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FOR EDVCATION
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LIBRARY
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THE AMERICAN MUSEUM
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NATURAL HISTORY

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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIRTY OF BENGAL.

VOL. XXXIX.

PART I.
(Nos. I ro IV,—1870.)

(With thirteen plates.)

EDITED BY

THE HONORARY SECRETARIES.

I rs

“Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men
of science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing,
and send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such
communications shall be long intermitted; and it will die away, if they shall

entirely cease.”
Sim Wm. Jonss.

DELL OD

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED BY C. B. LEWIS, BAPTIST MISSION PRESS.

1870.

CONTENTS
of the Journal, Part I, Nos. I. to IV., for 1870.
=e
No. I.

Translations from the Tarikh i Firtiz Shahi.—By the late
Masor A. R. Funuer, Director of Public Instruction,

Panjab, - - - - -
Rejoinder to Mr. Beames.—By F. 8. Growsz, Esq., M. A.,
13), Ge lSbx - = : : ‘

Note on a Circle of Stones in the District of Ytisufzai.—By
Colonel Sir A. Puayvre, (with a plate), - -
A Covenant of’ Ali, fourth Caliph of Baghdad.—By J. Avpat1,
Ksq., M. A. S., - - - -

No. I.

Memorandum on and Tentative Reading of the Sue Vihar
Inscription from near Bhawalpir.—By E. C. Bayzey,
Esq., C. 8. I., C. S., (with two plates), - -

Notes on Old Delhi.—By J. D. Tremzzrt, Esq., M.A., C.S.,

Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dheri, and the
site of Taxila—By J. G. Detmuricr, Hsq., - -

Kashmiri Test words.—By W. J. Exmsiiz, Esq., M. D., -

Gondi Words and Phrases.—By Rey. James Dawson, -

Notes on Sanscrit Inscriptions from Mathura—By Basu
Ra’sENDRALA’LA Mirra, (with four plates), - -

Contribution towards Vernacular Lexicography.—By Basu
PrRATA’PACHANDRA GuHosHA, B. A., - - -

No. III.

Extracts from letters addressed by the Rey. T. Fourxzs,
Chaplain of Vepery, to the Chief Secretary to Govern-
ment, Fort St. George, dated 29th May, and 26th June,
1869, regarding three sets of Copper Sasanams dis-
covered in the Vizagapatam District, - -

Page

08

60

65
70

89
95
108
117

131

153

iv Contents.

Notes on the Antiquities of the Nalti, the Assia, and the
Mahabinayaka Hills of Cuttack.—By Basu Cuanpra-

SEKHARA Banursi, Deputy Magistrate, Jajpur, -
Additional Gondi Vocabulary.—By Rey. Jamus Dawson,
Chindwara, C. P., ° - - -

The Vastu Yaga and its bearings upon Tree and Serpent
Worship in India.—By Basu PraTaPpacHANDRA GHOSHA,
B. A., - - = : ere
Extracts from my Diary regarding the Bonhara Temple
near Omerpore, Behar, and other Antiquities of the
place.—By Basu Rasuprsart Bosz, Sus-Drivisionau
OrricER, BAnKA, BHAGULPUR, - - -

No. IY.

The Funeral Ceremonies of the Ancient Hindus.—By Basu
Ra’TENDRALALA Mirra, - - - -
Notes on Kashmiri Hermits.—By Lieut.-Col. D. J.F. Newatt,
Tio AS - - - - -
Facsimiles of Autographs of Jahangir, Shahjahan, and Prince
Dara Shikoh, with notes on the Literary character, and
the Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh.—By H. Buocu-
MANN, Hsq., M. A., Calcutta Madrasah, (with a plate), -
Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli
District.—By H. Brocumann, Esq., M. A., Calcutta
Madrasah, (with five plates), - - -
Index, - - - - - -

Page

158

172

199

241
265
271

279 (om
305

\ Plate

LIST OF PLATES TO PART I. JOURNAL, FOR 1870.

\ #7 99

VA

9)

?

I.

II.

i.

VIII.

IX.

xen:

(p. 58). View of a Stonehenge near Sung Buttee
(Kusufzye District).

(p. 68). Inscription found at Ste Vihar near Bha-
walpur.

(p. 69). The Tower at Ste Vihar.

\ (alve
yy to }(p. 130). Mathura Inscriptions.
VIL.

(p. 800). The Interior of the Mosque of Panduah.

The niche of ditto ditto.

The Basalt Pillars of ditto ditto.

View of the Tower of Panduah.

Entrance to the Tower of ditto.

(p. 271). Facsimiles of Autographs of Jahangir,
Shéhjahaén and Prince Dara Shikoh.

PIII IIIS SSIS Se SPINEL

ERRATA
in Part I, Journal, for 1870.

Page 52, line 14, after ‘corruption of the Sanserit,’ supply

vayds.
=p UE i 9, Raddhati read Paddhati.
Ree Onis. M55 6, Azardirachta read Azaddirachta.
iy a ae 34, for Bea read Sa.
ay! ee » for AAAQAA read HARA.

aro AO) ts, 25, for Wat read YSt.

31, for Brahman (dead) read twice born dead.
», for or read nor.

32, for Brahman read twice-born.

30, for Sudra read a Sudra.

37, for month read a month.

DAT 5 34, for faaqea read Tuamea.

Dates. 9, for Vaidya read Vaisya.

89, for afaaat: read a faarets

» 252, ,, 11-14, for award read reward.

SOAs 55 30, jor Sa read Ha.
5 PS 28, for to look read when looking,
OAS aig 21, for aa read Hat:

29, for ae faiat read az fara.

a ene

a a Le ce
sane SAE, WEAVER MWR “aiR si: a 7
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ane ini ral Bove
at , Fig ing fen hak ee
sy do ati fos ain cs molt, Ee) seaerbieeth
Cheah anata ner Te Dgest biginyk 4 ae ie
Hesse Eni haart AN cigs :

tei ite so een wee
aia rise aN a bie te pe:

JOURNAL

OF THE

PolATIC SOCIETY.

ge
Parr L—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

RAR Lee ~

Nor = 1si70;

OIA IID AADRAAAR ARI

Translations from the Térikh i Firdz Shaht, by the late Mason
A. R. Fuuter, Director of Public Instruction, Panjdb.

(Communicated by T. W. H. Torzort, Hsq., C. 8.)
[ Continued from No. IV. of Part I., for 1869. |

[ Hdit. Bibl. Indica, p. 282. ]* When Sultan ’Alauddin had witnessed
four consecutive revolts, commencing with that in Gujrat which was
raised by the new converts to Islam, up to that of Haji Maula, he awoke
from his slumber of apathy and oblivion, and recovered from his various
insane fancies. While using his utmost exertions in the prosecution of
the siege of Rantambhir, he held privy councils both by day and night,
to which were convoked Malik Hamiduddin, and Malik A’azzuddin, the
sons of Ala Dabir, and Malik ’Ainulmulk of Multan, every one of
whom was an Acaf and a Buzurjmihr in soundness of judgment, as well
as some other sage advisers. With these he held consultations and
conferences, as to the cause of the revolts, in order that when their
origins and causes had been correctly ascertained, they might be
altogether removed, so that hereafter no revolt might possibly occur
again.

After several days and nights’ deliberation, the conclusion arrived
at by these councillors was, that the cause of the revolts was comprised

* The foot notes and passages in [ | are additions made by the Hditor of this
Journal,

1

2 Translations from the Tarikh ¢ Firtz Shahi. [ No. 1,

in four things; first, the king’s disregard as to the affairs of the
nation, whether they are prosperous or adverse; secondly, wine,
for people are in the habit of having parties for the purpose of wine-
drinking, when they disclose their most secret thoughts to each other,
make confederates and hatch conspiracies; thirdly, the friendship,
ainity, relationship, and constant intercourse existing among the
Maliks and Amirs, and their close connexion with one another ;
so that if any accident befals one of them, a hundred others on account
of their connexion, relationship, and attachment to him, become his
confederates; and fourthly, wealth, by reason of which the ideas of
treason and disaffection enter their brains, and disloyalty and ingrati-
tude come to ahead; for, were people destitute of wealth, every one
would attend to his own business and employment, without giving
heed to conspiracies and rebellions; and were no means at their
disposal, such ideas would never enter the minds of poor and
impoverished folks.

Some time after Haji Maula’s revolt, Sultan "Alauddin succeeded
with immense toil and difficulty in capturing the fort of Rantambhitr,
whereupon he put Rai Hamir Deo, and the new converts, who had
fled from the Gujrat insurrection and taken shelter with him, to
death. Rantambhur, together with the surrounding country, was given
to Ulugh Khan, and whatever was in the fort became his.

The Sultan then returned from Rantambhirto Dihli, and being
greatly incensed against the inhabitants of that city, sentenced many
of the chief men to be exiled from it; and he himself would not
enter the town, but took up his quarters in the suburbs. ,

Ulugh Khan for four or five months during the Sultan’s absence
enlisted an immense force, purposing to effect the invasion of Talinga
and Ma’bar [Malabar]; but fate happened to overtake him, and he
was seized with death about the time of his approach to the capital.
His corpse was accordingly brought into the city, and interred in his
own mansion. The Sultan was deeply grieved at the sad event [and
distributed a great deal of alms to the memory of the departed ].

[The Sultan ’Alauddin* then took active measures to render revolts
in future impossible. First of all, he commenced with confiscating

* Here is a blank in Major Fuller’s translation, extending from p. 283, 1. 5,
from below, Hd. Bibl. Indica, to p. 285, last line. The text of this portion is

1870. ] Translations from the Tértkh ¢ Birt Shihi. 3

the property of certain classes, and gave the order that all villages
which people held as milk, or im’dm, or wagf, should forthwith be
resumed and made Imperial Domain land. The officers, moreover,
were to treat the people as tyrannically as possible ; they should think
of pretexts for extorting money, and leave no one in possession of gold.
After a short time matters had gone so far, that only in the houses of
the Maliks, and Amirs, and officers, and Multani merchants, and... . not
even so much money remained .....and from his excessive demands
only a few thousand tankahs...... to him in Dilhi...... all pensions,
grants of land,......and legacies in the whole kingdom they opened (?),
and the whole people had so much to do with earning their livelihood,
that no one had even time to pronounce the word ‘ rebellion.’ |
[Secondly, with the view of making revolts impossible, the Sultan
appointed informers (munhiydn), and their number was so great, that
he knew the good and bad things that men did. People could not utter
a syllable without his knowledge; and whatever happened in the
houses of the Amirs and the Maliks, of wellknown and great men, of
the officers and collectors, was, in the course of time, brought to the

full of blunders, and a few words have remained untranslated. Hd. Bibl. Ind.
p. 283, 1. 2 from below, for SMILES, read OML&Ss bikashdnand. For yl,
in the last line, read etel ; ; andas OS) Lay {yy} GS ys has no sense, we may
perhaps read oiiS) ly) by) Gee or = and leave no one im possession
of gold.

P. 284, 1. 2, sdhdn is unclear to me. After dn qadre, a sentence with
&5 is wanting. For khdnah we expect khdnahd, though it is in accordance
with the clumsy style of Zia i Barani, Mafriz on |. 3is a queer word,
and should be either Bygy0l badrozah, or &A3}9) rozinah, daily allowance,
he same as wazifah. Another queer word is 0/5 On 1. 14, for which
we have perhaps to read 200] yf fine, mulet. For Wd} 9 lal on |. 4 from
below, read W035 colgtla, as on p. 285, 1.2 from below. For midddand on
1. 9 of the same page (284), we should perhaps read middd, if dawr be the sub-
ject ; for the plural mitkardand in the following line is used honoris caus of the
Sultan. The word PAC is doubtful.

The word dawr is evidently the name which ’Alauddin gave his corps of
spies, and is the same as nawbat, a watch, a patrol.

On p. 285, 1. 13 dele 9 before slf An amusing alkeration by the printer’s
devil and his ‘ superintendent’ may be found on p. 287, 1. 3, where for fitnah.
angezt, we read fitnah 4 Angrezt !!

4 Translations from the Taritkh ¢ Birhz Shahi. (No. 1,

Sultan. Nor did he treat indifferently (faru naguzasht) whatever in-
formation was brought to him by the patrol (/daur/, but he made the
patrol responsible for it. The spies were so intruding, that the Maliks
in Hazar Sittin could no longer say a single word openly, and if they
had to say anything, they made use of gestures. Day and night they
trembled in their houses, lest the patrol of informers should come ;
and they no longer spoke, nor did they do anything which might sub-
ject them to reproof, fines (gharumat), or punishments (ta’ztr).*
Kvery Bazar news, sales and purchases, and the doings of the people
in the markets were reported by the watch, and inquired into by the
Sultan. |

[ Thirdly, with the view of preventing revolts in future, the drink-
ing and the sale of wines were prohibited. Afterwards the Sultan
also prohibited bagnz} and hemp (banq/, as also gambling. Great exer-
tions were made to carry out the prohibition of the sale of wine and
_ bagnt, and special wells were constructed to serve as prisons. Drunkards,
gamblers, bagni-vendors, were driven out of the city into the country,
and the enormous taxes which the state had derived from them, had to
be struck off the revenue books. The Sultan, first of all, gave the order
to remove from the social assembly rooms of the palace all decanters,
ma baris,{ the porcelain vessels painted with gold, and the glasses and

* To'zir ( ot ) is a punishment not fixed by the Qordn, and is opposed to
hadd ( o= ) when the Qoran fixes the punishment, as stoning for adultery.
In the former the judge may use his discretion, and control the degree of the
punishment according to circumstances.

+ I do not know why the ‘superintendents’ of the Hd. Bibl. Ind. have
written bugné. The word is only given in the Majmaulfurs by Surtri
(vide J. A. S. B., 1868, p. 16), who has—

Bas tyet LT AF OSL C1 jt S53 00)? GE wrySoy b eit ee
rerun, Kis 3 pole Oo at ds ym S pbsns amatd
i ; sys : C
ity So07 BS 50) [ ey ws * ] ows colts 5
From this Burhan has copied, though he has left out the form eo pagnt,
which has also come under Sururi’s observation. 2

Ss

{ The text (p. 284, 1. 1) has (syi20, a word not to be found in our diction-
aries. From the context it is clear that a vessel for holding wine is intended.
It may come from sx ma bar, Malabar.

1870. ] Translations from the Térikh « Firta Shahé. i)

bottles. All were smashed, and the broken bits were thrown in
heaps before the Badéon gate. The bottles of wine were also taken
from the assembly rooms and poured out, and the quantity of wine
thus thrown away was so great, that pools and puddles were formed as
in the rainy season. The Sultan ’Aléuddin also discontinued his wine-
assemblies, and he told the Maliks to mount elephants and go to the
gates of the city, and into the streets and the districts, the bazars and
sarais, and proclaim that it was his order that no one should drink or
sell wine, or have anything todo with wine. Decent people gave up
wine drinking as soon as the order was published, but shameless ill-
disposed wretches, pimps and panderers, erected stills (7nd. bhatti),
and distilled spirits from sugar, and drank and sold wine in secret;
or they filled leather bags outside the town with wine and put them
between loads of grass or fuel, or had recourse to other tricks of con-
veying wine into the city. The spies made strict inquiries, and the
guards at the gates and the runners (larid) posted there examined
every one, and seized the wine and the owners, and took them before
the Palace. It was then ordered to give the wine to the elephants
of the Imperial stables to drink ; and such as had sold it, or smugeled
it into the city, or had drank any, were beaten with sticks, and
fettered, and put into prison, where they were detained for some time.
But as the number oi the prisoners increased very much, they made
wells before the Badaon gate at a place where all people pass by, and
into these wells all were thrown that drank or sold wine. |

Some from the distress and misery they suffered in the wells
died there, while others who were released after a time, came out
half dead, and it took ages for them gradually to recover their health,
and pullup strength. Many, therefore, through fear of imprisonment,
abjured the use of wine, and if they were unable to control their
appetites, they used to go [to the fords] of the Jamnah, and
the villages ten or twelve fos off, and drink it there. In Ghidspir,
however, and Indarpat,* and Kiluk’hari, and the villages four or five

* Ghidspar and Indarpat are portions of Dihli. Kilok’bari had been noticed
before. Ghidsptir is that portion of Dihli where Nizimuddin Aulia lies buried.
It is also called Mughulpur, from a party of Mughuls that were converted to
Islam and settled there; Baddoné1., p. 173, 1.4. I am not quite sure whether
this Mughulpur is not the same as Afghdpiér, mentioned before (J. A. 8. B. for

1869, p. 214, note ) ; for the parganah and the town of Afehaénpir in Sambhal
also were called both Afghanpir and Mughulpiur.

6 Translations from the Tirtkh i Firtz Shahi. [ No. 1,

kos away, as well as in the Sardis outside the town, the sale and
purchase of liquor was no longer feasible. It is nevertheless cer-
tain that some reckless individuals continued to distil wine at their
own houses, and to drink and to sell it; and ultimately suffered
disgrace and infamy, and were cast into prison.

When the prohibition of the use of wine began to press too severely,
the Sultan gave orders that, if any one distilled spirits privately, and
drank the liquor in seclusion, without having a party or assembly,
and without selling it, the spies were not to interfere with him,
nor enter his house, nor apprehend him.

From the day that the use of wine was interdicted in the city, trea-
sonous conferences and conspiracies began to decrease, and thoughts
and ideas of rebellion were no longer agitated by the people.

Fourthly, with a view to obviate the causes of revolt, it was direct-
ed that the Maliks and Amirs, and all the noble and confidential
officers of the crown, should not go to one another’s houses, and give
parties and entertainments, nor should they, without first reporting the
matter before the throne, enter into family alliances with one another,
nor permit the people to have constant intercourse with them at their
houses.

This order also was enforced with such strictness that not a stranger
was permitted to stay in the houses of the Maliks and Amirs;
and feasts and entertainments, when a great concourse of people would
be gathered, were altogether stopped.* The Maliks and Amirs,
_ though fear of the patrols, behaved most cautiously, and never
held an assembly, nor uttered an imprudent expression, nor allowed
any rebellious, infamous, or disaffected character to come near them
When they repaired to the palace, moreover, it was no longer possible
for them to put their heads close to one another’s ears, and to utter
and hear whispered conversations, nor could they sit down in close
proximity at one spot, and give vent to the sorrows of their hearts,
and to complaints against the world.

* So perhaps in Major Fuller's MS. The last line on p. 286, of the Hdit.
Bibl. Indica has no grammar. Page 287 of the same edition is dreadfully dis-
figured by blunders and typographical errors. Line 3, read angezt for angrezz.

For mushattit? with a} , we expect mushattiti, with a w, line 15, for

dwardan read awardand. Line 17, for khitan read klitdénra. Line 18, for
ya read td. Line 19, for chardi, read chardt ; for bistdnéd read bistdnand ; and
sukdnatjarvt should not be broken up. Line 20, for ghubbate read ghabane.

1870.] Translations from the Térikh + Firta Shahe. a

Owing to this prohibition also, no information of a treasonous con-
ference ever reached Sultan ’Alauddin, nor did any revolt again occur.

After settling the above regulations, Sultan ’Alauddin requested his
councillors to suggest some rule or regulation, whereby the Hindus
might be ground down, and their property or wealth, which is the
source of rebellion and dissaffection, might no longer remain with
them ; and that one law respecting the payment of revenue might be
instituted for all of them, whether landlords or tenants,* and the re-
venue due from the strong might not fall upon the weak; and that
somuch should not be left to the Hindas as to admit of their riding
horses, wearing fine clothes, and indulging in sumptuous and luxu-
rious habits.

In furtherance of the above object, which is indeed the chief of all
objects of government, they suggested two regulations. First this, that
whatsoever the Hindtis cultivated, whether great or little, they should
give one half agreeably to the measurement and [the full value of the
produce per d¢swah |, without any distinction, and that they should leave
the landlords nothing beyond their proprietary rights [?]. Secondly,
that they should levy a grazing tax on every animal that gives mill, from
a cow to ashe-goat, and that they should collect them in a fold in rear
of every dwelling house [?]+, sothat no opportunity might be left for

* The text has josh, bLye. Lower down we find Oy wlhed. Balahar

may be Hindustani, and signify a low-caste servant. Khit is a rare Arabic word
sienifying a fine, strong man. From the passages below it is quite clear that
these terms mean the strong and the weak, and most probably landlords and
tenants, as translated by Major Fuller. lf I did not know that Major Fuller’s

MS. had Shon with a re — he says in a foot note that the words yrdly Khem

are unintelligible to him —, I would say that dL, wasa blunder for &by3,
with a cs,

I have never seen these terms used in any other book.

+ The text has bahukm % masdhat 0 wafa i biswah bikunand,—very unclear
terms. Major Fuller left a blank. ’Alauddin wants to grind down the Hindus ;
they are to pay taxes amounting to one-half, 7. e. 50 per cent., and their lands are
to be measured, and not even a biswah of their grounds is to escape taxation.

The words from without distinction to dwelling howse, with all due deference
to a scholar like Major Fuller, are wrongly translated, though I am not sure
whether the following is absolutely free from objections. Translate—

‘Virst this, that they (the officers) should measure, and tax to the full value,
even the last biswah, whatever grounds the Hindtis cultivated, whether great
or little ; and that the Hindus should pay 50 per cent. without distinction, and
that there should be no difference between the powerful and the weak, and
that they (the officers) should remit the powerful nothing of the sums due by
them for their wealth. Secondly, they should levy a grazing tax on every

8 Translations from the Tarthk ¢ Firuwa Shéht. [ Nort;

evasion or subterfuge in levying the tax, andthe burden ofthe strong
might not fall upon the weak, but that both to the strong and to the
weak there might be but one law for the payment of the revenue.

On this duty, and in calling to account those functionaries, clerks,
overseers, and agents, who were in the habit of taking bribes and
committing embezzlements, Sharif i Qayini,* Naib Wazir of the Em-
pire, who had not his equal in the art of caligraphy throughout the
whole Kingdom, and was conspicuously distinguished for his judg-
ment and ability and his elegant composition, was several years
employed. He used the greatest efforts, until he made all the villages
around the capital, the towns and districts in the Dudb, from Biyénah
to Jhayin, from Pélam to Deopalptr, and Luhtr, all the territories
of Samdnah and Sunnaém, from Rewari to Nagor, from Karah to
Kanodi, and Amrohah, Afghanptr, and Kabar, from Dabhai to Ba-
daon, and K’harak, and Koelah, and the whole of Katehar,;—until he
made all these places, with regard to the payment of revenue, subject
to one standing regulation of measurement and [the full value of the
produce per d¢swah, and of a house tax, and] the grazing tax, as if
they were but. one village.

He carried out the system so well too, that contumacy and rebel-
lion, and the ridingt of horses, carrying of weapons, wearing of fine
clothes, and eating of betel, went out entirely among the Chowdries,

animal that gives milk, from a cow to a she-goat. And this grazing tax was
established. Also, for every house, they should demand a dwelling tax, so
that no opportunity, &e.’ The difficult words are az pas 7 har khanah sukinat-
garé talab numayand. Zia,as shall be shewn below, is a most miserable
writer, as far as style is concerned. His language is Hindi literally translated
into Persian, Hven in his work on the History of the Barmakides his style is
very poor. Az pas 7 har khdnah is idiomatic Hindi or Hindtstaéni, har ghar
ke pichhe, behind every house, 7. e. for every house, per house. That a new

tax is meant is clear from p. 288, 1. 10 and p. 323, 1. 10, where sd is either
= ga —-Z eZ ga
2d, or csxt5, from X85 (855), or se) a house.
* So according to Major Fuller’s MS. Qayin ( Gyl3 ) is the well known in

Persia.

+ Samanah and Sunnam occur often together. They belong to the Sirkar of
Sarhind ; Dabhat ( gsileto, or with a nasal n, silane ) belongs to the Sirkar
of Kol, and must not be confounded with lygs, Dehba, (now &% » Dahmah) in
the Sirkaér of Ghazipir. Kdanaudi, or Kanaudah, belongs to the Sirkar of
Narnaul; Katehar is Rohileund. Kabur is in Sambhal; another Kabur belongs
to the Sirkar of Bihar in Bihar. Amrohah hes in Sambhal. For SJ yg5 Major
Fuller’s MS. had DAs (?).

¢ Compare J. A. 8. B., 1869, I., p. 121, 1, Lo. ‘

1870. ] Translations from the Tartkh i Fitz Shahi. 9

landed proprietors, and other opulent men. In collecting the revenue he
made one law applicable to all of them, and to such a degree did their
obedience extend, that a single constable of the revenue department in
exacting the taxes would seize some twenty landed proprietors, chief
men, and agents, and minister kicks and blows to them. It was not
possible in fact for a Hindt to hold up his head, and in their houses not
a sign was left of gold and silver [and tankahs and jetals |, and articles
of luxury, which are the main incentives to disaffection and rebellion.
Tn consequence of their impoverished state, the wives of the landed
proprietors and chief men even used to come to the houses of the
Musalmans, and do work there, and receive wages for it.

The same Sharaf of Qéayin, the Naib Wazir, also carried out the
business of investigating and recovering the embezzlements of all the
superintendents, overseers, revenue officers, and functionaries, agents,
and collectors, to such an extent, and effected such a close scrutiny,
that every jetal standing against the name of each of them was extract-
ed from the ledgers (bahi) of the patwdrés (or village accountants),
and in accordance with that, the sums were levied from them under
pain of torture. It was no longer possible, therefore, for any one to
take one tankah or any single thing indeed from either a Hindé
or Musalman by way of bribe.*

He thus reduced the revenue officers, collectors, and other function-
aries to a state of poverty and destitution; for he used to commit them
to prison, and kept them for years in irons for the sake of a thousand or
five hundred tankahs, so that these appointments were regarded with
greater disgust by the people thana plague. The office of revenue clerk
too fell into bad odour, so that no one would give his daughter in mar-
riage to such a person, while the post of superintendent would only be
accepted by one who had no regard for his life; for these officials
and collectors passed most of their days [on suspicion] in confinement,
suffering from blows and kicks.

* In the Ed. Bibl. Indica, p. 289, 1. 3 dele the words barishwat before chize.
On 1. 9, the word ae has either the meaning the jail situated im the shiqqah of
a shiqdar (7), or it is blunder for UK, and dar shakk means on suspicion.

In Shakespear’s Hindustani Dictionary I find ORM shiqqdér given in the
sense of perpleming, uncertain ; but surely, this is a mistake, or an Indian spel-
ling, for JoSs% from C$ shakk, doubt.

2

10 Translations from the Taévikh «+ Pirtz Shahi. [No. 1,

Sultan ’Alauddin was a monarch, who had not a particle of education,
and had never cultivated the society of intelligent persons.

On attaining to the sovereignty, he formed the opinion in his own
mind, that the business of ruling and governing was a totally distinct
affair from giving efficacy to the statutes of religion, and that royal
mandates appertained to Kings, but the commandments of the law of the
Prophet to Qazis and Muftis. In accordance with this idea, therefore,
whatever measure in the course of government pleased him, or ap-
peared advantageous to the State, that he invariably adopted, no mat-
ter whether it was consonant with the precepts of religion or not ;
and never, in the transaction of state affairs, did he ask for an ecclesi-
astical verdict or decree on the propriety of any measure. Very few
intelligent persons had frequent intercourse with him; but of those
who used to visit him were, first, Qazi Ziduddin of Biyénah; second,
Maulana Zahiruddin Lang, and third, Maulana Mushayyid of Guhram.*
[They were ordered to sit at the table, and sat together with the
Amirs outside]. Qazi Mughisuddin of Biyanah also had constant
communication with the Sultan, and used to attend both at public
and private audiences.

One day, about the time when a great deal of trouble was being
taken with regard to levying heavier taxes, and imposing fines and
recoveries on revenue officers, Sultan Aldéuddin told the Qazi Muchis
that he intended asking him for his professional opinion on several
subjects, and required him to state the exact truth in return, Qazi
Mughis said in reply: “It seems as if the hour of my death
were near at hand ;”’ whereupon the Sultan enquired, ‘‘ Why should you
think so?” ‘‘ Because,” exclaimed the Qazi, “when your Majesty
asks my opinion on religious points, and I state the truth, your Ma-
jesty will get enraged and put me to death.” “ Rest assured,” said
the Sultan, ‘‘that I will not harm you; only reply with truth and sin-
cerity to whatever questions I may put to you.” Qazi Mughis
answered, ‘‘ Whatever I have read in theological works, that will I
assert.”

The first question proposed by Sultan ’Alauddin to the Qézi Mu-
ghis was: ‘‘ Under what circumstances can the epithets of Khiraj-

* Guhram isa town and parganah in the Sirkar of Sarhind. In Elliot’s
works, alsoin Prof. Dawson’s Kdition, the name is wrongly spelt Kohrdm.

1870. | Translations from the Turtkh « Firda Shéht. 11

dih, and Khiréjguzdr be properly applied to a Hindu?’ The
Qazi replied, ‘ By the ecclesiastical law, the term ‘ Khiraj-guzar’ is
applicable to a Hindu only, who, as soon as the revenue collector de-
mands the sum due from him, pays the same with meekness and
humility, coupled with the utmost respect, and free from all reluc-
tance; and who, should the collector choose to spit in his mouth,
opens the same without hesitation, so that the official may spit into
it, and under such circumstances continues to pay him homage. The
purport of this extreme meekness and humility on his part, and of the
collector’s spitting into his mouth, is toshew the extreme subser-
vience incumbent on this class, the glory of Islam and the orthodox
faith, and the degradation of false religion. God Almighty himself [in
the Qoran | declares with regard to their being subjected to degrada-
tion ’an yadin wahum caghirina,* and thus he expressly commands
their complete degradation, inasmuch as these Hindus are the dead-
liest foes of the true Prophet. Mustafa, on whom be blessing
and peace, has given orders regarding the slaying, plundering, and
imprisoning of them, ordaining that they must either follow the true
faith, or else be slam and imprisoned, and have all their wealth
and property confiscated. With the exception of the Imém i A’zam
[Abu Hanifah], whose doctrines we uphold, we have no other
great divine as authority for accepting the poll tax (yazyah) from a
Hindu; for the opinion of other learned men is based on the [ Hades |
text, ‘either death, or Islam.” Sultan ’Alaéuddin burst out laughing
at Qazi Mughts’s answer, and said: ‘‘ I know nothing of the subjects
that you have been talking about ; but it had often struck me, that
the landed proprietors and chief men used to ride fine horses, wear
handsome clothes, shoot with the Persian bow [?. e., cross bow], fight
among themselves, and follow the chase, and yet never paid a yetal of
their taxes on lands, persons, flocks and herds, although they took their
proprietary share of the produce separately, and that they were further
in the habit of having parties and drinking wine ; yet some of them
would never come to the collectorate, whether summoned or not, nor
pay the least respect to the revenue officers. My anger was roused
at this, and glowing with passion, I said to myself: Here am I de-
sirous of conquering other countries, and bringing more realms under

* Qordn 9, 29. Sale’s Qoran, 1857, p. 152. Vide Ain translation, p. 237, note 1.

12 Translations from the Tartkh ¢ Ftriz Shaht. [No. 1,

my subjection, while a hundred classes, in my own Kingdom, do
not shew that obedience to my rule that ought to be shewn; how can
I then expect to bring other countries properly under my subjection ?
For this reason I have established laws, and made my subjects tho-
roughly submissive, so that under fear of my commands they would
all escape into a mouse hole; and now you tell me that it is inculcat-
ed in the divine law, that the Hind should be made obedient and
submissive in the extreme. You are a learned man, O Maulana
Mughis, but you possess no experience; while I have no learning,
but a vast stock of experience. Rest assured, that the Hindu will
never be submissive and obedient to the Musalman, until he becomes
destitute, and impoverished. I have, therefore, directed that so much
only shall be left to my subjects as will maintain them from year to
year in the produce of the ground, and milk and curds, without ad-
mitting of their storing up or having articles in excess.”

The second question proposed by Sultan ’Alduddin to Qazi Mughis
was this: . ‘ As to the robbery, embezzlement, and bribery, going on
among officials, and the way in which they falsify accounts and de-
fraud the revenue; is this mentioned anywhere in the divine law ?”’
Qazi Mughis replied: ‘‘It has never occurred to me, nor have I
ever read in any book, that when officials receive a sufficient salary,
and yet rob the money of the public treasury, which contains the
aggregate of the national income, or receive bribes, or defraud the
revenue, they cannot be chastised by their superiors, either by fine,
imprisonment, or other infliction as may seem most advisable; but for
such a delinquent, who robs in his official capacity, amputation of the
hand has not been authorized (7. ¢., the recognized sentence awarded
to a common thief.)”

The Sultan said: ‘* Well, I have ordered the revenue commis-
sioneis to recover by means of various kinds of torture whatever sums
may appear on investigation against the names of the agents, superin-
tendents, and other officials; and ever since they have been called so
strictly to account, I hear robbery and bribery have greatly diminish-
ed. I have, however, also directed, that the salary of super-
intendents, and other officials shall be fixed at such a rate as to
allow of their living respectably ; and if, notwithstanding this, they
still commit frauds, and decrease the actual sums received, it shall be

1870. | Translations from the Turthh 1 Birkz Shahi. 13

recovered from them with stripes ; and accordingly you yourself can
see how it fares in the present day with persons holding these ap-
pointments.”

The third question proposed by the Sultan to Qazi Mughis was
this: “ As regards the wealth that I brought from Deogir with
so much trouble, on my gaining the sovereignty ; is that wealth my
private property, or does it belong to the national treasury of all
Musulmans ?” Qazi Mughis replied: “I have no option but to
speak the truth before the royal throne ; the wealth that your Majesty
brought from Deogir, was gained by the force of the army of Islam ;
and whatever is gained by such means, becomes the national treasure
of all Musulmans. Had your Majesty acquired the wealth from any-
where by yourself, it would be a satisfactory reason according to
divine law, and the wealth so acquired would be Your Majesty’s pri-
vate property.”

The Sultan getting testy with Qazi Mughis, then exclaimed, ‘‘ What
is this you say ? and are you thoroughly aware of what you are speak-
ing about? How can the wealth, for which I staked my own life
and that of my followers, and which at the time of my gaining the
sovereignty I took from certain Hindtis, whose name and designation
even were not known at Dihli, reserving it for my own use without
placing it in the royal coffers; how can such wealth (I say) belong
to the national treasury ?”’ Qazi Mughis replied: ‘‘ Your Majesty
has proposed a question in divine law to me, and if I speak not agree-
ably to what I have read in the Scriptures, and your Majesty should,
by way of test, enquire of other learned men also, and they give a
different opinion to what I have given, while speak in accordance
with the royal inclination, how could your Majesty retain any confi-
dence in me, or enquire of me as to the statutes of the divine law?”

The fourth question proposed by Sultan ’Alduddin to Qazi
Mughis was this: ‘‘ What portion of the national treasury belongs
by right to myself and my children? Qazi Mughis exclaimed :
“ Surely my hour of death has arrived ;” to which the Sultan replied ;
“ Why should your hour of death have arrived?” ‘“ Because,” said
the Qazi, “if I answer this question which your Majesty has put to
me, according to the truth, your Majesty will get into a passion,
and put me to death; and should I tell an untruth, on the day of

14 Translations from the Térikh «4 Firhz Shahi. fiNos ie,

judgment, I shall have to enter into hell.”” The Sultén replied:
‘‘ State whatever is authorized by the divine law, and I shall not harm
you.” Then said Mughis: ‘‘If your Majesty intends following the
example of the virtuous Caliphs, and desires the highest honours of a
future state, you should take for your own use and that of your family
just as much only as you have assigned to each of the soldiery,
vi,, 234 tankahs. But if your Majesty prefers following a middle
course, and considers that that sum would not suffice to maintain the
dignity of your exalted position, you might take for your own use
and that of your family as much as you give to the chief dignitaries
of your Court, such as Malik Qirén, Malik Qirbak, Malik Naib
Wakilidar and Malik Khae Hajib. Or should your Majesty adopt
the opinions of the sages of the world, in taking a sum from the
national treasury for your own use and that of your family, you should
take a portion that is larger and better than that of other nobles of
your Court, in order that a distinction may be drawn between your-
self and others, and the dignity of your exalted position may not be
lowered. Whatever your Majesty takes from the national treasury
however, in excess of these three modes which I have represented, and
for all the lakhs, and krors, and gold jewels you bestow on your
family, you will have to answer for at the day of judgment.”

Sultan ’Aléuddim flew into a passion, and exclaimed: ‘‘ Do you
not fear my sword, that you dare to say, all the wealth which is spent
on my family is unauthorized by divine law ?”’ Qazi Mughis replied :
“T dread your Majesty’s sword (I assure you), and lay before you
my shroud, which is my turban; but your Majesty having asked me
a question on divine law, I have replied to it according to what I
know. Were your Majesty to seek information as to its political ex-
pediency, I should say that whatever is expended on your family
should be increased a thousand fold, in order that the royal dignity
might thereby be enhanced in the eyes of the people; for this enhance-
ment of the royal dignity is essential to political expediency.”

After discussing the aforesaid questions, Sultan ’Alauddin said to
Qazi Mughis: ‘ After the way in which you have stigmatized my acts
as contrary to divine law, listen to this: I have even established a
fine of three years’ pay for every horseman, who does not stand muster ;
I cast into prison all who indulge in wine or sell it; when any one

1870.1} Translations from the Tarikh 4 Firiz Shah. 15
J

commits adultery with another’s wife, I cut off his (offending) organ
and put the woman to death ; in revolts I slay both the good and the
bad; embezzled money I recover by means of various kinds of torture,
and keep the delinquents in prison and in chains so long as one
jetal of the sum remains unliquidated, and revenue defalcators I
make prisoners for life. Now, do you mean to say all these acts are
contrary to divine law ?”

Qazi Mughisuddin then rose from his seat, and advancing to the
foot of the throne, bowed his head upon the ground, and cried in a
loud voice: ‘‘ O monarch of the world! whether you permit your poor
slave to live, or whether you order me, this instant, to be removed
from the world, I must declare that all are contrary to divine law;
and in the tradition of the Prophet, (on whom be peace!) and in the
doctrines of the learned, it is nowhere stated that a sovereign may do
whatever he chooses with regard to the promulgation of orders.”

Sultan ’Alauddin offered no reply on hearing the above speech, but,
putting on his slippers, retired into his private apartments. Qazi
Mughis also returned home, and next day, having taken a final adieu
of his family, dispensed alms, and performed ablutions, entered the
royal Court, and came before the Sultain, prepared to undergo execu-
tion. Sultan ’Aléuddin, however, summoning him to the front, treat-
ed him with great kindness, and giving hima robe and a thousand
tankahs, said: O Qazi Mughis, although I am not versed in learn-:
ing, yet for many generations have my ancestors been Musalmans ;
and in order that insurrections may not occur, in which so many
thousands of Musalmans are constantly destroyed, I adopt such mea-
sures towards the people, as seem most to their advantage. The peo-
ple, however, shew a rebellious and contumacious spirit, and will not
fulfil my commands; and I am, therefore, compelled to make such
severe laws as will reduce them to obedience. I know not whether
these laws are sanctioned by our faith or not; but whatever I con-
ceive to be for the good of the State, and whatever appears expedient
to me at the time, that I order, and as for what may happen to me
on the approaching day of judgment, that I know not.”

[But stop, O Maulana Mughis! One thing I do not forget in my
prayers to God, and I often say, ‘‘O God, thou knowest that my
kingdom suffers nothing, if any man sleeps with the wife of his neigh-

16 Translations from the Tartkh + Firtz Shahi. [ No. 1,

bour ; or that it is no loss to me, if any one drinks wine ; and that I
feel no grief, if any one commits a robbery, for he won’t steal anything
from my inheritance; or that if any one takes advances of money and
does not go to his work, the work will yet go on, even if ten or twenty
people are lazy. With regard to these four things I certainly act
according to the orders of the Prophets. But the people of these times,
from one to a lac, nay to five hundred lacs and one thousand lacs, do
nothing but talk and boast, caring neither for this warld nor the world
to come. Now I am ignorant and do not know how to read and
write ; in fact my whole knowledge consists in saying an Alhamdu
(the first chapter of the Qoran), a Qul hua-llahu (Qor., Sur. 112,) the
prayer Quniut (as described in law books), and the formule of blessing
the prophets ; but it is I who have given the order in my realm that a
married man who commits adultery with the wife of another, shall be
castrated ; and yet, notwithstanding this harsh and bloody order,
several men stand before the Palace who have slept with the wives of
others. |

[ And those who take advances of money and then do not go to their
work, are made liable to refund advances of three years.* But in
every employment there are hundreds, two hundreds that are made
liable to refund three years’ advances, and yet people will take
money and not work, and prefer to live broken down in the jails.
And for thefts committed in the city, I have reduced to beggary
about ten thousand clerks and collectors; nay, I have made their flesh
so sore, that worms eat up their bodies, in order to see whether that
bad lot will keep their fingers from stealing; for keeping accounts and
stealing at the same time is what a clerk, in these days, is born to. |

[ And as regards selling and drinking wine, I have killed and am
now killing people in the wells. What do they care for being inside ?
What is a jail to them ?—They will drink wine, they will sellit. No

?

one has ever managed God’s ‘ pious subjects,’ and I can’t either. |

{In the same year in which the Sultan "Alauddin asked Qazi Mu-
ghis on some questions of the law, Maulana Shamsuddin Turk, a very

* On p. 296, Hd. Bibl. Indica, 1. 15 read bé zan 1% yake for zan % yake, and
kunad for kunand; on 1, 18, read bistdnad for bistdnand, and bandmzadé for
namzadt.

Bad i burtt zadan (1. 12) is said, of men, to boast; of women, we say bdd i
gest zadan.

The whole page is about the most difficult and doubtful page in Barant.

1870. ] Translations from the Tarikh « Kiriz Shahi. sl:

excellent and learned teacher of the Hadis, had come to Multan,
bringing with him a collection of four hundred works on the Hadis.
He would not go beyond Multan, because he had heard that the Sul-
tan said no prayers, nor attended the Friday-prayer in the mosque.
Fazlullah, son of Shaikhul Islam @adruddin, became his pupil. This
learned man, while at Multan, wrote a commentary on the Science of the
Hadis, which he sent, together with a pamphlet in Persian, to Court.
In the preface, he had said much to the praise of the Sultén. In the
pamphlet the following passage occurred. ‘I have come from Hgypt
with the wish of seeing your Majesty and the city of Dihli, and my
intention was there to establish a school of followers of the Hadis,*
and to deliver the Musalméns from acting upon the traditions of
learned but irreligious men. But when I heard that your Majesty
says no prayers, nor attends the mosque on Fridays, I returned from
Multan. However, I heard of two or three qualities which your
Majesty possesses in common with pious kings, and I also heard that
your Majesty has two or three qualities which do not belong to reli-
gious kings.’ |

[‘ Now, the good sides of your Majesty are these. I am told that
the wretchedness and the misery and the despicable condition and the
worthlessness of the Hindts are now so great, that Hindu children and
women will go about begging at the doors of the Musalmans. . Hail,
king of Islam! the protection which thou affordest the religion of
Muhammad (God’s peace rest on him !) is such that, if for a single act
done by thee to the glory of Islam, a measure of sins filling Heaven
and Harth be not forgiven thee, thou mayest grasp the hem of my
garment on the morrow of resurrection.’ |

[ Secondly, I have heard that thou hast made grain and apparel and
other things so cheap, that no one could improve matters by the
breadth of the point of a needle ; and it is a matter of astonishment
how in this important matter also, which interests all men on earth,
and which other kings of Islam have striven to bring about by labours
extending over twenty, thirty years, and yet have failed, thou, O king
of Islam, hast so well succeeded.’ ]

* Le, the Maulana rejected the decisions of the early lawyers, unless based
upon the Qoran and the Hadis.

18 Translations from the Tarthh « Fira Shihi. [No.5

[‘ Thirdly, I have heard that your Majesty has banished every-
thing that intoxicates, and that the lust and the lying of the lusty
and the liars have turned bitterer than poison. Hail, hail, bravo,
bravo, O king, that thou hast brought about this result.’ |

[‘ Fourthly, I have heard that thou hast driven the trades people
with their voluble tongues into mice holes, and hast taken the cheat-
ing, and lying, and falsifying out of them ; and yet thou thinkest*
it little that, in this regard also, thou hast managed bazdr-people
as no king ever has done since the days of Adam. O king, bless God
that thou sittest for such deeds in the company of the prophets !]

[‘ But the other things which I have heard of your Majesty, are
such as neither God, nor the prophets and the saints, nor even the
rationalist, can approve of. First, for the office of Qdzz of the realm
(a most critical office which suits no one, except he despise the world)
thou hast appomted Hamid of Multan, whose family from the times
of his grandfather and father have lived on usury. Nor dost thou
carefully enquire into the belief of thy other Qézis, and thou givest
the laws of the Prophet into the hands of the covetous, the avaricious,
and the worldly. Be on thy guard, lest thou shouldst not be able
to bear thy sinful drowsiness on the morrow of resurrection.’ |

[‘ Secondly, I have heard that people in thy city give up walking
after the tradition of the Prophet, and walk after the sayings of the
‘wise.’ It is difficult for me to understand why thy town, the people
of which have the tradition but do not follow it, has not long ago
become a heap of rubbish, or why the visitations of heaven do not pour
down upon it. |

[‘ Thirdly, I have heard that ill-starred, black-faced, learned men in
thy town sit in the mosques with abominable law books and deci-
sions before them, making money, and perverting the right of Musal-
mans by interpreting, and cheating, and adopting various ways of
swindling. They drown the accuser and the accused; but they too
shall be drowned.’ |

* On p. 298, in Bibl. Ind. edition, 1. 4, read bamandfi’ for mandjf’, and on
1.11, méshumadré for mashumadrt. It looks as if mashwmdrt had been taken in
the sense of nashumdrt, because the same grammatical blunder is perpetrated
three times on p. 327.

On p. 302, 1. 8, read lashkar for shukr ; 1. 11, ndgirift for td givift ; 1.17, az
for ar.

1870. ] Translations from the Térikh « Firdz Shahi. 19

[‘ But I have also heard that these two last things are not brought
to thy notice, on account of the impious and shameless Qazi who
stands near thy throne ; else, thou wouldst never give thy sanction to
such a rebellion against the religion of Muhammad.’ |

[ Now the book and the pamphlet written by this teacher of the Hadis
came into the hands of Bahauddin, the Counsellor ; and Bahauddin, the
ungrateful Counsellor, gave the book to Sultan ’Aléuddin, but the
pamphlet he did not give and kept it hidden, on account of his par-
tiality for Qazi Hamid of Multén. But I, the author of this book,
have heard from Malik Qira Beg that the Sultan learned from Sa’d, the
logician, that such a pamphlet had arrived ; and he called for the
pamphlet, and he wanted to make away with Bahauddin and his son,
because he had not given up the pamphlet, and the Sultan was very
sorry that Maulana Shamsuddin Turk had returned from Multan dis-
appointed.] (Hd. Bibl. Ind., p. 299.)

Death of Ulugh Khan. Conquest of Chitor. Invasion of the Mughuls.

Not long after Sultan Alauddin had returned from Rantambhir to
Dihli, and begun pursuing this parsimonious and cruel conduct to-
wards the people, and had thrown open the gate of fines and chastise-
ments ; Ulugh Khan fell sick, and while proceeding to the Capital, he
died at one of the halting-places on the road.

Malik A’azzuddin Abuarjé, [Bar Khan (?), Ad. Bibl. Ind.] was ap-
pointed Wazir in [Shahr i Nau (Jhayin)| the revenue of which was
now levied, like that of the environs of Dehli, according to measure-
ment and the exact value per biswah.

Sultan “Alauddin then took the army away again from the Capital,
and marching to Chitor, invested that fort, and speedily reduced it,
aiter which he returned to the Capital. Just about the time of his
return, an invasion of the Mughuls took place; for the Mughuls
had heard in Méwarannahr, that Sultén Alauddin had marched with
his army to a distant fortress, and was engaged in besieging it, and that
Dihli was consequently unprotected. Turghi accordingly got together
two or three twmdns of horse, and reached Dihli by a series of rapid
marches with the utmost celerity.

During this year too, in which the Sultan had proceeded to capture
the stronghold of Chitor, Malik Fakhruddin Jina Dadbak i hazrat, and

20 Translations from the Turthh ¢ Firiz Shahi. [No. 1,

Malik Jhujhi, Jagirdar [mugt@ ] of Karah, the nephew (brother’s son)
of Nucrat Khan, together with all the Amirs of Hindtstaén, had been
dispatched to Arangul ; but by the time they arrived there, the rains
had begun to descend from the sky, and the season became most un-
propitious, so that the army of Hindistan could effect nothing at
Arangul, and ultimately returned about the beginning of the cold
weather, totally disorganized, and with all its stores and equipments
lost and ruined.

It was during this very year, when Sultdn ’Aléuddin had returned
to Dihli after the capture of Chitor, and the army that had started
along with him, had lost allits stores and equipments during the rainy
season, and a month had not elapsed since the time of the Sultan’s
return, so that the soldiery had not yet been mustered, nor their
kits renewed, that the invasion of the Mughuls took place, and the
accursed Turghi, advancing swiftly with 40,000 horsemen, encamped
on the banks of the river Jamnah, and blockaded the roads of ingress
and egress of the city.

A strange incident was this that befel the soldiery during this year ;
for Sultan ’Alaéuddin, after returning from the capture of Chitor, had
not sufficient time to provide the army with horses and arms after the
loss of equipments they had sustained at Chitor, and Malik Fakhr-
uddin Jina, the Dadbak, having returned with the army of Hindistan
broken and disorganized from Arangul into the provinces, not a horse-
man or footman out of it could force his way into the city, on account
of the blockade kept up by the Mughuls on all the roads, and the
piquets they had stationed. In Multan, Samanah, and Deopalpur,
moreover, there was no force of sufficient strength to overthrow the
Mughul army, and join the Sultan’s camp [at Siri]. The army of
Hindustan was summoned to advance, but in consequence of the hostile
presence of the Mughuls, they remained at Kol and Baran. [The
Mughuls moreover had occupied all fords (of the Jamnah)].

Sultan ’Alauddin, therefore, with the few horsemen that he had at the
Capital, came out of the city, and fixing his head quarters at Siri,
pitched his camp there. The Sultan was then under the necessity of
haying a trench dug round the camp, and palisades, formed of the
planks of house doors, erected along side the trench, whereby he pre
vented the Mughuls from forcing an entrance into the camp. He

1870.] Translations from the Tarikh 1 Firkz Shaht. 21

also kept his troops ever alert and vigilant, and constantly on the guard
and watch, and in every [trench, a/ang] under arms ready to receive
any assault of the Mughuls; but he deferred engaging in a pitched
battle. With each division and in each trench too, were stationed
five elephants incased in armour, and a party of infantry to keep guard
and watch over them. On the other hand the Mughuls used to go
round and round the camp, longing to make a sudden irruption on it,
and destroy it.

So formidable an invasion of the Mughuls as this, had never before
been witnessed at Dihli for many ages; for did Turghi remain but a
single month longer on the banks of the Jamnah, he would inspire such
dread, as to create utter desolation in Dihli. During the present
blockade, however, whereby the supply of water, forage, and firewood
was rendered very difficult for the people, the entrance of caravans of
grain totally prevented, and the dread of the Mughuls so widely spread
that their horsemen used to advance up to Chautrah Segani, [ Bibl.
Ind. Subhéni, as on p. 320] and Murdodhi [Mori and Hadht, Bzd/.
Ind.], and the reservoir, and alight at these places, and drink wine
there; grain and stores were sold at a moderate price out of the
royal depots, and no great scarcity was felt.*

On two or three occasions desultory conflicts and skirmishes occurred
between the outposts on either side, but neither party gained any
decided advantage. By the grace of God, Turghi found himself un-
able to force his way by any means into the Sultan’s camp; and by
virtue of the supplications of the poor, after a period of two months,
the accursed wretch marched off with his army, and made the best of
his way back to his own country.

This occasion, on which the army of Islam had received no injury
from the Mughul force, and the city of Dihli had escaped unharmed,
appeared one of the miracles of the age to all intelligent persons; for
the Mughuls had arrived in great force quite early in the season, and
had blockaded the roads against the entry of reinforcements or sup-
plies ; and the royal army was suffering under the want of proper
equipments, while they were in the most flourishing and hearty con-
dition.

* Vide a plan of ’Alauddin’s Intrenchment in Campbell’s ‘ Note on the Topo-
graphy of Dibli,’ J, A. 8. Bengal, 1866, Pt. L., p, 217.

22 Translations from the Tartkh i Firiiz Shdht. [ No. 1,

As soon as the danger threatened by Turghi, which indeed appeared
most appalling (for the time), had passed away, the Sultan awoke
from his lethargy, and gave up carrying on wars and sieges. He built
a palace at Siri, and took up his abode there, making Siri his capital,
and rendering it populous, and flourishing. He also directed the fort-
ress of Dihli to be built up, and issued orders that the forts on the
line of march of the Mughuls, which had gone to ruin, should be re-
paired, and that new ones should be erected wherever they were
required, and distinguished and able governors appointed to all these
strongholds in the direction whence the inroads of the Mughuls
occured. He further commanded that they should make up numerou
warlike engines, enlist expert marksmen, establish magazines for arms
of all kinds, and accumulate stores of grain and fodder after the man-
ner of granaries, within the ramparts; that numerous picked and
chosen troops should be enrolled at Samanah, and Deopalpur, and kept
- ready for service, and that the districts in the direction of the Mughul
inroads should be confided to experienced nobles, and firm and energe-
tic chiefs.

Administrative Measures of ’Aléuddin. (Ed, Bibl. Indica, p. 803
to p. 326.)

After Sultan ’Aléuddin had taken care to make these preparations
against another inroad of the Mughuls, he used to have discussions
with his councillors both by day and night as to the means of effec-
tually resisting and annihilating these marauders; and on this point
he was most particular in procuring the best advice. After prolonged
deliberation, it was agreed and determined by the Sultan and his ad-
visers, that an immense army was required for the purpose; and that
all the troops should be picked and chosen men, expert archers, well
armed, and well mounted; so that they might be always fully equipped
and [well-mounted.] With the exception of this one plan, none other
appeared feasible for resisting the Mughuls.

The Sultén then took counsel with his advisers, every one of whom
was unequalled and eminently distinguished, saying: ‘To maintain
an immense picked and chosen force well mounted, so that they may
be fully equipped and efficient at all times, is impossible, without the
expenditure of vast treasures; for one must give regularly every year

1870. | Translations from the Tarikh « Firiz Shahi. 23

whatever sum is fixed upon at first; and if I settle a high rate of pay
upon the soldiery, and continue to disburse money to them at that
rate annually, at the end of a few years, notwithstanding all the trea-
sure I possess, nothing will be left, and without treasure it is of course
impossible to govern or deliberate.”

* T am accordingly desirous of having a large force, well mounted,
of picked and chosen men, expert archers, and well armed that will
remain embodied for years; and I will give 234 tankahs to a Murattab
and 78 tankahs to a Du-aspah ; from the former of whom I shall require
two horses with their corresponding equipments, and from the latter
one* with its usual gear. Consider now and inform me how this idea
that has entered into my mind about raising a large force, and main-
taining it permanently, may be carried into execution.” ’

The councillors, endowed with abilities like those of Acaf, exercised
their brilliant intellects, and after some reflection unanimously ex-
pressed the following opinion before the throne: “ As it has entered into
your Majesty’s heart, and become implanted} there, to raise a large force
and permanently maintained on small allowances [ba mawdjib ¢ andak, |
such can never be accomplished unless horses, arms, and all the equip-

* T.e., one horse. The Hdit. Bibl. Ind. has yak aspah, one horseman.

This passage is unfortunately unclear and useless, because Barani has not
supplied a commentary. first, it is clear from the following that the wages of
78 and 234 (i. e.,78 % 3) tankahs were unusually low, and Barani has not
stated what the ordinary rates were. Secondly, it is also clear that ’Alauddin
takes the terms Murattab and Duaspah im a new sense, because he defines them
for his councillors, and Barani hag not stated what their usual meanings were.
The word Murattab does not appear to occur in later histories ; it may mean
equipped, though murattib would give a meaning too. To call a man duaspah,
because he joins the army with one horse, is extraordinary, and against the
meaning which the word has in the Akbarnaémah, Badaoni, the Padishahnamah,
&c. Vide the annotator’s note on Akbar’s Mangabs (Ain translation, p. 238 to
247), Thirdly, we expect in the wages a proportion of 1 : 2, not 1: 3, because
*Alauddin’s Mwrattab furnishes two, and his Duaspah one horse ; but this diffi-
culty may be explained away (vide Ain translation, p. 251, 1. 3, where also the
rates are given which Akbar gave his Yakaspahs.

Badaoni’s interesting remark that Akbar’s Dagh-law had been the rule under
*Alauddin i Khilji and Sher Shah (Ain translation, p. 242, and J. A. 8. Benegal
for 1869, p. 126) can but little be verified by a reference to Zia’s work, though
the word ddgh (in Akbar’s sense) occurs on p. 319, 1. 2 from below (Hd. Bibl.
Ind.), and p. 477, 1. 6, (Muhammad Shah’s reign)—also an interesting page for
the military history of India, inasmuch an army of 380,000 troopers is men-
tioned, a statement which may advantageously be compared with Ain trans-
lation, p. 245.

7 The text has jagér, which is taken in its etymological meaning of jd-girif-
tah, having taken a place, having taking root, vide Ain translation, p. 256, note.

The earliest passage at present known to me, of jdgiv being taken in a sense

24 Translations from the Térikh + Firdz Shahi. (Nora;

ments of a soldier, as well as subsistence for his wife and family, become
excessively cheap, and are reduced to the price of water; for if your
Majesty can succeed in lowering the price of provisions beyond measure,
a large force can be raised and permanently maintained according to
the idea that has entered your august mind ; and by the aid of this vast
force all fear of danger from the Mughuls will be averted.”

The Sultan then consulted with his trusty and experienced coun-
cillors and ministers, as to what he should do, in order that the means
of livelihood might be made exceedingly cheap and moderate, without
introducing capital punishment, torture, or severe coercion. The
Sultan’s ministers and advisers represented, that until fixed rules
were established, and permanent regulations introduced for lowering
prices, the means of livelihood would never get exceedingly cheap.
First then, for the cheapening of grain, the benefit of which is
common to all, they proposed certain measures, and by the adoption
of these measures, grain became cheap, and remained so for years.

These measures were as follows: a fixed price current ; a magistrate
(to carry out the provisions) of the law; royal granaries; prohibition
against all sales at enhanced prices; consignment of the caravans
of grain into the hands of the magistrate of the market; sale of
grain by the cultivators at their own fields; publication of the price
current daily before the throne.

By the adoption of the seven measures detailed above, whatever
was the price current determined before the throne, it never rose a
ding, whether there was an excess or a scarcity of rain.

[ For the last two paragraphs, the Ed. Bibl. Indica, p. 304, 1. 4 from below
to p. 305, 1, 10, has the following :—
Regulation I.—The price of grain to be fixed before the throne.

approaching its later (Indian) meaning of lands assigned to military commanders,
occurs in Barani (Hd, B.I., p. 40, 1. 13)—
Bly cls} wy’ if 5 yl
aasley giest wy 9ld2 9 ble sloae thd see
‘He had 4000 troopers as jdgir, and held Badéion as agtd’ ; for which later
Historians would say
adty Sle wy! O39 HrOA10 yf 9 My ee
The word mancab, like zaminddr, is old, and occurs éven in the Tabaqat i
Nacirt.
It is of interest to watch the changes of meaning which the word jdy¢r has
gone through.

1870. ] Translations from the Tirthh « Hiriz Shah. 25

Regulation II—The Sultan to store a large quantity of grain in gra-
naries. ‘

Regulation III.—To appoint a Shihnah (inspector) of the market (mandé)
and trustworthy men with full power and dignity.

Regulation IV.—The merchants (Ldrwinidn) of all parts of the empire
to be registered in a Daftar. They are to be in charge of the Shihnah i
Mandi.

Regulation V.—The revenue of the Duab and the country to a distance
of 100 os so to be settled, that the subjects cannot even lay by 10 mans of
grain, and the subjects to be ground down to such an extent, that they sell
the grain on the fields to the merchants. (For otalb, 1. 2, p. 305, read
ddalb !)

Regulation VI.—TYo take certificates from the Collectors [kdrkundn]* of
the country to shew that the merchants get the grain on the fields. (For
iy WUS IS read Vy QLSD|9, as is clear from p. 307).

Regulation VII.—To appoint a trustworthy travelling agent (barid)
who, together with the Skihnah, is to report to the Sultan on the state of
the market,

Regulation VIII. for rendering produce cheap.—tIn times of drought,
no produce, not even for a dang, uselessly to be sold in the markets.

In consequence of these eight rules, the price of grain did not rise a ddng,
whether there was an excess or a scarcity of rain. (The last regulation is
not enumerated separately on p. 308 of the text). |

The first regulation was of this description—Wheat, 7% jetals per

mw; barley, 4 7.; gram, 57.; rice, 57.; mash, 57.; and mot’h,
39.+ The above prices held good for years, and as long as Sultan
Alauddin was alive, grain never did rise a ddng above that, either
during an excess or a scarcity of rain, and this establishment of a fixed
price in the market was considered one of the wonders of the age.

* We should not forget that Karkun was the title of a class of Revenue
officials under the ’Amil, or Collector. During the reign of Akbar, the ’Amil,
had two bitikch?s or ‘ writers’ under him, whose titles were Karkun and Khde-
nowts. Abulfazl specifies their duties in the Akbarnamah (beginning of the
27th year).

The Baréd (pr. ‘ runner,’ from the Latin veredus), in time of Barani had to
perform those duties which the Waqi ahnawés under the Mughuls had to per-
form. Vide my Ain translation, p. 258. Abulfazl, indeed, says that the office
of the Waqi’ahnawis was an innovation by Akbar ; but from Barani (Hd. Bibl.
Ind., p. 40, 1. 6 from below) it is quite clear that the office existed as early ag
in the reign of Balban, though the ‘ Waqivahnawis’ was called baréd. Hence
news agent would be perhaps a better term than travelling agent.

+ Professor Cowell, I think, observes very correctly that these price lists
would be more interesting, if the coins and their value were better understood,
But they may be compared with the price lists in the Aim, p. 62,

4

26 Translations from the Tartkh ¢ Firiz Shahi. [No. 1,

The second regulation for effecting a cheapness in the price of grain
was, that Malik Qabul [a servant of Ulugh Khén], who was a wise,
discreet, and trustworthy noble, was appointed magistrate (shiinah) over
the market. The official in question was granted a large estate, and a
large body of cavalry and infantry to support his power and consequence.
A deputy, shrewd and experienced, was also appointed from the throne,
out of the cirele of his friends, and a distinguished travellmg agent
[barzd] with a due sense of respect for royalty was also installed in the
market.

The third regulation for the same purpose was, the accumulation of
vast hoards of grain in store-houses. Sultén ’Aléuddin gave orders that
throughout the crown lands in the Dudb, they should take the grain
itself in place of money payments for revenue, and send it into the
royal granaries at the capital, while in [Shahri nau] andits adjoin-
ing territory, they should take a moiety of the royal share in kind, and
.that in Jhdyin and its several districts also, they should form depots
for grain, and forward it by the caravans to the capital. In short,
so much of the royal grain reached Dihli, that there was scarcely a
street, which did not contain two or three of the royal store-houses
filled with it ; and when there was a scarcity of rain, or the caravans,
from some cause or other, failed to convey sufficient grain into the
market, they used to bring it into market from the royal stores, selling
it at the regulated price, and supplying the people according to their
wants, while in Shahr 7 nau they used to consign the grain out of the
royal depots to the caravans. By these two arrangements, there was
never a dearth of grain in the market, nor did it ever rise one dang
above the regulated price.

The fourth regulation for the same purpose was, the consignment
of the caravans to (the charge of) Malik Qabil, magistrate of the
market. Sultan Alauddin gave orders, that the whole of the cara-
vans from all parts of the kingdom should be subject to the magis-
trate of the market, and their leaders should be [fettered and chained ].
The magistrate also was directed to keep the leaders of the caravans
[fettered and chained | ever present before him, until they became of the
same mind, and agreed to sign a deed on mutual security, and that until
they brought their wives, children, cattle, and property with them, and
get up their abodes in the villages bordering on the Jamnah, where the

1870.] Translations from the Tavikh « Firtiz Shahé. i f

jurisdiction of the magistrate would extend over them and their wives
and children, and the caravans would be completely subject to him, he
should not remove the chains from their necks. By the establishment
of this regulation, so much grain began to pour into the market, that
there was no need for the royal stores, and the price never rose a
dang above the fixed rate.

The fifth regulation for the above purpose was, the prohibition
against the hoarding up of grain and selling it at enhanced prices.
This check was so rigorously enforced during the ’Alai reign, that it
was not possible for any one of the various classes of merchants, traders,
grain-dealers, &c., to hoard up a single man of grain, or sell it
secretly at their own houses for one ding or diram above the fixed
price; and if any hoarded grain was discovered, it became confis-
cated to the crown, and the proprietor was fined. Written agreements
were also taken from the superintendents and agents of the territory
lying within the Duab, binding them not to permit any one within
their jurisdiction to hoard up grain, and engaging that if anybody
was detected at this practice, the officials themselves should be
considered at fault, and have to answer for it before the throne.

Owing to the enforcement of this prohibition therefore, the price
current in the market never rose a single ddng or diram either during
the greatest superabundance or scarcity of rain.

The szxth regulation for securing the cheapness of grain, was the
taking of written agreements from the superintendents and agents of
districts to this effect, that they would cause the grain to be delivered
to the caravans by the cultivators at their ownfields. Sultan ’Aléud-
din accordingly gave orders, that at the chief office of revenue, writ-
ten engagements should be taken from the magistrates and collectors
of the country lying within the Duab, which is nearest to the city»
binding them to exact the revenue due from the cultivators with the
utmost rigour, so that it might be impossible for them to carry off any
large quantities of grain from the fields to their own houses, and hoard
it there, and that they might thus be induced to sell it to the caravans
at the fields at a cheap rate.

By the establishment of the above regulation, no excuse was left to
the caravans for not bringing grain into the market, and constant
supplies consequently were continually arriving, while the agricul-
turists also found it to their own advantage to convey as much of their

28 Translations from the Tirikh « Firtiz Shihi. [No. 1,

grain as they could, from their fields to the market, and sell it at the
regular price.

The seventh regulation for the above purpose [consisted* in this that
reports had to be furnished of the prices current in the Bazars. The
continuance of the prosperity of the Bazars was ascertained in three
ways. rst, the Shihnah « Mandi had to furnish a list of prices and
report on the condition of the Bazar. Secondly, the Barid 1 Mandi,
reported on the quality of the articles. Thirdly, the informers who had
been appointed for every Bazar made reports. If there were discrepan-
cies between the reports of the informers and that of the Barid and that
of the Shihnah, the Shihnah got for it what he had to get. But as
the officers appointed in the Bazars knew that the Sultan got his
reports on the transactions and the state of the market from three
sources, it was impossible to deviate, even in the least, from the Bazar
regulations. Experienced people that lived during the reign of ’Ala-
uddin were astonished to see how firm the prices of articles re-
mained; for though it is nothing uncommon to see prices remain
firm during years when the season is good and there is plenty of
rain, it was most remarkable that during the reign of ’Alauddin no
famine occurred at Dihli, not even in years when there was a draught
and people thought a famine unavoidable. Neither the grain of the
Sultan, nor the grain of the merchants could indeed rise a single

* Here is a blank in Major Fuller’s translation, extending from p. 308, 1. 3,
Ed. Bibl. Indica, to p. 312, 1. 4 from below. On page 308, 1.5 from below for

yt read gf ; 1.3 from below, dele 9, and for Sprang read WKimar, Page 310

1. 5 read bL5 for bhiy5; the Hamzah cannot be left out, as the word is an adjec-
tive ; l. 7 dele the Hamzah, and read ey 9 Sw for pee le 10; csitties for
cade , 1. 12 read _3 ps for wy SS ; 1.14. Sew for yo, and pias » for
why O205 1. 19, usta! § 5 Os for cso lw!, Paje 311, U. 4 the second word is
birasdnand; 1. 6, dele the Hamzah of 443}; J. 13, dele y; J. 18, read
Cops (of Shushtar or Shustar) for ise. Page 313, 1.3, read cs leas!
or Jlgawe} for cslel ; and compare lines 14 and 15 with 1.20. Page 314, l. 6,
ete 2 Line 10, read S#},S for dale’. 1. 11, <_ NSS for a WS 5S;
J. 12 read te 305205 OMS for the absurd—¢ giro! pave js OS - 119.
2 for s1,@, Page 315, 1. 10, read 395 0 for yyS Ove last line, Cron;

for Quer} , and 43, for x40, The pages from 308 to 332 of the Bibl. Indica
Edition look like uncorrected proof sheets.

1870. ] Translations from the Tartkh + Firts Shah. 29

déng, and it is certainly a matter of astonishment that no other king
besides ’Alauddin ever did effect such results. If even once or twice
the Shihnah i Mandi petitioned the Sultan to raise the price of grain
by half a jetal on account of a season of draught, he got twenty
lashes ].

[In seasons of draught, the merchants of each quarter of the town
received daily a supply of grain according to the number of the in-
habitants in each quarter, and they issued grain to the common people
at arate not exceeding half a man per individual; but rich people
also and notables, who were not in possession of villages and lands, got
grain from the Bazar. If during a season of drought poor and helpless
people crowded to the Bazars and got crushed to death, and the officers
neglected to pay attention to the influx, the matter was immediately
reported to the Sultan, and the Shihnah had to suffer for it].

[Five regulations were also given to keep all articles at low prices,
as cloth, common sugar, refined sugar (nabat), fruits, grease, oil; and
on account of the continuance of these five regulations, the cheapness
of the articles continued. The prices fixed by the king did not rise, and
the people got what they wanted. These five regulations referred to

1. The establishment of the Sard ’ Ad.

2. The fixing of prices.

3. ‘The registration of all merchants in the Empire.

4, Advances made from the Treasury to rich and respectable Mul-
tani traders, who were put in charge of the Sardi ’Adl.

5. Passes to be given by the chief of the town (rats)* to great and
rich people when they wanted to purchase costly articles].

[The first regulation for keeping the prices of articles low, consisted
in the establishment of the Sarde ’Adl. The open space inside
the Badéon Gate, in the direction of the Koshak 7 sabz, which
for years had not been used, was called Sard: ’Adi, and ’Alaud-
din gave the order that no article belonging to the Sultan or to
merchants of the town and the country, should be stored up in
any other place but the Sarai ’Adi. Every article should there be sold
at the price fixed by the Sultan, and if any one should store up wares
in his own house, or sell them, or sell them a yefel dearer than was

* Perhaps the Diwan, as below, in the third reculation, Baran{ uses Raés
as equivalent to Diwdn i Riydsat.

30 Translations from the Tarikh 1 Firiz Shahi. [No. 1,

fixed, such wares should lapse to the Sultan, and the owner should be
liable to severe punishment. On account of this regulation all wares
were deposited in the Sardi ’Adi, whether in value from one hundred,
or from thousand to ten thousand tankahs. |

[The second regulation for the above purpose fixed the prices of
sundry articles. Thus the prices of silk, &c., were as follows :—

Ain eKehnes woillks Bees. se . 16 Tankaks.
Orange coloured, raw silk, Khazz i Kaunlat
(Aces NE rete Mele a ei Gee A) oe ae

Half silks mixed with hair, as prescribed
in the Muhammudan law, fine,......... 3 Z&

iedustriped stutisesc)....-.c-+- 41's Live. tag: Wel tds

Wommonstilisneeecsences sabes Pee oye tt he

Red lining as woven at Nagor, ..... iis Aces

Coarseslimin gaat Mee neces BO ee ee oh

SMGTGDD. OMe, UM cbe na 3. 6b5.00 22 bab Rda SO ems iE

DopasaMiddlane een en Sse. Posie aise ode

HD Oren CO OALSE (ee Toe sites SS Oh Gea enaee hike © OL

(SHOT Gen BIGNESS Senoodcn conbace wate eects cle 6 Le)

Dos reescMi cd liners e Seats UN, ciate ecto 5 are ae

ID Ove COarce. bce. cussee-c Sra tei ea 2h

Long cloth (Aurpas), fine, .... ... ok Pye tor Zig:

Dow es Coarse Aoi feces eases os cece tej eaees al Bel mtr gates
Again, White sugar, ..... Rhee Sot SA eaRe sec weveee 24 Jetal, per ser.

Light brown sugar (shakar 7 tar), ......... 12 Ji eo:

SLOW SUAT: Bist eater ei deeanoasemiaet Ee 13 J., for 3 sers.

Grease, of different animals,
Sesanmveroily tees. .5.
Waliitensmeretccis ie. s

Cer ee eer asa, 2CCEOerer eee

bt pet
Stel
Leu}
jo)
i
Oo
%

eo fer oe pores s oe eeecrseeee

-» for 23 mans.

* Regarding Khazz silk, vide Ain translation p. 92, note 4, The word
AG 3S must be written with a hamzah above the 8, as in all other adjectives de-

noting colour ; é.g.; EZvns pistat, looking green like the pistachio nut, goo nugrat
looking like silver, §,g— chihra¢ pink, &c. VideJ. A. S. Bengal, for 1868, p. 41.

Hence &LigS , looking like a 4b,5 ( Hind. an orange), as raw cocoon silk looks.

+ The price mentioned is very high. The stuff which people now-a-days
call Sildhaté is a kind of cloth made of cotton, and was even at the times of

Akbar very cheap. A%n translation, p. 95. Compare the above list with Briggs
I, p. 336.

1870.) Translations from the Tévikh + Fira Shahi. 31

[The prices of other fine and coarse articles may be inferred from
those which I have given ].

[The Sardi ’Adl was open from early morning till the time of the
last prayer. People thus got what they needed, and no one returned
disappointed ].

[The third regulation for the above purpose was this that the name
of the merchants of the town and the country had to be registered in
the book of the Diwan (rats). The Sultan ’Alduddin ordered that
the names of all merchants, whether Musalmans or Hindtis, of the
Empire should be registered in the book of the Diwan (Diwan +
riyasat), and further that a regulation should be made for all merchants
in the town and outside. According to this order a regulation was made,
and merchants had to sign engagements, whereby they were compelled
to bring a certain quantity of wares to town and to sell them at the rates
fixed by the Sultan. When the latter provision of the regulation was
carried out, the articles which the Sultan had to furnish, fell off in
in number, and the merchants that came within the regulation,
brought a great deal of wares to the Sarai ’Adl, where they were
stored up for a long time without being sold].

[The fourth regulation for the above purpose provided that
advances from the Treasury should be made to Multani traders, so
so that they might bring articles to town, and sell them in the
Sarw ’Adl at the rates fixed by the Sultan. The Sultdn ’Alduddin
ordered that advances within twenty lacs of tankahs should be made
to rich Multdni merchants from the treasury, who were to be put in
charge of the Sardi ’ Adi; and he told the Multanis to bring articles
from all parts of the Empire, and sell them at the rates fixed by the
Sultan in the Sarai. Whenever merchants did not bring articles to
town, this regulation was applied, and articles remained cheap].

[The ji/th regulation for the above purpose consisted in this that
the Diwan (rats) was ordered to grant passes for the purchase of costly
articles. The Sultan ’Aléuddin ordered that no man should be allowed
to buy in the Sarai Adi costly stuffs, as Tasbih, Tabrizi, embroidered,
cloths with gold threads, Dihli losedle silks, kamkhabs, Shushtar silks,
Hariri silks, Chinese silks, Bhiram (?) silks, Deogir silks, and other
stuffs which common people do not use, without first obtaining a pass
from the Diwan, and writing out a receipt for them. The Diwdn then

32 Translations from the Tivtkh i Wirtz Shiht. (No.ay

used to give Amirs, Maliks, great and well known men, passes according
to his knowledge of their circumstances; but if he knew that some of
them, though not merchants, had merely applied to him for permission
to take costly stuffs from the Sardi ’Adl, in order to sell them in the
country at four or five times the price at which they had got them from
the stores of the Sultan, he refused to give passes. The very reason why
the pass system had been introduced, had in fact been this, to prevent
merchants, both in and outside the town, from obtaining costly stuffs
from the Sardv’Adl at the rates fixed by the Sultan, and then taking
them to the country where they could not be had, and selling them at
high prices]. 5

[In consequence of the continuance of these five regulations, all
things remained so cheap in Dihli, as to astonish old experienced
people. Politicians of the age used to ascribe the low prices prevailing
during the reign of ’Alauddin to four reasons; first, the harsh way
in which he enforced his orders, from which there was absolutely no
escape ; secondly, the oppressiveness of the taxes and the rigour with
which they were exacted, so that people had to sell grain and other
articles at the rates fixed by the Sultan; thirdly, the scarcity of
money among the people, which was so great that the proverb got
en vogue, ‘acamel (may be had) for a dang; but where is the dang
to be had?’ fourthly, the impartiality and consequent harshness of
the officials, who would neither take a bribe, nor pay regard to the
rank of any man].

[Four regulations also were given to maintain cheap rates for
horses, slaves, and cattle. They were introduced in a very short time,
These four regulations were— |

Specification of quality, and its corresponding price; prohibition of
purchase by dealers and monied men ; coercion and castigation of bro-
kers, dealers, and monied men; investigation into the sale and purchase
of each market at certain intervals before the throne. By the institu-
tion of the four laws mentioned above, at the end of a year or two,
such a reduction in the prices of horses, slaves, and cattle ensued as
was never witnessed subsequent to the ’Alai reign.

First, with respect to the specification of quality and the correspond-
ing price of a horse, it was determined thus. Horses coming under the
designation of taxable animals, were divided into three qualities, with

1870. ] Translations from the Tarikh « Firda Shah. 33

fixed prices [?]*; that of the first quality varying from 1090 to 120 tan-
kahs, the second from 80 to 90, and the third from 60 to 70; while
such as did not pass through the custom house [or rather, the Diwdn’s
muster], were called tattoos (ponies), averaging from 10 to 20 tankahs.

The second regulation for securing the cheapness of horses was the
prohibition of dealers and monied men from purchasing animals in
the market, or employing any one to purchase on their account.
Sultan ’Alaéuddin directed, with regard to the establishment of the
above regulation, which is the very basis of all laws for the cheapen-
ing of horses, that no dealer should be allowed to go about the horse
market. Such strictness was observed in carrying out this regulation,
that no dealer was accordingly permitted to frequent the horse mart,
and several of them, who for years had been getting a profit and gain-
ing a livelihood by traffic in horses, and were in league with the chief
brokers of the market, were fined, and overthrown, and both them-
selves and the chief brokers were banished to distant fortresses. By
the establishment of this regulation for the suppression of purchasing
on the part of dealers, the current price of horses began to be very
much reduced.

