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HOU RN AL
Powe SOCIETY OF BENGAL,
NO XEN ITT.
PART I. (HISTORY, ANTIQUITIES, &c.)
(Nos. I ro IV.—1879: with 19 Plates and 2 Maps.)
EDITED BY¥
JHE J HILOLOGICAL PECRETARY.
¢¢ Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science in different parts of Asza, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” SIR WM. JONEs.
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CAE CUP Ae:
PRINTED BY G. H. ROUSE, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS, AND PUBLISHED BY THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY, a, PARK STREET.
1379.
CON TEN ES
OF
JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vor. XLVIII. Parr I,
For 1879. Nox I. Prehistoric Remains in Central India.—By J. H. Rivert-Carnac, Ksq., C. I. E., M, RB. A. 8., F. 8. A., &c., (with five Plates), ......
The Snake Symbol in India, especially in connection with the wor- ship of Siva.—By J. H. Riverr-Carnac, Hsq., c. I. E., F. 8. A.
Tits THe the Se CHO, (Qumalah wy) Je] EWES) ce nado cedeadboasst eaccedeeaeeeedn Some Further Notes on Kalidasa—By GrorcE A, GRIERSON, 72:4 (Ch dss ode bteiidb AOp CAS EE Sa ae ee OE ORO RE ope BECO SanrnoG See Maaeoaesetes
No. II. The Bangash Nawa4bs of Farrukhab4éd—A Chronicle, (17183—1857). By Witiiam Ievine, c. s., Fatehgarh, N. W. P., ..............-
The Sect of the Pran-ndthis—By F. S., Growsz, Bengal Civil Service M.A, OXON, Co i E12. jonbeacbonsaconcpeectenantenadnee
No. III. Rough Notes on the Distribution of the Afghan Tribes about Kan-
dahar.—By Lizut. R. C. Temprs, 1st Goorkhas, (with two
BINA) S) eee es orsl eee ie yes sAaeeisciis is Weecentias tod scgaw eeroaadsteretes creas Hamir Rasa, or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. Trans-
lated from the Hindii—By BrasanAdtHa BaNDYOPADHYAYA, LOW OOIRS,, dp pe SOA TEEUEe: AUER SE AE nes on ean eee i man en ee ose cewdeoe
No. IV. Pali Derivations in Burmese.—By H. L. St. Barpz, B.C. 8., ...... A peculiarity of the river names in Asam and some of the adjoining countries.— By S. H. Puat, Sibsagar, Asam,........s.sessseee sees ,
Page
49
171
181
lv
Page Bulandshahr Antiquities—By F. 8. Grows, c¢. 8., M. A., Oxon., c. I. E. (with three Plates). With a note by Dr. RAsENDRALALA HVIKUURVAG MEU AUT ES ANFICAUD UR yi CseTegiBisar ce) cte-e ioe cleat Maem anes bree mince Se 270 The Copper Coins of the old Maharajas of Kashmir.—By C. J. VOU GES 4 wilh bWO eelaves) mistione i ciccacessiecetneen cocce Cee eeernee 277 The Copper Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir.—By C. J. Ropaers, (with a Plate), ... ‘i ; 289 Observations on some Chonda nicuitios ay oY. As Shiner, 18g Ags Dos. andon C.prAck C. E. (withysix Plates) cc. o. sess. ancer 285
ES OF PLATES IN
JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Parr I,
FoR 1879.
“Pl. I (pp. 8, 4). Rough Survey of Barrows near Junapani in the Nagpur District of the Central Provinces of India.
VPI. II (p. 4). Barrows and Cup-marks in Europe.
PI. III (p. 4). Remains of Barrows near Nagpur, India.
PL. IV (pp. 5, 13). Iron Implements found in the Junapani Barrows,
VPI. V (pp. 14, 15). Cup-marked Boulders.
-Pl. VI (p. 23). Illustrations on the Serpent Symbol.
vPl. VII (p. 24). Ditto ditto.
Pls. VIII & IX (p. 273). Inscriptions from Bulandshahar.
Pl. X (p. 274). Bulandshahar Antiquities.
Pls. XI & XII (p. 280). Coins of the Maharajahs of Kashmir.
VPI. XIII (p. 284). Copper coins of the Sultans of Kashmir.
yvPls. XIV & XV (pp. 287, 288, 293). Inscriptions from Khajuraho.
\ Pl. XVI (p. 289). Rubbing of Inscription on a Figure of Debi at Ghu-
lavar Khera.
WPls. XVII, XVIII & XIX (pp. 294, 295). Plans of Temples at Khajuraho. Map No. 1, (p. 181). Showing Villages about Kandahar. : Map No. 2, (p. 183). Showing Villages in Tarnak and Arghisan Fale
ERRATA.
J. A. S. B., Pt. I, Vol. XLVI, p. 231, line 23, Dele ‘Jains and.’ This error was due to a misreading of an ill-written Urdu manuscript.
Ibid. p. 231, line 1, for ‘1730 A. D.’ read ‘1721 A. D.’ and in line 2 for ‘son’ read ‘chela.’ In both these instances I was misled by the Gazetteer. For the corrections I am indebted to Mr. Irvine in J. A. S. B., Vol. XLVII, Part I, pp. 286 and 367,
OL OO OO eee ae
fie a) ; rel
rN be x
TO
JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vou. XLVITII,
Parr I, ror 1879.
Apvance of the Wazir, 67
Afghan tribes about Kandahar, 181
Ahar, a town near Bulandshahar, 271, 274
ahi, a snake, 271
Ahibaran, a Raji of Bulandshahar, 271
Ahichhatra, 271
Ahi-kshetra, snake-land, 271
Ak-su, white water, 258
Alé-uddin’s war with Hamir, 186, 195, 201
Amravati Tope, 9
Anecdotes showing Ahmad Khan’s habits and character, 154
Anna-Purna Devi, a form of Siva’s sakti Parvati, 18
Anorahta, introduces Buddhist sculptures in Burma, 264
Antiquities of Bulandshahr, 270; Chan- del observations on, 285
Archaic Sculpturings of Barrows, 14
Aryan element in Burmese, 264
Asam, river names in, 258
Ashta-Tara-Devi or Goddess of Destiny, 29
Attack by the Atiths of Raja Indar Gir, 109.
Barrmax, name of temples in Hamir- pur, 296
Bamhauri, undescribed temple at, 295, 296
Banchati, old name of Bulandshahar, 271
Bandyopadhyaya, translation of Hamir Rasa, 186
Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad, 49
Bar Brahm Chandel, maker of the Barsi Talao, 296
Barakzai, an Afghan sept, 181, 184
Baran, old name of Bulandshahar, 270, 271, 272
—
Barrows found in the Nizam’s territory, 2
Barrows or grave-mounds, 1
Barsi Taléo, undescribed Temple at, 295, 296
Battle of Khidaganj and death of Naval Rae, 60
Benares, Nag Kuan or serpent’s well at, 21; Nag panchami or Snake festival at, 22; Nageshwar or snake temple at, 20; presence of snake symbol in, 17
Bhilsa Topes, 7, 12
Black, EF’. C., observations on some Chan- del Antiquities, 285
Bopya Deva, a Raja of Kashmir, 278
Brahman tradition on prehistoric re- mains, 2
Brahmanical temples, 291, 292
Brahmans, zamindars of Chhatarpur, 286
Bulandshahr Antiquities, 270
Burmese, alphabet, borrowed, 253 ; Aryan element in, 254; collection of popular texts, 255; dictionary, by Dr. Judson, 285; orthography in, 254; Pali Deriva- tions in, 253; river names, 280; trans- literation, 252, 255; kingdoms, Indian origin of, 253
Camparen in Rohilkhand, 102
Chandel Antiquities, observations on some, 285; coinage, 286, 287; royal house, 286; dynasty, 288 ; Bar Brahm, a Chan- del prince, 296 ; inscriptions, 288 ; chro- nology, 288
Chandel remains at Khajurého and Mahoba, 285; Thakurs, zamindars of Khajuraho claim to be aborigines, 286
Chandrabhan, the Chohan, Raja of Nimrana, 186
Chandra Gupta II, gold coin of, 272
Chaturbhuj, temple of, in Khajuraho, 290
Chhatarpur, native state, 286 ; raja Partap Singh of, 291, 292
298
Chhatrasal, Raja of Panna, 171
Chohans, genealogical table of, 248; Hamir of Rathambor, 192; origin of, 187; Raja Chandrabhan, 186 ; Raja Jeyal, 188
Chronicle of Bangash Nawabs of Farru- khabad, 49
Chronological Table of the Nawabs of Farrukhabad, 166
Chronology of Chandels, 288
Coinage, Chandel, 286, 287
Construction of temples at Khajuraho, 290
Coins, copper of Kashmir, 277, 282; gold, found at Bulandshahar, 271, 272; gold of Kashmir, 277 ; silver of Kashmir, 277, 282
Copper Coins of the old Mahdarajas of Kashmir, 277; of the Sultans of Kash- mir, 282
Cruciform temples in Khajuraho, 290
Cunningham, Genl. A., on Bhilsa Topes, 12; description of Chandel remains, 285, 287, 288, 289, 293; on coms of Kashmir, 277 ; on identification of Vara- navata, 272
“ Cup-marks”’ of barrows, 14, 15, 31
Das JAL, the name of Antichrist, 178
Dalton, Col., description of prehistoric remains, 2
Dangerfield, Mr. Henry, discovery of pre- historic remains, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8
Debi, figure of, at Gulavar Khera, 289
Defeat of the Wazir, 71
Derivations, Pali, in Burmese, 258; of names of the week-days, 254; of Sans- krit words in, 254
Descendants of Ahmad Khan Ghalib Jang, 167
Dhdm, a uname of the Supreme Spirit or Paramatma, 171
Dhamis, name of the followers of Pran- nth, 171
Dhanga, Raja, inscription of, 288
Di, a prefix or suffix in Asamese river names, 258 ; variations of, 258, 261
Dictionary, Burmese, by Dr. Judson, 256
Didda, Maharani of Kashmir, 277
Dioha, Rapti, and Gum-ti, tributaries of the Ganges, 258
Dor Rajé, Budh Sen, 273; Mangal Sen, 273; Chandra Sen, 273; Har Datt, prince of Baran, 272, 274
Dukri, name of Chandel coin, 286
domes, of temples in Khajuraho, 290, 291, 292
Durani, an Afghan tribe about Kandahar, 181, 182
Index.
Exzcurtox of the Five Chelas, 69 ; of the Five sons of Nawab Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang, 68
Farruxuxpan, attacked by Shuja- ud-daula, 136 ; Bangash Nawabs of, 49 ; visitors to, 128
Fergusson, on Ganthai Temple, 293, 294
First Visit of Ghazi-ud-din Khan Imad- ul-Mulk, 124
Five-headed snake (Nag panchamukhi,) 17
Ganriat Temple at Khajuraho, 293, 294, 295; age of, 298, 294; pilgrim’s inscription in, 298; derivation of its name, 294:
Genealogical Table of Sa’dat Khan Bur- han-ul-Mulk’s family, 169; of Safdar Jang’s tamily, 170; of Ahmad Khan’s descendants, 167 ; of Chohans, 246
Ghazi-ud-din ’Imad-ul-Mulk, eldest son of the celebrated Nizim-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah, 128
Ghilzdis, an Afghan tribe near Khelat i Ghilzai, 181; near Kandahar, 182
Ghosha’s, P. C., note on the articles ex- hibited by Mr. Rivett-Carnac, 30-
Gidhaur, Rajas of, 286
Glasfurd, (Col.) found an iron axe in the Godavery district, 7
Gold coins found at Bulandshahar, 271, 272; of Kashmir, 277; leaflet, found about Khajuraho, 287; leaf found among the ruins of Manikyala, 287
Granite used in the construction of Chausat Jogini Temple, 290, 296
Grierson, G. A., further notes on Kali- dasa, 32
Growse, F. 8., Bulandshahr Antiquities, 270; sect of the Pran-nathis, 171
Guladhbari, or royal pavilion, 136, 141
Gulavar Khera, figure of Debi at, 289
Gwmnti, derivation of, 258
Gunna Begam, a poet, was the daughter of a poet, 130
Gupta, Chandra II, gold coin of, 272; Skanda, inscription of, 274
Gya, Chandel Raja’s near, 286
H asaron, Dr. Buchanan, on river names, 259
Hamir, Raja, his birth, 192; his war with Ala-uddin, 195, 201, 203, 207, 209, 223, 225, 227, 230, 239; his death, 245
Hamir Rasa, a history of Hamir, 186
Hamirpur, Chandels in, 286 ; undescribed buildings in, 295
Index. 299
Hanna, discovery of prehistoric remains, 3, 6
Hardatt, a Dor Raja, 272
Harsha, gold coins of, 277
Hislop, Rev. Stephen, antiquarian, 2
History of Hamir, prince of Rantham- bor, 186
[utetements of iron, prehistoric, 6— 9, 10
Indian origin of Burmese Kingdoms, 253
Indor, derivation of, 275
Indus, derivation of, 259
Inscriptions, Chandel, 288 ; at Khajuraho, 288, 289, 293; of pilgrims in Ganthai Temple, 293 ; two, from Bulandshahar, 273
Intriguesin the Pathén Camp by Mahbib *Alam, 117
Irvine, W., the Bangash Nawabs of Far- rukhabad, 49
J AGATRAJ Bandela, a prince, 286
Jaimal Singh, of Gidhaur, representative of the Chandel Royal House, 286
Jain, naked statues, 293; statue of Suma- tinath disclosed by the drying up of the Kirat Sagar at Mahoba, 288; tem- ples, 291, 294, 295
Jatkari, remarkable position of temple at, 292
Jaya Deva, Rajé of Kashmir, 278
Jinanath Temple, magic square and in- scription of 11 lines on door of, 287; rectangular form of, 294
Judson, Dr., Burmese Dictionary, 255 ; Burmese derivation, 256
Jumna, derivation of, 259
Junapani, Nagpore district, tumuli in, 2,
y)
rome zemindars of Chhatarpur, 286
Kachyen Hills, state of, 253; reduced to writing, 255 ; spoken by Singphos, 255
Kadphises, copper coin of, 272
Kakra Marh, temple in Mahoba, 289
Kalasa, a Rajah of Kashmir, 277, 280
Kalidasa, at Sibay Singh’s court, 34; at king Bhoja’s court, 35, 39 ; further notes on, 32; traditionsin Mysore, 32; tradi- tions in Mithil4, 32; born at Damodar- pur, 32; miraculous knowledge of, 34
Kali Nadi, black river, 270
Kalindi, stream near Bulandshahar, 270, 273
Kalinjar, inscriptions from, 288
Kandahar, Afghan tribes about, 181
Kandariya Mahadey, temple, in Khaju- raho, 290
Kara-su, black water, 258, 260
Karenni Hills, state of, 253
Kashmir, copper coins of, 277, 282; silver coins of, 277 ; gold coins of, 277
Khajuraho, temples at, 274
remains at, 285; inscriptions at, 288; zemindars of, 286; temples at, 287; gold-leaflets found about, 287
Khojak Pass, names of, 185
Khudaganj, battle of, 60
Khurja, flourishing mart on I. E. Rail- way, 270
Kirat Sagar at Mahoba, 288
Kol, part of dominion of Dor Raja, 272
Kumaon Rock markings, 20, 27, 29; snake well at, 23
Kunwar Math, temple of, at Khajuraho, 221
Kurmis, zamindars of Chhaturpur, 286
Latat-uL-Kapr (or night of pow- er), 179
Lal Barant, a Muhammadan Martyr, 273
Last or Mixed Dynasty, 278
Latter, Capt., on Burmese orthography, 254
List of river names in Asam, 261
Lodhis, expelled Chandels, 286
Mapawa Varmma, Raja, inscription of 288, 289
Madan Sagar in Mahoba, 289
Madari, temple in Mahoba, 289
Madras barrows, 2
Magic Square, sculptured, 287
Mahoba, remains at, 285 ; fifty-two bazars at, 289; Chandel zemindars in, 286; Kirat Sagar at, 288; Madan Sagar at, 289
Mahratta affairs : 1752—1771, 148
Maisey, inscriptions from Kalinjar, 288
Makarbai, temple at, 291, 295, 296
Maniyaé Garh, ancient fort of Rajgarh, ancestral place of Chandel Thakurs, 286
Maniya Deo, Chandels, 286
Mason, Dr., Pali Grammar, 255
Merath part of dominion of Dor Raja, 272; antique column at, 274
Mitra, Dr. R., note on Bulandshahar antiquities, 275; translation of inscrip- tion, 274
Mritang Mahadeo, temple of, at Kha- juraho, 291
Muzaffar Jang’s marriage, 145
tutelary goddess of the
300
N AGA Hills, rivers names in, 258, 260
Naea Raja, Sri Vadana, 275
Nagballi or Cobra-creeper, 26
Nageshwar, the snake Temple at Benares, 22
Nag Kuan or serpent’s well in Benares, 21, 23
Nie panchami, a great féte, 22, 26
Nagpore, prehistoric remains in, 1; bar- rows, 1, 2; snake worship, 24
Nahar Sith, founder of the Sambhal fort 273
Nandi or Siva’s Bull, 18, 19, 20
Nasir-uddin Mahmiid, reduced Kol, 272
Naval Rae, 50; his death, 60
Nawab Ahmad Khan, 49; marries again, 123; at battle of Panipat, 125; blind- ness and death, 152; habits and charac- ter, 154; wives, 159; children, 159; chelas, 160; genealogical table of de- scendants, 167
Nawab Ahmad Khan Ghalib Jang, 58
Nawab Imam Khan, and the Confiscation of the Territory, 49
Negotiations with Nawab Ahmad Khan through ’Ali Kuli Khan, 112
Nizam’s territory, barrows in, 2
Note to Bulandshahr Antiquities by Dr. Rajendralila Mitra, 275
Oxsservations on Chandel Anti- quities, 285
Origin, Indian, of Burmese Kingdoms, 253
Orthography in Burmese, 254
Oxus, derivation of, 259
Panam, a sage, his penances, 189
Pali Derivations in Burmese, 253 ; Gram- mar, by Dr. Mason, 255; inscriptions on gold coins, 271; MSS., 254 ; words have several forms in Burmese, 257
Pafichala, old capital in Burma, 253
Panjpao, an Afghan sept, 184
Parikshit, story of his death, 271
Parmdal, a Tomar Raja, 271, 272, 288
Partap Singh, Raja, of Chhatarpur, re- stored temples, 291, 292
Peal, S. E., a peculiarity of the river names in Asam and some of the adjoin- ing countries, 258
Peculiarity of River names in Asam, 258
Phallus worship, 28
Popalzai, a sept of the Durani Afghans, 181, 182, 183
Pr4n-nath, a Kshatriya by caste, lived in the beginning of the 18th century, 171
Index.
Pran-nathis, sect of the, 171 Prehistoric Remains of Central India, 1 Prithivi Varmma, Raja, 289 Prithviraj, the celebrated Chohan, 186
Ras A Ahibaran, 271; Bhim of Etawa, 273; Dhanga, inscription of, at Kaju- raho, 288; Parmal, 271, 288; Madana Varmma, 288, 289; Partap Singh of Chatarpur, 291, 292; Prithivi Varmma, 289 ; Tomar 271
Rajas, Chandel, near Gya, 286
Ratezgiri, first Sultén of Kashmir, 279
Renewal of Negotiations, with Nawab Ahmad Khan, followed by peace, 120
Restorations of temples at Khajuraho 291, 292
Rivett-Carnac, J. H., prehistoric Remains in Central India, 1; Snake Symbol in India, especially in connection with the worship of Siva, 17
River names in Asam, 258; spelling of, 260 ; list of, 261
Rodgers, C. J. on Copper Coins of Kash- mir, 277, 282
S AHAB-UDDIN Muhammad Ghori, took Baran, 273 .
Sanchi Topes, 7
Sandstone, used in construction of tem- ples, 290
Sangassa, old capital in Burma, 253
Sanscrit inscriptions from Bulandshahar, 273; words in Burmese, 254
Sarekhettaraé kingdom in Burma, 253
Sarpa or serpent, is a reptile, 31
Sect of the Pran-nathis, 171
Self-supporting domes in the Khajurého temples, 291
Serpent on prehistoric remains, 17
Sherring, Rey., description of Benares, 21
Shuja’ud-daula and Shah ’Alam attempt to attack Farrukhabad, 136; Shuja’ud- daula takes refuge at Farrukhabad, 144
Siege of Allahabad Fort, 77; of Fateh- garh and flight of the Nawab, 82
sikhras or steeples of temples very grace- ful in design, 290, 291, 295
Silver coins of Kashmir, 277, 282
Similarity between the marks found on the stones and the ‘‘eup marks” of the Barrows in Europe, 14; between the remains found in the Indian Barrows and the contents of the Barrows in Europe, 12; between the Tumuli and the Barrows of Europe, 11
Singphos, speak Kachyen, 255; river names, 260; spelling of, 261
Index.
Skanda Gupta, inscription of, 274
Smith, V. A., observations on same Chan- del Antiquities, 285
Snake Symbol in India, 17; temple at Benares, 20; worship of, 17, 19, 22, 24; wells, 21, 23; personal ornament, 17; festival, 22, 26; asa canopy, 17, 19; im connection with Mahadev, 18
Spelling of Asamese river names, 260; of Turanian words, 261
Square silver coins of Kashmir, 282
St. Barbe, H. L., Pali derivations in Bur- mese, 253
Statue, broken, of Sumatinath, at Maho- ba, 288; of elephant at Mahoba, 289 ; naked Jain, 293 [291
Steeples, of temples in Khajuraho, 290,
Stulpnagel, Dr., coin of Kashmir, 283
Su, a widespread term for ‘‘ water,’’ 258
Sumatinath, statue of, at Mahoba, 288
Straj-bansis, or descendants of the Sun, 171
Sutherland, translation of record in Vis- vanath temple, Khajuraho, 287
T aytor, Col. Meadows, on prehistoric remains, 2, 5, 12
Temple, R. C., rough notes on the dis- tribution of the Afghan Tribes about Kandahar, 181
Temples, at Khajuraho, 274, 293 ; of Jina- nath, 287, 294; Ganthai, 293; of Mritange Mahadeo, 291; at Makarbai, 291, 295, 296; at Barsi Faldo, 396, 298; at Jatkari, 292; at Bamhauri, 295, 296 ; Brahmanical, 291, 292 ; Jain,
301
291, 294, 295; Kandariya Mahadeo, 290, 291, 292; of Visvandth, 287, 289, 291, 292; Madari, 289; Kunwar Math, 291, 292; Kakra Marh, 289; Chaonsat Jogini, 290; Chaturbhuj, 290, 291, 292
Ti, a prefix or suffix in Asamese river names, 258; variations of, 258, 261
Tisa, “‘ young river’, 258
Tomar Raja, traditional founder of Bu- landshahar, 271, 272
Topes of Sanchi or Bhilsa, 7; Amravti, 9
Transliteration, in Burmese, 263, 255
Ureara Dynasty, 277
Varanavara, identified with Baran, 272
Visit of the Almora Raji, to Nawab Ahmad Khan, 111
Visitors to Farrukhabad, 128
V V KEK-DAYS, names of, in Burmese, 254 Words for “ water’ in various languages, 270 Worship of the snake very common in the old Nagpur Province, 24
7, ABITA KHAN, a prisoner in the hands of the Marhattas, 151
Zain ul-Abidin, coins of, 282
Zodiac, names of, in Burmese, 254
1 Tee isthn
Od tity HiLOt A
Errata in Vol. XEVIIL of Journal.
Page 273, line 10, for ‘darjah’ read ‘ dargah.’ Poe lopfon Bijay’ read < Bijan ” 5 213, 5, 138, for ‘ Dasarath’ read * Dasarath.’ x ONG gm SB Or Cmene (ond) SENOS » 275, ,, 1, and 5, for ‘ Indrapura’ read ‘ Indrapura.’ » 275, ,, 10, and 15, for ‘ Hastinapur’ read ‘ Hastinapur.’ » 275, , 18, for ‘Sardhana’ read ‘ Sardhana.’
JOURNAL
OF THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
—_—S—
Part l.—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e,
No. I.—1879.
Prehistoric Remains in Central India.—By J. H. Rivert-Carnac, Esq., G2 Pb Es Sh Arse. ReAGeSs.) OuCs
At a meeting of the Society held in 1874, some iron implements dug out of the barrows of the Nagpore district of the Central Provinces were exhibited by me, and a brief notice was then given of those grave-mounds and their contents. I have long intended preparing for the Society the detailed description together with sketches of these interesting remains then promised. But various circumstances have delayed the working up of the notes taken on the spot and the copying of the sketches, and I am only now able to offer them to the Society.
Last year when in France, I paid a visit to the Museum at St. Germain- en-Laye, celebrated for its prehistoric collection, and there the resemblance between the remains, dug out of tumuli in Brittany and other parts of France, and the contents of the Nagpore barrows presented itself in the most striking manner. M. Bertrand the Director of the Museum and President of the Society of Antiquaries of France, to whom the subject was mentioned by me, strongly urged the preparation of a detailed account of the Indian grave-mounds and their contents, together with sketches, so as to admit of further comparison between the Indian and European types.
The subject is well known to the Society, but it is hoped that the fol- lowing details may not be without interest, and that they may assist in directing further attention to the extraordinary resemblance between the Prehistoric Remains of India and of Kurope.
Barrows or grave-mounds, surrounded by circles of stones, are found in several districts of the Nagpore province. They have been examined
oh 5
2 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains [No. 1,
and described at various times by Colonel Glasfurd, Colonel Godfrey Pearse, Rk. H. A. and Mr. J. J. Carey, c. =. The late Rev. Stephen Hislop, well known for his interest in all antiquarian subjects, accompanied Sir Richard Temple, the then Chief Commissioner of the Central Provinces, on an exploration of the Bori remains during the rainy season of 1864, and it was then that occurred the accident which resulted in Mr. Hislop’s lamented death.
Similar barrows were found in the Nizam’s territory andin Madras by the late Colonel Meadows Taylor, c. s. 1., and an interesting account of that officer’s researches, by which the similarity of the remains found in India and in Europe is clearly demonstrated, was published in the Journal of the Royal Irish Academy. The Journal of the Asiatic Society also con- tains descriptions by Colonel Dalton, c. s.1., of similar grave mounds and circles in the hilly country of Chutia Nagpore, which in many of its conditions resembles the districts of the old Nagpore province.
The most extensive of the many groups of this class of tumuli that are found scattered over the district of Nagpore is situated near Junapani, a hamlet lying about 5 miles to the west of the civil station of Nagpore, on the high road to Katole. The proximity of these barrows to Nagpore has marked them out for careful investigation, and they have been visited and opened at various times by the late Rev. S. Hislop, Mr. Henry Danger- field, c. E. and Mr. Hanna, oc. x. No detailed account of the discoveries has as yet been published. The following notes refer chiefly to some explora- tions made as far back as the cold weather of 1867 by Mr. Alfred Lyall, c. 8., then Commissioner of the Nagpore S. Division, Mr. Blanford, F. z. 8. and myself.
From the people of the neighbourhood, and even from the Brahmans and other learned persons of Nagpore, who speak with authority on the ancient history of the province, no satisfactory information regarding the tribes who constructed these barrows is to be obtained. Some will tell you the story that these mounds are the work of giants, or of the Gaolees or Shepherd kings, regarding whose rule in Central India, at a period prior to the Aryan invasion, a deep-rooted tradition exists. That the circles are very old, the condition in which they are now found distinctly shews, and the remains discovered therein leave no doubt that they were once the burial- places of a people of whom these circles are now the only trace that remains to us.
The southern slope of a line of low bare basaltic hills, which rise just beyond the village of Junapani, and which form the chief feature in the scenery of Nagpore and its neighbourhood, is covered with these barrows. The largest group consists of 54 tumuli. A smaller group situated on an adjacent spur, at about 300 yards from the main body, contains but 10
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H, RIVETT- CARNAC.—Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVJII, Part I, 1879. ‘ PLATE 1.
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Zincographed ox the Surreyar General's Office Calcutta.
1879.] . an Central India. 3
barrows. Further south again, at a distance of about half a mile, on the other side of the village, is a third group. The position is somewhat low and damp, the ground sloping towards the small stream which runs past the village of Junapani. ‘The remains discovered by Mr. Hanna were dug out from the barrows of this group, and were found in a less perfect state of preservation than the iron implements from the tumuli situated further up on higher ground on the hill side. A fourth and still smaller group, situated further north, was examined by Mr. Henry Dangerfield. For several miles round, similar collections of barrows, which have not yet been noted or explored, are to be seen festooning with their dark funereal boulders the slopes of the low trap hills which extend far south towards the Wurdah river.
A rough plan of the Junapani circles accompanies this paper; see Plate I.
In all these groups the tumuli are of the same type, consisting of circular mounds of earth of various sizes, surrounded by single and, in some instances, by double rows of trap boulders, selected from the masses with which the hill-side is strewn and the presence of which in great numbers, ready to hand, doubtless suggested the locality as a burial-place to the tribes so many of whose members lie here entombed. The diameter of the circles varies from 20 feet to 56 feet, the tomb being perhaps of large or inferior dimensions according to the consideration of the person buried. No barrow of the groups as yet examined by me exceeds 56 feet in diameter; and 56 feet seems to have been a favourite size, as each group contains several tumuli of exactly these dimensions.
The trying climate of Central India, with its prolonged scorching heat, followed by drenching rain, so destructive to every sort of masonry build- ing, has told with great severity upon even these solid masses of trap rock. They are all more or less wrinkled by age, and in some cases the stone has been split and its outer coating stripped off by the action of heat and damp, and it is doubtful whether the boulders that have thus suffered now retain their original form. There is thus some difficulty in determining whether they have been artificially shaped. It would appear from the resemblance borne by most of the blocks, ranged round the tumuli, to the still undisturbed masses with which nature has strewn the hill side, that, in most cases, the stones were not dressed, but that boulders of about the same size, bearing the nearest resemblance to oblong cubes, were chosen from the masses on the hill side and rolled down to the site of the tumulus, and then ranged side by side in their natural state round the circular mound of earth raised over the grave. Lach circle, however, generally contains two or three stones, larger than their neighbours, which from the comparative regularity of shape would appear to have been artificially dressed. It is on these selected stones that the “ cup-marks,” resembling those found on
A, J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains [No. 1,
exactly similar tumuliin Europe are to be seen. Andit suggests itself that the boulders were perhaps specially prepared to receive the inscriptions or ornamentation for which these marks were designed.
So far as can be judged from the present appearance of the stones at Junapani, they were certainly in most instances laid lengthways, side by side, round the edge of the circle, in a manner resembling the arrangement of the stonesin the Clava Tumulus figured on plate XI of Sir J. Simpson’s “ Archaic Sculpturings” (see Plate II, fig. 1 and Pl. V, fig. 1) a work to which it will be necessary t,make frequent references in the present paper. Mr. Carey was, I believe, of opinion from the appearance of the stones at the Khywarree barrows examined by him, that the blocks had once been placed on end, and it is not improbable from the position of some of the largest blocks at Juna- pani, that some of these also may have been so placed. One of the stones . covered all over with cup-marks supports this view. It is conical in shape. It is the largest of the many large blocks at Junapani. Its dimensions are as follows: length ft. 10°3; breadth ft. 2°4, and height above the ground as it lies ft. 2:6. This block, and indeed nearly all those surrounding these tumuli have sunk deep into the earth and there is perhaps half as much below the surface of the ground as appears above it. Making allowance for this, the cubic contents of the stone would be say 16,000 feet, and taking 200 Ibs. to the cubic foot of trap rock, the weight of this stone would be about 8 tons. ‘The stones on the north side of the circle, whence the drainage of the hill is, are deeply imbedded in the earth, and are sometimes hardly to be traced above the ground, the washings of the hill side, carried down by the drainage of ages, having nearly covered them up completely.
The height of the mounds within the circles of stones is seldom moré than from 8 to 4 feet above the level of the neighbouring ground. ‘There is no doubt, however, that the mounds, now nearly as hard as the rock itself, were originally composed of earth, loosely thrown up, and were consequently much higher than they now are. In the course of many years, perhaps centuries, the boulders, surrounding these mounds, have sunk deep into the hard soil, and during the same period the once loose earth has become consolidated and compressed into its present form. In Plate III one of these barrows is shewn, the stones being ranged round the mound shewn in the background. In the foreground are some boulders of a tumulus that has been disturbed and examined.
The number, size and position of the barrows will be best explained by the accompanying plan Plate I. It will be noticed, that the largest barrows are generally placed low down on the slope of the hill, the smaller circles, with the smaller stones being grouped on the top, and it suggests itself, that for the former tumuli the large boulders had to be selected from particular
H. RIVETT - CARNAC.—Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part I, 1879. PLATE II.
Zincographed at the Surveyor General's Office Calcutta,
BARROWS AND CUP MARKS IN EUROPE,
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1879. | in Central India. 5
spots and rolled down the slope, whilst for the smaller tombs stones could be collected without difficulty at the summit or on any part of the hill side.
Although, on no one occasion, has a collection, so varied as that which rewarded Colonel Pearse’s exploration of the large solitary tumulus near Kamptee, been discovered, no single barrow at Junapani has been opened without remains of more or less interest being exhumed. The class of iron implements found in these tumuli in different parts of the Nagpore dis- trict, and further south again, resemble one another as closely as do the tumuli themselves. Some half a dozen barrows only have as yet been examined, out of the many hundreds which are known to exist, so that fur- ther and more interesting discoveries may not unreasonably be expected from future explorations, if conducted on a careful plan.
The remains discovered were all found in the centre of the barrows. The earth, which had to be dug through, was invariably extremely hard and firm, as if many centuries had weighed it down and compressed it into its present compact form, changing soft earth into stiffish clay. The remains were always reached with considerable difficulty. On each occasion that I have examined these tombs, the first indication of “a find’? has been broken pieces of pottery of red or black clay, which generally make their appearance at from 2 to 23 feet from the surface. Immediately beneath these, the fragments of metal implements, and orna- ments are come upon, together with further traces of broken pottery in considerable quantity. The fragments are evidently the remains of urns originally placed intact within the tombs, but which, consequent on the tumulus having no interior chamber, have been broken by the masses of earth and stone thrown in to fill up the mound. In two cases the shape of the urns imbedded in the clay was distinctly traceable, but it was found impossible to take them out intact. I regret I did not know at the time, what I have since learnt from M. Bertrand and have seen demonstrated at the Museum of St. Germain, that the pieces, if carefully collected, can generally be joined together after the manner of a Chinese puzzle, and the original form can thus be satisfactorily reproduced.
With the urns the whitish coloured earth (noticed by Col. Meadows Taylor in the Dekhan remains), offering astriking contrast to the surrounding dark soil, is met with. I am unable at present to say of what this substance consists. It is probably the remains of bones. On only one occasion have traces of human remains been found at Junapani, and in this instance six small pieces of bone, weighing $ths of an ounce only, were obtained.
The implements discovered with the urns are, with one exception, of iron. ‘The most interesting of them are figured in Plate IV, and the following remarks will help to describe generally their peculiarities :
6 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains [No. 1,
Nos. 1, 2 are pieces of iron, thickly encrusted with lime and rust, found by Mr. Hanna in the group of barrows near the Junapani stream, to which allusion has already been made. The damp situation seriously affected these specimens, and they are not in such a good state of preservation as the other remains found in the vicinity. They offer hardly any attraction to the magnet.
No. 2 was also found by Mr. Hanna in the same group. It has suffer- ed severely from rust, but the form is intact. It resembles a “spud,” but it is not improbably a “ palstave” of which many specimens have been found in similar tombs in Scandinavia and in Great Britain. It has no “eye” through which to loop the thong by which palstaves are supposed to have been attached to a wooden handle. But I find that, in some of the Trish specimens also, these eyes are wanting, (see figure 275, No. 510, page 384, Vol. I, of a Descriptive Catalogue of the Antiquities of the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy, by Sir W. Wilde, Dublin, 1863). The palstave found at Junapani exactly resembles this specimen.
Similar implements have been found by Col. Glasfurd in tumuli in the Godavery district, and at page 358, Vol. XXIV, of the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, in a paper by Col. Meadows Taylor, c. s. 1., de- scribing ‘‘ The Cairns, Cromlechs, Kistvaens and other Celtic, Druidical or Scythian monuments in the Dekhan,” will be found figured a similar imple- ment discovered in one of the tumuli of the Hyderabad country. I may mention here incidentally, that Col. Sladen, who made an expedition from Mandalay to the western borders of China, mentioned to me, that imple- ments similar to these, but having in addition the ‘‘eye’’ so well known in the palstaves of Europe, were discovered by him on his travels.” Length of specimen 4% inches.
No. 8 is a knife or dagger, much corroded, found by Mr. Hanna in the same group. The guard at the hilt is perfect on one side, on the other side the rust has flaked off, taking with it the iron of the guard. Length
4 inches. !
No. 4 is a smaller specimen of a hatchet or battle-axe, similar to the one found by Col. Pearse, and resembling Nos. 5, 11 described below. In these specimens the bands are wanting. It will be seen that the rust is coming off the hatchet in great flakes and the bands have most probably corroded. Length 6 inches; breadth 2 inches.
No. 5 is the best specimen of the battle-axe or hatchet that has yet been discovered. It was.found by Mr. Henry Dangerfield in one of the out- lying groups of barrows near Junapani. The bands, with which the axe was fastened on to the wooden handle, are in perfect preservation. Length 10 inches.
This iron axe bears a remarkable resemblance in shape to the copper
B, BLVETT = ¢
IRON IMPLEMENTS FOUND IN THE JUNAPANI BARROWS.
~ (From Photographs.)
Lithofrapbed at the Surveyor General's Office, Calentta, July 1879,
1879.] | in Central India. T
“ celt,” figured at page 363 of Sir W. Wilde’s Catalogue of the Irish Anti- quities above referred to. At page 367, Sir W. Wilde shows how this class of celts is supposed to have been fixed on to the handle, and he writes: “ Fig. 252 represents 2 simple, flat, wedge-shaped celts passed through a wooden handle and secured by a ligature, possibly of thong or gut.”
And on the preceding page, he remarks—
“ Left without historic reference, and with but few pictorial illustra- tions, we are thrown back upon conjecture as to the mode of hafting and using the metal celt. As already stated, this weapon-tool is but the stone implement reproduced in another form, and having once obtained a better material, the people who acquired this knowledge repeated the form they were best acquainted with, but economized the metal and lessened the bulk by flattening the sides. In proof of this repetition in metal of the ancient form of stone celt may be adduced the fact of a copper celt of the precise outline, both in shape and thickness, of one of our ordinary stone imple- ments having been found in an Htruscan tomb, and now preserved in the Museum of Berlin.”’
In this specimen, however, as indeed in the case of nearly all the iron axes found in Central India, the bands are of iron. And it does not ap- pear unnatural, that, the tribes who used these weapons having discovered the use of iron, and the place of the stone hatchet having been supplied by an improved axe of iron, the ligatures of thong too, should, in like manner, have given way before the bands of iron shewn in the engraving. An axe, similar to this one in nearly every respect, was found by me in the main group of barrows at Junapani. One of the bands, however, was missing. In another case the bands were found loose by the side of a small axe to which they evidently belonged. Col. Glasfurd found in the Godavery district an iron axe similar in other respects to these, but without the bands. I am inclined to think that the bands, being of thinner metal than the weapon itself, may have been eaten away by rust and have thus disappeared. The specimen found by Mr. Dangerfield is in excellent preservation, the spot on which it was found being dry and hard.
This axe was shewn to Col. Maisey, some of whose beautiful drawings of the Bhilsa or Sanchi Topes are engraved in General Cunningham’s work. He immediately remarked, that the specimen exactly resembled the wea- pons carved on the “‘ Topes’’ of which he had made sketches years before. A reference to Plate XX XIII, Fig. 8, Cunningham’s Bhilsa Topes,* will shew the hatchet with bands. In the carving on the Tope the bands are not placed well in the centre. But the accuracy of the native sculptor may have been at fault. A hatchet fastened on to the wood in the manner re-
* See also ‘ Orissa’ by Dr. Rajendralala Mitra, c. 1. ©.
8 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains ; [No. 1,
presented, would have been liable to fly out of the handle, an accident which the position of the bands of the specimens found in the barrow is better calculated to prevent. In Plate XXXII, Fig. 1, “ Fergusson’s Tree and Serpent Worship” will be found a representation of a bas-relief on the eastern gateway at Sanchi described by Mr. Fergusson as follows : “Tn itself it (the bas-relief) represents a family of Dasyus following their usual avocation. On the right hand, two men are splitting wood with hatchets, and what is more remarkable is, that the heads of their axes are tied on to the shafts as if they were of stone. Yet in the same bas-relief we have the tongs or ladles which certainly are of metal; and we can hard- ly understand a people who could make metal femurs using stone hatchets.”’
It is probable then, that the carving on the Sauchi Tope is intended to represent a metal hatchet such as that discovered in the barrow and marked No. 5. And it suggests itself that the tumuli at Junapani are the remains of an aboriginal tribe, whose presence on the Sanchi sculptures, in contradistinction to the followers of Buddha, is distinctly traced by Mr. Fergusson. The significance of this point will be noticed more in detail later.
No. 6. A spear-head, much corroded, which was dug up by me from a Junapani barrow. The large axe, with one band, above alluded to, was found by its side; and, as in every instance, broken pottery in large quantities was dug up. Length 83 inches.
No. 7. Six bangles or bracelets, found by Mr. Henry Dangerfield in a barrow adjacent to that in which the axe was discovered. They are gradu- ated in size, and weigh from 53 oz. to 3% 0z., the whole set weighing 1 fh. 10 oz. |
The metal of which they are composed is apparently copper. A rough analysis that has already been made shows that copper is the principal in- gredient, but points to the presence of alloy which is neither zine nor tin, but which is believed to be gold or silver, possibly both. The bangles are thickly covered with a coating, in which the verdigris of the copper is ap- parent. But, with it, is a further substance which may be either an artifi- cial varnish, or one supplied by organic matter and the discolouration of the metal during the many years the bangles must have been buried.
An interesting circumstance connected with these bangles is the pecu- liar ornamentation on one end of each of the specimens. The coating of verdigris and varnish, above alluded to, is so thick, that, at first, the mark- ings might escape notice. Buta more careful inspection and the removal of the coating of verdigris shew a series of notches or punched or filed lines, resembling exactly the “ herring-bone” ornamentation found on the Trish remains, which is described and figured at page 389 of Sir W.
1879. ] in Central India. 9
Wilde’s Catalogue before noticed. The number of the punched lines on each ornament varies from 14 to 16, and these are placed in three rows.
I have not Mr. Fergusson’s paper at hand, but I think I remember reading in his description of the Amravati Tope, that in the carvings there two distinct races are traceable, the Aryans and a non-Aryan race, the latter wearing heavy bangles of the description shewn in the plate and which are -similar to those still worn by the Brinjarah women and by some of the _aboriginal tribes.
No. 8 is a small circular clear pebble. It was found by me in bar- row No. 37, together with only one small piece of iron and a quantity of pottery. In its dirty state it did not appear very inviting, and I was at first inclined to throw it away together with the earth and stones dug out of the barrow. But as it seemed to be of a different substance from the other stones of the formation, it was preserved. Iam not prepared to say that ib is really a curiosity. But one side of it bears a striking resemblance to the “ Altar Stone” No. 102, figured at page 132, of Sir W. Wilde’s Cata- logue. It has the four finger-marks on one side, on the other side a larger “ finger-mark” corresponding with the large central “ finger-mark’” of the sketch. It may have been an ornament or amulet, and may have been set in a claw, fastened on to the two central “ finger-marks.”
The following specimens were all dug out of the barrow at Junapani, No. 37 in the plan, in the presence of Mr. Lyall, Mr. Blanford and myself, in January 1867. Our first impression on visiting the spot was, that as all the barrows were so much alike, it would be well to trust to chance and to open the tumulus nearest at hand. Further examination, however, brought to notice three barrows, rather more impos- ing-looking than those of the main group, situated at some little distance from it, in a quiet, pleasant spot near a small stream, onthe south side of the hill. The centre barrow was encireled by a double row of black boul- ders. The circles flanking the main tomb on either side consisted of single rows of stones somewhat smaller and less imposing in character. The ap- pearance of this small group suggested, that the centre tomb was, perhaps, that of some chieftain who had been buried with his wives or favourite chil- dren apart from his followers, in a quiet and specially selected spot. It was accordingly determined to open the centre and most imposing-looking tomb, which measured 58 feet in diameter and is the largest of the 54 barrows that form the main group at Junapani.
After digging through about 3 feet of thick, caked soil nearly as hard as stone, we came upon broken pieces of pottery in which mica was preva- lent, and from amongst the fragments the iron implements, figured in
B
10 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains [No. 1,
Plate IV, Nos. 9-14,were collected. The excavation had evidently been carried down to the rocky basis of the hill, and earth filled up over the remains, Though thickly encrusted with rust, some of which subsequently flaked off, the iron was in good preservation owing to the dryness of the soil in which it had been buried. The photographs shew the implements as they looked some six months after they were found, after they had undergone some rough handling. No traces of human remains were found. They had perhaps long since disappeared.
No. 9. Small pieces of rusty iron, possibly arrow-heads, &. ( ?)}
No. 10. Spear heads ( ?)
No. 11. Axes, small specimens of No. 5. In one specimen the bands are perfect. They are wanting in the other.
No. 12. A snafile bit in excellent preservation. The form is quite that of the present day. But, after all, this is hardly very remarkable and cannot be held to militate against the antiquity of the remains. The dagger, the sword and the spear have not undergone any great change during many centuries, and the snaffle as the easiest bit for a horse’s mouth would have suggested itself at an early date to a race of horsemen.
No. 18, A small brooch, or buckle, or ornament, resembling in shape a bow andarrow. It will be noticed that both this and the axes are in miniature. I cannot find the passage in Herodotus, but, if I am not mistaken, it is mentioned either by him er one of the old writers, that a custom prevailed among the Scythians or nomadic tribes of that class, of burying with their dead their weapons and horse-trappings, or the miniatures of their weapons.
No, 14, A pair of iron articles of exactly the same size and shape with loops at either end. At first it was thought they might be horse bits. It _ afterwards suggested itself that they must be stirrups. The sculpturings on the remains found in England are supposed by some, to be rough repre- sentations of the articles buried in the tumuli. Without pausing to enquire whether this view is correct, the somewhat singular resemblance between the remains, found in this barrow, and the sculptures on the wall of the Deo Cave, Fife, may be noticed (see Plate XXXIV, Fig. 3, Sir J. Simpson’s Archaic Sculptures). The so-called “ spectacle marks” may be the bit, and the form of the stirrups and spear-heads may be traced in Sir J. Simpson’s sketch, without the exercise of any very great stretch of the imagination. To the view, that these are indeed the stirrups of the rider, the bit of whose horse and whose spear and other weapons were buried by his side, I still adhere, believing that the foot of the horseman was placed on the piece of iron, which formed the base of a triangle, the two sides being perhaps com- posed of thongs passed through the loops at either end. This view receives further confirmation from the extract of Professor Stephen’s note to Frithiof’s Saga, extracted in a later paragraph.
1879.] in Oentral India. 11
2
Although the excavation has been extended to the solid rock, neither on this nor on any other occasion has any chamber, similar to that of other parts of India, been found beneath the mounds of the Junapani barrows. This I believe is to be accounted for by the fact, that, in the vicinity of these remains, no material like sandstone, which can be easily split and used for the walls of chambers, is to be found. In the basaltic formation of the Nagpur district, trap-boulders are the only stones available, as the contrac- tors who had to build the bridges on the Nagpore Branch of the G. I. P. . Railway found to their cost. Although these boulders answer admirably for the boundaries of the circles, they are not equally well adapted to the interior chambers. Moreover, the trap rock is here close to the surface, and a cavity for a chamber, even if the stone necessary for its construction were at hand, eould only be excavated with the greatest difficulty. Further West and South again, when we come on the sandstone formation, Kistvaens and - Cromlechs of sandstone take the place of, or are found in connection with, the stone circles, suggesting the view, that the same class of people in differ- ent parts of the country built Kistvaens, where the easily worked sandstone was procurable, whilst, in the trap region, they contented themselves with the barrows, such as those found at Junapani.
In addition to the iron implements figured in Plate IV and described above, many other pieces of rusty iron, some of which have no character whatsoever, and the probable use of which it is not easy to conjecture, have been found in the tombs at Junapani, Takulghat, in the Godavary district and elsewhere. Sickles similar to those figured in Col. Meadows Taylor’s paper, page 357, Vol. XXIV, of the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, and found by that Officer in the Dekhan, have been dug up by Col. Glasfurd and the late Rev. Stephen Hislop. The barrow opened by Mr. Carey, again, was found to contain bells, the counterpart of those which had been dug up by Col. Meadows Taylor in the same class of tomb, some hundreds of miles further South.
SIMILARITY BETWEEN THESE TUMULI AND THE BARROWS OF HUROPE.
The tumuli at Junapani and the remains found within the barrows having been described, the remarkable resemblance, borne by these tumuli and their contents to the sepulchral mounds and the remains common in other and distant parts of India and in other countries of the world, has to be noticed.
Tn the first place, the barrows and their contents near Nagpur are identical in nearly every single detail with those on the Godavery. In the southern parts of India, where trap boulders are not procurable, the tumuli, as noticed above, take the form of Kistvaens and Cromlechs, sometimes with _ and sometimes without the stone circles. The remains found within this class of tombs and the position of tombs indicate that they are the burying-
12 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains [No. 1,
places of the same class of people, who for very good reasons had, in different parts of the country, to make use of different materials, on the same principle that an engineer adapts his class of work to the stone found in the locality in which he is engaged.
Col. Meadows Taylor, in his paper already alluded to, has placed side by side, in his sketch, barrows, examined by him near Alnwick in Northum- berland, and the tumuli of the Dekhan of India, explored by him in 1851 ; and it will be seen that, in nearly every respect, these burial-places are counterparts of one another. What has been said regarding the Dekhan remains and those found in Great Britain, applies with equal force to the tumuli of Junapani and the Huropean; and Mr. Kipling’s drawing, from my sketch, of a barrow near Nagpur, given in Plate III, and one near Alnwick in Northumberland, figured by the late Col. Meadows Taylor in the paper already referred to, will show, most distinctly, the striking resem- blance between the tombs in England and in India.
This interesting circumstance was noticed some years ago by Major- General Cunningham, c. s. L, ¢. I. E., of the Royal Engineers, who in the preface to his description of the Bhilsa Topes thus refers to it—
“To the Indian antiquary and historian, these discoveries will be, I am willing to think, of very high importance, while to the mere English reader they may not be uninteresting, as the massive mounds are surrounded by mysterious circles of stone pillars, recalling attention at every turn to the early earthworks or barrows, and the Druidical colonnades of Britain.
“ In the Buddhistical worship of trees displayed in the Sanchi bas-reliefs, others, I hope, will see (as well as myself) the counterpart of the Druidical and adopted Hnglish reverence for the oak. In the horse-shoe temples of Ajanta and Sanchi many will recognise the form of the inner colonnade at Stonehenge. More, I suspect, will learn that there are Cromlechs in India as well as in Britain, that the Brahmans, Buddhists and Druids all believed in the transmigration of the soul, and the Celtic language was undoubtedly _ derived from the Sanscrit &c.”
The circumstance of the remarkable similarity in the shape of the tumuli being borne in the mind, the next point of resemblance is the posi- tion in which the barrows are found. Col. Meadows Taylor particularly notices, that, both in Europe and in India, these burying-places are situat- ed on the southern slope of the hill, the sunny side in fact, and this cir- cumstance has already been noticed in regard to the grouping of the Junapani barrows.
SIMILARITY BETWEEN THE REMAINS FOUND IN THE INDIAN Barrows AND THE CONTENTS OF THE BARROWS IN HuROPE.
If these two points have been established, then the third point of re- semblance is in the remains buried in the tombs. Passing from the pot-
S793) in Central India. 13
tery urns to the metal articles found within the barrows, it is to be noticed, that, both in England and in India, the arms and ornaments of the deceased were buried with him. Further, if the list of weapons given above, sketches of some of which accompany this paper (Pl. IV), be examined, it will be seen, that to nearly every single implement or ornament, found in India, an exact counterpart can be traced among the specimens dug out of simt- lar tumuli in Ireland, which are now in the Museum of the Royal Ivish Academy in Dublin.
As further evidence on this point and in support of the view expressed in an earlier paragraph that we had indeed the good fortune at Junapani to come upon the remains of some chieftain who had been buried centuries ago with his arms and horse-trappings, I would refer to the account in Bishop Tegnier’s Frithiof’s Saga of the ceremonies of the burial of king Ring, and of the barrow in which the body of the old king was laid, together with his charger and his arms. Professor Stephens of Copenhagen, whose translation of the poem is well known, was good enough to send me a copy of his work some years ago when he heard of our success at the Junapani barrows. And in the note to the word “ barrow,” which accompanies the text, is the following description of a tumulus and its contents discovered by Russian officers in the steppes of Tartary. This description, so exact is the resemblance in detail, might have been written of the opening of the Junapani barrow, with the exception that, there being no stone other than trap rock available within many miles of Nagpur, the Junapani tumulus contained no stone vault.
“ Barrow (perhaps derived from Berg, hill), grave, mound, sepulchral heap, was a vast mass of earth and stones raised over the remains of a chief or warrior of renown. Commonly one or more timbered or walled chambers protected the corpse from contact with the soil itself, Such barrows or cairns are found in Scandinavia and in the British Isles, Poland and “ Russia, especially in the steppes of Tartary. The borderers upon these
deserts (near Tromsky) have for many years continued to dig for treasure deposited in these tumuli, and the Russian Court, being informed of these | depredations, despatched an officer to open such of the tumuli as were too ‘large for the marauding parties to undertake. He selected the barrow of largest dimensions, and a deep covering of earth and stones having been removed, the workman came to vaults. The centre and largest, containing the bones of the chief, was easily distinguished by the sword, spear, bow, quiver and arrow, which lay beside him. In the vault beyond him, toward which his feet lay, were his horse and bridle and stirrups.” The implements figured in Plate IV have been made over by me to Mr. Franks, F. 8. 8., F. 8. A., of the British Museum. We have then three very striking points of resemblance. In both countries the class of tumuli is the same; the barrows are always placed
14 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains [No. I,
on the same side of the hill, z. e., on the southern slope ; and the remains found within these tumuli are almost identical in character.
SIMILARITY BETWEEN THE MARKS FOUND ON THE STONES AND THE “Cur Marks” oF THE BARROWS IN HUROPE.
There is yet a fourth and most remarkable circumstance which goes far to establish the identity of the remains found in Central India with the well-known prehistoric tumuli of Europe. This is the form of the “ cup- marks” on the stones surrounding the tumuli, the existence of which on the Indian remains I was fortunate enough to be the first to discover. These cup-marks on the Junapani tumuli and similar markings in the Kumaon hills have already been noticed in my paper in the Rock markings in Kumaon (see the Journal of the Society for January 1877), but the sub- ject requires a brief notice in this place also.
On the stone circles of England and Scotland are found a variety of “ Archaic Seulpturings” of various types. The most common of these are the cup-marks which are thus described by Sir James Simpson at page 2 of his work.
“ First type, single cups. The simplest type of these ancient stone and rock cuttings consists of incised, hollowed out depressions or cups, varying from an inch to three inches and more in diameter. For the most part these cup-cuttings are shallow, consequently their depth is usually far less than their diameter ; it is often not more than half an inch, and rarely exceeds an inch or an inch anda half. On the same stone or each surface they are commonly carved out of many different sizes. These cup excavations are, on the whole, usually more smooth and polished over their cut surfaces than the ring cuttings are. Sometimes they form the ° only sculpturings on the stone or rock, as on many Scottish monoliths, but more frequently they are found mixed up and intermingled with ring cut- tings. Among the sculptured rock surfaces, for instance, in Argyleshire, there are in one group at Auchuabreach thirty-nine or forty cup cuttings, and the same number of ring cuttings, and at Camber there are twenty- nine figures, namely, nine single cups, seven cups surrounded by single rings, and thirteen cups encircled by a series of concentric rings.”
Now, although I had paid several visits to the barrows of Junapani and the neighbourhood and had noticed on the boulders small holes placed in lines, I had paid no particular attention to their existence. From their recularity and arrangement and general position on the top of the stones (PI. V, fig. 1, 2,3), I was led to suppose that they were perhaps the work of the cowherds, who grazed their cattle in the neighbourhood, and that they were, perhaps, used for some game similar to that which commended the tri-junction boundary marks of the village lands to the attention of the village children, who, when I was in the Settlement Department, used
H. RIVETT - CARNAC.—Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part I, 1879. PLATE V.
Boulder with cup-marks on side. Boulder cup-marked on top.
H. Rivett-Carnac, del. Zincographed at the Surveyor General's Office Calcutta, CUP - MARKED BOULDERS. Scale of Figures 2, 3, & 4, } Inch=1 Foot.
ae
ts i re
he
a J J te Ba Daas
1879. | in Central India. 15
to be continually causing damage to our boundary platforms. Subsequent examination shewed these marks on the sides of the boulders also (Pl. V, fig. 4), suggesting that they could not be used for the game in question. About the same time I was fortunate enough to receive Sir James Simpson’s book, above alluded to, which established, without doubt, the exact similarity between the marks on the Indian barrows and on the monolithic remains which have been examined and described in England.
Two classes of “ cup-marks” the one large, the other small, have been found, similar to those in the English barrows. Butas yet I have not traced on the barrows any of the concentric circles noticed by Sir James Simpson.* They may, however, be yet brought to light together with perhaps other and more striking particulars, linking these tumuli still more closely to the remains found at home. On Plate II, Fig. 1, a sketch taken from Sir J. Simpson’s book of a tumulus with the “ cup-marks” on one of the stones is given, and on Plate V will be found a sketch of a stone at Junapani with the markings as I saw them some years ago. It will be seen, that, with the exception of the stone chamber, the absence of which in the Nagpur tombs has already been accounted for, there would be no difficulty in mistaking the picture for a sketch of one of the Junapani barrows. The “ cup-markings” are all shallow, the depth of the cup being about + of an inch at the most, age probably having told on the carvings.
In the present paper, I will not stop to discuss at any length the significance of these marks. The chief point I am anxious here to esta- blish is their resemblance to the markings found in the same class of tumuli at home. It may, however, be noticed that the view generally adopted at home is, that the “‘ cup marks” are arough sort of ornamenta- tion, and that they have no signification whatsoever. Without venturing an opinion regarding the object which the constructors of the barrows had in carving these marks on the stones, I would repeat what I have said in my paper on the Kumaon markings, that the arrangement of the cups is peculiar and would seem to indicate some design beyond mere ornamenta- tion. On no two stones are the marks similar. The combination of large and small cups is striking (Pl. V, fig. 4). The permutations of the cups on the stones already examined are very numerous.f The manner too, in which the large cups are introduced, would seem to suggest that the combina- tions of marks may have some meaning, which may, perhaps, yet be discovered and explained. Those who are acquainted with the system of printing by the electric telegraph, and the combination of long and short strokes in Morse
* These have been found by me on the Kumaon Rocks. See Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, January, 1877.
