titude de peuple. Ce bruit rouloit fur les eaux, éclatoit dedans l'air, & refonnoit fort agreablement dans les forefts. Nous voguions en fuite en bel [46] ordre, nos canots ou petits bateaux allant quatre à quatre fur ce petit Lac. Nos François firent à l'abord vne feconde defcharge, ou vne feconde falve fi adroitement qu'ils rauirent tous ces pauures peuples. Les Anciens auoient fait dreffer deux échaffauts pour nous faire hautement leurs complimens & leurs harangues, qui furent interrompuës par vne groffe pluye qui no us obligea tous de chercher l'abry; les 1656-57] RELA TIO/!,T OF I656-57 157 [45] CHAPTER V. OUR ARRIVAL AT THE PLACE WHERE WE HAD DETER- MINED TO ESTABLISH OUR ABODE, AND THE RECEPTION GIVEN US BY THE PEO- PLE OF THE COUNTRY. 1 ST A TED, in the foregoing Chapter, that on the eleventh of July we entered the Lake called Gannentaa, on the shores of which we were to erect our dwelling. \Vhen we had advanced to a dis- tance of a quarter of a league from the spot, we our- selves landed five small pieces of cannon, the light thunder of which we made resound along the waters of the lake; this was followed by the discharge of all the arquebuses in the hands of our people. Such was the first salute that we sent over the water, through the air, and through the woods, to the Elders of the country, who were awaiting us with a great multitude of people. The noise rolled over the water, burst in the air, and was most agreea bl y reëchoed by the forests. After this, we advanced in fine [46] order, our canoes or small boats proceeding four by four along this little Lake. On landing, our French fired a second discharge or salvo, so skillfully that they delighted all those poor people. The Elders had caused t,vo scaffolds to be erected, from which to pay us their compliments aloud, and to deliver to us their harangues. These were inter- rupted by a downpour of rain, which compelled us 158 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 paroles fe changeant en careffes & en tefmoignages de ioye de part & d'autre. Si ces pauures Sauuages nous faifoient tout l'accueil poffible, faifans voir dans leurs yeux & leurs gefies les fentimens de leur cæur tout rem ply de tendreffe pour nous; nos adions correfpondoient à leur amour, en forte que dans tous ces témoignages de ioye & d'affedion reciproque, nous benifíions Dieu de ce qu'il nous auoit conferuez parmy tant de peines, de dangers & de fatigues, & de ce qu'il nous auoit enfin conduit au bout de no fire pelerinage. [47J C'efi la coufiume de ces peupies d'entretenir durant vne partie de Ia nuiét ceux qui les viennent viíiter, foit de complimens; foit de difcours affaifon- nez des graces du pais, & pleins de gentilleffes à leur mode; foit enfin par des chanfons & des dances qui leur font ordinaires: mais nous voyant affez las de Ia fatigue d'vn fi long voyage, ils nous dirent qu'ils fe retireroient, de peur que leur ciuilité ne troublafi nofire repos, auquel ils difoient vouloir concourir, en chantant à l'entour de nos cabanes les airs les plus doux, les plus agreables & les plus propres pour nous endormir. Le lendemain matin douziéme de I uillet nous chan- tâmes Ie Te Deu11l en aétion de graces de nofire heureufe arriuée, & prifmes poffeffion de tout ce pays au nom de IESVS-CHRIST, Ie luy dediant & confacrant au faind Sacrifice de la Meffe. Les Anciens nous firent en fuite quelques prefens pour nous feliciter de nofire arriuée & nous fouhaitter vn heureux efiabliffement. Le Dimanche fuiuant, qui efioit Ie [48J feiziéme du mefme mois, nous accomplifmes vn væu que nous 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 159 all to seek shelter; the words changed into caresses and manifestations of joy on both sides. If these poor Savages gave us the best possible welcome,- showing in their eyes and gestures the sentiments of their hearts, which were full of ten- derness for us,- our own actions responded to their love; and, in those manifestations of joy and mutual affection, we blessed God for having preserved us amid so many privations, dangers. and fatigues, and for having finally brought us safely to the end of our pilgrimage. [47] It is the custom of these peoples to entertain during a portion of the night those who come to visit them,- either with compliments, or with speeches seasoned with the graces of the country, and full of polite sayings after their fashion; or, again, with their customary songs and dances. But, when they saw us so fatigued after so long a journey, they told us that they would withdraw, in order that their civilities might not disturb our rest,- to which they said that they wished to contribute, by singing around our cabins the softest and most agreeable airs, and those most capable of sending us to sleep. On the morning of the following day, the twelfth of July, we chanted the Te Deum in thanksgiving for our happy arrival, and took possession of the whole country in the name of JESUS CHRIST,- dedicating and consecrating it to him at the holy Sacrifice of the Mass. The Elders afterward gave us some presents, to congratulate us upon our arrival and to wish us a propitious establishment. On the following Sunday, which was the [48] six- teenth of the same month, we fulfilled a vow that we had made amid the dangers of our journey; we had 160 LES RELATIONS DES./ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 auions fait dãs les dangers de noftre voyage, promet- tant à Dieu de Communier tous enfemble, s'il nous donnoit la grace de nous voir tous dans Ie païs que nous cherchions: ayant obtenu cette faueur tous nos François receurent Ie pain facré en vne :Meffe qui fut chantée fort folemnellement: Ce fut-là que nous depliâmes tous nos ornemens, qui feroient pauures en France, mais qui paíIerent icy pour tres-magnifiques. Le Lundy dix-feptiéme on commença à trauailler tout de bon à nous loger, & à faire vn bon Reduit pour les foldats: nous l'auons placé fur vne eminence qui commande fur Ie Lac & fur tous les endroits circonuoifins. Les fontaines d'eau douce y font en abondance, & en vn mot Ie lieu paroifi auffi beau que commode & aduantageux. Pendant que les hommes de trauail font dans cette occupation, nofire Pere Superieur à qui Noftre Seigneur auoit rendu la fanté, s'en alla auec quinze de nos plus leftes foldats au Bourg d'Onnontaghé, [49] éloigné de cinq petites lieuës de nofire demeure. Le peuple efiant auerti de la venuë des François, fortit en foule au deuant de nous. Efiant à vn quart de lieuë du Bourg, quel- ques Anciens nous prierent de faire alte & de prendre haleine, pour efcouter vne harangue gentille & toute pleine de complimens que nous fit vn Capitaine des plus confiderables du païs, lequel marchant enfuite deuant nous, nous fit paffer au trauers d'vn grand peuple qui s'eftoit rangé en haye des deux cofiez. Nous Ie fuiuions doucement & en bel ordre fuiuis d'vn autre Capitaine, qui venoit apres nous pour empefcher que ce grãd monde ne nous ferrât de trop prés. Nos foldats firent à l'entrée de la Bourgade vne belle falue qui rauit tous les fpedateurs. Nous 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 161 promised God to receive Communion all together, if he granted us the grace that we might all see our- selves in the country for which we were bound. As we had obtained that favor, all our French received the sacred bread at a Mass that was most solemnly chanted. On that occasion, we displayed all our ornaments, which would be considered poor in France, but which were deemed very magnificent here. On Monday, the seventeenth, we set to work in good earnest, to build lodgings for ourselves, and a good Redout for the soldiers, which we erected on an eminence commanding the Lake and all the sur- rounding places. There is an abundance of fresh- water springs; and, in a word, the spot seenlS as beautiful as it is convenient and advantageous. Vlhile the workmen were so employed, our Father Superior, whom Our Lord had restored to health, went with fifteen of our best soldiers to the Village of Onnontaghé, [49J at a distance of five short leagues from our residence. The people, who had been noti- fied of the coming of the French, came forth in crowds to meet us. At a quarter of a league from the Village, some Elders begged us to halt and take breath, in order to listen to a polite harangue, full of compliments, delivered to us by a Captain, one of the leading men of the country. He then walked before us, and led us through a great crowd formed in ranks on both sides. We marched behind him quietly, and in fine order, followed by another Captain,- who came after us, to prevent the great crowd from pressing too closely on us. At the entrance to the Village, our soldiers fired a fine salvo, which delighted all the spectators. We were conducted to the Cabin of one of the principal and most renowned Captains of the 162 LES RELATIONS DES./ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 fûmes conduits dans la Cabane de l'vn des plus notables & des plus fameux Capitaines du païs, où toutes chofes eftoient bien preparées pour nous receuoir à leur mode: on nous apportoit des fruiéts de tous coftez, ce n'eftoient que feftins, & dix iours durant toute la pefche & la chaffe de cette bourgade fut [50] employée pour regaler les François; chaque famille nous voulant auoir à l'enuy. Quelques temps apres vne autre efcoüade de François en bonne conche arriuant tambour battant, on ne vit iamais tant de vifages épanoüis, il fembloit que les cæurs des Sauuages fortoient par leurs yeux, & ie ne croy pas qu'on puiffe conceuoir, fans l'auoir veu, les tefmoi- gnages d'amour & de cordialité qu'ils nous donnoient. Si apres tout cela ils nous trahiffent & no us maffa- cret, ie les accuferai non pas de diffimulation, mais de legereté & d'inconftance, qui peut changer en peu de temps l'amour & la confiance de ces Barbares en crainte, en haine & en perfidie: Adiouftez que les Demons cherchent toutes les occafions de nous perdre, & que fi les hommes perfecutent en plufieurs endroits les lefuites, ces malheureux efprits aufquels ils dec1arent par tout la guerre, ne les épargneront pas. Le foir de noftre entrée les deputés de quelques nations nous vindrent faluër, & pour monftrer l'eftime que les Onnontagheronnons faifoient d' Achi- ëdafé, [5 I] c'eft Ie nom du Pere fuperieur, ils voulurent par vn prefent que fa Natte fût le lieu des confeils & des aíIemblées, c'eft à dire Ie Palais où on deuoit traiter de toutes les affaires du païs. Les Onnontagheronnons nons firent auffi leurs prefens auec grande ciuilité. Les Annieronnons ne pouuant fe difpenfer de la 1656- 57] RELA TION OF r656-57 163 country, where everything was prepared for our reception in their fashion. Fruit was brought to us from all sides; there was nothing but feasting; and for ten days all the game and fish of the village were [50] used in regaling the French. All the families vied with one another as to which one should have us. Some time afterward, another squad of French in fine attire marched in, with the drum beating. N ever were seen so many bright faces; it seemed as if the hearts of the Savages were leaping out of their eyes; and I do not think that it is possible, without having seen it, to conceive the manifesta- tions of affection and cordiality with which they greeted us. If, after all that, they betray and mas- sacre us, I will accuse them, not of dissimulation, but of frivolity and inconstancy, which in a short time can change the affection and confidence of those Barbarians into fear, hatred, and treachery. Add to this, that the Demons seek eyery opportunity to bring about our destruction; and that, if men perse- cute the Jesuits in many places, those wretched spirits, against whom they wage war everywhere, will not spare them. On the evening of our arrival, the envoys from sonle nations came to pay us their respects, and to manifest the esteem in which the Onnontagheron- nons held Achiendasé,- [5 I] that is the name of the Father superior. By means of a present, they expressed their wish that his Iat should be the place for holding councils and meetings,- that is, the Palace where all the affairs of the country should be discussed. The Onnontagheronnons also gave us their presents with great civility. The Annieronnons, unable to a void com pI ying 164 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 loy commune du païs firent à la verité leurs prefents: mais eftant piqués au jeu & ne pouuant fupporter noftre alliance auec ces peuples, ils firent vne harangue plaine de rifées & de railleries contre les François, & fe voulant excufer de ce qu'ayant receu des prefens à Quebec pour toutes les nations Iro- quoifes, ils ne les auoient pas diftribués, ils dirent que les François eftoient afIez fiupides pour donner des chofes qui ne fe pouuoient partager. & qu'ainfi ils auoient efté contraints de donner tous ces pre fens à leur nation. Le Pere fuperieur repliqua à leurs impoftures d'vne maniere fi prefIante qu'ils fe repentirent bien- toft de leurs faufIes accufations. II leur dit que la memoire ne manquoit iamais aux François qui [52J auoient la plume en main, & que fi leur efprit s'oublioit de quelques chofes, leur papier les leur fug- geroit au befoin. Il raconta en fuitte tout ce qui s'eftoit pafIé au Confeil des François & des Iroquois Annieronnons, fit vn denombrement de tous les coliers de porcelaines, de toutes les arquebufes, de tous les capots, & en vn mot de to us les prefents qui auoient efté faits par Ie grand Capitaine des François. N omma les nations & les perfonnes mefme de confi- deration à qui chaque prefent auoit efté deftiné. Puis demanda au braue Annieronnon fi ces chofes ne pou- uoient pas eftre données feparément. II s'enquefta des deputés des nations, fi du moins la memoire de ces prefens auoit e1té portée iufques en leur païs, puis que l' Annierõnon confefIoit les auoir retenus. Ce pauure homme qui croioit que nous ne faifions que begaier en leur langue, comme les Europeans qui ont commerce auec eux, fut fi furpris entendant 1656-57] RELATION OF I656-57 165 with the common law of the country, did, indeed, give their presents. But, as they wished to attain their end in spite of every obstacle, and could not bear to see our alliance with those tribes, they deliv- ered a harangue full of jests and raillery against the French. To excuse themselves for not having dis- tributed the presents which they had received at Quebec for all the Iroquois nations, they said that the French were stupid enough to give them things which could not be divided, and that thus they had been obliged to give all those presents to their own nation. The Father superior replied to their impostures in so emphatic a manner that they soon repented of their false accusations. He told them that memory never failed the French, who [52J had their pens in their hands; and that if their minds forgot anything, their paper reminded them of it when necessary. He then related all that had happened at the Council between the French and the Annieronnon Iroquois; he enumerated all the collars of porcelain beads, all the arquebuses, all the coats,- in a word, all the presents that had been given by the great Captain of the French; he mentioned the nations, and even the persons of rank, for whom each present had been designed. Then he asked the worthy Annieronnon whether such things could not be given separately. He inquired of the envoys from the nations whether at least the remembrance of these presents had been brought to their country, since the Annieronnon admitted that he had retained them. The poor man, who thought that we could only stammer in their language, like the Europeans who trade with them, was so surprised when he heard the Father, that he 166 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Ie Pere, qu'il rechercha depuis tous Ies moyens de Ie mettre bien dans fon efprit. Apres cette affembIée nous emploiafmes [53] quel- ques iours à vifiter & à gagner les diuerfes nations qui eftoient à Onnontaghé, & qui tous les iours y abordoient pour fe trouuer à Ia decifion de deux grandes affaires, & au grand confeil de guerre qui fe tient ordinairement en cette bourgade. Les deputés de Sonnontoüan & d'Oïogouan eftant arriués, nous les allâmes falüer. Les premiers faifant paroiftre leur deüil pour la mort de l'vn de leurs Capitaines nommé Ahiarantouan tué par Ies Annie- ronnons au quartier des Trois-Riuieres rempliffoient l'air de chanfons lugubres. Nous leur fifmes vn prefent pour foulager leur douleur: mais quand il fallut refpondre, l'Oiogouanronnon prit la parolle & dit que la playe que les Sonnontoueronnons auoient receuë, auoit changé leur ioye en larmes, & leurs voix en foûpirs & en chanfons de deüil. Toutes les nations eftant aíIemblées il fallut deuant que de tenir confeil, expier Ie Bourg à caufe de la mort d'vn Capitaine arriué la nuiét precedente, lequel par grand bon-heur pour luy, auoit [54] receu Ie fainét Baptefme deux iours auparauant, apres vne bonne & fainéte inftruétion. Cette expiation fe fit par deux prefens, dont l'vn feruit pour effuier les larmes de l'Onnontagheronnon, & pOlir luy rendre la parolle que cette mort luy auoit rauie, l' autre pour nettoier Ie fang qui pourroit eftre tombé du corps mort fur la Natte du Confeil, L'Onnontagheronnon refpondit par deux autres prefens. L'vn pour donner parolle qu'on alloit couurir ce corps, & 1'autre pour affeurer que Ie Confeil en fuitte feroit ouuert. 1656-57] RELA TION OF I6.s6-.s7 167 afterward sought every means to ingratiate himself with him. After that meeting, we employed ourselves [53] for some days in visiting and winning over the vari- ous nations that were at Onnontaghé; they were arriving there daily, in order to be present at the decision of two weighty matters, and at the great council of war which is usually held in that village. When the envoys from Sonnontouan and Oiogouan arrived, we went to greet them. The former, mourn- ing the death of one of their Captains named Ahia- rantouan, who had been killed by the Annieronnons in the vicinity of Three Rivers, filled the air with their lugubrious chants. \Ve gave them a present to allay their grief; but, when the time came to reply, the Oio- gouanronnon spoke, and said that the wound received by the Sonnontoueronnons had changed their joy to tears, and their voices to sighs and mournful songs. When all the nations had assembled, it was neces- sary, before the council was held. to propitiate the Village on account of the death of a Captain, which had taken place during the previous night. Most fortunately for him, he had [54] received holy Bap- tism two days before, after good and holy instruc- tion. This propitiation was made by means of two presents, one of which served to wipe away the tears of the Onnontagheronnon, and to restore his speech, of which death had deprived him; the other was to clean away the blood that might have fallen from the dead body upon the Council Mat. The Onnontagheronnon replied with two other presents; one was to promise that the body should be buried, and the other to state that the Council would after- ward be opened. 168 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Ces peuples auoient conuoqué tous les Efiats du païs, ou plufioft toutes les Nations alliées pour recon- cilier les Annieronnons auec les Sonnontoueronnons qui efioient fur Ie point d'entrer en guerre pour la mort du Capitaine dont nous venons de parler: Pour traiter de nofire eftabliffement au centre de leur pays, & pour inuiter tous ces peuples à mettre quel- que chofe dans la chaudiere de guerre; c'eft à dire pour auifer aux moyens d'attaquer & défaire leurs ennemis, & fournir à quelques frais communs. [55] Voila les deffeins de ces pauures peuples; mais Dieu en auoit d'autres bien plus releués. II vouloit efire annoncé & prefché dans vne affemblée la plus celebre & la plus nombreufe qui fe puiffe prefque faire en ces contrées. On tint ce grand confeil Ie 24. du mois de I uillet, où toutes les Nations remirent entre les mains d' Achiendafé (qui eft noftre Pere Superieur) Ie different d'entre les Sonnontoüeronnons & les Annie- ronnons qui fut bien-tofi terminé. Elles agréerent en fuitte auec des témoignages d'vne bien-veillance extraordinaire nofire demeure & nofire eftabliffement en leur pays. Chacun enfin mit fes prefens dans la chaudiere de guerre. Or ces peuples eftant grands harangueurs & fe feruant fouuent d 'allegories & de metaphores, nos Peres pour les attirer à Dieu, s'accommodent à leur façon de faire: ce qui les rauit, voyant que nous y reüffiffons auffi bien qu'eux. N ous auions fi bien efiallé & fi bien dreíIé & rangé nos prefens qu'ils paroiffoient à merueille: mais Ie Pere Iofeph [56] Chaumont qui parle l'Iroquois auffi bien que les naturels du pays, fembla en rehauíIer Ie prix, en donnant l'interpretation. 1656-57J RELA TION OF I656- 57 169 These people had called together all the States of the country, or rather all the allied Nations, to reconcile the Annieronnons with the Sonnontoueron- nons, who were on the point of going to war on account of the death of the Captain whom we have just mentioned; to treat of our establishment in the heart of the country; and to invite all those tribes to put something into the war-kettle,- that is, to consult together about the means of attacking and defeating their enemies, and of contributing toward the general expenses. [55] Such were the designs of these poor people; but God had other and higher ones. It was his will to be announced and preached in an assembly, a more notable or more numerous one than which can scarcely be held in these countries. That great council was held on the 24th of the month of July, when all the Nations placed in the hands of Achiendasé (who is our Father Superior) the settlement of the difficulty between the Sonnon- toueronnons and the Annieronnons, which was soon ended. They then, with manifestations of extraor- dinary good will, agreed that we should establish ourselves and reside in their country. Finally, each one deposited his presents in the war-kettle. Now, as these people are great haranguers, and frequently make use of allegories and metaphors, our Fathers adapt themselves to this custom of theirs, to win them to God. They are delighted when they see that we succeed as well as they. 'Ve had so well displayed, arranged, and disposed our presents, that they made a wonderful show; but Father Joseph [56) Chaumont, who speaks Iroquois as well as the natives of the country, seemed to add to their value in interpreting their meaning. 170 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 II ne fera pas hors de propos de remarquer en paffant que ces prefens ne font autre chofe que des colliers de porcelaine, des arquebufes, de la poudre & du plomb, des capots, des haches, des chaudieres & d'autres denrées femblables qu'on achepte des IVlarchands auec des caftors, qui font la monnoie qu'ils demandent pour Ie payement de leurs marchan- difes. Que fi vn Iefuite en reçoit ou en recueille quelques-vns pour ayder aux frais immenfes qu'il faut faire dans ces Miffions fi éloignées, & pour gagner ces peuples à IE S V S - C H R 1ST & les porter à la paix, il feroit à fouhaiter que ceux-Ià mefme qui deuroient faire ces defpences pour la conferua- tion du pays, ne fuffent pas du moins les premiers à condamner Ie zele de ces Peres, & à les redre par leurs difcours plus noirs, que leurs robes; ils deuroiet laiffer ces fortes de medifance à la baffe populace toûjours mal informée de ce qui fe paffe, & [57] dont l'ignorance femble excufer les calõnies. Mais faifons bien, & laiíIons mal parler: puifqu' auffi bien les calomnies font Ie ciment de la vertu. On nous écrit de France qu'on ne fçauroit plus fournir aux grands frais que nons faifons dans ces nouuelles entreprifes. N ous y donnons nos trauaux, nos fueurs, nonre fang & nos vies: Si faute de fecours nous fommes contraints de quitter vn pofie fi auan- tageux pour la Foy & pour la conferuation du pays, ceux qui nous perfecutent n'en feront pas plus riches, & Dieu en fera moins glorifié. Retournons, s'il vous plain, à nos prefens. Deuant que d'en donner l'explication, tous nos Peres & nos François fe jetterent à genoux, mirent bas leurs cha- peaux, & ioignirent les mains entonnant à haute voix 16.36-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 171 It will not be out of place to observe in passing, that these presents consist entirely of porcelain collars, beads, arquebuses, powder and lead, coats, hatchets, kettles, and other similar articles. These are purchased from the :Merchants with beaver-skins, which are the money that they demand in payment for their wares. Now, if a Jesuit receives or collects some of these furs, to help to pay the enormous expenses that have to be incurred in :Missiol1s so distant, to win those peoples to J E S use H R 1ST, and restore peace among them, it would be desirable that those very persons who ought to incur these ex- penses for the preservation of the country should, at least, not be the first to condemn the zeal of those Fathers, and, in their tales, to paint them blacker than their gowns. They should leave slanders of that kind to the low rabble, ever wrongly informed about what is going on, and [57] whose calumnies may be excused through their ignorance. But let us do what is right, and allow evil to be said of us; for calumny is also the cement of virtue. They write to us from France that they can no longer provide means for the heavy expenditure that we incur in these new undertakings. We devote to them our labors, our sweat, our blood, and our lives. If, through lack of aid, we be compelled to abandon a post so advantageous for the Faith and for the preservation of the country, those who persecute us will be none the richer for it, and God will be less glorified. Let us return to our presents, if you please. Before giving an explanation of them, all our Fathers and our French knelt down, removed their hats, clasped their hands, and intoned aloud the Veni 172 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Ie Van" Creator tout au long: ce qui furprit & rauit toute 1'affiftance à laquelle nous fifmes entendre que nous ne traitions d'aucune affaire importante, fans demander auparauant Ie fecours de l'Efprit qui regit tout }'vniuers. Le Pere Iofeph Chaumont fe leuant [58] en fuitte expliqua huit ou dix prefens faits pour adoucir les regrets de la mort de plufieurs Capitaines, & pour faire reuiure dans la Foy de leurs enfans & de leurs amis quelques braues Chreftiens & Chreftiennes paffées de puis peu de la terre au ciel. II ioignit les Algonquins & les Hurons dans fes prefens pour ne faire qu'vn cæur & vn peuple auec toutes ces Nations. II dit à haute voix que Onontaghé eítant comme Ie Parlement de tout Ie pays, & Agochiendagueté Ie plus confideré dans toutes ces contrées, Achienda[é fe venoit ioindre à luy comme la bouche d'Onontio, afin de l'aider à releuer les maifons renuerfées, à refufciter les morts, à maintenir ce qui eftoit en bon eítat, & à deffendre Ie pays contre les perturbateurs de la paix. Pendant que Ie Pere expliquoit toutes ces chofes en detail, ce n'eftoit qu'admirations & acclamations de tous ces peuples rauis de nous voir fi verfés dans leurs façons de faire. II fit vn prefent en aétion de graces de ce qu'on auoit fait part à Onnontio des dépoüilles qu'ils auoient remportés [59] fur leurs ennemis, luy ayant enuoié deux enfans qu'ils auoient pris & emtnenés de la Nation de Chats. II en fit deux autres, l'vn en recognoiffance de ce qu'ils nous auoient receus en leur pays auec autant de courtoifie, qu'ils nous y auoient inuité auec inítance; & l' autre pour leur faire mettre Ie canot à 1656-57] R.l!.LA TION OF I656-57 173 Creator at full length. This astonished and delighted the spectators, to whom we eXplained that we never dealt with any matter of importance without first asking the assistance of the Spirit who governs the w hole world. Then Father Joseph Chaumont arose [58] and ex- plained the meaning of eight or ten presents, given to assuage their grief for the death of several Captains, and to obtain that some worthy Christians of both sexes, who had lately passed from earth to heaven, might live again in the Faith of their chil- dren and their friends. In distributing these presents he included the Algonquins and the Hurons, that they might form but one heart and one people with all those Nations. He proclaimed that, as Onon- taghé was the Parliament of the whole country and Agochiendagueté the most esteemed in all those regions, Achiendasé, as the mouth of Onontio, came to unite with him, to help him in raising up the houses that had been overthrown in bringing the dead back to life, in maintaining what was in good con- dition, and in defending the country against the disturbers of the peace. While the Father explained all these matters in detail, he was listened to with admiration and with the acclamations of all those peoples, who were delighted to see us so well versed in their ways. He gave a present to return thanks that they had shared with Onnontio the spoils taken [59] from their enemies; for they had sent him two children, whom they had taken and brought hither from the Cat Nation. He gave two others; one, in acknowledgment of their reception of us into their country, which was 174 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 l'eau, pour faire fçauoir à Quebec de nos nouuelles. Enfin Ie Pere prenant vn ton de voix plus éleué & animant fa parolle, s'écria: ce n'efi point pour Ie commerce que vous nous voiés paroiítre dans voítre pays, nos pretentions font bien plus releuées: vos pelleteries font trop peu de chofe pour nous faire entreprendre vn fi long voiage auec tant de trauaux & tant de dangers. Gardés vos caítors fi vous Ie trouués bon pour les Hollandois; ceux mefmes qui tomberoient entre nos mains, feroient emploiés pour voítre feruice, nous ne cherchons point les chofes periffables, c'eít pour la Foy que nous auons quitté nofire païs, c'eít pour la Foy que nous auons aban- donné nos parens & nos amis; c' eít pour la Foy que nous auons trauerfé l'Occean; c'eft pour la [60J Foy que nous auons quitté les grands Nauires des Fran- çois pour nous embarquer dans vos petits canots; c'eft pour la Foy que nOl1S auons laiffé de belles maifons, pour nous loger fous vos écorces; c' eft pour la Foy que nous nous priuons de noítre nourriture naturelle, & des mets delicieux dont nous pouuions iouïr en France; pour manger de voftre boüillie & de vos mets, dont à peine les animaux de noftre païs voudroient goufier: & prenant vn tres-beau colier de pourcelaine artiítement fait: c'eít pour la Foy que ie tiens en main ce riche prefent, & que i'ouure la bouche pour vous fommer de la parolle que vous nous dõnaftes lors que vous defcendites à Quebec pour nous conduire en voítre pays. Vous aués pro- mis folemnellement que vous preíteriés l'oreille aux parolles du grand Dieu, elles font en ma bouche, écoutés-Ies, ie ne fuis que fon organe. II vous enuoie donner aduis par fes IeíIagers que fon Fils 1656-5ï] RELA TION OF I656-57 175 as courteous as the invitation had been urgent; and the other, to induce them to place in the water the canoe, that it might carry news of us to Quebec. Finally, the Father assumed a louder tone, and with impassioned words he exclaimed: "It is not for purposes of trade that you see us appear in your country. vVe aim much higher. Your furs are of too little value in our eyes to induce us to undertake so long, so difficult, and so dangerous a journey. Keep your beaver-skins, if you choose, for the Dutch; even those which may come into our hands will be used for your own good. \Ve seek not perisha ble things. For the Faith, we have left our country; for the Faith, we have abandoned our relatives and our friends; for the Faith, we have crossed the Ocean; for the [60J Faith, we have quitted the great Ships of the French, to embark in your small canoes; for the Faith, we have given up fine houses, to lodge in your bark cabins; for the Faith, we deprive ourselves of our natural nourishment, and the deli- cate viands that we might have enjoyed in France, to eat your boiled meal and other food, which the ani- mals of our country would hardly touch." Then, taking up a very fine collar of porcelain beads, artist- ically made, he continued: "For the sake of the Faith, I hold this rich present in my hand, and I open my mouth to remind you of the word that you pledged us when you came down to Quebec to conduct us to your country. You solemnly promised to lend ear to the words of the great God. They are in my nlouth; listen to them; I am but his spokes- man. He informs you by his :Messengers that his Son made himself man for love of you; that that J\Ian, the Son of God, is the Prince and the Master of 176 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 s'eft fait homme pour voftre amour, que cét Homme Fils de Dieu eft Ie Prince & Ie Iaiftre des Hommes; qu'il a preparé dans les [61J Cieux des plaifirs & des delices eternelles pour ceux qui obeïroiêt à fes com- mandemens, & qu'il allume d'horribles feux dans les Enfers pour ceux qui ne voudront point receuoir fa parolle. Sa loy eft douce: elle deffend de faire aucun tort ny aux biens, ny à la vie, ny à la femme, ny à la reputation de fon prochain. Y-a-t'il rien de plus raifonnable? Elle cõmande de porter refpeét, amour & reuerence à celuy qui a tout fait & qui conferue l'vniuers; V ofire efprit eft-il choqué d'vne verité fi naturelle? IE S V S - C H R 1ST qui eft Ie Fils de celuy qui a tout fait s'eftant fait noftre frere & Ie voftre en fe reueftant de noftre chair, a prefché ces belles veritez, illes a fait peindre & efcrire dans vn liure, il a ordonné qu'elles fuffent portées par tout Ie monde: voilà ce qui nous fait paroiftre en voftre pays, voila ce qui ouure nos bouches; & nous fommes fi certains de toutes ces veritez, que nous fommes prefts de perdre nos vies pour les fouftenir. Que fi tu les rebutes en ton cæur qui que tu fois Onnon- tagheronnon, Sonnontoueronnon, Annieronnon, [62J Oneïogouenronnon, Onneïoutehronnon, fçache que IE S V S - C H R 1ST qui anime mon cæur & ma voix te precipitera vn iour dans les Enfers. 