The third regulation for the above purpose, was the coercion and
eastigation of the chief horse brokers, who were a most arrogant, rebelli-
ous, and audacious class of people. These they treated with immense
rigour and severity, and expelled some from the city, until the price
of horses began to get cheap; for these chief brokers are in reality the
ruleis of the market, and until they are brought into order by coercion
and castigation, and cease taking the bribes which they receive from
both parties, and abstain from mediating between the buyer and the
seller, the price of horseflesh can never fall. It was a matter of some
difficulty to bring these bare-faced brokers into order, nor would they
have behaved themselves properly except through fear of the Sultan’s

* T do not know what Major Fuller’s MS. had. The Hdd. Bibl. Indica, p.
313, 1. 3, has (reading asphdi for the absurd asdimt)—

‘florses which under the designation of hasham (i. e. fit for war) passed the
muster of the Diwan, were divided into three classes, and (pattern horses}
were shewn to brokers with the prices fixed for them.

The passage may be compared with my Ain translation, p. 234, bottom.

Akbar also prohibited the export of horses (Bad. IT, 390, 1. 4 from below};
but he encouraged the import by wise regulations Ain, p. 133).

D

34 Translations from the Tarikh 1 Firiz Shahi. [ No. 1,

harsh disposition, whereby it was no longer possible for them to pre-
varicate and tell falsehoods.

The fourth regulation for the above purpose was, the investigation
into the quality and price of horseflesh before the throne. Every
month or six weeks, Sultan ’Aléuddin used to summon before him [for
a day or two] a specimen™ of all these qualities of horses, together with
the chief brokers, when he both examined and tested the quality of the
animal, and ascertained its prices. If any variation appeared between
its sterling worth, and the specification of its quality and price, the
brokers suffered penalties and punishments accordingly. Owing to
this scrutiny, inasmuch as the chief brokers were liable to be summoned
quite suddenly before the throne, it was impossible for them to set up
a price and quality of their own, or to take any thing from the buyer
and seller, or to enhance or diminish, or to exceed the standard | and
yet pass in muster before the throne ].

The institution of laws for cheapening slaves and cattle was manag-
ed on the same principle, as that which I have just written regarding
the cheapening of horses. It was not possible for dealers and monied
men to go about the market, and shew [get a glance even at the hair
of | a slave in any way. The standard value of a working girl was fixed
at from 5 to 12 tankahs, and the price of a singing girl at from 20 to
30 or 40, while one or two hundred tankahs was a price seldom
fetched by any slave; and should a slave, such asis not to be procured
in these days for a thousand or two thousand tankahs, appear in
the market, who was there that could buy him for fear of the watch ?
The price of a handsome young slave boy+ ranged from 20 to 30 tankahs,

* Major Fuller’s MS. seems to read 43,3 for (40 (?) which the Ed. Bibl.
Indica, p. 314, 1. 6, has. 2

+ Major Fuller passes mildly over the obscene phrases of the text (p.
314, the last six lines.) Kanizak « kindvt means, of course a girl for
embracing (kindrah), a concubine, not necessarily a singing girl. The words
Gluldman i kdrkardah and bachagén 4 nawkdért, which Major Fuller translates
‘working mew’ and ill-favoured boys, have another meaning. Kdrkardah is the
same as maful, not ‘working, but worked upon,’ a catwmitus; hence ghuld-
mint kdrkardah, slaves that are practised and may be used by sodomites.
Ghulam bachagdn i naukdré, who fetched of course less money, are ‘novices in
the art.

To the great joy of Barani ‘beardless slaves, beautiful eunuchs, pretty slave
girls fetched (during the next reign) 500 to 1000 Tankahs, and even 2000 7” ;
vide Kid. Bibl. Indica, p. 384, where, passim, we have to read on the last lines

Ae (prices) for the absurd ag (on one line) and vishtahdi (on the other
line,

1870.] Translations from the Tarikh ¢« Firiz Shahé. 35

and that of working men [?] from 10 to 15, while ill-favoured boys [?]
were procurable at 7 and 8.

Such penalties were inflicted on the chief brokers, that life even
became distasteful to them; and they longed eagerly for death.

In the cattle market, by the introduction of these regulations, the
price of the best beasts of burthen which in these times fetch 40 tan-
kahs, was 4, or at the outside 5 tankahs. A cow for slaughtering fetch-
eda tankah and a half, while a milch cow was valued at from 8 to 4,
The price of a cow buffalo in milk averaged from 10 to 12 tankaks,
[one for slaughtering, from 5 to 6 tankahs], and that of a fat kid from
10 to 12 [and 14] jetals.

The cheapness of all the three markets mentioned above was so
securely established, that it would be impossible to improve upon it ;
and as further precaution, police men were stationed throughout the three
markets, who used to take cognizance of all the good and bad, obe-
dience and disobedience, and fair and unfair dealing that was going
on in them, and were bound to furnish daily reports of the same
to the Sultan. Whatever therefore reached the Sultan through the
reports of the police, it was impossible that it could escape the
most rigorous scrutiny and investigation, nor could the culprit’s guilt
fail to be brought to light, and punishment to be inflicted upon
him. From fear of the police, people both high and low, whether
belonging to the market or not, became very careful of their be-
haviour, obedient, and submissive, and subdued with fear and awe;
nor did any one dare to swerve a needle’s point from the letter of the
law, to increase or diminish any of the royal standard prices, to in-
dulge in vain desires and excesses of any sort, or to accept anything
from buyers and sellers.

In the establishment of laws for the market people, which belongs
to the financial department [dzwan 7 riydésai] of the State, and for the
establishment of the price of articles sold in the stalls of the market,
a great deal of trouble was taken; and with immense toil, everything
connected with the markets, from caps to socks, combs to needles,
sugar cane to vegetables, [Hartsah to broth, Qabiné sweatmeats to
Reoris,* cakes and baked bread to rice bread and fishcakes, from pdn-

* Réoré is perhaps familiar to allinIndia. For Hurisah, we have Abulfazl’s
recipe, Ain translation, p. 60, 1. 18; and p. 33, Note.

gf Translations from the Térikh + Firdz Shdhe. [No. J,

leaves] to betel nuts, roses, and greens, was put thoroughly in order.

Sultain ’Alauddin effected this and reduced everything to cheapness
by instituting of his own accord the following measures: the ap-
pointment of a superintendent of ability and judgment, with a stern,
relentless disposition and parsimonious* character; the strict super-
vision and control over the traffic of every person in the market;
the appointment of a magistrate in every market on the part of
the finance department; and the severe coercion, intimidation, and
castigation of the market people, even to the cutting of the flesh
of both cheeks.

For the establishment of regulations for the public markets too, the
advantages of which extend to the whole population at large, Sultan
’Aléuddin made strenuous efforts, and was constantly employed in ap-
praising every article, however slight it might be, such as needles,
combs, slippers, shoes, cups, pitchers, and goblets; and the prices of
all these he determined according to the estimated cost of the articles,
with a fair profit to the seller ; and schedules of the prices fixed before
the throne were given into the office of finance.

The first measure for establishing the cheapness of articles, apper-
taining to public markets, was the appointment of an able superinten-
dent, and a stern harsh-tempered magistrate ; [for the people of the
markets are shameless, bold, cunning, and debauched, they ‘burn’
fools and lie, and ......(?) ; they arbitrarily fix the prices of articles
themselves. Kings have been unable to reduce them to obedience
by laying down price lists, and ministers have failed to devise laws and
regulate the transactions of this forward set of people. After much
reflection, ’Alauddin appointed Ya’qub, the superintendent (nézir/, to
the new office of Diwdn 7 riyasat ; for he knew the whole town, and the
transactions and the sales and purchases of every class, and was not only
a trustworthy and upright man, but also ill-tempered, hard and close,
cruel and coarse. But on account of the respect in which he was held,
and the obedience which people shewed to his orders, the Sultan gave
him the riydsat, in addition to his duties as nézir, and the IZuhtasib-
ship of the Empire. Such a rads conferred indeed every honor on the
office. From the numerous corporeal punishments which he inflicted
and had inflicted, from the imprisoning and fettering, and the

* Kotahdast—Barani means a man who will not take a bribe,

~I

1870. ] Translations from the Larikh i Ftrdz Shahi. 3

ignominies which he heaped on the bazar people, every one of them
stood in awe of him, and sold his things cheap; but notwithstanding
all severities and scoldings, they could not keep from giving less, or
shewing purchasers one thing as a pattern and then giving something
inferior, or from burning fools, and cheating and falsifying. |

[The second regulation for keeping bazar prices low was this, that
the Sultan should continually make enquiries ; for ifa king wishes to
regulate the doings of bazar people who never were subject to regula-
tions, he should not befriend ......... (?)* nor neglect continually to
enquire into their doings ; for kings of olden times have said that it

* The misprints in the Hd, Bibl. Indica are again so numerous, that it is
difficult to get any sense at all. P. 316, 1. 6, read bstgd for Ebi nd ; | 11,
co IG for (5M¢ ; 1. 14, dyTy3 (an estimate) for gystyiyy ; 1. 18, dy for yy ;
cs eyiily for (dil; Cyaady wa) for ey Ue AY, $35 ga &iQu0 for &AQu0
BOI} g0 95 $398) isa word, which very likely has no meaning. P. 317, 1. 5,
read wawelsy oy (bs by for os ybieawelsy ly. 1. e), a9 asd oes for ba9 sP3e5 5
1.10., Wd5e for Sy 943, and &é=9 for &g>9 : Us Wil, lS 9 edd for 9! Cy do
aS ; - 1. 14, either J} is wrong, or a word has fallen out before it, as
ba ghaflat ulfat nakunad ; 1.15, read dilgs&s for dist) 52. 17; BSSUBIE for Od jly ;
1,19, LeRk.of for co baisonl ; 1.20, ily! on Bs i ible Eril, and dele
Say ; 1. 22, ut for dst, P. 318, 1. 1, read wl for wh, and (5 ld,583
for 3,533 ; 1. 8, the word cok! is twice written with a (S, though no ad=
jective follows ;1. 4, for ylas read oyly), and wl¥oi,d for word ; 1.6
the whole line has no sense; J. 7, again eset with an impossible a3
U. 16, kibdér is doubtful; 7. 20, the first word is ghuldm-bachagdn. P. 319,
LU, read pomSy gylsy for mS y yylay ; ; 1.3 dele the first g ; and for osyl read Sin °
lL. 5, read cs laa with 2 65 for Lyot » BoloaS for gyty ; 1.9, put the
words teslgas toby at the end of ie a and dele the g ties wS50, which
is moreover a bad Indian spelling for wylfy ; J. 12, sla} has received a Ham-
zah, the editors being doubtful as to the propriety of a final (5 5 ; 0. 15, for 5s
read 15% jf; J. 16, for «| read wt, and dele ls . 50. 17, read lyse 9, gi yoranty ;
1, 21, dele, The sentence, moreover, is either one of Barani’s bad sentences,

as there are two different subjects, Sultdn ’Alduddén, and on p. 320, U. 1, the
Mughuls; or the editors have not looked up the MSS. P. 820, 1.1 dele _g after

dyS40 ; 1, 10, the before isle has no sense; 2.11, read RISES for = ;
1 13, for Ets) read EUG as on p. 241; but the chance is that even that is

38 Translations from the Tivikh ¢ Féiriz Shaht. [No. 1,

was an easy matter to clear the outskirts of a jungle, and subject dis-
tant nations, but it was difficult to clear a jungle from within and
suppress rebellious bazar people. But Sultan “Alauddin inquired per-
sonally so carefully into the sales and purchases of the articles of every
bazar as to astonish every one; and in consequence of his minute
examination of the prices, the prices of the bazér—a very difficult
matter—did get low. |

[ The third regulation for keeping prices low referred to the appoint-
ment of Shihnahs on the part of the Diwan i Riydsat. Yaquib, the
Nizr and Rais of the town, selected and appointed Shzhnahs for each
bazér, gave each Shihnah a copy of the price lists which had emanated
from the throne, and ordered them, whenever bazar people should sell
things, to write down the prices at which they had been sold; and
should they have no opportunity to write down the sales, the Shihnah
should always enquire from the purchasers how much they had paid for
anything. Should then a marketman be found out to have sold
things at a price not sanctioned by the price lists, he should be taken
before the Raés, and the responsibility of that bazir which if they
give less weight...... (?) the Shihnah ...... (?). The appointment of a
Shihnah for each bazar was very conducive to keeping prices low. |

[The fourth regulation calculated to keep prices low, was this, that
the Nazir Ya’qub should illtreat and beat the people of the bazars
and cut off pieces of flesh from their cheeks, if they did not give proper
weights. Young and old people in the city were unanimous that no
Diwin t Riydsat, in any age, could have been harsher than the Nazir
Ya'qub ; for in every bazar he used (daily) ten, twenty times to enquire
into the prices at which articles were sold, and at each enquiry he dis-
covered deficiencies in weight and lashed the tradespeople mercilessly,
and illtreated them in every possible way. But notwithstanding his
harshness and his lashes and punishments, the bazar people would not
desist from giving short weight ; for though they sold things at the

wrong, for on p. 323, 1, 17, the editors have put Tdtak; 1.15, read c$l,3 for
SL 5, ag on lines 10 and 18, unless again both are wrong ; 1, 17, read 863 0?
for 3am : 1. 21, read 3 youl, P, 321, l.1, dele the Hamzah, which is against
Persian Grammar ; /. 7, dele oe 1. 15, read cole }y for as sly; b 17, cs leat for
tga} ) 5 1. 20, oy? for O98.

1870. | Translations from the Tarthkh ¢ Hirha Shahi. 39

fixed rates, they would cheat in the weights and decrease the quantity
of the wares (?), and would ‘burn’ the buyers, especially such as were
simple or young. When the Sultan ’Alauddin enquired and saw that
the people of the bazar would not be submissive as behoved them, and
did not desist from giving short weight, falsifying, and ‘burning’ the
simple and the young, he called sometimes simple slaves from his
pigeon houses, gave them ten or twenty dirhams (¢.¢., tankahs), and
told them to go to the bazar, ordering one to bring bread and roast-
meat, and another to fetch bread and Yakhnt, a third to bring Halwa,
a fourth to bring feoré, a fifth, melons, a sixth, cucumbers, and so on;
and when the boys returned with the things they had bought, the
Sultén sent for the Rais, and had the articles brought by the boys
weighed in his presence. Whatever was found to be deficient in the
articles the boys had brought, was given to the Rais, and he went and
stood before the shop of the fraudulent seller, cut a quantity of flesh
equal to the deficiency from his two cheeks, and then kicked him out
of the shop. These punishments were continued for some time till, at
last, the bazar people become quite submissive, and discontinued
giving short weight, and cheating and falsifying, and burning inex-
perienced purchasers and cheating the young ; nay, they even gave so
much and so correct weights, that on enquiry it was found out that
they had given above the fixed quantity. |

[ But this rule, these enquiries, the strictness with which the orders
were carried out, and the punishments inflicted on the bazar people,
came to an end with the death of Alauddin, and of all the thousand
regulations of the ’Alai reign, his son Sultan Qutbuddin could not
enforce this regulation. |

Liffect of ’Alduddin’s Administrative Measures. (Hd. Bibl. Indica,
p-. 319 to 326.)*
[ As soon at the prices had become low and things were cheap, a
Murattab (p. 23) could be enlisted for 234, and a Duaspah for 78

* The following errors occur on pp. 3822 to 325 in the Ed. Bibl. Indica :—

P, 322, 1, 2 read Asst,5 ; 1- 6 read 29> ; 1.9 the name is wrong (vide below)>
P. 323, 1. 1, we expect pis for peo ; transfer the last Ald to the end of tho
third lino ; 1. 12 dele .»bly ; 1, 18 read ySS or ze JSiw ; 1. 14 read jlay for lay,
and yparidle or yys5lc for yyaidle- 7, 17 read asst for og pybeys 1.18 Gyslger foreyslgce

40 Translations from the Térikh i Birks Shdht. [ No. 1,

tankahs, and the army was numerous and was never disbanded. The
recruits also of the whole empire in passing muster before the ’Arz
2 Mamdélik were examined in archery, and such only were entered
(cahth shudan) as were archers and had good armours. By order of
the Sultan also, the prices of horses and the brand (digh) were re-
gulated. |

{ As soon then the cheapness of all necessaries of life had been
secured, and a large standing army could be entertained, the Mughuls
were defeated each time they invaded Dihli or the Dihli territory, and
were slain, or captured, and the standard of Islam obtained one signal
victory after the other over them. Several thousand Mughuls with
ropes on their necks were brought to Dihli and trampled to death by
elephants. Of their heads, they formed a large platform (chautarah/),
or made turrets of the Mughul skulls, and the stench in the city of
the dead bodies of such as had been killed in battle or had been exe-
cuted in Dihli, was very great. The army of Islam gained in fact
such victories over the Mughuls, that a Duaspah would bring in ten
Mughuls with ropes on their necks, or a single Musalman trooper would
drive one hundred Mughuls before himself. |

[ Thus on one occasion ’Ali Beg and Tartak (?) who were the leaders of
the Mughul army (the said’ Ali Beg was supposed to be a descendant of
Chingiz Khan, the accursed), occupied with thirty, forty thousand Mu-
ghuls the foot of the hills in the district of Amrohah, and Sultan ’ Alaud-
din sent against them Malik Atabak(?), the master of horse. He attacked
them in the confines of Amrohah, and God gave the army of Islam the
victory. The said ’Ali Beg and Tarték were both caught alive, and the
greater part of their army was slain and completely overthrown ; on the
battlefields heaps were erected of dead Mughuls, and a rich harvest

(a blunder which goes through the editions of Barani and Badaont) ; ae ) panlO,
according to Paller’s MS., is a mistake for sie ; 1. 21, insert ay after w,3,
and write ,il¢ for ill. P. 824, 1. 9, dele » after wlils which, like csoles,
has the Izdfat ; 1.16, cuslyet9 is very doubtful for gfyS4y 5 for &digori
read Sdssnsds)| : t. 18, ) ig absurd. P. 325, l. 5, read oof for dxf : t. 10,
read _,b3 y,bi0 for_,b' only ; 7. 11, read aids , 1.12, read oyf . 1. 13, read
Ksdzivo nutw addiyah for &yd250, or 4) dio mw’ tad bihi (many) ; 1. 22, dele the

_g before jhas, where the apodosis commences.

1870. ] Translations from the Térikh 1 Firva Shahé. 4]

was brought in. ’Ali Beg and Tartak and several others, with ropes
on their necks, were taken before ’Alauddin, who had given orders for
a splendid darbar to be held in the Chautarah i Subhani, from which
place as far as Indarpat the army stood drawn up in two lines. The
crowds that were present were so great, that on that day people gladly
paid twenty jetals, and half a ¢ankah, for a goglet of water. ’Ali Beg
and Tartaék, together with the other captives and the spoils, were
brought to this Darbar and marched past the throne, and all the captives
were trampled to death by elephants in this very Darbar, and torrents
of blood flowed along. |

[On another occasion, in another year, the army of Islim engaged the
Mughuls under Gung (?) the accursed, at Khekar (on the G’haggar ?
vide p. 45, 1. 12,) and God again gave the Musalmans the victory, and
Gung, the accursed, was captured alive, taken before the Sultan, and
trampled to death by elephants. On this occasion also, a great number
of Mughuls were killed, both on the battle field and in the town, and of
their heads a tower was raised before the Badéon gate, at which tower
people look at to the present day and think of Sultan ’ Alauddin. |

[In the following year, three or four commanders of tumdns fell
blindly with thirty, forty thousand Mughuls over the districts in the
Sawalik Hills, plundering and carrying off spoil. ’Alauddin sent an
army against them, and ordered it to oceupy the roads by which the
Mughuls would return, and to encamp on the banks of rivers, in order to
chastise them on their return, when want of water would bring them to
the rivers.] The army of Islam seized the roads by which the Mughuls
would have to return, and bivouacked on the banks of the river. By
the will of the Almighty, it chanced that the Mughuls having overrun
the Sawéliks, and performed a long journey from thence, arrived at the
river bank with their horses and themselves both parched with thirst,
and disordered. The army of Islam, who had been looking out for
their arrival for several days, thus gained a most advantageous oppor-
tunity over them; and the Mughuls putting their ten fingers into their
mouths, begged for water of the army of Islam, and the whole of them,
together with their wives and children, fellinto the hands of the latter.
A glorious victory accordingly fell to the lot of the army of Islam,
who carried several thousands of the Mughuls as prisoners to the fort
of Nardinah, and conveyed their wives and children to Dihli, where

6

42 Translations from the Térikh « Firia Shahe. [No. I,

they were sold in the [slave] market, like the slave boys and girls of
Hindtstan. Malik Khac, the Hajib, was deputed from the throne to
proceed to Narainah, and on his arrival there, the whole of the Mughuls
were put relentlessly to the sword, and their polluted blood began to
flow in torrents.

Next year Iqbalmandah headed an invasion with a large body of
Mughuls, and Sultan Alauddin despatched an army to repel them.
On this occasion also the army of Islam joined battle with the Dard-
mandah force of Amir Ali [?]* and gained the victory over them.
Tqbalmandah himself was slain, and some thousands of the Mughuls
fell a prey to the sword. Such of the Mughul Amirs as were [com-
manders of one thousand or one hundred] and were taken prisoners
alive, were conveyed to Dihli, and there trampled under foot by
elephants.

After this victory, in which Iqbalmandah was slain, and not one of
the Mughuls managed to return alive, they conceived such a dread
and terror of the army of Islam, that the desire of invading Hindt-
stan was altogether erased from their hearts; and until the close of
the Qutbi reign, the Mughuls never again allowed the name of Hindi-
stan to escape from their mouths, nor did they wander about the
frontiers. Through fear of the army of Islam, in fact, they could not
enjoy a satisfactory sleep ; for during sleep even they used to see the
swords of their adversaries hanging over their heads.

The incursions of the Mughuls were thus totally removed from
Dihli, and its adjoining districts, and perfect peace and security pre-
vailed throughout the country, so that the inhabitants of those quar-
ters which were usually invaded by the Mughuls, engaged to their
hearts’ content in farming and agriculture.

Sultan Tughluq Shah, who in those days was called Ghazi Malik,
acquired a great name and reputation in Khurésan and Hinditstan,
and became, until the close of the Qutbi reign, the great bulwark
against the advance of the Mughuls in [his] districts of Deopalpur, and

* So Major Fuller. The Ed. Bibl. Indica (p. 322, 1.9) has joined battle at
a place called wytts she yxo} Sd40, which has no sense. If Badaoni is correct,
we might expect a phrase to avenge the death of Amtr’ Alt Beg. My MS. of the
Tabaqat, however, has at wT, csté E yivo| 8d429, Dihandah (Bad. I, p. 274, 1.1.)

was the name of a river near Ajodhan (Patani Panjab), S. W. of Deop4lpar,
Ghazi Malik’s agtd’.

1870.] Translations from the Tértkh « Firta Shahi. 43

Lahor. He was appointed in the place of Sher Khan, the former*
commander, and every year during the cold season he used to march
out of Deopalpir with a select force of his own, and advance to the
Mughul frontiers, and there publicly challenge} them to an engage-
ment ; while the Mughuls could not even approach their own frontiers
for the purpose of guarding them, Such security prevailed at last,
that not only did no outbreak of the Mughuls occur at Dihli,t but
their name even never passed any body’s lips.

*..* Note by the Eprror.
[ Synopses of the Mughul invasions which took place during the reign of
’ Aliuddin, according to Zia 1 Barant, Nizim 1 Harawi,
Badaébni, and Firishtah.

Barant’.
(Maor Fuller’s translation in J. A. S. B. for 1869, and 1870.)
Po A. 8. B. 696 Ulugh Khan, and hy
1869, p. 189) <A. H. Zafar Khan. Jarimanjtir.
2. (p. 193) 3rd year of
’Alauddin’s
reign. Zafar Khan. Caldi. Siwistan.

3. (p. 194) Endofthe ’Alauddin, Zafar Qutlugh-
3rd year. Khan, and Ulugh Khwajah

Khan. and Turght. Kili.
AeA S: BL? ’ Aléuddin besieged
1870 p. 20) by Turghi. In Siri.
5. (p. 40) ? Malik Atabak (?), ’Ali Beg and
the Master of Tartak (?)
Horse. Amrohah.
6. (p. 41) ? ? Gung (?) Khekar (?)

(on the G’haggar ?)

* The words of the Text (Hd. Bibl. Indica, p. 323, 1.1) ba jai Sher Khdén
gadim o mustagim gashtah have no sense. Ifthe o is correct, we must read
qawtm for qadim. Fuller leaves out the o, and reads Sher Khan é qadém,
‘Sher Khan the former Commander ;’ but this is doubtful.

+ Or rather, he advanced to the Mughul frontier, and having kindled the lamp, he
searched for the Mughuls (an Indian phrase for searching carefully for anything),
and the Mughuls found it impossible to approach thew own frontiers by way of
visiting them.

{ So perhaps Major Fuller’s MS. The Hd, Bibl. Indica reads, not only did
outbreaks of the Mughuls ocewr to no one (dar dile—not dihlé—miguzdsht), but
their name, &c.

44 ranslations from the Térikh 1 Firtiz Shaht.

7. (p. 41) ?

8. (p. 42) ?

[No. 1,
2 iu Near some
river beyond
Narainah.
fe Iqbalmandah. 2

Besides these, there were several attacks made by Ghazi Malik
(later Sultan Tughluq) on the Mughuls near the Indus.

Firishtah, (Briggs, Vol. 1).

1. (p. 8326) 2ndyear of Ulugh Khan. Amir Daid. Lahor.
’Aléuddin’s
reign.
2. (p. 329) 697 Zafar Khan. Chaldi Khan. Siwistan.
Senip 29) 697 Zafar Khan, Ulugh Qutlugh Khan,
Khan, ’Aléuddin, son of Amir
Nuerat Khan. Daid. Dihli.
4. (p. 854) 703 A.H. ‘Alauddin besieged Turghi Khan. Dihli.

cn

SS

7. (p. 864) 706 ?

. (p. 361) 704 A. H.

. (p. 868) 705 A. H.

Tughlug Khan. Ali Beg and
KhwajahTash. Amrohah.
Ghazi Beg Tugh- Aibak Khan,

luq. to avenge On the
No. 5. Indus.

Ghazi Beg Tughluq Iqbdlmandah. iq

Badaoni’.

(Hd. Bibl. Indica, I., p. 184 to 186.)

1. 698 A. H. Ulugh Khan, Tugh- ? Jaran-
lug Khan. Manjtr.
DO» ? Zafar Khan, Qutlugh
Ulugh Khan. Khwajah,
sonof Datd. Kili.
3. Mahk Fakhruddin,
relieved by Malik Turghi Baran.
Tughluq. captured.
4. ? Malik Manik "Ali Beg and On the

(= Kaftr Naib
Hazaér Dinari.)

Muhammad MRahab.
Taryaq (?),
princes of
Khurasan.

1870. | Translations from the Tavikh « Biriz Shahe. 45

5. ? Malik Naib, and Iqbalmandah,
Malik Tughluq. and Kapak,

to avenge

No. 4. ?

Niza’m i Harawi’.

Nizam, in his Tabagdt « Akbar, follows Barani. The first expe-
dition, according to MS. 87 of the Asiatic Society of Bengal—a very
fair MS.—took place at Jéran Mayhur (sic) in Sind (1). The names of
the Mughul commanders of the second, third, and sixth expeditions are
given as Caldé and Qutlugh, son of Daud, and Kapik or Kabik. He
ealls ’Ali Beg (fifth expedition) the grandson (nabisah) of Chengiz
Khan. For A’hekar (sixth expedition), he has A’hak’harah, in all
probability the river G’haggar near Patiala (Sarhind) ; and he says that
the river mentioned in the seventh expedition was the Rdvé (Lahor).

Thus we see that Barani and Nizam have more than ezght, Firishtah
has seven, and Badéoni five invasions. Firishtah agrees more with Zia
i Barani than Badéoni. The Mughul leader Kapaf, in expedition No. 5,
is evidently the same as Gung in No 6 of Baranf, as £45 and ehs
only differ in the diacritical points. As Badaoni’s events differ
materially from those of the other two historians, I subjoin a
translation of Badaoni (I., pp. 184 to 186).

‘In 698, Chataldi (szc/, a leader of the Mughuls crossed the Indus,
and invaded Hindustan. Ulugh Khan and Tughlug Khan, governor
of Dipalptir (Panjab), who is the same as Ghazi Malik, were sent
against him. They met him in the confines of Jaran Manjhur,
defeated him, killed some, and captured others, and ’Alauddin’s army
returned victorious with much plunder.

‘The second time Qutlugh Khwajah, son of David, came from M4-
warannahr with countless hordes to conquer Hindtistaén, and came as
far as the environs of Dihli to Arah (?) ; but he did not ravage the
districts. In Dihli things got very dear, and the condition of the
inhabitants was miserable, Sultan ’Aléuddin appointed Ulugh Khan
and Zafar Khan commanders, and sent them with a large army to
fight the Mughuls. A battle took place at Geli (Kili), in which
Zafax Khan was killed. In his death also ’Al4uddin saw an advan-
tage, Qutlugh Khan fled to Khurasin, where he died,’

46 Translations from the Tavikh 1 Firiz Shahi. [No. 1,

‘The third time Turghi Mughul, who belonged to the markandn (2),
z. €., unerring archers, of his country, came with a lot of foot soldiers,
and 20,000 intrepid and renowned horsemen, occupied the foot of the
hills and the districts lying there, and advanced as far as Baran, whose
governor Malik Fakhruddin, the Mir Dad, shut himself up in the Fort.
Malik Tughluq* was sent to his relief from the capital, when Malik
Fakhruddin left the Fort and effected a junction with Malik Tughluq.
Both fell upon the Mughuls at night, defeated them, and captured
Turghi, who was taken by Tughluq to Dihli.’

‘The fourth time, Muhammad Taryaq (?, Tartaq ?, Tarqaq?) and
Ali Beg, who were princes royal of Khurdsan, advanced with a large
army, one corps of which plundered Nagor, and the other occupied the
Sirmir mountains as far as the Baydh, or Kali, river. Sultan ’Alaud-
din sent his slave Malik Manik (?), who is thesame as Kafar Naib Hazar
Dinari, and Malik Tughluq, governor of Dipalptr, towards Amrohah ;
and when the Mughuls with their cattle and spoils arrived at the
Rahab, Malik Manik fell over them from the rear. A great battle
ensued ; both princes fought bravely, but were at last captured and
executed. Most of these accursed invaders were killed, and those that
escaped fled in a wretched condition to their country. The heads of
the two leaders were fixed on the battlements of the Fort at Badaon,
The following Ruba’i was composed by a poet of that time, and may
now be seen inscribed on the southern gate of that town (Badéon)—

O Fort, may God’s protection be thy friend,

And may the conquests and the victories of the Shah be thy standard !
The present King has built thee up again,

May Turghi also, like ’Ali Beg,+ be thy prisoner.’

‘And Mir Khusrau also has described the war of Malik Manik, who
had now received the title of Malik Naib, in his history entitled
Khasimulfutih, the language of which is a miracle and exceeds human
power, though, in fact, every thing written by this Prince of poets, is of
the same kind, so that it would be idle and wrong to make distinc-
tions and preferring one poem to another.’

‘The fifth time Iqbélmandah and Kapak (?) collected an army of

* The Hd. Bibl. Indica, p. 185, 1. 9, has wrong Malik Tughluq and Ghazi Malik.
Tt ig one and the same man,

+ The text has wrong’ Ald Beg. Besides, did TughInq release Turghi, whom
he had captured in the third Expedition P

1870. | Translations from the Tértkh 1 Firtz Shahi. 47

Mughuls, and invaded Multan, to avenge the death of Muhammad
Tarydq (?) and ’Ali Beg. ’Alauddin sent this time also Malik Naib
and Malik Tughluq against them. When the Mughuls returned,
’Aléuddin’s army followed them in forced marches. Kapak was
caught in the fight, but he was exchanged for the prisoners and the
spoils which had fallen into the hands of the infidel Tatars.’

‘From that day the desire of invading Hindustan grew cold in the
hearts of the Mughuls, and the teeth of their rapaciousness were all on
edge.’—

Of the five invasions mentioned by Badaoni, the third is not to
be found in any other historical work. It is a matter of surprise that
Barani should have said nothing about it, as Baran was the centre
of the expedition. For the fourth invasion also, Baddoni has a few
new particulars.

I have not seen a MS. of Khusrau’s Khaszdin ulfutuh, though it
would be of interest to examine that book as also his Qirdn ussa’dain
from a historical point of view.

Brigg’s Firishtah has only a few differences in the proper nouns,
and his variations might be increased by comparing the Bombay and
the Lucknow editions.

Badaoni complains that ‘historians, in narrating these invasions,
have let the thread of chronology slip from their hands;’ but it is
not only the chronology which is unsatisfactory : the geographical de-
tails of this period have been as much neglected by the historians,
as in other parts of Indian History. From Firishtah and from p. 327,
1. 1, of Barani’s text edition it is, however, clear that the Mughul

invasions all took place before A. H. 708 or 709. |
# ok

Thus had Sultdén ’Alauddin eradicated the Mughuls, and stopped up
completely the road of their invasions, while the soldiery from the
establishment of a cheap price for every military equipment, and arti-
cele of consumption, were in a flourishing condition. The provinces
in every quarter were under the administration of trusty nobles and
worthy courtiers, the rebellious had become obedient and submissive,

and.the system of imperial taxation® | according to measurement, and
* ?Alauddin’s house tax (gharz) and grazing tax (chard?) corresponds to the

Khdnahshundrét and Gdoshwmari of later reigns. Both taxes were looked upon
as illegal and odious. Vide my Ain text, p. 301, 1. 5.

48 Translations from the Tartkh 1 Firiz Shahi. [No. 1,

the house-tax] and the grazing duties having entered into the minds of
all the people, all ideas of rebellion vanished from their hearts, and they
pursued cheerfully their several avocations and trades. Rantambhur,
Chitor, | Mandalgadh ], Dhar, Ujain, Mandu, ’Aldipir, Chanderi, Ivij,
Siwanah and Jalor,* which are all strong places beyond the limits of
the empire [?] had fallen under the control of various provincial gover-
nors, and jagirdars [muqta’]; while the territory of Gujrat flourished
under Alan [ Alp?] Khan, Multan and Sistan under Tajulmulk Kafirt,
and Deopdlptir and Labor under Ghazi Malik Tughluk Shah, SA4maénah
and Sunném under Malik Akhurbak Nanak (?), Dhar and Ujain under
’Ainlmulk of Multan, Jhayin under Fakhrulmulk of Mirat, Chitor
under Malik Abii Muhammad, Chanderi and [vrij under Malik Tamar,
Badaon, Koelah, and K’harak under Malik Dinar, superintendent of ele-
phants, Audh under Malik Takir [Hd. Bibl. Ind., Baktan], and Karah
under Malik Naciruddin Sauteliyah. Kol, Baran, Mirat, Amrohah,
Afghanpéir, Kabar, and all the districts lying within the Dudb, were
under the influence of the same law, as if they were one single village ;
they were crown lands, and applied to the support of the soldiery.
The entire revenue was paid into the treasury, even to the last dang
and diram, and in the same way was pay issued to the soldiery from
the treasury, and the expenses of all establishments defrayed.

In short, the imperial administration of Sultan ’Alauddin had reach-
ed such a state of perfection that vice and crimes were totally expelled
from the capital, and the safety of the highways throughout the pro-
vinces had become so great, that the Hindi landed proprietors and
tenants [ Iugaddimdn 0 Khitan] used to stand on the highroads, and
keep watch over way-farers and caravans, while travellers with goods,
fabrics, cash, or any other property used to alight in the midst of the

* Mandalgarh (the Kd. Bibl. Indica, p. 323, 1. 13, has wrong Mandalk’ hiv) is
the name of a town and Parganah in Chitor. Siwdnah or Siwdnd (Sat gue or Utsav)
is the name of a town and Parganah in Jodhpur. For Mandi, Major Fullers
has Mdéndi and Kahdv(?), and the Ed. Bibl. Indica has yeSgaslo for x3S,aile :
but Mdndigarh is the same as Mandi or Mandi.

For ’Aldipir the MSS. of the Ain have ’Aldpir. It isatown witha fort,
and also a parganah, in the Sirkar of Gwaliar. Abulfazl says that before the
time of ’Al4uddin it had another name; but none of the thirteen MSS. in my
possession gives the old name legibly; the MSS. have jlgs}, les, and yleuo,

Major Fuller’s words, which are all strong (mazbut) places beyond (kharij) the
lumits of the Empire, are scarcely correct. Translate, which donot belong to
mazbut districts, t.e., they were not yet under Musalman Zdbits or Governors.

1870. ] Translations from the Tdérikh + Firkaz Shah. 49

plains and deserts. From the excessive rigour of his rule, the good
and evil, favorable and unfavorable transactions of the inhabitants
in the capital, as well as the affairs of the whole of the residents
in the provinces, were never unknown to him. The hearts of all his
subjects both high and low were deeply impressed with awe and re-
verence for his severe rule and harsh disposition, and the royal seed*
having settled in the breasts of the public generally, the roots of his
empire had sunk deep.

It never crossed the minds of people on beholding this state of
things, that the sovereignty would pass away from his house so spee-
dily, and revert to another family ; and when by the aid of the acci-
dental luck and good fortune, which attended him, the measures of his
government turned out satisfactorily, and his enterprises, both preme-
ditated and unpremeditated, were accomplished as speedily as he could
wish, worldly-minded persons, who consider greatness to depend
upon the attainment of worldly prosperity, and the success of one’s
designs, attributed the favorable results of Sultan ’Alauddin’s mea-
sures to his consummate ability, and imagined that the expres-
sions which used to fall from his lips regarding the execution of state
affairs, and the victories and triumphs of his armies, proceeded from
inspiration. ‘Those, however, learned in civil and religious law, and
versed in the irresistible decrees of God Almighty, [and those] whose
far-seeing judgment penetrates the realities of things, and whose con-
clusions are more certain that the revolution of the heavens, and the
immobility of the earth, used to remark on beholding the frequency of
Sultan ’Alauddin’s victories and triumphs, and the constantly success-
ful issue of his undertakings, that every triumph and victory which
accrued to the standard of Islam in his age, and every undertaking of his
and ofall his subjects which turned out well, and every measure of ad-
vantage and improvement which was apparent throughout the kingdom,
arose from the virtues and benedictions of Shaikhul Islam Niz&muddin
of Ghidsptr. He, (they said) is the beloved and chosen of God, and on
his head the divine grace, bounty, and beneficence is being constantly
showered ; and in consequence of the continual favours that are pour-

* Verbally, the hearts of men were generally (‘4matan) settled regarding his
rule, and the roots of his kingdom which he himself had caused to sink (into
the hearts of men), on beholding them (the roots), it never crossed, &c. This
is one of Barani’s bad sentences,

7

50 Translations from the Tarikh ¢ Firtz Shahi. [No. 1,

ing down upon his head, and owing to the blessings of his auspicious
existence, which has been eternally and perpetually the object of
divine affection, the undertaking of both the rulers and the ruled of
this government have been accomplished satisfactorily, and the stan-
dard of Islam has been exalted time after time with celestial victory
and triumph ; whereas what relation can virtue and divine inspiration
have to Sultan ’Alauddin, who is polluted with so many sins, both
active and passive,* and from indulgence in cruelty and bloodshed, has
become a habitual and bloodthirsty murderer. All the comforts,
general prosperity, and perfect peace and security of people from perils
of every kind, and the inclination of the people to obedience and devo-
tion, have arisen from the blessings of Shaikh Nizamuddin.

The author’s object in noticing the stability which Sultan ’Aléud-
din’s government had acquired, and the satisfaction he enjoyed from
the success of his undertakings, is this, that as soon as the Sultdén’s
state affairs and negociations were settled, and his mind was satisfied
with the condition of every quarter that belonged to him, he [built
Fort Siriand peopled it. Sultan ’Alauddin then] engaged in territorial
conquests. With the view of overthrowing the Hindd chieftains
and lords of other principalities, and carrying off wealth and elephants
from the kingdoms towards the south, he organized and equipped
another force besides the one which he maintained for the Mughul
inroads. —(Hd. Bibl. Indica, p. 326.)

(Here ends Major Fuller’s translation.)

*,* Barani then proceeds to narrate ’Alauddin’s expeditions to the Dak’hin,
which extend from p. 326 Hdit. Bibl. Indica to p. 337. The text is, however,
so carelessly edited that without the help of several MSS. it would be useless
to attempt a translation. On p. 327 alone, there are sixteen blunders, gram-
matical, historical, and typographical. The following list of corrections may
prove acceptable.

P, 326, 1. 20, read gist for gabast; 1, 22, khidmatiha for khidmdt; and
for dwwum (the second) we have probably to read duwdzduhum (the twelfth).

P. 327, U. 1., tis’a watis’ amiyah (909 A. H.) is nonsense, as ’Al4uddin
lived 200 years earlier; perhaps we should read tis’a wa sab’a miyah 709,
or better samdént wa sab’amiyah, 708; 1.2, read Arangul for Aratgul; Ll. 5,

* Ma’ dt i ldzimah o muta addiyah, ‘active and passive, inherent and passing
on to others. Crimes are ldézimah when they are clo, 4. €. attach to the sinner

himself ; and muta’ addyah, wien a man causes others to sin.
? y ?

1870. | Translations from the Tartkh ¢ Firs Shahi. ol

nabdsht for mabdsht, a grammatical blunder which is repeated four times on
this page in different verbs! 7. 9, read murd’ dé for murd’at ; 1. 10, naparddézé for
moapardazt; 1.12, dele kih ; l. 13, read naydyad for biydyad, which would be
the opposite; khiyanathdi for khiyanathd ; and put a Hamgah over the last
letter of this line; U. 16, read khiié for khiti, as required by Persian grammar ;
1. 17, a waéw has been omitted before nek; and read nabdsht for mabasht ; 1. 19,
read twarruz for tw azzuz, or tanaghghuz ; l. 20, read chand for chatad ; l. 22,
spell | 555% for | 4S 2,

P. 328,1.1 read dar for do; 1.2 for ba hamchundn read hamchundn ya ;
l. 5, for Rébré read Répré; 1.10, khidmutthdi for khidmathdi ; 1. 22, yahtaju for
yahtidju ; and for rishtah on p. 328 and qdbé the first on p. 329, read rishtatabt !

P. 329, 1. 15, read bd for az; 1. 20, for nairah read naizah ; Ul. 21, for bastand
read bisitadand.

P. 330, 1. 2, read khidmatihai for khidmatiyan; 1. 11, Jhdyin for Jhabin ;
1. 16, dardngah kih for dardnkih; 1. 22, dele the first wéw, and put kih after
anja.

P. 331, 1.10, read barkhastah for bikhdstah; p. 14, insert ard after Nizam-
uddin.

P, 333, 1. 2, read Raéprf for RdabrZ; l. 5, read lagdéimrez for lagdmztr; 1. 6, s¢
e shash; 1.8, raftand has no sense; J. 9, for the absurd garanhdi read az
qaranha ; l. 11, strike out either anddézah or baydn; 1. 12, for bid read bidand ;
1.19, for namikan read némgdn ; 1. 22, read budah ast for ast.

P, 334, 1. 15, for »{ read only 4 ; and for hékim read hukm ; l. 20, dele the waw.

P. 335, 1. 3, read migoyand for migoyad ; t. 12, mimanad for minumdyad ; 1,
17, dardim for dardim (a clever spelling); l. 18, métwwaném for mitwwdénam.

P. 336, 1. 3, dele | ; 1. 7, the word bidhkan has no sense; 1.11, read ’aldi for
’aldi: 1.14, delethe two wu vowel signs, they are wrong; l. 17 read ’ald¢ for
aldi; and naddsht for naddshtant; 1. 18, fareb for qariyat; l. 19, for the
third time on this page, read ’aldé for ’aldi.

P. 337, 1.3. Here read ’aldi for ald¢; 1. 4 andl. 5, Qdyint for Qanmé ; 1. 11,
here read ’aldéfor ’aldi, and dele the waw before pan ; 1. 16, read again Qdyint
for Qdnint, and perhaps riydsat for risdlat ; 1. 17, afew words are left out after
inshd; 1, 19, the Arabic word is la yuflih, with the Persian plural, a C h not a

> kh.
c

CLEP PLL LILI ILL ILL LLL

52 Rejoinder to Mr. Beames. | No. 1,

Rejoinder to Mr. Beames, by F. S. Growsr, Esq, M. A., B. C. 8.
(See Vol. XX XVIII. for 1569, p. 176.)

Mr. Beames in replying to my criticisms on his translation, has
evidently written under great excitement ; but at this I am not sur-
prised ; it must be very annoying for a translator of Chand to be con-
victed of not knowing some of the commonest Hindi words. J am
aware that nisan will not be found in Forbes, or any similar dictionary
of modern Hindistani ; but it occurs repeatedly in the Ramayana of
Tulsi Dés, and in the glossary appended to most native editions of
that poem is explained by the words nagara and dankd. The deriva-
tion is no very recondite mystery ; since the root is simply the Sans-
erit swan (Latin sonare) with the prefix nz. In the same glossary,
Mr. Beames will also see the word bats explained by avastha, and the
Hindi form is so evidently a corruption of the Sanskrit, that I should
have imagined the fact would be obvious to the merest tyro in philo-
logy. But to discuss Mr. Beames’s reply in detail :—

I.—I am dissatisfied with his reproduction of the text, since I
detect in it several conjectural emendations. I should much prefer to
have seen it precisely as it stands in the MS. and with the words un-
divided. I also miss the concluding stanza, which I was particularly
curious to see, as the English version of it is anything but lucid.

II.— Mr. Beames’s sarcasms are quite innocuous, being mainly
directed against the imperfections of my text. JI always stated it to
be a mere fragment, never vaunted its accuracy, and am even willing
to follow Mr. Beames in stigmatizing it as a ‘bad, faulty garble and
jumble.’ Still the question remains, which of the two translators has
made the better use of his materials? And further, if the differences
are so exceedingly great, how comes it that I at once discovered in
my copy the parallel passage to Mr. Beames’s specimen? The diffi-
culty ought to have told equally against both of us.

III.—Assuming my text to be faulty, my translation of it at least
appears to be tolerably correct. Mr. Beames, with natural anxiety to
discover the joints in my harness, has hit only upon four vulnerable
points, which I now proceed to examine.

1st.—He says Bijay, or subyay, as it stands in his text, (sw being
merely an expletive) cannot be a proper name as [ translate it, but

1870. | Rejoinder to Mr. Beames. 53

must be an epithet, since the king’s real name is given lower down as
Padam-sen. To this I reply that Padam-sen is not the king, but the
king’s son, as is sufficiently indicated by the title ‘ Kunwar,’ a title
which is never given to the head of a house, but always to one of its
subordinate members.

2nd.—He says mahibhuj (as it stands in his text) cannot mean, as
I should translate it, ‘very exalted,’ but must mean ‘ long-armed.’
To this I reply, Ist, that the Sanskrit for ‘arm’ is not Jhuj, as Mr.
Beames imagines, but bhwa ; and though a palatal at the end of a
word is liable to be changed into a guttural, a palatal in the middle of
a word and with a vowel following it is not so lable. 2nd. One of
the MSS. reads abhang : now this rhymes neither with dwrg nor drug,
and has all the appearance of being a gloss: it is a very good gloss on
mahabhuj in my sense, but not at all so of mahadbhiy with the sense of
‘long-armed.’ 38rd, Whether my text correctly represents the origi-
nal or not, it is certain that the copyist intended the words to convey
some meaning. Now bhw, as a corruption of bhris’ fits in equally well
with either reading ; with Mr. Beames’s juterpretation of the word,
my text would be absolutely untranslateable. 4th. Whether in
this particular case, bhuj really represents bhris’ or not, it is certain
that by the recognized rules of Prakrit formation, it might represent
it. Hven Mr. Beames will scarcely deny this, when he reflects that
buddha is the Hindi equivalent for the Sanscrit vriddha, and dis‘ is as
often as not represented by dig. If the above explanation be not
accepted, I fall back upon my old alternative and take dhug in the
sense of Jhugat ; forming it from bhu precisely in the same way that
khag is formed from kha. Thus his charge of ‘simple nonsense’ re-
coils upon himself.

3rd.—He says sevahin must be a dative plural, and is exceedingly
amused at my regarding it as a verb. ‘To this I reply, by merely
taking a copy of the Ramayana and opening it at random. On the
very first page that presents itself, I find the following line—

qsit ast Wetye aeratci— acy
And again a little lower down —
Gt yaa acute were ache Bee ara

May I ask Mr. Beames if bhentahin, karahin, barakhahin are also

datives ? Ifso I should be glad to see his rendering of the lines quoted.

54 fiegjoinder to Mr. Beames. [No. 1,

There is of course a dative with a similar ending of very common
occurrence—thus on the very same page of the Ramayana fay «rate
wat: but if ‘to servants’ were the meaning intended, the word would
have to be not sevahin, but sevakhin from sevak, as seva means not
‘a servant,’ but ‘service.’ Certainly my respect for Mr. Beames’s
scholarship (in spite of his reference to Lassen) is not enhanced by
his remarks either here or on the word dais. I strongly advise him
to adhere to his resolution of not again attempting to answer my
criticisms.

4th.—He says with regard to the line in my MS.

WC AT YX YA Wg Alea WI silat

“ Your text as it stands is not intelligible, and I should like to
know by what process you get your English out of it,” and proceeds
to be facetious about my expression ‘shimmering like a fish in a
stream.’ Jreply that the text to my simple intelligence appears
tolerably clear. It admits of two constructions, but both yield pre-
cisely the same sense. If jhakh joti be taken as a compound adjective,
its most literal translation possible is ‘shimmering like a fish ;’ the
words ‘in a stream’ were added simply because, according to Hnglish
usage, it would not be considered complimentary to style a woman
‘likea fish.” If jhakh and jott be regarded as two distinct words,
jhakh roust be taken with hir, kir and hans as forming the subject of
the verb chharat which will then govern joti, and mdnw will stand for
the imperative mdno ; whereas under the alternative construction, it
stands for the substantive mdn.

These are the only four blots which Mr. Beames flatters himself he
has detected in my translation : it has not been very difficult to dispose
of them.*

TV.—On reading Mr. Beames’s text, I find that the verbal differ-
ences are more considerable than I had anticipated (the number I
imagine would be reduced, were the conjectural emendations expunged).

* Referring again to Mr. Beames’s onslaught, I find there is yet one more
point on which he attacks me. In line 4 of my text I translate prabal bhup by
‘ puissant chiefs ;) upon which my critic writes, “‘ The puissant chiefs of Mr.
Growse’s translation are evidently a creation of his own brain, or of his Pandit’s,
for I do not see how he gets it out of his own text even.” It is difficult to
answer a remark of this kind: however much Mr. Beames may disparage his
own intelligence, I cannot believe him to be so utterly unversed in the

language, as to be ignorant of the meaning of two such ordinary words as prabal
and bhip,

1870. | Rejoinder to Mr. Beames. 5d

The general sense remains the same in both MSS, and thus I have
been to some extent misled, and in several places have too hastily con-
demned the translator for carelessness and inaccuracy. All such criti-
cisms I very gladly cancel. Still it is only the minor premiss of my
argument that requires modification, the conclusion remains unaltered.
Thus, taking Mr. Beames’s text as he gives it me, and comparing it
with his translation, I find in the very short space of 19 couplets
(even after omitting the lines which his alterations have made obscure
or unintelligible) the following formidable list of errors :—

Mindi. True meaning. Mr. Beames’s rendering.
nisan a kettle drum a standard
sevahin they serve to servants

nag a jewel a horse’s hoof !
khanjan a wagtail (omitted)

ras a heap or bundle perfection

kok a swan (anas casarca) a lotus |

sudes well arranged fair to see

pik betel juice a koil !

bay sandh girlhood (omitted)
makarand nectar god of love.

Further, on Mr. Beames’s translation of his 7th stanza, I would
observe that as ang is often used to denote the numeral 6, I hesitate to
believe that Chand speaks of 14 angs. He might speak of 14 vidyds.
If Mr. Beames will look at his text again, I think he will find that
what he has printed as chatur das is in the MS. chatur dis.

Again, the obvious purport of Mr. Beames’s 10th stanza is, that the
princess began teaching the parrot to say Ram Ram. The translator
declares that this cannot be. Why ? Simply because he has been
pleased to render the words ‘ Gai khel sab bhal by ‘she went to
play forgetting all about him.’ Surely he must see that the words
quoted can, with equal grammatical propriety, be translated ‘ she forgot

all her play’

and as this is the only translation which harmonizes
with the context, it must be the correct one. Again, in his conclud-
ing stanza, after the word pk, the mistranslation of which I have
already noted, comes the word sad, which he explains by ‘voice.’
My impression is, that there is no such word in the language as sad :

56 Rejoinder to Mr. Beames. [ Nora}

but, however, that may be, it is quite certain that the word here in-
tended is rad, the teeth, and if Mr. Beames will only look a little
more closely, he will probably find it in his MS.

In Mr. Beames’s own phrase, ‘Is not this enough ?’ Yet one word
more : since he speaks of me as a self-constituted interpreter, let me
remind him that the MS. was in the first instance made over to
me by the chief authority in these Provinces. Subsequently I
received a requisition from another quarter that the book might
be sent to Caleutta to be photographed. As soon as it reached
Calcutta, Mr. Beames volunteered to edit it, and I have since seen
no more of it. Whether of the twain, I would ask, seems to be
rather the self-constituted interpreter ? Still, if the literary world
are satisfied with Mr. Beames’s proficiency, I have no wish to
interfere with him; and if he will only stay quiet for a year or two,
and in the mean time extend his knowledge of old Hindi by reading
a few books of the Ramayana under the guidance of any intelligent
native—whether Brahman or Baniya, it matters not—I see no reason
why he should not eventually produce a very creditable per formance.

Mainpuri, Dec. 29th, 1869.

Postscript.— Within the last day or two [have had an opportunity
of seeing Mr. Beames’s new edition of Sir H. Elliot’s Supplementary
Glossary. The additional matter supplied by the editor, is not very
considerable; but under the word G‘ahlot, Inotice that he quotes 4
lines from Chand, and refers the passage to the place which it oc-
cupies in his MS. of the Prithirajrés. Singularly enough, it happens
that these very 4 lines, with some verbal differences, were included in
a specimen of the Hindi text given in an article of mine contributed
to this Society’s Journal in February, 1869. I mention the coin-
cidence, because Mr. Beames has excused himself from criticising my
translation by saying that the Hindi, from which I translate, is not
traceable in either of his copies. It is of course quite possible that
Mr. Beames may not have seen the parallel passage as quoted by me,
and may not have read any part of my article (since I have no
pretensions to rank among Kuropean scholars) but, under the word
Chandel, he apparently quoltesirom the very article, though without
acknowledgment.

1870. ] Rejoinder to Mr, Beames. 57

Since the immediate subject of discussion at the present moment is
Mr. Beames, as a translator of Hindi, it may not be out of place to
notice a few more specimens of his skill. In the original edition of
the Glossary occur several curious local proverbs, which were nearly
all left untranslated. Mr. Beames, in his new edition, has very pro-
perly essayed to supply this omission; but his explanations are
scarcely so brilliant or even so accurate as the public has a right to
expect from a scholar of Huropean celebrity. Thus in the couplet

Nanak, nanhad ho raho joisw nanhi dub

Aur ghds jal jaenge dub khub ki khitb.
to translate the last words by ‘dub remains fresh and fresh” seems
neither literal nor idiomatic. It should rather be ‘the dub remains
fresh as ever.’ This, however, may be a mere question of taste and
style; but (under the word guma) to translate the words sab rang rdtr
by ‘all coloured red’ is absolutely wrong.

Again, the lines—

Des Malwé gaihir gambhir,

Dag dag roti, pag pag ntr.
are translated by Elliot correctly enough, while Mr. Beames renders
them thus: “ The land of Malwa is deep and rich ; at every step
bread, on every path water ;”’ apparently confusing pag with pagdandi.
I would suggest the following equivalent :—

Rich and deep is the Malwa plain ;

At every step water, at every foot grain.
Again, ‘“ Hairy ears

Buy these, do not let them go”

is certainly rather a feeble representation of the lines

Kar, Kachhouta jhabre Kan

Inhen chhandi na lijiye an
Which might be rendered thus—

When buying cattle, choose the black,

With bushy ears and hollow back.
And, to conclude, under the heading akhtz7 occur two lines, which
Mr, Beames leaves unaltered in their original obscurity and does not
attempt to translate :

Poi mdvas mil bin, bin vohini khetij,

Sravan salono bavi kyun bakhere bij.

58 Note on a Circle of Stones. [ No.8;

It may help him over the cifficulty to suggest that the first word ae
should be corrected to @x.
Mainpuri, March Sth, 1870.
F. S. Grows.

Addenda.—In the 40 Hindf verses oceurring on pages 162, 163 of
Part I. of the Journal for 1869, correct as follows :—

Line 5, for o asz read aaa aaa, sajje buje ; 16, fore read
Bx, aru ; and for ata read area, chhdrat ; 19, for Qt read Tt,
racht ; 20, for ate read suite dsi ; 27, for qara read aa, chak-
rat ; 28, for @=eyt read TESA chahutyan ; 31, for aa read ag,
khelu ; 32, for q@Bat read FSSA chahutyo ; and for fe read aie
phili ; 37, for aia read aim, mutt ; 38, for wa read Sq, sukhn ;
and for Htia@ read acta, murti ; 89, for ef< read SfE here.

Note on a Circle of Stones situated in the District of Hysoofzye, by
Cotonen Sir Arruur Puayrs, Member of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal. (With a plate.)

(Vide Proceedings A. 8. Bengal, for January, 1870.)

About fifteen miles east of Murdan, the head quarter station of the
corps of guides, in Husoofzye, near a place called Sung Butté, is a
remarkable circle of tall upright stones. These stones, or masses of
rock, consist of rough slabs of granite, with a few squared, or other-
wise worked pillars of the same material. Only ten of what appear
to be of the original size, are now in an upright position. The rest
lie upon the ground, some broken and some half buried in the
ground. Two or three though still upright are the mere stumps of
the original stones. The accompanying plate will render detailed
description unnecessary, but a few remarks may be acceptable.

The circle has been over fifty feet in diameter. The highest of the
pillars which remain upright, is about eleven feet. The largest of
the rough slabs, which have the appearance of being in the state in
which they were quarried from the rock, is about the same height,
two and a half feet broad in its broadest part, and two feet thick.

Siowsro

Journ: Asiat: Soc: Bengal, Vol: KXXIX, Pt: 1. 1870 PL: 1

J. Schaumburg Lith VIEW OF A STONE-HENGE NEAR SUNG BUTTE (EUSUFZYE DISTRICT )
(From a photograph)

1870. ] Note on a Circle of Stones. 59

The squared stones are from twelve to fourteen inches square. The
stones are placed from three to four feet apart. There is no appearance of
any stones having been placed across the tops of the uprights. On
the north side, two short upright stones are placed against the taller
ones, as if to mark an entrance to the circle. In the centre of the
circle, there has once stood an upright pillar, now thrown down and
half hidden with earth. A hole some four feet deep shows that this
pillar has been undermined, probably in search of treasure.

There are traces of an outer circle of smaller stones having once
surrounded that now described, at a distance of fifty or sixty feet.
The people of the country call this stone circle in the Pushto language
Lukki Tiggi, signifying, I am informed by Colonel Keyes, C. B., Com-
manding the Guides, ‘‘ Upright stones.’

The only tradition or legend they have regarding the fabric, as far
as I could learn is, that the members of a marriage, while passing over
the plain, were changed into these stones, by some powerful magician,
or malignant demon. Within a mile or two there are indications, in
the shape of granite slabs, smaller than those in the large circle, lying
about in the fields, of other similar monuments having once existed.
It may be mentioned also, that many Muhammadan tombs in the
vicinity, have unusually high slabs of stone, placed at the head and
foot of the grave. Some of these slabs, though thin, are from eight
to ten feet high. Whether any of these have been appropriated from
ancient ircles is doubtful; but in an adjoining village I saw two
massive squared granite pillars about five feet high, put up as gate
posts to a house. ‘These apparently had once belonged to a smaller
stone circle, such as those already alluded to.

The country of Eusoofzye is full of Buddhist remains, such as ruined
stone monasteries, topes, idol temples, carved images, and so on.
These stone circles are believed to be in no way connected with them,
and they probably existed before the Buddhist era. The present po-
pulation is almost entirely Muhammadan. They take no interest in the
ruined buildings or monuments of the K4firs, and cannot help the

enquirer with trustworthy traditions.

eee

60 A Covenant of’ Ali, fourth Caliph of Baghdad. [No. 1,

A Covenant of’ Alt, fourth Caliph of Baghdad, granting certain Immu-
nities and Privileges to the Armenian nation—By JoHANNES
Avpatu, Hsq., M. A. S.

[Received 23rd September, 1869. |

An authentic historical document is extant, originally written in
Cufic characters, and purporting to be an Edict or Covenant of ’Alij,
the Lion of God, fourth Caliph of Baghdad, and son-in-law of the Pro-
phet, bestowing certain immunities and privileges on the Armenian
nation. The Hdict was given in the year of the Hijrah 40, or A. D. 660,
just a year before ’Ali’s death. It was first translated into Armenian
by Gregor Campan, on the 15th January 1767, in Astrachan, and
afterwards by M. Saragian, authenticated by Joakim Gregor Bagratuni
of Constantinople in the year 1804.

I was in possession of a copy of the original document, written in
Cufic characters, which I lent some years ago to the late Henry Torrens,
Esq., Vice-President of the Asiatic Society, for translation and
insertion in the Journal. It appears that this rare piece of antiquity
was lost or mislaid among his unpublished papers. The following is a
correct and faithful version from the Armenian translation of the Edict
or Covenant of the Caliph ’Ali.

IN THE NAME OF Gop, THE BENEFICENT AND THE MERCIFUL FROM
WHOM WE SOLICIT HELP.

“ Praise and thanksgiving to the Creator of the universe, and
blessings upon the great chief and benign Muhammad and his sacred
tribe.

«¢ After all this, it is the purport of the translation of the Covenant,
which was written by Hashim, the son of Athap,* the son of Valas,*
according to the command of the blessed chief of the Arabians, and
of the Lion of God, of the holy of the holies, of ’Ali, the grandson
of Abttdalib, the exalted, in Cufic character, in the celebrated domicile
of Kharanthala,* in the magnificent palace, in the month of Cafar,
in the fortieth year of Hijrah.t

‘¢ Whereas certain of the Armenian nation, men of distinction, famous
for their erudition and honoured for their dignity, namely, Jacob

* Soin the Armenian text. For Hashim the Armenian has Hdsham, ac-
cording to the Persian pronunciation of all Arabic Part. Present.
+ June, July, 660.

1870.] A Covenant of? Ali, fourth Caliph of Baghdad. 61

Sayyid ’Abdul-Shuytkh, and the son of Sahan, and Abraham the
Priest, Bishop Isaiah, and several others, forty in number, having
communicated with me, and being present in the enactment of this
Covenant, solicited me to do this, and have rendered every assisance
in their power to our agent whom we had sent to our forts and
frontiers, (which was the occasion of our conference and the enactment
of this Covenant)—Therefore I have made this Covenant with them
on my behalf, as well as on behalf of all tribes of Islam, from
east to west. To this end they are, in reality, fully under my
fostering care and protection, as long as I live, and after my death,
so long as the religion of Islam shall prevail, and the doctrine of
Christianity shall continue. It shall be the duty of all potentates and
of all princes, and of all men to carry out our Covenant by the help
of God, so long as the sea shall be capable of wetting wool, tufts
and briers, and rain shall descend from heaven, and grass shall grow
from the earth, and stars shall give light, and the moon shall rise
upon aliens and strangers. No man shall dare to violate or alter
this my Covenant, nor increase and decrease or change the same,
because he that increases it, increases his punishment, and decreases
our patience.

“‘ And those who violate this Covenant, shall be considered intriguing
infringers of that which I have bestowed on them (the Armenians),
and in league with those who do not profess loyalty to me. They
also become transgressors against the divine ordinance, and thus
incur the just indignation of the only God.

“Moreover, the testimony of the Sayyid (Arch) Bishop and of
the others, whose names have been written above, is a binding
and sufficient authority. Because the principal followers of Chris-
tianity requested me to establish a Covenant and a treaty among all
the Christians, placed under the shadow of the rule of the Musalmans,
now, by virtue of this Covenant, there shall be perpetual peace and
tranquillity between Christians and Musalmans. The contents of
this Covenant are indubitable and true, and I have given it to them
(the Armenians) of my own accord and with a cheerful countenance.
I shall abide by this Covenant and act accordingly, so long as the
Armenians shall be faithful to me and continue in their loyalty to my
government, and take no part. in opposing the religion of my people.

62 A Covenant of’ Ali, fourth Caliph of Baghdad. [No. 1,

If they remain steadfast in the observance of this Covenant, they
shall resemble the Musalmans and the Mumins.

‘‘ Moreover, I have convened together the grandees of the Musalmans
and the leading men of my elders and dignitaries, and in their pre-
sence have established my Covenant, which the Christian nation
requested of me and desired to possess. I have written down and
recorded for them conditions and stipulations, which are hereafter to
stand firm and remain in force. Should, in future, any monarch or
prince, or any person of rank and authority, oppress them and treat
them with cruelty, they should produce and present this record
of my Covenant, because it is incumbent on monarchs, and on
all Musalmans to act according to our behests; but the Armenians
also, by acts of fidelity and loyalty, should comply with our
mandates and obey our will, in conformity with the contents of the
treaty which I have made and established with them. There shall
be no disobedience or opposition to my commands and wishes.
Moreover, it is politic and expedient, not to molest and oppress
the Christians, so that by the adoption of a conciliatory course, they
might be induced to comply with the stipulations contained in this my
Covenant. ;

“ This my Covenant is a burden and an obligation to its recipients,
and wearisome and irksome to maliciously disposed and evil-minded
persons, and I desire that there should be no contention between the
Christians and my exalted nation. But if any one shall act against all
that I have written concerning the Christians, who have proved them-
selves worthy of my favor and benevolence, such a person acts against
the will of God, who inspired me with grace to do this act of goodness
to that nation and to save them from troubles and vexations; for
I have entered into a Covenant with them, because they requested
and solicited it from me and from all my friends. I have thus given
them a divine Covenant, a Covenant of patriarchs, of prophets and of
all holy men from the first to the last. And the word of God to the
holy prophets, which was brought down from heaven by the angel,
enjoins obedience to the laws and performance of duties, and also faith-
fulness to this my divine Covenant. Because the Christians under my
authority are my subjects, and I am ruler over them, it is my duty to
have a paternal eye over them, and to protect them from all evils and

1870. | A Covenant of ’ Alt, fourth Caliph of Baghdad. 63

troubles; and thus a good reward shall be given in heaven both to
me and to my nation which is scattered in different parts of the world.

*‘ And the scale of taxation fixed by me for these nobles should
be strictly adhered to. No demand should be made from them beyond
what has already been written down and sanctioned. They should
not be molested or oppressed. ‘Their country should not be taken
from them. They should not be alienated from their country. The
priests should not be deprived of their holy calling. The Christians
should not be converted from Christianity. 'The monks and hermits
should not be disturbed in their solitudes, nor removed from their
monasteries. Their preachers should not be prohibited to preach.
Their habitations and their hereditary lands should not be devastated.
Their property should not be meddled with when they build Churches.
Nobody should remove or to pull down the bells from the steeples of
their Churches. This is the law which I have made for them. But,
those who shall infringe my Covenant, by disobeying my behests,
shall be transgressors of the ordinance of God, and shall suffer severe
punishments and eternal penalties.

‘¢ Let no crowned head or man of authority of the Musalmans or
believers, compel the Christians to profess the religion of Musal-
mans. Nor let them hold any controversies with them on matters
of religion, but let them treat them with kindness and tenderness ;
and, under the shadow of their mercy and clemency, protect them
from all sorts of oppression and tribulations, wherever they may
be found or wherever they may reside. And if the Christian people
be in want of money or in need of pecuniary help for the building of
Churches and monasteries, for their national and social assemblies,
and for their civil and domestic purposes, the Musalmans ought to
assist them and supply them with the necessary means, by grant-
ing them a portion of their superabundant and disowned property.
And this should be done not by granting them a loan, but by way of
charity. They should also aid them by good advice and suggestions
in their transactions, because doing so is pleasing and acceptable in
the sight of God and his apostle. But, if any one should infringe
the contents of this my Covenant, he is an unbeliever and an apostate
from the divine prophet, and he will assuredly be deprived of his
merits, and the prophet shall look upon him with anger and

64 A Covenant of’ Ali, fourth Caliph of Baghdad. (No.1, 1870.

displeasure. If the stubborn and refractory shall prove themselves
unfaithful and disobedient to the Covenant which I have established,
they cannot remain faithful and obedient to the son of Abutélib, the
exalted. For, whatever he may command and ordain, it is the duty
of Musalmans to carry out his orders, by succouring and com-
miserating them (the Armenians) at all times, so long as this world
shall last. Glory to the Creator of the universe !”

The tragical events of the last twelve centuries, recorded on
the pages of the history of oriental nations, and in the ecclesiastical
chronicles of eastern Christendom, sufficiently testify how far the

7A

contents of this Covenant of the pious and humane ‘Ali, fourth

Caliph of Baghdad, have been kept inviolate by his successors and

‘This co-religionists.

Os

JOURNAL

O# THE

eelATIC SOCIETY ¥.

NS

Part I—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

Pee

No. I1.—1870.

Ca tO NaS

Memorandum on and tentative reading of the Sie Vihar Inscription from
near Bhawalpir.—By HK. C. Bayitny, Eso., C. 8. I., C. 8.
(With two plates.)

I enclose a tracing of an inscription and the accompanying note
from Major Stubbs, R. A.

The place ‘Sue Vihar’ in which this copper-plate inscription was
found, is situated about sixteen miles 8. W. of Bhawulpur, and the
plate formed the bottom of a small arched chamber in which the
vertical shaft which pierced the tower, terminated at the level of the
summit of the mound.

Major Stubbs says—

‘Thename of the place, where the tower stands, is Ste Vihar.
ts present height is about 45 feet; but report says that 6 or 8 feet
have recently fallen. Upon approaching it from the north, it is seen
that but half of it is standing, having been cut, asit were, right down
the diameter, passing from N. EK toS. W. Half the exterior height is
made up of a mound; and about 20 feet above the place where the
tower rises from the mound, there are the remains of a large square
chamber, about 8 feet square, its sides facing the cardinal points.
Above the floor of this, the walls rise at present about 11 feet size.
In the centre of the floor, there is a square hole of 16 inches, opening

9

66 Memorandum on and tentative reading of the [No. 2,

into a shaft of the same size down tothe top of themound. This
shaft is quite exposed from about 3 feet of the floor down to the
top of the mound, by the falling away of half the tower, whenever
that occurred. The tower is built of very large sun-dried bricks,
17x13 X35". But in this chamber was formerly a flooring
of burnt bricks of the same size as the sun-dried ones, laid in lime
cement with the copper-plate bedded in the middle, while round
the plate on the four sides, walls of the same kind of brick and
mortar were raised, about 2 feet high, forming a sort of chamber
with the copperplate at the bottom. In this, the coins, mixed with
some pieces of iron, a few beads, fragments of ornaments, all mixed
up with ashes and earth, were found. The men who were charged
with the clearing out of this, unfortunately pulled the whole of the
masonry down.’

‘The mound upon first sight appears to be merely a heap of earth
covered with the debris fallen from the tower; but upon closer
examination, it turns out to be a regularly built tower, formed wholly
of the sun-dried bricks above described.’

‘When we arrived on Monday about noon, such was the state we
found it in, the workmen already assembled had dug a few holes
here and there in the mounds, and had come upon some loose
bricks (pucca) at the 8. HE. After some consideration, we divided
the men into two companies, and thinking there might be a second
chamber at some distance under where the first was found, as in the
tope of Manikyala, we set one of the companies to sink a trench at the
middle of the mound, carrying it right at the centre of the tower as
shewn by the dotted line in the plan. (Vede Pl. III.) The others were
set to work to excavate the mound where the bricks had been dis-
covered. The result ofthe two days’ labour was the cutting of the
trench into the heart of the tower to a depth of 10 feet below the
original level, or 25 feet below the floor of the chamber, but as yet
some 10 or 12 feet to the ground level remained unexplored. No-
thing, down to this, had been found. The whole had been remarkably
well built of sun-dried bricks of unusual compactness. The other
work proved more interesting by uncovering a considerable portion
of a piece of well built foundations arranged as shewn in the plan,
consisting in some places of a double wall, 35 feet thick, with a

1870. | Ste Vihar Inscription from near Bhawalpur. 67

space of 1 foot between them. These were built of burnt bricks
of the same size as the others, but not cemented with mortar.
Excavation at this place was very difficult, owing to the quantity of
loose and broken ‘bricks which overlaid the foundation. ‘Three
fragments of curved bricks were found among these.’

‘J hear that there is another tower similar to this in another part
of this state about 100 miles still 8. W. of this, at a place called
Noshera.’

I read the first nine words as follows (vide Plate I1)—

Maharajasa rajatirajasa devaputrasa Kanishkasa samvatsaré
ekadase (here follows the cipher for eleven, as to which more here-
after) Daisikasa Masasa. That is ‘In the eleventh sambat of the
great king, the king of kings, the god-born Kanishka,—of the
month Diaisik.”

Then follows the number of the day of the month, written
in cipher. The tracing here is not clear, and I have failed to read it.

So much for the first ine. The important points are, first, the use
of the samvat of Kanishka. I have long thought that the frequent
occurrence of this king’s name evidently in connection with a date,
betokened the existence of a Kanishka era. It seems clear now
that it does. The question is, what wasit? Was it the year of his
reign only, or was it a new era? Was it the Saka era which dated
from the death of a Saka king? Perhaps the coins found with the
plate, might help; they show at least what coins were current in
the eleventh year of the era.

Next comes the symbol, evidently standing for fen. This is
the symbol which has been hitherto conjectured to stand for a con-
traction of ‘‘Samvatsure.”’ This discovery will render needful cor-
rection of some dates as hitherto read, in this class of inscriptions.

Lastly, the name of the month, evidently the Macedonian
“Deesius,” or an attempt at it, confirms Cunningham’s conjectural
reading of the month on the Taxila plate, and shows that in some
parts of India, the Macedonian months were in use. I now read
the name of the month in the Wardak inscription as ‘ Athwami-
siyasa for ‘‘ of Artemisius.”

This is one argument, I think, fairly deducible from the first line.

The second line I attempt to read as—Atreswarasa Bhichusa

68 Memorandum on and tentatiwe reading of the [No. 2,

Naganatasa Dhakha kélisa atreyura matravisishtasa dtreyubhrate
prasishtasa yatri éva puyae iha Damane (third line) vihar,—and
tentatively I would read this as follows :—

“This vihér, in Damana, for the religious advantage (puyae)
equivalent to a pilgrimage (yatri éva..yatra-iva?) of Dhakakélis
(Dhakukelis ?) the .... excellent mother and .... very excellent
brothers of the Bhikshu Atreshwara of Naganata.”

The verb must come in the third line, which I have not as yet
had time to work out ; but I do not like to keep the papers longer.
I will copy out the tracing, however, andif I can make any further
probable guesses, will send them afterwards. The only impor-
tance which attaches to the second line is that which is derived
Gf my reading is correct) from the mention of pilgrimages, as show-
ing that they were in use among the Buddhists of the early date
to which this inscription apparently belongs (not later than the
jist century, A. D.), and that they were considered as conferring
religious merit.

If the Society publish the inscription, they should, I think, get a
loan at least of the plate. Itis much more satisfactory to read from
the original than from the best tracing or copy.

May Ist, 1869.

Major Stubbs having kindly sent me the original copper-plate
found at Ste Vihar near Bhawalpir, I am now in a position to
add somewhat to the tentative readings before submitted to the
Society, though I regret to say that I am still unable to complete
the whole inscription. This mainly arises from doubts as to the
value of certain characters which appear to occur here for the first
time. If my readings, however, are right as far as they go, they
seem to indicate that the pillar was set up as a quasi expiatory
offering by some one who had at some period of his career lapsed
into heresy, or into the commission of some grave crime. The
only other point of importance brought out is the date of the day
of the month, which is clearly the nineteenth ; but as will be seen,
there is some difficulty as to the cypher for this, which hardly accords
with that given for the date of the year eleven. The first figure

Bi is either a contraction for he Ye ? (11), or else there is

some omission in the engraving.

/
TALPUR.

) Piet,
JOURNAL ASIAT. SOC. BENGAL, VOL. XXXIX. Pt. I, 1870, p. 65.

:

TOA

Jen

oh tif

LL 9 g8

lr

bs

TYE Ck Ws n2

Ji

EDLC Lh

2 pl

J / / / : me 4
INSCRIPTION found at SUE VIHAR, near BHAWALPUR. Photosinsngraphed atthe Surmeyor Gerarale OFze alow

Journal Asiat:Soc: Bengal, Vol: XXXIX -Pt:1, 1870. PU: Ul

The Tower at Suie Vihar near Bhowdlpur

1870. | Ste Vihar Inseription from near Bhawalptyr. 69

The transliteration which I would now propose is as follows :

Ist line.
Maharajasa rajatirajasa devaputrasa Kanishkasa samvatsare

ekadase, 11. Déaisikasa masasa divase anullvimsate x % ? 19?
2nd line.

P P P

Atreshwarasa bhichhusasa Naganatasa Dhakhabhalisa. Achha-

yuda matata vasishtusu achhayu bhrataprasishtasa yati evu puyde
2
iha damane
ord line.
Pp oP P ? Ph) see
Vihara samine upésika ananinda. Swasi— — — lajaya matata

PRP BP Ff 2
chha imraya vipatita anupatrimra anupatitata, dadati sarva budha

Ath line.
Strasa sukhaya bhavatu.

Translation of the 1s¢ line.

The translation of the 1st line cannot be mistaken, I think. It
is merely “‘On the 19th day of the month Diisik (Aaovwos) in the
“11th year of the divinely descended great king, king of kings
** Kanishka.”

2nd.

*¢ For the religious benefit (equivalent to a pilgrimage) of Dhakha-
bhalisa the good the excellent mother and of the good and pre-
excellent brother of Atreshwara of Naganata the religious mendicant,
(this) for the holy lord (‘‘samine”’ for swamine) the vihar, this
worshipper gives (dadati), turned back (vipatita) from his maternal
(virtue ?)—fallen away (anupatitata) from his ancestral....? May
it be for a cause of happiness to all Buddhism (?).”’

In the second line, I have some doubts as to the reading of the
8rd, 4th, 5th, 7th, 9th and 10th words, and my version of the 5th
and 7th is purely conjectural. It may be a corruption of the word

“‘ écharyya,” or more probably perhaps from the same source as the
Hindi term for ‘ good.”
ord and 4th lines.

The third line is extremely dubious both as to reading and

?
version, but the last compound letter of anandénda is new, though
**d” evidently enters into the compound, and the other letters may

70 Notes on Old Delhi. [ No. 2,

well be ‘‘n.” The letter next after ananénda, I can only guess
at. One seems an ‘n” or ‘¢m.” The word “irma” or ‘imra”
(most probably the latter), may have some connection with ‘‘ amrit’’
which becomes in some Hindi dialects ‘‘ imrit.”’