+ These are shewn in the paper on the Kumaon markings. Sce Journal B. A. $., January, 1877.
16 J. H. Rivett-Carnac— Prehistoric Remains in Central India. [No. 1,
Code, and the recent arrangements for communicating signals to troops at night, by short and long flashes of lamps, specially adapted to the purpose, and by day by the sun-telegraph, will perhaps agree, that it is not altogether impossible, that these marks may have some, as yet hidden, signification. The Agham writing consists, I understand, of a combination of lone and short strokes. This writing is found chiefly on sandstone, on which it would not be difficult to cut out long strokes with a chisel. On hard trap, however, it would be found much easier to make “ cup-marks,” by working a chisel round and round, than to cut strokes; and is it impossi- ble, that, perhaps, on the trap boulders, the ‘“‘ cups,” large and small, took the place of the long and short strokes of the sandstone lettering, in the same way that the barrows took the place of Cromlechs in the localities in which sandstone was not procurable? Or that, if this theory is unte- nable, the marks denote the age of the deceased or the number of his children, or the number of the enemies slain by the warricr, whose remains are buried in the tomb encircled by the stone ?
Whatever conclusion may be arrived at regarding the possible correct- ness of any of the above suggestions, I think it will be generally admitted, that the four pomts of resemblance noticed above as existing between the remains found in this country and in Hurope are of more than common interest.
The sketches will shew that (1) the shape of the tumuli in India and in Europe is the same.
(11) The barrows in India and in Europe always face towards the south.
(III) The remains found in the Indian barrows resemble almost exactly the remains dug out of similar burial-places in Europe.
(IV) ‘The cup-marks on the boulders which surround the Indian tombs are identical with the marks found on the stones placed around the same class of tumuli in Europe.
The inferences to be drawn from these points will be noticed in a later paper.
a a a)
1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. iL7/
The Snake Symbol in India, especially in connection with the worship of Siva.— By J. H. Rivert-Carnac, HsqQ., C. 1. E., F. 8. A., M. B.A. 8., &e.
In his work on “ Tree and Serpent Worship” Mr. Fergusson has urged the desirability of workers in the rich field of Indian Antiquarian research collecting information regarding the worship of the snake, which is known to prevail in various forms in many parts of India.
The accompanying instalment of rough jottings and sketches, made at various times, has been worked up by me into the present imperfect shape during the Christmas holidays. It is now submitted to the Society in the hope that this paper, although doubtless full of faults, may at least induce discussion, and thereby assist in placing me on the right track, and in awakening further interest in this important subject amongst those who have better opportunity than I have of following it up.
The snake as a personal ornament, or as a canopy surmounting the figure, is not, of course, confined to representations of Siva, andin the col- lection of the deities of the Hindu Pantheon that I have been able to make, the five-headed snake (Nag panchamukhi) is to be seen overshadowing Vishnu, Garuda and others. ‘The Sesha or Ananta in the pictures of Vishnu is well known. Still, as Moor says at p. 86 of his Hindu Panthe- on, “ As emblems of immortality, serpents are common ornaments with many deities. But Mahadeo seems most abundantly bedecked with them ; bound in his hair, round his neck, wrist, waist, arms and legs, as well as for rings, snakes are his constant attendants.”
The serpent appears on the prehistoric cromlechs and menhirs of Kurope, on which, as stated in my paper on the Kamaon Rock-carvings published in the Society’s Journal for January 1877, I believe, the remains of phallic worship may also be traced. What little attention I have been able to give to the serpent-symbol, has been chiefly in its connection with the worship of Mahadeo or Siva, with a view to ascertain whether the wor- ship of the snake and that of Mahadeo or the phallus may be considered identical, and whether the presence of the serpent on the prehistoric remains of EHurope can be shewn to support my theory that the markings on the eromlechs and menhirs are indeed the traces of this form of worship, earried to Europe from the East by the tribes whose remains are buried beneath the tumuli.
During my visits to Benares, the chief centre of Siva worship in India, I have always carefully searched for the presence of the snake-sym- bol. On the most ordinary class of “ Mahddeo,” a rough stone placed on end supposed to represent the phallus, the serpent is not generally seen.
E :
18 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. [Nox a,
But in the temples and in the better class of shrines which abound in the city and the neighbourhood, the snake is generally found encircling the phallus in the manner shewn in Plate VI, fig. 8.
The tail of the snake is sometimes carried down the yon, and in one ease I found two snakes on a shrine in the manner figured in Plate VI, fig. 5, 6.
In the Benares bazar I once came across a splendid metal cobra, the head erect and hood expanded, so made as to be placed around and above a stone or metal “ Mahadeo.” Itisnowin England. The attitude of the cobra when excited and the expansion of the head will suggest the reason for this snake representing Mahadeo and the phallus.
In. several instances in Benares, I have found the Nag surrounding and surmounting the hump of the “ Nandi” or Siva’s Bull. In such cases the hump is apparently recognised as a Mahadeo, as the remains of flowers, libations and other offerings were found thereon.
I hardly venture to suggest that the existence of the hump is the reason for the Nandi being selected as the Vahan or “vehicle” of Siva. But the circumstance may be worth noticing, Iam of course aware that the Bull is a symbol of generation and reproduction, traceable to its position in the Zodiac at the Vernal Equinox. But it may have been recognised as Siva’s Vahan, long before the honor was assigned to it of introducing it into the Equinox. And its position with regard to Siva may have secured for it this important place in the signs of the Zodiae.
The snake in conjunction with Mahadeo is further to be traced in several of the metal specimens of the collection now forwarded for the inspection of the Society. In two small shrines, containing “ Ganas” or assemblages of deities, of which the Mahadeo or Linga is the centre, the Nag or cobra can be seen to hold-the chief position at the back of the shrine. In a remarkable bracelet purchased in Benares, consisting of a mass of Maha- deos and yonis, many of which are arranged in circles like cromlechs, the serpent can be traced encircling the phallus. It is again to be seen forming the handle of a spoon and surmounting the figure of Ganesha, Siva’s son, wherewith holy Ganges-water is taken from the cup, and sprinkled over the Mahadeo by pilgrims and worshippers at the shrines of Benares and other Siva temples. It is seen again in the sacrificial lamp, used in the same worship. In the centre of the lamp is a space for a small “ Mahadeo,” an agate in the shape of an egg, brought, it is said, from Banda and the hilly country of the Nerbudda, rich in these pebbles, which are imported annually in large quantities into Benares. And the snake-canopy can be recognised again forming the back-ground of the shrine of the figure of Anna-Purna Devi, a form of Siva’s sakti Parvati. The snake is present
1879. ] J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India, 19
again in a specimen where Siva’s Bull or Nandi supports the Lotus, repre- senting the female or watery principle, and within which is enclosed an agate ege (the jewel of the lotus ?), representing Mahadeo or the male principle. Above this is a small pierced vessel which should contain Ganges water, to trickle through the aperture and keep anointed the sacred stone placed beneath it. The vessel or dota is supported by a Nag or cobra, the head erect, the hood expanded, forming the conventional canopy of the shrines of Siva.
The serpent with the tree is to be seen on the canopies of shrines. In one case the shrine with a cobra-canopy has the Linga and yoni or Maha- deo complete.
Most of the other canopies, as I will call these backs of shrines, were purchased as old brass or old copper, and the deities belonging to them had perhaps long since been broken up and melted down. In some of them the tree, with the serpent twisted round the trunk, is very distinct. One of them has been figured by me in the annexed sketch, Plate VII, fig. 3. I was hardly prepared to find the tree and the serpent together in this form, in a shrine apparently used comparatively recently, if not in the present day, and I hope for some explanation of these interesting symbols from Dr. Rajendra- lala Mitra, or some other authority.*
The Bell, sent with the collection on which a hooded snake overshadows the figures of Garuda and Hanuman, seems, from these figures, to be adaptable for use at a shrine of either Vishnu or Siva. Lastly, “the brass models represent the cobra with head erect and hood expanded, the design somewhat elaborated and ornamented. Although, in one of them at least, there is no space for the Mahadeo, these Nags are, I am assured, considered symbolical of lite or generation, and as such are worshipped as Siva or Mahadeo or the Linga or Phallus or whatever it may be called.
All these specimens were picked up in the metal bazar in Benares, where the fashionable trays, “ specimen-vases,” and much Philistine work are now made and exposed for sale. In most cases the specimens were raked. out with difficulty from among sacks containing old metal, collected to be broken up and melted down for the manufacture of the brass-ware now in vogue.
Although the presence of the snake in these models cannct be said to prove much, and although from the easy adaptibility of its form, the snake must always have been a favourite subject in ornament, still it will be seen that the serpent is prominent in connection with the conventional shape under which Mahadeo is worshipped at Benares and elsewhere, that it sometimes even takes the place of the Linga, and that it is to be found entwined with almost every article connected with this worship.
* See Appendix, p. 31.
20 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—TZhe Snake Symbol in India. [No. 1,
It might be expected that the Nag or Cobra would be seen at its best in the carvings or idols of Nageshwar, the Cobra or Snake Temple of Benares. But in this I was disappointed ; Nageshwar, as I saw it, consisted of two temples, or an inner and outer shrine, the one called Sideshwar, the other Nageshwar. In the outer or Ndgeshwar shrine was a large sized stone Mahadeo, of ordinary construction without the snake on it or round it. The old woman in charge of the temple, the priest being absent, assured me that a snake had once surmounted the Mahddeo, but that the symbol had been worn away by much veneration. The story was most probably manufactured for the occasion in consequence of my manifest dis- appointment at the absence of the Nag.
A Bull or Nandi and a Cobra faced the Mahddeo. The contents of the inner temple were peculiar. The Mahddeo consists of a broad black stone in shape something likea tumulus, It is sunk some little depth below the ground, and is surrounded by four stone slabs forming a small square tank. There was no yoni with this Mahddeo, the tank perhaps representing the yoni. On the top of the Mahadeo had been traced, with some sort of white pigment, a circle with a central dot or cup mark, exactly similar in shape to the circles with centres noticed in my paper on the Kumaon Rock-markings. These marks are common enough at Benares, and are to be seen painted on the bamboo umbrellas which line the ghats and are also dabbed about freely on the walls of buildings. Further enquiry has confirmed the opinion expressed by me and supported by Mr. Campbell of Islay in my paper on Kuméon rock markings, that, whatever it may have meant in Europe, in India the sign © means Mahadeo. There seems to be little doubt that at Nageshwar the snake godis Mahadeo himself, or that he is worshipped under that name, and that Nageshwar is a temple of Siva or Mahadeo in the form of a Nag or cobra.
These same marks were to be seen on a Mahadeo in a small shrine under a tree close by. In front of Nageshwar were the graves of the Gosains of the temple. They resemble the graves of Chandeshwar in Kumaon, noticed in my paper on the Kumaon Rock Markings. The Kumaon graves were evidently the graves of Gosains of the Siva sect who I have since learnt are always buried, not burnt.* At Benares, as at Chandeshwar,
* Vide Tod’s Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 445. ‘The priests of Eklinga are termed “ Gosain or Goswami which signifies control over the senses. The distinguishing mark “of the faith of Siva is the crescent on the forehead. They bury their dead in a sit- “ting posture, and erect cairns over them which are generally conical in form. I “have seen a cemetery of these, each of very small dimensions, which may be described
1879. | J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Zhe Snake Symbol in India. 21
a platform had been raised above the grave, on the top of which were placed a Mahddeo and yoni. A representation of Siva’s Trident and the soles of two feet, not unlike those figured in Fergusson’s Eastern Archi- tecture, were also noticed on the grave.
Our cicerone informed us that the feet were represented here in order that pilgrims might fall down and worship at the feet of the Gosain, who, dying, had become a saint and deserving of worship.
A visit in search of the snake symbol to the Nag Kuan, or serpent well, was rewarded with better success. The well itself is described by the Rev. Mr. Sherring in his “Sacred City of the Hindus,” from which I may be per- mitted to quote the following passage :
“The Nag Kuan or serpent’s well is situated in a ward of the city ealled after the name of the well Nag Kian Mahalla, which adjoins the Ausan Gang Mahalla. This well bears marks of considerable antiquity ; and from the circumstance of an extensive district of Benares being de- signated by its name, there is no doubt that it must be regarded as one of the oldest historical places the present city possesses. The construction of this well was, probably, nearly, if not quite coeval with the building of the Mahalla or ward itself, which, we may imagine, was described as that part of the city containing the well—the well being the most important and noticeable object there: and, so gradually, the inhabitants associated the Mahalla with the well, and called them by the same name. The ward is in the north-western part of the city, at some distance from the Ganges. The quarter lying to the east of this ward, that is, between it and the Ganges, is, as I have already remarked, in all likelihood, the oldest portion of the present city; and, therefore, the Nag-Kuan ward would have been ori- ginally in its suburbs. It is even possible that one of the first places built in these suburbs, and frequented by the people, was this well, and that its existence was one of the reasons, perhaps the chief, for the settling of a population in its neighbourhood. No person in Benares can tell when the well was made ; but there is a reference to its existence in the Kasi- Khanda.
“ Steep stone stairs, in the form of a square, lead down to the well; and a broad wall of good masonry, six or seven feet thick, surrounds them at their summit, rising to the height of four or five feet above the ground. Hach of the four series of stairs has an entrance of its own. Their junc- tion below forms a small square, in the centre of which is the well. De-
‘Cas so many concentric rings of earth diminishing to the apex crowned with a * cylindrical stone pillar.”
Now may not the circular tomb have represented the womb or yoni of mother earth, the corpse, which is to be born again to a new life, being placed in the posi- tion as in the mother’s womb ?
22 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—TZhe Snake Symbol in India. [Nossa
scending twelve stone steps you reach the water which is stagnant and foul. Beneath the water is a sheet of iron, which constitutes the door leading to a still lower well, which perhaps may be the old well in its ori- ginal state.” The stairs, I suspect, are not of great date. On the inside of those to the east is an inscription, to the effect that, in 1825 Samvat, or nearly one hundred years ago, a Raja extensively repaired the well. It is possible he may have built the stairs then. Many of the slabs of stone of which they are composed display carvings on their external surface, some of which bear unmistakeable marks of considerable antiquity. These slabs were doubtless taken from dilapidated buildings in the neighbour- hood. A thorough examination of them, especially of the more ancient among them, would, I am satisfied, be not unproductive of interesting results. The wall was also repaired by Mr. Prinsep about thirty years ago.
“ At this well the Nag or serpent is worshipped. In a niche in the wall of one of the stairs is a figure representing three serpents ; and, on the floor, is an emblem of Mahadeo in stone, with a snake crawling up it. The well is visited, for religious purposes, only once in the year, namely, on the 24th and 25th days of the month Sawan, when immense numbers of persons come to it, on pilgrimage, from all parts of the city. The women come on the first day, and the men on the second. They offer sacrifices both to the well and to Nageshwar, or the serpent-god”. (Sherring’s Sacred City of the Hindus.)
The well does not seem to attract much ean ae most months of the year. I have often passed it and seen but few people there. In the dry season, there is little or no water in it. But the “ Nag Punchami”— is a gala day at the well, and I believe at most Siva temples. The Mahadeo from the neighbouring temple of “ Nageshwar’” is brought to the third step of the stairs on the west side of the tank surmount- ing the well, and Hindus of all classes come in thousands to adore the Mahadeo and bathe in the well, which, as the “ Nag Punchami’” Fair is held in July, or during the rains, is filled with water at this season. On the fourth step of the stairs above mentioned, are six circular holes, each 43 inches in diameter and about 4 inches deep arranged in a row. Being always on the look out for “cup marks,” I immediately noticed these holes, but the Brahman in attendance explained that they were intended to collect the libations poured over the Mahadeo, and which trickled down from the gutter above. ‘The same idea, Dr. Keller informed me at Zurich, exists in Switzerland, regarding these cup marks. And from a paper, recently received from the Society of Antiquaries of France, I learn that cup marks are frequently found on stones and slabs in the founda-
PLATE WW.
Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Part I, 1879.
ie
at <0 Gy)
i —-
i
i ; t ,
A FH, Caddy, del.
Fhotozincographed at the Surveyor General's Office Calcutta,
H, Rivett-Carnac, fec,
ILLUSTRATIONS oF Mx. H. RIVETT-CARNAC’S PAPER ON THE SERPENT SYMBOL.
1879. } J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. 23
tions and walls of old churches in the north of Europe. To the right of the spot where the Mahadeo is placed, three stone slabs or panels, appa- rently of great age, have been let into the wall. On one of these, two cobras standing on their tails (see Plate VI, fig. 7) have been roughly carved. On the next are two cobras intertwined in the attitude men- tioned by Mr. Fergusson in the Appendix to his work on “ Tree and Serpent worship.” The cobras are somewhat battered, but the spectacle marks on one is still traceable (see Plate VI, fig. 4). The third slab contains a head, also much battered and weather-worn, which has been at one time surmounted by an ornament of some kind, possibly a cobra, but the form. of which is no longer distinguishable. The heads of the twin cobras and of the human figure are all freely daubed with red paint, shewing their sacredness in the eyes of the Hindu visitors. The slabs appear to be very old and to have been collected from the ruins of some old temple.
To the left and some steps lower down, is a niche or shrine containing an ordinary Mahadeo and yoni with cobra twined round it as shewn in the sketch (Plate VI, fig. 8).
Behind on a tablet or panel, let into the wall, is the head of a cobra, roughly carved, and of the same character and style as the cobras above noticed. On a smaller panel to the right, two snakes are again repre- sented intertwined, but shewing one twist less than in the pair previously noticed. Below the panel are the rough marks as shewn in the sketch (Plate VI, fig. 2) which may be either the remains of a rough inscription or perhaps of chisel or mason’s marks. In two other places also was the twin snake symbol found. In the one case, the snakes are intertwined with ap- parently an egg between the two heads (Plate VI, fig.3). In the other, the snakes are not intertwined and the egg appears to have been broken (Plate VI, fig. 7). These tablets or slabs appear to be of great antiquity. There seemed to be little doubt here, that the snakes were worshipped at the “Nag Kuan” as representing Mahadeo, and the act of congress, in which the snakes are represented as engaged, suggests the connection of these symbols with Siva worship. |
Whilst on the subject of the snake well or tank, I would notice that snake wells are frequently found attached to temples of Mahddeo. I saw such a well recently in Kumaon elose to the temple of Mahadeo, below the monoliths worshipped as representing Mahadeo, on the road between Almorah and Dévi Dhoora. A snake was supposed to inhabit the tank or well. I venture to throw out the suggestion, that the snake in the well may represent the post, or Mahadeo, in the tank, the well representing the yoni or tank as explained by Moor in his “ Hindu Pantheon.” The mys- terious snake inhabiting the well is, of course, not confined to India; and
24 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. [No. I,
Schwalbach, and other snake wells in Europe will suggest themselves to many.
Later I visited the Benares Palace of the Rajahs of Nagpur situated on the Ganges and built in the palmy days of the Bhonslahs, and when a visit to Benares was frequently undertaken by some of the family or its chief dependents. Ina shrine within the buildings, I found the Mahddeo repre- sented by a cobra or Nag, the coils of which were so elaborately intertwined as to make an accurate sketch of the arrangement a matter of no small difficulty. Here the Nag is certainly worshipped as a Mahadeo or phallus. The much intertwined Nag is shewn in Plate VII, fig. 1.
The Palace of the Bhonslahs at Benares brings me to Nagpur, where, many years ago, I commenced to make, with but small success, some rough notes on serpent worship. Looking up some old sketches, I find that the Mahadeo in the oldest temples at Nagpur is surmounted by the Nag as at Benares. And in the old temple near the palace of Nagpur, or city of the Nag or cobra, is a five-headed snake elaborately coiled as shewn in Fig. 2, Plate VII. The Bhonslahs apparently took the many-coiled Nag with them to Benares. A similar representation of the Nag is found in the temple near the Itwarah gate at Nagptr. Here again the Nag or cobra is certainly worshipped as Mahadeo or the phallus, and as already noticed, there are certain obvious points connected with the position assumed by the cobra when excited, and the expansion of the hood, which suggest the reason for this snake, in particular, being adopted as a representation of the phallus and an emblem of Siva.
The worship of the snake is very common in the old Nagpur Province where, especially among the lower class, the votaries of Siva or Nag bhu- shan, ‘“‘ he who wears snakes as his ornaments,’ are numerous. It is likely enough that the City took its name from the Nag temple, still to be seen there, and that the river Nag perhaps took its name from the city or temple, and not the city from the river, as some think. Certain it is that many of the Kunbi or cultivating class worship the snake, and the snake only, and that this worship is something more than the ordinary supersti- tious awe, with which all Hindus regard the snake. I find from my notes that one Kunbi whom I questioned in old days, when I was a Settlement Officer in Camp in the Nagpur Division, stated that he worshipped the Nag and nothing else ; that he worshipped clay images of the snake, and when he could afford to pay snake-catchers for a look at a live one, he worshipped the living snake ; that if he saw a Nag on the road, he would worship it, and that he believed no Hindu would kill a Nag or cobra, if he knew it were a Nag. He then gave me the following list of articles he would use in wor-
PLATE WII.
Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Part I, 1879.
SESS SSSA
H, Rivett-Carnac, fec.
General's Office Calcutta,
Photozincographed at the Suryeyor
ILLUSTRATIONS oF Mr. H. RIVETT-CARNAC’S PAPER ON THE SERPENT SYMBOL.
ans Joya on
1879. ] J. H. Rivett-Carnac —The Snake Symbol in India. 25
shipping the snake, when he could afford it; and I take it, the list is similar to what would be used in ordinary Siva worship.
1. Water. 2. Gandh, pigment of sandalwood for the forehead or body. 3. Cleaned rice. 4. Flowers. 5. Leaves of the Bail Tree. 6. Milk. 7. Curds. 8. A thread or piece of cloth. 9. Red powder. 10. Saffron. 11. Abir, a powder composed of fragrant substances (?) 12. Garlands of flowers. 13. Buttemah or gram soaked and parched. 14. Jowarri (holeus sorghum) do. 15. Five lights. 16. Sweetmeats. 17. Betel leaves. 18. Cocoanut, or nut. 19. A sum of money (according to means). 20. Flowers offered by the suppliant, the palms of the hands being
joined.
All these articles, my informant assured me, were offered to the snake in regular succession, one after the other, the worshipper repeating the while certain mantras or incantations. Having offered all these gifts, the worshipper prostrates himself before the snake, and begging for pardon if he has ever offended against him, craves that the snake will continue his favour upon him and protect him from every danger.
The Deshpandia or chief Pandia (Putwari) of the parganah, who was in attendance with the Settlement Camp, also got for me the following mantra or verse to be used in the antidote for a snake-bite or to charm
snakes.
st ee qyas | azataqa aut st eerwersie UST Us vou Wer ysarst wat AS ° = e =~ TAR Gant Bat wyce wet qavatat sewtae ssafMare qearar oon cE ~ ~ D AIST GSA BS AlS AMPs WaATArasasraytart wre Beret io
D
26 J. H. Rivett-Carnace
The Snake Symbol in India. [Nor ai,
The village where I was encamped was rich in Tandahs, mat-enclosures of betel leaf cultivation, The Baris who cultivate the betel-creeper or Nagballt or Cobra-creeper, as it is called, are, from their constant contact with the Nag-creeper, supposed to be on terms of friendship and to have influence with the snakes, and are often invoked to assist in curing persons who have offended, and who have consequently been bitten by the snake deota or deity. Besides the mantra given above, a remedy employed by the Baris is, I was told, to slap on the mouth the person who brings the news of the accident! These Baris are generally snake-worshippers, and as snakes are often found in the cool, well-watered and covered enclo- sures, in which the delicate creeper is grown, this desire to keep on good terms with the deity may readily be understood. I find too that I noted at the same time that those who worshipped snakes also worshipped the ant-hills or mounds of earth thrown up by ants. The holes of these ant-hills are held, correctly or incorrectly I cannot say, to be full of snakes. I should like further information on this point and would enquire whether the worship of ant-hills may not be on account of their pyramidical shape and hence connection with Siva worship P
The “ Nag panchami” or 5th day of the moon in Sawan is a great féte in the city of Nagpur, and more than usual license is indulged in on that day. Rough pictures of snakes, in all sorts of shapes and positions, are sold and distributed, something after the manner of Valentines. I cannot find any copies of these queer sketches, and, if I could, they would hardly be fit to be reproduced. Mr. J. W. Neill, C. 8., the present Commis- sioner of Nagpur, was good enough to send me some superior Valentines of this class, and I submit them now for the inspection of the Society. It will be seen that in these paintings, some of which are not without merit either as to design or execution, no human figures are introduced. In the ones I have seen, in days gone by, the positions of the women with the snakes were of the most indecent description and left no doubt that, so far as the idea represented in these sketches was concerned, the cobra was regarded as the phallus. In the pictures now sent the snakes will be seen represented in congress, in the well known form of the Caduceus or Hsculapian rod. ‘Then the many-headed snake, drinking from the jewelled cup, takes one back to some of the symbols of the mysteries of bygone days? The snake twisted round the tree and the second snake approaching it are suggestive of the temptation and fall? But I am not unmindful of the pitfalls from which Wilford suffered, and I quite see that it is not impossible that this picture may be held to be not strictly Hindu in its treatment. Still the tree and the serpent are on the brass models, which accompany this paper and which I have already shewn are to be purchased
1879. | J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. 27
in the Benares Brass Bazaar of to-day—many hundreds of miles away from Nagpur where these Valentines were drawn. Iam in correspondence with Mr. J. W. Neill on the subject, and hope to send some further information regarding the meaning of what may certainly be said to be these curious pictures of the Cobra. I shall be interested to learn how far their character may be considered by those, who are competent to judge on this subject, to connect them with the worship of Mahadeo ?
TI have now to state briefly the direction in which I would dative that these imperfect notes should be considered to lead. As the Society know, T have for some time past been endeavouring to collect information on the points of resemblance between the tumuli of India and the well known types of Scandinavia, of Brittany and of the British Isles. In my paper on the Kumdou Rock markings, besides noting the resemblance between the cup markings of India and of Europe, I hazarded the theory that the concentric circles and certain curious markings of what some have called the “jews-harp” type, so common in Hurope, are traces of Phallic worship, earried there by tribes whose hosts descended into India, pushed forward into the remotest corners of Hurope and as their traces now seem to suggest, found their way on to the American Continent also,
Whether these markings really ever were intended to represent the Phallus and the Yoni, must always remain a matter of opinion. But I have no reason to be dissatisfied with the reception with which this, to many somewhat unpleasant, theory has met in some of the Antiquarian Societies of Europe.
No one who compares the stone Yonis of Benares, sent herewith, with the engravings on the first page of the work on the rock mark- ings of Northumberland and Argyleshire, published privately by the Duke of Northumberland, President of the Newcastle Society of Anti- quaries, which is also sent for the inspection of the Society, will deny that there is an extraordinary resemblance between the conventional sym- bol of Siva worship of to-day and the ancient markings on the rocks, men- hirs and cromlechs of Northumberland, of Scotland, of Ireland, of Brittany, of Scandinavia and other parts of Europe.
And a further examination of the forms of the cromlechs and tumuli and menhirs will suggest that the tumuli themselves were intended to indicate the symbols of the Mahadeo and yoni, conceived in no obscene sense, but as representing regeneration, the new life, “life out of death, life everlasting,” which those buried in the tumuli, facing towards the sun in its meridian, were expected to enjoy in the hereafter. Professor Stephens, the well known Scandinavian Antiquary, writing to me recently, speaks of these symbols as follows :
28 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. [No. 1,
“The pieces (papers) you were so good as to send me were very valu- able and welcome. ‘There can be no doubt that it is to India we are to look for the solution of many of our difficult archeological questions.
“‘ But especially interesting is your paper on the Ancient Rock Seulp- turings. I believe that you are quite right in your views. Nay I go further. I think that the Northern Bulb-stones are explained by the same combination. I therefore send you by this post a copy of the part for 1874 of the Swedish Archeological Journal containing Baron Herculius’ excellent dissertation on these objects. Though in Swedish, you can easily understand it, at least the greater part, by reading it as a kind of broad north-English. At all events you can examine the many excellent wood- cuts. I look upon these things as late conventionalized abridgements of the Linga and Yoni, life out of death, life everlasting—thus a fitting ornament for the graves of the departed.
“Tn the same way the hitherto not understood small stones with 1 or 2 or 8 or 4 ete. distinct cups cut in them (vulgarly called chipping-stones, which they never were or could be) I regard as the same thing for domestic worship, house altars, the family Penates.”
I may note that this distinguished antiquary has adopted as a mono- gram for his writing paper a “menhir,”’ round which a serpent is coiled, evidently copied from old Scandinavian remains.
Many who indignantly repudiate the idea of the prevalence of phallic worship among our remote ancestors, hold that these symbols represent the snake or the sun. But admitting this, may not the snake, after all, have been but a symbol of the phallusP And the sun,* the invigorating
* Since writing this I have come across the following remarks by Tod in the Asiatic Researches: ‘ The Suroi were in fact the Sauras, inhabiting the peninsula of Sau- vashtra, the Saurastrene and Syrastrene already quoted from the Periplus, and the kingdom immediately adjoiming, that of Tessarioustus, to the eastward. That the Supo: of Saur’ashtra, and the Syrians of Asia Minor had the same origin, appears from the worship of Surya, or the Sun. I have little doubt, we have more than one “city of the sun”* in this tract; indeed, the only temples of the Sun I have met with in India, are in Saur’ashtra. The temple raised to Bal in Tadmort+ in the Desert, by Solomon, where he worshipped “‘ Bal and Ashtoreth, the strange gods of the Sidonians,”’ was the Bal-nat’h, or Great God of the Hindus, the Vivifier, the Sun: and the Pillar erected to him “in every grove, and on every high hill ;” the Lingam, or Phallus, the emblem of Bal; Bal-nat’h, Bal-césari,{ or as Bal-Iswara, the Osiris of the Egyptians ; and as Nand-Iswara, their Serapis, or Lord of the Sacred Bull; Nanda, or Apis “the Calf of Egypt,” which the chosen people bowed to “ when their hearts were
turned away from the Lord.”
* Heliopolis (Suryaptira) was one capital of Syria. — Ay Be
+ Hence its name Bal-bee, Bécisan idol: so Ferishta derives it, the idol Bal. This, the capital in future times of the unfortunate Zenobia, was translated by the Greeks to Palmyra; for it is but a translation of Tad-tar, or Tal-mor, and can have an Indian derivation, from Tar, or Tal, the Date, or Palmyra-tree ;
and Mor, the head, chief, or crown. ; i ~ Cesari, alion. Hence the royal appellation of the Cxsars; and Lion (Sinha) Lords of India, haye
the sume meaning.
1879. ] J. H. Rivett-Carnae—The Snake Symbol in India. 29
power of nature, has ever, I believe, been considered to represent the same idea, not necessarily obscene, but the great mystery of nature, the life transmitted from generation to generation, or, as Professor Stephen puts it, “life out of death, life everlasting.” The same idea in fact which, apart from any obscene conception, causes the rude Mahadeo and yoni to be worshipped daily by hundreds of thousands of Hindus.
In a most interesting paper recently read at the Society of Antiquaries of France, some extracts of which I am now preparing for the Society, the authors M. M. Edouard Piette and Julien Sacaze have actually dis- covered the remains of phallic worship still existing among the people of the Pyrennees, the existence of which in Scandinavia, in days gone by, has already been brought to the notice of the Society by Dr. Rajendralala Mitra. These Archzologists have established the fact that to this day the menhir is still reverenced in the Pyrennees as the phallus. And referring to certain cromlechs in the neighbourhood, M. M. Piette and Sacaze hold that the circle, and central stone represent the “Sun.” The sun, they suppose, was the sacred symbol of these tribes, and they suggest that the tumuli and sacred places of the race, were raised in this form, just as we now build our churches in the shape of a cross and place the sign of the cross on the graves of our dead. Whilst I was writing these very remarks on the Kumaon markings, M. M. Piette and Sacaze were noticing the same points in regard to the tumuli of the Pyrennees. There are not wanting other remarkable points of resemblance between their paper and the Indian remains, with which M. Bertrand, President of the Society of Antiquaries of France, was much struck, and which induced him to send me, in Septem- ber 1877, the proof sheets of the Proceedings of the Society. But the cir- cumstance to which, in connection with the serpent worship of the above notes, I attach the greatest importance is, that I find that in many of these groups of tumuli, the circle is found with the serpent coiled round it.
“Thus Bal was the type of productiveness, and Ashtoreth, as destruction, most probably that of the Hight (Ashta) armed mother. A’shta-Tara-Devi’, or the radiated Goddess of Destiny, is always depicted as trampling on the monster Bhainsdstr, aided by her lion (when she resembles Cybele, or the Phrygian Diana) and in each of her eight arms holding a weapon of destruction: but I have ventured to pursue the subject elsewhere. I shall merely remark on the Suroi of Menander, that amongst the thirty- six royal races of Hindus, especially pertaining to Saur’ashtra, is that of Sarweya, as written in the Bhakha, but classically Suryaswa. The historian of the Court of Anhul- warra* thus introduces it: ‘‘ And thou, Sarweya, essence of the martial races.’ No doubt, it was, with many others, of Scythic origin, perhaps from Zariaspa, or Bactria, introduced at a period when the worship of Bal, or the Sun, alone was common to the nations east and west of the Indus; when, as Pinkerton says, a grand Scythic empire extended to the Ganges. Here I must drop Apollodotus and Menander, for the history of their exploits extends no further than the Suroi.”—Tod in Asiatic Researches.
* Nehrwara of D’Anville and Renaudot,
30 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. [No. I,
May not this represent the serpent encircling the Mahadeo as now seen in India and in the form which during many centuries has perhaps not undergone any great change ?P
A further detailed consideration of this view must be deferred until I can submit to the Society the result of the enquiries of M. M. Piette and Sacaze, many of the points of which, in connection with the remains dis- covered in India, cannot, I believe, be considered other than most remarkable.
And I may add in conclusion that no one who has been in this country and who has noticed the monolith Mahadeos of the Western Ghats of the Himalayas and other parts of India, can fail to be struck with the resem- blance that the menhirs of Carnac* in Brittany and its neighbourhood bear to the Siva emblems of India. I visited these remarkable remains when at home last year, and was quite taken aback by their resemblance to well-known Indian types. The monoliths of Scotland covered with what I believe to be “ Mahddeo” symbols are of the same class. Added to this, in the recesses of the Pyrennees, the people whose language sug- gests their descent from the Tribes who erected the tumuli and men- hirs, not only in this neighbourhood but also in other parts of Europe, still preserve traditions connected with these monoliths and have actually retained some traces of what I will call Siva worship. With this evidence, added to the points noticed in my paper on the Junapani Barrows and the Kumaon markings, the connection between the marks in India and Hurope may then, I hope, be considered tolerably complete.
APPENDIX.
Note on the articles exhibited by Mr. Rivett-Carnac.—By Banu PRa- TAPA CHANDRA GHOSHA, B. A.
It is interesting to observe how the ornamental and the artistic help in complicating the myths of the Hindu religion. The occurrence of the snake on several of the articles exhibited is ornamental in some and in- consistent with the Sastras inafew. ‘The snake on the spoon or ladle is for ornamental purposes, and that on the bell is altogether out of place. The Sastras make no mention of the necessity of any such figures on the handles of spoons, sacrificial ladles or water-pots. In the case of the bell the only figure directed to be represented on a religious bell is that of Garuda, the bird-god. The Padma Purana has the following—“ He is not
* T may be permitted to be egotistical enough to note, that Carnac, the surname which my grandfather added to his own, by sign-manual on succeeding to General Carnac’s property, is the Celtic “Carnej,” ‘ Cairn,” or collection of monoliths, for which the village whence General Carnac took his name is celebrated. The family crest, a crescent and dagger, bears an extraordinary resemblance to the markings on some of the menhirs.
HS 9: | J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Appendiz. 31
a Bhagavat (worshipper of Bhagavan) in this iron age who has not in his house a conch-shell or a bell surmounted by a Garuda or the bird-god.”’ Such a bell as the above is used in the worship of Vasudeva (Vishnu). And although in the Sastras regarding the worship of Siva and Rama- chandra, it is nowhere provided that the bell used in such service should be adorned with figures of the snake and Hanuman (the monkey-god), the vahanas of the two gods respectively, yet the bell-maker in his devoutness has added these figures to the bell, thinking that such a bell would serve the threefold worship of Siva, Vishnu and Ramchandra. The white paint of sandal-wood paste on the lingam in the form of a circle or a semicircle and a dot, is intended to represent the sacerdotal thread (poztad) and the mark (phontdé) and, in the case of the semicircle, the half moon which is said to adorn the forehead of Siva.
In the paper on Tree and Serpent sone published in Part I, No. 3 J. A. S. B for 1870, Ananta the serpent king is said to have a thousand heads and four arms. In the Briddha Baudhayana quoted by Hemadri, a Naga is ordinarily described to have five heads.
GUA Gav wurgqaderd
In the Visvakarmé Sastra, Ananta is said to have a hundred thousand
heads, and the other secondary eight Nagas to have seven heads each, Qaeey HAI: BCA aTaiay: | cara Mee a aria a wi we Hn re faire area: saw afwaalaa: |
A Naga is said to have hoods and the body of a man, the lower extremities being like those of a reptile. A sarpa or serpent is a reptile. The three-headed or the nine-headed snakes are imaginative figures ; they have no foundation in the Sastras. The figures of snakes forming backs of the shrines exhibited are evidently artistic and ornamental; they kave no direct connection with serpent worship.
Cup-marks occurring in the vicinity of sepulchral monuments suggest their origin in the Smritis, in which it is stated that, after the cremation of the body, the son of the deceased is directed to offer water and milk, ait and @i<, to the manes of the departed, and the water and milk are generally presented in unburnt clay cups, and it is not unoften that they are poured in little hollows made with the finger on the soft ground of the river side where the funeral ceremony is generally performed. May not the cup-marks on stone slabs represent these water and milk cups offered to the spirits of the departed ?
The ant-hill has been known to be a resort of snakes where these reptiles have been seen to coil themselves up for comfortable and warm
lodging. The eggs of ants and the queens of the same are well known favourite food of snakes.
32 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,
Some Further Notes on Kalidisa.— By Guorcr A. GRIERSON, EsqQ., B.C. s.
In the April number of the Indian Antiquary for 1878, there is an in- teresting account of the traditions concerning Kalidasa current in Mysore.
The tradition in Mithila, where I am at present, is somewhat different, and it may not be out of place to mention what I have gathered concerning Kalidasa in Bihar.
It will be observed that the two legends coincide in describing Kalida- sa as being ignorant in his youth, and as acquiring his unrivalled power over the Sanskrit language by the special interposition of a deity.
According to local tradition Kalidasa was born at Damodarpur, a village near the town of Uchait, and situated within the confines of the Madhubanf sub-division of the Darbhanga or Hastern Tirhtt district.
As narrated in the article above referred to, he was left an orphan at an early age, and being destitute of means of support, he was, although a Brahman, obliged to allow himself to be brought up amongst some low easte tribes, who tended cattle. He grew up so stupid, that even amongst his fellows he was considered little better than an idiot.
Now, there was once on a time a Brahman, who lived in a certain city, who had a daughter (name unknown), who was the most learned woman of her age. She refused many advantageous offers of marriage, averring that she would only wed a man more learned than herself. At length her father, losing all patience, made a secret vow that he would marry her to the stupidest Brahman he could find. So he went about searching for such a man; but could not find one, for ignorant Brahmans are rare in Mithila.* At length one day, he was passing through Damodarpur, when he saw a boy, dressed as a gowdld, sitting on the branch of a tree, and cutting the branch at a part between himself and the trunk. The Brahman looked, and the boy cut on and at last, when he had cut through the branch, fell to the ground along with it. The boy got up, much hurt, and expressed won- der at the result of his labour. The Brahman thought that if this boy were only of his caste, he would be just the husband for his daughter. He made enquiries and found that his name was Kalidisa, and that he was a Brahman, who, being left destitute, was supported by the charity of the Gowalas of Damodarpur. After inquiring as to his stupidity, and finding the result of his inquiries satisfactory, the Brahman took Kalidasa to his home
* So says the legend. I only wish that, at the present day, there was some truth in the statement. The difficulty now is to find a Brahman, who can do anything but fight and bring false cases. Hwxperto crede ; Virhitiya Brahmans are the bane of a sub- divisional officer's life.
E79 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kilidésa. 83
and introduced him to his daughter, as her future husband. The daughter, in order to test Kalidasa’s knowledge, asked him if he was learned in Sanskrit. K4lid4sa in his ignorance replied “ qrat atf 4a.’ meaning, of course, “sta aifa.” The daughter was highly offended at this ignorant answer and told her parent that he ought to have known better than to bring for- ward such a dolt as her future husband. But her father was not in the least taken aback and replied that, by saying as she had just said, she had shown her inferiority to Kalidasa in Sanskrit learning, in that she was not able to understand the excellence of the idiom with which he spoke,—“ For,” said he, “‘st’ means ‘ knowledge,’ ‘a1’ means ‘of us,’ z. e., ‘of me,’ ‘aif means ‘there is not’; ‘#@’ is compounded of ‘ar’ and ‘¢a,’ of which ‘ at’ means ‘ Lakshmi,’ and ‘qa’, ‘like.’ The whole phrase ‘ HT aT aif aa’ therefore means ‘I am not as learned as Lakshmi.’”* On hearing this explanation, the daughter was compelled to confess herself vanquished and agreed to marry Kalidasa. After the performance of the ceremony, Kalidasa hastened to meet his bride in the wedding-chamber ; but she, being strong-minded, refused to allow any familiarities, until she had cate- chised him in the soundness of his knowledge of the Sdstras. Of course, poor Kalidasa was utterly confounded and so incensed his wife that she gave him a sound drubbing with a broom-stick.
He fled from the chamber and passed the rest of the night wandering about in a neighbouring wood, and erying with the pain of the broom-stick. In the morning he resolved to deserve his wife, by at least learning to read and write at a path-s‘dlda in Uchait.
He attended the péth-s’a/a regularly, but in vain. He was a bye-word amongst the pupils and an example of stupidity continually held up to the other boys by the gurw.
At Uchait, there is a famous Durgasthan situated m the midst of the jangal: and one rainy stormy evening, his school-fellows dared Kalidasa to visit it at midnight. Out of his innate stupidity, Kalidasa was perfectly indifferent in the matter of ghosts and readily undertook to perform the venturesome action. As it was necessary for him to show some token of his visit, he smeared the palm of his hand with ashes, that he might leave the impress of his hand on the image.
Now, it must be observed, that it is the custom in Mithila, when any one has committed a grievous sin, for the people to smear his face with ashes and to parade him in this state before the town. Therefore it is a “yat paro nasti” insult to cast ashes on the face of an innocent man.
* T fear this story did not originally apply to Kalidasa, though I have heard it attributed to him. I have met it in the Purusha Parikshé, but no mention of Kalidasa is made in that version.
i,
34 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kélidésa. [No. 1,
Kalidasa arrived at the Durgdsthan at midnight, as agreed upon, and prepared to leave the ashy impress of his hand on the face of the image of Durga. No one but a fool would have dared to do this,—but then Kali- dasa was a foolindeed. As he lifted his hand, the awful consequences of the action became evident to Durg4, who foresaw that in the morning her own image would become the laughing-stock of all the country round ; she therefore appeared before him in her proper form. Nothing deterred by this, Kéliddsa was reaching out his hand towards the face of the image in spite of her entreaties, when to save her reputation she promised him any boon he might ask for, on condition of his abstaining. He consented and asked to be the wisest man in the world. She granted the boon, promising that he should know the contents of every page which he should turn over during that night, and that he should always be victorious in any public disputation in which he might engage. Kalidasa thereupon hurried home and spent the rest of the night in continually turning over all the leaves of all the books in his guru’s library. At daybreak he retired to rest, and while he was yet asleep the pupils arrived and sat at the feet of the guru for their daily instruction. No one took any notice of Kalidasa, as he remained asleep in the room, till the guru, while instructing, made a slip in his Sanskrit. Without awaking, Kaliddsa instantly corrected it; and then all, being astonished at this precocity on the part of the fool of the Academy, joined in waking him and in demanding the authority for the correction, Kalidasa, on the spot, quoted the necessary sutra of Panini, a work which, till then, he had never read. The astonishment of all can be imagined, and it was not diminished when he described the miracle which was the source of his knowledge.
There is a story about Kalidasa current here, which is not unamusing. It runs as follows. There was a king called S/ibay Sith, the father of Rup- narayan, who was renowned for his patronage of learned men. As he knew nothing himself, he invented a very simple way of judging the capa- bilities of the crowds attracted to his court,—he valued pandits not by their learning, but by their weight. The fatter and more unwieldy a Brahman was, the more he was honoured, and the greater the rewards given him for his learning. Before Kalidasa had made his name, he determined to attend at the king’s court. His friends dissuaded him, saying, ‘ You will never succeed there, for you are small and lean,’”’ but nevertheless he started, repeating the following verse—
aM Gala a 4 aT ATH Ble aw afawical wuita | tia aafa a a a) aarer ate Aeteeeectaufa i
That is to say, “ Whether a king presents gifts or not, when he hears
a poet’s voice (he will certainly give) ; just as, whether a bride will admit a
1879. ] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidésa. 35
man to her embraces or not, (she will certainly yield) once she has set her foot upon the threshold of the room dedicated to amorous sport.’’ On the way he picked up a man of the Bheriyar or shepherd caste, who was the fattest man ever known. Kalidasa persuaded him to accompany him and to pretend that he was the master, and Kalidasa only the pupil. He further instructed the shepherd on no account to let his voice be heard, promising to do all the talking himself. The shepherd agreed to this, and the two journeyed to king Sibay Sinh’s court. Kalidasa introduced the shepherd as his master, and the weight of the latter immediately told. He was rapidly promoted and soon became the chief pandit in the court. All this time he never opened his lips, Kalidasa officiating on all occasions as his mouth-piece ; and probably the fact of his silence increased his fame, for the legend (unconsciously foretelling the story of Jack and his Parrot) says, that the king considered that as he did not speak, he must think a lot.
One day, however, the Bheriyar forgot his instructions, and in a full Sabha, in the presence of the king, while the conversation was about the Ramayana, he opened his lips, and pronounced the word t7H#W when he should have said traw.* The whole assembly was electrified at this one word of the Silent Pandit. The king to do him justice saw the mistake, but still it did not shake his faith in the weight of its utterer. So he pro- pounded the following question to the assembly—“ I have always heard other pandits pronounce the word as <raw ; and I have seen the Ramayana, and in it the word is always spelt <taw. How then does it happen that this pandit, who is the greatest pandit at my court, pronounces 4 as ¥, and says t1HwP Thereupon Kalidasa stood up, and on the spur of the moment repeated the following s‘loka :
~c Sees x ~ HFURU WHIT wHrciste fata | Uasat FSS! UAW FT g Taw: Il -“Kumbhakarna (was a Rakshasa, and) his name contains the letter “bh,” so does the name of Vibhishana. Rav(bh)ana was the chief of the Rakshasas, and therefore his name should be Rabhana, and not Ravana.” This very lame excuse appears to have filled the sabhaé with admiration for Kalidasa’s wisdom, and thenceforth his name became famous throughout the three worlds.
At King Bhoja’s court, the pandit who had the ear of the king was
* This is evidently an allusion to the local pronunciation of the lower orders. In my notes on the Rangpur Dialect, published in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society for 1877, I have shown that similar changes to this exist in at least one pro- vincial dialect of Bengal.
36 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [Mont
one named “ Dallan Kavi’ (faa_afa).* This man was neither very clever nor very ignorant, but was only moderately learned (awa ufwa). By dint, however, of intrigues he had attained to such promotion, that no pandit could approach the king, until he had been examined and passed by Dallan Kavi. Dallan naturally abused this power and introduced only the most ignorant pandits to the king, sending all who were more learned than himself away, re ineffecta.
Kalidasa wished to be introduced to King Bhoja: but, noticing that all the good pandits returned home disappointed, while the bad ones were received into favour, he suspected the true nature of the case, and had recourse to the following artifice :—
He set out for Dhara, where King Bhoja reigned, and on the way he met three poor ignorant pedagogues, who were bent on the same errand as himself. These three had put their heads together to concoct some verses which they might recite before the king, but their united efforts only brought them as far as the first half of a single anushtubh, which was as follows :—
afwaz area qa: watfeenaa |
This being interpreted means “ Like a bone, like a crane, and again like a mendicant’s tooth,’ but they could get no farther. When they saw Kalidasa, they asked for his assistance, and he replied by giving the second half of the sloka impromptu, as follows,—
Usd aia a alfa: wepgucifeaa |
the whole sloka then meaning. ‘“ (Bright) as ivory, or as the (snowy) crane, as the teeth of a mendicant, or as the rays of the autumn moon, is thy glory, O King Bhoja,” which incongruous display of metaphor im- mensely pleased the three poor pandits. Kaliddsa then went on his way to Dhara, and dressing himself in very mean attire called to pay his respects to Dallan Kavi. He took care, however, to call when Dallan was not at home ; and repeated this every day for a week, during which time he made himself thoroughly acquainted with all the habits, customs and hours of his future patron.
After the expiration of the week Kalidasa went again to Dallan’s house in mean attire, at a time when he was engaged in a ceremony usually performed apart from the multitude.{ In spite of this, however, Kalidasa
* So his name is pronounced and spelt now-a-days; a reference, however, to the S’ardila vikridita verse later on will show that it was originally Dalana (e~aa).
+ A Sannydasé is not supposed to chew betel-nut and pdn. Hence his teeth are not discoloured, but retain their pristine whiteness,
t amaa eeaataareute wea? tl
1879.] ' G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 37
forced himself into his presence and made a most profound obeisance. In- dignant at the interruption, Dallan ordered him to leave the place, but Ka4lidasa pacified him by a string of far-fetched compliments, and he at length condescended to ask the new-comer his business. Kalhdasa replied that he was a poor poet from the south, who did not know the manners and customs of Dhara, and that he wished to be introduced to king Bhoja. Dallan asked if he had ever composed anything in Sanskrit. Kalidasa replied, “a little,” and that he was prepared to give an example there and then, It was as follows :—
cata cache aax aa
fea afa aie ara uae | aut aud va fara ay +
ey: fag faa ax at Baas |
This remarkable composition Kalidasa translated as meaning. “ The euckoo sings in the city and in the forest, and a woman keeps pounding sandal wood, and says I cannot bear my life. Separated from my beloved one, my heart goes pit-a-pat.”
To understand this ludicrous mixture of pedantic and ignorant mis- takes some explanation is necessary. The following verse occurs in the Amarakosha, “ aatya: aaa: atta: faa <afu,” “the cuckoo is also (=atq) called pika and other names.” Kalidasa, however, represents him- self as thinking that the meaning is that kokila, pika and ityapi are all synonymous terms. In sata there are onree mistakes. Kaliddsa meant to say wufa, mistranslating it as “sings.” The verb ® “to make” is marked in the Dhdtupdthas as “Sa,” in which ¥ and & are anuban- dhas or indicatory letters, which form no part of the root and only draw attention to certain peculiarities of conjugation. Kalidasa, however, repre- sents himself as thinking that only S& is an anubandha, and that “ Ba” is a ready made root of the first does. meaning “to sing.” With regard ze ufwat, the following verse occurs in the Amarakosha :
Aan ~ = Gad SAqcay AAI TWIST: | ait HUTA waar ecqea
That is to say, “ Of the following five names of celestial trees, the manddra, the parijdtaka, the santana, and the kalpavriksha are masculine, while the harichandana is optionally neuter.” Kalidasa, however, took “ punsi va” as being a synonym for “ harichandana’”’ or “yellow sandal- a ” The words ‘‘afe afa ary ya” are Hindi. With regard to qurt,
“afaat ateat aa’ of the Amonnback? led Kalidasa to represent him-
38 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,
self as saying that “ @yT’ meant “a woman.” The words “awa va faa @#e are again Hindi. From “ @ Gala: Vasa Feat Yea AT” of the Amarakosha, Kalidasa makes out that “ yy” means ‘‘a beloved one.” The rest of the verse is Hindi.
Dallan, after hearing this elaborately explained to him, came to the eonclusion, as he well might, that Kalidasa was a very poor pandit indeed, and that it would be quite safe to introduce him to king Bhoja. He there- fore applauded the composition, and requested him to leave him, promising to introduce him after he had concluded performing the office at which he had been interrupted.
They accordingly started off to the palace, and on the way Dallan ask- ed Kalidasa, if he had composed any verse to recite before the king. Kali- dasa said he had one, and repeated the verse which he and the three poor Brahmans had concocted between them. Poor as this was, it-was far better than anything that Dallan could write, and his jealousy was not appeased until Kalidasa had assured him that it was not his own, but that he had got some one else to make it for him. It was then written down on a slip of paper, and they proceeded into the audience chamber. After the usual ds'irvada the following conversation took place :
-
Dallan WA WAZA
King ZaaqHe | fa qfaanrara Dallan ze Il aTe King RY RAT Dallan Way araaa King anaat Kilidésa Waa Il
farraiacfaegecent | FIR WAUTATaANS It VRVEAI AHF UwTI= | wits ae aaa That is to say, the king and Dalana were only talking prose, but Kalidasa ingeniously turned the whole conversation into four complicated S'ardilavikridita verses. The king was surrounded by a bevy of damsels, and Kalidasa expresses himself unable to read his verse, being distracted by their charms. The translation is as follows :— Dailan. O king, may you prosper. King. Dallan Kavi, what have you in that paper ?
1879. ] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 39
Dallan. This is a poetical composition.
King. Of what poet ?
Daillan. Of this ingenious gentleman here.
King. Let it be read.
Kélidasa. I proceed to read. But first, let the wanton tinkling of the bracelets on the slender arms of these damsels, beautiful-eyed as lotuses, as they wave their chawiiris round thee, be stopped for an instant.
By this display of learning Dallan was obliged to confess himself con- quered, and ever after Kalidasa retained the post of honour near king Bhoja.
At King Bhoja’s court, there were three pandits whose names are now unknown, but who are called collectively the three S’rutidharas.* Now, one of these three was such that he could repeat a composition when it was repeated before him once, another could do the same when it was repeated twice, while the third could do so when he had heard it thrice. In order to attract poets to his court, King Bhoja offered a prize of a lakh of rupees to any one who could compose an original piece of poetry. Num- bers of poets became candidates for the prize, and recited their original compositions in the presence of the king and the three S’rutidharas : but always with the same result. S’rutedhara No. 1 exclaimed that the composi- tion was an old one, that he had heard it before, and backed his opinion by repeating it, which he could, of course, do, as he had heard it once. Then No. 2, who by this time had heard it twice, also averred that it was an old one, and also repeated it, and the same course was followed by No. 3, who by this time had heard it thrice. In this way all the poets were driven with shame from the palace. Kalidasa, however, was not to be beaten, and going before the king as a competitor recited the following sragdhara verses,
CAA AT AISTTIS | tavaafafedt | aifaae eaTaa
* A similar trio is met in the Kathdé Sarit Sagara, (Introduction—story of Vara- ruchi). They lived, however, at Pataliputra, being patronized by king Nanda. The three were named Vararuchi, Vyadi, and Indradatta. The story tells how there was a brahman named Varsha, who was an idiot. Kartikeya, however, had granted him as a boon, that he should be endowed with every science, with this proviso, that he could only communicate his learning to a brahman who should be able to acquire it all at one hearing. Vararuchi was such a person, and Varsha communicated his lore to him in presence of the other two. Vararuchi thereupon repeated it to VyAdi, who was able to remember a thing on hearing it twice repeated,—and Vyddi again repeated it to Indradatta, who thus heard it three times, and was then himself able to repeat it.
40 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,
fost @ ar wetar | aaaatataat | taarfeaeter il are efe ete | UHGTUTAT | Waa Bacar i aT Saat aa F | qagaratca | ete ud aa @ II That is to say,—“ Hail, King Bhoja, thy father was famed throughout the three worlds as a virtuous man. The ninety-nine krors of jewels be- longing to me, which thy father took from me, do thou now restore unto me. All the wise men who stand in attendance on thee know this to be the fact,—or else,—if my words are false,—this poem of mine is an original composition, and thou must pay to me the proffered prize of a lakh of rupees.” The three S’rutidharas dared not say that they had heard this before, for that would be tantamount to confessing that Bhoja owed Kalli- dasa ninety-nine rors of jewels.*
Before Kaliddsa became wise, but after his marriage, his wife used to try and teach him a little learning. One day she tried to teach him to pronounce the word ** 3B” “a camel” (ushtra). But Kalidasa could not form his mouth so as to pronounce the word, and at one time would he would say “3<’’ (wr) and at another time 3¥ (ush). His wife at length lost her patience, and after saying—
ee wate <a 4 at | aa eur fagafaar i fa a acuta a va fe az: | fa a acifa a va fe gz i
“ He mispronounces ushtra with ra, and sha; and yet God has given him a round-limbed wife. What can He not do when he is angered, and what can He not do when he is pleased,’’+ she launched forth into words of no measured abuse. When Kalidasa remonstrated with her on the foul-
* T have met a story somewhat similar to this in Persian literature, and much regret that I cannot lay my hands on it now. A comic version of the Persian tale can be found in Punch, Vol. II, January to June 1842, p. 254, It is called “ Jawbrahim Heraudee.”
+ 7. ¢ He must be angry with me, inasmuch as he has given me a dolt for a husband, and he must be pleased with Kalidasa, for he has given him me for a wife.
1879. ] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. AL
ness of her language, she replied “ que aregt afa:” “ What else is fit for one so utterly debased ?” These words dwelt in Kalidasa’s mind and rankled there. After the miraculous gift of learning was given to him by Durga, as previously described, before returning home, he disguised him- self as a Vairdgt and, taking a dish of flesh food, sat himself on the edge of the tank where his wife usually bathed, and commenced to eat. His wife presently came up, and the following conversation ensued,—in the Sadrdula-vikridita metre.
The wife. faa afafatad sqHat |
Kalidasa. fa aa ay faa i
W. wa aty aa faa
Ka. fsaast | aItieaifa: az |
W. awa saate: RaWa YA |
Ka. yaa Saw AT i
W. gareraaica zr sfq waar |
Ka. “Haq AT ata: |
That is :—
W7rfe. Oh mendicant, are you eating flesh ?
Kalidasa. What is that without wine ?
W. Do you also like wine ?
Ka. Indeed I do, and women with it.
W. But courtezans expect money. Whence can you pay them ?
Ka. From gambling and stealing.
W. So, Sir, you also gamble and are a thief ?
Ka. ‘ What else is fit for one so utterly debased ?”
When the wife heard her own words thus hurled back in her teeth, she was ashamed and recognized her husband and, taking him home, ever after- wards lived in due subordination to him.