11ais preuiens ce mal-heur par ta conuerfion, ne fois point caufe de ta perte, obeïs à la voix du Tout-puiffant. Ces paroles de feu, & quantité d'autres femblables pouffées d'vne vehemence toute Chreftienne ietterent vn tel eftonnement dans ces pauures Barbares, qu'ils paroiffoient tous tranfportez, la ioye & la crainte partageant leurs efprits. Et l'approbation fut fi 165.,-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 177 Iankind; that he has prepared in [61J Heaven eter- nal pleasures and joys for those who obey his com- mandments; and that he kindles horrible fires in Hell for those who refuse to receive his word. His law is easy; it forbids doing injury either to the property, or the life, or the wife, or the reputation of one's neighbor. Can anything be more reasonable? It commands that respect, love, and reverence be given to him who has made all and who preserves the uni- verse. Are your minds offended by so natural a truth? JESUS CHRIST, who is the Son of him who has made all, became our brother and yours by clothing himself with our flesh; he preached those beautiful truths; he caused them to be painted and written in a book; he ordered that they be carried throughout the world. That is what brings us to your country; that is what opens our mouths; and we are so certain of all those truths, that we are pre- pared to lose our lives in maintaining them. If thou reject them in thy heart be thou Onnontagheronnon, Sonnontoueronnon, Annieronnon, [62J Oneiogouen- ronnon, or Onneioutehronnon, know that J E S U S C H R 1ST, who animates my heart and my voice, will one day cast thee into Hell. But avoid that misfortune by thy conversion; be not the cause of thine own ruin; listen to the voice of the Almighty." These and many other words, full of fire and uttered with most Christian vehemence, caused those poor Barbarians such astonishment, that they seemed quite beside themselves; their minds wav- ered between joy and fear. The approval was so general and universal, that one would have said that all wanted to place the Father in their hearts. No endearment, in their opinion, was sufficiently great 17S LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 generalle & fi vniuerfelle, qu'on eût dit qu'ils vou- loient tous mettre Ie Pere dans leur cæur, ne fçachant queUe careffe affez grande luy faire. Les larmes tomboient des yeux de nos François voyant noftre Seigneur fi magnifiquement annoncé en cette extre- mité du monde. Pour moy i'auouë que ce que i'ay yeu & entendu en ce rencontre, paffe tout ce qu'on en peut dire ou efcrire. Si apres cela Ie demon renuerfant la ceruelle à ces pauures peuples les porte à nous mettre à mort, Iujlificabitur Ùz j"ermom'bus j"uÚ. [63] N ous aurons du moins iuftifié noftre Dieu en fes parolles. Le lendemain qui eftoit Ie 25. de Iuillet, à peine eftoit-il iour que les Deputés de to utes les Nations nous vinrent faire des remercimens les plus aimables & les plus cordiaux qu'on puiffe s'imaginer. Ie ne fçay fi l' Annieronnon qui cõmença, vfa de fes fourbes & de fes diffimulations ordinaires, ou fi Dieu luy auoit touché Ie cæur: mais il rapporta fidelement tout ce que Ie Pere auoit dit de la Loy de Dieu, loüa hautement nos deffeins, protefta qu'il ne pouuoit refifter à nos raifons, & qu'il fe vouloit faire Chre- ftien. II nous fit les prefens auffi bien que les autres Nations qui nous prefferent fort de les aller inftruire en leur pays. Le 26. les Annieronnons nous demandant des Lettres pour porter aux Hollandois, auec lefquels ils ont commerce, nous loüafmes à la verité leurs Anciens qui paroiffent pcrtés à la paix: mais nous blafmames extremement leur ieuneffe, de ce qu'elle auoient pillé plufieurs maifons à l'entour de Quebec, [64] nous leur dîmes que ces defordres les auoient mis en guerre auec les peuples nomlnés :ßlahinganaK & auec les Andaftahoueronnons, & qu'ils pourroient bien 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 179 to bestow upon him. Tears fell from the eyes of our French, when they saw our Lord so grandly announced in this extremity of the world. For my part, I must admit that ,vhat I saw and heard on that occasion surpasses anything that can be said or writ- ten of it. If, after that, the devil should turn the heads of these poor people and lead them to kill us, Justificabz"tur in senl101u"bus suzS. [63] We shall, at least, have justified our God in his words. On the morrow, which was the 25th of July, day had hardly broken when the Envoys of all the Nations came to thank us in the most affectionate and cordial manner that can be imagined. I know not whether the Annieronnon, who was the first to begin, em- ployed his usual deceit and dissimulation, or whether God had touched his heart. But he faithfully re- peated all that the Father had said, respecting the Law of God; he highly praised our designs; he protested that he could not resist our arguments, and that he wished to become a Christian. He gave us presents, as also did the other Nations, who pressed us to go and instruct them in their country. \Vhen, on the 26th, the Annieronnons asked us for Letters to take to the Dutch, with whom they trade, we in truth praised their Elders, who seem inclined to peace; but we strongly blamed their young men for having pillaged several houses in the neighbor- hood of Quebec. [64] \Ve told them that such bad conduct had entailed upon them a war with the tribe called Mahinganak, and with the Andastahoueron- nons; and that the same misfortune might happen to them with regard to the French. On the 2ïth of July, we returned to the shores of the Lake, where a considerable portion of our French 180 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 tomber dans vn mefme malheur à l'égard des Fran- ÇOlS. Le 27. Iuillet nous retournafmes fur les riues du Lac où vne bonne partie de nos François trauail- loient à nous dreffer vne habitation que nous appelle- rons fainéte1:Iarie de Gannentaa. Le 30. veille de faint Ignace les principaux d'On- nontaghé, nous vindrent vifiter & nous firent quelques prefens pour nous lier fi efiroitement auec eux, que nous ne fuffions plus qu'vn peuple; & pour nous dõner aduis qu'il ne faUoit pas fe fier à l' Annieronnon que cette Nation eftoit fourbe & trompeufe, & qu'ils nous prioient de nous bien fortifier, & de rendre noftre maifon capable de les receuoir & de les mettre à l'abry de leurs ennemis en cas de neceffité; qu'au refte ils aUoient prendre la hache pour faire vn canot qui aUaft porter de nos nouueUes à Quebec. Le mois d' Aouft nous fut vn temps [65] d'exercice en toutes façons nous auions bafti vne Chapelle à Onontaghé; vne partie de nos Peres y eftant attachés, les autres aUoient par les Cabanes. On ne ceffoit prefque depuis Ie matin iufques au foir de Prefcher, de Catechifer, de Baptifer, d'enfeigner les Prieres, & de refpondre aux demandes des vns & des autres: tant ces bonnes gens témoignent d'inclination pour la Foy. Les François qui eftoient à fainéte :I\Iarie du Lac de Gannentaa, faifoient tous les meftiers d'vne ville pour nous loger tous, & nous conferuer au milieu de ces Nations barbares. Tout cela ne fe faifoit pas fans peine, il faUoit beaucoup trauailler, peu dormir, coucher fur la terre à l'abry de mefchantes écorces, ne manger pour l'ordinaire que de la boüillie faite auec vn peu de farine de bled-d'Inde cuitte en l'eau, 1656-57J RELA TION OF I656-57 181 were engaged in erecting a residence, which we shall call sainte :Uarie of Gannentaa. On the 30th, the eve of the feast of saint Ignatius, the chief men of Onnontaghé came to see us; they gave us some presents, to unite us so closely with them that we might be thereafter but one people, and to warn us not to place any confidence in the Annieronnon, because that Nation was deceitful and treacherous. They also begged us to fortify our- selves well, and to make our house large enough to receive and shelter them from their enemies in case of necessity. They also informed us that they were about to take up their hatchets to make a canoe, which should bear news of us to Quebec. The month of August was a time [65] of exercise for us in every way. We had built a Chapel at Onontaghé, to which some of our Fathers were at- tached, while the others went through the Cabins. \Ve hardly ever ceased from morning to night to Preach, to Catechize, to Baptize, to teach the Prayers, and to answer the questions put to us on all sides, so great was the inclination manifested by those good people toward the Faith. The French at sainte Iarie of Lake Gannentaa, worked at all the trades practiced in a city, in order to provide a lodging for all of us, and to protect us in the midst of those barba- rous Nations. All this was done, not without trouble. It was necessary to work hard, to sleep little, to lie on the earth sheltered by miserable pieces of bark, to eat as a rule only a little meal of Indian corn, boiled in water, without bread, without wine, with no other sauce than appetite, and to be pestered night and day by little flies or gnats, which attack one on all sides and at all hours. All that, added to change of air 182 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 fans pain, fans vin, fans autre ragoufi que la faim, & efire im portunés iour & n uiét de certains moucherons ou coufins, qui afIaillent là de tous cofiés, & à toute heure. Tout cela ioint au changement d'air & aux grands trauaux du voyage, altera tellement nos [66] confiitutions dans les plus grandes chaleurs de l'année que nous tombafmes tous malades: c'efioit chofe pitoyable d' en voir quelquesfois iufques à vingt entaffés prefque les vns fur les autres, dãs vn temps & dans vn pays où nous n' auions autre fecours que du Ciel. :Mais celuy qui auoit fait nofire playe, y mit bien-toft vn bon appareil. II enuoia dans Ie fort de nofire difette tant de gibier & tant de poiffon dans nofire Lac, auant la faifon ordinaire, que les malades furent foulagés, les conualefcens fortifiés, & ceux qui efioient gueris, foufienus dans leur trauail. II tou- cha tellement Ie cæur de ces peuples qu'ils nous apportoient auec grand amour de leurs bleds & de leurs douceurs qui font des faifolles & des citroiiilles du pays qui font plus fermes & meilleures que celles de France. I1s nous prefentoient auffi des efpics de leur bled nouueau, qui ne font pas mauuais. En forte que nous en fumes tous quittes pour quelques accez de fievre tierce, qui nous fit efprouuer toutes les marques poffibles de bonté, que nous donnerent les fauuages pendant nofire maladie. [671 IIs abordoient de tous cofiés, les vns nous apportant du poiffon, d'autres nons reprochant que nous n'enuoions pas affés fouuent au lieu de leur pefche, pour en prendre felon nos befoins: l'vn des plus confiderables d'Onontaghé fe vint loger pour vn peu de temps aupres de nous, i1 fit des prefens à no fire Pere Superieur pour Ie bon traitement 16.56-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 183 and the great fatigues of the journey, so affected our [66] constitutions, at the hottest season of the year, that we all fell sick. It was pitiful to see sometimes as many as twenty heaped almost one on top of the other, at a time and in a country where we had no other succor than that of Heaven. But he who had caused our wounds soon applied a good dressing to them. At the height of our misery and privations, he sent us so much game and so many fish into our Lake, before the usual season, that the sick were relieved, the convalescent were strengthened, and those who were cured were sustained in doing their work. He so touched the hearts of those people that they brought us, with great affection, some of their corn and their dainties, such as the beans and squashes of the country, which are firmer and better than those of France. They also gave us fresh ears of their corn, which are not disagreeable. Thus, we all escaped with a few attacks of tertian fever, which caused us to experience every possible kind- ness at the hands of the savages during our illness. [67] They came to us from all sides; some brought us fish, others reproached us that we did not send often enough to their fishing-place to take some according to our needs. One of the chief men of Onontaghé came to reside near us for a short time. He gave presents to our Father Superior for the good treatment that his son had received at Quebec. He wished to contract a brotherly friend- ship with him, and to bind it closely he presented him with a collar of porcelain beads. A Sonnontoueronnon, who was considered a great hunter, came and offered him a covering to preserve 184 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 qu'auoit receu fon fils à Quebec, il voulut lier auec luy vne amitié de frere, & pour la noüer eftroitement illuy prefenta vn colier de porcelaine. Vn Sonnontoüeronnon efiimé grand chaffeur, luy vint offrir vne couuerture pour conferuer la chaleur de l'amitié qu'il venoit contrader auec luy. On nous a rapporté iufques icy que les Hollandois nous vouloient amener des cheuaux & quelques autres commodités, fe réjouïffant de nofire demeure en ces contrées. Vn ancië Capitaine d'Oïogoen homme intelligent & emploié dans les affaires publiques, nous eft venu voir de la part de toute fa Nation, pour prier Achien- dafé de Iuy accorder quelques-vns [68] de nos Peres, l'affeurant qu'on leur feroit dreffer vne Chapelle & que Ie peuple demandoit d'eftre inftruit en noftre creance. On luya donné Ie Pere René 11enard, & deux François nonobftant noftre grande difette d'ou- uriers. Le Pere Iofep,h Chaumont Ie doit accompa- gner iufques à Oïogoen, & de là paffer à Sonnontouan pour ietter de loing les fondemens d'vne belle Nliffion, & d'vne gran de moiffon qu'on efpere recueillir, s'il plaift à Dieu de nous conferuer la paix, & de nous en uoier des ou uriers. 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656- 57 185 the warmth of the friendship that he had just contracted with him. News has come to us here that the Dutch wish to bring us some horses and other commodities, as they are glad that we dwell in these covntries. A former Captain of Oiogoen, an intelligent man engaged in public affairs, came to see us on behalf of the whole of his Nation. He requested Achien- dasé to give them some [68] of our Fathers, assuring him that they would erect a Chapel for them, and that the people desired to be instructed in our belief. He was given Father René Menard and two Frenchmen, notwithstanding our great scarcity of workmen. Father Joseph Chaumont is to accom- pany him as far as Oiogoen; from there he will go to Sonnontouan, to lay from afar the foundations of a fine Mission, and to sow the seeds of a great harvest, which we hope to gather, if it please God to preserve peace for us and to send us workmen. 186 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 CHAPITRE VI. VNE PARTIE DES HURONS VA DEMEURER À AGNIÉ. A PRES la defaite des Hurons dans l'Ifle d'OrIeans dont nous auons parlé au Chapitre troifiéme; ceux qui reftoient demanderent la paix à l'Iro- quois Agnieronnon, qui leur fut accordée, l' Automne dernier, à condition [69] que Ie Printemps prochain ils monteroient tous à Agnié (c'eft Ie nom du païs des Iroquois d'en-bas) pour n'habiter d'orefnauant qu'vne terre, & ne faire qu'vn peuple entr'eux. Le Contrad en fut paffé: Et pour Ie ratifier trois Hurons Ie porterent aux anciens du pays des Iroquois qui Ie fignerent à leur façon, par de beaux prefens qu'ils firent faire à tous les Hurons par leurs Ambaffadeurs: ils leurs promirent de les aller querir dans leur petites gondoles, & donnerent commiffion de les aduertir de fe tenir prefts pour cela, fans vfer plus long-temps d'excufes ou de remifes. Le temps determiné eftant écheu, vne troupe de cent ieunes foldats bien refolus, partit du pays pour executer ce deffein. Le gros s'arreftant à trois ou quatre iournées de Quebec, trente s'en detacherent pour fe prefenter aux Hu- rons, & les fommer de leur parolle. Le Capitaine de cette efcoüade ayant demandé audience Ie Iende- main de fon arriuée, i1 expofa dans l'affemblée des François & des Hurons Ie fujet de fon Ambaffade, & difant franchement qu'it [70] venoit querir les Hu- rons, il les harangua en ces termes. :Mon frere, c' eft 1656-57] RELATION OF I6S6-57 187 CHAPTER VI. A PORTION OF THE HURONS GO TO DWELL AT AGNIÉ. A FTER the defeat of the Hurons on the Island of Orleans, which we related in the third Chap- ter, those who remained sued the Agnieronnon Iroquois for peace. It was granted to them last Autumn, on condition [69] that, in the following Spring, they should all go up to Agnié (that is the name of the country of the lower Iroquois), in order that in future they might inhabit but one land, and be but one people with them. The Agreement was concluded, and, to ratify it, three Hurons bore it to the elders of the Iroquois country. They signed it in their fashion with fine presents, which they gave to all the Hurons through their Ambas- sadors; they promised to come and get them in their little gondolas, and sent word to warn them to be prepared for it without any further excuse or postponement. 'Vhen the time specified had elapsed, a band of a hundred young and very reso- lute warriors started from their country to carry out that design. The main body halted three or four days' journey above Quebec, and thirty were de- tached to present themselves before the Hurons and summon them to keep their word. On the day fol- lowing his arrival, the Captain of this band asked for an audience, at which he explained to the assembly of French and Hurons the object of his Embassy, and frank I y stated that he [70] had come for the 188 LES RELATIONS DES ./ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 à toy que i' adreíIe ma parolle: II y a quatre ans que tu m'as prié que ie te priíIe par Ie bras pour te leuer & t'enlmener en mon pays, tu l'as retiré queIquesfois quand ie l'ay voulu faire, c'eft pour ceia que ie t'ay frapé de ma hache fur Ia tefte. Ne Ie retire plus, c'eft tout de bon que ie te dis leue toy. I1 eft temps que tu vienne, tien prends ce collier pour t'ayder à te Ieuer, (c'eftoit vn prefent de porcelaine qu'illuy faifoit.) N e crains point, ie ne te regarde plus comme ennemi, mais comme mon parent, tu feras cheri de mon pays, qui fera auffi Ie tien: Et afin que tu n 'en doutes pas, prend cét autre collier de porce- laine pour aíIeurance de ma parolle. Puis retournant les yeux & la parolle vers M:onfieur Ie Gouuerneur les prefens à la main, it luy dit: Onontio ouure tes bras & laiíIe aller tes enfans de ton fein, fi tu les tiens plus long-temps fi ferrez, it eft à craindre qu'on ne te bleffe, quand nous les voudrons frapper lors qu'ils l'auront merité. Reçoy cette porcelaine [71J pour élargir tes bras. Ie fçay que Ie Huron ayme la priere, qu'il inuoque celuy qui a tout fait, qu'il ioint les mains quand illuy demande quelque chofe; ie veux faire comme luy, agreé que Ie Pere OndefonK vienne auec nous pour nous inftruire en la Foy: Et puis que nous n'auons pas aíIez de Canots pour emmener tant de monde, prefte nous tes chalouppes. V oilà pour attirer la robe noire, & pour mettre les canots à l'eau: c'eftoit des beaux colliers dont il fit prefent à :Monfieur Ie Gou- uerneur. Le confeil fini, chacun fe retira chez foy pour penfer à ce qu'il deuoit refpondre. Le Huron euft fans doute bien voulu fe dédire, mais il n'y auoit plus de moyen, il auoit fait la faute, ilIa luy falloit 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 189 Hurons. He harangued them in these terms: "My brother, it is to thee that my words are addressed. Four years ago, thou didst beg me to take thee by the arm, to raise thee and bring thee to my country; thou didst sometimes withdraw it when I wished to comply with thy request; that is why I struck thee on the head with my hatchet. Withdraw it no more; for I tell thee in earnest to get up. It is time for thee to come. Here, take this collar to assist thee to arise" (this was a present of porcelain beads that he gave him). "Fear not; I no longer look upon thee as an enemy, but as my relative; thou shalt be cher- ished in my country, which shall also be thine. And, that thou mayst not doubt it, take this other collar of porcelain beads as a pledge of my word." Then, turning his eyes and addressing himself to Monsieur the Governor, with presents in his hand, he said: "Onontio, open thine arms and allow thy children to leave thy bosom; if thou shalt hold them so closely any longer, it is to be feared that thou mayst be wounded when we wish to strike them when they deserve it. Receive these porcelain beads [7 I] to open thine arms. I know that the Huron loves prayer, that he invokes him who has made all, that he clasps his hands when he asks any- thing of him. I wish to do as he does. Permit Father Ondesonk to come with us and instruct us in the Faith. And, since we have not enough Canoes to carry so many people, lend us thy shallops. Here is something with which to attract the black gown, and to put the canoes in the water:' These were fine collars which he presented to Monsieur the Governor. 'Vhen the council was over, each with- drew to his own quarters to think over the answer that 190 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 boire. II n'efioit plus temps d'vfer de remife, il falloit marcher ou mourir de la main de l'Iroquois. Toute la nuiét fe pafía à confulter: les aduis eftant partagez, la Nation de la Corde qui eftoit l'vne des trois dont la Colonie Huronne eftoit compofée, refufa de quitter Quebec, & les François: la Nation du Rocher iettoit fa penfée vers Onontaghé: [72J & la Nation de l'Ours, fe refolut de fe mettre entre Ies mains de l' Agnieronon. La conclufion donc en eftant prife, & Ie Capitaine de cette Nation appellé Ie Plat l'ayant dit à fes gens, Ie matin, on affembla derechef Ie Confeil, & Ie Pere Ie :Moyne en fit l'ouuerture au nom de Monfieur Ie Gouuerneur à peu prés en ces termes. Onontio ayme Ies Hurons, ce font des enfans qui ne font plus au maillot, ils font affez grands pour efire hors de tutelle. Ils peuuent aller où ils voudrõt fans qu'Onontio y mette aucun empef- chement. II ouure fes bras pour Ies Iaiffer aller. Pour moy ie fuis tout preft d'accompagner mon troupeau, quand celuy qui me gouuerne, me I'aura permis: Ie te monftreray auffi à toy mon frere Agnieronon comme il faut obeïr à Dieu, & comme il Ie faut prier: mais eftant de l'humeur dont ie te con- nois, tu ne feras pas eftat de la priere. Pour nos chalouppes on ne t'en peut pas prefter, tu voys bien qu'il n'y en a pas vne dans nos ports, chacun en a befoin pour la traite, & pour aller au deuant d'vn nouueau Gouuerneur que nous attendons. [73] Ce difcours fut receu par les Iroquois auec des acclama- tions de ioye & mille remercimens. Le Capitaine de Ia Nation de l'Ours fe voyant obligé de parler, & de dire la conclufion qu'il auoit prife la nuiét auec ceux de fa Nation, commença fa 1656-5ï] RELA TION OF I656-57 191 he should give. The Huron, doubtless, would have liked to retract his word; but it was no longer pos- sible to do so,- the fault had been his, and he had to bear the consequences. It was no longer time to delay; he must go, or die by the hand of the Iro- quois. The whole night was passed in consultation. Opinions were divided; the Nation of the Cord, one of the three who composed the Huron Colony, refused to leave Quebec and the French; the Nation .of the Rock turned its thoughts toward Onontaghé; [72J and the Nation of the Bear resolved to place itself in the hands of the Agnieronon. When this decision had been reached, and when the Captain of that Nation, called Ie Plat ['I the Dish "J, had in- formed his people of it in the morning. the Council once more assembled, and Father Ie 11:oyne opened it in the name of Monsieur the Governor, somewhat in the following terms: "Onontio loves the Hurons. They are no longer children in swaddling-clothes, but are old enough to be out of tutelage. They can go where they wish, without being hindered in any way by Onontio. He opens his arms to let them go. For my part, I am quite ready to follow my flock, when he who governs me permits me to do so. I shall teach thee also, my Agnieronon brother, how to obey God and how to pray to him; but, knowing what thy nature is, I know also that thou wilt not care for prayer. As for our shallops, we cannot lend thee any; thou seest very well that there is not one in our ports; they are all needed for the trade, and for proceeding to meet a new Governor whom we expect." [73] This discourse was recei ved by the Iro- quois with joyful acclamations and a thousand thanks. 'Vhen the Captain of the Nation of the Bear found 192 LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 petite harangue d'vn ton fort, & d'vne voix robufte. Ion frere, dit-iI, à l' Agnieronon, c'en eft fait, ie fuis à toy. Ie me jette à yeux c10s dans ton Canot, fans fçauoir ce que ie fais: mais quoy qu'il en puirre arriuer, ie fuis refolu de mourir. Que tu me carre la tefte lors que nous ferons à la portée d u canon d'icy, il n'importe, i'y fuis tout refolu, ie ne veux pas que mes coufins des deux autres Nations s'embarquent à cette fois auec moy, afin qu'ils voyent auparauant comme tu te comporteras à mon égard. Vn autre Capitaine grand amy de celuy qui ache- uoit de parler, ietta incontinent trois prefens au milieu de la place pour prier I'Iroquois de bien traiter fon ami en chemin: prend garde, Iuy dit-il, que mon frere Atfena qui fe donne à toy, ne tombe pas dans la Vafe en [74J débarquant, voilà vn collier pour affermir la terre où il mettra Ie pied: Et quand il fera débarqué, ne permets pas qu'il foit affis à platte-terre: voilà dequoy luy faire vne Natte où il fe repofera: Et afin que tu ne te mocques pas des femmes & des enfans quand ils pleurerõt fe voiant en vn pays eftranger, voilà vn mouchoir que ie te donne pour effuyer leurs larmes, & la fueur de leur front. Vn troifiéme Capitaine qui n'auoit pas enuie de s'embarquer, & qui ne s'offroit pas à l'Iroquois, ne luy cacha pas fa penfée. Ie voy toute la Riuiere, dit-il, bordée de grandes & groiIes dents, ie me met- trois en danger de me faire mordre, fi ie m'embar- quois à prefent. Ce fera pour vne autre fois. L'Iroquois fe voyant fruftré de I'efperance d'auoir des Chalouppes, fe refolut de faire des Canots, & hafta fi fort fon trauail, qu'en moins de cinq ou fix 1656 - 57] RELA TION OF r656-57 193 that he was called upon to speak and to state the decision that he had made Juring the night with his Nation, he began his short harangue in a loud tone and a powerful voice. " Iy brother," he said to the Agnieronon, " it is decided; I am at thy service. I cast myself, with my eyes shut, into thy Canoe, without knowing what I am doing. But, whatever may betide, I am resolved to die. Even if thou shouldst break my head as soon as we are out of range of the cannon here, it matters not; I am quite resolved. I do not wish my cousins of the two other Nations to embark this time with me, in order that they may first see how thou wilt behave toward me." Another Captain, a great friend of the one who had just spoken, forth with cast before them three presents, to beg the Iroquois to treat his friend well on the road. "Take care," he said to him, "that my brother Atsena, who gives himself to thee, does not fall into the Mud in [74] disembarking; here is a collar to make the earth firm where he will set foot on it. When he disembarks, do not allow him to sit on the bare ground; here is something wherewith to make a Mat for him on which he may rest. And, that thou mayst not laugh at the women and children when they weep at seeing themselves in a strange country, here is a handkerchief that I give thee to wipe away their tears, and the sweat from their brows." A third Captain, who was un willing to embark, and who did not offer himself to the Iroquois, did not conceal his thought from him. "I see the whole River," he said, "bristling with long and great teeth; I would put myself in danger of being bitten, were I to embark at present. It will be for another time. ' , 194 LES RELA TIONS DES ./ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 iours il en eut fuffifamment pour embarquer ceux qui s ' efioien t donnez à I u y. Pendant qu'on trauailloit Ie iour aux Canots, les nuids fe paíIoient à faire des [75] fefiins d'adieu, dont Ie plus magnifique fut celuy que Ie Capitaine de la Nation des Ours fit pour prendre congé de Monfieur Ie Gouuerneur, des Robes Noires & des Sauuages. Ce fut pour lors que ce Capitaine faifant paroiftre fon efprit & fon eloquence, monftra encore plus l'affeétion qu'il portoit aux François. Prends courage, difoit-il, Onontio, prends courage, Onde- fonK. Ie vous quitte, il eft vray: mais mon cæur ne vous quitte pas. Ie m'en vay, il eft vray, mais ie vous laiffe mes coufins qui valent mieux que moy. Et pour vous tefmoigner que mon pais eft toufiours à Quebec; Ie vous laiíIe la grande chaudiere où nous faifons les aétes de nos plus grandes réioüiíIances. Les autres difcours dont il vfa pour cét adieu feroient trop longs à rapporter. Le Pere OndefonK luy fit fon petit compliment à la façon des Sauuages: En luy difant: Mon frere, lilon cæur eft trifte de te voir partir, & n'efioit que i"efpere de te reuoir bien-toft au lieu où tu vas, i1 n'y auroit point de breuuage capable de guerir mon affiiétion, & i'aurois [76] toute ma vie Ie cæur de trauers, & Ie vifage abbatu. Pour toy prend courage, tu me verras durant tous les chemins de ton voyage, dans tous les lieux où tu cabaneras, dans tous les endroits où tu debarqueras: Car Ondefonk a efté par tout, il a fait du feu par tout, il a fait fon gifte par tout, fi le feu eft efteint, tien voilà pour Ie r'allu- mer, fi la N atte eft oftée, voilà pour en mettre vne autre, & fe coucher mollement. C'eftoit autant de 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 195 When the Iroquois saw himself frustrated in his hope of obtaining Shallops, he resolved to make Canoes; and he pressed the work so well, that, in less than five or six days, he had enough to embark all those who had given themselves up to him. While they worked at the Canoes in the daytime, the nights were passed in holding [75] farewell feasts. The most splendid was the feast given by the Captain of the Bear Nation, to take lea ve of 1\10n- sieur the Governor, of the Black Gowns, and of the Savages. On that occasion, the Captain gave proof of his wit and eloquence, and showed still more the affection that he had for the French. "Take cour- age, Onontio," he said; "take courage, Ondesonk. I leave you, it is true; but my heart does not leave you. I am going away, it is true; but I leave you my cousins, who are better than I am. And, to show you that Quebec is ever my country, I leave you the large kettle, which we use in our greatest rejoic- ings." It would take too long to repeat the other discourses that he pronounced in bidding farewell. Father Ondesonk also paid him his little compli- ment, in the fashion of the Savages, by saying to him: "My brother, my heart is sad at seeing thee depart; were it not that I hope to see thee soon in the place to which thou art going, there would be no potion fit to cure my affliction; and [76] throughout my life my heart would be cast down, aDd my coun- tenance depressed. As for thee, take courage; thou shalt see me at every stage of thy journey, in every place where thy cabin will be erected, at every spot where thou wilt disembark. For Ondesonk has been everywhere; he has kindled a fire everywhere; he has set up his camp everywhere. If the fire be 196 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 prefens que Ie Pere luy faifoit qui adouciffoient la dOll leur de cét homme de bien. Les fefiins & les adieux ayant efié longs, on fe coucha fort tard, ce qui n'empefcha pas qu'on ne vifi de bon matin fur Ie bord de la Ri uiere tous les Hurons prefis de s'embarquer auec l'Iroquois, commençans dés.lors à ne faire qu'vn mefme peuple auec luy. 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656-57 197 extinguished, here is something with which to re- kindle it; if the Mat be removed, here is wherewith to replace it by another, on which thou mayst repose softly." These were so many presents, which the Father gave him to alleviate the sorrow of that good man. The feasts and farewells lasted a long time, and all went to bed very late; but this did not prevent them from seeing, at an early hour next morning, all the Hurons on the bank of the River ready to embark with the Iroquois, commencing from that moment to form but one people with them. 198 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 [77] CHAPITRE VII. L' AUTRE PARTIE DES HURONS VA DEMEURER À ONONT AGÉ. L ES Iroquois Superieurs que nous appellons On- nontagherõnons ont voulu auoir part au debris des Hurons de Quebec, auffi bien que les Iroquois d'en bas. Tous deux pour venir à bout de leur deffein ont pris la mefme route, & íe font íeruis de mefmes machines, employans la force, où l'adreffe leur manquoit. 