The end of the third and the fourth line contains a common
Buddhist formula employed at the end of dedicating inscriptions ;
the word which I have rendered ‘‘ Budhastrasa’”’ is alone doubtful.

I am sorry to have the version so incomplete, but send it so rather
than detain the plate longer, as I have no prospect of being able to
give that attention to it which a more complete version would
necessitate.

ist April, 1870.

PILI

Notes on Old Delhi.—By J. D. Trumuzrt, Esa., M. A., C. 8.
[Received 12th March, 1870. ]

In the present paper I purpose restricting my remarks to such
ancient Hindi and Pat’hén buildings as have a historical or archi-
tectural interest, and are situated in or around the site of old Delhi.
As, moreover, I intend these notes to be merely supplementary to
the learned Paper of General Cunningham on the same subject,
published in Vol. XX XTIT. of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal, I pass over in general all matters therein discussed.

The Tank of Stray Kundh.

For the reasons given in the previous paragraph, I omit alluding
to the two Pillars of Asoka, the iron pillar at Mihrauli, and-the
Hindu period of Indrapat (Purana Qil’ah). As, however, Cunning-
ham’s description of the tank of Siraj Kundh is confined to a few
lines (p. xix) and that of Sayyid Ahmad in his Asdr-uccanadid
contains one or tivo a it may be well to dwell on this in
some detail. ;

Sayyid Ahmad attr russ he Peenede of this tank to Suraj Pal,
the fifth son of that Rajah Anekpal, who was the first king of the
Tunwar dynasty, about 676 A. D.. General Cunningham, however,
holds that the popular date should be referred to the Balabhi era,
which would give A. D. 1061, during the reign of the second

1870. | Notes on Old Delhi. 71

Anekpal or Anangpal who restored the city of Delhi, making it
again the capital of his kingdom.

The tank which is situated on high ground in the Delhi Hills a
mile or so south of ’ Adilabad, is not round as stated by Sayyid Ahmad,
but is rather in the shape of an arc of a circle, since the west side is
a straight line for very nearly its whole length, until at its north end
it turns with a re-entering angle, and is continued a short distance
towards a gorge which here meets the tank, and pours into it the
drainage of the hilly ground. Except at this corner, where the
stone-work probably was entirely discontinued to receive the hill
streams, the tank is surrounded by a series of steps formed by large
blocks of smoothed stone. These steps for a height of nine or ten
feet are about the ordinary width of tank steps, but higher up, the
space between successive steps becomes much wider, and the floor
between is covered with cement, so as to form a succession of spa-
cious terraces, running one above the other round the water ; the
upper terrace which was on a level with the adjacent country, being
surrounded with a massive stone wall. In the centre of the western
wall, is a broad staircase with side walls of simply sculptured stone
leading to the Fort, or fortified Haweli rather, of the constructor of
the tank. The ruins of this building are still distinctly visible,
occupying the hill top, which is here of no great size. ‘The outer
wall which crowns the crest of the ravine at the North-West
corner of the tank before referred to, is very thick, and seems very
singularly to be constructed as two walls standing side by side and
forming one a lining to the other. In one spot on this face, I obser-
ved the ground had been taken advantage of to build a circular
projecting tower. Immediately opposite the staircase leading to
this fort, a precisely similar one was carried up to the top of the
tank enclosure, where stands what is now a confused ruin of no
great size, but probably once was a temple. Towards the northern
portion of this curved side, is a sloping way for the use of cattle.

Although this fine work now stands in a desolate and apparently
hopelessly sterile portion of the hilly range, there are numerous
wells and relics of ancient buildings scattered around, showing it
was once a populous lozality. Do not the broken or dried up wells
and ruins found so frequently in the Delhi hills, where the

72 Notes on Old Delhi. [No. 2,

country is now seemingly sterile as well as deserted, point toa pro-
cess of desiccation going on there, or in the country at large, and
felt the sooner in these Highlands ?

The Great Mosque of the Qutb.
The Colonnade.

The features of the colonnades in the mosque of Qutbud-din, as
detailed by General Cunningham are, I conceive, such as to settle
finally the question that the pillars are not in their original posi-
tions, but have been removed by the Muhammadans, as recorded
over the eastern gateway, from the Hindi temples of the town.
The fact that these beautiful Hindt columns were covered with
plaster by the idol-hating conqueror does not rest on an inference
from the presence of one or two groups of sculptured figures, as
Cunningham appears to put it at p. xlix of his Paper, but in
sheltered spots the plaster can even now be picked from the more
deeply carved stones: besides the columns, and especially the capi-
tals, are constantly adorned with human or divine figures which
although usually mutilated in the face must still have stunk in the
nostrils of Qutbud-din and his savage hordes.

In reference to Cunningham’s remark at p. x, that “a single
pular amongst the many hundreds that now form the colonnades of
the Qutb Manar, may perhaps belong to the old city, that is the town
anterior to the Tunwar dynasty, as it bears a figure either of Buddha
the Ascetic seated in contemplation, or of one of the Jain hierarchs,”
I would remark that in the south colonnade, and in the roofs of the
8. E. and N. E. galleries, are several figures of seated Buddhas, or
figures which answer exactly to the seated Buddhas of Benares and
Ceylon, (I add this as I have unfortunately no knowledge of Jain
sculptures). I should therefore be inclined to believe that, besides
the column alluded to in the foregoing extract, no less than six of
the lozenge-shaped roof compartments belong to the Buddhist
period of Delhi. The pillars from the temples to which these roof
compartments belonged, probably stood in that portion of the south
cloister which has now been destroyed.

The sculptures on these Hindt columns give us some light,
although but little, on the garb and appearance of the people of

1870. ] Notes on Old Detha. 73

Delhi at the time of the Muhammadan conquest. The capitals of
the columns are frequently formed by female figures which spring at
the waist from the pillar, and with their heads support the roof:
these figures appear to wear the same covering for the breasts
which is still in use (angiya), and a waist cloth, the stomach being
bare ; they wear as ornaments bracelets, armlets, chains round the
neck, often with lockets attached, and a singular looking chain
passing from the necklace over the left breast and reaching to the
waist covering ; also waist chains, and in one group, of dancing girls
apparently, pendant chains depend from this waist chain over the
thighs. These female figures have usually a kind of coronet on
their heads, but Iam inclined to think this was added to give a
larger space of support to the beam above. The workmanship of
the ornaments is very varied, and many of the patterns are highly
artistic. The men appear to wear dhotis, with the end hanging
down in front. Elephants covered with a pad and horses are seen
ridden ; the head-gear of the latter is much like that now in use,
but the riders seem to have no stirrups; there are chains round the
animals’ necks like the chains of white shells still in fashion. ‘The
riders on the elephants are strangely enough depicted as riding
across the creature’s back, as if it had been a horse. Over the
north gate is a car with a heavy, clumsy wheel. I have observed
no instance of a camel being introduced. Among the articles of
furniture, may be seen round earthen pots and beds like those now
in use, and round ottomans apparently of open cane-work. If I be
right in identifying certain pyramidal carvings as temples, they also
were in shape much like those erected now-a-days; that they were
low buildings, the height of the columns now standing in the cloisters
clearly shows. So far therefore as these glimpses of a past age
serve us, the subjects of Prit’hvi Rajah differed little in appear-
ance from their descendants of to-day.

Before quitting this subject I would mention that besides the
two slabs described by General Cunningham at page xlix, there
are numerous similar narrow slabs containing groups or processions
built into the wall or roof, but usually so mutilated or filled with
plaster, that itis difficult to discover their meaning ; perhaps though
the greatest difficulty is caused by our ignorance of the occurrences
or history of which these are the dumb records.

10

74 Notes on Old Delhi. [No. 2,

On the construction of the Mosques.

At p. xlvili General Cunningham speaks of Qutbud-din’s
mosque as a wall pierced by a line of seven arches. This must
surely be a Japsus calami for fwe, which is the true number, the
colonnade being carried into the mosque by a continuation of the
straight roof of the arcade.

A great difficulty I conceive with regard to these buildings is the
manner in which the body of the mosques was roofed over.
Enough, however, remains to show clearly that the line of the roof
cut the arches, and that even columns stood in, and on the line of
the open arches. Barbarous as it may appear that these noble
arches should have their beauty marred, by being cut at about half
their height, by the line of the roof of the room behind, there can
be no doubt from an inspection of the ground, that such was the
case; and it should be remembered, that there is no connection
between the arts of sculpture and architecture, and that it is in no
sense improbable that the men, who could carve the pillars of the
so-called ‘ But-khanah,’ and cover the mosque wall with its elaborate
and delicate tracery, would be still quite incompetent to attempt
the feat of raising the body of the mosque to the height required
to correspond to the lofty wall which the conqueror directed to be
built: in fact, the whole mosque is clearly the work of men who
did not know how to extend the appliances and skill which sufficed
for Hindt temples, low in height and limited in area, to the more’
difficult task now imposed on them; while many proofs can be
drawn from the early Pat’han buildings to show that at the time of
the conquest they had to depend on their Hindu subjects, and that
the glories of Pat’han architecture were the results of the subsequent
progress of a race now enjoying the wealth of India, and the
leisure which such fortune brings. One other question anent the
roof remains; v2z., whether the mosque itself was a two-storied
building or not. On mature consideration, I am inclined to
believe not, as in one place, a dome still remains above the first
floor, which is coated on the outside in the same manner as the
other domes are, which were exposed to the weather ; whereas, if a
second floor had been superimposed, this would probably have

1870. | Notes on Old Delhi. 75

been left without a special coating in the midst of the material
intervening between the roof below and the floor ‘above; and se-
condly, I am not aware of any case of a story being built above the
story on the Court level. The only thing to support the theory of
a double story is the bad effect of arches opening below into a
room and above to the sky ; and a block of stone projecting on the
back of the front wall of the north mosque at a height above the
level of the roof, and looking as if it belonged to the support of a
roof or other erection at that higher level. As to the first of these
reasons, the remaining features of the building, as already discussed,
show how unsafe it would be to apply our notions to the way in
which these arches were treated ; and as to the second point, although
I have no theory even to offer as to the purpose to which the pro-
jecting stone was applied, it seems less difficult to admit this than.
to hang on it alone the anomaly of an upper story.

Extent of the Mosques of Shams-ud-din Altamsh.

From the language used by General Cunningham at p. 2, it is
clear that he considers the whole of the longer and outer southern
cloister as belonging to these mosques. With all deference to his au-
thority as an archeologist, I more than doubt whether the cloisters
of Altamsh extended further than the Qutb Manar itself, and the
portion to the east, I believe, belongs to a later period, probably
that of ’Ala-ud-din Khilji. I found this on four reasons ; first, the
pillars to the west of the Manér are all of one pattern, and this the
same asin the fragmentary colonnade before the east door of the
lesser mosque, which I consider belongs to this erection, while the
columns to the east of the Mandar, which are also all alike, are of a
different pattern; seconddy, the line of the columns to the east and
west of the Manér is slightly different; thirdly, the stones facing
the wall at the-east end are larger and better cut than those in the
west part; and /astly and principally, the windows in the wall
near the mosque are oblong, and generally resemble those in Qutb-
ud-din’s building, whereas to the east from the Manér downwards
they are arched and filled in with trellis work in red sandstone,
and closely resemble the windows in ’Alaud-din’s porch. I infer
therefore that Shamsud-din’s north and south walls reached only

16 Notes on Old Dethi. [ No. Z,

to the line of the Manar, and were connected by a triple colonnade
without a wall, which was probably omitted owing to the close
proximity here of the east wall of the inner mosque. Considering,
however, the admirable taste with which the ground was cleared
by Major Smith of rubbish (!!), to make way for paths and flower-
beds, it is possible that a wall may have stood at this end, of which
all traces are now gone. I conceive that ’Aléud-din added, not
only his gateway, but also enlarged the cloisters by the columns to
the east of the Manar, possibly altering or pulling down a little of
the S. EH. corner of Altamsh’s arcade, in order to join on his new
additions.
Sultan Ghiri.

About three miles to the N. W. of the Qutb are some remains of
considerable historical interest, known in the neighbourhood as
Sultan Ghari. The principal building is said by Sayyid Ahmad to
be the tomb of a prince Sultan Nacir-ud-din Mahmud, the eldest
son of Altamsh, who died in his father’s lifetime, and by whom
this tomb was erected in his honor in 1229, A. D. The tomb is
approached by a lofty flight of steps which leads to a door sur-
rounded by an inscription in white marble in the old Kufice charac-
ter. This gate enters on a small court; in the centre of which
stands a large octagonal vault rising about four feet above the yard,
the outer sides being coated with slabs of marble; in one side is a
small door which opens on a flight of 15 steps leading to the bot-
tom of the vault. This crypt which is only lighted from the door
is faced with the stone of the neighbourhood, and supported by
massive columns ofthe same. In it are the tombs of three adults
and one child, all massively built, and covered with chunam, in the
style of those in the mausoleum at Tughlugabad. At the west end
of the court, isa marble qgiblahgdh, handsomely carved: along both
the east and west wall, is a single covered colonnade of fluted pillars,
and in front of the entrance, and opposite it, in front of the qiblah-
gah, the roof of the colonnade is raised into a low dome lined with
projecting rows of carved stone in the Hindi fashion, as seen in
the domes of Qutbud-din’s mosque. The pillars which support
the giblahgah dome are, like the qiblahgah itself, of white marble

1870. | Notes on Old Delhi. rer

and project slightly beyond the line of the rest of the colonnade.
At the four corners of the tomb yard, are small circular towers sur-
mounted by low domes, built in the Hindu fashion, by layers of
stone projecting one above the other. If the learned Sayyid have
rightly interpreted the inscriptions on this tomb, this will be, I
believe, the earliest in India of any interest in the eye of the histo-
rian. The popular name is probably a corruption either of the
word Ghor?, a not inapplicable race-name to give to a son of
Altamsh, or is derived from the vault (jl¢, ghar) in which the
tombs are built.

At the south side of this tomb, and on the natural surface of the
ground, stand two monuments, each consisting of eight columns and
surmounted by domes. These tombs stand each in a small enclo-
sure, consisting of a low rough stone wall, entered on the east sides
by narrow gateways. These tombs, Sayyid Ahmad considers to be
those of Ruknud-din, the son and successor of Altamsh, and of
Mwizzud-din Bahram, another son of the same emperor. I presume,
he identifies these tombs from the account given of their repair by
Firtz Shah ; for there is not a vestige of inscription on or about the
tombs themselves, so far as I could discover. The pillars in the
more eastern tomb closely resemble those in Nacirud-din’s. The
domes, as they exist at present, I have no doubt are the work of
Firtiz Shah, who is said to have repaired both buildings, as their
shape and size points to a much later era than the Hindi-lke
domes of their brother’s tomb hard by; and the rubble masonry of
which they are constructed, while quite in the style of Firtiz Shah’s
time, contrasts unnaturally with the massive stone slabs by which
the columns are surmounted. I greatly doubt if in the early portion
of the 13th century, the Pat’hans had acquired the art of surmoun-
ting a spacious building by a dome, and am inclined to believe that
they finished them off by a few projecting layers of stone, leaving
the centre open to the sky, much in fact as in the case of the tomb
of Shamsud-din Altamsh, which there appears to be little reason
for considering to have ever been domed over, Firiz Tughluq’s
annalist notwithstanding. Ata short distance from Nacirud-din’s
tomb is an interesting specimen of the mosque of those times, when
Hindi temples were not at hand to be plundered. The mosque

78 Notes on Old Delhi. [| No. 2,

roof, which is flat, rests on parallel rows of columns, from each one
of which, excepting of course the outside rows, spring four narrow
arches, two resting on the two adjacent pillars in the row parallel
to the west wall, and two on the two adjacent pillars in the row at
right angles to that wall, the spandrels of the arches forming a
part of the solid roof, which is built of rubble masonry.

Tomb of Ghiasud-din Balban.

Just beyond a mosque known at the Qutb as that of Jaméali
Kamali, stand the remains of the tomb of this famous slave ling.
It is situated in a small yard, surrounded by a low wall, pierced
by a row of arched openings. Under the north door, which is
approached by two flights of steps parallel to the wall, is an aper-
ture, out of which water seems to have flowed through a pipe, as a
slab of stone worked into the ordinary honey-combed pattern, is
placed under the pipe. The tomb itself is a square building of
masonry, covered with plaster and painted. The four corners have
been cut off on the exterior by a six-sided recess becoming circular
at the top. Inside over the east and west doors are inscriptions in
Arabic. There is no trace now of the actual grave, and the inside
is encumbered with massive fragments of the dome which has
fallen in within recent memory. The qiblahgah is constructed
in the wall of the court, which, opposite to the west door of the
tomb, is raised to about double the height of the rest of the wall.
The gateways in the court wall are narrow and flat at the top, but
arched over with masonry. Ibn Batité, who visited Delhi about
fifty years after Balban’s decease, says (p. 113, Lee’s Translation),
“‘ One of his (Balban’s) pious acts was his building a house, which
was called the House of Safety; for, whenever any debtor entered
this, his debt was adjudged; and in like manner every oppressed
person found justice; every manslayer deliverance from his adver-
sary; and every person in fear, protection. When he died, he was
buried in this house, and there I myself visited his grave.” If the
Dar ul-aman were no larger than the tomb or even its court, the
skirts of Balban’s protection were but scanty ; I should be inclined,
however, to think that the tomb was erected in the grounds of the
house, both because the present area seems too limited for an

1870. | Notes on Old Dethi. 79

Alsatia, and also because it was not the custom for these Pat’hans
to be buried within actual dwelling-houses, and I take it, the Dar-
ul-aman was probahly such, or a row of such dwellings, possibly in
the form of a Sarai. Sayyid Ahmad who was perhaps unacquainted
with this almost contemporary statement of the Arab traveller,
places the tomb at Mihrauli (the Qutb) and the House of Safety
some miles off, close to the shrine of Niz4mud-din, where is a
village called Ghidsptir. As is his wont, the Sayyid does not give
his reason for the identification, but if it rest at all on the name
of the village, that seems too common a one to be worth much.

A’ dilabad.

This fortress, attributed to Muhammad Tughlugq, lies on the
southern side of the tank, in which the tomb, erected by this king to
his father, was situated. Although on amuch smaller scale, this
place, like Tughluqabad itself, consists of a strong fort on the
highest ground and an outer line of fortifications probably enclosing
a small town or bazar. These outer fortifications diverge from
the Fort wall close to the main gateway, and after enclosing a
considerable space of ground to the south, approach close to the
Fort at its east end, and then by a double line of walls cross the
head of the tank on an embankment and join the walls of Tugh-
luqabad, Inside the citadel of this place are still to be seen the
foundations of the palace.

At a short distance to the west of ’Adilabaéd stands another Fort
with its dependent fortified suburb. This place which is very much
smaller than even ’Adilabad, goes in the neighbourhood by the
unintelligible name of the Sweeper’s Fort, or the Washerman’s
Fort. Inside the Fort, and scattered over the hill on which it
stands, I found numerous fragments of red sandstone, showing that
an ornamental building of some nature had once stood within the
fortress, but all other traces of it have now disappeared. Both this
place and ’Adilabad are built in the style of Tughluqabad of enor-
mous blocks of stone. It seems difficult to believe that Firtz
Tughluq succeeded the builders of these works, which embody the
highest ideas of simplicity joined to strength.

80 Notes on Old Delhi. [ No. 2,

The Palace of Firtzabdad.

The ruins known as ‘ Firtiz Shah ké kotilah’ close to the Delhi
gate of the modern city, undoubtedly constitute only the palace of
Firtizébad, which itself reached far into the modern town of
Shéhjahan, and on the other hand it, or its suburbs, are said to have
stretched to the present village of Hauz Khiac¢, and to Indrapat.
T have carefully searched, and I believe not a single inscription
can be found throughout the whole palace, probably because time
has kindly removed or blackened the plaster in which this king so
delighted. Immediately to the south of the pyramid, on which
Asoka’s pillar has been set up, is the mosque, which Sayyid Ahmad
identifies as the Jami’ Masjid of Timur Lang’s days, and its size,
situation, as well as the absence of any other ruins on the old river
bank, which could be the mosque in question, render this highly
probable, notwithstanding its position inside the palace. If, how-
ever, it be the mosque, then that gracious monarch seems to have
been guilty of exaggeration in describing it as a “noble mosque of
polished marble” (Elphinstone’s Hist. of India, p. 358), as it is only
built of masonry, covered with plaster, and can never have been
anything else, since in one.or two places, ornamental medallions of
raised plaster work still remain on the walls, and bear due testi-
mony that the building was not raised in a reign of marble and

sand-stone.
Mosques of Jahin Khan.

General Cunningham speaks of the Adlé Masjid, now within the
enclosure of modern Delhi, as a characteristic and favourable speci-
men of the architecture of those days, It is a trite saying De
gustibus non est disputandum, but it seems difficult to see what
there is to admire in low colonnades, surmounted by rows of hemi-
spherical domes of small diameter, each one touching its fellow,
with one of larger size here and there over a gateway. It may be
doubted too, if the sloping walls which crown so proudly the crests
of the Tughluqaébad hills, are much adapted for crowded streets,
especially when for huge blocks of squared stone are substituted
paint and plaster. However, for admirers of the later Tughluq
style, I may observe that the mosque at the village of Khirkhi by

1870. | Notes on Old Delha. 81

Muhammad Tughluq’s hand, and that of Begumpur near the
road from Delhi to the Qutb, are both much finer specimens of
Jahan Khan’s erections than the Black Mosque. Whatever may
be the architectural beauties, however, of these mosques, they have
a certain historical interest, as they were the fruits of Jahan Khan’s
desire to ingratiate himself with the people, when he was taking
advantage of his master Firiz Shéh’s age and consequent imbecility
and his own position as vazir, to intrigue for the succession to the
already almost vacant throne. _

Tomb of Firtz Shah Tughlug.

This monument stands in the village of Hauz Khac. It isa
square lofty building of masonry. The principal entrance is on the
south, where a stone wall of grey sandstone about-two feet high
with a broad coping stone forms a diminutive court by which to
approach the door, which is raised by three steps, and is wide and
oblong, but set in an arch, the upper portion being filled in with
stone lattice work; the lintels and side-posts of the door are of grey
stone, and at the top, the side-posts are made to project and carved
slightly. The east doorresembles the one just described; at the
west and north are recesses in the wall, resembling those in which
the opposite doors are set. At the side of the north recess isa
narrow pointed arch now blocked up, but leading apparently to the
Madrasah. At a considerable height above the floor, the shape of
the walls is changed from a square to an octagon and then to a six-
teen sided figure and so on, by filling up the corners with masonry
worked into a beautiful honey-comb kind of pattern, and richly
painted. The dome, a hemispherical one, is of considerable dia-
meter, with a large circle painted in an elegant pattern at the top,
from which belts cutting each other are drawn down to the bottom
of the dome. In the intersections of the belt are three rows of
medallions of different sizes and figures: the belts and medallions
being all painted on the white ground of the dome. Outside the
south door is an Arabic inscription. Round the top of the square
building, and around the low cylinder, from which the dome springs,
is a narrow band of red stone, carved in a graceful pattern. Inside
are three marble, and one masonry tomb, all much injured. Sayyid

11

82 Notes on Old Delhi. [No. 2,

Ahmad states that Nacirud-din Tughlug and ’Aléud-din Sikandar
Shah (the Humayin Tughluq apparently of Elphinstone) also lie
buried here. Adjoining the tomb to the north is a range of low
masonry buildings, probably the Madrasah which Firiz Shah erect-
ed here; although at present unoccupied, this building is blocked up
by the walls by which the villagers have adapted it to the wants
of their modern civilization. Around the royal tomb are numerous
open monuments of the common form of cupolas resting on pillars.

Tomb of Mubarik Shah.

Near the tomb of Cafdar Jang, stands the little village of Muba-
rikptir. This is built in the midst of a large yard surrounded by
a stone battlemented wall. The gates leading into this Court have
the side posfs and lintels of grey stone, and are oblong in shape
except at the top where the side posts project in the usual fashion.
About the actual doorway, is a narrow line of plain blue encaustic
tiles, and below two full blown lotus flowers in white marble. A
short approach from this gate leads to the tomb itself, a massive
octagonal building constructed of the grey stone of the country.
It stands on a plinth, approached by an ascent of two steps with a
sloping way of stone between. The tomb is surrounded by a
covered colonnade ; the pillars, twenty-four in number, stand on the
edge of the plinth. ‘These pillars are of a highly peculiar form,
being oblong, and so cut as to present the appearance of two oblong
shaped pillars joined by a narrower belt; at each corner of the
octagon, the outer pillar is strengthened by a buttress of solid stone,
which greatly contributes to the general appearance of strength
and solidity which characterize the building. The dome springs
from a low cylinder, ornamented with colour and with sixteen finials.
The dome itself is crowned with an open octagonal lantern of red
stone; around the dome are eight octagonal cupolas resting on
low pillars. There is only one door into the tomb, that to the
south, which is of similar construction to the one in the outer
court. In the space between the lintel of the doorway and the
apex of the arch in which it is set, is a fan-light of lattice work in
stone. The other six apertures, except the west one, answer to this
south doorway, except that the doorway in their case is filled up

1870.] Notes on Old Delhi. 83

with stone lattice work, divided by two horizontal bars of solid
stone. The west side is filled up with a handsomely carved qiblah-
gah, also in stone. ‘This niche wall is also carved on the reverse.
Above the range of the doors are four arched windows in stone
openwork and over them springs the dome. This is of ample
diameter and is painted with belts of colour running diagonally
from the bottom up to a circle of colour which fills the centre. Im-
mediately under the centre of the dome is a tomb of a man, and to
the right two women’s graves, while in arow nearer the south
door, are the tombs of two females, and two male children. All
these graves are of stone; but owing to the tomb having been
formerly utilized as a dwelling-house, I was unable to discover the
stone of which the tombs and the qiblahgah were constructed, but
I rather think it was marble. At a short distance to the south-
west inside the court-yard stands a three-domed mosque evidently
of the same period. The wall of this building is pierced with five
arches resting on low square pillars of grey stone plainly cut.
_There is a second row of columns running down the centre of the
mosque.
This tomb is considered to be that of Mubarik Shah, the second

of the Sayyid dynasty ; Sayyid Ahmad, however, doubts whether this
‘be the tomb of the king, as the town which he was building when
murdered, and where he was buried, was on the banks of the Jam-
nah, which Mubarikpur never can have been. Unless indeed, the
historical evidence be express that the monarch was buried actually
within, and not in the vicinity of his unfinished town, I think the
tomb itself affords strong evidence that the tradition is right, and
that the name of the site relates to the hapless Sayyid. The shape
of the dome, the limited use of encaustic tiles as a decoration, the
fashion of the door ornaments, all point to the early part of the
fifteenth century as the date of the building, while the. costly
nature of the tomb, the ample court in which it stands with its -
accompanying mosque, seem to place it beyond the means of a
mere nobleman, especially at a time when Delhi was at its lowest
point of depression. Unless therefore there be strong contemporary
evidence against it, I am inclined to think that the principal tomb
is that of the second Sayyid king.

84 Notes on Old Dethi. [No. 2,

At a short distance from Qafdar Jang’s tomb, close to the road
leading to Niz4mud-din, is the tomb of Muhammad Shah, the next
Sayyid. It resembles, however, Mubarik Shéh’s so closely, as to call
for no special description, The surrounding court here has perished.

Tomb of Buhlil Lodhi.

This tomb stands close to the shrine of Nacirud-din Raushan
Chiragh i Dihli, and is now unfortunately occupied by the lomberdar
of the village. The interior is therefore dark and dirty, but the
gravestone of carved stone is still visible ; it is now a dark brown
colour, the result I presume of discoloration. Above, the tomb is
surmounted by five domes, the centre one being somewhat higher
than the rest and ornamented with vertical flutings.

Tomb of Sikandar Lodhi,

About a quarter of a mile from Cafdar Jang’s tomb, close to an
ancient bridge which probably stood on the road leading from
Firtizabad to one or other of the towns stretching from Siri to Lal-
kot, stands the mausoleum of this greatest of the Lodhis, who, though
he died at Agrah, is said to have been buried here by his son and
successor. The tomb closely resembles in style that of Mubarik
Shah, but the increased perpendicularity of the dome indicates a
somewhat later period. There is a large court surrounded by a
battlemented wall, with a gate in the south wall. This gate is
protected by a square outwork in front, the means of egress being
by turning to the right and passing through an aperture in the
west side of this advanced work, the south side being a continuous
wall, At each end of this last named wall, are two cupolas adorned
with encaustic tiles.

Dihli Sher Shéh.

In regard to the southern limits of this city I entertain great
doubt if, as General Cunningham considers, it ever reached so far
as to include within its walls the Mausoleum of Humaytn. My
reason for holding this view is, that just opposite the west gate of
Purana QiVah stands a gate, now known as the Lal Darwazah, in
the same style, though larger and finer than the Lal Darwazah
opposite the jail, which latter is generally admitted to be a north

1870. ] Notes on Old Delha. 85

gate of this city. On both sides of this southern gate, are protect-
ing towers and a little of the wall, both the gate and the walls
being to all appearance those of an important city from the size
_ and appearance, and yet their direction is such as to make it in-
conceivable, especially as Purana Qil’ah was then standing, that
they could have been part of an enceinte including Huméayin’s
tomb ; this argument rests on the narrowness of the space between
the gate and the old course of the river compared with the distance
southerly to Humaytn’s tomb, and also on the fact that the wall
to the east of the gate turns northward and not southward. If too
I be right in identifying the masses of masonry between the north
gate of Purana Qil’ah and the road as being a part of the wall of
Dihli Sher Shah, the argument is considerably strengthened, as
then the wall would be found running more than half amile north
of the mausoleum. I think too the authorities quoted by General
Cunningham at p. Ixxix of his paper may be interpreted consistently
with the view I am taking. Finch’s statement of ‘two kos’ was
undoubtedly his own approximation, or else the popular distance,
and I think if allowance be made for the windings of the streets,
for there seems no reason, from the nature of the ground, for
believing that the two gates which chance to remain were connected
by a straight road, the distance between them might be set down
roughly at two os, though undoubtedly somewhat less. Again
it seems a somewhat arbitrary assumption, that the gate near the
jail was the chief north gate: there can be no doubt that many of
the gates must have perished, and this particular one is by no means
on so grand a scale as the one opposite Purana Qil’ah. The bridge
might well be said to be only a short distance from Dihli, even if
the walls stopped at Purénd Qil’ah, as the suburbs would beyond
question extend some way beyond the wall along so important a
road asthe Mat’hura one must then have been; and this considera-
tion seems to meet Purchas’ statement that Humaytn’s tomb was
in the city. At any rate before the southern limits be fixed below
Humiytin’s tomb on the authority of this writer, for the quotations
from Finch seem quite inconclusive till we know where his
north gate stood, it seems to me essential that some satisfactory
account should be given of the great gate opposite Purana Qilah

86 Notes on Old Delhi. [No. 2,

and its adjoining walls, as well as of the wall opposite the N. W.
corner of the just named fort.
Purdné Qil’ ah.

Although the walls of this Fort are attributed to Humayan, both
the buildings now remaining in it, are attributed to Sher Shah Sur,
and exhibit Pat’han architecture at its highest perfection.

The Jami’ Masjid which has recently been repaired by Govern-
ment with great success, is a large building of grey stone, of five
arches. ‘These arches are all more or less elaborately adorned with
inlaid stones of marble, red sandstone and a kind of black basalt,
the stone-work being elaborately carved with passages from the
Qoran, and scroll work. Nothing but a painting can do full justice
to a result in which colour and workmanship alike contribute to the
charm which the spectator cannot but feel. The qiblahgdhs are
also carved in marble and adorned with inlaid patterns and red sand-
stone, the ceiling and dome have been covered with painted patterns.
It may suffice to point out ‘certain characteristics of this style of
mosque. Above the doorways, in the upper portion of the arch in
which they are set, are introduced small arched window-like -aper-
tures: at the north and south sides, oriel windows are constructed,
surmounted with cupolas resting on pillars. These oriel windows are
also introduced into the back wall of this mosque, while each end of
the back wall terminates in a rounded tower running to the top of
the building. Mosques belonging to this period and exhibiting
the style, will be found in the Jamali Kamali mosque at the Qutb,
in the North Masjid near Mubarikpur and in a nameless -mosque
at Khairpir, about a third of a mile from Cafdar Jang’s tomb.
This last mosque is noteworthy, as being perhaps the finest
remaining specimen of the success with which the Pat’hans worked
inscriptions and tracery in stucco.

The other building in Purana Qil’ah, the Sher Mandal, which
derives its interest from being the place where Humdytn met with
the fall which caused his death, is an octagonal building of red
stone standing ona plinth. The first story is solid, but in the
second there is a room panelled with encaustic tiles to the height of
about 3 feet and painted above. This room is a square from which
lesser squares have been cut off at the corners, as shown in the

e

1870. | Notes on Old Dethi. 87

~ figure. On the roof is an octagonal cupola; the supporting
uP pillars of red sandstone have their shafts richly carved with
chevron work, and the bases are also worked with an elegant
pattern.

Proposed Criteria towards fixing the dates of Pathin buildings at

Dethi.

Although there is a very wide difference indeed between the
barbarous simplicity of the Sultan Ghari mosque, and the stately
Jami’ Masjid of Sher Shah’s days, a very little observation will
show that these changes have taken place in successive periods and
not arbitrarily, and so regularly as to enable the date of any
building of size to be very closely approximated to.

One of the most conspicuous parts of Pat’han building is the
dome, and in the shape and fashion of the dome, these successive
developments of Pat’han architecture are very clearly marked.
I have already pointed out that the first conquerors were compelled
to use Hindu builders; accordingly, the dome of the early slave-
kings is constructed of successive concentric rings of stone, the
diameter of each layer being somewhat less than that of the layer
below it, the whole being capped by a circular stone, covering the
small remaining aperture. This Hindi looking dome, which is
of small height and usually of trifling base-diameter also, is coated
on the outside with masonry and stucco. Instances are the domes
on the Qutb mosque and in the tomb of Nacirud-din at Sultan
Ghari.

I conceive it was the coating just mentioned which taught the
Dihli Pat’hans the secret of building their domes on truer principles.
They found that this masonry coating would stand without the
layers of projecting stones below ; and then I assume that all
subsequent advances were mere questions of the natural develop-
ment of the secret just obtained. Accordingly in the lower part of
Mibrauli is now standing an old mosque rudely built, in which the
domes resemble in diminutiveness those of the Qutb mosque, but
are constructed without any under-coating of stone-work.

Towards the end of the slave dynasty and in that of the Khilji
princes, the dome is broader and higher in a considerable degree.
It springs, however, still directly from the flat roof, without any
intervening cylinder. The remains of Balban’s tomb and the

88 Notes on Old Delhi. No. 2,

gateway of ’Alaud-din Khilji at the Qutb may be instanced as
shewing the style of this half century.

The dome of the early Tughlug period is marked by the intro-
duction of a low cylinder of a slightly larger diameter than that of
the dome, from which the latter springs: the domes too are of a
somewhat peculiar shape, as seen in the well known tomb at
Tughlaqabad, and in that of Shaikh Calahud-din between Shéhpir
and Khirkhi. In Firtz Shah’s time, the cylinder has considerably
increased in height, and becomes a conspicuous object in the
dome-construction ; the curved portion of the dome is still continued,
however, down to the place where it springs from the cylinder.

Under the Sayyid and Lodhi lines (the fifteenth century), the
changes consist in increasing still more the length of the cylinder,
which is now adorned with dimunitive pinnacles, and in bringing
the dome down to the cylinder by a curve which for a greater and
greater distance from the base tended, as time went on, towards a
straight line as its limit.

I may add that this lengthening of the cylinder and strength-
ening of the lower lines of the dome, was the direct cause which
led to the introduction of the ‘‘ false dome,” (witness Huméytn’s
tomb, and those standing near it); the graceful forms of Shah-
jahan’s day being a later improvement.

Among the other criteria may be mentioned the doorways, and.
these are often useful in distinguishing between buidings from
Firtz Tughluq’s time and downwards; the aperture was always
oblong, though usually set in an arch (i do not now speak of the
arches in mosque walls), and ornamented at the top by side-posts
being made to project. These doorways, which ‘are wide and
ample in Firuz Shah’s days, became subsequently more and more
narrow, while the ornamentation at the top became more finished
and elaborated, until specimens are found to rival even the
beautiful workmanship of Fathpir Sikri and the Agrah Fort.

Besides the foregoing tests, buildings belonging to the Tughluq
dynasty, may be recognized usually by the slope of the walls,
described by General Cunningham; those of Jahan Khan by the
sloping walls and multitudinous small hemispherical domes, while
during the fifteenth century, there was a gradually increasing use
of encaustic tiles. .

1870.] Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dheri. 89

Notes on Archeological Remains at Shth ki Dhert and the site of
Taxila.—By J. G. Deumurick, Hse.

[Received 18th April, 1870. |
(Vide Proceedings for June and July, 1870.)

T have the pleasure of sending you a photograph of certain heads
and images recently dug up near Shah ki Dheri.

The images are of stone, but the heads are of common plaster,
and are evidently those of Buddha; for they closely resemble the
figure of Buddha as depicted on the cover of Beale’s new transla-
tion of Fa Hian’s pilgrimage.

Shah ki Dheri is about three miles from K4lé Seréi on the La-
hor and Peshawar road. Near it are still to be seen the remains
of fortifications several miles in circumference. The area enclosed
within the walls is known to the people as Kot Atval.* The soil
is rich and is covered with mounds and the debris of ancient habi-
tations.

Indo-Seythic and Indo-Bactrian coins are commonly turned up
by the plough, and on former occasions very interesting Bactro-
Buddhist relics have been brought to light by actual digging of the
mounds.

In 1859, a plate or plates of copper covered with Bactro-Pali in-
scriptions were found by Nur, a chadim or servant in the masjid
of Ghilé adjoining Shah ki Dheri. Nur presented this plate to the
late Mr. A. A. Roberts, then Commissioner and Superintendent of
the Rawal Pindi Division.

Again im 1861, the same Nur found a stone trough, a crystal
figure, representing a duck ora turtle and a gold leaf bearing a
short Bactro-Pali inscription, all of which are fully noticed and de-
scribed in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, No. 2 of 1862.

* Probably Atelites. ‘“ According to De Guignes, their name was properly
“MJe-le or Tie-le to which, from their inhabiting the banks of the Oxus, the
“syllable db, ‘ water” was prefixed. They are commonly confounded under
“the denomination of Indo-Scythi with their predecessors, the Sakas, and
*Yu-Chi; as is done by Gibbon when he observes. that the Indo-Scythe
“ reioned upon the confines of India from the time of Augustus to that of
© Justin the Hilder, A, D. 6380” (vide note 3, page 388 of Wilson’s Ariana Anti-
qua),

12

90 Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dheri. [No. 2,

In 1863, Nur likewise discovered a bar of pure gold, worth about
400 Rs. which, although it was not interesting in an archeological
point of view, led to the inference that the city, which once existed
in the neighbourhood, had not only been very large but very weal-
thy.

The plate of copper discovered in 1859 was sent to Calcutta by
Mr. Roberts, and was described by him to have been found at
Hasan Abdél. I am not aware of the reason why Hasan Abdal
was selected above all other places, perhaps because, though seyver-
al miles away from the place of discovery: it is on the Grand Trunk
road, and is the nearest town best known to Kuropeans, or more
probably because Nur brought this curiosity to Mr. Roberts, while
he was encamped at Hasan Abdal.

I have visited the locality, and have personally inspected the
mound where the plate of copper was found. The name of the
place is Topi, a small tope having existed here once. It is situated
midway between the village of Mohra Moradt, and Mohra Mal-
liar, and is on the boundary of the lands belonging to the village
of Gangu Jumma. It is about two miles to the north-east of the
ruius of Kot Atial.

Professor J. Dowson of Sandhurst College, in a letter* addregs-
ed to Mr. EH. Thomas, translates the inscription on the plate as
follows :—

‘<Tn the year seventy-eight (78) of the great king Mogo on the
‘fifth (5) day of the month Paneemus, on this notable occasion the
‘‘ satrap of Chhahara and Chukhsa by name Liako Kusuluko de-
‘posits a relic of the holy Sakyamuni in the Sepatiko, which he had
‘¢ established in the country called Chhema, north-east of the city
‘of Taxila in honor of the great collective body of worshippers,
‘and of all the Buddhas, for the honoring of his father and mo-
“ther, for the long life, strength and prosperity of the satrap’s son
‘¢ and wife, for the honoring of all his brothers and relatives and
“ for making known his great liberality, fame, and success.”

The great king Mogo is identified by General Cunningham and
Professor Dowson to be the same as the Moa or Mauas of the coins
which are frequently found in the neighbourhood.

* Published in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, No, 4 of 1863.

1870.] Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dheri. 91

Liak, the name of the satrap, is still a common name among the
Hindus of this part of the country.

Kusuluko represented probably the family name or title a Kusu-
lu Kadphises.

General Cunningham believes Chharhara and Chukhsa to be
Chuch and Huzara. There are, however, about 15 miles to the
north-west of the spot where the inscription was found, in the
"Haqah of Haroh, two villages within a couple of miles of each other,
still known by the name of Chahar and Chukshaia or Shai. There
are extensive ruins near both these villages, where Indo-Bactrian
and Indo-Scythian coins are often found. Iam of opinion there-
fore that Liako Kusuluko was the satrap or governor of the ’Haqah
or district of Haroh, of which Chahar and Chukshai were the chief
towns.

Moreover I think that the ruins near Shah ki Dheri can be
no other than those of the celebrated city of Taxila, and, in addition
to what has been stated above, my reasons for believing them to be
so, are as follows :—

- I.— According to Menu,* the King is recommended to fix his
capital in a fertile part of his dominion, but in an immediate neigh-
bourhood, difficult of access, and incapable of supporting invading
armies. Any one looking at the site of Kot Atial would at once
preceive that the city must have been builtin strict accordance with
the precepts of the Dharma Shastra.

II.—Taxila is described by the Greek writerst to have been
the largest city between the Indus and the Hydaspes. The ruins
are very extensive, having still the appearance of a very large forti-
fied town. ‘There are no ruins at any other spot in the Sind Sagar
Duiab covering even half as much ground.

IIJ.—Pliny{ calls Taxila a famous city lying on a low, but level
plain, the general name of the district being Amenda. Chhema was,
however, the name of the country where the relics, according to the
inscription, were deposited. No such country is now known, but
chhema is a Sanscrit word, signifying pardon, forgiveness, absolu-

* Chapter VII. of the Code.

+ Arrian, Chapter VIII, Book V., et passim.
{ Book VI., Chapter 23,

92 Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dherv. ({WNo. 2,

tion. Perhaps then the locality or country was expressly set apart
for the deposit of propitiatory offerings “‘ to all the Buddhas’ par-
ticularly as the whole of the surrounding country from Khurram
Gujar on the one side and Khanptr on the other, is dotted with
small topes,* the majority of which have been almost entirely de-
molished by zamindars and others, in search of coins and relics
which. are-eagerly bought by dealers in the town of Rawal Pindi.

TV.—General Cunningham has translated the word utarena pra-
chu in the inscription, as Worth West, for no other reason as far as
T can see, than because the inscription was stated to have been
found at Hasan Abdal, north west of Manikyéla, which he thenf
believed was the site of Taxila; but the inscription was not found
at Hasan Abdal at all, as has already been stated, but at a place
called Topi to the Worth East of Kot Atial, which is now believed to
be the spot where Taxila once existed. Professor Dowson asserts
that the letters ‘‘ of the word prachu (east) are as perfect and dis-
“tinct as any in the whole inscription and they form most unequi-
*“ vocally the word prachw.”

Y.—In the itinerary of the Chinese traveller, Hwan Thsang, Tan-
chashilo, or Taxila, is described to be on the boundary of India
towards the north, and a dependency of Cashmere. Certain slokas
in the Ramayana also allude to Taxila (Takshilla) as a dependency
of Cashmere, and in the latter itis stated that the name of the
town is derived from the founders of it, vzz., Takshan, the son of
Bharata; but itis possible that the name may be derived from
Taksh, a celebrated serpent-god, and sla a stone or rock: the hill
overhanging the valley of Kot Atial having a serpentine’ appear-
ance, as viewed by me from Khurram Gujar. Or the name of the
town may have originated from a passage cut through the hill like
the Margalla Pass in the vicinity, from taksh, to cleave, and sila,
a stone.

VI.—When Alexander the Great halted at Taxila to refresh hig

* General Cunningham in 1864 found the remains of 58 small topes at and
near Shah ki Dheri,

+ Subsequently in a letter, dated 23rd January, 1864, to the address of Col.
R. Maclagan, Secretary to Government, P, W. D., Punjab, the General declar-

ed that the ruins in the neighbourhood of Shih ki Dheri were almost certain-
ly the remains of Taxila.

1870.| Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dhert. 93

army, the brother and ambassadors of Abisares* who was king
of Abisara (the Abhisara of the Hindus) or the modern Hazarah,
waited upon him with tribute, and Pliny} distinctly states that
above Taxila, among the mountains, is the territory of Abisares.
It is therefore apparent that Taxila must have been near Hazérah
to menace the safety of his kingdom, and to render it expedient for
Abisares to propitiate the Macedonian. It is hardly worth while
to mention that Shah ki Dheri is on the borders of the Hazérah
district.

VII.—In excavating a mound near Mohra Malliar, there was re-
cently found part of an upright column of a temple, probably the
temple of the sun which Apollonius after crossing the Indus is
said to have visited at Taxila. The column was of sandstone and
clearly belonged to the Grecian style of architecture, and it has
been ascertained that General Cunningham discovered in 1864 at
this very spot the remains of a similar pillar which was removed
to Lahor, and is now on the grass plot in front of the Museum. In
describing the pillar, the General in a letter dated 23rd January,
1864 to Colonel Maclagan, states ‘‘ that the base is a specimen of
‘¢ what is called the Attic base, and as it is unornamented, I believe
‘it to have belonged to an Ionic column. The only difference
‘‘ hetween this Taxila specimen and those of Greece, is in the upper
“fillet which at Athens was made of smaller diameter than the
“upper torus, but which in this specimen is made of exactly the
“* same diameter as the upper torus.”

VilI.— Hwan Thsangt states to the south-east of Tanchashilo
at 30 li (6 miles) was a monastery built by Asoka.

To the south-east 5 miles from Kot Atial near the village of
Khurram Gijar almost half way up the hill, there are ruins still
existing, probably of this very monastery. These ruins are called
Nara.

Hwan Thsang further adds that to the south-east of the town
was a stupa built by Keu-lang-nu, the son of Asoka.

* Arrian, Chapters VIII. and XX. Book V., and Quintus Curt. Chapter XIII,
Book VIII.

+ Sec. 28, Chapter XXVIII. Book XV.

ft Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for July 1848.

94 Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dhert. (No. 2,

To the south-east of Kot Atial near the village of Shahpur a
large tope still exists. It was opened by General Ventura in 1832,
with what result is not known.

TX.—Fa Hian* a Chinese traveller in the beginning of the 5th
century after Christ states that “at this place (Takshasila) and at
another place to the eastward, two days’ journey from it, the people
have raised great towers, adorned with all the precious substances.”

The second tower to the eastward is very probably the Great
Tope of Manikyala which is at the present time by the shortest
route over the Shah Aladitta hill, not less than 85 miles or two
days’ journey from Shéh ki Dheri.

X.—Pliny| gives the distance of Taxila from the Indus to the
Hydaspes at 120 Roman miles or 110 British miles. By the
ancient road of the country abandoned for the present Grand Trunk
road, the distance from Shah ki Dheri to Rawal Pindi was 30
miles, avoiding the old Margulla cutting which, according to the
inscription still existing there, was completed in A. H. 10838 cor-
responding with A. D. 1672, or about the time when the Emperor
Aurangzeb marched to Hasan Abdal and sent his son Prince Sul-
tan with an army against the Khattaks and other Trans-Indus
tribes ; and from Rawal Pindi to Jhelam, the distance was 80 miles
via Manikyala, Dhamak and Rahtis. The whole distance there-
fore exactly agrees with Pliny’s statement.

* Beale’s Fa Hian, Chapter XI, page 32.
* Book VI. Chapter 21.

1870.]

List of Kashmiri words. 95

List* of words and phrases to be noted and used as test words for the
discovery of the radical affinities of languages and for easy comparison,

drawn up by Mr, Justice CAMPBELL.—Translated into Kashmiri, by
W. J. Husmire, Hsq., M. D., Srinagar.

Rules for the pronunciation of the vowels and consonants made

use of in this list.

Fo © Oc

ie

=

kh

orm bé

oO.

as the u of ‘ but.’

represents a sound which must be learned from the lips of
a native of Kashmir.

as the a in ark.

nearly as the au of ‘ cause.’

as ai in aisle.

as ou in sound.

as y In my.

in sounding this letter, the tongue is turned back and made
to strike the roof of the mouth.

as e in pet.

as a in spade.

as fin fall. Kashmiris nearly always change the sound of
f into that of p aspirated.

as g in goat.

as g aspirated. Kashmiris cannot pronounce the letter
ghain correctly.

agsiin pin. The Final i is pronounced very slightly.

as ee in glee.

as k aspirated ; 44 is generally incorrectly sounded by the
Kashmiris.

as n in the French mon.

as nh in the Spanish Coruna.

as o in not.

as 0 in tone.

* The two Kashmiri and Gond Vocabularies given in the following pages
have been drawn up according to Mr. Justice Campbell’s Model Vocabulary.
Their distinguishing feature lies in this that the words are expressed in
the Persian and Nagiri characters, which removes every doubt as to the correct
pronunciation, Tur Hpiror,

96 List of Kashmiré words. [ No. 2,

ph asp aspirated.

r in pronouncing this letter, the tongue must be rolled back
upon itself.

t in sounding this letter correctly, the tongue is rolled back
and made to strike the roof of the mouth.

ts as in cots.

u as in pull.

ti as u in rule.

Meanings of Contractions.

if feminine.

H used chiefly by Hindts.

D indeclinable.

M used chiefly by Musalmans. A. Arabic.
m masculine. P. Persian,
n nominative.

p-p. past or perfect participle.
pl. plural.

prp. present participle.

5. singular.

Numerals. 1 SI Ak.
2 3) Zah,
3 8,3 Trih.
4 3 | sor:
5 8 5 ly Pantsh.
6 Kuis Shih.
7 ere) Sat 0
8 & Ath.
3 Wot Naun.
z) Nau.
10 3S Dah.
20 3&9 Wuh.
50 Siily Panésah.

100 wsld Hat.

1870. | List of Kashmiri words. 97
Pronouns.
I & Boh.
[ Ove Myon (n. s. m.)
ines Ace These are
Of me or mine < nag a a ce Lee adjec-
ws yani (n. s. f.) | tively,
L dslyc Myanih (a. pl. f.) J
We cl Ais. ;
(gas Son (a. s. m.) y
| wl Ani
Of us or our 4 ae es ve ae t Used ad-
ie ani (n. 8. f) | jectively.
(Uyak, Sénih (n. pl. f£.)
Thou 35 Tsah.
( >> Chon (n. s. m.) |
oes Ai |
Of thee orthine 4 ue ae at ae) 7. Used ad-
| ots Chani (a. s. f) | jectively.
Laila Chanih (an. pl. f.) J
You a} = Tohi.
( x4 Tuhund (n. s. m.)
| odg3 Tuhandi (n. pl. |
Of youor your. 4 ae ce ae f H) + Used ad-
aoe uhanz (n. s. f.) | jectively.
| 85443 Tuhanzah (a. pl. f.) J
He ye Su (when a person is absent and out
of sight.
( % 5 Tasund n.s. m.) 5)
Wirosees sandi |
Wein hic ues Tasandi (n. pl. m.) tried ae
se Tasanz (n. s. f.) | jectively.
L Bjdand Tasanzah (n. pl. f.) J
Other forms of the above genitive are
gs Tahund, &e. Used ad-
dees} Taimsund, &e: jectively.
5 Tim (m.)
They ie .
&3 Timah (f)
(42403 Timan hyund (n. s. m.))
| sidujed Timanhindi(n. pl. m.) |
Of them or their < , moe ae hi mp f > Used ad-
| See ‘Timan hinz (nm. 8. £.) | jectively.

18

| 8344443 Timan hinzah (n. pl. f.) J

98 List of Kashmiri words. [No. 2,

Another form of the above genitive is—
o¢5 Tihyund, &c.

He »® Hi (where person spoken of is pre-
sent, but distant from the speaker).
Of him or his wed Humsund, &e.
a> Hum (m.)
they &2 Humah (f)
Of them or their O542¢;42 Human hyund, &e.
He é& Yih (when the person spoken of is
present and near the speaker).
Of him or his oiees Yimsund, &e.
Yim (m.)
Th iF
ve | & Yimah (£)
Of them or their OM4.,¢2 Yiman hyund, &c.

Hi and yih are also used as demonstrative pronouns for “that”
and “ this” respectively.

Nouns.
Hand bai] Athah.

45 Khor (M.)
F oF

a | es. Khér (H.)

Nose raed Nast.
Hye hm Achh.
Mouth ut As.
Tooth d3s Dand.
Kar wy Kan.
Hair ui, hee

) Rum (H.)
Head aly P, Kalah.
Tongue 9) Zé0.
Belly oy Yad.
Back > Thar!
Tron phe Shistar.
Gold we Son.

Silver w) Rop Si

1870.]

Father

Mother

Brother

Sister

Man

Woman
Wife
Child
Son

Daughter

Slave

Cultivator
Shepherd.

God
Devil

Sun

Moon

Star
Fire

List of Kashmiré words.

A.

Mol.

Bab (M.)
Pita (H.)
Moj (M.)
Dad.

Mata (H.)
Boe.

Bini.
Bagani.
Mohinu.
Mard (M.)
Porush (H.)
Manush (H.)
Zananah.
Kolai.
Ashaini.
Shur.
Néchu.
Farzand (m.)
Kur.
Ghulam (m.)
Tsonz (£.)
Grost.
Pohol.
Khuda.

Dai (H.)
Shetan.
Aftab (M.)
Seri (H.) -

Zan.

Tsandramah (H.)

Taruk,

Nir,

99

100

Water

House

Horse
Cow
Dog
Cat
Cock
Duck
Ass
Camel
Bird

Up
Down
Before

Near
Far
Behind

List of Kashmirt words.

pable
Verbs.
a)

aS
KAS

Poin (H.)
Ab (ML)

Garah.
Lar.
Gur.
Gao.
Hin.
Brar.
Kokur.
Batuk.
Fthar.
Winth.

Janawar.

Gatsh.
Khih.
Bigh
Walah.
Yih.
Lae.
Mar.
Woth.
Mar.
Dih. —
Pét.
Hyur.
Bon.
Bonth.
Broénth.
Nakhah.
Dar.
Pat.
Yus.

Kus?

[No. 2,

1870. |

List of Kashmir words.

101
| What ( aed: Yus.
What net Kus?
?
a | as Kyah ?
Why? sis Kyézih ?
as Tah.
And
i | ay Biath,
But Lo} 4 Ama.
If 3S a? P Hargah.
(GN Ai.
Sol Auwah.
Yes Ws! On.
Leoof Addasa.
No &) Nah.
Ale cogs! P. Afsus.
ae Yo8s Wahwila.
A father Joo Mol.
( odwJlo Mali sand (n. s. m.) |
Of a father sites EET seoatel (ue De 2) Used ad-
jiJlo Mali sanz (an. s. f.) | jectively.
L s$heJle Mali sanzah (n. pl. f.) )
To a father ute Malis.
From a father én) ySLo Malis nishih.
Two fathers Jles) Zah Mali.
Fathers dle Mali
(. o2uJle Malin hyund (a. s. i
Of fathers ) ope " Mate india oa > Used ad-
| p2uJlo Mélin hinz (n. s. f.) | jectively.
| 840.Jlo Malin hinzah(n. pl. f.) J
To fathers glo Malin.
From fathers &isi.SLo Malin nishih.
A daughter gy Kir.
d44d)45 Kori hyund (n.s. m.) )
[eee : |
een a edi) yeas
| ES Kérihinz (u.s.f) | jectively.
| 858by95 Ori hinzah (n. pl. f.) J

102

To a daughter a
From a daughter Buti) 9S
Two daughters 3953}
Daughters By—5
( HOW) 95
OSD W)95

Of daughters 4 ond
L Byder)95
To daughters Wy 9S
From daughters SIL) 9S
A good man 40)
Of a good man —Smogdg0_ yd
To a good man P60 pod

From a good

man Bit wy Q_ pod
Two good men phgres yd)
Good men grey)
Of good men OAD wg. .55)
To good men 554% 75)
From good men =4&#W 5543)
A good woman 8b} 5)
Good women 834535,
A bad boy Pea en
A bad girl 9S ot
Good wy
Better wo Sno
Best ray) >) "58
High x?
Higher dsb bw
Highest Oss
A horse BS
Horses ss
A mare r
Mares 55

List of Kashmiri words.

[No. 2,
Kori.

Kori nishih.

Zah korih.

Korih.

Korinhyund(n.s.m.) )
Kérinhindi(n. pl.m.) | ‘ee
Korin hinz (n.s. f.) | jectively.
Korin hinzah(a. pl. f.) )

Korin.

Korin nishih.

Rut mohni.

Ratis mohnivisund, &c.

Ratis mohnivis.

Réatis méhnhivis nishih.

Zah rati mohnivi.

Rati mohnivi.

Ratin méhnhivén hyund, &e.

Ratin mohniven.

Ratin mohhiven nishih.

Rats zanénah,

Ratsah zananah.

Yachh nécha.

Yachh kir.

Rut.

Séthah rut, (when ‘hotah (than)
is expressed, se¢hahis dispensed
with.

Yats rut.

Thod.

Séthah thod.

Yats thod.

Gur.

Guri.

Guir.

Gurih.

1870. |

A bull

Bulls

A cow

Cows

A dog

Dogs

A bitch
Bitches

A he-goat

A female goat
Goats

A male deer
A female deer
Deer

I (m.) am
If.) am
Thou (m.) art
Thou (f.) art
He is

We (m.) are
We (f.) are
You (m.) are
You (f.) are

They (m.) are
They (f.) are

I (m.) was
If.) was

Thou (m.) wast
Thou (f.) wast
He was

We (an.) were
We (f.) were
You (m.) were
You (f.) were
They (m.) were

List of Kashmiré words. 108
So Dand.
Sito Daénd.
3f Gao.
3S Gao.
wW> Hin.
>> Hiuni.
WwW» Hiin.
&j52 Honih.
J Jla5 Tshawul.
‘a gly Tshawaj.
Slo) Tshawajih (pl. f.)
Ur) Ris.
“HS w9) Riskat.
&= 9) Rus kachih (pl. f.)
urte% Boh chhus.
ore? Boh chhas.
S=35 Tsah chhuk.
S43) Tsah chhak.
f=» Suchhu.
&j = wl Ais chhih (ih = e anglice.)
&a ew! Ais chhih (ih = e in pet anglice.)
8924) Tohi chhiwah (i = e anglice).
394243 Tohi chhiwah (i=e in pet ang-
lice).
4203 Tim chhih (ih=e anglice.)
&=4+25 Timah chhih (ih=e in pet ang-
lice.)
neg Boh osus.
Ts Boh asas.
cSw9/85 Tsah osuk.
Zhw7ss Tsah asak.
Hale Su 6s.
ut! Ais dis.
&wFew! Ais dsah.
Sy 763 Tdhi dsiwah.
Sy {63 Thi dsawah.

Tim Ais.

104

List of Kashmiri words. [ No. 2,

They (f.) were Ks figs
Be ( wt
ED eas
To be ove
lof
Being
eing | ier
( Ades 9|
| very |
Having been. 4 7
| sons]
I (m. & f.) may be
I (m. & f.) shall be Kouc] &
Im. &f.) should be
os J
Beat 2
il
To beat ony
Beating oly
(7
[{ =
Having beaten <_ | Sand
[avail Sash)
wy)
L
I (m.) beat DY yee Se
I (£.) beat WY read
Thou (m.) beatest whYSs%
Thou (f.) beatest wk ¥elo 35
He beats WGLYS= ye
We (m.) beat GLY Sea Cpl
We (£.) beat GLY So yl
You (m.) beat Wl %g¢a65

Timah asah.
As (s.)
Asyi (pl.)
Asun.
Asan (present participle, inde-
clinable.)
Asit (conjunctive participle, in-
declinable.)
O’smut (n.s.m.) { Past or
Asmati(n. pl. m.) | ae ve
2 ticiple.
Asmats (n. s. f.) !
Asmaésah (n. pl. f.) :

Boh dsah.

Lae (s. m. f.)

Lay (pl. m. f.)

Layun.

Layén (present participle, inde-
clinable.)

Loemut (n.s.m.) ) Past or
A = : | perfect par-

erat (n. pl. m.) Heplol eel

Laemazs (n. s. f.) adjectively.

Layimatsah n. pl. f.)

Layit (conjunctive participle, in-
declinable.)

Boéh chhus layan.

Boh chhas layan.

Tsah chhuk layan.

Tsah chhak layan.

Su chhu layaén.

Ais chhih layén Gh = e anglice.)

Ais chhih layén (ih=e in pet
anglice.)

Thi chhiwah layén (i= eanglice.)

1870.]

You (f.) beat WEI 3-—.65
They (m.) beat OLS > od
They (£.) beat WyYSp a hes

I (m.) am beating WbLY wre
I) ambeating WlLY pra
I (m.) was beating WY, pws!
I) was beating WLI _pwIh
T (m. f.) had beaten prog arly)

I (m. f.) may beat KY
I (am. f.) shall beat KY KY
I (m. f.) should beat KY
I (m. f.) am beaten PTay
I (m. f.) was

beaten prog eof ay

I (m. f.) shall be beaten pyayy

T (m.) go WS mee
I (f.) go LES nee
Thou (m.) goest lay Sela}
Thou (f.) goest Way Slee 35
He goes Wla1S6>
I (m.) went pS
I (£.) went ose
Thou (m.) wentest $5585
Thou (f.) wentest ELS 5}
He went CI
( BS
Go 3 <
Going ular,
(pea

| wel

Gone 1 yale
L Bool

14

List of Kashmirt words.

105

Tohi chhiwah lay4n (i=e in pet
anglice.)

Tim chhih lay4n (ih=e anglice.)

Timah chhih layan Gh=e in pet
anglice.)

Boh chhus layan.

Boh chhas layan.

Boh ésus layan.

Boh asas layan.

Loemut osum.

Boh layih.

Boh layih.

Boh layih.

Layinah am.

Layinah 4mut osum.
Layinah yiyam.

Boh chhus gaéshan.
Boh chhas gatshan.
Tsah chhuk gafshan.
Tsah chhak gatshan,
Su chhu gafshan,
Boh gos

Boh gayas.

Tsah gok.

Tsah gayak.

Su gau.

Gatsh (s. m. and f.)
Gafshyti (pl. m. and f.)

Gatshan (present participle inde-
clinable).
Gomut (u.s.m.) )

GAmati (n.pl.m.) | Past or

Rn perfect par-
Gamats (n. s. f.) { ticiplo.
Gamazsah (an. pl. f.)

106

( Sa dsS shee
What is your | Ka SAS rgoigs
name ? <

| 9b eps Ha 8)

How old is this
horse ?

How far isit from

Km yb BSS 43

List of Kashmiri words.

[No. 2,

Chén nao kyah \

chhu ? | Not idio-
Tuhund nado kyah matic.

ehhu ?
Tsih kyah chhui ‘

nao ? ( Idiomatic.
Tohi kyah chhu- {

wah nao. )

Yih gur kafsah wohur chhu ?

here to Kashmir ? -wlyaSshyhh, Vitih péthah Kashiri témat

90h a bb 95
(ohm Slo, yodlee

Sem gey5 S$
haga old

8a V5

P ed Le ue le

How many sons
are there in your ¢
father’s house ?

I have walked a S348 59053, yo 5]
long way to-day.
(95 Od halve
The son of my un-
cle is married to{ 4&accl dsulye

her sister, Wrdwo yd hg
eS pees
L = diwealowlye
Sy
C
In the house is the 1S Sika 530, yo wy
saddle of the (2) Odwe

white horse.

kétah chhu dir?
Chanis mali sandi gari |
kats néchivi chhih ?
; : ‘ Not
Tuhandis mali sandi Li dio-

gari kafs nechivi | matic.
chhih ?
Chanis malis kats |
néchivi chhih ? ‘
Tdio-

Tuhandis malis kats | matic.
néchivi chhih? J

Az pokus boh dtrih péthah.

Myani pitar sandi néchivi chhu
tahanzi bini set mnethar
kurmut.

‘or

Myani pitar bayi chhu tahanzi
bini set nethar kurmut.

or

Myani mamasandi néchivi, &e.

Garas manz chhu nilah guri
sund zin.

1870.]

Put the saddle
upon his back.

List of Kashmiri words.

outs Zin kar tas.

107

Tahanzi thari pét thau zin

(not idiomatic),
or

4
{ _sdigh Vie Teno Idiomatic.
( Are edhe) adore? &ioo Séthah kamchih 1a-
yim tahandis né-
Ihave beaten his chivis,
son with many< re Aa ie or
stripes. TE Ue ed adodst &iuw Séthah kamchih di-

|

He is grazing cat-
tle on the top of
the hill.

He is sitting on a
horse under that
tree.

Hisbrotheristaller ogithpS ur yrgida cogs oigs

than his (not his
own) sister.

The price of that is
two rupees and
a half.

My father lives in Wlu,io 50 Jodie lqrg2.0

that small house.

Give this rupee to
him. Cyt 92> 5c Xd

cere? 8d 63)%

Take those rupees
from him.
IC GAS DE Sq. ge §
Beat him well and | “ Sede
bind him with
ropes. |

Word (er) 9) y)
Were y} es 535

Draw water from
the well.
Walk before me.

TLS) 21 Sp3 5

rae) Big Kx

Wd yah T&S open y wlSha (yo

KI) S315 Km ho So

tim tahandis né-

chivis.

Su chhu gupan ra-
chhan koh-kalas
pet.

Hut kulas tal chhu

guris khasit.

Tahund boe chhu-
tahanzi bini khé-
tah thod.

Humyuk mol chhu
dayih ropayih.

Myon mol chhu hut
larihanimanz basan.
Yih ropai dih humis.

Yihropai diy humis.

Humah ropayih hih humis.

Zabar chob dih humis biyih
razau set gandun.

Zabar layit razau set gan-
dun (more idiomatic).

Krerih andrah khar ab.

Mib bonth pak.

108 Gondi Words and Phrases. [No. 2,

Whose boy comes Wly2S5 5555 hm pe oigS K6hund néchii chhu ésih
behind you ? patah patah yiwan ?

From whom did kd KO) S58 Hu kas nishih hétut ?
you buy that ?

From a shop-keeper 4&5, yl sily CS! _wSel¥ Gamakis akis wanawalis
of the village. nishih.

Gondi Words and Phrases.— By Ruy. James Dawson, Dissionary to the
Gonds, Chindwara,- Central Provinces.

[Received 7th June, 1870. |

Numerals.

One undi al

Two rand Tw

Three mund as

Four naling ATS
Five salying’ Saat

Six saving aed
Seven yerting aga
Hight armur cl Ct
Nine unmak Saran
Ten pad 7TEe
Twenty visa aiato-.
Fifty pachas gata H.
A hundred nur ac

lst Personal Pronoun, Sing.

Nom. I anna Sat

OD Z , = SS
Gen. Of me, mine, nawor, nawork, ATaic, Alaa
arciere nawa, nawang aal, Aaa

Dat. Acc. ' nak, nékun are ATT

1870.]

Gondi Words and Phrases.

109

The Genitive has four forms which are determined by the Gender

and Number of the noun following, ¢. g. :—

Nawor tammur
Nawork tammurk
Nawa selar
Nawang selark

aTaTT THT

aah THR

ATal Sat

araia Sara

my brother.
my brothers.
my sister.
my sisters.

This rule is applicable to the Genitive case of all nouns and

Plural.
ammot
mawor, mawork
mawa, mawang
mak, makun

ware
ATaTL ALATA
alal alata
ara aga

2nd Personal Pronoun, Sing.

pronouns.

Nom we

Gen of us, our
Ace. us

Nom thou

Gen. of thee, thine,

ord Personal Pronoun, Sing.

Ace. thee

Nom you

Gen of you, your,
Ace. you

Nom. he

Gen of him, his
Ace. him

Nom they

Gen of them, their
Acc. them

imma

niwor, niwork,

niwa, niwang

nik, nikun
Plural.

iImmat

miwor, niwork

miwa, niwang

mik, mikun

or
onhor, onhork
onha, onhang
on

Plural Mase.
ork
orknor, orknork
orkna, orknang
orkun

<aat
= nS
alae, AlaTH
Slat, TATA
aa, TAT

az
Aare atara
Bat alaiat

aia aaa

Mase.

Se

GeV, Besa
BFS Slesia
Get

Bran

NSN nn is g
GNA STRATA
SAAT Sra aria
SRT

110

Nom.

Gen.

Ace.

Nom.

Gen.

Ace.

Gondi Words and Phrases.

[No. 2,

Third Personal Pronoun, Sing. Fem.

she

of her, hers

her

they
theirs

them

Hand
Foot
Nose
Lye
Mouth
Kar
Tooth
Hair
Tongue
Belly
Back
Tron
Gold
Silver
Father
Mother
Brother
Sister
Man
Woman
Wife
Child
Son
Daughter

ad
tannor, tanna
addenor, addenda
tan

Plural Fem.
au
aveknor, aveknork

avekna, aveknang
avekun

kai

kal
massor
kan
tudi
kavi

pal
chuting
wanjer
pir
murchul
kachi
sono 4H.
chéndi H.
dhaa
dhai
tammur
selar
manwal
ar

ar
chauwa
marri
miar

Wz
age ATA, or
Feat, BE AT
ara

Sit

Wana, Wanaa
BIA, Beara
BaHA

1870. |

Slave
Cultivator
Shepherd
God
Devil
Sun
Moon
Star

Fire
Water
House
Horse
Cow

Cock
Duck
Ass
Camel
Bird
Go
Kat
Sit
Come
Beat
Stand
Die
Give

Run

Gondi Words and Phrases. 1il
barskalyél TAS
ALO te eM ONya eal ate
gadri aTSTl
Ishwar sat
daittr Sat
suriyal ofc are
chandarmal Gare
suku GA
kis faa
yer at
ron Ua
kodé AIST
mura ast
nai a
bilal qara
gogoti aqTaTet
TOLL; ks O} W/L re
gadhal TIT
utum aea
pitte faz
han Sa
tin faa
udha Sat
wara 4ST
jim Sila
nita Taat
sdsi han aal Ca
sim aia
vita Taat

The above are in the singular, as, Go thou, imma han, gat wa.

Pl. Go ye, immét hant,

Up
Near
Who
And

parro
karrum
bor

unde

gate ww. The plural imperative is
formed from the singular by adding t, z.

WaT
RUA
art
ics

112 Gondi Words and Phrases. [
Yes inge za
Down khalwa Sear
Far lakh aq
What bang aja
But unde BS
No — halle <a
Before munne aa
Behind piya Tasit
Why bari art
ach unde Uw
Alas hai hai wie ere H.
Declension of Nouns. Sing.
Nom. a father dhau as
Gen. ofafather,m. dhatnor-nork Rec
—— of a father, f. dhatna-nang BTAaT-Ala
Dat. toa father dhatin YIAa
Abl. from a father dhatinsin yrmaara
Plural.
Nom. fathers dhatirk qs
Gen. offathers,m. dhéérknor-nork wraaalt-ara
— of fathers, f. dhairkn4-néng ylsaat-aia
Dat. to fathers dhairkun MSHA
Abl. from fathers dhaétrksin arma
There is no dual.
Sing.
A daughter miar AIBIT
Of a daughter, m. mfénor-nork alata
Of a daughter, f. miana-nang aarar-aia
To a daughter mian aire
From a daughter miansin aiaraaieat
Plural.
Daughters miark alert

Of daughters, m.
Of daughters, f.
To daughters
From daughters

muarknor-nork
midrkna-néng
miarkun
miarksin

eS eS
Ai HRagT-ATH
AAT aT-aT at
ai aet

Qs
aaa ates

No.

1870.].

A good man

Of a good man, m.

Of a good man, f.
To a good man*

Brom.a good man:

Gondi Words and Phrases:

Sing. with adjective.

chokho maénwal
chokho ménwanor
chokho manwana
chokho ménwan:
chokho manwansin.

Sat BITS
TST AIPA ATT
Sal AATAT
SIT BIT
Slat HATS ar

The Plural of Genitive as above.

Good men

Of good men, m.
Of good men, f.
To good men
From good men

chokho ménwalk

chokho maénwalknor:

chokho ménwalkna

chokho maénwalkun.

chokho ménwalksin

Plural Noun with Adjective.

Sal BINH
SIT ATATAATT
SIS AHA
STS HTT AT
Sal Haass

The Plural of Genitive as formerly.

A good woman.
Good women

A bad boy

A bad girk
Good
Better.
Best
High.
Higher
Highest
A horse
A mare
Horses
Mares
A bull
A cow
Bulls
Cows

A dog
Dogs
Bch

chokho ar

chokho ask
burtor pedgal
burtai pedgi
chokho

tan sin chokho
sabrot sin chokho
dhong al

tan sin dhongél -
sabrot sin dhongél
koda

oi
kodang
kurra
mura
kurrang
murang
nai
naik
nal

Sa BIT

GIST SIT

aa GSI

qa Gest

STS

ara ala rar
aaa Stet AST
eitte

ara ala ere
asa Sa Sime|s
AIST

113

114

Bitches

A he goat
Goats

A female goat
Female goats
A deer

Deer

A female deer
Tam

Thou art

He is

We are

You are
They are

I was

Thou wast
He was

We were
You were
They were
Be

To be

Being

Having beer
I may be

T shall be

I should be
Beat

To beat
Beating
Having beaten
I beat

Thou beatest
He beats
We beat
You beat

Gondi Words and Phrases.

naik

bakral
bakrallk

yeti

yeting

mao

mack

méo

anna andan
imma éndin
or 4ndur
ammot 4ndom
immat andit
ork 4ndurk
anna mathona
immé mathont
or mathor

ammot mathoram

immét mathorit
ork mathork
am.

aidna

ateke, or

asode

asikun

alaka

aiaka

alata (?)

jim

jiana

jiteke

jisikun

anna jidtoné
imma jiaétoni

or jiator
ammot jiétoram
immat jidtorit

[No. 2,

aan

aae

TRISH

Bat

ata

ast

aa

Tat

Bal Bearer
<a SIRla
GIT bless
BAS Bara
Zale BWieala
Sey wea
Sal Warat
Za aurea
Se AAT
Bae ate
ae aaa
Sa AAA
ala
TSTAT
GMa Ri, or
Sars
sr faaret
TATAT

TSAI

TWAT

ala

STAT

alan and Mare
siitagrer

Sa stararat
<a silsararat
BX SNSTATT

Bae Tata

SMe Bache

1870. ]

They beat

I am beating
I was beating
I had beaten
I may beat

I shall beat

I should beat
I am beaten
I was beaten
I shall be beaten
I go

Thou goest
He goes

IT went

Thou wentest
He went

Go

Going

Gone

What is your name ?

Gondi Words and Phrases.

ork jidtork

anna jiatona
anna jindan

anna jisi mathoné
anna jiaka

anna jidla

anna jiatona (?)
anna mar tindatona
anna mar titan
anna mar tinddka
anna handatona
imma handatoni
or handator

anna hatén

imma hatin

or hatur

han

hateke, and
hanjode *
hanjikun

Miwa parol bang andu ?

Wat Ysiet aia BIR?

How old is this horse ?

Id koda bachéle warsén na andu ?
ZIT GTS FHTA AT TEP
How far is it from here to Kashmir ?
Tgatal Kashmirtun bachale lakh andu ?
meme angiqad Tae we wre?
How many sons are there in your father’s house ?

Miwor dhau na rot te bachaéle mark 4éndurk ?

AGT TSH AT Treat @ See wa Besa?
I have walked a long way to-day.
Nend anna lakh taktona.

Wwe Wal ME AAT.

115

Sra STATA
Sal BArarar
Wal silaret
wat sits wera
Sal STAT |
Bat SSA

Bal Stararat (?)
Bal AChaeaarar
Bat arctarara
Bal aiclaerar
Bal SSTATAT
Sal STATA
GNC SATAIT

Sql Vala

<a Vat

BIC SAT

Ca

waa and
SESS

efor

116 Gondi Words and Phrases. [ No. 2,

The son of my uncle is married to her sister.
Naéwor kaka nor marri ténné selané marming kitur.
ATaTC AIA AIC ALY ATA Al Va! Al WSeAla Htac.
Tn the house is the saddle of the white horse. —
Pandri koda ta khogir rot te andu.

Wrest] HIST AT GMT Ua a WI.

Put the saddle upon his back.

Tan né murchut parro khogir ira.

ae AT ATA FLT GAT ST.

I have beaten his son with many stripes.
Anna onhor marrin walle koraéng jitan.

Fal Best VCs Fa Hisia stare.

He is grazing cattle on the top of the hill.

Or matta ta chendit parro mirang konding mehtator.
Ht Het at Shea TU asia arin AATATT.
He is sitting on a horse under that tree.

Or ad marrat khalwa kodat parro uditor.

GC FE ACA Wal Astra Fur Brean.

His brother is taller than His sister.

Onhor tammur onh4 selaén sin dhongal 4ndur.
GEST TAC BIS ASIA Ala STATS Brae.
The price of that is two rupees and a half,
Tan na mola arhai rupiang andu.

aa AI HTS Hale asia Br.

My father lives in that small house.

Nawor dhati ad chudor rot te mandator.

ATT WH BZ VST Ua a ARTA.

Give this rupee to him.

Td rupia on sim.

Ze WIS Bra ate.

Take those rupees from him.

Au rupiaéng on sin yena.

ST Wawa Brat Stet Sar.

Beat him well and bind him with ropes.

On walle koréng jisikun nune te dohat.

Bet aa VE TFT Ts at Sree.

1870.] Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. 117

Draw water from the well.

Kia ta yer umat.

RI AT AC Hale.

Walk before me.

Na munne tikat.

aT Wr ATATS.

Whose boy comes behind me ?
Miwa pija bonhor chauwa waidtor ?
Siar fast H1S1e BAT TAAL.
From whom did you buy that ?
Immat tan bon sin mola te yetit.
Sas aa Sta WT ATA a Yate.
From a shopkeeper of the village.
Natenor undi baniyan sin.

aS AIT Ut afaara Sra.

rrr

Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathuwrd.— By Babu Ra /TENDRA-
LALA Mirra.

[Read 2nd September, 1868. ]

In the Proceedings for May, 1862, mention is made of some sculp-
tures and inscriptions which the Lieutenant-Governor of the N. W.
Provinces had placed at the disposal of the Society. These had been
found by Mr. Best, Collector of Mathura, while engaged in clearing
away, in 1860, a large earthen mound for the site of a new court-
house at the entrance of that station by the main road leading from
it to Agra.