There was a pis’écha or demon who inhabited a wood in Dhara, through which ran a much-frequented road. It was his custom to seize passers-by and to propose to them a question in the words ‘‘@T@&, ARR, ATR” “koruk, koruk, koruk.” As no one could understand this, the traveller was invariably seized and eaten by the demon, his worldly possessions being added to a pile of those which had been the property of previous victims. One day Kalidasa had occasion to go along the road, and as usual, the pisacha seized him and asked the hard question. Kélidasa understood it to be AT SWR, AT SWA, AT SWA , that is to say, “ who is free from disease ?”’ repeated thrice, He thereupon replied as follows;
F
42 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,
aug anata wtfe a uefa | Sara a incacty g |
rafa auATEaaay a tata 4 OT SUH Bl SAH Fr se i
“ He who stays at home in the rainy season, eats little in the autumn, eats his fill in the cold and dewy season, goes abroad in the months of spring, and sleeps in the hot season, is free from disease.” The pis’écha was much pleased at Kalidasa’s reply and released him, giving him all the wealth which he had levied from his former victims.
One cool spring evening when the south wind was blowing softly, and the mango blossoms were nodding on the trees, king Bhoja was walking in his garden, accompanied by Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti. The king, charmed by the graceful motion of the mango blossoms, asked Kalidasa to tell him why they waved so prettily. Kalidasa replied :—
ZY VAM FUSSY AT CAI TIAA | aan GaSe AwUata aygila Cat | aaltuya ARG a; Yaataar | warn gard ate ate ata gaa 1
“Tt is evening, and, lo, I have come from Malaya afar ; I would pass one night in thy house, O graceful one.’ When the newly blossomed mango tendril is thus addressed by the wind, she shakes her head, and says “Nay, nay, nay.’ ”
The king was pleased at this poetical description, but asked Kalidasa, why the mango said “nay” three times. The latter dared not plead exi- gencies of metre, and being unable to give a plausible exeuse, hung his head ashamed. The king then turned to Bhavabhiti, and asked him the same question. Kalidasa’s famous rival, giving a different meaning to aagegtaat, which also means a woman who is not “ zqeqrtar’, explained that the three-fold repetition referred to the three days of uncleanness which precede the purificatory bathing: as stated thus in the S’uddhi bwveka.
99a sofa areret feala quarfcat | gata taal Hl VqGu @rarareca i
“ Tf a woman admit her husband on the first day, she sinks to the level of a chandalz, if on the second day, to that of a leather-worker, and if on the third day, to that of a dhobint ; but on the fourth day she may bathe and admit him.”
There was a famous courtezan at Dhdra, who loved Kalidasa and was beloved by him in return. She also admitted king Bheja to her favours.
1879.] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 43
The latter, however, she only allowed to approach her in pursuit of her ealling, while Kalidasa was admitted for pure love. For what will a woman not do for love? Does not the poet Vidyakara Misra say as follows.* qaqa yy vata axfa FACS AATAYT | ereda tags shy wsig: fateqar vata agsTaS: | “Lo, there are many bonds, but none like the binding of the toils of love. Hven the bee, skilled as he is in cleaving timber, lies helpless,— bound in the hollow of a lotus.” And again does not the poetess Lakhima Thakurain say :—
faa we afe Safuaa Ta aay Pe WWaat 4 ae Rarky | aarty Ee Hafa are Harty VF uy sf SE Wag TURAIATy: I fa qrrefe 4 traaaraae | aay fa afe a KaAqaay equ fa fe a aaa qatar | fa at aWawaar afe arraaa |i 8 I var = tt waryar stat cafaarerat fafeasa ag TANT gTTUMTafaat | aa Hema Btuatadararesd | agi +a afd anfa weuaeafaar ii 2 Bats ti areay rat aiaet aT | wal gu efeaat 4 Vere I fang yqTeqts tea | grag wat aqaTatat | gl (1.) ‘Ah! may I never love, but if I must,—let it not be with a wanderer ; and if it be with such, may he not be full of excellence: and even if it be thus, may my love be never broken ; and if it be broken, may my life, which is not mine, be mine to cast away.
* Tho following verses are generally quoted by pandits when telling this story. As I have not noticed them in any of the usual Chrestomathies, I give them here,
Ah G. A. Grierson—Some Purther Notes on Kalidasa. {No. 1,
(2.) “ What are adornments, if a woman hath not youth; and what is youth, if she hath not perfect comeliness ; and what is that, if virtue doth not dwell within ; and what is virtue, if her beloved one doth not possess it too P
(3.) “ My friend, a tender plant hath been planted by fate in the treacherous soil of thy heart. Cherish it jealously, for it beareth many flowers. Sprinkle it daily with the water of remembrance that it may not fade,—for that plant is love.
(4.) “Like the shadows of the fore and of the afternoon are the loves of the wicked and of the good. The first beginneth great and gra- dually fadeth away; but the second is delicate at first, and afterwards waxeth mighty.”
One evening Kalidasa was with his mistress, when they were inter- rupted by the sudden arrival of the king. Kalidasa having no time to escape was obliged to hide himself under the bed, she cautioning him, as he valued his life, not to let his presence be known by either word or action. The king after his arrival, fancying himself alone with the courtezan, and wishing to pay a compliment to her beauty, laid his hand upon her bosom and addressed her as follows :
aq ata qardal faaer qmatva | Having got thus far, and having accomplished half a verse, he tried to finish it, but could not, ad hemming and hawing, stuck there. Kalidasa, who would rather have died than have heard an incomplete verse, could no longer contain himself ; and his poetic fury overpowering him, he burst from under the bed, upsetting it and its occupants, erying out—
MITRACIS WaT FA ATI!
The whole couplet, containing a pun on the word ax, which means both “ tax” and “ hand,” meaning—
King. “Verily, my fair one, thy breasts are like two monarchs of the world.”
Kalidasa. “Yes—for doth not His Majesty, who levieth tribute from sea to sea,* lay his hand upon them.”’+
The king, in consideration of the neatness of the reply, forgave Kali- dasa’s indiscretion.
The following verses show how poetically Kalidasa used to do his marketing.
He went up to a pan seller and said :—
* A saa, is a tract of country running from sea to sea.
+ Which may also be translated *‘ pay tribute (aT) unto them,”
1879. ] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 4S
quifa uquifa TAU BAva as | qiarmtiat Ce wigs fears i
“Give me golden-coloured pan, O fair one with the winsome eyes; and give me lime, O thou whose face is fair as the full fair moon,—and be quick about it.”
Now it happened that the pén-seller was no other then Devi in dis- guise: and she, not understanding the tone of compliment which was fol- lowed so unceremoniously by a peremptory order, took it into her head that Kaliddsa was mocking her, and, being a woman, took offence and ignored his request. But Kalidasa, nothing daunted, went on,—
faar afetareu witu viculenz | SHIT NIC TAT AAT: TAHT
“(and give me also) betel spice, for without it the lip of my fawn-eyed love will lack its lustre; e’en as her bosom doth when shorn of its neck-
lace.” ’ Whereupon Devt, charmed with the sweetness of his language, appear-
ed in proper form and gave him her blessing.
I have already quoted one uncomplimentary expression of opinion made use of by Kalidasa’s wife, with regard to her husband. Another runs as follows :-—
at efcs: afamreaqrcat a ata war enaifearan | ~ S Aes
garage site fautsar @ aaztat HARTA l
“ Even a beggar, who knoweth the whole law and the prophets, is bet- ter than a ruler of millions who is a fool. A fair-eyed damsel shineth even in tattered weeds,—not so one who is blind, even though she is adorned with gold.” .
In the days of his wisdom Kalidasa often took occasion to playfully chide his wife for her former unkindness; as in the verses connected with the following story.
The husband and wife were taking a morning walk by the side of a tank covered with lotuses. The sun was rising, and the bells of the lotuses were in agitation, although there was no visible cause for their being so. The wife accordingly asked :—
~ es x afaeamaa afte fare ra cua | atfcay fed oy] awa aa Vqar i vi
Kalidasa replied—
46 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,
gaara watlaaasara |
qaegai aed aaa AA Vqar ii 2
She again asked—
ay dea uaa dE Fz | quad a a fy aa Sqar ie tl
And he again replied—
aaa saa gta Wau: Facaa: | aaa fasa area waar vex a fe ai
She. (1) “ There is no current of air, nor can I observe the approach of any elephant. Why, then, is the water-lotus agitated P
He. (2) “ The coal black bees have been clasped within its bells all night, and now they wish to see the sun. Therefore, my love, is the lotus agitated.
She. (8) “ But bees and their kin can pierce the hardest wood, and the lotus bell is exquisitely tender. Why, then, does not the bee tear it forcibly open?
He. (4) “The lotus clasps him in her bell in love, and the bee returns her love. Therefore he does not tear the bell asunder,—for, my Love, he is not like thee.”
The following verses in praise of contentment are universally attribut- ed to Kalidasain this part of the country. They are excellent specimens of their style, and are worth recording here.
fae afe we nat eund aa Seartety | want fafaned fafarfaamace ga 1% 1 SAU BCUBMat Galaga ve aiseta | ae wre fear eicas eagle AT aa: hz UI wai naaaga fad sri a fatea we | Ral sifagewaraated var Bar freA |i = | ua arafaaiord Gaze aIaR al AAA | aut Sutaqaanface araity eareare i 8 Wang Aaalaat AACA WaT afuat | zarnt y feera saad Tea BUS TAF HN 4 II seem faurate fafyar aaa asst | SIT FAT GUAT HATA HST A Ug
1879. ] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 47
ll aa al EN At ° mat WMATA: Vata ATS | A AC WaAgVadasi afar wate || aur faata vad ty Saar | ATT CF VRTY WC VT BA I 9 II
(1.) “He who has nothing wishes to have a hundred ; and he who owns a hundred, desires a thousand, while the lord of a thousand wishes for ten thousand. ‘The possessor of ten thousand would be a king, while the king desires to be an emperor.
(2.) “An emperor wishes to rule the gods like Indra, while Indra aspires to the power of Brahman. Brahman himself wishes to obtain the throne of Siva, and even Siva, that of Vishnu.* What being has ever reached the limit of desire P
(3.) “You have wandered over far and rugged countries, but you obtained no fruit: you abandoned your caste, and all your pride of birth, but your servitude was fruitless.
(4.) “ You laid aside your pride, and ate like a crow,—fearfully, in another’s house,—and yet you are not satisfied. To-day even your thirst dwells in vile and wicked actions.
(5.) “The bee deserts the fragrant Jasmine and seeks the amaranth. Perchance he leaves it too, and approaches the champaka, and then the lotus.
(6.) “ Imprisoned therein by fate and night, the foolish creature weeps, A fool may obtain discomfiture, but never contentment.
(7.) “Saints pass their lives enjoying roots and fruit. Elephants live on dried grass, and are mighty. Snakes quaff the wind, nor are they want- ing in strength. Contentment alone should be the most precious wealth of man.”
Much of the preceding is trivial, and, of course, none of it can lay claim to any historical value. My aim has been a very humble one, and I shall be happy, if I am thought to have only moderately come up to it. Even in a backward country like Tirhtt, the old class of pandits is fast dying out, and is being supplanted by men with a smattering of English and Urdi, and only a moderate book-knowledge of Sanskrit. The older pandits acknowledge the change with sorrow, and say that even the women who most conserve the purity of the language, are beginning to use Yavan¢
* Vishnu is appropriately placed last, as being absolutely fama “free from desire.”’
48 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,
words. Circumstances have thrown me much amongst these men, and I have taken advantage of this, to make an attempt to preserve some of the vast amount of unwritten lore, which is so fast being forgotten.
In this paper I have thrown into shape part of what I have collected concerning Kalidasa: and if it meets with favour, and if time and health permit, I may at some future time give similar legendary accounts of other famous heroes and heroines of Mithila. With regard to the verses sprinkled through the foregoing pages, my reading has been too limited for me to assume that none of them have been printed before. It must suffice that I do not remember meeting any of them in the usual collections of apothegms, and if my memory has betrayed me, I shall be the first to wel- come my error being pointed out.
——_——~_~-a-worenreererrerrereeenrrnaenseeaeOeOaeOmOeOSer
JOURNAL
OF THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
—o— Part I1.—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.
No. II.—1879.
The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhibdd—A Chronicle, (17138—1857).— By Wiitam Irvine, C. 8., Patehgarh, N. W. P. Parr II.
(Continued from p. 383 of Vou. XLVII, Parr I, 1878.)
Nawéb Imam Khan, and the Confiscation of the Territory.
After Kaim Khan had been buried, the Bibi Sahiba sent for all her husband’s sons, and dissimulating her wish to see Imam Khan succeed, _ directed Ahmad Khan to assume the leadership. Ahmad Khan, who had quickly penetrated her designs, gave a decided refusal. One after another, each son made the same answer. At length Imam Khan was selected and took his seat upon the masnad. He seems to have enjoyed little real autho- rity. Although they attended to salute him no one presented any nazar ; for months not a single kauri of revenue came in. After a time men ceased even to go near him, since he had no income from any source, by which he could assert his title.
When news of the defeat and death of KAéim Khan reached Delhi, many were deeply grieved and wrung their hands with sorrow; on the con- trary, “Abd-ul-Manstr Khan Safdar Jang was rejoiced, and at once laughed and joked about the sad event. He then persuaded the Emperor that if he proceeded to Farrukhabad in person, the surviving Bangash leaders would be deprived of all excuse for not attending and submitting themselves. Even if they should refuse to obey and decline to deliver up their wealth, the result would be the same ; they would be compelled to take to flight, and thus they
G
50 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhibad. [No. 2,
would be extirpated from the imperial territory. The young Emperor, who was entirely subservient to the Wazir, agreed to all his plans.
At the end of Z1’l Hajj 1162 H. (November 1749), Ahmad Shah marched from Delhi as far as Koil; and Safdar Jang, leaving the Emperor, advanced to Thana Darydaogan] in Parganah Azamnagar of the Eta district, about thirty-five miles north-west of Farrukhabad.* He had with him forty thousand Mughals from Iran under the command of his relations, Mirz4 Nasir-ud-din Haidar, Nawab Sher Jang, Nawab Ishak Khan and others.
At the same time the Wazir ordered Rajah Naval Rae to march to meet him without delay. This Naval Rae, the Wazir’s Diwan or Bakhshi, was a Saksena Kayath of the Chakwa and Pardsna family, hereditary Kanungoes of Parganah Etawah. He had risen by his own merits to be deputy governor of the Sibahs of Audh and Allah4béd. He first was brought into notice by Ratn Chand Banya, the Diwan of ’Abdullah Khan and Husain Ali Khan (1712—1721).+
Naval Rae, leaving the Sarkar of Lakhnau, marched towards Farrukh4- bad. On the 16th Muharram 1163 H. (15th December 1749), after Rde Ram Narayan had joined with 10,000 men, he crossed the Ganges. The day afterwards he moved to the banks of the Kali four or five kos distant, The next day Naval Rae and Nawab Baka-ullah Khan crossed by the ford. and stood on foot side by side encouraging their men to exertion, the river being in flood, with heavy rain falling and a cold north wind blowing. Sup- plies were scarce and grain was the price of saffron. Aftera day spent in dry- ing their things, the army marched to within three kos of Khudéganj, where the Afghans were pested with a force estimated at 29,000 men and artillery. Another march of one and a half sos was made, and hostilities were immi- nent. Mir Muhammad Salah and Rajah Pirthi Pat were placed in the van, Naval Rae himself led the main body, while the left wing was com- manded by Nawab Baka-ullah Khan and the right by Rae Ram Narayan. There were 25,000 horsemen, 100 elephants and innumerable camp followers ; and the camp stretched for five or six os as far as the eye could reach. Negotiations were, however, opened and the Pathans returned to Farrukhé- bid. On the 23rd Muharram (22nd Dec. 1749) Naval Rae was at Khud4-
* One account says he camped at Strajptr, but I do not know where that village is.
+ S-ul-M. 875, His4ém-ud-din, and Gaz. N. W. P. IV. 307. See also the Hadi- kat-ul-Akdlim, third Clime, under Sarkaér Lakhnau, as to the founding of Navalganj and Khushalganj. Under J¢dwah it is stated that Naval Rée was born at Khaksis (?) He left a son, Khushal Rae, who was subsequently naib of Allahabad under Asaf- ud-daula.
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Harrukhabad. 51 ganj. The Nawab Wazir was then reported to be at Kasganj, and there was some talk of investing Farrukhabad.
We now return to the events occurring at Farrukhabad. Although the younger brothers of Kéim Khan and many experienced chelas still survived, at first no plan was decided upon, nothing was undertaken. At length by the exertions of Shamsher Khan, chela, some men were collected and posted, as we have just seen, on the banks of the Kalinadi near Khudaganj, seven- teen miles south-east of the city, thus barring the advance of Rajah Naval Rae. Mukim Khan, chela, was sent out in the other direction as *Xmil of Parganah Shainshabad, with orders to take possession of the late Khan Bahadur Khan’s property. Daud Khan, Sa’dat Khan, Islam Khan and other chelas patrolled round the city night and day. Meanwhile the Bibi Sahiba and Imam Khan prayed God fervently that the Emperor might not be led astray by the Wazir’s wicked advice, nor take away from their family the territory of Muhammad Khan Bangash, Ghazanfar Jang. To avert this calamity a friendly letter was prepared, and sent in a submissive manner to ’Abd-ul-Manstr Khan Safdar Jang. It reminded him that formerly, when a noble was slain in battle, his treasures were appropriated while his dignities were conferred on his children. They hoped, therefore, that the prayers of the widow would be heard, that a farmdan would be granted pardoning all bygone offences, and confirming the mahals in the name of Imam Khan.
From his camp at Daryaogan] the Wazir replied, that he had already presented a paper of requests to the Nmperor, who had graciously signed an order conferring the territory on Imam Khan. This order he had brought with him. ‘There was, however, the condition usual in such cases, that they should appear in person in the camp of the Wazir, who was invested with full powers, and place before him a large sum by way of fine (nazarana) on confirmation. Should allegiance be professed in the way suggested, there was little doubt that the farman would be carried into: effect, the dress of honour conferred, and with it the rank and dignity held by the former Nawabs. There were other flattering and deceitful words ; for instance, he said he had bitterly felt the loss of Kéim Khan, it was like that of a brother, it was as if his right hand had been eut off; but, please God, he would not leave a vestige of the Rohela seed in the whole of Hin- dustan. Suspecting no treachery, the Bibi Sahiba believed in the truth of these promises, and began to prepare for departure to the Wazir’s camp. A camel rider was sent to recall Shamsher Khan and Ja’far Khan from Khudaganj where they barred the way to Rajah Naval Rae. Instructions: were also sent to them to engage Naval Rae if possible in their favour, for he had the greatest influence over the Wazir. .
52 W. irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
By this time Rajah Naval Rae, seeing that without hostilities he could not continue his march, had despatched a letter to Shamsher Khan and Jafar Khan, telling them that he was a well-wisher to the family of the late Ghazantar Jang, and when he reached the Wazir’s camp, he would secure for them what they wanted without the slightest difficulty. The chelas, in the innocence of their hearts, believed these deceitful promises. Their readiness to listen to his proposals was increased on hearing that the Bibi Sahiba intended to go to the enemy’s camp to treat, and quitting their position at Khudaganj they returned to Farrukhabad.
On their arrival the Bibi Sahiba set out with her chelas for the camp. When she reached Mau all the Pathans came out to meet her, and next day when she resumed her march, the Pathan commanders formed them- selves into an escort. On arriving within three os of the Wazir’s camp they halted, and when he heard of her arrival the Wazir sent out Sher Jang to meet her. On coming near the equipage of the Bibi Sdéhiba he descend- ed from his elephant, and standing in an attitude of respect, he expressed with tears his sorrow at the loss of Nawab Kaim Khan. He wept because he and the Nawab were brothers by exchange of turbans. The Bibi Sahiba said to him, “I count on you to replace Kaim Khan, and in this time of trouble, I expect you to side with me.” Sher Jang swore by his head and eyes, that he was ready to give up even his life for her. The Bibi Sahiba was then conducted to her encampment near that of the Wazir. Negotiations began through Sher Jang.
Shortly after this Rajah Naval Rae arrived. But, when he received audience of the Wazir, he did not act up to the promises he had made at Khudiganj. Indeed, he acted exactly contrary to his professions, and spoke nothing but evil of the Bangash family. This double-dealer, being trusted by the Wazir more than the rest of his servants, found acceptance for his evil words. From that time Sher Jang was set aside, and the matter was put into the hands of Rajah Naval Rae. He sent for Shamsher Khan, Ja’far Khan and others, and demanded that, before they began to talk about the territory and the revenue-free grants, a payment of one ror of rupees should be made to the imperial treasury. After a long altercation Sham- sher Khan and Ja’far Khan stood on one side and held a whispered conver- sation. ‘They then came forward and agreed to give thirty lakhs of rupees nine lakhs in cash and goods, the balance of twenty-one lakhs to be paid in three years, on condition that the Hmperor’s farmdn issued for the former territory, with the usual robe of investiture and a grant of the titles and dignities held by the former Nawabs. The Rajah rose and said, “ Be it so, I will report what you say to the Wazir, and in the evening I - will inform you of his orders.” He then went to the Wazir and reported what had passed.
1879.] W. Ievine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 53
When they had consulted together, Nazir Yakut Khan was sent to the Bibi Sahiba. She received him and touching his “ nazar’ remitted it. Directly she saw him she burst into tears, for he called to mind her own chela, Yakut Khan Khan Bahadur. Yakut Khan, having made a con- doling reference to the late Khan Bahadur, went on to deliver his mes- sage. The Wazir said that he would look on her as his own mother, that Ghazanfar Jang and Kaim Khan had been nobles of the highest rank, and that their successors should hold the same position. It was absolutely necessary, however, that she should make a payment of one sror of rupees. Bibi Hajiain, without consulting the Bibi Sahiba and against her wishes, began to say that as the Bibi Sahiba could not help herself she would give half a cror, or fifty lakhs of rupees (£500,000). The Nazir then asked for a blank paper with seal affixed. ‘The Bibi Sahiba, without referring to Shamsher Khan and Ja’far Khan, attached her seal to the paper and made it over to the messenger, who carried it off to the Wazir. Then the Wazir wrote out the sum of sixty lakhs of rupees. After this he told the Bibi Sahiba to return to Farrukhabad, accompanied by Nazir Yakut Khan and Jugal Kishor, who were to receive payment of the money.
Rajah Naval Rde sent for Shamsher Khan and Ja’far Khan and told them that they were responsible for the due payment to the imperial treasury of the sixty lakhs, which the Bibi Sahiba had agreed to with her own lips. Titles and rent-free grants were promised to them in reward. The chelas went to the Bibi Sahiba and complained of her having promised sixty lakhs, when they had already settled for thirty lakhs. The Bibi Sahiba defended herself by saying is was Bibi Hajiain’s fault: ‘There being no remedy the Bibi Sdhiba started for Farrukhabad with Yakit Khan and Jugal Kishor. All the cash in the treasury, the jewels, the ward-robe, the furniture of the rooms, the kitchen utensils, the elephants, the horses, the camels, the cannon, the cattle, everything they had, was made over to the Wazir’s agents. ‘The eunuchs examined each article, appraised it at half its value, and then from the total thus arrived at they deducted half a lakh of rupees. The sum allowed was forty-five lakhs of rupees. The agents demanded the balance of fifteen lakhs from Shamsher Khan and Ja’far Khan; but they could only promise to pay the required sum within three years. The Nazir (Yakut Khan) then directed that the Bibi Sahiba should set out next day for the Wazir’s camp, where all ne could do to intercede for her should be done.
The next day the Bibi Sahiba with her sons and chelas set out on her return to the Wazir’scamp. When she came to Mau all the Pathans visited her to pay their respects, and from that place joined her retinue. On reach- ing the neighbourhood of the Wazir, she set up her encampment. Next
o4 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhabdd. [No. 2,
morning Shamsher Khan and the other chelas were sent for by Naval Rae, and a demand made for the balance due. They were kept waiting till the evening with plausible words and the hope of a favourable decision. Mean- while Naval Rae went to the Wazir, announcing himself by a Harkara, of whom there were ten to twelve thousand employed as spies and messengers. Admitted to the presence of the Wazir, he reported in detail what had passed with Shamsher Khan and the others, and he also called attention to the large assemblage of Pathans in the Bibi Sahiba’s retinue, After this a messenger was sent to the chelas directing them to remain where they were that night, for their business had been put off till the next day. As a precaution against any opposition by the Pathans, Naval Rae during the night, which was very dark, caused several guns protected by chains to be posted in front of the Bibi Sahiba’s camp. Then he sent to ask the Bibi Sahiba if she had come to treat or to fight ; if the former, he would advise her to send off to their homes the large body of armed Pathans who had accompanied her. The Bibi Sahiba sent for the commander of each regi- ment (¢wman) and ordered them to march back to Mau. They represented that being hereditary servants of her house, it was not right that, with their eyes open, they should leave her in the midst of the enemy’s army, for their desertion would doom her to certain destruction. The Bibi Sahiba’s answer was that a wise man, after consenting to pay a large sum, should not raise further difficulties. The whole of the Pathans, unable to shake her resolu- tion, marched away to Mau. ‘There, to protect their families and property, they posted themselves outside the town in the mango groves, and remained on the alert day and night.
The Wazir, after having ordered Naval Rae to keep Shamsher Khan and the four other chelas under surveillance, directed his march eastwards. When word was brought to Farrukhabad that the five chelas had been arrested, and that the Wazir was advancing eastwards, the inhabitants removed with their belongings to the town of Mau, and hardly a soul was left in the city. When the Wazir with his army came near to Mau, Rajah Naval Rae asked urgently for permission to burn it down and level it with the ground, so that not a vestige might be left. Although in his heart the Wazir approved of this suggestion, still prudence prevailed, and he replied that the Pathans were too many and too powerful to be attacked, and as they might gain the upper hand, the project had better be postponed till some more fitting opportunity. It was enough to be thankful for that the mother of Kéim Khan, her sons, and her principal chelas had fallen into their hands. When the Wazir with his retinue drew near to Mau, he saw enough to convince him that what he had foretold was true, for all the Afghans, whether infantry or horsemen, were drawn up on foot, with rockets, arrows, and matchlocks, ready to repel any attack. Without
1879. | W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabdad. 55
attempting to interfere with them, the Wazir continued his advance east- wards along the banks of the Ganges till he came to Yaktitganj, some six miles south-east of the city of Farrukhabad, and there he encamped.
Rajah Naval Rae marched through the town of Shamsabad, and on reach- ing the city of Farrukhabad, went to the fort, where for some reason he re- mained. When he saw the fort and buildings, he exclaimed—“ With places “like this they presumed to give themselves out for Bawan Hazdris (com- “‘ manders of fifty-two thousand) ; the fort is just like that of a petty zamin- “dar.” He made other similar depreciatory remarks. Next morning he marched and rejoined the Wazir at Yakitganj. Then, like as the fowler scat- ters grain to lure the birds into his net, so the Nawab Wazir entertained the Bibi Shiba, the five sons, and the five chelas with costly food, and furnish- ed them with supphes of every description. Meanwhile he put off a final decision from day to day on various pretexts. Hvery day they looked for investiture with the khila’t, to be followed by dismissal to their homes. Several days passed in this way. One night the Wazir asked Naval Rae for his advice. His opinion was that the chelas should be fettered, and that the Wazir should march for Delhi taking them with him. On his depar- ture, Naval Rae said, he would seize the mother of Kaim Khan and the five young Nawabs, whom he would send off to the fortress of Allahabad. The Wazir approved of these proposals. Next day the five chelas* were seized, and placed upon elephants. ‘The army then marched stage by stage past Muhamdabad+ and through Sarae Aghatt on its return to Delhi.
After the departure of the Wazir, one day the Kayath sent for the five sons,§ and with deceptive words he began to extol the greatness, the glory, the bravery and the generosity of their family. Then getting up himself on some pretext, he said to an attendant in his confidence, ‘ I will return “in a moment, bring the dresses of honour for the princes (Sahibzddas).”’ Having said this he went away. Suddenly Mir Muhammad Salah, accom- panied by a number of fully armed men, with iron chains and a blacksmith, entered behind the princes. Nawab Husain Khan who was also of the Shia (Imamiya) sect, said to Mir Muhammad Salah, “ Was there no one else “ with this unbeliever, O Mir Sahib! that you should accept this service ; “ib is strange that a man of your race|| should perform such an unworthy
* (1) Shamsher Khan, (2) Ja’far Khan, (3) Mukim Khén, (4) Islém Khan, (5) Sardar Khan.
¢ Thirteen miles west of Farrukhabdd, on the Mainpuri road.
{ In Parganah ’Azamnagar, about 26 miles west of Farrukhabéd.
§ 1, Imam Khan, 2, Husain Khan, 3, Fakhr-ud-din Khan, 4, Ismé’il Khan, and 5, Karimdad Khan. ;
| ¢. @., a Sayyad or descendant of the Prophet.
56 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabdad. [No. 2,
“ office ; had we only arms by us, we should try first what our swords could do.” Having said this, he stretched out his feet to be fettered, and each of the other princes, out of affection for his brothers, claimed to be ironed first. This indignity having been completed, they were placed in litters under guard, and forwarded to the fort at Allahabad. The news of their arrest spread consternation and despair amongst all the Afghans.
By direction of the Wazir, Rajah Naval Rae now took up his quarters at Kannauj, forty miles south-east of Farrukhabad, near the junction of the Kalinadi with the Ganges. This place was selected as being midway between the two Subahs of Audh and Allahabad and the new territory ac- quired from the Bangash family. Naval Rae lived in the Motiya Mahal, built by the founder of the large sarde at Miran-ki-Sarde, which he re-chris_ tened the Rang Mahal. Directly under his orders he had forty thousand horsemen. There were in addition the troops commanded by Nawab Baka- ullah Khan, Amir Khani Nawab ’Ata-ullah Khan, former ruler of ’Azima- bid, Mirza ’Ali Kuli Khan, Mirza Muhammad Ali Kochak, Mirza Najaf Beg, Mirza Mashadi, Aka Muhammad Bakir Yarmani, Mir Kudrat’Ali Khan Daipuri,* Mir Muhammad Salah Miranpuri. From Kannauj were des- patched subordinate rulers (dmzls) and collectors of revenue (sazdwals) with orders to proclaim from lane to lane through all the villages the de- feat and degradation of the Pathins. These agents, in their rapacity, acting even in excess of their instructions, began to levy fines frbm every inhabited place up to the confines of the towns of Shamsdbad, ’Atdepur and Kaimganj. The town of Mau alone escaped. It owed its safety to the number of Pathdns inhabiting it, of the tribes of Bangash, Afridi, Toyah, Khatak, Ghilzai, Warakzai, Kochar, Dilaz4k, Khalil and Mahmand. These stood ready day and night to repel force by force, but they refrained from beginning hostilities, for fear of injury to the Bibi Sahiba who re- mained in the custody of Naval Rae.
It was arranged that Munshi Sahib Rae, an old servant of the Bangash family, who knew Naval Rae before, should be sent to him. Being of the same caste and having already made Naval Rae’s acquaintance at Delhi, in - a few days he managed to be admitted to the drinking bouts, which took place every night in the Rang Mahal after business was over. One night Naval Rae got drunk, and knowing a little of the Shastras began to talk on religion, boasting also of his bravery. Sahib Rae, pretending to be
* Daipur is in Parganah Kannauj, it is the easternmost village adjoining the first village in the Cawnpur parganah of Bilhor.
+ This Mirénpur is, I suppose, the town in the Barha Sadat of the Muaffarnagar district, 16 miles east of Khatauli, The ’Améd-us-S4’dat (p. 48), tells us he was a Barha Sayyad.
1879. | W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 57
equally drunk, replied that all this talk was flatly contradicted by his acts, which were directly opposed to the Shastras. Naval Rae asserted that up to that day he had done no act forbidden by the Dharm-Shastra. Sahib Rae said—‘ What direction of the Dharm-Shastra is this then, by which “you vex poor innocent women, if this is sanctioned by the words of any “ saint or sage, then quote the passage.” Naval Rae denied that he had injured any woman. Sahib Rae at once seized the opportunity and said, “ To-day I saw a woman in prison said to be a Pathani, I have heard she “has done no harm; where, then, are your pious pretensions, you who have “a woman and a widow in your custody. Even admitting she is guilty, “you are now in full and peaceable occupation of this territory, and keep- “ing the widow is quite unnecessary.” Naval Rae at the time thought this reasoning just, and, it being then midnight, he told Sahib Rae to go and release her. Sahib Rae replied that without an order in writing her guards would not let hergo. Then Naval Rae, stupified as he was, attached his seal to an order of release. Sahib Rae hurried to the entrance gate, showed the order to the sentries and gave them some money. He then urged the Bibi Sahiba to lose not a moment, and she getting out her bullock rath started at once. They made such good speed that they reached Mau, a distance of sixty-one miles, in the space of nine hours, and when they got there one of the bullocks dropped down dead. At Kannauj, when morning broke, Sahib Rae forestalled every one by enquiring from Naval Rae whether during the night he had ordered the release of the Bibi Sahiba or not. When Naval Rae replied that he had not done so, Sahib Rade produced the written order. He upbraided Sahib Rae for having tricked an old friend, but Sahib Rae retorted that he placed his duty to his salt before friendship. Naval Rae ordered him out of his presence and despatched five hundred horsemen to bring back the Pathani, They rode as far as Nabiganj and the Kali river, but did not find her. The Kayath then wrote to the Wazir an account of her escape in which he screened himself as best he could.*
The oppressions of Naval Rae’s subordinates proceeded beyond all bounds, and the Afghans began to concert together measures of resis- tance, A final outrage goaded them into revolt. One day a woman took some thread to the bazar for sale; and a Hindu in the service of Naval Rae bought and paid for it. The woman took the money and spent it. A month afterwards the purchaser brought back the thread and wished to return it. ‘The woman said she could not give back the price, nor was it the custom to give things back after a month. The Hindu used abusive
* Life of H. R. R. pp. 36, 37. The last part of p. 36, and top of p. 37, is all wrong. Naval Rae did not need to pass through Mau, nor was he waylaid at three kos from that place.
H
58 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukkabad. [No. 2,
language, she replied in similar terms; whereupon he took off his shoe and struck her. She began to beat her head and breast, and went to the principal Pathans, telling them it had been better if God had granted daughters only to Muhammad Khan, and she called down God’s curse on them, the turban- wearers, for allowing her, the wife of an Afridi, to be beaten with a shoe by a Hindu from the Kotwali (police post).* Rustam Khan, a wealthy Afridi, and several of the leaders from each twman went to the Bibi Sahiba’s entrance gate, and told her that they would no longer submit in silence to the oppression of Naval Rae. She asked their plans. They told her that if she would place one of her sons at their head to lead them on to victory, they would attack Rajah Naval Rae. She counselled them to dismiss such idle thoughts from their minds, for how could she join them while five of her sons were in the fort at Allahabad, and five of her principal chelas in prison at Delhi. When Rustam Khan and the others found the Bibi Sahiba turned a deaf ear to them, they resolved on other plans.
Nawih Ahmad Khan Ghalib Jang.
Ahmad Khan, second son of Nawab Muhammad Khan, during the lifetime of his elder brother, Kaim Khan, lived for some time at Delhi. He had taken a farming lease of five parganahs, Sakrawah and others, from his brother Kéim Khan. Instead of remitting the revenue he spent it on a silver howdah, such as none but Kéim Khan used, and caused a fan of peacock’s feathers to be waved over his head. Mahmtd Khan Bakhshi denounced Ahmad Khan to Nawab Kaim Khan, and at his instigation a thousand horse were despatched to Sakrawah with orders to cut off Ahmad Khan’s head. Having received word of their approach Ahmad Khan escaped to Rudain in Parganah Kampil, thirty miles north-west of Far- rukhabad, where his father-in-law lived, and thence he made his way to Delhi, where he placed himself under the protection of Ghazi-ud-din Khan Firtz Jang. When the war with the Rohelas broke out, he managed with the connivance of Firiz Jang to escape from Delhi at midnight, without receiving the Emperor’s permission. We have already mentioned the part he took in the campaign.
After the confiscation of the territory and the return of the Wazir to Delhi, Ahmad Khan lived in retirement at Farrukhabad in his house, known till a few years ago as the “ Kacha Kila’ ” (the mud fort), near the Bihisht Bagh. He could barely afford to keep two servants and a boy Ramzani, the son of an old servant of the house. Some months passed in this way: when one day in the month of Sawan (July) fifteen men from Mau, each
* Amdéd-us Sa’dat, p. 46, fromline 2. Ahmad Khan was I believe at Farrukhabad, so I have omitted his name from this story, the scene of which is Mau.
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 59
with a slave behind him, rode in at midday and dismounted. Ahmad Khan when he saw them was greatly perplexed to know what it meant. The Pathans saluted him, and he asked their errand. For fear of Naval Rae’s spies, who prowled about the city, they said they had come to make some wedding purchases. ‘The Nawab ordered food to be got ready for them.
The visitors then said they wished to talk to the Nawab in private. The two khidmatgars and the boy Ramzani were turned out, and the chain was put on the female apartments. The discussion endured for some five hours, during which Ramzani was called in.to fill hugga after hugqga. Whenever he went in, all the Pathans stopped speaking. From the sounds which came out through the doors, it appeared that the Nawab was maintaining an argument with them, to some things he agreed, others he disputed. It ap- peared afterwards that the Nawab had told them he had no confidence in them ; as they had forsaken Kaim Khan on the field of battle, so would they forsake him. Then they put up their hands respectfully and pledged themselves never to quit him in the hour of danger, they would either con- quer or die. The Nawab demanded an oath from them and they solemnly swore fidelity to him on the holy Kuran.
A little before sunset the Pathans said they must go, there being little daylight left in which to make their purchases, and the next day they must return to Mau. They mounted and went away to the Tirpolya Bazar where each bought what he wanted. Naval Rae’s spies and patrols chal- lenged them, but they said they had come to buy cloth in the bazar. They were really Rustam Khan and a deputation of Pathans from Mau. They stopped the night at Ahmad Khan’s and finally obtained his adherence to their plans. They then returned to Mau.
In a few days a messenger, Ghul Miyan, came from the Bibi Sahiba asking Ahmad Khan to come to Mau. Hiring eight kahars and having his old palki, the pole of which was nearly in two, tied together with rope, he set out for Mau. There he paid his respects to the Bibi Sahiba and presented his nazar. Apparently she had been talked over, and was now eager for an attack on Naval Rade. The only difficulty was the want of funds.
Rustam Khan Afridi, on condition of a grant of the half of any terri- tory recovered, brought out all the ready money he possessed to the extent of some thousands of rupees. This money was divided according to their need among his brothers and the several commanders (Tumandar). Ten thousand rupees were sent to Nawab Ahmad Khan for his more pressing expenses. In return the Nawdb conferred on Rustam Khan the dignity of Bakhshi, or Commander-in-Chief, and sent him a robe of investiture of seven pieces, A well-to-do Kurmi, named Ghassa, of Chaloli, close to
60 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nuwibs of Karrukhabad. [No. 2,
Kaimganj, was induced on receipt of a revenue-free grant of that village to make an advance of several thousand rupees. Some money is also said* to have been obtained by the plunder of a trader’s house in a town sixteen kos from Mau, where seventy bags of rupees and one bag of gold had just been received from Lakhnau.
After some money had been collected in these various ways, the Nawab set up his standard in the Moti Bagh in Chaloli. His force soon amounted to six thousand men, which rumour magnified into fifty thousand. Here the Bibi Sahiba invested Ahmad Khan with a khilat as reigning Nawab, and the Pathans presented their offerings. Ghassi Kurmi was sent to attack the Thana of Shamsabad, some five or six miles east of Mau. On the same day men, who were told off for the purpose, fell upon all Naval Rae’s thanas and overpowered his men.
Nine days after the first rising Ahmad Khan brought out all his cash and placed it in a tent.f He then proclaimed by beat of drum that he who could not support himself would be permitted, after his third fast, to take from this money, if a footman, one and a quarter anna, if a horseman, three annas. ‘T'o take more was prohibited ; and those who were well off took nothing. The army, now swollen to some twelve thousand horsemen and twelve thousand foot, marched from the Moti Bagh, and in five days reached the Jasmai gate at Farrukhabad, where they halted near the house of Miyan "Ali Shah. The rains of Bhadwan (July—August) were falling, and as protection against the continuous wet weather, some put up mats, some reed screens, some blankets, and some sheets. There were some even who had nothing and camped in the open. Proposals to attack the Bamtelas of Rashidpur, who had taken possession of some of the vacant forts in the eity, were brought forward but rejected by the Nawab. In his opinion there was no need of entangling themselves in such brambles before they had overcome Naval Rae. The march was resumed and the next halt was at Améndbdd, parganah Bhojpur, about six miles south of Farrukhabdéd on the Cawnptr road.
Battle of Khidaganj and death of Naval Rae.
A short time afterthe first rising, word had been brought to Naval Rae at Kannauj that the Pathans of Mau had risen and had surprised all his thinas. Naval Rae began by using strong language about stripping naked all those Pathan bakers (ndnpaz) and vegetable sellers (kunjra) including their women; and he swore they should all be trodden to death under the
* ’Amad-us-Sa’dat, p. 46. + Of the kind called Dalel-Khéni, so made that, however strong the wind blows or however heavy the rain is, it will neither fall nor leak,
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhdbdd. 61
feet of elephants. Then he ordered out his artillery and camp equipage, and marched westwards from Shahabad—Kannauj, at the head of an immense force, with one thousand cannon of all sorts, large and small. He pushed on to the Kali river as quickly as possible, and crossing it pitched his camp on the left bank near Khudaganj, seventeen miles south-east of Farrukha- bad and twenty miles north-west of Kannauj.* Soon after this, letters from the Wazir arrived, announcing his own approach and giving orders that till the two forces had joined, the attack was to be postponed. The Wazir’s words were, that if any of the wild beasts, 7. e., the Pathans, survived the battle, he would tie stones round their necks and drown them in the river, not one of their seed should be left alive in Hindistan. Naval Rade proceeded to carry out these orders. He caused a ditch to be dug round his camp, and posting his guns all round his entrenchment, he secured them to each other by chains. Heralds (nakib) were sent to proclaim aloud from tent to tent the Wazir’s instructions, and the army was warned that any one engaging the enemy would come under the displeasure of the Wazir and the Rajah.
Meanwhile, on the Bangash side, at Rustam Khan’s suggestion, Nawab Ahmad Khan ordered a march eastwards. His personal troops were under the command of his son, Mahmud Khan, then about fifteen years of age, and there were other contingents under Zu’ lfikar Khan, Khan Saman Khan, Jamal Khan, Muhammad Mah Khan, Bahadur Khan, Roshan Khan, Mak- han Khan, ’Abd-ur-rahim Khan, Birahim Khan Kashmiri, Yar Khan of Daipur and Mirz& Anwar Beg. There were also the following chelas of Nawab Muhammad Khan, Ghazanfar Jang, viz., Haji Sarfaraz Khan, Ranmast Khan, Sarmast Khan, Namdar Khan the elder, Namdar Khan the younger, Sherdil Khan, Nahardil Khan, Jowahir Khan, Salabat Khan, Hafizullah Khan, Bara Khan, Pahaér Khan, the five sons of Shamsher Khan, two sons of Mukim Khan, Usman Khan, son of Isl4m Khan, also Mahtab Khan and Dilawar Khan Jantibi. The Pathans encamped about two miles from the army of Naval Rae. The site of the encampment was, tradition says, at Rajepur on the metalled road, three miles north-west of Khudaganj.
To reinforce Naval Rae, the Wazir had on the 27th and 28th Sha’ban (21st and 22nd July, 1750), detached a force of twenty thousand men under Nasir-ud-din Haidar, Isma’il Beg, Muhammad Ali Khan Risaldar, Rajah
* The author of the ‘‘’Amad-us-Sa’dat” tells us (p. 47,) that to the K4li river are ascribed miraculous properties. When only knee-deep, if you beat the kettle-drums, it rises over an elephant’s head. He offers the rationalistic explanation that the bottom is yielding, and soon gets trodden into a quagmire, so that any one afterwards crossing by the same passage would sink in,
62 W. Irvine—The Bangash Niwébs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
Debi Datt, Faujdar of Koil, and others. When Rajah Jaswant Singh of Mainpuri* heard that this force had reached Sakit+ he sent word of its approach to Nawab Ahmad Khan, telling him that in one day it would reach Mainpuri, and unless he finished with Naval Rae at once, he would be attacked both in front and rear. On receiving this intelligence the Nawab sent for Rustam Kh4n and Sardar Khan Pathans and told them the news. They said they were ready. The Nawab replied “To-morrow, putting our trust in the mercy of God, we must attack the enemy, and let events take their course.”
Ghul Miyan, a clever spy, was sent disguised as a faqir to reconnoitre the enemy’s camp. He found no place unprotected with cannon, except one entrenchment held by Sayyads of Barah, which lay quite at the back of the camp, to the south, on the banks of the Kalinadi. Ghul Miyan return- ed to the Nawab and reported that this place was guarded by five hundred matchlockmen only, but to reach it would entail a détour of three kos. He « promised to conduct the Nawab to the spot.
Accordingly, at three hours after sunset on Thursday the 9th Ramzan 1163 H. (1st August 1750), Ahmad Khan having ejaculated a “‘ Bism-zcllah’? got into his palki and set out, followed by twelve thousand Pathans on foot and twelve hundred horsemen. Rustam Khan was posted on his left. Heavy rain was falling at the time. Ghul Miyan took them up tothe right - hand a distance of three os, in order that the tramp of the horses’ hoofs might not reach the ears of the enemy. In this way the front of Naval Rae’s camp was avoided, and they got round in his rear near to the Kali where was the position held by the five hundred Sayyads. This spot is said to have been on the boundary of the two villages of Kaitha and Gangni, about a mile west of the town of Khudaganj.
At an hour and a half before sunrise, Ghul Miyan pointed out to the Nawab the Sayyads’ battery infront. The Sayyads heard the talking and said to each other, that it seemed as if the Pathans were coming to the attack, and they redoubled their vigilance. Then the Pathans made a rush, and from both sides matchlocks were discharged and swords used. The rain increased the confusion, for it was difficult to hear what one man said to another. An alarm passed through the camp that the Pathans had effected an entry into one of the entrenchments. At the time it was so dark that you could not tell friend from foe. Then the artillerymen began to fire their guns altogether at random, those on the west fired to the west, those on the north to the north, and those on the south to the south.
* Gaz. N. W. P. IV, 550. Rajah from 8. 1783 to S. 1814 (1726-1757 A. D.) + In Parganah Eta-Sakit of the Eta district about twenty miles north-west of Mainpuri,
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhdbéd. 63
The Sayyads succeeded in repulsing the Pathans, who fled some distance. Ahmad Khan cursed them and cried out—“ Have you brought me here “only to see you run away, to-morrow your wives will be dishonoured and “ yourselves stripped naked.” Then he drew his knife, intending to sacri- - fice his life, as he disdained to leave the place alive. Rustam Khan Afrfdj{ and other leading Pathans dissuaded him. The Nawab replied that, since they had come to fight to the death, they must all dismount and precede him on foot, he should then know that they meant to slay or be slain. The Pathdns consented, and they all dismounted. It is well krfown that when a horseman dismounts to fight on foot, the case is desperate and he will then neither give nor receive quarter. The Pathans made themselves ready by tying the skirts of their heavy plaited coats (jdmah) round their waists, and taking shield and sword in hand, they advanced to renew the attack. _ Some of the Sayyads were killed, the rest fled and the battery was cleared. The whole of the Pathans thus made their way into the enemy’s camp, and penetrated to Naval Rae’s enclosed tents (swracha) where the troops were few, the main body being distributed from point to point to guard the ~ batteries. A messenger reported to Naval Rae that the Pathans having driven back the Sayyads had entered the camp. Their weapons were now clashing at his own entrancedoor. As Naval Rae never went out without saying his prayers, after hearing the report he sat down to worship, saying, “ Tt is no matter, I will soon seize the whole of these vegetable sellers in “the corner of my bow.” The messenger came and made a second report, shouting out disrespectfully, “ O youidiot ! Here yousit while the Pathans “cut down the enclosure to your tent.” Thus urged to action Naval Rade armed himself. Then he sent for and mounted one of the two elephants, which stood at his door day and night caparisoned with cloth of gold how- dahs. He had two quivers full of arrows attached to his howdah and two bows. Putting two arrows at atime into his bow, he sent them at the Pathans, calling out ‘“ Mar more sare kunjron ko” (kill me all these vege- table sellers.) Fighting was still going on when the day broke on Friday morning, the 10th Ramzan. On this side Ahmad Khan was seated up in his palki, protected by the Pathans with their shields, lest some bullet or arrow should hit him. There were fifty or sixty Kahars to carry the palké and one of them was wounded by a spent ball.
Rustam Khan and Muhammad Khan Afridi,* with one thousand horse and four thousand foot, had meanwhile come up to the spot where Naval Rae was standing in a group of three or four hundred men, with six or seven elephants. They paid little attention to this small group, and advan- ced in search of Naval Rae. They had gone only a few paces when a
* Amad-us-Sa’dat. p. 47, half way down,
64 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
Pathan of Naval Rae’s escort threw a “ hashpelai,’* calling out in Pushtu,
“O infidels! where are you going, are you blind, let no one approach, for
“these are chiefs and leaders.”” They heard the “ hashpelai,” but did not
understand the words. ° Muhammad Khan’s brother, who had lately come
from Afghanistan, translated them. Muhammad Khan ordered his men to
ride at the group, while the footmen discharged their firelocks. Many of
the enemy were disabled but the rest advanced. Then Naval Rae made use
of abusive language, and said, “‘ O you vegetable sellers! I will thrash you,
“you scamps, step by step out of this country.’”’ As he spoke he let fly an
arrow which grazed Muhammad Khan’s chest. Taking the arrow in his
hand, Muhammad Khan said, “ O arrow of an impotent man ! is this all “you can do??? When the other heard this, he fired a second arrow which, would have been fatal to Muhammad Khan, had it not struck a youth near
him in the neck, so that he fell off his horse. Then a Sayyad of Barha,
Muhammad Salah, advanced and said, “‘ Maharaj! I do not say the Pathans
“ will deceive, it is not necessary to show mercy, let us do all we can against
“them.” He had spoken thus far, when a slave of Muhammad Khan’s
father fired off his piece, and hit the Sayyad on the forehead so that he
expired in his howdah. Then one of the Afridis killed Naval Rae with a
musket shot. After this the Pathans advanced and put many to the sword.
The elephant driver, on seeing that Naval Rae was dead, drove the elephant _ into the Kali; it swam across and bolted with its driver to Kannauj. When the Rajaih’s army saw that their leader was killed or wounded and had re- treated, they too began to give way. ‘Thousands of horsemen and foot soldiers fled. Those who could swim or were well mounted escaped across the Kali; those who were poorly mounted were drowned. ‘The victory was most unexpected both by the Pathans and on Naval Rae’s side.
After the fight but before the kettle-drums had beaten the triumphal march, Muhammad Khan went to the quarters of the money dealers. In a small tent he found several fat bunyas playing at ‘“‘ chaupar.” On seeing him, they said, “Come in, tell us, are the Pathans yet retreating, “ or are they still where they were ?” The poor wretches thought he was one of their side, for they never dreamt of Ahmad Khan having conquered. Muhammad Khan told them that Naval Rade was dead, far and near Ahmad Kh4n now ruled, and they had apparently been dreaming to remain in such ignorance. They turned pale when they heard the news. Soon after forty . or fifty Pathdns coming up wished to slay the owners of the tent. The bunyas in their fright said they had boxes of gold coins and rupees, which they would give up to be let go, they had been subjects of Safdar Jang and would
* Called in Hindi “alghoza ;” two races use them, Mewdtis and Afghans; they are made out of a piece of cane or bamboo.—’ Aimdd-us-Sw dat.
1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhdbéd. 65
be loyal subjects of Ahmad Khan. The Pathans proposed to get these boxes first, and then kill the men. This Muhammad Khan forbade. Then plunderers arriving from all sides, Muhammad Khan put the slave who shot Muhammad Salah with several Afridis in charge, and took the Hindus to his eamp. There he reported to Rustam JKhan, who sent off three hundred. footmen to guard the tent and bring away the boxes, in which there was a large amount of money.
Meanwhile an elephant of Naval Rae’s, with a gilt howdah and gold brocade trappings, had been found in the camp. The Pathans were about to slay its keeper, when with great presence of mind he drove his elephant up to Ahmad Khan’s palk7, and making it kneel he congratulated the Nawab on his victory and requested him to mount. The Pathans approved of this idea, and pushed the driver off with the ends of their sticks, thus sparing his life. At the time Ramzani was holding the side of the Nawab’s palki in order to steady it. The Nawab ordered him to mount the elephant. He obeyed, and though not used to elephants, he managed to drive it off. Plunder of the camp then began, the Nawab’s orders being that elephants, cannons, tents and kettle-drums were his, the rest belonged to the seizer. The amount of plunder was so great, that several. men acquired property worth as much as one lakh of rupees (£10,000).
In this battle, besides Naval Rae and Mir Muhammad Salah already named, ’Ata-ullah Khan* and many principal men lost their lives. The author of the ‘“‘ Tabsirat-un-nazirin” gives the names of as many as thirty- seven Sayyads and Shekhs of Bilgram in Audh, who lost their lives on this fatal day.
Nawab Bakaullah Khan, who had been summoned in great haste, had left Makhanpur, about fourteen miles south of Kannauj, on Thurs- day the 9th Ramzan (1st August, 1750). That night he was at Kannauj, and next day, the 10th (2nd August, 1750), starting before daybreak, they had arrived within four kos of Naval Rae’s camp, when suddenly fugitives began to pour in. Rae Partap Singh, who had been wounded, was the first to report fully the disaster. Bakaullah Khan halted for two or three hours, and thinking his force too small for an advance, he retreated on Kannauj in order to remove Rajah Naval Rde’s women and children. With these, accompanied by the Rajah’s corpse, and such elephants and horses and other property as they could collect, they set out on their retreat. The fugitives from the battle-field followed them, among others Rae Partap
* Son-in-law of Haji Ahmad, the brother of Allah Wardi Khan Mahabat Jang» ruler of Bengal. He had been Faujdar of Bhagulpur and had held other appointments till having quarrelled with his uncle, he came to Audh.—J, Scott, Ferishta II, 343-351, Seir Mutagherin, I, 458.
I
66 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
Singh and Husain ’Ali Khan, who had both been wounded. On the way all that could be removed was carried away from Bithtr. On Saturday the 1ith (8rd August 1750), they came to Muhsinpur, some five miles west of Cawnpur. Next day they arrived at Jajmau, six or seven miles east of Cawnpur on the Ganges, and on the 14th (6th August, 1750), they were at Kanpur, a place five kos from Kora. ‘Thence the late Rajah’s family was sent across the Ganges towards Lakhnau ; while Bakaullah Khan took up a defensive position at Kora.
The morning after the victory Nawab Ahmad Khan’s army had swollen to sixty thousand men, including the Sahibzadas, the chelas, the men of the Bangash clan, the traders and villagers of all sorts. When the Bamtelas, who had occupied the fort at Farrukhabad heard the news, they were alarmed and fled to their villages.
After the battle Ahmad Khan sent one of his father’s chelas whom he trusted, his name was Bhure Khan, with five hundred matchlockmen, to take possession of Kannauj. His orders were to occupy the fort of Naval Rade called the Rang Mahal, and to take care of all the property. These instructions were thoroughly carried out. There were hundreds of thousands of rupees in cash, and a very large quantity of grain stored. Rahm Khan, chela, used to say that his father, Dilawar Khan, then very young, visited Kannauj a few days after the battle, and at the commander’s invitation he went into the Rang Mahal. There were no people in it, but bags of rupees and gold coins were scattered about. There were gold brocade curtains, the doors and lintels were plated with silver and gold, there was a jewelled bedstead with pillows of velvet, and the basons and covers were of gold studded with jewels. Dilawar Khan lived all his life on the proceeds of the things he carried away with the kila’dar’s permission, and at his death he left a house and a pot full of gold coins.
Nawab Ahmad Khan returned to Farrukhabad with great splendour. Sending for the Bibi Sahiba, his step mother, from Mau, he presented her with offerings. He sent out his parties to occupy posts (¢hdnas) im all the thirty-three mahals, and removed from Kannauj the whole of the pro- perty he had confiscated.
A local poet, Bhabuti Bhat of ’Ataipur, parganah Kaimganj, produced the following ode on the occasion, for which the Nawab gave him a village in ndnkar.
Ajab wuh Sahib-i-kudrat hai, jin-ne jag samhara hai, Khuda hai, pak-maula hai, wuhi parwardigdr4 hai; Kharaé bandah, kamr kas-kar, ghanim upar liye lashkar Lagi uski ’ajab chakkar, ghariri ka khaméré hai, Naval se mard ghazi ko na puchhi bat paji ko,
Nayal se mard ghazi ko pahunch, goli se m4rd hai,
1879 | W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabdad. 67
Naval haudah se mukh mora, kahin hathi, kahin ghora ; Kabail bhi kahin chhor4 na sar chera samhara hai, Chalen topan dharadhar se, rahkli bhi parapar se, Shutr-ndlen taratar se, tahavvar ka pahara hai,
Chalen tiren sans-sans, chali goli manan man man, Katen bakr jhanan jhan jhan, pari talwar dhara hai, Bhabuti n4m hai mera, ’Ataipur men dera hai
Yihi hai mo-ké-kherd, tale Gang4 kinara hai.
Advance of the Waztr.
Shortly after the first rising of the Pathans, word had been brought of it to the Wazir at Delhi. On the 12th Sha’ban 1163 H (6th July, 1750), he marched out of Delhi and crossing the Jumna began his preparations. On the 27th and 28th Sha’ban (21st and 22nd July, 1750), he despatched troops under Nasir-ud-din Haidar to reinforce Naval Rae. On the last day of the month, a Tuesday (23rd July, 1750), he returned to Delhi and a second time took leave of the Emperor. He then marched with a large force of his own troops, some thirty thousand men under Suraj Mall Jat of Bhartpur, whom he had taken into his pay, and contingents under Nawab Najm-ud-daula Muhammad Ishak Khan, Darogha of the Nazil,* Sher Jang,+ Mir Nasir-ud-din Haidar,t Mirza Muhammad Ali Khan Kochak, and Mirza Najaf Beg.§ Ismda’il Beg Khan, chela, ’Ise Beg Khan
* His sister, in her old age so well known as the Bhéo Begam of Faizdb4d, was married to Shuja-ud-daula, Safdar Jang’s son. Najm-ud-daula, whose name was Mirza Muhammad, was the eldest sonjof Muhammad Ishék Khén Miitaman-ud-daula (died 2nd Safar 1154 H.—3th April, 1741).
+ Sayyad Nasir Muhammad Khan, son of Sayddat Khan, the brother of Sa’dat Khan, Burhan-ul-Mulk.
{ He and Safdar Jang had married two sisters, the daughters of Sa’dat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk. He was the son of Safdar Jang’s maternal aunt.
§ This is the man who afterwards played such a prominent part at the Court of Delhi from 1771 till his death on the 22nd April, 1782. He left Shuj# -ud-daula’g service after the assassination of Muhammad Kuli Khan, Naib of Allahabad.