11 yauoit trois ans que l'Ononta- geronon follicitoit Ie Huron à prendre fon parti, & à fe retirer dans fon pays pour ne faire qu'vn peuple auec luy. L'année 1655. il defcendit pour ce deffein iufqu'à Quebec, fit au Huron en pre fence des Fran- çois & des Sauuages de tres-beaux prefens qui furent acceptez de bon cæur, & promit d'aller faire fa demeure pour toufiours dans Ie bourg d'Onõtaghé, pourueu qu'il y menafi auffi les Robes-Noires. Les Peres [78J y allerent en effeét: Mais Ie Huron gagné par les prefens & les menaces de l' Agnieronnon fe donna à luy, manquãt à la promeffe qu'il auoit faite à l'Onontageronon. Ce traiét de fineffe & de politique barbare de l' Agnieronon qui auoit ainfi couru fur Ie marché de fon voifin, & l'imprudence du Huron à íe donner à deux Maifires fit naifire de la ialoufie dans l'efprit de l'Onontageronon, & luy fit prendre refo- lution d'empefcher qu'on ne luy rauifi des mains ce qu'i1 penfoit defia tenir: & tout enfemble vn defir de 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656- 57 199 [77] CHAPTER VII. ANOTHER PORTION OF THE HURONS GO TO DWELL AT ONONT AGÉ. T HE Upper Iroquois, whom we call Onnontaghe- ronnons, wished to have, as well as the lower Iroquois, a share in the remnant of the Hurons of Quebec. To carry out their ends, both took the same way, and made use of the same devices, employing force where address failed them. For three years the Onontageronon had urged the Huron to side with him, and to retire to his country, in order to form but one people with him. In the year 1655, he came down to Quebec for that pur- pose, and gave the Huron, in the presence of the French and the Savages, very fine presents, which were heartily accepted. The Huron promised to go and take up his residence forever in the village of Onontaghé, provided he could also bring the Black Gowns there. The Fathers [78J did, in fact, go there. But the Huron, yielding to the presents and threats of the Agnieronnon, gave himself up to him, thereby breaking the promise which he had given to the Onontageronon. This stroke of cunning and of barbarian policy on the part of the Agnieronon, who had thus outbidden his neighbor, and the impru- dence of the Huron in giving himself to two Mas- ters, aroused jealousy in the mind of the Onontage- ronon, and made him resolve to prevent that which he thought he already possessed from being snatched 200 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 fe vanger du Huron qu'il croyoit l'auoir trompé. Ce deffein fit partir d'Onnontaghé cent guerriers refolus d'enleuer de Quebec les Hurons ou de gré ou de force. Ils parurent fur nos frontieres au commencement du Printemps. Ils rodoient de to us cofiez pour faire quelque mauuais coup. Mais comme chacun fe tenoit fur fes gardes; ne pouuans venir à bout de leur deffein, apres dix iours de peine & de fatigue, quelques-vns de la trouppe preffez par la faim, fe jetterent dans Ie fort de Sillery, & deman- derent à parler [79] à OndefonK, c'efi à dire au Pere Ie Moyne & aux Hurons pour tenir confeil auec eux d'vne affaire d'importance. Le Pere leur fait entendre que les Hurons font à Quebec, que c'efi Ie lieu du Confeil, qu'il y faut aller pour traiter d'affaire; qu'au refie illes menera en affeurance, leur promet- tant qu'ils y feront veus de bon rei!. Ils y vont, auec ce fauf-conduit, & fans differer au lendemain, Ie Con- feil s'affemble, où ces Meffieurs faifant d'abord leurs excufes, de ce qu'ils efioient venus querir les Hurons leurs freres à main armée, dirent que la nouuelle qu'ils auoient apprife l'Hyuer dernier, que Ie Huron s'efioit dédit & auoit changé de penfée, les auoit obligez de fe comporter de la forte. Mais qu'ayant appris depuis de la bouche d'Ondefonk la fauffeté de ce bruit, ils efioient tous prefis de mettre les armes bas, & de fe comporter en freres auec les Hurons. Onde- fonK repliquant à l'Onontageronon au nom d'Onontio luy dit. On doit te loüer mon frere, de ce que tu parois icy fans armes, & auec vn efprit de paix; mais [80J tu deuois efire parti de ton pays dans cet equi- page & dans cette difpofition; tu as cru trop legere- ment les faux rapports qu'on t'a fait du Huron, cette 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656-57 201 from him; at the same time, it inspired him with a desire for revenge upon the Huron, by whom he thought that he had been deceived. With this design, one hundred warriors set out from Onnontaghé, resolved to remove the Hurons from Quebec, either with their consent or by force. They made their appearance on our frontiers at the beginning of Spring. They prowled about in every direction to strike some evil blow; but, as all were on their guard, they could not accomplish their design. After enduring toil and fatigue for ten days, some of the band, pressed by hunger, entered the fort at Sil- lery, and asked to speak [79J to Ondesonk - that is, to Father Ie :Moyne - and to the Hurons, to hold a council with them on a matter of importance. The Father explained to them that the Hurons were at Quebec, that that was the place of Council, and that they must go there if they wished to transact any business; that, moreover, he would take them there in safety, promising them that they would be favor- ably received. They went there with that safe- cond uct, without delaying till the following day. The Council met, at which they first excused them- selves for having come for the Hurons, their broth- ers, with arms in their hands; the news which they had heard last Winter, that the Huron had retracted his word and had changed his mind, had compelled them to take these measures. But, having since learned from the mouth of Ondesonk that this rumor was false, they were quite prepared to lay down their arms, and to behave as brothers toward the Hurons. Ondesonk replied to the Onontage- ronon in the name of Onontio, and said to him: " Thou art to be praised, my brother, for appearing 202 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 creance precipitée t'a fait prendre les armes trop toft, il falloit t'informer auparauant des François qui font auec toy, qui t'euffent fait connoiftre par les Lettres qu'ils reçoiuent, Ia fauffeté de la nouuelle qui court dans ton pays. Que puis-ie penfer quand ie te voy Ia hache à la main, fans aucune Lettre de nos François, paffer en cachette pardeuant nos habita- tions, finon que nous ayant mal-traité au pays haut, tu viens auffi pour nous mal-traiter icy bas? As tu mis en oubly ce beau prefent que ie te fis en ton pays il y a trois ans, qui te difoit que Ie Huron, l'AIgon- quin, & Ie François n'eftoient plus qu'vne tefte, & que qui frappoit l'vn, blefíoit l'autre. Le Pere finiffant ces reproches, luy donna vn beau collier de Porcelaine pour les luy faire receuoir plus paifible- ment, & pour affermir la promeffe qu'il auoit faite de ne penfer plus à la guerre. En effet l'Onnontagheronnon prenant [8 I] en bonne part ce qu'on luy auoit dit en ami, & fe fiant fur ce qu'on I'auoït affeuré que Ie Huron n'auoit point changé de penfée; i1 ne luy dit que deux mots par deux prefens qu'il luy fit dans l'affembIée du lendemain. 110n frere, luy dit-il, puis que tu as refolu de venir auec moy, il ne faut pas que ie t'inuite dauantage. Ie lie cette corde à ton Canot pour t'ay- der à Ie tirer: Ie fçay bien que Onontio ne te retiendra pas: voilà vn collier pour luy faire ouurir Ies bras & te laiffer aller. A ceIa Ie Huron n'eut que des remercimens à faire; tu me confoles mon frere, de ce que tu as pitié de moy, de nos femmes, & de nos enfans. Ne te fafche pas neantmoins fi ie ne m'em- barque point auiourd'huy dans ton Canot: c'eft vn Canot de guerre qui me fait peur; Ie coufteau que tu 1656-57] RELATIO.N OF r656-57 203 here unarmed and with a mind inclined toward peace; but [80] thou shouldst have started from thy country with the same equipment and in the same disposition. Thou hast too readily believed the false reports made to thee against the Huron; that hasty belief has led thee to take up arms too soon. Thou shouldst first have sought information from the French who are with thee, and who, by means of the Letters that they receive, would have shown thee the falseness of the rumor that has spread in thy land. \Vhen I see thee stealthily pass by our settle- ments, with a hatchet in thy hand, without any Let- ter from our French, what else can I think but that, after ill-treating us in the upper country, thou com- est to ill-treat us also down here? Hast thou forgot- ten the fine present that I made thee in thy own country three years ago, which said to thee that the Huron, the Algonquin, and the Frenchman were no longer more than one head, and that whosoever struck one, wounded the other?" When the Father had finished these reproaches, he gave him a fine collar of Porcelain beads, to make him receive them more peacefully, and to strengthen the promise which he had given to think no longer of war. In fact, the Onnontagheronnon took [8 I] in good part the friendly words which had been said to him; and, relying upon the assurance which he had received that the Huron had not changed his mind, he said but two words to him with two presents. These he gave him at the meeting on the following day. " 1\1 Y brother," he said to him, "since thou hast resolved to come with me, I need not invite thee any more. I tie this cord to thy Canoe, to help thee to haul it. I know well that Onontio will not detain 204 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 as laiffé dedans, pourroit bleffer mes enfans, & nos femmes trembleroient à la veüe de la hache que tu n'as pas encore ofiée. Efiant venu & t'en retour- nant les armes à la main, on diroit que tu emmenes des prifonniers, & non tes amis & tes freres: mais auffi-tofi que quelque Canot [82] des François qui font en ton pays defcendra icy bas, ie fuis à toy, mene moy où tu voudras. L'affaire efiant en ces termes, il furuint vn acci- dent qui penfa rompre tout Ie traité. Vn ieune Onontageronon frappant vn Huron de ía hac he & Ie jettant mort íur la place, la nouueUe de ce meurtre allarme les Hurons, qui retiennent priíonniers dans vne cabane deux Onontageronnons qui y efioient allez rêdre vifite: L'Onontageronon d'autre-part fait íon poffible pour empefcher que les eíprits ne s'ai- griffent, & désapprouuant Ie fait du meurtrier, ille condamne de folie, & en fait íatisfaétion. Mais enfin voyant que Ie Huron, qui fe vouloit rendre au plus fort, vouloit faire Ie mauuais, il attrape deux Canots de íes gens qui retournoient de la chaffe, les meine dans fon fort & les tient comme prifonniers. L'affaire aUoit prendre vn mauuais train, fi Ie Pere Ie 110yne ne s'y fut interpofé heureufemêt & n'en eufi arrefié Ie cours par fes íoins & fa diligêce. II fit fi bien par íes allées & fes venuës, qu'il mit toutes les chofes en [83] leur premier efiat, fit rendre les prifonniers de part & d'autre, & remit Ie calme dans les efprits. En íuitte l'Onontageronnon reïtere fa demande, II preffe Ie Huron de s'embarquer auec luy; & Ie Huron períeuere à s'excufer, íur ce qu'il n'eft pas bien feant qu'il s'êbarque dans vn Canot de guerre, & qu'il faut attendre vn Canot de paix. Ie fuis à toy dés ce 1656-57] R.r.LA TION OF z656-57 205 thee; here is a collar, to make him open his arms and let thee go." To this the Huron had nothing but thanks to return. "Thou consolest me, my brother, because thou hast pity on me, on our women, and on our children. Be not offended, how- ever, if I do not embark to-day in thy Canoe. It is a war-Canoe, and it frightens me; the knife that thou hast left in it might wound my children, and our women would tremble at the sight of the hatchet that thou hast not yet removed. As thou hast come, and art about to return, with arms in hand, it would be said that thou art bringing prisoners. and not thy friends and brothers. But, as soon as some Canoe [82] belonging to the French who are in thy country comes down here, I am at thy service, and thou mayst take me wherever thou wilt." At this stage of the proceedings, an incident occurred which nearly ruptured the treaty. A young Onontageronon struck a Huron with his hatchet and killed him on the spot; the news of this murder alarmed the Hurons, and they detained in a cabin, as prisoners, two Onontageronnons who had gone there to pay a visit. On the other hand, the Onontage- ronon did his best to prevent any bad feeling on this account; he disapproved of the murderer's deed, condemned him as insane, and made satisfaction. But, finally, seeing that the Huron, who would yield only to force, was seeking a quarrel with him, he seized two Canoes full of his people, who were on their return from hunting, and took them into his fort, where he detained them as prisoners. Matters would have become serious, had not Father Ie ioyne happily intervened and checked their course by his care and diligence. He managed so well in his 206 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 moment, luy dit-il, voilà des arres de ma parolle, & de mon affeétion, qui font les prefens que ie te fais: Et fi cela ne fuffit pour te tefmoigner què ie me fuis donné à toy, trois de mes gens te tiendront com- pagnie, & porteront aux anciens les affeurances de ma bonne volonté. N ous irons à Montreal pour t'y attendre: Enuoye nous, quand tu feras arriué dans ton pays, ta ieuneffe pour no us venir querir. L'Onon- tageronon content de cette parolle, s' embarque dans fa petite gondolle, & fait ioüer fes auirons, pendant que les Hurons de la Nation du Rocher qui eft celIe qui fe donne à l'Onontageronon, fe preparent pour leur voyage de Montreal, & font leurs adieux à Onon- tio, aux Peres [84J & aux Sauuages qui reftent encores à Quebec: Et puis Ie 16. de Iuin fe iettent dans trois Chalou ppes Françoifes qui les rendent en peu de iours à la faueur d'vn petit vent de Nort-eft à Mont- real, où ils attendent ceux qui les doiuent enleuer. 1656-5ï] RELATION OF I656-57 207 interviews with both parties, that he restored every- thing to [83J its former condition; he caused the prisoners to be surrendered on both sides and calmed the minds of all. Then the Onontageronnon repeated his demand. He urged the Huron to embark with him, while the Huron persisted in excusing himself, on the ground that it was not becoming for him to embark in a war-Canoe, and that he must wait for a peace-Canoe. "From that moment, I am at thy disposal, " he said to him. "Here is an earnest of my word and my affection, in the presents that I give thee. And, if this be not sufficient to prove that I have given myself to thee, three of my people shall keep thee company and bear to the elders the assurance of my good will. \Ve shall go to Mont- real to await thee. \Vhen thou hast reached thy own country, send thy young men for us." The Onontageronon was satisfied with his promise; he embarked in his little gondola and paddled away, while the Hurons of the Tribe of the Rock, the one which had given itself to the Onontageronon, pre- pared themselves for their journey to Montreal, and bade adieu to Onontio, to the Fathers, [84J and to the Savages who still remained at Quebec. Then, on the 16th of June, they embarked in three French Shallops, which, favored with a light wind from the Northeast, landed them in a few days at Montreal. There they a wai ted those who were to take them away. 208 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 CHAPITRE VIII. DU VOYAGE DU P. SIMON LE MOYNE, AUX AGNIE. RONNONS. L A lvIiffion des Iroquois d'en hault, [sc. d'en bas] que nous appellons des 1-Iartyrs, n'eít encore qu'vne lVIiffion volante, dans l'efperance de la voir vn iour fixe, comme les autres lVIiffions. Le Pere Simon Ie l\1oyne y donna commencement l'an. née 1655. par Ie premier voyage qu'il y fit, & qu'il recommença l'année 1656. Et pour lequel il fe pre. pare encore cette année. Ses Superieurs pourroient luy dire auec verité quand ils l'y enuoient chaque année, ce que noítre Seigneur difoit à fes Apoítres, lors qu'il [85] les enuoyoit precher fon Euangile par tout Ie monde; qu'ils l'enuoient comme vne Brebis au milieu des Loups: Puis qu'vn Iefuite, vn Predica- teur, vn :11iffionnaire parmy des Iroquois, c'eft vn Agneau parmy des Loups carnaffiers. C'eít vne merueille de voir vn Agneau au milieu des Loups, fans efire mangé des Loups: mais c' ít vne merueille plus furprenante de voir des Loups changez en des Agneaux par des Agn aux. Nous auons veu cette premiere merueille en la perfonne du Pere Ie :Moyne: ie ne fçay quand nous verrons la feconde. Nous efperons que Dieu nous la fer a voir par fon infinie mifericorde quand i1 rangera tous les Iroquois dans Ie bercail de I E S V S - C H R 1ST. N Ous allons dans leur païs tous les ans vne fois, pour preparer Ie 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 209 CHAPTER VIII. OF THE JOURNEY OF FATHER SIMON LE MOYNE TO THE AGNIEROi'NONS. T HE 11ission of the lower Iroquois, which we call that of the l\Iartyrs, is as yet but a flying Mis- sion; we hope some day to see it stationary, one like the other :Missions. Father Simon Ie Moyne began it in the year 1655, when he made his first journey thither; he recommenced it in the year 1656, and is preparing for it again this year. His Superiors might truly have said to him each year when they sent him thither, what our Lord said to his Apostles when he [85J sent them to preach his Gospel throughout the world,-namely, that they were sending him like a Lamb among Wolves; for a Jesuit, a Preacher, a Missionary among the Iroquois is a Lamb among ravenous Wolves. It is a marvel to see a Lamb among Wolves without being eaten by the Wolves; but it is a greater marvel to see Wolves changed into Lambs by Lambs. We have witnessed the first marvel in the person of Father le :Moyne; I know not when we shall see the second. We trust that God, through his infinite mercy, will enable us to see it when he shall bring all the Iro- quois into the fold of JESUS CHRIST. We go to their country once every year, to prepare the way for the Gospel, gently to dispose the hearts of those Barbarians to receive the seed of Christian doctrine, and to apply the blood of J E S U S C H R 1ST by 210 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 chemin à I' Euangile, pour difpofer doucement les cæurs de ces Barbares à receuoir la femence de la dodrine Chreítienne, & pour appliquer Ie fang de IE S V S - C H R 1ST, en baptifant les enfans, les vieil- lards, & les moribonds. N ous y allons pour la con- feruation du bien public, & de la paix qui [86] eft fi delicate parmy ces peuples, que Ie feul deffaut d'vne vifite qu'ils attendent de leurs alliez, eft capable de la rompre. Nous y alIons pour chercher tous les moyens de rendre cette paix commune à tou tes les Nations: Enfin nous y allons pour empefcher la ialoufie qui fe pourroit gliíIer entre les Iroquois d'en bas & d'en-haut, [sc. d'en haut & d'en bas] fi demeu- rant auec les premiers, nous manquions à vifiter les derniers. Tout cela ioint enfemble ne merite-t'il pas bien que nous expofions nos vies aux trauaux, à la peine, & a ux dangers de la mort? Le Pere Simon Ie Moyne dans Ie premier voyage qu'il fit à Agnié l'an 1655. promit qu'il en feroit vn l'année fuiuante, fi Ia commodité s'en prefentoit: il s' efioit obligé de parolle, il la falloit garder: car vn homme qui eft trouué menteur, perd fon credit & fon authorité parmÿ ces peuples, auffi bien que parmi les plus honneítes gens de l'Europe. Mais Ie Pere eítant fur Ie point de partir; vn accident furuint qui rendit Ie voyage douteux. Vne trouppe d'Iro- quois defcendus [87J à Quebec attaqua les Hurons. Vne autre bande ayant attendu dans vne embufcade les Aigonquins fuperieurs qui remontoient de Quebec en leur pays, fit vne de charge fur eux, les mit en déroute, & tua d'vn coup de fufil vn des deux Peres qui les accompagnoient pour s'en alIer hyuerner auec 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656-57 211 baptizing the children, the aged, and the dying. \Ve go there in the interest of the public welfare, and for the preservation of the peace, which [86J is so frail a matter among these peoples, that the mere omis- sion to pay a visit which they expect from their allies is sufficient to break it. \Ve go there to seek every means to make that peace general among all the Nations. Finally, we go there to prevent the jealousy which might arise between the upper and the lower Iroquois, if, while residing with the former, we failed to visit the latter. In view of all those consid erations, should we not expose ourselves to labors, to sufferings, and to dangers of death? \Vhen Father Simon Ie :Moyne made his first journey to Agnié in the year 1655, he promised to make another in the following year, if the oppor- tunity presented itself. He had pledged his word, and it must be kept; for a man who is found to be a liar loses his credit and his authority among those peoples, as he does among the most honest in Europe. But, just as the Father was about to start, an incident happened which made it doubtful whether the journey could be undertaken. A band of Iro- . quois, who had come down [87J to Quebec, attacked the Hurons. Another band prepared an ambush for the upper Algonquins when they were returning from Quebec to their own country, fired a volley at them, routed them, and killed with a gunshot one of the two Fathers who accompanied them that he might pass the winter with them and show them the way to Heaven. This misfortune placed us in a rather disagreeable perplexity; by not making the journey, we would irritate the arrogant minds of 212 LES RELATIONS DES/ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 eux, & leur monfirer Ie chemin du Ciel. Ce malheur nous jetta dans vne irrefolution afIez fafcheufe; parce que rompant Ie voyage, on eufi irrité les efprits orgueilleux des Iroquois, qui eufIent foupçõné que Ie François eufi eu deffein de venger la mort de fon frere, & l'euffent voulu preuenir: d'autre-part aller auec eux, c'efioit ce fembloit aller chercher vne mort prefque afIeurée. On méprife ce danger plufiofi que de manquer de parole, Ie Pere entreprend Ie voyage & arri ue au pays les prefens à la main: car on ne parle iamais autrement d'affaires d'importance parmy ces peuples. II afIemble Ie Confeil, & parle aux anciens en ces termes. 110n frere, ie ne fçay où tu as mis ton efprit, il femble que tu l'as entierement perdu. Ie te viens [88J voir les prefens à la main, & tu me vifites toufiours en colere, & Ie vifage plein de fureur. Tu as tué tout recemment Ie Huron à Quebec, tu viens de cafIer la tefie à coups de fufil à mon frere la Robbe-Noire; tu auois prom is que tu me viendrois querir, & tu as manqué de parolle, tu me fais honte par tout, & on me reproche que i'ayme vn homme qui nous fait mourir. A quoy penfes-tu! Tien, voylà pour r'apeller ton efprit qui s'efi égaré. Tu dis qu'Onontio retient Ie Huron à Quebec, qu'il l'empefche de venir chez toy pour ne faire qu'vn pays; Tu te plains que Ie Huron ne te veut pas parler, quand tu vas Ie voir à Quebec pour traitter d'affaires: Ie vi en icy pour te des-abufer. Onnontio a defia ouuert les bras pour laifIer aller fes enfans où ils voudront, ils font libres, il ne les retient pas par force. Si Ie Huron ne te veut pas parler, tu en es toy mefme la caufe. Comment te parleroit-il te voiant toufiours la mafIuë à la main pour luy cafIer 1656 - 57] RELA TION OF r656- 57 213 the Iroquois, who would suspect that the French- man intended to revenge the death of his brother, and would try to forestall him; on the other hand, to go there seemed to be seeking almost certain death. We preferred to undergo the danger rather than break our word; the Father undertook the journey, and arrived in the country with presents in his hand, for one never speaks otherwise on matters of importance among these peoples. He assembled the Council, and spoke to the elders as follows: " Iy brother, I know not where thou hast placed thy mind; it seems that thou hast lost it completely. I come [88J to see thee with presents in my hand, and thou always visitest me in anger, and with a face full of fury. Quite recently, thou hast killed the Huron at Quebec, and thou hast just broken with gunshots the head of my brother, the Black Gown. Thou didst promise that thou wou1dst come for me, and thou hast not kept thy word. Thou sham est me everywhere, and I am reproached that I love a man who causes our death. Of what thinkest thou? Here is something to recall thy mind which has wandered away. Thou say est that Onontio detains the Huron at Quebec, that he prevents him from coming to thee to form but one country. Thou complain est that the Huron will not speak to thee when thou goest to Quebec to negotiate with him. I come here to undeceive thee. Onnontio has already opened his arms to let his children go where they wish; they are free; he detains them not by force. If the Huron will not speak to thee, it is through thine own fault. How can he speak to thee, when he sees thee always with a club in thy hand to break his head? Lay aside thy hatchet, 214 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 la tefte? quitte ta hache, & tu verras qu'i1 ales oreilles ouuertes pour t'écouter, & Ie cæur pour te fuiure: & [89] afin que tu n'en doutes pas, yoylà vn collier qu'i1 te prefente par mes mains. Vn des anciens prit la parolle, & dit au Pere, ne te fafche pas OndefonK, ie fuis ton frere, noftre ieu- neffe n'a point d'efprit, elle frappe à l'aueugle & à l'eftourdi: prend cette emplaftre que ie te donne (c'eftoit vn collier de porcelain e) mets-Ie defíus ton cæur, & ta colere fe paffant, tu feras guery: affeure Ie Huron de ma bonne volonté, & dy luy que i'ay defia eftendu fa Natte pour Ie receuoir dans ma Cabanne, & que ie luy enuoye ce collier pour attirer fon Canot. En fuitte de ce difcours la ieuneffe qui auoit refolu de defcendre à Quebec pour faire vn dernier effort pour enleuer Ie Huron, quitte Ie deffein de la guerre, pour prendre celuy de Ia chaffee Cependant OndefonK comme vn bon Pafteur, vifite fon troupeau qui foûpiroit apres luy, confole les affii- gez, inftruit les ignorans, entend les Confeffions de ceux qui fe prefentent à luy, baptife les enfans, fait prier Dieu tout Ie monde, exhorte vn chacun à perfe- uerer en la Foy, & dans la fuitte du peché. [90J Et s'il fe prefente quelque Iroquois, Ie Pere ne Ie laiffe pas aller fans luy donner vn mot d'infirudion fur l'Enfer & fur Ie Paradis, fur la puiffance d'vn Dieu qui void & cognoifi tout, qui chafiie les mefchants & reCOID- penfe les bons. Vn iour vn Iroquois s'entretenant auec ce Pere, luy raconta auec efionnement la couftume d'vn Huron Chrefiien dans les fupplices qu'on luy auoit fait fouffrir; depuis peu de temps dans Ie village. C' eftoit vn ancien Chrefiien qui auoit veritablement 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656-57 215 and thou shalt see that his ears are open to listen to thee, and his heart to follow thee; and, [89] that thou mayst not doubt it, here is a collar which he presents to thee through my hands." One of the elders addressed the Father and said to him: " Be not angry, Ondesonk; I am thy brother. Our young men have no sense; they strike blindly and heedlessly. Take this plaster which I give thee" (this was a collar of porcelain beads); "place it on thy heart, and, as thy anger will pass away, thou shalt be cured. Assure the Huron of my good will; tell him that I have already spread out his :Mat to receive him in my Cabin, and that I send him this collar to draw his Canoe hither." After this dis- course, the young men, who had intended to go down to Quebec to make a last effort to carry off the Hurons, abandoned their warlike designs, and resolved to go hunting. Meanwhile Ondesonk, like a good Shepherd, visited his flock which longed for him. He consoled the afflicted; he taught the ignorant; he heard the Confessions of those who came to him; he baptized the children; he made all pray to God; he exhorted all to persevere in the Faith and in avoiding sin. [9 0 ] vVhen any Iroquois presented himself, the Father did not allow him to depart without giving him a word of instruction on Hell and Paradise, or the power of a God who sees and knows all, who punishes the wicked and rewards the good. One day an Iroquois, while conversing with the Father, related to him with wonder the conduct of a Christian Huron in the tortures that he had been made to suffer, a short time before, in the village. He was a Christian of long standing, who really 216 LES RELATIONS DES/ÉSUITES [V OLe 43 la Foy, & dans Ie cæur & dans la bouche. II eftoit plein d'affeétion enuers la fainéte Vierge, dont il eftoit vn feruent Congreganifte. Cét Iroquois donc qui auoit aidé à Ie brûler, difoit à Ondefonk: Nous n'auons iamais veu perfonne qui ayme la priere comme cét homme. II prioit Dieu continuellement fur l'echafaut, & exhortoit auec amour fes concaptifs de penfer fouuent au Ciel, & à Dieu qui les y atten- doit. Mes freres, crioit-il tout haut, parlant aux Hurons Chreftiens: Souuenez-vous que les François s'affemblent auiourd'huy tous dans l'Eglife [91] pour offrir Ie facrifice à Dieu. lIs prient Dieu pour nous, faifons Ie mefme de noftre cofté: que fi nos ennemis ne permettent pas que nous faffions noftre priere à noftre ordinaire, comme nous faifions à l'Ifle d'Orle- ans à voix haute; au moins que chacun de no us prie en fon particulier dans fon cæur. Pour moy ie ne crains ny leurs tifons, ny leurs haches toutes rouges de feu: ils ne m'empefcheront iamais de parler à Dieu, pour Ie prier d'auoir pitié d'vn pauure garçon qui I' a tant & fi fouuent offenfé. En effet adiouftoit l'Iroquois, cet homme auoit quelque chofe de plus qu'humain, nous l'auons tourmenté dans Ie dcffein de tirer de fa bouche quelques cris; mais au contraire il ne ceffoit de foupirer doucement, & tenoit toufiours les yeux fichez au Ciel, comme s'il euft parlé à quelqu'vn, nous n'entendions pas diftinétemët ce qu'il difoit: 11ais il reïteroit fouuent ces paroles: mes freres ie m'en vay au Ciel où ie prieray celuy qui a tout faid: pour voftre falut. Enfin iufqu'au dernier foupir que nous luy arrachafmes par la violence des tourmens, [92] il ne parla que du Paradis. Cét exemple & ces difcours & plufieurs autres 16-56-57] RELA TION OF z6S6-S7 217 possessed the Faith both in his heart and on his lips; he was full of affection for the blessed Virgin, of whose Congregation he was a fervent member. That Iroquois, who had helped to burn him, said to Ondesonk: "\Ve have never seen anyone who loves the prayer like that man. He prayed to God continually on the scaffold, and lovingly exhorted his fellow-captives to think often of Heaven and of God, who awaited them there. '1Iy brothers,' he called out aloud, speaking to the Huron Christians, 'remember that all the French assemble to-day in the Church, [91] to offer the sacrifice to God. They pra y to God for us; let us do the same on our side. If our enemies do not permit us to say our prayers aloud in our usual way, as we did on the Island of Orleans, let us all at least pray in secret in our hearts. For my part, I fear neither their firebrands nor their hatchets heated red-hot; they shall never prevent me from speaking to God, to beg him to have pity on a poor man who has so greatly and so frequently offended him.' In fact," added the Iroquois, " there was something more than human in that man. \Ve tortured hIm, to force a cry out of his lips; but, on the contrary, he never ceased to sigh gently, and always kept his eyes fixed on Heaven, as if he were speaking to some one. \Ve could not distinctly understand what he said; but he often repeated these words: ' 11 Y brothers, I am going to Heaven, where I will pray to him who has made all for your salvation.' In short, up to the last sigh that we drew from him by the violence of the tortures, [92] he spoke of nothing but Paradise." Such an example, and such and many other similar discourses that the Iroquois have frequently seen and 218 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [V OL. 43 femblables que les Iroquois ont veu & entendu fou- uent feroient capables d'amollir leurs cæurs, & de les difpofer à la Foy, s'ils n'eftoient plus durs que les rochers: Nous efperons neantmoins que la continua- tion des foins qu'on a de leur falut, aura fon effet en temps & lieu: Et que la grace diftillant fur ces cæurs de pierre, y fera enfin l'impreffion que nous fouhai. tons, puifque comme dit le Poëte, gutta cauat lapidem. 1656-57J RELA TION OF 1656-57 219 heard, would be sufficient to soften their hearts and to incline them to the Faith, were they not harder than stones. We hope, nevertheless, that the con- tinual efforts which are made for their salvation will have their effect in due time, and at the proper place; and that grace, falling drop by drop on those hearts of stone, will finally produce the impression that we desire; for, as the Poet says, gutta cavat lapt"dem. 220 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 CHAPITRE IX. DE LA RESIDENCE DE SAINCT IOSEPH, EN L' ANCE DE SILLERY. L A Foy & la Religion ayant pris leur naiffance en la Croix, i1 en impoffible de les bien pref- cher, & de les bien eftablir, que par la Croix. C'en ce qui ne nous a pas manqué, depuis plus de trente ans, que nous trauaillons [93] en cette extre- mité du moude, pour amener des peuples à IESvs- CHRIST, & luy drefIer vue nouuelle Eglife. L'eau a quelquesfois englouti par des uaufrages quelques-vns de nos braues Neophytes; l'air a caufé de temps en temps, par fa corruption des epidimies, qui ont enleué vne partie de ces peuples. Les guerres out exter- miné quantité de bourgades, & confommé des Nations toutes entieres. Les ennemis de la Foy ont tué & mafIacré, brûlé & mangé les peres & les enfans, ie veux dire, les Predicateurs de I' Euangile, & ceux qui l'auoient receuë. Si bien que ce n'eft pas fans raifon, qu'on a quel- quesfois appellé ce pays-cy, Ie pays des Croix. Dieu nous en a enuoié cette année de precieufes; qu'i1 en foit beny à iamais. Ie n'en toucheray qu'vne en paffant, pour venir à la confolation que nous ont donné quelques bons Neophytes. Le 13. de Iuin de cette année 1657. Ie feu s'eftant jetté dans vn bucher, fans qu' on ayt pû fçauoir comment, on vit en peu de temps en la refidence de faint Iofeph, noftre 16õ6-5ï] RELATION OF z656-57 221 CHAPTER IX. OF THE RESIDENCE OF SAINT JOSEPH AT THE COVE OF SILLERY. A s Faith and Religion have sprung from the Cross, it is impossible to preach them well and to establish them properly otherwise than by the Cross. It has not failed us for over thirty years in which we have been working [93] at this end of the world, to bring nations to JESUS CHRIST, and to erect a new Church to him. The waters have at times swallowed up some of our worthy Neo- phytes in shipwrecks; the tainted air has from time to time caused epidemics, which have carried off a portion of these peoples; wars have exterminated a number of villages, and wiped out entire Nations; the enemies of the Faith have killed and massacred, have burned and eaten the fathers and the chi!