At one time there stood on this mound “‘a masjid of some anti-
quity which had been blowh down for military reasons during
the mutiny,” and under it there existed the remains of what was
once a Buddhist monastery. No attempt was made to ascertain the
extent of the building or to trace its ground-plan, but from the
size of the mound, and the quantity of stones and building materials
found, it was evident that the monastery must have been a large one,
and included at least two temples dedicated at different times.
Among the articles found, were a number of sculptures in the coarse

118 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [No. 2,

red sandstone, so common in Delhi and Agra, and including a lot
of statues, cornices, bas-reliefs and pillars. ‘‘ These were,’ accord-
ing to Mr. Best, ‘‘all more or less mutilated, and appeared to be of
varying antiquity.” ‘It was probable,” he therefore thought, “ that
the building had passed through several stages of decay, repair and
additions, before its final destruction.” Although most of the sculp-
tures are of very inferior workmanship, ‘“‘ they are,” says General
Cunningham, ‘‘ very interesting on account of their variety, as they
comprise statues of all sizes, bas-reliefs, pillars, Buddhist railings,
votive stupas, stone umbrellas, and many other objects peculiar
to Buddhism, of a date as early as the first century of the Christian
era. Amongst the broken statues, there is the left hand of a colos-
sal figure of Buddha, the teacher, which measures one foot across
the palm. The statue itself, therefore, could not have been less than
from 20 to 24 feet in height. Stone statues of this great size are so
difficult to move, that they can be very rarely made. It is
true that some of the Jain statues of Gwalior are larger, such as
the standing colossus in the Urwahi of the fort, which is 57 feet
high, with a foot 9 feet in length, and the great-seated figure on the
east side of the fort, which is 29 feet, with a hand 7 feet in length.
But these figures are hewn out of the solid rock to which they are
still attached by the back.”** ‘<T look therefore with great interest
to the discovery of other portions of the Mathura colossus, especially
to that of the pedestal, on which we may expect to find the
name of the donor of this costly and difficult work.”* Some of
them are interesting also, from the circumstance of their bearing
inscriptions in the ancient Gupta character with dates in figures of
anew type. One of the sculptures is thus described by General
Cunningham.

«The most remarkable piece of sculpture is that of a female of
rather more than half life size. The figure is naked, save a girdle
of beads round the waist, the same as is seen in the Bhilsa sculp-
tures and Ajanta paintings. The attitude and the positions of the
hands are similar to those of the famous statue of Venus of the
Capitol. But in the Mathura statue, the left hand is brought
across the right breast, while the right hand holds up a small portion

* Archeeological Report for 1862-63, p. 4.

1870. | Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. 119

of drapery. The head is slightly inclined towards the right should-
er, and the hair is dressed in a new and peculiar manner, with
long curls on each side of the face, which fall from a large circular
ornament on the top of the head. The back of the figure is
supported by a thick cluster of lotus stalks covered with buds and
flowers, which are’ very gracefully arranged and boldly executed.
The plump face with its broad smile is the least satisfactory part
of this work. Altogether this statue is one of the best specimens
of unaided Indian art that I have met with. I presume that it
represents a dancing girl.’’*

Mr. HE. C. Bayley who was, at the time of the discovery, Judge
of Mathuré, had the inscriptions removed to his bungalow, and facsi-
miles prepared of some ofthem. These were early placed at my dis-
posal. Major General Cunningham who saw the inscriptions soon
after, also prepared reduced transcripts of a number of them, and
placed them in my hands. I had been assured by Mr. Bayley that
he had taken immense pains in transcribing the inscriptions with
his own hands, after testing each letter hy holding the unwieldy
stones in different lights, and I well knew the care and attention
which General Cunningham devoted to such work ; I was prepared
therefore to find that the two sets of facsimiles would prove to be
exactly alike. But on examination, I found them to differ in
some material points, and I was obliged to lay them by, until I
got an opportunity of comparing them with the originals, which I
expected would soon be sent to the Society’s museum. ‘These were
received in 1863,+ and on comparing them with my facsimiles, I

* Thid, p. 5.

+ These include—

1st. The feet of a large image supported by male and female figures at the
sides and smaller figures between the feet (No. 830 A.)

2nd, Figures representing portion of a procession in honor, apparently, of
Buddha (No. 8380 B.)

3rd. The feet of a small image, apparently, of Buddha, bearing an inscription
(8350 C.)

4th. A stone ladder which, apparently, had been used as a drain-pipe, bear-
ing part of a very interesting inscription (876 A.)

5th, Twelve bases of round pillars bearing inscriptions.

6th. A fragment of red sandstone about 3 feet high with Buddhist figures in
relief on two sides, One of these sets of figures represents the birth of
Buddha, No. 880 A.

7th. A very perfect figure of Buddha, about 6 feet in height, the head
encircled by an ornamental halo (887 A.)

120 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [No: 2,

found that out of 10 facsimiles of Mr. Bayley, the Society had
received the originals of only 8, and out of 18 transcripts of
General Cunningham, only 11 were forthcoming, the rest being
missing, most probably converted into ballast for the repair of
roads by some Benthamite overseer in the Public Works Depart-
ment; for in reply to my enquiry on the subject, Mr. Bayley wrote
‘to me, ‘‘I fear some of Cunningham’s are hopelessly gone, as I
could not find them, and a good deal cf stone-breaking had gone
on in the meanwhile.”’

Among the missing stones was a most important dated one;
which in the two sets of facsimiles appeared to differ in their details.
There were, however, among the stones sent to the Society, two
originals which were not included in either set of the facsimiles.

The inscriptions were all more or less defaced, worn out and
smudgy, and it was by filling up the interstices of the letters with
powdered black-lead, that I could read some of them. Others it
was impossible to decypher, and the facsimiles now presented to the
readers of the Journal (plates IV, V, VI and VII.) are, to a great
extent, imperfect. They are taken from General Cunningham’s tran-
scripts, with such corrections and emendations as a careful ex-
amination of the original and comparison with Mr. Bayley’s
transcripts would warrant, leaving all doubtful letters as they
were read by the General.

Fourteen of the inscriptions are inscribed on bases of pillars,
three occur on the pedestals of statues, one on a stone ladder, one on
an oblong slab, and one on a stupa or chaitya, t. e., model of a funer-
al monument. According to General Cunningham “ altogether
the bases of 30 pillars were discovered, of which 15 were inscribed
with the names of the donors who presented the columns to the
monastery.” But, he says, “as one of these. gifts consisted of 6
pillars, a second of 25 pillars, and a third of 26 pillars, there still
remain 40 columns to be discovered, which will bring up the total
number to 70.”* The inscriptions from which these facts have been

ts re e figure similar to the above, but with the halo broken, about 53 feet.
9th. A Buddhist naked female figure about 4 feet high.
* Loc. cit. p. 4.

1870. | Notes on Sanskrit’ Inscriptions from Mathura. 121

collected. are, however, not before me, or if they be mentioned in
any portion of the inscriptions communicated to me by the General,
they are not legible to me.

The plinths of the: pillars are» squares of 233 to 24 inches
each side, having on each corner the figure of a lion, half pro-
jecting from. the base moulding. Little can be said of the exe-
cution. of these figures, but their style is characteristic. From
above their body rise the shafts, which are not, as is usual among
purely Indian. columns, polygonal and. cylindrical at intervals,
but cylindrical throughout, as is the case in some of the columns
in. the temple of Martand and other structures in Kashmir. The
diameter of the shafts may be roughly given at 18 inches. Ordinarily
the length of Indian pillars varies from. 7 to 9 diameters, and
taking 8 at.an average, the height of the veranda to which the
pillars were attached, may be assumed at 16 feet. The temples
themselves must have been considerably higher to make room
for statues, one of which was 24 feet in height.

The inscriptions onthe pillars are in-several instances repeated,
first inscribed on.the torus and then on the plinth. But in more
than one instance, the two inscriptions appear to be different.

The statues call for no remark. They are of the usual Sarnath
type, two being standing figures with one hand lifted as in lec-
turing, and the other holding the hem of a light drapery thrown
over the person; the third. is a seated figure: the head in all the
three instances is encircled by a halo..

The stone ladder is peculiar. Mr. Bayley describes it.to have “ ori-
ginally formed. part of a.sculptured drain pipe, which was subse-
quently made to do duty as part of a stone ladder, and the ruthless
hands which fitted it for the latter purpose, had unfortunately hacked
away a great portion of a very interesting inscription which it
originally bore.” Possibly it was originally a drain pipe ; if so, it
could not have then borne any inscription, for the inscription ap-
pears to have been incised after its conversion into a ladder, be-
ginning at the bottom of the left hand bar and carried from above
downwards on the right hand. side, the feet of the letters on the
opposite sides being reversed. Had the inscription. been cut be-
fore the making of the steps, the writing would have all run in the

16

122 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [No. 2,

same direction. The ladder as we now possess it (Plate VI. Fig.
xIv) is only a fragment, the upper half being lost. This circum-
stance, and the injuries which the letters have received from time
and ill-usage, render the complete decipherment of the record
quite out of the question. From the few words that I have been
able to read, I take the steps to have been presented by a mendi-
cant, named Buddha-dasa, for the use of the pious, or, to quote his
own words, ‘“‘ for the good of all mankind” (sarvasatta litdya).

The inscriptions on the pillars are likewise records of gifts
to the monastery, and in language, style and grammar differ not
in the least from similar records in Sanchi and other Buddhist
sanctuaries. The shortest inscriptions of this class simply say “‘ the
gift of so and so ;” others add the purpose for which the giftis made,
being the good of one’s ownself, or that of his parents, or of mankind
at large; and the more elaborate include the date of the gift,
the name of the monastery, and perhaps the name of the reigning
sovereign. The nature of the gift is sometimes mentioned, but
not often; and the question may be raised as to whether in the
case of inseriptions, recording gifts (dana) without specifying their
nature, they are to be taken as mere records of gifts, or of the gift
of the objects on which they occur? General Cunningham is in fayour
of the latter alternative, and is of opinion that the things on which
donative inscriptions occur, are themselves the objects of these
inscriptions. There is generally, however, no pronoun of any kind
in such inscriptions to fix such a meaning, and it often happens, that
a single bar of a railing, records two or three or more gifts of
different dates, each in the usual form of gifts of so and so
—amnukasya danam. Of the two inscriptions given on plate V. (No.
v,) that on the torus records the gift of some Dasa, the son
of Vasumihira, while the one on the plinth, gives the name
of Vis‘vasika Vikramahara, son of Sinha. They cannot possibly
be intended to record the gift of the pillar, but of some gift
in money or other article to the shrine. Had the object been
the joint gift of two or more persons, their names would have
been given, not in separate inscriptions, but in one record, as
is the case in many inscriptions which have come under notice.
I am disposed to think, therefore, that the dana inscriptions were

1870. ] Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. 123

designed partly by wily covetous priests who, for a consideration,
dispensed sanctity to ordinary mortal names by recording them on
sacred edifices, and partly by a desire to buy celebrity or immor-
tality at a cheap cost by having one’s name recorded on buildings
frequented by millions, and which were supposed to last to all but
eternity ; a counterpart of that feeling which makes the modern
tourists scribble their names under the dome of St. Peter. The late
Major Markham Kittoe availed himself of this idea, and recorded
the name of each subscriber to the Benares College Building Fund
over or around a separate arch or doorway of the College Building
as the donor of that particular object, and not as a contributor to
the general fund.

In the case of the inscriptions on statues (Nos. xiI. XII. XVII.
the language is throughout different, and they leave no doubt in
the mind as to the ebject of their writers.

One of the pillar inscriptions describes the edifice in which it was
found as the monastery (vihdra) of Huvishka, whose titles were “‘ the
great king, the king of kings, the son of God,” following closely
the numismatic Greek legend Basileus Basileun theodotoy. Major
General Cunningham first identified this prince with the Hushka of
the Rajataranginé and the Ooerki of our Indo-Scythian coins. He
reigned in Kashmir in the middle of the first century before Christ,
and from the circumstance of a monastery dedicated by him existing
in Mathura, we may fairly infer that his dominion extended, at least,
as far down as that ancient city.

A second inscription (Plate XI. No. xv.) gives the name of
another prince with the same ultra regal titles of Maharaja, rijitiraja,
and devaputra, but owing to a lacuna in the stone, it cannot be fully
read. ‘The first two syllables are unmistakeably Vasu, after which
there is space in the facsimiles for three letters which Mr. Bayley
thinks were either mitrasya or devasya, making the whole name
either Vaswmitra or Vasudeva. As the mark of the long vowel is
distinct and Vasumitra is not strictly correct, I take the name to be
Vasudeva. That this prince was a successor of Huvishka, must
follow as a matter of course, if our inference about the date of this
inscription be correct: if it be doubted still, judging from the
character of his inscription, his time was not much removed from
that of the S ‘aka king.

124 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [ No. 2,

Some of the inscriptions, as already stated, are dated, and the
figures of these dates are by far the most interesting, and at the
same time the most puzzling elements in their composition. Ge-
neral Cunningham, some time ago, commented on them at great
length in this Journal,* but without coming to a satisfactory con-
clusion. Nor can I congratulate myself upon having raised the ques-
tion much above the region of mere conjecture, though the conclu-
sions I have come to, appear to be much more probable and consistent.
After the decypherment of the dated inscriptions of Nasik by the
learned Dr. Bhau Daji,| the values of most of the figures must now be
accepted as settled ; but they cannot be read in the ordinary decimal
style, without producing very doubtful results, I propose, therefore,
to read them from the right in arithmetical series as numerical
notations without reference to their local values. This may, at
first sight, appear objectionable in a writing which proceeds from
left to right, but seeing that the Arabs and the Persians read their
figures, borrowed from the Hindus, from left to right, though their
writing proceeds from an opposite direction, it may be presumed
that the ancient Buddhists, who evidently took their figures from
the Aryan type, did not alter the original style of the figures
and wrote them from right to left. Hence it is that even in modern
chronograms, a rule is observed which says “ figures, proceed
to the left.” =e aramfa! Raghunandana, the author of the
28 Tattvas, in his treatise on astrology, Jyotis Tuattva, three
hundred years ago, quoted a s/loka to the effect that ‘in writing
many figures of one denomination the progress should be to the left.”’
AHA ATA HART TETL ataat afa:; and to this day all chronograms
in Sanskrit are read in that way. Brown, in his Essay on Sanskrit
Prosody, notices the practice, though he does not quote any autho-
rity. Following this rule, the four figures of No. 1, (plate IV.)
may be read as 40-+- 10 -+5-+ 4 = 59. Reading from left to right
the result would be 4 + 5 + 10 + 40; which would be absurd as
progressing from small to large figures. If the third and the fourth
letters be taken for 9 and 6, and the whole be read decimally accord-
ing to their relative position, the date would be 4596, which would

* Ante Vol. XXXI, p. 426.
+ Journal, Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society, Vol, VIII. p. 228.

1870. | Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. 125

correspond with no known or probable era. The value of the first
figure is unquestionable; the second is somewhat like a 7, and the
counterparts of the third and fourth are so exactly reproduced in the
Nasik records, that they cannot be gainsaid. Reading from right
to left, I am unwilling to read the third letter as a 7, for it is not
at all likely that eleven would be indicated by 7 ++ 4 when a figure
for 10 was in use. The only material objection to this reading
would be, the figure for day, which looks very much like the last
figure of the year read from the left. But the difficulty is not in-
superable. Something very similar to it occurs in the Nasik caves
for a6, but the two are not exactly alike. I am disposed, however,
to take it to be the same figure which occurs in the year, 7. ¢., 40.
Such a figure for the day of the month would, no doubt, be in-
admissible, but as no month is named in the record, the 40th day
of the year 59, would not be an unreasonable way of expressing
‘the date.

Inscription, No. 1, read from the right in the way indicated above,
would give the date the 80th day of the year 59. In No. vi
there are only two figures, one of which is the same which I have
taken for 40 in Nos. 1 and 2, but the other is very doubtful and
I cannot positively say whether itis that figure or 100. It looks very
like a7, but a 7 before a 40 would be inconsistent, and it is probably
therefore a mutilated remnant of the figure for a 100. If so, the date
would be 140. No. xrv has a single figure which occurs repeatedly
in the Nasik caves No. 23, for 10, and its date therefore may be
without any hesitation taken for the year 10. No. xv has two figures,
one of which is 40 and the other 4—=44. The word forthe era
in it is given in full, samvatsare, and then follows the word varshe “in
the year,’’ very much in the same way, as if a man were to say “‘in
the year 44 Anno Domini.” This repetition, however, is common in
India, and such a mode of expression as W# {Red Vte@ is frequently
met with. The last letter in the third line is ma, after which, three
letters are missing, which contained the name of the month, on the
Ist of which ( prathama divas'e) the record was inscribed. The sub-
sequent lines are so full of lacuna, that it is impossible to make out
the purport of the document. ‘The last three lines (8th, 9th, 10th)
are completely obliterated,

126 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [No. 2,

The era to which these several years belong, would at first sight
appear to be the same which is used in the Wardak, Manikiyala,
Hidda and other Aryan inscriptions ; but No. vi has the word, s ‘he,
‘Cin the year of S aka,” distinctly given, the / being indicated by an
upright cross with a mark on the top for the vowel-point, differing
thus from the figure for 4 which is formed like an oblique cross in
Nos. 1 and 2, and it may be fairly asked if the word sam in the
other cases is not an abbreviation of s ‘ake, the usual mode of indi-
cating the elision of a letter being a dot or an anusvara after the
preceding letter: in many instances, thes alone is given without
the dot. No. xv uses the word samvatsare which means “in the full
year,’”’ probably of the prince named, or possibly, but not likely, in
the samvat year.

It is not at all likely, however, that different eras would be used
in documents of one class, and arguing on this premiss, it would not
be unreasonable to conclude the dates of all the inscriptions to refer |
to the S/aka era. The character, style, language, the princes
named, and the circumstances detailed, all point to the first two cen-
turies after the birth of Christ, and by reading the dates as belong-
ing to the S’aka era, we bring the documents exactly to that epoch ;
the earliest 44 being equal to 120 A. D. and the latest 140, to 216,
A. D. Dr. Bhau D4ji, in his valuable paper on the ancient Sanskrit
numerals in the cave Inscriptions, has already pointed out that the
S/aka was a Scythian era, and if this inference be tenable, and, as far
as I am aware, there seems to exist no very cogent argument to
bring against it, the Aryan records may all be assigned to the same
epoch. No. xv would suggest the idea of that document being dated
on the 44th year of Vasudeva’s reign, but the record is so full of
breaks that we cannot by any means positively declare that the
genitive Vasudevasya relates to samvatsara and not to some other
word. If it be excluded as belonging to the era of Vasudeva, still
the argument would remain unaltered in regard to the others.

I have appended to the plate a reduced facsimile of an inscrip-
tionon the pedestal of a statue of Buddha found in the village
of Sahet Mahet in Oudh. The village has been identified by Ge-
neral Cunningham with the Sravasti of the Buddhist records. It
bore a date, which is now completely obliterated. The General reads

1870. | Notes on Sanskrit Inseriptions from Mathura. 127

the last word of the first line as S’ravasti, but it appears to me to be
very unlike it. After a very careful study of the original for some
hours, I make it out to be dhikshusya, the last two letters correspond-
ing with the sadya of the next line. The figure is 7 feet high, and is cut
in the same material (red sandstone) of which the Mathura sculptures
are formed. It was dedicated by two Buddhist mendicants, Mihira
and Tripitaka, with funds received for the good of mankind from
one Bakrateya. The grammatical connection of the third line with
the second is not obvious, and the meaning had therefore to be
guessed from the instrumental case of the phrase Buakrateya
sucharyena.

Transcripts and Translations of the Mathurd Inseriptions.

Plate IV. No. 1.—Round the base of a Pillar (deposited in the
Museum of the Asiatic Society.)

due fee away titan eaqay sfae fae erat
faa stan efeqaag HUA ds aaa ea GaGa wa WqeN!

A present, on the 40th day of the year 59, to the Vihara of the
ereat king, the king of kings, the divinely born (or the son of a
Deva) Huvishka, by the mendicant (Bhikshu) Jivaka Udiyanaka,
known by the name of the breath-suspended.* May it prove a
blessing to all mankind! ‘The fourteenth congregation.

Plate IV. No. 11.—Round the base of a Pillar (deposited in the
Museum of the Asiatic Society.) —

ara etafee afequetagieae duc feqe a if

The gift of Devili of the race of Dadhikurna Devi, on the 80th
day of the year 59.

Plate V. No. 11.—Round the base of a Pillar (deposited in the
Museum of the Asiatic Society.)—

Car fare qacey dufaad <fy woeryiamgy wt er+ tT aS
gag it

The gift of the mendicant (Bhikshu) Buddha-dasa Sangha-

* The words in the original are Kubhaka sana, which I take to be a corrup-
tion of Kumbhaka-saijna from Kwnbhaka, suspension of breath in religious
meditation, and saijndé a name.

+ The reading of the figure is doubtful.
{ The reading of the last word is conjectural,

128 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [ No. 2,.

mitra, (or the friend of the congregation), (and) of the Devi
Parosapachatrisian |? YY hy 7%

Plate V. No. ry.—Round the base of a Pillar (deposited in the-
Museum of the Asiatic Society.)—

ara faagy aque ae * *

The gift of the mendicant Buddhe-ghosha. The fruit of—

Plate V. No. v. a.—Round the base of a Pillar (depesited in the
Museum of the Asiatic Society.)

arf agraret yaq qa (?) & are

The gift of Patrama (?) the son of Vast-mihira..

Plate V. No. v. b.—Round the Plinth of the same Pillar.

ara foatany 9a(e2fatece toegqa ** cage ** * * aa eata-
ara fcer * * *

The gift of Vis’vasika, and Buddha-mihira, the sons of Sitha—

Piate V. No. vi.—Round the base of a Pillar.

ard aa ge? gufatece faega * * * * * 4

The gift of Budha-mihira, son of Sinha, on the 140th S/aka year.

Plate VI. No. vit.—On the base of a Pillar (deposited in the
Museum of the Asiatic Society).—

ard faay qatiadg ua Tae F |

The eit of the mendicant § ‘akya Bhikshu, the protected of
Buddha—or of the mendicant Buddha Rakshita a mendicant of
Sakya Buddha.

Plate V. No. vitt.—On the base of a Pillar.

aaanuz * * *1 The gift of Sangha-putra.

Plate V. No. 1x.—On the base of a Pillar.

za duatacy * * * 4 The gift of Sangha-pravira.

Plate V. No. x.—On the base of a Pillar.

aa fag agciade aiNae |

The oift of the mendicant Mabhikshu, the protected of Buddha—
or of Buddha Rakshita, the unworthy mendicant.*

Plate V. No. xt.—On the Pedestal of a statue.

squad wafer faenrafeee qea yu aga aaqqarat
LATACHTATATAS |

* The word mabhikshu translated “ unworthy mendicant” is ungrammatical.

1879. ] Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. 129

This virtuous dedication to Saékya Bhikshu, (is) by Bhidatta
Brahma Sinha. Whatever fruits will proceed from this act of
religion, may be for the acquisition of a hundred-fold knowledge on
the part of all mankind.

Plate V. No. x11r.—On the Pedestal of a small statue.

29 ward wea fire WHITE yea YU aaa (aq waaay.

This virtueus dedication to Sakya Bhikshu Gs by) Dharma-dasa.
Whatever fruits will proceed from this may be enjoyed by my
father, mother and all mankind.

Plate V. No. x111r.—On a small stupa.

astra Eta |oet |

The gift of Surana* to Nasdpriya.

Plate VI. No. xrvy.—On the side of a flight of stone steps
(deposited in the Museum of the Asiatic Society).

eGo waaay aa fae qaan@e ** waaerai ** eq
say ** |

In the 10th year: the gift of the mendicant Buddha-dasa, to
Buddha for the good of all mankind and

Plate VI. No. xv.—On a block ef sandstone.

ASICS TC (SIfat1s1)

ww easy ae(e7y)

wqaut se qua * * *

a yaa feaq * *

fae Fe ye

eultay WeTats

* *yqaq a*

fang ag afte

Here three lines are illegible.

The text is too corrupt to admit of an attempt at translation.

Plate VI. No. xv1.—On the Pedestal of a seated figure.

The first line of this record is illegible, the second has the words
ayy Tarfarsay Saqaa qg**, “of the great king, the king
of kings, the divine born Vasu,” shewing that it was inscribed in the
time of the same prince whose name has been conjectured to be

Vasudeva in No. xv.

* The reading of this word is quite conjectural and very doubtful.
18

130 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. { No. 2,

Plate VI. No. xvu.—Oa the base of a Pillar (deposited in
the Museum of the Asiatic Society).

feay 4 a * * yeaa erat fray sete |

Gift of the mendicant Dharma-datta to
day of

? Purva, on the 5th
. Ifthe compound letter before Purva, be read as sha-
shtha, the meaning may be the fith preceding the sixth, a form of
expression still current in Nagari jundis or. drafts, but this form
would scarcely be used in monumental records,

Plate VII. No. xvur.—On the base of a Pillar (deposited in the
Museum of the Asiatic Society.)

aaa Cat (ve ?) fase y sa(?)ara erat way wang’

Gift of the mendicant Dharma-datta to the great Buddha
on the 5th day of

Plate VII. No. x1x.—On the base of a Pillar.

at fare sauing afagy *** |

The gift of the mendicant Buddha-bhima
Bhikshu,

Plate VII. No. xx.—On the base of a Pillar.

enfugy ard dugg wit qaq * * *

Squaw qua wad * * *

The gift of Datta-bhikshu, son of Sangha, the rest illegible.

Plate VII. No. xx1.—From the base of a solossal statue found
at Sahet Mahet, and deposited in the Museum of the Asiatic
Society.

Kee EX fequy yaa Twael 1) |

aq fafere frqe ary afuzaer eta qqqaay pst
BATA TAA

HY THSY PRAM WIaaara Feu |

The gift of the mendicant (Purya Sadya) Mihira and the noble
mendicant Tripitaka, for the relief of involved mortals, and the
attainment of the fruit of (such a) gift, (as also) for the enjoyment
(lit. movement) of Bhagavan—(from) the donation of the well-be-
haved Bakrateya for the geod of mankind.

The document is very puzzling; the translation here given is a
mere guess.

— the unworthy

OO Lee eed __Wa

JOURNAL AS: SOC: BENGAL, FOR 1870. PART 1.
| PLATE YW.

Se

=

is We
=
——-

— ——. Base of Pillar. ay
fh
tp

ri

GE er yg ; Tf JS_& Rady *
A ST] sr Gl Lg: Dm ANAITAAL WA
{ ce | y we 4 ‘
\ Vi a ‘ ? 4 i
oy ff KL Al , :
; a
\ f \"/@ \ig | Lor
AN | :
I KC
{ i b= ‘
i j i (7 x /t
[OK 1} } Ht ; i
WA A ae ane
aI nL He
i

N21. Base of Pillar.

Wa ER2Q ai asedpseagapye x9 yetray

Journal As. Soc. Bengal, XX XIX. for 1870,
‘Part I. Plate V

New, Base of Pillar.
=r2d HH q gz ayeitar RAVIR Ue wah aay
GEL 2H By 25)
NEIW Biase of Hiller,
KATE Ly q ferrtay (ta ala
N°V. Base of Pillar.
soa iru e lea
N° VY .Plinth of Base
= 2PTRMTUAIS Tay B nye RIA\ Ee
~ {2rd 1s “Taye pions oy

WOW Snes oe Fille
arut w4 ne Mya neat ey ae =
WR WY) RUNG Rh WS er —
N°VIL.Base of Pillar.
= ORUTHT RAW DY >

Nevill. Base of Pillars. Me
VAY YAK See as AU hu f BPE YAM

N°X. Base of Pillar.
PRB AT EAU KOE
INOUE. Squ ave Pedestal of Statue.
Wn yLeemm FEY Fz WPL C2 eur 4G I Be Av 5s AABELS more ft
N° X11. Pedestal of Small Statue
eas Lier SE ILC eur
Z54F I Apt MAPALBAL
N° XU. Sanall Stupa
Rf yous en) ay Byte

JOURNAL AS: SOC: BENGAL, FOR 1870, PARTI.
Pie ey Wale

NG OGL.

bara irl Lr, TE SII LITE! Ly
ON eats asia Saris Sa SONS SSS = SH
Z/ %
y, f

LYE

MG
Pag yale x
oe SAY |

ov ube

us

ad er Sty BOP EO | u
ee res

N° XVI. Pedestal of Seated Figure.
wegperh URAX we tupumiFare Udon dpi) nn — LH Xx op he
SO Jeysy PREY RY AYAM I ~~~
; Ne XVII, Base of Pillar.

Am RAE ARP ARYA ER GL CRAY,

eee
SD
Dae,

¥

y

JOURNAT, AS: SOC: BENGAL, FOR 1870. P 1.
Ae Ni:

N? XVII. Base of Pillar.
PAPTATXACAR Hu yar FEY aX 3467

N° XIX. Base of Pillar.

Ata me aaEysagtrrega
FT Mt Dia
Sa

—<—<————

N° XX. Base of Pillar.

CROEYT RAG g HH Cle gs ME THE ARM
FUdd uTANAIMUMNY Ry yo

N° XXI. From Base ofa Celossal Statue frem Sahet Mahet.
ppl AE, nN 4 KOE SY HY; ;
442) BW 2 ast YOU TR pen Bee PS
prasgetee xX cd Xe a rece y Qn 3

1870. Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 131

Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography, No. I—By
Babu. Prata'/PAcHANDRA GuHosHaA, B. A.

[Received 19th May, 1870; read 1st June, 1870. |

Like other subjects of study regarding the Hindus, the history
of the Bengali language and literature is obscure. There is
however, no lack ef internal evidence to lead if not to an
accurate at least an approximate idea of the real state of things
in the earlier days. The science of the history ef language
is of modern date, and even if it had been in existence in
the days of the rshis and munis of ancient India, their habitual
silence with regard to history would have added but little to
our meagre knowledge of the subject. The Muhammadans in
painting the portrait of a prince give a minute representation of
the dress and the ornaments, but they scrupulously avoid giving
any features to the face, which they leave blank, an oval space
without eyes or nose. The Hindus in the same way are prolix in
poetical and other irrelevant descriptions, but when they come
to historical facts, they are studiously silent. A dull description of
sober and unexaggerated facts is not compatible with their highly
imaginative and over-poetic disposition. The wonderful and mar-
vellous is the back-bone of their themes.. Exceptions are rare and
unique, but even in them, foreign influence is not unfrequently seen.
The inquisitive eye of the antiquarian, however, penetrates the
thick veil of the marvellous and the hyperbolic, and grasps at once
the real image. Facts are chained together in the relation of
cause and effect, and the willing mind with a little labour traces link
after link, and thus reaches the first cause. Experience of modern
eventsin the way of analogy leads much to the elucidation of
antecedent facts. Written history may sometimes mislead, but
internal evidence cannot be altered by the prejudices of contempora-
neous historians or by the colour of legendary tales. Internal
evidence, however, is weak on some points. Several dissimilar
causes sometimes lead to the same or apparently the same conse-
quence, and considerable judgment and discrimination is therefore
required to connect the sequel with its real and only cause. Hasty

132 Contrifutions towards Vernacular Leavcography. {WNo. 2,

generalization and faint analogy are serious impediments to this
mode of enquiry. Serious consideration and careful weighing of
the evidence ought always to accompany the tracing up to real
antecedents and the distinguishing of proper relationship. Paucity
of language and the frequent occurrence of synonymous terms cloud
the real meaning in obscurity, and alliteration in sound isa great
misleading element in the feminine language of the Bengalis.

Theories often precede the actual collection of facts, and the
brilliant ideas once taken hold of, are seldom abandoned till there is
an absolute dearth in the finding of the most distantly related sup-
porting facts. Every flutter of the wing or the rustle of the leaves
is an alarming sound to an imaginative mind. Indeed theories
are first formed and facts are next collected and twisted and turned
to suit or to support or prove the foregone conclusions.

Bengali works earlier than the fourteenth century after Christ
are not to be met with, and inscriptions and MSS. in the present
Bengali character scarcely go back earlier. Tradition in this parti-
cular is silent, so much so that there is no legend pointing directly
or indirectly to the relation of the Bengali to other languages. The
compound word Vangabhasha is so recent, that a distinct name of the
Bengali language cannot be found in earlier works. Abul Faz
once uses it, but it is not certain whether any books were then in
existence in the language. dngld is an older term, it stands for
the name of the country, as well as for the dialects spoken by its
people. These dialects were numerous in earlier days, and traces of
their differences may still be seen in the language of obscure villages
of distant districts. The gradual extension of commercial inter-
course has introduced changes in the spoken language of the
people, and differences in accent, pronunciation, and terminals,
and initials, slowly but steadily disappeared, till all became one and
identical. Radical changes in the orthography, proper pronun-
ciation of words, go on increasing till people settle into a habit of
writing, the inconvenience of the want of which is felt with increas-
ing intercourse and business. Private, and lengthy messages are
better sent in writing than by verbal instructions. It is superfluous
to dwell here on the circumstances and necessities which led to the
practice of giving ocular shape to the meaning of sounds uttered by

1870. | Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. oe

man for conveying his ideas to his fellows. Ocular evidence is
more easily comprehended, and is less liable to be misunderstood
than auricular ones. Permanent marks or an enduring collection
ef signs conveying ideas are more advantageous and useful than
temporary and evanescent figures by a move of the hand or
a nod or a wink. Words are permanently fixed by writing,
and then they are susceptible of such changes only as the forms
of the characters admit of. Roughly speaking, however, the
Bengali language and the Bengali characters are contempor ane-
ous, they are derivations of the Sanscrit and Nagari respectively,
and the difference between the derivative and the original languages
is so well proportionate to that between the original and the deriva-
tive characters, that excepting a few exotics and lately introduced
foreigners, the progress of the language may be said to be always
cotemporary with that of the characters.

The characters, as they are now, are more true to the original
stock, the Nagari of the Gupta type, from which they have been
derived, than the language; and the reason for this difference is
obvious. The Bengali recension of the Nagari characters is of later
' date than the Bengali recension of the Sanscrit language. Both,
however, have gradually receded from the original stock, and this
difference in the degree of divergence in the two, the language and
the characters, can only be explained by supposing that the charac-
ters were later adopted than the language. 'The characters again
were less frequently used, and this, though true of all the languages
of the world, speaks of a low state of civilization in the earlier history
of Bengal. Since the breaking up of the petty Hindu dynasties that
ruled in Bengal, and the arrival of the Muhammadans in this country,
it sank into the position of a third class subordinate province.
Excluded from the sunshine of the Emperors of Delhi and governed
by everchanging Subahdars and Nawabs, Bengal occupied an
obscure corner in the empire of Hindustan, and would have dwindled
into a jungly forest, had not fate brought the Briton to its shores.
Energy had failed the Bengalis for some centuries, and literature
was a mere name.

The signs are about eighty in number, and are therefore quite
sufficient to represent all the sounds which had to be represented.

134 Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. ([WNo. 2,

When the people came in contact with the Muhammadans who
were then the rulers of the land, sounds like @, é 5 puzzled the
people, and they would have been obliged to invent if not new
letters, at least such modifying signs as to indicate. the peculiar
sounds, had the real pronunciation of the same been preserved. The
Urdu had occasion to represent the Hindi sound pb and it soon
adapted itself. The enervating influence of the climate, however,
so far affected the Hindus, that soon after the period of the
Vedas, the big @ that guttural sound so much resembling the Ara-
bic @ was lost, and not even a trace of its existence could now
be found except in the very oldest works of Nirukta. It is not
for me to trace the several shades of change through which the Na-
gari has passed before it assumed the Bengali form. Suffice it to
say that the connecting link is the character known as Gaudiya
found in some inscriptions.

The language, however, has undergone serious changes, and in
its way has adopted so many foreign elements, that to eliminate
them now is more than impossible. As the adoption of foreign
words to represent new and foreign ideas rests with the common
people, they are faster adopted and modified in sound than the
adoption of foreign characters. All new words of a scientific or
philosophical nature are formed in the laboratories of the learned,
and the Sanserit roots are the elements of which they are com-
pounds. Every nation with which the Bengalis came in contact
contributed more or less according to the duration of contact, to the
enrichment of the language.

The great bulk of the words of the language is Sanserit, so
slightly modified that the original Sanscrit words are in many in-
stances identical with them, and in some may be easily detected,
there being only three cases in the Bengali and scarcely any varia-
tion in the terminal modifications of tenses or persons of verbs.

It isnot very far from the truth to say that the Bengali language
originated in the hearth with the illiterate women of the country,
whose shortness of breath and ignorance of the laws of grammar
and untrained tongue and hasty utterance soon modified the original
Sanscrit into a distinct, coarse and feminine dialect. The Pali and
the Prakrit are the immediate degenerated descendants of the

1870. ] Contributions towards Vernacular Leaicography. 135

Sanscrit. And to these we must look for a clue to the inexplicable
forms of modern Bengali words. The Gatha language, however, is
found useful to explain such cases where the segregation of the
consonants of a compound and the interposition of an @ after q
occur. Thus {st is Tay in Gatha, Prakrita and Bengali, ¢t—waq,
@a—_aax, “Aa—Aaa. Way, day and such forms are evidently
much older than @w and 43, of which I shall speak hereafter.
Properly speaking, they are the real Bengali forms of the Sanscrit
words and these contain in them a more permanent form than @3t
and “3 which are slang, provincialisms or effects of bad pronun-
ciation. To the GAtha* may be traced all the variations of the
verb to be, which the several derivative dialects of the Sanscrit have
given rise to. Sanscrit SafS is in GAthé cyifs, in Magadhi caify, |
in Kharikoli caica, in Mahardshtri “1¢2. in Hindi cats 72, and in
Bengali =¥. Can we trace to the Githi the Bengali case ter-
minations ? AGfH in Gith4 is avy, Atay is Atfacs. The Hindi <fq
and the Bengali @faca are derived from the Gatha. fara, is it
from the Gatha fetaital and Sanscrit 41Cal ?

The Pali andthe Prakrita were in use as early as the second and
third centuries before Christ. They have their distinct grammar,
though in many instances the grammarian has failed to point out the
reasons for modifications in several words. They have derived all
their words from the Sanscrit, though many of them have lost the
original import, and it is difficult to explain how the later meanings
have arisen.

Opinions differ as to the proper limits of the Bengali language.
With some every Sanscrit word or compound without the case affix
is Bengali. Others again confine themselves to the more commonly
used terms. From the general tendency of modern Bengali writers,
it appears that the former opinion has the greater number of sup-
porters. With reference to the words imported or derived from
foreign languages, some writers eliminate them altogether. Thus
the word ¢xtewH1 is rejected by the more orthodox writers, while
others of amore utilitarian tendency adopt it for the sake of its
common and frequent use. Indeed it involves a serious linguistic
question which has yet to be solved. Excepting the slang and the

# J. A, S. vol, XXIII p. 604.

136 Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. (No. 2,

technical terms of the poorer trade, are words of other than Sanscrit
origin, used by the people generally, to be considered as legiti-
mate Bengali or such of them only as are in use in writing by the
learned and the pedantic ? It must be noted here that the learned
and the higher classes use in ordinary conversation many words which
they would not like to see in writing. The discussion has hither-
to been limited to the use of Persian and Arabic words, but if those
which have been long incorporated in the language, are to be con-
sidered as part and parcel of it, surely it cannot be right to condemn
the use of words which have come into fashion, simply because
they have been derived from foreign languages other than Persian
and Arabic. The Bengali language is so very modern, and the
works written in it are much more so, that the length of the period
of the use of a particular word cannot be considered an argument
either for or against its adoption.

The oldest works in Bengali are the Havikankana Chandi, the Chai-
tanyacharitamrta, and the abstracts of the Mahabharata and the Ré-
miyana. The first two contain a great many words so awkwardly
distorted that to a Bengali of the present age, they are unintelligible.
Many of these monstrosities have too much of the Udid and Radha
form in them. The refined composition of Bhératachandra, the
popular poet of Bengal, who flourished in the beginning of the
present century, is not free from such barbarisms. The tendency
of present compositions, however, is towards purity.

Lexicography in the true sense of the word is unknown in the
Bengalilanguage. Several dictionaries have been compiled within
the last sixty years, and only a few can be said to go back still earlier.
The idea of preparing a dictionary of the Bengali language, and
that alphabeticaly arranged, was derived from the Europeans,
who felt the want of it in studying the language. Before the advent
of Europeans in this country, there was no dictionary, in short no
literature except a dozen commonplace books. Short vocabularies
were first formed, and they were in Bengali and English. An exclu-
sively Bengali dictionary originated with the School Book Society,
and it was more of an elementary nature than of a comprehensive
character. Within the last twenty years we haye been furnished with
several volumes of dictionaries of the Bengali language. In the

1870. ] Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 137

formation of these, no system or plan has been followed. Princi-
pally they are compilations from Sanscrit dictionaries, and the com-
mon colloquial distortions of many Sanscrit and foreign words have
been inserted, without rhyme or reason, to swell the bulk of the
work. Indeed so little attention has been given in the selection of
words, and so little care has been taken in arranging them, that the
several modifications of a word as pronounced by the illiterate have
been putin, as so many distinct and independent words. No compiler
of an English dictionary would dare put in ¢dear as a distinct word
from idea, though it is so pronounced by many. ‘The compiler of
a Bengali dictionary, however, puts in the following atl, atel, ats,
aH, 41@, and a1] as so many distinct words. Words that have
not retained the entire Sanscrit form have been by some regarded
as Prakrit, though such forms are never to be seen in that lan-
guage and others with equal carelessness been introduced as original
Bengali. Indeed the negligence is so great, that in one dictionary
I find the word =a (wine) marked as a Prakrit word.

It is held by some that the language of the aborigines of Bengal
has largely contributed to the formation of modern Bengali, and
that though Sanscrit forms the nine-tenth part, or even a greater
proportion, of the whole bulk of the language ; the case-terminations
are the relics of the aboriginal Bengalis. This is not the place to
discuss the origin of the language; it must, however, be admitted
that many of the case-terminations can be traced to the Prakrit,
a derivative of the Sanserit, and the rest may be explained without
recourse to fanciful suppositions.

With these few prefatory remarks on the formation of words in this
language, I propose to give here a list of derivations which I
have endeavoured to trace to the Sanscrit or other languages,
and from time to time in subsequent papers to discuss the genealogy
of different words.

In common conversation, it may be observed that the illiterate,
and especially the women of the lower classes, eliminate the r 4
from words which contain. it, or insert one in words having none. In
Prakrit this is arrived at by a more comprehensive rule,* v7z., that
sharp consonant compounds are filed off by the clision of the final

* Cowell’s Prakrit Grammar,

19

138 Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. [No. 2,

letter and the reduplication of the second. Thus for ™& in Sanscrit,
we have @(Gm in Prakrit, as well in the older dialect Pali; so for
@w-ew ; ¢3t-¢=t. In short, this application of the laws of eupho-
ny is to be found in all strong vocalic languages, and in those in
which pronunciation is slurred, indistinct, and hasty. And though
we know every educated Bengali calls the mirror in common con-
versation wtafa, from sitR*f, the vulgar pronounce it as wITafH.
Some again go so far as to transpose the and call it atafH. Simi-
larly wiaai becomes ATAal. {# is common both to the high and the
low, though it is derived from Prakrita $%, Sanscrit coi. Here it may
be noticed that in Prakrit and Bengali, the diphthong vowels @ and
@ are simplified into distinct sounds of ~2 and “1% constituents
of the compound sound, and sometimes one of these simple sounds
is even elided, as @qif# in Sanscrit is 6% in Prdkrit, and t@ in
Bengali. This elimination of the 4, as in S{tafH, is used by the
very lowest classes. The @ is left out in such words as atv and
ary, and they are in Bengali famin, foimin, amin, and aio or atz,
as also STT MIN or wita. The double Rin faim is evidently
owing to the rule of pronunciation in Sanserit, which lays
down that the consonant preceding a compound is always to
be doubled; so also consonants following a visarga. As regards
ata from ajt¥y, in Bengali sf and @ are generally interchan-
geable, as caTtub1 from Waessa. The same may be said of 5
and %, B and %. Compounds of a liquid and an aspirate are gene-
rally modified in Pali, Prakrit, and Bengali by elision of the former.
The Sanscrit “7 becomes % in all three, as also Hw, Am, and
afayl, afew. Here in the derivation of the dialectic form 7% we
find a clue to the custom peculiar in Bengal of pronouncing conso-
nant compounds of W in a manner so as to give a nasal sound to
it. The only exceptions to this are amite, “tawat, aiete. In
Sanscrit and modern Hindustani, the q after ® is distinctly pro-
nounced. a:

To the Prakrit many of the Bengal forms may be traced which
cannot be so easily referred to the Sanscrit.

Thus the Bengali numerals :—

1870.]

Sanscrit
AG

fa
eis
ICE
pata
128

ap

ay
ADAH
He
HOH
ap
aaa
Jalal
ala
acuta
Bama
aR nat
CATGAT
ABA
BMoiwt
Walerat
AGMA
Spar
fear
peaifaast
AS

Prikrita
DTS

LEE

fra
bifa
ATVs

AST
Attaz
ATqz
Catal
come
ATACRT
CHTSICaI
weTacal
BOTA
Gfacal
Hetscal
NHTSA
SitAl
DOMTATAL
AS

Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 139

Bengali
ATS

Deel
CB7Tal
Als
Qifeq
STB
aq
aatz, WaAtz
ata
(ea
coim
ATI
cata
Atsa
arota
Gert
HSA
SBT
fast
cotatfast
*,

Such words as 4@*t and a12“I are evidently derived from aa@fqx*t
and atffa*t. In 4@*t the anusvira is first elided as in *{ from
fas, and the final vowel of & being elided, it assumes the
This form is found in Hindustani,

form of afe*t (Geet).
which has 4@ei*t for twenty-one.

In Bengali, a less masculine

and more euphonic language, in the strong sound of kvi the long ¢
is shghtly and gradually flattened, till it becomes 48*1, which again

140 Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. | No. 2,

by a slight modification becomes 41. Indeed, when the Bengalis
speak amongst themselves, it is very difficult to catch the very flat
sound of w, which they simply use to connect the consonants @
and *{. af2“t is aiffa*t or Wet, where % is elided. The numerals
from fifty-one to fifty-eight are all formations with “Ta, standing for
fifty and a%, 4 (41-41), fea (fa fe), viz (G1) &c., preceding. In eu-
phony * after 6, #, ¢, and 5 is harsh, and hence instead of 4e7Ta
we have 4aty, alata feortta plats viata &e. In ferxtiq the 7 is
doubled as the original form fa*itq had a compound fq preceding
“iq. The Prakrit rule is: before two consonants a long vowel is
sharpened, and if the long vowel is retained, one of the consonants
is clided as wefst for st, fala for wie, 7 for 7, and waa for
wa, and a short vowel before two consonants is occasionally
lengthened, and one of the consonants omitted, as t&1 for fasl. The
Hindustanis, however, have retained the forms 4@7 aq. ataia, fs iets
Aibvia. The Bengali form 7st (a group of five) is evidently a
corruption of the Sanserit js} ; of such forms as 9f%31,@12a,e9T, &e.,
more hereafter. From the above derivations, it appears that the
Hindi has derived all its numerals from Prakrit, while the Bengali,
though not from the Sanscrit direct, yet not from the Prakrit either.
It has to be decided whether it is justifiable to draw the conclusion
that Bengali is a language independent of the Prakrit and con-
temporaneous with it? But the mass of evidence on the other side
is so great as to leave no doubt whatever of its drawing largely
from the Prakrit. That the Bengali is an independent derivative
of the Sanscrit, is tenable under the supposition that the rules of
derivation in Bengali are similar to those of the Prékrit. At all
events the subject is open to discussion.

Many distortions met with both in Prakrit and Bengali words
may be traced to the laws of Sandhi of Sanscrit grammar. Thus,
when an aspirate consonant becomes doubled, one of them becomes
a simple one.

Sanscrit Spy, in Prakrit instead of being StpcpI is BTWeo!, and
in Bengali SIT¥—so is Waet—wacwi—uaqe, wfiet—mafaa—
fafa, yar—yar—7A. Similarly, a simple consonant is changed
into an aspirate, J{—wtdI—a_.

In the Bengali numeral ate derived from 4@, the vowel & in

1870. | Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 141

Prakrit or ¥ in Bengali hastaken the place of a. Thus getei—
BWCSSAG— GlCeal— Yeal—- alent. The study of these forms is to Phi-
lology what the science of Embryology is to Natural History. The
classification into genera is greatly assisted by the embryonic forms
which the animals undergo, and it is then only that their resemblance
to the allied genera or species is most vividly exhibited. The
other day, some small seedlings of <Artocarpus indicus, the Jack-
fruit, in my garden threw out leaves so perfectly serrated in the
manner of those of the bread-fruit, that I was at once struck with
the similarity, and on exhibiting it to a friend of mine, he observed,
that though not himself a scientific man to appreciate the close re-
lation which existed between the two dissimilar leaves, it had always
been a puzzle to him. Returning to af@ from 4@, this form can be
explained asin Sanscrit Sandhé ; for x is formed in the place of 4 and
there isa rule in Iugdhavodha, stating that the consonants formed
in places of vowels can again be transformed into those vowels.
For = we get ¥—for 3,2 — for a, <, for 2, a as also conversely for
a—%, for d—W. It is interesting to note that +84 is pronounced
as ya and @ + “| =@ va. From this it may be observed that the
sound of X is not 7, but ya, and that the Bengali custom of pro-
nouncing it as 7 is to be traced to the Prakrit where Sa“ is BUCA ;
and though in Yajurveda the & is always pronounced asj. May we
hazard a suggestion that since the aboriginal brahmans of Bengal
were wholly Yajurvedic, they have given to the Bengali the 7 sound
of ¢? A learned brahman being asked why 2% in Sanscrit became
&@ in Prakrita, very coolly replied, ‘‘It is because the women were so
much addicted to pan-chewing.” Thus again Q4j—aAeR—Blg,—
wdi—Hud—caia, YISA— GF AX— Fal catgrx— ChlSX\— CRISS.

It has been noted above that the Sanscrit faslay is FFeA in
Prakrit. Instances of such. breaking up of the particles of a word
are not rare. They are in conformity with Prakrit rules. Thus
the Sanscrit yeaa is in Prakrit mapas, and 2ttq is 7atq in
Bengali and gtfs is foratts, wi-tata is sraHfa, also sitarH wHtetz,
caantis foratft and cy>@ is woAcml. Similarly owt is biwal
in Prakrit and pIq¥t in Bengali. cea, is iAH, Tia is Zaz,
HSA is of faa, Fe, Als is SAGHIA and apis Sub, taH from atta
and feai from Prikrit SAaa and Sanscrit aKa.

142 Contributions towards Vernacular Leutcography. [No. 2,

Then by Sandhé forte consonants are changed into lenes as also
fortes or lenes of one class into lenes or fortes of another.

focal from Prakrita fafeca from Sanscrit fatfeta cea —acatax—
MSA, GI—VHE—BsHiy, avy —zy—aiy—ad3 —tudafyavi-
—SUICRI—SbIz, BYifA is Hindi, Hai—ayl, sacyi—aaacyi—
Gav, SIA—SUCAIFGsld, FRN—caicpi—cald, etr—aat—
wgCbI— Bs, wzAH—AACHI—sm, ee

In many of the above, Hindi forms may be detected, several of
which point to a greater intimacy with Prakrit than Bengali. The
Hindi form 2}1, meaning sub-acid in taste, has a close resemblance
to atiG meaning to eat. The word appears to have been extended
to the later meaning sub-acid in taste, as to the Hindustani it is a
stimulant to eating. The word pibat literally means that which
is to be eaten or licked. Its present meaning, however, is a sub-acid
acrid pie. In Bengali, words are easily contracted and harsh
sounds often eliminated, #71] is from the Prakrit #fait#i from the
Sanscrit ate, cat from aq and atyat from arapat.

Words ending with a compound consonant and the vowel z, in
passing from Sanscrit to Prakrit and Bengali generally drop the
consonant ; as, $12 from tifs, ¢tz from atta fs, ~T= from 2A, at=
—ault—aoW ; thus 9? —gfeai—aiaat, atria —qet as
wBMiginats, ne —ate—uix, Pass —qeawle—qeroteit, H1e—
MIS ATIC AMIS, CoSVI— SS E—cwea.

In compliance with the general rule about the fortes and
lenes of one class changing into fortes or lenes of another,
the following changes may be observed ; Utfeai—utfeai—afwai.
The Hindi form ¢UIw#a1 is evidently from the Prakrit cBi=,
Sanscrit cata. It is important to notice how the original
meaning has been lost. Again wtfety—nifea—atfiox are in-
stances of © substituted by €. The Prakrit has only changed
the G into @; such change is still observed in Sanscrit grammar,
and several Sanscrit words up to the present day are spelt in
both ways <= Zita is also fw, and very often the @ stands for <,
as in crag and wax. As an instance of Y=, we have the word
Sate (Hindi) from the Prakrit SYS, Sanscrit Sut. In this
we find that sf in Sanscrit is changed to @ in Prakrit. But
most peculiar is the change of # into 4, and B into ¥. In tracing

1870. | Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 143

the change of @ to a, we have to suppose an intermediate step
viz., that of changing it into J. Now amongst the cerebrals JU has
the same value that o has amongst the gutturals and, as stated
before, lenes of one class are changed into lenes of another. Now
since U =a, and being equal to U, fis also equal 4. In the
change of sf to © we have only to notice that the fortis is
changed into a lenis of the same class. Thus the Sanscrit Dawe is
wary in Prakrit and Bengali.
The following is a list of words similarly derived :-—

Sanscrit Prakrit Bengali
SIDI SITCBII SIG
CHG
| cary oe cata
CHIDS Cate
ap ql
cater CaTS CHT
BIS YAR cbTSI
ATON ADT, AGI
Sa AG AG
atpt airs
apel afera 23 fe
TS ty ER TBI
xa 491 “9.89
oat aupt aut
that fort frat

In deriving @¥1 from the Sanscrit %A%p!, we observe that the
Sanscrit D is changed into Y in Bengali and & in Prakrit, and
that both derivative languages have elided the anusvdra, the
liquid @ after B, as well as w, and have instead lengthened the
vowel into S(T; M1¥1 Bengali, @Ib1 Prakrit.

From the word y% is the Bengali infinitive 41, and Q¥i is
exclusively used to indicate a dead body.

In the following the aspirate §, a dental fortis, is changed in-
to the simple , a cerebral fortis.

afs—afs— 1d, Xi—d1—dta, ata—d1z—BI8.

In the following, 4 and the liquid @ are eliminated.

144 Contributions towards Vernacular Leaicography. | No. 2,

BE—AG—HUF, WFP , aHSeS—_aFi APIs zi,
BHAS—BAYT— Biv. Here the sloha for which the poet Kalidasa was
abused by his spouse may be citedasan example of bad pronuncia-
tion “Gey AS cal Wal STA Weal fohA fea.”

The following is an instance of a lenis standing for a fortis, 4US-
Ai. acu fax— and, SHtA—_SAvA—UA, Ga.

The aspirate & is sometimes found to stand for the aspirate 9-
soltay—afea.—ateal; and in some instances for a, enifai—
CSQ—tS or oq

Sanscrit Prakrit Bengali

Sa] G2] ea]

gata ofa afé (Hindi)
zat Uz Gz! (Hindi)
AAAATATS aaacata taara

In Sandhi, & takes the place of the palatal 1. But as in Pra-
krit a great confusion exists between the three ses, we have the
following—

Sanscerit Prakrit Bengali
AAAI BBA] BAnr
eA Decal wea

ATIS Bag Bia, (Sta

The compound % is pronounced in three ways, as ksh, kkh, and
chchh, 2. ¢., @a, Gal, and as w®.
Thus we have :—

Sanscrit Prakrit — - Bengali
BRST SUED

UT WRI Tow

=a cote CaID
BETAS BTar Riad, B12
aly baat aaatt
aq a1 a7)
aana ’ aaa

In #Y, the % is changed according to the rule above mentioned
into 6 and the liquid 4 is dropped.

As stated before, such harsh compounds are softened in the
derivative languages, as —

1870. ]

ATT
Bory
Ro
co)

BS
BRAT
ag

Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 145

TSA

Slr of

Goel, wai

Btsl, Ste

at

FISATA
SICHBlAld, Sow

In the word >t 3M, or Ata7TH, the law of transmutability of letters
is carried to the maximum : it is evidently a corruption of Wtvi*[q,
where @ is changed to 4, and *f to #, and lastly 4 to® or &; some,
however, derive it from 13a “[7i.

In some cases, § stands for 5, as ABJ\ AHA ATS, and in others for
af, as tie) from af ws — SHS
The 4 is changed into 3 or g, as—

cHad
ara
CHI GA
aa

Pa

a4

CASK
Cuts

ROA

au
CATA

In the following @ stands for S—glel—alna, otal. In the word
faatz the second 4, being va, is changed into a in Bengali, faats-

fa@atcei— faq.

The following is a list of some words traceable to the Prakrit.

STS
BAPS
$ sr
Guat
ea
apna
Ver
BID%

a4

Say

ge
20

Sle]
BWMAFS
HEIN
asait
Ge
Bsc
oR

BA

Stal
1 OTe f
OTT!
ota

STi Ta
Bias
wal
al

te
watea
@iraa
Id

arta

eq (set)
ate

146

Contributions towards Vernacular Leavcography.

ata
CATA
am
zal
DEcant
facant
facaat
UBS
Ba
BAA

BiDiihs
AST

ADT (Se)
Aral

Caz

Sry

aL
VATyA
SX
TEAX
Had
ve

at
yfasi
ATAX

ITA
CATBICGI
CHITGI
za
BUtHnt

bia
Bal
BDIAA
fam
fois
Gtaat
cE
Sm
coifes
ACA
aQ fern
BT
Cate)
Ca
GR
QIQira cal
Gar
CoH
Waa
Tel
<t
THATS
TSN
ATATSS, ATSTS
Ciel Sy
2StAl
aacml
afafas

[ No. 2,
att
CNTIa
CATS
Cae
cbita
csgatfa
cnita
Bta1

Ba
Sia
cam
fafa (ea1)

CBS

caTa

aaa

bITa

ACA

ab (#Tz)

aqata, ATS

cal

Stat

ef, g

QrIaiTa, COMI A, CSTS

(Hindi)

(sa
CHEST
Rta
fai
fast
“1
ATTA
CBA
taeq (Hindi)
Zan
afa4

1870.]

Contributions towards Vernacular Leavcography. 147

aa at cafes
Sel Seital
tei STA
WAIT fesax
Ta TOR
Tgp BAUE!
SAT Chal
TT TCHAl
AALBP

Zqe

caloateit

RABAIASA, ATS SA
WiAataTSt

qTa AQAA
AD> ALDX
AdS Bats
faa

fret faa
giges

Sigatat

ori Hat
TATA

BAST A DAHA
BAS BIBS
ST

watata Asia
catfar calzat
og aAUCUI
TGCS BBIae
taza cote rita
far fraea4
gaia fextcal
qfeai IBA
qe His]
WTSI TS

aaQut
STsta
aia
feud
Cala
cata
qTa
Tal, CTR
cataato
atari
apie
BIBISY
waraars
AGA
AND
Bala
Stel
faa
Siycal
STS
ul
TTA
a 15a]
AAS
Btoal, Ste
Hora
(Hindi)
attzi (Hindi)
ate
cBIAz
faaa
arty
wie
cal
Nl

148

Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography.

aa
ameq
cH)
JRO,
aa4
qaqa
CBA
aan
ate
ST2TX
FayIs
fas
Fayieg
CaEX
gs <
SUS
Aa
Alb ol
“pater
pias
Tawi
Aras
Wag
wot
cata
Pacey

aant
BAX
abet
faq
cata
Cala
ZEA
aye
ane
ate
Tacs
fafaat
faaica
COB
(aN
Camiz2
FSI
wifstal
TASCA
fae
tates

ata

cata] (Hindi)
atot

CAal, AST

OCI

Ztail
afa
aa
aifaa
festa (Hindi)
fax
faata
Cae
CaTBt
qa
AAI, ATA
FITS
Tara, ATA
Teles
fai, cat
faata
aa, cata

[No. 2,

1870. | Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 149

In the following the original meaning has been lost. Thus
acu literally means ‘information,’ and its present meaning is
a kind of sweetmeat, a confection of chhdnda, which is always
carried by persons sent to enquire after the health of friends and
relations residing at a distance. Similarly, the word Se meant to
enquire, but it now means ‘ presents of sweetmeats, fruits, clothes,
&e., made to friends or relatives.’

Amongst five brothers, the first is designated <¥, meaning eldest,
the second ¢7& literally intermediate, the third GHG (is it a derivation
from the Persian seywm—third ?). The fourth is 4, evidently derived
from Aq=new, and the last ca1b. It is interesting to notice how
the word 4 came to be applied to the fourth of a group consisting
of more than four members.

The Sanscrit word q as well as its two derivatives ybt, Wl
are in use in Bengali, but they indicate three distinct objects. The
ap, the original Sanscrit word, is applied to the old form of the water-
pot now in use, only for religious purposes. @bt is a metal water-pot
smaller than the 491, and bwel, CHIBI, WiaaGgl. wy, cEcai, and
aibeail are differently formed water-pots. Bt is derived from
Baa to kiss, to drink with the lips or rather to sip, bEUT a pe-
culiar sound used for quieting horses by drawing air through tightly
closed lips. The infinitive ByWIq is evidently a contraction of
BUS Gt, though some by a slight modification in spelling make it
bal, and have tried to derive it from b{NZ, and the proverb cacute
BACTASA being misunderstood has caused the idea. alptH] comes
from 155 spherical, the shape of the pot. wigfS appears to be the
oldest among these, and this form of a pot is out of fashion. Tt
means sweetened, and the brim of the vessel being turned into a
lip, it sweetens as it were the liquid drawn from it. ft and CATO
(ceii=B) both literally mean pieces of stone, their present application,
however, is to a set of grinding apparatus, the slab of stone is faa
and the grinding roller catGi. GISi again, a derivation of Ty a ma-
chine, is a pair of circular grinding stones.

AAvt and 4p are from wsat and BirR*w respectively, meaning
made by one’s own hands, and the offals of one’s dish. Boiled rice
is therefore HT, and a remnant of a piece of bread after a part of it
has been eaten is 4 ¥ (GSI in Hindi),

150 Contributions towards Vernacular Leavcography. |No. 2,

GbtGi, as stated before, is a corruption of the Sanscrit UPS, a
water-snake. It is now used to indicate the innocuous water-snake
as well as a powerless man. &fGcomes from s{7fTH, cotton, and
here the material has given name to the cloth made from it. Its
present signification, however, is more extensive. Itis in Bengali
a generic term for cloth. LST means that which is washed, and as
the piece of cloth round the waist of a Bengali is the only part of his
dress which he has to change about four times or oftener in a
day, that piece of cloth is by par excellence called 4st. 3S comes
from H@ a thread. Itis now used exclusively to represent cotton
thread, and cloth made of cotton is Hola SI, as distinguished
from cat BIG.

GS is CHTYl in Hindi, and appears to be part of the Sanscrit
word 2 7 T¥Bl, a pair of shoes.

Bal means cassien of milk, separated by boiling it with an acid.
It is derived from faa to break up, to tear asunder, and the com-
pound cEui %¢ supports this derivation.

focas atytw (Chinese almond), Rath @azyi (English gourd),
Sue Zt (Guzrat elephant), appear to be misnomers. The first
is no more an almond than it is Chinese. Its more rustic name
is Wibatwia or Wi StF (field almond, or field lentils), which ex-
presses its nature better than the other term. The faifs #191
is called ffi, because crews of vessels store them up before they
leave the port for the sea, as it can be preserved as long as the
potatoe without getting rotten. The name, however, may mislead,
were we to consider it as an introduced fruit, as also the word fatfS
av (Indiarubber tree). The Hindi word 4wia 3241 (traveller’s
gourd) is a clue to its origin. The people of obscure villages have
preserved its real name fIcsSAVI, sweet-gourd.

CBUi and ¢bal, as stated above, are both derived from the Sanserit
Tan, but CZv1 in Bengali is ‘ to tear,’ and cbai is to divide lon-
gitudinally. Thus the slit of a pen is its fea. =I, wt CRIP,
b-GaATs are derivatives of the Sanscrit ap. wtb1 to crack,
CBib1 to boil, as also to break by frying, as in SPaaATe, a kind
of lentil that cracks when fried. wip is a cucumber which bursts

when ripe.

1870. | Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 151

Base and “4B are derived from av, which word is also in
use in Bengali. ZaéSY in Bengali is a hackney—carriage, and 1G
a cart on two wheels drawn by bullocks.

I will conclude this my first paper on vernacular derivations with
a few words derived from the modern European languages.

From the Portuguese, “ify, @gtva, cantal, faraul andiceatin.

From the French, *1G@ 6} (pain = bread).

From the English, wigtaa, Suiy, GS, Tula, fora, fer, Taye,
fib, Wied, and wTsiia.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

= p>—

Parr L—HISTORY, LITERATURE, cc.

Annee

No. IfI.—1870.

ARO DDD LID DRA ADIDAS

Extracts from letters addressed by the Rev. T. Foutkes, Chaplain of
Vepery, to the Chief Secretary to Government, Fort St. George, dated
29th May, and 26th June, 1869, regarding three sets of Copper
Sasanams discovered in the Vizagapatam Districts.*

‘“‘T have the honor to return the three sets of copper-plates and
the package of printed impressions, together with the letters of the
Collectors of Vizagapatam and Nellore, which were sent to me with
that memorandum, and to send herewith, a translation, of the oldest
of the three copper-plate inscriptions which accompanied that letter.

“Tn referring to these copper-plate sets in this letter, I will call
them No. 1, No. 2, and No. 3, in the order of their date.

“No. 1, which may be distinguished by its thinner plates, and
the greater boldness of the characters inscribed on them, is a grant
of a village called Kalvakonda, in the district of Dimila, made by
Vishnu Vardhana Maharaja to two brahman brothers, Vishnu
Sharmma and Madhava Sharmma, to be converted into a brahman
settlement, in commemoration of an eclipse of the moon.

* Published in the Journal by order of the Council. Impressions taken
from the three Sasanams described by the Rey. Mr. Foulkes, as also a large
set of impressions of other copper Sasanams in the Central Museum, Madras,

have been received from the Madras Government through the Government of
India, and are now preserved in the Society’s Library, Tur Hprror,

21

154 Notes on Three Copper Sasanams. [No. 3,

‘Several princes of the name of Vishnu Vardhana have reign-
ed in Southern India; but the present grantor is identified in these
plates as the younger brother of Satyashraya of the Chalukya dy-
nasty.

‘‘This dynasty was founded by Jaya Sinha, who invaded the Dec-
can about the beginning of the fifth century, A. D., but was defeat-
ed by Trilochana, king of the Pallavas, who were then the domi-
nant race in those parts. Jaya Sinha’s posthumous son, Vishnu
Vardhana, subsequently reversed his father’s misfortune, and esta-
blished himself in the kingdom of Kuntala, the capital of which
was Kalyan, which still exists in the neighbourhood of Beder in
the Nizém’s territory, where his descendants reigned down to
the close of the twelfth century, A. D. His great-grandson,
Kirtti Varmma, had two sons, Satyashraya, who succeeded to the
throne of Kalyan, and Vishnu Vardhana, the donor of inscription
Now:

‘On the death of Kirtti Varmma, there appears to have been
some political disorder at Kalyan; for Satyashraya did not succeed.
his father until after his uncle, Mangalisa, had reigned for some
time. It was probably in consequence of this usurpation, that the
younger son, the grantor of No. 1, was induced to push his own
fortunes at a distance from the scene of the family troubles. What-
ever may have been the cause of the emigration, this Vishnu
Vardhana, who is surnamed Kubja, or Little, went eastwards into
the Telugu districts below the ghauts, and conquered Vengiparam,
the capital of the country, between the rivers Godavery and Kistna,
and founded the dynasty of the Western Chalukyas, whose capital
was subsequently fixed at Rajahmundry, and whose territory ulti-_
mately extended from Ganjam to Nellore, over which they reigned
down to the latter half of the eleventh century A. D.

“The Agraharam of Kalavakonda which was bestowed by grant
No. 1, appears to have been swept away during this long interval,
or its name has been changed. J have made several inquiries
about it, from persons acquainted with the neighbourhood of its
probable site, but unsuccessfully.

‘‘My search for Dimila, the district in which this village was
situated, has been more successful. The Collector of Vizagapatam

1870. ] Notes on Three Copper Sasanams. 155

has been kind enough to make inquiries for me in his district, and
I have received the following letter from him :—
‘ Vizagapatam, 12th May, 1869.

‘ After making all inquiries on the subject of your letter of the
4th March, I regret to be unable to assist you in your researches.
The Sasanam in question was found near the village of Cheeparu-
pill, but there are no traces in the neighbourhood of any Agraha-
ram called Kalvakondah.

‘There is a village called Dimila in the talook of Sarvassiddy,
about five miles from the coast, and about eighty-five miles to the
south of Cheepurupilli, which at one time was of more importance
than now, and may have been the head-quarters of a district.’

‘““The present grant is not dated, but the period of Vishnu
Vardhanna’s conquests is ascertainable from other sources. A
grant made by his grandfather Pulakesi, which is in the British
Museum, bears the date 411 of Salivahana’s era, corresponding with
489, A. D., and a similar grant by his own brother, Satyashraya, is
in the possession of a Jaina Guru at Haidarabad, and bears the
date 534 of Salivahana, or A. D. 612. The date of No.1 may
thus be fixed about the beginning of the 7th century A. D., and
this set of copper-plates will, therefore, be about twelve hundred
years old.

“The language of this grant is Sanscrit, and the character in
which it is written, is a developed form of that which is found in
the inscriptions on the topes and caves of Central and Western
India.

“Tt appears from Mr. Master’s letter to Government of the 30th
October, 1867, forwarding these copper-plates, that he had ‘ tried
every means of deciphering the characters by sending them to some
of the learned Pundits in the Maharaja of Vizianagram’s service,
but without success.’ Before attempting to decipher the plates
myself, I also similarly tried to find some one in Madras or the
neighbourhood who could read this character ; and I have been
equally unsuccessful. It is much to be regretted, that this and
other cognate ancient alphabets of India, should have become so
generally a dead letter, and that consequently the inscriptions on
grants like the present one, and on the walls of temples, &c., should

156 Notes on Three Copper Sasanams. [No. 3,

be incapable of being read by learned natives, who could most
readily turn these almost sclitary memorials of the ancient history
of their country to proper account.

‘Plates No. 2, and No. 38, are similar grants of villages to
brahmans. Both of them are written in the Sanscrit language, and
the mixed characters used in them are of two somewhat later forms
of that in which No. 1 is written ; but the engraving of No. 2 and
No. 8, is of an inferior kind and carelessly done, and, therefore,
the forms of some of the letters cannot always be fixed with cer-
tainty. Several of the letters are also partially or wholly obliter-
ated. Some of the letters of the Devanagari character are intro-
duced in these two grants, while the corresponding letters of the
‘cave alphabet,’ seem to be quite familiar to the engraver. This
seems to show that, at the time when these grants were made, the
Devanagari alphabet was growing into use, but had not yet super-
seded the older characters.

‘‘ No. 2, which is the shorter of the two inscriptions on the
thicker plates, having only three sides of writing, is a grant of a
village, the name of which I have not been able to make out, by
Shri Ananta Varmma Deva, the son of Shri Jaya Varmma Deya,
to a brahman named Vishnu Sharmma of the Gautama Jatra, to
commemorate an eclipse of the moon.

‘‘No. 3, is a similar grant of the village of Pankipachri to
Ajyashthamayya Sharmma, the son of Susugaya Sharmma, of the
Sohita Gotra, by Shri Rajendra Varmma Deva Raja, the son of
Ananta Varmma Deva, (the donor of No. 2,) the son of Jaya Varm-
ma Deva, to commemorate an eclipse of the sun.

‘‘T have not been able to identify the series of princes here
named. A king of the name of Jaya Varmma Deva, the only one
of this name which I can find, reigned in Malwain A. D., 1143;
but his pedigree does not correspond with that of these grants.
‘Deva Raja’ was a common title of one of the dynasties of the
Orissa princes; but the donors of these grants are not amongst
them.”

Translation of Inscription No. 1.

Prosperity. The royal moon risen above the ocean of the

glorious Chalakya race, whose two lotus-like feet glitter with the

1870. | Notes on Three Copper Sasanams. 157

radiance of the gems of the crown of rival kings bowing down
before him like creeping plants, defeated by his frowns, is the illus-
trious Satyashraya Vallabha Maharaja.

His beloved younger brother, the surmounter of difficulties, who
has succeeded in penetrating inaccessible fortresses situated in the
midst of plains, lakes, forests, and mountains; the cow of plenty,
raining down showers of wealth upon distressed and poverty-
stricken brahmans; the crocodile bannered one, (the Hindu Cupid,)
who by his beautiful form inspires young maidens with love; the
destroyer of the spirit of misery, (Kali) drowning it in the whirl-
pools of the ocean of his benefactions; adorned with unsullied and
highly distinguished glory arising out of its many wars and con-
quests ; reverenced throughout the world like Manu, full of renown
like Prithu, and accounted wise as Vrihaspati; an orthodox wor-
shipper of supreme Brahma, the illustrious Vishnu Vardhana
Maharaja issues his commands in this present matter to the assem-
bled heads of families inhabiting the village of Kalvakonda, in the
district of Dimila, as follows :—

In order to promote his own religious merit, length of days,
good health, and fame, on account of the eclipse of the moon which
took place in the month of July, the above-named village has been
granted to Vishnu Sharmma and Madhava Sharmma of the Gautama
tribe and the Jaittiriva sect, of the village of Chejhuplara in the
district of Plaiki, learned in the Vedas, Vedangas, Itikasas, Pura-
nas, Dharma Shastras, and many other technical bocks, the sons
of Durga Sharmma, zealous in the performance of the rites of his
order as prescribed in his own section of the Veda which he has
thoroughly studied, and the grandsons of Brahma Sharmma, a
successful student of the Vedas and Vedangas, to be converted
into a brahman settlement (Agraphara) free of all taxes.

Let no one molest them in the enjoyment of it; in accordance
with the following two verses of the Jyana Gita:

Lirst, Lands have been bestowed by many persons ;
By many also they have continued to be protected ;
Whosoever and whatsoever those lands may have been,
He has obtained a corresponding reward.

158 Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. [No. 3,

Secondly, The bestower of land shall be happy in heaven,
For sixty thousand years :
And both he who resumes it,
And he who concurs in the act,
Must dwell in hell for the same number of years.

Notes on the Antiquities of the Naltv, the Assia, and the Mahdbindyaka
hills of Cuttack—By Bdébu CuanpRras’EKHARA BAnursi, Deputy
Magistrate, Jajapir.

[Read 3rd August, 1870. ]

The following notes are taken from my diary of an official tour
during the last cold weather, when I had scarcely any leisure to
devote to antiquarian researches. My object in putting them
together, is more to stimulate, than to satisfy, the curiosity of the
reader regarding a few of the out-of-the-way antiquities of a dis-
trict which has been, for the last two thousand years, famous for its
peculiar architecture and unrivalled temples.

The ruins inspected, occur on the summits of three ranges of
hills, two of which are situate in the centre of the district, and the
other on its western border. The names which the natives give
to these ranges are—(1) Assia (marked Assiah in the maps). (2)
Nalti, and (3) Mahabinayaka. —

The Assia range runs in a south-easterly direction in the
’Alamgir estate of Parganah Alti, throwing out spurs towards
the west and the east. Near the centre of the range, there is
an open space, lower than the surrounding heights, and which
communicates with the plains towards the east. This passage
forms, as it were, the key to the fortified places on the peaks.
The rangs is accessible from the village of Bar-chani on the Trunk
Road, and is about 27 miles to the N. E. of Cuttack.

The Nalti Hill is merely a spur of the Assia range, but is
separated from the latter by the stream of the Birupa, which flows
between them ; the hill stands on the north-western borders of the
Matcadnagar parganah.

1870. ] Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills, 159

The Mahabinayaka Hill has also another name, Barunibanta.
This is the high hill of Qil’ah Darpan which, in almost all weathers,
is visible from the banks of the Mahénadi near Cuttack.

Nalti Giri. The name Nalti is said to be merely a corruption
of the Arabic word Ja’nat (42) or ‘ curse,” so named from a tra-
dition hereafter detailed. The hill has two peaks of unequal
height, bearing little vegetation, except a few sandal trees, being
the only places in Orissa where that valuable plant is met with.
On the lower peak, I found the ruins of two very ancient struc-
tures, placed at the distance of about four hundred yards from each
other. One of these stands on a bold prominence, the heads and
sides of the rocks around being bald, moss-covered, and jagged. The
ruins appear to be the remains of an old Buddhist temple ; they con-
sist of massive slabs of granite whitened with age. The “‘ mandapa”’
or porch, is a complete ruin, portions of monolithic pillars 7 to 8
feet in height, only standing on the corners of the basement with the
figure of a Hindu (?) god cut in the pedestal of one. ‘The structure
had been raised on a substantial foundation, and it is probable
that some other force than the wasting influence of time only, has
been at work to pull it down. This appears the more probable
from the ruins of a Musalmian’s tomb standing by, perhaps built
from the debris of the more ancient building.

The other structure, which stands on the pass between the two
peaks, was built on precisely the same plan as the first, consisting
of a porch and a cella, surmounted by a small pyramidal tower.
This is in a better state of preservation. ‘The roof of the porch
has given way, but that of the cella still stands. It has no
columns, and is formed of solid walls with niches in the interior
for the figures of Buddha or “‘ Ananta Purushottama,”’ as the people
on the spot callthem. The figures are all erect, about five feet in
height, holding in the left hand a lotus with a long stem, cut in
high relief. The other hand is mutilated; so is the nose. The
eyes have all a meek expression, and the curled hair is tied with a
fillet round the middle of the head. The ears, breast, arms,
and wrist have ornaments similar to those of the figures in the
Bhubanesvar and other old temples of Orissa; the style of their
execution point clearly to the same age and the same state of the

160 Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. [No. 3,

art. There are inscriptions on the stone behind the shoulders,
and in one instance near the feet. I found it difficult either to
decipher or to copy them, but I thought the style of writing to be
the same as i found in another part of the hill and which will be
noticed below. In front of this temple, there is a brick pillar. It
is round, but encircled at places by raised rings, and has also small
niches, and projecting bricks intended for ascension.

On the higher peak and on the highest point of the Nalti Giri,
at an elevation of about 1000 feet above the surrounding country,
I found the ruins of a round building. Three circular layers of
stone are alone to be seen now, which formed the base of the
temple. In the middle of this platform, there are traces of three
other layers, and a number of cut stones lie scattered round it,
among which I found a slab, bearing an inscription of ten lines. I
had not time enough to copy the inscription, but I found no diffi-
culty in removing it to my tent, and hope to submit it to the Society
shortly.