His descent and family connections are shown in the subjoined table—
Najaf Khan m. daughter of Shah Sulaiman.
Mir Said Muhammad. { |
_ Mir Said Ali. |
lm ’
: | Mirza Ismail Mirza Najaf Daughter
m. Fatima Begam, full sister Khan. 0. at m. to Mirza Muhsin, to N. Muhammad Kuli Khan and Isfahan, brother of Safdar Jang.
daughter of ’Izzat-ud-daula Mir- za Muhsin, elder brother of Saf- dar Jang.
68 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhibdd. [No. 2,
chela,* Aga Muhammad Bakir Yarmani,t Mirza Mashadi Beg and Mir Na’im Khan.
After they had, in three or four days’ time, reached two stages from Delhi, the defeat of Naval Rae was reported. The Wazir flew into a great rage and cursed that vain-glorious drunkard for not having awaited the reinforcements, when it would not have been possible for those peasants, the Pathans, to have wrested a victory. Saying this he struck his hands in despair on the cushion on which he was seated, and then exhausted, dropping his head upon the pillow, he fell into extreme perplexity. Meanwhile Ismé’il Beg Khan who had been sent to reinforce Naval Rae, having reached Main- puri, heard from his spies of the death of Naval Rade, and retreating at once
rejoined the Wazir’s main army, which was encamped near the town of Marahra.t
Execution of the Five Princes.
When the Wazir raised his head from his pillow, he called for a secre- tary, and directed him to write to the Shekh in command at the Allahabad fort, directing him on receipt of the order to put to death with every indig- nity the five sons of Nawab Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang who were in his custody. Another order was sent to the Wazir’s son, Jalal-ud-din Haidar (afterwards known as Shuja’-ud-daula), then at Delhi, telling him to decapitate the five chelas, sending their heads to the Wazir.
According to the Wazir’s orders, the stony-hearted Shekh, forgetting God aud God’s prophet, took with him several misbegotten wretches and went to the prisoners. When these beheld their murderers, Nawab Imam Khan saidto the Shekh—“O Shekh! after the death of Kéim Khan I “ was raised to. the masnad, to kill me is your duty, but these four brothers “‘of mine are quite innocent, you should postpone their death till the “Wazir’s order can be repeated.” ‘The Shekh turned a deaf ear to this
* There is a Shuja’ Kuli Khan alias Miyan "Ise, a chela, mentioned in the “ Tab- sirét-un-nazirin” (year 1177), and in the ’Amad-us-Sa’dat (p. 88,) who may be the same as this man.
+ The Tabsirat-un-nazirin (year 1177), names a Mir Bakir Yamani as one of Shuja’-ud-daula’s leaders in the Bengal campaign of 1764.
i Gaz. N. W. P. 155. It lies 12 miles north of the head-quarters of the Eta dis- trict. The lithographed editions of both the “Siyar-ul-Mutakharin, p. 875, and the Khizdna ’Amira” p. 80, give distinctly the name Marahra as the town plundered by the Wazir’s troops on the 18th Ramzan (10th August, 1750). But Elphinstone, p. 650 (fourth edition) says it was the town of Barha, which might be treated as a misreading, had not Elliot, in his Supplemental Glossary (Roorkee reprint, 1860, p. 110), also stated that it was the town of Barha which was sacked by Safdar Jang’s men. I believe Marahra, however, to be correct.
1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 69
request. The executioners advanced towards the prisoners, and the Nawabs competed with each other as to who should first offer up his life. When all five had been slaughtered, the bodies were buried within the fort, and it was believed that the vows were granted of any one who offered a prayer at their tomb.*
Execution of the Five Chelas.
The Wazir’s order to put the five chelas to death reached Jalal-ud-din Haidar, the Wazir’s son (afterwards known as Shuja’-ud-daula) ; and on the 20th Ramzan (12th August, 1750), he directed their jailor, Zain-ul- ’Abidain, to bring them forth. He went to their prison with a palki and called out—‘‘O Shamsher Khan! to-night the Wazir has ordered your “ quarters to be changed, and I have brought a palki to carry you.” The Khan replied that he knew the place to which he would be taken, and re- quested that the other four might go first, leaving him the time for wash- ing the corpse and for the funeral prayers. Zain-ul ’Abidain had a great affection for him, but was unable to show it. As requested he took away the other four chelas in the pa/ki. When they reached the place of execu- tion, an order to despatch them having been given, the executioner forth- with separated their heads from their bodies.
Meanwhile Shamsher Khan bathed, put on new clothes, rubbed them with scent, and having said the burial prayers for his own death, commen- ced a recitation of the Kuran. Then Zain-ul-’Abidain returned with the paki and said “ O Shamsher Khan! arise and enter the palhi.” Placing his Kuran in its cover, he presented it to Zain-ul-’Abidain, and gave him fifty gold coins to be presented for the table of Murtazza Ali through the hands of some Sayyad. He put aside his shoes as a gift to any one going barefooted. He made over his signet ring to his attendant, telling him to deliver it to Hasan Ali Khan, his son; and his own rosary, with a firdn to hang round a child’s neck, were for Sher’Ali Khan. Then barefooted he set out towards the place of execution. Zain-ul ’Abidain urged him to get into the palki, but he refused, saying, that though many of his slaves had risen to ride in palkis or on elephants, all earthly ambition for him was now over.
As he reached the place of execution, seeing the dead bodies of his fellow chelas, he exclaimed, “ Brothers! I will soon follow you.” Jalal-ud-
* The author of the “‘ Amad-us-Sa’dat” (p. 45) pretends to throw doubt on the above story, but Hisim-ud-din says he had it from Sayyad Piyari of Gwaliyar, who was living in Allahabad at the time. The more popular version is that the five Sahibzadas were built up alive into one of the walls of the fort.
70 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhdbad. [No. 2,
din Haidar on seeing him, said, “ Shamsher Kh4n, where is now your sword’? In reply he recited these verses—
HamAn sher o shamsher-i-burr4n man-am ; Cha s4zam, kih kabza na darad sar-am, Wagarna tur4 Khan o manat haris Ba-yak-dam tah-i-khak kardam ’adam.
Having heard this answer, the prince said to the executioner “ Behead him.” The executioner made a stroke but missed; and again a second time he missed. Turning toa Mughul standing by, Jalal-ud-din Haidar told him to finish the affair. The Mughul hesitated, but at length drawing, he made a cut at the neck and severed the head from the body at one blow. Still reciting the words of martyrdom, the corpse moved ten paces towards the Ka’ba and then stood still, the fingers of both hands continuing to count as before the beads of his rosary. The Mughul was amazed, and approach- ing the corpse, placed his two hands on its back, saying, “‘O Khan Sahib! “you are a martyr.” On these words being pronounced, the corpse turned to him and knelt. Then the Mughul began to weep and wail, saying, “O Jalal-ud-din, the accursed! I knew not that this man was the greatest “saint of the age, unjustly have you murdered by my hand this man with- “out guile.” Then striking his sword on a stone with such force that he broke it, and rending his clothes, he fled into desert places.
The prince then caused the five bodies to be thrown into a well, and filled it ap with stones. Next morning by the power of the Almighty there were found strewn on that well five fresh Ohambelz flowers. Every day they were replaced by other fresh flowers. At the time that Ahmad Khan Durrani came to Delhi (1761), Nawab Ahmad Khan went there accompa- nied by ’Umr ’Ali Khan, son of the martyred Shamsher Khan. One day his father appeared to him, and said—‘ It is now twelve years since I fell “into a well here, take out my corpse and send it to Farrukhabad, there “inter it in the mosque beneath the Jaman tree.’ ’Umr ’Ali Khan got up crying bitterly, for at that time he was much hampered for money. He could hit upon no plan to procure funds. A few minutes afterwards, through the wisdom of the Causer of Causes, a money-lender, a friend of his, came up and asked why heswept. He repeated the dream, and that good man lent him five hundred rupees. Stone masons were set to work at the well, and when the corpse was taken up, the clothes looked quite whole, but were in reality all worn and fell to pieces. The body was put into a coffin and sent to Farrukhabad, where it was buried in the mosque beneath the jaman tree. ‘The following verse gives the year of Shamsher Khan’s death—
Tarikh ba-guft hatif-i-ghaibe kih “‘nuzdah Ramzdn.” 1163 H.
1879.) W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. fat
Defeat of the Wazir.
After having remained a month encamped at Marahra, the Wazir ad- vanced eastwards and entrenched himself near a place called Ram Chatauni, seven miles east of Sahawar and five miles west of Patiali.* Suraj Mall _ with his troops was on the Wazir’s right wing nearest the van, and Isma’il Beg Khan commanded on Suraj Mall’s left.
On his side Ahmad Khan had sent urgent requests for assistance to the Pathans of Shahjahanpur, Tilhar,f Bareli, Anwalah{t and Jaunpur, in which last place some friends of his were settled. Ahmad Khan then march- ed westwards with Rustam Khan Afridi, who at that time had the chief direction of his affairs. The Nawab proposed to Rustam Khan that, as both the Wazir and Suraj Mall were coming against them, they should divide their forces; and he offered to Rustam Khdan the choice of attack. Rustam Khan replied that Nawdb should fight with Nawab and simple soldier with simple soldier, he therefore chose Suraj Mall as his antagonist.
Harly in the morning of the 22nd Shawaél 1163 H. (13th September, 1750), the attack began by the advance of the detachment of Isma’il Khan, chela, and of Suraj Mall Jat with fifty thousand men against Rustam Khan Afridi, On his left was an eminence, the site of a deserted village.§ Ismé/il Khan and Suraj Mall occupied the foot of this height, and planted several guns on the top of it, the fire of which commanded the camp of Rustam Khan. He went off to the Nawab and asked for orders to attack. Ahmad Khan wished the battle postponed, but Rustam Khan pointed out that delay was impossible, and the enemy being in force he must meet them. He got into his palki and returned to his men, whom he drew out at once in order of battle.
When the order to advance was given, the Pathans by one rush carried the height, sword in hand, and captured the guns. Rustam Khan then dis- covered at a little distance a large force drawn out in battle array. He directed the attack to be continued. It was Suraj Mall’s contingent under his immediate command. Suraj Mall called to his men, “ You must not
* Ram Chatauni is not marked on any map to which I have access, but I believe it lies within Taluka Mohanpur. ‘There is a well there which is believed to have exist- ed from the time of the Vedas, and once a year thousands of Hindus assemble there to bathe.
+ About 12 miles N. W. of Shahjah4npir.
{ Fifteen miles S. W. of Bareli and in the Bareli district.
§ The authors of the “ Lauh” say that the final struggle with Rustam Khan took place at Atranji Khera (see Gaz, N. W. P. IV, III.) But as itis 14 miles off as the crow flies from Ram Chatauni, and on the opposite or right bank of the Kali Nadi, I think they must be wrong,
72 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
“ fioht these Pathdns with the sword, at which they are expert, let fly your “ arrows and discharge your firelocks.” Saying this he withdrew to consult Tsma’il Beg Khan and Raj4h Himmat Singh Bhadauriya,* who were sta- tioned to the rear by way of reserve. They also were of opinion that the Pathdns should not be allowed to come to close quarters, but that they should all three join to enclose them on left and right. ‘They then advane- ed against Rustam Khan in a semicircular form, something like the shape of a bow.
They began their attack by artillery fire, discharge of matchlocks, and flights of arrows. Rustam Khan, who was brave as his name, got out of his palki and joined his Pathans, with his bow in his hand. His arrows shot down several of the enemy. Then grasping his sword he advanced followed by his men, who had all dismounted. They despatched a number of the enemy, nor did they fail in any effort to win the day. They were, however, outnumbered, and Rustam Khan was slain with six or seven thou- sand Pathans. Suraj Mall and his companions pursued the remainder a long way in the direction of ’Aliganj, which is twenty-four miles south-east of the battle field. :
Meanwhile, some os to the right of Rustam Khan, Nawab Ahmad Khan was engaged in contest with the Wazir. A messenger came and whispered to him that Rustam Khan had been defeated and slain. Allow- ing no sign of fear to betray itself, he turned with calmness to his leaders and cried with a loud voice :— Rustam Khan has gained the day aud has “made prisoners of Suraj Mall Jat, Ismail Beg and Rajah Himmat Singh,
* Himmat Singh Bhadauriya, son of Gopal Singh, succeeded his father on Jeth S. 2nd Sambat 1800, (1743 A.D.) He died on Jeth B. 5th Sambat 1812, (1755 A. D.) His principal forts were Bah and Pindhat in the Agra district, Ater on the right bank of the Chambal, and Bhind some sixteen miles beyond it to the south-east. The two latter places are now in the GwaAliyar State. The family residences are now at Kacho- ra and Nauganw, both on the Jamna in the Bah Pinahat parganah of the Agra district The Rajah’s diwan gives the following genealogy :
Himmat Singh (son of Gopal Singh).
| Bakht Singh.
Partap Singh (adopted son) | Sarnet Singh.
Mahihdar Singh (adopted son) (present Rajah). The Bhadauryas are said to be a branch of the Chauhans (Elliot, Supp. Glossary art. BuupourRtA, p. 75.)
uS79.] | OW. Invine— The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. 73
“he will win the palm for bravery from us, let us advance and make a like “brave fight ; we have the Wazir to meet, and if we prevail our name will “be great, if we fail, not one of us will be able to look a stranger in the “face.’’ The leaders replied that, by the favour of God Most High and the Nawab’s good fortune, they would soon show what they coulddo. Hearing these words repeated by the whole army, the Nawab directed them to offer up a prayer. Raising up the right hand, they all called upon God for his blessing and made over their lives to his care. Then rank by rank they turned upon the foe.
When the two armies met in line, Nasir-ud-din Haidar, who was post- ed in advance on the enemy’s side with several thousand men, attempted to open an artillery fire. ‘The advance of the Pathans was, however, so rapid that little or no execution was done. When they came close, Mustafia Khan Mataniya, who was famous among all the Pathans for his prowess in single combat, challenged the leaders on the other side. Nasir-ud-din Haidar came forth to meet him. Drawing their swords, they began to fight ; both fell from their horses, owing to the number of their wounds, and both expired upon the spot. The enemy, seeing that Nasir-ud-din Haidar was dead, gave up hope, turned, and fled. At this moment Nawab Ahmad Khan came up to where Nasir-ud-din Haidar and Mustaffa Khdan’s dead bodies were lying.
The want of success in the Wazir’s vanguard is attributed to the de- fection of Kamgar Khan Biloch, faujdar of the environs of Delhi. Acting, as it is asserted, in collusion with Ahmad Khan, he made no resistance but turned and fled. When the Wazir perceived that his men were giving way, he hurried off Muhammad ’Ali Khan Risdldér and Nur-ul-Hasan Khan Jama’dar, Bilgrami,* with his brothers, and ’Abd-un-nabi Khan, chela of Muhammad Ali Khan, with orders to re-inforce the front. Since, however, the panic of the Mughuls had become general, the efforts of the newly arrived troops were fruitless. Muhammad ’Ali Khan then turned away to their left wing, where three thousand foot were drawn up, with some horsemen behind them. When the Pathains came to close quarters, Ntr-ul-Hasan and his brothers began using their bows, and the matchlockmen under ’Abd-un-nabi Khan fired off their pieces. They picked off many of the Pathans, who were thrown into slight confusion, but soon recovered them- selves. Their advance continued, Muhammad ’Ali Khan was wounded by a bullet on the right hand, and Nuir-ul-Hasan Khan’s elephant received five
* Nar-ul-Hasan Khan was still alive in 1181 H. (May, 1767-1768), and serving near Arrah in Bengal, see Tabsirat-uwn-Nazirin under that year.
K
74, W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhdbdd. [No. 2,
sword cuts. In this encounter were slain Mir Ghulam Nabiand Mir ’Azim- ud-din, Sayyads of Bilgram.*
As soon as Nawab Ahmad Khan reached the field of battle, the Mu- ghuls discharged their artillery, great and small, loaded with spikes (gokhri) and broken iron instead of balls. From the noise the earth trembled but the execution done was small. No one was wounded except Parmtl Khan, who lost the skin of one finger. From the spreading of the smoke the sky was obscured and for a time it was quite dark.+
Nawab Ahmad Khan waited a few moments till the smoke had sub- sided, when he made a rapid advance through some dhdk jungle upon the Wazir’s entrenchment. The horsemen having dismounted drew their swords and preceded the Nawab. By voice and by signs with his bow, he urged on the kahars to carry his palki speedily into the midst of the enemy. When the Pathans got near the guns, they fired their matchlocks and drove off the artillery-men, and the chains protecting the camp they cut with their swords or with axes. They now had got near to where the Wazir stood with a large force, and the Pathans began the attack on him with a discharge of musketry and arrows. The Nawab at the head of the reserve came up and joined them. With his own hand he discharged his arrows, aiming at the Wazir, and the Pathans so exerted themselves with their swords that there was a general slaughter, and corpse fell upon corpse. At this moment a Pathan from Tilhart in Rohilkhand came up towards the rear of the Wazir’s position, and finding an action going on, sent a camel rider for orders. He was told to make his way towards the canopied howdah in which sat the Wazir ; and the troops being few in that direction, where no attack was expected, the Tilhar Pathan, with his three hundred men, forced their way close to the Wazir and discharged their matchlocks.
The Wazir’s elephant-driver was shot and fell to the ground ; his com- panion in the hind seat, Mirz&é ’Ali Naki, tutor of Shuja’-ud-daula, the Wazir’s son, was wounded ; and the Wazir himself received a grazing wound
* The WMiftdh-ut-tawdrikh, pp. 497, 498, gives poetical tarikhs by Mir Ghulam ’Ali Az4d, who also mentions them in the ‘“ Sarv-i-Azdd.” The father of the author of the Siyar-ul-Mutakharin would seem to have been present in this battle. S-ul-M. p. 877, seventh line from bottom.
+ The Khizdna’ Amira, p. 81, says nearly all the artillery had been sent away with the van, but this does not seem quite borne out. At any rate this smoke from the artillery seems to be the explanation of the dust storm usually pleaded as a screen for the Wazir’s defeat, see Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 38, Hamilton’s Rohilla Afghans, p. 103. First, a dust storm does not come in September, secondly, it would come from the West and would blow into the Pathan’s faces, and so far be favourable to the Wazir, who faced to the east not to the west.
t In the Shahjahanpar district.
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabéd. 75
on the neck, under the right jaw, from which he swooned and sank down in the howdah. Wis howdah was made of strong metal plates, and it was so high that when seated the head only appeared above the side, he was thus protected from further wounds. The Pathans, thinking the howdah empty and the elephant ownerless, passed on in pursuit of the Mughuls, who had by this time taken to flight; only Muhammad ’Ali Khan and Nir-ul- Hasan retained their formation, and rejoining the Wazir they asked for orders. He directed a triumphal march to be beaten by the drums, but except some two hundred men, not a soul rallied to hissupport. Night now approaching, Jagat Narayan, brother of Lachmi Narayan, took the place on the elephant of the dead mahaut ; and the Wazir reluctantly withdrew from the field towards Marahra.
Soon after his withdrawal, Suraj Mall Jat, Isma’il Beg and Rajah Himmat Singh, having completed the defeat and dispersion of Rustam Khan Afridi’s troops, were returning with exultation to rejoin the Wazir. Nawab Ahmad Khan with only a few men was in occupation of the Wazir’s camp. When he saw this large force advancing, he became very anxious and turned his face to the Great Helper and prayed, saying, “O God! pre- “serve this sinful slave from calamity.”’ It was not long before the three leaders received reports of the repulse of the Wazir. Their joy being chang- ed into fear and trembling, they turned and marched off towards Delhi, and Nawab Ahmad Khan offered up thanks to heaven. Meanwhile those who had pursued the Wazir’s retreating troops, had come up on the road with Nawab Ishak Khan, who cried out boldly, “I am ’Abd-ul-Manstr Khan.” Believing his words, the Pathans surrounded the elephant, and seizing the Nawab, cut off his head. They brought it and threw it at the feet of Nawab Ahmad Khan, saying, “Here is the head of the Wazir.’”’ Looking at it the Nawab saw it was the head of Ishak Khan, not that of the Wazir.
The night after the battle was spent by the Wazir at Marahra, twenty- one miles west of the field, and there his wound was dressed. On the 29th Shaw4l (20th September, 1750), he re-entered Delhi and repaired secretly to his house. Through the intrigues of the Emperor’s favourite, Jawed Khan, it had been already proposed to confiscate Safdar Jang’s estate and to ap- point in his place Intizém-ud-daula, Khan Khandan, a son of the late Wazir, Kamr-ud-din Khan ’Itimad-ud-daula. On hearing of the defeat and dis- grace of Safdar Jang, the Emperor consulted Ghazi-ud-din Khan, Firtz Jang, son of Niz4m-ul-mulk, as to what should be done if Ahmad Khan advanced to Delhi. After obtaining permission to speak his mind freely, Firiz Jang stated the case at great length, dwelling on the good services of the Bangash family and the treachery they had met with from the
76 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
Wazir. He concluded by desiring the Emperor to decide who, in justice, was in fault. The Emperor admitted that what Firiz Jang said was true, that Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang and his family had done the throne no wrong, that Safdar Jang’s conduct could not be defended. But if Ahmad Khan followed up his advantage and pursued Safdar Jang to Delhi, what should be done? Firiz Jang proposed sending a farmdn, with a robe of honour, elephant, horse and sword to Ahmad Khan, at the same time stating that what had been done had not been done with the Emperor’s consent. Safdar Jang had no more than reaped the fruit of his own ill-deeds, but Ahmad Khan, if he were a loyal subject should, instead of advancing further towards Delhi, return to Farrukhabad. This advice approved itself to the Emperor, a farman and robe of honour were sent, and on receiving them, Ahmad Khan turned and went back to Farrukhabad.
Shadil Khan, brother’s son of Shuj’at Khan Ghilzai,* was left with some ten thousand men under subordinate leaders, in charge of that part of the country, it having been formerly under his uncle, Shuja’t Khan.+ Nawab Ahmad Khan himself then returned to his home at Farrukhabad. For the due administration of the recovered territory, he appointed his brothers and relations to be governors of various places. Nawab Murtazza Khan, fourth son of Muhammad Khan, was sent to Itawah ; Mansur ’Ali Khan, thir- teenth son, to Phaphond, including the jagir mahals of Saurikh, Sakatpur, Sakrawah, and Sauj;’Azim Khan, twenty-first son, to Shikohabad, including Sakit, Kurdoli and ’Alipur Khera; Nawaz Khan Khatak to Akbarpur- Shahpur; Zu’l-fikar Khan, chela, alzas the Majhle Nawab, to Shamshabad and Chibramau, including Sikandarpur, Bhonganw and Birwar (or Bewar) ; Manavar Khan, eighteenth son, to Pali and Sandi; and Khuda Bandah Khan, twelfth son, was made Faujdar of Bilgram. Nawdb Mahmud Khan, eldest son of NawA4b Ahmad Khan, with Jahan Khan, an old chela of the family, at the head of ten thousand horse and a large force of infantry, was deputed to take possession of Lakhnau and the Stbah of Audh.{ At the same time Shadi Khan, the sixteenth son, with the assistance of Kali Khan son of Shamsher Khan, chela, was ordered to advance to Korah—Jahanabad, in the Sibah of Allahabad ; and Muhammad Amir Khan, nineteenth son, was sent to oceupy Ghazipur. The Rohelas on their side§ sent Shekh Kabir, Par-
* See p. 383, Vol. XLVII, 1878.
+ Gaz. N. W. P. IV, 158, Shuja’t Khan built at Mérahra the tomb of Shah Bar- kat-ullah in 1142 H. (July 1729—July 1730).
{ The Khizdna’ Amira, p. 83, must either be wrong in the date (Jamadi I, 1164 H.) given for Mahmud Khan’s passing through Bilgram, or else it must refer to some- thing which happened on the retreat from Allah4bad to Farrukhabad, which did take place about Jamadi I, 1164. It is absurd to suppose that Atidh was not occupied till
six or seven months after the victory of Ram Chatauni. § Life H, R. K., p, 39.
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 77
mul Khan, and other leaders with their respective contingents to Shahabad and Khairabad, of which parganahs they took quiet possession. The death and defeat of Naval Rade had thrown the greater part of the Allahabad Subah into confusion; Rap Singh Khichar, who held parganah Karali (now in the Allahabad district), Sumer Singh, son of Hindu Singh Chandela, and Gansham Singh Raghbansi, all old friends of the Pathans, entered into a league with the Mahrattas, and as they had done the year before, wished to call them across the river.
By the month of Zil-ka’d (Sept.—Oct. 1750), the Pathdns had put a thana in Malihabad, 15 miles west of Lakhnau, had raised a disturbance in Sandi, (in the Hardoi district) had invested Amethi (inthe Sultdénpur dis- trict), and with a large force were threatening Dalmau, on the Ganges, and Rae Bareli itself.
It is reported that after the victory Nawab Ahmad Khan used often to say to the Bibi Sahiba—“ God the Almighty has granted me a double “triumph, for I have not only defeated ’Abd-ul-Mansir Khan, but I am rid “of Rustam Khan Afridi, who had a claim to half my territory.” The Nawab referred to the compact made before the attack on Naval Rade, by which Rustam Khan had stipulated for half the nmawdbz in return for the money then advanced.
Siege of Allahabad Fort. (September, 1750—April, 1751.)
Nawab Ahmad Khan after having made all his arrangements went in person to Kannauj. Hearing of his approach Nawab Baké4-ullah Khan, Khan’ Alam, Amir Khani* and Rae Partap Narayan, officers in the Wazir’s
* He was the son of Marahmat Khan, son of Amir Khan ’Alamgiri, his uncle be- ing the well known Amir Khan ’Umdat-ul-Mulk, whom we mentioned at p. 338, Vol. XLVII, 1878.
+ The family tree of this family is given thus in the Amdd us-Sa’dat, p. 56. copying from the Hadthat-ul-Akdlin. j Atma Ram (born near Lahor, Diwan to Sa’ dat
Khatri. Khan when Faujdar of Hindaun | and Bayand).
oo
an leeds | Har Narayan Rajah Rim Narayan Partap Nivhiyan (Wakil of Safdar Diwan. | alias Partép Singh Jang at Delhi). (mostly employed in the Subahs), Ca a ae RO ea Maharajah Shiu Jagat Rajah Rae Shiu Saran Lachmi Narayan Narayan. Néréyan. Maha Naréyan Harde (adopted son). (Wakal at Delhi). (Diwan to Na- Narayan. wab Shuja’ud-
daula).
78 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
service, who at the head of nine hundred or a thousand men had arrived as far as Kannauj on their way to join their master, retreated by way of Lakh- nau to Jhusi. Then ’Ali Kuli Khan Karkhi, the deputy in the Allahabad Subah, came out to meet them.* There they heard that Shadi Khan was marching down country at the head of twenty thousand men. ’Ali Kuli Khan with his own troops and part of those of Rae Partap Narayan advan- ced to oppose Shadi Khan. The two armies met each other at Kord-Jaha- nabadt where a battle ensued, and Shadi Khan having been defeated began to retreat.
When this news was brought to Nawab Ahmad Khan, he proposed to send large reinforcements, but his chief counsellors overruled him, and advised his proceeding in person, hoping that the fort of Allahabéd would be evacuated at his approach. Nawdb Bakdé-ullah Khan and ’Ali Kuli Khan, hearing of Ahmad Khan’s advance, beat a rapid retreat, and took refuge in the fort of Allahabad. Ahmad Khan when he had reached Kora halted several days, and intended to return home himself, leaving the fight- ing to Mansur ’Ali Khan,f Rustam Khan Bangash, and Sa’dat Khan Afridi, brother of Mahmtid Khan, Bakhshi to Nawab Kéim Khan, these three leaders having a large force in their pay. But he was persuaded to go on by the arrival of wakils from the eastern Rajahs, Pirthipat, son of Chattardh4ri, son of Ji Sukh, Sombansi, ruler of Partabgarh,§ and Rajah Balwant Singh of Banaras. The agents were introduced through Mustajab Khan Warakzai and Haji Safaraz Khan, who were then in attendance. The letters were to the effect that if the Nawab would continue his advance to Allahabad, they undertook to obtain the fort for him in a very short time, after that the whole of the eastern country would fall into his power. After receiving these letters the Nawdb went on towards Allahabad, and
* The Khizéna Amira, p. 83, distinguishes this ’Ali Kuli Khan from ’Ali Kuli Kh4n Daghistani, poetically Walh, but the local historians, Wali-ullah and the “ Lauh” make them one and the same. Mir Ghulam ’Aliis the most likely to be right, as he was acquainted personally with the poet Walih, Hisim-ud-din calls this man simply the “ Allah4b4di,” and the “ Siyar-ul-Mutakharin,”’ p. 879, says he had been in the service of Sayyad Muhammad Khan, naib of the Allah&bad Sibah on the part of ’Umdat-ul-Mulk Amir Khan. Kali Rae in the Fatehgarh-nama (p. 54,) refers to the author of a book called the Haft Akléim, who states that he was present in this retreat from Lakhnau. The reference is, 1 now find, to the Hadikat-wl-Akalim.
+ On the Grand Trunk Road, some thirty-four miles north-west of the town of Fathpur.
{ Thirteenth son of N. Muhammad Khan.
§ Or as Hisém-ud-din says, Azimgarh. Partdbgarh lies thirty-two miles north of Allahabad. There is acapital account of the family in the Hadikat-ul-Ahkdlim un- der the head, Partabgarh in the Second Clime.
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawéabs of Farrukhabad. 99
Rajah Pirthipat, marching from Partabgarh, brought his army to the edge of the Ganges, where he encamped. On the Nawab’s arrival he crossed the river and paid him a visit, when he was presented with a khila’t and at his own request he was posted to the vanguard.
Reaching Allahabad the Nawab appears to have crossed over to Jhisi on the other or left bank of the Ganges, where he planted his guns on the high ground known as the fort of Rajah Harbong.* The whole of Allahé- bad from Khuldabad up to the fort was burnt down and plundered, and four thousand women and children were made prisoners. Nothing was spared but the abode of Shekh Muhammad Afzal Allahabadi and the quar- ter of Darydbad which was entirely occupied by Pathans.+
The defence of the fort on the part of the Wazir was conducted by Baka-ullah Khan and ’Ali Kili Khan, Zarji. By chance one Indargir Sunyasif had come there on a pilgrimage with five thousand naked fight- ing fakirs, who lay between the old city and the fort. These took the side of the Wazir’s people. Baka-ullah Khan, who was an able man and experienced in war, threw a bridge over the river between the Beni (pro- perly Tribeni) gate of the fort and the town of Arail, which is on the right bank of the Ganges just below its junction with the Jumna. He left his camp standing in that town, while morning and evening he marched his troops to and from the fort. All day an artillery fire was kept up from the walls upon the troops of Nawab Ahmad Khan. On his side the leaders, Rajah Pirthipat and others, made every effort to carry the fort but with- out success.
At this time Rajah Balwant Singh, who had been directed to appear in person, arrived at Jhusi.§ He was introduced through the Nawab’s son
* Elliot’s Supplemental Glossary, p. 466, ‘‘ Harbong ka raj.”
+ Khizdna ’ Amira, p. 83.
f{ Rajah Indar Gir was a Sunydsi from Jhansi in Bundelkhand. He had seized parganah Moth (in the Jhansi district) in 1745, and building a fort there soon acquired possession of 114 villages. About 1749-50 he was ejected from Moth by a force under Nari Shankar, the Mahratta Swbah, and he then found his way to Allahabad. (Jenkinson’s Jhansi Report, pp. 172 and 173). After the raising of this siege, he was introduced to the Wazir by Bak4-ullah Khan, and accepted service on two conditions (1) that he might beat his kettle-drums when inthe Wazir’s retinue, (2) that in audience he should not be obliged to put his hand to his head. He took part in the Rohilkhand campaign and was killed in Rajab 1165 H. (4th May 1752—2nd June 1752), in the fighting between Safdar Jang and’Amad-ul-Mulk. The “ Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan,” p. 49, says Najib Khan killed him with his own hand. In the year 1762 we shall come across his chelas and successors, Anup Gir Himmat Bahadur and his brother Umrao Gir.
§ At Jhisi is the tomb of Shah Muhammad Taki, adescendant of Hazrat Ghaus- ul-islim, Miran Hamid-ud-din, Mubammad Ghaus, Gwaliyari.
80 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
Mahmtd Khan, who not long before had arrived from Lakhnau. The Rajah made a present of one lakh of rupees and received a khilw’t with a confirmation of half his territory, the other half being put under Sahib Zaman Khan, Dilézik of Jaunpur, cousin to one of the Nawab’s wives.* Nawab Ahmad Khan told the Rajah to cross over to Arail with Mahmud Khin, and encamp there after driving away Baka-ullah Khan’s men, in order to put an end to the passage to and fro of troops to the fort, and to interrupt the arrival of supplies. The Rajah agreed to the proposal and returning to his camp at Jhusi he sent in all directions for boats.
When their spies reported this to Baka-ullah Khan and the other leaders of the enemy, they began to consult how they could prevent the danger of an attack from two sides. They decided that the next day they would fight the army in front of them. Accordingly Baké-ullah Khan came across the bridge with a large force and the troops coming out of the fort joined him, <ndargir Sunyasi also receiving orders to join, advanced beyond the shelter of the fort and drew up in battle array from the Ganges bank to a point between the old city and the fort.
As soon as he heard this, Nawaib Ahmad Khan mounted and advanced to the edge of his camp. Thence he deputed Nawab Manstr Ali Khant and Nawab Shadi Khanf to take the command, and they at once com- menced an advance. Besides their own men they had with them 10,000 men commanded by Rustam Khan Bangash, 4000 under Sa’dat Khan Afridi, 2000 under Mangal Khan, 3000 Yakka (men riding their own horses) under Muhammad ’Ali Khan Afridi and 2000 under ’Abd-ur-rasil Khan, chela. There were besides other leaders such as Namdar Khan, the brother of Nawab Ghairat Khan, Nir Khan, son of Khalil Khan Mataniya, Namdar Khan, brother of Himmat Khan Mataniya, and ’Abdullah Khan Warakzai The Nawab ordered all these leaders to advance with their men and drive back the enemy. To Rajah Pirthipat he said—‘ The van is yours, repair to your post.”’
The Rajah then headed the attack and the battle began. For three hours cannon, rockets and muskets never ceased their uproar. At length Rajah Pirthipat, who was in front, got the advantage and made his way up to the enemy’s ranks. Seeing this, Manstr ’Ali Khan and the other leaders advanced rapidly to his support. The Rajah dismounted from his elephant and got upon his horse. His companions then left their horses and drawing their swords rushed at the enemy. On reaching the spot,
* The Balwant Ndéma of Khair-uddin Muhammad, translated by F. Curwen, Allahabad, 1875, pp. 25-29.
+ Thirteenth son of N. Muhammad Khan.
+ Sixteenth son of N. Muhammad Khan.
1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhibdd. 81
Manstr ’Ali Khan got down from his elephant, and went forward in front of the Rajah. The best of Bakda-ullah Khan’s men were slain or wounded ; and Nawab Baka-ullah Khan, seeing that the day was lost, withdrew his men across the bridge. The artillery-men left their guns, came out of the fort, and retreated across the bridge. The bridge was then broken up at the other end by the retreating enemy. Nawdb Ahmad Khan’s army thus gained the victory and occupied the field of battle.
From the spot where they had halted, the bridge was in full view. At the time the fight began, Sa’dat Khan Afridi had led his men against the enemy in advance of Manstr ’Ali Khan’s position. When Mansitr ’Ali Khan’s men saw this, in a spirit of emulation, they also ran forward and took the lead. Among these Hisém-ud-din says he himself was present, being then attached to Manstr ’Ali Khan’s force. After the victory Sa’dat Khan and His4ém-ud-din were standing near the breastwork (saft/) of the fort, where the bridge could be seen in detail. They wished to advance to the head of the bridge. Rajah Pirthipat was of the same advice. But when Nawab Ahmad Khan heard of the victory, he at once sent a camel- rider to recall! Nawab Mansur ’Ali Khan; for to advance further would only be to strike one’s head against stone walls. On receiving these orders, Manstr Ali Khan turned to retreat. Pirthipat said to him that apparent- ly the fort had been evacuated ; if they marched to the bridge head, any one left in the fort would certainly fire on them; if they were not fired on, they would know that the fort was empty and could then occupy it. Manstr Ali Khan said he could not go forward against orders, and ordering his drums to beatin honour of the victory, he returned to the Nawab’s presence, where with the other leaders he presented his “ nazar.”
While the siege was going on, Ahmad Khan had appointed Sahib Jaman Khan, Dildz4k of Jaunpur, to be his viceroy in Jaunpur, ’Azimgarh, Mahaul, Akbarpur, and other places.* Balwant Singh refused to give up the territory, and urgent orders were sent to Sahib Zaman Khan to expel
* The Dil4z4k Pathans had been settled in Jaunpur from the time of Muhammad Shéh (17191749). ‘Their connection with Ahmad Khan is shown thus :— (Father not named).
nn rT EY nn SE 5 en es
we Muhammad Zaman Khan,
= Sher Zaman Khan. = EE ee aN Daughter m. to Nawab ‘Sahib Zaman Karm Zaman Ahmad Khan. Khan, Khan. L
82 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
him. Some reinforcements were sent to him and he was joined by Akbar Shah, Rajah of ’Azimgarh, and Shamsher Jahan, zamindar of Mahaul, twenty-three miles north-west of ’Azimgarh. The army was assembled at Akbarpur,* and the small fort of Sarhanptr near the camp was taken after a siege of fifteen days. An advance was then made against Jaunpur, and after six hours’ fighting the assailants effecting an entrance made themselves masters of the place. Sahib Zaman Khan still delayed his advance, and turned off towards Nizamabad, thirty-two miles north-east of Jaunpur. After the compromise with Balwant Singh already related, Sahib Zaman Khan with Haji Sarfardz Khan advanced to take possession of the country north of the Ganges. Not long after this Ahmad Khan, on the approach of Safdar Jang and the Mahrattas, beat a retreat to Farrukhébad. Balwant Singh: then marched from Gangapur, some miles west of Banaras, to Mariahu, twelve miles south of Jaunpur, and made a demand on SAhib Zaman Khan for a return of the territory. The contending parties met in battle array, when Balwant Singh’s Afghan leaders refused to fight against their fellow-countryman, Séhib Zamdn Khan, now that his power was gone. Balwant Singh thus found it advisable to negociate. Sahib Zaman Khan then pitched his tent at Chandipur, and next day, a riot about arrears of pay having broken out, he started alone for Azimgarh. Balwant Singh then plundered his house. Wot feeling safe in Azimgarh, Sahib Zaman Khadn went on to Bettiah,y where the Rajah gave him shelter. After sometime he returned to Jaunpur and was reinstated by Balwant Singh. On his death he was succeeded by his sons, but they were not men of any mark.{
The story goes that, when the approach of the Path4ns was heard of in Banaras, thé leading money-lenders went out as far as Philpur, some eight os or more from Banaras, and offered a tribute of two krors of rupees on condition that the Pathans did not enter their city. Even ina dream, they said, if they saw a Pathan a long way off, they began to trem- ble. ‘The two krors were accepted and the Pathans retraced their steps.§
Siege of Hatehgarh and flight of the Nawab.
The Wazir after his defeat at Ram Chatauni returned to Delhi on the 29th Shawal (20th September, 1750). He found the Emperor had been put strongly against him. He was much cast down and for many days ‘never left his private apartments, passing most of the day reclining with his hand over his face. At length his wife roused him to exertion and * Perhaps the Akbarpur in the Faizabad district about 48 miles north of Jaunpur.
+ Across the Gandak river in the Champaran district.
{~ Curwen’s translation of the Balwantnamah, pp. 25-29. § ’Amad-us-Sa’dat, p. 50, from line 1,
i879. | W. Irvvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrwkhabad. 83
promised him all the money she possessed. Thus encouraged he sent for Rajah Nagar Mall, Lachmi N drayan, and Isma’il Beg Khan. The latter advised waiting for an army from Afghdnistan. Nagar Mall proposed calling in the Rohelas, who, owing to the attack on them by Kaim Khan, bore ill-will to the Farrukhabid Pathans. The Wazir rejected this advice, saying that though Pathéns might fight amongst themselves, they would always unite against any third person. He then asked Lachmi Narayan for his opinion. In reply he called attention to the large force of 70,000 or 80,000 Mahrattas, under Jai Ap4 and Mulhar Rao, then in the neighbourhood of Kotah,* and reminded the Wazir that the Pathans started at the sound of the Mahratta name, and that one thousand Mahrattas could dispose of ten thousand Pathans. The Wazir determined to invoke the aid of the Mahrattas.
The next important point was to effect a reconciliation with the Hm- peror. For this purpose Jugal Kishor was sent to ask help from Nawab Nazir Jawed Khan, the Emperor’s favourite eunuch. After he had heard the full details of the Wazir’s case, the Nawab Nazir said the matter could only be discussed in a personal interview. On Wednesday he would ride out to pray at the shrine of the saint, Sultan-ul-Mushaikh Nizim-ud-din. On his way back he would come to the Wazir’s house, when he would state the obstacles toa settlement. Jugal Kishor returned and reported these words to his master. On the Wednesday, after paying a visit to the shrine of Nizim-ud-din, Jawed Khan came privately to the Wazir’s house. After other conversation, the Nazir said to the Wazir that the Emperor’s mind had, in an extreme degree, been turned against him, nor could any remark favourable to him be ventured on in the Emperor’s presence ; and Nawab Firiz Jang was so strenuous in support of Nawab Ahmad Khan, that no one dare open his mouth to say a word to the contrary. The Wazir said some words easy to understand (karvb-ul-fahm, 7. e., offered a bribe, I sup- pose) to the Nazir, asking his intercession with the Emperor and using at the same time powerful arguments. The Nawab Nazir professed himself con- vinced, and promised that when he saw a chance he would speak in Safdar Jang’s favour and, please God, he would turn the Emperor’s heart towards him. He then rose, mounted, and went home.
Three days afterwards a news-letter came from the writer attached to Ahmad Khan’s camp. He wrote that the eastern zamindars, Rajah Pirthi- pat, Rajah Balwant Singh and others, had brought treasure and had sub- mitted themselves to Nawab Ahmad Khan ; they had joined him in laying siege to Allahabad, which would shortly fall; a large army had collected and was gathering strength every day, a hundred thousand horsemen and number-
* On the Chambal, 195 miles 8. W. of Agra, and 260 miles from Delhi, |
84 W. Srvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
less footmen had gathered under the Nawab’s standard ; and it remained to be seen what would be disclosed from behind the curtain of the unknown after the fort of Allahabad had fallen. The Nawab Nazir seized the moment and began to repeat, as had been agreed upon, the speeches made to him by the far-sighted Wazir. The Nazir described in touching language his great perplexity at the aspect of affairs, which had quite deprived him of sleep. Before Safdar Jang came back to Delhi after his defeat, Firiz Jang had caused a congratulatory farmdn to be addressed to Ahmad Khan confirming to him his ancestral dominions. Not content with this gracious act, he had without orders occupied estates directly under the crown (khdlsa), he had sent his son to take the Subah of Audh, and now himself was besieging Allahabad. The next attempt would be upon Bengal. The letter writers had already informed his Majesty in detail of the immense army which had been collected. Now the learned declare that the Akhun Darweza, written by the spiritual head and high priest of the Afghan race, prescribes that any Afghan at the head of more than twelve thousand men is required and bound to claim complete sovereignty. In that case, Ahmad Khan, who had one hundred thousand men and a territory equal to nearly four or five Stibahs, could not possibly refrain from proclaiming himself king.
When Nazir Jawed Khan had got this length im his artful representa- tion, his Majesty became perplexed and asked him the best way out of the difficulty. The Ndzir at once proposed a pardon of Safdar Jang’s mis- deeds, the task of reducing Ahmad Khan to subjection being then committed to him. The Emperor objected that nothing could be hoped from Safdar Jang, for, although he had gone with a large army provided with cannon and rockets, he had been overthrown by Ahmad Khan with a very small force. Now that Ahmad Khan’s strength had much increased, how could Safdar Jang with the same dispirited troops attempt to oppose Ahmad Khan. There isa proverb Zadah ra béyad zad, i. e., Beaten once will be beaten again.* The Emperor continued that to his mind the Nazir’s device was the poorest of the poor (khdm dar kham), and he declined to accept it, for a good scheme should have no such obvious drawback. In reply to his Majesty, Nazir Jawed Khan said that he had a plan within his plan, for Mulhdr Rao and Apa Sendhia, who were at that time encamped in the Rajput country, though they were his enemies, would, if sent for, enter his Majes- ty’s service ; and hoping for benefit to themselves, they would be certain to carry out faithfully any orders given them. Suraj Mall Jat’s forces also, though they were present with Safdar Jang, had not been scattered or defeat- ed. There was also Hafiz Rahmat Khan, head of the Rohelas, who was a great friend of Safdar Jang. At length the Hmperor gave way to Jawed
* Roebuck, 1214.
1879.) W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabéd. 85
Khan’s persuasions, and ordered him to tell Safdar Jang that his faults were forgiven, and that the next day he should present himself for an audience. Jawed Khan repaired joyfully to his house, and at night he went to the Wazir. After they had embraced, the whole of the conversation with the Emperor was repeated. Then the Nazir taking with him Jugal Kishor returned to his home, where he told Jugal Kishor to inform the Wazir that the next day he must present himself to obtain audience, and a list of the nazardna must be prepared at once, the amount not being less than twenty- five lakhs of rupees. Jugal Kishor returned and reported to the Wazir, who said that this amount of nazarana had been fixed in his interview with Jawed Khan.
Harly the next day the Emperor left his private apartments, and enter- ing the public hall of audience seated himself on his marble throne. The great nobles and high officials, with the Mir Tazak, having presented them- selves and made obeisance, took up position according to their rank. Then Nazir Jawed Khan was ordered to go out to meet the Wazir, Safdar Jang, and bring him to his Majesty’s presence. When Jawed Khan reached the Wazir’s house, thirty trays of jewels and rich clothes were placed before him. After making the customary protestations of refusal, he accepted them. ‘They then proceeded to the presence, and Safdar Jang touched the Emperor’s foot with his forehead. ‘The Emperor lifted his head and clasp- ed it to his breast. The Wazir said, “‘ I have committed great faults, but “T hope for forgiveness, as Sa’di says
‘¢ Bandah haman bih kih ’z taksir-i-khwesh ’Uzr ba dargah-i-khuda award ;
Warna sazawar-i-khudawandesh
Kas na tawanad kih baja award.”
The Emperor replied “ I have after reflection forgiven you, and accept «your excuses.” A dress of honour of ten pieces, jewels, a horse out of the Emperor’s stable, a sword, and an elephant were granted to the Wazir. Safdar Jang then presented his list of nazardna, amounting to twenty-five lakhs of rupees. He then took his leave and with great joy set out on his way home, distributing fifty thousand rupees in alms as he went.
In accordance with Nazar Jawed Khan’s proposal, an imperial farman was issued to Mulhar Réo* and Apa Sendhia.f The bearer of it, Ram Nardyan,{ found the Mahrattas two marches this side of Kotah, which is
* Rose to notice in 1724, died 1767-8. Grant Duff, 212 and 338.
* Succeeded his father Rénoji about 1750, was assassinatedin 1759. Grant Duff, 270 and 310.
t Hisém-ud-din says Jugal Kishor went, The Siyar-ul-M, p. 88, names Jugal
86 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawiébs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
two hundred and sixty miles south of Delhi. At first, Apa Sendhia de- manded two rors of rupees, while Ram Narayan offered fifty lakhs. At length Mulhar Rao consented to take one ror and persuaded Apa Sen- dia, who at length agreed ; or some say the agreement was for twenty-five thousand rupees a day while the campaign lasted.* At any rate the Mah- rattas commenced their march towards Delhi, where they soon arrived. A man of rank was sent out some distance to meet them, and the next day Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia had an audience of the Emperor, at which they were invested with khila’ts. The Wazir had sent for Suraj Mall Jat, who also received a robe of honour. The Wazir then requested orders to march, and the Emperor bestowing a Math-pech (a kind of turban?) on Safdar Jang, directed him to march with his army against Ahmad Khéan. Safdar Jang crossed the Jamna with his own troops, and those attached to him, that is, the royal army (Bads¢), the Mahrattas, and the Jats.
- Safdar Jang’s first order to the Mahrattas was to expel Shadil Khan, the Farrukhabad ’Amil, from the neighbourhood of Koil, and then to follow up his retreat to Farrukhabad. Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia sent off Pindara horsemen to spoil and burn throughout Ahmad Khan’s territory. Hastening off as ordered, they began their usual plundering and surround- ed Shadil Khan. Soon after this, Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia arrived in person and began an attack. Although his force was small compared with that of the enemy, Shadil Khan maintained his position for a time and did all that was in his power. After holding his own for one day and killing a good many of the enemy, he withdrew across the Ganges to Kadir Chauk, in parganah Aujhani of the Budaon district, whence after writing an ac- count of affairs to Ahmad Khan at Allahabad, he marched eastwards along the left bank of the Ganges towards Farrukhabad. Shadil Khan’s retreat took place in the early part of Jumadi I. 1164 H. (17th March, 15th April, 1751). :
About six months had elapsed from the defeat of the Wazir in Septem- ber 1750, when Nawab Ahmad Khan heard at Allahabad of the retreat of Shaédil Khan before the Mahrattas. He sent for Rajah Pirthipat and told him that, in order to repel the Wazir, he must return home at once; and by God’s favour, having again defeated his enemy, he would rejoin the Rajah and occupy the eastern districts. ‘The Rajah said he had one piece of advice to give, which was that he thought it inexpedient to return to Farrukhabad
Kishor and Lachmi Nardéyan. The author of the Siyar-ul-M, says, it was his uncle Sayyad ’Abd-ul-Ali Khan who first suggested calling in the Mahrattas.
* The Siyar-ul-M. adds that the Jats were to get 15,000 Rs, and the Mahrattas Rs. 25,000 a day.
1879.] W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 87
when the Wazir was already so near, for, however fast the Nawab might march, it would be nearly impossible to arrive in time ; and supposing that Farrukhabid were reached in time, the troops being scattered would still have to be collected ; it would therefore be better to cross the Ganges into the Stbah of Oudh and then proceed westwards, by which several advan- tages would be gained. A hurried march need not be made, the army would not be scattered, the zamindars of Sibah Audh, who had been turned out of their homes in the time of Naval “ bad-aml,” would unsought bring aid, in money andin men. Another reason was that the immense number of mercenaries, who had collected under the Nawdb’s standard, would disperse in the course of a rapid retreat on Farrukhabad. The Nawab determined to consult his chief men, and the Rajah took his leave. Then Nawab Ahmad Khan sent for Rustam Khan Bangash, Mangal Khan Ghilzai, Muhammad Khan Afridi, Sa’dat Khan Afridi, Mustajab Khan Warakzai, Haji Sarfaraz Khan and others. When they had been informed of the Rajah’s proposals, they asked for time to consult with each other. They then went apart and discussed the question. ‘The majority of votes was against crossing the Ganges, H4ji Sarfaraz Khan alone dissented. They _ returned to the Nawab’s presence, and stated that, in their opinion, by cross- ing the Ganges, the enemy would be deceived into believing that they had crossed from fear. “ Let us fear nothing,” they added, “this is the same “¢ Wazir whom we have already defeated, and, by God’s help, we will so “ wield our good swords, that our enemy shall not escape alive again; the «enemy and his army are to us like the well-known proverb ‘ You may beat “the beaten.’ ’”’? The Nawab turning to Haji Sarfaraéz Khan said, “ You say nothing.”” The Haji replied, that his opinion would not please any of the others, but he thought that Rajah Pirthipat’s advice was the best.
-According to the decision of the commanders, a march direct for Far- rukhabad was ordered. The Rajah being sent for and informed of the decision, he asked what orders there were for him. The Nawab said, he left the Raj4b in that country for the present as his representative ; he should, therefore, return to his own zamindari and recall the Audh zamindars to their homes. The Rajah then received a khila’t and, having been dismissed, he crossed the Ganges and hastened to his own country.*
* Under the year 1165 H. the Balwant-nadmah relates how the Nawab Wazir started for Banaras intending to take his revenge on Rajah Pirthipat. At Sulténpur, about 36 miles S. of Faizibad—and 85 miles N. of Allahabad, Rajah Pirthipat presented himself. When thrown off his guard by friendly words, he was stabbed by ’Ali Beg Khan, ona sign from the Wazir. Pirthipat, who was unarmed, sprang npon his murderer, and biting a piece out of his cheek fell dead with it in his mouth, The date of 1163 H. given in the Mifidh, p. 498, must be wrong, and the
88 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdad. [No. 2,
By order of the Nawab, his son, Mahmiid Khan, then about fifteen years of age, moved from Jhtusi westwards through Audh. On the road the zamindars of Dundyakhera, fifty miles south of Lakhnau, plundered the carts carrying the Nawab’s personal effects (tosha-khdna). When it was reported to Mahmud Khan that the baggage had been plundered and several soldiers killed, he halted, and in six hours sacked the village and massacred the inhabitants. After the fight some thousands of boxes were recovered in the village. As he advanced further west, he learnt that the - Shekhs of Lakhnau and Kakauri* had risen and ejected the Pathans from those two places. At that time no reprisals were possible, and the young Nawab marched on, near Bilgram+ where he met with some resis- tance, past Sandi and Pali,t to the bank of the Ganges opposite his father’s entrenchment at Fatehgarh.
Commencing his march westwards from Allahabad, Nawab Ahmad Khan in six days reached his own capital. But the adventurers, who had before joined him from all sides, being pure mercenaries, melted away on the road and retired to places of safety. Only those of good name and position remained true to his standard. His first care was to send off the Bibi Sahiba and his female relations, who with considerable reluctance cross- ed the Ganges and set out for Shahjahanptr or Anwalah. Many of the inhabitants of the city, seeing her departure, began to desert their homes. ~The Nawab now summoned all the commanders and leaders, name by name, to devise means of opposing the enemy. All the commanders and leaders, the bankers and chief traders of the bazar, all who were noted for their intelligence and ability, appeared before the Nawab. They represented to him that the enemy was very numerous, while the Nawab’s force in compa- rison was like salt in flour. Admitting that though few they were brave, yet the wise men of old had said “ one fights with one, not one with a thou- “sand.” It was true the Nawdb was capable of meeting the kings of Hurope in battle array, yet on this occasion the Wazfr, to remove the stain to his name caused by his previous disgrace, had brought all the fighting men of Hindistaén, the Jats and the Mahrattas, like a tribe of ants or a flight of locusts. They therefore thought it advisable to move to the Ganges bank, near the ferry of Hussainpur, three miles east of the city
Siyar-ul-M., p. 888, indirectly confirms the date of 1165 H. The Oudh Gazetteer (II. 477 and III. 147) states the scene of the assassination to have been Gutni, on the Ganges, five miles south of Manikpur.
* About 12 miles W. of Lakhnau.
+ In the Hardoi district, about 34 miles from Farrukhabad,
% Both in the Hardoi district,
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabéad. 89
where there was a position favourable for defence with a small fort.* Around it was then a wide, open, plain about a square mile in extent. At the edges of the plain were deep ravines. They thought it best for the army to encamp in that spot. It is nowhere stated why the fort in the city was considered untenable ; perhaps because it could be cut off on the outer side from the surrounding country and its supplies; while at Fateh- garh the army had the river flowing under its camp, by which boats could have easy access to it, and this danger was averted, so long as the enemy failed to cross the river and occupy the other bank.
At once, on hearing the suggestions of his chief men, relations and advisers, the Nawab heartily agreed, and mounting his horse proceeded in state, with all his forces, to the place appointed on the bank of the Ganges, and there formed his camp. Next day the division of the army attached to the artillery arrived and brought the guns into camp. Then the Nawab in person went out and taking up his position at the head of the ravines already referred to, directed the posting of the guns, large and small, and caused them to be connected by chains. Making over charge of the guns to his brothers and the Risdldars, he returned to his head quarters on the Ganges bank, and ordered a bridge of buats to be got ready. The day the bridge was finished, the Nawdb’s son, Mahmud Khan, reached the river on the opposite or left bank, and Shadil Khan Ghilzai also came up from Kadir Chauk in the opposite direction. The day after their arrival, both of them were honoured with interviews.
We now return to what had happened meanwhile to the Wazir. When his spies brought him word that Nawab Ahmad Khan had returned from Allahabad, and was preparing for defence, he sent for Mulhar Rao and Apa, and asked them what was their plan of operations. They replied that they were at his orders. The Wazir told them to despatch one of their principal men with a strong force to surround Ahmad Khan, and cut off his supplies of food, water, and forage. Accordingly they detached Téntia with ten thousand active horsemen towards Farrukhabad.
On reaching the environs of that city forsaken by its ruler, they set many villages and towns in flames. When the Mahratta horse entered the city, and found within it nothing but perplexity, poverty, hunger and thirst, giving up all hope of plunder, they marched on to the place where the Nawab stood prepared for resistance. As their eyes fell on his army they said to one another, ‘‘ O friends! Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia sent “us to engage and surround this force; but this Nawab is so brave and “of such peerless race, that with only a few men he overthrew the Wazir “and his countless host.”” With such men they considered it was necessary
* Now known as Fatehgarh fort. M
90 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2;
to act with circumspection. Hearing that some guns had been left at Yakutganj, about five miles south of the city and four miles from Fateh- garh, TAntia sent off some of his horse in that direction. They collected a number of villagers and began to drag the guns towards their own camp. As they approached Kasim Bagh*, about half a mile south-west of Fateh- garh fort and Hussainpur, the Pathans, who had concealed themselves in the ravines, made a sudden rush and fell upon the guns, turned them on the Mahrattas, and fired shot and rockets, so.as to kill many and put the rest to flight. When Tantia saw this disaster, he mounted and ordered out his troops. The whole of his force advanced against the Pathans and commenced a musketry fire, accompanying it with the discharge of rockets. On hearing this firing, Nawab Khan mounted and coming to the batteries stood there. He ordered his risdé/ahdars to advance to support the Pathans already under fire. Shadil Khan Ghilzai, Sa’dat Khan Afridi, Muhammad Ali Khan Afridi, Muhammad Khan Afridi, Khan Miyan Khan Khatak, ’Umr Khan Gwaliyari, Namdar Khan, brother of Nawab Ghairat Khan, Nur Khan, son of Khalil Khan Mataniya, Mangal Khan of Tilhar and others, left their batteries and advanced to support the Pathans. 'Tantia on his side came on to meet and repel them. When the two forces came closer, the musketry fire ceased and swords were drawn. The Afghan attack was so fierce that they even began to wrestle with their enemies, and tolay hold of them by the neck. Unable to bear up against the assault, the Mahrattas took to flight. Wher this success was reported to him, Nawab Ahmad Khan sent a camel-rider with orders forbidding a further advance, and recalled the troops. The commanders on receiving this order, sent on the recovered guns in front, and followed them into camp with drums beating a triumphal march. The Nawab gave praise to each private soldier and dresses of honour to the leaders. He then went back to his tents.