- dren,- I mean, the Preachers of the Gospel, and those who had received it. Such were these trials that, not without reason, this country has sometimes been called "the land of Crosses." God has sent us this year some precious ones; may he be forever praised for it. I will allude only to one in passing, in order to speak of the con- solation given us by some good Neophytes. On the 13 th of June of this year, 1657, fire burst out in a pile of wood, without our being able to find out how it originated; we saw in a short time, at the residence of saint Joseph, our house [94] and that of a good 222 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [V OL. 43 maifon [94] & celle d'vn bon fauuage Chreftien toutes en flammes, & pour com ble de noftré infortune, Ie feu les pouíIa fi violemment, & fi promptement vers I'Eglife, dans laquelle vne bonne partie de ces peu- pIes a pris naiffance en IE S V S - C H R 1ST, qu'i1 fut impoffible de la fauuer. Son 11aiftre Autel enrichi d'or, & de ce beau rouge de cor ail , qui frappoit fi doucement les yeux de ces bons Neophytes, & qui leur donnoit des tendreíIes pour leur AïamihimiKi- ouap, c'eft à dire pour leur maifon de prieres, fut prefque en vn moment reduit en cendres. Cette Eglife eftoit dediée à Dieu fous Ie nom de S. Michel, fuiuant Ie defir de celuy qui auoit donné vne bonne partie des deniers pour la baftir. C'eftoit la premiere de tout Ie pays erigée pour les nouueaux Chreftiens. On la pouuoit appeller la Matrice de tout Ie Chriftianifme de ce nouueau monde, pour ce que les Montagnais & les Algonquins s'eftans con- uertis en ce lieu, donnerent enuie à toutes les autres Nations, qui depuis ont receu IE S V S - C H R 1ST t d'écouter fa parole, à l'exemple [95] de leurs Com- patriotes. C'eftoit l'azyle & Ie refuge des François voifins qui deplorent cét incendie autant que nos bons Neophytes. Et les vns & les autres nous preíIent de releuer ces ruines: mais nous n'auons pas les bras aíIez forts fans vn fecours plus grand que celuy qu'i1s nous pourroient donner pour refta- blir de nous mefmes vne perte fi notable. Le braue Neophyte, de qui la maifon & tout Ie petit bagage fut deuoré par ces flammes, eftant inter- rogé fi ce defaftre ne l'auoit pas beaucoup touché, refpondit fainétement: Si la Foy ne m'auoit appris que celuy qui a tout fait, eft Ie Maiftre de fes 1656-57J RELA TION OF I656-57 2 3 Christian savage all in flames; and, to crown our misfortune, the fire drove them so violently and so rapidly toward the Church, in which a good portion of these people have been born to J E S U S C H R 1ST, that it was impossible to save it. The High Altar, enriched with gold and that beautiful coral red which so agreeably attracted the gaze of those good Neo- phytes, and inspired them with tender affection for their Aiamihimikiouap,- that is, their house of prayer,-was reduced to ashes in an instant. That Church was dedicated to God under the name of St. :Michael, in accordance with the desire of him who had contributed a good portion of the money wherewith to build it. It was the first that had been erected in the whole country for the new Christians. It might have been called the Mother of the entire Christianity of this new world, because the Montagnais and the Algonquins had become converted on this spot, and had inspired, in all the other Nations who have since received J E S U S C H R 1ST, the desire of hearing his word after the example [95] of their Countrymen. It was the asylum and refuge of the French of the neighborhood, who deplore the fire as much as our good Neophytes. One and all urge us to raise those ruins; but our arms are not strong enough, without greater help than they can give us, to retrieve so serious a loss by ourselves. The worthy Neophyte, whose house and the w hole of whose petty effects were destroyed by the flames, was asked whether that disaster had touched him deeply; he piously replied: "IIad not Faith taught me that he who has made all is the Master of his works and wisely disposes of them as he pleases, that blow would have caused me sorrow. But why 224 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [V OL. 43 ouurages, & qu'il en difpofe fagement comme Hluy plaUt, ce coup m'auroit attrifté: mais pourquoy Ie quereller & fe facher d'vne chofe qui Iuy appartient, puis qu'en nous donnant Ia Foy, il ne nous promet pas Ies biens de Ia terre, mais- ceux du cieI, que Ie feu ne fçauroit confommer? Vne bonne femme appellée Liduuine, ayant efté infiruite dans cette mefme Eglife, fit paroiftre dãs vne fafcheufe [96] rencontre vne confiance en Dieu tres-remarquable: car rencontrant en fon pays auec quelques-vns de fes compatriotes vne trouppe d'Iro- quois qui fortoient d'vne embufcade pour venir fondre fur eux, Liduuine épouuantée fe iettant dans l'efpais de ces grãdes forefts, y entraifna apres foy quatre de fes enfans, & s'y voyant abandonnée de tout fecours humain, elle s'adreffa à Dieu Ies genoux en terre & Ies Iarmes aux yeux. :M:on IESVS, dit- elle, nous fommes morts fi vous n'auez pitié de nous. Ie fuis malade, & à peine puis-je mettre vn pied deuant I' autre, & ces enfans ne fçauroient marcher: Où irons nous? Que ferons nous fans viures & fans force? C'eft de vous feul que nous attendõs du fecours? V ous eftes infiniment bon & tout puiffant: V ous aimez Ies en fans qui font innocens, & ceux qui vous veulent feruir de bon cæur: N e laiffez-pas mourir ces petites creatures: N'abandonnez point Ia mere, qui vous demande pardon de fes pechez, & qui vous promet de fe confeffer à Ia premiere habitation des François qu' elle rencontrera, fi elle [97J y peut arriuer deuant que de mourir. En deffus elle auance dans ces grands bois, fans autre prouifion que de l'efperance en Dieu, fe nourriffant I'efpace de dix iours qu'elle marcha, de cette penfée, qu'elle auoit 1656-,57] RELA TION OF 1656-57 225 blame him, and be angry about a matter which belongs to him, since, in giving us the Faith, he promises us not the good things of tbe earth, but the blessings of heaven, which fire can never con- sume? " A good woman named Liduvine, who had been instructed in that same Church, manifested, in a perilous [96] emergency, a most remarkable confi- dence in God. While in her own country with some of her compatriots, they were surprised by a band of Iroquois, who rushed from an ambush to fall upon them. Liduvine in her fright threw herself into the thickest of the great forest, dragging her four chil- dren after her. Finding herself abandoned by all human aid, she knelt on the earth, and with tears in her eyes addressed this prayer to God: "My JESUS," she said, " we shall die if you have not pity on us. I am ill; I can hardly put one foot before the other, and these children cannot walk. Where shall we go? What shall we do without food and without strength? From you alone do we expect help. You are infinitely good, and all-powerful. You love innocent children, and those who wish to serve you sincerely. Allow not these poor little creatures to die. Abandon not the mother, who begs you to pardon her sins, and who promises to go to confes- sion at the first French settlement that she shall meet, if she [97] can reach it before she dies." Thereupon, she continued her wanderings through those great woods, with no other provision than hope in God, nourishing herself, through the ten days of her march, with this thought, which she ever had in her heart, and which sometimes was uttered by her lips: H JESUS, you are good; you can 226 LES RELATIONS DES/ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 toufiours au cæur, & quelques fois en la bouche: IESVS vous eftes bon, vous me pouuez donner la vie, vous feul donnez de la force à mes enfans pour les faire marcher, vous feulles empefchez de pleurer & de mourir de faim. Enfin laffée de trauail & de fatigue, elle arriua heureufement aux trois Riuieres: Et ce qui accreut fa ioie, fut qu'elle y rencontra fon mary qu'elle croyoit mort au combat. II ne faifoit que d'arriuer par vn autre chemin. Et pour comble de benediétion cet homme qui pafloit pour vn grand Iongleur. & vn maiftre Sorder, quitta fon infidelité, pour embraffer par Ie Baptefme la Foy de IEsvs- CHRIST: la femme s'acquitta de fa promefIe par vne bonne confeffion qu'elle fit, & par les remercimens & aétions de graces qu'elle rendit à Dieu fon vnique bien-faiéteur. V ne de nos anciennes Chreftiennes [98] fit paroiftre vn courage d'Amazone dans Ie combat qui fut liuré à fa chafteté par vn François, dont elle fortit viéto- rieufe. Et void comme elle raconta Ie faid au Pere qui a la direétion de fon ame. Tirant de fon fein vn Crucifix qu'elle portoit pendu au col: voyez-vous ce Crucifix (luy dît-elle) i1 a fauué autresfois mon corps du feu des Iroquois, & cette nuid i1 a fauué mon ame des flammes de l'enfer. Ie fus pourfuiuie, il y a vn an par les Iroquois qui me vouloient rauir l'hon- neur & la vie, pour me fauuer plus promptement & pour euiter leur rage, ie iettai mõ bagage & la pluf- part de mes habits, & m' enfuis prefque toute nuë dans les bois. Ie pris mon Crucifix en main, n' ayant plus d'autre recours qu'à celuy qu'il me reprefentoit, & ie luy dis du fond de mon cæur: Mon Dieu & mon Sauueur, ie ne crains pas de mourir, vous Ie fçauez; 1656-57] RELA TION OF 1656-57 227 give me life. You alone give strength to my chil- dren, to enable them to walk; you alone can prevent them from weeping, and from dying of hunger." Finally, wearied with toil and fatigue, she was for- tunate enough to reach three Rivers. Her joy was increased at meeting there her husband, who, she thought. had been killed in the fight. He had only just arrived by another road. To crown the bless- ings granted to her, that man, who was considered a great J ugg ler and a master Sorcerer, abandoned his infidelity to embrace the Faith of JESUS CHRIST through Baptism. The wife fulfilled her promise by making a good confession and by expressing her thanks and her gratitude to God, her sole bene- factor. One of our old Christians [98] displayed the courage of an Amazon in an attack made by a Frenchman upon her chastity, from which she came forth victorious. Note how she related the matter to the Father who directs her conscience. Drawing from her bosom a Crucifix that she wore hung on her neck, " Do you see this Crucifix?" (she said to him;) " on a former occasion it saved my body from the fire of the Iroquois; and last night it saved my soul from the flames of hell. I was pursued, a year ago, by the Iroquois, who wished to rob me of my honor and of my life. To save myself more easily and to escape from their fury, I threw away my baggage and most of my clothes, and fled almost naked into the woods. I took illY Crucifix in my hand,- for there was no one to whom I could have recourse except him whom it represented to me,- and I said to him in the depths of my heart: ' My God and my Savior, I dread not death, as you know; 228 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES (VOL. 43 mais ie crains de tomber entre les mains de ces vilains qui font vn ioüet de la pudicité des pauures captiues: cachez-moy dans vos playes & dans voftre cofté. Ie les baifois amoureufement l'vne apres l'autre. [99J Apres cette priere ie fentis tant de force dans mon corps, que fuiant d'vn pas leger, ie me vis en peu de temps hors du danger de l'ennemi. Mon Pere, difoit-elle, ie ne t'auois pas encore dit cette merueille, en voici encore vne autre que tu ne fçais pas, & que i'ay bien de la peine à te dire: car elle eft bien eftrange. Cette nuiét ce mefme Crucifix a fauué mon arne, qu'vn François s'eft efforcé de perdre, en me voulant rauir l'honneur par fon impu- dicité. II m'a prife par la main & me tirant à part il m'a fait entrer dans vne maifon: il m'a iettée par furprife & par force fur vn liét, auffi-toft ie me fuis mife à crier, & l'ayant repouffé, i'ay tiré mon Cruci- fix de mon fein, ie Iuy ay dit dans la chaleur de ma colere: 1iferable, que veux-tu faire? Veux-tu encor crucifier derechef celuy qui a donné fon fang & fa vie pour toy & pour moy? Si tu ne crains point de faire tort à mon honneur, crains d'offenfer celuy qui te peut damner. Quoy, voudrois-tu me perdre en te perdant par vn peché que Dieu a en horreur? Aces mots illafcha prife, & [IOOJ moy me voyant deliurée d'vn fi grand danger, ie me retiray tout eftonnée dans ma cabane, refoluë de demander Iuftice au Capitaine des François. Ceci arriua Ie foir, & Ie lendemain matin cette genereufe Chreftienne vint trouuer Ie Pere à l'Eglife vn prefent à la main, pour l'offrir à Dieu en adion de grace de l'auoir retirée du precipice où elle alloit tomber; Et pour Ie prier de la fortifier dans de femblables rencontres: elle fe 1656-57J RELATION OF I656-57 229 but I fear to fall into the hands of those wretches, who make sport of the modesty of their unfortunate captives. Hide me in your wounds and in your side.' I kissed them lovingly, one after the other. [99J After that prayer, I felt such bodily strength that I could run very swiftly, and soon found myself out of danger from the enemy. 1'Iy Father," she said, " I had not yet told thee that marvel; here is another of which thou knowest not, and which em- barrasses me greatly to tell thee, for it is very strange. Last night, this same Crucifix saved my soul, which a Frenchman endeavored to ruin by seeking to ravish my honor through his own unchas- tity. He took me by the hand, and, drawing me to one side, he made me enter a house; then, sud- denly and violently, threw me upon a bed. I at once began to cry out: repulsing him, I drew out my Crucifix from my bosom and said to him in the heat of my anger: 'Wretch! what dost thou seek to do? Dost thou wish to crucify once more him who has given his blood and his life for thee and for me? If thou dost not fear to injure my honor, fear to offend him who may damn thee. What! wou1dst thou seek to ruin me while ruining thyself by a sin which is hateful to God?' At those words, he loos- ened his hold, and, [IOOJ when I found myself deliv- ered from so great a danger, I withdrew. quite bewildered, into my cabin, and resolved to ask Justice of the Captain of the French." This hap- pened in the evening; on the following morning that brave Christian woman went to the Father at the Church with a present in her hand, to offer it to God in thanksgiving for having saved her from the abyss into which she was about to fall, and to beg 230 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 ietta en fuitte aux pieds du Pere pour luy faire fa confeffion. Cette mefme Amazone fit encore vne aétion auffi fainéte que genereufe. Ayant efié fenfiblemet offen- fée par vne fienne parente, & fentant que fon cæur fe portoit à la vengeance, elle luy dît, c'efi de toy, qui és mefchant que ie me vengerai. Et là deffus elle va trouuer celIe qui luy auoit fait infulte, luy demande pardon, & la prie fortement d'oublier Ie paffé, & de viure auec elle comme fi elles efioient fæurs. Vne pauure malade couchée fur Ie fumier à demie pourrie d'vlceres depuis deux mois, ne pouuoit affez tefmoigner [101J de recognoiffance de l'affifiance que luy rendoit vn de nos Peres par fon foin & par fes vifites. Ha! mon Pere, difoit-elle, que tu me fais de bien, de me venir voir! ie fuis réjouïe quand ie te voy, tu me fais prier Dieu ne Ie pouuant faire toute feule, tu m'encourages à porter mon mal patiemment, & à en faire mon profit: Enfin tu m'ouures la porte du Ciel par tes vifites, & par tes infiruétions. Quand ie t'ay veu durant Ie iour, il me femble à la fin de la iournée que i'ay profité de mes douleurs. Vne trouppe de Sauuages penfa perir de faim dans les bois I' H yuer dernier, les Sorciers & les deuins ont recours à leurs demons pour efire affiftés dans leur befoin; ils entrent dans leur tabernacle, ils ionglent, ils ioüent de leurs tambours: enfin ils n'épargnent rien de leur mefiier; mais en vain. Dans cette trouppe de Sauuages il fe trouua vn bon Chrefiien appellé lean Baptifte, qui fut follicité de renoncer à Ia priere, & de faire comme les autres 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-S7 231 him to strengthen her on similar occasions. She then knelt down at the Father's feet to make her confession to him. This same Amazon also performed another action as godly as it was generous. She was grievously offended by one of her relatives, and, feeling her heart inclined to vengeance, she said to it: " It is upon thee, who art wicked, that I will revenge my- self." Thereupon, she went to the person who had offered the insult, asked pardon of her, and earnestly begged her to forget the past, and to live with her as if they were sisters. A poor sick woman, half rotten with ulcers, who had lain upon dung for two months, could not suffi- ciently express [101] her gratitude for the assistance tendered her by one of our Fathers through his care and his visits to her. "Ah, my Father," she said, " how good thou art to come and see me! I rejoice when I see thee. Thou nlakest me pray to God when I cannot do so by myself; thou encouragest me to bear my sickness patiently, and to turn it to my advantage; finally, thou openest the door of Heaven to me by thy visits and instructions. \Vhen I have seen thee during the day, it seems to me that, at the end of the day, my pains have benefited me." A band of Savages nearly died of hunger in the woods last Winter. The Sorcerers and magicians had recourse to their demons, to obtain assistance in their necessities; they entered their tabernacle, they juggled, they beat their drums,- in a word, they spared no trick of their trade; but in vain. In that band of Savages, there was a good Christian. named Jean Baptiste, who was urged to renounce the prayer and to do like the others, in order to be delivered 232 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 pour fe deliurer de la faim. Ie n'ay garde de Ie faire, dit-il; Dieu efi Ie feul Maiftre de ma [102] vie, qui en difpofera felon fon bon plaifir, i'auray recours à luy, & i'efpere qu'il ne m'abandonnera pas: quand i'en deurois mourir, ie ne changeray pas de refolu- tion: car apres tout fi ie Ie fers bien, il me donnera vne vie heureufe, apres celle-cy: Et vous qui Ie méprifez, ferez miferables en l'vne & en l'autre. Sa parolle s'efi trouuée veritable; car vne partie de ceux qui ont eu recours au Demon, ont efié tres- miferables, & celui-cy s'efiant feparé des Infidelles, n'a point experimenté les effets de la faim, ny de la maladie; & vit dans l'efperance d'vn bon-heur eternel. Vn Capitaine des plus fameux entre les Algon- quins fit vn fefiin à fes fecondes nopces, où il inuita quelques François affez confiderables, & les princi- paux de fa nation; aufquels i1 tint ce difcours: Mes freres ie commence à vieillir, i1 y a tantofi vingt-ans que ie fuis Chrefiien, & que i'en fais profeffion. Ie fuis refolu de mourir dans la Foy que i'ay embraffée, & dans la doétrine que les Peres m' ont enfeignée: ie me fuis marié pour la feconde fois: mais [103] felon la coufiume de l'Eglife, pour m'attacher plus forte- ment à l'obligation qu'ont les Chrefiiens de ne quitter iamais leurs femmes: & pour rompre les mauuaifes coufiumes qui regnent de tout temps parmi nofire ieuneffe. Si ie viens à manquer en ce point, ou à faire quelque chofe contraire au Chrifii- anifme, ie vous prie de me reprendre; & de ne me point efpargner. V ous me ferez plaifir de me redreffer: & de me remettre dans Ie bon chemin. Ce Capitaine dit bien, mais i1 fait encore mieux. Ie 1656-57] RELA TION OF I65 6 - 57. 233 from hunger. "I have no wish to do so," he said. "God is the sole Master of my [102J Hfe; he will dispose of it according to his good pleasure. I will have recourse to him, and I hope that he will not abandon me. Even if I must die for it, 1 will not alter my resolution; for, after all, if I serve him well, he will give me a happy life after this one, while you, who set him at naught, shall be miser- able both in this life and in the other." His words proved true; for a portion of those who had recourse to the Demon were in very great distress, while he who kept apart from the Infidels experienced the effects neither of hunger nor of sickness, and still lives in the hope of eternal hap- piness. One of the most famous Captains among the Algonquins gave a feast on the occasion of his sec- ond marriage, to which he invited some Frenchmen of note and the chief men of his nation. He addressed to them the following discourse: " :My brothers, I am beginning to grow old. For nearly twenty years I have been, and have professed to be, a Christian. I am resolved to die in the Faith that I have embraced, and in the doctrine that the Fathers have taught me. I am marrying for the second time, but [103] in accordance with the usage of the Church, in order to bind myself more strongly to the obligation im- posed upon Christians never to abandon their wives, and to break the evil habits that prevail at all times among our young people. If ever I fail on that score, or if I do anything contrary to Christianity, I beg you to reprove me, and not to spare me. You will do me a favor by correcting me and leading me back to the right path." This Captain's words are 234 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 ne fçay s'il aura beau coup d'imitateurs en ce point, puis que la loy de l'indiffolubilité du mariage à autres- fois femblé bien dure, mefme a quelques Difciples de IESVS-CHRIST, qui difoient à leur Maiftre, Si z"ta efl caufa hominis cum vxore, lion expedit 1lllbere. 1656 -57] RELA TION OF r656-S7 235 good, but his deeds are still better. I know not whether he will have many imitators in that respect, since the law of the indissolubility of marriage formerly seemed a very hard one, even to some of the Disciples of JESUS CHRIST, who said to their Master: Si ita est causa IlOminis cum uxore, non exþedit nubere. 236 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 [104] CHAPITRE X. DES SAUUAGES HURONS DEUANT LEUR ENLEUEMENT DE L'ISLE D'ORLEANS. N OS Sauuages, écrit vn Pere qui en auoit foin, font en fort bon train. Its font paroiftre, ce me femble, beaucoup plus de foy, & de pieté qu'à l'ordinaire, fur tout ceux qui font de la Congre- gation, dont Ie nombre eft de quatre-vingt, þrobati omnes teflimonio fidei & pietatis. Its ont paffé l' Aduent dans vne ferueur toute particuliere, chacun ayant pris à tâche de s'auancer plus folidement en la vertu. Plufieurs croyant qu'vne Meffe eftoit trop courte pour fatisfaire à leur deuotion, en ont entendu deux tous les iours. D'autres font venus falüer Ie fainét Sacrement Ie matin auant Ie temps des P[r]ieres; d'autres font venus à Midy reglément, fans que Ie froid, ou Ie mauuais temps peuft empefcher leur ferueur. [105] Depuis trois fepmaines certaines groffes fieures ayans attaqué plufieurs de nos Sauuages, dont quelques-vns ont efté fort abbatus, les principaux de la Congregation ont eu foin de vifiter les malades, & de les confoler; ce qui a efté mieux receu d'eux que mes vifites. Nos Congreganiftes ont fait paroiftre en leurs maladies la pieté qu'ils recommandoient aux autres. Nous en auons perdu vn, nommé André, qui eftoit meur pour Ie Paradis. It s'eftoit difpofé dés Ie 1656-57] R LA TION OF r656-57 237 [104J CHAPTER X. OF THE HURON SAVAGES BEFORE THEIR REMOVAL FROM THE ISLAND OF ORLEANS. , ' O UR Savages, " writes a Father who had charge of them, " are doing well. It seems to me that they manifest much more faith and piety than usual, especially those who belong to the Congregation, who number eighty, probati O1nnes têStimonio fidei et pÙtatis. They observed the time of Advent with especial fervor; each one endeavored to make more solid progress in virtue. Many, who considered one Mass too short to satisfy their devotion, heard two every day; some came to pay homage to the blessed Sacrament in the morning, before the hour of Prayer; others came at Noon, regularly; and neither cold nor bad weather could hinder their fervor. [IOsJ "For three weeks, certain violent fevers attacked many of our Savages, some of whom were entirely prostrated by it. The leading members of the Congregation took care to visit and console the sick, and this was more agreeable to them than my own visits. Our members of the Congregation mani- fested, in their own sickness, the same piety that they recommended to the others. "'Ve have lost one of them, named André, who was ripe for Paradise. He had prepared himself, from the beginning of Advent, with a fervor that caused him to be admired by all our Congregation. He suffered very much from a gunshot wound, 238 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 commencement de l' Aduent, par vne ferueur qui Ie faÏfoit admirer de tous nos Congreganiftes. II eftoit fort incommodé d'vn coup de fufil qu'it auoit receu dans la cuiffe depuis huit ou neuf mois; ce qui Ie faÏfoit marcher auec bien de Ia peine. II me dit, au commencement de l' Aduent, qu'il euft bien defiré venir trois fois prier Dieu chaque iour deuant Ie fainét Sacrement: mais que la chofe luy eftant trop difficiIe, it preuiendroit Ie fon de noftre Cloche Ie matin & Ie foir, & ne fortiroit point de la Chapelle que toutes Ies Prieres ne fuffent acheuées. [106] II venoit Ie matin d'ordinaire trois quarts d'heure auant tous les autres. II auoit vn zele, que ie n'ay iamais veu en aucun Sauuage, pour me faire connoiftre Ies fautes des Congreganiftes, fans efpargner fes parens: ce qui m'aidoit beaucoup pour y apporter remede. Nos Congreganiftes ayans tous ieûné les quatre Temps, & Ia veille de N oëI, ce bon homme Ie fit auec tant d'aufterité, qu'eftant venu dés Ie. foir de la veille de Noël, à deffein de paffer Ia nuiét en la Chapelle, pour attendre Ie temps de la Meffe, it refufa vn morceau de pain que ie luy voulus donner pour fa collation. Ie l'auois aduerty qu'it feroit fa petite promeffe à nol1re-Dame, Ie iour de la fefte. II voulut fe don- nant foy-mefme, y ioindre vn prefent de pourcelaine, pour tefmoigner que tout ce qu'il auoit, eftoit au feruice de la fainéte Vierge. Le foir de ce mefme iour eftant fort attaqué de Ia maladie dont i1 mourut, il me demanda congé de faire feftin à vne centaine de Chreftiens, aufquels it parla fi auantageufement de l'eftime qu'it [107] faifoit de Ia Foy, qu'it en toucha plufieurs, & quelques-vns 16.56 - 57] RELA TION OF 1656-57 239 which he had received in the thigh eight or nine months before, and could walk only with difficulty. He told me, at the beginning of Advent, that he would have liked yery much to come and pray to God three times a day before the blessed Sacrament; but, as this was too difficult for him to accomplish, he said he would anticipate the ringing of our Bell in the morning and at night, and would not go out of the Chapel until all the Prayers were finished. [106] He usually came in the morning, three-quar- ters of an hour before all the others. He manifested a zeal which I have never observed in any Savage, in informing me of faults in the members of the Congregation, without sparing his own relatives; this greatly assisted me in applying a remedy. " All our Congregation fasted on the Ember-days and on Christmas eve. This good man did so with such austerity that, when he came on the evening before Christmas to pass the night in the Chapel and await the time for 1fass, he refused a piece of bread which I wished to give him for his collation. " I notified him that he was to fulfill his promise to our Lady on the day of the feast. \Vhile offering himself, he wished to add a present of porcelain beads, to show that all that belonged to him was at the service of the ble?sed Virgin. " In the evening of the same day, he had a violent attack of the disease of which he died. He asked me for permission to give a feast to about a hundred Christians, to whom he spoke so highly of the esteem that he [107] had for the Faith that he touched the hearts of many of them, and some came to confes sian after they had left the feast. He died on the last day of the year. He was nearly always praying 240 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 fe vinrent conferrer au fortir de Ià. II mourut Ie dernier iour de l'an. II prioit prefque toûjours Dieu, & Ie iour de fa mort, il auoit dit quatre dixaines de fon Chapelet. Vn quart d'heure auant qu'il paffafi, nous efiions enuiron vingt en prieres aux pieds de fon lid. II repetoit tout ce que nous difions, fe l'appliquant lors: que nous difions IE S V S ayez pitié de cét homme mourant; IE S V s, difoit-il, ayez pitié de rnoy, ie vais rnourir, & ie meurs auec ioye, parce que ie fuis Chrefiien. II nous tiroit les larmes de deuotion. L'honneur qu'il a receu de tout Ie Bourg & fur tout la Congregation, a efié grand. Auffi-tofi qu'iJ eut rendu I'arne, huit Chrefiiens furent prier Dieu à genoux, proche de fon corps, vne bande fuccedant à l'autre. Le lendemain les principaux de la Congre- gation porterent en don à fa Cabane, vne peau d' ori- gnac, richement peinte, pour honnorer fon corps: & dequoy faire vn fefiin à tous Ies inuitez. Nos :Mufi- ciennes y entonnerent auec beaucoup de deuotion [108] Ies airs qui font pour les trepaffez, dans Ie ton de l'Hymne, Pie Ie.fu Domine. En fuitte on dit vne dixaine du Chapelet à deux chæurs. Tous les Congreganifies s'efiant rendus dans la Chapelle au fon de Ia Cloche, iis en fortirent deux à deux fuiuis des principaux Officiers, qui fe rendirent tous en bel ordre à Ia porte du Bourg, où Ie corps nous efiant liuré, les Congreganifies feuls reprirent Ie chemin de la Chapelle, où l'ayant introduit, nous difmes deux dixaines du Chapelet, & quantité d'autres Prieres. Apres quoy nous portafmes Ie corps au lieu où il deuoit efire enterré. Le tout auec vne rare modefiie, & vne deuotion qui partoit du cæur, & donnoit iufques au cæur. 1656-57] RELA TION OF I6S6-57 241 to God, and, on the day of his death, he said four decades of his Rosary. A quarter of an hour before he passed away, about twenty of us were praying at the foot of his bed. He repeated all that we said, applying it to himseH. When we said, 'J E S US, have pity on this dying man,' he would say, ' J E S US, have pity on me. I am about to die, and I die joy- fully, because I am a Christian.' He brought tears of devotion to our eyes. " Great was the honor done to him by the whole Village, and especially by the Congregation. As soon as he had breathed his last, eight Christians prayed to God on their knees near his body, one party succeeding another. On the following day, the leading members of the Congregation brought as a gift to his Cabin a moose-skin, beautifully painted, to honor his body, and the materials where- with to give a feast to all who were invited. Our female Singers sang with much devotion [I08J the songs for the dead, to the air of the Hymn, PÙ Jesu Dom'ine. Then, a decade of the Rosary was recited by two choirs, responding one to the other. All the Congregation went, at the first stroke of the Bell, to the Chapel, whence they issued two by two, followed by the principal Officers. All proceeded in fine order to the gate of the Village, where the body was delivered to us; the members of the Congrega- tion alone went back to the Chapel; and, when the body had been placed there, we said two decaùes of the Rosary and a number of other Prayers. After that, we carried the corpse to the spot where it was to be buried. The whole was done with rare modesty, and with a devotion that came from and went to the heart. 