About five hundred feet below the above point on the western
slope of the hill, there is a place called the ‘‘ Hathi-khal” or the
elephant hole or cave. I have no doubt there was formerly a large
cave cut in the rock at this place, the roof of which must have
come down, the hill itself having been disturbed by an earthquake
whence the tradition at this place of its being cursed. I saw six
figures of Buddha of the same size and height, standing in a line,
portions of their legs up to the knee having gone down or been
filled up by the fall of the cave, in front of whichthey must origi-
nally have stood. These figures are four feet in height (from knee
to head) and cut in slabs of sandstone, two feet three inches in
breadth. They appeared to be very old, and enveloped in milk-
white moss that had very nearly filled up the lines of an
inscription which, after some difficulty, I succeeded in recovering
from one of the slabs. The inscription contains the Buddhist
creed Ye dharma’ hetu, &c., in the Kutila character.

A few yards from the above figures I found a broken pedestal
ornamented with two lons-couchant with a lotus in the middle, on
which a Devi was sitting whose feet and dress up to the waist
only were visible. The pedestal is elegantly cut and exhibits a

1870. ] Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. 161

good style of art. There can be no doubt that more images are
concealed in the brushwood and jungle around.

The people in the vicinity informed me that the images and the
temples on the Nalti hill had been constructed by Raja Bashokalpa;;
but I should think, that was an attempt to transfer the tradition of
another (the Chulia) hill, and localise it in this place. The inscrip-
tion, being unmistakably Buddhist, leaves no doubt as to the origin
of the shrine.

Evident traces of buildings, scattered bricks, broken capitals,
cornices, and images of gods with inscriptions now daubed with
vermilion by the villagers, lie scattered on and at the foot of the
hill, which clearly shew that a better people once lived there than
those who at present inhabit it.

Assia Girt. These hills cover a larger extent of the country
than any other in the district. The locality is now known as
"Alamgir, aname given to it by its Muhammadan conquerors. The
ancient Hindu name was Chatushpitha, subsequently corrupted
into Chdr-pulie, or the ‘four seats” or ‘‘shrines,’”’? and was so
called after the four highest peaks of the chain. One of these
peaks, which overlooks the stream of the Birupd, is now known
as the ’Alamgir hill, on which stands a mosque on the summit
of a precipice, about 2,500 feet above the level of the country,
one of the most prominent and commanding spots in Orissa:
The mosque is a plain building, consisting of a single room,
29 X 19 & 9-4, surmounted by adome, and bearing an inscription
of three couplets in Persian engraved on three slabs of black
chlorite which form the freize.

The inscription has been partly read by Mr. J. Beames, and from
his reading, it would appear that the Zurzkh of the Mosque is given
in the words

wrist LHpdy? ELS,
Rashk + Firdaus ¢ barin.
‘Tt vies with Paradise.’

The sum obtained by adding the numerical values of the letters
composing the 7arzkh is 1152 of the Hijra era, corresponding with
A. D. 1719-20, when Shujé’uddin reigned in Orissa as Deputy
of Nawab Murshid Quli Khan.

22

162 Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. [No. 3,

The tradition connected with the building of the mosque runs as
follows :—

Once upon a time the prophet Muhammad was winging his way in
mid-air on his celestial throne, with a large retinue. When the hour
for prayer arrived, he alighted on Nalti Giri. The throne was too
heavy for the hill, and the hill too small for the retinue. Hence the
hill commenced to shake and sink. The prophet got annoyed, pro-
nounced a Ja’nat, or curse on it, and repaired to the more elevated
and spacious mount of Char-pitha, on the precipitous rock, where
the mosque now stands. There he addressed his prayer, and the
print of his knees and fingers are pointed out on the stone which
is preserved in the shrine. His followers rested on the four peaks.
No water being accessible on the hill, Muhammad struck the rock
with his wand, and a bubbling spring of pure water at once rose
up; traces of which are still shewn to pilgrims. A darvish, by
virtue of his prayers, came to know this sacred spot, went up to it,
and, on a Khirni tree which, stood close by and still stands,
hoisted the prophet’s flag made of his handkerchief.

When Shuja’uddin was marching to Cuttack, he was encamped
at Hrakpur, whence he heard the voice of prayer chanted on the
top of the hill at the distance of six miles. The followers of Shuja’
became anxious to visit the shrine, but he dissuaded them, taking
the vow at the same time to come back, and pray on the spot with
them, should his march prove successful. Successful it proved.
Shuj@ returned, made the road-of about two miles in length up the
hill on foot, through one of its easy slopes, and built the mosque ~
which still bears his inscription.

The mosque faces the Hast. In front there is a platform sur-
rounded by a thick wall witha gate. Towards the west, high
and rough rocks overlook the building. But to its north, a high
terrace has been raised for the reception of darvishes and
pilgrims.

The tradition narrated above, may be construed merely to refer
to the conquest of the Moslem over Hinduism, the demolition of
Hindu temples, the mutilation of Hindu gods and goddesses, and the
reduction of the Hindu supremacy on the Nalti hill by the followers
of the prophet, and the hoisting of the prophet’s flag on a rival and

1870. | Antiquities of the Cutiack Hills, 163

more elevated spot, perhaps already sanctified by the residence of a
pious Musalm4n: the old name Nialati affording an easy transition
to la nat. But whatever might have been the origin of the tradition,
the popular belief still remains, that the bald and barren Nalti Giri
is a cursed hill, and the prophet still reigns on Alamgir. The
expense of the shrine is covered by the profit of sixty acres of land,
endowed by Shuja’uddin. The mosque is lighted every evening,
the rocks resound with the voice of prayer every morning and
evening, and the people in the neighbourhood, both Hindu and
Moslem, offer homage at the shrine.

The Hindu name of the ’Alamgir peak was J/andaka, from the
village of that name at its foot, where the manda or the primitive
system of ordeal by fire or boiled oil, &c., was held during the
Hindu period. :

Udaya Girt, This is one of the Char-pitha or four peaks of the Assia
group. The spur on which old ruins are found, is an elevated ter-
race, sloping from one hundred and fifty feet above, to the level of
the plain. Itis situated towards the north-eastern extremity of the
group, surrounded by a semicircular range of pointed boulders,
leaving an opening towards the east. On the latter side it overlooks
the Kalia river, which runs about two hundred yards from its base.
Jt appears that this, the only side from which it was accessible from
the plain, was at one time protected by an entrenchment cut in the
rocks from precipice to precipice. It was appropriately termed
Udaya Giri or the “ Sunrise Hill,” from its being the most eastern
extremity of the group and of the Cuttack district. At one time
the sea, according to local tradition, laved its foot. This tra-
dition is still preserved in a saying which the Uriyas repeat, to
signify an impossibility : ‘‘ You cannot expect it. The sea is now
far off from Udaya Giri.’”’ The soil beyond the Udaya Giri is pure
alluyion. Between it and the sea, scarcely a stone can be seen. The
country is a flat, arid, sandy plain, in most places devoid of all
vegetation, and the tradition, therefore, appears very probable.
The more so, as it receives peculiar support from two passages in
Messrs. W. T. and H. F. Blanford and W. Theobald’s Report on
the Talcheer Coal Field. “From this plain, the alluvion from
the coast to the foot of the hills in Cuttack,” say those gentlemen,

164 Antiquities of the Cuttack Fills. [No. 3,

small isolated and steep hills rise in a few places to the north
of Cuttack and, taken in connection with the bosses and whale-back
ridges which stud the surrounding country, present all the features
of an upraised archipelago, and lead to the belief, that, at no very
remote geological period, the water of the western portion of the Bay
of Bengal dashed against many a rugged cliff, and rolled around
clusters of islands which studded over what is now the Province of
Cuttack: indeed a comparatively trifling depression of the country
might reproduce the same phenomena.”’ In a subsequent part of
their report, they state “‘ around the gneiss hills which have been
mentioned as rising suddenly from the alluvial plain, a quantity of
water-worn pebbles are always found, evidently the remains of an
old beach. Although, owing to weathering, these pebbles have
somewhat lost their rounded form and smooth surface, yet this
mode of occurrence and the absence of large angular blocks, prove
that they are of beach origin, and not merely rolled from the
halls.

It must be added, however, that what the men of science suppose
to have accrued at a former geological period, the tradition brings
within the history of man. Anyhow the table-land of Udaya
Giri must have been peculiarly adapted to the Buddhists for a
sanctuary; a variety of hills and dales, green-woods and plains,
a limpid stream in front, combined with the solitude of the place,
amply inspiring a devotional feeling, ‘‘the vision and the faculty
divine.”

At the foot of the hill, the eye is caught by a colossal image of
Buddha, half covered in jungle, and a portion buried under the earth.
Tt is fully nine feet in height, the length from the knee to the head
being seven feet. The figure is cut in high relief on a single slab of
rough chlorite, holding a large lotus in the left hand ; the nose and
the right hand are mutilated. The ear, arms, wrist, and breast are
decorated with ornaments, and the cloth round the waist is fastened
with three chains answering to the gote of the present day, worn
tight like a belt. The breast-plate furnishes an excellent pattern,
more elegant than any that I remember to have seen in the

* Memoirs, Geological Survey of India, I. pp. 33 and 70,

1870. | Antiquities of the Cuttack Ells. 165

Bhuvanesvara, Khanda Giri, or any other temple in Orissa.
Between this image and the Bapi or large well, situated about
fifty feet higher up the ground, the place is spread with the
ruins of ancient edifices, the ground plans of which may still be
traced.

Passing over the ruins we come to the Bapi or well cut in the
rock. The Swarga Ganga on the Khanda Giri hill is insignificant
compared to this reservoir. It is 23 feet square, cut 28 feet deep
from the top of the rock to the water’s edge, surrounded by a stone
terrace, 94 feet 6 inches long, and 388 feet 11 inches broad. The
entrance to the terrace is guarded by two monolithic pillars, the
tops of which are broken. The edge of the well and the extremity
ef the terrace are lined with battlements of large blocks of
wrought stone, rounded on the top, and three feet in height,
leaving a wide passage or walk behind. The well is situated
towards the southern extremity of the terrace. From the north
and in the middle of the terrace, a few yards off the en-
trance, a flight of steps (3 feet in breadth, and 81 in number)
runs down the rock as an approach to the water. The rock be-
tween the lowest step and the well has been cut into an arch, and
on its face there is an inscription of which a transcript is given
below—

aime Qanata ate.

The same inscription appears in another part of the rock on the
right side of the steps, and also on the eastern wall of the terrace.
The rock appears to have been quarried, marks of the chisel
being evident; but I should suppose from the cracks and smoky
stains on the rock down the well, that fire or some other force was
also used to split it.

About fifty feet higher up in the jungle, there is another platform
on which once stood a sanctuary of Buddha. Numbers of images
of gods and goddesses, engraven on slabs of different shapes, are
scattered around. A group, with the heads and arms mutilated,
is still worshipped by the people who had succeeded in effacing
all trace of its original character, by painting the figures with
repeated layers of vermillion and turmeric. These images, no

166 Antiquities of the Cuttack Fills. [ No. 3,

doubt, belong to a subsequent period, when Buddhism had lost its
influence, and was passing into Brahmanism. ‘The chief interest
of the place, however, lies in the ruins of a gate and the figure of a
Buddha. The place was so enveloped in jungle, and the ruins so
buried in earth, that it was difficult for me to form an idea of the
edifice which once stood there, but from the gate in front and the
rock in the rear to which the figure of Buddha is engaged, I
have little doubt that the sanctuary was partly constructed and
partly excavated.

The Gate is composed of three heavy rectangular blocks of
stone. One of them is placed transversely over the other two, to
form an entablature. The height of the gate, omitting the
portion that has been buried by accumulation of rubbish, is 7 feet
8 inches.

The upright blocks have been cut into five bands highly ornament-
ed with sculpture, which appears fresh and sharp as if just cut by
the chisel. The innermost band contains wreaths of the true lotus
(Nelumbium speciosum). There are altogether 12 groups of the

flower. The second band is divided into

pannels, bearing male and female figures

in armour. The middle one contains a

wreath of flowers. On the fourth band

there is a continuous winding wreath,
_ encircling figures of men and women. The
last-or the outermost band is a wreath
of large flowers of great beauty. The
middle band is capped by a capital, of

which a rough sketch is shewn in the
margin.
The architrave and the freize are em-

bellished with a great number of grotesque
figures. On the middle of the frieze, there
are two niches containing figures of Buddha. In the middle of the
architrave, another figure of Buddha appears, over whose head two
elephants twist and wave their trunks from opposite sides. On
both sides of the group, small, grotesque male and female figures
have been cut into the form of a wreath; the waving hand and

1870. | Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. 167

forefinger of each touching a point on the shoulder of the figure
preceding, and the toe placed on the projected knee of the one
following.

I am disposed to think that this gate was provided with doors.
There are two big holes in the corners, which were no doubt intend-
ed to receive the hinges.

The image of Budha. About 16 feet beyond the gate, behind a
narrow passage blocked up by brambles, I came to a cell, 9 feet
square and as many feet deep. In this a large image of Buddha is
placed in a sitting and meditating posture. It is 5 feet, 6 inches
long from waist to head. The face itself is 1-6 by 1-5, and the
breast, 3 feet 6 inches broad. It is made of three pieces of
bluish chlorite. The head is formed of one piece, the neck down
to the breast of another, and all below of a third. The joints have
cracked a little now, but they could not originally have been dis-
cerned. I paid a passing visit to this image, nearly three years ago,
when employed in enquiries connected with the late famine, but I
do not remember to have then observed these joints. The rock
behind the image has been smoothed with layers of small bricks.
There are four huge stone pillars, two standing near the cell, and
two near the gate, which must have at one time supported a roof and
formed a porch in front of the cell.

There is an expression of strength and boldness about the
straight gait and broad breast of the image which contrasts stri-
kingly with the meekness of the eyes. The left arm has been
placed carelessly over the thigh, the palm being visible ; the right
hand has been mutilated ; so is the nose.

Scarcely one image was met with on these hills, which had
escaped the ravages either of time or of fanaticism. ‘The tradition
regarding the mutilation of the nose, is the same everywhere. Ask
the humblest Uriya of the cause, and the reply is: ‘it drop-
ped at the sound of Kalapahar’s kettle-drum,” thus significantly
pointing out the origin, but superstitiously veiling the manner of
its destruction. One thing, however, is certain, that there is no
spot in Orissa, however remote or secluded, to which the arms of
the Moslem conquest did not reach, or which did not suffer from
its ruinous influence. The lover of antiquity cannot turn to these

168 Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. [No. 3,

images, without wishing confusion on the Moslem banner, and ruin
on those fanatic hands which raised it.

The two other peaks of the Char-pitha are Achala Basanta or
“ternal Spring,” so named, perhaps, from the Iuxuriance of its
ever-green trees and flowers; and the Baro Dehi, or ‘‘ seat of the
Great.”

At the foot of Achala Basanta lie scattered the ruins of
Haji Pura, the residence of the brethren and the relatives
of the old hill-chief. Dilapidated remains of old gates, stone
platforms, and broken walls are all that are now visible: they do
not suffice to give any idea of the size of the original edifice.

The Baro Deht, or the seat of the chieftain, is at the foot of
the highest peak. There are the ruins of an old fort in the jungle,
which I had not an opportunity to visit, but the tradition connected
with it, as given to me by a native, runs as follows :—

In olden time, the fort was held by a chief who was a washerman
by caste. From SKhalicoti (Calicut) in the far south, came an out-
law, by name Lokanath Bhumija. He besieged the fort by night,
surprised the old chief, put him with his family to the sword, and
established his sway over the hills. He then assumed the name of
Bali from the fact of his having taken possession of Baro Dehi by
mere bal, or strength, a name yet retained by his family. During
the Musalman and Mahratta periods, the hill estate of ’Alamgir
ranked among the Q:’lajjdis of the permanently settled estates
of Cuttack. At the time of British settlement, the Raja proved
recusant from a mistaken notion of his own superiority, and the
estate was therefore included within the 2ughalbandi, or revenue-
paying temporary settled estates. It is stated that the Raja
subsequently made his submission, but his title could not be
recognised by the Settlement Commissioner as his title-deed ap-
peared to be suspicious. The ’Alamgir estate has now been split
up, aud has passed into the hands of different purchasers, and the
representative of the old Raja’s family is a pauper, living on the
produce of a few acres of land, which has been assigned to him by
the gratitude of an old servant of his family, the Garh Nayaka or

governor of the fort.

1870. | Antiquities of the Cuttack Ills. 169

Amardvaté. This Hill is now known as the Chatia Hill from its
proximity to the village of that name on the Trunk Road to Cut-
tack. Its ancient name was ‘‘Amaravati Kataka,”’ and I am
disposed to think that this was one of the Katakas, or fortified
places of the Ganga Vansa kings of Orissa, to which Mr. Sterling
assigns no locality. On the eastern foot of the hill there are the
remains of an old fort, the broad and extensive rampart of which,
made of the laterite of the hills, forms the most prominent
feature of the ruins. The stone wall is 4 feet deep, and the people
say it ran one cos square. Within the rampart there is a high
platform, accessible by a flight of steps. The wall over it, made
entirely of stone, is broken. A number of broken pillars and capitals
was also observed, but the place on which the inner apartment
stood, is covered with such thick jungle and thorny brambles that I
could not form a conjecture as to the plan of the edifice. On ano-
ther platform, I observed the images of two goddesses (Indrani)
cut in alto relievo out of two blocks of slate-stone ; they are remark-
able for their elegance and beauty.

The people in the neighbourhood informed me that before the con-
struction of the Cuttack Trunk Road, the ramparts were in a much.
better condition than in what they now are: the Vandals of the Pub-
lic Works Department having demolished them for the sake of the
stone, with which they metalled the road. Nor was their conduct
in this case singular, for, whether at Jajapur, Chatia, or Cuttack,
they have everywhere proved equally destructive, and what
escaped the ravages of time and of Muhammadan bigotry for cen-
turies, have yielded to their sacrilegious hands. This is much to
be regretted, the more so as it appears altogether inconsistent
with that enlightened spirit in which Government has called the
attention of its servants to the collection of facts and traditions
which may tend to throw light on the past history of the country ;
any how such conduct, on the part of any class of its officers,
however unintentional, cannot be too highly reprehended.

There is a spacious and magnificent tank, covering about 20 acres,
within half a mile of Amaravati Kataka. The people call it Wilu
Pukhar, evidently a corruption of Nilaya Pushkarini or ‘ tank with
a dwelling;” for in the centre of this tank, there are the ruins of

23

170 Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. — [No. 2,

an old building, of considerable dimensions, partly covered with
shrubs, and partly whitened with moss, and the refuse of aquatic
birds. There is a curious tradition connected with this building of
about the age of Kalapahar, the general of Sulaiman Afghan, (A. D.
1558,) who, it is said drove out Bashu Kalpa, the chief of the
Barunibanté (Darpan) Hill and compelled him to take refuge in
the Dhanabanta hills (Chatia). Bashu Kalpa became subsequently
the lord of the Amaréavati fort. The structure in the tank was
built to protect his grandson on his wedding-day, when it was
predicted a tiger would kill him. I do not give the anecdote at
length, as it resembles in all its details the story of Chand Sadagar,
as sung by one of our early Bengali poets. The enemy of Chand
Sadégar of Champanagara was the serpent, as instigated by the
goddess Manasa ; that of Paddalochan, the Uriya prince, the tiger, as
instigated by Satya Narayana. Evidently the authors of the Bengali
and the Uriya poems got the idea of the enemy to their heroes from
the nature of the country they inhabited: Chaémpanagara stands
on a flat plane near Budbud, not far from the Damuda, and is
subject to floods. The serpent is still dreaded there, and a meld is
annually held to worship it. Chatia is close to the forest, and still
suffers from the ravages of leopards. It is curious that there is a
place near Chatia also known as Champa Hat.

Maha-vinayaka. Thisis one of the peaks of the highest chain
in the district of Cuttack, viz., the Barunibanta hills in Killa Dar-
pan. The country around it is wild, and inhabited by an aborignal
race known as Sawars, evidently the Savaras mentioned in Menu,
who, in physical and mental peculiarities, resemble the Sonthals of
Western Bengal. The hill is covered with primitive jungle, and sel-
dom visited by any but pilgrims. It was probably from the beginning
occupied by the Sivites, no sign of the worship of Buddha being
traceable onit. The prospect from the top of the hill is glorious. The
Sivites could not have selected a better spot for their Bhajana Manda-
pa or temple of worship. From the point where I ascended, the
country around seemed a magnificent panorama of light and shade,
diversified by carpets and crests of evergreens. The sun was just up,
and under its rays far below in the distance, every patch of water
appeared like a mass of blazing diamonds; every running brook,

1870.] Antiquities of the Cuttack Mills. 171

a rich gorget on the breast of emerald earth. The high level canal
with its numerous curves appeared like a silver girdle nicely set
round the waist of the chain. The course of the Birupd, a distance
of 24 or 26 miles, through all its windings from Mandaka, perhaps
Chowdwar near Cuttack, could be traced like a thread of melted
silver. It appeared to be a spot pre-eminently fitted for ‘ medita-
tion and sacred song.” On the northern slope of the hill, about
400 feet above the level of the country, there is an Asthala or
monastery now occupied by Vaishnavas, who have evidently super-
seded the Sivites of old. The base, formed of a picce of cut
stone, is all that remains of the original sanctuary of the place. The
walls and the steeples appear to have been repaired or rebuilt
after they were destroyed by the Muhammadans. The principal
curiosity of this place is, the god Maha Vinayaka, which is a
massive piece of rock over which the modern temple has been
built. The rock must be more than 12 feet in circumference, it is
oval at the top, and has three faces in front. The middle one has
a good resemblance to the head of an elephant with its trunk, and
is accordingly worshipped as Ganes‘ha or Vinayaka. The right
face of the rock is considered to be Siva, and what it wants in actual
resemblance, has been made up by paint of sandal and vermillion.
The left face of the rock has a knot over it, which is fancied to be
the tresses of the goddess Gauri bound up. The rock is accor-
dingly worshipped as the union of the gods Siva and Ganesa
and the goddess Gauri. The place is by no means very ancient, but
the veneration for it is increasing with the increase of age. There is
a waterfall about 30 feet higher up, which supplies water to the
temple and pilgrims. A few steps above this fall, there are a few
images of Siva, called the ‘“‘ Ashta Lingam” from their number.
Besides the foliage of the trees and the canopy of heaven, there is
no other shade over these gods. The ground on all sides is cover-
ed with dense jungle, high and ancient mangoe trees predomina- ~
ting. Considering the insecurity of the place, it displays a steadfast
devotion, and bold indifference for life on the part of those who,
centuries ago, first inhabited these hills for the purpose of religious
worship.

172

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3;

Additional Gondi Vocabulary.—By Rev. James Dawson,

Chindwara, C. P.
(Continued from p. 117).

PRONOUNS.
Personal Pronouns.—First person.
Bal, anna, I.
Singular.
Ba, anna, 1.
aTatt, arate, Ala, Alaa, nawor, niwork, ndwa, ndwang,
my, of me.
ara, aH, nak, or nakun, to me, me.
a ala, va sin, from me.
arat sfys, ndwa épide, in me.

Plural.
Baz, ammot, we.
arate, aware, Ala, AAA, mawor, mawork, mawd, mawang,
our, of us.
ara, aKa, mak, makun, to us, us.
Al ata, ma stn, from us.
Bat sfas, méwa épide, in us.

Personal Pronouns.—Second person.
Sw, vmmda, thou.
Singular.
<a, vmmd, thou. 7
Malt, Tara, Alar, Mata, xéwor, néwork, niwa, niwdng,
thy, of thee.
aia, Taya, v2k, néhun, to thee, thee.
Ml ata, 22 sin, from thee.
aat efas, néiwd ipide, in thee.
% Za, he immd, O thou.
Plural.
Sats, vmmdt, you, ye.
AAI, HATH, AAT, Braiz, miwor, mawork, mawa, mawang, *
your, of you.

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 173

. aa, aKa, mak, makun, to you, you.

al ata, mz sin, from you.
@at sfas, miwd ipide, in you.
= Za, he imméat, O you.
Personal Pronouns. — Third person.
Bix, or, he; that.
Singular.
Ix, or, he, that.
STFS, Fiesta, BlFet, Brevi, onhor, onhork, onha,
onhang, his, of him.

=~ ° °
. Bra, on, to him, him.

Brat Da, on sin, from him.
Bitas, dpide, in him.
Plural.
Sra, ork, they, those. |
Sa AX, ara, A, aia, orknor, orknork, orkni, orknang,
theirs, of them.

. SHA, orkun, to them, them.

Tix Mea, ork sin, from them.

SIifas, dpide, in them.

Personal Pronouns.—Third person, Feminine.

we, ad, she, it; that.
Singular.

we, ad, she it; that.

Ava, ATH, A, Ata, ténnor, ténnork, tinnd, tdnndng, ov
Be AX, ata, A, aia, addenor, addenork, addend,
addening, hers, of her.

ata, tan, to her, her. —

ata ata, fan sin, from her, from it,

=Bifas, dpide, in her, in it.

Plural.

St, au, they, those.

WAR, ara, a1, aia, aveknor, aveknork, avekna, avekning,
theirs, of them,

saga, welun, to them, them.

waa, Ata, avek sin, from them.

sifas, dpide, in them,

174

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3,

Demonstrative Pronouns.—Near demonstrative, Masc. Sing.

ut er, this (man).
Singular.
Ux, er, this (man).
TAIT, ATH, Al, AIA, ennor, ennork, enna, ennang, of this.

. Ba, en, to this, this.

Ua Wie, en sin, from this.
efas ipide, in this.
Plural.
ta, erk, these (men).
on Se * 4 ,
THM, ATH, Al, Ala, erknor, erknork, erkna, erkndng, of
these.

} CHT erkun, these.

ua dia, cri sin, from these.
LS See °
afas. pide, in these.

Demonstrative Pronouns.—Near demonstrative Fem.

<< ad, this (woman).
Singular.
<< zd, this (woman) or (thing).
AA, AH, Al, AIA, tennor, tennork, tennd, tenndng, of this.
aa, ten, to this, this.
aq ata, ten sin, from this.
fas, ‘pide, in this.

Plural.
=u, it, these (women) or (things).
Saaeri<, ara, al, via, weknor, iweknork, weknd, wekning,
of these.
saga, cuvckun, to these, these.
saa ala, evel sin, from these.
< ~ AO °
afae, zpide, in these.

Demonstrative Pronouns.—Remote demonstrative.

The remote demonstrative 41< or, that (man), we ad, that
(woman or thing) with their plurals Sra ork, those (men), St au,
those (women) are declined like the third personal pronoun.

1870. | Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 175

Mase.
Ut alae, er mdnwal, this man.
wR arate, eri manwalk, these men.
BIXt arate, or manwal, that man.
Sra Aare, ork minwdlk, those men.
Fem.
ZS FINK, zd ar, this woman.
eu Bim, 1% dsk, these women.
Fez Bt, ad dr, that woman.
SIT Jrea, au ask, those women.

When the demonstrative pronouns are used with nouns, they
are not declined, but are always used inthe nominative case,
although the nouns which they qualify are in the oblique case.
When the demonstrative pronouns are used by themselves, they
are declined as above.

Relative Pronouns.

The Relative pronoun is the same as the Interrogative 41% Lor,
who ?, and the correlative is supplied by the remote demonstrative
Bric or, that; e. g—

SIeS SA AAl ASSATA ATER AA BAT Bexar, Lonha Leng ann kengtan
onha leng chokho mandé. Whose voice I heard his voice is good.
His yoice whose I heard is good.

Interrogative Pronouns.
The interrogatives are a1t bor, qe bad, and aia ddng, and are
thus declined.
at bor who ? Mase. Sing.
Nom. 41%, dor, who ? which ?
Gen. aTfeIX, at, ZI, Uta, bonhor, bonhork, bonhd, bonhcng,
whose ?
D. Ac. ara, don, to whom ? whom ?
Ab. = ata ala, on sin, from whom ?
L. aifas, bapide, in whom ?
Mase. Plural.
Nom. ata, ork, who ? which ?
Gen. a@THatt, Ara, AT, aia, borknor, borknork, borkné, borkndng,
whose ?

176 Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3,

D. Ac. atHa, borin, to whom? whom ?

Ab. ata ata, bork sin, from whom ?

L. atfus, bépide, in whom ?

The Feminine and Neuter is qe bad. It is declined like the
3rd person pronoun feminine ye ad, by the insertion of 4 before
it ; thus :—

Nom. 42, bad, who ? which?

Gen. a@ alt, AtaH, al, Ata, baddenor, baddenork, baddend, badde-

ning, whose ?

D. Ac. 9€ a, badden, to whom ? whom ?

Ab. qe a ata, badden sin, from whom ?

L. qifas, Laprde, in whom ?

Fem. Plural.

Nom. 1, bau, who ? which ?
Gen. aaaatt, ata, AT, ata, Laveknor, baveknork, baveknd, bavek-

nang, whose ?
D. Ac. aga, bavekun, to whom ? whom ?
Ab. gaa aia, davek sin, from whom ?
L. aifas, bipide, in whom ?

ata, dang, what ?
Singular and Plural.

N.& Ac. ata, bang, what ?
Gen. arait, eta, St, ata, bdndor, bandork, banda, bandang, of

what ?
D. ath, batkun, to or for what ?
Ab. atata, batstn, from what ?
L. aifas, bapide, in what ?

Indefinite Pronouns.
4Tz, bore, any one, some one.
Nom. 41%, bore, any one, some one.
Gen. aTeere, STH, Z, Zid, bonhore, bonhorke, bonhai, bonhange,
of any one, &c.
D. Ac. are, bone, to any one, any one.
Ab. Stet Wat, bone sin, from any one.
L. ala <q, bone ropa, in any one.

1870. ] Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 177

aja, ddnge, any thing, something.
Indeclinable.
Phrases.
gia wa, bdnge halle, nothing.
ata at ata, Ddnge nd bange, something or other.
aia Se, bdnge dé, whatever may happen, come what may.

Verb.

alatat kzdnd, to do.
Indicative Mood.

Present Tense. I do or am doing.

Fat Alwtarat, anna héctona.

ZAI Alara, emma kedtons.

.m. SIX AlBTae, or kiator.

.f. Se alstat, ad hidta.

BAS AAacAa, ammot kiatoram.
TMS Atyatcta. ommat kdatorét.
ml. STR alatata, ork kidtork.

f. St alaTata, at hédtdng.

Imperfect Tense. I was doing.

Za Hara, anna kindan.
zat alata comma kindin.
m. SIX aSX, oF kindur.
f, 3 alr, ad kindu.
Hale Alara, ammot kindom.
sare alata wmmat kindit..
rat aEH, Sit ata, ork kindurk, au kindung.
Past Tense. I did.
Wat atara, anna kitdn.
za alate, dimma kitin.
Ge altgz, or kitur, He atg, ad kitu.
Ware Alara ammot kitom.
ZATS alata, emmdt kite.
Bra alga, ork kéturk : Bt Higa, av kitung.
24

178 Additional Gondi Vocabulary. | No. 3,

Perfect Tense. I have done.

1. a@tatat, kétond.

2. alata, Létoné.

3. alatt, f. alat, Aétor, £. héta.

1. atatta, kétoram.

2. alatcta, kitorit.

3. alata, alata, kétork, f. kétdng.

Pluperfect Tense. I had done.

1. alfa aren, kisi mathona.

2. alfa ware, és7 mathont.

3. alte wart, alfa azar, Lisi mathor, f. hist mathé.
1. alfa warca, kis? mathoram.

2. a@ife wataa, Lisi mathorit.

3. wife zara, ata, és? mathork, kisi mathing.

Future Tense. I shall or will do.

iL alSTaT, hiaka.
2. alaral, hake.

3. aETat, hédnur ; alsa, kedl.

1. a@larata, kéakom.

2. alsrata, kdkit.

3. RTA, kidnurk, avarea, keanung.

Conditional Mood.
Present Tense. If I do.

1. alarat, haha.

2. alarat, 2ake.

3. At, al, Lr, Ké.

1. a@lstata, Léidhom.

2. wmlarata, kahit.

3. ata, ata, Lirk, king.

Imperative Mood.
2. Za ala, amma kim, do thou.
2. FATS ala, vmmat kimt, do ye.

Infinitive Mood.
RATA, HATA Aéind or kédle, to do.

1870.]

Present.
Perfect.

qe b = © bb =

Additional Gondi Vocabulary.

Participles.

alan, alas, kéteke or hisode, doing.

alfage, késikun, having done.

ZrTarat dydna to be, or to become,
Indicative Mood.

Present Tense.
am, or I become.

Brara andan.

grata, dndin.

BPEL, ATS, dndur, andu.

grata, dndom.

walta andit.

SEH, area, andurk, dndung.

Past Tense.
I was, or I became.

Gata, atan.
Bata, atin.
BWAqt, Big, atur, atu.
Bara. atom.
Brata, ait.
Tiga, Brgqa, aturk, atung.

Axa, mandand, to be, or to remain,
Indicative Mood, Present Tense.
T am, or I remain.
ara, mandond.
Hazrat, mandonte.
WAIt, AAI, mandor, manda.
atta, mandoram.
wartia, mandorit.
wera, Wala, mandork, mandang.
Past Tense.
I was, or I remained.
warat, mathona.
ware, mathoné.
Wat, WUT, mathor, matha.

179

180 Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3,

1. wWaita, mathoram.
aarca, mathorit.
3. Bara, aati, mathork, mathang.

The remaining tenses of the verb ‘to be” are formed regularly
form ¥TaTat dyand. The Gonds seem to use arat mandénd more
frequently to express ‘‘ existence,” and ‘‘ become” they always
express by STarat dyand.

There is also a peculiarity in the language in regard to the use
of the negative wa halle with the verb. This particle causes a
change on the form of certain parts of the verb as will be seen by
using it, along with alyrat kédnd, to do, which has already been
conjugated. It affects some moods and tenses, but not others.

Conjugation of the verb @israt kédnd with the negation wa halle,
not to do.

Indicative Mood.
Present Tense.
I am not doing.
1. Brat ea MSTA, anna halle kion, I am not doing.
Za Ba Hilal, cmma halle ivi.
3. SIT sa MASINI, or halle kior.
Fe Va A, ad halle kiod.
1. Bae we ATA, ammot halle kiom.
2. sare wa alata, immat halle kivit.
8. Sra wa MATa, ork halle kiork.
Si Sa Ha, aw halle kéong.

Imperfect Tense. Same as the Affirmative.
I was not doing.
Past and Perfect Tenses are alike.
I did not and I have not done.

BA Ta Arar, anna halle kita.
Za Va Hla, emma halle kita.
Gt Ba Alat, or halle kita, ad halle kita.
HAS Sa AlaT, ammot hulle kita.
SMe Za Alar, cmmat halle kita.
Gia, Bt va Hla, ork, au halle kita.

ond rean

1870. | Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 181

Pluperfect Tense. I had not eaten.
Same form as Aff.
Future Tense.
T shall or will not do.

Ba es Hate, anna halle kindl.

Sl Ba Hlave, wmméa halle kindl.
Git, HE ea AlaTS, or, ad halle kindl.
WAS BA Alara, ammot halle kinal.
SMe wa alata, emmat halle kindl.
Sra, ST wa alate, ork, au halle kindl.

go to b+ go bo

Conditional Mood same as the Future except in the third persons
Singular and Plural which are the same as in the Affirmative
Conditional.

Imperative Mood.
2. SAT AA AAT, emma manni kemd, do not thou do.
2. Zale Wal Hale, immdt mannié kemat, do not ye do.

Infinitive Mood and Participles are the same as the Aff. forms.

Abbreviations used in Vocabulary.
s. substantive; a@. adjective; v. ¢. verb transitive; v. 7. verb
intransitive ; ad. adverb. |
k. @. kiana Aare, to do; m. a. maéyand ararat, which seems to
be another form of mandana aarat, to be or to remain; s. 8. stand
asta, to give. H. Hindi or Hindustani.

A.
Awake, v. i. chaile maéyana ae Aaa.
Awake, v. t. chaile kiana Se Ala.
Afterwards, ad. pia fast.
Amputate, v. t. narkst watana aa at STeTaT.
Alone, a. warror, f. warrai aquic f. qa.
And, conj. unde ww.
Acquire, v. t. paye maydéna "Ula Alarar.
Appear, v. i. désdna elarar.

Altar, s. bhind, pl. bhindng ale pl. aaa.

182

Additional Gondi Vocabulary.

Afflict, v. t. tarse kiana
Ancestor, s. dal, pl. ajalk

Almighty, a. sabro-chish-kidnwale

Advance, v. i. munne vidand
As, conj. bahun

Ask, v. t. puchhe kiéna
Appoint, v. t. badhe kiana
Appointed, a. badhe-kital
Alike, a. lekha

According to, a. lekha
Ashes, s. nér

Abate, v. i. ghate maydna
Again, ad. usode

Alas, inter]. ide H.
Angel, s. dit, pl. dith
Anything, s. bénge
Archer, 8. kamtd-irranwéle
Arrow, 8s. tér, pl. térk H.
Army, s. faw, H.

Ass, s. gadhal, pl. gadhéng

Answer, s. jawadb, pl. yawabh FH.

Accumulate, v. t. saure k.
Artless, a. stidho m. f.

Among, prep. te and sometimes ne

Affliction, s. dukh, H.

iB.

Blood, s. nathur

Brother, s. tammur

Back, s. murchul, pl. murchulk
Be, v. s. mandana

Become, v. 1. dyna

Behind, prep. pya

Bury, v. t. mistana

Bind, v. t. dohtana

Breathe, v. t. dam yetana
Blow, v. t. ukana

ae aaa.
Bisite pl. Sse.
Gal-FlH-AST AAT S.
aa asa.
qs.

US HTAT.
ae @lSrar.
qa-aiare.
ST.

aur.

az.

US Wala.
BUTS.

S14.

ea pl. =e.
aia.

HST TUT SL.
ale ater.

Ist.

aware pl. TATA.
SATA, Salen.
ae &.

Sul.

age.
aay.

ay & pl. aa,
ARIA.

STATA.

Tas.

fara.
STearar.
<u Sarat.
WATT.

[No. 3,

1870.]

Bite, v. t. kaskéna

Begin, v. t. lagana

Belly, s. pir, pl. pirk
Burst, v. t. oranda

Body, s. mendol, pl. mendolk
Breath, s. dam

Beginning, 8. mothur
Border, s. siwdr, pl. siwark
Burn, v. t. atana

Because, conj. barike
Before, prep. munne
Barren, a. bahilal

But, conj. unde

Bad, a. burtor, f. burtas
Breadth, s. rundopan
Broad, a. rundo

By, prep. sin

Beneath, prep. khalwa
Bring, v. t. tatond

Bread, s. saré

Bird, s. pitte pl. pitteng
Bear, v. t. wahtana

Bear, v. t. sadana

Bosom, s. kord, pl. korang
Break, v. t. wrutana

Bake, v. t. atana

Butter, s. loné

Bawl, v. i. hakd stana
Blind, a. sural, andr al
Blindness, s. andralpan
Bull, s. kurra, pl. kuwrrang
Bullock, s. kondaé pl. kondang
Bottle, s. badla, pl. badléng
Bow, s. kamta

Business, 8. dhandho, pl. dhandhong.

Bush, s. shir, pl. ghiirk
Brushwood, s. phir, pl. ghirk

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 183

RAAT.
aTaT.

Wx, Ta.
SICA.
BRI, Gale.
aq.

FTE.

faatz, feata.

arst.

faz, fasa.

ateatat, to bring forth.
alatat, as a fruit tree.
AIL, ATIF.

USaay.

Beat.

ela.

STAT GIBTaT.

gua, Via.
Satara.

HU, Feria.

APS, AAT.

STRUl, WRATH, made of
ArT. [ leather.
WUT, dain.

nS, HES

oes

184

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3,

Bow, v. i. mursana

Boundary, s. séwar, pl. stwark
Bracelet, s. chird, pl. chiirang

Blame, s. dosh H.

Cloud, s. abhar
Cut, v. t. narkand
Cut, v. t. koidénd

Cut, v. t. askana

Cloth, s. dikar?Z, pl. dikaring
Come, v. i. waydnd

Come out, v. 1. pasitand

Creep, v. i. koditénd, ghurse m.

Conceal, v. t. murutdnd
Conceal, v. t. maksutand
Cubit, s. kita, pl. kitang
Cattle, s. Konddng, murdng
Camel, s. uttwm, pl. uttunk
Call, v. t. keana

Choose, v. t. pehekana
Count, v. t. kahtand
Chase, v. t. pya yetand
Chicken, s. pélal

Crow, s. kawal, pl. kawalk
Corpse, s. murda

Carcase, 8. murda

Cake, s. phuloré

Cook, v. t. atdnd

Calf, s. puiya

Complete, v. t. piro k.
Close, v. t. kehcht stand
Concerning, prep. hikke
Cow, s. mira

Call, v. t. haka s.

Cleave, v. t. pahitana

HaTaT.
Hart, Alara.
Fst TSU
BG \

ZIM.

Bare.
AAT, applied to wood.
azar, applied to
grass, &c.
FATA, as with a knife.
feagl, feagta.
avaret.
afaarar.
SItSaTat, Be a,
ay ara.
AASATAT.
AS, RITA.
ATT, asta.
SEU, VE.
RGA.
GUarar.
@TSarat.
fasit Sarat.
Thats.
ATATS, HASH.
iS
ae.
qer
Weare.
SSTatt.
A
"Taq.
WUT &.
REG VSIA.
fea, cfus.
STAT a.
afearart.

1870. Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 185

Cave, s. Lhodro IAT.
City, 8. nagar, p. nagark AAT, AIA.
Concubine, s. irtdl dr, p. irtalk ask, ate BT, TA BS.
Collect, v. t. saure k. as &.
Censure, s. chugli qrait.
Command, s. hukm H. Sa.
Command, v. t. hukm k. Sa a.
Crime, s. dosh H. STM.
Cover, v. t. muhtdénd awaray’
Commander, s. of an army, faw tor 5

subal, WIS AIT GATS.

1D),

Descend, v. i. ragand, raitanda, CUTAT, Carat.
Descend, to cause to, v. t. rehténa CSarat.
Drink, v. t. undand TWAT.
Die, v. i. sdydnd Qala.
Do, v. t. kiana qlSTar.

Dress, v. i. pondénd Wizatat, (one’s self).

Dress, v. t. ponsutdnd qragarar, (another).

Destroy, v. t. mite k., nash k. fas a, aIm a.
Dry, a. watal qate.
Deceive, v. t. bahake kh. aaa aw.
Daughter, s. méar, p. miérk Alaqet, aaa.
Daughter-in-law, s. kodiar AUSATC.
Drag, v. t. arétand WUATat.
Dust, s. dhildo PRLAE

Day, 8. din, p. dink fea, faea.

Drive, v. t. punand Wats.
Despise, v. t. vitar k. Halt A.
Darkness, s. dnddr H. BIRAIT.
Divide, v. t. juddo k. ET

Deny, v. t. badle m. aR a.
Decrease, v. 1. ghate m. qe a.

Dinner, s. jawa SUTAT, Pp. Saya.
Direction, s. khak wTaR.

Direction, from every, nalung te khak nal, ae a a GH Ara.

26

Additional Gondi Vocabulary.

Desire, v. t. chahe m.
Draw, v. t. wmana
Delay, s. jhel.
Delay, v. t. jhel k.
Dream, s. kanchkénd
Dream, v. t. kanchkana
Death, s. sadyan
Dig, v. t. katana, khode k.
Dead, a. murda, p. murdang
Dismiss, v. t. dada k.

E.
Kstablish, v. t. nilutand
Expel, v. t. tandana
Hight, a. armir
Hmbark, v. 1. targané
Hye, s. kan, p. kank
Each, a. undé undé
Every, a. wndé wndé
_ Kagle, s. gidhal, p. gidhalk
. Empty, a. sino
Evening, s. nilpe p. nilpeng
Eternity, s. letu
Kar, s. havi, p. kauk
Entertainment, s. jawa
Extend, v. t. virsutdnd (as the arm)
Everything, s. sab-bange
Explain, v. t. vehtand
Enemy, s. bari, p. bhairirk H.
Hvil, a. duro
Enlarge, v. t. virsutand
Earn, v. t. putsutand, kumai k.
Envy, v. t. karvitand
Karth, s. thoré
Earth the, s. dharté
Enmity, s. dair H.

Fructify, v. t. sadustana

[No. 3,

7

az @.

Barat, as water from
wae. [a well.
WTF.

RARAT.

RATA.

aaa.

ATATAT, are a.

Het, weta.

Taat a.

Taearar.
SWAT.

wa t.

aTaAT.

AA, HEH.
Wat Tal.
Teal Weal.
TTS, TAT.
Sal.

TAY, TAIT,

a<arat.

BTS eT.

1870.]

Fear, 8. warre

Form, s. chola

Field, s. nelz, p. neling
Face, s. tudi

Fling, v. t. watand

Four, a. naling

Five, a. savyring

Fifty, a. pachds, ardho nir
Flesh, s. shank, khandum
Fill, v. t. nihtand

Fall, v. i. arvana

Float, v. i. pongdana
Forsake, vy. t. chhore k.
Fire, s. kis, p. kisk
Father, s. dha, p. dhairk
Find, v. t. paye m.
Family, s. got (tribe)
Famine, s. kar, p. hark H.

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 187

se

at.
are.

aet, Teta.
zet.

Ac}

aTeTat.

ae TI.

ES OS

aq a.

SN ba)
Waa, BUT AT.
ain, aed.
aaa.
BUA.
qiarar.
ATS Wh.
faa, Tae.
BIH, Vs.
ula a.
ata.

HIT, ATA.

Flock, s. yeting, applied to sheep or'goats, azv a.

From, prep. ¢a/, sén

Flee, v. i. soditand

Food, s. tindand, undana

Fear, v. t. waritana

Fruit, s. kaigang

Forefather, s. gal, p. walk
Fountain, s. jzria

Fountain, s. mongha (as of a well)
First, a. pahelo

Fish, s. min, p. mink
Fruit-bearing, a. haiydang-wala
Foreskin, s. naddum ta thol
Flour, s. pindé

Fine, a. chokho

Finish, v. t. puro k.

Far, a. lakh

ate, ata. From a per-
son, sin, Ata, from a
place, tal are.

aiisarat.

fare, Swat.

afcarat.

aware.

FISTS, BIST SH.

SUC.

‘arat.

qifeei.

aia, wea.

aida.

ASSH AT Wig.

fast.

Taq.

Ut &.

Wa.

188

Additional Gondi Vocabulary.

Feast, s. gawd

Fell, v. t. as a tree, arutana
Fraud, s. chhal H.

Force, s. barbus H.

Full, a. piiro

Feed, v. t. tehténd

Fault, s. dosh H.

Farewell, s. bida H.

Green, a. hirwo

Graze, v. t. mehtana

Graze, v. i. medna

Go out, v. i. pasitana

Go, v. i. handéna

Grave, s. murghat, masonté
Grow, v. i. borsdnd, as a child
Grow, V. i. pirdnd, as a plant
Grow, v. t. pirsutand

Guarding, s. mark/inim, applied to men
Guarding, s. jagalz, applied to fields

Generation, 8. veld, p. veling
Great, a. paror, f. paré
Get, v. t. paye m.

Give, v. t. stand

Grass, 8. jard, p. jaring
Good, a. chokho, m. and f.
Good, a. bhalo, m. and f.
Good, ad. bhalo

Girl, s. turd, p. turing
Gain, v. t. putsutand

Gain, v. t. hamdi k. H.
General a, 8. fawj tor subdal

H.

Hundred, a. niir, p. mirk

Vital.
Sarat.
aaa.

uf aarar.
SaTaT.

FES, AAT.
ST CRTaT.
Tacrar.
Tfacgarat.
ick a.
Saat.

dal, aaa.
GSit, UST.
ula 4.
Saat.
SIS, STS TA.
TECH

Weil.

Wel

23 p- esta.
qegarar,
Ras A.

GIs aTt Said:

AC, Ta.

Euaband, s. rot-tor the man of the house tta- ax.

Hide, v. i. makdna
Hide, v. t. maksuténa

Aare.
aA Saar.

[ No. 33

1870.]

Hill, s. matd, p. matang
House, s. von, rot-te in the house
Herdsman, s. mehténwdle
Hand, s. hui, p. haik
Hand, left, dawo kat

Hand, right, jeono kat
Here, ad. igga

Henee, ad. eggatal

Hither, ad. hikke

How, ad. bahun

Heifer, s. padda

Hinder, v. t. roke k.
Heaven, s. dgas

Heat, s. adi

Haste, s. utawulé

Hasten, v.1. utdwali k.
Heavy, a. puhta

Heavy, to be, v, i. puhtdnd
Hasten, v. t. jaldé hisutana
Herd, s. of cattle, murdng kondang
Heir, s. adhikarit H.

Horn, s. kor, p. kohk

Half, a. adho

Heel, s. daka

Happen, v. 1. arané
Hatred, s. dacr H.

Increase, v. i. borsdnd

Increase, to cause to, v. t. bursiténd
Inquire, v. t. pichhe k.

Inform, v. t. kenchutand

Inhabitant, s. mandanwdle

Judge, v. t. nydo k.
Judge s. nydo-hianwale
Judgment, s. nydo
Journey, 8. jatra H.

Additional Gondi Vocabulary.

189

ASI, Hea.
<a, Ua-a
aValaare.
a, A.
STAT &.

cS aa SS
BAA A.
ENT.
SUMATS.
tem.

qs.

Wel.

UTh A.
BTA.
wai.
Walaa.
Walaa a.
awa.
year.
weal ateara.
asta araia.
Braearet.
RIT ASH.
STAT.

STAT
ACraT.

at.

Scare.
3s aa
WR a,

ag aa.
BRAGS.

TYTHT WH.
SqTST- aT Ta.

ae. o
Sil.

190

Additional Gondi Vocabulary.

Ke

Know, v. t. pundana

Keep, v. t. as a garden, sudhare hk.

Keeping, s. markhim, jagalé
Kall, v. t. goks¢ watana
Knead, v. t. piskand
Kindness, s. mihr H.

Knife, s. chhuré

Live, v. i. pisind

Leather, s. tol

Laugh, v. i. hawwand

Leave, v. t. chhore k.

Land, s. dharte

Lift, v. t. tahtand

Light, s., a candle or lamp, divid
Light of day, s. verché

Light, a. halko

Large, a. paror, f. para
Little, a. chudor, m. and f.
Like, a. lekha

Learn, v. t. karitana

Lamb, s. shalmanyal na pilal
Lead, v. t. munne takana

Look, s. nigah H,

Middle, s. naddum
Make, vy. t. bane k.
Morning, s. sakdle
Mother, s. dhaz
Meet, v. t. kalitand
Milk, s. pal

Month, s. tédé
Marriage, s. marming
Marry, v. t. marming
Mock, v. t. thatha k.
Mocker, s. thatha-kian-wale

WSTaT.
Gut Fi.

< =>
ae a, Sat.
STAR AST.
ToaArat.
Tae.
au.

fqarat. ©
are.
alata.
als &.
gat.
aTSatat.
sifaar.
ae at.
Seal.
USTt, TST.
Stk.

aT.
arcarat.
QAeAUS AT WATS.
aa aTaTa.
Taare.

ASSa.
qa a.

asata.

ASAT F.

Sol &.

Sol-al Beare.

[ No. 3,

1870. | Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 191

Master, s. malik H.
Merchant, s. baipari, baiparirk

altran.
SS SS S
Sura p. sqTca.

N.
Naked, a. kurdhe HSH.
Nakedness, s. kurdkepan RSTRIT.
Nine, a. wunmak Van.
Not, ad. with imp. mood, manni ara.
Not, ad. with other moods, halle Sa.
Name, s. parol, p. parolk GSIS, TSR.
Now, ad. inga Sar.
Nephew, a brother’s son, s. sanimarrt ataary.
Number, v. t. kahtand aTeatat.
Night, s. narké WaT.
Nothing, s. bénge-halle aia-wat.

Nose, s. massor, p. massork

AAT, ASAT.

O.
One, a. unde. weal.
Open, v. t. ugare k. WIS H.
Open, to be, wgare m. BAT a.
Open, a. ugare yams.
Obtain, v. t. paye m. "Ula a.
Observe, v. t. mane m. ala a.
Obey, v. t. mane m. ala &.
Old, a. sendl, f. seno ale, Vat, applied to
persons.
Old, a. junor, f. junal BAT, stata, applied to
things, sometimes to
- persons,
Out, ad. daharo aTSu.
Outside, ad. baharo alert.
Overturn, v. t. ulte k. VRS FH.
Ox, s. honda, p. kondang APS, HTM.
Outstretch, v. t. vérsutand Salat.
Occur, Vv. i. ardna UAT.
le.
Plant, v. t. lage kidna Ga w.

Place, v. t. arand

<UaT.

192

Additional Gondi Vocabulary.

Pull, v, t. umdana, as water from a well sara.

Property, s. dhan-daulet

Pitch, v. t. nilutand. (as a tent)

Pit, s. sora

Pursue, v. t. pya hk.
Persecute, v. t. tarse k.
Prevent, v. t. roke k.
Pregnant, a. ranjiwwand
Produce, v. t. sadana
Proceed, v. i. munne virdna
Place, s. thikan

Press, v. t. admana
Pillar, s. dharun

Person, s. jan, p. gank
Proprietor, s. adhikaré H.
Prove, v. t. parkhe k.
Prince, s. subal

Price, s. mola

Pour, v. t. richt k.

Pulse, s. daré

‘Pottage, s. gawa

Play, v. 1. garsana
Plain, s. chaugan H.
Pain, s. dukh H.

Quarrel, v. 1. taruténa
Quickly, ad. japne

Rainbow, s. bhémal
Remain, v. i. mandana
Road, s. sarré

Rib, s. paneka

Run, v. i. vitana
Raise, v. t. tahtana
Rise, v. 1. tedana
Reach, v. 1. awana
Rain, s. pir

da-etea.
faearat.
STe.
Tost w.
ay a.
Um @.
ClesqaTat
QeTar.

qa Sista.

Teara.
Beara.
Pika
Ba, Bea.
a faattt.
ae a.
Gale
area.
Cts a.

[ No.

1870. ] Additional Gondi Vocabulary.

Rain, v. i. arutdnd Beara.
Receive, v. t. paye m. ala a.
Rebel, v. i. badle mast handand TEel HAL CAAT.
Ram, s. mendhal Bere
Return, v. i. mals? wayand Asal AIAT.
River, s. dhoda @Iet.
Reptile, s. ghurse-mayanwala ¥-AaaTey-
Rest, s. dram H. SHCA
Roar, v. 1. kélitaénad, as a tiger @ifaarar.
Recline, v. i. dete m. ze &.
Regarding, prep. hikke eR.
Rebuke, v. t. dapte k. H. Sas &.
Right, a. hagg, H. TR.
Reproach, s. chugli ae.

8.
Spread, v. t. pongsutand qiagarar.
Sign, s. chakhina Wea.
Spread, v. t. bagare k. que
Shoulder, bakha STaq.
See, v. t. hurana STA.
Son, s. mart, p. mark aa, aa.
Say, v. t. ¢ndana Zara.
Speech, s. wankana aarar.
Share, v. t. tustana aeTay.
Separate, v. t. juddo k. wet W.
Stoop, v. i. mursdnd aaa.
Surround, v. t. tirétdnd Tatiarar.
Sleep, v. 1. narmana air heii
Serpent, s. tards, p. turdsk AUTH, ACTS.
Shoe, s. sarpum, p. sarpul ay a, aa @.
Shut, v. t. honde k. Alte Gi.
Smell, v. t. mushkana Hae.
Six, a. sariing ea.
Seven, a. yerling aga.
Speak, v. t. zndand SIA.
Stone, s. fongé Zfal.

26

1g

194

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3,

Summit, of a mountain, s. chendi

Shew, v. t. hursutana
Sojourn, v. i. mulkgiri kh.
Save, v. t. pisutdna
Sister, s. selar, pl. selark
Strive, v. i. tarutana
Salt, a. sharo
Salt, s. sawar
Smite, v. t. g2and

Slime, s. chikla

Steal, v. t. kaland

Stealer, s. halle

Seize, v. t. boitang

Sun, s. suryal

Set, v. i. as the sun, mulitané
Seem, v.i. /agdné (it seems)
Spring, s. sired

Seed, s. va

Swim, v. i. pohe m.

Second, a. diusero

Small, a. chudor m. and f.
Star, s. sukkum, p. sukkuk
Set, v. t. errana

Skin, s. thol, p. tholk
Sunshine, s. adé

Stand, v. i. nitdna

Salute, v. t. sewajay k.

So, conj. ahun

Surely, ad. sharo

Send, v. t. rohtana

Scream, v. 1. hélitana
Similar, a. lekha

Sit, v. 1. udand

Side, s. shak

Shut, v. t. kehchi stana
Shout, v. t. haka s.

Shade, s. dharmé

=

As
Segara.
AIAN Fe.
faqarar.
Gat, VaR.
as ara.
QU.

was.
SNATAT.
faa.
RTA.

aa
arava.
gare.
afearat.
waTaat.
SNH.
faa.

"le a.
ga.
ast.
SE, SHa,
=a.
BS, BTS.
sel.
faarat.
Fase A.
WSsa,

@ut.
UReatat.
a ita ava.
Sar.

erat.

Cota

HSS VTAT (asa door).
STAT a.
asa.

1870. | Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 195

Search, v. t. parkdna

Seek, v. t. parkana
Son-in-law, s. sanne, p. sannerk
Strike, as a tent, v. t. arutand
Slay, v. t. joksé watind

Self, s. tanat

Swear, v. t. hiriya tindana
Sheep, s. Ahélmdanyal p. -yalk
Shew, v. t. vehtdnd

Sacrifice, v. t. tarhutana

Split, v. t. pahitand, applied to wood,
Shore, s. tharé

Sand, s. waru

So many, a. dchchho

Sure, a. pakko

Simple, a. sdho m. and f.
Sell, v. t. momanda

Sport, v. i. garséna

Spring, s. as of a well, mongha
Sorrow, s. dukh, H.

Tie, v. t. dohtand
Tent, s. pal, pl. palk
Tell, v. t. samphe k.
Throw down, v. t. watana
Two, a. rand

Three, a. mind

Ten, a. pad, pl. path
Twenty, a. visa H,
Take, v. t. yetana
Turn, v. t. teritana
Turn, v. t. tirhutana

This, dem. p., ¢d, pl. du, f.

ey, pl. erk, ma,

Warat.

Gata.

Ua, Vag.
Waray.
STRAT STSTAT.
aa.

fatsar fararen.
QTATAATS,-AIK.
aeareat.
aSalat.
atearat.

ast.

aTe.

=a.

Wal.

aul.

alarat.

TITAT.

Hier.

=m.

areata.

GTS, WH.

Gia F.

aTerail.

CG.

Ys,

Ue, eh.

ala.

Barat.

faftarn.

fasaran.

ze, ra, applied to fe-
males and things,

XX, Uh, applied to men,

196

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [ No. 3,

That, dem. pron., ad, pl. aw, f.

or, pl. ork, m.

Touch, v. t. ¢fand

Throw away, v. t. wats? s.

Take away, v. t. woidnu
There, ad. agga

Top, s. chend2, the summit of hill

Tribe, s. got

Together, ad. wndthkattho
Towards, prep. /ikke
Thither, ad. hakke
Thence, ad. aggatal
Thus, ad. chum

Thief, s. halle, pl. hallerk

Thread, s. nil

Tree, s. mara
Tender, a. kawre
True, a. kharoe
Truly, ad. kharo
Then, ad. aske
Teach, v. t. harutana
Tire, v. 1. dorana
Tire, v. t. dorsutana
To-day, s. nend

To-morrow, 8. ndrz, nine

Truth, s. kharopan
Tell, v. t. kenchutand
Try, v. t. parkhe k.
Thicket, s. jhur

Town, s. nagar, p. nagark A.

Thigh, s. jangh H.
Trough, s. donga
Thing, s. chiz, p. chizk

Therefore, conj. ten laydno
Themselves, rec. pron. dpus H.

Be, BT applied to fe-
males, &c. [ men.

it, Bra applied to

STaT.

aaa 4.

STE STAT.

WS.
HUA AT.
Sea.
ZIQaTaT.
aw,

asi, faa.
ug.
ALATA.
Ta a.
we.

TNL, AIF.

sire.

Stam.

wisi, GisH.
at VATA.
BGs.

apus te, among themselves STE a.

1870. |

V.
Vegetable, s. bhaspdla
Voice, s. leng
Village, s. nar, p. nark
Very, ad. para
Victuals, s. tandéna wndanda.
Void, a. sino
Visit, v. t. kalitand
Vagabond, s. mulk-giré k. w.
Veil, s. adam
Value, s. rokar H.

Walk, v. 1. handana
Weep, v: 1. arand
Wife, s. rot-taé

Who, inter. pro bor
Whose, bonha

Whom, bon

Wealth, s. dhan-daulet
Why, ad. bare

Warn, v. t. indand
Woman, s. ar, p. ask
Where, ad. bagga
Whence, ad. buggatal
Whither, ad. beke
With, prep. sn
Wilderness, s. dongur
Whip, v. t. j7ana
Waterpot, s. sora
Well, ad. bes, chokho
Wash, v. t. nurdnd
Wash, v. t. sukkand
Wish, v. t. chahe m.
Water, s. yer

Waiter, v, t. to cause to drink, whtana

Additional Gondi Vocabulary.

MATa.

Sa.

at, Ara

7ST.

Tara Swat.
Qa.

Ai Para.
BS-AC BW a.
BWesla.

UAE.

S11.

GSTAT.

<ta-at, the woman of
the house.

Cire

aTeRI.

ata.

Wa-2Taa.

Licee

S-aTaT.

SIL, ATS.

SeTT.

STA.

aah.

aia.

Stax.

SST.

STU.

au, Tat. [ person.

ace, applied to the

@RTAT, to wash clothes.

STS @.

at.

SMart.

See interr. .

pronouns.

198 Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3,

Wanderer, s. mulk-giri kh. w. AHA a. 4.
Womb, s. pota GTat.
Wean, v. t. onha pal chhute k. STFS UTS Ke A.
Wander, v. 1. bhule mateke wallitana wel aah afaarar.
Work, s. dhandho BET
Witness, s. gohdé, pl. gohairk Tires, FTE.
Wood, s. kati atreat.
Weigh, v. t. joke k. SIR A.
Well, s. kid H., pl. kung RIA, RAT.
Wonder, s. achambhé H. Bau.
Wonder, v. i. achambha k. Bay A.
Wearied, pp. dorsé erat.
Weary, to be, v. i. dorana S1cat.
Window, s. khirké fasat.
Wrangle, y. i. tarutand asarett.
rh

Year, 8. warsd at.
Yes, ad. inge za.
Youth, s. ravor, p. raiork VHT, THs. [ persons.
Young, a. raior, f. raid LIK, tI, applied to
Yesterday, s. ndrz, ninne aTsi, fara.

NUMERALS.

The Gonds in this district count the length of ten in the Gondi,
and then use the Hindi numerals.

1870.3 The Vastu Yaga. 199

The Vastu Yaga and its bearings upon Tree and Serpent Worship im
India.— By Prarkpacnanpra Guosna, B. A.

(Read 7th September, 1870.)

In the history of human progress, the feeling of fear has perhaps
proved as active an agent in invention as necessity. The phi-
losophy of fear is most interesting: originating in the want of
strength, or in a feeling of want of strength, fear often, to use a
paradox, concentrates, if it does not create, strength. It impels
an individual to flight, sometimes with such extraordinary rapidity
as to baffle all pursuit. The energy spent in avoiding a danger if
concentrated and better directed, might, in many cases, lead to the
overcoming of the obstacle; but as the mind shrinks within itself
at the very idea of danger, it slackens the nerves for all action
except flight. A man runs with the greatest velocity when impelled
by fear. In the very flight he may have unconsciously overcome
several difficulties, which, in sober moments, he would rather have
fled from, than manfully encountered and overcome. It is conta-
gious, because the exhibition of fear in a companion damps the hope
of relief from that quarter: it makes one feel lonely, the most
favourable condition for engendering fear. It advances as hope
recedes, after the faith in our own strength has been shaken. It
originates superstition ; for when human aid fails, the mind naturally
looks to the supernatural and the mysterious: mantras, charms,
and sacrifices are resorted to, with a view to propitiate the imaginary
evil-doers, and sacrifices are selected to suit the nature of the evil
spirits.

In the earliest portraits of the Aryan race, as delineated in the
Vedas, we find their ideas and their thoughts centred in their homes,
their cattle, their fields, and in the discomfiture of their enemies.
Their wants were few, and their prayers, therefore, were less varied ;
and their ceremonies were, probably, equally simple. But this
simplicity bore within itself the seed of a very complex system of
thought. Everything that was useful in some way or other, every-
thing that was beautiful or awful in nature, or that excited unusual
feelings, or suggested new ideas, was estranged from the ordinary
and associated with the supernatural.

200 The Vastu Yaga. [ No. 3,

A new current of thought soon after set in. In the freshness of
imagination during the primitive state of society, comparisons, me-
taphors, and allegories, were soon changed into real entities, and
mythology rapidly gained ground in men’s minds. Thus the Pu-
ranas, by a natural poetical idea, made the sun and the moon, which
witness all that is done on the earth, the spies of the divine
ruler—a myth describing the all-pervading nature of their rays. In
the Vedas, they are regarded as the universal witnesses of all cere-
monies. The &déhu, the ascending node, is derived from the verb
literally meaning to abandon, void, hence also black, darkness,
shadow, &c., and is represented in mythology as having no body,
the wmbra of the astronomers. The wnbra may be said to devour
as it were the luminaries. Later mythology makes Rahy a trunk-
less head, an ingenious mythological adaptation of the umbra
which devours, but inasmuch as it has no body, the moon comes
out from the throat. Again, poetic imagination or extreme fear,
personifies qualities, and that to such an extraordinary extent,
that while describing the blood-thirsty vengeance of S’akti, she is
said to have, in the Chhinnamasta incarnation, cut off her own head
from the trunk, and with the gaping trunkless skull gluttonously
drunk her own blood which springs with the warmth of life.
However hideous the conception is, itis the result of the license
allowed to poets to use partial similitudes. To such flights of un-
shackled imagination, the variously formed sphinxes of the Chal-
deans are but mere flutters of the wings. As allegories illustrative
of the concentration of force to overcome difficulties, and the
adaptation of means to a purpose, the achievements of Durga offer
many interesting instances. On the occasion of vanquishing the
mighty Aswras, Sumbha and Nisumbha, and their general, named
Mahishasura, (the buffaloe-demon) the several gods are made to direct
their energy to their weapons for the purpose. The goddess Durga,
representative of this union, sprung forth with ten arms fit to crush
several Asuras at one fell swoop. Kali, another incarnation of ©
Sakti, in the war with Raktavija, a demon multiplying his race, as
his name implies, from the drops of blood flowing from his body,
and touching the earth, is represented as having licked up the blood
as it streamed forth from his person with a view to arrest that

dreadful propagation.

1870.] The Vastu Yaga. 201

_ Many of these myths, again, may be traced partly to oriental hy-
perbole and partly to the many-sided meanings of the words used in
describing them : figurative expressions were seized and new myths
were invented in illustration of them. Others again are illustrative
of national customs ; thus the protruded tongue of Kéli has been the
theme of several fanciful tales. With some, in the heat of the battle,
Kali was so maddened, that the gods despaired of the world,
and sent S‘iva, her husband to appease her. S‘iva crept among the
dead soldiers lying on the field, and contrived to pass under the
feet of Kéli, who no sooner perceived her husband trampled under
her feet, than she became abashed, and, in the fashion of the
women of the country, bit her tongue as expressive of her regret
and indelicacy.

It is amusing to follow the line of argument put forth in the
Purdnas in support of these myths. In some instances, they ap-
proach so near the ludicrous, that were it not for their thorough
adaptability to the state of native society of the time, their
fallacies would have been long ago exposed, and the whole Paurdnic
system spurned and despised.

Sakti is Force. Originally a sect of Hindus worshipped force
and matter as eternal. The word being in the feminine gender,
its personification is a female divinity of supernatural powers,
and every occupation which called for great exercise of energy and
power at once selected her as tutelary goddess, and she is now
the most popular of all the three and thirty millions of the Hindu
pantheon. S’aktaism has since imbibed so many brutal practices of
cannibalism, human sacrifice, and bacchanalian rites, that the very
name of a S’akta, inspires horror and disgust; nevertheless the unholy
Tantras, which propound and explain the principles of this doctrine,
and give rules for worshipping the different forms of S’akti, are
increasing in number and popularity. They were, until lately, com-
paratively unknown beyond the frontiers of Bengal, but copies of
MSS. are now demanded from every quarter of Hindustan. The
Tantric system is of Bengali origin, and its rites and customs are
intimately interwoven with those of the hill tribes, especially those
of Nepal and Assam. Demonology is a principal feature in the
S‘dkta faith, and the various nocturnal ceremonies are fixed which

27

202 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

were much in vogue in Bengal, even as late as about fifty
years ago.

Nor did fear and superstition stop with the creation of gods out
of poetical objects. In men’s anxiety to avail themselves of super-
natural aid, they did not hesitate to borrow from foreign and other-
wise hated sources.

Sattipir, Minikpir, Shahjummd Faqir, Shah Farid, Oldbibi, and
many other similar di minores and saints, found their places in
Hindu mythology entirely from this cause. In jungly districts
and infested rivers and creeks, Adlu Rdya and Dakshin Raya are
as commonly worshipped as the local Pirs and Ghazis. It is
remarkable that Hdlu Raya and Dakshin Réya are represented by
trunkless mitred heads. They are held to be guardians of the
forest, and they ride on tigers and crocodiles. On the 30th day of
the month of Pausha, these two forest demigods are worshipped,
and with them earthen figures of their tigers and crocodiles.
But this is limited to the southern districts of Bengal, where these
ferocious animals abound. They are worshipped as KAshetrapdlas
or field gods, and are said to have originated from the heads of
Brahma, the creator, cut off by S‘iva. To them sacrifices of goats
and ducks are offered, perhaps more to appease the tigers and the
crocodiles than the gods themselves.

That the same principle of appeasing the unmanageable and
the dreadful is the basis of serpent worship, is easy to de-
monstrate. The serpent goddess is worshipped in the Euphorbia
antiquorum, The goddess mother of the serpents, and goddess pre-
siding over them, is Manasa, the object of love and devotion, and, as
the name implies, an allegorical creation. Indeed, tree and serpent
worship may be said to have originated partly, if not entirely, in the
imagination of the people, and in figures of speech. The chief of
the serpents is Hae, eternity, literally endless, of which the univer-
sally acknowledged symbol is a coiled snake. Though represented
as the support of Vishnu, while floating on the fathomless sea of
chaos before creation, (God in eternity), he is, in the Puranas,
described as having the form of Vishnu, meaning, perhaps, the
eternity of Vishnu. Thus the Puranas describe him as

1870.] ; The Vastu Yaga. 208

‘A thousand-hooded, four-armed &c.’’*

In Purénic mythology, he is the bed on which NVdrayana is said to
have rested before creation, and will rest after the creation is de-
stroyed.

FAAIA WT GF Ga BICTSAAT: |
a4 ae fra Taras Tae at
AAA TAA Baa Sfaut Wat |
BU WeSya VIS WSIS |
Alaa AAT AH VWIGTwaT wet |
GIT STATA LUST} saves |

Here Ananta, (eternity) in the form of a serpent is described as
doing menial work and waving a fan. But elsewhere he is said
to be an incarnation of Vishnu.

The myth of the Atlas serpent named S’esha (the end) is
acknowledged to be allegorical. Thus the Kurma Purana.

walaaaat airsrarea tare |
ATSSAAAT ST AUTeAAT STH AT II
fealal Madara aaa Wada |
fasta sagen Sard] GeHT ay

— RAGTTY |

It is the Hindu form of chaos. The figure in it was, as usual,
soon forgotten, and the frequent earthquakes that visited parts
of India were accounted for by a slight extension of the idea
contained in the myth. The Wu, the serpent of eternity, has a
thousand hoods, and upon one of them he holds the earth. At
times he relieves himself by changing the load from one to another
hood, and the motion caused by his replacement of the load is said
to be the cause of earthquakes,

Vishnu is repeatedly brought in contact with the serpent. As
the presiding god of the sun, in fact the sun himself (sun = Vish-

* quraeedan Tgas facies |
aaaqaaart eras ||
Paregqrcat f4 WF AAI |
ay efaw gy ret TATA: AT (1
SH TAMA THACTUT |

204 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

nu = Hari) he is an enemy of Rahu, whose stellar form is that
of a serpent, and who, as a demon, was cut into two by Vishnu’s
discus on the occasion of the distribution of nectar churned
from the ocean of life, alas light, the sweets of knowledge
to the gods. Rahu (to be abandoned) is, as we have said before,
also black, darkness, or ignorance. According to the Graha Yana
Tantra, an astrological work of great importance amongst the Hindus,
the presiding god of Rahu is Hala (Death = Time), and the subor-
dinate god (ym@faeaat) is a serpent:—an idea which reminds
us of the tree of knowledge and the serpent in the Mosaic
legend. Réhu is the lord of bones, and it presides over the
southwest quarter of the globe, (nirétc) over misfortunes and calami-
ties. Réhubhedi, the destroyer, or literally the dissector, of Rahu,
darkness, is Vishnu, alias Surya (the Sun), who has also the
name of Réhuhd, the killer of Rahu. Its mythical origin is dis-
tinctly acknowledged in astronomical works, in one of which we
find :—
TAU EU UST GARTSTAe |

“When the Rahu is perceptible by the eyes, it is called an eclipse.”

In the Bhagavat Purana, Krishna, or Vishnu incarnate, in one of his
miracles, is devoured by a great ophidian demon, in whose stomach
he plays several tricks, and at last, getting out of it, exhibits the
whole universe dancing on the tongue of the serpent (eternity), whom
he afterwards overcomes (as creator). He is also described as break-
ing the several heads of Kaliya, a Naga king of Romanak country,
whom Krishna would have completely destroyed, had not some of
his wives, who were Naga women, interfered. Garuda, the bird-god,
is the vehicle of Vishnu, and though a step-brother to the Nagas, is
their deadly enemy.

In the Mahabharata, Parikshita, grandson of the Pandavas,
is described to have defiled the body of a sage while in his
meditation with a dead snake, whereupon the Muni’s son cursed
him. ‘To carry out this malediction, Zukshaka, commonly identi-
fied with the Gecko that makes a ‘‘ tak tak’? noise, and sometimes
with the dragon-lizard, one of the great serpents, visited Parikshita,
attired as a Brahman, and made the usual salutation, and blessed the
king by offering him a small plum. No sooner held the king the

1870. | The Vastu Yaga. 205

proffered fruit to his nose, than a snake, the takshaka serpent,
issued forth from it and stung him. The Raja fell a victim to the
virulent venom of the snake. Janmejaya, his son, with a view to
avenge the death of his father, instituted a Yajna, entitled sarpa-
satra, the snake-sacrifice. The priests with their mantras poured
purified g/z into the blazing altar, and snakes from all parts of the
world, coming in millions, fell senseless into it, and were soon
consumed. ‘The sacrifice went on till Takshaka’s turn came, and
when the unswerving priest offered his ahitv (oblation of ghz) with a
powerful mantra to Agni invoking Takshaka, the great serpent felt
deeply the irresistible influence of the sacrificial fire. Yet unwilling
to yield to it, and trembling at his approaching doom, he fled to
the court of Indra. But the mantras of the sacred munis were even
more potent than the lord of the immortals, and Takshaka was
wrenched from his hiding-place. He hovered over the blazing
flame, and was about to fall into it, when Astika, the offspring of
the intermarriage between an Aryan and a Naga woman, a nephew
of Vasuki, the serpent king, interfered. He begged of Jaumejaya
to put a stop to the sacrifice, and thereby saved the serpent race.
Both these stories, however, appear more like poetical versions of
border warfare with antagonistic races, than pure myths.

These stories regarding the Nagas and serpents are obviously
mythical, and may be explained away by unravelling the allegories
upon which they are based. In none does the true reptile, the snake,
make its appearance. Nor is this remarkable, for the authors of
S dstras have carefully separated the Ndgas and Sarpas, the ophidian
race from true snakes. The Nagas are a class of demigods, some of
whom at will assume the forms of men, but generally have the
lower extremities of their body ending in a snake’s tail, while
above the waist they are shaped like gods and men. In some
cases, however, their heads are backed by hoods of serpents. But
this form of the Naga, though frequently found in sculptured stones,
appears to be a later representation. Hverywhere in the Purdnas,
the Nagas speak like men, and have bodies like them. The Sarpas
on the other hand are a family of reptiles not at all connected with
the Nagas, and are in no Purana found to speak or act like men.
Nor are they ever worshipped by the Brahmans, though a later

206 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

Upapurana, one of those interpolations, which has mixed the real
with the unreal, and has complicated our meagre historical data,
describes them as descendants of Nagas, much degenerated and
enfeebled.

In the whole cyclopedia of Hindu sacrifices and ceremonies,
no sacrifice connected with Nagas or Sarpas, is more frequent-
ly practised and with greater eclat than the Vastu Yaga. It is,
indeed, considered a Vaidic rite, and without it no house, temple, or
tank is fit for divine or human use. It is a ceremony that every
Hindu has to perform, and without it none can inhabit a new
house. Vastu is partly a Vaidic god. He is the tutelar deity of
the house, and is regarded by the Hindu with a peculiar veneration ;
for the homestead has a sanctity in his eyes which is not met with
in other countries. To have the privilege of dwelling in the house
of his forefathers is an object of pride with him, and the greatest
misfortune that can happen toa Hindu is the loss of his domicile.
Few things appear more dreadful than when an incensed bréhman
pronounces the awful curse ‘‘ Let doves take possession of your
Vastu” (domicile), and an enemy vows vengeance by threatening to
sow sesamum in the Vastu bhité, or the site of the homestead,
that is to say, to reduce the homestead to a field under the plough.
Each Vastu, or domicile, is believed to have a representative snake,
called the Vastu-Sarpa, which is regarded with great awe. If the
Vastu-Sarpa is seen to abandon a house, it is an unlucky omen, and
the perpetuity of the house, the continuity of the race or family, is
believed to be endangered.

The Vastu Yaga ceremony is performed in the manner described
below. :

Va’stu YAcAa.—On the morning of the day previously fixed for
entering a new house, the owner performs the usual’ morning
prayers and ablutions, and having thus purified himself, he
presents pieces of gold to brahmans according to his means. A
water-pot is filled with water, and on it are placed fruits, flowers,
and mango leaves. It isdecorated by Brahmans with curd and
rice, under the usual mantras. The owner then touches respect-
fully the tail of a cow, crowns his head with garlands, anoints
his person with sandal-wood paste, and places his lawful wife on his

1870.] The Vastu Yaga. 207

left bearing a ghata on her loins and a kula with grains on her
head. Thus prepared, he enters his new house. The water-pot men-
tioned above, is carried by a Brahman, who leads the procession.

The Abhyudayika Sraddha and the pwd of the sixteen Mdtrikas
with the ganadhipas is performed at a separate place.

In the new house, the owner, having made the dchamana, com-
mences the Vastu Yaga.