On hearing of Tantid’s defeat, the Wazir with the Jats, Mahrattas, and the remainder of his army continued his march till he arrived near the Nawab’s entrenchment. He left Mulhar Rao, Apa Sendhia and Tan- tid at the Kasim Bagh. He proceeded on himself till he arrived at Singhi- rampur, a ferry on the right bank of the Ganges in Parganah Bhojpur, some eleven or twelve miles further down the river than Fatehgarh, and there he fixed his own encampment. ‘Then he issued orders to Nur-ul Hasan Khan Bilgrémi to throw a bridge of boats across the river.
When Nawdb Ahmad Khan heard of the Wazir’s intentions, he gave orders to his son, Mahmid Khan, who was posted upon the farther or left bank of the river, to detach two or three thousand men to prevent the
* The native infantry hospital is now in the Bagh, where is the tomb of Kasim Khan.
187 ay W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawtbs of Farrukhabdd. 91
bridge being thrown across by the Wazir. The young Nawab deputed Lala Sy4m Singh, brother of the deceased Shamsher Jang, chela. This chief at the head of his own regiment repaired to the threatened point, and on reaching it found the bridge half made. He began such a heavy musketry and rocket fire, that the enemy left their bridge and ran away. The at- tempt to cross was thus defeated, to be renewed afterwards with more success.
On the receipt of the first news of the Wazir’s return with the Mah- rattas, Nawab Ahmad Khan had written in all directions for aid. Amongst others, he wrote to Nawab Sa’dullah Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan, the heads of the Rohela confederacy, saying that though they had differences, they could settle those among themselves, but need not allow injury to come from the hand of strangers. He hoped they would send troops to help him, so that they might jointly attack their common foe. Hafiz Rah- mat Khan first excused himself on the ground of the blood-feud between them, caused by the death of Kaim Khan ; till the blood of Kéim Khan was forgiven, he would be afraid to trust his men in Ahmad Khan’s power. The Nawab replied, that he made them a gift of Kéim Khan’s blood-feud, and thenceforth till the day of judgment he would take no revenge on them.
On the receipt of this letter, Sa’dullah Khan, son of Ali Muhammad Khan, sent for Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan, Mulla Sardar Khan, Fath Khan, and Bahadur Khan, chela, informed them of its contents, and asked their advice. Hafiz Rahmat Khan, by reason of his affection for the Wazir, sat silent, and owing to his: silence the other leaders would say no- thing. Sa’dullah Khan asked Hafiz Rahmat Khan, why he said nothing ? Rahmat Khan asked the Nawab, what his own intentions were ? The Nawab replied, that his intentions depended upon those of others. Hafiz Rahmat Khan’s answer was, that in that case the Nawab would have to give up taking any part in the war. Bahadur Khan, who owing to his bravery took the lead among all the Rohela commanders, exclaimed, “ Have our leaders “ exchanged their turbans for women’s veils, for such coward words should “be unknown to any Pathan lip.” ‘Then turning to the Nawab, he said, that if orders for the march were not given, he should the next day start himself without orders, taking his regiment with him, and any Afghan, who cherished his name and reputation, might follow. Thenrising he took his leave, and began his preparations. Nawab Sa’dullah Khan repaired to the female apartments, where he repeated to his mother word for word the altercation which had occurred between Hafiz Rahmat Khan and Bahadur Khan. He then asked her what he ought to do, to follow Hafiz Rahmat Khan or Bahadur Khan. His mother said “ Light of my eyes! to ask
92 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
“advice in such matters from our sex is not seemly, do as your heart dic- “tates, but to me it appears that Hafiz refrains from action out of partiali- “ty for the Wazir, while Bahadur Khan’s readiness to join the war, shows “his respect for his own good name and reputation.” On hearing these words from his mother’s mouth, Nawab Sa’dullah Khan came out of the private apartments, and sent again for all the principal men. He declared that it would be dishonourable in him to refuse Nawab Ahmad Khan’s re- quest for aid, and accepting all the consequences, he meant to march the next day, those might follow who liked, and the rest might please them- selves. Then sending for Bahadur Khan, he said to him, “ Inform my “‘yeoimental commanders that if they hold themselves my servants they ‘will attend me, otherwise, I dismiss them.” Bahadur Khan carried out these orders, and except the contingents of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan, and Mulla Sardar Khan, all the others presented themselves, accom- panied by Fath Khan Khansaman. Next day the march began.
Let us now return to the events which occurred meanwhile between the two contending armies at Fatehgarh. Every day, on the side of Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia, from daybreak up to an hour and a half before sun- set, an artillery fire was kept up, directed against the camp of Nawab Ahmad Khan. At nightfall the Pathéns would come out of their shelter in the ravines, go at the batteries and capture perhaps two or three small guns, which, after driving off those in charge, they would bring into their own camp. A little before sunset the rest of those concealed in the ravines came out of hiding, and began to cook or otherwise employ themselves. The leaders went to pay their respects to the Nawab. One day they were all seated close to the Nawab’s private tent, when the enemy, noticing them collected in one spot, fired one of their heavy guns in that direction. By chance the ball struck the side of Kazim ’Ali Khan, son of Shamsher Khan the martyr, then engaged in the evening prayer. It next cut off the arm of Nawab Shadi Khan, sixteenth son of Muhammad Khan, and hit two or three others. All were killed. On this sudden misfortune being reported to him, Nawab Ahmad Khan got into his pa/ki and came to the place where the two bodies lay, and standing there he gave orders for their burial, saying that the next day he hoped by God’s grace to put several to the sword in exchange for those lost. After burying the bodies, the Pathans made a sortie and fell upon the camp of the Mahrattas. They fought most bravely and boldly all night, so that the Mahrattas were forced. to give way. When the sun rose, the Pathans, with drums beating and swords drawn, returned to their camp with a number of severed Mahratta heads held aloft upon spears.
1879. | W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. 93
Upon the Wazir’s receiving a detailed report of these nocturnal con- tests, he sent for the leaders of the Mughals and Kizilbash, and told them how, although invested, Ahmad Khan’s troops each night left their ravines to attack the Mahrattas, and every morning carried back heads upon spears. He wanted to know what they were about not to prevent this, and he told them that he spat upon their beards. That very day they must proceed to the threatened position, and so fight that they should either defeat the enemy and bring their heads to lay at his, the Wazir’s feet, or else give up their own lives to the enemy. ‘Those tiger-cubs (sher-bacha) joined the Mahratta army, and after a short rest hastened on to Kasim Bagh, opposite to which was the battery commanded by Mansir ’Ali Khan, the thirteenth son of Nawab Muhammad Khan. Between the bagh and the battery there
“was no cover, but the ground was uneven and rugged. The sher-bacha advanced out of the dagh, and taking shelter in a hollow, began a fire from large muskets. Again advancing in the same manner, they at length came quite close to the battery. When the Kizilbash horsemen saw that the sher-bacha were close to the battery, they dismounted and advanced as a reinforcement. They all then attacked together. The Pathans, who were ready waiting for the enemy, gave them one round from their cannon and let off a number of rockets, then drawing their swords rushed upon them, When they had put many of their assailants to death, the rest giving way took refuge again in the Kasim Bagh. The Pathans followed them up and, forcing them to continue the retreat, themselves occupied the bdgh. To the right of it, on the east side, there is an open space at a much lower level. Here there stood drawn up in ambush a very large force of Mahrat- tas. Seeing that the Wazir’s soldiers were retreating, unable to withstand the Afghan attack, and that the Afghans quitting their batteries had come as far as K4sim Bagh, a number of these horsemen dashed into the space between the battery and the bagh. The regiment was under the command of Tantié. When the valiant Afghans perceived that the Mahrattas had barred their retreat, they said to each other, “O friends, fire your arrows “and aim your swords first at the horses’ legs, so that the rider having fallen, “you may slay him.”” All the Afghans adopted this mode of dealing with the Mahratta horse, and they killed many of them. At length the Mah- rattas dismounted and continued the fight. This engagement was watched by Mansur ’Ali Khan Sahihzadah from the battery. Rising and grasping his sword, he went out on foot towards the enemy. His personal followers with bared swords preceded him, among them was Hisém-ud-din Gwaliyari, from whose book we quote. Counting his followers and others accidental- ly present, he found there were about one thousand men or thereabouts. These came up in the midst of the affray between the Mahrattas and the first
94 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhdbdd. [No. 2,
party of Pathans. They made an onset in the other direction, and at this point the men from the next battery on the left or east came up to rein- force them. Abdullah Khan Warakzai, Zabita Khan Khatak, Anwar Khan Kochar, and others used their swords with such effect that the Mahrattas gave way. When Tantia saw that his men were on the point of taking to flight, and being angry at the disgrace of his former defeat, he dismounted and exclaimed that he would give up his life sooner than retreat. But his attendants forced him to remount and led him off to his camp. As the defeated Mahrattas began to flee, Nawdb Manstir ’Ali Khan Sdhibz4dah and the other leaders sent for their horses, and mounting hastened after them as far as the eastern corner of the bégh, whence they saw that the Mahrattas in great confusion had reached their own camp. Manstir ’Alj Khan and the others, leaving the dagh on their right hand, came round to the west of itand halted. Nawab Ahmad Khan now rode up to the bat- teries, and directed the commanders not to leave their batteries nor to draw up their troops beyond the ravines, for the Mahrattas would give no fur- ther trouble. Manstr ’Ali Khan then returned to his old position, and Nawab Ahmad Khan accorded him great praise. All the commanders were ordered to remain in their batteries on the alert. After this Nawab Ahmad Khan returned to his own quarters.
After the investment of Fatehgarh had lasted a month and some days, there came the report of the near approach of Nawab Sa’dullah Khan. This news caused great anxiety to the Wazir, Mulhar Rao, and Apa Sendhia. Hafiz Rahmat Khan had written to the Wazir, that although he had done his best to dissuade Sa’dullah Khan, his advice had been rejected and the Nawab had marched to the aid of Ahmad Khan. He therefore advised the Wazir to make a peace with Ahmad Khan, in the best way he could, before Sa’dullah Kh&n arrived, for, according to the tradition, “ Peace is prefer- able to enmity.”
Next day the Wazir went to Mulhér Rao and Apa Sendhia’s quarters, and informing them of Sa’dullah Khan’s march, he asked what they thought. Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia sending for their principal men reported the matter to them and asked their opinion. All the leaders, except Apa Sendhia, who was privately favourable to Ahmad Khan, said they were entirely at the disposal of the Wazir, their opinion need not be asked, they would carry out whatever orders they received. The Wazir turning to Apa Sendhié asked the reason of his silence. He replied that - there could be no dispute about the self-evident, what all men could see could not be doubted. They had in no way been slack in carrying on the war, Rao Tantia had kept up constant hostilities, yet they had not succeed- ed. As for the Wazir’s army, which was made up of picked troops, its
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhabad. 95
state the Wazir himself had seen. Ahmad Khan had got the better of both their army and of the Wazir’s, and when Sa’dullah Khan joined him it would be quite impossible for any one to beat the united force. The Wazir then admitted to the Mahratta leaders that Hafiz Rahmat Khan, in stating that Sa’dullah Khan had been led astray by Bahadur Khan, added that it would be best for the Wazir to make a peace before Sa’dullah Khan arrived. The Wazir requested their opinion. They answered that
there could be nothing better than to do as suggested, for then further losses on both sides would be prevented. The Wazir asked the best way to open negociations ; for if on their side the first advances were made, it would lower their dignity. Apa Sendhia said, thatinhis opinion, the objec- tion could be obviated by calling in Nawab Ghairat Khan and Himmat Khan, who were themselves Pathans.
Mulhér Rao and Apa got up, followed by their chief men, and assem- bled in another place. They sent for Nawab Ghairat Khan and Himmat Khan. The Mahrattas told them that they did not wish that Nawab Ah- mad Khan should be reduced to extremities, that he should be expelled from his territories or lose his life in battle. As they wished for peace between Ahmad Khan and the Wazir, they asked them to negociate. The two Pathans recounted all the wrongs received by Ahmad Khan’s family at the hand of the Wazir, and upbraided the Mahrattas for forgetting the former friendship between them and the house of Ghazanfar Jang. The Mahrattas admitted the former friendship, but pleaded the farmdn of the Emperor of all Hindustan, which had directed them to serve under the Wazir. Still they had not exerted themselves much, in fact had acted purposely with carelessness and negligence. Ghairat Khan and Himmat Khan then commented unfavourably on the Emperor’s treatment of the Bangash family, and made other objections. At length they were talked over and withdrawing their objections, they asked what the proposals were. Mulhar Rao asked them to go home, and he would assemble the leaders ; when a decision had been arrived at, they should be informed.
The two Pathans left and went to their tents, while the Mahrattas remained to discuss the matter among themselves. At last it was decided that ten lakhs of rupees should be given by the Wazir as the price of blood for the sons of Ghazanfar Jang, and that, besides the ancient territory, the Wazir should make over two of his own Mahdals, Pali and Séndi,* which adjoined the other lands of Ahmad Khan. When they went to the Wazir and informed him, he accepted their decision. The leaders then proceeded to the quarters of Nawab Ghairat Khan and Himmat Khan, where they made them acquainted with the proposed terms, which they considered very
* Both now in the Hardoi district of Audh,
96 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
favourable to Nawab Ahmad Khan. They requested that a trusty messen- ger might be sent to the Nawab to lay the matter before him on their part. Nawab Ghairat Khan selected his brother Alaf Khan. Alaf Khan went and represented to Nawab Ahmad Khan, that ten lakhs would be paid, and that Pali and Sandi Would be added to his former territory. As soon as he heard the words, Ahmad Khan said that, if the Wazir paid ten krors of rupees as the price of his brother’s blood, never would he accept it, nor if twenty sons of the Wazir were slain, would he be satisfied. He declined to treat, and left it to the decision of the sword— “ Har kih shamsher zanad sikka ba-nam-ash khwaénd.”
Nor let them think that he was invested in that fort, for he was ready at any moment to meet them in the open field. His defeat of the Wazir had passed into a proverb ; as for Suraj Mall Jat, he was the same who had been unable to stand up against him before,and in company with the Wazir had taken to flight. By God’s favour, after victory they would see him act as an honorable and brave man should act. ‘Till their fate had been tried in battle, what peace could there be. If he gained the day, he would attain his des’ res, if the fates were against him, he bowed to the will of the Most High; but the blood of Ghazanfar Jang’s sons should never be sold fer gold. He then gave Alaf Khan his dismissal, and presented him with a dress of hon- our, a horse, and a sword.
Soon after Alaf Khan had departed, messengers ‘iaahnte word that next day Nawab Sa’dullah Khan would march up and encamp on the bank of the Ganges. Orders were accordingly given to Nawab Mahmid Khan and Manavar Khan Sahibzadah to go out to weleome him. At one watch before sunrise those two chiefs started, as directed, to meet and escort Nawab Sa’dullah Khan.
Next day the army of Sa’dullah Khan, with swords drawn and drums beating, came into sight. It is said they were twelve thousand in number.* All the Pathans and Rohelas, and the soldiers in all directions, out of joy and delight at sight of this reinforcement, began firing off their guns. They were so puffed up with pride and became so haughty that they remem- bered not God. Sayyad Asad ’Ali Shah with several men, among others Hisdm-ud-din Gwaliy4ri, was seated on theriver’s bank watching the arrival of the army of Nawab Sa’dullah Khan. As the holy man’s glance fell upon the troops on the further side of the river, he became suddenly agitat- ed, and falling into a deep reverie, he exclaimed, “Slain and defeated.” When he returned to his ordinary state, he said that the joy and rejoicing of these men-had not found acceptance, they would see what the morrow should bring forth.
* Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 40.
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawitbs of Farrukhabdad. 97
Sa’dullah Khan pitched his tents on the opposite or left bank of the river, and Nawab Ahmad Khan sent off for his use food of every description by the hand of Mustajab Khan Warakzai. Nawab Ahmad Khan also sent a request that next day Sa’dullah Khan would cross the Ganges, for it was highly important to combine their forces into one. This message was deli- yered, but Sa’dullah Khan said that, after consulting with his chief men, he would send word of his intentions. Then he sent for Bahadur Khan and Fath Khan, and told them of Nawab Ahmad Khan’s request. Bahadur Khan, who was very reckless, replied that it was not meet to present themselves before the head of the Afgh4n clan without an offering (nazardna), and word should be sent to Ahmad Khan, that if God willed, they, his well-wishers, - would the next morning lay before him as an offering the heads of the Wazir, of the Mahratta chiefs, and of the Jat leader. Sa’dullah Khan, being youthful and inexperienced, sent off a message to that effect. Ahmad Khan replied that whatever he thought best he should do, but to one thing he should pay the strictest attention, namely, not on any account to quit his hold of the river bank. When the fighting began, if the Mahrattas turned, he should not let his men pursue, because it was the Mahratta prac- tice to pretend they had been put to flight, and lead their enemy away from his supports. Next day Sa’dullah Khan and Mahmid Khan and Manavar Khan Sahibzadah prepared for battle and, ranging their troops in order, led them against the enemy.
On the other hand, the Wazir had been greatly frightened by the arrival of Sa’dullah Khan. He sent for Mulhar Rao, Apa Sendhid and Straj Mall Jat in order to consult. The plan was adopted of sending troops across the river to meet and fight Sa’dullah Khan, before he could unite with Ah- mad Khan. The bridge at Singhi-rampur, which was in bad condition, was put inorder. Then Khande Rao, son of Mulhar Rao, and Tantid Gangddhar with fifty thousand men crossed the bridge. Jowahir Singh, son of Stiraj Mall Jat, and Rand Bhim Singh, zamindar of Gwaliyar, followed with forty thousand horse and foot. The attack upon the Rohelas then commenced. At first the Rohelas under Bahadur Khan let fly rockets, which fell from thesky like rain ; then they discharged their muskets. By degrees they gave over firing and drawing their swords, rushed upon the Hindts, who soon beat a retreat. Bahadur Khan, forgetting Nawab Ahmad Khan’s counsel, quitted the river bank to pursue the flying enemy. With Bahadur Khan may have been some two or three thousand men. He went in pursuit far ahead of the main body of his troops. The enemy, seeing that there was only a single elephant followed by a few men, without any reserves at hand to reinforce them, turned upon Bahadur Khan and surrounded him. Bahddur Khan got off his elephant, mounted his horse, and followed by his men with their swords
N
98 W. lrvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Harrukhabad. — [No. 2,
drawn, tried to repel the enemy.~ But the Hindus encircled them, as if they were shooting game, and kept up at them a galling discharge of mus- ketry and arrows. They also wounded many and killed many with sword and dhop (a kind of sword) and lance and spear. Bahadur Khan, so long as he was alive, kept hold of his sword, nor did he belie his name of Baha- dur (the brave). Not a soul coming up to aid him, at last he fell off his horse, and gave up the ghost. The enemy then cut off his head ; and those of his men who remained sought safety in flight. This disastrous defeat, which suddenly changed the whole complexion of the campaign, occurred early in Jamadi II. 1164 H. (16th April—15th May, 1751).
When Sa’dullah Khan heard that Bahadur Khan was killed, he asked Fath Khan Khanséman what should be done. Now, all the other leaders had entertained a deep-felt enmity to Bahadur Khan. At the time of de- parture from Anwalah, Hafiz Rabmat Khan had said privately to Fath Khan that in battle Bahadur Khan was sure to be the foremost, it would be well to arrange judiciously that no one went to his support, so that he might be overcome and slain, thus getting rid of a great thorn in their side, for it was he who had incited Nawab Sa’dullah Khan into taking the part of Nawaéb Ahmad Khan. And if Ahmad Khan should overcome the Wazir, he would aim at the throne itself, none being left to contend with him ; then, taking satisfaction for the blood of Kaim Khan, he would expel all the Rohelas from their country.
On Sa’dullah Khan’s putting the question to him, Fath Khan found his opportunity, and he at once said that the best thing was to turn their faces towards Anwalah. The Nawab replied that hcnour would not permit him to depart, leaving Ahmad Khan in the mouth of the enemy. Fath Khan answered that Ahmad Khan had now no chance of success, he too would soon follow to Anwalah, where they could consult together on the best course to be pursued. Sa’dullah Khan gave in to these arguments as conclusive and turned his face towards Anwalah .*
Nawab Mahmtid Khan and Manavvar Khan, finding that Sa’dullah Khan was moving off towards Anwalah, returned to Nawab Ahmad Khan’s head quarters. Rana Bhim Singh and Jowahir Singh, son of Stiraj Mall Jat, who were in command of the enemy on that side of the river, were now ina position to oppose the return of the two Sahibzd4dahs. Jowdahir Singh wished to cut off their retreat, but the Rana objected. He was a well-wisher to the family of Ghazanfar Jang, Daler Khan, the well known
* The life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 40, says Sa’dullah Khan reached Anwalah without an attendant on the third day after his departure. On both points this state- ment must be somewhat exaggerated.
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 59
chela of that Nawdb, having been his uncle.* The Rana’s objection pre- yailed, and an hour orso before sunset, the Sahibzddahs presented themselves before the Nawab. 7
‘When the report spread that Bahadur Khan had been killed, and that Sa’dullah Kha4n had retreated to Anwalah, the whole of the men in camp began to tremble like willows. Naw4b Ahmad Khan mounted his elephant, and proceeding to the embrasures of the batteries, told every body that his ability to wage war was not dependent on Sa’dullah Khan, that God willing, he would next day order an advance from the batteries, and going as far as Singhi-rémpur, would give battle to the Wazir. Then privately sending for each leader, he told him to be on the alert, for at three hours before sunrise he would march to make a night-surprise on the enemy. After such-liké reassuring speeches he returned to his tent. He gave orders to the men in chargo of the bridge to break it up. The investment had now lasted one month and eleven days,
Three hours after night-fall the Mahrattas and Jats set fire to Sa’dul- lah Khan’s tents, and the flames burned so brightly, that it was light as day in Nawdb Ahmad Khan’s camp. Those in the army who were frightened, and in all their lives had never seen such a confusion and conflagration, began to make their escape. The leaders and men of reputation alone remained at their posts. These, seeing the state of fright into which their troops had been thrown, went in a body to the Nawab and represented to him the state of affairs. He asked what they thought. They advised him to cross the Ganges and take safety in flight. At first he refused, but at length be- coming convinced that there was no other course open to him, he consented. Then taking his brothers Murtazza Khan, Khidabandah Khan, ’Azim Khan, Manavvar Khan, Salabat Khan, Shaistah Khan, and his chief men, such as Rustam Khan Bangash, ’Indyat ’Ali Khan, Bahy4b Khan, Shadil Khan, Mangal Khan, Sa’dat Khan, Mustajab Khan, he left the fort while it was still night, and proceeded up stream along the river bank. The Mahrattas came up with the rear guard of the retreating Pathdins near Shikarpur ghat, which is five miles above Fatehgarh. The Nawdb continued his flight to Kamrol ferry, about fifteen or sixteen miles above that place, and there his elephant Kdal4-pah4r swam across, guided by Ramazani Mahaut, after they had thrown in a bag of gold to propitiate the genius of the stream. Many of his followers lost their lives in attempting to swim their horses across after him. The Nawd4b proceeded through Amritpur to Shahjahanpur, and thence to Anwalah.
* See p. 286, Vol. XLVII, 1878, where I state reasons for doubting the correctness of this relationship.
100 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Furrukhabad. [No. 2,
Meanwhile Nawab Manstir ’Ali Khan Sahibzadah, “Abdullah Khan Warakzai and others had received no notification of the Nawab’s departure, their batteries being to the left of the Nawab’s position. When a rumour of the flight of the Nawab was brought, Manstr ’Ali Khan got up and mounted his horse, followed by Hisdém-ud-din, Rastl Khan and others. He sent for his jama’dars and said to them that the Nawab had sent for him, that he was going to see what orders there were. He then wentaway. As a long time passed without his returning, Rastil Khan said to Hisam-ud- din ‘‘ I expect the Nawab has gone,” and he sent a man to make enquiries. This messenger did not return. While still waiting for his coming, the night was spent and day began to break. When the rumour of the Nawab’s flight spread, a panic arose, and each man began to look out for his own safety ; some hid in the brushwood (jhdo) in the river bed; others rode their horses into the stream, thinking to escape by swimming, but they were all drowned. The events of that day, Hisém-ud-din says, cannot be described, he can only recount what befell himself.
When day arose His4m-ud-din, Rastil Khan, Ghairat Khan and ’Ab- duliah Khan resolved to sell their lives dearly, and all by themselves issued from their battery. They saw the Mahrattas stripping of their clothes, one by one, all those fugitives, who had neither got clear off nor had been drowned in the river. A group of these Mahrattas came towards Hisdm- ud-din and his companions and surrounded them. In the party were three horsemen, Hisém-ud-din, Rastl Khan, and ’Abdullah Khan Warakaai, all the rest were on foot. These latter on seeing the enemy began to divest themselves of their clothes and threw them down, Ghairat Khan Bangash, however, drew his sword and ran at the enemy, and after some passes with his sword, was wounded and fell. Some of the enemy recognizing him, made him a prisoner. The same happened to Rastl Khan and ’Abdullah Khan. Hisam-ud-din with a few men remained standing on one side. Sarfaraz Khan Dilazak, a native of Dholptr-Shikérband, was holding Hisdam-ud-din’s horse. He was a great friend and protector of Sayyads. Hisam-ud-din said to him, “ You see what has happened to the others, what shall we do?” He replied that, when he had taken service, he held it to be part of his duty to give his head for him he served ; now that the time had come, to shirk the blow would be a coward’s deed. Then calling to his three brothers who stood near, they all four, sword in hand, rushed upon the foe. After a fierce hand-to-hand struggle, they were overcome and slain. Then the enemy’s horsemen rode up and surrounded His4m-ud-din. Standing at a little distance they cried out to him. “Take your hand from your bridle, “if you want to save your life.” He answered that with his horse went his life and his head, should he fall, the horse was theirs. On this they said
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawéhs of Farrukhabad. 101
to each other something in Mahratti, which he did not understand. Then one of them lifted his right hand and hurled his spear at His4m-ud-din. It struck him between the side and the left arm. Another spear was thrown by the same man from his left hand. This second spear entered at the right side, and the two spears crossing each other stuck out like the handles of a pair of scissors. The wounds caused Hisim-ud-din to feel giddy and left him no strength to wield his sword. Just then the shaft of one of those spears fell down, and struck the horse on the crupper. From the blow the horse gave a bound, and Hisam-ud-din, losing control of him, was thrown, with the two spears still sticking into him like a pair of shears. At once several of the scoundrels got off their horses and making him a prisoner, wrenched the bare sword out of his right hand. Hisam-ud-din now thought it was all over, and turning his thoughts to Heaven, he hum- bly prayed to God that, whether his life were taken or not, he might be sprared further dishonour. As he lay, he turned his face towards the Gan- ges, and being on the high bank at the edge of the river, he could see below him a number of Afghans, who for fear of their lives had stripped them- selves naked and were crouching in the water. At this moment a fresh party of Mahrattas came up. On seeing them, many of these seated at the water’s edge threw themselves into the river ; the rest, seeking quarter by putting their fingers between their teeth, were captured and driven off towards the camp.
In a short time some other horsemen rode up and asked Hisdm-ud-din why he was seated there alone. He replied “ What else can Ido?” They said “Come with us.” He said “ I am not able to walk.” They had with them a wounded horse, which they ordered him to mount. He obeyed and mounting rode with them. ‘The sowars took him straight to Mulhar Rao, who was standing with his retinue near the Kasim Bagh. Mulhdr Rao said to him, “ Did Ahmad Khan cross the Ganges early or late in the night P”
Hisdm-ud-din.—“ TI do not know.”
M. R.—*‘ How can I believe that you could have been in Ahmad Khan’s camp without knowing ?”
Hisam-ud-din.—“ If I had known I should have gone with the Nawab.”
M. R.—“ That is true.”
He then ordered one of the horsemen to take Hisdm-ud-din to the tents of Khande Rao,* where he was to receive every indulgence consis- tent with his detention as a prisoner. When brought before Khande Rao, he assigned comfortable quarters to Hisdm-ud-din.
* Khande Rao was killed at the siege of the Jat fort of Komber in 1755-6. Grant Duff, 284,
102 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrvukhabad. [No. 2,
Next day Mulhar Rao, with his chief men, paid a visit to his son Khande Rao. Among his retinue was one Shekh Muhi-ud-din, resident of Narmdlpir, in the service of Anthal Rao, Mukdsadah-dar* of Gwaliyar. This Shekh came up to Hisam-ud-din, and asked, ‘ What is your name ?”
H-ud-D.—“ Hisam-ud-din”
M-ud-D.—“ Where is your native country ?”
H-ud-D.—“ Gwaliyar.”
M-ud-D.—* In what mahalla (quarter of the town) do you live?”
H-ud-D.—* My home is outside the city, they call the place Ghaus- 66 jobs
M-ud-D.—“ Are you any relation to Ghaus-i-Islim, the saint ?”
H-ud-D.—“ My grandfather Makhdum Abu’l Hasan (on whom be “‘ peace) was sister’s son, and also son-in-law of Ghaus-i-Islam.”
On hearing this, the Shekh took Hiséim-ud-din to Nawab Manavat Khan, son of Nawab Anwar Khan, a descendant of Shah ’Isa Burhdnpuri. This latter was a disciple of Shah Lashkar ’Arif, who himself was a disciple of the saint Miran Hamid-ud-din, known as Ghaus Gwaliydri. To the Nawab he reported minutely all their conversation. At once, the Nawab came for- ward out of the group in which he was standing, and with the greatest courtesy approached to Hisam-ud-din, stated his wish to be his firm friend, and putting him on his own horse, led him away to his house. There he was treated with every kindness. After a time the Nawab urged Hisim- ud-din to enter his service, but he refused, saying, “I shall be equally * orateful to you, if you will put me across the river Ganges, so that I “may rejoin Nawab Ahmad Khan wherever he may be.” At length the Nawab gave up his efforts to detain His4m-ud-din and agreed to his depar- ture. The day after, he rode in person to the river bank and saw that Hisim-ud-din got safely across. ’Abdullah Khan Jama’dar had at that time just crossed with a party of Afghans and Rohelds. Joining them Hisém-ud din set out for the camp of Nawab Ahmad Khan.
The Campaign in Rohilkhand.
When Nawab Ahmad Khan saw that all had left him except his lea- ders and jamadars, he came to the conclusion that the rulers of Anwalah had only sent Sa’dullah Khan to join him in order to get rid of Bahadur Khan. Besides, they may have thought that Ahmad Khan’s soldiers would in despair desert and join them. Although fully aware of all these plans, Ahmad Khan found that the deplorable state of his army made resistance hopeless. Therefore, as already related, he crossed the Ganges and made his way to Anwalah where the Rohela leaders came out to meet him, ;
* See Grant Duff, pp. 36, and 98 for meaning of this term.
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 103
Hamilton* comments unfavourably on the imprudence of the Rohela policy in allowing a part of their forces to join Ahmad Khan. The answer seems to be ready in the facts of the case, which in Hamilton are substantially as we have given them. Action was taken by the hot-headed youth, Sa’dullah Khan, against the wishes of the more experienced leaders. But having once gained the advantage, it was not likely that the Wazir, still less the Mahrattas, would make any fine distinctions between Sa’dullah Khan’s enmity and the friendly feelings of the rest. The whole Rohela confederacy was to be attacked and swept away.
Consultations were now held between Ahmad Khan and the Rohelas ; and the plan at length decided on, was to take shelter at the foot of the Kumaon hills. Next day Nawab Ahmad Khan with the Rohela leaders, setting out towards the hills, reached Muradabad. It so chanced that there was a halt there of several days’ duratiou. In this interval messengers brought word that the Wazir, leaving Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhid at Singhi-rampur, had proceeded to Lakhnau. On hearing this, the Rohelas told Nawab Ahmad Khan that they considered it advisable to return to Anwalah, the rainy season being close at hand, during which they could rest undisturbed at home, employing the time on summoning their clans- men from all sides, and making ready to renew hostilities with the Mah- rattas. This place was accepted by all, and they returned to Anwalah. The Rohelas went to their houses, and Ahmad Khan encamped outside the town.
When the rains of 1751 were over, preparations were made for a cam- paign, boats were collected, and a bridge was thrown across the river called the Ram Ganga. This river flows through Rohilkhand and falls into the Ganges on the left side nearly opposite Kannauj, more than forty miles below Farrukhabad. Ona report being brought to the enemy of the advance of Ahmad Khan with the Rohelas and other Pathins, they des- patched Khande Rao, son of Mulhar Kaéo, with other leaders and a numer- ous army, across the Ganges, to meet and repel them. Then Ahmad Khan and the Anwalah Sardars crossed their bridge, and gave strict orders to their men to keep close to the river bank, following its course. The river at one place described a semicircle. Here the Mahrattas had taken up ' their position, intending to bar the Afghan advance. Donde Khan, who commanded the vanguard, seeing the position occupied by the enemy, came to the conclusion that he could not effect a passage along the river bank. He therefore refrained from continuing his march, and posted his artillery between the two points to east and west formed by the bend in the river. By this manceuvre he cut off the enemy’s line of retreat. When Khande
* History of the Rohela Afghans, pp. 106 and 108.
104 _ W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhabad. [No. 2
Rao saw that they had fallen into the trap laid by the Pathans and that their retreat was cut off, he sent a man to Nawab Ahmad Khan to make terms. The messenger said, that though by the Emperor’s order they had served the Wazir in this campaign, they were not in heart fighting for him, they only fought to save appearances ; what should be now agreed on pri- vately with them, they swore solemnly to carry out in writing, when the campaign under the Kumaon hills had once commenced. Ahmad Khan, on this message being received, sent for Hafiz Rahmat Khan, told him what was proposed, and referred to the old friendship between his father, Muham- “mad Khan, and the Mahrattas. He then requested Hafiz Rahmat Khan to send orders to Donde Khan to withdraw from his position closing up the Mabratta line of retreat. Hafiz Rahmat Khan in reply said that in time of war, Donde Khan took orders from no one, perhaps if Nawab Ahmad Khan went in person he might agree, and he, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, was willing to accompany him to the spot.
The order of battle was as follows; To the rear and in support of Donde Khan were Bahadur Khanand Mulla Sardar Khan ; after them came Fath Khan Khansaman; and then Nawab Sa’dullah Khan with Hafiz Rahmat Khan, who, mounted on one elephant, formed as it were the advanee- guard of Nawab Ahmad Khan. Ahmad Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan proceeded to Donde Khan’s head-quarters, where they informed him of what the Mahrattas had promised and had sworn an oath to do. He said in answer, that the Mahrattas must have sent overtures only because they were in extremity. For was not the river on three sides of them, and had he not cut off the fourth ? Without any labour or trouble a speedy victory would be obtained. Oaths taken at such a juncture were worthless. The Nawab admitted that what Donde Khan said was quite true, but it was against the ereed of a good Musulman to refuse peace to those who asked +t. If their oaths were false, God would mete out the punishment. Donde KhaAn was forced at length to accede, and he sent word to his regiments to withdraw and allow a free passage. The soldiers were then moved off, and the road cleared for the enemy. Then Nawab Ahmad Khan and Nawab Sa’dullah Khan pitched their tents on that spot. Next day they marched onwards, and reached the head of the boat-bridge, thrown across by the Wazir under Singhi-rampur.
Before the arrival of the Mussulman forces, the Mahrattas had broken up the bridge, and when Nawab Ahmad Khan reached the place he found the river separating him from the enemy. Artillery fire began on both sides. The troops who had been allowed to withdraw from their critical position in the bend of the river, gathered round the Nawab’s army but did not come to close quarters. After things had been in this situation for a
1879. | W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhibad. 105
_ week, and no means could be found of crossing the river, and the food which the troops had brought with them was nearly exhausted, the Rohela leaders represented the state of affairs to Nawab Ahmad Khan. He asked what they thought of doing. Hafiz Rahmat Khan then told him that during the night a letter to Sa’dullah Khan had been received from Najib Khan, to the effect that he would arrive shortly with reinforcements. He was advancing down the opposite or right bank of the Ganges. This being the case, they thought it best to march and encamp themselves near Straj- pur, a ferry in Parganah Kampil, some thirty miles or more above Far- rukhabad, and forty-two miles from Singhiramptr. There they could collect boats, and then crossing the river they could join with Najib Khan in making a forced march against Mulhar Rao, who had at the moment only a small force. Time must not, however, be given to repair the broken bridge. Therefore, on marching, they would give out that they were retreat- ing to their own bridge over the Ram Gangd, to replenish their stores of grain; and that having obtained fresh supplies, they would at once re-occu- py their old position and renew hostilities. Nawab Ahmad Khan consent- ed and they marched. The Mahrattas kept up a distant fire as they march- ed off, but they made no attempt to follow.
Meanwhile the Wazir, who had heard of the Afghans’ attempt, hur- ried back and crossing at Mahndi ghat in parganah Kannauj, forty miles below Farrukhabid, rejoined Mulhar Rao at Singhiramptr on the 9th Muharram 1165 H. (17th November 1751). On his arrival the whole of the guns were fired off as a salute, and the sound excited great consterna- tion in the Pathan camp. On hearing that the Wazir had arrived, the Pathan leaders assembled, and after a discussion it was finally decided to march straight to Bangarh in parganah Budaon, ten miles north of Budaon, Bazid Khan, commander of the artillery, was sent for and received orders to move off with his guns, first firing a salvo from all his pieces. These orders were executed and the artillery set out. The change of plan had not been communicated to the troops. When they saw the artillery being removed, a panic took possession of all except the commanders and other principal men. Not a single man kept to his proper place. When the leaders saw this, they were much cast down, saying to each other, “ With- “ out a battle we have been defeated.” Naw&b Ahmad Khan and his men were half a os distant from Nawab Sa’dullah Khan’s troops, and quite ignorant of what had occurred in the Rohela camp.*
* Here His4m-ud-din appears to gloss over a defeat which, as is admitted by the Rohela account (Life of H. R, K., p. 42), occurred on the road to Anwalah. The Mahyattas, they say, had crossed by Kamrol, which is twenty-eight miles above Singhirémpur. Hamilton (p. 109) places the scene of the defeat at Islamnagar, thirty-
()
106 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
The sun had not yet risen when Sa’dullah Khan, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan, Mullé Sardar Khan, Fath Khan and others rode into Ahmad Khan’s camp. The Nawab was asleep, but Mustajab Khan and Haji Sar- faraz Khan went in, woke him, related what had happened to the Rohelas, and informed him of the presence of Sa’dullah Khan and the others. Then Ahmad Khan sent for his chief men, Rustam Khan Bangash, Sa’dat Khan Afridi, Mangal Khan, Jamal Khan, Zabta Khan, Muhammad Khan, ’Abdul- lah Khan, Anwar Khan, Sa’dat Khan Toyah, Shamsher Khan Mahmand, Shadil Khan Ghilzai, and others. He gave orders to Shadil Khan and Sa’dat Khan to move off at once, break up their bridge and direct the boatmen to re- move the boats forthwith to Stirajpur ferry. There they were to form a bridge of boats and maintain their position, as he intended to cross the river at thatpoint. To the other commanders he gave orders to arm and be ready. He then directed his march towards the Ganges in the direction of the Rohelas, and taking them with him on his right, they all encamped on a wide open plain. The Rohelas then sought an interview and explained the condition of their troops. They told him that on sending off their artillery to Ban- garh, their men had scattered, intending to take to flight. With such a state of things existing, it was impossible for them to continue hostilities in the field. The Nawab said he ought to have been informed of their intentions at once, when they could have concerted other operations. To retreat without giving battle was pitiful weakness and would be so held by all the world. The Rohela leaders held down their heads and spoke not aword. At length they ventured to say, “ What is done cannot be “helped, the arrow shot from the bow cannot be recovered.” In reply to the Nawab’s further enquiries, they stated that, their army having once lost heart, they had better go to Anwalah, assemble all their families and go with them to the hills. They advised the Nawab to do the same. The Nawab, with great reluctance and under compulsion of necessity, agreed to their proposals. At an hour and a half before sunset they started for Anwalah.
Next day, before the setting of the sun, they entered Anwalah, and Nawab Ahmad Khan took up his quarters in a bdgh inside the town. There he rested for nine hours. When one watch remained to daybreak, he sent for Nawab Sa’dullah Khan and set out towards the hills. The other leaders had been employed the whole night in collecting their cash and buried treasure, their household effects, the artillery and the rocket
two miles north-west of Buddon, but that seems too far to the west. It might be Is- lamganj, close to Allahganj in parganah Amritpur. Perhaps Hisémud-din, being half a kos off, did not witness the battle, but that hardly excuses his suppressing it, as he must have heard of it immediately afterwards.
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhibdad. 107
train. Then leaving the town in company with their wives and children, they set their houses in flames and marched off. At three hours after night- fall they reached Rampur, where they pitched their tents. Next day they marched again and got to the neighbourhood of Muradabid. After a halt of some six hours, they resumed their route for Kashipur, thirty miles north of Murddabad. At that place a spy from Apa Jiu Sendhia arrived with a letter for Nawab Ahmad Khan. It stated that when the Wazir heard that his enemy was retreating towards the hills, he at once gave orders to his army to cross the river and pursue by forced marches, without halting any- where. Mulhar Rao and Tantia, with thirty thousand men and the Mughal “ Kizilbash,”’ had been detached on this duty. The letter said that they would soon come up, and Ahmad Khan had better enter the hills at once and prepare for defence. Ahmad Khan sent for Hafiz Rahmat Khan and the other Rohela leaders and informed them of the intelligence he had just received. ‘To the messenger he gave seven gold coins and sent him back.
Without further delay the Pathans started for the hills. The follow- ing day they entered the low jungle, and there they found a place sur- rounded on three sides with impenetrable growth of thorns and bushes, On the fourth side, which afforded a passage, they dug an extremely deep ditch, and along it built towers, which made it look like the fort of Daula- tibid in the Dakhin. In the centre of this plain they pitched their en- campment.* The Anwalah leaders also put up their tents and, ranging their cannon, connected them with iron chains. Notwithstanding all these preparations, they were much dejected, for they saw no prospect of sup- plies, and without food the place was untenable. For a time, in default of any thing else, they subsisted upon sugarcane. After two or three days had passed without any change, Nawab Ahmad Khan sent for all the Rohe- la leaders and told them, that although the Omnipotent had favoured them with a refuge, whence they could defy the kings of all the seven climes, yet it was absolutely necessary to secure food. The Rohelas replied that the Rajah of Almorah had great affection for Sayyad Ahmad, the Nazim for his territory at the foot of the hills. This Sayyad was, they said, hos- pitable and kind-hearted and well-affected towards them. They advised that application should be made for assistance in grain, accompanying the letter, which should be in affectionate terms, with rare and costly presents of every kind. The Naw4b having approved of this suggestion, Hafiz ‘Rahmat Khan, leaving his presence, went straight to the Sayyad, who held a battery with Najib Khan, and reported to him what had been decided
* The Life of H. R. K., p. 42, says the encampment was at Chilkya, which is 22 miles N. HE, of Kashipur, and some 48 miles N. EH, of Muridabaid
108 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabad. [No. 2,
upon. He brought the Sayyad to the Nawab, who gave him a rich present and sent him off to Almorah with the letter. Before the Sayyad reached that place, a wakil from the Wazir had arrived by way of the Mahdi jangal. The Wazir’s message was, that as his enemies had sought shelter at the foot of the hills, it would only be consistent with friendship to cut off all supplies of grain from the fugitives. In return for this favour, the Rajah would be allowed to take possession of all the Rohela territory. When the Sayyad got to Almorah and delivered the letter and the rare presents, the Rajah gave the Wazir’s wakil his dismissal, saying it was in- human not to feed those who took refuge with you. He ordered his managers to direct the villagers near the Nawab’s entrenchment to carry loads of grain on their heads to the camp. He gave the Sayyad an answer to the letter and sent him back. The Sayyad had not returned before several thousand hillmen appeared in the camp with head-loads of grain, which they at once offered for sale. The men in camp, who were suffer- ing all the pangs of starvation, looking on the arrival of this grain, which to them was “like sweetmeats without milk,” as a special mark of the divine grace, bought each according to his need, and having made a prostra- tion of thanksgiving, proceeded to cook and eat. After this the Sayyad returned with a gracious answer, the contents of which were not communi- cated to any one but the chief personages.
When the Wazir had crossed the river Ganges, he acepatotied Mulhar Rao and his troops, giving them strict injunctions to follow up the enemy. But the Mahratta leaders, true to their agreement, made excuses for delay, saying to the Wazir that, as Tantia-Gangadhar and the Mughals with a large force were already in pursuit of the Afghans, it would be better to wait and see first what direction the enemy took. When trusty reports were received, a forced march could be made. Soon after, it was reported that Nawab Ahmad Khan and the Rohelas had gone to the foot of the hills. The Mahrattas made forced marches, till they reached within three hos from the hills occupied by the fugitives. At that distance they encamped, and the Wazir pitched his tents near the village of Chaukya.* Every day the Wazir, keeping to the rear himself, sent the Mahrattas forward to fight. At sunset they all returned to theircamp. After having been delayed some time on the road, the Wazir’s artillery arrived, while these daily contests still continued. Next day at sunrise, he mounted his elephant and brought up his guns opposite Ahmad Khan’s battery. The firing, however, was so high that all the shot passed quite over the battery attacked and fell beyond the
* This name I have not traced. Hamilton (p. 110) says the Afghans went to
“a short distance above Lall Dong.’”’—The life of H. R. K. (p. 42) says, the encamp- ment was at Chilkya, which is about 22 miles north-east of Kashipir.
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhibad. 109
camp in the plain behind. In this plain, which was about a square fos in extent, the shot fell like a heavy shower of hailstones. The firing lasted from morning till night. Night had hardly fallen, when, as a precaution, the cannon were dragged away and placed near the Wazir’s camp. These tactics were pursued for two months, without any effect having been pro- duced on the Pathans. A stream of water which flowed from the hills hindered the Wazir’s operations. The Rohelas had dug a channel from this stream, and they led the water all round their entrenchments. Mul- har Rao and Straj Mall Jat tried in vain every expedient to discover a way of entrance.
During this time, the Wazir’s agent at the Emperor’s Court had written, in one of his news-letters, that spies had reported to his Majesty the approach of Ahmad Shah Durrani, who was coming to the aid of his fellow- clansmen, the Afghans. The Durrani had issued orders to the Afghans of the kill-country to gather on the banks of the Indus and there await his arrival. The letter went on to say that, when his Majesty heard this report, he be- came very anxious and said to Nawab Firtz Jang, “ What shall we do ? Safdar Jang, with my troops and the landholders from all parts, is gone on a foolish campaign, nor does it yet appear that he has either overcome Ahmad Khan and the Rohelas, or that he is likely to overcome them.” Firiz Jang, making a low obeisance, said his presentiments were coming to pass, and he had already warned the Emperor. As Nazir Jawed Khan’s advice had been followed, it would be best to ask him now what should be done. The Emperor admitted that this was true, yet since man was compounded of error, he thought that it was not fitting for Firiz Jang to refuse to give advice. Then Firtz Jang said he thought a note (shukka) should be sent to inform Safdar Jang that, owing to Ahmad Shah Durrani’s approach, it was desirable to make peace with Ahmad Khan. He proposed to confide the message to ’Ali Kuli Khan, the six-fingered.* Accordingly Ali Kuli Khan had, the Wakil reported, been sent to Safdar Jang with a shukka from the Emperor.
Attack by the Atiths of Rajah Indar Gir.
The Wazir concealed this intelligence even from his greatest inti- mates. Next day, he sent for Mulhar Rao, Apa Sendhia, Tantia-Gangadhar and Stiraj Mall Jat. He said to them that, though two months had elapsed they were no further advanced than on the first day, in fact, they had given ho assistance. Apa Sendhia, anticipating the others, said in reply, that they were used to fight in the open, not against entrenchments or for-
* Wali-ullah, p. 175, shows that this was an epithet applied to ’Ali Kuli Khan, Walih, Daghisténi, for whose biography, sce the “ Khiz4na ’Amira,” p. 446.
110 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
tresses. Indar Gir Atith then said, that their enemy was in the open, not in either entrenchment or fortress. The only obstacle was the water. Now, there were two corners, where there was no water, one to the east and one to the west; that to the east was the battery of Najib Khan and Sayyad Ahmad, that to the west was defended by Nawab Ahmad Khan. If any one chose to take the slightest trouble, they would gain a victory. Apa Sendhid said to him, “ You, too, are in the service of the Nawab Wazir, wherefore do you not take this trouble you speak of ?” Rajah Indar Gir said, that the next day he would make an assault on the battery of Nawab Ahmad Khan, and he would take it unassisted. By the Wazir’s good fortune he would bring Ahmad Khan alive a prisoner, or else he would bring his head on the point of aspear. The Mahratta leaders said, that nothing could be better than this, and taking leave of the Wazir they rose and departed. When they reached their tents, Apa Sendhia sent word to Nawab Ahmad Khan that he might expect next day an attack by Rajah Indar Gir Atith, who would, they hoped, be killed or defeated. When night had passed and the sun arose above the eastern horizon, Rajah Indar Gir’s fifteen thousand men, horse and foot, all Atiths and Nagas, each having a musket and rockets, were passed in review by the Wazir and despatched to the assault. Before he set out, Indar Gir re- quested the Wazir to make a feigned attack with the Mughals and “ Sher- bacha” in the direction of Najib Khan’s and Sayyad Ahmad’s outwork, in order to draw all the Pathans to that quarter, leaving Ahmad Khan’s battery unprotected. The Wazir did as requested, and the fighting began. Rajah Indar Gir posted himself in a hollow and awaited a favourable moment. The Mughals did their best. But Najib Khan maintained his position, and called to his friends to cease firing and await the near ap- proach of the enemy, and then meet them with the sword. Najib Khan sent a message to Mulla Sardar Khan and Donde Khan, asking them to leave their own posts, thinking the main attack was directed against him. Hafiz Rahmat Khan, on seeing that Najib Khan was attacked, rode off to Nawab Ahmad Khan. Before he arrived Ahmad Khan had mounted his elephant and had taken up position in his battery. Hafiz Rahmat Khan came up and represented that the chief attack that day was against Najib Khan. The Nawab replied, that the attack on Najib Khan was entirely a feint, the real attack by the Atiths would be made there, on Ahmad Khan’s entrenchment. He therefore requested Hafiz Rahmat Khan to return to his own battery. Then the Nawab ordered all his own leaders to be on the alert. At an hour and a half before sunset the Atith’s troops began to show in the open. The Pathan commanders asked for leave to draw up their men in battle array. The Nawab told them to offer up a prayer
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhabdd. 111
(Hitaha-i-khair) and then go at the enemy. All the leaders and Pathans, raising their hands to heaven, offered up a prayer and went at the Atith. Both sides began with musketry fire and discharged rockets. For nearly an hour, the fight was thus continued ; at length, the Pathans began to advance, and coming to close quarters, made play with their swords. Under the force of the attack the Atiths began to withdraw. The chela of Indar Gir, who commanded on the part of his Guru, seeing that the Atiths and Nagas were turning their faces, dismounted from his horse and at- tempted to rally them. He called on his personal followers to draw their swords and make arush. They obeyed this order and fought most bravely. Many were killed, the rest were scattered. Then the Atith commander himself, sword in hand, came to the front. He was met by a Pathan with bared sword. After some thrusting and parrying, the Pathan cut the Atith down, and severed his head from his body. When the Atiths saw that their leader was dead, they took to flight.
Rajah Indar Gir, perceiving the turn affairs had taken, quitted the field of battle. The Pathans followed in pursuit up to the entrenched camp of the Wazir, where they arrived about sunset. ‘The sun having set, darkness succeeded, so that one man could not recognize another. Soon the Nawab’s messenger came up with orders recalling them from the pursuit. They set fire to the Wazir’s gun-carriages, and with the baggage they had plun- dered returned to their entrenchments. The principal men presented themselves before the Nawab and offered him gifts in honour of the victory. The Nawab gave them due praise and thanks in a kind and gracious manner.
The Wazir, when he heard of Indar Gir’s defeat and the death of many Atiths, became greatly perturbed, issued from his tent, got upon his elephant and set out towards Kashipur. At once, on hearing of the Wazir’s fight, Mulhar Rao and Apa ordered out a large force and followed him. On reaching Kashipur, they drew up and cut off his retreat. Then going to him, they said that, although the Pathans had repulsed Indar Gir, there was no occasion for this excessive timidity. Indar Gir had but received the due punishment of his pride. In short, Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia prevented the Wazir from carrying out his foolish intentions, which were quite contrary to the dignity of his station. Then the Wazir marched back and re-oceupied his former encampment. The daily attacks with artillery were at an end, owing to the gun-carriages and material having been burnt by the Pathans.
Visit of the Almora Réjah.
At the suggestion of Sayyad Ahmad, the Rajah of Kumdun agreed to
pay a visit to the camp, Taking with him several thousand infantry, the
112 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
Rajah, seated on a gilt throne and clad in jewelled raiment, descended from the hills. Nawab Ahmad Khan went out to meet him, and when they came close, they both saluted at the same moment. The Nawab brought the Rajah to his own quarters and seated him on a separate masnad. Presents were then brought of all the choice products of Hindustan, including an elephant. Of all the things placed before him, the Rajah selected two réumal and refused the rest. Sayyad Ahmad knew the Rajah’s dialect, and whatever the Rajah said was explained by him to Nawab Ahmad Khan. After a short interval, the Rajah rose and taking his leave of the Nawab went to his own camp. Next day the Nawab returned the Rajah’s visit. The Rajah came out in state to greet him, and they proceeded in the most friendly manner, hand in hand, into the Rajah’s tent, where the Nawab was conducted to his seat on a costly masnad. He was then presented with hill products, such as hawks and falcons, and other birds used in falconry, bags of musk, chaur (?) and gold ingots, called in Hindi suna-sungad,* which have a perfume like essence of roses. ‘There were also several hill ponies (Zéngan) of various colours, the like of which would — not often be found. The Rajah also gave several kinds of jewels, rare and of great price. At first the Nawab refused those gifts. The Rajah, seeing that his present was not accepted, said to Sayyad Ahmad in his own tongue that he knew the things were not of sufficient value, but he hoped that to give him pleasure the Nawab would accept them. Then the Nawab, to please him, accepted all the things. The day after this, the Rajah took his leave and returned to his home in the hills.
Negotiations through ’Ali Kuli Khan.
Meanwhile the difficulties of his undertaking were troubling the Wazir day and night. About this time, ’Ali Kuli Khan, the six-fingered, the ’Abasi, a descendant of the kings of Wilayat, reached camp with the imperial letter, under the Emperor’s own signature, directing that peace should be made with Ahmad Khan. The shukka was handed to the Wazir, and the messenger delivered the Emperor’s verbal message, with reference to the approach of Ahmad Shaéh Durrani. The Wazir represented to ’Ali Kuli Khan that, if the first proposals for peace proceeded from him, his reputation would be gone for ever. He asked advice as to how negotiations should be begun. ’Ali Kuli Khan replied that he and Ahmad Khan Ghalib Jang, were old friends and acquaintances, that if the Wazir
* Perhaps the same as referred to in the following passage, “In Garhwal there “ig a vein of iron pyrites, which the people call ‘sone-kd-pathar,’ or gold stone, and ‘« sell them to the pilgrims to Badrinath at high rates.”” Economic Mineralogy of Hill districts of N. W. P. by E. T. Atkinson, Allahabad, 1877, p. 30,
1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 113
approved, he would seek an interview and turn Ahmad Khan’s mind towards peace. The Wazir was highly delighted at this suggestion.
"Ali Kuli Khan sent off a formal letter stating how desirous he was of paying a visit to Ahmad Khan. On receiving it, Ahmad Khan sent for Hafiz Rahmat Khan and the other Rohela leader, and informed them of its contents. They all agreed that it would be well for the Nawab to receive the proposed visit, as ’Ali Kuli Khan was hisfriend. Ahmad Khan sent a reply saying, that there had been no need to ask for leave, his house might be looked on by ’Ali Kuli Khan as his own, ’Ali Kuli Khan having informed the Wazir of this favourable reply, the Wazir made him swear by his head that in no way would he let Ahmad Khan know of the desire to make peace. ’Ali Kuli Khan said, he might feel quite at rest, for the degradation of the Wazir would, in his opinion, be a dishonour to the Emperor.
On ’Ali Kuli Khan approaching the Nawab’s battery, the Nawab’s son, Mahmud Khan, was sent out to escort him. On their meeting, they embraced affectionately, and then mounting the same elephant, they started for the Nawab’s tent. The Nawab rising from his seat advanced to the edge of the carpet, and there they embraced. ‘Thence hand in hand they walked to the masnad. A friendly conversation began and lasted a long time. ’Ali Kuli Khan was then conducted to a tent, which had been prepared for his repose, where every kind of food was made ready and sent tohim. In the evening Nawab Ahmad Khan walked to his guest’s tent. At first they talked as friends and then they turned to business. The note, which the Emperor had written to Ahmad Khan with his own hand, was brought out. Taking it in his hand, Ahmad Khan placed it on his head, rose from his seat, turned his face towards Delhi and made a low obeisance. He then read the note. The contents were made known to no one but the principal leaders. It was only after a time that, through the commence- ment of negotiations, it was seen that the Hmperor had recommended peace. Ahmad Khan, after he had read the letter, asked what he was expected to do. Ali Kuli Khan told him he should send his son, Mahmtid Khan, and Hafiz Rahmat Khan back with him, in order that the world might see that, although the Wazir had failed, yet as “‘ wl-amr faut ul-adab’’ (an order super- sedes ceremony), he, Nawab Ahmad Khan, had obeyed the Hmperor and had sent his son and the principal leader under Sa’dullah Khan to negotiate with the Wazir. In this way the Wazir’s honour would be saved, and thereby the Emperor’s dignity preserved. Ahmad Khan objected that in this mat-
ter he could not act till he had consulted others. P
114 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhabad. [No. 2,
Accordingly, Nawab Ahmad Khan mounted and went to Sa’dullah Khan’s camp. Hafiz Rahmat Khan and the others were sent for, and the Nawab laid all the facts before them. Mulla Sardar Khan, the oldest present, took up the word and enquired what force Ali Kuli Khan had with him. Ahmad Khan asked what he meant by that question. Sardar Khan replied that a strong powerful leader was required, who could oppose the Wazir, if need arose—one who could enforce the terms granted. He preferred making overtures through Mulhér Rao and Apa Sendhia. But, under no circumstances, could he approve of allowing the Nawab’s son to go to the
Wazir. Hafiz Rahmat Khan might go or not as he pleased, for he was a ' private friend of the Wazir’s. Ahmad Khan, turning to Sardar Khan, said he highly approved of his remarks, and he would act accordingly. He then rose and returned to his own quarters. Next day, he said to Nawab Ali Kuli Khan that, though he fully trusted him personally, the Rohela leaders objected to allowing his son to go to the enemy’s camp. On hearing this, Ali Kuli Khan said, “ By God, your advisers are sharp-witted “and far-seeing. My wish was as they have counselled, my heart’s desire “has been fulfilled, for all I wanted was to turn your thoughts towards “ neace.”” The Nawab replied, “ My friendship to you is firm like an engrav- “ing on stone.”