242 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Nos Chreftiens ont fait diuers petits pre fens de pourcelaine, huite & bled-d'inde au petit IEsvs, que nous auions mis dans la Creiche à N oël; ce qui a efié appliqué pour les pauures. Dieu beniffe ces petits commencemens. Ce font ïiufques icy les termes de la Lettre du Pere, qui alors auoit Ie foin de cette Million. [109] Vn ieune-homme d'enuiron trente ans, remar- quable pour fes exploits de guerre, auoit eu depuis fon enfance toufiours la Foy dans Ie cæur. Mais les débauches de la ieuneffe l' auoient ietté dans Ie defordre, d'autant plus malheureufement qu'it auoit vn attrait de beauté fi puiffant fur l'efprit des femmes, meftne les plus chaftes, qu'it fembloit auoir quelque charme pour enleuer les cæurs. Comme fouuent i1 retomboit dans Ie peché, vn de nos Peres indigné contre fes recheutes, Ie menaça fortement des punitions de Dieu, qui ne tarderoient pas à paroifire fur luy. Peu de iours apres; dans l'horreur d'vne nuiét obfcure vn fpeétre efpouuantable luy apparut, comme voulant l' eftouffer, & Ie faififfant à la gorge. II fonge à Dieu en cette rencontre, & à l'excez de fon peché. Et pour s'en vanger fur luy mefme, il prend vn tifon enflammé, qu'it applique fur fa chair nuë, fe difant à foy-mefme: Eprouue mal-heureux pecheur, fi tu pourras fouffrir Ie feu d'enfer. Cette main qui l'auoit faifi à la gorge pour l'étouffer, quitte prife, & it fe [110] voit en liberté. II paffe Ie refte de la nuiét dans des promeffes à Dieu, qu'it va changer de vie, & il attend auec impatience Ie point du iour, pour aller à confeffe. Ce ne fut pas fans larmes ny fans fentimens de douleur, qui firent bien connoiftre que ce coup là eftoit du Ciel. II demeura plus de 1656--')7] RELA TION f1F r656-57 243 "Our Christians gave various little presents of porcelain beads, oil, and indian corn to the infant JESUS, which we placed in the Cradle on Christmas; they were applied to the relief of the poor. 11ay God bless these slight beginnings." So far, we have given the words of the Letter from the Father who then had charge of that Mission. [109] A young man, about thirty years of age, who was noted for his warlike exploits, had always from his childhood possessed the Faith in his heart. But the profligacy of youth had caused him to fall into evil ways, all the more unfortunately because he possessed the attraction of beauty, which had so powerful an effect upon the minds of women, even of the most chaste among them, that he seemed to have some charm to win their hearts. As he fre- quently fell back into sin, one of our Fathers, indig- nant at his relapses, threatened him vigorously with the punishment of God, which would not fail to make itself soon felt on him. A few days afterward, in the horror of a dark night, a frightful specter appeared to him and seized him by the throat, as if to choke him. In this encounter, his thoughts turn to God and to the enormity of his sin. To be avenged for it upon himself, he takes a burning fire- brand and applies it to his naked flesh, saying to himself: "Try, wretched sinner, whether thou canst endure the fire of hell." The hand that had seized him by the throat to choke him loosens its hold, and he [110] finds himself free. He spends the remain- der of the night in making promises to God that he will change his mode of life, and he impatiently awaits daybreak, that he may go to confession. This was not done without tears and deep contrition, which 244 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOl. 43 deux heures en oraifon, où fon cæur parloit plus que fa langue. Vne maladie Ie faifit, qui dura plufieurs mois, auec des douleurs extraordinaires. C' eftoit vne confolation bien fenfible que d'oüir les colloques qu'il faifoit à Dieu; iamais on ne l'éntendit pouffer aucune plainte, finon d'amour, non pas mefme vn mouuement d'impatience. Son cæur eftoit à Dieu, & it ne refpiroit que luy: Quand quelqu'vn de nos Peres l'alloit vifiter, it reprenoit des forces, pour luy tefmoigner qu'i1 s'eftimoit heureux de fe voir en vn eftat, où it ne pût fonger qu'à Dieu: & en l'embraf- fant auec amour, les Iarmes aux yeux, i1 Iuy difoit: Helas, roes pechez me feront-ils pardonnez? Mais tout de bon, :!vIan Pere, croyez-vaus que i'aille au Ciel, non[o]bftant les pechez que [1 II] i'ay commis contre mon Dieu, qui doit eftre mon iuge? Comme on l'en affeuroit, fes larmes couloient en plus grande abondance, lors qu'il difoit: Helas! mon Dieu, que vous eftes bon, & que vous feul meritez d'eftre aimé! Mon cæur vous veut aimer, & plus i'ay peché, plus ie vous veux aimer, & veux mourir, en vous aimant. Tandis qu'il eut la parole libre, il employoit vne bonne partie du iour & de la nuiét en Prieres. Sou- uent i1 prenoit fon Crucifix en main, & i1Iuy parIoit auec tant d'amour & de Iarmes, que ceux qui Ie voyoient, en eftoient touchés au vif. II ne pouuoit fouffrir qu'on luy parlaft des chofes de la terre. I'ay, difoit-it, trop vefcu pour la terre, it eft temps, que ie viue, & que ie meure pour Ie Ciel. Sa mere Ie pria vn iour de demander pour elle, enuiron vn arpent de terre, où elle pût femer du bled, pour l'entretien de fa famille; car nos Peres font faire de grands abbatis de bois, & la terre eftant difpofée pour Ie trauail de 1656-57] RELA TION OF r6s6-S7 245 showed very well that it was a visitation of Heaven. He remained more t.han two hours in prayer, wherein his heart spoke more than his tongue. He was attacked by an illness which lasted several months, and was accompanied by extreme pain. It was a very great consolation to listen to the conversations that he held with God. He was never heard to utter a sigh except of love; and not a movement of im- patience escaped him. His heart belonged to God, and sighed for him alone. When one of our Fathers went to visit him, he collected his strength, to show him that he considered himself happy at finding himself in a condition wherein he could think of God alone; and, embracing the Father affectionately, with tears in his eyes, he said to him: " Alas, shall my sins be forgiven me? But,:ßII y Father, do you truly think that I shall go to Heaven, notwithstand- ing the sins that [I II] I have committed against my God, who is to be my judge?" When we assured him of it, his tears flowed in great abundance, and he said: "Ah! my God, how good you are, and how you alone deserve to be loved! lvI y heart wishes to love you, and, the more I have sinned, the more do I wish to love you, and to die loving you." So long as he could speak, he spent a good part of the day and of the night in Prayer. He frequently took his Crucifix into his hands, and spoke to it so loving- ly and so tearfully that those who saw him were deeply touched. He could not bear to be spoken to about earthly things. "I have lived too long for the earth," he said; "it is time that I should live and die for Heaven." His mother begged him one day to ask on her behalf for about an arpent of land, in which she might sow corn for the support of her 246 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 la culture, ils en font Ie partage, entre ceux qui efiant bons Chreftiens, n'ont pas [112] aíIez de forces, afin de fe pouruoir eux-mefmes. Ce ieune homme, quoy qu'abatu de maladie, fe mit prefque en colere contre fa :Mere. Suis-ie en eftat, luy refpond-il, de fonger à vos champs? Pourquoy me parlez-vous de ce que dans peu de temps il vous faudra quitter? Que ne me parlez-vous du Ciel, puifque c' eft là où doiuent tendre nos defirs? Puis s'adreíIant au Pere; Si elle n'eft. dit-il, meilleure Chreftienne qu'elle n'a efté iufqu'à maintenant, il n'eft pas iufte qu'elle foit preferée à ceux qui meritent plus qu'elle: fay ce qui fera pour fon bien. Cela dit, il r' entra incontinent en foy-mefme: & iugeant qu'il auoit parlé d'vn ton trop aigre. il demanda pardon à fon Confeffeur. Cependant la mort fait fes approches. II eft faifi de conuulfions fi furieufes, & iette des cris fi horribles, que tout Ie monde en eft effrayé. II femble qu'il combatte quelque Demon qui luy ayt apparu. Marie fecourez-moy. IE S V S fauuez-moy. lvIon Dieu, ayez pitié de moy, s'écrie t'il com me tout hors de [113] foy-mefme. Ces terreurs continuerent auffi bien que fa priere iufques au dernier foufpir. Le Pere qui l'affifioit ne luy man qua pas au befoin, adorant en mefme temps les effets de la Iuftice & de la :Miferi- corde de Dieu fur ce ieune homme qui portoit iufques à la mort la peine de fes pechez, pour ne la pas porter dans l' eternité. II fe nommoit Iacques Atohonchioanne. Vne ieune fille qui auoit efté pres de deux ans dans Ie Seminaire des \Trfulines, s' oublia affez-toft apres en eftre fortie des promeffes qu'elle auoit fait fouuent à 1656-.57] RELA TION OF r6s6-S7 247 family; for our Fathers cause great clearings to be made in the woods; and, where the soil is fit for cul- tivation, they divide it up among those who are good Christians, and who have not [112] sufficient strength to provide for themselves. The young man, although exhausted by sickness, almost became angry with his Mother. "Am I in a condition, " he said to her, " to think of your fields? Wh y do you speak to me of that which in a short time you will have to leave? Why do you not speak to me of Heaven, since all our desires should tend thither? " Then, addressing the Father, he said: "If she be not a better Christian than she has hitherto been, it is not right that she should have preference over those who are more deserving than she is; do whatever may be for her good." Ha ving said this, he at once became himself again; and, thinking that he had spoken in too harsh a tone, he asked pardon of his Confessor. Iean while, death dra ws near, he is seized with such violent convulsions, and utters such terrible cries, that everyone is frightened. He seems to be fighting the apparition of some Demon. " Iary, come to my aid! J E S US, save me! :My God, have pity on me!" he exclaims, as if quite beside [113] himself. His terrors and prayers continued to his last breath. The Father who attended him did not fail him in his need; he adored, at the same time, the effects of God's Justice and of his 1Iercy upon that young man, who endured the penalty of his sins up to his death that he might not endure them throughout eternity. His name was Jacques Atohonchioanne. A young girl, who had been for nearly two years in the Seminary of the Ursulines, forgot, shortly after leaving there, the promises which she had frequently 248 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [V OL. 43 Dieu, d'euiter Ie peché. Les remonfirances y efiant inutiles, vne perfonne qui l'aimoit felon Dieu, demanda pour elle qu'elle tombafi en quelque griefue maladie, qui peufi arrefier Ie cours de fes defbauches, & la faire r'entrer en foy-mefme. Cette priere eut bien-tofi fon effet. Elle tombe malade, & inconti- nent les femences de l'Eternité, qu'on auoit iettées dans fon arne, commencerent à pouffer des fruiéts du Paradis. Elle demandoit pardon à Dieu d'vn cæur parfaitement contrit, elle Ie [114] remercioit amou- reufement de ce qu'il auoit arrefié les dereglemens de fa vie, elle Ie prioit auec vne tendreffe de cæur merueilleufe qu'il ne luy rendit point la fanté, dont peut-efire elle auroit abufé, mais plufiofi qu'il pro- longeafi fes douleurs & fa maladie. La mort furue- nant là deffus, luy fut vne affeurance de fon falut. Elle auoit fait Ie mefme iour vne Confeffion gene- rale. Vne fienne compagne craignãt qu'elle n'eufi oub1ié quelqu'vn de fes pechez luy en renouuella la memoire. Elle auoit deja perdu la parole, fes yeux parlerent par fes larmes, & fa bouche ne peut parler que par les fanglots de fon cæur. Le Pere qui efioit là prefent, luy aiant donné l'abfolution qu'elle luy auoit demandée par figne, auffi-tofi elle expira. Vne bonne vieille Chrefiienne n'auoit i'amais pû apprendre d'autre priere que quatre mots, IE S V S ayés pitié de moy, que i'aille au ciel apres la mort. Mais elle auoit vne telle habitude à les repeter iour & nuit, qu'ayant perdu la parole & Ie iugement pour toute autre chofe, [II sJ elle continua cette priere iufques au dernier foûpir, d'vn vifage fi rempli de ioye, qu'à la voir leuer les yeux au del, on iugeoit bien qu'elle portoit là tous fes defirs. 1656-57] RELA T10N OF r6s6-S7 249 made to God to avoid sin. As remonstrances had no effect upon her, a person who loved her as God commands asked, on her behalf, that she might fall into a grievous illness, which might arrest the course of her dissoluteness and make her return to her for- mer self. That prayer soon had its effect. She fell ill, and at once the seeds of Eternity that had been cast into her soul commenced to bring forth fruits of Paradise. She asked God for pardon with a truly contrite heart; she [114] thanked him lov- ingly for having put a stop to the dissoluteness of her life; she prayed him with wonderful tenderness of heart not to restore her health, of which she might perhaps make a bad use, but rather to prolong her sufferings and her illness. Then came death, and that was an assurance of her salvation. On the same day, she had made a general Confes- sion. One of her companions, who feared that she might have forgotten some of her sins, reminded her of them. She was already deprived of speech; her eyes spoke with her tears, and her mouth could speak only with the sobbing of her heart. The Father who was present gave her absolution, which she had asked by signs, and she at once expired. A good Christian old woman had never been able to learn any otber prayer than these few words: J E S US, have pity on me, that I may go to heaven after my death. ,. But she had such a habit of repeat- ing them day and night that, when she was deprived of speech, and unconscious of all other things, [I I sJ she continued to say that prayer up to her last breath; and this with a face so full of joy that, on seeing her lift her eyes to heaven, it was easy to observe that all her desires centered there. 250 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 II Y a vn an que cinq Iroquois Agnieronnãs, ayant efié pris à 1a guerre par les Algonquins & Hurons, furent brufiez, apres auoir receu Ie faint Baptefme: mais ce qui nous parut de plus aimable en leur conuerfion, fut que quatre d'entre-eux fe trouuerent fuffifamment infiruits d'abord qu'on leur parla. Nos Chrefiiens dans leur captiuité, iettent par tout où ils font des femences du Chrifiianifme. Vn d'eux ayant appris vne priere qui s'adreffoit à IE S V S - C H R 1ST, demanda de luy-mefme qu'on luy parlaít de la Mere qui l'auoit enfanté efiant demeurée Vierge: & Ia :Mere & Ie Fils, difoit-il, font entrez en mon cæur, ie ne veux pas les feparer, & ie veux que ma langue les inuoque iufques à la mort. En effet illes inuoqua conítamment iufques au dernier foufpir. L'année derniere vn François fut tefmoin [I 16J de I 'heureufe mort de deux Hurons qui furent brufiez dans Ie pais des Iroquois Agnieronnons, où ce Fran- çois eítoit captif. II nous a affeuré que ces deux Hurons auant que d'eítre attachés au poteau où ils deuoient eítre bruílez, demanderet du temps pour prier Dieu, ce qui leur fut accordé. Le plus ieune des deux ayant apperceu ce François; :Mon Frere, luy dit-il, fi iamais tu vois Outfitfont (c'eít Ie nom que les Hurons donnent à lvlonfieur de Becancourt, chez lequel ce ieune Huron auoit demeuré deux ans) tu luy diras que ie meurs Chreítien, que les tourmens ne m'efionnent point, à caufe qu'ils ne me peuuent oíter l'efperance du Paradis. Vne pauure Chreítienne Algonquine qui auoit eíté faite captiue en mefme temps, eítant fur Ie poind d'eítre brûlée, fit auffi fes prieres auant que de mourir, & inuita Ie mefme François à prier auec elle: 1656-57J RELATION OF r656-S7 251 A year ago, five Agnieronnon Iroquois were made prisoners of war by the Algonquins and Hurons, and were burned, after receiving holy Baptism; but what pleased us most in their conversion was, that we found four of them sufficiently instructed when we first spoke to them. Our Christians in their captivity sow the seeds of Christianity wherever they happen to be. One of them, who had learned a prayer which appealed to JESU S CHRIST, asked us of his own accord to tell him about the Mother who had borne him while she remained a Virgin. "Both," said he, " the Iother and the Son, have entered into my heart. I do not wish to separate them, and I wish my tongue to pray to them until I die." In fact, he continually invoked them until his last breath. Last year, a Frenchman witnessed [116] the happy death of two Hurons, who were burned in the coun- try of the Agnieronnon Iroquois, where that French- man was a captive. He assured us that those two Hurons, before being tied to the stake at which they were to be burned, asked for time to pray to God. Their request was granted them. When the younger of the two perceived the Frenchman, he said to him: " :1Iy Brother, if ever thou shouldst see Outsitsont" (that is the name given by the Hurons to :Monsieur de Becancourt, with whom that young Huron had lived for two years), " thou shalt tell him that I die a Christian; that the tortures frighten me not, because they cannot take from me the hope of Paradise." A poor Christian Algonquin woman, who had been captured at the same time and was about to be burned, also said her prayers before dying, and requested the same Frenchman to pray with her. 252 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Le Dieu qu'adorent les Chreítiens n'eítant pas moins adorable au milieu des feux & des Hammes, & au milieu d'vn peuple infidele & barbare, que dans les Eglifes les plus auguítes de la terre. [117] Vne Chreítienne fuyant au bruit des Iroquois, auec deux petits enfants, qui à peine la pouuoient Iuiure; ils furent fix iours égarez dans les bois. A leur retour vn de nos Peres interrogeant cette pauure femme dequoy eUe auoit vefcu dans les bois. I'ay vefcu de prieres, refpondit-eUe tout fimplement. Quand ie me fentois foible, ie difois mon Chapelet, & auffi-toít fentant mes forces reuenir, ie pourfuiuois mon chemin. Pour mes enfans, ie leur cherchois de petites racines, & quelques bouts de branches de petits arbriffeaux, dont les beítes viuent dans les bois. La nuiét, ie faifois dormir mes enfans, & moy ne pouuant m'endormir, ie les paffois prefque toutes entieres en prieres, & à dire mon Chapelet. C'eít la íainéte Vierge qui feule m'a fauué la vie, & c'eít eUe que ie veux feruir de tout mon cæur iufques à la mort. La deuotion de cette pauure femme, & fa pieté de puis plufteurs années meritoit ce fecours du Ciel. Vne ieune femme difoit il y a quelque temps, il me tarde dés Ie grand matin que ie ne fois à I' Eglife, & quand il faut [118] fortir, il me femble que nous ne faifons que d'y entrer. Vn bon vieillard, ancien Chreítien, eítant iniurié & n'en tefmoignant toutes-fois aucune indignation, comme on luy demanda d'où luy venoit cette égalité d'eIprit: Si ie pechois, refpondit-il, lors qu'on me calomnie, & que l'on me charge d'iniures, i'en deurois eítre fafché. Mais n'y ayant point de ma 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656-57 253 The God whom the Christians adore is no less ador- able in the midst of fires and flames, in the midst of a pagan and barbarous people, than in the most august Churches of the earth. [117] A Christian woman, on hearing of the ap- proach of the Iroquois, fled with her two little children who could hardly follow her, and they wandered in the woods for six days. On their return, one of the Fathers asked the poor woman on what they had lived in the woods. "I lived on prayers," she replied quite simply. "\Vhen I grew weak, I said my Rosary, and I at once felt my strength return, and continued my way. As for my children, I tried to find for them some small roots and the tips of the branches of small shrubs, on which the animals live in the woods. At night, I put my children to sleep; and, as I could not sleep myself, I passed the nights almost entirely in prayer and in saying my Rosary. It is the blessed Virgin alone who has saved my life, and whom I wish to serve with all my heart until my death.' I The devotion of that poor woman, and the piety which she has shown for several years, deserved that assist- ance from Heaven. A young woman said, some time ago: "Very early in the morning, I long to be in the Church; and, when it is time [118] to leave, it seems as if we had only just gone in. " A good old man, a Christian of long standing, was insulted, and nevertheless expressed no indignation at it. When asked whence he derived that equani- mity of mind, he replied: "If I were in sin, I would, when I am calumniated and loaded with insults, be angry at it. But, as I am not in fault therein, I have 254 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 faute, i'ay plus fujet de m'en réjouïr, que de m'en attrifter. Dieu qui voit Ie fond de mon cæur, fçait bien mon innocence, & c' eft cela qui me confole. V ne veufue eftant follicitée au mal, par vn ieune homme riche, qui luy prefentoit vne chofe de prix, & luy promettoit de l'aider en fa pauureté. lvlalheu- reux que tu es, retire toy, & laiffe moy ma pauureté, luy refpond cette femme; Pourueu que ie meure Chreftienne, fans m'engager dans Ie peché, ie ferai en peu de temps, mille fois plus riche que toy. Dieu m'en promet bien plus que toy, & me tiendra parole. Ie ferois folIe de prendre moins, & de m'en- gager dans Ie peché. [119] Vne autre veufue qui n'auoit point d'autre appuy au monde que fon fils vnique, qu'elIe aimoit tendrement; l'ayant perdu, & l'ayant veu enleuer à fes yeux par les Iroquois Agnieronnons, eut fon recours à Dieu auec vne refignation vrayment Chre- ftienne. Mon Dieu, luy difoit-elIe, vous auez voulu efprouuer ma fidelité, & fi c'eftoit de cæur que ie VOllS difois que ie vous preferois à toutes chofes. V ous Ie voyez maintenant. II eft vray que ie fonge à mon fils, & que ie Ie pleure nuid & iour: mais il eft vray auffi que ie fonge bien plus à vous, & qu'en pleurant ie vous dis que ie fuis contente, à caufe que ie fçay que c'eft vous qui l'auez permis. 1656 - 57] RELA TION OF I656- 57 2.'55 more reason to rejoice than to be sorry for it. God, who sees the bottom of my heart, knows my inno- cence full well, and that consoles me." A widow was solicited to do evil by a rich young man, who offered her a valuable gift, and promised to assist her in her poverty. "Wretch!" replied the woman; " go a wa y and leave me in my poverty. Provided that I die a Christian without falling into sin, I shall soon be a thousand times richer than thou. God promises me much more than thou, and he will keep his word to me. I would be foolish to take less and in vol ve myself in sin." [119J Another widow, who had no other support in the world than her only son, whom she tenderly loved, lost him, and saw him carried off before her eyes by the Agnieronnon Iroquois. She had recourse to God with truly Christian resignation. " My God, ., she said to him, "it has been your will to test my faithfulness, and to try whether I meant it from the bottom of my heart when I said that I pre- ferred you above all things. You see it now. It is true that I think of my son, and that I weep for him night and day; but it is also true that I think much more of you, and that, while I weep, I tell you that I am content, because I know that it is you who have permitted it." 256 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 48 CHAPITRE XI. DE LA NATURE & DE QUELQUES PARTICULARITEZ DU PAYS DES IROQUOIS. L E pays des cinq Nations des Iroquois auant leurs conquefies efioit entre Ie 40. & Ie 50. degré d'eleuation: [120] maintenant on ignore l'efien- duë de leur domination, qui s'efi accreuë de tous cofiez par leur valeur militaire. Nofire demeure eft entre Ie 42. & 43. degré fur les riues du petit Lac de Gannentaa, qui feroit vn fejour des plus commodes & des plus agreables du monde, fans Ie ceder mefme à la leuée de la Riuiere du Loire, s'il auoit des Habi- tans auffi polis, & auffi traitables. II a des auantages qui manquent au refie du Canada: car outre les raifins, les prunes, & plufieurs autres fruits qui Iuy font communs auec les belles Prouinces de l'Europe, il en poffede quantité d'autres qui furpaffent les noftres en beauté, en odeur, & en faueur. Les forefts font prefque toutes compofées de chafieigners & de noyers. II y a deux fortes de noix, dont les vnes font auffi douces & agreables au goufi, que les autres font ameres: mais leur amer- tume n'empefche pas qu'on n'en tire d'excellente huile, en les faifant paffer par les cendres, par Ie moulin, par Ie feu, & par I'eau, de la mefme façon dont les Sauuages tirent l'huyle du tournefol. On y [12 I] voit des cerifes fans noyau, des fruits qui ont Ia couleur & Ia groffeur d'vn abricot, la fleur du lys blanc, l'odeur & Ie goufi du citron: des pommes de 1656-57] RELA TION OF 1656-.57 257 CHAPTER XI. OF THE NATURE AND OF SOME PECULIARITIES OF THE IROQUOIS COUNTRY. T HE country of the five Iroquois Nations, before their conquests, lay between the 40th and 50th degrees of latitude; [120] at present, we do not know the extent of their dominion, which has been increased on all sides by their military valor. Our residence is situated between the 42nd and 43rd degrees, on the shores of the little Lake Gannentaa, which would be one of the most commodious and most agreeable dwelling-places in the world, without excepting even the levee of the River Loire, if its Inhabitants were as polished and as tractable. It has advantages that are wanting in the rest of Canada; for, besides grapes, plums, and many other fruits,- which it has in common with the fine Prov- inces of Europe, it has a number of others, which excel ours in beauty, fragrance, and taste. The forests consist almost entirely of chestnut and walnut trees. There are two kinds of nuts; one kind is as sweet and agreeable to the taste as the other is bitter; but, with all their bitterness, an excellent oil is extracted frOlTI theln by passing them through the ashes, through the mill, through fire, and through water, in the same way as the Savages extract oil from sunflowers. 19 [12 I] Stoneless cherries are found there. Fruits grow there which are of the color and size of an apricot, whose blossom is like that of the 258 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 la figure d'vn reuf d'oye, dont la graine apportée du pays des Chats eft femblable aux febues, Ie fruit en eft delicat, & d'vne odeur tres-foüefue, & Ie tronc de l' arbre de la hauteur & de la groiIeur de nos arbres nains, fe plaift aux lieux marefcageux & en bonne terre. Mais la plante la plus commune, & la plus merueilleufe de ces contrées, eft celIe que nous appel- Ions la plante vniuerfelle, par ce que fes feüilles broiées referment en peu de temps toutes fortes de playes: ces fueilles de la largeur de la main ont la figure du lys peint en armoire, & fes racines ont l' odeur du laurier. L'écarlate la plus viue, Ie vert Ie plus riant, & Ie jaune & l'oranger Ie plus naturel de l'Europe, cedent aux couieurs diuerfes que nos Sauuages tirent des racines. Ie ne parle point des arbres auffi hauts que des hefnes, dont les fueilles font grandes & ouuertes comme celles des choux, non plus que de quantité d'autres plantes [122] particulieres à ce pays, parce que nous en ignorons encore les proprietez. Les fources qui y font auffi frequentes que mer- ueilleufes, font prefque toutes minerales. Noftre petit Lac qui n'a que fix ou fept lieuës de circuit, eft prefque tout enuironnée de fontaines falées, de l' eau defquelles on fe fert pour faler & affaifonner les viãdes, & pour faire de fort bon fel, qu' on voit fouuent fe former de foy-mefme en belles glaces, dõt la nature fe plaift à enuironner ces fources. Ce qui fe forme d'vne autre fource éloignée de deux iournées de noftre demeure vers Ie pays d'Oiogoen à bien plus de force que ce fel des fources de Gannentaa; puis que fon eau qui paroift blanche comme du laiét & dont l'infeétion fe fait fentir de fort loin, eftant boüillie laiffe vne efpece de fel auffi mordicant que la pierre Cauftique: & les roches qui enuironnent 1656-57] Rl!."LA TION OF r656-57 2.59 white lily, and which smell and taste like the citron. There are apples as large as a goose's egg; the seed has been brought from the country of the Cats and looks like beans; the fruit is delicate and has a very sweet smell; the trunk is of the height and thick- ness of our dwarf trees; it thrives in swampy spots and in good soil. But the most common and most wonderful plant in those countries is that which we call the universal plant, because its leaves, when pounded, heal in a short time wounds of all kinds; these leaves, which are as broad as one's hand, have the shape of a lily as depicted in heraldry; and its roots have the smell of the laurel. The most vivid scarlet, the brightest green, the most natural yellow and orange of Europe pale before the various colors that our Savages procure from roots. I say nothing of trees as tall as oaks, whose leaves are as large and as open as those of cabbages; or of many other plants, [122] peculiar to this country, because as yet we are ignorant of their properties. 20 The springs, which are as numerous as they are wonderful, are nearly all mineral. Our little Lake, which is only six or seven leagues in circumference, is almost entirely surrounded by salt springs. The water is used for salting and seasoning meat, and for making very good salt. It often forms of itself in fine crystals with which nature takes pleasure in surrounding these springs. The salt that forms at a spring about two days' journey from our residence, toward Oiogoen, is much stronger than that from the springs of Gannentaa; for, when the water-which looks as white as milk, and the smell of which is perceptible from a great distance-is boiled, it leaves a kind of salt almost as corrosive as Caustic. The 260 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 cette fontaine font couuertes d'vne efcume qui n'a pas moins de folidité que la crefme. La fource qui fe rencontre du cofté de Sonnontoüan n'eft pas moins merueilleufe: car fes eaux tenant de la [123] nature de la terre qui les enuironne, qu'il ne faut que lauer pour en auoir du fouffre tout pur; s'en- flamment eftant remuées auec violence, & rendent du fouffre quand on les fait boüillir. Approchant dauantage du pays des Chats on voit vne eau dormante & efpaiffe, qui s'enflamme comme 1'eau de vie, & qui s'agite par boüillons de flamme auffi-toft qu' on y a ietté du feu: auffi eft-e1le fi huileufe qu'elle fournit à to us nos Sauuages dequoy s'oindre & fe graiffer la tefte & Ie refte du corps. II ne faut pas s'eftonner de la fertilité de ce pais, puis qu'il eft par tout arrofé de Lacs, de Riuieres & de Fontaines, qui fe trouuent mefme fur les plus hautes montagnes. Mais fi ces eauës rendent la terre feconde, elles ne manquent pas elles-mefmes de la fe- condité qui leur eft propre. Les poiffons qui y font les plus communs, font l' Anguille & Ie Saulmon, qu' on y pefche depuis Ie Printêps iufques à la fin de I' Automne; Nos Sauuages pratiquant fi bien leurs digues & leurs efc1ufes, qu'ils y prennent à mefme temps l' Anguille qui defcend & Ie [124J Saulmon qui monte toufiours. lIs prennent Ie poiffon d'vne autre façon dans les Lacs, Ie dardant auec vn trident à la lueur d'vn feu bitumi- neux, qu'i1s entretiennent fur la pointe de leurs canots. La temperature de 1'air approchant de celuy de France, iointe à ces aduantages, que 1'eau & la terre nous fourniffent, facilitent beaucoup la conuerfion des Sauuages; en forte que nous auons lieu d'efperer que leur humeur phantafque & bizarre, dont nous allons parler, fera Ie feul obftac1e à leur bon-heur. 1656 - 57] RELATION OF 1656-57 261 rocks about that spring are covered with a foam as thick as cream. The spring in the direction of Son- nontouan is no less wonderful; for its water - being of the same [123] nature as the surrounding soil, which has only to be washed in order to obtain per- fectly pure sulphur-ignites when shaken violently, and yields sulphur when boiled. As one approaches nearer to the country of the Cats, one finds heavy and thick water, which ignites like brandy, and boils up in bubbles of flame when fire is applied to it. It is, moreover, so oily, that all our Savages use it to anoint and grease their heads and their bodies. 21 One must not be astonished at the fertility of this country, for it is everywhere watered by Lakes, Rivers, and Springs, which are found even on the highest mountains. But, if these waters make the earth fertile, they themselves are none the less fruit- ful in what pertains to them. The fish most com- monly found in them are Eels and Salmon, which are caught there from the Spring to the end of Autumn. Our Savages construct their dams and sluices so well, that they catch at the same time the Eels, that descend, and the [124] Salmon, that always ascend. In the Lakes, they catch fish in a different manner; they spear them with a trident by the light of a bituminous fire, which they maintain in the bows of their canoes. The temperature of the atmosphere, which resembles that of France, added to those advantages supplied by the waters and the earth, greatly facili- tates the conversion of the Savages. We have reason to hope, therefore, that their capricious and peculiar disposition, of which we are about to speak, will be the only obstacle to their blessedness. 