It is begun with formally making a resolution (Sankalpa) to
complete the rite, and for this purpose the Raddhati says :—‘ Let
him sit on an Asana (carpet) or a mat of kusa grass with his face
towards the east, and let him pronounce “ om tat sat’ ‘‘ om, to-day
in the month of (here mention the lunar month), in the (here men-
tion the bright or the dark fortnight,) on (here mention the
number é¢hi or lunar day), I, of (here mention the family) family
or gotra (here mention the name) with a view to avoid the defects
and evils of this human habitation, perform the Vésta Yaga.”
The Sankalpa hymn is then to be repeated. Let him next worship
Vishnu and the nine planets, and let him next let drop the Vasy-
dharas, of melted butter, against a wall so as to run ina given
number of lines. The Ayushmya hymn is next repeated.’

The appointment of priests ( Varana) :—‘'The Brahmans, previ-
ously selected for the performance of the sacrifices and ceremonies,
have to be seated on carpets with their faces towards the north.
The Yaamndnais to propitiate them with sandal paste. Let him
then pronounce ‘‘Om. I am blessed. Om. On the occasion of this
Vastu Yaga (enjoined by holy writ) do you, the respected three,
pronounce ‘ Om Svastv’ om, blessed be the act.”

The three priests respond “ Om Svastv.”

The Yayamdna: ‘‘Om, on the occasion of this Vastu Yaga cere-
mony, do you three pronounce om riddhim (om prosperity).

The priests respond ‘‘om, may you prosper.”

Let rice be scattered around by the Brahmans present with the
mantras which commence with ‘‘ Om, Svasti no Indra viddhasrava,
Svasti no Pusha visvaveda, Svasti, &e.” “ Om, may Indra, propagator
of ceremonies, bless us; may Pusha, &c.’’ Then let the hymn “ Om
Suryah somo yamah kilah, &c. ‘‘In the presence of the sun, the
moon, death, time, twilight, bhutas (spirits), day, night, wind,

208 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

dikpati (gods of the ten cardinal points), earth, sky, inhabitants
of the firmament (Aashara), and gods, as Brahma witnesses, I
promise.”’

The Brahma or chief priest should be appointed first.

Let the Yajamana, seated as before with joined palms, address
the Brahma, ‘‘ Om, you are Sadhu (gentle,) be seated.

Let the Brahma, reply ‘“‘Om! verily I am sadhu.”

Yajaména :—Om, I will propitiate you.

Brahma :—Om, do propitiate.

Let the Yajamana then offer sandal wood paste, flowers, cloth, and
ornaments to the Brahma, and let him next touch his right thigh
and say, “Om, this day (as mentioned before) in my promised
Vastu Ydga ceremony, I do hereby appoint you (state the name of
the Brahma) of — family, of — pravara, worshipped with sandal
wood &c., to perform the duties of a Brahma.

Brahma :—‘‘ Om! I am appointed.”

Yajamaéna :—Om ! perform the duties of a Brahma as directed (in
the Sastras).

Brahma :—‘“‘ Om, according to my knowledge I shall.”

Should the Yajamana be not qualified to perform himself the
homa, let him appoint a Brahman as a hotd, in the same way as the
Brahm4 is appointed. Then let the Acharya, Tantradhdéraka, and
Sadasya be appointed in order.

The sacrificial altar, Veds, should be eight cubits long, and eight
cubits broad, and one cubit high. It should be puritied by sprink-
ling successively the urine of the cow with the Gédyatri mantra,
cow-dung with the mantra which commences, ‘‘ Om Gandhadvaram

? cow’s milk with that which commences ‘‘ om

duradharshyam, &e.,’
Apyayasva, &c.,” curds with that which begins with “om dadhi
kravno, &c.,”’ and lastly, ghi (clarified butter) with om teosi, &e.,
kusa grass and water should be sprinkled with ‘‘ om deva satva &c.”
Then, let autumnal paddy, winter paddy, muga, wheat, mustard,
sesamum, and barley be mixed with water and scattered on the
Ved.

The Vastu mandalais a square diagram of mysticimport. It is thus
described in Vastu Proyogu :—“ Commencing from the north-eastern
corner of it, at the four corners four sticks of khadira, Wimosa catechu,

1870.] The Vastu Yaga. 209

each 12 fingers long are to be nailed down with the following mantra:
om Stsantu te tale naga, §c., ‘om, O you serpents, fast runners, pro-
tectors of all animals, enter under this Vedi, and stay in this house,
continually bestowing on me long life and strength.” By the sides
of these sticks, with the following mantra, make offerings of mdsa
“om Agnibhyo pyatha sarpebhyo. ‘‘Om to the Agnis, to the serpents,
and to those others who are dependent on them, I offer this pure
and excellent food.”

Join the four pegs with strings each four cubits long and with
these as sides describe a square. Divide this square into 64 smaller
equal squares, and with fine coloured powders fill them in the man-
ner described.”

Here follow directions for filung up the squares, and the names
of 45 nagas or serpents presiding over particular single squares
or groups of them.

Having invoked forty-five nagas or pitris on the squares, place by
the side of the four pegs, four water-pots decorated with cloth, gar-
lands, &c. On the south-eastern corner close by the water-pot invoke
Viddérv on a black square. On the middle of the eastern side of the
square, without it, invoke Skanda on a yellow square. On the south-
ern Aryamana, red. On southwest near the water-pot Putand,
black. On the west Jambhaka, black ; on north-west, Pdpa-rékshast
black, on the north Pzli-pinja, black; on the north-east near the
water-pot Charaki, black.

The sacrifice.—On the ghata (water-pot) beyond the squares in-
voke the nine Grahas (holders-planets) and worship them one after
the other. Commencing from the east towards the four sides dis-
tribute masa with the following mantras ‘‘om bhitani rakshasdvdpi,
&c., om bhutis (spirits,) or rdkshasas (demons) whosoever dwell here
may they all receive again this offering as I do my dwelling house.”

Then with rice and flowers invoke Js’a; ‘‘om! Js’a, come hither. -
This padya is given to Js’‘a, Om! This food is offered to Js’a, Om !
These three handfuls of flowers are offered to Js‘a.”’

Similarly let the following be invoked and worshipped in the
several squares in order:—Paryanya, Jayanta, Sakra, Bhaskara,
Satya, Bhrsa, Vyoma, Hutdsa, Pushana, Vitatha, Grhakshata, Vaiva-
svata, or Yama, Gandharva, Brnga, Mrga, Pitrs, Davnvarika, Su-

28

910 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

griva, Pushpadanta, Varuna, Asura, S'esha, Papa, Roga, Naga, Visva-
karma, Bhallata, Yajnesvara, Nagardja, S'’ri, Aditi, Apa, Apava-
tsa, Aryamna, Soma, Vivasvata, Indra, Indratmaja, Mitra, Rudra,
Rajayakshmana, Dharadhara, Brahman, Shanda, Vidart, Putana,
Jambhaka, Paparakshast, Pilipinja, Charaka.

In the square for Brahman, Vasudeva is to be invoked and
worshipped with sixteen wpacharas, or articles of worship. There
also Lakshmi and Vasudevaganas, are to be worshipped. In the
same square with the same kinds of offerings Dhara (earth)
is likewise to be worshipped with the following. Om sar-
valoka dharam, &c. ‘‘Om, supporter of all creation, female figured,
well ornamented, be propitiated.” In the four squares of Brah-
mé is tobe seattered rice, and thereon a new strong water-pot
filled with water is to be placed, and into it gold and silver pieces
and Sarvoushadhi are to be dropped, and the whole covered with a
Vardhani. In this water-pot, the four-headed deity, Brahma, should
be invoked and worshipped with sixteen kinds of offerings, wyacharas.
Towards the north-eastern corner of this water-pot, another pot
full of pure water into which have been put the five ratnas (jewels)
and gold and silver pieces is to be placed and, tying round its neck
a pair of new clothes, a garland, twigs of Asvatha, (the religious fig)
vata (the banian), mango, plaksha (the vulgar fig) and Udumbara
(the sacrificial fig) trees. Placing upon these a dish filled with
barley, the priest should recite the mantra ‘‘ Ajighra Kalasam, &c.”
also the imvocation, Varuna, the water-god, om Varunasyotham-
bhanamas't &e.

Then follows the invocation of the holy places ‘‘om Gangddya
Saritah, &e.” Om, all the rivers beginning with Ganga, oceans
and seas, all rivers, all oceans, all seas and all lakes, destroyers
of ill-luck of Yajamana, come hither.” Then are to be dropped

-into the water-pot various kinds of earth, such as earth from stables,
from where elephants live, from ant-hills, from the confluence
of rivers, from the banks of a lake, from the fields where cattle
graze, and from the ruts of chariot-wheels, also water from sacred
places, and sarvoushadi and durvé grass.

On the west of this water-pot, according to the rules of his own
Grihyasutra, let the owner or his representative Hota establish the

1870. ] The Vastu Yaga. 211

fire (sacrificial) and repeat Virupdksha hymn and make Kushan-
dika.

Having finished the Hushandika, Agni under the name of Prajdpati,
should be worshipped according to the rules of Aditya Purdna “ Om
pingabhru, &e.”” “Om! brown-browed, brown-bearded, brown-haired
and brown-eyed, high-featured, red-stomached, seated on a goat,
seed-wreathed Agni, you are powerful.” Then are to be offered
one hundred and eight oblations or adhutis to Brahma with a mixture
of honey, ght, sesamum, and barley. And next, ten offerings should
be made to each of the worshipped gods.

The Vilvapanchaka homa, or five offerings, with the leaves of the tree
Marmeloseeglops has then to be performed. ‘The five hymns for the
purpose have Visvaémitra for their rishi; they are in Jagati metre,
their god is Vastu, their use lies in the propitiation of Vastu.
“ Om Vastosphté prati, &c.”

Then with ghi alone, ‘“‘Om Agnaye, Se. svdhéd. Om to Agni, the
originator and supporter of Sacrifices, this is given to Agni.”
After the principal sacrifice and the Mahdavyahrti homa are over,
the tushni samit has to be offered without any mantras. Then
follow the prdyaschitta homa, the chanting of the Vdmadevya
hymn, and taking a handful of curd, repeat the following, ‘‘ Om
Yajnam Gachchha, &e.”? Om, the sacrifice be ended, &. Finally
the fire is to be extinguished with curd.

This is to be followed by offering to the Vastu gods rice boiled with
milk with the mantra ‘ esha payasa vali om Is’4ya namah,’ and so on.
‘“« This offering of milk and rice to Is’a, and so on, to other Vastu
gods.”

Then uttering Svasti perform S’dntv.

Om in the S’anti work, om, do you three pronounce, ‘‘ I am bless-
ed.” ‘The following are the directions for the performance of the _
ceremony of S’anti.

Let the priest sprinkle on the Yajam4na, seated with his sons
and family facing east, water from the 8’4nti-ghata with the mantra,
“Om, Surastvamabhi sinchantu, &e. Om, may the gods purify you
with water; may Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesvara, Vasudeva,
Jagannatha as well as Sankarshana purify you. May Pradyumna
and Aniruddha give you victory. May Akhandala, Agni, Yama,

212 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

Nairta and Varuna Pavan Cuvera and Siva and Sesha with
brahmans and dikpalas ever purify you. May all the assem-
bled gods bless you with reputation and fame, wealth, me-
mory, reasoning, health, veneration and mercy, ingenuity, modesty,
bodily comfort, quietude, and loveliness. May the planets, the sun,
the moon, Mercury, Mars, Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn, all the
planets, together with Rahu and Ketu propitiated, purify you. May
devas, danavas, gandharvas, yakshas, rakshas, serpents, rishis,
munis, cows, devamatis also deva-patnis, adhvraas, snakes, daityas
and apsaras, weapons, all S’astras, rajas and carriers and medicines,
jewels and the degrees of time, lakes, seas, mountains, holy places,
clouds, rivers, prepare you towards the attainment of piety,
desires and wealth! Om, Svast.”

The Vastu yaga, described above, is evidently a sacrifice invented
by the ancient Aryan conquerors with a view to propitiate the
aborigines or primeval owners of the land. Such a practice is not
uncommon in Hindu theosophy. Everything that has a place im
a ceremony, is worshipped or propitiated. The earth is pacified
before lighting up a sacrificial fire, and is appeased after the homa
is over. ‘The tree from which faggots are collected is worshipped,
and is propitiated by mantras. The sacrificial goat even is first ad-
dressed with a proper prayer to the effect ‘‘ that beasts were created
by Brahma for sacrifice, and killing in a Yajna is therefore no killing
Gicice aH Fassee | ).”” Again, “ Indra, Soma, and other gods, for the
sake of sacrifice became beasts and so forth.’ Indeed, without a pre-
liminary archanz (worship), no offering is deemed fit for presentation
and no god is prepared to receive any without it. The Vetdlas and
Pisichas (the gods of the aborigines) are first propitiated, they have
the precedence in all ceremonies. In days of yore, such ceremonies
were very frequently interrupted by the dasyus and daityas, and
the holy sages who celebrated them, were often obliged to ask for
assistance from princes and warriors for protecting them against
such depredations. In the Ramayana, Visvamitra carries with him
young Ramachandra and Lakshmana to protect his sacrifice. In the
performance of a sraddha, the first offering is made to the Bhusvémt,
the lord of the soil, and the Smirtis teach us that it is not lawful
to perform any ceremony on another man’s soil without satisfying

1870. ] The Vastu Yaga. 218

his claims, and though rajas and owners of their own houses perform
the sraddha on their own land, they have still to make offerings
to Vastu Purusha, which we fancy represents the aboriginal owners
of the country. The modern expounders it is true identify the Vastu
Purusha and the Bhusvami with Vishnu, but as a separate plate is
always offered along with it to Vishnu, neither Bhusvami nor Vastu
Purusha can mean anything else, but what it literally says, unless
it be a typical offering to the sovereign of the country.

In the Vastw Yaga, one of the oldest ceremonies of the Aryans,
Vastu is the principal god, and though the aborigines themselves
are not worshipped by name, the Naga is no doubt the ostensible
object of worship. The several gods, properly pitrs, (ancestors,)
manes, former owners, that occupy the several mandalas, are
also the names of Nagas. The Vastu is the god Earth, quite dis-
tinct from Dhara, the mother-earth (terra), and in the prayer he is
represented as the supporter of the world.

ws EAT Sa: ws aay SAL |
waaay fava ages AAT a Il
All the gods are pervaded by Vdstu, Vastu pervades the creation; he is
the supporter of the earth. Salutation be unto you, O Vastudeva !
Jt is remarkable that nowhere in the Purdnie or Tintrie cosmo-
gony, is Vastu named as distinct from Sesha, or the primal snake
(Saatgat, eternity).

waa fe ay aeure aes: aa WH TAT a: Il

The supporter of the universe is air, above which is the atlas-tortoise (colos-
sochelys atlas P ) upon which rests the Sesha, and upon it the earth,

The Vastu Yaga therefore, appears to be a memorial of the foun-
dation of the new Aryan home and of the Nagas, a race of powerful
aborigines of India. Their name is connected with the several
vegetable products of the soil, which the first Aryan settlers soon
found to be useful and worthy of preservation. Thus—

Ndgapasa, or the lasso, a weapon of the Nagas ; Migavandhu the re-
ligious fig tree (Ficus religiosa), the friendly shelter of the Nagas ;
Nagarenu, Nagaja, and Naga Sambhava for vermillion, litharge, and ga-
jena, all probably first mined by the Nagas ; Naga pushpika, the golden
Jasmine (Jasminum fruticans) ; Naga Kesara, the Mesua ferrea flower ;

214 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

Naga pushpa, Calophyllum inophyllum, Naga Valli, the betel-leaf
plant (Piper betle), Nagaphala (Trichosanthes dieca). Words bear-
ing ample evidence not only of the Naga origin of the things
they indicate, but of the Naga influence on the Aryan settlers.
The word Naga is also used for an elephant, for lead, and for tin.
Even as the word Uzbak was a term of abuse with the Mogul
emperors of Delhi, so was Wagabit among the Aryan, meaning the
veriest rascal.

In the Vastu Yaga for consecrating a tank, a long pole is sunk in
the centre of the new excavation, and this pole in Sanscrit is aga
yashtt, or the Naga pole. In course of the ceremony, several Nagas
presiding over the several quarters of the mandalas, are worshipped,
and though in later times, the practice of throwing golden images of
serpents, frogs, and tortoises, in a freshly excavated tank is observed,
the Naga yashti cannot be said to have any connection with reptiles
or snakes. The application of the term Naga to the reptile class, is
probably due to the fact of the aborigines living in a wild jungly
country, infested by snakes, having been snake-charmers, and great
adepts in handling and killing such reptiles ; a figure of metonomy,
confounding the Naga aborigines with the Naga serpents.

Ananta is worshipped on certain days of the year, and if Ananta
were a reptile and not an allegorical myth of eternity and the creator,
we should have had all over India, idols of serpents like those of
other gods. In no place, however, have we observed an idol of a
serpent, made and worshipped, unless as an appendix to idols of
some other more important gods, though Manasa and Nagas are
common in our ceremonies. Ananta chaturdasi is a common cere-
mony. Itis performed for fourteen years, and after the completion
of the period, the devotee ties round his right arm a cotton string
made of fourteen threads having fourteen knots. The ceremony is
specially serpentine in its name and forms of worship, but nowhere
does the actual reptile appear. Ananta is worshipped as Vishnu,
and the cord round the arm, promises perpetual enjoyment of hea-
venly bliss.

Naga panchami is an auspicious day for the worship of the Nagas.
On the occasion, Manasa is worshipped in the Luphordia plant. This
is an instance of tree-worship connected with serpents. It may

1870. ] The Vastu Yaga. 215

properly be called a case of reptile worship. But though the Hin-
du propitiates Manasa with a view to be saved from snake-bites
during the next twelve months, on no account whatever does he
worship idols of snakes. Here it may be noted that Ananta is
classed among the great snakes. The Sastra runs thus—~

Gi WANS eT GU TeRl Weatys |

ysrsarrare at qeifserdterat l

Waata aa WaT ea: aqatant |

qaagmted Te satigie gaat |

eat as aqal FT AT SUM aATT ATA t

Wyatt qa Sa Tara ATTA eTCATA Ul

SaTTTT |

After Vishnu has gone to sleep on the fifth lunar day of the dark fortnight,
let the goddess Manasa abiding in the milky-juice tree be worshipped. After
Vishnu has retired, and all the other gods on the fifth wane the Pannagi
(she-serpent) awakes. One who worships the Devi and makes obeisance to
her, and on the fifth day makes offerings to the Nagas, commencing with Ananta,
one of the great serpents, has never to fear from snakes. Devi Purana.

The several Nagas mentioned to be worshipped are: Ananta,
Vasuki, Padma, S’ankha, Kamvala, Karkotaka, Dhrtardshtra, San-
khaka, Kaliya, Takshaka, &c.*

Of these the first eight serpents serve for the consecration of a
tank. Their names are inscribed on mango leaves, and these are put

* gan agra va We aaa | I
AU HASH Ala VATED WHA tt
ala qaaaa ford ata ate a
qanatad aay Lea Tes AST II
MCSF
HA VST AVI: FMT WFATAA: |
qrefaaaaaa ATA AMAZE: |
UUAAT VALE: FATSRIASA |
AAT ATAMSAT AGS SATTT ||
qaaacaaty aa fae war Aa: |I
ARTTTT |
HA ASR: TIM AVM TIT: |
HAC AHS: WHT Wer AT salfaat:

216 The Vastu Yaqgu. [No. 3,

in a pot full of water. A boy is made to draw one out, and the name
that is drawn out first becomes the presiding deity of the tank. In
other words, the Naga aborigines being propitiated are entrusted
with the protection of the tank. The protecting Naga is then to be
well fed.*

This was no doubt an ingenious method of meeting the difficulty,
when several Nagas presented themselves as candidates for the
guardianship.

The Naga-yashti or the Naga flag-post, or the rod as it were of
the guardian Naga, is to be made of one of the following trees
common in the Naga hills. <A piece straight and free from crooked
knots is preferred.

quai area ea gaat STs ae |
qq qua Taeqyqara witext ||

The trees recommended are: Bamboo, Varuna, the Punnaga,
Messua ferrea, Mimusops elenchi, Azaddirachta indica, and Acacia
catechu.

The Naga, it appears, has to plant the post on the banks of the
tank, so that no other Naga may come and interfere. The Waga yashtt,
or Puli kétha, is now made upwards of 30 feet long, and is driven
into the ground at the geometrical centre of the tank. But such
practices, denoting a forgetfulness of the original motives, are not
at all rare among the Hindus.

The Das'ahara is a festival in honour of the monsoons and the
first freshes in the river. It is, according to Hindu mythology, the
anniversary of the day when Bhagiratha, an ancestor of Rdma-

* armrarazaraita fafaaita va sag |
aa: aw y fafag aaa a frees i
Bata Wana ass AMATI |
FY MAAC Fa Fa HeArhay: Wa: |
ae Wey TAY SATA aS |

atre: |

Having inscribed the names of the eight Nagas on separate leaves, drop them
into a pot filled with water, and raftle them with the Gdyatri mantra. On
taking out one leaf, the name of the (presiding) Naga appears. The Naga
whose name is taken out by the boy, is the guardian of the tauk. Worship the
said Naga with Chandana, &ec., and give him milk and rice boiled in milk,

1870. | The Vastu Yaga. 217

chandra, brought down the river Ganges from the heavens. On
the same day, the goddess Manasa is also worshipped in the Zu-
phorbia plant; and bits of green lime, uchchhe (Momordica charantia),
and jack fruit are swallowed as safeguards against the venom of
snakes. Another mythical specific for the same is a compound of
lentils and nim ( Azardirachta indica) leaves.*

A remarkable myth connected with the Nagas, is the bestowal
‘of the art of music by Sarasvati upon Kamvala and Asvatara nagas
mentioned in the Wirkandeya Purdna.+

This imphes a toleration of the aborigines quite inconsistent with
the feeling of hatred, disgust and animosity which prevailed amongst
the first Aryan settlers, and which is so pointedly displayed in the
Rig-Veda, and can only be accounted for on the supposition that in
course of time the two races were reconciled and came to a compro-
mise. The Aryans remained engaged in intellectual occupations and
religious worship, while such works as tilling the soil, tending the
cattle, dancing, singing, and playing on the lute, &c., were left to the
more intelligent of the aborigines. And though the invention of a

* Q OS = > A
* aart faeqqarat atvasaa cart
afq tuifaaay aaa: fa atcafa 1
aaurgarate: |

He who eats lentils with Nim leaves when the sun enters Aries, what can
even the enraged Takshaka do to him ?

+ Wet HIST UsARIT AA |
Wqtad ve are fasart wa za!
ata wa aan aid wat ed agqfad
VA QIAMeIA Nad TAN BlIcy” Faq i
UAT TAIT GTABAMY Ya |
agus wal ea Wag: aay TI!
FA ATT WMH Ta Ts TAT 1
. ATH CSTITT |
Through my favour you, noble chief of serpents, (bhujagendrapara) shall learn
the four kinds of feet, the three kinds of measures of time, the three harmonies,
the pause, as also, &., &c., given by me, from my favour, you noble chief of
serpents, shall also learn in connexion with these, the distinction between

vowels and consonants. All these have been imparted by me to you and
to Kamvala, in a manner, the like of which none had before either on earth

or in the lower region.
29

218 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

tune or the fitting a new song to a tune, were exclusively the work
of the Aryans, the actual art was entrusted to the Nagas. The myth
represents Sarasvati imparting the art of music to the Nagas, who
excelled in its practise both Aryan and non-Aryan performers.
According to the Purdnas, the Nagas, the gandharvas, the apsaras,
and the dvanaras were the dancers and songsters in ancient India.

The name of a good man is always considered a good omen, and
one of the morning duties of the Hindus is to pronounce the names
of the most eminent of their historical personages, Among these
we find the name of Karkotaka, one of the principal Nagas. It
may be said that the name of a Naga is enjoined to be uttered with
a view to propitiate him ; yet when it is associated with such names
as Wala and Damayantt, the inference is inevitable that the person
named was held in great estimation for some merit or other ;
possibly it was the name of a person who had acted in a friendly
manner to the Aryans.

sfudt qa HaATSa BTS |

Having bowed to the earth, let Karkotaka be remembered.

If the above be at all ambiguous as to the use of the name of this
Naga, the following from the Mahabhérata is at once positive and
conclusive.

RAEAY AAY SAV AVY F |
wz Use aire Aaa

The uttering of the names of Karkotaka Naga, of Damayanti, of Nala, and of
Rituparna, the hermit Prince, destroys all sin.

From what we have stated above, we are led to believe, that
serpent-worship in the true seuse of a creature worship, was never
prevalent in India, though the Hindus entertain a kind of respect
for the allegorical characters Ananta and Vasuki. This worship
may in the present day be seen practised under peculiar circum-
stances by several hill tribes, but it must be admitted that such a
practice does not obtain among the Aryans. The serpent, as an
emblem of eternity, may be respected; but then it is the worship of
Vishnu, the eternal creating principle, it is the emblem, the form,
rather the curve of the serpent and not the reptile. Serpents have
erept into our mythological legends; but in whatever form they
come, they were openly put down as enemies of Vishnu. The cow

1870.] The Vastu Yaga. 219

as the giver of milk from which ghz is made, is respected and tended
with care, not because she is the true goddess Bhagavati (goddess
of prosperity), but because she confers so many benefits on the
Hindus. In the month of Vaisdkha, the hottest month in the
year, the cow is worshipped every morning, if we may so call the
practice of careful tending. The matron of the house fans the
cow, anoints her hoofs and horns with oil and turmeric, gives her
tender heads of grass and fruits and vegetables. With a napkin
her hoofs are cleaned. Some have gone so far as to raise the dust
of the hoof to their own heads.

If figures of Nagas occur in sculptured stones, they are sometimes
mere ornaments, serving the purpose of a twisted cord, a cornice, or
a frieze, or forming when hooded the best fanciful supports of thick
architraves or bases of pillars, more beautiful perhaps than horses,
lions, and elephants, subjects equally common, but of more difficult
execution. In nature, what can be deserving of greater admiration
than the graceful undulations, curves, and attitudes of a hooded
snake standing erect when enraged. If serpents at one or two
places appear as receivers of homage and respect, they are then in-
variably represented with human faces, and as such, they are no-
thing but allegorical representations of the aborigines, whose nether
parts were coils of snakes—

“The one seem’d woman to the waist, and fair,
But ended foul in many a scaly fold
Voluminous and vast; a serpent arm’d with mortal sting.”

Or they are mere fanciful figures, as the dragons, &c., of medie-
val Christianity. Their occurrence in architectural ornamentation
does not lead us to a belief that they were ever objects worshipped ;
they are what Caryatides were to Greek architecture.

Crocodiles, frogs, monkeys, parrots, and various other birds and
animals occur in the architectural remains of India, and with the
ludicrous scenes describing the pranks of these animals and birds
oceur several scenes in which these are represented as adored. Ne-
vertheless no Hindu ever worships a crocodile or a frog. The
hanumén, a monkey with black face and hands, is an object
of worship in the North-Western Provinces; but this monkey
represents the Mahavira (the great hero), the allegorical personifi-

220 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

cation of brutal force. In vulgar superstition the mouse is the
carrier of Ganes’a, the peacock of Kartika, the owl of Lakshmi, and
so on, but the Hindu has never been seen to worship any of these as
animals, though they are respected on account of their deities.
Again, if a Naga appear in a dream, the person is said to be soon
blessed with numerous children, a myth apparently connected with
the aborigines of the soil, and their influence is still to be seen in
the surname of a family of the lower order of Adyasthas of Bengal.
It is remarkable also that this Naga family has Vaswkt for its
gotra.

It is interesting to note how advantage has been taken of the
spectacle mark on the hood of the coluber nya (the Cobra de
Capello) and the myth about the foot mark of Krishna interwoven
with it.

Kaliya, a Naga prince of Romanaka, used to live in a tank in
Vrindévana, and Krishna on one occasion broke its several heads,
and would have destroyed him altogether when his two wives in-
terfered. The Naga was let loose and was ordered to return to his
country. Butas he was afraid of Garuda, the carrier eagle of
Vishnu, he prayed that he might be saved from the attacks of the
bird. Krishna then assured him that he and his tribes bear-
ing Krishna’s foot-mark should be exempted from the attacks of
Garuda.*

Of tree worship, if worship itis to be called, as it amounts to little
more than a recognition of benefits received, many instances may
be quoted in addition to what has been adduced by Mr. Fergusson.
In acountry like India, anything that offers a cool shelter from the
burning rays of the sun, is regarded with a feeling of grateful re-
spect. The wide-spreading banyan tree is planted and nursed with
care, only because it offers a shelter to many a weary traveller.
Extreme usefulness of the thing is the only motive perceivable,
in the careful rearing of other trees. They are protected by
religious injunctions, and the planting of them is encouraged by
promises of eternal bliss in the future world. The injunction

‘waewiqes vue eeaea | fatageantsa 7]
fates il

1870. ] The Vastu Yaga. 221

against injuring a banyan or a fig tree is so strict, that in the Ra-
mayana even Ravana, an unbeliever, is made to say, ‘I have not
cut down any fig-tree in the month of Vaisakha, why then does the
calamity (alluding to the several defeats his army sustained in the
war with Ramachandra and to the loss of his sons and brother)
befall me ?”

The medicinal properties of many plants soon attracted notice,
and were cultivated with much care. With the illiterate, the medi-
cinal virtues of a drug are increased with its scarcity; and to
enhance its value, it was soon associated with difficulties, and to
keep it secret from public knowledge, it was culled in the dark and
witching hours of night.

Trees have frequently been identified with gods: thus in the
Padma Purana, the religious fig-tree is an incarnation of Vishnu,
the Indian fig-tree (Z. 7ndica) of Rudra, and the Palisa (Butea
frondosa, Roxb.) of Brahma.*

In the Varaha Purana, the planter of a group of trees of a particu-
lar species is promised heavenly bliss, and it is needless to point
out that from the names of the trees recommended, the extreme
utility of the act must be acknowledged. ‘Thus it is said, ‘“ he
never goes to hell who plants an as’vatha, or a pichumarda, or a
banian, or ten jessamines, or two pomegranates, a panchdmra, ov five
mangoes.

The Tithitatva gives a slightly different list, substituting two
champakas, three kes’ara, seven tala-palms, and nine cocoanuts,
instead of the banian, the jessamines, the pomegranates, and the
panchanra,}

* SaasaT Haare Fas TVA |
RFT SAASAAZUAA TYSITA Il
TAITIG [UTS |
} waate frqweta Baa SMT ASTAT: |
aq aa aieanigea waraaat aca a arta |
FUTSAUG |

t wae wa: frqae var ar sear Shey aeccr fe
Bay ATS AA ACHAT TAU Ata 7 BIta |
fataaaa |

222 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

As early as the Ramayana, the planting of a group of trees was
held meritorious. The celebrated Panchavati garden where Sita was
imprisoned, has been reproduced by many a religious Hindu, and
should any of them not have sufficient space to cultivate the
five trees, the custom is to plant them in a small pot where they
are dwarfed into small shrubs. Such substitutes and make-shifts
are not at all uncommon in the ecclesiastical history of India. In
Buddhist India, millions of miniature stone and clay temples, some
of them not higher than two inches, were often dedicated when more
substantial structures were not possible. The Panchavati consists of
the as’vatha planted on the east side, the vilva or Algle marmelos
on the north, the banian on the west, the Lmblica officinalis on the
south and the asoka on the south-east.*

The Skanda Purana recommends a vilva in the centre and four
others on four sides; four banians in four corners, twenty-five
asokas in a circle, with a myrobalan, on one side, as the constituents
of a great punchavati.+

Superstition has always been active in drawing nice distinctions
between the auspicious and the inauspicious, and it is curious to
observe how the auspicious qualities of some plants have been
extolled. Some are considered auspicious when planted near a
dwelling house. :

No tree with fruits or blossoms can be cut down, as the following
sloka threatens the cutter with the destruction of his family and
wealth.

* gyafaaewy aural waurna |
qeraataya wird wy fea Il
wae wrase ty TaeaacaTaa |
qe afgaun gq ut efauaaat
wa afefen Brey age Bate |

} fawed wat wgfeq wae |
qced Fel Feds Il
Ba aqua wataufautiad |
feafafourmmaiaa waa rae II
qaag dies sea TaaSl waa!

SHIT |

1870. | The Vastu Yaga. 223

ATS RLF SATA TIM SATA AT |
qelead qustay vazfag wad II
BTqTTUe |

Therefore never cut down any tree that bears good flowers or fruits, if you
desire the increase of your family, of your wealth and of your future happiness.

Superstition has associated supernatural properties with many
plants, and several have been identified with the gods.

The durvd, a kind of grass very common in all parts of India,
is excellent fodder for cattle. It is an essential article in the
worship of all gods. It is said to have originated from the thigh of
Vishnu.

The religious fig tree makes one rich, the Jonesia Asoka destroys
all sorrow, the Ficus venosa is said to be useful in sacrifices,
and the Nim gives much happiness. Syzygium Jambolanum, pro-
mises heavenly bliss, and the pomegranate a good wife. Ticus
glomerata cures diseases, and Butea frondosa gives the protection
of Brahma. The Calotropis gigantea is useful as it pleases the sun
every day, the bel-tree pleases Siva, and the Pédtalé pleases Parvati.
The Apsaras are pleased with Bumbax malabariewm, and the Gandhar-
vas with Jasminum, the Terminalia chebula increases the number of
servants, and the IMmusops elenchi gives maid-servants. The Tél is
injurious to children, and the Jimusops elenchi productive of
large families. The cocoa-nut gives many wives, and the vine
gives a beautiful body; the Cordia latifolia increases desires, and the
Pandanus odoratissimum destroys all.*

* UMA IASAU BRT RHA: |
Sal THIS: Wal PTT QINIS: Gar
SHA ATHST ITA WATT aifemt aa |
SAU CATA TAA FACT II
BRIT Sraarer frei qafearHc: |
Fea WAUSA: TSAI WIA I
fRaTaTHVETa: Ge TaaTaT |
fata craeigagerereear Il
WIAANAAAMS ARAM FAISA:
ABUT aca FTA PaTHIRT Il
THAIST AA HA Aa Taarrfacat i

TAYTTT |

224 The Vastu Yaga. [ No. 3,

The tamarind tree is considered most inauspicious, and, according
to the Vaidya Sastras, is very injurious to health. The Carica
papeya plant is more so. Though an introduced plant, the natives
were early acquainted with the injurious influence of the exhala-
tions from the leaves of the plant. The Sunflower, Helianthus,
is supposed to emit gases that destroy miasma.

There is no department of Hindu literature in which the hyper-
bole has not an important part. The Haritaki, one of the myrobalans,
is so much valued, that in the following sloka it is said to be more
invigorating than the milk of a mother.

wclaeal Uses Crerel ards Cearaiew |
wertan ataat ara ATSC STTATAT II

Prince, eat Haritaki: it is as beneficial as the mother, the mother may occa-
sionally get annoyed, but never the swallowed Haritaki.

The following trees are said to have peculiar virtues.

ware se: ga ferwrat araarfea |

SACI! Brey san Tye: WH: Il

aeginta seat farttazatesa |

RSA WAY BIA THF II

aa wife ssreite Rafe WAS TET |

a facqrafe araaqraant Va Qa I

THM RAT HAIA ASAT TATA |

Sifsaitqgeistal Ga FIHAST |
HNCTATATS HA AHT MSH AMT SAMA Fea |
auittauaeaieaneentay Madea vat feaeraatta ti

wa j

The Indian fig tree, if on the east side of a house, is always auspicious ; so
also is the Udumvara tree if on the west, and the pipul if on the south, &e,

The following are supposed to have a peculiar influence on parti-
cular spots.

Brae Aaay WieAY WAI |
fafate Talat TF GIES: Il
aa4 AFAMSY ACIGAATST |
Caeeaga fant erexeaI II
WAISY Way carci fawray |
Treg aaa TCI Il

1870.] The Vistu Yéga. 225

The cocoa-nut tree near the dwelling-house confers wealth on the family,
and if on the east or north-east of an encampment, the tree is the donor’ of
sons. The mango tree, the best of trees, is auspicious at every place, and
if situated on the east, gives wealth to men. The Bel tree, the jack tree,
and the citron tree, and the plum tree, are in all situations conducive to pro-
sperity.

The Durvdashtami is one of the many vratas observed by Hindu
females. It is celebrated on the eighth lunar day of the bright
fortnight of the month of Bhadra.

Tat were afta waren warty: |
Sat ard awe wearart fied ysra |
weaee a Aa: way wa: TATE | |
SATA AA AGI ACSIA |
TRETUT |

On the day fixed for worshipping Durvé, a fast is observed, and
Durva, Gauri, Ganesa, and Siva, are worshipped with rice, fruits,
and flowers.

Durva is described as

aeaecea aseatacrwat |
faweergat qaraacta fare a; \
aqessatt FaraAcr fawafaey |
fesauradardt Baa RAATSet Il
Dark as the petals of a blue lotus, held on the heads of all gods, pure, born

from the body of Vishnu, anointed with nectar, free from all sickness, immor-
tal, incarnation of Vishnu, and giver of good children and virtue, wealth and

salvation.
A thread, with eight knots, and fruits, &c., are presented to
Duryé, and the following prayer is then read :

a Pascaaraita yisrarta Gee |
Bang wate Sa WATIAT V7 Il
aa wear wrafufegafa wets |
AM Wate Va STS AAHTAT II

Durv4, you are called immortal, and you are worshipped both by gods and
asuras. Having blessed us with prosperity and children, fulfil all our wishes.
As you extend over the earth with your suckers and branches, in the same
way give me healthy and immortal children,

30

226 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

After the usual puja, the thread with eight knots is tied on the
left arm and the worshipper listens to the legend of Durva repeat-
ed by the officiating priest.

MIUIRaaAe Ys HATTA SAT |

frat qesigrat frweaet fart i
waa Wa Fag Sraryrataaifa g |
wafatwafa arta Srataata aeat |
GAIA War Far Teg Vlcawge |
waa VHAAT TAT frmatgyar i

ae waft frye afaarzraqne |

When the Kshiroda ocean was churned for nectar, Vishnu had with his arms
and thighs held the Mandar hill, and the forcible rotation of the hill shed some
hair off his body.

These were carried by the waves to the other bank and became pure green
Durvé. Thus originated Durva from the body of Vishnu, and upon Durva, the
excellent nectar, generated from the churning of the ocean, was placed.

The Asokdéshtami, the Arunodaya Saptami, and the Madanotsava
are three other vratas in which trees are worshipped.

From the Sakrotthana, the rising of Indra after the new moon pre-
ceding the Durga puja, the whole fortnight is devoted to one or
other form of tree-worship.

Asokashtami is observed on the eighth day of the bright fort-
night of Chaitra. Hight blossoms of Jonesia asoka in water are
drunk, with the following mantra:

SHUAATIMS AYA SS |
*faqifa VIRIMA AAR TAH Il
In the Bhavishya Purana, the vrata of Arunodaya Saptami is
described.

* saraaternt Vat & fafa qaaet |
aa wife feat + Racy a
+ aarecaaife wnaqaite a face Fras |
Qgaaad Wd Wal Vas WAT |
aa UTy WARY WAC VY Taat Il
GRIS TIS: SIAATT RA |
wurprafun are <yreifenges tt

1870. ] The Vastu Vagus 227

In the month of Chaitra on the thirteenth lunar day, the Mada-
notsava is celebrated and the Asoka tree is worshipped.

But the most important instance of tree worship is the Durgd4-
puja. Although the festival is.a rejoicing at the promising crops
in the field, and although it may be traced to the solar myth and
Usha or dawn worship, it is undoubtedly one of the most extensive
festivals of tree-worship.

Along with the goddess Durgé, the Nava patrict or the nine
leaves are worshipped. The nine are re

Tal Hal Scat we Sua fawarfeat |
BRAT ATARSAT BTS ATI AAT

On the morning of the first day of the puj4, nine branches with
leaves are tied together with a plant of |gutstat, (Chtoria ternata,
alba) and* a twig of the fax bearing a pair of fruits with suitable

ae SF Hrene arly way WTsAAT I
arog |

* The following mantras are repeated before cutting the twig.

aeaacaateaat at fact |

Bit: Maes oe Breyarar: ser Tra: |

FMSRas Bia: Bae BAParaaa: |

TASS AMT TR HT TUTISTT Il

ai faseaasram var & wei |

Bela TT WAY SAIS AAI I

WBBSTSs GS A TAY Bar sa |

saelar erat yar gufategia: i

feareataaaa qraeteataae |

frafetravss feseg aare 4 4

a fe aswarata waa: wet faa

vara qateans: ver fag sae a il

Sriphala tree, you are born on the mountain Mandar, Meru Kailasa and at
the top of the Himavat, you are always a favourite of Ambica, Born on the
top of the Sri hill Sriphala! You are the resting-place of prosperity, I take
you away to worship you as Durga herself.

Om Vilva tree, most prosperous, always a favourite of Sankara, I worship
the devi, having taken away your branch. O Lord, you must not mind the
pain generated by the separation of your branch, for it is said the gods have
worshipped Durga, having taken away your branch, I bow tothe Vilva tree
born on the Himalaya mountain, favourite of Parvati and embraced by Siva.
You are auspicious in action and a favourite of Bhagavati; for the sake of Bha.
vani’s words, give me ull success,

228 Lhe Vastu Yaga. [No. 3,

mantras, is stuck into the bundle. The bundle is then anointed with
various cosmetics and aromatic drugs and oils, and is placed by the
side of the idols.* The several plants are then separately invoked,
and the goddesses presiding over each, are worshipped. Brahmani
is the goddess of the Musa paradisaica, Kalika of the Colocasia
antiquorum, Durga of the C cuma longa, Kartiki of Sesbania Cefyp-
tiaca, Siva of Atgle marmelos, Raktadantiké of Punica granatum
Sokarahita of Jonesta asoka, Chamundé of Colocasia indica, and
Lakshmi of Oryza sativa.
The following are the mantras for worshipping them :
Si curteers) 3 TO) Te |
Bi =a afa aa Uayrae A |
qweqw waa wisi He THT, F
Si aayfyeray artears aH: |
at afenigcyay RAAAT GA |
aa STASI 1g qmarta SUIT i

* With the following mantras the nine plants are anointed with water.
Si aeataedents Faw eaweisy |
aaa aaa dG aaa Bearaea i
Oi ats & waceaita var fafase fata |
Saeay aay Gast asa He ti
ai efcx ereata wete fra ver |
azurifa efa & waist Tae a 1
ai wat saqeuita saat saaifc(e |
MIMS Cla SF wy Ste WE HA Il
gi aaeaattaaaita ver fasrrasa: |
efe & (eaanrary aa Wa BAST II
ai <ifequtaarargy aay wer Ufa |
fafaat wearer Tate a Schys i
ot fgti Wa var Sa BH WrHsihe wT |
aan @ Ufsreat Za fact Ha Wasa q
Si arat ara y aay ATTA: SIGE |
erate aatest ara afte TAT, Cal
i wales Byes wafwap sw|rfyat |
ferred (WaT Vat we ATATSI HF I

1870. | The Vastw Yaga. 229
St efeaifeers sary aa
ai vicg eceqite warenrta gaa |
aa fagteamy wat we TAS FI
Si waaatesia ariiet az |
ai faunas Hse qa: a |
By a & Mala S BAH ACST VF |
Si fentas Sy fears ae: |
Si aes fraac argeatee: wer |
VARART Cal (ASET TAS, Il
at er eatesray imate a |
St aiteta @ It ye Caste TE |
Crile .
VaaTY Bd VASAT FCS Aa
St airartasray Traxteara az |
Bt StH fae Ta: Bera WATT: |
SAMAR PHAARIR FET He Il
St ararfaeray Wasa a |
Si ay Ws qaeay aaa Weta: |
wa arqaerara Gat We Tats FI
at TRS aE] aml qe: :
St saree TTA sa Fafa Tc |
BVAMNaHt BY THA Ca at FST tl

Om, salutation be to Braéhmani, the goddess dwelling in the
plantain tree. Om, Devi Durga, welcome, come near us. In the
Brahma form distribute peace to all. Om, salutations be to
you.

Om, salutation be to Kalika, the goddess dwelling in the Arum
plant. Om, good-natured in the war of Mahisha demon, you be-
came arum plant. Om, the beloved of Hara, come hither for my
blessing.

Om, salutation be to Durga, the goddess, dwelling in the turmeric
plant. Om, Haridra, you are Hara incarnate. Om, good-natured
you are Uma incarnate. For the destruction of my ill-luck, do re-
ceive my puja and be propitiated.

Om, salutation be to Kartiki, the goddess, dwelling in the Sesva-
nia plant. Om, during the destruction of Sumbha and Nisumbha,

230 The Vastu Yaga. [ No. 3,

demons, goddess of success, you were worshipped by Indra and all
gods. Be pleased with us.

Om, salutation be to Siva, the goddess, dwelling in the vilva tree.
Om, beloved of Mahadeva and beloved of Vishnu, beloved of Uma,
vilva tree, I salute you.

Om, salutation be to Raktadantiké (blood-teethed), the goddess,
dwelling in the pomegranate tree. Om, formerly in the war, you
became Dadimi in the presence of Raktavija HEED TE, you acted the
part of Uma, therefore bless us.

Om, salutation be to Sokarahité (devoid of sorrow), the goddess,
dwelling in the asoka tree. Om, Asoka tree, you please Siva and
you destroy all sorrow. Make me sorrowless in the same way as
you please Durga.

Om, salutation be to Chamunda, the goddess, dwelling in the
Man tree. Om, on whose leaves rests the Devi, beloved of Sachi,
for my prosperity receive my puja.

Om, salutations be to Lakshmi, the goddess, dwelling in the rice
plant. Om, for the preservation of the life of all beings you were
created by Brahma. Om, preserve me in the same way as you
please Uma.

The following is a list of plants regarded by the Hindus with
religious veneration. Some of these are worshipped on certain
occasions, and others are connected with several forms of worship.

sata —Jonesia asoka.

347a—Ficus religiosa.
yTa-x—Calotropis gigantea, R.
Braeaat—Hmblica officinalis, Gartn.
ag—Colocasia antiquorum, L.
azz—Nauclea cadomba, Roxb.
ataanee—N. cordifolia, Roxb.
a@ewt—Musa paradisaica, L.
Taa—Azadirachta indica, Ad Juss.
yeatx— Butea frondosa, Roxb.
Uteatatett—Erythrina indica, Lam.
stfa@a—Punica granatum, L.
e=qt—Cynodon dactylon.
uqe—Datura alba, Rumph.

1870.] The Vastu Yaga. 231

aqat—Mimusops elengi, L.
a@aat—Ipomeea reptans, Poir.
agaqe@ei—Ocimum adscendens, Willd.
ataet—Acacia arabica, Willd.

aq@— gle marmelos, Cuv.
vaeel—Salvia plebeia, R.

ATTA
araamic
Ca a=za—Pterocarpus santalum, L.
traqerat—Adenanthera pavokina, L.
wa1s1—Zrophis aspera, Retz.
araeat—Sarcostema acidum, Roxb.
~aaqt—Leucas martinicensis, R.
=fcai—Curcuma longa, Roxb.
wtltami—Mirobalans cheduba, L.
qx.—Poa cynosuroides, Retz.
Bagquat—oO. sanctum, L.
a@Tx—Saacharum spontaneum, L.

—Colocasia indica.

wfex—aAcacia catechu, L.

wisit— Phoenix silvestris, Roxb.
wsa=i—Sesbania cefyptiaca, Pers.
aticaea—Cocos nucifera, L.

fa arei—Strychnos potatorum, L.

314 —Mangifera indica, L.
qree—Bignonea suaveolens, L.
aasac— Ficus glomerata, Roxb.
quai—Ocimum vellosum.

gteq—Oryza sativa, L.
aiz1—Guilandina bondue, L.
qa—Agati grandiflorani, Desre.
az—Ficus indica, L.
aqaqisie—Desmodium gyrans, L,
qast—Terminalia moluccana, Roxb.
aaggqeet—Oamum basilicum, pilosum, Benth.
wtz—Clerodendron viscosum, Vent.
aradaiaat—Hiptage madablota, Garts.
araawts— Phaseolus roxburghii, W. A.

232 The Bonhara Temple. [No. 3,

way —Luvunga scandens, Buch.

"rz —Acacia suma, Buch.
feate—Pheenix paludosa, Roxb.
aatTaTaT—Pterospermum acerifotum, L.
st ¥— Mirobalans arguna, W.

Extracts from my Diary regarding the Bonhara Temple near Omerpore,
Behar, and other Antiquities of the place.—By Bisu RasHsrnart
Boss, Sus-Drvisionan OFrricEerR, BAnKA, BHAGALPUR.

December 7th, 1869.—At 5 Pp. m., I went to Bonhara, which
is almost contiguous to Omerpore, to see the large dighi or tank
and the mosque on its bank, which are generally ascribed to Prince
Shah Shuja’. The tank is about 1300 feet in length and about
700 feet broad. It is gradually filling up, but is never dry; and
in the centre, the water is said to be very deep. Traces may be
seen of the large masonry steps leading to it on the eastern bank,
on which the mosque stood. Old people still remember that there
was a covered passage leading from the mosque to the tank, by
which Muhammadan ladies could carry water tothe former, without
exposing themselves to the gaze of the multitude bathing in the
latter. The mosque has entirely disappeared, several mounds of
bricks embedded in the earth being all that is left to mark the
spot where it stood. Buta marble slab which was placed on it by
the founder, bearing inscriptions in Arabic, may still be seen by
the side of a tomb latterly erected near the place. The inserip-
tions, I was told, had never before been deciphered,* though many
of the learned had attempted it. But as it grew dark, I was
obliged to return to camp.

December 8th, 1869.—On enquiry, I learnt that the mosque,
which, in the language of the peasantry, had been as high as the
tallest of the palm trees, was pulled down by Zemindar Banee-
prasad Chowdry for the sake of some hidden treasure it contained,

* The inscription was published in the Proceedings of the Society for
November, 1870.

bo

99
(3X9)

1870. | The Bonhara Temple.

but which no one dared to touch on account of the solemn injunction,
said to be recorded on the marble slab, to the effect that the offender,
if a Hindu, was to eat beef, andif a Muhammadan, was to take pork,
For seven days and nights, so runs the legend, the treasure consist-
ing of gold and silver coins, was carried in carts to Baneepra-
sad’s house. He was formerly one of the greatest and richest
zemindars in the Sub-Division, but the moment the hidden wealth
was dug up in spite of the solemn injunction, the ghost of the
original owner haunted him day and night: he never after pros-
pered in whatever he undertook; he became almost insane; his
wealth disappeared, no one knew how; his estates were sold; the
indigo factory he had raised on the western bank of the tank with
the bricks taken from the mosque, fell into disuse; and at last he
died aruined man. This is believed to be the fate of all who mis-
appropriate hidden treasure. In some cases, the treasure is sup-
posed to be guarded by hideous snakes, wasps, or ghosts. The
treasure often appears to its intended victim in dreams, reveals the
place of its concealment, and asks him to sacrifice his son or sons
before digging it out. If he misappropriate it without sacrificing
what is wanted, his children are sure to die, or he himself
becomes blind. Few people in this country therefore run the
risk of misappropriating hidden treasure. It is then no wonder if
Baneeprasad, after committing the sacrilege, was haunted by a
guilty conscience, and was reduced from affluence to poverty, as is
proved by the condition of his grandsons at the present day. It
must have been in a moment of deep repentance that he rebuilt a
tomb erected to one La’l Khan which he had pulled down, and
placed on it the tablet belonging to the mosque.

At 7 A. m., I went to the place with a Maulawi, in order to decipher
the inscription on the tablet. After poring over it for nearly an
hour, he declared his inability to proceed further than the first line,
especially as the ignorant mason had placed the slab upside down.
After the kacheri was over at 4 P. m., I therefore visited the tomb
once more, and after having rubbed some ink and oil over the in-
scription, obtained an impression of it on paper, which was made
over to several learned Maulawis to decipher. Afterwards I went to
see another very old tank about a mile further north, which goes

Jl

234 The Bonhara Temple. [ No. 3,

by the name of Namaz Talao, signifying “tank for prayer.’ It
is situated in the midst of a large plain, andis now used as a place
for the cremation of the dead.

At 4 Pp. m., I went to see the remains of the old fort of Debi Raja
at Dumrawan which is about a mile north from the town of
Omerpur. The fort was about a mile or more in circuit, consist-
ing entirely of mud walls surrounded by a deep ditch. The only
approaches to the fort were by seven large gates, some of which
are still to be seen. .The walls near these gates are tolerably
high, but in most places they are scarcely more than two or three
feet above ground, while in few places they have been levelled with
the ground by the cultivator’s plough. There was a small fort
within the fort for the accommodation of the women, and init there
is a small tank which still goes by the name of ‘ Ranee Gurrea,’
or the Ranee’s tank. Near this tank lie some bricks to mark the
spot where stood the palace of the Raja or his seraglio.

It was within this fort that the last struggle for independence
made by the Khetauri Raja against the Muhammadan invaders ap-
pears to have taken place. ‘Tradition has preserved an anecdote
regarding the romantic courage and prowess evinced by Debi
Raja during the contest.

It is said that being besieged by the Muhammadans in his capital,
and finding himself unequal to the contest, he resolved to abandon
his capital, and left it at night with his little band of devoted
followers. A washer-woman, who was with child, could not run
so fast as the soldiers wished. One of the latter having there-
upon sneeringly observed, with reference to her pregnancy, ‘‘ Who
told you to bring yourself to this pass?’ she replied :—‘‘ The
Raja told me to do so; for had I known he would cowardly desert
his capital, I should not have been what Iam.” This speech be-
ing reported to the Raja, he felt ashamed of his cowardice, imme-
diately returned to his capital with his troops, contested, at fearful
odds, every inch of ground with the enemy, and was at last cut off
to a man.

It is believed by some that the Raja had an improper connection
with the washer-woman.

1870. | An Account of Copilmuni and its Antiquities. 235

An Account of Copilmunt and its Antiquities, in connection with the
Fair held there in March, 1868, being extracts from my Diaries of a
cold weather tour in Sub-Division Khulnea in Jessore.—By Ba-
Boo Rasusrzari Boss, Sus-Divistonar Orricer, Banka, Buacatr-
PUR.

March 20th, 1868.—I examined many respectable people about
the origin of the fair, but no one could give a_ satisfactory
account. ‘They have lived up to old age, as: their fathers did be-
fore them, without troubling themselves about the inquiry. They
even wondered why I took the trouble of asking them about it.
According to them, the fair is held because it has been held
before. I called and examined the mohunts of the place, who are
the descendants of Bagnath Mohunt, a recluse of great sanctity who
is said to have buried himself alive near the temple or rather the
hermitage of Copil; but they could give me no other information
than that the fair used to be held before the time of their great
ancestor, though on a smaller scale than at present.

March 21st, 1868.—On my way back, I found a large number
of pilgrims going to bathe in the Copotuc, which, during the Ba-
roni festival, is considered to assume the sacred virtues of the
Ganges. ‘The vast multitude of pilgrims that come to bathe in the
stream at this time of the year, has no doubt given rise to the
mela, or fair. But the difficulty lies in accounting for the Copotuc
being considered at the time of the Baroni to be as sacred as the
Ganges.

On my return to my tent, I received a visit from the priest of the
temple of Copileshuri, the goddess who is supposed to preside over
the destiny of Copilmuni. He was unwilling to relate the tradi-
tions connected with the fair, they being, he said, idle stories
which were not fit for the ear of a hakim. Being, however, pres- .
sed on the subject, he stated that it was on the thirteenth day after
the full moon, (the day of the Baroni festival) that Copil became
Sidha, or had his prayers accepted in heaven, and it was to
commemorate that event that he instituted the fair, which had
continued to be held on that day. This account does not satis-

236 An Account of Copilmuni and its Antiquities. [ No. 3,

factorily explain how the Copotuc came to assume the virtues of
the sacred Ganges. The priest further related that the daughter
of one Bungsi Chakrabati came one evening to light up the temple
of Copileshuri, but both the girl and the goddess thereupon disap-
peared from the temple. The bereaved father having searched for
his child in vain, at last fell in dhwrna before the temple. On the
third day, the goddess appeared to him in his dream, and said, she
had destroyed the girl for presuming to enter her temple in an
impure dress, and that her own stone image having deserted the
new temple so profaned, had retired to the ancient temple built by
Copil, which was to be found beneath the waters of Copotuc, but
that she would continue to accept the offerings made in the former
before an image built of clay. The priest further related a story
about Bagnath Mohunt to the effect that he sent something which
cannot be mentioned with decency, enclosed in an earthen pot as a
present to the emperor of Dilhi; but when the enraged monarch
ordered it to be thrown open, he was surprised to see it filled with
the sweetest things in the world. Some of the jagirs granted to
Bagnath on that occasion are held by his descendants up to this
day. ;

Around the tomb of Ja’far-Auhaé, a Muhammadan saint who died
about seventy years ago, and a few yards from those of the great
Copil and Bagnath, was gathered this day a large crowd of pilgrims,
chiefly women, who had come to bathe in the stream. These wo-
men kept up singing the whole night through, almost disturbing
the bones of the mighty saint.

At night, I received visits from a large number of respectable men
of the surrounding villages. In reply to my inquiries about the
origin of the fair, one of them stated that Copil’s mother having
expressed a desire to go on a pilgrimage to the Ganges at the time
of Baroni, when that sacred river is thought to become specially
sacred, Copil said she need not take so much trouble, as he could
bring the goddess herself to grace the stream flowing beneath her
cottage. Accordingly on the day of Baroni, Copil invoked the
Ganga, and the goddess testified her presence in the Copetuc by
thrusting her hand out of the water, the rest of her body remain-
ing buried under the waves. It is said that at the request of Co-

1870. ] An Account of Copilmuni and tts Antiquities. 237

pil, she agreed in future to appear at that place for an hour at the
time of the Baroni festival, in consequence of which the stream flow-
ing under the hermitage of Copil became sacred on that particular
day, and attracted crowds of pilgrims from the surrounding villages.

March 22nd, 1868.—At dawn, I went to the river side to wit-
ness the bathing of the pilgrims. In order to have a better view of
the scene, I entered a boat on the river, and rowed up to the
place where the hermitage or the temple of Copil is supposed to lie
buried beneath the waters. To my front was the tomb of Ja’far-
Aulia, which both Hindus and Muhammadans revere as con-
taining the mortal remains of one who knew the past, the present,
and the future. On my right, stood the Nimba tree which is said
to have witnessed the birth, suicide, and resurrection of Bagnath
Mohunt: for three days after he had buried himself alive under its
shade, his disciples could find no trace of his body under the earth.
On my left was the temple of Copileshuri, containing the un-
sightly image of a naked goddess standing with up-lifted hands
and protruding tongue over the prostrate body of her divine lord,
and rendered still more hideous by wreaths of bloody heads hang-
ing by way of ornament from her neck down to her knees. In the
space enclosed between these sacred monuments of by-gone ages,
were assembled about four thousand pilgrims, eager to wash off
their sins at the ghat where Copil’s mother is supposed to have seen
the Ganga. Husbands going arm in arm with their bashful wives,
and women taking their infant children on their breasts, rushed
promiscuously to the stream. Many of them were provided with a
small piece of bark from the plantain tree containing a few grains
of rice and ¢ee/, some leaves from the tulsi, a piece or two of
ripe plantain, and some sweetmeats. Over these they pronounced
mantras dictated by their priest, and then throwing a portion
into the stream, greedily devoured the rest. Several were seen to
offer sweetmeats to Copileshuri, which gave the officiating priest
an opportunity of playing the part of a shopkeeper with a ven-
geance; for he had set up a shop of his own, from which the
pilgrims were required to purchase the sweetmeats, as being most
acceptable to the goddess, and as soon as they were offered before
her image, they were again transferred to his shop and sold to the

238 An Account of Copilmunt and its Antiquities. [ No. 3,

next pilgrim who called for the purpose. In this way he appeared
to have realized a profit of a rupee on every pice worth of goods
he had in his shop.

Among the pilgrims, I could not find a single kayast, boido, or
brahman. All the lower classes of Hindus, almost without a sin-
gle exception, were present. The reason is, the three higher class-
es named above do not believe in the sanctity of the Copotuc at
the time of the Baroni. This would seem to prove that Copil
was born of low parentage. Indeed, he is suspected by some to
be an ancestor of the present mohunts of Copilmuni, who are Ju-
gis (cloth-weavers) by caste. Hence his influence over the higher
castes of Hindus is very small. It is necessary to state that Copil
is a different individual from his great namesake who figures so
conspicuously in the Ramayan, and is said to have destroyed sixty
thousand sons of Rajah Sagur on being disturbed by them in his
devotions, which subsequently caused the Ganges, in compliance
with the prayers of one of their descendants, named Bhagirath, to
pour from the heavens like an avalanche over the Himalaya, and
thence thundering down to the plains, pass over the spot where
his ancestors had been reduced to ashes.

March 23rd, 1868.—At night I received visits from the respec-
table people of Mahmiudkati, Hurridhahe, &c. One of them
stated, on the authority of an old man who had again heard it from
his grandfather, that on the day of the Baroni festival, Copil
became Sidha, and being anxious to test the fact by ocular demon-
stration, invoked his favourite goddess. The goddess came riding
over the waves, and when she departed, Copil threw himself into her
waters and died praying that on the anniversary of his death she
would make her appearance ou that spot for an hour. This, how-
ever, differs from the popular account given above.

March 24th, 1868.—I heard a legend about Copil. It is said,
he used daily to bathe in the Ganges at dawn, and then perform
his morning prayers at his hermitage on the banks of the Copotue,
the distance travelled being about three days’ journey.

March 26th, 1868.—At dawn I took a walk towards the fa-
mous old tank known by the name of Lahona Khulna. It is
perfectly dry and overgrown with tall trees, which the superstitious

1870. | An Account of Copilmuni and its Antiquitves. 239

wood-cutters dare not touch. The barren women from the sur-
rounding villages come to bathe in a well in the tank, in the belief
that a dip in its waters would make them fruitful. Almost contig-
uous to the Lahona Khulna, flows the small rivulet which goes
by the name of Magra. The readers of the immortal work called
Kavi Kunkun Chandi are aware that Lahana and Khulna are
the wives of Dhonoputty Sadager, and that the Magra is the river
where his son Srimunto Sadager encountered a terrific storm raised
by the goddess Chandi to test his sincerity and devotion to her.
It is therefore believed that Copilmuni or its neighbourhood is
the place where the scene of Kavi Kankan Chandi is laid. In
proof of this, people further appeal to the remains of ancient build-
ings found buried in the bosom of the earth at a place called Agra,
which is about a mile north-east of Copilmuni, while the Lahana
Khulna and Magra are situated about two miles towards the
south-east. But the poet lays the scene of his hero’s birth-place
at Ujaini, or Ujeni, which is the name of the capital of Malwa.
This discrepancy may, however, be reconciled by the supposition
that the place was formerly called Ujani, which was afterwards
changed into Copilmuni by the famous anchorite of that name.
A pandit suggested to me the improbability of a small place on
the banks of the Copotuc bearing the classical name of Ujaini, on
which I reminded him that the contiguous village was called Agra.
Jt is natural for a man to associate himself with great names; and
if Dhonoputty Sadagar or his son Srimunto chose to call his mari-
time port according to the city of the Great Akbar, he might as well
designate his birth-place the capital of the romantic and heroic
Vikramaditya.

March 27th, 1868.—At dawn I took a walk as far as Agra,
with a view to see the remains of ancient buildings supposed to have
belonged to Dhonoputty Sadagar. In several places there are little
hillocks of earth in the form of cones, whose apexes are about twenty
feet above the level of the surrounding country. In these lie
buried magnificent brick structures which have sunk entire in the
bosom of the earth,—time’s all destroying hand having as yet
worked upon them in vain. In one place are to be seen walls
about eight feet broad, which probably once formed the wings of a

240 An Account of Copilmuni and its Antiquities. [No. 3,

gigantic temple. In front of it are the remains of a pucca road which
seem to have extended as far as the river. The cultivators in the
neighbourhood told me that for a mile or two around, bricks might
be found in various places only a few inches under ground.
Considering all that has been stated before, it is impossible to
resist the conviction that Copilmuni and its neighbourhood con-
tain the ruins of a large city whose splendours have long since
passed away.

March 28th, 1868.—At night, I heard two legends about
Ja’far-Aulia. They are as follows:—A certain man had a cow
which he prized much, but it sickened and died. Being extremely
poor, he goes to Ja’far-Aulia and cries till his eyes are red. ‘‘ Why
do you cry,” said the prophet, ‘‘ Your cow is not dead, it is only
sleeping.” Thereupon he called one of his disciples, and said,
“Take this stick which I give unto thee, and having touched the
cow with it, call the animal hither.” The disciple goes to the field
and striking the cow with the stick, says, ‘‘ Why sleepest thou
so long? Come, thy master calls.” The cow rose as if it had been
sleeping, and followed the disciple to the cottage of Ja’far-Aulia.

A disciple of Ja’far-Aulia once did a wrong act. The saint
said to his other disciples, ‘‘ Go and throw him into the river ina
gunny bag, after closing its mouth with a string.” The disciples
did as they were directed to do, but the bag would not sink and
floated down the stream. The prophet was at the time on his way
to the Sundarbun. When he had completed a day’s journey, the
disciple within the bag cried and said, ‘‘ Master, behold I am not
dead. Take pity on a fallen creature and restore me to thy favour.”
The saint thereupon ordered his disciples to take the bag from
the river, and let out the culprit, considering him sufficiently pun-
ished.

ONT OOOO eet

JOURNAL

OF THE

PolAdiG SOCIETY.

oo
Part L—HISTORY, LITERATURE, ce.

No. IV.—1870.

POI OR ARRRA AAs

On the Funeral Ceremonies of the Ancient Hindus.—By Babu
RaA‘TENDRALA LA Mitra,

[Read November, 1870. ]

Two elaborate papers have already appeared on the funeral cere-
monies of the Hindus. The first, by H. T. Colebrooke, was publish-
ed in the Transactions of this Society about seventy years ago,* and
an abstract of it was soon after issued in Ward’s History of the
Hindus. It contains the modern ritual as given in the Suddhi Tutt-
va of Raghunandana and other current works on the subject. The
second, entitled Die Todtenbestattung bet den Brahmanen, appeared
in the 9th volume of the Zeztschrift of the German Oriental Society.
Dr. Max Miiller, its author, gives in it the whole of As‘valaya-
na’s Sutras on the ancient ritual, and quotes largely from the Rig
Veda Sanhita and the aphorisms of Katydyana. A portion of it,
that bearing on the sepulchral ceremonies, has since been rendered
into English, by that learned scholar, and published by Professor
Wilson as a part of his Essay ‘on the supposed Vaidik authori-
ty for the burning of Hindu widows.”{ Dr. Max Miiller is of
opinion that—‘‘ These burial ceremonies have been described
in detail by As’valayana only, and it is possible that the burial was

* Asiatic Researches, VII. pp. 232—285. Nssays, I. 155.

+ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XVI, pp. 201-214,

ol

242 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. [WNo. 4,

not considered as an essential part of that class of rites which is
comprehended under the name of Samskdra.’” Such, however, does
not seem to be the case; for the whole of the funeral ceremonies,
including those required to be observed at burials, are given in
detail in the sixth chapter of the Avranyaka of the Black Yajur
Veda, aphorised by Baudh4yana and Bharadvdja in their Sutras,
and commented upon by Séyana Acharya. I find that Hiranya-
kes’i also has written on the subject, but I have not his work at
hand to refer to, nor has Séyana noticed him. A hand-book for
the performance of funeral ceremonies, professing to be founded on
the rules of Hiranyakes’i, exists in the Society’s Library and is
entitled :—Hiranyakes'yanteshti-prayoyamant ; but it is a compilation
by a modern author, Abhayankara Bhatta, and does not correspond
with the rules of the other Sttrakaras. It treats of the whole of
the rites due on the first thirteen days after death, but it does not
anywhere quote the rules of Hiranyakes’i, and so simplifies the
operations detailed in the works of the early writers that it cannot
be accepted as a trustworthy guide to the most ancient ritual.

The Aranyaka describes the ceremonies under the title of Pvtri-
medha, or rites for the welfare of the manes, and gives all the man-
tras required for the ceremonials of the first ten days after death,
leaving the srdddha, or the rites meet for the eleventh day, altoge-
ther unnoticed. The mantras are taken mostly from the Rig Veda,
and arranged in consecutive order, but without any clue to the par-
ticular rituals for which they are intended. The two Sutrakaras
supply this deficiency, and as they point out several peculiarities
not to be found in As‘valéyana, I propose to give here a summary
of the subject. The bulk of the mantras and the rules are the
same as given by As’valayana; but as that author’s work, lately
published by the Society, has already been commented upon by
Dr. Max Miiller,* it is not necessary to notice it in detail.

The first mantra given in the Aranyaka refers to the perfor-
mance of a homa immediately after the death of a man who had
always maintained the sacrificial fires in his house. According to
Baudhayana, four offerings should be made, while touching the

* Vide passim Grimm’s Hssay on the Burning of the Dead, and Dr. Roth’s
article “ on Burial in India,”

1870. | On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 243

right hand of the dead, to the Garhapatya fire, with a spoon over-
flowingly full of claritied butter. Bharadvaja prefers the Ahavaniya
fire, and is silent as to whether the offering should be fourfold or
not. <As’valayana recommends the rite to be performed at. a
subsequent stage of the funeral. All three take it for granted
that death has happened within the house, if not near the place
where the sacrificial fires are kept, and none has anything to say
regarding the taking of the dying to the river-side, or of the cere-
mony of immersing the lower half of the body in water at the
moment of death, (antarjali) which forms so offensive a part of the
modern ceremonial in Bengal, and which has been, by a flourish
of incisive rhetoric and at aconsiderable sacrifice of truth, called
“‘ghat murder.’”’ Looking to this negative evidence against it, to its
total absence in other parts of India, and to the oldest authorities
on the subject being the most recent of the Puranas, it may be
fairly concluded that it is of modern origin. None of the authori-
ties usually quoted, enjoin it as a positive duty, and it has come into
general practice probably since the date of Raghunandana and his
contemporary Smritikaras of the 16th century.*

* The authorities usually quoted are the following :—
Wheres eo | TEE Bsa ad ata atrag | AU aac

FG Seta BAH TS || STR

* I shall relate to you, O handsome-faced, the merit of giving up life in the
Ganges. I give him (who does so) my own rank, and pour in his ears the
mantra of the Great Brahma.’ Skanda Purdya, quoted in the Suddhi tattva.

eR TAMAS | Velen G weal fayaanaa yw | wate a
Vasa AQUI Fl WT) Barea @rorntwasfate ary
ATT Ree | ALIMAMA arai ata efeai | we aaweraify:

g — *
ATT AIST TIFICAT ET Wl HT |
“* He who fasting dies with half hig body immersed in the water of the Jah-
nayi (Ganges), is never born again, and attains equality with Brahma.” Agni
Purdna, quoted in the Prayaschitta tattva.
«The embodied who dies with its body up to the navel in water, attains the
fruit of all the sacred waters, tirthas. There is no doubt about it.” Skanda

Purana.

faaraareant | agTat asrat ee Ba sa a Poa Sis UR |

“ After giving up the body in the Ganges there is no second birth.” Kriyd-
yogasdra. ‘ s

ara] SU ATH TASTY | vy |

“ Hveu the crime of Brahmanicide may be expiated by giving up the body in
the Ganges.” Kriydyogasdra.

244 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. (No. 4,

After the homa, a cot made of Udumbara wood (Ficus glomarata)
is to be provided, and, having spread on it a piece of black antelope
skin with the hairy side downwards and the head pointing to the
south, the corpse is to be laid thereon with the face upwards. A
son, brother or other relative, or in their absence whoever takes the
lead, should next address the corpse to give up its old clothing,
and dress it in a new suit.* The body is then covered with a piece
of unbleached, uncut cloth, having fringes on both sides ; the opera-
tion being performed while repeating a mantra., Then, wrapping
it in its bedding or a mat, it is to be borne on its cot to the place of
cremation. The removal, according to some authorities, should be
made by aged slaves; according to others on a cart drawn by two
bullocks. The mantra for the purpose, says, ‘‘ I harness these two
bullocks to the cart, for the conveyance of your life, whereby you
may repair to the region of Yama—to the place where the virtuous
resort,” { clearly indicating that the most ancient custom was, to
employ acart andnot men. As valayana suggests one bullock. Any-
how, the ancient Stitrakaras evince none of the repugnance to the
employment of Stidras for the removal of the corpse of a Brahman,
which the modern Smarthas entertain on the subject. According to
the latter, none but the kith and kin of the dead should perform
this duty, and the touch of other than men of one’s own caste is pol-
lution, which can be atoned for only by the performance of an ex-
piatory ceremony.§ When Sir Cecil Beadon, the late Lieutenant-

* The mantra for the purpose says :—
= oRe * =
wae ve ufeefaw gt! TUIQn aa afaut gua <u
asur fa $4 il Ril

“Give up the cloth thou hast hitherto worn ; remember the ishta and purta
sacrifices thou hast performed, the fees (to Brahmans thou hast given) and those
(gifts thou hast) bestowed on thy friends.”

+ Seal Ge IGG “ANAT | 2 I
*¢ This cloth comes to thee first.”

{ wiadea weg ee ane asa ar deer eran sseeT ae
Bat PAT ASIA BAIGLATA!
Tat Qafsa a sel EAI ses | Vat way wed Gaaraity

AVA tl B il
§ This prejudice first manifested itself, though in a mitigated form, in the
time of Manu, who says, “ Letno kinsman, whilst any of his own class are at

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 245

Governor of Bengal, proposed the removal of the Hindu dead of
Calcutta by the Mutlah Railway to Gariah, the strongest opposition
was offered by the people, on the ground that it would involve a
most serious pollution and loss of caste, to allow a corpse to be
touched by other than its own caste men. They quoted a number
of texts in support of their opinion, including those given above,
and had no doubt custom—a greater authority than written laws—
to plead in their favour; but the most revered and most ancient of
their S’4stras was opposed to them, for it recommended for the
Brahman dead a bullock cart as the most fitting conveyance, and
a Sidra slave as its substitute.

The road from the house to the burning-ground used to be di-
vided into three stages, and at the end of each, the procession used
to halt, deposit the body on its cot on the ground, and address a
mantra. As’valéyana says nothing about the division of the road
into stages, nor of the mantras to be repeated, but recommends the
procession to be headed by the eldest member of the family. The
first mantra in the Aranyaka runs as follows: ‘“ Pusha, who knows
the road well, has well-trained animals, to carry you, and is the
protector of regions, is bearing you away hence; may he translate
you hence to the region of the pitris. May Agni, who knows what
hand, cause a deceased Brahman to be carried out by a Stidra; since the

funeral rite, polluted by the touch of a servile man, obstructs his passage to
heaven.” Chap. V. ver. 104. The following are the subsequent authorities :—

Tam: | wd faci a WRU ay we fastest! se | qeravafa War-
ste amareest te WV) eeaa: | ameaafaarainat wargy Tesrareec |
Fr aa saenfa aay aifech ser | SMa Se HTATQR WIE
Ta | Sead Ufad ae Wea ATaTqeare | gays asqaee aad Hat
qata| aa: | fasy aco ay fanaa feasara) feaaa afeufac-

parses

“The Brahman (dead) should not be removed by a Stidra, or a Sudra (dead)
by a Braman. Vishnu.

** Whoever causes fire, grass, wood, and ghi to be brought by a Sidra (should
perform an expiatory rite). Yama. I shall now relate to you the mode of puri-.
fication as ordained by Manu, from the pollution caused by a dog, Sidra, an
outcaste and the low dying in the house of a Brahman. ‘Ten nights for a dog,
month for a Sidra, twice that time for an outcaste, and twice that for the
low. The house should be forsaken in the case of the lowest, says Manu.
Vrihanmanu. A house becomes purified in three days after the death of a
Brahman ; the courtyard outside of the house is purified in one day by the touch
of fire, and by smearing it with cow dung. Yama,

246 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. [No. 4,

is meet for you, bear you away.”* The commentator in explaining
the term Anashtapas’u “ well-trained animals,” attempts to include
in the text the slaves recommended by the Stitrakaras by the re-
mark “ the human bearers are two-footed animals, and the two bul-
locks four-footed animals :” vahakih manushyah dvipdt-pasavah anadva-
hau chatuspdtpasik. The second and the third mantras are, in
substance, very much like the first, and call for no remark.

A most important member of the funeral procession is an animal
called anustarant or rajagavi. An old cow is recommended as
the most appropriate, next a black one, next a black-eyed one, next
one with black hairs, and lastly one with black hoofs. If none of
these are available, a black tender-hoofed goat may be substituted.
As‘valayana recommends an animal of one colour, or a black kid, and
says that it should be brought with a rope tied to the near fore-
foot. The animal is to be brought with the mantra, ‘‘ Protector of
regions, this is an offering for thee.”’+ An oblation is to be poured
on the fire in connexion with this offering with the iddé or chamasa
spoon, saying, ‘‘ May this prove acceptable to wealthy Agni.” }

According to the Sutrakaras, the cow should be sacrificed, but
should any accident happen at the time of the sacrifice, the fore
left foot is to be broken, and the wound being dressed with dust,

* Mantra to be repeated at the end of the first stage.
yw aaraaag F fagrrqeqNyaty ag a aa ofceer-
Farewa iste a: efaeaw: 4 i
Mantra to be repeated at the end of the second stage.
Yea THT warae at! a wat wraaaa aya! fear wetu:

wiatrree Ut ug afters il € Ul

« Pusha aoe ‘all these sides ; may he bear you away hence by the safest
road ; may he, who is peneficens, kind to us, and mighty against all, knowing
the road well, lead us without obstruction.”’