After this interview, Ali Kuli Khan took his departure and returned to hisown camp. He then sought an interview with the Wazir and related in detail all that had passed. He pointed out that, although he had brought Ahmad Khan to entertain thoughts of peace, the condition was that the nego- tiations be conducted through Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia. Khande Rao must therefore be sent to bring in the Nawab’s son and Hafiz Rahmat Khan. The Wazir sent for Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia and requested them to arrange for bringing in the Nawab’s son. On his arrival they could come to a decision. ‘The two Mahrattas professed their willingness, if nothing was intended which could force them to act afterwards in opposi- tion to the Wazir. The Wazir out of regard to his own honour was obliged to promise that no treachery was intended. ‘Then Mulhar Rao sent his son, Ihande Rao, with an escort, to conduct the Nawab’s son to the Wazir’s camp. Apa Sendhia had already sent word to Ahmad Khan, desiring him to make no objections to sending off his son.
Meanwhile Khande Rao and the escort had come near the battery and drew up close to it. Word was brought of his arrival. Forthwith Mah- mtid Khan was sent for and, after the Nawdb had whispered in his son’s ear a few words of advice, two hundred trusty horsemen were ordered out to accompany him, one of them being our author, His4m-ud-din. On the
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabad. 115
part of Sa’dullah Khan was deputed Hafiz Rahmat Khan. When Khande Rao saw the young Nawab approaching, he descended from his elephant, and embraced him with the greatest respect. They mounted their elephants again, Khande Rao taking up a position behind the young Nawab and in this order they went forward, till they came close to the Mahratta camp. Mulhar Rao, Apa Sendhia, Tantiad and others rode out to greet him. When they came opposite the Saéhibzdda, they all dismounted and embraced him. After this, Mulhar Rao took him to a tent and seated him on a masnad, the Mahratta leaders taking place around him. Presents were then laid before him of choice products of the Dakhin. A few were accepted, the rest, including a horse and an elephant, he left with them.
The Mahratta leaders next proceeded to the Wazir and desired that persons of suitable rank might be sent to conduct the young Nawab to the Wazir’s presence. Orders were given to Nawab Salar Jang* and Ali Kuli Khan. The Mahrattas returned with them, and on reaching the proper distance they drew up. On hearing of their arrival, the young Nawab and Hafiz Rahmat Khan marched out of camp. When he saw them in the distance, Nawab Salar Jang began to advance, and coming near he descended from his elephant, and they embraced. They then returned together towards the Wazir’s camp. Ata little distance the Sahibzdda halted, whereupon Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhid asked the reason. Mahmtid Khan requested them to precede him and obtain the Wazir’s consent to the admission of his escort, for he wished the whole of his companions to be present at the interview. They went on as desired and came back with the necessary permission. Ismé’il Khan was at the same time told to go to the gate and see that no opposition was offered to the entry of the Nawab’s followers.
The Mahrattas then escorted the Sahibzida towards the Wazir’s audience tent, where he was seated awaiting them. ‘The enclosure (surd- cha) had three courts. The Séhibzdda traversed two courts, and then dis- mounting from his elephant, he got into a palki. The other chiefs got off their elephants at the gate of the first court, and there entered their palkis. At the third gate the Sahibzdda stopped and told his followers to enter first. When they had done so, he followed and halted. Then Mulhdr Réo and Apa Sendhi& advanced to the spot, helped him out of his pa/ki and went forward with him.
On reaching the edge of the carpet, he made a low obeisance. The Wazir exclaimed, “ Welcome!” and extending both hands clasped him to
* T presume this must be the third and youngest son of Ish4k Khan Mutaman- ud-daula, whose daughter was married to Shuja’-ud-daula. Najm-ud-din Ishak Khan, the eldest son, was killed at Ram Chatauni, see p. 74.
116 W. Irvine—TVhe Bangash Nawdbs of Kurrukhabad. [Nore
his breast and gave him a kiss on the forehead. This mode of salutation is, among the Mughals, a proof of the greatest affection and condescension. Then the Wazir invited him to take a seat at his right hand, on a masnad placed on a line with his own. The Sadhibzdda, taking some gold coins in his hand, presented them as an offering. The Wazir graciously remitted the “ nazar,” but the Sahibzada insisted, when the Wazir smiled and ac- cepted the gift. After this the young Nawab sat down, and the Wazir took his hand and, holding it to his breast, began a friendly conversation. In the course of it, the Wazir said ‘“ Pathans do not flee, how is it your “father has run away so far?” Mahmtd Khan replied, “‘ My father is only “a half-breed.”? The Wazir asked what that meant. The Nawab explain- ed, thus, “ My father’s mother was a Mughal and his father a Pathan, when “he follows his father he fights boldly, and when he takes after his mother’s * qualities, he runs away.” By this answer the Wazir was silenced, for he was himself a Mughal. In a short time, the Wazir turning to Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia, said he had not eaten any food, would they kindly take their leave of Baba Mahmud Khan. The two leaders rose, mounted and went away to their own camp. The Wazir took Mahmid Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan to his private tents and called for food. It was sent to the guests through Bakaé-ullah Khdén. When the meal was finished, the Wazir directed Isma’il Khan to piteh tents for their reception on the right side of his own private enclosure. Assoonas the tents were ready Mahmud Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan took their leave.
When one watch of the night had passed, several thousand armed Mughals, by order of the Wazir, took up their position round the tents of the visitors. When the Nawab’s people beeame aware of this, each man went separately and told his own master. The Mahrattas’ spies were of opinion that some treachery was on foot, and in great agitation they start- ed to report to their chiefs. Khande Rao, as soon as he heard the report, without referring to his father, mounted and rode in hot haste to the - Wazir’s camp. There he saw that one thousand Mughal troopers were drawn up round the young Nawab’s tents. Immediately he gave orders to his troops to attack those despicable fellows and disperse them. Hear- ing these orders, the Mughals made off. Entering the enclosure, Khande Rao found Mahmud Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan with all their men drawn up, sword and shield in hand, ready for the fray. Seeing Khande Rao, the young Nawab laughed and said, “I prayed God that I might get “near the Wazir, and the Omnipotent has heard me. Now my wish is, if ‘you will join me with your brave followers, to give the Wazir a taste of “my quality.” Khande Rao replied, that the Wazir should be left to him- self to bear the disgrace of what be had done, and that Mahmud Khan
1879.) W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. E17
ought to come away at once. They all mounted and rode off together ; and leaving the Mahratta camp on the left, they turned towards the foot of the hills. When they were not far from Ahmad Khan’s camp, Khande Rao took his leave, and returning made a minute report to his father. Before Khande Rao got back, Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia had been to visit the Wazir, and they told him how wrong it was to ask their interven- tion when intending treachery. They used some very strong language. The Wazir expostulated mildly, asking them what they were thinking of to use such hard words without any enquiry. The truth was, he said, easily found out by asking ’Ali Kuli Khan, a trusted friend of Ahmad Khan. When ’Ali Kuli Khan came, the Wazir requested him to relate the facts. He stated that, knowing the Wazir’s men to bear a deadly grudge to the Afghans, he feared that they might attempt to use force, by which the Wazir’s good name would be destroyed, he had therefore asked the Wazir to post a guard of a thousand Mughal horse round the tents of the Pathan guests. This explanation was received as quite satisfactory,
Intrigues in the Pathan Camp by Mahbib ’ Alam.
After the failure of the first negotiation, another plan was hit upon. Mahbib ’Alam, a native of Shamsabad, was a man of learning and intelli- gence, who, through Mir Kudrat ’Ali Khan, had obtained employment in the Wazir’s service. On account of his wisdom, the Wazir thought highly of his advice. One day the Wazir said to him “TI have tried every device “to overcome these Pathans, but the words of the sacred writing have been “fulfilled ‘the few shall overcome the many.’ As you are a clever man, tell “me in what way I can best overcome my enemy.”” ‘The Sayyad made a low bow and said, ‘‘ This man of mean understanding has a plan, but hitherto “he was afraid to disclose it, for he is not one of the old servants, and, may “be, this slave’s remarks would not meet with approval.” The Wazir re- plied, that he thought more of him than he did even of his old servants, and he begged him to express his ideas without ceremony, for there was nothing to fear. Then the Sayyad went on, “ Gracious master, peace be on “vou! the first question is this, does my lord seek the death or capture of “ Ahmad Khan alone, or does he rather aim at extirpating the whole race ?”’ The Wazir answered, that his enemy was Ahmad Khan; with the others he had nothing to do; but as they had joined Ahmad Khan, he had been led to attempt the destruction and extirpation of the whole Pathan race. The Sayyad then asked, what would happen to the other Pathans if they quitted Ahmad Khan and presented themselves to the Wazir? The Wazir declared that, according to their merits and station, he would treat them with consideration ; to those who were men of rank he would give dignities
118 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Karrukhabad. [No. 2,
and grants of land revenue ; the rest he would entertain in his army. The Sayyad then said, that if such were the Wazir’s intentions, then in bis hum- ble opinion it would be well to write parwanahs to each man separately under the Wazir’s own seal. These parwiéinahs should then be made over to him, Mahbib ’Alam, with a written order in such terms as to the Wazir might seem meet. ;
The Wazir directed Sayyad Manavvar to convey an order to his secre- tary to make out parwdnahs, according to the instructions of Sayyad Mah- bib ’Alam, to whom those written orders, when ready, were to be made over. Kudrat ’Ali Khan and Mahbtb ’Alam then took their leave and went to the secretary. After the orders were written out, they were taken to the Wazir for approval ; they were then delivered to Mahbtb ’Alam at Mir Kudrat ’Ali Khan’s tent.
Now Mir Muazz-ud-din, son of Shah Khatir-ud-din Gwaliyari, was a brother’s son of His&m-ud-din’s father. He was in the direct employ of the Emperor, but he happened to be present at that time in the Wazir’s eamp. The Kudrat ’Ali Khan above referred to had a community of belief with him, and looked up to him with great respect. The reason was, that Kudrat ’Ali was a descendant of Sayyad Hasan Danishmand of Daiptr. This Sayyad Hasan Danishmand was himself a successor (Khalifa) of Miran Hamid-ud-din Hazrat Muhammad Ghaus Gwaliyari. By chance. Mir Muazz-ud-din paid a visit to Kudrat ’Ali Khan’s tent. Mir Mahbtb "Alam, through the said Khan, had struck up a friendship with Sayyad Muazz-ud-din, and in conversation he had learnt that he was a cousin of Mir Hisim-ud-din, and was further his devoted friend. Accordingly, he asked Muazz-ud-din to write a letter to His4m-ud-din, asking why he was throwing himself away in company with Ahmad Khan, who would soon be slain or captured ; that on reading the letter, he should at once desert alone to the other side, without caring for his property, which would be fully replaced. As soon as he joined he would, by God’s grace, be presented to the Wazir, from whom he would receive a title and a grant of land revenue. Mir Muazz-ud-din Khan, as requested, wrote a letter to the above effect, and made it over to Mir Mahbtib ’Alam. The latter also wrote letters from himself to all his acquaintances of Mau and Shamsabad, stating that he had interceded for them with the Wazir, who had promised to entertain them all in his own service, in token of which he had caused shukkas (notes) to be written to them, impressed with his own special seal. He prayed them to make no delay, but come over at once. Putting up together all the parwanahs and his own letters, he despatched them by a messenger in the Wazir’s employ, under the charge of his own private servant, Bhai Khan, to Nawab Ahmad Khan’s camp.
1879. W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 119
S4hib Dad Khan Khatak and Mir Mahbtb ’Alam had both been together in the service of Shamsher Khan, chela, and from being together, a firm friendship had sprung up between them. They had two bodies but ene heart. In fact it was in reliance on Sahib Dad Khan that Mahbtib *Alam had undertaken this affair. Bhai Khan, Khidmatgdr, found the tent of Sahib Dad Khan Khatak, and made over to him the whole of the parwinahs and letters. He then asked his way to the tent of Hisam-ud- din, to whom he delivered the note from Mir Muazz-ud-din Khan and demanded a reply. When Hisam-ud-din had opened and read the letter, he sent areply to the following effect: “ You think I have got intoa “difficult position by espousing Nawab Ahmad’s Khan’s cause. ‘This idle “thought you must put far from you, for one hundred thousand brave men, “more or less, with their leaders, all carrying on their bodies their own “oyave clothes, are in the train of Ahmad Khan and prepared to conquer “or to die. Now, to slay those who already believe themselves dead, is a “task of extreme difficulty.
Har kih dast-i-khweshtan az jan ba-shust Khid ba-mand, 0 dushman-i-khid ra ba-khusht Murdah miyabad nijaét az dast-i-maut Zinda-ha urd namdyand jumla pusht.
“Fiven if it were true that the Wazir would shortly slay or cap- “ture the Nawab, I ask you one question:—Suppose that the Wazir “were in danger from Ahmad Khan, and I wrote to you, requesting “you to forsake the Wazir, and save your life by coming over to our “side, I ask if you would not hold it your duty as a leader and a “Sayyad to prefer death to disgrace P You would not forsake the Wazir, “so what you would not do yourself, you should not advise others to do. “I beg to be excused from obeying such a foolish request.”” This answer was made over to Bhai Khan, and he returned to Sahib Dad Khan’s tent. The latter’s answer was as follows :—“TI have distributed the parwanahs “and letters; hereafter I will report the result. I object to keeping the “messenger here, as it will get me into trouble, I therefore send him “back.” The messenger received these two letters and set out on his way back.
Now the thieves and plunderers among the Rohelas, who infested the camps of Ahmad Khan and Sa’dullah Khaén, were unequalled in the arts of thieving and highway robbery. They were in the habit of hiding on the right and left of the batteries. At night they used to repair to the Wazir’s camp, where they seized horses, camels and equipage of all sorts, with which they returned to their own camp. After disposing of the property, they
120 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
would return to their hiding-places. By chance, the carrier of the two letters passed close by where these robbers were concealed. The thieves seized him, and carrying him off to Nawab Ahmad Khan’s quarters, report- ed the matter. The Nawab called in the arrested messenger and asked on what business he had come to the camp. The man, in a great fright of losing his life, told the whole story, as already related in detail. He ended by delivering up the two letters he was carrying back. When the Nawab had looked at these two letters, he sent for His4m-ud-din. Hisam-ud-din had already heard that the Afghans had arrested the messenger and had carried him before the Nawab.
On his reaching the presence, the Nawab said to him, “O Hisam-ud- “din! who is this Muazz-ud-din with whom you correspond ?” Hisam-ud- din replied, “ Gracious Master ! he is my brother.” The Nawab asked what he had written, and he answered that what he had written was lying before the Nawab, there was no need to repeat it. Rustam Khan Bangash, Haji Sarfaraz Khan and Mustajab Khan were present. Addressing them, the Nawab said—“ This His4m-ud-din is a man of noble race, who respects the “salt he has eaten, see what a good answer he has written to his own “brother.” He then began to read the letter aloud to them. They were all loud in their expressions of praise. Then turning to Histm-ud-din, he said, “ You have fully acted up to what I expected from you ; please God, “J will in time repay you for being thus true to your salt.” Sending for Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan, Mull4 Sardar Khan, Fath Khan and Sayyad Ahmad, the Nawdb told them everything that had occurred. ‘Their opinion was demanded. Sayyad Ahmad stated that his subordinates were posted everywhere from the foot of the hills down to Pilibhit, he would write telling them, that if any one from the camp passed, in an attempt to desert, they should without fail slay him and appropriate his goods. Then the five Rohelas left. The Nawab directed Haji Sarfaraz Khan to turn the captured messenger out of the camp, which was done accordingly.
Renewal of Negotiations, followed by peace.
Affairs on the enemy’s side were meanwhile as follows. Some Rajah of the west country had written to Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia that Abmad Shah Durrani was on his march to help the Afghans and had al- ready crossed the Indus. He was reported to be advancing by rapid marches. This information caused great anxiety to the Mahratta leaders, and they assembled for consultation. ‘They came to an unanimous deter- mination and then proceeded to the Wazir. They reproached him for having concealed from them the report of Ahmad Shah Durrdani’s approach.
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Furrukhabad. 121
They said he was aware of the state of both his own troops and of the Mahratta army, that they had become dispirited and hopeless from the difficulty of the task before them. Further, that owing to the effects of the hill water, death came on them unawares. As life is dear to all, a com- plete panic had arisen, and should the men hear that Ahmad Shah was coming, they would begin to desert. It was for the Wazir to decide and for them to obey. The Wazir was thrown into great perplexity, and after a considerable pause he said he threw the responsibility of deciding upon them. The Mahrattas advised him to sheathe the sword and send off ’Ali Kuli Khan to Ahmad Khan with a message. He should say that, by the Emperor’s orders, the Wazir drew back his hand from war ; Ahmad Khan too should therefore respect the Emperor’s word and make terms. Ahmad Khan should be allowed to retain the ancient territory, which had belonged to his father and brother, on condition of presenting a fine (nazrdna) of 30,00,000 rupees. As security for the payment of this fine, he should be required to make over half the territory, till the whole of the money was paid. These proposals were agreed to by the Wazir, and he requested the Mahrattas to name one of their trusted agents to go with ’Ali Kuli Khan. Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhié named Tantié Gangadhar, their Diwan.* The two messengers then departed.
But, unknown to the Wazir, the two Mahratta leaders had instructed Tantia to inform Ahmad Khan, at a fitting opportunity, that they wished him to accept without quibble the terms to be named by ’Ali Kuli Khan. The aspect of affairs made this desirable, but they were still his well-wishers and they hoped he would depute his son to hold an interview with the Wazir. On reaching Ahmad Khan’s camp, ’Ali Kuli Khan proposed that they should visit the Nawab together. Gangadhar excused himself and said he would pay his respects the following day. ’Ali Kuli Khan went on to Ahmad Khan. After some ordinary conversation, business was begun, and ’Ali Kuli Khan delivered his message, mentioning that Gangadhar, the representative of the Mahrattas, would pay the Nawab a visit the next day. Tantid visited the Nawab the following day, and the Rohela commanders were sent for. Mulla Sardar Khan was of opinion that the matter should be left in the hands-of Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia. To this the Nawab consented, ’Ali Kuli Khan and Taéntia Gangddhar were sent for, and Ahmad Khan said to them that out of a desire to satisfy those two Mahratta chiefs, he agreed to make over half his territory, till such time as the sum of thir- ty lakhs of rupees, the fine imposed by the Hmperor, should be realized.
* Apparently the same as Grant Duff’s Gangddhar Yeswent (Bombay ed., pp. 338, 340). By the usage of the Dakhin, Veswent would be his father’s name. Grant Duff does not give him the epithet of Téntia,
q
122 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
Ahmad Khan then proceeded to ’Ali Kuli Khan’s tent, and there he de- clared that it was only in obedience to the Emperor that he had consented to terms of peace. He sent for a secretary, and caused a letter to be writ- ten embodying the terms proposed by the Mahratta leaders. This letter he made over to Tantia, telling him verbally that it was on his responsibili- ty that the young Nawab was permitted to go to the Wazir. One account states that the terms were engraved on two copper plates, which were inter- changed between the Mahrattas and Ahmad Khan.
When Mahmud Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan approached the Mah- ratta camp, the leaders, Mulhar Rao, Apa Sendhia, Patel Rao, Antéman Gir and others came out to meet them. Next day Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia rode up to a short distance from the tents and sent on Tantia Gangadhar to ask the visitors to come with them to the Wazir. After the interview was over, the Wazir ordered his quarter-master-general (Mir Manzil) to send on his tents, as he intended to march. Next morning the march commenced, and after some days they reached the banks of the Ganges. Then the Wazir directed Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia to pro- ceed to Kanauj, while he went on to Lakhnau, taking with him Mah- mud Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan whom he proposed to dismiss, when the business had been settled. As directed, the Mahrattas crossed the Ganges and quartered themselves in Kanauj. But Gangadhar, their Diwan, was sent with the young Nawab, at the head of ten thousand horse.
Soon after the departure of the opposing army, Nawaéb Ahmad Khan and Nawab Sa’dullah Khan, leaving their entrenchments in the hills, put up their tents where the Wazir had been encamped. Thence they marched by stages to Anwalah. In that town there was a halt of several days. Resuming his march, Ahmad Khan set out towards Farrukhabid—Ahmad- nagar, where he soon arrived and entered the fort. The date of his return must have been some time in the early part of the year 1752.
During this time the Wazir had arrived at Lakhnau. Four or five days afterwards, he sent for the young Nawab and Hafiz Rahmat Khan. First he bestowed on Mahmtid Khan a khila’t of seven pieces and made over to him a grant confirming his father’s territory to him. He also con- ferred on him the title of Kaim Jang. He then gave him leave to return to Farrukhabad. Hafiz Rahmat Khan also received a dress of honour. Then a grant was handed to Tantid, making over half of Ahmad Khan’s territory to the Mahrattas, till the Emperor’s nazardna was paid, they receiving the country in satisfaction of the arrears of pay due to them by the Wazir.
Mahmud Khan and Tantia taking their leave marched westwards, and Hafiz Rabmat Khan started for Anwalah. When the young Nawab drew
wo
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 12
near to Kanauj, all the Mahrattas came out to meet him and prepared entertainments. After a stay of two days, he resumed his march to Far- rukhabid. On reaching his destination he visited his father, and from him. he received the house of Ja’far Khan as his dwelling. After this the Wazir came from Lakhnau to Kanauj; thence taking with him Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia, he moved by way of It4wah towards Delhi.
Some time after this, Ahmad Khan sent Muhammad Jahan Khan to Delhi, to fetch his wife and family. Dulhin Begam accordingly returned to Farrukhabad. Then the Nawab’s brothers, brother’s sons, and chelas, with their families, great and small, and all the ryots, returned each to his own place of abode in the different quarters of the city. Sahib Begam, the widow of Kaim Khan, also returned and took up her abode in the fort of Amethi; and Maliya Begam, the Bibi Sahiba, occupied the Buland Mahal, which had formerly been in the possession of her son, Kdim Khan.
Ahmad Khin marries again.
As the Nawab’s affairs were now prosperous, he gave himself up to amusement and pleasure and came to the determination to marry a new wife. His courtiers told him of a young girl who was, they considered, fitted to be his bride. A man of noble family by both parents, a descendant of Nawab Khan Jahan Khan, who held high rank in the reign of Shahjahan, had by unstable fortune been reduced to poverty. By accident he had taken up his abode in the town of Shamsabad. After a time, he had de- parted from this world, leaving a widow and a young daughter, named Khair-un-nissa. It so happened that Yakit Khan, Khan Bahadur, had obtained this girl from the widow and had adopted her as his own. She was still a virgin and living in the house of the deceased Khan. The Nawab hearing this story fell in love with her without seeing her. He sent for her and placed her in the Khas Mahal; and, after the wedding preparations were made, he was married to her, From that time he never left her for a moment. These words were always on his lips—
Sharab do-sdlah 0 ma shik sezdah salah, Hamin bas ast barde suhbat-i-saghir o kabtr.
“T like my wine two years old, and my mistress to be sixteen.”
After a time, in the year 1171 H. (Sept. 1757 to Sept. 1758), a son was born to her and gifts were distributed to the poor. The Nawab opened the Kuran to search for the child’sname. The letter D was the result. He then sent for astrologers and ordered them to draw up the child’s horoscope. The name fixed upon was Daler Himmat Khan. An announcement of the event was sent to the Emperor with fitting gifts. There were great rejoicings
124 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
and for six days open entertainment continued. A wet-nurse named ’Akila was appointed. In reply to the Nawab’s letter, the Emperor sent the fish dignity, with a title and a dress of honour, for the child. Ahmad Khan having erected a Gulalbar at the "Idgah, the child was placed in a palkz and sent out to it in state to receive the Emperor’s gifts. The dress was put on the child, and he was invested with the title of Muzaffar Jang. Salutes were fired, gold and silver were given away, the naubat was beaten, and with joyful demonstrations they returned slowly to the fort. When the child was four years, four months and four days old, he was taught the Bism-illah and sent to school. He was made over to a tutor (atdlik), and. learned men were appointed to teach him. Ina few years he finished his education, and then he began to be instructed by his father in state affairs.
First visit of Ghazi-ud.din Khan ’ Iméd-ul-mulk.
During Ahmad Shah Durani’s fifth expedition, in 1170 H. (26th Sept. 1756, 15th Sept. 1757), Ghazi-ud-din obtained his leave to raise a fine from the country between the Ganges and the Jamna. His object would appear to have been to force money from Shuja’-ud-daula, Nawab Wazir of Audh. Accompanied by two princes of the Delhi house, Hiddyat Bakhsh, son of ?Alamgir II, and Mirza Babar, son of that Emperor’s brother, ’Azuddin, and the Durani troops under Jan Baz Khan, Ghazi-ud-din Khan proceeded to Farrukhabad. He had sent on his own troops under Mir Yahya Khan, son of Zakariya Khan. Ahmad Khan came out to meet his visitors and pre- sented appropriate presents. The army soon after crossed the Ganges and marched as far as the stream called the Garrah, on the boundary of the Audh territory. Shuja’-ud-daula, leaving Lakhnau, came out as far as Sandi and Pali, sixty-eight miles west of that city, in order to oppose the invaders. At length, by the good offices of Sa’dullah Khan Rohela, the matter was settled by a payment of five lakhs of rupees. On the 7th Shawal 1170 H. (25th June, 1757), Ghazi-ud-din Khan and the two princes re-entered Far- rukhabad.
Meanwhile Ahmad Shah Durani had retreated rather suddenly from Mathura to Delhi; and there, on the recommendation of the Emperor, who complained of ’Imad-ul-Mulk, the Durani king appointed Najib Khdn to be Amir-ul-Umra, and left him in charge of the capital. *Imad-ul-Mulk immediately retaliated by creating Ahmad Khan Amir-ul-Umra, and by appointing him to the post of imperial Bakhshi.* Ghazi-ud-din Khan then
* It appears from the Tarikh-i-Muzaffari that this appointment was renewed by Shah ’Alam. When, on the 5th Rajab 1175 H. (30th January, 1762), Shuja’-ud-daula was invested with the office of Wazir, Ahmad Khan was made fourth Bakhshi,
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marched for Delhi, joined by some of Ahmad Khan’s troops, and by the aid of the Mahrattas he speedily expelled Najib Khan.
This visit must have laid the foundation for the friendship between Ghazi-ud-din Kh4n and Ahmad Khan, a friendship so strong that after his public life was over, the fallen Wazir found an asylum for atleast nine years in Ahmad Khan’s capital. We shall come to the details of his second visit further on.
Ahmad Khan at the battle of Panipat.
When Ahmad Shah Durdni entered India forthe sixth time, in the year 1173 H. (25th Augt. 1759—18th Augt. 1760), Ahmad Khan went with the Rohela leaders to pay his respects to the invader. They were intro- duced to him at Koil on the 4th Zi] Haj 1178, (18th July, 1760).* The defeat of Dataji Sendhia took place shortly afterwards.
Ahmad Khan must have made more than a nominal submission to Ahmad Shah, for we find him forwarding supplies to the camp under a large convoy. Holkar, who had escaped from the defeat, was near Agra and, hearing of this convoy, crossed the Jamna. He took or destroyed a ereat part of the supplies and then retired againacrossthe Jamna. A body of Afghans were, however, detached from their main army and, overtaking him by a prodigious march, routed his troops with great slaughter.
Ahmad Shah, after moving across the Jamna,took up his quarters at Antpshahr. After some time Shuja’-ud-daula was induced to give in his adherence. The local chroniclers assert that this was effected through Hafiz Rahmat Khan and Ahmad Khan. Soon Sadasheo Bhao arrived from the Dakhin with animmense army, under Jankoji, son of Apa Ji Sendhia, Ibrahim Khan Gardi, Mulhar Rao and others, in order to avenge the defeat of Dataji. On the 25th October, 1760, Ahmad Shah marched from Antp- shahr and crossed the Jamna about twenty miles above Delhi. Ahmad Khan Ghalib Jang was present with a contingent of five thousand men. The Mahrattas proceeded to entrench themselves at Panipat, and Ahmad Shah encamped opposite them. Daily skirmishing, varied by one or two partial engagements, went on for more than two months, till the Mahratta supplies failing entirely, they were forced to risk a general action.
The story goes that Ahmad Shah Durdni offered a reward of one rupee for every Mahratta head. Ten thousand horsemen were sent out daily to plunder villages and.cut off supplies. These men used to capture any lag- ging groom, grass-cutter or petty dealer they came across and, producing the captive’s head before the king, they received a rupee for each head, Hearing of this, Nawab Ahmad Khan said to his arg-begi (chamberlain),
* Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 59.
126 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
Musharrif Khan, that he would give two rupees for each Mahratta brought in alive. The Durdanis then began to bring in their prisoners alive. The Nawab paid for each the sum of two rupees, and then at midnight he let them go free. On reaching the Bhao’s camp, they were loud in their praises of Nawab Ahmad Khan. Shuja’-ud-daula and Najib Khan reported this matter to the Durdni king, and from that day he was displeased with the Nawab.
In order to augment this displeasure those two nobles also remarked that Ahmad Khan, although Amir-ul-Umra and Bakhshi of the Empire, had brought a very insignificant force. The Shah made noreply. But Shah Wali Khan, his Wazir, and himself of the Bangash clan, who happened to be present, sent for Ahmad Khan. On his appearing, the Wazir rose to greet him and gave him a place by his side. Then turning to him, he said, “O “Ghalib Jang! you are one of the great nobles of Hindustan, yet you have “brought with you a very small force. What is the reason ?” Now Ahmad Khan had already heard, through Jang Baz Khan Bangash, of the evil speeches of his enemies. In reply to Shah Wali Khan, the Wazir, he said that he had left his bakhsht at Farrukhabad with a large force to guard his house ; for Gobind Pandit had advanced from Bundelkhand with three thousand men and, having crossed the Jamna, was encamped on the banks of that river. If he had left no troops behind, his capital and his house would have been plundered. Further, with this same small army he had once defeated Safdar Jang and his immense force, including Suraj Mall, Rajah Himmat Singh and other Rajahs. If he had wished, he could have then marched on Delhi, but refrained out of respect for the presence of the Emperor. Shah Wali Khan said he had already heard in Kabul reports of what was referred to. The Nawab ended by saying that the quality of his army, though it was small, would be seen in the day of battle.
Opposed to Ahmad Khan’s battery was that of Ibrahim Khan Gardi* who commanded twelve thousand regular infantry. One dark night, this Ibrahim Khan gave orders that, as Ahmad Khan’s battery was weaker than that of any other noble, he would at that point make anight attack. In the last watch of the night Ibrahim Khan’s troops attempted to surprise the bat-
* Gdrdi was the name given to the regular infantry disciplined after the Euro- pean manner. (Grant Duff, p. 315.) The translator of the ‘ Seir-Mutaqharin” (Cal- cutta, 1789, Vol. III, p. 152), says that Ibrahim Khan was a very thin black man, much pitted with the small-pox, who had in his early years been Chobdar to a French officer at Pondicherry. He rose in the French service to be a Commandant of their disci- plined sepoys. He then went over with his men to the Mahrattas and took service with Sada Sheo Bhao.
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tery. Ahmad Khan’s guns were, however, all in order, and many had iron shields (? = chadaren). As it was the cold season, there were watch-fires here and there, at which the camp-followers and labourers were warming themselves. These men, hearing the tramp of horses’ hoofs, called out to each other that the Mahrattas were on them. They snatched up some lighted wood from the night fires in pieces of broken pottery and threw them on the port holes of the guns and “ ehddar,” which all went off toge- ther. A number of the enemy were slain and the rest fled. On Ahmad Khan’s side not a soul was hurt. All this was done without the Nawab being disturbed. At dawn the Durrani king visited the field of battle. Ahmad Kh4n went out to meet him, when he said that he had now seen, with his own eyes, proof of that bravery of which he had heard. He took off his jigha* and made a present of it tothe Nawab. After that his enemies were abashed and silenced.
On the day of the great battle (7th January, 1761), Ahmad Khan was directed to guard the women, his force being so small. The Nawab refused indignantly, saying, that such work was fit for eunuchs, he would fight in the front. The Abdali king then sent him to the right wing. It was here that the first attack was made, and after a contest in which Ibrahim Khan Gav- di was wounded, the Mahratta gained the advantage. In this emergency Ahmad Khan sent his darogha, Musharrif Khan, to Ahmad Shah asking for aid. When the messenger reached the king, Shuja’-ud-daula and Najib Khan stated that the enemy was not opposed in great force to Nawab Ahmad Khan, that the need for reinforcement was greater with ’Indyat ’Ali Khan, son of Hafiz Rahmat Khan. When Musharrif Khan reported that no reply had been given by the king, he was sent back with a still more pressing message. At length two divisions were ordered out, and these having strengthened the right wing, the Mahrattas were gradually driven back. Biswas Rao having been killed, Sadasheo Bhao fled, all be- came confusion, and by two o’clock in the day the field was won.
Daim Khan, chela, used to relate that when Ahmad Khan was sent for after the battle to receive a /hzlat, he sat down by the entrance of the tent. Shuja’-ud-daula took up the Nawab’s sword and pulled it out of its scabbard. There was no edge on it, the Nawab using it in a particular way. Shuja’- ud-daula in a mocking manner said—“ Are you a commander of Fifty-two “thousand and own such a sword as this?” ‘The Nawab replied, “ The “edge of this sword was felt by your father well.” He referred to the de- feat and flight of Safdar Jang. Nawab Najib Khan, Rohela, who was a great friend of Shuja’-ud-daula, then asked for the sword and, having look- ed at it, praised it ironically and begged it as a gift. Nawab Ahmad Khan
* A gold ornament worn in the turban—“ Qanoon-e-Islam,” 2nd ed, App. III, p. x.
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told him to take it. Najib Khan said, “Steel should not be received for nothing ;” so he sent for a paisa (copper coin) and, putting it on both hands, offered it with mock respect to Nawab Ahmad Khan. The Nawab taking it up said, “It is right and proper that you should offer me a nazar, for “you were once in my father’s service.” This was true, for Najib Khan began life as a Jama’dar on five rupees a month under Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang and then entered the service of the elder Ghazi-ud-din Khan on seven rupees a month. ‘The first interview was accorded to Nawab Ahmad Khan, and by special permission he was allowed to take in with him three persons to hold him up. They were Fakhr-ud-daula Bakhshi, Mihrban Khan Diwan and Daim Khan. Shah Wali Khan, the Wazir, being of the same clan, had recommended Ahmad Khan, and in this way he obtained the first entry. When all the other amérs were admitted, the king gave Ahmad Khan the order to sit down.
Visitors to Farrukhabad.
During the latter part of Ahmad Khan’s life, from 1759 to 1771, there were a number of distinguished visitors to Farrukhabad. Many of the Delhi nobles sought shelter there, on the breakinz up of the imperial court and the occupation of the capital by the Mahrattas. When ’Abdullah Khan, son of ?Ali Muhamnad Khan, Rohela, attempted to assassinate Hafiz Rahmat Khan, it was to Farrukhabad that he fled, and it was through Ahmad Khan’s inter- cession that he obtained pardon, and the parganah of Aujhani was granted for his subsistence.* And, owing to the grant of the parganahs of Shikohabad, Phaphond and Itawah, made to the Rohelas by Ahmad Shah on his departure from India, Hafiz Rahmat Khan in 1762 passed through Farrukhabad with his son, on his way to visit his new territory.f Again, after the battle of Bak- sar on Oct. 28rd, 1764, Shuja’-ud-daula came for a time to Farrukhabad. Ahmad Khan could at one time boast of having two ex-Wazirs of the Empire encamped at opposite gates of his city—’Imdd-ul-Mulk at one and Shuja’-ud-daula at the other gate.
The most important group of visitors, however, was composed of Ghazi- ud-din Khan ’Imad-ul-Mulk, his relations and friends, who for many years found an asylum with, and lived upon the bounty of, Nawab Ahmad Khan. Of each of these we proceed to give such details as are known.
1. Ghazi-ud-din ’Imdad-ul-Mulk. Mir Shahab-ud-din was the son of Mir Muhammad Shah, entitled
Gh4zi-ud-din Khan Firtiz Jang, eldest son of the celebrated Nizam-ul- Mulk Asaf Jaéh. His mother was a daughter of the well known Wazir,
* Tife of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, pp. 46, 47. + Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, pp. 67, 77, 79.
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Kamr-ud-din Khan ’Itimad-ud-daula. ’Imad-ul-Mulk’s career from 1752 to 1760* is sufficiently well known. From the date, however, when he ceased to play a prominent part, we are told nothing more of him than that he took refuge in one of Suraj Mall’s fortresses. In one work we are told that he was found by Colonel Goddard at Surat in 1790 ;+ and that, by order of the Supreme Government, he was sent off to Mecca, whence he never returned. How far this statement is correct will presently be shewn. The Khizana "Amira, which was written in 1762-1763, naturally concludes ’Imad-ul- Mulk’s story by leaving him hiding in the Bhartpur country. But there can be no doubt that his family and friends were sent to Farrukhabad, and that from at least the year 1762 he himself lived there constantly. The quarter of the city where he lived, near the Kadiri gate, is still known as the Chaoni or encampment of Ghazi-ud-din Khan. The income of Parga- nah Bilhor, said to amount to Rs. 12,000 a month, was allotted to him by Ahmad Khan during bis stay in Farrukhabad.
In 1771, when Ahmad Kh4n died, and the Emperor Shéh "Alam was approaching Farrukhabad, Ghazi-ud-din Khan, fearing vengeance for the murder of Alamgir II, the Emperor’s father, thought it advisable to quit that city. He left his relations and servants there and started with a few faithful retainers. We do not know how the interval was passed, but the Maasir-wl-Umra says, that in 1187 H. (March 1773—March 1774), he ap- peared in Malwa, where the Mahrattas gave him several mahals for his support. We learn from the Tirikh-1-Muzaffari that he was found by Colonel Goddard at Surat in February 1780. ‘Thence he was despatched on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Returning by Basrah, he travelled to Kabul and Kandahar, where he visited the ruler, Taimur Shah, son of Ahmad Shah Durrani. At that time the prince Ahsan Bakht, son of the Emperor Shah ’Alam, who, after the blinding of his father by Ghulim Kadir Khan (June 1788), had escaped from Delhi, and had wandered homeless through Rajputana, past Jainagar, Bikaner, and Multan, arrived at Taimur Shah’s court. Out of regard for him as a descendant of the great Taimur, as a relation of Shah ’Alam, and as a guest, to whom the rights of hospitality were due, the king treated him with consideration. He sent some of his own troops to accompany the prince and ’Imad-ul-Mulk towards Multan, promising to march soon in person for the conquest of Hindustdn. Shortly after this the king died{ and was succeeded by his son, Zam4n. Shah, who
* Elphinstone, 651—649. ¢ A mistake for 1780. See Wilson’s Mill, VI, 37 note, from which the statement is taken. { Taimur Shah died on the 7th Shuwwa4l 1207 H. 18th August 1793. (Tdrtkh-i- Ahmad of’ Abd-ul-Karim.) R
130 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
was detained at home by his own rebellious subjects. When Ahsan Bakht and ’Imad-ul-Mulk reached Sindh, the Kabul troops, hearing of the death of Taimur Shah, returned to their home. ’Imad-ul-Mulk and Nasir Khan Bilich went to Bahawalpur. In time a quarrel arose between the prince and ’Iméad-ul-Mulk, owing to many of the prince’s companions being mean and base fellows. ‘The prince remained in Multan, where he became afflict- ed with melancholy madness and passed the rest of his days there out of his senses. Meanwhile ’Imad-ul-Mulk found his way to ’Ali Bahadur Mahratta, son of Shamsher Bahadur, who had an army and some territory in Bundelkhand. From him he obtained a grant of fifty-two villages, which form the petty state, now known as Baoni, measuring about fifteen miles across each way. It lies about 12 miles east of KAlpi, in a bend of the river Jamna.* ’Imad-ul-Mulk died at Kalpi on the 10th Rabi II, 1215 H. (1st September 1800), when his age must have been about sixty- eight. According to the orders contained in his will he was buried at the shrine of Shekh Farid Shakkarganj atPakpatan.+ His son, Nasir-ud-daula, was in possession when the British occupied Bundelkhand in 1803, and to him the grant was confirmed by the Governor-General’s letter of the 24th December 1806. The further history of the family will be found in the Gazetteer, under the article Baonz.
By ’Umdah Begam, daughter of Mu’in-ul-Mulk, the son of Kamr-ud- din Khan, who was Wazirfrom 1721 to 1749, he had one son called ’Ali Jah ; and by Gunna Begam, daughter of "Ali Kuli Khan, Daghistani, poetically styl- ed Walih, he had one son, Nasir-ud-daula. By another wife he had a son, Ghulam Jalani Khan, who died at Delhi from eating ice. The Ma’astr-ul- Umra tells us that he had a large family, and one of his sons finding his way to Haidarabad was, on account of his relationship to the reigning house, made a Panj Hazari, with the title of Hamid-ud-daula and a money allowance.
Gunna Begam, ’Imad-ul-Mulk’s wife, came to Farrukhabad with him. Herself a poet, she was the daughter of the poet, ’Ali Kuli Khan, known as Walih. Her tomb is at Nurabad, sixty-three miles south of Agra and fifteen miles north of Gwaliyar. It bears the short inscription “ Alas ! Gunna Begam” 1187 H. (25th March, 1773—14th March, 1774.) ¢
9. Nawab Khadim Hussain Khana.
He had a house near that of Nawab ’Azim Khan, and when he died he was buried in that house. He received a jagzr of Rs. 15,000. After * Gaz. N. W. P. I, 384 and Aitchison’s Treaties IIT. 250, under the word Baont.
+ In thé Panjab, ten miles west of the Ravi—Thornton, 757. { Archeological Survey of India, Vol. II, 397.
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the death of Sirdj-ud-daula, Nazim of Bengal, in June 1757, he had obtained a grant of the Purinaya Subah, on condition of recovering it at his own ex- pense. He had been in the service of a former governor there, Sayyad Ah- mad Khan. He was not really Mir Ja’far’s nephew, ashe claimed to be. He was the son of Sayyad Khadim ’Ali Khan by a Kashmiri wife, and his father afterwards married a sister of Mir Ja’far (Seir Mutaqherin, II. 9,
10, 11.)
38. Nawab Mir Jumla,’ Abidullah Khin, Sadr-us-Sadir.
He was the son of Mir Jumla Farrukhsiyari, and brother of Shartyat- ullah Khan. This latter, on the dismissal of ’Azim-ullah Khan, was promo- ted to be Sadr. He died on the 2nd Rajab, 1155 H. (24th August 1742), and on the 2nd Zi’l Ka’d, 1156 H. (7th December, 1743), ’Abidullah Khan, was appointed to the vacant office. On the arrival at Farrukhabad of this Nawab, Wali-ullah saw him and praises his great learning. After the death of Nawab Ahmad Khan, he left Farrukhabad and went to live at some place where he died. He received Rs. 500 a month.
4. Nawab Yahya Khan.
He was the eldest son of Khan Bahadur Zakariya Khan, the Mwhtasib of Delhi. He turned fakir and was then styled Yahya Shah. He was buried at Yahyaganj, a village near Shekhpur on the Cawnpur road or, as some say, in Kamalganj. Khwajah Daud Khan was a son of Yahya Khan, by the daughter of ’Itimad-ud-daula Kamr-ud-din Khan Wazir, and his mother, being the aunt of ’Imid-ul-Mulk, was known as the Khala Begam. Daud Khan died in Farrukhabad. Shah Nawaz Khan, the younger brother of Yahya Khan, died at Lahor. His son Mirza Jan and his friend, Maulvi Rahim Yar Khan, Bukhari, came with the others to Farrukhabad, where they both remained till they died. Mir Mughal,a son of Rahim Yar Khan, became naib to Nawab Muzaffar Jang, and was afterwards exiled.
5. Nawab Salim Khan. His house was behind the Tikona Thana in the city. It was after-
wards inhabited by Faiz-ullah,a Khawds of Nawab Muzaffar Jang, and his descendants in 1839 still lived there.
6. Nawab Bu’Ali Khan.
He had been Subahdar of Bengal. He was paternal uncle’s son (cousin) to Nawab ’Ali Jah, 7. e., Kasim ’Ali Khan, Subahdar of Bengal. There is a Katra (or Bazar) Bi ’Ali Khan, probably named aftew him, He left Far- rukhabid in 1771, on Ahmad Khan’s death.
7. Chote Sahib.
132 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhabad. [No. 2,
8. Bare Sahib.
Bare Sahib was Kamr-ud-din Khan Wazir’s sister and Chote Sahib was his widow. They had a house in Nawab ’Abd-ul-Majid Khan’s garhi. They received jointly Rs. 500 a month. Once a year Nawab Ahmad Khan visited them, when they presented him with trays of jewels. Miyan La’l, guardian (atélik) to Muzaffar Jang was their eunuch (khojé). They both died in Farrukhabad, and their graves are behind Pandit Daya Ram’s house, in Muhalla Chaoni, within the bagh of Shuja’t Khan, Khansaman to Nawab Ahmad Khan. ‘The place is called the Wadrassa. Miyan La’ is buried at their feet. Mir Bahddur ’Ali is careful to point out that their names never received the feminine termination in long 7.
9. Hakim Sayyad Imam-ud-din Khan.
Son of Sayyad Gharib-ullah, son of Shah Ghulam Muhi-ud-din, a native of Newatni,* Bangarmau Mohani. The Hakim lived in Mohalla Lohai and received Rs 500 a month.
10. Hakim Shafae Khan.
They say that Jan ’Ali Khan, chela, who built the masj¢d at the gate of the fort, had a great affection for this Hakim, with whom he exchanged turbans. When the Hakim went away to Delhi, Jan ’Ali Khan asked him for a prescription by which his strength would remain unimpaired. The Hakim answered, that the following was the essence (afr) of all his books. ‘‘ At the morning meal, take one quarter seer of kid’s flesh and “one chitak ghz, eat it cooked as you are used to ; then in the evening pre- “pare washed mdsh dal and the same quantity of ghz.” Jan’Ali Khan eat this food all his life, and his strength did not diminish.
11. Nawab Nasir Khan.
He had been Subahdar of Kabul at the time of Nadir Shah’s invasion (1151 H,=1739). He lived in Mohalla Kandhai, where Nuroz ’Ali Khan, son of Sarfaraz Mahal, lived in 1839. His allowance was Rs. 3000 a month. He died in Farrukhabaéd and was buried in the Haiyat Bagh, near the tomb of Nawab Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang. He died before 1771.
They say that the eldest son of Nawab Nasir Khan was in the service of Shuja’-ud-daula and received a large sum monthly. One day Shuja’-ud- daula told him to send to Farrukhabad for his father, as he wished to ap- point him his nazb. Nasir Khan refused the offer. He held the three thousand rupees he received from Ahmad Khan to be equal to three lakhs ; for Ahmad Khan, when he went to visit him, rose to his feet to receive him. But if he became naib to Shuja’-ud-daula, some day when he rode up to his gateway, the
* A small town, two miles south-west of Mohdn in the Undo district—Oudh Gaz, III. 16, II. 500, and I, 224,
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menials would tell him that the Nawab Sahib was taking his rest, and he must therefore wait. Then from that day, though alive, he knew he would wish himself dead. Unable to persuade him, his son went back to Faizabad.
By another wife, Nasir Khan had two sons (1) Ya’ktit Khan, (2) Muhib *Ali Khan. The first lived up to the time of Shaukat Jang (1813—18283), and he always read aloud in the Imadmbara.. Muhib ’Ali Khan’s son was in 1839 a messenger in the employ of Kannt Lal, merchant. Such is God’s will, nor can any dependence be placed upon fortune—the grandson of an Imperial Governor had become the servant of a Baniya on a few rupees a month.
12. Haji’ Abdullah Khan.
He lived opposite the house of Mir Roshan ’Ali, an employé of Muzaffar Jang’s.
138. Mirzd Aslam Beg “ Hathi nashin” of Delhi.
He lived close to Haji ’Abdullah Khan (No. 12) and he received five hundred rupees a month. His son, Mirza Khair-ullah Beg, was a poet and a man of parts. On his father’s death, he became a fakir, when he passed by the name of Kamtar Shah. His poetical name was Kamtar. He it was who always read aloud in Nawab Amin-ud-daula’s Jmdambdra ; he lived at the gate of that Nawab’s old fort. He died in 1240 H. (26th August, 1824—16th August, 1825.)
14. Nawdb Haidar Kuli Khan.
Formerly Mir Atash or Commandant of Ordnance and Subahdadr of Gujrat. He lived in a line with the house of Mir Roshan ’Ali: his allow- ance was Rs. 500a month. His grandson, Mirza Zahine, a disciple of Maulvi Wali-ullah, was alive till Nawab Shaukat Jang’s time (18183—1823), and his (Mirza Zahine’s) sons, Mirza Sadik and Mirza Ja’far, were in 1839 among the Nawab Rais’ sowars. The grandmother of Mirza Zahine, Guméni Begam, got old Amethi, on the river, between the city and Fathgarh, from Nawab Muzaffar Jang as nankar, with the land occupied by the fort of Zu lfikargarh, since resumed by the English, Ahmadi Begam, granddaught- er of Haidar Kuli Khan, was still living in 1839 in the Chint Wala ward, with her sons, Mirza Haidar and Mirzi Muhammad.
15. Nawdb Jafar Kuli Khan.
Own brother to Haidar Kuli Khan (No. 14). He died and was buried at Farrukhabad.
16. Rajah Jugal Kishor.
A Bhat by caste. He is said to have spent a fabulous sum at Deihi upon the marriage of his son, the earthen hugga stands (gurgurt) costing
184 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabdd. [No. 2,
many thousands of rupees. He was the agent at Delhi of Mahdbat Jang, Subahdar of Bengal. We have already seen him employed by Safdar Jang to carry out the resumption of the Farrukhabad territory after the death of Kaim Khan.
Once Nawab Ahmad Khan, Ghazi-ud-din Khan Wazir, and Rajah Jugal Kishor were returning to Farrukhabad from a visit to Makhanpur.* Their three elephants were moving in one line. In the plain of Nanauwah, on the road from Yaktitganj to the city, close to where the central jail now stands, the Rajah got down for a necessary purpose, when the elephant ran at him and killed him. All his servants set up weeping and wailing ; while Nawab Ahmad confiscated the whole of the property to his own use. In this affair, Nawab Ahmad Khan and Ghazi-ud-din had given the hint to the Rajah’s M/ahaut, Jugal Kishor having one day been wanting in proper respect to those two nobles. No doubt Ahmad Khan also bore him a grudge for the part he had played in Safdar Jang’s time. Jugal Kishor’s grandson, Shitabi, was still alive in 1839, his house was in Mohalla Nunhai, and at the Holi festival, in the drama (swdng) of the Jogis, he used to dress as a female mendicant and dance.
17. Nawab Jalal-ud-daula, called Mir Sulaiman.
His house was in Mohalla Nitganja. He was a great favourite of ’"Tmad-ul-Mulk, and they attribute to his bad advice the blinding of Ahmad Shah, and the murders of "Alamgir II, Intiz4m-ud-daula Khan-khanan, and ’Akabat Mahmiid Khan. He received Rs. 400 a month, and left Fars rukhabad with his patron.
18. Nawdb Ra’dyat Khan.
He was the son of Zahir-ud-daula ’Azimullah Khan (Subahdar of Mal- wa, and afterwards Sadr), son of Ra’éyat Khan, younger brother of Muham- mad Amin Khan. Ra’ayat Khan’s mother was Nur-un-nissa Begam, sister of ’Itimad-ud-daula Kamr-ud-din Khan. Ra’ayat Khan married a cousin, the daughter of Kamr-ud-din Khan. He left Farrukhabad upon the death of Ahmad Khan in 1771. The Zurvkh-i-Muzaffari also mentions a brother, Kutbe Khan, as being at Farrukhabdéd (year 1176).
19. Mir Fakhr-ud-din Khan.
Commonly known as Nawab Shah Jiu. He was the son of ’Itimad- ud-daula Kamr-ud-din Khan, Wazir, and husband of the daughter of Muzaffar Khan, brother of Samsam-ud-daula, Khan Daurdn Khan. He received Rs. 1000 a month, and on the death of Ahmad Khan he returned to Delhi, where he died.
* In Parganah Bilhor of the Cawnpur district.
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 135
20. Nawdb Ahmad’ Ali Khan.
He was sister’s son of Sayyad Sadat Khan Farrukhsiyari, who after the death of Asaf Jah was for a short time Amir-ul-Umra, with the title of Zu lfikar Jang, his nephew being made Bakhshi of the Ahadis. Ahmad ’Ali Khan lived in Mohalla Isma’ilganj in the house known as the Rajah’s. His allowance was Rs. 300 a month; he died at Farrukhabad.
21. Nawab ’Abd-ul-Baki Khan.
Son of Hamid-ud-din, Namicha, ’Alamgiri. He lived in Mohalla Nit- ganja ina hired house. He was very friendly to Sayyad Ahmad ’Ali (father of Mufti Wali-ullah) and kind to Wali-ullah himself. When Shih ’Alam returned to Delhi, the Nawab followed him and died there. His sons were friends of Wali-ullah, being of the same age. One, Mirza Mughal, was a poet.
22. Nawab Darab Khan.
Son of Tarbiyat Khan, a noble of Muhammad Shah’s time (1718— 1749). He died and was buried at Farrukhabad.
23. Sayyad Hashmat ’ Ali Khan.
In the reign of Muhammad Shah (1718—1749) he was the agent at the Delhi Court for Nawab Asaf Jah Nizim-ul-Mulk. Wali-ullah visited him several times. He was turned out of Farrukhabad in the days of Bakh- shi Fakhr-ud-daula (1771—1773).
24. Manavvar Khan.
The younger brother of Nawd4b Roshan-ud-daula Bahadur Sarwar (?). The Tartkh-¢ Muzaffari also names a son of the latter, Anwar Khan, as present at Farrukhabad (year 1176).
25. Ghiyds-ud-din Khan.
He was the son of Said-ud-din Khan, Mir Atash in the reign of Mu- hammad Shah.
26. Bahédur Khdn. Son of Nawab A’zim Khan,
27. Ghulam Hussain Khén.
His name is given in the Turtkh-i-Muzaffari. He was the grandson of Mwin-ud-daula Dildaler Khan Nasir Jang, son of Mir Yahya Khén Munshi (?).
136 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdd. [No. 2,
28. Hakim Shekh Muhammad Fakhr-ud-din ’ Abbast. He had been darogha of the household (2tbd’-khana) to Kamr-ud-dir Khan, Wazir. He got Rs. 150 a month.
29. Hakim Ruh ’Ali Khan. 30. Hakim Muhammad ’Ali Khan.
At this period many other jagirdars, pensioners and dancing womer from Delhi took refuge in Farrukhabad. The wakils of the following rulers also attended there upon Gh4zi-ud-din Khan’ Im4d-ul-Mulk, viz., those of the Rajah of Jainagar, the Rajah of Narwar, the Rathaur Rajah, Rajah of Jodhpur, the Jat Rajah (Siraj Mall) of Dig and Kumer,* Rajah Chatar- pat of Gohad, the Rajahs of Bundelkhand, 7. e., of Pannah, Orchha, Datiya, Seondha and Chanderi, the Rajah of Kotah-Bondi, of Shahabad-Kuroki, of Bhadawar-Jagammanpur and others.
Shuja’ud-daula and Shah ’ Alam attempt to attack Farrukhabad.}
When Shah ’Alam returned from his unsuccessful campaign against Bengal, Shuja’-ud-daula moved out to meet him as far as Sarde Raja, near the Karannasa, inthe Benares district, and conducted him thence to Jajmau, by way of Jhtsi and Allahabad. After the rains, in Rabi 1175 H. (October 1761), the Emperor moved to Kalpi and thence to Jhansi. On their return to Allahabad, some time in the year 1176 H. (23rd July, 1762—12th July, 1763), Shuja’-ud-daula persuaded the Emperor to join him in a campaign against Ahmad Khan of Farrukhabad.
Three reasons are assigned for this attack on Nawab Ahmad Khan. The first, which was no doubt used to influence the Emperor, was as follows. The news-writer sent letters to Shuja’-ud-daula, informing him of Ahmad Khan’s daily life and stating that he rode in a péa/kz, that he caused elephants to fight, that he had established a Gulal bari or royal pavilion, and had assum- ed other privileges of royalty. Shuja’-ud-daula writhed like a snake when he read this, and at once he made a minute report to the Emperor, adding that to mount the throne was the only step, which now remained for Ahmad Khan to take. The Emperor, being incensed at Ahmad Khan’s. supposed presumption, readily agreed to join in the campaign.
A second reason, and probably a better-founded one, is said to have been a quarrel over the occupation of the territory evacuated by the Mah-
* Both in Bhartpur territory, the former 20 and the latter 10 miles north of Bhartpur.
+ This list is taken from Shah His4ém-ud-din’s book.
{ Wali-ullah p. 44, Lawh-i-Tartkh, Hisim-ud-din, 353, Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 1176 H. Amdd-us-Sa dat, pp. 88-90, Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 78.
1879.] + W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabdd. 1387
rattas, after the great defeat at Panipat in January 1761. The Mahrattas withdrew from the Duab, and Ahmad. Khan took possession of all the par- ganahs ever held by his family, and perhaps of some to which he had no elaim. On the other hand, Shuja’-ud-daula wished to maintain him -within the limits fixed by the treaty of 1752 and asserted his own right to all the
recovered territory.
Another motive, which acted strongly on Shuja’-ud-daula, was the shel- ter given to Umrao Gir Gusdin. Umrao Gir had fled from Lakhnau with Hatya, a favourite dancing girl of the Nawab’s, and came to Farrukhabad with his twelve thousand fighting Nagas.* He encamped ina bdgh near the city, and was introduced through Fakhr-ud-daula, Bakhshi. The Nawab determined to retain the Gusain in his service, although his advisers tried to deter him, pointing out that the Gusdin’s contingent was too powerful, nor had they money to pay him. Ahmad Khan said he could not turn away a supplicant, a thing he had never done. Umrao Gir was sent to Kasganj to Roshan Khan, chela, (known as Miyan Sahib), then ’Amil
of the eight and a half mahdls. Himmat Bahadur wrote to his brother, remonstrating with him for
leaving the master who had brought them up and joining a ruler whose
* Anup Gir Himmat Bahadur and his younger brother, Umrao Gir, were chelas of the Rajah Indar Gir (or Gaj Indar Gir) whom we met before at the siege of Allah4- bad (p. 79) and elsewhere. The original abode of this Gusd4in was in the jungle near Moth, in Bundelkhand, thirty-two miles from Jhansi. About 1744-5 he acquired many villages in that Parganah (Gaz. I, 550). In 1750 he entered Safdar Jang’s service, and in 1752 he was killed near Delhi. Himmat Bahadur (Antip Gir) died in 1804 at the age of seventy, when Narindar Gir, his son by Fakhr-un-Nissa Begam of Lakhnau, was still a minor. By article 3 of the Agreement, dated the 4th September, 1803, made with Himmat Bahadur, it appears that Rajah Umrao Gir, bis brother, was then in confinement at Lakhnau, on account ofa conspiracy against the Nawab Wazir’s- government.—Aitchison, II, 225, ed. 1876. By a grant, dated the Ist March, 1806, the assignments in Bundelkhand were exchanged for a territory in the Cawnpur district, named Rasdhan, about forty-three miles south-west of Cawnpur city, in Parganah Sikandrah, which lies in the south-west corner of the district between the Jamna, and the Sengar. This estate yielded a revenue of Rs. 1,357,000 a year. The families of Umrao Gir and Kanchan Gir also received pensions (Gaz. I. 41.) On Narindar Gir’s death in 1840, the estate was sequestrated in payment of debts by order of the 12th May, 1841. The debts had barely been cleared off when the mutiny of 1857 broke out. Jai Indar Gir (son by Lalan Begam) and Padam Indar Gir (son by Riba Begam) became rebels, and two-thirds of the parganah was confiscated. The two brothers were given an allowance of Rs. 100 a month. Jai Indar Gir died in June or July 1876; the other brother survives. One-third of the income, amounting to Rs. 28,780 a year, is paid to the widow of Narindar Gir, known as the Raj Rani, who for the last: thirty years has lived in the city of Cawnpur.