262 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 CHAPITRE XII. DU NATUREL & DES MCEURS DES IROQUOIS. L ES Iroquois dont nous n'auons encore découuert que quatorze Bourgs, font partagez en Supe- rieurs& Inferieurs [sc. Inferieurs & Superieurs]. Les premiers ne contiennent que les Anniehronnons qui font les plus cruels, & auec lefquels nous [125] auons moins de cõmunication; & fous Ie nom des Iroquois Inferieurs [sc. Superieurs] font compris les Sonnontouaehronnons, qui font les plus nombreux; Les Onnontagehronnons, qui font les plus confide- rabIes & nos plus fideles alliez; Les Oiogoenhron- nons, qui font les plus fuperbes; & les Onneiout- hronnons qui font les plus foibles de tous. L'humeur de toutes ces Nations eft guerriere & cruelle; & faute d'auoir des voifins à combattre, pour les auoir tous fubiugez, elles vont chercher dans d'autres contrées des nouueaux ennemis. II n'ya que fort peu de temps qu'ils font allez porter la guerre bien loin au delà du pays des Chats à des peuples qui n' ont pas la connoiffance des Europeans, de mefme qu'ils leurs font inconnus. La vertu de ces pauures Infideles eftant la cruauté, comme la manfuetude eft celle des Chre1l:iens, ils en font efchole dés Ie berceau à leurs enfans, & les accou- fiument aux carnages les plus atroces, & aux fpe- étac1es les plus barbares. Leurs premieres courfes ne font que pour répandre du fang humain [126J & 1656-57] RELA TION OF J6.56-.57 263 CHAPTER XII. OF THE CHARACTER AND CUSTOMS OF THE IROQUOIS. T HE Iroquois, of whose Villages we have as yet discovered only fourteen, are divided into the Lower and the Upper Iroquois. The former consist only of the Anniehronnons, who are the most cruel, and with whom we [125] have less communica- tion. Under the name of Upper Iroquois are com- prised the Sonnontouaehronnons, who are the most numerous; the Onontagehronnons, who are the most influential, and our most faithful allies; the Oiogo- enhronnons, who are the most arrogant; and the Onneiouthronnons, who are the weakest of all. The character of all these Nations is warlike and cruel; and, as they have no neighbors to fight, because they have subjugated all of them, they go to seek new enemies in other countries. Not long ago, they went to carry war very far beyond the country of the Cats, to peoples who have as yet no knowledge of Europeans, by whom they are equally unknown. The chief virtue of these poor Pagans being cruelty, just as mildness is that of Christians, they teach it to their children from their very cradles, and accustom them to the most atrocious carnage and the most barbarous spectacles. Their first expeditions are undertaken merely for the purpose of shedding human blood [126J and of signaling themselves by murders; and their infantile bands, armed with hatchets and guns which they can hardly carry, do 264 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 fe fignaler par des rneurtres, & leurs trouppes enfantines armées de haches & de fuzils, qu'elles ont de la peine à fouftenir, ne laiiIent pas de porter par tout l'épouuante & l'horreur. lIs vont à la guerre à deux & trois cents lieuës loin de leurs pays par des rochers inacceffibles, & des forefts immenfes, n'eftant munis que d'efperance; & ne laiiIant.dans leurs Bourgs pendant des années entieres que leurs femmes & leurs petits enfans. Mais quelques cheuelures qu'ils rem portent, ou quelques prifon- niers de guerre defiinez à leur boucherie, font les trophées dont ils croient leurs trauaux heureufement recompenfez. Cependant ces viétoires leur caufant prefque autant de perte qu'à leurs ennemis, elles ont tellement depeuplé leurs Bourgs, qu'on y compte plus d'Eftran- gers que de naturels du pays. Onnontaghé à fept nations differentes qui s'y font venuës eftabJir, & il s'en trouue iufqu'à onze dans Sonnontoüan; en forte que leur ruïne caufée par leurs conqueftes, nous donnent l'auantage de prefcher la Foy à quantité de Nations diuerfes que [127] nous ne pourions aller inftruire chacune dans fon pays. Leurs mariages ne rendent que Ie liét commun au mari & à la femme, chacun demeurant pendant Ie iour chez fes propres parents, & Ia femme allant Ie foir trouuer fon mari pour s'en retourner Ie Iende- main de bon matin chez fa mere, ou chez fon plus proche parent: fans que Ie mari ofe aller dans la cabane de fa femme deuãt qu'elle ait quelques en fans de luy. La feu Ie communication de biens qui eft entre l'vn & l'autre, eft que Ie mari donne tous les fruits de fa chaiIe à fa femme, qui luy rend en 1656 - 57] RELA TION OF I656- 57 265 not fail to spread fear and horror everywhere. They go to war at a distance of two or three hundred leagues from their country, over inaccessible rocks and through vast forests, provided solely with hope, and leaving in their Villages, for whole years at a time, only their women and little children. But a few scalps that they bring back, or a few prisoners of war, destined to be butchered by them, are the trophies with which they consider their labors ha ppil y rewarded. Nevertheless, these victories cause almost as much loss to them as to their enemies, and they have depopulated their own Villages to such an extent, that they now contain more Foreigners than natives of the country. Onnontaghé counts seven different nations, who have come to settle in it; and there are as many as eleven in Sonnontouan. Thus, their ruin, caused by their conquests, gives us the advantage of preach- ing the Faith to a number of various Nations, whom [127J we could not visit and instruct each in its own coun try. Their marriages make only the bed common to the husband and wife; each one lives, during the day, with his own relatives. The wife goes to her hus- band at night, returning early next morning to the home of her mother or of her nearest relative, and the husband does not dare to enter his wife's cabin until she has had some children by him. The only community of property between them is, that the husband gives all the products of his hunting to his wife, who in return renders him certain services, and is obliged to till his fields and harvest the crops. They make their most serious illnesses ridiculous 266 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL 43 recompenfe quelques feruices, & eft obligée de culti- uer fes champs, & d'en faire la recolte. 11s rendent ridicules les plus fafcheufes de leurs maladies par la fuperftition groffiere qu'ils apportent à leur guerifon. Car fe perfuadant que toute leur incommodité vient de ce que l'ame manque de quel- que chofe queUe fouhaitte, & qu'il ne faut que luy donner ce qu'elle defire pour la retenir paifiblement dans Ie corps; C'eft à qui fe monfirera [128] Ie plus liberal, faifant au malade Ies prefents qu'il fouhaite, & aufquels il croit que fa vie eft attachée. On voit vn moribond enuironné d'alefnes, de cifeaux, de coufieaux, de fonnettes, d'aiguilles, & de mille autres bagatelles, de Ia moindre defquelles il attend la fanté. S'il fe laiffe enfin mourir on attribuë fa mort au defaut de queIque chofe qu'il defiroit: il meurt, dit-on, parce que fon ame defiroit manger d'vn chien, ou de la chair d'vn homme; parce qu'on ne luya pas trouué vne certaine hache qu'il defiroit, ou parce qu'on n'a peu luy retrouuer vne belle paire de chauffes qui Iuy ont efié derobées: fi au contraire Ie malade recouure fa fanté, il attribuë fa guerifon au prefent qu'on Iuy a fait de la derniere chofe qu'il fouhaitoit pendant fa maladie, & Ie cheriffant toufiours par apres, Ie conferue foigneufement iufqu'à la mort. En forte que comme ils croient que to utes leurs maladies ont la mefme caufe, ils ne recon- noiffent auffi qu'vn feul remede pour les guerir. Les Morts ne font non plus exempts de leurs fuperftitions que les malades. [129] Auffi-toft que quelqu'vn a expiré dans vne cabane, on y entend des cris & des lamentations de Ia parenté affemblée, de tout âge & de tout fexe, fi effroiables qu'on prendroit 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 267 by the gross superstition with which they seek to cure them. They are convinced that they are afflicted with diseases only because the soul is in want of something for which it craves; and that it is only necessary to give it what it desires, in order to detain it peacefully in the body. They all vie with each other as to who shall be [128J the most liberal, giving to the sick person all the presents that he desires and on which he considers that his life depends. A dying man may be seen surrounded by awls, scissors, knives, bells, needles, and a thousand other trifles, from the least of which he expects to obtain health. If at last he happen to die, his death is attributed to the absence of some article that he desired. "He dies," say they, "because his soul wished to eat the flesh of a dog, or of a man; because a certain hatchet that he wished for could not be procured; or because a fine pair of leggings that had been taken from him could not be found." If, on the contrary, the sick man recover his health, he attributes his cure to the gift of the last thing that he wished for during his illness, and afterward he cherishes it forever, pre- serving it carefully until his death. Thus, as they believe that all their illnesses are due to the same cause, they also recognize but one remedy for effect- ing their cure. The Dead are not more exempt from their super- stitions than the sick. [129J As soon as anyone dies in a cabin, one hears in it the cries and lamentations uttered by the assembled relatives of all ages and both sexes; and so frightful are they that one would take that lugubrious uproar, which lasts for months and even for entire years, for the howlings of Hell. :Meanwhile,- after the dead man is buried, and his 268 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 ce tintamarre lugubre, qui dure les mois & les années entieres pour les hurlemens de l'Enfer. Cependant apres que Ie mort eft enterré, qu'on a comblé fon tombeau de viures pour la fubfiftance de fon ame, & qu'on luy a fait vne maniere de facrifice, en brûlant vne certaine quantité de bleds; les anciens, les amis & les parents du deffund. font inuitez à vn fefiin, où chacun porte fes prefents pour confoler les plus affligez. C'eft ainfi qu'ils en vferent en prefence d'vn Pere de no fire Compagnie, qui reprefentoit dans vne de ces ceremonies la perfonne de 110nfieur Ie Gouuerneur. V n Ancien des plus confiderables fe demarchant grauement, s'efcrie d'vn ton lugubre ai, ai, ai, agatondichon, helas, helas, helas, mes chers parents, ie n'ay ny efprit ny parole pour vous confo- ler, ie ne peux autre chofe que de meíler mes larmes auec les voftres, & me plaindre de la rigueur [130] de la maladie qui nous traite fi mal, ai, ai, ai, agaton- dichon. Ie me confole neantmoins de voir Onnontio & Ie refie des François pleurer auec nous: mais courage mes parens! n'attriftons pas plus long- temps vn hofie fi honorable, effuyons les larmes d'Onnontio en effuyant les nofires; voilà vn prefent qui en tarira la fource. Ce prefent qu'il fit à mefme temps, fut vn beau colier de Pourcelaine, qui fut fuiuy des prefens & des condoleances de tous les autres; la liberalité des femmes n'eftant pas moindre que celIe des hommes en cette rencontre. La cere- monie fe termine par Ie fefiin, dont on tire les meilleurs morceaux pour les malades confiderables du Bourg. Tout cela ne pouuant arrefier les pleurs & les cris d'vne mere, quelqu'vn des parens, pour donner des marques de fa pieté, en la confolant, 1656-5;] RELA TI01V OF r6s6-S7 269 grave is filled with provisions for the sustenance of his soul, and after a sort of sacrifice has been offered to him by burning a certain quantity of corn,- the elders, with the friends and relatives of the deceased, are invited to a feast, to which each one brings his presents to console the most afflicted. Thus did they proceed in the presence of a Father of our Society, who, at one of those ceremonies, repre- sented Monsieur the Governor. One of the most not- able of the Elders, with grave demeanor, exclaimed in a lugubrious voice: Ai, ai, ai, agatolldichon. "Alas, alas, alas, my beloved relatives! I have neither mind nor words wherewith to console you. I can do nothing but mingle my tears with yours, and complain of the severity [130] of the illness that treats us so ill. Ai, ai, ai, agatolldichon. I am, never- theless, consoled when I see Onnontio and the remainder of the French weeping with us. But, take courage, my relatives! Let us not cause sorrow any longer to so honorable a guest; but let us dry the tears of Onnontio by wiping away our own. Here is a present that will dry up their source." The present that he gave at the same time was a fine collar of Porcelain beads, and it was followed by the gifts and condolences of all the others. The liberal- ityof the women was not less than that of the men on that occasion. The ceremony concluded with a feast, the best morsels of which were reserved for the sick persons of rank in the Village. As all this could not arrest the tears and the cries of one mother, one of the relatives, in order to testify his devotion by consoling her, disinterred the dead body; and, after clothing it with new garments, he threw the grave-clothes into the fire. This he did two or three 270 LES RELATIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 deterre Ie mort, & Ie reuefiant d'vn habit neuf, iette au feu fon habit mortuaire: ce qu'il fait iufqu'à deux ou trois fois en diuers temps; iufqu'à ce que ne trouuant plus que les os nuds, i1les enueloppe dans vne couuerture pour les prefenter [131] à l'affiigée. Enfin quelque temps apres ces ceremonies, on recon- noifi la liberalité de ceux qui auoient fait des prefens de confolation, en leur diftribuant les meubles du mort, aufquels on en adioufie d'autres, fi ceux-là ne fuffifent pas. 11 n'y a rien que ces peuples ayent plus en horreur que la contrainte: les enfans mefme ne la peuuent fouffrir, & viuent à leur fantaifie dans la maifon de leurs parents, fans crainte de reprimende ny de chafiiment. Ce n'efi pas qu'on ne les puniffe quel- quefois en leur frottant les leures & la langue d'vne racine fort amere; mais on Ie fait rarement, de peur que Ie depit ne les porte à fe faire mourir, en man- geant de certaines herbes venimeufes, qu'ils fçauent eftre vn poifon, dont les femmes mariées vfent beau- coup plus fouuent, pour fe venger du mauuais traite- ment de leurs maris, en leur laiffant ainfi Ie reproche de leur mort. Au refte parmy tant de deffauts caufez par leur aueuglement & leur education barbare, il ne laiffe pas de s'y rencontrer [132] des vertus capables de donner de la confufion à la plufpart des Chrefiiens. 11 ne faut point d'Hofpitaux parmy eux, parce qu'il n'y a point de mendiants ny de pauures tant qu'il s'y trouue des riches, leur bonté, humanité & courtojfie ne les rend pas feulement liberaux de ce qu'ils ont; mais ne leur fait prefque rien poffeder qu'en com- mun. 11 faut que tout vn bourg manque de bled 1656-57] RELA TIO/-.r OF I656-57 271 times on different occasions, until he found nothing but the bare bones, which he wrapped up in a cover- ing to present them [131] to the afflicted woman. Finally, some time after these ceremonies, the liberality of those who have given presents of consolation is acknowledged by distributing among them the effects of the deceased, to which other things are added if these do not suffice. There is nothing for which these peoples have a greater horror than restraint. The very children cannot endure it, and live as they please in the houses of their parents, without fear of reprimand or of chastisement. Not that they are not punished some- times by having their lips and their tongues rubbed with a very bitter root; but this is seldom done for fear that vexation might lead the children to cause their own death by eating certain noxious plants, which they know to be poisonous. These are most often used by the married women, to revenge them- selves for the ill treatment of their husbands by thus leaving them the reproach of their death. However, amid so many defects due to their blind- ness and to their barbarous training, they still possess [13 2 ] virtues which might cause shame to most Christians. No Hospitals are needed among them, because there are neither mendicants nor paupers as long as there are any rich people among them. Their kindness, humanity, and courtesy not only make them liberal with what they have, but cause them to possess hardly anything except in common. A whole village must be without corn, before any individual can be obliged to endure privation. They divide the produce of their fisheries equal1y with all who come; and the only reproach they address to 272 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 deuant qu'vn particulier foit reduit à la difette: lIs partagent leurs pefches en égales portions auec tous ceux qui furuiennent, & ils ne nous font reproche que de noftre referue à y enuoier fouuent faire nos prouifions. Nous auons dit dans noftre derniere Relation com bien leur fuperftition les attachoit fcrupuleufe- ment à leurs fonges; mais les exemples que nous en auons veu depuis, font trop rares pour les omettre. Vne femme fort malade dans Onnontaghé auoit refvé qu'illuy falloit vne robbe noire pour la guerir; mais Ie maffacre cruel de nos Peres que ces Barbares auoient fait tout recemment, leur ofiant l'efperance d'en pouuoir [133] obtenir de nous, ils eurent recours aux Hollandois, qui leur vendirent bien cher la pauure f[o]utanne du Pere Poncet, qui en auoit quelque temps auparauant efté dépouillé par les Annienhron- nons. Cette femme luy attribuant fa guerifon, la veut conferuer toute fa vie comme vne predeufe relique, & c'eft entre fes mains que nous l'auons reconnuë. II ne leur faut que refuer à vne chofe pour leur faire entreprendre de grands voyages à fa recherche. L'Efté dernier vne femme n'ayant pas trouué à Kebec vn chien François qu'elle y eftoit venu chercher, parce qu'vn fien neueu l'auoit veu en fonge, entreprit vn fecond voyage de plus de quatre cens lieuës par les neiges, les glaces & les chemins les plus rudes, pour aller chercher cét animal fi defiré, au lieu où on l'auoit tranfporté. Pleuft à Dieu que nous fiffions autant d'eitat des infpirations du del que ces Barbares en font de leurs fonges! 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 273 us is our hesitation to send to them oftener for our supply of provisions. In our last Relation, we stated how closely their superstitions were connected with their dreams; but the instances that we have since seen are too ex- traordinary to be omitted. A woman, who was very ill at Onnontaghé, had dreamed that she required a black gown to effect her cure. But, as the recent cruel massacre of our Fathers by tbose Barbarians deprived them of all hope of being able [133] to obtain one from us, they applied to the Dutch, who sold them at a very high price the wretched cassock of Father Poncet, who had shortly before been despoiled of it by the Annienhronnons. The woman attributed her cure to it, and wished to keep it all her life as a precious relic. I t was in her hands that we recognized it. They have only to dream of a thing, to be induced to undertake long journeys to seek it. Last Summer a woman-who could not find at Kebec a French dog that she had come there to get, because a nephew of hers had seen it in a dream - undertook a second journey of more than four hundred leagues, over the snow, the ice, and the roughest roads, to seek the animal so ardently desired at the place whither it had been taken. \V ould to God that we paid as much heed to the inspirations of heaven as these Barbarians do to their dreams! 274 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [V OL. 43 [134J CHAPITRE XIII. DES TESMOIGNAGES RECIPROQUES D' AMITIÉ EKTRE NOUS & LES IROQUOIS. I L eft difficile de trouuer d'exemple où Dieu fe foit monftré Maiftre plus abfolu des cæurs que dans noftre reconciliation auec les Iroquois. Nous en receuons autant de careffes & de tefmoi- gnages de bien-veillance que nous craignions d'effets funeftes de leur cruauté. Nous logeons & nous mangeons en toute feureté auec ceux dont l'ombre il y a peu de temps, & Ie feul nom nous donnoit de la frayeur. La durée de cette vnion, qui femble croiftre tous les iours, nous a fait perdre la crainte que nous euffions peu auoir au commencement, qu'vn premier accueil fi ioyeux ne fuft fuiuy d'vne iffuë également funefte. Ce n'eft pas l'intereft temporel qui cimente cette amitié; puis qu'elle ne leur a encore produit aucuns fruiéts de la terre: mais c' eft fans doute l'amour [135] Diuin qui leur donne ces douces pentes, ces complaifances & ces tendreffes pour nous, dont il doit tirer leur falut. II n 'y a iamais de plus gran de ioye, ny de plus grande fefte dans leurs cabanes & leurs bourgs, que quand ils peuuet nous y poffeder. S'ils ne peuuent nous y retenir affez long-temps, ils tefmoignent ne pouuoir fouffrir noftre abfence, en nous fuiuant par trouppes iufques dans noftre habita- tion, pour y viure auec nous; & s'y comportent de telle forte, que fi Dieu leur fait trouuer des charmes 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656-57 275 [134] CHAPTER XIII. OF THE MUTUAL TOKENS OF FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN US AND THE IROQUOIS. I T is difficult to find any instance in which God has shown himself more absolute Master of hearts than in our reconciliation with the Iroquois. 'Ve receive as much kindness and as many tokens of good will from them, as we feared to experience baleful results from their cruelty. \Ve d well and eat in entire security with those whose shadow, and whose very name, filled us with dread but a short time ago. The duration of that accord, which seems to grow daily, has caused us to lose the fear which we might have had at the beginning, that the joyous welcome given us at first might be followed by as fatal an ending. It is not temporal in terest that cements this friendship, for it has not as yet brought them any earthly advantage; but it is, beyond a doubt, Divine love [135] that inspires them with those gentle thoughts, that kindness, and that affection for us by which it will procure their salvation. Never is there greater joy or greater pleasure in their cabins and in their villages, than when they can have us there. When they cannot keep us with them long enough, they show that they cannot bear our absence by following us in bands as far as our dwelling, in order to live with us; and they behave in such a manner that, if God makes them find a 276 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 dans nofire entretien, il ne nous laiffe pas fans aucun fentiment de ioye dans leur compagnie. Aucun de nous n'a efié malade cét hyuer qu'ils ne luy ayent témoigné prendre part à fa douleur, luy faifant largeffe de leur gibier, comme ils témoignoient en fuite par leurs prefens de conjouyffance prendre part à fa guerifon. Les alliances que nous contraétons à la façon du pays auec les Sauuages, eft vn des plus excellens moyens que Dieu nous ait infpiré pour nous main- tenir, & [136] auancer la foy parmy eux: ces pauures Barbares prenans pour nous des fentimens de peres, de freres, d'enfants & de neueux, lors que nous leur en accordons les noms. La plus aduantageufe de ces alliances eft celle que Ie Pere Superieur appellé Achiendafé a contraétée auec Sagochiendagefité, qui a la puiffance & l'authorité Royalle fur toute la Nation d'Onontaghé, quoy qu'il n'en ait pas Ie nom: Le contraét de leur vnion qui fe fit en prefence des deputez des cinq Nations leur ayant fait toufiours depuis confiderer les François comme vne partie de leur peuple, qu'i1s font obligez de cherir & de defendre de tout leur pouuoir. Auffi nous ont-ils toufiours depuis rendu les mefmes offices dont ils vfent enuers leurs plus fideles amis. Les principaux d'entr'eux eftant venus auec de grands cris lugubres pour nous confoler de la mort de deux de nos François, celuy qui portoit les prefens de condoleance adreffant fon difcours au Pere Superieur luy dit: Les Anciens de noftre pays ayant coufiume de s'entr'effuyer [137] les larmes, quand ils font affiigez de quelque malheur; Nous venons Achien- dafé, pour te rendre ce deuoir d'amitié: Nous 1656-57] RELATION OF r656-57 277 charm in our conversation, he does not leave us with- out a feeling of joy at being in their company. Not one of us was ill last winter, without their manifesting that they shared his trouble by giving him liberally of their game, just as they afterward showed by their presents the joy which they felt at his recovery. The alliances that we contract with the Savages according to the fashion of the country constitute one of the nlost excellent means with which God has inspired us for maintaining ourselves, and for [136] advancing the faith among them. Those poor Barbarians feel like fathers, brothers, children, and nephews toward us when we call them by those names. The most advantageous of those alliances is that which the Father Superior, called Achiendasé, has contracted with Sagochiendagesité, who exercises Royal power and authority over the whole Nation of Onontaghé, although he does not bear that title. The contract of their union, which was concluded in the presence of the envoys of the five Nations, has since then always caused them to consider the French as a portion of their people, whom they are obliged to cherish and defend with all their might. Consequently, they have since then always rendered us the same services that they render to their most faithful friends. The chief men among them came with mournful cries to console us for the death of two of our French. He who carried the presents of condolence addressed himself to the Father Superior, saying: "The Elders of our country have the cus- tom of wiping away one another's [137] tears when they are afflicted by any misfortune. We come, Achiendasé, to perform that friendly duty toward 278 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 pleurons auec toy, parce que Ie malheur ne te peut toucher fans nous percer du mefme coup; & nous ne pouuons fans vne extreme douleur te voir fi mal- traité en nofire pays, apres auoir quitté Ie tien où tu efiois parfaitement à ton aife: La maladie iette tes neueux dans Ie fond d'vne terre dont tu ne connois pas encore la fuperficie. Ah! que Ie Demon cruel prend bien l'occafion pour affiiger ceux qu'il hait! I1 fe fert iufiement, pour faire ce mauuais coup, du temps auquel tu auois plus befoin de tes neueux, pour bafiir tes cabanes. te fortifier, & cultiuer tes champs. Les ayant en vain harcelez fans relafche pendant tout l'Efté, & fe reconnoiíIant trop foible pour t'attaquer, il a fait ligue auec les Demons de la fievre & de la mort, afin de ioindre nofire perte à la voftre. exerçant fes rauages chez nous encore plus que chez vous. lais prens courage, nofire frere, nous eíIuyons les larmes de tes yeux, afin que [I 38J tu voyes que tous tes neueux ne font pas morts; nous t' ouurons les yeux par ce prefent, afin que tu confi- deres ceux qui te reftent, & que' par tes agreables regards tu leur rende la vie & la ioye à mefme temps. Pour nos deux neueux qui font morts, il ne faut pas quïls aillent nuds en l'autre monde, voicy vn beau drap mortuaire pour les couurir. Voilà auffi de quoy les mettre dans la foffe, de peur que leur veuë ne renouuelle ta douleur; & pour t'ofter de deuant la veuë toute forte d'objets lugubres. Ce prefent eft pour applanir la terre dans laquelle ie les ay mis, & cet autre pour dreíIer vne paliíIade alentour de leur tom beau, afin que les beftes & les oyfeaux carnaffiers n'inquietent point leur repOSe Enfin ce dernier eft pour remettre ton efprit dans fon repos & fon affiette, 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656- 57 27 thee. \Ve weep with thee, because misfortune cannot touch thee without piercing us by the same blow; and we cannot, without extreme regret, see thee suffer so in our country, after having left thine own, where thou wert perfectly comfortable. Sick- ness casts thy nephews into the depths of a land whose extent thou knowest not as yet. Ah, how the cruel Demon seizes the opportunity to afflict those whom he hates! To do that evil deed, he chooses the very moment when thou hast the greatest need of thy nephews to build thy cabins, to fortify thy- self, and to till thy fields. After harassing them in vain throughout the Summer, and finding himself too weak to attack thee, he has leagued himself with the Demons of fever and death, in order to add our loss to yours, and to work havoc among us still more than among you. But take courage, our brother; we wipe away the tears from thine eyes, that [138] thou mayst see that not all thy nephews are dead. We open thine eyes with this present, that thou mayst consider those who are left to thee, and by thy pleasant looks restore life and joy to them at the same time. As to our two nephews who are dead, they must not go naked into the other world; here are fine grave-clothes wherewith to cover them. Here is something also wherewith to place them in their graves, to prevent the sight of them from renewing thy grief, and to remove all sorts of lugu- brious objects away from thy eyes. This present is to level the earth in which I have placed them; and this other one, to erect a palisade around their grave, in order that the flesh-eating animals and birds may not disturb their rest. Finally, this last present is to calm thy mind and restore it to its seat, that our 280 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 afin que no fire paix continuant dans la mefme fermeté, aucun Demon ne la puiffe alterer. Ce furent les propres termes de la harangue de ce graue Barbare, qui fut accompagnée de huiét beaux prefens de coliers de Porcelaine qu'il nous fit au [139] nom du public. Plufieurs particuliers ont vfé des mefmes ciuilitez & de la mefme liberalité que nous auons reconnuë auec aduantage dans toutes les occafions que nous en auons pû trouuer. L'vnion que nous auons contraétée auec Sagochien- dagefité nous faifant auffi freres des Sonnontouae- hronnons, & peres des Oiogoenhronnons, ces trois Nations nous en font venuës faire leurs remercie- ments: mais les Sonnontouaehronnons en ont plus témoigné de reconnoiffance que les autres, nous ayant prefenté, pour nous poffeder chez eux, vne demeure fort auantageufe pour fon abondance de toutes fortes de viures, & pour la communication qu'elle peut auoir facilement auec celIe d'Onnoiltaghé. 1656-57] RELA TI01V OF r656-57 281 peace may continue as firm as before, and that no Demon may impair it." Such were the very words of the harangue of that grave Barbarian. It was accompanied by eight fine presents of collars of Porcelain beads, which he gave us on [139] behalf of the public. Several individuals displayed the same civility and the same liberality, which we repaid with interest at every opportunity that we could find. As the alliance that we have contracted with Sagochiendagesité makes us also the brothers of the Sonnontouaehronnons and fathers of the Oiogoen- hronnons, those three Nations came to express their thanks to us for it. The Sonnontouaehronnons, however, displayed more gratitude than the others; they presented to us, in order to secure our presence among them, a dwelling possessing great advan- tages, both, because it is furnished with an abun- dance of all kinds of provisions, and because it can maintain easy communication with the residence of Onnontaghé. 282 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 CHAPITRE XIV. DES DISPOSITIONS QUE LES IROQUOIS ONT À LA FOY. L ' INSOLENCE, la fuperftition, & la diíIolution extreme de ces peuples [140J iointes à la cruauté qui les a fait les vniques perfecuteurs de la primitiue Eglife de ces contrées, nous donnoient lieu d'attendre vn fuccez de cette Miffion tout different de celuy que la proteétion de Dieu nous y a fait éprouuer. Ces meurtriers des Predicateurs de l' Euangile, ces loups carnaffiers qui auoient exercé leur rage fur Ie bercail de IESVS-CHRIST auec plus de fureur & des tourmens plus atroces que les Nerons & les Dioc1etians, embraffent noftre fainéte Religion auec plus de ferueur que ceux qu'ils ont exterminé, & prennent Ie ioug de cette mefme foy dont ils eftoiët i1 y a peu d' années les Tyrans. I1s repeu plent l'Eglife que leur cruauté auoit depeuplée: ils baftif- fent chez eux plus de Chapelles qu'ils n'en auoient deftruit chez leurs voifins. La prouidence de Dieu leur fait prendre la place des pauures Chreftiens qu'ils ont exterminez: & les exhortations de nos Martyrs plus ardentes que les flammes & les brafiers du milieu defquels ils prefchoient, ont maintenant de fi merueilleux effets parmy leurs bourreaux, qu'il s'eft fait plus [14IJ de Chreftiens Iroquois en deux mois, qu'il ne s'eftoit conuerti de Hurons en plufieurs années: 11s demandent auec autant de ferueur & de 1656-57J RELATION OF r656-57 283 CHAPTER XIV. OF THE DISPOSITIONS OF THE IROQUOIS TOWARD THE FAITH. T HE Insolence, the superstition, and the extreme dissol uteness of these peoples, [140] added to the cruelty that has made them the sole perse- cutors of the primitive Church in these countries, led us to expect a result of this Mission quite differ- ent from that which the protection of God has enabled us to attain. The murderers of the Preachers of the Gospel-those ravenous wolves that had vented their fury on the fold of JESUS CHRIST, with greater rage and more atrocious tortures than any Nero or Dioc1etian - now em brace our holy Religion with more fervor than those whom they have exter- minated, and assume the yoke of the same faith of which they were, some years ago, the Oppressors. They repeople the Church which their cruelty had depopulated; they build in their own country more Chapels than they had destroyed in that of their neighbors. God's providence makes them take the place of the poor Christians whom they have exter- minated, and the exhortations of our Martyrs, more ardent than the flames and the fires from the midst of which they preached, now produce such marvelous effects upon their executioners that more [141] Iro- quois have become Christians in two months than there were Hurons converted in several years. They ask as fervently and devoutly for the waters of 2ð4 LES RELATIONS DES/ÉSUITES [V OL. 43 veneration les eauës du Baptefme, qu'ils les auoient mefprifées auec infolence, verfans de l'eau boüillante fur la tefie des Predicateurs en derifion de ce Sacre- ment. S'ils demandent auec infiance d'entrer au nom bre des Fideles & de porter 1'111 ufire nom de Chrefiiens, ils n'apportent pas moins de foin à ne s'en pas rendre indignes & à en faire les fondions. Leur ferueur feroit prendre cette Eglife naiffante pour vne Eglife formée & efiablie par plufieurs années, ou par plufieurs fiec1es: encore feroit-il affez difficile de trouuer dans les anciennes Eglifes vn auffi grand empreffement pour affifter aux prieres & aux Inftrudions publiques, iointe à vne auffi grande modefiie, & vne auffi parfaite foûmiffion à tous les deuoirs d'vn Chrefiien. Deux Peres de nofire Compagnie qui ne quittent point la Miffion d'Onnontaghé où la ferueur du Chriftianifme efi plus grande, reconnoiffent dans [142] les Onnontagehronnons vne douceur de conuer- fation, & vne ciuilité qui n'a prefque rien de Barbare. Les enfans y font dociles, les femmes portées à la deuotion la plus tendre, les anciens affables & refpeétueux, les guerriers moins fuperbes qu'ils ne Ie paroiffent. Et en general la complaifance que Ie peuple témoigne pour noftre doétrine & nos pratiques ne nous fait pas efperer de petits progrez de nofire íainéte Foy. Dieu fe fert de leurs fuperfiitions & de leur fauffe pieté pour en tirer fa gloire, nous donnant Ie moyen de fanétifier l'inclination qu'ils ont à prati- quer quelque culte Diuin, & à vfer de quelques ceremonies de Religion, en leur faifant changer d'obiet, & leur faifant adreffer au vray Dieu les inuocations & les termes d'adorations dont ils fe 1656-5ï] RELA TION OF r656-57 285 Baptism, as they had insolently contemned them by pouring boiling water on the heads of the Preachers, in derision of that Sacrament. If they urgently ask to be admitted to the number of the Faithful and to bear the III ustrious name of Christians, they take no less care to become worthy of that grace, and to perform the duties connected with it. Their fervor would cause this nascent Church to be taken for a Church already formed and established for many years,-nay, for several centuries. It would indeed be difficult to find in the older Churches so great eagerness to attend the public prayers and Instruc- tions, combined with so great modesty, and so perfect submission to all the duties of a Christian. Two Fathers of our Society - who do not leave the Onnontaghé Mission, where the fervor of Chris- tianity is greatest-find in [142J the Onnontagehron- nons a gentleness in their conversation and a civility which hardly savors in any wise of Barbarism. The children there are docile, the women inspired with the tenderest devotion, the elders affable and respect- ful, the warriors less arrogant than they seem. And, on the whole, the favor that the people manifest for our doctrine and our practices leads us to expect no slight progress for our holy Faith. God makes use of their superstitions and false piety to derive his glory from them. He gives us the means of sancti- fying their tendency to practice some Divine worship and to perform some ceremonies of Religion; we make them change the object of these, and address to the true God the invocations and words of adora- tion which they formerly employed in their sacrifices, when they offered the best of what they possessed to some unknown Divinity. 