Mantra to be repeated at the end of the third stage.

safes: afcarafa a ua aT ag TTA WLAN | AAI FaaT

ch a Fae a ea: afaar Surg lO Il

“ The eS. the life of the world wishes to take charge of you. May Pushé,
leading, protect you in the difficult road ; may the divine sun, leading you by
the way of the virtuous, place you where the pious dwell.”

tT wate va Te eta 1s I
t sya tara Get le 0

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 247

the animal is to be set free. The mantra for the sacrifice says:
*‘ Companion of the dead, we have removed the sins of the dead by
thee ; so that no sin or decrepitude may approach us.”’* The address
after the immolation runs thus : ‘‘ Companion of the dead, we have
made thy life inert ; thou attainest the earth by thy body, and the
region of the manes by thy life. Pardon us and our children in
this world.”} A third address to the cow follows when her body is
being dusted, it is to this effect—‘‘ O dear one, say not that I am
so killed, for thou art a goddess and virtuous, going to the region
of the Pitris, travelling by the adorable sky: keep us well supplied
with milk in this and the future world.” t

If it be necessary to let loose the cow, she is to be made to walk
thrice round the pyre, while the leader repeats a mantra each time,
then sanctified by another which simply says, ‘‘ Mayest thou be a
source of satisfaction by thy milk to those who are living (in my
family), and those who are dead, and those who are just born, as well
as those who may be born hereafter,’’§ and, lastly, let loose with the
words, “ This cow is the mother of the Rudras, the daughter of the
Vasus, the sister of the Adityas, and the pivot of our happiness,
therefore I solemnly say unto all wise men, kill not this sacred
harmless cow: Let her drink water and eat grass. Om! I let her
loose.”’ ||

The next operations are to dig atrench, arrange fuel thereon,
wash, shave and pare the nails of the corpse, and place it on the pyre

* cary wasqiealfa WHS | FW AT WA AIT FU wa w-
afta il you

+ gary warafe fa a ciwafead | WUtT Aviat quate taea-
TSA SAIT ASTTS ll VQ Il

tad aver faass Sat wm faewra vefe | fawarc awa daz-
FAT AT ATAT WASTHATATTS U1 0

§ ya a 9 ea 4 ae Ay aa | MT wae aiefag
AAMT BAT Il

|| arat watut Shear say aasteqraacay ate | ww arg
fafagy sam a wanmnafete afas | Tages euey) sa-
QaeA i

248 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. |WNo. 4,

along with the wife. They were probably performed without the
aid of any mantra, for the Aranyaka does not allude to them. The
trench, according to As’val4yana, should be twelve fingers deep,
five spans* wide, and as long as the corpse with its hands uplifted.
The corpse, in the opinion of some, should be disembowelled, and
the cavity filled with ghi. When placed on the pyre, it should
have in its hands, if a Brahman, a bit of gold, if a Kshatriya a
bow, and if a Vaisya, ajewel. The wife should lie down on the
left side of the corpse according to Baudhayana and Séyana. As’-
valayana recommends that she should be placed near the head on
the north side. The chief mourner, or he who is to set fire to the
pyre, should then address the dead saying, ‘‘ O mortal, this woman,
(your wife), wishing to be joined’ to you in a future world, (lit. to
obtain the Patiloka, or the region of husbands) is lying by thy
corpse ; she has always observed the duties of a faithful wife ; grant
her your permission to abide in this world, and relinquish your
wealth to your descendants.”| A younger brother of the dead, or
a disciple, or aservant, should then proceed to the pyre, hold the
left hand of the woman, and ask her to come away, saying, ‘‘ Rise up,
woman, thou liest by the side of the lifeless; come to the world
of the living, away from thy husband, and become the wife of him
who holds thy hand and is willing to marry thee.”{ In a subse-
quent mantra, she is to be asked to bring away the bit of gold above
alluded to, from the hand of the corpse. The words for the pur-
pose are—‘ For the promotion of thy wealth, and glory as a Brah-
man woman, and beauty and power, take the gold from the hand

* Aratni extending from the thumb to the tip of the index finger.

+ gaara ufaera surat fagga wa arate sd) fay qurwag-
areal we Ist Rfawas BES

t vers arate stveratrngarqi fe) veer fefrar-
eens aaaAa A Il

aie, & sare was, ‘ea afd, “wqRW voy nat afy,
‘sere warufasdorefas, ‘itseraaiy sitaai sifraeatie,
fe wai ‘a, Sate afwaresrn, fetes gaara
‘qa? vad, “Sifte arate, “StiesyT siiyert wR aT PS il

The Rig Vedic reading of this verse will be noticed further on.

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 249

of the dead, (and abide) in this (region) ; we (shall dwell) here
well served and prospering, and overcoming all presumptuous
assailants.”* ‘The scholiast of As’valayana says the remover of the
widow, and not the widow, herself should take the gold, and that in
the event of his being a slave, this and the two preceding mantras
should be repeated by the chief mourner, and Wilson and Max
Miller take it inthe same sense ; but Séyana’s comment is opposed
to this interpretation.| The words to be addressed to a Kshatriya
or a Vaidya woman, are the same, the words bow and jewel
being respectively substituted for gold, and Kshatriya and Vaisya
respectively for Brahmana. Under any circumstance the removal
of the widow and the articles is completed. The Ardnyaka con-
teraplates no alternative, and the Sutrakiras are silent on the
subject, shewing clearly that when the Aranyaka was compiled,
the inhuman practice of burning the living wife with her dead
husband, had not obtained currency in the country, and as we
know from the writings of Greek authors that the Sati rite
had formed an important part of the Hindu funeral ceremony
three centuries before Christ, and at least four centuries before that
the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, alluded to it, it may be pre-

iS Ss na ~ SS
* gquy <areieaial way fay aaU aH FSA] Waa afaz

aay ga faan gar wiwaratsran I

This verse does not occur inthe 10th Mandala of the Rig Veda, but the
counterpart of it, in connexion with the bow, occurs with a different reading,
thus—
WAS CASA SAAS BN TIT TAT | aaa alae ay eater

~ ocn
faat war Blaaraisree |
Dr. Max Miiller renders the last as follows: “I take the bow from
the hand of the dead, tobe, to us, help, glory, and strength. Thou art there,
wo are still here, with our brave sons; may we conquer all enemies that at-
tack us’? Dr. Wilson’s version is slightly different in words, but is in sub-
stance the same. “ Jiaking his bow from the hand of the dead that it may be

to us for help, for strength, for fame, (I say) here verily art thou, and here are
we: accompanied by our valiant descendants may we overcome all arrogant

adversaries.’—Jour. R, As. Soc., XVI. p. 292.

+ eared “faa”? waew, “Hea” araqusae, “asa”? aay,
Cary? WATT, ATA” Fag, “sara” ‘eqn? ‘sareeray”?
wat, way wa fas | ay ale se era, “GRA Ue aera: am,
ay BAA Ge wearan, faa? ‘alread? aeara, RIA AIA’ |

32

250 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. [No. 4,

sumed that our text dates from at least eight centuries before the
Christian era. The allusions in the Ramayana and the Mahabha-
rata may, possibly, be interpolations, and ifso, the Aranyaka may
be a century or two later, but that it was compiled long before the
advent of Alexander in India, and that Baudhayana flourished be-
fore Bharadvaja and Katyayana cannot be questioned.

The sacrificial vessels which the defunct used to employ in his
ceremonial rites, are now to be placed on the different parts of his
body; the <Agni-hotra-havani, filled with butter and curds, on the
mouth ; the srwva spoon, broken into two, on the nostrils ; two bits
of gold or the butter spoon, (ajyasruva) broken into two, on the
eyes; the prdsitra-harana, broken into two, on the ears; the
kapala pot, broken into fragments, on the head ; a pot-sherd on the
forehead; and, the chamasa spoon on the head. The mantra for
the purpose consists of a prayer to Agni not to injure the chamasa
spoon.* As’valayana arranges the sacrificial vessels differently ; he
places the juhu on the right hand, the wpabhrit on the left hand,
the sphya, sacrificial knife, on the right side, the Agnihotra-havani
on the left side, the grdvna on the teeth, the kapalas on the head, the
dhruvd on the breast, the sruva on the nostrils, the présitra-harana
on the nostrils, the chamasa and the pdtri on the belly, the sami
on the genitals, the pestle and mortar on the lower part of
the thighs, the aranz on the upper part of the thighs, the swrpa on
the feet, and other vessels on the body as convenient. He says,
further, that the fat of the slaughtered cow should be placed on the
head and on the eyes with the mantra ‘“‘ Agni &c.” and her kidneys
on the hands with the mantra ‘“ Ati” &c., her heart on the cardiac
region, and her flesh and organs on other parts of the body ; and
that, in the event of the cow being let loose, imitations of her
organs made with rice and barley meal, should be placed on the
parts mentioned ; the fat being replaced by cakes. The Aranyaka

* caagq wad a fasitec fier SaTATAS GANA | UT BAAS
Saqaatat Sal Bwzat Aeaat

“Destroy not, Agni, this spoon ; it is dear to the Devas and the performers
of the Soma rites. This spoon is the drinking vessel of the Devas; may the im-
mortal Devas therefore make us happy.”

1870. | On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 251

says nothing about these offerings, nor recognises any substitute.
Possibly Baudhayana and Bharadvaja have provided for them;
but I have not the necessary MSS. at hand to ascertain it. The
Aranyaka, after arranging the sacrificial vessels, gives the mantra
for covering the corpse with the raw hide of the cow, which should
be entire with head, hair and feet, the hairy side being kept upper-
most. The mantra for the purpose is addressed to the hide ;
“¢ Cuirass, carefully protect this body from the light of Agni ; enve-
lope it with thy thick fat, and marrow ; holding this impudent Agni,
desirous of seeing and consuming it by his vigour, allow him not
to go astray.’’*

The pile is now ready to be lighted, and a fire should be applied
toit with the prayer: “ Agni, consume not this body to cinders;
nor give it pain; nor scatter around its skin or limbs! O Jatave-
das, when the body is fairly burnt, convey the spirit to its ances-
tors.” A second prayer to the same divinity is due when the fire
is in full blaze, but its purport is not very different. It is follow-
ed by an address to the organs of the dead. It says, ‘‘ May thy
organ of vision proceed to the sun ; may thy vital air merge in the
atmosphere ; mayest thou proceed, according to thy virtuous deeds,
to heaven or earth or the region of water, whichever place is bene-
ficial to thee; mayest thou there, provided with food, exist in
corporeal existence.’’{

If instead of a cow, a goat is brought with the corpse, it is to be
tied with a weak string near the fire, so that it may break its bond
and escape. ‘The chief mourner should then offer twelve oblations
to the fire with a spoon made of palasa wood, for which the Aran-
yaka supplies the necessary mantras. Nine prayers next follow,
of which the first four are addressed to Agni, the fifth to
Yama, the sixth to the messengers of death, and the last three

wyaa afc aifwaeraTY = Hear waa Wl aa STUAUSTAT
SETTAT aufguar Tag aa Il
+ waaay facet asfanrar aswead fafar at wat) ver wa
aa STAIR ISAT stemware tye i
t Qe a Wag aaa ATs TTR wheat @wAUT | SUT aT ae
«fz aaa Feaarnaty gfafasr WIT I

252 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. |WNo. 4,

for a good region for the deceased. The one addressed to Yama
describes him as having two cerberi for warders at his gate.
‘King Yama, place this spirit under the care of thy two four-eyed
dogs, which guard the roads and your mansion, and whom men
avoid: keep it in ease and free from disease.”* The dogs are the
offspring of Sarama; long-snouted, self-satisfied, and exceedingly
powerful ; they are the messengers of Yama and roam about in
search of men. The last three prayers I shall give entire. ‘1.
Some purify the Soma juice, others worship with clarified butter,
others again follow true knowledge (madhu vidyé) in quest of
felicity ; may this spirit attain the same (reward). 2. May theaward
of those who fight in the battle-field, and of heroes who sacrifice
their lives, and of virtuous men who grant a thousand gifts, await
this spirit. 3. May the award of those who in penance pass a
blameless life, and of those who are gone to heaven by their pen-
ance, and of those who have performed most rigorous austerities
await this spirit.’’}

After this, leaving the funeral pyre to smoulder, the chief mour-
ner excavates three trenches to the north of the pyre, and lining
them with pebbles and sand, fills them with water brought in an
odd number of jars. The people who followed the procession are
then requested to purify themselves by bathing in them; which
being done, a yoke is put up with three palasa branches stuck in
the ground and tied at the top with a piece of weak string, and
they are made to pass underit. The chief mourner passes last,
and then, plucking out the yoke, offers a prayer tothesun. There-
upon, the party proceed to the nearest stream, and without
looking at each other, purify themselves by bathing and a prayer

* Fe arat aa cheater agra wfecdt eywer) aay cere
yfregay efe ara wadiee BS 1

+ ae wy vad Bawa woea | BT we saafa TY feearty
ISAT Il

q py TTT LURT F aq | FY at aweefauany feearty
TRA Il

agar FY Ways Year| aa Await Wea aw fye-
ate ware |i

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 253

to Prajapati. As’valiyana says nothing of the three trenches, but
takes the people at once to the river to bathe, where ‘‘ they im-
merse themselves, and on rising throw a handful of water into the
air while they pronounce the name of the deceased, and that of his
family. They then get out of the water, put on dry clothes, and
after once wringing those that they had on before, they spread
them out towards the north, and sit down there themselves till the
stars are seen. According to others, they do not go home before
sun-rise. Then the young ones walk first, and the old ones last,
and when they arrive at their home, they touch, by way of purify-
ing themselves, ‘‘ the stone, the fire, cow-dung, grain, (tila seed,) oil
and water before they step in.”* This part of the ceremony and
the mourning which follows, have been described by Manu,

Yajnavalkya and others, and need not be further noticed. The
Aranyaka is entirely silent on the subject.

For the ceremony of burial, the first operation is, the collection of
the half-burnt bones. This should be done according to As’valaéyana
on the 11th, 13th or 15th day of the wane ; Baudhaydna enjoins the
3rd, 5th or 7th from the day of cremation. The dates tritcyd, pan-
chamé and saptami are, given in the feminine gender in the text, and
cannot imply day, as in ordinary acceptance they indicate the age
of the moon. As the ceremonies, however, of the tenth day are given
in a subsequent part of the work, and the Prayoga noticed above
names days, it is probable, that the morning of the 3rd, 5th or
7th day is meant, the elipse in the sutra being supplied by the
word ézthé in the sense of a day. The first act is to sprinkle milk and
water on the cinders, and to strike on the heap with an udum-
vara staff to separate the bones. This is done while repeating
five mantras. The cinders are then collected and thrown to-
wards the south side, leaving the bones behind. Three oblations
are next offered to Agni with a sruva spoon. Thereupon the senior
wife is to come forward, and, with two bits of red and blue strings
to which a stone is tied, to draw out the bones with her left hand
saying : ‘‘ Arise hence, and assume a (new) shape. Leave none of
your members or your body behind. Repair to whichever place
you wish ; may Savitd establish you there. This is one of your

* Journal Royal As. Soc. xvi, 213,

254 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. (No. 4,

bones, be joined with the third (other bones) in glory ; having
joined all the bones be handsome in person ; be beloved of the
gods in anoble place.”* The bones should then be washed and
deposited in an urn, or tied up in a piece of black antelope skin.
The urn or bundle is then to be hung from the branch of a sami
or palasa tree. Should the bones belong to a person who had per-
formed a Soma sacrifice, they should be burnt again; otherwise
they should be buried. For the latter purpose, an urn is absolutely
necessary, and after placing the bones into it, it should be filled up
with curds mixed with honey, and then covered over with grass:
As‘valayana recommends an urn with a spout for females and one
without it for males. Two mantras are given, one for pouring
the mixture, and the other to be addressed to its droppings.
Subsequently a proper place having been selected, a funeral pro-
cession should proceed to it in the morning, and the chief mourner
should begin the operations of the day by sweeping the spot with a
piece of leather or a broom of palasa or sami wood. Then, yoking a
pair of bullocks to a plough, he should dig six furrows running from
east to west, and, saluting them with a mantra, deposit the
urn in the central furrow. The bullocks should now be let loose
by the south side, and water sprinkled over the place with an
udumvara branch or from a jar. The covering of the urn is
then removed, some aromatic herbs, sarvaushadhi, are put into the
urn, and subsequently closed with pebbles and sand ; each of the
operations being performed while repeating an appropriate mantra.
A mantra should likewise be pronounced for every one of the opera-
tions which follow, and these include, first, the putting of bricks
around the urn; 2nd, the throwing thereon some sesamum seed
and fried barley ; 3rd, placing some butter on an unbaked plate on
the south side; 4th, spreading there some darbha grass ; 5th, sur-
rounding the tumulus with a palisade of palasa branches, and 6th,
crowning the whole by sticking on the top a flowering head of the
nala reed—arundo karka. The operator then anoints his body with

* efieteqay ace We WFAaST ATIC | Ba WA BUS a
ae aa a ea aaa SUG | Tem AAT Va wR ealaa Sia
ifaw | dauqaaa setty ar earat TCH Tea

1870.|] _ On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 255

old ghi, and, without looking at the urn, places it on the spread
grass, invokes the manes, wipes the urn with a bit of old rag,
sprinkles some water with an udumvara branch, or from a Jar,
having covered his own person with an old cloth, and then buries
the urn with bricks laid over it.

Some charu rice is then cooked, sanctified by a mantra, and while
the chief mourner repeats five others, is put on the five sides of the
urn. Sesamum seed and barley are now scattered around, some herbs
put on the mound and more bricks added. Water should subse-
quently be sprinkled on the place, a prayer should be addressed to
the gods, a branch of the varuna tree and a lot of brick-bats, a sami
branch and some barley, should be placed on the mound, and the
dead be invoked to translate himself to whichever region he likes.
“‘Go to the earth, go to the void above, go to the sky, go to the
quarters, go to heaven ; go, go to heaven, go to the quarters, go to
the sky, go to the void above, go to the earth, or go to the waters,
wherever embodied thou canst live with the good and in peace.”’*

A few holes being now dug round the mound, the ceremony of
burial is completed. The operations, it will be seen, though oft-
repeated and tedious, are of the simplest kind possible ; the prayers
are throughout addressed for the sensuous enjoyment and ease of
the dead, and no where is any indication given of a desire for spi-
ritual benefit, liberation from the wheel of transmigration, salva-
tion or beatitude. ven sin is lightly looked upon, and the prayer
for redemption from it, is slight and casual. The whole ceremony
is of the most primitive type, and bespeaks an epoch of remote
antiquity. It is worthy of note also that the double ceremonial of
first incineration and subsequent burial, was common among the
Greeks, Romans and other ancient Aryan races, and that in the
fifth century before Christ, the remains of S’akya Buddha were dis-
posed of in the same way.

The last ceremony I have to notice is called s’antikarma or riteg
for the well-being of the living. It should be performed on the

*sfadt aarafcd ae fed we fate gare gare fer
we fed weriftd ay sfest aan a ae aie aa a feaaraits
gfafast WAT: II

256 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. [No. 4,

morning following the ninth night after death, 7. ¢., on the tenth
day. This is an addition to the shaving and paring of nails and
bathing, which are enjoined by medieeval and modern Smritikaras,
and are still current. As’valayana recommends that this should be
performed on the burning-ground on the 15th of the wane, 7. ¢., on
the day of the new moon. But our text fixes the day, and leaves it
optional with the mourners to select any place out of a town,
whether it be a burning ground or not, that may be convenient. The
relatives by blood both male and female, having assembled, a fire
should be lighted, and they should be requested to sit down on a
bullock-hide of a red colour spread on the ground, with its neck-side
facing the east, and its hairs directed towards the north. The re-
quest should be made in the following words: ‘‘ Ascend on this life-
giving (skin), as you wish to live to a decrepit old age. According
to your seniority attempt carefully to abide on it. May the well-
born and well-adorned fire of this ceremony bestow long life on
you. Even as days follow days, and seasons are attached to seasons ;
even as the young forsake not their elders, may Dhata so prolong
the life of these (people) according to their age.’’* The assembly
being thereupon seated, the chief mourner offers four oblations to
the fire with a spoon made of varuna wood. ‘The relatives
then rise up, and placing themselves on the north of the fire,
and facing the east, recite a mantra, while touching a red bull.
The women are then requested to put on collyrium with these
words—“ Let these women, who are not widowed, who have good
husbands, apply the collyrious butter to their eyes; without tears,
without disease, worthy of every attention, let these wives enter the
house.”’} The collyrium should be made of a substance called traika-
kuda which is brought from the Trikakut or triple humped peak of
the Himalaya, meaning evidently the sulphuret of antimony or sur-

* SUSaastd BUT BAYT aaararafas | Z¥ wer gafaar
GUA AAT: ATY stae F Il

ausryags water Guna wgiwat Aa | Va aq Yeager
SAAT MTATIY fH AGA I

+ xa rochass: gratis wiew sae | Wea Saale
GNA BCS TAS BATT |

1870. | On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Mindus. 257

ma of the Indian bazars. It should be applied with the three central
unexpanded leaves of the kusa grass which are thin, pliant, and
pointed, like a camel hair brush, and answer the purpose better
than the iron or stone style or bodkin which up-country women now
use. The leaves being afterwards thrown away on a bundle of that
grass, while repeating a mantra, the party proceed towards the east,
leading the bull and saying: ‘‘ These men, forsaking the dead, are
returning. This day we invoke the gods for cur good, for success
over enemies, and for our merriment. We proceed eastward, having
well sustained long lives.’’*

The last of the party, who is the chief mourner, should then
recite another mantra, and with a sami branch efface the foot-
marks of the bull that precedes the party. On the departure of the
last man, the Adhvaryu should place a circle of stones behind him
as a wall to prevent death overtaking those that have gone forward,
praying—‘‘I place this circle (ef stones) for the living; may we
and others not go beyond it in mid-life; may we all live a hundred
autumns, driving death away by this heap.”’{ The party then
repair to the house of the chief mourner and feast on kid and
barley, cooked for the purpose. Separate mantras are given for
the eating of the two articles.

The most important of all the mantras above quoted, is the one
which is intended as a direction to women to put on collyrium. It
was first translated by Colebrooke, in 1795, as “ the only Vaidik au-
thority for the rite of Sati.” Before him the compiler of the
twenty-eight Smritis had quoted it for the same purpose, and no
doubt thousands over thousands of deluded women, in the moment
of their greatest grief, have been sent to the blazing pyre with this

* caste fe wauaatraugal crete Gy! TNgIsMTAT ay

SATA STAY BTS TATT ATA: Il
This verse, in the original, occurs a little before the one about the applica-
tion of the collyrium. I have displaced it for the sake of consistency.

~ 5 = = CaENiae . =
+ <H site: afchy carla aT AISI Bead | wel Stay
a EN C, nN on

ACE: GEqiaqu BY eae 4g Il

Most of the mantras quoted above occur in the 10th Mandala of the Rig
Veda, but their readings there are different, and they do not appear in the same
order. Wilson’s translations thereof do not, therefore, in many essential parti-
culars, correspond with what I have given above. Vide Journal R. As. Soe,
XVI, 201-2.

30

258 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. [No. 4,

miserable passport to heaven. Dr. Wilson was the first to suspect,
in 1856, im a paper published im the Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society (Vol. xvi, p. 201), that ‘‘it had reference to some procession,
one possibly accompanying the corpse, but had nothing whatever to
do with consigning live females to the fire ;” and, for a guess, it was
as close as it well could be. The late Sir Rij&é Radhdkanta Deva
wrote a reply to this paper, in 1858, and in 1867, in a foot-note
about three times larger than the paper to which itis attached, a
writer, in the same periodical, (Vol. II, N.S. pp. 184-191,) entered
into an elaborate verbal and punctilious criticism, but the cere-
mony for which the stanza was intended or to which it was applied,
was left undetermined. In Raji Rédhakénta’s letter to Dr. Wil-
son, a quotation was given from the Sitras of Bharadvaja which
gave the real clue to it, but none noticed it at the time. The
true bearing is now made manifest, for, I believe, few will ven-
ture to question the authority of Baudhéyana in suck a matter.
His words are—athatdh patnayo nayane sarpisha sammris anti : ‘* Now
these women smear their eyes with butter.” Bharadvaja says,
strinam anjalishu sampétanavanayatimanaririti: ‘ For placing of
the sampata in the hands of the women the mantra Jima ndréh,
&c.” According to As’valayana, the verse should be repeated by
the chief mourner when looking at the women after they have ap-
plied the collyrium ; ima ndriravidhavah supatnirityanjand tksheta.
This difference is due evidently to the authors belonging to
different sdkhds. Anyhow, it is abundantly clear that the verse
was not intended to recommend self-immolation, but to be addressed
to female mourners, wives of kinsmen, haviuvg their husbands living,
not the widow, to put on collyrium, or to look at them after
the operation. The Prayogakdara says, tatah sampatapatramada-
ya sabhatrikastrindm anjalishu sampétam avanayate, “ then taking the
sampata patra he places it on the hands of the women who have
husbands, with the mantra imah, ec.”

The reading of the stanza appears differently in different recen-
sions. According to Raghunundana, as given in the Serampur
edition of his works, and m my MS. it is as follows :—

car aititfasa: saeltayaat Vast dfaweT |
GATT SCAT BUTS ASL TAT I

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 259

Colebrooke’s version, apparently taken down from hearsay, has—
<a aay afsaar galt saaa aieer dfawn fea
SACU Bal WIT HAI (ATa GT |

Professor Wilson’s reading, quoted from the tenth Mandala of
the Rig Veda, differs materially from these ; it runs thus:

<a TOtfsea: gealtisa aioe dias
FAATAMAT SCAMS BAM ATlTAy |

Dr. Max Miiller accepts this reading, correcting only suratndro-
haunt into suratua a rohantu. Our text, as quoted on page 256 and
founded upon six manuscripts and the concurrent testimony of the
Sutrakaras, differs in one important particular. It replaces the
jast word of the first line, saivis’antu, usually translated “let them
enter,” by sammris’antu, ‘let them smear.” It changes also suratnd
“well ornamented,” inte sus’éva “well served” er ‘ worthy of
every attention.”

With such differences in the text, it is not- to be wondered at
that the English renderings which have been, from time to time,
published, should be markedly different. Colebrooke was the
first to take the stanza in hand, and he translated it into—‘‘ Om.
Let these women, not to be widowed, good wives, adorned with
collyrium, holding clarified butter, consign themselves to the fire.
Immortal, not childless, nor husbandless, well adorned with gems,
let them pass into fire, whose original is water.”* Ward, Mac-
naughten, Ramamohana Raya and others have adopted this reading,
and giver translations more er less different from each other.
But as the reading itself has not yet been traced to any authentie
MS. of the Vedas, it may be dismissed without further notice.

Wilson’s translation runs thus: ‘‘ May these women, who are
not widows, who have good husbands, who are mothers, enter
with unguents and clarified butter: without tears, without sorrow,
let them first go up into the dwelling.”{ Max Miiller’s rendering
is nearly thesame. He writes—

“Es treten ein die Frawn, mit Ocl und Butter,
Nicht Witwen sie, nein, stolz auf edle Manner.

Die Miitter gehn zuerst hinauf zur Stitte,

In schénem Schmuck und obne Leid und Thranen,’

* As. Researches, IV, p. 213. ¥ Journal Ki. As. Soc. XVI, p. 202.
{ Acitschrift, Band, 1X, p. XXV,

260 On the Huneral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. [WNo. 4,

The writer of the foot-note above alluded to, adopts Max Miiller’s
reading, but attempts to improve upon his translation by the fol-
lowing :—‘‘ Let these women, unwidowed, having good husbands,
and with anointing butter on their cyes, enter their houses. Let the
mothers, untearful, unmiserable, possessed of excellent wealth, go
up to the house first.” He adds ‘‘I have here followed Sayana,
save in not rendering Bt Cre by “approach,” qraraqeq. What is
meant by alfa, Sayana’s “‘ house,” is not obvious.’”’*

The most material error in the above translations is due to

Sayana. That great commentator, when he took up the Rig Veda,
depended more upon the lexicographic meanings of words than
upon the relation of the mantras to the ceremonials of the Yajur
Veda, and hence many discrepancies are to be met with between
his interpretations and those of the aneient Sittrakdéras, and some-
times in his own interpretations of the same verse in the Rig, Yajur
and the Sama Vedas. Nowhere is this more prominently apparent
than in his commentary on the stanza under notice, in the Rig and
the Yajur Vedas. When he met with it in the former, he wrote:

zat mifefa | sfewar: wa: ufa: wfenagfaan sttagqear
SUE | Wat Waar Tal A: aay BIaaaA aaa SATA sT
atu wat Baas: ve: dfn wave sie aa waas Bz
afaran seca watita water Taras fsrar arareeraatsaat Tae |
Ota UWeaasasfear | wae aaqewsatate wear wrsg| at
wa wast waWa wa Ais ws | BU waa! eaufea: sa-
Waele AGA Wee ea Baas

Subsequently, with the light of Baudhayana, Bharadvaja and
Hiranyakes’i, he perceived the true bearing of the stanza, and then
interpreted it thus :—

‘cata’ wafers, “afaua: Suacfean, ‘grat’ swarufa-
Za UE, Sse weaega, afew’, aes? gait deer |
‘sara? Bethea, “waata? Cativar, ewan’ ys afag aranr:,
‘saa? STAT, Wa’ Ta at, aria? Gera, “TCS” STASI II

That the last is the most consistent rendering may be “accepted
without hesitation.

* Journal R. As. Soc., N. 8., Vol. III, p. 185,

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 261

The meaning of the stanza, word for word, would be amdh ‘‘these,”’
nirth irregular plural nominative of dri, “woman,” alluding to
the ladies of the kinsmen who have assembled at the ceremony ; the
regular form is ndryah. The women have for epithets, avidhavdh
“‘not widows,” or ‘‘unwidowed,” and supatnz, ‘having good
husbands,” (swpatc). Those who apply the stanza to concre-
mation explain the first word by ‘‘ not to be widowed,” a
meaning which it cannot be made to bear, there being neither any
rule nor analogy to support it. The next word dnjanena is an
adjective qualifying sarpishd, both in the instrumental case, mean-
ing ‘‘ with collyrious butter.” . The next word ndyane is in the
locative case—‘‘ on the eye.” The verb necessary for these ele-
ments should be one which means ‘‘ applying or ‘ smearing,”
and this is what we have in sammrisantdm, ‘‘ let smear,’’ from

the root mris’ ‘to smear.” The Rig Vedic reading saivis’untu,

from the root vis’ “to enter,”

can have no relation to the instru-
mental, except as entering with the butter applied to the eye,
in which case the ordinary plan would be to convert the instru-
mental and the locative into one epithet, serving as an adjective
to the nominative, women. It is therefore probable that the root
vis’ had, in ancient times, the meaning of decorating or putting
on, as we have now the same root used to indicate ‘ dressing,”
ves a, whence ves/yaé ‘‘ a woman who lives by her dress,—a harlot.’
Yaska adopts this meaning when he includes ves'-at? among the
verbs for ornamentation, kintikarma. Sayana, not perceiving this
when he commented on the Rig Veda, took the word in its ordinary
signification, and so interpreted the stanza as to make the women
first enter their own houses—sagrihan prwis'antu, and subsequently
the house ‘jonz’ of the chief mourner ; in so doing he had to supply
what he supposed was an elipse, and entirely to mislead his
readers. The new reading of the word in the Aranyaka now leaves
no doubt on the subject.

The words of the second line anas’ravah “ tearless,”’ anamivdh
“ diseaseless’” or free from pain either of body or mind, (it has
been loosely rendered in one of the above quotations by ‘‘ not
miserable,”’) sus'evdh ‘ well served,” all refer to, and are epithets of,
jJanayah “ wives” which follows. In the Rig Veda the last epithet is

262 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. [WNo. 4,

changed to suratnah “ well ornamented” without in any way altering
the construction. The verb is drohantu ‘let ascend” or “ proceed,”
and agrees with the nominative janayah “‘ wives.” The dative is jonim
‘‘ to house” in the singular, the house of the chief mourner, where
they are to partake of a feast, and not that of the females. The
last word agre, ‘ first or foremost” is an adverb qualifying the verb
arohantu.

The words dujanena sarpisha have confounded all the Huropean
translators. Wilson has rendered them into ‘‘ unguents and
butter,” and Max Miller into ‘“‘oel und butter.” One has dropt
the word dzyjanena and used only ‘‘ butter ;” he is particular in re-
minding his readers that he has followed Sayana, but his assurance
must be received with some reservation, for the gcholiast neither
omits the first word nor is remiss in explaining it; his words are
anjana-sidhanena sarpisha ‘‘ with butter for making collyrium” or
anjanahetuna sarpisha ‘‘ with butter the source of collyrium,” that
is, as I have rendered, ‘“ with collyrious butter, or collyrium made
of butter,” the other element of the unguent being, as stated
ina subsequent mantra, a mineral of the name of tratkakuda,
which I guess to be sulphuret of antimony or swrmda. The object
of the mantra is to prohibit the use of the ordinary collyrium, which
is differently made. The usual practice to this day is to smear a
little butter or oil in the bowl of a spoon, and to hold it over a
lamp, so that a quantity of lamp-black may be deposited on it, and
when the two are mixed together with the fingers, they constitute
the collyrium. ‘The sulphuret is still used in the North-West
Provinces.

The second mantra to which I wish to draw the attention of the
reader is the one with which a brother, student, or servant of
the deceased is to remove the widow from the pyre ; inasmuch
as it clearly shows that the widow at the time was not burnt, but
taken to abide in the land of the living, and to marry if she liked.
That the removal was positive and final, and not nominal, is evi-
dent from the rules of the Stitrakaras. Baudhayana says, ‘‘ He
who approaches her should, holding her by the left hand, take her
7

up,’ tan pratigatah savye pandvabhipadyotthapayatc. Thisis done

after obtaining the permission of the deceased by a formal mantra,

1870.| On tho Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 263

ante p. 247, andon the 8rd, 5th or 7th day after the cremation, the
widow, or the eldest widow, if there should happen to be more
than one, is expected to go to the burning ground and collect
the bones of the dead with her left hand. As’valayana is
equally precise, and adds that, should the widow be removed
by an old servant, the chief mourner should repeat the mantra,
(Karita vrishale japet, Stra, 4.2 19). The author of the Prayoga,
it is true, takes this direction to apply to pregnant women only who
should not be burnt alive, but his authority in such a case is of
little value, when opposed to that of the oldest Stitrakaras, and
the evident purport of the mantra. It may be also observed that
the widow is to take away the gold, bow and jewel, which are
put into the hands of the Brahman, Kshetriya and Vaisya dead
respectively—with which, according to a subsequent mantra, she
is to live in wealth, splendour and glory in the society of the
remover, in this world, and this she could not do, if she were
immolated. ,

The mantra, as given in our text, ante page 248, is slightly
different from a similar stanza in the second S’ukta of the second
Anuyika of the 10th Mandala of the Rig Veda, and quoted by
Wilson and Max Miiller in the papers above alluded to ; the words
étasu and abhisambabhuva of our text being replaced by gatdsu and
ablisambabhutha. The words, however, are synonymous, and there-
fore the difference is of no moment. The second word, a verb, is, in
the Rig Veda, in the third person, dual irregular, having for its no-
minative tvav ‘‘ thou,” understood, and in our text it is in the third
person singular, both may therefore be taken as Vedic peculiarities.

The most important word in the mantra is didhishu, which Saya-
na, when commenting on the Rig Veda, took to imply impregnation
didhishoh garbhasya nidhitoh. In the Aranyaka he accepts it in
its ordinary well-established dictionary meaning of a man ‘ who
marries a widow’ or ‘the second husband of a woman twice
married,” as Wilson gives it. The result is a material differ-
ence in the meaning. ‘The version given by Wilson is as
follows :—‘ Rise up, woman, come to the world of living beings,
thou sleepest nigh unto the lifeless. Come: thou hast been asso-
ciated with maternity through the husband by whom thy hand

264 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. | No. 4,

was formerly taken.”* Max Miiller’s reading is closely similar.
He writes—

“ Steh auf, o Weib ! Komm zuder Welt des Lebens !

Du schlifst bei einem Todten—Komm hernieder !

Du bist genug jetzt Gattin ihm gewesen,

Ihm, der Dich wihlte und zur Mutter machte.}”

In our version, following Sayana’s second and more recent com-
mentary, we take the word hastagrdbhasya ‘* of him who holds thy
hand,” and the other predicates in the present tense, and the didhi-
shu inits erude sense, and apply them to the party who holds the
widow’s hand while lying on the pyre. This appears the most con-
sistent and in keeping with the whole ceremony, and therefore
preferable to referring them to the dead. The only objection
to this reading is to be found in the fact that the verb is in
the past perfect tense, but seeing that Panini has laid down more
than one special rule for the use of the past for the imperative
(Linarthe let 3, 4, 7, &c.), and Sayana has accepted the same, it is
perfectly immaterial. In a pamphlet on the impropriety of widow
marriage, lately published by some of the Professors of the Benares
Sanskrit College, the word jévalokam “ the world of living beings”
has been rendered by martyalokdt anyam, ‘ other than the region of
mortals,’ but such a meaning is not admissible either by any posi-
tive rule or by analogy. Sdyana renders it, in one place, by—‘ the
region of the living sons and grandsons,” yivanam putrapautradinam
dokam, and in another, by “ aiming at the region of the living crea-
tures,” givantam prénisamthamabhilakshya. Other interpretations
of the Professors are equally open to question, but it is not neces-
sary to notice them. That the re-marriage of widows in Vedic times
was a national custom can be easily established by a variety of
proofs and arguments; the very fact of the Sanskrit language
having, from ancient times, such words as didhishu, “ aman that
has married a widow,” parapurva ‘a woman that has taken a second
husband,” paunarbhava, ‘‘ son of a woman by her second husband,”
are enough to establish it ; but it would be foreign to the subject
of this paper to enter into it here.

* Journal, R As. Soc., XVI, p. 202,
y+ Zeitschrift, TX, p. vi.

1870. ] 265

Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir.—By Lrnvut.-Cou.
D. J. F. Newatt,.R. A.

J have already in a paper on the Hindu pilgrimages of Kash-
mir* alluded to the fact of many shrines being equally held in
reverence by the Hindi and Muhammadan, and have stated as the
reason that the fragments of overthrown or ruined Hindi temples
had been used in the construction of the Moslem Zidrats or Mosques,
and also that the Kashmir Muhammadan in some degree still
clings to the superstitions of his Hindd ancestors. As an illustra-
tion of this assertion, I now proceed to give some account of an
order of recluses which in the earlier years of the Muhammadan
occupation of Kashmir attained considerable celebrity in the Mos-
lem world, I mean the order of ‘‘ Rishis’” or ‘‘ Hermits,’’ who
from about A. H. 782 [A. D. 13880], when the celebrated Say-
yid ’Ali Hamadani, and his son Mir Muhammad Hamadani, fugi-
tives from Persia, appeared in Kashmir, and began to attract pro-
selytes from amongst the various native religious sects existing at
the period in Kashmir. Abul Fazl records that in his time 45
places of worship existed to Siva, 64 to Vishnu, 38 to Brahma, 22
to Budha, together with nearly 700 figures of serpent gods, in Kash-
mir; and these numbers may be taken approximately to represent
the religion of the country at the period of Muhammadan usurp-
ation. Note that the worship of the Zree and Serpent, that mystic and
primitive form of superstition, entered largely into the character of
the religion, and may have in its sylvan proclivities in some degree
influenced these Muhammadan Rishis or Hermits in the solitudes.
I would further add that the tendency to seclusion so characteristic
of Budhism may have also influenced these solitaires. We have
an instance of the cave of Bhima Devi (near Martund),{+ formerly
the residence and burying-place of the ascetic king Areer Rhye,
who lived about A. D. 330, being adopted for a similar purpose by
Muhammadan faqirs in modern times, and the tomb pointed
out as that of Areer Rhyie, who was probably a convert to the

* Vide Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, July, 1866.

+ The small cave temple of Bhaumejo in the immediate vicinity is probably
a Budhist temple attributed to Bhauma-jyotis—the planet Mars—as its tutelary

“Rishi.” Vide Cunningham’s Hssay on the Arian Order of Architecture, p 251,
and Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1848, p. 254.

54

266 Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir. (No. 4,

Budhistie schism. The said tomb, however, is probably that of
some more modern recluse.

Deeply imbued with the cufism of the age and country from
which they emigrated, these Sayyids and their followers seem to
have imported into Kashmir the doctrines of the Shi’ah sect,
and with them that tendency to mysticism and miracle making,
so characteristic of the sect: perhaps also shocked at the
tyranny and self-assertion of ‘Timur Lang (Tamerlane), at
that time dominant in Central Asia, they may have sought
refuge in the regions of abstract thought as a solace for the
worldly repression under which they laboured. Be it observed that
the human mind has ever tended towards mysticism and solitude
at times when tyrants flourished, and in the present case, no doubt,
the wrath of Timur had been aroused against these Sayyids, who
perhaps may have attempted to usurp an independence of act
and speech displeasing to a barbarous oriental conqueror.

Be this as it may, they and their disciples appear to have found
in Kashmir an apt soil in which to transplant their religious dogmas ;
and in the succeeding years the remarkable sect of which I am
about to attempt some short account arose from amidst them.*

At page 6 of my “ Sketch of the Muhammadan History of Kashmir’
published in the Society’s Journal, September, 1854, I alluded to the
Historian Muhammad ’Azim as the chief authority for the chro-
nicles of this sect. They are also described in the pages of Firishtah
and Abul Fazl as a very respectable order in their time (A. D.
1600), some 2,000 in number, abstaining from luxury and sexual
intercourse, living on berries and the wild fruits of the mountains,
in the remote corners of which many of them had taken up their
abodes for purposes of meditation and seclusion. In some instan-
ces they had constructed shrines or zdrats, many of which remain
to this day, attesting in their traditions their founders’ austerities
and virtues, and forming local schools of holy men or priests, whose
influence on the whole has been beneficial to the people, as pro-
mulgating the principles of humanity and moral virtues, as contra-

* The Tuzuk i Jahangiri also contains many facts deserving of attention
regarding Kashmir hermits; but I have not consulted it in drawing up this

paper,

1870.] Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir. 267

distinguished from the religious dogmas and propaganda of the
Moslem faith. Before proceeding to enumerate a few of these
worthies and their holy acts and miracles, real or pretended, as re-
corded by the Historian Muhammad ’Azim, I must premise that
Shihabuddin, fourth (or according to some, fifth) Muhammadan king
of Kashmir, styled the Iconoclast, had died in the year 1376, A. D.,
and had been succeeded by his brother Qutbuddin, in whose reign
the famous Sayyid ’Ali Hamadani alluded to above, arrived in
Kashmir ; and his advent is recorded in the following couplet, which
also contains the date (A. H. 782):
gt Ral pe cake 5 So> 1) of aaie ev lw

corresponding with A. D. 1380; but I find I had better quote from
the pages of my Sketch of History before alluded to, to lead up to
the enumeration of the worthies I have undertaken to describe.

Page 6.‘ Sayyid ’ Ali Hamadant. This celebrated Sayyid was a
fugitive from his native city, Hamadan, where he had incurred
the wrath of Timur. Seven hundred Sayyids are said to have accom-
panied his flight to Kashmir, where he remained six years, and
which he named the Garden of Solomon (Bagh-i-Sulaimin), He
died at Pak’hli whilst on his return to Persia (A. H. 786.)

‘His son Mir Muhammad Hamadani was also a fugitive, and
brought in his train three hundred Sayyids to Kashmir, where he
remained twelve years.

“These two emigrations of fugitive Sayyids fixed the religion of
the country, and were doubtless the chief cause of the religious
persecutions, which ensued in the following reign. They esta-
blished shrines all over the country, many of which remain to
this day. They originated the sect of rishis or hermits, which
are described by Abul Fazl as a very respectable and in-
offensive order in his time, some 2,000 in number, living upon
fruits and berries and abstaining from sexual intercourse; their
numbers, however, afterwards declined, until they were quite
extinguished by the courtiers and creatures of the Emperors of
Delhi. Muhammad ’Azim, the Historian, enumerates many wor-
thies of this sect. + Gr Kashmir having been, previous
to this influx of zealots, in a transition state as to religion, the

268 Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir. [No. 4,

advent of a Muhammadan saint such as Sayyid ’Ali seems to have
hailed with enthusiasm, and proselytism to have commenced in
real earnest.”

Previous to the advent of Sayyid ’Ali, however, the noted Faqir
Bulbul Shah had appeared in Kashmir, and been instrumental in
the conversion of Hanjpoi (or Ranji Shah) to Islam. He is famed
as the first Moslem who appeared in Kashmir. His original name
was Sayyid Sharafuddin, and he was so holy, that singing birds
(bulbuls) are said to have nestled in his hair and beard. At his
instigation, Ranju Shah is stated to have built the first mosque
ever constructed in Kashmir. Bulbul Shah died in A. H. 727, ac-
cording to the following distich—

BI) (jel 205 pod aly BLA prea Ucy De Jl
which corresponds with A. D. 1327. I scarcely, however, include
the three above-named amongst the number of Rishis properly so
called, and which I now proceed to enumerate.

1. Shaikh Niruddin, whose ziarat is still extant in the Trahal
pergunnah, is stated to have ‘repented’ at 30 years of age, and to
have lived for twelve years in the wilderness, marvellously subsist-
ing on grass. After that, he sustained life on one cup of milk
daily, and finally reduced himself to water alone for 23 years, when
he died. He was born in the reign of Qutbuddin, about the time
of Sayyid ’Ali’s advent is Kashmir, as is expressly recorded in the
histories.

2. Baba Pam Rishi (Father Grey Beard) was minister of Zain-
ul-’dbidin. One day observing ants carrying grain to their
stores, he fell into meditation, and became impressed with the ne-
cessity of laying up stores for the ‘life to come,’ and accordingly
renounced the world, and established his hermitage in the Bongil
pergunnah, where his monastery is seen to this day, close under
the lovely plain of Gul Murg. Itis an instance of the remark
made in the preliminary paragraph of this paper as to the Moslem
and Hindu being often seen worshipping together at the same
shrine. It is a noted resort even now.

3. Shamsuddin Rishi, of the Deosir pergunnah.

4, Shakh Pir Baz, of Utterhail.

1870.] Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir. 269

5. Raab-uddin, of Martund, was originally a soldier.

6. Haidar But, of Lar pergunnah.

7 and 8. Reygie Rishi and Nauriz Rishi.

9. Babé Bamuddin. A Brahmin. His Hindi name was Boma Sadi.

10. Shaikh Hamzah Makhdimi. His ztarat is on the Koh i
Maran. He fiourished in the time of the Chaks.

11. Sayyid Ahmad Kirmdni, and

12. Sayyid Madinah (of that city), flourished in the time of Zain-
ul-’abidin.

18. Sayyid Muhammad Hicari, a Sayyid and follower of Mir Mu-

hammad Hamadani. Of him is related the following story : ‘‘ Having
fallen into a trance, a copious stream of water flowed down from
his sleeves and garments. On enquiry as to this phenomenon, the
Sayyid stated that one of his murtds (disciples) was on a voyage to
Mecea; and that his ship was sinking, whereupon he had prayed
to his Pir Murshid (spiritual director) for help ; which he (Sayyid
Muhammad Higari) had accorded, having, in spirit, plunged into
the water to his assistance ; hence the water from his garments.

14. Sayyid Muhammad Nuiristant was distinguished in the build-
ing of the Jami’ Masjid. It appears that the foundation kept
sinking, and would not hold together, till this Sayyid appeared and
personally applied to the work. He is also stated to have relieved
indigent persons by converting a lump of clay into gold.

15. Sayyid Muhammad Madan detected by intuition dishes com-
posed of game improperly killed (not halal).

16. Mir Husain Mantiqe (the logician), son of Sayyid Muhammad
Amir Mantiqgi, went to visit the king (Zainul-’abidin), and found
him surrounded by women and musicians; whereupon, being
displeased, he plunged into a river of water and was apparently
lost; but shortly afterwards on the king’s approaching his home,
he saw the Sayyid calmly sitting reading.

17. Babé Haji Adam. A companion of Shaikh Nuruddin.
Produced salt by a miracle from the Pir Panjal.

18. Nir Rishi. A miracle similar to that of the ‘ Loaves and
Fishes” is recorded of this hermit.

19. Bdba Latifuddin. Son of a chief of Murardwin. His
name before conversion to Islam was Laddy Reyna.

270 Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir. (No. 4,

20. Nactruddin and

21. Baba Qidmuddin.

22. Baba Asmanuché gonyre.

23. Hdfiz Fathullah Khikwanti.

24. Raunt Baba. Lived to the age of 120, during 109 years
of which he fasted (rozah) by day.

25. Shaikh Hat U'tur. Went ona pilgrimage to Mecca. Ate
nothing on the road.

26. Baba Zain-uddin Rishi. His Gauma ah (cell) in the Khawlpaire,
where a spring of water is said to have spontaneously gushed forth
for his use.

disciples of Shaikh Nuruddin.

This brings me to the end of the notes I have taken on the sub-
ject of the Hermits or Rishis of Kashmir, and I almost regret that
my notes on the subject are so brief.

Without having inaugurated much philosophy, or displayed
marked learning, these holy men seem in the main to have been
actuated by motives of piety and a desire for moral advancement.
We might smile at the weak credulity which has invested their
memories with the attributes of superhuman wisdom and power,
had we not parallel examples in sects of our own faith, We may
fairly credit to many of them lives of purity and moral excellence.
Dwelling amidst scenes of natural beauty and grandeur, the wild
freshness of nature seems to have touched their hearts with some-
thing of its kindred influences. In them far beyond most orientals,
do we recognise some germ of the romantic spirit of the north
and love of the picturesque, which we fail to trace in the southern
Shemitic races, but gleams of which sometimes crop out in the
Tatar and Mughul tribes. To complete this fragmentary sketch,
views of the localities and zdrats alluded to would be requisite,
as tending to shew the picturesque solitudes into which the
musing spirit of these recluses led them to wander. We need
not wonder at the choice of such retreats by calm and God-fearing
men, where amidst some of the most glorious scenery this earth
contains, they could taste of simple pleasures, exercise free thought,
and ‘look from nature up to nature’s God.’

Forest of Kiyear, Chumba, June, 1870.

1870.] 271

Facsimiles of several Autographs of Jahangir, Shihjahin, and Prince
Dara Shikoh, together with Notes on the Literary Character aut the
Capture and Death of Dira Shikoh.— By 1. Buocumann Esa., M. A.,
Assistant Professor, Calcutta Madrasah.

(With a Plate.)

Nos. 1. and 2. (Plate XIII, 1 and 2.) Autographs of the Emperors
Jahangw and Shaljahén.

The splendid MS. on the fly-leaf of which these two autographs
stand, belongs to Baba Pratapa Chandra Ghosh, Assistant Secretary,
Asiatic Society, and was described in the Proceedings of the Society,
for July, 1865, p. 190, where the text and translation will be found,
together with a remark on the historical value of Shahjahan’s
autograph. |

The facsimiles of the plate are perfect and resemble the original
in the minutest particulars.

The MS. has at the end the following remark—

(sic) Glolelt GIS SUBLAS) Cole po Gadel! ya2Ql oast! oy (cle e45
Wists Fiblsjec Ghldt we lhl aS abet Jord
Bilblec 480 clei Via sole pyattors Globes Colt sf Gums
deity Ces os 8025 55 Unty! (9 Sila! 9 85 celled} cst® (sll
; I Lyte: fol SI lexmd g
from which it will appear that the book was copied in the end
of Zi Qa’dah, 945 (April, 1539, A. D.) at Bukh4ra, during the reign
of Abul Ghazi Sultan ’Abdul ’Aziz Bahadur.

On the other fly-leaf there are numerous signatures of Libra-
rians and officers who inspected the Imperial Library ; hence the
frequent 80% 8045 (2,2, “are didahshudah, ‘inspected.’ The term wos
WS, ’arz didan, which means to ¢nspect, to muster, if not a usual
phrase, appears to have been the technical term used at the Mughul
Court ;and if MSS. have on their fly-leaves the words 8 803932 )°,
they are sure to have once belonged to the Imperial Library.

Jahangir’s spelling pips, for agt, is unorthographical.

The value of the MS. was fixed at 8000 Rupees.

In the Tuzuk 1 Jahdangiri (Sayyid Ahmad’s edition, p. 81), mention
is made of another master-piece of the same calligrapher, which
was valued at 1000 goldmuhurs (9000 Rupees)—

272 Fucsimiles of several Autographs of Jahdagir, Se. [No. 4,

«The Khan Khandn presented [in 1019, A. H.] a copy of Jémi’s
Yusuf Zalikha, in the handwriting of Mir ’Ali, illustrated and gild-
ed, bound in gold, a most splendid copy. Its price is one thousand

goldmuhurs.”

This MS. was evidently the fellow to Baba Prat&pa Chandra
Ghosh’s MS. :

No. 8. Another autograph of Shahjahan.

r E
8pm call 8% yo dojlas wil eh ols docligls ols
cyte slats ST Gd 8b gly tiles w Ble yly | lee gla

The ae “aolinien of the Padishéahnamah which belongs to this adorer of
God’s throne. Written by Shahjahan ealienglh, son of Jahangir Padishah, son
of Akbar Padishéh i Ghazi.

The MS. on the first page of which this autograph is written,
belongs to the Asiatic Society, Bengal, (Persian MSS., No. 71).

The autograph contains a correction indicated by the letters

fe (mugaddam) and ¢ é (muakhkhar) above the first three words. The
first word should stand second. It also shews that Shahjahan called
the book Pddishahnimah, and not Bddshahndmah.,

The similarity between autographs 2 and 8 is striking, and
proves the genuineness of either. The former looks more flow-
ing than the latter. Shahjahén was born A. H. 1000; hence he
was 36 [solar] years old when he wrote the first (A. H. 1037), The
2nd Volume of the Padishahnamah ends with 1057 A. H. ; thus when
Shahjahan wrote No. 3, he must have been older than 56 years,

4, An autograph of Prince Dard Shikoh.

slet 92
Sy wy ales Lo ghho
widut Se bs!
B—Xo Hyly Soe” SeSf)
He is the Sovereign !

The Masnawi of Sultan Walad, in his own handwriting.
The writer of these words is Muhammad Dara Shikoh.

The MS. on the fly-leaf of which this autograph is found, belongs
to the Government of India, and was noticed in the Proceedings of
the Society for August, 1870, p. 251

1870. ] The Literary Character of Dard Shikoh. 273

The Literary Character of Dérd Shikoh.

A particular interest attaches to the religious views and the
literary character of Daré Shikoh. Aurangzib calls him an atheist,
and the historians of his reign look upon his sentence of death as a
service rendered to Islam. But from his works, it is clear that
Dara was no atheist, but had a strong leaning to Cufism and natural
religion. With the Cifis he shared the belief that the ordinances
of the Prophet are excellent for the unthinking masses: think-
ing places a man above the ceremonial law, and renders him free
(azdd). But the thinking man, whilst standing above the ceremo-
nial law, is not necessarily opposed to it ; in his search for truth he
has reached a stage where revealed religion and its commands no
longer apply to him. Hence it is unnecessary that he should formally
renounce Islam; he may even outwardly conform to its ordinan-
ces. As far as he is concerned, Islam stands on a level with all other
religions, e. g., Hinduism, the study of the philosophy of which ceases
to be objectionable, and may even lead to further emancipation of
thought.* Hence Dara Shikoh devoted his zeal to the translation
of the Upanishads into Persian, and wrote at the same time his
Safinat-ulauliya, a biographical work on the lives of Muhamma-
dan Saints. In style and arrangement, his book does not differ
from similar works written by pious Muhammadans. Another book
composed by Dara Shikoh, treats of the principles of Cafism.t The
latter work only possesses a historical interest as being written by
a Prince of Dihli. In the former work, the Safinah, Dard Shikoh
ealls himself Muhammad Déra Shikoh i Hanafi i Qidiri, to shew
that he was a Hanafi Sunni and a follower of the great orthodox
Saint ’Abdul Qadir of Gilan, whose disciples form the Qadiriyah
Sect. The only MS. which I have seen, belongs to the Government
of India, and was written in 1151, the 21st year of Muhammad Shéh.
It contains 216 leaves, 15 lines per page, and is very worm-eaten.
It begins with an alhamdu lilldii, &e. The next sentence is—

olrS ols] CS s Ald ore rte GIS 4 leat deySl aay bol
z ws} cel uo _ygbl eles csladsl wlolre elel xyjto0 9

* Bernier (Calcutta Edition, I, p. 326) also speaks of Dara’s close intimacy

with the Jesuit Father Buzée.

+ MSS. are rare. The only one I have seen is preserved among the Delhi
MSS. belonging to the Government of India. Its title is Risdlah ¢ Hagq-numd.

I)

274 The Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh. [ No. 4,

Although the circumstances and the miracles of the Lord of mankind [the
Prophet], and the excellent qualities of his companions, and of the twelve
Imams, and the sayings of the Saints, are clearer than day light, &c.

The books ends with the following sentence —

cect Huds LIT Gills Gly! so bd 9 yen ce ylly claiins st

# tot gly Fas fore a ex | % Oda

If there should be an error or mistake in this book {for man may err), the
learned are requested to cover it with the hem of correction, Praise be to
God, praise for now and ever.

In the Khazinat ul Acfid ( 20d) &4,8 ),* a very full compilation
in Persian of biographical notes on Muhammadan Saints by Mufti
Ghulim Sarwar of Lahor, there is a short notice of Muhammad
Dara Shikoh i Qadiri (p. 163). Besides the Saftnat-ulaulia and
the Risdlah 1 Hag-numda, the author mentions four other works com-
posed by Daré,—1. The Sakinat-ulaulia ; 2. The Strr ¢ akbar ; 38.
The Diwdn i Iksir « A’zam; and 4. The Risilahi Ma arif. 1
have not seen MSS. of these works. From an extract given by
Ghulam Sarwar (p. 162), I conclude that the Sakinah, like the
Safinah, contains biographical notes on Saints. The titles of the
other three works imply that the contents are Cufistic.

The interest which Dara took in the lives and the views of
Muhammadan Saints is very conspicuous in the Safinah. He
made it a point to visit their dargahs, and has thus been enabled,
in several cases, to give valuable historical details. Thus on a
visit to Ghazni, he took occasion to visit the tomb of the renowned
poet and saint Hakim Sandi, and he states in the Safinah that the
epitaph shewed Sanai’s death to have occurred in 525, A. H. The
year of Sanai’s death is variously given in works on Persian Litera-
ture.

The Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh.

The sad fate of Prince Dara Shikoh deserves to be noticed. It
- created so much pity at the time, that the people of Dihli for once

* Lithocraphed at Lahor, A. H. 1284- Royal 8vo., 1072 pages text, and 18
pages Index. There exists at present no other compilation that is so full of
notes on Indian Saints and their Dargdhs.

Mufti Ghulam Sarwar has also published another Persian book, entitled
Ganj i Tarikh, which contains upwards of fifteen hundred T'drikhs of Muham-

madan celebrities. Lithographed at Lahor, Kohi Nar Press, Royal 8vo,, 256
pages, no index.

1870. ] The Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh. 275

went into rebellion, instead of mutely looking, as had been their
custom, on the atrocities which they called “ decrees of fate,”

The principal events of his capture and death are known from
the European Histories; but the following particulars may assist
future Historians in giving a more correct description of Dara’s fate.

Aurangzib defeated Dara Shikoh in two battles. The first was
fought on the 6th Ramazin 1068, or 28th May, 1658, A. D., at
Samogar (Sse), 9 miles east of Agrah in the perganah of Fatha-
bad ; and the second, on the 27th and 28th Jumada II, 1069, or
12th and 18th March, 1659, A. D., at Deora ( \ys49 ), which lies 3 hos
south of Ajmir. Dara fled on the evening of the second day, ac-
companied by his son, Sipihr Shikoh, and a courtier of the name
of Firizi Mewati. Dara’s wife and daughter, under the charge
Khwajah Ma’qil, waited, far from the scene of the battle, at And«
sagar Talao, in the neighbourhood of Ajmir. As soon as the result
of the battle was known, their Réjpit guards dispersed ; but some
came back and plundered the elephants and the mules that were
laden with treasure. Dara met his wife next day.

After a flight of eight or nine days, Dira arrived at Ahmadabad
in Gujrat. Finding no support, he fled to Kari, whence Kanji
Koli (ce c=) guided him to Kachh. Here Gul Muhammad,
whom Dara had made Faujdar of Strat, joined the Prince with 50
horse and 200 footmen. But as the Rajah of Kachh would not take
up his cause, Dara fled towards Bhakkar on the Indus, with the
view of passing over Qandahar into Persia.

From here the details of Dara’s flight and capture, as given in
European Histories, differ materially from the Muhammadan sources
from which they profess to be taken. Elphinstone says (fifth edi-
tion, p. 609)— Dard pursued his way [from Kachh] towards Qanda-
har, and reached the small territory of Jin or Juin, on the eastern
frontier of Sindh. *** Dard’s wife died at thas place,.... and when
the period of mourning permitted, he set out on prosecution of his jour-
ney to the Indus. So also Marshman, who, however, adds that the
chief of Jun was a Rajah, whilst Elphinstone correctly supposes
that he was an Afghan.

But the fact is that Dir4 crossed the Indus at Bhakkar, passed
through the district inhabited by the Chandi tribe, where he and

276 The Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh. [No. 4,

his followers had to fight for their lives, and came to the territory of
the Magasis, the chief (mérzé) of whom received him hospitably.
The chief town of the Chandis is Chandia (also called Dehi Kot,
Long. 67° 34, Lat. 27° 38}, and the district of the Magasis, an un-
important Baluchi tribe, lies north of Chandia, Dara then direct-
ed his march towards Dadar (Long. 67° 41’ ; Lat. 29° 26”), the Afghan
chief of which, Malik Jiwan, lay under obligations to the prince.
At Dadar, a town which is notoriously the hottest inhabited place
on earth, Dara wished to rest from the fatigues of the journey.
Malik Jiwan sent his headman Ayyub to receive him, and when the
prince entered the territory of Dadar, he arrived himself, and
took him to the town. Before they had entered Dadar, Dara’s
wife died. The corpse was taken to Malik Jiwan’s residence, but
as it had been her dying wish to be buried in Hindustani soil, Dara,
‘‘ with a disregard of circumstances that looks like infatuation,” sent
away Khwajah Ma’qul and the faithful Gul Muhammad—Firuz i
Mewati had left him at Bhakkar—with seventy horse to escort the
coffin to Lahor, where the princess was buried in the house of the
revered Miyan Mir, whose disciple Dara professed to be.

After staying several days at Dadar, Dara, on the 29th Ramazan
1069 A. H. (11th June, 1659, A. D.)} left Malik Jiwan, and proceeded
to Qandahar. No sooner had he gone than Malik Jiwan—Khafi
Khan says, his brother—fell on Dara, made him and his son
prisoners, and sent reports of his doings to Bahadur Khan and
Rajah Jai Singh, who had followed Dara beyond the Indus, and to
Baqir Khan, Faujdér of Bhakkar. Baqir immediately despatched
a courier to Aurangzib at Dihli.

The name of the treacherous chief of Dadar, Malik Jiwan (tbs
ws>) has perhaps been the occasion of the geographical errors into
which European historians have fallen. It looks as if Elphinstone,
or the author whose work he used, read £ULe mélik, ‘ owner,’ instead
of slhe malik ; and as if jéwan had been arbitrarily changed to Jim,
in order to suit the word owner. But the name of the district and
town in Hastern Sindh to which Elphinstone refers, is w= Jon, not
Jin. Jon, like U’ch, Daibal, T’hat’hah, and other towns of the
shifting Indus Delta, is now an unimportant place between T’hat’hah
and Amrkot; at the time of Humdyin it was renowned for its

1870. | The Capture and Death of Déra Shikoh. 277

gardens (Akbarndmah). That Malik Jiwan was a Muhammadan,
and not a Rajah, as Marshman says, is clear from the fact that he
was chief of Dadar, and also from the title of Bakhtydr Khdn, which
Aurangzib conferred upon him as reward for his treachery. There
is no instance on record that the title of Xhin was ever ‘“‘ conferred”
upon a Hindu.

Dari and Sipihr Shikoh were escorted by Bahadur Khan and Malik
Jiwan to Dihli, where they arrived on the 14th or 15th Zi Hajjah
1069. They were confined in the palace of Khizraébad (Dihli). On
the 20th of the same month, Aurangzib ordered them to be paraded
(tashhir) on an elephant through the streets of Dihli, the inhabitants
of which were to satisfy themselves that it was really Dara ; else
false Dardis were sure to create disturbances in future times.
Behind them on the elephant sat the desperate Nazar Beg, one of
Aurangzib’s ‘trust-worthy’ slaves, and Bahadur Khan’s troopers
formed the escort.

Two days after Dara and Sipihr had been lodged at Khizrabad (7. e.
on the 16th or 17th Zi Hajjah), the people of Dibli expressed their
sympathies for Dara by attacking Malik Jiwan and his Afghans,
and the troopers of Bahadur Khan, as related in the histories.
The leader of the revolt wasan Ahadi of the name of Haibat. He was
seized and executed. Aurangzib expected a general rising. ‘‘ His
Majesty, therefore, animated by a desire to promote the religion of
the Prophet and obey his law, and compelled by circumstanees and
a regard for his own rule,” thought it necessary to kill Dara, ‘‘ de-
termined no longer to allow the Prince’s atheism (¢/had) and rebel-
liousness— each a sufficient reason in itself for killing him—to
interfere with the peace of the country.” (Alamgirndmah.)

The order was given the day after Dara had been paraded in the
streets, on the 21st Zi Hajjah 1069; and Saif Khan, and several
trustworthy Chelahs (slaves), as Nazar Beg, killed Dara in the
beginning of the night at Khizrabad (Tuesday evening, 30th August,
1659).* His body was taken to Humaytin’s tomb, and buried below

* The last day (29th Zi Hajjah) of the year 1069 coincides with Wednesday,
7th September, 1659. Hence the 21st Zi Hajjah is Tuesday, 30th August.
The Muhammadan Historian say, Dara was killed on a Wednesday evening.
This fully agrees with our computation; for the Muhammadan Wednesday
commenced on Tuesday, 6 o’clock Pp. M,

278 The Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh. [No. 4,

the dome, where Danyaél and Murad, Akbar’s sons, lie buried, and
which was subsequently filled with corpses of other Timurides.

These details are taken from the ’Alamgirnamah, pp. 218 to 325,
408 to 415, 430 to 485, with which the Jhr-at ul ’Alam and the
Maasir 1’ Alamgiré agree.

Khift Khan (Hd. Bibl. Indica, II, 82 to 87) differs from them in
several particulars.

First, he makes Dara’s wife die 7 the house of Malik Jiwan.

Secondly, Dara is captured by Malik Jiwan’s brother.

Thirdly, Dara is sentenced to death for heresy.*

Fourthly, Dara’s corpse also was paraded in the streets of Dilhi.

Fifthly, he says, Dara was killed on the last (29th) day of Zil-
Hajjah, instead of on the 21st.

Bernier in his Travels gives a few additional particulars. He
calls Malik Jiwan Jihon Khan; hence the correct pronuncia-
tion may be Malik Jion (ws). Bernier evidently did not know
where Malik Jion’s territory was; but he calls hima Pat’han.
Dara’s wife, according to his story, did not die a natural death, but
swallowed poison at Lihor, to which town Dara had been taken from
Lattah,—which is most improbable.

The author of the excellent Miftih uttawdrith (Mr. Thomas ,.\)
says that Dara and his son arrived as prisoners in Dihli on the
20th Zi Hajjah, 1069, corresponding to the 17th Shahriwar of
Akbar’s era ; but that the day of Dard’s execution was not certain,
inasmuch as some sources mentioned the 21st Zi Hajjah, 1069,
and others the 1st Muharram, 1070. The author evidently pre-
ferred the former date, as is shewn by his clever Zirzkh on Dérd’s
death (Metre Khafif )—

eve OO 4953 [yy LhS ks 9 955 vol als Das
le4v r

Wit seized the foot (last letter) of decorum (adab, the last letter of which
iS w= 2) and said, Qatl i Dard Shikoh (the murder of Dara Shikoh) is the
Tartkh. I. e.,

* On the next day [the day after Haibat’s execution] 7. e., on the last day
of Zi Hajjah, his Majesty ordered Dara to be killed conformably to the deci-
sion of lawyers that he had stepped out of the boundary of the Muhammadan
law, had brought Cifism into bad repute, and had passed into open heresy

and schism. Khdfi Khan II, p. 87.

1870. | The Capture and Death of Déird Shikoh. 279

Gtetdtotlt stltet Sto 4- 8H tow
100 + 400 + 80+ 44+1+200+1+300+ 20 + 6 +5 = 1067,
to which ~ or 2 is to be added, hence 1069.

The Mukhbir ul Wacilin, a collection of Tarikhs on Muhammadan
Saints printed in the beginning of this century at Calcutta, has
also the Ist Muharram, 1070, and from it the MWjftch and the
Khazinat ul Acfid have evidently copied. But there is no historical
evidence for fixing upon the Ist Muharram, 1070, as the day of
Dava’s execution. Hven Khafi Khan’s date (29th Zil Hajjah, 1069)
is open to doubt, inasmuch as it differs from the date given in the
contemporaneous histories the ’Alamgirnamah and the Dir-at ul
?Alam.

Dara Shikoh’s wife was a daughter of Prince Parwiz (son of
Jahangir) by Jahan Banu Begum, daughter of Sultan Murad (son of
Akbar). Daré had married her on the 8th Jumada I, 1042. Her
name was Nadirah Begum, and according to Khafi Khan, Dara was
much attached to her. The disease of which she died is called in
the ’Alamgirnamah Uw ; but in Khafi Khan Jl.

Dara’s children were (Pudishahn. IL, 101, 337, 388)—

Sulaiman Shikoh, born 26th Ramazan, 1044.

MMihr Slikoh, born in Rabi I, 1048. Died after 40 days.
Mumtaz Shikoh, born on the last Jumada I, 1053.

Sipihr Shikoh, born 15th Sha’ban, 1054.

A daughter, born 29th Rajab, 1043. Died soon after.
Pik Nihad Bani Begum, born 29th Jumada I, 1051,

ce. Jahin Ztb Bani Begum (married subsequently Muhammad
A’zam).

Sulaimdn Shikoh married in 1065 a daughter of Rajah Gaj Singh,
Khift Khan, p. 730. His daughter, Salimah Bani Begum, mar-
ried Prince Muhammad Akbar, Aurangzib’s fourth son. Their
offspring was Nekusiyar, who was proclaimed emperor at Agrah,

Se hose eee

but imprisoned by Rafi’ uddaulah.

Sipihr Shikoh married Zubdatunnissa Begum, Aurangzib’s fourth
daughter. Their son, ’Ali Tabar, was born onthe 12th Jumada JT,
1087, and died in the end of 1088 (Madsir ¢’ Alamgtrt, pp. 125, 160 )

280 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Hight District. (No. 4,

Notes on the Arabic and Persian Inseriptions in the Higlt Dis-
trict.—By WH. Brocumann, Esq., M. A., Assist. Professor, Calcutta
Madrasah.

(With 5 plates.)

The following notes form the sequel tomy paper on ‘ Places of
Historical Interest in the District of Hiuglt, which was published in
the Proceedings of the Society for April, 1870. The inscriptions
given in this article are all of Muhammadan origin; the more
important ones are in Arabic, the Persian inscriptions being few
and modern. The originals are at Tribeni, Mulla Simla, Satganw,
Panduah, and Dinanath.

The earliest Arabic inscription mentions the year A. H. 698,
or A. D. 1298; the latest belongs to A. H. 986, or A. D. 15380.
They are all cut in basalt, with the letters raised, and the cha-
racter of nearly all of them is Tughra, which renders the reading
difficult, and has probably been the reason why these inscriptions,
though so near our metropolis, have never been collected.

Satganw and Tribeni lie N. W. and N., respectively, of Hugli;
but visitors will find it convenient to go to Mugra, the Railway
Station next to Hugli, as both places are each only about two
miles distant from the terminus. Satganw lies 8. W., and Tribeni
to the H. of the station.

Satgénw is reached by the Grand Trunk Road. Half way
between Mugra and Satgdnw, the road meets the Saraswati,
or Sursuttee, now varying in breadth from three to six feet, but
a few centuries ago a broad river. The old banks are still clearly
visible. After passing the bridge, a ruined mosque will be seen
to the right of the road. This mosque which, together with a
few tombs near it, is the only remnant of the old capital of
Lower Bengal, was built, as will be seen below, by Sayyid Jamal
Din (Jamaluddin), son of Sayyid Fakhruddin, who, according to
the inscriptions, had come from Amul, a town on the Caspian
Sea. The Khadim, who is attached to the mosque, knew nothing
of this Sayyid; he said, Fakhruddin had come with his friends
Shah Cafi of Panduah and Ghazi Zafar Khén of Tribent to Bengal.

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. 281

This is, however, impossible, as the inscription on the mosque shews
that Jaméluddin lived as late as A. H. 936. The walls of the mosque
are built of small bricks, and are handsomely adorned, inside and
eut-side, with arabesques. The central mzhrad, or niche, looks very
fine; but the upper part of the west wall having fallen down, half
the mosque is filled with stones and rubbish, so that it is im-
possible to see the whole of the niche. The arches and domes are
in the later Pat’han style. Over each entrance, inside, there
is a crescent. Near the §. E. angle of the mosque, is an en-
closure with three tombs, where Sayyid Fakhruddin, his wife,
and his eunuch, are said to be buried. The wall forming the en-
closure is in many places broken down. I found two long basalt
tablets placed slantingly against the inner side of the north wall.
A third square basalt tablet is fixed into the wall; unfortunately,
it is broken in the middle, and the wall is half pierced, to allow
the customary lamp to be put into the cavity. These three in-
scriptions should be removed to a museum. It is impossible to say
how they came into the enclosure. When the public buildings in
Sitgdnw and Tribeni decayed, pious hands, probably, rescued the
inscriptions, and stored them up in holy places as Fakhruddin’s
enclosure and Zafar Khan’s mosque and tomb, or even fixed them
into the walls at the time of repairs, thus turning each of these
astanahs into a sort of museum.

There is also an inscription on Fakruddin’s tomb ; but it is ille-
gible, though it could perhaps be deciphered, if the letters were
carefully painted.

A short distance higher up the Grand Trunk Road he the eleven
huts, which form the modern Sitgénw. The ground between them
and the Saraswati, towards a small village of the name of Lal
Jhapah, which lies W. of it, is very uneven, and looks as if it had
been the site of an extensive settlement. At one place, not far
from the road, the capital of a large pillar merges from the
ground, ‘The people called it padishahe filpac.

From Satganw, a narrow footpath leads to Tribeni along the
old right bank of the Saraswati. ‘The river itself appears to be
nothing else but an arm of the Ganges (Bhagiruttee), though on
the maps of the Hugli district, it looks like a river which takes

36

282 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the High District. [No. 4,

its rise near the Rajahpir Jhil, west of Habrah (Howrah). A
khal passes from the Saraswati to the Ganges about five miles
below the Botanic Garden. To the north of the mouth of the
Saraswati lies the broad and high Tribeni Ghat, a magnificent
flight of steps, said to have been built by Mukund Deo, the last
Gajpati of Orisa; and S. of it, on the high river bank lies Tribeni
itself with the Astanah of Ghazi Zafar Khén, generally called by the
people Gizt Guhib ka dargah. Tribeni is often called Tripani, and
by the Muhammadans, Tiripant Shahpir, or Firtzabid. The peo-
ple refer the last name to Firiz Shah of Dihli; but it is more
natural to connect it with Shamsuddin Firuz Shéh (1.), king of
Bengal, whose name will be found below in the inscription of Zafar
Khan’s Madrasah. The name cf ‘ Tribeni,’ or ‘ Three Streams’
is said by the natives of the place to refer to the junction of the
Ganges, the Saraswati, and Jamnah. The Jamnah, or Jabunah,
flows into the Ganges on the left side, opposite to the southern
extremity of the extensive island in the middle of the Ganges.

The curious legend of Zafar Khan has been related by Mr. D.
Money in his article on the Tribeni Temple, published in the XVth
volume of the Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for 1847, p. 393.
The Asténah consists of two enclosures. The first, which lies at the
road leading along the bank of the Hugli, is built of large basalt
stones, said to have been taken from an old Hindu temple, which
Zafar Khan destroyed. Its east wall which faces the river, shews
elear traces of mutilated Hindi idols and dragons; and fixed into
it, at a height of about six feet from the ground, is a piece of iron,
said to be the handle of Zafar Khén’s battle-axe. The second en-
elosure, which is joined to the west wall of the first, is built of
sandstone. The hadim of the Astanah, a man not altogether
illiterate, told me that the western tomb was that of Zafar Khan.
The other three, he said, are those of ’Ain Khan Ghazi and Ghain
Khan Ghazi ( cojl* WK was, and cojlé wle Ga ), sons of Zafar Khan,
and of the wife of Barkhan Ghdzi. The first enclosure contains
the tombs of Barkhén Ghazi ( cojle vld,y ), third son of Zafar
Khan, and of Rahim Khan Ghazi and Karim Khan Ghazi, sons of
Barkhan. Mr. Money mentions a son of Zafar Khan of the name of
Ugwan Khan, who according to the Aurstndmah, or family register,

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. 283

“of the Ahadims, defeated the Rijah of Hugli, conquered him, con-
‘verted the infidels to Muhammadanism, and married his daughter.
“ After some time, Ugwén Khan also died at Tribent.”

About twenty yards to the west of the second enclosure, are the
ruins of an old mosque, likewise built with the materials of an old
Hindi temple. The low basalt pillars supporting the arches are
unusually thick, and the domes, as in the Panduah mosque are
built of bricks, of successive rings of stones, the diameter of each
layer being somewhat less than that of the layer below, the whole
being capped by a circular stone, covering the small remaining
aperture. This corresponds to the domes described by Mr. Tremlett
in his ‘ Notes on Old Dihli’, p. 87 of this volume of the Journal.
Two of the domes are broken. On the western wall, there are several
inscriptions, as described below. According to the Arabic verses
round about the principal Mhrab, the mosque was built by Khan
Muhammad Zafar Khan, who is called a Turk, in A. H. 698, or
A. D. 1298. The ground round about the mosque is very uneven ;
several basalt pillars lie about, and there are foundations of several
structures, as also a few tombs, which are said to be the resting-
places of former Ahddims.

I now proceed to the inscriptions which I have arranged accord-
ing to their age.

A, Tribeni.
Inscription I, (Arabic and Persian.)
eae! wp) ol] ome

3 AU) yo pad # Kine BSN Fy hime Ugiall 3s WT Gy

aA) dou yore les} ‘ Led aly) JY - Ce 3 Landy es
rst Pe) 8555S] a, 5 ae ahs) 9 3) cowl 5 ally ws! we
uv joc aS, BS chan & ontee|) oy 2 (SIC) yy Sry) BH, J4) Us Prey} ali} 3
iis JAD atk $05 ] rez] Bib 3 cine , sls eee dS
presdl me an pled] Bale b5y5 9 x las? daily (Sic) sditsls
ali] go leah WF aU dated! I clad alll JS x ydlas ai) ve

estes lB) 9 bse] Qeole gals!) sae] ln ust # loo)

284 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. (No. 4

pain a pitbyan g AZAD ples? Galles) pales? gl yboy!l y paral]

ue stipe y SNrehie Volu £0,0 5 fy) ST an Meee vi
ust Se ww} aosls wl obs yal wo 2 le py4 2%)
eels] le she Sm all] P lal s fA yd dl Spee aL) do
eye! islets AlS) Spas y eile eaeeell 43) 3% all) a)
dane ol AS ,2 x opted) Ss opel £ Gel wid hye) aed
yao aUL Kye.s) 5 oss Lams Coy yr? ghd csla& ats 00

“e “ . Vz a Y
wot ly] ils uslod 5) 395 ueze te ly Ss of! gh |
x gle 5

O God, vouchsafe unto us in this world a great comfort, and in the world to
come a great comfort. [Qoran, II, 197.] A help from God, and an approaching
gift ; announce it to the believers. [Qoranu, LXI, 13.]

God has said—‘ Surely he will build the mosques of God who believes in
Him and in a future life, and performs his prayers, and gives the legal alms,
and fears no one except God. Such perhaps will belong to those that are
guided. [Qordn, IX,18.] That means [Persian], every one who builds mosques
for God, is certainly and without doubt a believer and will find gwdance.
And he upon whom be peace [the Prophet] has said—‘ To try and to begin is
mine ; but the completion rests with God.’