S
138 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [ No. 2,
income was not sufficient to provide for the pay of his force. Umrao Gir replied that, to vex Shuja’-ud-daula, he intended to stay a few months, and if by his aid the Nawéb obtained nothing, he should not ask for pay. Him- mat Bahadur showed the letter to Shuja’t ’Ali Khan, chela, known as Miyan "Ise, and he told Shuja’-ud-daula. The latter wrote an angry letter to Ahmad Khan, ordering him to turn out his “thief” at once. Ahmad Khan in reply dared Shuja’-ud-daula to do his worst ; he had not sent for Umrao Gir, who had come of his own accord ; and never yet had he turned out any refugee. Shuja’-ud-daula brooded over this answer, and for some months nothing more was heard of the matter. Meanwhile Nawéb Ahmad Khan’s chief men urged Umrao Gir to go away, for if anything happened, all the world would say that he had been the ruin of the Bangash family. Umrao Gir listened to them and prepared to go away. Ahmad Khan declar- ed that not a hundred Shuja’-ud-daulas should drag him away did he wish to remain ; at the same time, if he desired to go, his feet were not chained. Umrao Gir started in the direction of Agra, but had gone no more than one stage when he was recalled, Shuja’-ud-daula’s approach having been reported to the Nawab.
Shuja’-ud-daula had heard that at Farrukhabad there was only a smalk force of four or five thousand men, the remainder being scattered about in the parganahs. He therefore gave out that he was marching on a mulk- géri, or expedition to recover revenue from refractory zamindars. Part of the army advanced up the Duab, plundering on its way the town of Muse- nagar on the Jumna. Head quarters were for a time at the Sarde of Khwaja Pul.* On his side, Shuja’-ud-daula left Faizabad and proceeded leisurely through his own dominions till he reached the ferry of Nandmau in parganah Bilhor. ‘The army crossed over and proceeded to Kanauj, while Shuja’-ud-daula and the Emperor took up their quarters at a bunga- low and bdgh in Makanpur, called the Madar-bari, belonging to Ahmad Khan. ‘The villages in the neighbourhood of both Kanauj and Makanpur were given up to plunder.
The news writers had kept Nawab Ahmad Khan under the impression that this army had set out for “ Mulk-girt.” It was not till Shuja’-ud- daula arrived at Makanpur and began to ask how long it took to reach Farrukhabad, that its destination was disclosed. Rajah Ganga Singh of Chachendi,f a great friend of Nawab Ahmad Khan, then with Shuja’- ud-daula, determined to send a letter of warning. He disguised his messenger as a fakir and hid the note in the man’s shoe. His orders were
* In Parganah Sikandrah, some fourteen miles south-west of Jhinjhak railway station.
¢ See p. 377, Vol. XLVII, 1878.
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabdd. 139
to deliver it to the Nawab, in whatever place or in whatever condition he might find him. The messenger started off secretly, and it was past mid- night when, reaching the gateway of Ahmad Khan’s house, he reported himself to Musharraf Khan, darogha of the gateway. At the time the Nawab, having eaten his dinner, had gone to bed. No one dared to wake him. At length Miyan Sahib Jan ’Ali Khan went in, and pressing the Nawab’s feet, delivered the note to him. One hundred rupees were given to the messenger.
The Bakhshis were sent for in hot haste. They reported that very few troops were at hand. The Nawab told them to send for all the clerks, and ordered parwanahs to be written to all the ’Amils and Faujdars, calling on them to start at once for Farrukhabad. At that time Bakhshi Fakhr- ud-daula with a large force was fighting Datta, zamindd4r of Aksauli, west of Marahra. The village lies in Parganah Sikandrah Rao of the Aligarh district, and in those days the jungle was so dense that falcons (bdshd) are said to have been caught there, and for years together no human being passed through it. Ina few days after receiving the parwanah, the Bakh- shi reached Farrukhabad with thisarmy. Help was also called for from Mau, Shamsabad, Ata’ipur, Tilhar, Sha4hjdhdnpur, Bareli, Budd4un, Anwalah, Bisol and Aujhani.*
At this time Hafiz Rahmat Khan was encamped near his own frontier in Parganah Mihrabaéd, now in the Shahjahdnpur district. The Nawab sent to him Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula to ask his aid to save the Afghans from disgrace. Hafiz Rahmat Khan, being no doubt afraid that, if Ahmad Khan were crushed, his own interests in the Duab, where he then held Htawah, Shikohabad and Phaphond, would be seriously endangered, seems to have shown great readiness to espouse the Nawab’s cause. He said he had already heard of the affair, and on that account had encamped near his frontier; he was quite ready to join, but his troops were in want of pay. If money were advanced, he would send for Sa’dullah Khan, Donde Khan, Mull4 Sardar Khan, Fath Khan and others. Even if money were not forthcoming, he would not fail to attend with his own men. After he had made a report of this interview, the Bakhshi was sent back with two lakhs of rupees to be made over to Hafiz Rahmat Khan for expenses, and a promise of further advances when Nawab Sa’dullah Khan joined. On receipt of this money Hafiz Rahmat Khan wrote to Sa’dullah Khan and the other chiefs, calling on them to march without a moment’s delay. He also wrote to Shekh Kabir, his deputy at Htawah, instructing him to march with his whole force direct to the Kali-naddi and encamp below Khuda- ganj. The Bakhshi returned and reported what had been done.
* Disoli lies 24 miles N, W. of Budaon and Aujhani 8 miles §. W. of the same place,
140 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Harrukhabad. [No. 2,
After this the Nawab wrote a letter (kharita) to Ghazi-ud-din Khan "Imad-ul-Mulk, Wazir, who was then in the country of Straj Mall Jat,* asking for his aid and presence. The despatch was made over to Khwaja Khan, the wakil of "Im4d-ul-Mulk, to whom the Nawéb said that if, which God forbid, he came across Stiraj Mall, and he should ask why he, too, was not invited, the answer should be given, that formerly he had not behaved like a neighbour, else he never would have joined Safdar Jang. He had better march to join Shuja’-ud-daula, Safdar Jang’s son, for with God’s favour he, Ahmad Khan, did not want his aid; and, please God, he would serve Shuja’-ud-daula as he had served Safdar Jang.
When Khwaja Khan reached Dig and delivered his letter, ’Imad-ul- Mulk at once sent for Siraj Mall. ’Imad-ul-Mulk repeated to him how affairs stood and declared it to be his intention to march to the assistance of Ahmad Khan. The Rajah asked why he had not been invited to join. Khwdja Khan then repeated the Nawab’s exact words. The Rajah admitted that what the Nawab said was true, still byegones should be bye- gones. Although he had not been asked, he would send off 3000 active horsemen with orders to encamp at Koil. If Shuja’-ud-daula advanced any further than Kanauj, they would advance by forced marches to join Ahmad Khan. Besides this he would send several thousand horse to ac- company the Ex-wazir. They marched, and when ’Imdd-ul-Mulk drew near the city, Ahmad Khan came out in person to meet him, and conduct- ed him to his tents in the Haiyat Bagh.
In answer to the parwdnahs the troops from far and near began to pour into the city. Altogether some thirty or forty thousand men had assembled, including Pathans from Shahj4hdnpur, Shahabad and other places. When Hafiz Rahmat Khan arrived from Bareli, his tents were pitched in the fort of Fathgarh. Below Zu’lfikargarh, near the city, a bridge of boats was thrown across, and there Mull4 Sardar Khan and Donde Khan crossed with their men, The artillery was got out and put in order. It was then sent on to the banks of the Bagar just beyond Yakutganj, where all the tents were set up which had been plundered from Safdar Jang and Naval Rae. The Nawab then marched out at the head of his army, and having stayed one night, he returned to the fort, leaving the Bakhshi in command. Roshan Khan and Umrao Gir, each with about five thousand men, were ordered to proceed and join Shekh Kabir’s camp on the Kah below Khudaganj.
Soon after Shuja’-ud-daula’s arrival at Makanpur, an eunuch of his establishment made his appearance at Farrukhabad, and put up at the Lal
* It was not till 1763-4 that Suraj Mall lost his life during a skirmish with Najib Khan's troops.
1879. | W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 141
Sarde. He came to demand a return of the territory recently absorbed by Ahmad Khan. The Nawab, having collected four or five thousand of his troops and all the Delhi refugees, such as Nasir Khan, Hx-Subahdar of Kabul and others, sent for the eunuch. The envoy delivered a farman from the Emperor, which was made over to Mihrban Khan, by whom it was read aloud. The Nawab sent back an angry message to Shuja’-ud-daula. The next envoy sent was Salar Jang, the Wazir’s brother-in-law. The Rohelas were supposed to be secretly favourable to Shuja’-ud-daula ; but instead of listening to Salar Jang’s message, they detained him as their prisoner.
’?Imad-ul-Mulk now urged an advance towards the enemy, but Ahmad Khan objected to make the first advance. The Emperor being with Shuja’- ud-daula, people would call him a rebel and untrue to his salt, if he attack- ed first. He therefore proposed to write a remonstrance to the Emperor ; they would see what answer they got, and they could act accordingly. The letter stated that the Nawab, a hereditary servant of the state, was pursued by the unjust enmity of Shuja’-ud-daula. He ought to be called on to prove his accusations of using a Guldlbdri, making elephants fight, and riding in a palki without leave. If mad elephants break their chains and rush off into the jungle to fight, no one is to blame. As to the royal pavilion, that is a mistake, only a few pieces of wood had been put up; for the Pathans having no manners, it was necessary to range them in rows along this barrier, and there force them to make their morning bow. The palkz had been presented by his late Majesty, Alamgir II, when he made Ahmad Khan Bakhshi of the realm. Shuja’ud-daula was also angry, because Ahmad Shah Durrani had deputed Ahmad Khan with Jahan Khan to bring that noble to his presence. Shuja’-ud- daula came with reluctance, and nourished an ill-feeling against the persons who forced him to attend. Najib Khan, too, who was once in Ahmad Khan’s employ, now had risen so high as to claim equality, which being denied him, caused hidden enmity in his mind. The letter then went on to recount at length the intrigues before the battle of Panipat, intended to exclude Ahmad Khan from the good favour of the Durrani ruler. It con- cluded by an appeal to His Majesty’s sense of justice and requested that His Majesty would withdraw to some height, while the rivals fought out the matter. The victor could then present himself to do homage to his sovereign.
Mahtab Khan Bangash, who was very clever and had not his equal for a negociation, received charge of the above petition. One hundred men were told off as his escort. The Nawab’s last instructions were that, if waiting two or three days would produce an answer, he should wait ; if not, he was to come away without any formal dismissal. Mahtab Khan on reach-
142 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad., [No. 2,
ing his destination was admitted to an audience. The secretaries read out the petition in a loud voice word by word. After hearing it the Emperor dismissed Mahtab Khan and sent for Shuja’-ud-daula, In the Wazir’s opinion no answer should be sent ; no answer was the best answer. Mahtab Khan waited two days, and when he found out that no answer would be given, he left without permission and returned to Farrukhabad, where he made a report to the Nawab.
Next day Ahmad Khan and ’Iméd-ul-Mulk had a consultation. ’Imad-ul-Mulk urged the Nawab to march without any further delay. Just at this time, word came that Najib Khan had arrived at Nabiganj, a small town between Bewar and Chibramau, some eighteen miles south of Farrukhabad. Najib Khan Yusufzai, who had from various causes been detained at Delhi, had come by forced marches down the Duab wié Sakit, destroying crops and burning villages as he advanced. He was a turban- brother (paggri-badal-bhdi) of Shuja’-ud-daula’s. Ahmad Khan sent two hundred and fifty trays of food by one hundred and twenty-five kahars, in charge of Shah Muhammad Khan Jamadar, and Gulsher Khan “ sonthe- wald.’’? These men had orders to deliver an ironical message that the food was for Najib Khan’s own use, while the territory was there for his army’s consumption ; what he had done was quite right and lawful, for between brothers there need be no ceremony. Najib Khan in anger ordered them to remove the trays, they might read the Mitcha of his father over them. Tt is said that six thousand Pathan horsemen left Najib Khan’s service at Nabiganj. They were received with open arms by Ahmad Khan, dresses of honour were distributed and daily rations were served out to them.
Next day Najib Khan marched, and encamped near the Kali-nadi at Khudaganj, about half a kos from the camp of Shekh Kabir, Rajah Umrao Gir Atit, and Roshan Khan. Najib Khan sent word to Shekh Kabir that he wished to pay him a visit. Shekh Kabir replied that they could only meet sword in hand ; having come to aid Shuja’-ud-daula, how could he think of asking for an interview with them. The next day, without paying his visit, Najib Khan marched off and entered Kanauj.
Najib Khan was conducted by Shuja’-ud-daula to the Emperor’s pre- sence. They then began to discuss their plans. Najib Khan assured the Wazir of his regret for the delay, which had allowed Ahmad Khan time to assemble troops. If war were decided on, he would be the first in the field, yet he doubted if his Afgh4ns would fight heartily against the Rohelas. He proposed to negociate. After two or three days Najib Khan put his troops in motion towards Farrukhabad. Hearing this, Shekh Kabir sent him a message not to come further, as next day it was his intention to pro- vide him with some entertainment. Najib Khan sent back word that he had
1879. ] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 143
not come to fight, he had come to seek an interview with Hafiz Rahmat Khan. Shekh Kabir told him in that case he might pass, but without his troops.
Najib Khan, leaving his army, advanced with a few men, and crossing the Kali-nadi pitched his tents. Next morning he continued his march. As he got near the camp of Fakhr-ud-daula, he found the Bakhshi on his elephant, at the head of his whole army drawn up in battle array. Najib Khan passed them in review and saw that they were very numerous. ‘There were more leaders on elephants with Fakhr-ud-daula than there were with Najib Khan. Najib Khan proffered a salam, but no one returned it.
Passing on, Najib Khan crossed the Ganges by the bridge of boats and waited upon Sa’dullah Khan, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan, Mulla Sardar Khan, and Fath Khan. Donde Khan, his father-in-law, taunted him for siding with Shuja’-ud-daula against a Pathan, but he defended him- self by pleading gratitude for the timely aid afforded him, when invested by the Mahrattas in Sukartal. The night was passed in consultation. It appears that the Rohelas were offered one-third of the Bangash territory if they would withdraw, but Hafiz Rahmat Khan refused to forsake his friend Ahmad Khan.* The final decision was that peace should be made between Shuja’-ud-daula and Ahmad Khan. Hafiz Rahmat Khan engaged to go in the morning to see Ahmad Khan. When he was introduced to the Nawab’s presence, he congratulated him on the good news. The Nawab asked what he meant. Hafiz Rahmat Khan replied, that by God’s favour, they had gained a victory without fighting ; Shuja’-ud-daula, becoming frightened by the preparations, had sent Najib Khan to make overtures to Sa’dullah Khan. Ahmad Khan said he himself would accept what they agreed to, but Ghazi-ud-din Khan ’Imad-ul-Mulk must be consulted. They went together to that noble’s quarters. He was of opinion that Shuja’-ud- daula and Najib Khan, in despair of success, had made these proposals ; although thus forced to make peace, they would not fail, when opportunity offered, to break their word. Hafiz Rahmat Khan admitted this was quite true, still when affairs took that turn, punishment would await them then asnow. In the traditions of the Prophet was it not written that Peace is blessed. ’Iméd-ul-Mulk answered, that if they were of that opinion, his decision must follow theirs. Peace was thus decided on.
_ Hafiz Rahmat Khdn reported to Najib Khan what had been said and done. The Emperor’s presence was their only reason for accepting peace, and he requested that Najib Khan would urge the Wazir to quit the Pathan territory at once. Najib Khan proposed that they should go together and persuade Shuja’-ud-daula to retire. Hafiz Rahmat Khan objected that he
* Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 78.
144 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
was in the service of Ahmad Khan, without whose leave he could not go. Najib Khan told him that he should not have accepted such a lowly posi- tion. Hafiz Rahmat Khan informed him that there were others, for Sa’dul- lah Khan and his whole army had been subsidized, their expenses had been paid from the Nawab’s treasury, to that date seven lakhs of rupees had. been advanced. He promised to go next day and ask the Nawab for per- mission. The next day, Ahmad Khan having made no objection, Hafiz Rahmat Khan and Najib Khan commenced their march. When they reached Khudaganj, Shekh Kabir was asked to accompany them. They paid their respects to the Emperor, and then went to Shuja’-ud-daula. They told him he ought to return to the east again. At length the Emperor and Shuja’-ud-daula set out eastwards. When they arrived at Korah, Najib Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan took their leave. Najib Khan followed the route to Delhi, while Hafiz Rahmat Khan returned to hisown camp. Next morning, Nawab Sa’dullah Khan and the other Rohelas came to take leave of Nawab Abmad Khan. He distributed gifts and dismissed them. The Shahjahanpur leaders also, ’Abd-ullah Khan and others, were given leave to go, after gifts and dresses of honour had been conferred on them.
Shuja -ud-daula takes refuge at Farrukhabad,
After his defeat at Baksar on the 28rd October, 1764, Shuja’-ud-daula first sought aid from the Rohelas at Bareli, and for safety removed his women and jewels to that place. As the Rohelas declined to enlist on his * side against the English, the Wazir and Hafiz Rahmat Khan came to Ahmad Khan at Farrukhabad. Not succeeding in inducing any of the Pathans to join him, Shuja’-ud-daula marched eastwards, only to be again defeated in May, 1765, at Korah-Jahanabad. Having again fled to Far- rukhabad, he was persuaded by Ahmad Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan to come to terms, the result being the treaty signed at Allahabad in August, 1765.* A long speech by Ahmad Khan, dissuading from hostility to the English, will be found set forth in the “ Styar-wl-Mutakharin.”+
A few anecdotes connected with Shuja’-ud-daula’s visit have been handed down. The encampment was at Haiyat Bagh, and then at Fath- garh. One day the Pathans suggested that the Jranz (Shuja’-ud-daula) should be murdered, since his father, Safdar Jang, had murdered five of the Nawab’s brothers. 'The Nawab is said to have replied that treachery was not the habit of his family ; by God’s grace, he killed his enemies, if at all, in the open field.
* Aitchison’s Treaties, Vol. II, p. 76. + Edition, 1789, Vol. II, p. 367.
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhdébdd. 145
An interview was arranged, and Mir Akbar ’Ali, teacher of Nawab Sa’dat ’Ali Khan, told the author of the ‘“ Zawh,” that he went in the retinue of Nawab Shuja’-ud-daula, being then twenty years of age. Ahmad Khan sent for arms from his armoury, which were much praised. Then trays of jewels were sent for. A pearl necklace, once worn by Kdim Jang, was muchadmired. Ahmad Khan put it round the Wazir’s neck, when Shuja’-ud-daula became yellow with anger. He took the necklace off and for a long time held it in his hand and turned each pearl round with his fingers. Then putting it down on the cushion, he stood up and said, he wished to take his leave. The Nawab and ’Imad-ul-Mulk stood up, and Shuja’-ud-daula then went off to Fathgarh. There he told his courtiers that Ahmad Khan had gone the length (zaydédat7) of investing him with the “ khilat’” of a pearl necklace.
Next day, Ahmad Khan returned the visit, and the two nobles sat down together, Daim Khan, chela, being in Ahmad Khan’s lap. Shuja’-ud-daula sent for water to drink, when Daim Khan said “I too will drink.” In those days it was the duty of Miyan Almas Khwaja Sarae* to bring water for drinking. He took up a jewelled water bottle (swrahi) and cup, and the Wazir ordered him to give first a drink to the young Nawab. Then Shuja’-ud-daula himself drank. From that day Almas ’Ali Khan had a great respect for Daim Khan and obtained for him from Asaf-ud-daula (1775—1798) the jagir of Pukhrayan, in parganah Shahpur-Akbarpur of the Cawnpur district.
Muzaffar Jang’s marriage.
When the Nawab determined to find a bride for his son, Muzaffar Jang, he sent for and consulted Kabila Khanum, one of the women of © Ghazanfar Jang’s time. He asked her who among his brethren had daugh- ters, and where he should betroth his son, Muzaffar Jang. Kabila Kha- ‘num replied that Murtazza Khanyf had three daughters, and Khudabandah
Khan¢ had also three daughters. The Nawab replied that Murtazza Khan was a troublesome fellow; should he object it would cause ill-feeling. Khuddbandah Khan was, however, a mild-tempered, quiet man; and he requested her to go to his house and propose a marriage of his daughter with the Nawdab’s son, Muzaffar Jang. The woman went off to the house,
* The celebrated Alm4s ’Ali Khan, ’Amil of the Duab districts from 1774 till the eessionin 1801. Lord Valentia who saw him at Lakhnau on the 23rd March, 1803, de- seribes him as ‘“‘a venerable old-woman-like being, upwards of eighty, full six feet high, and stout in proportion.” (Travels, I. p. 136).
+ Fourth son of Muhammad Khan.
{ Twelfth son of Muhammad Khan.
uM
146 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
and after some indifferent conversation, mentioned her errand. The Nawab made no reply. After a moment’s pause, the woman said, “O Khudaban- “ dah Khan ! why do you not answer and accept at once ?” Nawab Khuda- bandah Khan said, that Ntir-un-nissa had been already adopted by the holy man, Asad ’Ali Shah,* so that he was helpless. It rested with that saint to agree or not, and if he agreed there would be no objection. The Khd- aum replied, that the Naw4b must go and tell the Sayyad, when there was no doubt he would consent. Khudabandah Khan said he would go that evening. When he went, the Sayyad asked what he wished, but he said it was for the Sayyad to decide. The Sayyad thought that to accept was desirable, to make any objection would do harm, he should therefore con- sent gladly. The Nawab returned and told the woman Kabila that he agreed to the proposal.
On receiving her report, Nawab Ahmad Khan proceeded to the Bibi Sahiba, the widow of Muhammad Khan, whom he told of what he intended to do, and he asked her, should she approve, to go the next day to Khuda- bandah Khan’s house to carry out the custom of chardwah.+ She express- ed her consent, and the next day went with great pomp to Khudabandah Kkan’s house and carried out the usual ceremonies. Next day the ladies from the other side came with the nawsha and carried out the usual cere- monies.
After this Nawab Ahmad Khan sent for Nawéb Khudabandah Khan. The Nawab received him with especial kindness and embraced him. A friendly conversation began. Then Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula was sent for, and ordered to make out a grant of the town of Sakrawah (or Sakraya)t in the name of his beloved brother Khudabandah Khan. ‘The secretary was to write it out at once, and, after obtaining the signatures of all the clerks in the office, it was to be brought to the presence. When the grant was brought, the Nawab presented it to Khuddbandah Khan and said it was in addition to all his former jagirs. Khudabandah Khan then took his leave. j
Preparations began for the wedding. The Bakhshi and Mihrban Khan were ordered to send food of every description to all the Muhammadans, from the first day till the day of the wedding. ‘To the Hindus sweetmeats and almond confection were sent. The khansémin and Namdar Khan were directed to pitch tents within the fort for the Delhi nobles, so that each
* A Sayyad, son of Sharf-ud-din Husain Bukhari; he came to Farrukhabad in Muhammad Khan’s time (1713-1743) ; he fought on Kéim Khan’s side and was wound- ed, He died on the 7th Safar 1184 H. (2nd June, 1770).
+ Presents to the bride at betrothal.— Qunoon-e-Islam, p. 62.
~ A parganah in Tahsil Tirwah in the south-east of the district.
1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. 147
might have his separate assembly. Dancing girls from far and near were gathered together, so that dancing might go on at all the different tents at once. At night all the nobles were invited, and each was conducted to a separate tent. To each were told off two chelas to attend on them and earry out their wishes. Nawab Ahmad Khan sat in his own hall, with some of the greater nobles, such as Nasir Khan, ex-Subahdar of Kabul, Nawab Shah Jiu, son of Kamr-ud-din Khan Wazir, Nawab ’Itikad-ud- daula, son of the Emperor Ahmad Shah’s maternal aunt, and Nawab Manay- var Khan, brother of Roshan-ud-daula. The night passed in amusements; in looking on at dancing and buffoons’ performances, or in listening to singing. These festivities went on for a month.
For illuminating the city, bamboo screens were put up along both sides of the road, from the gate of the fort to the gate of Khudabandah Khan’s house. ‘They adorned these screens with shades of mica and of coloured glass (kanwal) and with glass shades. Platforms adorned with brocade, cloth of gold and satin were prepared to carry the dancing women. This work was made over to Haji Sarfaraz Khan and Namdar Khan the elder. The fireworks were under Nasir Khan. Shafi Khan, darogha of the elephant stables, was ordered to prepare haudahs and bangla (covered howdahs) and amira (howdahs high at the sides) adorned with gold and silver. The elephants were to be in attendance at the gate of the fort. Bakhshi Fakhr- ud-daula and Diwan Mihrban Khan were told that when the bridegroom mounted his elephant (megdambar) the nobles of Delhi were to be escorted to their elephants. The commanders of regiments and the jama’dars at- tended in their best raiment, accompanied by their relations.
When the procession was formed, the illuminations were lit in one blaze from the fort gate to Khudabandah Khan’s. They were formed of mica*shades (kanwal) and round globes (kwinkwina) placed on the left and right of the roadway. In front there were lustres with five or six branches each, making a total of fifty or sixty thousand lights. Then followed the thrones on which the dancing girls performed. ‘Thus, with splendour and display, the bridegroom’s party advanced step by step. Fireworks were let off at intervals. From both sides gold and silver flowers were flung on the bridegroom for good luck. At length they reached the bride’s door. ‘The Nawab and the bridegroom and the nobles entered, while the other leaders attended outside. Dancing and singing then began, and the whole night was thus passed. At day-break the bridegroom was taken into the women’s apartments for the ceremonies usual there. Then coming out the bride was put into a chandol (a sort of sedan chair), which was covered with cloth of gold. All that Khudabandah Khan possessed in the way of goods and chattels, he sent with his daughter as her marriage present. Then the
148 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdd. [No. 2,
return was made to the fort in the order in which they had come. At the fort all the nobles, chiefmen and bankers attended to congratulate the Nawab, and made their offerings. Next day, rich gifts were bestowed on the dancers, the buffoons and the story-tellers. Suits of clothes were sent to every noble, to the Nawab’s brothers and brothers’ sons, to the chiefs of the Bangash tribe and to the employés of the State.
Mahratta affairs : \752—1771.
We have already described the rather complicated arrangement made at the peace of 1752. Safdar Jang then owed thirty lakhs, or as some say, eighty lakhs of rupees to the Mahrattas, as their pay for the time they had been in his service. This debt was transferred to the shoulders of Ahmad Khan, and as security the Mahrattas were to obtain sixteen and a half out of the thirty- three mahals then forming the territory of Farrukhabad. The Mahrattas, as usual, were the sole gainers, while Safdar Jang had no more than the empty gratification of having humbled his enemy.
At one time the Farrukhabad state is said to have consisted of forty- four mahals, but of these it is impossible to identify twenty-one, the names of which have not been handed down. Of the remaining thirty-three, six- teen and a half were assigned to Mulhar Rao by a grant on copper, while a corresponding deed on copper for the other sixteen and a half mahals was made over to Ahmad Khan by the Mahratta. The grant was in the name of Mahmtd Khan, the Nawab’s son, and it stated that so long as a slave of the Bangash family was in existence, no Mahratta should interfere with those mahals.
The thirty-three mahals were as follows :—
1. Shamsabéd.—In the Farrukhabad district ; it is now divided into S. West in Tahsil Kaimganj, 8. Hast and Muhamdabad in the Sadr Tahsil. In the Nawab’s time it included Tappa ’Azimnagar now in the Eta district. (Kali Rae, p. 101.)
2. Birwar.—The old name of Bewar in the Mainpuri district, Gaz. IV. 657.
3. Bhongém.—Also called Bhonganw, in the Mainpuri district. It then included the present parganahs of Mainpuri and Kishni-Nabiganj, Gaz. IV. 670. 5
4. Kampil.—Now Kampil-Kaimganj in Tahsil Kaimganj, Farrukha-. bad district.
5. Patidli.—Hta district, Gaz. IV. 174.
6. Sahawar.—Now Sahawar-Karséna, Eta district Gaz. IV. 181.
7. Sakith—Now Eta-Sakith, Eta district, Gaz. IV. 187.
8. MMérahra.—Half of the parganah. Now in the Eta district, Gaz.
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhdébdd. 149
TV. 158. In 1788 the Sayyad proprietors (who got the parganah in jagir from Farrukhsiyar in 1713) farmed 117 villages and the Nilgardn patti of the town to the Nawab of Farrukhabad, and the other 60 villages with the Bhairon pattz to Safdar Jang. The Nawab Wazir took the first-named portion, known as Kismat avval, for himself in 1772, Gaz. IV. 162.
9. NSoron-Badariya.—Kta district, Gaz. IV. 125, 218.
10. Awse¢.—Across the Ganges in the Badaun district.
11. Nidhpur.—(Also called Miyao) Kta district, Gaz. IV. 165.
12. Barna-Sonhar.—Hta district, Gaz. IV. 205.
13. Kordéoli.mMainpuri district, Gaz. IV. 711.
14. Sidhpura.—tKta district, Gaz. IV. 179.
15. Karsana.—Now included in Sahawar, Eta district. Gaz. IV. 181.
16. Khakhatmau-Dahliya.—Across the Ganges in Tahsil Aligarh, Farrukhabad district.
17. Mihrébad.—Across the Ganges in the south of the Shahjahanpur district. It once formed a part of Parganah Shamsabad, (Hlliot Supp. Glossary, II. 92.)
— 18. Amritpur.—Across the Ganges in Tahsil Aligarh, Farrukhabad district.
19. Chibramau.—Tahsil Chibramau, Farrukhabad district.
20. Sikandarpur.Now absorbed in Chibramau (No. 19,) Farrukha- bad district.
21. Sawrikh.—In Tahsil Tirwa, Farrukhabad district.
22. Sakrawah.—Tahsil Tirwa, Farrukhabad district.
23. Sakatpur.—Tahsil Tirwa, Farrukhabad district.
24. <Auraiya Phapond.—In the Etawah district, Gaz. IV. 408.
25. Sauj.—In parganah Karhal, Mainpuri district, 24 miles from Mainpuri. The old parganah was dismembered in 1840, 25 villages going to parganah Mainpuri and 17 to Karhal. Gaz. IV. 752.
26. Ltdwah.—In the Itawah district. It formerly included parga- nah Karhal of the Mainpuri and Barndhal of the Itdwah district. Elliot, Supp. Gloss. p. 309.
27. Bhojpur.—tn the Sadr Tahsil of the Farrukhabad district. It included parganah Pahara.
28. Talgram.—tIn the Chibrdmau Tahsil of the Farrukhébad district. In those days it included the Ta’luka of Thattya-Tirwa (Kéli Rée, p. 145.)
29. Kannauj.—In Tahsil Kannauj of the Farrukhabdd district.
30. Bilhor.—In the Cawnpur district, the next parganah east of Kannavuj. :
81. Shahpur-Akbarpur.—In the western part of the Cawnpur dis- trict,
150 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
32. Shiurdjpur.—tn the Cawnpur district, the parganah next to the east of Bilhor, No. 30.
33. Musenagar-Bhogni.—In the south of the Cawnpur district, along the left bank of the river Jamna.
We are not told which of these thirty-three mahals formed the sixteen made over to the Mahrattas. The management would appear to have been left in the hands of Ahmad Khan, though it is doubtful whether this refers to all the mahals, or only to the Nawab’s half. We are told that, after deducting the costs of management and the pay of the troops, the balance was payable to Mulhar Rao. On the part of the Mahrattas two bankers were appointed, called by them Bamman, who were stationed one at Ka- nauj, the other at ’Aliganj in Parganah ’Azimnagar. The balance payable to the Mahrattas was made over to these two bankers, by whom the money was remitted to Mulhar Rao. Receipts for each year were then forwarded to the Nawab. These payments were made for several years in succession. They ceased after the battle of Panipat, fought in January 1761, when the Mahrattas left Hindustan for a time, retired beyond the Jamna, and proceed- ed to the Dakhin.
For some years the Mahrattas were occupied in domestic struggles and in warfare south of the Narbada. Advantage was taken of their with- drawal from Hindustan to recover all the parganahs which had fallen into their hands. During 1761-1763 Shuja’-ud-daula cleared the lower Duab of their posts and even advanced into Bandelkhand as far as Jhansi. Nawab Ahmad Khan, in the same way, took possession of many of the parganahs once held by his father, and no longer paid any tribute to the Mahrattas. Etawah, Phapond and Shikohabad, however, which had in 1761 been grant- ed to Hafiz Rahmat Khan by the Abdali monarch, were permanently severed from the Farrukhabad state.
Except for a short time at Delhi in 1764, and at the battle of Korah in 1765, no Mahratta was seen in Northern India for more than eight years. In the end of 1769, however, the Peshwa’s army, amounting to fifty thousand men, crossed the Chambal. It was under the command of Visaji Kishn, Ram Chandar Ganesh, Mahadaji Sendhia and Tukaji Holkar. First they levied arrears of tribute from the Rajput princes. Next, after a vic- torious engagement fought close to Bhartpur, they obtained sixty-five lakhs of rupees from the Jat princes. Overtures were then made to them by Najib Khan, and it was agreed that their combined armies should march against Farrukhabad.*
Early in the year 1184 H. (27th April, 1770—16th April, 1771),Najib Khan advanced from Delhi. Hafiz Rahmat Khan, whose son’s jégir of
* Grant Duff, pp. 349, 350.
1879.] W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabdd. 151
Ttdwah was threatened, marched to Kadir-Chauk on the Ganges. Here he learned that Najib Khan, having been taken ill at Koil, had set out for Najib4bad. On his road he died at Hapar in the Meerut district. His death occurred in the month of October, 1770. His eldest son, Zabita Khan, proceeded with the Mahrattas towards Farrukhabad.
Hafiz Rahmat Khan sent fifteen thousand horse and foot to the aid of Ahmad Khan. On hearing that the Mahrattas were at Patiali, some forty miles west of Farrukhabad, Hafiz Rahmat Khan marched in person to Fathgarh and encamped on the east bank of the Ganges. A consul- tation was then held with Ahmad Khaén. A bridge of boats was construct- ed, and the remainder of the army, about twenty thousand horse and foot, crossed the Ganges and encamped between Fathgarh and Farrukhabad.
Meanwhile Zabita Khan wrote to say that he was a prisoner in the hands of the Mahrattas. Negotiations began for his release and the with- drawal of the Mahrattas. ‘The Mahrattas claimed Itawah and Shikohabad, which had been long in their possession before they were handed over in jag to Hafiz Rahmat Khan. During this period Najib Khan’s army arrived from Ghausgarh* and Najibabéd.f Zabita Khan succeeded in escaping during the night and, joining his troops, returned home.
The war was now carried on by the Mahrattas alone. In several actions they defeated the Afghans, who behaved badly. At length the Rohelas were on the point of re-crossing the Ganges, when the Mahrattas broke up their camp and marched for Itawah. ’Indyat Khan, son of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, was then asked by his father to give up his jagir of Itawah. He ‘refused and retired in disgust to Bareli. Donde Khan, however, relinquish- ed his claim on Shikohabad. Orders were sent to Shekh Kabir to resign the fort of It4wah to the Mahrattas. Shekh Kabir, who had in the interval repulsed the Mahrattas several times, obtained honorable terms. He then joined Hafiz Rahmat Khan at Farrukhabad, and all the Rohelas returned to Bareli after an absence of eight months (October, 1770—May, 1771).f
At this time Sendhia entered the Nawab’s territory and encamped at Nabiganj, some twenty miles south of Farrukhabid. Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula proposed to collect forty thousand men and attempt resistance. The Nawab, who was old and blind, said he knew they would fight to the last man, but the Bakhshi was the blind man’s staff, and if the staff (which God forbid) were broken, the blind man would be destroyed. He therefore desired that a peace should be made as quickly as possible. The Bakhshi taking with
* Between the towns of Théna Bhowan and Jalalabad in the west of the Mu- zaffarnagar district. A mosque and a large well are all that is left to mark the site.
t+ In the Bijnor district.
£ Life of Hafiz Rabmat Khan, pp. 89—93.
152 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
him Ghazi-ud-din Khan ’Imad-ul-Mulk, visited the Mahrattas and asked what terms they would accept. Sendhia claimed the sixteen and a half mahals given by the former treaty. He wished to collect the revenue him- self, for while the Nawab had the management, years had elapsed without any payment having been made. As there was no help for it, the sixteen and a half mahals were given up. Ahmad Khan directed that although the territory had been reduced to one half its former extent, no troops should be discharged. In three years his eyes would be all right, and then he would take his revenge. ‘The income beimg reduced, while the same expenditure was maintained, the coin collected in the treasury was soon spent.
Ahmad Khan's blindness and death.
For a year or two before his death, Nawab Ahmad Khan was afflicted with inflammation of the eyes, and he gradually lost his sight. One Basant Rae Kuhhal (operator on the eye) treated him for the malady, but without SUCCESS.
His eyes had begun by paining him, and after a time his sight became weak. One or two years passed in this condition, but day by day the sight became worse. He concealed the fact as well as he could. He used to come to his ordinary place and return every one’s salutation. The courtiers, from actions opposed to his usual habit, noticed his blindness but said nothing. At length the defect could no longer be concealed. Several of the Nawab’s servants recommended Hakim Nur Khan Muhammad Shahi, as well spoken of for his treatment of deseases of the eye. They were told to bring him, and he treated the Nawab for one or two months without effect.
One day it came into the Nawab’s mind that by feasting religious mendicants, his vows might be granted. He therefore ordered Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula and Mibrban Khan to put up tents inside the fort. Food of every sort was prepared and given to fdkirs and the poor. ‘They offered up their prayers for his recovery. For forty days the food was given away. The pious His4m-ud-din adduces many instances of the efficacy of prayer by holy men; but he admits that in this instance the prayers were not heard, for, as he says, the supplicants were not saints.
Shortly after this a clever scoundrel came from the Panjab, and was introduced to the Naw4b through Rahmat Khan, son of Jahin Khan. He promised to remove the obstruction. The cheat, putting a little water in the palm of his hand, said some words over it, and then applied it to the Nawab’s eyes. For several days this process was repeated. Then under pre- tence of requiring money to offer in alms, he got silver and gold and went away, promising to return in a day or two. He was never seen again.
1879.] W. Invine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Furrulhdbéd. 153
Another cheat was Sayyad Bakir. He wrote a forged letter in the name of a holy man of Lakhnau to Jan ’Ali Khan, saying he had heard that Nawdéb Ahmad Khan had lost his eyesight and had given up all hope except in the intercession of fakirs. Now in the city of Farrukhabad would be found a fakir of great holiness, chief of the age, whose name was Sayyad Bakir. There was little doubt that he would be able to restore the Nawahb’s eyes. Jan ’Ali Khan went with the letter to the Nawab. The Nawab told him to obey its directions. Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula and Jan *Ali Khan proceeded to that deceiver and with the profoundest respect brought him to the Nawab. The Nawab presented him with five hundred rupees and a number of rich dresses. The fwkir said food must be distribu- ted daily, while he underwent a forty days’ fast, for which a secluded place must be provided. The Nawab ordered Jan ’Ali Khan to find the man a place in his garden. Then that lying philosopher promised the Nawab that sight would return to his eyes on the festival of the ’Id-ul-fitr. Jan ’Ali Khan took the fakir to his garden and placed men to wateh him. As the promised time drew near, one night in the end of Ramzan, the cheat got over the back wall of the garden and escaped. On the day fixed Jan ?Ali Khan was sent to bring the fakir. He went into the garden and called, but there was no answer. ‘Then he looked about and could find the man no where. Wringing his hands, he came out of the garden and sat down at his own entrance gate. or very shame he was unable to appear before the Nawab. At length the Nawab sent to know what had happened. Jan ’Ali Khan was forced to go and reported how they had been deceived. The Nawab after this ceased to repine and put his full trust in God, whose will is best.
Nawab Ahmad Khan breathed his last on the 28th Rabi I, 1185 H. (12th July, 1771), the day on which ’Ali Guhar Shah ’Alam reached Khuddganj, on his way from Allahabad to Delhi. After a delay occasioned by the disturbance raised by Murtazza Khan, the body was taken out and buried in the Bihisht Bagh, in the tomb prepared by Ahmad Khan in his own lifetime.
The date of his death is given by the following chronogram—
Kunand giriya khalack ba-nalah o Afghan.
Malaik ch kashand az wafat Ahmad Khan, (1191—6 = 1185).*
Another is—“ Hai, Hai, Hatim Tae séni na mand,” (1185).
The Emperor with his escort of some five thousand men marched on the next day, accompanied by Shuja’-ud-daula and others,p and encamped
* Miftéh-ut T., p. 526.
+ The ’Lbrat-namah states that Shuja’-ud-daula, after visiting the Emperor at Al- lahabad, returned to Faizabad, ‘The text gives the local tradition,
U
154 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
at the village of Saraiya in parganah Pahara, outside the south-west corner of the city. Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula placed Muzaffar Jang, the Nawab’s son, on an elephant and took him to present his nazar to the Emperor. The title of Farzand Bahadur (afterwards cut on the young Nawab’s seal) was conferred at this interview. There being no money in the treasury, the Bakhshi melted down all the silver of the howdahs and other furniture and sold it for three lakhs of rupees. This sum with seven ele- phants and eleven horses was presented to the Emperor.* One lakh of rupees was obtained by Najaf Khan for arranging a settlement. After a halt of twenty-two days, Shah ’Alam marched to Nabiganj, where he waited nearly three months, till the arrival from Delhi of Mahaji Sendhia.
Anecdotes showing Ahmad Khan’s habits and character.
His full titles, as found on a cannon castin 1173 H. (August, 1759— August, 1760), which was still in existence in 1839, were as follows :—Bakh- shi-ul-Mamalik, Amir-ul-Umra, Ghazanfar-ud-daula, Muhammad Ahmad Khan, Bahadur, Ghazanfar Jang, Sardar-ul-Mulk, Zafar-i-iktidar, Sher-1- Hind, Bahadur, Ghalib Jang. To these may be added the title of Kaydm- ud-daula which was, according to the Tur¢kh-i-Muzaffari, conferred in 1175 18h
He seems to have had little natural energy or ambition; he was em- phatically one of those who, instead of achieving greatness, have greatness thrust upon them. In the course of our story we have seen repeatedly how his timidity or ill-timed scruples prevented him from pushing home a first success. After the battle of Ram Chatauni such was the state of conster- nation and want of preparation in the capital, that Ahmad Khan, had he not been turned off by fair words, could easily have made himself master of the Emperor’s person. He could then have played the part afterwards so successfully assumed, one after the other, by Ghazi-ud-din Khan, Najib Khan, Najaf Khan and the Mahrattas. Again, when Islam Khan, chela, was ’Amil of Kasganj, he made a successful raid into the upper Duab, and it is highly probable that, had he been strongly supported, he might have carried out his boast of making his master the actual master of Delhi and its sovereign.
Stories are told of him in which it is hard to distinguish whether his conduct was due to mere good nature or foolish simplicity. For instance, we are told that the Nawab had an extreme affection for new money. It was his habit to have the rupees spread out in the sun to prevent them getting black. Seated on a low stool, he watched them himself. When- ever he called for water or betel leaf or his hugga, the chelas would go in
* Miftah-ut T., p. 529, and S-ul-M, (Lakhnau edition) at the top of page 931,
1879.] W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabdd. 155
with wax on their feet. In this way, in the course of five or six hours, they would carry away some hundreds of rupees. When the money was count- ed and put back, some of the bags would remain unfilled. Then the Nawab would be surprised and say to his chelas, “ I do not know how it is, but I “watched these rupees myself, and yet they have diminished. Perhaps they “have been exposed too long to the sun and have got too much Cried up. ‘Go and place the bags in the treasury.”’*
It was the Nawab’s habit to go out twice a day, sometimes on an ele- phant and sometimes ina pa/ki. At other times, quitting the city, he looked on at elephant-fighting. As he passed through the streets of the city, he was attended by men carrying bags of money for the distribution of largesse. Their orders were to allow the approach of the humble poor, the weak, the blind, the lame and the sick. To all these money was given ; not one poor man was passed over. Lspecial protegés of his were the so-called Khopi- walds.¢ Some hundreds of families lived along the road side from the fort to the Mau gate, and below the fort as far as the edge of the Kadam Sharif pond. ‘They were people of all castes, who had followed the Nawab’s camp from Delhi in a year of famine, he having distributed five thousand rupees a day in food during his stay there. They acquired their name from the rough earthen huts which they built to live in, not having funds to build houses in the usual way. ‘The Nawab would often send money and food to them, saying, that they must not starve, since they had left their homes to follow him.
The Naw4b’s retinue was accompanied by numerous Saldyah-bardars (?) spearmen, (darchi-barddars) lancemen, (bhala-dérs) macemen, (chobdars) heralds, (nakibs) flatterers, (bad-farosh) bards, and (karkah-go) singers, The Nawab’s titles were announced and his praises cried out as the procession moved on. It was preceded, at a little distance, by a number of men with bambu sticks, lacquered in various colours, gold, scarlet, and so forth, some plain and some with flowered patterns. For about two cubits of their length these bambus were split. If any one came in the way of the retinue, whether rich or poor, he was beaten with those bambu sticks. They were also used to anybody who incurred the Nawab’s anger. The sound made by the blows was so great, that it could be heard a quarter of a kos off, though no wound was caused; any one who was beaten considered that his lucky star was in the ascendant, for the Nawd4b was sure to send for him. Then he would say “ You have not been hurt ;” and the man would reply “ Nawab Sahib, each bone in my body aches as if it had been broken.”
* This story is in the main confirmed by Shekh Allahydr, author of the Hadikat- ul-Akdlim, who was at Farrukhabad in 1769-70, in the employ of the Nawab. t+ Apparently from “hop = a cave or cayern,
156 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Karrukhabad. [No. 2,
Then he would receive a present in cash and goods, to the amount that his
fate had willed for him.
The Nawab is said to have had a peculiar affection for the tune (rag) known as Bihdg. On his birthday the singing women and male dancers (bhakta) were assembled from every part of the territory. About nine o’clock in the evening, the Nawab used to come to the Diwan-khana, with all his most costly jewels on, seated in his fringed palki “ Fath-nasib.” (Fated to Victory.) This palki got its name from being the one used by the Nawab during the battle, in which he totally defeated ’Abd-ul-Mansur Khan, Safdar Jang. At the side of the palki walked all the leading Pathans and the Nawab’s cousins and nephews. There was a general illu- mination and discharge of fireworks. At this time no other kind of singing was allowed except the Bihag.
The Nawab’s taste was for highly decorated buildings, and where he slept, he had the walls adorned with pictures of himself and his friends. During his time he built six palaces, Ist, The Khas Mahal, where in 1839 Bibi Achhpal (widow of Muzaffar Jang) lived, and its doors, said to be copied from those of Harbong’s foot at Jhisi, still showed the decorated work. 2nd, The Mubarik Mahal. 3rd, The Salabat Mahal. It was situated at the back of the Moti masjid. Originally the doors and ceilings were gilt, but before 1839 the colour had been scraped off and taken away to extract the gold from it. 4th, The Hall of Audience in the Mubarik Mahal, occupied in 1839 by Wilayati Begam, widow of Nawab Nasir Jang (1796—1818). 5th, The Kamani gate of the fort. A stone, removed from this gateway in 1858-9, is preserved at the Sadr Tahsil ; it is in shape like a milestone, and bears the following inscriptions in raised letters :
I. Zahi bab daulat bar ofrashtand Bind-ash chi, kwtb-i-falak sakhtand Bart nir razed ’z charkh barin Ohi béran-i-rahmat barie-zamin Matin muhkam o ustwar dmdah Chi uftad falaki karar amdah Miah o sal én hatif dil-nawéz Bagufta “ Dar-i-faiz didam baz.”
(1172) ©
Il. Nawab in darwazah ra tamir chi farmidah ast Yak hazar yak sad haftid isna bidah ast.
6th, Some buildings and repairs to a fort at Mau Rashidabad, which has
now entirely disappeared.
The Nawab also paid attention to repairing the fort, restoring the city wall and renewing the Haiyét Bagh, where Muhammad Khan, his father, and Kaim Khan, his brother, were interred. In the open space between the fort wall and the gate of the Diw4n Khana he put up a Gwldl-bar (a royal pavilion.)* There the leaders and commanders and lieutenants came and,
* See Blochmann’s “Ain i Akbari,” Vol. I, plate X for a representation of one.
1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 157
standing, made their obeisance, after which the Nawab acknowledged their presence and took his seat.
The Bihisht Bagh, just south of the Mau Sarde, within the city wall, was planted by Ahmad Khan. The mosque is perhaps the largest and most elegant in the city, and at one side of it there are the remains of a hand- some hot air bath. The Mohalla just to the south, chiefly occupied by Kachis, is called Ahmadganj Khandia. Besides the mosque, there are nine large domed tombs within the enclosure, that of Ahmad Khan, the largest of all, standing nearly in the centre, opposite the gateway. The persons buried there are as follows: Makbarah No. 1.—Ahmad Khan; Dil-Daler Khan ; the Banirsi Nawab, his son; Zahir ’Ali Khan, son of the Banarsi Nawab ; Imdad Husain Khan, son of Dil-Daler Khan. In the verandahs— Himmat ’Ali Khan, son of Dil-Daler Khan. Three tombs of infant daughters of Ahmad Khan; Nawab Himmat Bahadur, grandson of Ahmad Khan ; Nawab Chote Khan, son of Nawab Kaim Jang. Makbarah No. 2.— Nawab Mahmtid Khan, eldest son of Ahmad Khan; a child; and his Begam. Jdakbarah No. 3.—The Bibi Sahiba, widow of Nawab Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang, and two other Begams. In the verandahs—Sitara Begam, daughter of Ahmad Khan; Firtiz Jang’s mother, wife of Nawab Bulaki; Bibi Achhpal, wife of Muzaffar Jang; five Begams, names un- known. JJakbarah No. 4.—Kabila Khanum. JJakbarah No. 5.—A mis- tress of Shaukat Jang (1813—1823). Makbarah No. 6.—Two graves, names unknown. Jlakbarah No. 7.—Rani Sahiba, wife of Ahmad Khan brought by him from the east. Makbarah No. 8.—Tal’ Khan and Roshan Khan, chelas of Ahmad Khan. JJakbarah No. 9.—Bakhshi Fakhr-ud- daula, assassinated in 1772-1773.
We are told in the Lawh-i. Tarikh that the revenue demand of the thirty-three mahals was eighty lakhs of rupees, exclusive of jagirs, assign- ments for pay, revenue-free grants, and so forth. Hisam-ud-din tells us that the Nawab’s income was sixty lakhs of rupees. The expenditure was as follows : Three lakhs a month were required for the soldiers’ pay and the house- hold servants of every fort. One lakh went to the expenses of the three wives, to the purchase of jewels, and the feeding of fakirs. One lakh was spent on the elephants, horses, camels, and artillery establishment. There were five hundred guns, large and small, always ready; and the manufac- ture of powder and ball went on without intermission. There was in this way an expenditure of at least five lakhs a month ; if there were ever any surplus, it was paid into the Treasury.
In the later years of Ahmad Khan’s life, Bakhshi Fakhr.ud-daula had become the leading man in the State. He had the charge of the whole territory, and he is praised for the vigour with which he repressed the tur-
158 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
bulent. Sometimes Miyan Sahib Roshan Khan was sent eastwards te restore order. This office of Miyan Sahib, or familiar companion of the Nawab, was held by a number of persons in succession. The first was Sa’datmand Khan. He wasa boy, named Madan Singh, whom Roshan Khan captured on one of his expeditions, when he destroyed the village of Sabz- pur (?). When Ahmad Khan saw the lad, he took a fancy to him, made him a Muhammadan and gave him the name of Sa’datmand Khan. A year afterwards he raised him to high rank and gave him the title of Amir-zadah, telling Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula that every act done by Amir-zadah Sa’dat- mand Khan was to be considered as final, no one was to interfere. His father, Mandal*Singh, was made ruler of Kanauj.
The other Miyan Sahibs were: (1) Sa’dat Khan Afridi, (2) Sayyad Nur ’Ali Khan, (3) Mir Jan ’Ali Khan, (4) Roshan Khan. Sa’dat Khan was the brother of Mahmud Khan, Bakhshi to Nawab Kadim Jang. He was appointed during the campaign in the hills (1751-2). One day the Nawab had seen him in the bazar of Sayyad Nir ’Ali Khan and sent for him. Once the Nawdb was reading a book, while Sa’dat Khan was seated behind him to the right, engaged in keeping the flies away. Sa’dat Khan in a disrespectful way brushed with the chawnri the head of Nir ’Ali, who was seated next him. The Nawab saw this and said to him, “The Omnipotent 1s Lord over all,—
“ Ba-chashm-i-hakarat ma-bin ba-sie kas “ Kkih u mantakam hast, o faryad-ras.”
Now, it was Sa’dat Khan’s habit to go every fifth or sixth day to spend the night at his own house in Amethi, returning to his post in the morning. A short time after the above incident, Sa’dat Khan asked for leave to go home. During the night, the Nawab conferred on Nur ’Ali Khan double the dignity and wealth that Sa’dat Khan possessed. At the appointed time Sa’dat Khan appeared, and what should he see, but Sayyad Nur ’Ali adorn- ed with jewels and seated on the edge of the masnad, at the right hand of the Nawab. He fell into great consternation. On his approaching, the Nawéb spoke to him—* Look, Sa’dat Khan, at the work of the Causer of all things, remember yesterday’s words,—”
Ohundn hast én khalik be-nazir, Ba-yak lahza stzad gada-ré amir. Makun ba sie kas az hakarat nigah ; Kunad az takabbar shihan ra fakir.
“ Such are the ways of the Creator without equal, in a moment He “makes a beggar into a noble, and turns a king into a beggar.”’ Tearing
1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Harrukhabad. 159
this reproof, Sa’dat ’Ali Khan was much abashed and hung down his _ head. A few days afterwards, he was appointed to the command of a regiment of two thousand horse.
Nir ’Ali Khan succeeded as Miyan Sahib, and he received gifts and honours above all the other courtiers. He in turn was displaced by Mir Jan ’Ali, and he was then transferred to the mahals of Derapur-Mangalpur (now in the Cawnpur district). Jan ’Ali’s father had been adopted by Mir Fath-ullah. When the Nawab saw Jan ’Ali, he took a fancy to him and kept him at his court. His title was Miyan Sahib Jan ’Ali Khan. He built the masjid on the left, as you turn out of the main bazar to drive up to the Tuhsil in the fort. In the course of time, the Nawab transferred his favour to Muhammad Roshan, a resident of Kanauj, and he becoming Miyan Sahib was enriched with gifts like his predecessors. He was styled Miyan Sahib Roshan Khan Bahadur.
Ahmad Khan’s wives. There were four wives:
1. Dulhin Begam—The daughter of Sanjar Khan, Pathan, zamindar of Rudain, parganah Kampil.
2. Rani Schiba—She was brought by the Nawab from the east at the time of the siege of Allahabad.
3. Bibi Kakhr-un-Nissa—the sister of Karm Khan.
4, Bibi Khairan—the mother of Muzaffar Jang and Dildaler Khan.
There were besides many concubines. In the above list it is difficult to identify the daughter of Sher Zaman Khan Dildzak of Jaunpur, who was, according to the Balwantndmah (year 1164 H.), one of the wives of Ahmad Khan. In that work there is a Karm Zaman Khan named as a nephew of Sher Zaman Khan, so possibly the Karm Khan of the Farrukh4- bad books was the Begam’s cousin instead of her brother. In that case the Jaunpur wife would be Fakhr-un-Nissa, No. 8 of the list.
Ahmad Khan’s children.
He had three sons and one daughter :
1. Mahmid Khin—Re died in his father’s lifetime and was buried in the Bihisht Bagh. Mahmiudganj in the town of Chibramau was founded by him (Kali Fae, p. 134). He left one son, Himmat Bahadur, who mar- ried ’Umdah Begam, daughter of Muzaffar Jang, and died in 1240 H. (August, 1824—August, 1825), leaving one daughter, Riyazat-un-Nissa, who was twice married, first to Imddd Husain Khan, son of Dildaler Khan ; se- condly to Himmat ’Ali Khan, a younger brother of her first husband.
_ 160 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
2. Daler Himmat Khan—Muzafiar Jang, who succeeded his father. He will be dealt with separately.
3. Dil Daler Khan—He retired to Benares about 1786, and the tradition is that he committed suicide there in January, 1799, at the time of Wazir ’Ali Khan’s rising. The story will be told in Part II. From the Agency records it appears, however, that he died on the 19th Sha’ban 1214 H. (18th January 1800), fully a year after Wazir ’Ali’s insurrection. He left four sons and three daughters, whose names with their alliances and descendants will be seen from the genealogical table appended to this Part.
4, Sttdra Begam—She married Muhammad Zaman Khan, son of Murtazza Khan Barsiri, z. e., the big-headed, fourth son of Nawab Muham- mad Khan. When she died, she was buried in the Kasim Bagh, beside her aunt, Roshan Jahan, eldest daughter of Nawab Muhammad Khan. She was supposed to share with her aunt the power of driving away evil spirits. Others point out her tomb in the Bihisht Bagh (see p. 157).
Ahmad Khan's Chelas.
According to the custom of the family, Nawab Ahmad Khan made about three or four hundred Hindu boys into chelas. Those who had charge of his territory acquired much wealth ; the rest who received only pay and gifts rose to no eminence. They were all known as Ghalib Bachha.
1. Zwlfikar Khan—In Ahmad Khan’s time there were three men known as nawabs, at whose houses the “ mawbat” was played: Ist, Ahmad Khan himself, called the Bare nawdéb ; 2nd, Zu’lfikar Khan, called the Majhle nawab ; 8rd, Daim Khan called the Chhote nawéb. Zu’lfikar Khan’s titles were “ Sharf-ud-daula Zu’lfikar Khan Bahadur Shamsher Jang.” His seal bore the inscription—
An kih dar bézue-pakash kuvvat khair dar est Az’atde Ahmadi khish Zwlfikér Haidar est.