286 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSVITES [VOL. 43 feruoient auparauant dans leurs facrifices, quand ils offroient ce qu'its croioyent auoir de meilleur à quelque Diuinité inconnuë. La coufiume qu'obferuent ces Nations de fe faire chaque année reciproquement des prefens d'amitié dans les [143J Confeils & les Affemblées publiques, nous donnera dans ces occafions, en y faifant & rece- uant les prefents publics, vne fauorable ouuerture pour leur expliquer nos myfieres; au lieu d'y faire Ie recit des chofes paffées & les plus reculées de la memoire, ainfi qu'ils Ie pratiquent dans ces cere- monies. C'efi auffi de cette mefme façon que nous nous feruons de la coufiume que les parens & les anciens ont de fe tenir affemblez pendant la nuiét qui fuit Ie iour des funerailles, pour racon ter des hifioires anciennes: car nous leur rendons leur curiofité vtile dans ces rencontres, & iettons infenfiblement & à loifir dans leurs ames les femences de la Foy, en leur expliquant dans ces recits d'hifioires nos myfieres, & les merueilles de no fire Religion. Qui n'admireroit la bonté de Dieu qui fe fert pour Ie bien de ces pauures Infideles, des mefmes moyens que Ie diable employoit pour les feduire? Le fonge qui efioit Ie Dieu & Ie grand Maifire de ces peuples en ayant fouuent porté plufieurs deuant la Predica- tion de [144J l'Euangile à la pratique des vert us Morales, a mefme fait embraffer la Foy à quelques- vns; & vn des deux Peres employez à Onnontagé mande qu'vne ieune fille, fur l'efprit de laquelle }es exhortations ne pouuoient auoir aucun effeét, a efié conuertie par vn fonge, qui luy a, dit-elle, fait voir dans Ie Ciella verité des chofes qu'on leur prefche. 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 287 The custom observed by these Nations, of giving one another each year friendly presents in the [143] Councils and public Assemblies, will afford us on those occasions, when giving and receiving public presents, a favorable opportunity for explaining our mysteries, instead of reciting things that are passed and are the most remote from memory, as they do in performing those ceremonies. In the same manner, also, we take advantage of the custom followed by the relatives and elders, of meeting during the night after a funeral, to relate stories of olden times. We turn their curiosity to advantage on such occasions; imperceptibly and at leisure, we cast the seeds of the Faith into their souls, by explaining to them in the relation of those stories our mysteries, and the marvels of our Religion. \Vho would not admire the goodness of God, who, for the welfare of these poor Infidels, makes use of the same means as the devil did to seduce them? Dreams-which constituted the God and the great Master of those peoples, and which frequently, before the Preaching of [144J the Gospel, had led many to the practice of Moral virtues-have even caused some to embrace the Faith. One of our two Fathers who are employed at Onnontagé writes us, that a young girl, upon whose mind his exhortations had no effect, was converted by a dream,-which, she says, showed her in Heaven the truth of what we preach to them. Nevertheless, our labors are not unhindered by obstacles; and the Gospel finds there enemies who contend against it, in order that the victories of the Faith may be real victories. For, not only do the warlike and impetuous nature, the unbounded 288 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Cependant nos trauaux ne font pas fans obftac1es, & l'Euangile trouue là fes ennemis qui la combattent, afin que les viétoires de la Foy foient de veritables viétoires. Car outre que l'humeur guerriere & boüil- lante, l'extreme libertinage & les courfes continuelles de la ieuneffe retardent la conueruon de ce païs; Ie diable y renouuelle toutes les calomnies dont il s'efioit autres-fois ferui auec plus de fuccez, pour nous mettre mal dans les efprits des Hurons, & frufirer les trauaux des Peres de noftre Compagnie des fruits qu'ils en attendoient. Noftre Compagnie qui tâche d'imiter celuy dont elle a l'honneur de porter Ie nom, & au feruice duquel elle s'employe [145] par toutes les contrées du monde, fait gloire d'efire comme luy attaquée de calomnies. Auffi s'en trouue-t'il par tout en grand nombre qui luy procurent cét honneur, qui, quoy qu'il luy foit d'ordinaire auantageux, empefche neantmoins quel- ques-fois les fruiéts qu'elle fait dans l'Eglife. fais it eft affez difficile de trouuer des calomnies plus groffieres que celles que l'efprit de menfonge fug- gere à ces pauures Sauuages. On nous y accufe de les exhorter fouuent au Paradis pour les y brûler à noftre aife: & il s'en trouue quelques-vns qui difent et1re reffufcitez, & auoir efié tefmoins de tout cela. 1Iais vne feule femme en a peu trouuer, quoy qu'en petit nombre, d'affez foibles, pour eftre intimidez par ces fortes de refueries. Nous tafchions de dif- pofer au Baptefme & à la mort cette pauure Infidelle qui auoit la macho ire démife, lors qu'elle tomba en fyncope, & bien-toft apres reuenant à foy, conta des nouuelles de l'autre monde. El1e auoit, difoit-elle, efté menée au pays des ames des François, mais eftant 1656 - 57] RELATION OF r6S6-S7 289 licentiousness, and the continual raids of the young men delay the conversion of the country, but the devil repeats there also all the calumnies which he formerly employed, with more success, to give the Hurons a bad opinion of us, and to prevent our Fathers from deriving from their labors the fTuits that they ex- pected therefrom. Our Society, which endeavors to imitate him whose name it has the honor to bear, and in whose service it has employed itself [145] in every country of the world, glories in being assailed by calumnies as he was. Thus, there are everywhere a great many who confer upon it that honor, which, although it is usually advantageous to it, nevertheless some- times prevents the fruits that it seeks to bring forth in the Church. But it is difficult to find grosser calumnies than those which the spirit of falsehood suggests to these poor Savages. \Ve are frequently accused of exhorting them to strive for Paradise, in order to burn them there at our leisure; and there are some who say that they have risen from the dead and have witnessed all that. A single woman has been able to find some, though few in number, weak enough to be intimidated by dreams of that kind. vVhile endeavoring to prepare for Baptism and for death, that poor Pagan woman, whose jaw was dislocated, she fell into a swoon, and, on recovering consciousness soon after, she related news of the other world. She had been taken, she said, to the land where the souls of the French go; but, as she was [146] preparing to enter, she saw a bluish smoke rising from the center of Paradise, which caused her to mistrust what was going on. Then, at two different times, she looked more 290 LES RELA TIONS DES /ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 [146] prefte d'entrer, elle vit vne fumée bluaftre qui s'eleuoit du milieu du Paradis, & qui luy donna de la defiance de ce qui s'y paffoit: regardant en fuite par deux diuerfes fois plus attentiuement, elle auoit veu plufieurs de fes. compatriotes que les François bruíloient auec de grandes huées: ce qui l'auoit obligée de s'efchaper des mains de ceux qui la con- duifoient au del, & de reuenir en vie, pour euiter vn pareil traitement, & donner aduis au public du danger qu'il y auoit de croire les François. N ous n' a uons pas tan t de peine à nous purger de ces reproches ridicules, qu'à détromper Ie peuple des bruits que font courir quelques Hurons Apoftats qui attribuent à la Foy toutes les guerres, Ies maladies & Ies ruynes du pays; & apportent leur propre experi- ence pour confirmation de leurs impoftures, afíeurant que leur changement de Religion a caufé Ie change- ment de leur fortune, & que leur Baptefme a efté fuiuy auffi-toft de toutes Ies miferes poffibles. Les Hollandois, difent-ils, ont maintenu les Iroquois, en les laiffant viure [147] à leur mode, comme les Robbes noires ont perdu les Hurons en leur pref- chant la foy. Enfin ils apportent pour la meilleure de leurs preuues l'exemple d'vne Cathecumene d'Onnontaghé, qu'ils difent eftre tombée malade à noftre abord, & auoir efté enforcelée auec du poil d'vn chien de Kebec, ainfi que Ie Sorcier du pays l'auoit enfin découuert, apres auoir long-temps examiné les caufes de fa maladie. Cette calomnie fit moins d'impreffion fur les efprits que celIe que Ie Diable fufcita contre Ie Pere qui partit I'Hyuer dernier d'Onnontaghé pour nous venir querir: car fon voyage fit croire que la grande 1656-57] RELA TION OF r656-57 291 attentively, and saw several of her countrymen being burned by the French amid loud shouting. This had induced her to escape from the hands of those who were leading her to heaven, and to return to life, in order to avoid similar treatment, and to warn the public of the danger that lay in believing the French. We have not so much trouble to clear ourselves of such ridiculous reproaches, as we have to disabuse the people of the rumors spread by some Huron Apostates, who attribute to the Faith all the wars, diseases, and calamities of the country. They allege their own experience in confirmation of their impos- ture; they assert that their change of Religion has caused their change of fortune; and that their Baptism was at once followed by every possible mis- fortune. The Dutch, they say, have preserved the Iroquois by allowing them to live [147] in their own fashion, just as the black Gowns have ruined the Hurons by preaching the faith to them. Finally, they mention as their most convincing proof the case of a Catechumen, a woman of Onnontaghé; she fell ill, they say, on our arrival, having been bewitched by the hair of a dog from Ke bec, as was discovered by the Sorcerer of the country after endeavoring for a long while to ascertain the cause of the illness. This calumny made less impression on their minds than the one instigated by the Devil against the Father who started last Winter from Onnontaghé to come for us; his journey gave rise to the belief, that the great mortality which then prevailed in the coun- try was due to his search for souls, a box full of which he wished to take along with him. Although their traditional belief that Souls issue forth from their bodies from time to time, especially a short 292 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 mortalité qui eftoit alors en ce pays-Ià, efioit caufée par la recherche des ames qu'il faifoit, en voulant empor- ter vne caiffe toute pleine. N eantmoins, quoy que l'opinion qu'ils ont par tradition que les Ames fortent de temps en temps de leurs corps, fur tout vn peu deuant la mort. femblaft fauorifer cette impofiure, ce bruit fe diffipa bien-toft de foy-mefme, & n'eut aucune fuite fafcheufe. [14 8 ] Ainfi peut-on voir que les obfiac1es font bien moindres que les moyens que nous auons là d' auan- cer la Foy, qui feroient plus grands, fi Ia compaffion & la charité des gens de bien efioit plus grande: car vn des fruiéts les plus remarquables qu'on pourroit faire en ce pays, feroit de racheter des captifs Chre- fiiens qui font entre les mains des Iroquois; ce qui feroit vtile non feulement au falut des Ames & des corps de ces pauures efclaues, mais auffi à la conuer- fion des Iroquois; qui font rauis par ces exemples. 11 ne faut que découurir aux perfonnes zelées la mifere des Hurons & des autres captifs, pour les porter à vne liberalité proportionnée à la pitié qu'ils en a uron t. Les Iroquois ont trois fortes de captifs, dont les premiers ayant fubi de leur gré Ie ioug des vain- queurs, & pris parti parmi eux, font deuenus chefs de famille, apres la mort de leurs Maifires, ou fe font mariez. Quoy qu'ils meinent vne vie affez douce, ils font confiderez comme efclaues & priuez de voix aétiue & paffiue aux Confeils publics: Les [149] aut res décheus dans l' efc1auage apres auoir efté les plus opulents & les plus confiderez de leurs bourgs, n'ont de leur :\iaifire pour recompenfe de leurs tra- uaux & de leurs fueurs continuelles, que la nourriture 1656- 57] RELATION OF r656-57 293 while before death, seemed to favor that delusion, this rumor, nevertheless, soon disappeared of its own accord, and had no unpleasant consequences. [148J Thus it is seen that the obstacles are far less than the means which we have for advancing the Faith in those regions. And these means would be more considerable if the compassion and charity of good people were greater; for one of the most impor- tant fruits that could be gathered in this country would be the redemption of the Christian captives in the hands of the Iroquois. It would be useful, not only in saving the Souls and the bodies of those poor slaves, but also in converting the Iroquois, who are attracted by such examples. It is only necessary to make known to zealous persons the misery endured by the Huron and other captives, to induce them to display a liberality equal to the pity that they will feel for them. The Iroquois have three classes of captives. The first are those who, having willingly submitted to the yoke of the conquerors and elected to remain among them, have become heads of families after the deaths of their Masters, or have married. Although they lead a tolerably easy life, they are looked upon as slaves, and have no voice, either active or passive, in the public Councils. The [149J second class are those who have fallen into slavery after having been the richest and the most esteemed in their own vil- lages, and who receive no other reward from their :Masters, in exchange for their ceaseless labor and sweat, than food and shelter. But the fate of the third class is much more deplorable; it consists chiefly of young women or girls, who, because they have not yet found a husband among the Iroquois, are 294 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 & Ie connert. Mais Ie fort des derniers eft bien plus deplorable: ce font la plufpart des ieunes femmes ou filles, lefquelles n'ayant peu trouuer party parmy les Iroquois, font inceffamment expofées au danger de perdre l'honneur ou la vie par la lubricité brutale, ou par la cruauté de leurs Maifires ou de leurs Maiftreffes. Tous les moments leur font à craindre; leur repos n'efi iamais fans inquietude & fans dan- ger, leurs moindres fautes n'ont point d'autre chafti- ment que la mort; & leurs aétions les plus innocentes & les plus fainétes peuuent paffer pour fautes: Quand vn Barbare a fendu la tefie à fon efc1aue d'vn coup de hache, c' eft vn chien mort, dit-on, i1 ne faut que Ie ietter à la voirie. C'eft ainfi qu'vne pauure Chre- {Henne captiue appellée Magdelaine fut guerie d'vne maladie qui la faifoit languir, par fa Maiftreffe, [150] qui la maffacra auec autant d'inhumanité qu'elle auoit auparauant fait paroifire de bonté, en I' adoptant pour fa mere. Nous n'auons que trop d'exemples de cette nature, & Dieu veüille tellement exciter la compaffion de ceux à qui i1 a fait largeffe des biens de la terre pour acquerir ceux du ciel, que leur liberalité tirant ces pauures captifs de ces dangers fi grands & fi mani- feftes, nous ne puiffions plus les années prochaines en raconter de femblables. 1656-57] RELATION OF I656-57 295 constantly exposed to the danger of losing their honors or their lives through the brutal lechery or cruelty of their Masters or Mistresses. Every moment is one of dread for them; their rest is never free from anxiety and danger; the only punishment for even their slightest faults is death; and their most harmless and most holy actions may be consid- ered as faults. When a Barbarian has split the head of his slave with a hatchet, they say: " It is a dead dog; there is nothing to be done but to cast it upon the dunghill." Thus a poor Christian captive called Magdelaine, afflicted with a consumptive dis- ease, was cured by her Mistress, [150] who killed her with as much inhumanity as she had previously manifested kindness toward her, when she adopted her as her mother. We have but too many examples of this nature. May God be pleased so to excite the compassion of those upon whom he has conferred an abundance of earthly goods, in order that they may acquire heavenly blessings, that, their liberality having delivered those poor captives from so great and such manifest dangers, we may be unable in the coming years to relate similar instances. 296 LES BELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL. 43 CHAPITRE XV. DES PREMIERES SEMENCES DE LA FOY PARMI LES IROQUOIS. Q VOY que les deux Peres qui hyuernerent à Onnontaghé dés 1'année 1656. y fuffent allez comme Am baffadeurs, plufiofi que comme Predicateurs de I' Euangile : ils ne laifferent pas dés- lors de ietter les diuines femences dans ces terres én friche, & de les difpofer à faire la paix auec Dieu, en les portant [151] à fe reconcilier auec les hommes. lIs fe feruirent de la facilité qu'ils trouuerent de pouuoirs fans choquer les efprits, enfeigner la doétrine Chrefiienne, faire les prieres dans vne petite Cha- pelle, & baptifer les enfans. Mais ils n'vfoient que moderément de leur zele, pour gaigner les occau.ons de l'exercer par apres auec plus de liberté, & ouurir vne plus grande porte à l' Euangile, en moyennant I' accord auec les François. Ce fut done l'Efié fuiuant que les Peres s'efiant efiablis, declarerent ouuertement la guerre à 1'Infi- delité non feulement dans Onnontaghé, mais auffi dans tous les autres pays des Iroquois, où ils ont peu auoir accez. En forte que feize ou dix-fept Nations differentes de pays, de mæurs & de langage, auf- queUes ils ont porté Ie flambeau de la Foy, ont ouuert les yeux aux veritez qu'ils leur ont annoncées: & Dieu qui a ramaffé de quatre cens lieuës loin des enuirons ces captifs de pluu.eurs nations pour leur 1656-57] RELATION OF r656-57 297 CHAPTER XV. OF THE FIRST SEEDS OF THE FAITH SOWN AMONG THE IROQUOIS. A LTHOUGH the two Fathers who passed the winter at Onnontaghé in the year 1656 had gone there as Ambassadors rather than as Preachers of the Gospel, they did not fail from that very moment to sow the divine seed in those uncul- tivated lands, and to dispose them to make peace with God by inducing them [151] to become recon- ciled with men. They took advantage of the facility with which, without offending them, they could teach the Christian doctrine, hold prayers in a small Chapel, and baptize the children. But they exer- cised their zeal only with moderation, in order to obtain afterward opportunities of displaying it more freely, and of opening a wider door to the Gospel by procuring peace with the French. Therefore, in the following Summer, after the Fathers were established, they openly declared war against Paganism, not only in Onnontaghé, but also in all the other Iroquois countries to which they could obtain access. Sixteen or seventeen Nations, differing in country, in customs, and in language, to whom they bore the light of the Faith, have opened their eyes to the truths that were preached to them. And God, who has, from a distance of four hundred leagues around, gathered those captives of various nations to make them share the freedom of his 298 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [VOL 43 faire part de la liberté de fes enfans, leur rend l'Iro- quois, qui efi la langue íeule dans laquelle on les preíche, [I 52J affez intelligible pour en efire infiruits dans nos myfieres. Mais on remarque dans les Onnontagheronnons plus de ferueur que dans tous les autres, & plus d'in- clination pour Ie Chrifiianifme, auquel ils íe main- tiennent auec autant de confiance qu'ils ont eu de zele en s'y attachant; les menaces & la crainte de la mort ne les en pouuant íeparer. Ainfi vne fille des plus confiderables d'Onnontaghé, qui efioit fort malade, meíprifant les difcours d'vne mefchante femme, qui vouloit luy períuader que íon bapteíme ayant cauíé fa maladie, les vifites de la Robe noire acheueroient de la faire mourir; attendit à declarer au Pere cette tentation, apres auoir receu íes Infiruétions & acheué íes prieres. Vne captiue Huronne nommée Thereíe, qui auoit deuant fon efc1auage efié de bonne famille, & tenu rang de Princeffe, fit encore paroifire plus de gene- rofité, lors qu'vne indifpofition ne luy ayant pas permis d'obeïr au commandement que íon Maifire luy auoit fait d'aller querir de la viande à vne iour- née [153J loin, & attendant d'heure en heure Ie coup de la mort, dont Ie Barbare furieux l'auoit menacée, & dont elle íembloit fi affeurée, que chacun la confi- deroit déja comme morte; elle eut tant de courage & de confiance en nos myfieres, qu'apres s'efire confeffée auec les fentiments d'vne Arne tout à fait Chrefiienne, elle s'en alIa auffi-tofi pleine de joye trouuer fon tyran & Ie prier qu'il hafiafi la mort qu'il luy auoit defiinée, puis qu'il ne luy pouuoit rendre vn meilleur office. Le Barbare íurpris auffi bien que 1656-57J RELATION OF r656-57 299 children, renders the Iroquois language, the only one in which we preach, [152] sufficiently intelligible to them to enable them to be instructed in our mysteries. But we observe in the Onnontagheronnons more fervor and a greater leaning toward Christianity than in all the others, and they are as constant in the faith as they were zealous in attaching them- selves to it. Threats and the fear of death could not sever them from it. Thus the daughter of one of the notables of Onnontaghé, when very ill, refused to listen to a wicked woman who tried to persuade her that, as her baptism had caused her illness, the visits of the black Gown would accomplish her death; she waited to tell the Father of that temptation, until she had received his Instructions and finished her prayers. A Huron captive named Therese-who before her slavery had belonged to a good family, and had held the rank of Princess - manifested still greater cour- age. An indisposition prevented her from fulfilling a command of her Master, namely, to go and bring some meat from a distance of a day's journey. [153] She awaited from hour to hour the death-blow with which the furious Barbarian had threatened her, and which she was so sure to receive that every one already looked upon her as dead. Such was her courage, and her confidence in our mysteries, that, after confessing herself with all the sentiments of a truly Christian Soul, she went at once full of joy to her tyrant, and begged him to hasten the death that he had intended for her, because he could not render her a better service. The Barbarian, as well as all those who were present, was surprised at such bold- ness; and fTom that moment he felt more shame for 300 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 tous les affifians de cette hardieffe, eut dés lors plus de confufion de fon mauuais deffein que d'enuie de I' executer : tant la magnanimité Chrefiienne a d'afcendant fur les efprits. II n'efi pas croyable combien les exemples de gene- rofité font puiffants pour gaigner ces Infidelles. La hardieffe que les Peres qui les infiruifent témoignent, allant fans changer de vifage dans les bourgs & les cabanes, où on leur dit que la mort & les fupplices les attendent; caufe autant de fruiét dans les Ames que d'admiration dans les efprits, [154] & a eu tant de pouuoir fur les cæurs des Anciens & des Capi- taines, qui témoignoient au commencement toute l'indifference poffible pour nos myiteres, qu'il y en a maintenant quelques-vns d'entre eux; Catechu- menes cachez, & quelques autres qui font profeffion ouuerte de la Foy, fans qu'aucun d'eux s'oppofe au progrez de l'Euangile. II efi vray que l'exemple funefie de Hondiatarafe doit les en deftourner. Ce pauure mal-heureux efioit vn homme d'efprit & d'in- trigue, qui faifoit vne partie des affaires du pays, parIoit Ie mieux dans les Confeils, & auoit feul d'entre tous les Anciens ofé s'oppofer ouuertement à l'Euan- gile, entrer en difpute fur nos myfieres, & deffendre les Fables du pays. Mais Dieu fceut bien renuerfer cet obftacle de fa gloire, & punir les blafphemes de cet infolent. Vn flen neueu qui croioit en auoir receu quelque iniure luy fend it la tefie d'vn coup de hache, au lieu mefme où on deuoit planter la Croix qu'il vouloit renuerfer, & au temps que les Peres partoient de Kebec, pour y venir eftablir leur demeure. [155] Si Dieu a fait paroifire fa Iuftice en cet ex- empIe, i1 a fait voir fa mifericorde infinie en plufieurs 1656 -57] RELA TION OF r656-57 301 his evil design than desire to carry it out. So great is the ascendency that Christian magnanimity has over minds. It is incredible what a powerful effect examples of courage have in winning over these Infidels. The bravery displayed by the Fathers who teach them- going, without changing countenance, into villages and cabins, where they are told that death and tor- ture await them-produces as much fruit in their Souls as admiration in their minds. [154] It has made so deep an impression on the hearts of the Elders and Captains,-who, at the outset, manifested every possible indifference to our mysteries,- that now some of them are Catechumens in secret, and others openly profess the Faith, while not one of them opposes the progress of the Gospel. It is true, the fatal example of Hondiatarase serves them as a warning. That poor wretch was a man of ability and intrigue; he had charge of a portion of the affairs of the country, and spoke best in the Councils; he alone, among all the Elders, had ventured openly to oppose the Gospel, to enter into a dispute about our mysteries, and to defend the Myths of the coun- try. But God knew how to remove that obstacle to his glory, and how to punish the blasphemies of that insolent man. A nephew of his, who believed him- self injured by him, split his head with a hatchet, on the very spot where we were to erect the Cross that he wished to overthrow, and at the very moment when the Fathers started from Kebec to come and establish their residence here. [155] If God has manifested his Justice in that instance, he has displayed his infinite mercy in many others. For a long while the Father could produce 302 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES [V OL. 43 autres. Le Pere ne pouuant rien depuis long- temps fur I'efprit d'vne femme fuperbe & hautaine auffi difficile à conuertir que fon frere Iean-Baptifie Achiongeras s'efioit monfiré docile aux Iumieres de l'Euangile, ayant eu l'honneur d'efire Ie premier Chrefiien de fon pays: il eut recours à Sainéte Magde- laine auec tant de fuccez, que la Pechereffe conuertie dés Ie fecond iour de la neufuaine, venant demander Ie Baptefme, y receut Ie nom de fa bien-faiétrice. Le mefme Pere ayant aduis qu'vne Huronne Chre- fiienne fort malade efioit de puis vingt quatre iours dans Ie milieu d'vn bois où elle auoit efté conduite par quelques perfonnes qui luy efioient affeétionnées, pour Ia fanuer de la cruauté de fon :Maifire; i1 s'y tranfporta auffi-tofi & n'y trouua pas Ia Chrefiienne, mais vne autre pauure femme Infidelle auffi fort malade, qu'illuy fut fi aifé de conuertir & d'infiruire, qu'elle demanda & receut auffi-tofi Ie Baptefme. [15 6 ] Heureufe! d'auoir fait vne rencontre fi impre- ueuë de Ia vie de l'ame deux iours auant fa mort corporelle, & d'auoir appris fi à propos Ie moyen de reparer Ia petite perte qu'elle alloit faire, par Ie gain du plus grand threfor, ou plufiofi de l'vnique threfor qui foit au monde. Vne autre pauure femme de la Nation des Chats, condamnée par fes Maifires à efire deliurée par vne mort fanglante d'vne efpece d'hydropifie dont elle efioit trauaiIlée depuis queIque temps, receut prefque à mefme temps la guerifon du corps & de l' Arne; ca vne de fes parentes ayant prié Ie Pere de raIler voir, ilIa deliura du danger de fa maladie & de Ia cruauté de fes Maifires, la gueriffant en deux heures, en luy faifant prendre des pignons d'Inde, & la difpofa en fuite au Baptefme. 1656-57] RELA TIOJ'l/ OF r656-57 303 no effect on the mind of a proud and haughty woman, who was as difficult to convert as her brother Jean Baptiste Achiongeras had proved docile to the light of the Gospe1,-he who had had the honor of being the first Christian of his country. He had recourse to Saint 11agda1ene with such success that, on the second day of the novena, the converted Sinner came to ask for Baptism, and received the name of her bene- factress. The same Father learned that a Christian Huron woman, who was very ill, had been for twenty-four days in the midst of a wood; she had been taken thither by some persons who had an affection for her, to save her from the cruelty of her Master. He proceeded there at once, and found, not the Chris- tian, but another, a poor Pagan woman, also very ill, who was so easily instructed and converted that she asked for and at once received Baptism. [156] Happy was she to find so unexpectedly the life of the soul two days before the death of the body; and to learn so opportunely the means of retrieving the slight loss which she was about to experience by gaining the greatest, or rather the only, treasure in the world. Another poor woman, of the Cat Nation, was con- demned by her Masters to be delivered by a bloody death from a kind of dropsy that had afflicted her for some time. Her body and her Soul were cured almost simultaneously. One of her relatives begged the Father to go and see her, and he delivered her from the danger of her illness and the cruelty of her Masters; he cured her in two hours, by making her take some ptg-nons d'lnde,22 and then by preparing her for Baptism. 304 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 Dieu qui tourne tout à l'auantage de fes Eleuz, fe feruit d'Yne façon auffi admirable de la curiofité d'Yne femme d'Onnontaghé, laquelle ne s'efiant tranfportée à Gannentaa que pour yoir nos François, entra par rencontre dans [157] la maifon auec les Catechu- menes, & prenant part aux petites charitez que nous y faifions, en prit encore dauantage à nos Infiruétions : en forte qu'elle prefenta fa fille pour efire baptifée, & demanda à prier Dieu parm y les Catechumenes. 1656-57] RELA TION OF I656-57 305 God, who turns all things to the advantage of his Elect, used in as admirable a manner the curiosity of a woman of Onnontaghé. She went to Gannentaa solely to see our French people and entered, by chance, [157] the house with the Catechumens; she participated in the little charities that we practice there, and still more in our Instructions. Thus it happened, at length, that she brought her daughter to be baptized, and asked to be allowed to pray to God among the Catechumens. 