God has said—‘ The mosques belong to God. Worship no one else but God.’
[Qoran, LXXII, 18.]

This Jam’ Mosque has been erected by the Lord of the sword and the pen,
the hero of the age and the period, Ulugh Majlis ul Maj4lis, the Majlis
Ikhtiyar, the Commander-in-chief and Vazir of the town of Husainabaéd
theGreat,ofthe District of Sajl4 Mankhb ad, Commander of the Th 4-
nah of L4ob1a and the town of Hadigar, who isknown as Ruknuddin
Rukn Khan, son of ’AlauddinofSirhat—may God grant him long
life, without end, and may He lengthen his reign over mankind, may He cause
the benefits to last for ever, which he bestows upon the faithful, may God
give him victory over the Infidels, to the glory of the true faith. Amen,O
Lord of the universe. (Persian) He who repairs this mosque, will find mercy

with God; but should any one, which God forbid, dishonour this mosque, may
God dishonour him,

This inscription is fixed into the west wall to the right of the
northern Mihrab (niche) inthe Tribeni Mosque. Like all other in-
scriptions in Tribeni and Satgduw, itisin black basalt, and the let-

1870.| Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Hugli District. 285

ters are raised. The characters are not in Tughra, and look awkward.
Regarding the geographical names, wide below. I have placed
this inscription first, as it appears to be the oldest, or at least of
the same time as the nextinscription. In neither of them do we
find an allusion to the reigning king. .

The Jimi’ Mosque mentioned in the inscription cannot be the
Tribeni mosque, which to judge from the next inscription, was built
by Zafar Khan, although it is impossible to say when or wherefrom
the slab was brought to the place where it now is.

To the left of this inscription is another in black basalt; but
the letters are so broken and effaced, that only the words

wlbbJS| xls etme plas lt 531 wot ial
“__uddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah” are legible. As Husain
Shah (1I.) reigned in the beginning of the 10th century of the
Hijrah, it is clear that this inscription also has been brought to
the Tribeni mosque from some other place.

Further to the left of these two inscriptions, we come to another
Mihrab, or niche. Although no Ifmbar, or pulpit, stands within it,
it would appear that this Mchrdb was the principal one. It looks
like a walled up door; the posts are of black basalt, and on them
there is an inscription. The post opposite to the threshold is
horizontal, and above it there is a long inscription, which, to-
gether with the words on asmall separate key-stone, forms a
part of that on the posts. Itisa long Arabic poem, a Qactdah
with a rhyme in st. The letters are, however, in many places
illegible, especially those over the niche. The poem commences
on the right hand post, near the ground, goes upwards, and ends
with a Zérikh on the lower end on the other post. The follow-
ing lines are all that I have deciphered.

Inscription II. (Arabie.)

(Zafar Khan’s Mosque).
% % % % % $8 Jatt oS

* sic) wl yee) Ges Hey ogily (sal) wi? ped

286 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. [WNo. 4,

And I [Zafar Khan] hope to obtain the pious wishes of such as are learned
in the law, that God may strengthen my faith* at the time I am in the grave.

May God reward me ; for He is truly merciful, and liberal, and kind; and
[I hope that] He will honor me.* ‘

Then follows on the top—

Lr) [Oot lay wa ¥ * e * *

(?) Cn ylest| sels wal Rly des? _,a25 k & %& &

mts AS cad & db Kame Gils ¢ « & #

The seventh and eighth hemistichs are illegible.

on * #2tl ce Ai cz leet, * * * *
* * * * st WIN 0 GS Alaed
lest Jd r=! Bgl US uss BdeS Gyr bdloJ} latins (P) gay
The 15th and 16th hemistichs are quite illegible.

Uw « 2) 5352 wl Rb S ySy * * * *
lett ox opel SLI Dawe y * * * *
68 OS OIA ES eS LSI] g Brundle 20) oole ald

* * Zafar Khan, the Turk, the lion of lions, * * * * and the most excel-
lent one of builders of benevolent edifices, after the heroes, and by smiting the
Infidels with sword and spear, and lavishing treasures on every * *

The remaining lines to the 24th hemistich are illegible. Then
follow the lines on the left post—
# cpclis!} pill! piel ste) Blea dey) slele psbad ,
# nm (545! = NS y laghe, Upbe jo tle ey

And by honouring all the learned of the faith, in order to elevate the stand-
ard of God (?).

The date is expressed by the Wafq letters _, re and re according to the
reckoning of him who counts.

Unsatisfactory as the deciphering is, the date of the found-
ation of the mosque and the name of the founder have escaped the
ravages of time. Zafar Khan is called a Turk, and the found-

* Tn allusion to the wmtihan ul qabr, or the examination in the grave. Short-
ly after the burial, the corpse is visited, according to the belief of the Muslims,
by two angels who examine the dead man as to his creed.

I have substituted for the sake of clearness the first person. The text has
the third. fev : ,

+ The reading is very likely LS sdlcy, ‘ that He will raise his [ Zafar’s]
turban,’ 7. e., that he will honor him. The preposition J, like the (J in aly,
seems to depend from 5= 539,

1870.| Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. 287

ation of his mosque at Tribeni on the ruins of the old Hind& edifices
which he destroyed, is expressed by ¢ + ue + ¢,= 8 +904 600,
or 698 A. H., which corresponds to A. D., 1298. Zafar Khan’s
Madrasah, as will appear from the following inscription, was
founded fifteen years later, in A. H. 713, or A. D. 13818.

There is no doubt that the above verses are one of the oldest
inscriptions, if not the oldest, in Lower Bengal.

Inseription III. (Arabic.)

(Zafar Khan’s Madrasah.)
ce a es Me en | haw ee! GAD Lbaaky bse oy) sos))
ce aul OB ele 5 cull Os 2s) a) alla ae
Shall

oo

ghsial) Grad pod OU) Mle 6 bed 1S o Soll 6

(sic) ye] <ylegle Sle ey)y (ysallell Gs, doling Geyasell (pall
Cally aU) le 6 Ualadl sla iapas abel

aos!) © stall Quel «etl pyc “Get gle) ot

oe «ial a Gated «bal ae eee esi ball

@:
AaB dom? ld 6 yalall byl tye © ysbitill 2 SLM

YW
pa $46 ue “a(usic.) aslal.] oo 3) sc] ule ail 4,0)5)

* RSlansau 3 ¥ yates (ees sls dais a) eee AA

Praise be to Him to whom praise is due! This Madrasah which goes by the
name of Dar ul Khairdt [house of benevolence], was built during the reign of the
Lord of munificence, the owner of the crown and the signet, the shadow of God on
earth, the generous, the liberal, the great, the master of the necks of nations, the
sun of the world and the faith [shams uddunyd wa-ddén], who is distinguished
by the grace of the Lord of the universe, the heir of the realm of Sulaiman, [ Sham-
suddin] Abul Muzaffar Firtiz Shah—may God perpetuate his reign—
(second slab) by order of the distinguished Khan, the generous, the respected,
the liberal, the praiseworthy, the helper of Islam, the aider of mankind, the
meteor of truth and faith, the supporter of kings and sovereigns, the patron of
enquirers, Khan Muhammad Zafar Khan—may God give him victory
over his enemies and guard his friends.

Dated lst Muharram, 713. [28th April, 1313].

288 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlt District. [INo. 4,

This inscription is written on two long basalt tablets which
are now imbedded in the northern side of Zafar Khan’s tomb,
in the second enclosure of the Tribeni <Astinah. The second
tablet, which commences with the words 67-amril Khan, §c., has
been placed by the ignorant masons first, and was pretty correctly
deciphered by Mr. D. Money. According to the Kwrsinamah pre-
served by the Mutawallis of Zafar’s Tomb, it would appear that
Zafar Khan came from Manreinw (3633l6 ), in the Parganah
Kunwar Partab, Chaklah Murshidabad (Makhcucabad).* From the
above inscription it is clear that his name was Khan Muham-
mad, Zafar Khin being his title. Common people, as Mr. Money
says, pronounce Darap Ahan, an interchange in position of an f
and a liquid, as in gufl (Arabic, a Jock) and gulf, the pronuncia-
tion current among the people. I heard also people pronounce
Dapar.

The king mentioned in this inscription is Shamsuddin
AbulMuzaffar FirtizShah Sultan. His nameis not
given in the Tabagat 1 Akbart, nor by Pirishtah, who copied from
the Tubagit. Mr. E. Thomas, the distinguished numismatician, was
the first that assigned him his proper place. In his essay on the
Initial Coinage of Bengal, which forms the basis of our historical
knowledge of the early Muhammadan period of Bengal (Journal,
A. 8. Bengal, 1867, pp. 1 to 73), Mr. Thomas describes coins
struck by this Firiz Shah of Bengal between A. H. 715 and 722;
another coin perhaps belongs to the year 702. The above inscription
mentions 718, and it is clear that Firtz Shah must have then been
firmly established in Western Bengal.

It is remarkable that neither this inscription, nor the coins
published by Mr. Thomas (/. ¢., p. 45), mention the name of the
father of Firuz Shah, or the words wlbl.» os, which are not left
out on the coins of Ruknuddin Kai Kats; and secondly, that the
preceding inscription of A. H. 698, mentions no king at all, which
agrees with the fact that up to the present time no coins have been
found struck by a Bengal king between 695 and 702, 7. e. for the
beginning of the reign of Alauddin of Dihli.

* I am told, there is a legend still current at Margd4nw that Ugwan Khan,
Zafar’s son, defeated Manpat Singh, Rajah of Birbhum.

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inseriptions in the Higli District. 289

In point of execution and beauty of the letters, this inscription
is superior to the preceding, which itself is vastly superior to
Inscription No. I. It looks indeed as if all following inscriptions
had taken this one as model. MHven the latest inscription of
Nugrah Shah of Saétganw of the 10th century shews the same
manner of execution. With the establishment of the Mughul
government in India, the characters commence to change, and
though Tughra letters are still in use, they gradually drift into
modern Nastw liq.

The following inscription, which stands to the right of the IMchrdb
gives the same date as No. III.

Inscription IV. (Arabic. )
eiey way al] ———
ee ean ied Gis pls) een! aly] Zyss
98 £5 ns acte re) eS) ya usa] ENha5
| ged epee! whl BIAS kc wl 2 8!) Jy! soll Is
eres s wleall aly old gee eyo) all Sb
|

Ce Shes dew 4 Baines cee bees nal Yh: ¥,c
Blessed is God, the great creator, the creator of the people, * *

ie ee
Blessed is He in whose hands the kingdom is, His power extends over

every thing,

Blessed is He who has sent down the Qoran to His servant, that he may be
a warner to all generations.

Blessed is God, the great Creator. O God, O God of the heavens, and the -
earth * *

Dated Ist Muharram, 713.

Inscriptions V and V£. (Arabic.)
cai We Mo pyh Dy Fhe vhs Dayal aslo? Y) af) ) al
lo piss - wg 3) dhe ERiig iso] a w-9))] Nica Ve, eo) gourd]
ey ~5\b Ley abe hole ay © & gtd wea y, reels Le s e292 wt
+ ppball ctl say Leg baae cen Jy Us)! 9 Plosa] Saws
37

290 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. | No. 4,

This inscription is of no interest, and consists in a well known
verse from the Qoran (Sur. IJ., 256), which is frequently used for
inscriptions on mosques. The verse itself goes by the name of
A’yat ulkurst, because the word wurst (throne) occurs in it. Mu-
hammadans have a very high idea of its beauty ; they often repeat
it after prayers, and blow on their chests, or blow on their hands,
which are then rubbed over the arms and the body. ‘The bles-
sings inherent in the verse are thus distributed over the whole
body.

The inscription stands to the right of the words uddin Abul
Muzafiar Husain Shah, mentioned on p. 285.

Another inscription of no value, to the left of the Whrab, com-
mences with the words—

After several illegible words, we find—

OU Wy wes log ** cols whet My Gel E** SOS
w oe .
gt wx SF 9 kixty #* beg Wy oom” Jo Ue ~wr oy % %
i wbdt bret) ely * * * Sb
Of greater interest is the following.
Inscription VII, (Ayrabic.)
onl] sk # Jas} al) ee ),£03 Yo aU da lined] w)! &AS] Je
w w Fyre i ‘ ;
cb dled All dole GA Jest UT Baal Ube!) , ped! yl
w w

os BM eae aS oS} polall J) ated) ML) (sie) apedl
i é.3! ARS oe 3 p= w coals Baye ee -)MeluS) x loa cys?

God has said, ‘The mosques belong to God. Worship no one else besides
God. (Qoran LXXII., 18).

This mosque was built by the great Khan, the exalted grandee, Ulugh
Ajmal Khan—may God preserve him in both worlds,—the Commander
of the army of the exalted nobleman Iqrar Khan, who is the guardian
(jénddr) of the honor of the royal Harem, Commander and Vazir of the District
of S4jl14 Mank hb4d, and the town of Laobla—may his exalted quali-
ties endure for ever,—during the reign of the just, liberal, learned, and per-
fect king, BArbak Shah, sonof Mahmud Shah, the Sultan. Dated
A. H. 860.

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Huglé District. 291

As far spelling and grammar are concerned, this inscription is
one of the worst I have seen. Generally speaking, the Arabic of
none of these inscriptions is classic. One curious mistake occurs
on almost every Bengal inscription—the word s| abé is not changed
to (i! abz, though in the genitive case. Thus in Inscriptions III.,
VII, IX, X.; and the word j5,-%0 ‘ known as,’ is not followed by the
preposition bz, as it ought to be; vide Insc. I and X. In the above
lines we have Bildobla for Laobla, and fé-l’ahd, with the article,
instead of fe ahd / The date is so extraordinarily expressed, that I
at first doubted its correctness (Proceedings, 1870, p. 189). But the
difficulty may be got over by supplying &JS/, or SiJS| 0, between
the wdw and sittin.

The inscription lies at present on the ground in the enclosure
where Zafar Khan is buried, between the entrance and the tomb.
The surface of the stone is about a square yard, and its thickness
about a foot. On turning it round, I found that the reverse con-
tained numerous serpents and dragons, cut in relief, but partly
mutilated. The stone is of the same basalt as the buildings at
Tribeni.

Regarding the king and the date mentioned in the inscription,
vide below No. X.

B. Mulla’ Simla’, near Biddibati.

Biddibati is the station on the E. I. Railway after Serampore.
About six miles west of it lies a village of the name of Mulla Simla,
called on the maps J/olnah Simla, where there is an old, low mosque,
and the dargih, or tomb, of ‘Hazrat Muhammad K a bir Qahib,’
generally called Shah Anwar (ji!) Quliof Aleppo. The
Khadims attached to the Dargéh know nothing about the saint, nor
did they know the meaning of the inscription. They say that the
mosque was built after Shah Anwar’s death by some ambassador, who
endowed it with lands, a copy of the sanad being preserved in the
court at Hugli. They also point out two stones close to the tomb,
where the saint used to kneel down (dozdanu) at the time of shaving,
and the stones ‘still shew impressions of his knees.’”? The saint
is said to have been fond of looking-glasses ; hence pilgrims bring
often with them small looking-glasses, which are placed on the tomb,

292 <Arabse and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlt District. {No. 4,

But after buying them, they must not look in them on their way to
the dargah ; ‘‘ else misfortunes will surely befall them, as was the
case with a man who some time ago, while on his way to Mulla
Simlé, fell down dead, because he looked at his face in the glass
which he had bought for the saint.”

This curious custom of offering up looking-glasses seems to be
connected with the birth-place of Shah Anwar. Aleppo was for-
merly famous in the East for its glass wares.

The inscription is on black basalt, in Yughrd characters, and
is fixed over the entrance to the Dargdéh, although it must have be-
longed in former times to the mosque. The old mosque itself has
at present no inscription.

Inscription VIII. (Arabic.)
dale cat} ls - foat ali eo [peas MS 6 Salut oy! dgllas ay fis
% Les (pdt ioe is} ee &J al} ies Lio} 29 al [ose es wy cl

jj Sil ga yae

God has said, ‘ The mosques belong to God. Worship no one else besides
God.’ [Qoran LXXII, 18.]

The Prophet—-upon whom be peace—has said, ‘He who builds for God a
mosque on earth, will have seventy castles built for him by God in Paradise.
[ Hadés. |

This mosque was built by the great Khan Ulugh Mukhlie¢ Khan, in
the year 777 [A. D. 1375.]

If, as the Khadims say, the ambassador got rid of certain difti-
culties by praying at the tomb, one might think that he would
have shewn his gratefulness by mentioning the saint’s name
on the inscription ; but the slab mentions neither Shah Anwar, nor
the king who reigned in 777 [ Sultan-ussalatin ].

I owe this inscription to the kindness of Maulawi ’Abdul Hai, of
the Calcutta Madrasah.

C, Sa’tga’nw.
Inscription IX. (Axabic.)
(Nagir Husain Shih’s Mosque.)

Us

ol} boluve yor Lod} Shed Adj) aN

eal is Ns

poe! 3 Aly
Rae, ; w w ie sh Sy a oat w mee
3) ,] ge als) 3] rss ae $455] K 3?! 3 Sybal) eu) ay)

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlé District. 298

w w w
A)55 oa ES = eu w? Sra oe # eee 7 Jy 4S2 v

ale aU) dhe all) JU + bool alll ga Tyeod Bal ootanall GJ
Lins al a es oe gh Lae ashe ope Atel 5 all ude
% % : # % * z ji! ey
eo wl ys) taal, a
udely aiMblw 2 el) eS hls | ghee hence Abels opel
Wibs! Else P al plana! Bell a wee 2 OLA » vpel
~ hx 5S SLsS ios lol AT eats] wy Usted 4] lly hes

% Baltas eons 5 erie 5 ce al=!| nw es

God has said, ‘That man will build the mosques of God who believes in Him
and the last day, and performs the daily prayers and gives the alms demanded
by the law, and fears no one except God. Such perhaps belong to those that
are guided [Qoran IX, 18.]

And He whose glory is gloricus and whose benefits are general, has also
said, ‘ The mosques belong to God. Worship no one else besides God.’ [Qoran,
LXXII, 18. ]

The prophet (upon whom be peace) has said, ‘He who builds for Goda
mosque in this world, will have a house built for him by God in Paradise’.

(* * * two lines broken and illegible) {of him
who is strengthened* | by proof and testimony, the refuge of Islam and the Mos-
lems, Nagiruddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, the Sultan.
May God perpetuate his reion and rule, and elevate his state and dignity.

This mosque was built by the great, exalted, and honoured Khan who has
the title of Tarbiyat Khan. May God preserve him from the misfor-
tunes of the end of time by His benevolence and perfect grace.

In the year A. H. 861 [A. D. 1457. ]

This valuable inscription is written on a thin basalt tablet and is
fixed into the northern wall of the enclosure of Fakhruddin’s Tomb
at Satganw.

Regarding the king mentioned above, vzde Inscription X.

Inscription X. (Arabic.)
w w w w
ust) MS 5 # loa) alll ave lecad ty aU dolar] wl dhe ah) Ss

* The word O90, muayyad, seems to have stood before burhdn.

294 Arabie and Persian Inseriptions in the Higlt District. [No. 4,

as a) us Lal 8 dar? deh Six ales 5 &rle au) de
9

o

Soll Jol) Us) oye 8 asmell chs |od die!)

Biase te: Wj eon
rbla lt gon on bbl gli ee pobel)! wie! s Lai) a
wii!) Lalo ppba!] oss] ost] ght # ahhe all Ave
oe y) da She Vole QOL yds 5 aed paw yp eS re al 3
=” 5 Bub c Ge 3 Me) ass poelyau 3 dullw OD nha

w w w

pysel wy elys ae \ay0 # wpa ge elles AU) dela jiole

# bo aia] Cdr aye bats Bloitel y saad y sid} dhe

God has said, ‘ The mosques, &c.’ [Qoran, LXXII, 18.]. And the prophet
(may peace be upon him!) has said, ‘He who builds a mosque on earth will
have a castle built for him by God in Paradise’.

This mosque was built during the reign of the just and liberal king Jala l-
uddin Abul Muzaffar Fath Shah, the Sultén, sonof Mahmud
the Sultan, may God perpetuate his reign !

The builder of this noble and great mosque is the Lord of the sword and the
pen, Ulugh Majlis Nar, commander and Vazir of the district of Sajla
Mankhbad, and the town known as Simlabad, and Commandant of the
Thanah Laobla and Mihrbak, District and Mahall (Perganah) of Hadi-
gar,—may God preserve him in both worlds!

Dated 4th Muharram, 892, [1st January, 1487.]. Written by the humble
servant Akhund Malik.

This inscription is written on a long basalt tablet, which at pre-
sent stands leaning against the northern wall of Fakhruddin’s
enclosure.

Inscriptions Nos. I., VII., and X. mention—

1. The District of Sajla Mankhbad.

2. The District of Hadigar.

8. The Thanahs of Ldobld, or Ldobalad,* and DMihrbak, the
first of which was called ‘a town’ in inscription VIT.

4, The town of Simlabdd.

* There is a place 10 miles EH. of Tribeni, on the other side of the Higli,
called on the maps Ldopallah, near the Jamnah or Jabunah, mentioned above
on p. 282, on the border of the 24-Parganahs. In an Arabic Inscription,
‘Laopallah’ would have to be spelt ‘ Laobala.’ It is also noticeable that there
are several Muhammadan villages near this Laopallah. The maps show a
Fathpir, Shabpar, Hathikhanah, &.

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Hight District. 295

I have not succeeded in identifying these five places, although
six months of enquiry and search have elapsed since I first men-
tioned them in the Proceedings of the Society (June, 1870, p. 188.)

The name even of ‘ Husainabad the Great,’ mentioned in Inscr. I,
is somewhat doubtful; but the Husaindébad in the Murshidabad
district may be meant. The only name which is certain is that of the
town of Sarhat (in Birbhim), which on Inscr. I. is spelled Sirhat,
with an 2.

It is noticeable that in none of the inscriptions the words Sirkar
and parganah occur. The word ’argah (&2,©) may be equivalent
to sirkar, and the word mahall is used, even in the Ain, in the same
sense as ‘parganah.’ The term ’wrgah seems also to have given
rise to the name of the parganah 4Arsd, to which Sétganw and
Tribeni belong, though Arsdé is spelt in the Ain, and by Muham-
madans now-a-days, lw}, not 4,5. In this case the real name of
the district would have been omitted. ‘There are many similar
eases on record. Thus the parganah opposite to Tribeni is called
Haweli shahr, and corrupted Hdlishahr, the proper noun having
likewise fallen away.

The word thanah meant in those days a ‘standing camp,’ as the
Mubammadans used to erect in newly conquered districts.

The names and dates of the Bengal kings mentioned in these
inscriptions, do not entirely agree, as might have been expected,
with those given in our histories. The kings mentioned are—

1. Shamsuddin Firtz Shah (1.),—A. H. 718 (Inser. III).

2. Barbak Shah, son of Mahmud Shah,—A. H. 860, (Inser,
velit:

3. Naciruddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shéh (1.),—A. H. 861,
(Inser. IX).

4. Abul Muzaffar Yusuf Shah, son of Barbak Shah, no year.
Vide below under ‘ Panduah.’

5. Jalaluddin Abul Muzaffar Fath Shah, son of Mahmud Shh,
—A, H. 892, (Inser. X).

6. Nucrah Shah, son of ’Aléuddin Husain Shah CI.),—A. H.
936 (vide below Inscr. XI, XII).

The place in history of the first king, Firuz Shah (1), has been
alluded to above, on p. 288,

296 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Hhgli District, [ No. 4,

Of Barbak Shah, Marsden (I1., 573) has published a coin, dated
A. H. 878, which seems to agree with the statement of the histories
that he reigned from A. H. 862 to 879. Inscr. VII. gives 860; but
should no coin confirm this early date, I would almost doubt the relia-
bility of the inscription which, as I said above, is full of mistakes.
The unit might have been omitted. Besides, the year 860 seems to
be rendered impossible by Inscr. [X., unless we assume that Bérbak
prociaimed himself king during the lifetime of Naciruddin Husain
Shah. As correctly observed by Marsden, the histories make
Barbak Shah the son of Nacir Shah, against the testimony of coins
and Inser. VII., which call his father Mahmid Shah. But Mahmitd
Shah has not yet been assigned a place among the Bengal kings.*

The third king, Nacgiruddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah ig called
in the histories Wacgir Shah, and is said to have reigned from A. H.
830 to 862. Inscr. LX. mentions clearly 861, and thus confirms the
histories as far the end of his reign is concerned. But the histories
are wrong in calling him Wager Shah, for the full name given in the
inscription shews that he should be called Husain Shah (1). A similar
confusion occurs in the name of ’Alauddin Abul Muzaffar Husain
Shah al Husain{, father of Nucrah Shah, whom the histories call
likewise by the first name ’Alduddin, instead of Husain Shah (11).+

The fitth king, Fath Shah, appears like the preceding, with his
full, or judis , name. Inscr. X. confirms the fact, mentioned by
Marsden and Laidley, that Fath Shah was the son of Mahmdd Sih,
and therefore brother of Barbak Shah. According to the histories,
Barbak Shah died in 879, and was succeeded by his son Shamsuddin
Abul Muzaffar Yusuf Shah, who is mentioned in Gaur Inscriptions
of A. H. 880 and 885. He is said to have died without issue, and
the throne was claimed by a member ofthe royal family, of the
name of Sikandar Shah. But he was immediately deposed, and
Fath Shah, uncle of Yusuf Shah, ascended the throne.

* The author of the Sharafndmah 4 Ibrahim, a Persian dictionary, praises
Barbak Shah and calls him Abul Muzaffar Barbak Shah. But the only (incomplete)
MS. which I have seen of the work, mentions no year. In Marsden’s reading of a
Barbak Shah coin, Area I., we find by mistake O4=” for does”, though his
translation has correctly Mahmid.

The numerous Barbakptrs, Barbak Singhs, &c., in Bengal seem to refer to
Barbak Shah.

+ For a similar incorrectness in Malwah History, vide Proceedings A. S.
Bengal, for 1869, p. 267, note 3.

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlt District. 297

Inscriptions XI and XII, (Arabic and Persian).
(The Satganw Mosque.)
Both inscriptions refer to the building of the Satganw mosque,
the ruins of which still exist. The first inscription is a long basalt

tablet, which stands in a slanting position within the enclosure of
Fakhruddin’s tomb, at the side of Inscr. X.

ino] 2: ws Folie als oe KY I, bel, Ml] \ \y oe NG JY
- w WwW w
wy? Lea yd )3] plas 5 i a) csle esi . as w53,, if}
oy
4 : J

ws? us jh cy?! ns? ey hs per 7 (eB bxoS } (2 3 Sis

; J

Je = eat aa) 3 oa ws? paul an Jes * tle us? )

Yo Ri, 2 pe ee a once ;
* OS) 5 Aol 4 ase) [ST 3; as6 | GE Os), ose]

us? # yds] alls dol 5] (7 bs Dy xe # —l5,5] ian da Lured]

A w

(SEES 65 2) ere wyeed hale, 2 o! loa) Uae Veh J] blu) wsj
Jose 3 3S lag atibla . dbl ae Shas al Ane asites| wee 34
‘Si os! or al Je= foe sig costa hs ela

ps a ~~ w

pew Hw hrs) yao jf eee ee
9 i a2! oD gp Sa), dt 45,8 JOS Crdaly SKS CESS
Nae ys Lol a) 3 diya este! zie &S hese ly wol.as
5 i ny

* ddokS yes 79
God has said,—‘O ye that believe, when the call to prayer is heard on
Fridays, hasten to the worship of God, and give up buying and selling. This
is good for ye, if ye did believe. [Qoran, LXII.,9]. legacies are not to be
taken possession of. The prophet, may God’s blessing rest upon him, has
said—, ‘When thou goest out of thine house, and it be Friday, thou art a
Muhdjir (companion of Muhammad’s flight); and shouldst thou die on the road,
thou wilt bein Paradise, in the highest.’ And the prophet has also said,—
‘He who wrongly takes possession of the property of a mosque and legacies,
acts asif he committed adultery with his daughter and his mother and his sister,’

The mosques belong to legacies * * * (illegible)—the light of his countenance on

38

298 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. [No. 4,

the day of resurrection will be like that of the full moon. (Persian), This Jami’
Masjid was built during the reign of the just and perfect Sultan, Abul
Muzaffar Sultan Nucrah Shah, son of Husain Shah, the descendant
of Husain,—may God perpetuate his rule—by the refuge of Sayyidship, Say-
yid Jamaluddin Husain, sonof Sayyid Fakhrud din of Amul,
during the month of Ramazan, 936. [May, A. D.1529]. Because the Mullas and
Zamindars (arbab), if defrauding legacies, are overtaken by the curse of Gods
it is the earnest (bajdne) duty of governors and qdz¢és, to prevent such frauds,
so that on the day of resurrection they may not be caught in their wicked
deeds.

The other (Arabic) inscription is fixed into the wall over the
entrance to the mosque,

ppl iD jel alll aole- on ve ies all] Ss
a ee alll 3] = oy BS “ly ila eo

us wf? an 5 dste als) ust? ot ae * eidtestl oy dS),
hay cgi * ass) gh |pred bate al all os Laie cee oe
oe wb Game opel ylbelw sli sai j sabe!) cole] tela}
oi a ee wolistle <a ef eo as! - eee
me 5? a Pele cole polls! ey rei oi) ne ae &b

aya bss ‘ 5
* &rhanw3 9 els 3 Cinaw Abhay KHlalljlaey red D 5 ante 3

(Ge a “ws

God has said, ‘ That man will build, &c.’ [Qoran IX., 18; vide Inser, IX].

The prophet has said, ‘He who builds for God a mosque in the world, will
have seventy castles built for him by God in Paradise.’

This Jami’ Masjid was built in the reign of the just kine, Abul Muzaffar
NucrahS hah, the Sultan, son of Husain Shah the Sultan, the descendant of
Husain, by the worthy Sayyid Jamal Din Husain, son of Sayyid Fakhruddin of
Amul, the asylum of the Sayyids, and glory of the descendants of Taha [the
prophet ],—may God preserve him in the world and the faith,—during the
blessed month of Ramazan, 936 [| May, 1529. ]

Both inscriptions call the son of Husain Shah Wuerah Shah
( 8,05, not Xai, or 0) ), though the word 3,2 is generally writ-
ten and pronounced ey nugrat. For Nucrah Shah the histories,
as is well known, have Nagih Shah (sl& ores ). The Gaur
inscriptions and the two coins published by Mr. Laidley (Journal,
As. Soc., for 1846, Pl. V., Nos. 22 and 23, and p. 332) have

1870.] Arabic and Persian Luscriptions in the Miglt District. 299

likewise Nucrah,* and give the yulis-name in full, Ndciruddin Abul
Muzafiar Nucrah Shih. The year mentioned in the above inscription
(end of 986) is important. It confirms the statement of the histories
that Nucrah Shah reigned eleven years after the death of his
father, which would make the date of his death 937 (end) or 988.

Nuerah’s brother was Mahmud, of whom Mr. Laidley has pub-
lished a coin dated 9383. His juldis-name is Ghidsuddin Abul
Muzaffar Mahmud Shah. The year of the coin and that of the
inscription would shew that Bengal was blessed by two rival kings.
Mr. Laidley also mentions that some of the coins have the word
Jannatabad on them, and it would be of historical interest to know
whether that mint occurs on such of Mahmtd’s coins{| as were
struck before Nugrah’s death, because the possession of the capital
generally makes a rival the lawful king.

*
* The Arabic 3-03, assistance, victory, has a xzammah above the nin,
not a fathah.
+ The words within the concentric circle of Mahmiid Shah’s eoin, which Mr.
Laidley reads gsdls jo), appear to me to be psdl® you badr i shah,
‘the royal full moon.’ Silver coins are compared to the moon, and gold coins
to the sun. Hence for example, Auranezib’s sikkah ¢ chin mihr w mah.

The correct legend on Marsden’s and Laidley’s Tajuddin Firiz Shah (Marsden,
II., p. 575, and Laidley, U. c., Pl. V., No. 17) is—

wert ole Gilet wots ogell utbls
wlblalf xls Sa on og alt <6
which is readily suggested by the saya’ or rhyme, of the legend.

In Marsden’s copper Fath Shah (I1., p. 574), we observe the form pslbl.e
for wale, as on Jaunpur coins (vide Proceedings As. Soc. Bengal, for
1870, p. 152).

The word left out by Mr. Laidley in the obverse of his Ahmad Shah (p. 327)
looks like pbs Stor pbsed|,

The title pdlaodt ws, on Marsden and Maidley’s Sikandar and A’zam
Shah, should be ree | 9S, which is the standing epithet.

Saifuddin’s name as king is not clear on Marsden’s plate. It looks like Kibrat
Shah or Kisré Shah. The title Sultdn ussaldtin is not on the coin,

Marsden’s Barbak Shah appears to have on the obverse the word wo and,
as correctly read by Laidley, Kf on the reverse. The margin evidently
contained the names of the first four Khalifahs. The words Gy pos,

. 7 w ni
aals [uw ] Sef, and wylQsxJ} [ wp wlere | are clear. The mém in ’Umar,
however, is not distinct. .

Laidley’s Mahmtid Shah (Pl. V., No. 18) seems to have on the reverse the
following words—

wloS} » [4 ] S? &Uy Eee eyed! daslss O2'54)|

300 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. [No. 4,

Dr. W. Oldham, C. §8., lately sent me a rubbing of a black
basalt inscription in Tughra, found near the village of Sikandar-
pir in the ’Azimgarh District. It refers to the building ofa
mosque which was completed on the 27th Rajab, 933, and Nugrah
Shah is mentioned as the reigning sovereign.

D. Panduah.

The great mosque of Panduah has no inscription, nor did I see
one on the tower. Plates VIII. to X. shew the interior of the
mosque, its principal niche atthe side of the pulpit, and three of
the most finished basalt pillars, with the Budhistic bells, of which
there are also many on the outer wall of the mosque. Plates XI.
and XII. give views of the tower, east of the mosque, and its door.
The tower is drawn from a photograph; the other views are
excellent drawings by Mons. Jules Schaumberg. ‘To complete the
series of plates, a view of the mosque itself would be required, as
also a drawing, shewing some of the numerous ornaments on the
outer walls, which are in excellent preservation.

The mosque which stands to the west of the Ast.nah of Shah
Cafi has four inscriptions, of which one is inside. They are un-
fortunately very high from the ground, and it was with much
difficulty that I could get a good facsimile of one, and an imper-
fect one of the central tablet. I hope at some future time to get
a complete rubbing of the latter, which is the most important of
the four. From the imperfect rubbing which I have at present, it
is clear that the mosque was built during the reign of Abul Mu-
zaffar Yusuf Shah, son of Barbak Shah (1474 to 1482).
The other inscription contains blessings on the prophet, and has
therefore no historical value. It runs—

Inscription XIII. (Arabic).

ugh? r Be bad EL Nol] cele 5 whew )) 5 slass DI ahem le

= Us
ere), ey! \y Shine py ote ba) al) aloe

The lém and zé of al-zamdn are in one, and the zé touches the mim, which
has the initial form. Here we have again the saja.’

Mr. Laidley says that there are many monuments in Bengal of Husain Shah’s
munificence, An Arabic inscription referring to the digging of a well in

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. 301

The characters of the inscription are Tughra ; but unlike those of
the Tribeni inscriptions, they abound in round strokes (dawar),
which brings the writing nearer to modern Nasta’lzq.

- The modern Qutb Cahib Mosque, so called from Hazrat Shah
Qutbuddin, a pious man who is said to have come from Bhagalptr
to Panduah, has the following inscription.

Inscription XIV. (Persian).

Pep! yee) all) «ans

al} Nowy dae@all] | al} J
OH Jad dal 5 jas a4 af o coe A es ylyyas
i LakDy RII Gad gee ga ed! tas) eat wh es
dt Lo, alee j)ddk yy Res % dl Uy by 5 de? HS ay
at Iilgiy oo gh opt AS # ope Mdbaly pyle i Sle pei
od iy il Ages ase tae olif nad ops? gs 2 |

| [fe Aw

Hence the mosque was built in the 9th year of Muhammad Shah
of Dihli, A. H. 1140, or A. D. 1727-28, by one Fath Khan, son of
Shuji’ Afghan Stir. The poet Azad, who mentions, himself in the
last line, I am told, was the son of Munshi Shakir, of whom a
letter-writer exists, entitled Insha 7 Shakir. The first hemistich of
the second verse is faulty in metre; for in scanning the ’ain of
Shujd’ has to be eliminated, and ,4% must be read 4&4 fatah, accord-
ing to the Hindustani pronunciation. The Zérzkh also is awkward.
The last migra gives 1180; and the hamzah over the final h in ka’ bah
must be counted, as it does in scanning, for a yd, which gives 10
more; hence 1140.

Birbhim near the old Padishahi road by that King, was published in
Journal A. 8. Bengal, for 1861, p. 390. ‘The inscription mentions the year
A. H. 922 (A.D. 1516). Two others of A. H. 908 and 909 (A. D. 1502 and
1503) will be found in the Proceedings for 1870, p. 112, note and p. 297.

The legend on the Husain Shah published by Laidley, Pl. V. No, 21, is very
unclear. The words after assultdn ave evidently a dwd on the king. The
first word looks like abgdhu or abqahd, the second seems to be lil-kdffah ; then
comes a broken word, after which there is a minanuhu wa mahdmiduhu
bi indyat (7) illahi. The rest is clear.

302 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlt District. |No. 4,

In the mosque of the Asténah, there is a short inscription which
shews that it was once repaired by a Hindu.*
Inscription XV. (Persian).

[ erate bolS |
SN Se
Dm 9 yrie pel 4 4 ol
{iVv¥ hha # BgilirgsS a presnly
THe KaALman.

The lamp, the mosque, the niche, the pulpit, Abu Bakr, Umar, Usman,

and Haidar (Ali). A.H.1177. [A. D., 1763]. Built by Lal Kunwar Nath.
EK. Di’na’na'th.

Dinéndéth lies about a kos east of Madaran, in the parganah of
Jah4nabad, which forms the north-western portion of the Hugli
District. The faridgdh mentioned in the Proceedings for this year,
p- 120, has two inscriptions. The southern entrance has the follow-
ing verses (metre, short Hazy).

Inscription XVI. (Persian).
peel sLasale gla Sos? % dat Gls slash dy 2
: 5 + Z A
pone ahi Cpe Bedged * Sago] 5] Sis dul cleign
2
‘alll oe guts Uy! hau) % KS x J kiy0 pais) Uslye
" Oy Tw Great a ‘ Tee
bm) Sliven Lita aida Lm * dy rd i of) Leila y Sed

gle UNS vl, ole sh as x diy,$ nod) unl petite
o « § ry . 7 *
phe ee Ko 20 + yt j # jgy'l Joa be plollodye

cr lredya Spe Sia-0 # glo loi ca) eae ailo nt &

* Ag remarked on p. 123 of the Proceedings for 1870, dargdhs of saints
belong to the people, and the spiritual blessings attending on pilgrim-
ages to holy places are distributed without reference to creed. I do not
think that Mubammadans ever contributed money to the erection of Hindi
temples, &c.; but Hindtis have done so for mosques, in order to please their
rulers. Thus Rajah Bhagwan Das built during Akbar’s reign the Jémi Masjid
of Lahor. The heavenly rewards which Hindis thus earn in the opinion of
Muhammadans, are somewhat limited, and all that Muslims will say is to

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlt District. 303

In the reign of Muhammad .Shah, when Nawab Asad Jang had left
Orisé for Bengal, he encamped at this place which is called Dinanath, and
devoted himself to establishing order in the Subah of Bengal, according to
the strict order of the sovereign. The hearts of the subjects rejoiced at the
happy news. This place has therefore been called Mubarak Manzal; for the
wishes of the people were fulfilled.

When this happy spot was laid out, I (the poet) searched for a hemistich
which was to give the tdrikh, and a voice from heaven whispered into my ear,

© Mubarak Manzil e daulatsara ham’.

This gives A. H. 1136, or A. D. 1728-24.
On the northern gateway, there are two verses (metre Miwtass).

Inscription XVII. as
pike ay Sa) ws? nas % LAs mae Coe 0
ca by order of the generous Nawab, this place of safety was erected, the
voice from heaven said regarding the auspicious year the words ‘ Sardi Muta-
minulmulk malja e’dlam’, this isthe Sarai of Mutaminulmulk, the refuge
of the world.
The letters of the Zértkh give A. H. 1148, or A. D. 1730-31.

Regarding Mutamin ul Mulk Shuja’uddaulah Asad-jang Bahadur,
vide Stewart’s Bengal, p. 261.

In conclusion I may be allowed to express a hope that the mem-
bers of the Society will forward to Calcutta rubbings of inscrip-
tions. It is thus alone that our imperfect knowledge of the history
of this country can be completed. For Bengal especially, inscrip-
tions are of great value, because old histories have perished,
and coins and local records are the only available sources.*

repeat the words which the author of the Tabaqat i Nd¢irt has in praise of the
unparalleled liberality of Lachman Sen, the last King of Bengal, ‘ khaffafa
Alldhu ’anhu-l ’azab, may God lessen his punishment in hell! (Tabg. Naciré,
149).

fe %* Since writing the above, rubbings and copies of (Muhammadan) inscriptiong
have been sent to the Society by Messrs. Delmerick (Rawulpindi), Harrison
(Bareli), Viery (Chaprah), Carlleyle (Agrah), Oldham (Ghazipur), and by a
Muhammadan gentleman in Bardwan. ‘They will be published in the next
number of the Journal. Information has also been received of inscriptions
existing at Ambika Kélnah (Culna on the Hooghly) near the tomb of one Ukul
Khan.

~ PPPS IND

a |

ve
bie chi

bp
Ast

wil
a vale h

INDEX TO JOURNAL, Parr I, For 1870.

= 8 e—
j Page
A’azzuddin Aburja, Malik, appointed Vazir,...........00% ug
se Malikcasonvot, Ala Wabin.. : $35 hess saccehore nee 1
Abraham the priest, ..... So nba o ne DEO herekenyer eek sn oood 61
_ 4. SLECHDILII CR aU ene ea a ar ana abies Ras et ices Sie 60
Acacia Arabica, ...... Siahaalet shatlehera Ae te ceap eter aene alate S Re Zod
BaP CALCCH,. earn an eee at ite leet sae wiaecucam cts tals ey aosee ey aie 216
50 SUITINY SS alick caret slictioliey"al ey ot ctisliavciicuel cults; cUevei nie ce) sabia wite ceNavehal ovata 232
Achala Basanta,....... Selshercletotevelenatottehsteh« dN otelte Bellehohaliete'e ate 168
Adenanthera pavokina,...... S055 20 Ob UoHOd UBL O DORE - 281
Adilabad, the fortress of Muhammad Tughluq, .......... 79
pa ea ATE OTAII I Jc. 2 6 silly cedars ear Midestarel eb ole & deleiie eaten eDor
Aisle marmelos,......... SeDobouD iialctotoPeteiotencratelotets BG bho by 4
_£ ETHEL Hg oy Aa re DEN 8 ee EEN EA CAPE A 6 : 154
ANT IGIBII Ee ol KAN WTA ey crop te ree eer er Tanye TATE EAI EU Seo Ee UE aU Cun aie : 44
pam-ol-mrullke Malik. of Maultanyis {255 ic yess eislesclemve.s : 1
PB NANT GOS L ALE: cease ots va vnie ois Fatadeds lore ata emda hee dna mele alten
*Alauddin, his measures for maintaining a standing army,.. 23
», interdicts the use of wine, ............... Sapeterees 8
5 prevents insurrections,........... Sogotbssdaces 3
ye OPPGessivie measures Of, |< 2% <6 (a2ie)ou- allel dohiel ea ave 9
op | MPRERIVE! CIOMOS OH CAM Hoo ooodonuoU Sse co dods 25
a besteses Rantambhiry 02-2222. ceeeaasie svete 1
» tolerates private use of wine, .................. 6
PAli Beg,..... TSU ASE RRB SS55 Sodom 5/6455 Be teesteiste eel 43
= defeated by Alauddin, <6... 2465 5. iia ae Bakr cess 40
*Ali, Covenant of, ............ «apt eta ens estetin seateta ancy 29 Pe - 60
Alling Bez nee pid es eRe Cee My hs BONG sha Nkbelate Bi iicseterete 158
Pe eb pi st. ui sore s oia0 2 a Ree perc ea ed AUR taint ad
Amrohah, Battle of, ......cccccersvss cece see maeceeans 40, 43
Anantachaturdas’i, ....... espe aie weeraite bhehehaaks als sMoRLe even ietut faites
Ananta, one of the great serpents, .....-..++085 steieielal alele’s ih hin ean

”? varma Deya, eooecoeoseenereooeoeve0e7ee7R7 OTe FF eH HH HC 22D 156 rz

3806 Index.

Anekpal, first king of the Tanwar dynasty, ........... Are
Antiquities/of tie) Nallty lailise7 0.0, 6): ec eyes s sis «terete
Arunodaya Saptanii, .j. 0+ sae. « BORE SOD Oda 5 6 70 <
BAistokaslatamal site. Peelers oa a eysieie cute a alicaeielenauelece Ge ee ones
Assia bills. Antiquities ol(the vty.) jc cimcusteeiatale slope teva isin
ERTS, ds So bOeC fale oak lai alae. 6 w BURehiolete Sum aecneslt Petes aie ee eueeege Ss
MUNGO s'oo.o00 00 Aah oWaicetenvaaucncdnete raters 7s cis nzdcpeke «leiea sue venentees
Aurangzib defeats and kills Dara Shikoh, ..........0..000
Autosra pias OleD il hiebammperors, | er) yaar eos eer
Avdall, (Mr. J.,) on the Covenant of ALT, 50: oe recoiels peteletiete
Ni acca aclata, sane a acs. sve pvatais le-ere/eVeileilsse\ velfel oy’ ols « leteiseeneueietee
A AUN tate codes so fe erode seiataietsie's/e ced ee eae she Rasy aia
Barbak Shah, King of Boa sno06 sites 5 a)ehe 1 be acho 50
Bar-chana, ....... Liste eee orate arte ialeneda ents Sea
Barani’s and Nizam-i-Harawi’s accounts of Mughul invasions
GOMNOMROC Hoo bo g200cg0D00D OOS eES Seca wlatte ait
SP ATUIAUD A Mba ais Sih cabea ehia cerca eVsNorisel © \sics astute Tiem ewe cea etereee stots
Baudhayana on Funeral Ceremonies, .............: 3300
Bayley, inscription, of the Sue Vihar, 22.5200. ovens sles
iBeames; reyoinder' to Mr. Growse, ............+.:00% vole
Bedernan’ thew Nizames MerritOnyaieiracie el. lciaterater ates
Bem crea cannes etn crete tere etoile: ole) oPelok be selieioneteciteter ss clever tone tones :
Bhardvaja,on Huneral Ceremonies, 9... «<6 6. os eieele sae
Bhidattasbrahma Smile. sek cs eee etn eeee ee eee
Bhikshu Atreswara, o.....s0. AR GICR Oc Cai Reo carta alviavehetncereate
Bignonia suaveolens, ........ eas Nie totes Seteras svarebe oaiecer
Birupay LHe sae was. ts Ga vce Ae Fin eee eee dea seieaae
Biyanah sadistrict, im) the wD ually, 2 2). cer sels se seek Sie :
Blochmann, H., Facsimiles of Autographs of I ahangir, &c.,
andimote on, Waraashakomymecens . pies viele ae
sf , Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli
District,-..s... Sita wl eieveiesNelty SOD ROO MO SOUODO oot.
Bombax dala bari cui eer cysi(ceeieeteleries eiste se ciele nek ete tale ‘

Bonhara temple, Notes on a fi Bie ibe ase erelntors sinina «pa aloe emets
Buddha-bhima, ...... seis air 5 OO on BR RO ac ateys
» «Ghogha, srissrventsese vee. bin eye SielsneUnteste

Index. 307

Page

puddha- Mahinda, si. cesses es oes BPEL AUNT, sisi RECO Bea dE 6 ON 128
i ERen kadai hea wie) lial ss) ate Ria etaay he apenas doar one de falter ei crei swears 6 128

5 dase, SenmelaewrTain ee), sls GAG Ke moe oma olkd setio ia tatetenevecett |i Lord
pualiet ueumes tm INGMTOIE, i ee es wee ole eee wcleces ¢ 159
omiMlinMGo ci, Wom) Of) 615i el.) 26 wise «+= « Weedon tense stenel crs 84
Walltgraphers,) §...- 3.65 Soreleveatetcnaructarersenu aie Sere soocn Af il
Calloploylitam maepolayg dona, ooocKd hoa cho uns ouUMonaadoocGo 216
Caloimopis /Sieamtedy.. 6 ./alcle cc «+ Pat caver one acim deat youn 223
Ghali Kihans ls 2.3508 <i Bi dircteticlincat gira satay ace m bermatepa ic ie an ote ee 44
Clialinlkomey ID aneisiay, SEMEN EL Ole, ao con couooobe hoo ooudbo 153
Chandra Sekhara Banurji (Babu), on Cuttack Antiquities, 158
Chhimnamasta, pemcarnatiOncoly yy) eeu nem eee eileen rs so PAOD
Chitor, Investment and reduction of the fort of, ......... , 19
Circle of stones in Eusoofzye, Measurements ofa ........ 59
Clerodendron viscosum, .....-. eNeleleraie\egs she ol cretaveltatevelieis A) pxel
RG lithonaiay Germiartay ys 66 ese ee ele ie ole lel or aieiallsraseisce\otavelial alatelst OT)
WocoshmUcwleraye Ves. Geis kk cereal alone ieevele cise alonelaystaret alse 231
Colebrooke, on Funeral Ceremonies, ....2....ee00. ise ateii te Qeab
COlOceisie GmngiNermn, Sh oaodoocddosbuccaodsdcKbS Be Aoi 228
se JEG oder Rtte Gn ac Baro tereys Meee eaitece at cooriel eneperst evar .228, 232
Copilmuni Notes on) the shrine of) nes. sae ieen 235
Woncliaylatitoliay cscs crete siete ders heres SIN een seateuevereranetts 223
Curcuma longa,..... Meheke uealle ayatetels eels DOR tents ein CER nate 228
Cynodon dactylon,......... cileleltaVebuitchciich ONSEN SI PA EMME 230
Dabkai in the Sirkar of Kol, ....... LR AR SMO meee Me 8
TD Glee. Shona roi bari GOR Ae ty Als GE Icons pels Hoek 2G
Dadhikarna Devi, ........- A HN Btaredatehs ina teieta telteestantouevamente eae DALY
iDaleslamin IRAN) ogugoud) codoudoduGuboSe bon odoboodD EC ad 202
Deesius, Macedonian month, mentioned in Indian inscriptions, 67
eS oacs bens 6 Om eels @ vcimrole eaters! otal aim atetone satiate Sh Ae
iDEpsoeyo, Ones Oocinen ad c.c.cr shel elaner aie clieta/wiialle tale even s 5) 1 NOS)
aero ulalesm determined, 2 fsa seit Me yok 155
1Oeinfeloloul rfslagb i 5 iy yee ee eRe stale (nee va lonae Ctticttledeh ata eaea moe Aven S10)
MPM ETE Grima Weistieaiibelohotce-)el ofete’aberehefelolislalsseisis eiciate tihels cdoabeocss 230

Weawson, Gondi \Words.and Phrases, oyistticiscsssesteres ovee ee LOS,
¥ “a Niocalomlanysee a atltatsle helene. Boia el 074

308 Index.

Page
Dehba in the Sirkar of Ghaziptr, ......... patatane ea ohete : 8
Dalhis Promotie Noyes some c)acer)-c > cle «scl ettel se ican 70
epathanbualdimes abuse eee sees cee oid Seti oe ae 87
ean aTi ay Cola Otero eck sors weasyeces ey aetaneNe 53.064 86
PM mSIO SOS O1 ie yiac i ara ear ie aries sr AR Oa A BP RAIA o> 44
PGA CTO LIE geet ia g's dy evaiel oxamal dies seek ea mt tear wie ate Ne 84
Delmerick, on the remains at Shah ki Dheri, .............. 89
Demonolooywand Salctaytaly men soe soe eek cise) ieee eee <) N20
Deora spattle ol ews eee acs oe dea eees Ske ee ee eee 275
Desmodium Payc ams veel s pir Cctint ital ove ve ls. Sere vehioas is uemen tee 231
MBB) chav siden geet Sete pokes yng Se ear at ates ctbate ona Loca oelloie ota. coietatel tise ofc RP Oenelenane oth eae
Dharmadasa, .,... Bieta tenses simenaroe ty quare eval adedsiohel Cise yeh oe seca ota uid 2S
narnia atta, ee ese ur catens sve ok ske late vbaieh ayers eh einkn ch srel ere eeeaee ie 130
Dimila identified, ........ Des OontGgmOdeGadetnsadenas co 155
Dinanath, inscriptions at, ...-.. ie tar eue pleco a lenmarane va aaete aiateeerers
Durvashtami,....... uae See npOAnnanosar Angee a cde dee
Himeliey Kashmiri West words, 5) ale 7 ¢e/e voles sl sions : 95
OER, CHUOOIAAINS, pooaannocod snonnon SneostconcduaL aeZe
IdapPdosenne), ION, candoondgoanndnr aie 230
Huploxbia antiquorunm iworshapiot, nec cle ae eel sent eae 202
I DUEsOo Aye, Omealle, Cit SHON Ue Se ac Conde pempahen ee aac . 58
Facsimiles of autograph of Dihli Emperors,....... Sop onou el
Venlcchiveuvel clitaawe MM eallallca eins faye aoe aly lo eni eee alice alas s Sakeee tates =: 44
ethshahmicamovot lem pals). Gey ssaialctaw a Ms aiesuaeieee Pr eeraeetnhae oN 1
LMIGHS, SUC MNEHENED, ooo pUnneaoanoAhonorcdeausnasca cob Am Neh 33
ay PLOUGH OS AeA itatens ccule lea Mace whatsor eee Aerie Sie ae 215
“9 WIGINORD, cogdasacosanonc ieee we rrew eee BAS soc sucoo6 223
Firdzabad, The Palace of,.......... sh Slat eal Elen nn. sear ae “ 80
iruz) shah Duckie, Moms Of ytacpetstetecsteictets cere e clon Mio fee 81
Firtz Shah, King of Bengal,...... ten POTION .. 288, 299
Moulkes (om copper Sasamams-pron ice ciee ss soe ee eee e seeikos
Fuller’s Translations from the Tarikh-i-Firiz Shéhi, ...... 1
Funeral Ceremonies of the Hindus, ..... ADs cies eee 241
5 processions,....... are Kae Lois ease iene ees i esenetene - 254
Ghasoarie\battlesompthe;ieriselstsst silos alesis oe itsaieineiee 41

GinAzi Bes dino Werte ch ayes eitalalee meine + ccenetense ances 4

Index.
Giazd MaKe ld ccctse sce c ewes ese esins Saugcoraoe 004%
Ghidspur, a portion of Delhi, ........ cece e eee eeeee °
Ghias-nd-din -Balban,-Tomb Of, .:.-.:0:0°. 0-s:12: ee'0 w-e's 00's /o'a'n ®
Gondi vocabulary: ..:.. 10.0% sfalicitafofielisitosetetrorfe (ov cliet stot st etal ehayere
MU ods) Cl PN WASES, yscesovoysio uszcrexebertereiral oVeroke! odole al's) dkelarers
Growse, rejoinder to Mr. Beames, .......-ceecceecsevere
it TUCO OIUCULG yy vere cota sie «orale area's wistatete ata e heastane scetans
Gujrat, causes of the revolt in, ee ceidlooduacic
Gung, the Mughul chief captured by Attain Hielateisiat 56
Haji Maula, Revolt ve ecococose once CeGURECOOUMECooOS
Hamad aN, - 6... 6003 « Gece co cnCeecncoos cocdunnsocuac
Hamid uddin, Malik, son roe Atay Dallouirseieveves teneheletonerctehe
Hamir Deo, Rai, put to death, .......... Ba AAs 2’ ots cele
Leis eats teers Fieve eee tates Peleteleielaietetelorsieite sNataewe a ietats as 2
terns Me CASITA so one etelcrcte tora e) <iovelel fel e iexeie oleic lore :
Hindus, Funeral Ceremonies of the, ....... Snabcooor :
Eiipiagemadablota,’......-.6<.s5- 6 Kgooousocd 0 .
Hiranya kesyantesthi prayoga, .......<... snagvocnacdco
iol Wistrict. Tusexiptioms, 3. .6 ss «+01 a seta REL iAoateiatavas
Pinsaimyohah, kanes ot, Bengal) 7.) ics ese «s/s Ao oosan bag omeer
MEH OVS Ea cache cise. on Ree ees Pieters ics) sis Wie rctelerevetoiors etorene
Indarpat, a portion of Delhi, ............. eydcDoceDOOuS .
Inscriptions from Kalvakonda, ...... ne! erotoyerer Seer etels °
A dr ona, Marin Uae a Asysrcieiaseies west ia Si okele si flat titeis ak
* at Sétganw and Tribeni, Hugli District, .......
r Of ohaay ki Dheriiwes arasrary see cero steroimene :
op of the Ste Vihar,..... CrootodocwacougoDoOS .
io ane Miniliytemmbiy | Cc gupenuooobuGn SMBUS nos :
43 ey [Danae Te RE SS erca ccc et eS RINE UD Ehaih Erlend .
Tpomea reptans,....-s-ccescsinees iyaleroters esr ae 6
Iqbalmandah’s invasion repulsed by ’Alauddin, ...........
Su Ene) aire) led on coor codoidoonaueaodd . 2
Jahén Khan, Mosques of,.....-.ecsesseee NOAH Obe clas cho oe
Jami, MSS. of his works, .......... Ghat (sarees dis lei ateltel = 172,
ATMA, Ao aie a de op vices a nces'a's > * s'5/ els ais Oe
DMI ICAU Gy bas pele owes @ o.nyn) 6:0; <yoh diel aint aielslalele

316 Index.

Page
Jaya Sinha founds the Chalukya Dynasty, .....+ceseseee 154
Vaan evan aa. Selene mes eee eM eee ae 6 156
ei isiyan, Weenie eee eee ete seine busiate iss rokictts, cptieees 8
Jivaka Tihseunetee, ated Assn tone etd Gre eaore es one aie 1147)
Jonesia asoka, ..... tha Wieelets siete oh SBE Meee Che his Sig eee pap}
Ke bnesmesam bivalves. seen claeiete eta Bee Biers 8 le 8
Keatur Nath wevazaraD Inari Sarees cteatvelec soto seta ae . 44
Kali, Incarnation OL eis Bat aiie iavtestais Se allots totene i arae bates ro 201
Koala Discomiaturesotimee se cee sei. BA RSH rola cio 5 204
ighaReyaeye cies ee rokenetelcfolerets \edeveraia\acebedetale atte) dckegeee nee 202
Kalvakonda inscription, ........ wb Reteleler cites te wks i.e sfc eye aaa Oe
* sbi Dib aiud ey Ser ee aM ar ane ha ainme renee SLi A 153
iWalyanyy Capital of Kaun tala fatalstetene ccveite tatelerscie oles ene 154
AGioienacht 10, days) reece INnaMenL, Coo cagsoeec ogo obec So Sn: 8
HUT SITAR re ay shea) caret retetietete eel e's aitotsSalabol/sPolaiepetonettaRe tot bel oFadewe 67
A Damiviat Ole ois 2h. nies teen eis ol ate selene tae orate so caloke tomer 67
Hark otaikcay > ve epilator sina varae ieee sldlianieteitetetepons totnlete pants ake tea iene 218
Kashmir, its hermits, and Diknats, SS NUN TSS ea oe Nene . $265
Kashmir Dest wOrderen ccte cece shelton es aalvaeleeniecsiene ous eee 95
KatcharsmRolilcuidsr neat lerreeriereiecasek tees clone cfolersroraemee . 8
Kévarantala arcs eae oe piece Leatevelene 60
Khazinat ul Acfia, a work on Mane emidan comets, sain Siw aloe LP
Ghielcar MD Able Olse tera cle: scaarscavsys kee ts ielcumileletciloreke S005 900050 43
Khiraj-guzir applicable by Muhammadan law to Hindu
RAO AOU See net teee vels tote tis ve och tcleke ein) eles aog006 Gonodoes 11
Iayeneln Nes, Soon togooded G05 OO dOLoAG ADO Sho nod ciara : 44
Kili, seca ei Br ate cae AA ee Nae dae bee yaaa
Kilul’ hari, a portion of IDeilt Gd ogcdosooo dogs soado 060 Ko . 5
Kare ti veremaa, (mie or Kaliya ta yolae cle teive eens ieee Arne meta Sip bass
Keshotrapalassmyct-tocie emt teri oboonmeoadaougado Boe Ue
Kubja, Vishnu vardhana surnamed the,..........:..e.+e05 154
Kuntala, Kingdom of Vishnu vardhana, .........-+.-+«.. 154
Lahore attle tat. uy «yet «ates cictteree eee ks Boob ons boo6 44
Tdwaloue The proprietory right of the Hindus he ’Alaud-
Ol Meet Gianna 2 HERO OO Oa tie 600000905 Tonetenccnotet-tetenee 7

Leucas Martinicensis, @evesesn ®@eeeeeeo77e 862288864 F eee 231

Index.

Lexicography, Contributions towards Vernacular,......... :

Library of the Dihli Emperors, ..........
i nviGET a SCAT OMS, 15 \6 occ cnleeie sso -wre'tes ate rae
MTom ey Peer? ciel efaiicrehaiaile ra) stclss-chete'a! «iat sre

Macedonian month Deesius in the Sue Vihar inscription,

MVE olrcer seal eM ETO SULs)) 9s orerepersreisietosesersiehersrets
Mahdabhy, Derivation of the word, ........
Mahavinayaka hill, Antiquities of the, .........
Mahishasura or the buffallo-demon, ......
Mahmid Shah, king of Bengal, ......,...
Mahk Atabak, ..... Webakores ol er diab nesalat ot lolatohe
Monnaies OCI Bho ouoounoonouedDb dso
Manes worshipped in Vastu Yaga, ..... ere
Mangalisa, kins of Kalyan, oo... 2...
WWiauneritora alin Clee shaterstatsieterens) st och aleveve ete ie ake
lca ey Mia D Ke si 5ieie:0y ovat etellays elereeis eet choiel eel ots
AW lenavilke) Ova) i ae RO SoDe0eo OURO sietelele
Market-Laws of ’Aléuddin, ovcn Wier aoksa a separa:
Matcadnagar, ......... sotolelchsVohollopcreel aneenoie
Miata dmisernptlons, .)c/sesiere) s/eietosets oh eel e
Max Miller on Funeral Ceremonies, ......
Messua ferrea, ....... shod akeyevek apts OAS

Mihira, peeeo; oes eovee0eaceeoseveeeaxree Gee eo

MinmansOp Se CLE MCI. Wes) si veleie «laisse shekenern siete
Mirobalans arguna, ....... oe en bes bn Bie
MMomordi@a,,Charantary: » 001s ee + 0.0.6 wero weary

Mosques in old Delhi, Construction of the,

PMU OMEN C CUED Sie 5is ec sae a vin asia ore as
Minardi sale eNom b: OF, ) «60's 1s) eis 'ehspopsiepsrs

oe 9 6 8 £ © © eee 8 © Oe Oo

exvreceveetaece ve eo o

e@eereceoeteceoe ot

208 e702 78020200 © ©

eeoveeese2ec eo eee

ee 6¢ee2e0e8 ees eve o

eereeee2 ee 8 030 Oo

eeeetsee ec eee ee

eeeocree cee pee

Mughul invasions in the reign of ’Alauddin,............

Muhammad Tughlugq, fortress of, ........
Murshid Quli, Khan, Nawab, 5 0. .5 00+,
MUP eA OUSALCA, oo) «) 3 5.0.0) 0's hol heh al tr) ol iol et
Nagiruddin Husain Shah of Bengal, .......
Naga as distinct from Sarpas, ..........0.

UNE ALY KN ety oiate: chal vist o!s' axatehateissoist shai «/er hs) etehers

t4eoeee eect e eee ees

eooeres eee oe vee e

eeceesreeeceseeven

312 Index.

Napa: Kiesara,... syiiasystsgeas started errs oie wets shite broly aonb saree
INGE oy sras nS Gsasuenc don ye cercyavecvaccauedssoue in, MEL Racers OEE cotas oes ee
Mamamiatay aes am e's el niaitehe omic cio eee Cl esciois cools ci ee 3 69
Nic apaAnchannie < ale smitsuu tite ors asec ner ec ree 214
MNO AIOASAs al fhe fed sie wisial stecta the 6 Boise hy stats cps kaha ieee oy
iNGe aoltalla re etiters. “sails (ass Oa wie aetedee eee aces oat ole vanes areal
Naga pushpa,..... Sa olbnoda00o0r7cGo0 ap Seeicbertiee sere eae af gt 2A
Neacagpushipilkeda pra elilericm cere oie eyelets spocche «eines «hgeeucene 215
(Nida remy uous creole. 5 « jouatewoheb eves te ee 5 bs) S pelea th owe
Neaearsanalhiawyjarrp tsetse: HOO OUSO r ORRCP ET ICR He boi os ies
ING orally uciegaere 6 + Br ree side canes sae gebcrayey txchsse EN 214
Naga vandhu,...... BS, SEROUS TIC Sy om ocean We
Naga yashti, ..... oto 00-01 b, OF Sisco ogi amoeba lekale eateres ereiacite ones
Nalti hills, Antiquities of tO ieee evelshe sseeiatiel oy we efay cio’ ee Woeroueee + » 168
INauenveenaay, wsloenanayer Cia Wale Oweei cancadaodsooecoscanc: ot (208
INAS APOMUY a Aia chee cekenoteyaucr-petsuyeeusie eaciots aieneuzapsimyruatecwel bic ten eetene ie fk 29
Nauclea cadamba and cordifolia, ..-..... a aaaoe iusto ae 230
NEKO. Goodadsoauode a reheuale love ever a bis cdetctie oh a's wis ease ae i Ee,
Newall, Hermits in Kashmir, ..... BEA city aPC sieve phalenatets pam oe
Nisan, derivation of the word, .....-....... Bago cae S5Or 52
Nisumbha demon,...... ce jaiteatoboal ei aaa Bie Aya oieeeyeet Dice oy Meese i, » 200
Nircralips na be akanevormben calli ws. \.,saieacneleieiuvelo f+ helene oe
Ocimum ascendens, ..... Sioa Lois wibreys sk jeipsie ie ceheie.6. .ojurcpeye ons cay eRURMEO Ee

5 (oausGt, ~D apo boDoDooUbo Dba IG0d0 NT Sone be O55 » 2zen

o PAINGHDIT, | sanb oop ooDoDD a ROddOdAOOS- NROS a905 231

A RCO IRIN, ho eS obo od SoC Sod uGob se class ose mr 43) |
ONS, sogsgbcdgob ooo do dosenboue nd aaBg hes SS A UP 5 sa Th ee
OVyZa Sativa, ...cseseeeseereen esr eeeee Sao Noe eas teens
(PASM MURINE, yo acsoobaoaneodus dao BE si30 Prarie Jejeaie
Palace otebumazA AG malveperareeatteietn ole cl aiciel sie\sim) tate lseie eters - 80
Pallavas, King of the, ....... dousesdnescue VEEP Toes 4 - sii Gupitort
(PRINGORKPAHls oo dacs aqdoN ie ft eR CAR Abi fs on dete Bente Sate 222
Pandanus odoratissimum, ....... RO oe eR a Renae 5: “3 ees
Pankipachri granted by Rajendravarma, ...,........... 3 here
iParikshita, -). <1. steiccletsvesiocmiaue eteia puRe aia jae aeusitoate ee ee

Parosapachatrisa, o...ccceseeereceerees arene 5» wee pio pa Cal eetS

Index. 318

Page

Pathan buildings at Delhi, characteristics of, ....... aerclet 87
MANUT ATIVE ye Vale eleva tatareraie ohetetebareretetetatireteds WElarons ver sesh klnr eh etaietal are Fan hes)
Peace Glus LOD UEOIN Hs tell ests. bls 20 ced Sele elsldletle ois Jiveged
‘Phayre, on a circle of stones in the Eusoofzye district,...... 58
ees OSTREXS PAlUIMOSEY osc ss rein roratorete voters abomekeloh cforetorsis peorereneee viding 3 282
PMG BYUVIOSULIGs, «ot. 0% te tots tater ts tote te totote slorsmeyero tone sleroie etdwrabala « 231
iper bet] 65. ...-.:<-.% wlelfofataterefeletetoreter rete! SHER AD OU Hopio oasis 214
Poa cynosuroides, ......++ deine Giese re ile wort tT OL TEIN ese p ha) Da |

Pratapachandra Ghosha, on Tree and Serpent worship, .. 199
, on Vernacular Lexicography, .... 181

9)
Pterocarpus santalum, ....... eYataVototchatelororeteareretoneveden st eaaitagalt 231
Hverospernum acerifotum,! (iio sacs tae des Hebe eailediod ee 232
Pulakesi, grandfather of Vishnu vardhana, .............- 155
Pwnica -sranatum; ...c00..seeee ee Fe tala toile totes aMONe se RRL ote) c 230
Purana: @ilahiof Delhi, ne... suse s cheese eee Ghia waleive 86
Pushto name of the circle of stones in Husoofzye,........+ 59
Qutlugh Khwajah,.........% PRES CES TERS ESE SCR yess. ‘ 43
Fahab,. Battle-on the; 2% .44scsee ence tle ern sinevrel olene valdta 44
Rabu, derivation of the term, ....00.% cccecevecseseaes o. 200
Rajendralala Mitra, on Funeral Ceremonies of the Hindus,.. 241
5 , on Mathura Inscriptions, ...........; 117
Majendravarme- Deva (Raja); 23 cc vase che ee rence ews 156
Raktavija demon, .........5. ae. Fa RSE SE, La G8 e200
antambhur-captured;: ...c..scresae tess es ates eho 2
‘5 Sie@eOf ssi are sess s ae ee Sea eles oe 1
Rash Behary Bose (Babu), on the antiquities of Copilmuni, 225
> on the Bonhara Temple, ...... 232
Remains at Shah ki Dheri,: 6.2.10. cic cere sees eens Sisto oye 89
Grishis m Kashmir; -issasssaseass aa soe Ou BS . 3865
Romanak, residence of Kaliya, ssscscsscsecee SPREE PO! 204
Saccharum spontaneum, ...is..sse0. orate tated ese G hati | Dad
PBWAD, prsserssslacicsdissiaca eRe ee Pee 61
SWakrotthany+334226336359544443% OC ee 225
Sakti, Worship of, «. 66.666; Fionn Dolo bb ibn Be ane a 202
S/kya Bhikshu,......5.;. FE IE NO SOR ca ttc, 128

Al yia PlODiaya ts. seabed déac aa os sew aeien se SE uses Ode Ba ue,"

314 index.

Page
pamanahiin thelsirkar ot Sarid wary) cle olen see eaters ; 8
Namograr, battle of,......--.«5.- 5539005 Gu soodeyscssdss- 275
Samvat of Kanishka used in the inscription of the Sue
Wallaaars Ve ese eats ba dee alana Peete Rees plesaveta ee 67
Sane Hasptawlita weld siee ste sere etie siceet dgapodesdso6 zs ls
“5 TOW, oaoocdccens Ganadomon9s0Gdcqodsa57l0¢ ce 28
Sarcostema acidum, ...... Sieieietaes visi kb b ste bee DEE et Mion
Sasanams, Vizagapatam, ..... SaIoGAGOmIOnn ADCO NS sstonney do
Satganw, inscriptions at, ..... S00 B00 2oacO0C Solna 556500 292
Sattipir, ...sccsersceaes Sagal Tololatelininistst cole! e\ aol ofal+/eteteters ba 2 e202
Dalyaslayay «cle wwe alls cele 0 510,0 agoao00000000" wiclel stou aMnlereL
Séyana’s commentary on Hastagrabhasya, ..... ...... .. 264
Serpent sacrifice, (The), ...... he of aveeere ere Secaie ait eee - 205
Aa Uhewreaty (ese. Sod5000500 049000 aisis © slivle leltatat als gmineo decd
5 \ouslicg a) tiny IEA 56 can oosadess Sobecdoobo sacs -Aaelgy
Sesbania cefyptiaca, ......-.+..--- Sy ne etaeicieerte 228
S'esha serpent, ........- iavalethlsaUcho ofets eielstalers talent yerceanees #208
Shatuobarids Gucci ine ats hots tolls snale @ slelavolece ce eel sicue eT Reig 2202
SKA NeD, SUMO EAH Ol Gooodscanoqoudccacooceenas; ia
Shahjumma Faqir, ......... Shai ede davtcyep parte eaareere ae eatee 202
Shah da Dheriivoma iis ab searcjeterecieyersye ters saree sister e : 89
Shams-uddin Altamsh, Mosque of, .,.....0..ccceeceeee 8 fa
Shamsuddin Firuz Shah, of Bengal, ............. afore sabe 288
siomgey mele, 5 Gono Gougnadnenoose SO Ob OGG CONDO Odd onot cecrelot
Sikandar Lodi, Tomb of,..... a lcueceracoetans oie coateee Green eit 84
Sinha, «.ssske me eer eet ees aaa Waneae Sheps
Sipihr Shikoh, ....... Sty arene snetecvavers sh oveveuavsuenaie OIG sales
Siri, Encampment of “Alauddin at,.....5..:c.ccccecvece : 21
», Siege of,....- de seceeeeesosere ree ee nleievele intel ol ee taiettd 43
Strychnos potatorum, ...... Bes aOS et sho ee ae RR de BEST or
Sil VAhar. UnScriptiomy Ol ede; yeeros cial <fele) ole istorea: cneieeeneyet sete 65
Sulaiman ShikOh eee sclstae its es SOOO OAC DOGO ari. cas
Silman Glivtelied 4 yaeapqu BO nO000 bh oUt OGOROObkOo bo OG ooo 76
eNO BBoosob oon hOCOOnoOCdODDOoEnOSsosa5e 44
S‘umbha demon, ..... soooons HOO COCCERODACUGHE Choa uC : » 208

Sunném in the Sirkar of Sarhind, ..... EMA eas oi . 8

Index. 315

Page
ema eum diany iy OLA MD OLA eee od 4s ders sd ogidls saleluln eters 70
OUMATA, . . «'s « Seeee as Seater el slut z ites of ajaie ob Se cea iay Lo)
Syzygium jambolanum, ......... saya nel sr ous eee silele cutenorcnenel «1s 223
Takshaka, one of the great serpents, .........ceceecweces 204
Malina IVASIOW: Ol,:\ss6 secs Sidi eras ele elline ouch arabalaueyel aie 2
Waniirass peculiar to) Wenge, 5.5 voice ee s/s «sist ciciels + «sls ols 302
Térikh-i-Firdz Shahi, Translations from, .............++. 1
Taxes exacted by ’Alauddin, ...... (SOMA OG SAO ere tohee Ane Chie
Taxila, Chinese writers on, ..... Aen oi Neladauanapalaieitamersue ely : 92
5 Greels Waterss Ome sivas ecaeslcsren Beate Mi oieaetcnet wegi ett, 91
Wp ‘Meromole) Ore WAS WH. oooooonooauGe noe HG 18 Gio cs : 93
3 EDD NSNL Os) Os) 5 ie varsireroire ioratelnie ya talevens eyahs (oti evgreialatele Merete 89
Ten, Symbol for, used in the Sue Vihar inscriptions, ..... . 67
Renmmuagihia, @newlley, scosqdbodo0 Dd bd00oCOK BOOK Soonoacg, Aeel
“ IMOINCBMNE So oGoaddGooOD On OOKOOES Monaro 505. Baill
FSITMALUT fasts silatieh si efssele (ats leise Sag OGM oor sis vel Cabatar lel a aie sah 3266
Tree worship in India, ..... sooc0d0dgDOONE copocecooonds IB)
Mremleti motes omy Oldy Welllaay ve siecle sie evelsio +c c/ciele) a: ond00d 70
MMriy OMIM ANS CHU CONS Lei els)e/ siecle alles: lls ous)ol sve cia cialis She odo eS
Trichosanthes dizeca,...... elavoletovetate sca sietaie cers ROOTS HMRI eh ioe4) 125
Mriloctame naka apKenoriyes obeeioieiore dsyetereoieie see NRC 154
airapibalcas ye... DdeboDODODODDCND pad OO bINOOOD OC KbOO coud LaO
bce: Fallacy AGIs oe aeceh) a/e/e. 6) sels sllavoh elie oielisvafclenstedal ci atniets 500 44
TUG MAG, SIMS Gos se soasan sou oso. el fcsleley senotalo ation canes ae 43
Tunwar dynasty, Anek Pal, first king of the...... A ie 70
Anoceha Khan) 3.1. bGUdboEdOOdECOOOOOOON aye elrerelel role) arei 44
UGA, 5 oddoppObaDOdenoOCOUOCOROCUOOE Sondoodc elses aml
[Oliiada TINH, 5 Soo oon ous eters ey usr senor aHars el shcinepans Mieco acs Oi : 43
4 IDSA GOOG BENS Coes orc sale eels n ew clase ss. Ammon
e receives Rantambhir, ...... wheel aelMers aioe 2
Upanishads, Dara Shikoh’s Translation, ..... ayey stovonole even
ROMA aio hanto isi sis e's «so voces rece apenas) a esti Beatie ic Danas 60
Vastu, See Sas winie Utaveravetols ze Aare eusmoeeteuens ke So OMS
aah NCAR araaticls \oie « eho change aeons ai a eka eens teratene uae er mah 199
An PC CLOMIONY (Oly ines os se e\eiee TO SEIN eee VEN wo 206

Vasuki, eseoseerveveevr7ee oe ose veeeHseeeeeseee ee eet ooeen

316 Index.

Page
Wasu, Malnira genre Bid aidiwisio winnaar elaeds SNA Metaeer- 0 JL, (nies
Vengiparam, Conquest of, ...... a koa ens alate adore ape cally eee «154
Mernacular Wexicosra phan ya. wivewe.clsie 1 eet ee are ee 131
Misadtkay on. oe-ta sumed weeeee bias REI, Cele ACO MRi a2 128
Vishnuvardhana of Chalukya. dynasty, ..........: esl dice 153
Vizagapatam! Copper Sasanams,.. 2... .ceeiek tl tee f ekcdgs
Vocabulary, Gong, Ja... an ciosellee 22 b). 2 Gis ch Rie 172
Walson’s version of Anjan.) wawelel s+ © sissies «Hel. Deda 2 US262
Yajnavalkya on Funeral Ceremonies,.........s+e+e0+ ig. S2bs
Yusut shah, Konevot Bengal sce sce .0 stiles acter me ener 295
Ag kar AKGnanys icyeas (siawe ope eee ce rae lees panes 202243, 287
Zamulabidin, Kone of Kashmiris. ss... - Seb etalae sate 269

FOO GNM sos ac a ascactsoeeseueec a saber slatenenet geen

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