306 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 CHAPITRE XVI. DE LA PUBLICATION DE LA FOY AUX IROQUOIS 010- GOENHRONNONS. A IANT adopté incontinent apres noftre arriuée au pays, les Onnontagehronnons pour freres, & les Oiogoenhronnons, & les Onneiouthron- nons pour enfans, il fallut pour garder les formes de cette alliance, nous tranfporter chez eux, pour leur faire nos prefens; ainfi que nous ferons obligez de faire tous les ans, pour leur rendre noftre parenté plus vtile & plus fouhaitable. Cette neceffité ne nous peut eftre que tres-agreable, puis qu'elle nous fournit les moyens de leur annoncer [158] l'Euangile en leur faifant nos prefents, ainfi que nous auons heureufement commencé. Ce fut à ce deffein que les Peres Chaumont & Menart partirent fur la fin du mois d' Aouft de l'an- née 1656. pour Oiogoen, où eftant arriuez deux iours apres, & y ayant fait quelque feiour, Ie Pere Chau- mont en partit pour Sonnontoüan, y laiffant Ie Pere Menart, qui trauaille aux fondemens de cette Eglife naiffante. Void ce qu'il nous en mande. L'auerfion de la Foy & de nos perfonnes que les Hurons auoient donnée aux naturels du pays, leur perfuadant que nous portions auec nous la maladie & Ie malheur du pays où nous entrions, nous fit ici receuoir auec vn accueil affez froid, & rendit mépri- fables les prefens que no us fifmes pour la Foy. Cependant les Anciens qui pour leur intereft temporel 1656-57J RELATIO.J.Y OF r656-57 307 CHAPTER XVI. OF THE PREACHING OF THE FAITH TO THE OIOGOEN- HRONNON IROQUOIS. I MMEDIATELY after our arrival in the country, we had adopted the Onnontagehronnons as brothers, and the Oiogoenhronnons and Onnei- outhronnons as children; and, in order to observe the forms of that alliance, we had to go to their land to give them our presents. \Ve shall be obliged to do so every year, to make our kinship more useful and more desirable to them. This necessity can only be most agreeable to us, because it gives us the means of preaching [158] the Gospel to them while giving them our presents, as we have happily com- menced to do. With that object in view, Fathers Chaumont and Menart started, at about the end of August of the year 1656, for Oiogoen, where they arrived two days later. After remaining there some time, Father Chaumont went to Sonnontouan, leaving at the former place Father 1fenart, who is working at the foundation of that nascent Church. This is what he writes us about it. "The aversion to the Faith and to our persons that the Hurons had excited in the minds of the natives of the country, by leading them to believe that we carried disease and misfortune into every region that we entered, caused us to be received with a rather cold welcome, and the presents which we 308 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES [VOL. 43 ne vouloient pas rompre auec nous, croyant que l'effay de la Foy ne feroit pas dangereux fur la vie de leurs efc1aues, nous firent baftir quatre iours apres noftre arriuée vne Chapelle, à laquelle ils s'em- ploierent eux-mefmes [159J de telle forte, qu'elle fut en deux iours en eftat d'y receuoir les Chreftiens. L'ayant tapiffée des plus belles nattes, i'y expofé l'Image de noftre Seigneur, & celIe de Noftre-Dame: Ce fut vn fpedac1e dont la nouueauté furprit fi fort nos Barbares, qu'ils venoient en foule pour Ie con- fiderer, & remarquer Ie vifage & l'adion des deux Images. I' eUs fans cefIe alors occafion de leur expli- quer nos myfieres, lors qu'i1s me faifoient diuerfes queftions fur les Images, en forte que ie ne faifois chaque iour qu'vn Catechifme, qui duroit depuis Ie matin iufqu'au foir. Ce qui appriuoifa les efprits de telle forte, que nous eufmes en peu de iours plufieurs Neophytes, non feulement des Hurons & des efc1aues, mais auffi des naturels du pays. Plufieurs m'apportoient leurs enfans pour les bap- tifer, & m' aidoient à leur apprendre les Prieres en les leur repetant auec moy: Et la grace fit en peu de temps de fi merueilleux changemens, que les petits enfans qui m'auoient au commencement pour Ie plus ordinaire [160J objet de leurs railleries & de leurs huées, me rendoient par apres les offices de bons Anges, me conduifant dans les cabanes, m'attendant aux lieux où ie m' arreftois; & me difant les noms des enfans que ie baptifois, auffi bien que ceux de leurs parens; ce que ces Barbares ont couftume de nous celer foigneufelnent, croiant que nous efcriuons leurs noms, pour les auoir en France, & y procurer leur mort par magie. 1656 - 57] RELATION OF 1656-57 309 gave for the Faith to be despised. However, the Elders - who from motives of temporal interest did not wish to break with us, and who thought that a trial of the Faith would not be dangerous to the lives of their slaves - caused, four days after our arrival, a Chapel to be built. They themselves worked at it [159] so assiduously that in two days it was finished and in a condition to receive the Christians. After having carpeted it with the finest mats, I hung up in it the Picture of our Lord and that of Our Lady. The novelty of the spectacle so astonished the Bar- barians, that they came in crowds to gaze at it, and to observe the faces and the expression of the two Pictures. I then had continual opportunities of explaining our mysteries to them, as they asked various questions about the Pictures; in fact, I held but one Catechism each day, which lasted from morn- ing till night. This so familiarized their minds that in a few days we had several Neophytes, not only among the Hurons and the slaves, but also among the natives of the country. " Many brought me their children to be baptized, and assisted me in teaching them their Prayers by repeating them with me. In a short time, grace produced such a wonderful change that the little children, who at the beginning generally made me [160] the butt of their jests and hootings, afterward rendered me the services of good Angels. They introduced me into the cabins; they waited for me at the places where I stopped, and they told me the names of the children whom I baptized, as well as those of their parents. These names the Barbarians are in the habit of carefully concealing from us, because they think that we write them down to send 310 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL. 43 La prouidence de Dieu me pourueut de trois Maiftres excellens pour apprendre la langue: i1s eítoient tous trois freres, originaires du pays, & d'vn excellent naturel: la bonté auec laquelle ils m'inuitoient fou- uent chez eux, & la patience & l'affiduité auec laquelle ils m'inftruifoient, me mirent bien-toft en eftat de les inftruire eux mefmes, & de leur apprendre nos myíteres, en leur faifant voir quelques Images, dont ils eftoient curieux au poffible. Le premier adulte que ie iugé capable du Bap- tefme, fut vn vieillard âgé de quatre-vingts ans, lequel ayant efté touché de Dieu, en m'entendant inftruire [16 I ] vn Chreftien, me fit appeller deux iours apres. eftant, ce fembloit malade à l' extremité. Ie ne fis pas de difficulté de luy accorder Ie Baptefme, trouuant en luy toutes les difpofitions d'vne Arne choifie pour Ie del, au chemin duquel i1 a encore eu depuis loifir de fe difpofer. Le fecond que ie baptifay, fut vn eftropiat qui auoit Ie vifage couuert d'vn chancre, qui faifoit horreur à la veuë. Ce pauure affiigé receut ma vifite auec autant de ioye qu'il l'auoit fouhaittée auec ardeur, & s'appliqua de fi bonne forte à retenir les prieres & les initruétions; que ie luy conferay peu de temps apres Ie Baptefme dans nofire Chapelle. Peut-efire que ces graces que Dieu luy a fait, font des fruiéts de la charité qu'il eut autresfois pour les Peres Brebeuf & l' AHemant. II m'a dit qu'il auoit efté tefmoin de leur mort, & que s'eftant acquis du credit par fa vaillance parmy fes compatriotes en cette iournée, où il auoit tué huiét Hurons de fa main, & en auoit fait cinq autres prifonniers, i1 auoit eu compaffion de ces [162] deux Peres captifs; & 1656-57] RELATION OF I656-57 311 them to France and there procure their death by magic. "God's providence supplied me with three very good Masters for learning their language. They were three brothers, natives of the country, and of excellent character. The kindness with which they frequently asked me to their homes, and the patience and assiduity with which they taught me, soon enabled me to instruct them, and to teach them our mysteries by showing them some Pictures. about which they evinced the greatest possible curiosity. " The first adult whom I deemed worthy of Bap- tism was an old man eighty years of age. His heart was touched by God on hearing me instruct [161] a Christian, and he sent for me two days afterward,- being, it seemed, sick unto death. I did not hesitate to administer Baptism to him; for I found in him all the dispositions of a Soul destined to heaven, on the road to which he still has SOlne leisure to prepare himself . "The second whom I baptized was a maimed warrior, whose face was covered with a canker hor- rible to look at. This poor afflicted man received my visit with as much joy as he had ardently desired it, and applied himse1í so well to learning the prayers and the instructions that I shortly afterward admin- istered Baptism to him in our Chapel. Perhaps the graces that God has granted to him are the fruits of the charity that he formerly displayed toward Fa- thers Brebeuf and l' Allemant. He told me that he had been an eye-witness of their death; that-as he had acquired some influence among his countrymen by his bravery on that day, having killed eight Hurons with his own hand, and made five others 312 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [YOL 43 qu'illes auoit obtenu des Anniehronnons moyennant deux beaux colliers de Pourcelaine, à deffein de nous les renuoyer; mais que bien-toft apres on luy auoit rendu ces prefents, pour retirer les deux prifonniers, & les bruner auec toute la fureur imaginable. Ce pauure Lazare que i'ayainfi nommé au Bap- tefme, eft fort confideré dans Ie bourg, & Ie premier appuy que Dieu a voulu donner à cette petite Eglife, qu'il augmente fans ceffe, en attirant d'autres à la Foy, par la ferueur de fes difcours & de fes ex- emples. L'ennemi de l'Euangile ne pouuant en fouffrir les progrez, n'a pas manqué de calomnies pour les trou- bIer. On accufe noftre Foy d'eftre homicide de tous ceux qui la profeffent: & la mort de quelques Chreftiens d'Onnontagé ayant feruy d'occafion à cette erreur des Barbares, Ie difcours qu'vn Capitaine ennemi de noftre Religion fit dans vne affemblée feruit à les abufer dauantage: en forte que non feulement plufieurs des naturels du pays, iugeant qu'il [163] eftoit plus feur de croire ce que difoit cet homme d'authorité parmi eux, que d'adjoufter foy à l'experience toute contraire, dont fe feruoient nos anciens Hurons, me prierent de trouuer bon qu'ils ceffaffent d'affifter aux prieres, iufqu'à ce que la crainte qu'ils auoient de moy, fuft diminuée: mais encore on accufoit la Foy des François de tous les maux dont Ie public ou les particuliers fembloient eftre affligez. C'eft ce qu'vn Apoftat tafchoit de perfuader à ces Barbares, nommant les Hollandois pour les garands de ce qu'il difoit, quand il affeuroit que les enfans des Iroquois mouroient deux ans apres leur Baptefme, & que les Chreftiens, ou fe rompoient 1656 -57] RELA TION OF r656- 57 313 prisoners-he had had compassion on tbe [162] two captive Fatbers, and had obtained them from the Anniehronnons in exchange for two fine collars of Porcelain beads, with the view of sending them back to us; but that soon afterward they had returned him his presents, had taken the two prisoners from him, and had burned them with all the fury imaginable. " That poor Lazarus, whom I so named in Baptism, is highly respected in the village, and is the first prop that God has been pleased to give to this little Church, which is constantly increasing, for he attracts others to the Faith by the fervor of his discourses and of his example. "The enemy of the Gospel, who cannot bear to witness its progress, has not failed to assail it with calumnies, in order to arrest its course. Our Faith is accused of killing all who profess it. The death of some Christians of Onnontagé gave rise to this delusion on the part of the Barbarians, and a speech delivered at a meeting by a Captain who is hostile to our Religion served to mislead them still more. Hence, not only did some natives of the country- who considered it [163] safer to believe that man in authority among them, than to place any faith in the quite contrary experience of our old Hurons - not only did they beg me to excuse them from attend- ing the prayers until their dread of me should decrease; but they also accused the Faith of the French of being responsible for all the ills with which the whole people or individual persons seemed to be afflicted. That is what an Apostate tried to make those Barbarians believe, naming the Dutch as his authority for what he said. He asserted that the children of the Iroquois died two years after their 314 LES RELA TIONS DES .IÉSUITES [VOL 43 la iambe, ou fe bleffoient Ie pied d'vne efpine, ou deuenoient ethiques, ou vomiíIoient l'ame auec Ie fang, ou efioient attaquez de quelque autre malheur infigne. Si nofire reputation efi ici maltraittée, noftre vie n'y eft pas plus en feureté. Vn guerrier de ma con- noiffance efiant venu loger dans nofire cabane, ne nous donna pas peu d'exercice: car [164J eftant entré trois nuits de fuite dans vne efpece de poffellion qui Ie rendoit furieux, il témoignoit en vouloir à ma vie, & il m'eufi fans doute mal-traitté, s'il n'en eufi efté empefché par noftre hofte. Ie fus menacé de la mort d'vne façon plus fiere par vn ieune homme, lequel apres m' auoir entendu infiruire vn Catechumene fort malade, que ie voulois difpofer à la mort; me dit que i'efiois vn Sorcier dont il fe falloit deffaire, que ie faifois viure & mourir qui ie voulois, & qu'il m'efioit aulli facile de guerir cet homme que de Ie mener au ciel. Ce reproche n' eftoi t- il pas agreable? Toutes ces difficultez que Ie Diable nous fufcite n'empefchent pas neantmoins que la Foy n'acquiere de iour en iour plus de credit parmi les peuples, que ie ne fois par tout bien efcouté, que noftre Chapelle ne fe rempliffe de Catechumenes, & qu'enfin ie n'aye baptisé tous les iours des enfans ou des adultes. Voilà ce que nous a mandé Ie Pere qui eut alors foin de cette Million pendant [165J deux mois, & qui fut obligé de la quitter pour retourner ioindre fes trauaux à ceux de deux autres Peres à Onnontaghé, où ils efiabliffent Ie fondement & Ie Seminaire de toutes les autres Millions des Iroquois. Mais depuis ce temps là mefme Ie Pere y eftant 1656-57] RELA TION OF 1656-57 315 Baptism, and that the Christians either fractured their legs, or wounded their feet with thorns, or became consumptive, or vomited their souls with their blood, or were assailed by some other great misfortune. " If our reputation be attacked here, our life is in no greater security. A warrior of my acquaintance, coming to lodge in our cabin, gave us no little trouble. [164] On three successive nights he became possessed in some way, and fell into a frenzy; he manifested an inclination to take my life, and would without doubt have done me an injury, had he not been prevented by my host. " I was threatened with a still nobler death than this. A young man, after hearing me instruct a Catechumen who was very ill, and whom I wished to prepare for death, told me that I was a Sorcerer who should be got rid of; that I gave life or death to whomsoever I wished; and that it was as easy for me to cure that man as it was to lead him to heaven. Was not that reproach an agreeable one? "All these obstacles that the Devil raises up against us do not, however, prevent the Faith from daily acquiring more credit among these peoples. I am listened to attentively everywhere, our Chapel is filled with Catechumens, and, finally, I daily baptize both children and adults." That is what was written to us by the Father who then had charge of that Mission for [165] two months. He was compelled to leave it, to return and unite his labors to those of the two other Fathers at Onnon- taghé, where they are establishing the foundation and the Seminary of all the other Iroquois Missions. But, since that time, the Father has gone back 316 LES RELATIONS DES/ÉSUITES [VOL. 43 retourné accompagné de cinq ou fix François, & du plus confiderable du Bourg, qui l'efioit venu prier de retourner chez eux, il y fut receu auec tout I'accueil imaginable. Ayant trouué Ia Chapelle en mefme efiat qu'ill'auoit Iaiffée, il y fit commencer Ies prieres Ie iour de fon arriuée, & les nouueaux Chrefiiens & Ies Catechumenes firent bien-toft paroifire tant de zele, que Ie Pere efcrit que cette Eglife n'efi pas moindre dans fa naiffance que celle d' Onnontaghé. 1656-57] RELA TION OF z6S6-S7 317 there, accompanied by five or six Frenchmen and by the most notable man of the Village, who had come and begged him to return among them. He was received with the warmest welcome imaginable. He found the Chapel in the same condition as he had left it; and on the very day of his arrival he began to hold prayers in it. The new Christians and Catechumens soon manifested so much zeal, that, as the Father writes us, that Church is not less vigorous in its birth than that of Onnontaghé. . BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: Val. XLIII XCIV This is a letter of Paul Ie J eune, ended in March, 16 57 (no place given, but doubtless Paris), to the mother superior of the Hôtel-Dieu at Quebec. The original MS. rests in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal; and this we follow in the present publication. XCV For bibliography of the Journal des Jészdtes, see our V 01. XXVII. XCVI In reprinting the Relation of 1656 - 57 (Paris, 1658), we follow a copy of the original Cramoisy edition in the Lenox Library. This volume was edited by Paul Ie J eune. In his preliminary epistle he says that Jean de Quen, as superior of the New France mis- sions, had sent over an annual report: but that the vessel which bore it was captured by the Spaniards, who threw overboard all the letters they found. Le Jeune, however, had previously had some advance sheets from De Quen. He, therefore, collected as much of the materials as he could recover, which, with the addition of some other unpublished memoirs of the previous year, form the contents of the present Relation. Le J eune's editorial letter to the Provincial, Louis 320 LES RELA T10NS DES JÉSUITES Cellot, is dated "Au College de Clermont ce I. de Decembre 1657." The" Privilege" for the volume was "Donné à Paris Ie 3. Decembre 1657;" and the" Permiffion .. was issued "A Paris, Ie 28. De- cembre 1656," though in reality only repeating the date of the permission of the preceding annual. Chapter xxi. contains a letter from François Ie Mer- cier to the Provincial, dated" A Monreal ce 6. Iuin 16 5 6 ," which was, in fact, a belated part of the pre- ceding year's report. Chap. xxii. contains a letter from Paul Ragueneau. dated on p. 202, " Du chemin de Kebec à Onontaghé ce 9. d'Aoufi 1657." This latter piece was received while the last sheet of the Relation was in press. The volume is mentioned in no. 110 of Harrisse's Notes. Collation: Title, with verso blank, 1 leaf; Le Jeune's editorial letter, pp. (6); "Table des Cha- pitres," pp. (2); "Privilege," with "Permiffion" on the verso, 1 leaf; text, pp. 1 - 2 1 I, with the verso of p. 211 blank. Signatures: ã in four, ê in two, A - N in eights, 0 in two. No mispaging. Copies of this Relat'ion are in the following libraries: Lenox, Harvard, New York State Library, Brown (private), Ayer (private), Library of Parliament (Ottawa), Laval University (Quebec), British Museum, and Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris). It has been sold or priced as follows: Harrassowitz (1882), no. 39, priced at 125 marks; O'Callaghan (1882), no. 12 3 8 , sold for $50, and had cost him $32.50 in gold; Bar- low (1890), nos. 1306 and 1307, sold for $12 and $9, respectively; and Dufossé, priced in 1891 and 18 9 2 at 150 and 190 francs. NOTES TO VOL. XLIII ( Figures in þarentheses, following number of note, refer to þages of English text.) I (p. 31).-This nun was Françoise Giffard, aged twenty-three years (Quebec ed. of Journal, p. 207, note). 2 (p. 35).- Pierre Duval, born in 1604, came to Canada with his family, including his wife and six children; of these, two were drowned, and one slain by the Iroquois. The date of his death is not recorded. 3 (p. 35).- Regarding this voyage of Bourdon, see vol. xL, note II. Its date has been given by various writers as 1656; but the statement of the Journal in our text, with other evidence, corrects that error. The subject has been carefully investigated by J. E. Roy; see his excellent paper in Bulletin des Recherches Histort"- ques, vol. ii. (1896), pp. 2-9, 21-23-a1so published in separate fonn (Lévis, Que., 1896). 4 (p. 37).- Pierre Miville (as the name is given in the Nôtre- Dame registers), a native of La Rochelle, brought his family to Canada before 1640; he died at Quebec in October, 1669. Tanguay mentions him as captain (presumably of militia) of Côte Lauson. 5 (p. 4 1 ).- Jean Lemire, born in 1626, near Rouen, married (October, 1653) at Quebec, Louise, daughter of Nicolas Marsolet (vol. v., note 35); she was then thirteen years old; they had sixteen children. Lemire was elected syndic of Quebec, in 1664., and again in 1667; he died in October, 1684. 6 (p. 41).-" After this phrase, in the original, a space of four or five lines is left blank. Father de Quen doubtless intended to insert therein the Huron's reply, and the signification of his two pres- ents. "- Quebec ed. of Journal, p. 212, note. 7 (p. 43).- De Mores is but a variant of Du Maure, the seigniorial title of Jean Juchereau (vol. xxvii., note 15). 8 (p. 51).- Batiscan (Baptiskam) is the name of a river travers- ing Champlain County, Quebec, and discharging into the St. Law- rence; it gives name to the town of Batiscan, 57 miles west of Quebec. The seigniory of Batiscan was granted to the Jesuits in 322 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES March, 1639, by Abbé de la Ferté of Chateaudun, France; see terms of that concession in SuIte's Canad.-Français, t. iL, p. 69. 9 (p. 53).- Gabriel, abbé de Queylus (Kélus), had been an as- sociate of Olier at Vaugirard (vol. xxL, p. 312) and became a promi. nent member of the Sulpitian community, founded by Olier. He did much to improve its discipline, also to establish ecclesiastical reform in various parts of Languedoc. The Associates of Montreal desired his appointment as bishop of Canada; but the greater influence of the Jesuits secured that dignity for Laval. The Associates also preferred a secular clergy at Montreal, and obtained from Olier four Sulpitians, of whom De Queylus was appointed superior. Just before their departure for Canada, Olier died (Apr. 2, 1657). They asked, and obtained, from the archbishop of Rouen the powers and authority commonly granted to missionaries in Canada; but he also appointed De Queylus his representative and grand vicar for all New France. The abbé's attempt to enforce the authority thus granted occasioned, of course, much dissatisfaction to the Jesuits; and the relations between them and the Sulpitians were, in consequence, long unfriendly. For a minute account of this whole affair, see Faillon's Col. Fran., t. iL, pp. 270-282; and Rochemon- teix'sJésuites, t. iL, pp. 189-231, 277-305. Cf. vol. xvi. of this series, note 5. De Queylus went to France in 1671, intending to return next year to Canada; but his health gave way, and he was obliged to retire from active life. His death occurred at the Sulpi- tian seminary in Paris, March 20, 1677. 10 (p. 57).- From this point to the end of the next paragraph (September 2-6), the handwriting is that of Druillettes; thereafter, the record is kept by De Quen. II (p. 63).- Lambert Closse, a native of Touraine, had come to Montreal with Maisonneuve (1641), and was next ,to the latter in command of the garrison there, bearing the title of major or sergeant-major. In August, 1657, he married Elizabeth Moyen, by whom he had two daughters, but one of whom survived infancy. Closse received a grant of land at Montreal in 1650. In February, 1662, he was slain by the Iroquois, while aiding some Frenchmen whom they had attacked. He is described by contemporary writers as a man of great uprightness and piety, and a fearless and gallant soldier; his bravery, it was thought, had saved the infant colony of Montreal from destruction by the savages. 12 (p. 67).-" That is, his servant-who, according to the regis- ters of Nôtre-Dame of Montreal, was called Jacques Noël" (Quebec ed. of Journal, p. 224, note I). NIcolas Godet, born (1581) in Perche, was one of the first settlers .NOTES TO VOL. XLIII 3:!3 at Montreal (1641); he brought with him his wife (née Françoise Gadois), and four children. Lands were granted him in 1650. His youngest daughter, Mathurine, at the age of fourteen married ( 16 5 1 ) Jean St. Père (St. Pair), a notary, who came to Montreal two years after Godet. Grants of land were made to him in 1650, 1651, and 16 54. At his death, he left two young children; a year later, his widow married Jacques Lemoine. Dollier de Casson, in his Histoire du 11Eontreal (Quebec ed., (871), p. 68, praises S1. Père as a man of excellent character, intelligence, and judgment. 13 (p. 69),- Jean de Lauson, governor of Canada, resigned that post before his term of office expired, and, in the autumn of 16 56, returned to France. He left the charge of affairs to his son Charles (vol. xxxvii., note 6); but the latter grew weary of such responsi- bility, and, in September, 1657, sailed for France, leaving the government of the country to Louis d' Ailleboust (vol. xxiii., note 16), Jean de Lauson's predecessor. In place of the last named, the Viscount d' Argenson was appointed by the king (January, 16 57); but he did not arrive at Quebec until July, 1658, until which time D' Ailleboust was acting governor. It may be added here, that the contention of P. G. Roy in regard to D' Ailleboust's daughter, mentioned in vol. xxxii., note 18, is sustained by 1\1. Ernest Myrand, in Bull. Rech. Hist., February, 18 99, pp. 43 - 51. He cites documents which show that D' Ailleboust had no children; Tanguay consequently errs in saying that his daughter married De Lauson. 14 (p. 73).- Jean Levasseur (also named Lavigne), born in 1622, came from Rouen to Canada. In 1648, he married Marguerite Richard, by whom he had twelve children. He is mentioned in the text as a sergeant; by Tanguay, as a bailiff. In January, 166 4, he and two other Montreal habitants obtained from De Lauson the island of St. Paul, near Montreal. Soon afterward, this concession was equally divided between the three; but, in 1669, Lavigne gave his fief to Marie Le Ber. He died in August, 1686. 15 (p. 73).- François d'Allet, who probably acted as the secretary of De Queylus, was one of the four Sulpitians who arrived in Canada in 16 57. He remained there until 1671, when he returned with De Queylus to France. Louis Théandre Chartier de Lotbinière was born in 1612, of a noble family in Paris. Tanguay traces this family line to the early part of the fourteenth century; there is, he says, no other Canadian stock which can be traced back so far as this one. Louis married ( 16 4 1 ) Marie Elizabeth, sister of Mathieu d' Amours (vol. xxx., note 14), by whom he had two chiJdren. He was one of the Tadoussac 324 LES RELATIONS DESJÉSUITES trading company in 1663; and, in the following year, was appointed procuror-general by De Mézy. He is also mentioned in the census of 1667 as lieutenant-general, civil and criminal, for the seneschal of Quebec. Chartier was granted lands in 1662, 1672, and 1685. The first of these concessions was a part of the lands donated to the Récollet missionaries in 1620, located on the St. Charles River (vol. iv., note 22). Upon the return of that order to Canada ( 16 7 0 ), Chartier restored to them his share of their lands. It was at his house that "the first ball in Canada" was given, as noted by the Journal (February, (667). He died in September, 16 9 0 . 16 (p. 73).-" The Jesuits, having been given the choice, in 1645, of accepting 6,000 livres, for building a clergy-house upon the church lands [see vol. xlii. of this series, note 28J, or of building with their own funds and handing over that amount to the Com- munity of Habitants, preferred the latter alternative; and they did, in fact, pay the 6,000 livres (1655) to the treasurer of the Com- munity. On his arrival, Monsieur the abbé de Queylus, now curé of Quebec, finding himself without a clergy-house, brought suit against the Jesuit Fathers, to compel them to give up to the parish the new dwelling which they had just built, or to pay it the 6,000 livres. They were notified of the interlocutory mandate of the seneschal. as the Journal here indicates, Nov. 22, 1657; and four months later. March 23, 1658, the governor, M. d' Ailleboust, rendered a definite judgment. By it he declared that · the Community of Habitants was duly made responsible for paying, in release and acquittal of the said Jesuit Fathers, the said sum of six thousdnd livres; and the agent of the said Community, M. Jean Gloria, was sentenced to pay, in preference to other debts of the said Com- munity, the said sum of six thousand livres, to be employed in the erection of the said clergy-house.'" - Quebec ed. of Journal, p. 226, note. 17 (p. 143).- Zacharie Dupuis, the leader of this expedition. was a native (1608) of Rieux, France. It is not known when he came to Canada. Previous to his departure for Onondaga, he was com- mandant of the fort at Quebec; in 1670, he was major of the Mont- real garrison; and, in 1672, he obtained from the Sulpitians a grant of land below Lachine. He died at Montreal, in June, 1 6 7 6 . In 1668, he had married Jeanne Groisat; there. is no record of her death, or of children born to them. 18 (p. 147).-Atoka (atoca, ataca; toea, Sagard): the common cranberry (Vaccinium macrocarþon, Gray), still known to the French Canadians by its Indian name. It is figured and described by Charlevoix (Plantes Amer.. p. 39)' Cf. the arises sans no..yau. .. cherries without stones," on page 257 of this volume. NOTES TO VOL. XLIII 325 19 (p. 257).- The nuts here mentioned are doubtless those of the hickory (Carya, Nutt.).-the .. shell-bark" variety (C. alba), or the" pig-nut" (c. glabra), which are sweet; and the" bittemut" or swamp hickory (c. amara), the nuts of which, although intensely bitter, yield excellent oil. See Charlevoix's description of these Uourn. His/., p. 162). The Indians pounded the kernels to a paste, which they boiled in water; the oil, rising to the top, was skimmed off, and preserved in gourds or in vessels of bark; it was used to enrich and flavor the sagamité and other foods. The sunflower ( Helianthus) was prized by the natives for the oil obtained from its seeds, .. though among the Northern tribes the oil made from it was not eaten, but was used on the hair. "-Carr's" Food of Amer. Indians," Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., vol. x., part I. pp. 171, 172. 20 (p. 259).-The .. cherries without stones" refer to the cran- berry (note 18, ante). The fruit resembling an apricot is probably the May-apple (Podoþhyllum þeltatum); d. vol. xiii., note 3. The .. apples shaped like a goose's egg" are the fruits of the papaw (Asimina triloba). The .. universal plant" mentioned in our text has not yet been, so far as known, identified; and it seems to have escaped the notice of most botanical writers. The description given in this Relation would indicate, however, the common sassafras (Laurus Sassafras, Linn.; Sassafras officinale, Nees.; Sassafras Sassafras, Karsten, and in U. S. P harmacoþeia). It is indigenous in America from Canada to Brazil; in southern latitudes it becomes a tree 3 0 to 50 feet high, but north of 40 0 N. lat. it is found as a low shrub, three to five feet high. This consideration will account for the Father's mention of it as .. a plant." The sassafras has always been prized for its medicinal virtues: it had been long used by the natives of Flor1da before the Spanish conquest; upon its discovery by white men, It speedily became a valued drug in Europe, and an important article of commerce from America; and it is still employed to a considerable extent, especially in domestic medicine in the United States. Every part of the tree is used medicinally; for list of these uses, see Rafinesque's Medical Flora (Phila., 1830), vol. ii., p. 235. The bark affords a dye for a handsome and permanent orange color. See the admirable monograph, historical, bibliograpical, and practical, on .. Sassafras," by Prof. John U. Lloyd, in Pharmaceu- tical Review, Dec., 1898, pp. 450-459. The sassafras is figured and described by Charlevoix, in Plantes Amer., pp. 9, 10. Thanks are due Prof. L. S. Cheney and Dr. Rodney True, of the University of Wisconsin, for information and suggestions regarding this subject. 21 (p. 261).- In regard to the mineral springs mentioned in the text, the first one has never been exactly identified. By land, it 326 LES RELA TIONS DES JÉSUITES would be about 30 mUes from the fort to Auburn; but such a spring would be at least at the base of the limestone rocks, farther north, and probably in the Salina group. The river route, two days' jour- ney. would bring the travelers to the salt springs at Montezuma; and the text seems to imply salt springs highly charged with lime. The sulphureous odor and the milky tinge would be caused by the decomposition of sulphate of lime. There are many small springs of this kind, continually forming calcareous tufa - sometimes en- crusting large masses of leaves or moss, and sometimes forming masses of a light, spongy nature, yellow in hue. When wet, these are quite caustic to the touch. The" burning spring near the Senecas" is in the town of Bristol, Ontario County, half-way between Canandaigua and Honeoye, where Charlevoix's map locates it as .. Fontaine brulante." There are several other carbureted hydrogen gas springs in Ontario County. The spring" toward the country of the Cats" (Eries) was prob- ably the noted 011 Spring in the town of Cuba, Allegany County, about 50 miles S. W. of the" burning spring." It is on the Oil Spring reservation, and is described as a dirty, stagnant pool, 20 feet in diameter, and without an outlet. A yellowish..brown oil col- lects on the surface, which is skimmed off. In my younger days, it was well known as .. Seneca oil," and was a popular remedy. This spring was so highly esteemed by the Senecas that in their treaties they reserved it, with a square mile of land. The spring toward Cayuga cannot be satisfactorily identified. There are several magnesian springs, but not located as in the text. I think it was one of the common springs, highly charged with sul- phate of lime. John Bartram saw one of these in 1743, at Onon- daga; but it was not odorous, being above the gypsum rocks. Cf. allusions to the mineral springs of that region, in Robert Munro's Descrzþtion of the Genesee Country (N. Y., 1804; reprinted in N. y: Doc. Hist., vol. ii., pp. 679- 689).- W. M. BEAUCHAMP. Cf. vol. viii. of this series, note 35, regarding the .. burning spring. " 22 (p. 303).- Pignons d' bzde: the seeds of Jatroþha curcas, one of the Euphorbiaceæ; physic-nuts, Barbadoes nuts (Eng.), médéci- nier (Fr.), or Brechnüsse (Ger.). 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