He was Nazim of parganah Shamsabaéd and had his head-quarters at ’Aliganj, Tappa ’Azimnagar, (now in the Eta district). Up to 1839 a fine building, a ddgh, and women’s apartments existed there. He repaired all the dilapidations in the town wall and in the fort built there by Yakut Khan.
2. Déim Khan—Islam Khan, chela of Shamsher Khan, chela of Nawab Muhammad Khan, had two sons (1) Roshan Khan and (2) Daim Khan. ‘The elder brother, Roshan Khan, was one of the courtiers of Nawab Abmad Khan. When Daim Khan was six or seven years old, one day Roshan Khan took him in his pa/ki to the Nawab’s audience. The Nawab asked whose child he was. Roshan Khan replied, that he was his younger
1879.] WW. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad: 161
brother. The Nawab then asked his name, and he was told it was Daim. Ahmad Khan said he would adopt him and gave him the titles of ’Azim Jang Muhammad Daim Khan Bahadur, but he was popularly known as the Chhote Nawadb. When he grew up he was married with great display to Muni Bibi, the daughter of Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula.
In his childhood the Emperor Ahmad Shah had held. him in his lap, fed him and with his own hand put on his shoulders miniature kettle-drums (nakkarah and dawk?), thus conferring upon him the “ naubat.”
In 1889 buildings still existed in the city, which had been built by this ehela. (1.) ‘There was a masonry bridge (known still as “Pul-pukhta’’), in the middle of the city, which had stood then the heavy traftie of seventy or eighty years. ‘There were also (2) a masonry well with steps at the Mau gate, which is still in existence, although out of repair, and (3) a mansion within the fort, to the north of the Imaémbara ; it was afterwards occupied by Ahmad Yar Khan Naib (died 9th December, 1839).; and in 1839 was known by the name of Himmat Bahddur’s house. (4) Daim Khan’s Mahal-Sarae was at one side of the fort, in the low land, surroun- ded by the houses of poor people ; and near it was a private enclosed garden (Khana bagh). His descendants dismantled the buildings, sold the materials, and having consumed the proceeds, handed over the land to cultivators. (5) He also planted the dagh near the Mau gate called the Chahar Bagh, after- wards in the possession of the Nawab Rais, and (6) he planted a baégh and made a masonry well with four runs near the Madar Darwaza, traces of which existed in 1839. (7.) There is a Daimganj adjoining the town of Chibramau, which he established and named it after himself.
So long as the parganah belonged to the Farrukhabad Nawab, Daim Khan was the nominal manager of Parganah Shahpur-Akbarpur (now in the Cawnpur district). The jagir of Pukhrayan in that parganah was continued to him by Miyén Almas ’Ali Khan, the Audh ’Amil, and it remained with the family till it was sold by auction in 1845, in execution of a decree of the Civil court.
Déim Khan himself paid no attention to business, he left all such work to kdrindas who embezzled the money. Nawab Daim Khan would then be forced to pay out of his pocket, or would beg Ahmad Khan to remit the amount. His whole time was spent in taking his ease, in hunting with falcons or bajri (a kind of hawk), in shooting tigers, in chita hunting, in wrestling or gymnastics, in listening to singing or looking on at dancing. Nawab Ahmad Khan had given him lakhs of rupees or goods, by way of present, but he squandered it all in his pleasures. By Muni Bibi he had three sons: (1) Daler ’Ali Khan, entitled Fath Jang, (2) Rustam ’Ali Khan, (3) Ahmad ’Ali Khan. Daler ’Ali Khan had a son, Madar Khan, who turned fakir and took the name of Mabndi Shah. Rustam ’Al Khan
x
162 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
had no children. Ahmad ’Ali Khan had only one daughter, and she married a Pathan of some village near Koil. From Daim Khan was derived much of the information recorded by Bahadur ’Alj, joint author of the Lauh-i-Tértkh, his grandfather Sayyad Ghulam Hussain (who died 1226 H. January, 1811—January, 1812), having been for forty years in Daim Khan’s service, and lived at the gateway of his house in Far- rukhabad.
3. Fukhr-ud-daula—He was a chela of Muhammad Khan’s time (see p. 846, Vol. XLVIT.). He was Ahmad Khan’s first Bakhshi, and played a prominent part in the later years of that Nawab’s life, and in the first year of Muzaffar Jang’s reign. He was assassinated in 1772-3 and is buried in the Bihisht Bagh.
4. Rahmat Khan—He was the son of Jahan Khan, chela of Muham- mad Khan. He became second Bakhshi. He was fond of men of learning and passed his time in fasting and prayer. He was noted for his generosity and bravery.
5. Haji Sarfardz Khén—He was the third Bakhshi. He had the peculiarity of prefacing every sentence he spoke with the words “ B’ism- allah.”
6. Naémdér Khin—No. 29 in list of Muhammad Khan’schelas. The fourth Bakhshi.
7. DMihrbén Khén—He held the post of Diwan. He was the son of a Rajah whose father, during the Allahabad campaign, presented him to the Nawab. He was a poet, had written a Diwdn and was very eloquent ; Wali-ullah gives us a specimen of his poetry. The celebrated poets, Mirza Rafi’ Sauda and Mir Soz, were for a long time in his employ.
8. Lslam Khén—At one time he held the office of third Bakhshi. He had a house close to the Buland Mahal in the fort (which in 1839 was occu- pied by Nawab Tajammul Husain Khan, Zafar Jang). Once Nawab Ahmad Khan asked him how many sons he had. Isl4ém Khan replied, that he had five, Amana, Karamata, Bakwa, Rahmana, Barhna. The Nawab, out of sympathy for his large family, appointed him Faujdar of Kasganj (mow in the Eta district). Islam Khan started, taking as usual some of the Nawab’s foot soldiers and a couple of guns. When the money-dealers and land- holders came to present their offerings to the new Faujdar, Islam Khan, addressing them in full durbar, said he had been sent to procure money, and within eight days the monied men must produce one lakh of rupees. He would give a bond making the money repayable with interest from the in- coming revenue. ‘They all began to make excuse. Then Islim Khan set up a triangle and had several money-lenders flogged. To save their honour, the rest joined together to provide the lakh of rupees. Isl4m Khan gave them a bond for the amount.
1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 163
He then wrote to the Pathans of Mau, Kaimganj and Shamsabad, call- ing for men to take service. Any one between twelve and sixty years of age might present himself, and the Amil’s message was, that if he refused to employ them, on him should be the curse ; if they failed to come, on them let it be. In one month he had collected five thousand men. He then marched from Kasganj towards Marahra and began to plunder the villages of the Hathras* and Mursan Rajahs,f both now in the Aligarh district. The peo- ple began to ask what sort of a Tahsildar this was who, instead of looking after his parganah, got together an army and went to war.
It was reported to Nawab Ahmad Khan that Islam Khan, having levied a lakh of rupees from the Kasgan] money-lenders by threats of imprison- ment, had started with an army, and had already plundered the Jat of Mur- sin. It was said that he had reached Firtizdbad ;{ that he had surrounded it with his horsemen and had not retired till he had received twenty thou- sand rupees.
Nawab Ahmad Khan sent a parwanah to Islam Khan by a camel rider’s hand, saying he had only intended to provide him with enough to live on, what was this that he had done? By entering another’s territory and plundering in all directions, he had caused disgrace to his master’s name. Islam Khan’s reply was, that the Nawab had no reason to be dissatisfied, for in two months he would seat him on the throne of Delhi. His army had risen to close upon ten thousand men.
The Rajah of Hathras wrote to complain of the invasion, and the Nawab replied, that the slave had rebelled, and the Rajah should punish him. On receiving this reply, the Rajah of Hathras called on the Rajah of Bhartpur, a J4t and related to him, for the aid of his troops. The Rajah of Bhart- pur sent one thousand men to Hathras. There were several encounters with Islam Khan’s troops, and numbers were killed on both sides. At length Islam Khan’s army was defeated, and all his money was used up. Then Islim Khan mounted his Irani mare, and rode in one day from near Mursain to Farrukhabad. On hearing that he had arrived, the Nawab sent for him and enquired why he had behaved like a scoundrel in plundering the country. His answer was, that he had determined to take Delhi and seat the Naw4b upon the Imperial throne, but fate had not so willed it The Nawab was forced to smile, and after a long time he was restored to his post of Bakhshi. Meanwhile his army, on being left to itself, dispersed.
They say that this chela was by caste a Kalar (spirit-dealer). His
* Gaz. N. W. P. II, p. 429.
+ Gaz. N. W. P. II, p. 435.
{ This cannot be the place of that name between Agra and Etawah, and I know of no other.
164 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,
five sons adopted the Shia heresy, and two of them were killed at the Far- rukhabad Karbala during the Muharram ceremonies. They were named Ibrahim Khan and Rahman Khan (Rahmana). Another son was killed in a private quarrel at the door of Rahmat Khan Sawarah-walad, The fourth died a natural death. The fifth, Aman Khan, was alive when Bahadur ’Ali wrote in 1839.
Tsl4m Khan is said to have been in twelve fights, and he had received many wounds. Every day he drank spirits, but in Farrukhabaéd in Muzaffar Jang’s time that was thought no fault. If any friend asked him his sect he would say, “ Besides Allah, I know nothing, and my creed is this ‘ La- “ ¢1lah-illa-allah, Ahmad Khan rasil allah, for has he not made me from “a Hindu into a Muhammadan.” He wasso attached to intoxicating liquor that on the day he died, some hour or two before his death, he had a bot- tle of spirits and acup beside him. He went on demanding spirits from his sons and drinking. One son said “ Khan Sahib, your death is now “near, renounce wine, and God will forgive your sins.” He said to him, “‘ My son, why renounce it now, I never did so when I was well, bring me “the wine-cup and fill it to the brim.” He drank and shortly after expired. As an instance of his freedom of spirit, they relate that he was once sent as Kotwal to Mau, which he brought into thorough order. One day, however, a Pathan attacked him and cut him with a knife. Islam Khan came away at once and remarked to the Nawab that his sons-in-law, 7. ¢., the Pathans, were coming to take possession of his city and fort.
9. Dilédwar Khéin—Called Chunti or the ant, from the extreme iras- cibility of his temper. I know not if this is the Dilawar ’Ali Khan men- tioned by Kali Rae, (p. 108) who was ’Amil of ’Azimnagar. That man had been a Thakur, and was the son eof Dhan Singh and the brother of Tej Singh.
10. Sulaiman Khén—Darogha of camels.
11. Shujat-dil Khan—Called Shuja’-ud-daula, who held the office of Khansaman.
12. Musharraf Khan—Mir Tozak. He was a chela of Muhammad Khan’s time.
13. Jowthir Khén—’ Arz Begi.
14, Bakht-buland Khéan—Apparently this is the son of Baz Bahadur Khan, mentioned by Kali Rae, p. 108, Gaz. IV, 69.
15. Mubdarik Khén.
16. Bdazid Khén—Khansaman.
17. Sufi Khén—He was originally Gauhar Singh, Thakur of Daulat- Abad, Parganah Sakrawah (Kali Rae, p. 188). He held Majhupur in that Parganah in jagzr.
1879 | W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 165
18. Kaifi Khén.
19. Jamal Khan.
20. Kamal Khan.
21. Zardfat Khan Umra-zaddah—He established a village on the road from Farrukhabad to Kanauj, but in 1839 there was nothing left standing but a broken masonry gate.
22. <Afiah Khan.
23. Tala war Khan.
24, Shamsher Khan.
25. Bara Khén—Masjid Wala.
26. Mahtab Khan.
27. Pahdr Khan.
28. Shdadil Khan.
29. Badal Khan.
30. Mangal Khan.
31. Neknam Khan.
32. Muzaffar-dil Khan.
33. Manavvar Khan,
34. Kale Khin— Arz-begi.
35. Muhammad Yar Khan—Daipuri.
Besides these, there were scores of slaves employed in various ways, some carried gold sticks, and others coloured bambus. Some were provided with caps like those of the Aizdl-bash or the Faringis. A large number were occupied with the charge of the war material. Others were personal servants, such as abddrs, attendants at the bath-room, keepers of rosaries, attendants to help in the ablutions for prayers, for driving away flies, for preparing and offering pdn, or for carrying shoes. To guard the private apartments, where the Nawab slept, was the duty of a trusty servant, Shah Beg Khan Bangash. The guards of the inner and the outer doorway were Shamsher Khan, Gulsher Khan, chela, and Bakhtéwar Khan, chela, The command of the fort was held by Mir Muhammad Fazl ’Ali.
[No. 2,
W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad.
166
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167 Descendants of Almad Khan Ghalib Jang, second son of Muhammad Khan.
Iv.
AHMAD KHAN, Died 12th July, 1771.
1, Mahmid Khén, died before July, 171.
Ws
2. DALER HIMMAT KHAN, Muzaffar Jang, died 22nd oe 1796.
3, Dil Daler Khén,
died 18th Jan, 1800.
4, Sitéra Begam, wife of Mhd. Zamén Khén, son of Maurtazza Khan.
3. Imdéd Husain Khan, d.s. p.
m. to dr. of
died 19th Nov. 1840, Himmat Bahédur.
4, Himmat 'Ali Khin, m. to widow of his brother (No. 3.)
5. Wiléyati
13th Sept. 1824,
Ronin By Umrao Begam, By Achpal Khanum, By Sahib yy akan died 11th Nov. 1810. died 4th Juno, 1843, Begam. . ————— - : Fe ER = ———S> SS are Himmat Bahadur, 2. mathe Hussain 1. Rustam’Ali 3. Wana 4, Fazl-un-nissa, 6. Najib aun nissa, 6 Nawal weeem, 7. Amis Began, 8, panier, 9. pavehice, 1, amma 2. ae Ali fn, wife of m, to m. to . te dir m. {i Khén, aa NASIR “JANG, ao Himmat Bahadur, M.’Ali Khém, Ahmad’Ali Khin, Husain Ali Khim, Hasan ’Ali Khén, Jahan Bogam, Bu ’Ali Khén. m.d. of. alias Mi a ‘ang, died let Fob. 1813. eldest son of second son of son of son of d.s. p. Muzaffar Jang, Banérsi, Serna ss DilDaler Khén, Dil Daler Khém, Am{n-ud-daula, © Am{n-ud-daula, 30th June, 1826. (By Sarfuréz, Mahal), d. 24th Jan. 1847. teal died dic Taeeeraecae 22nd Oct. 1864, 28rd May, 1870, 17th Aug. 1842, Muzaffar Jang. I vu. . Riyézat-un-nissa 1, Khidim Husain 2. NasratJang, 3. Kudsiya Begam, | Begam, Khén, died mo : rede SHAUKAT ogth Feb. 1885, Zahir “Ali Khén, 1. Muhammad 2. Ahmad Husain 3. Firiz Jang, 4, Sultan Aliya 24th April, 1843, JANG, m. to Husain Khén, Khan, born 1801, Begam, 1st Imdéd born Sultan Aliya d. 8. p. born 1817. died m. to aia Khén, 20th March, 1803, Begam, 26th July, 1878, Nasrat Jang, son of. d. of 5. D. son of Dil Daler Khén ; 9th ie arate Mhd ’Ali Khén. Nawab Nasir 2nd Himmat ’Ali Jang, Khén, I e younger son of aly oth Aug. 1864, same. (By Mukhtér Mahal. Yul. Ix. TAJAMMUL eee Fazl Hasain "Ali See Care Husain Turdb-un-nissa Bakir Husain Akbar Husain Husn Ara HUSAIN HUSA. an, in, Bega Khan, Khan, Begam. KHAN, KHAN, d.s.p. hanged mito. born 1857. born 1841. se bon born 15th Jan. 1858, Ahmad Husain 31st Jan. 1823, 26th Oct. 1827, Khan. died s. 4th Dec. 1846, p 9th Noy. 1846. exiled 1859. I | ; (By Balkus Zaméniah atias Bigga Begam.) (By Nishét Mahal.) y —S) Afeul Husain Aghar Husain Ashraf-un-nissa Muzafiar Husain *Indyat Began, Daughter. Wajid TMusain Anyad Husain Akhtar Husain Asghar Husain Imddd Husain ss, Khan, Begam, Khan. mt 6 a Name unknown, Khan, Khén, Khan. Khan, Khan. orn. . 8. P. Mirza Sikan m. to Ist ee) 12th March, 1875. Bakht. Daler Jang, son of ‘7th Nov. 1871, N. Husain ’Ali Khan, son of Amin-ud-daula. (By Musammét Shubratin.) Akhtar er Began Zaby Begam,
28th ay 1873,
Nore,—The names in italics are those of persons still alive in 1879.
5. Daughter, m. to ‘Tajammul Husain
6. Jahin Begam, m. to Diliwar Jang, son of Husain ’Ali Khén, son of Amin-ud-daula,
Zahir ’Ali Khén, m. to Kudsiya Begam, d. of
Nasir Jang.
Daughter, Batkus Zamaniah alias
Bigga Begam, m. Ist to N. Tajammul Husain hin and 2ndly
to
Nawab Tafazzul Husain Khin.
6. Daughter m. to Dénishmand Khin,
7. Datglter
Muzainne "Ali Khin, son of Kutb 'Ali Khén,
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1879.]
hyuuinf syingr-jn-upying, uy ampwg f0 219MT pnorbopwouay
170 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad.
Genealogical Table of Safdar Jang’s family.
Yusuf Turkman. Shah Jahén. Bidagh Shah.
Hasan ’Ali Mirza.
Manstir Mirza, (who removed to Naishapur from Tabriz.)
Muhammad Kuli Beg.
Biuhammad Shafi’ Ja’far Khan Beg, Khan Beg. m. sister of Burhan-ul-Mulk Sa’dat Khan,
Mirza Mirza, Muhsin ’Izzat-ud-daula, Muhammad Mukim m. sister of Safdar Jang, Nawab Najaf Khan, m. daughter of died Rabi II, 1162 H. Sa’dat Khan, (March—April, 1749.) Burhan-ul-Mulk,
died 1753.
Muhammad Kuli Khin, Fatima Begam, Jalal-ud-din Haidar, (Naib of Allahabad, m. to Shuja’-ud-daula, 1760—1761,) Mirz4 Isma’il, died Jan. 1776. m. daughter of brother of Burhan-ul-Mulk. Najaf Khan. Mirz4 Amani Sa’dat ’ Ali Khan. Asaf-ud-daula, died 1813. died 1798. Mirza
Wazir ’Ali Khan.
1879.1 F. 8. Growse—The Sect of the Pran-néthis. 171
The Sect of the Prén-nithis—By F. 8. GrowsE, Bengal Oivil Service, M. A. OXON, C. I. E:
The small and obscure sect of the Pran-nathis is one of the few, of whose literature Prof. Wilson, in his Essays on the Religion of the Hin- dus, was unable to furnish a specimen. This I am now in a position to supply, having obtained while at Mathura a copy of one of the poems of Pran-nath himself, from the sole representative of the sect in that city. It is very curious, both from the advanced liberalism of its theological ideas and also from the uncouthness of the language, in which the construction of the sentences is purely Hindi, while the vocabulary is mainly supplied from Persian and Arabic sources. The writer, a Kshatriya by caste, lived at the beginning of the 18th century and was under the special patronage of Chhattrasal, the famous Raja of Panna in Bundelkhand, who is com- monly said by the Muhammadans to have been converted to Islam, though in reality he only went as far as Pran-nath, who endeavoured to make a compromise between the two religions. His followers are sometimes called Dhamis, from Dhdm, a name of the Supreme Spirit or Paramatma. Like the Sikhs and several of the later Hindu sects they are not idolators, so far that they do not make or reverence any image of the divinity, but if they have any temple at all, the only object of religious veneration which it contains is a copy of the works of the founder. His treatises,—which, as usual, are all in verse—are fourteen in number, none of them of very great length, and bear the following titles: 1, The book of Ras; 2, of Prakas; 3, of Shat-rit ; 4, of Kalas; 5, of Sanandh ; 6, of Kirantan; 7, of Khuldsa; 8, ot Khel-bat ; 9, of Prakrama Ilahi Dulhan (an allegory in which the Church or ‘ Bride of God’ is represented as a holy city); 10, of Sagar Singér ; 11, of Bare Singar; 12, of Sidhi Bhasa; 13, of Marafat Sagar; 14, of Kiya- mat-nama. The shortest is the last, of which I now proceed to give the text, followed by an attempt at a translation, which I am afraid is not altogether free from error, as I am not much versed in Koranic literature and may have misunderstood some of the allusions. The owner of the MS., Karak Das by name, though professing so liberal a creed, was not a particu- larly enlightened follower of his master, for I found it impossible to con- vinee him that the Isa of the Koran, so repeatedly mentioned by Pran-nath, was really the same as the incarnate God worshipped by the Hnglish. Like most of the Bairagis and Gosains with whom I have talked, his idea was that the fiery and impetuous foreign rulers of the country were Straj-ban- sis, or Descendants of the Sun, and that the sun was the only God they
we
172 F. 8. Growse-—Zhe Sect of the Pran-nathis. [No. 2,
recognized, as was evidenced by their keeping the Sunday holy in his honour.
But without further preface to proceed to the text of the poem. It stands as follows :—
) aretz
TE SAA | RSA STE | sat afar sina =z | Asis AAR Fate |
AAS Slat RE Fata 2 Sl Fz ara Saa faxerc | HS CS St Efaaix | qfaaaara a aia |
SUS HA Ba FAA RU qa staat Ste HA | MX BAA ASLaTa
UT ecATSa MT Faia | SALES USNS ART || BI faa fea Stet Sat ae | Sx aaah SIA Fa |
AE STS BME TAS |
aq atx fata aret Fa | 8 BT RST Sarat FIT TAIT | fara savant ATSX HET | TAME SAT ALS AME | fear fautet BsSiEea | Il wat feq wat Gaaata |
aq Waste wis xaia |
A AI Bel Bs qeia |
& faare eat faa sia ne | aq a aa se fadta |
da BALA TA Wl =a | A frat wit fame ai |
1879.) F. S. Growse—The Sect of the Pran-nathis,
a faara aa ASAT TE | 9 | SEBA TSA aay Bz | frat eit Viz Fre | zu faa ze faute aiz | Maa HS Sat ats |) < | Zl ace xara ATE | fart Tass HLeT Test |
aS EN SG BMT ATLA AMS | Zl WATE JTS ATMS | ¢ | AIL FLA SHE St Ty | Ql aT WaaTTayH TS I atfaa we farsa ate | HARE Wt MSA Ais ii Re | ME ASA SqFt St TST | =a faa faa etsin AST I TAL Ul ASAT AT | fat HS St UTA UTE 1) 22 I sifsrraaret ae z | Uae eat fea 2 | BMC REll Fa | Face se a GH DH aia | 22 | SHE Kat Be Tala | qeaaAa WHE aaa | = fear dtu fame aia | ateat Faure ara 1 US We Lal HPAES Ble zaia | SARE SMe RL Aaia | Wat Sat Brat srSst | fea feet Sat Fan wet 1 28 SALT VAN TSE | at Seana ata aa | aae ale fra See | Al AMCs SS Te wy,
174
F. S. Growse—The Sect of the Pran-naths.
SW Sat Set BATE |
ATA WaT SAT FAN |i
qq BAG Await aaa |
H Bea AU SA AAA | ee |i Sant MAAsAt ATL ITs } aaa feat Bis WITETs | WMA BAMA Tet UE | Biss faut stsx Het | 9 ki RC Ga Ba arent BAS |
Te sat Hei TA Sl aval AAS | qa FSF FSe Ela |
ae Sat Fat F Aaa | We I SUL Ait Al SIS VS ala |
Z qa otaa feat ata |) SAE MAIS FT |
Ba WAL ME F AT re ti aq taiat see Taney |
ata 2at 22 feaa i
aia arat fegent <egia | farq ga Wea acta | Re qa uot sat faa ay | ala a Mest Aa ATs I faati Hed Rime site |
Ar saat Reet feata | Re aq at a fata aia | Slat Walae ALAA |
qa feat eACAA TTS YT |
| fart sat Gaait aret FAT 1 RR
ace fear ate Feast iz | Ue Fala Wa AUT I
Sr Saas BC Haz |
Al PAAT UTA WLAT | Rs I vat fecatat net fanc |
[No. 2,
F. 8S. Growse—The Sect of the Prén-néthis.
sae feqana qaaagga |) PX BUT SALA TATAT Was | Al Al AHS WRIA WATS | Re | uiaa fame Se qaia |
a aati At se Sat Reta sic feeat Raarara at wet | FARIA ATATT At ti RY SAH ALA THLE |
AGLA AULT Tel Fe i
Als RA VIS FIT STS TH Fz | farar a} ALSS TIT || RE | Ql xarea ate fast gz |
faat erat 4 WSS Ge II areat Frat AARNE |
atat faaatt TET TIE || R9 || Baa Ae fas BAe |
Sa RATA ALE Fan | BANC Ae LA ACH | Ql MSH ATA SA | AE I FRE RS FAT TST Be |
TMH BT FS TT AT |
alert TAA TE ALT |
Bq TATA Aaa TELS RE | F SUH FS AA Uz |
TT BAA Bal BBE | Beat Bat AA Ae |
Fel A Cell AIX AT |i Be | aa frarat <= ara |
Fe aa Bet fet aia |
EAI BAT STS FHS AT | ATA HT BIST SA ST |) Be STAT Heiaay Ul SLi |
Fla TS afeaa Ais |)
176
F. §. Growse—Zhe Sect of the Pran-nathis.
Ral SRA ALMA Laat | Sy MS BMAAata wea || 2 I SaSat Vilar Fara |
aq setaat frat fara | WIE FeAl FATE <A |
At Tita BRA fax VF |) 32 II aq Use] AST ATA |
ATA Bt Y RE aa |
= faa atae fame |
Alay BCS BAslAA Se | Be | GAARA AA THATS | TA AACA ALASUTE |
we fare aa UT I
GIT HZLAR ATS SAT || BY | YX Sat ASA BSN |
fatt <ts wz facets |
saa fear Sea SAH STI | HE TAA LAR ATT | SE | AM TSS SS Fata | RUKIA VE TAA | TMA ARLILAT AE WAT | mix TA ASMA asx || Bo | Se Gee fants St faa | Ql Gat A Atel Sai | MA Fant Sa Sz |
AA SAAR REIS AT || BEI HI St Ax Va le Taq | SS USK BI Aaa |
BSS TATA SZ STgaia | AST UTTAR AAA || BE | SERIA ML Bal ST | FEA CAA ALAA Az |}
Utes AST VN ATE |
[No. 2,
1879.] F. 8. Growse— The Sect of the Prin-nithis. 177
aq Al eataA TAA GA |i Be |
faa SIT STST UE |
amt AAA A ST AS |
a fee Seti Te |
PIAA J AS TSS |) €2 |
FY | AT 8 | WTATATATAT TAT TATA || * |
Translation. THE DAY OF JUDGMENT.
Go tell the chosen people; Arise, ye faithful, the day of judgment is at hand. I speak according to the Kuran and make my declaration before you. All ye heads of the chosen people, stand up and attend. The Testa- ment (Wastyat-nama)* gives evidence : Eleven centuries shall be com- pleted after the blessing of the world by the Kuran and by him who was merciful to the poor. A voice shall come from the tabernacle and Gabriel shall take them to the appointed place. For three days there shall be gloom and confusion and the door of repentance shall be closed. And what ? shall there be any other way{? Nay, no one shall be able to befriend his neighbour.§
Say now what shall be the duration of this life, and what the clear signs of the coming of the last day. Christ shall reign for forty years, as is written in the 28th sipdra. Hindus and Musalmans shall both alike bring their creed to the same point. And what shall come about, when the Kurdn has thus been taken away ? this is a matter, which I would have you now attentively consider.
When 990 years are past, then the Lord Christ will come. This is written in the 11th sipéra: I will not quote a word wrongly.|| The Spirit of God (i. e., Christ) shall be clothed in vesture of two different kinds ; so it is stated in the Kurdn. This is in the 6th sip4ra; whoever doubts me may see it there for himself. These now are the years of Christ, as I am going to state in detail. Take ten, eleven and twelve thirty times (that is
* Wastyat-ndma is, I believe, a general name including both the Kurdn and the Hadis, which together make up the Muhammadan rule of faith; but I have not been able to trace the particular tradition, to which reference is here made as specifying the exact number of years that are to elapse before Christ’s second coming.
+ Gabriel is accounted God’s ordinary messenger, but here I should rather have looked for Israfil, whose duty it will be to sound the trumpet at the last day.
{ Reves may possibly stand for ravish.
§ Khes is for kiwesh, a kinsman.
|| In spite of this emphatic assertion, the quotation would appear to be incorrect, for the 11th sipara contains no such prophecy,
178 F. 8. Growse—The Sect of the Pran-nathis. [No. 2,
to say, 10 + 11 + 12 x 80 = 990). ‘Then Christ shall reign 40 years. The other 70 years that remain (after 990 + 40, to make up 1100) are for the bridge Sirat. The saints will cross it like a flash of lightning ; the pious with the speed of a horse ; but as for the merely nominal believers who remain, for them there are 10 kinds of hell;* the bridge Sirat is like the edge of a sword, they fall or they get cut in pieces, none cross over. This is stated in the A’miyat-salinm ; go and look at it carefully. The statement is clear, but your heart is too blind to see it. Christ stands for 10,+ the Imam for 11, and in the 12th century there shall be the perfect day-break. 'This is written in the A’m sipdra, which is the 30th.
When Christ, Muhammad and the Imam are come, every one will come and bow before them. But you should see not with the eyes of the body, but after reflection with the eyes of the soul. Azézil saw in person, but would not bow to Adam, Though he had done homage times without number, it all went for nothing, When they saw his pride,{ the curse was pronounced and he became an outcast. Then Azazil asked a boon: “ Adam has become my enemy. I will pervert the ways of his descendants and reign in the hearts of them all.” Thus it was between Adam and Azazil, as is clearly stated in the 8th sipara. You take after him in sense, but what can you do, since you are his offspring. You look for Dajjal§ out- side, but he sits at your heart, according to the curse.
You have not understood the meaning of the above: listen to me now with the ears of the spirit. In like manner as He has always come, so will he come again. All the Prophets have been of Jewish race—look through them with the eyes of the soul—that is, they have sprung from the midst of Hin- dus, whom you call Kafirs. Search now among your own people; the Lord has never been born among them. ‘The races, whom you call heathen, will all be sanctified through him. The Lord thinks scorn of no man, but is com- passionate to all who are humble. A veil is said to be over the Lord’s face. What, do you not know this? By the veil is meant ‘among Hin- dus’ ; mere reading does not convey the hidden intention ; if you look only to the letter, how can you grasp the spirit? Thus is declared the glory of the Hindus, that the last of the Prophets shall be of them. And the Lord Christ, that great Prophet, was the King of the poor Jews. This is stated in the 5th sipara; if you do not believe me, go and examine the Kuran yourself. It is also stated in the Hindu books that Budh Kalanki will assuredly come. When he has come, he will make all alike ; east and
* This is the Hindu computation ; the Muhammadans reckon only seven hells.
+ This is intended to explain the curious calculation given above, ten, eleven and twelve multiplied by thirty.
{ A’kdr here would seem to stand for ahamkar.
§ Dajjal, here the spirit of evil generally, is properly the name of Antichrist.
1879. | F, S. Growse—TZhe Sect of the Pran-nithis. 179
west will both be under him. Some one will say, ‘ Will both be at once ®’ This too I will clear up, explaining the intention to the best of my ability ; without a guide you would not get atthe truth. Kalanki, it is said, will be on a horse—this every one knows—and astrologers say that Vijayabhinand will make an end of the Kali Yug. Now the Gospel says that Christ is the head of all, and that He will come and do justice. The Jews say, that Moses is the greatest, and that all will be saved through him. All follow different customs and proclaim the greatness of their own master. Thus idly quarrelling they fix upon different names; but the end of all is the same, the Supreme God. Hach understands only his own language, but there is no real difference at bottom. All the Scriptures bear witness that there are different names in different languages ; but truth and untruth are the two incompatibles, and Maya and Brahm have to be distinguished from one another. In both worlds there was confusion ; some walking by the law of Hindu, others by the law of Muhammadan ceremonial. But know- - ledge has revealed the truth and made clear both heaven and earth: as the sun has made manifest* all creation and harmonized the whole world: so the power of God bears witness to God ; he speaks and all obey. All who perform acts of religious worship, do them to the Lord ; the word of the Most High has declared it so. It is written in the third sipara that he opened the gates of the highest heaven.
The Lailat-ul-Kadr (or night of power) has three contentions: on the third dawn the judgment will commence. The spirits and angels will appear in person, for it was on that night that they descended : + the bless- ings of a thousand months descended also. The chiefs will be formed into two companies; God will give them his orders and through them there shall be salvation. This is abundantly attested by the Kurdn; the state- ment is in the Ind-anzal-né Chapter. After the third contention will be the dawn ; in the eleventh century it will be seen.
And what is written in the first siparaP you must have seen that. They who accept the text kun are to be called true believers. Now if any one is a true believer, let him bear witness and prove the fact. Put off sloth ; be vigilant ; discard all pride of learning.t He who hears with
* For kheldya I propose to read khulaya ; but even so, the meaning elicited is not very satisfactory.
+ The allusions are to the chapter of the Kuran called the Strat-ul-Kadr, which is a8 follows: “ Verily we have caused the Kurdn to descend on the night of power. And who shall teach thee what the night of power is? The night of power excelleth a thousand months; therein descend the angels and the spirit by permission of their Lord in every matter; and all is peace till the breaking of the morn.”
¢ The text “wn is the parallel of the Mosaic phrase, “ And God said ‘ Let there be light,’ and there was light.”
180 F. S. Growse—Zhe Sect of the Pran-nathis. [No. 2,
perfect faith* will be the first to believe. Afterwards when the Lord has been revealed, aii will believe. Heaven and hell will be disclosed, and none will be able to profit another. Lay your soul at your master’s feet ; this is what Chhattrasal tells you.
* Hakk-ul-Yakin, ‘perfect faith,’ is faith without seeing, which alone is merito- rious; for all who see must perforce believe.
JOURNAL
OF THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
— }—
Part I—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e,
eee
No. JII.—1879.
Rough Notes on the Distribution of the Afghan Tribes about Kandahar.*— By Urnur. R. C. Tempxe, lst Goorkhas, (with two maps).
I was employed in foraging in advance of General Stewart’s Division during the march back from Kelat-i-Ghilzai to Kandahar, 1st to 10th Febru- ary 1879,—afterwards in taking a convoy of camels to Col. Patterson’s recon- noitring expedition down the Arghisan valley, 13th to 23rd February, and these rough notes are the result of such information as I had time to pick up regarding the population of the villages I passed en route. At the foot of the Maps accompanying these notes, I have given a list of the villages inhabited by the various tribes of Afghans found in those parts so that the reader can see for himself how they are distributed ; but the following addi- tional notes may prove useful.
Nearly all the Afghans living in the Kandahar district are Durdnis of the Popalzai and Barakzai sections. Of these the Pdpalzais mainly occupy the valley of the Tarnak as far as Shahr-i-Saffa and the Barakzais the whole valley of the Arghisan to Marif. Beyond Shahr-i-Saffa (now mere- ly a ruined mound), as far as Jaldak in the Tarnak valley, the Alikdzai section of the Duranis is found ; the Ghilzais not being seen till the neigh- bourhood of Kelat-i-Ghilzai is reached.
* The local pronunciation of this word is as nearly as possible Kandhar, the second syllable which probably really exists between the d and the h being so short as to be scarcely audible. [It is commonly identified with the Sanskrit Gandhara (a=a1X) ; Kp. |
Z
182 R. C. Temple—Rough Notes on the Distribution of — [No. 3,
As may be supposed, a large city like Kandahar has attracted Afghans of all kinds of tribes to itself, and in its neighbourhood is found one Kakar village, Malang, but it isa small one. The Modmands again have a large village which has lately changed its site, as the name, Koneh Momand, of some neighbouring ruins testifies.
There is a large colony of Ghilzais* about 6 miles from Kandahar owning some eight villages about Taraki Kulachay which is, as its name signi- fies, a hamlet of the Taraki section of the Ghilzais. Sayads are found scattered about in this as in other parts of Afghanistan. The hamlet of Sayad Mohammad Shah is, or rather was, the residence of the late Wazir of the Amir in these parts. And lastly colonies of one section are found scattered here and there in the country of another. The villages of Tang (Popalzai), Khaugani Kéréz (Khigidnis), M4kidn (Makus), in the midst of the Barakzai villages of the Arghis4n valley, are cases in point.
With these exceptions the population of both the Tarnak and Arghi- sin valleys respectively, as far as Keldt-i-Ghilzai and M4rif, are Durdni Pathdns of the Popalzai, Alikozai and Barakzai sections. Near Kandahar villages of mixed populations are common, such as Deh-i-Khoja, which I have set down as being Pépalzai, and Shahzada which I have called Ghilzai, mean- ing of course that the bulk of the population is Pépalzai and Ghilzai respec- tively in each, but further up the valleys, mixed villages are not often met with.
Numerous subdivisions or septs of the main sections of Durdnis are found in the above villages. Of the Popalzais I was told the following lived about the Kandahar district :—
Sadozais, (in Pungi).
Bamézais.
Né6azais, (in Kadanei valley towards the Khojak Pass). Madozais.
Marsingzais.
Khanzais.
SU gp Ex ES C8 b=
. Atabzais. Of the Alikdzais, the following : 1. Sandarzais, (in Arghisan Valley). 2. Karazais. 3. Nausazais. Of the Barakzais, the following : 1. Mohammadzais. 2. Sulimanzais.
* This word is usually pronounced locally Ghilzai, but sometimes Aghalzai. + Kala means village and Kuldcha little village or hamlet.
1879.] the Afghan Tribes about Kandahar. 183
3. Khunsézais.
4. Baianzais. Of Panjpao Duranis :
1. Alizais.
2. Nuyzais.
3. Khigianis.*
4, Makus.
5. Sagzais.
The above subdivisions are not all to be found in the official list of the subdivisions of the Afghan tribes, in which the Sadozai and Bamézai sections of the Popalzais are the only ones given,while no subdivisions are given in it of the great Barakzai section, and the three subdivisions above given of the Alik6zai section differ in name from the three given in the official list. The acknowledged imperfection of the official list and the great number of sub- divisions, into which every tribe or even section of a tribe of Afghans is split up, would easily account for my names varying from those found in it. T asked a great number of questions regarding these subdivisions, and as far as I know, the above information is correct.
One curious point turned up during my interrogations. Several of those I questioned would not acknowledge the Achakzais as Duranis, though of course there can be no doubt as to their being so, while they admitted the K4kozai and Achalzai subdivisions of the Achakzais into the Barakzai section. I saw no Achakzais about Kandahar, though the Khojak Pass is held entirely by them.+ The S4gzais found in the Arghisan valley are not mentioned in the official list of the Panjpao Duranis. But I was assured, they were Durdanis and neither Pépalzais or Barakzais, but of a lower descent, 7. e., they were Panjpaos. If not a section of the Panjpaos, they are probably a subdivision of one of the sections.
As regards the pronunciation of the names, the termination zai is some- times pronounced almost as zoi (two syllables) especially in the Arghisdn
* This name is pronounced Khaugan in the Arghisin valley and their village called Khaugani K4réz (the name Karéz, beg given a village, does not now argue the existence of a Kéréz in its neighbourhood, it is merely an affix), similarly the Maékus are called Makidns and their village Makian. The term Panjpao is usually also pro- nounced Panjpée about Kandahar.
+ The Achakzais are said to have been originally part of the Barakzais who were separated from them for political reasons. Mir Aslam Khan the Sirdar or chief of the Achakzais calls himself Abdal ? Abdali = old name for Durani.
~ Duranis are divided into Zirak Duranis with 4 sections, Popalzais, Alikézais, Barakzais, Achakzais, and into Panjpao Durdnis with 5 sections, Nirzais, Alizais, Ishakzais, Khigianis, Makus. The Zirak descent is considered by far the most honor= able,
184 R. C. Temple— Rough Notes on the Distribution of [No. 3,
valley. The name I have given as Pungi has a very peculiar pronunciation like Pungai, and a similar sound is heard in Landé Karéz, as if it were Landai Karéz. The sound Néjoi is also peculiar in the o which is softened almost to the German 6, as if it were Nejoi. Khé]-i-Akhund is also called Khél-i-Akhwand. Deh-i-Nao is often called Ndo-i-Deh or Navvi Deh (= new town). Beyond the extremely guttural sound of the Pushtu con- sonants, heard in these words, there is little to be noticed but the following. Saifu-l-lah is pronounced often as Zaipullah, Zanghir Khan as Tanghir Khan, Khunsézai as Khunchazai. * . There is considerable difficulty in discovering the name of a villaget for the following reasons :—A village may be called by six different names by guides ; those thoroughly acquainted with the locality would recognise it by any one, others less well acquainted will only know it by some of them. Thus a village may be called (1) after the district or tract of land in which it is situated. Takht-i-pul is such a name, Mel Manda is another; villages ten miles apart are all called Takht-i-pul or Mel Manda, simply because they are situatedin the tracts so named. (2) It may be called after the section of the tribe which inhabits it, thus Barakzai ; (3) after the subdivision, thus Khun- sézai or Muhammadzai ; (4) after its late owner if recently dead ; (5) after its present owner ; thus Kala-i-Ntir-uddin Khén merely means Nur-uddin Khan’s village and the owner’s is usually the proper name of a village ; (6) after its own name. To give an example the village, marked Amin Kala on map No. 1, was named to me as Barakzai, Muhammadzai, Amin Kala and Latif Khan. Latif Khan is its present owner, Amin Khan was the late owner, Muhammadzai is the subdivision and Barakzai the section of the tribe in- habiting it. It will be easily seen that the more general of these terms are known at a distance, while the more specific ones only in the immediate neighbourhood of a village—and this is what one has to look out for in ask- ing the way on the march, especially as a guide or passing villager thinks he has done quite enough, when he has given any one of the names by which a village may be designated. Complicated as this system of nomenclature looks, it is natural enough ina country where the individual occupies such an important part in men’s minds, and nationality so little. It is not dimi- cult to deal with in practice, after a slight knowledge of the country is ac-
* Further back in the Pishin the same peculiarities are observable. Thus Arambi is pronounced almost as Arambae. Mt. Chapar is called Mt. Sapar and the Zhob valley the Jéb valley. Awalia or Aulia is the name of a malik in the Pishin.
+ Villages are also constantly changing their sites, which renders a survey, which is correct for a certain year, very far from being so afterwards.
1879. | the Afghan Tribes about Kandahar. 185
quired, but it accounts for the great apparent discrepancy in names and distances met with on maps and in routes.*
I may here remark on the names Khojak Pass—Roghani Range— Khdja Amrén Range, found on the maps as representing the celebrated hills dividing the Pishint and Kadanei valleys. Locally the names Khojak, Roghani, Khdja Amran are unknown as designating any set or range of hills ; in fact neither the Achakzais nor the inhabitants of the Pishin (Tor Tarins) have any general name for the hills; but every peak, spring, stream seems to have a special local name, often but little known, as might be expected among such a people as the Afghans. Khdjak is the name of the Khojak river, the bed of which forms the Khojak Pass :{ similarly Roghaniis the name of the Pass so called, not of any hill, while Khdja (or more properly Khwaja) Amran is the name of a peak in the Gwaja Pass; on its summit is a cemetery, so it is possible that Khwaja Amran was a Pir or saint when alive. Gaz (not Dahagaz as the maps have it) is the name apparently of the line of hills separating the Shalkdt (Quetta) and Pishin valleys through which the Gazarband Pass runs, but this is the only line of hills which has a general name as far as I can understand. Chiltan (or Chiltan) to the 8. of Quetta, Takatu, Zarghtin, Pil, Kand, names along a line of hills running successively northwards from Quetta and visible from the Pishin valley, are names rather of snowy peaks than of ranges. Chapar again is the name of a high rounded snowy peak, behind these again, but visible from Pishin.
* The village of Marsingzai is also frequently called Maisingi; and Tajao is the proper name of the village usually called Zanghir Khén. Sdegzai is also frequently named Torakhar, pronounced also Toragar (the black rock), from the hill in the neigh- bourhood where there is a convenient place for a camp.
+ Pronounced Pishin in the neighbourhood, not Peshin as it is usually spelt.
{ Machka is the name ofa stream joining the left bank of the Khéjak about 6 miles from the summit of the Pass, and Shal of the place marked “Camping Ground” in the maps about 4 miles up the Pass from Kala Abdullah Khan. There is a perpetual spring of water there.
186 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
Hamir Rasa, or a History of Hamtr, prince of Ranthambor. Translated JSrom the Hindi.— By BrasanaAtHa Banpyopspuydya, Jeypore.
Author's Preface.
In the beautiful town of Nimrana there reigns a Chohan prince, named Chandrabhan, a descendant of the celebrated Prithviraj. He is religion itself. His subjects, consisting of four castes, live in peace and plenty. He is called the emperor of Rat. Born in a clan illustrious for noble and heroie actions, he has inherited most of the virtues of his glori- ous ancestors, and his mind is naturally inflamed by the passion of hearing their exploits. Once, seated on the throne in regal state, he ordered me to compose for him an account of the battles fought by Hamir Chohdn with Ala-uddin, Emperor of Delhi. “Tell me at length,” said the Maharaja, “the battles which were fought between Hamir and Ald-uddin, and the causes which led to them.” ;
I am by birth a Gaur Bréhman, descended from the Rishi Attreya. Twas born at Bij4war, in the province of Rat. My name is Jodhraj, and that of my father Balakrishna. JI am a pandit and poet. My knowledge of astronomy and astrology has raised me to the highest rank in the royal court. Raj4 Chandrabhan is very kind to me. He has given me houses, horses, clothes, wealth and property, so that all my wants are relieved and desires satisfied. In obedience to his orders I undertake to write in poetry the details of the history of Hamir.
CuHaprer I.
[The work opens with a brief resumé of the Pauranic cosmogony ; and then gives the following account of the origin of the Agnikula Ksha- triyas, to which caste the hero of the work belonged. ]
Parasuram slaughtered the Kshatriyas twenty-one times in order to revenge himself on Sahasra Arjun, the murderer of his father. He filled a tank with their blood and offered it to his dead father, whose thirst was thereby satisfied. None escaped from his scimitar, but those who were very humble, who held each a stalk of grass by the teeth as token of submission, and who took to the guise of women. Boys, eunuchs, old men, and those who put ten fingers within their mouths, those who left their swords and fled away, and those who fell down at his feet, were also spared. He con- tinued carrying on the work of destruction until his ancestors appeared, blessed him and told him to put a stop to further massacre and bloodshed. He then ceased and went to a jungle to pass his days there in penance.
1879. | or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 187
For a time there were no Kshatriyas, none able to protect the land and the holy Sastras. Rakshasas increased in number, the Vedas were trampled under foot, and every form of Hinduism was forgotten. These Rakshasas began to oppress the people in various ways, so that there were no longer eastes and ordersin society. Such being the case, all the holy sages were filled with anxiety. They consulted each other and came in a body on Abu where, in a cave, lived the mighty Parasuram. When all the gods, Nagas (serpents) and men had assembled, they devised a plan to extirpate the Rakshasas. Brahma and Vasishtha met. The latter erected an altar. A pit was dug in the midst of it, and fire kindled. All other holy sages came tothe spot. They contemplated on Siva, who made his appearance. His hair was matted, he wore a crown and bore ashes rubbed on his body. The Ganges flowed and murmured over his head, serpents hissed, and ghosts played and danced around him. ‘The sages stood up and prayed. “ Stay here with us, gracious Siva, otherwise we shall never be able to complete our sacrifice.” The rites of sacrifice were begun, the Vedic mantras were chanted, 108 kinds of offerings and waters from all the sacred rivers were brought. All things were ready. No sooner a column of smoke rose in the air and the chanting of Vedic hymns was wafted, than all the Rakshasas came, in order to pollute the sacrifice. They made various endeavours towards that end. Now it blew a storm; anon it rained in torrents Blood, flesh, grass and other rub- bish were thrown upon the altar. Then all the holy sages—Dvaipayana, Dalbhya, Jaimini, Lomaharshan, Bhrighu, Pulaha, Attreya, Gautama, Garga, Sdndilya, Bharadvaj, Balakhilya, Markandeya, Ushand, Kaushika, Basant, Mudgala, Uddalaka and Matanga, with Vasishtha at their head, complained to Brahma and Siva. Again, an altar was erected, a kund dug and purified, fire kindled, and every rite of sacrifice begun. Hymns of the Sama Veda were sung. All of a sudden sprang four warriors with swords in hand from the kund. These fought with the Rakshasas and defeated them. Allthe sages went to the north-western corner of the Arbad Gir (Abu) and came to the cave where the great Parasu dwelt. They asked his benediction on the newly-created heroes. He granted the request. The goddess Sakti was invoked. She appeared and blessed them. Their energy was like fire, their eyes red like the rising sun shot forth courage, their foreheads shone like flames, and their crowns sparkled. They frowned, and the devils shook with fear.
One of these Agnikulas_ (fire-born) was named Chohan. He had four arms, all equipped with the weapons sword, bow, dagger and knife. He joined his hands and said to Brahma: “ What is the purpose of my crea- tion, lord?” “‘ Hear, my son,” replied Brahma, “do what Bhrighu tells you.” Bhrighu ordered him to kill all the Rakshasas. “ Sakti is with you to defend
188 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
you,” said he. ‘She has ten hands well armed with weapons of attack and defence ; she rides on a lion and wears a necklace of human heads. All the holy sages worship her; so do not fear, brave child, but fight with a heart of steel, braving all dangers for the cause of your religion.”
The Rakshasas were cut to pieces. ‘Their blood ran in torrents. Those who escaped fled to the infernal regions. In times of peril, Sakti protected the Hindu champion from all dangers. Every time he fell at her feet, his strength and energy were doubled, and herushed at the ranks of the devils and put them to the sword. The goddess is called A’sdpurt, be- cause she fulfilled the hope of the holy sages, and by that name is worshipped by the Chohans to this day.
After many generations, Raja Jeyat Chohan was born in the village of Barbagao. He was learned, benevolent, generous, wise and handsome. Raj- put heroes of the thirty six clans always waited on him. Minstrels sang of his glory and heroism. His energy increased like the heat of the morning sun, and he was feared by his enemies both by day and night. He was very kind. to the poor, he relieved their wants, the moment he heard their com- plaints.
Once the Rao was out in a forest on a hunting-excursion, accompanied by all the skilful huntsmen in his territories. He saw a white boar and pursued it very closely. It ran into a dense jungle, which was full of windings. He was separated from his train. The figure of an ascetic met his view. Rishi Padam, the best of all sages, sat there, engaged in deep contemplation. The prince left off chasing after the game. He fell prostrate before the sage, joined his hands and thus began to pray: “I am very fortunate, that I am able to see thee. My sins were forgiven me the moment I looked on thy body. Protect me, bless me, O thou merciful one, have mercy on me. Jam ever the object of thy care, O thou, who art an ocean of virtues, I bow down before thee. Thou art the possessor of unfading beauty, all-wise and all-powerful. The great name of Rama is always on thy lips. All the ages dwell in thee, and thou givest the three worlds what they wish for. ‘Thy austere penance has made thee almost equal to Vishnu, Siva and Ganesa. Place thy hand on my head, O lord! and bless me.” The sage was greatly pleased with the Rao’s prayers. He blessed him. “ Build a fort yonder on the hill, my son,” said he, “dwell there and worship Siva.”
When Raja Jeyat returned to his capital, he called a council of his ministers and vassals and consulted all the learned astrologers of his court. A lucky hour was fixed to lay the foundation-stone of a town and that of its fort. The time was 7.30 in the morning of Saturday, the third of the new moon, the day of the feast of Akshayaya Trit/yé, the moon being on the
1879. | or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 189
sign Mithuna, inthe month of Vaisikha (April). Offerings were made to Siva and Ganega, and large sums of money distributed among the Brahmans.
The newly built town of the Rao was full of temples and squares. It resembled Amaravati, the city of Indra. The temples were very beautiful, lofty, and decorated with screens of lattice-work. Expanding flags, glit- tering salasas, lofty gateways, were abundant in every place. The front doors of shops, facing the street, were ornamented, and the walls adorned with pictures. Handsome women, rivalling Rati, the wife of Kama- deva (Cupid), gave beauty to the scene. The gates of houses, the seats on either side of them, and the balconies were very exquisitely made. Perfumes of various kinds filled the air with fragrance. All the four castes and Asrams lived there in happiness, each following its own profession. The people were all of a forgiving nature, kind, charitable and hospitable to strangers. The splendid town was named Ranthambor.
All the Bhils, inhabiting the mountain fastnesses, readily acknowledged the power of the Rao and recognised in him their sovereign. It is said that Mahadeva, being pleased with his devotion, appeared before him and blessed him, saying, “ Reign in glory, my son; reign as long as your virtues enable you todo so.”
A very curious story is told of the erection of the fort. The wall of the portico fell down as often as it was raised. The Raja was struck with wonder and was extremely anxious to find out the cause of this mysterious occurrence. At last, finding all resources fail, he summoned up all his courage and said—“ Let me die, for my death alone can give stability to the wall.” He seated himself at the foundation, ready to carry out his desperate resolution, when Ravana and Basava, two warlike and loyal Bhils, exclaimed—“ Rao Jeyat, the fort is ours, although you have a nominal title to it. You are but our guest. The fort is emphatically ours. It behoves you, therefore, to cut off our heads and raise the wall upon them.” Ravana said, “Only look after my son Bhoj.” The brave Bhils were beheaded, their heads placed as foundation-stones, and the wall built thereon became as firm and lasting asa rock. The fort is said to have all the advantages of position and to be impregnable to an enemy. It stands to this day in all its majesty, a monument of the martial tact and skill of the ancient Rajputs.
The austere penances of the sage Padam greatly frightened Indra. His throne shook. In fear he sent Cupid to allure the sage. The god of love with his seductive train appeared before the saint. Spring bent his bow, and shot arrows drawn from his quiver. The apsaras danced, and Kinnaras sang. ‘Their captivating strains charmed not only men, but even the gods. The forest became full of flowers and bees, cuckoos and peacocks. The
AA
190 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Risa, [No. 3,
sweet note of the cuckoo caught every heart and inflamed it with ardent lust. But the soul of the sage could not be moved. The beauties of spring had no effect upon it: it remained as firm as a rock.
Spring failed. Cupid gave ordersto summer. The earth became hot with the sun’s vertical rays. The Rishi opened his eyes. He saw, Very near to him, a shady banian tree with spreading branches, a beautiful pond full to the brim, a very handsome building wherein sat a troop of heavenly maidens singing soul-enchanting airs and revelling as they liked, with a cool, soft breeze blowing and scarfs flying round about their persons. He saw Rambha and Urvasi braiding their hair before a mirror and rubbing their bodies with musk, camphor, sandal-wood paste, saffron and other perfumes. The daughters of Gandharvas and Kinnaras, dressed exquisitely, were entertaining one another by placing garlands of flowers, each on the other’s neck, smiling and darting quick glances on the sage. But the Rishi closed his eyes and became lost in contemplation.
Summer failed. Then the rainy season came and bowed before Cupid. Dark, heavy clouds hung on the air. It became intensely dark. Cold winds began to blow from all quarters. The flashes of lightning were seen on the sky, thunders roared, the gates of heaven were opened, and rain poured forth in torrents. The kalapin (thrush) and the papiyd filled the air with their melody. The nymphs of Cupid sang sweetly as they waved to and froin the swing. Now it rained fast, and they in a hurry began to run hither and thither before the sage. A gust of wind blew. It removed their fine, loose clothes, displaying their persons of roseate hue which none can see without falling entangled in the snare of Cupid. The bees hummed, the frogs croaked, and heavenly nymphs rivalled one another in the art of fascination. Divested of their clothing they danced, they sang, they played at balls, they made garlands of flowers and threw them at each other; they cast sidelong glances which, like arrows, pierced the heart of gods; they laughed, and their gentle laughter thrilled in every pulse and brought on a fever of love. Yet the soul of Padam could not be moved.
The rainy season failed. Cupid said, “Let autumn go and allure the sage from his austere penance.” The autumnal clouds were seen hovering on the sky. All the rivers and tanks, being full of transparent water, reflected the rays of the sun, bearing on their broad bosoms lotuses of different colours. The pretty kingfisher, the humming bee, the ducks and the reflections of the moon were dancing round about the white lotuses. The earth wore a bright dress and looked like a matron in white. The jassamine was in blossom. The celestial nymphs sang, taking in their hands the bows and arrows of Cupid. The soft strains of their songs, wafted by a gentle breeze, wounded the hearts of those whose lovers were not at home.
1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 191
The lamp of the sky shone, and the coolness of night enraptured the heavenly beings of both sexes. In all the charms of uncovered beauty, each of the bewitching nymphs began to take a bath in a pond close to the sage. They, in a body, looked at him, and their looks were full of lust. Now they danced, now they swam, now they glanced with pride on their own persons, Tufts of hair fell on their cheeks; they seemed as if a number of black serpents had assembled to suck nectar from their cheeks. Yet the soul of the sage could not be moved : its firmness remained unshaken.
Then came with fury the severe winter. Snow began to fall and all ereatures to shudder. ‘The nymphs were in the arms of their lovers, and each pair looked as if made of one piece. The dashing Urvasi came to the sage and asked him for shelter; but her charms availed her nothing, and thus was winter defeated.
Then came with pride the season of dew and bowed before Cupid. The vegetable kingdom wore a green dress. The mango and kadamba looked merry in full blossom. Three kinds of breezes began to blow. The creeping plants eagerly embraced trees. The earth became covered with rich verdure. All was life. The branches of trees hung down laden with fruits and flowers. The bees began to hum all around them, awaken- ing the softer passions in the hearts of all creatures. The nymphs laid aside their modesty and began to beat drums, sing and dance. Saffron and red powder (abir) they threw at one another. Intoxicated with lust the nymphs began to celebrate the great festival of Holz. [Here follows a glowing description of the festival as celebrated by the nymphs of heaven, which we omit.] The queen of the heavenly nymphs, Urvasi, ran away in feigned fear at the fall of a ball on one of her cheeks. She passed by the sage smiling gently, singing and dancing. Now Cupid applied the arrow named wamdd to his bow. ‘The bees began to hum, and three kinds of breezes blew. The bolt was shot at the breast of the father of all Rishis, His eyes opened. Another arrow was shot ; his heart wandered. He saw the nymph and became greatly delighted. She ran to throw a handful of the red powder and a ball at him. He rose, he played, he embraced her. She captivated him and his reason gave way to passion. She darted quick glances at him, and they like arrows struck his heart. She pressed sweet kisses on his cheeks, and he felt a fever of love. Thus succeeded the season of dew in alluring the sage from his austere penance. The latter lost his reason and thought Urvagi to be his own, but the nymph vanished, triumphant at her success. Stung by separation, he breathed his last in the month of Magh in Samvat 1140, the moon being on the sign Adra.
The body of Ald-uddin was made of his head, that of Hamir of his breast, and those of Muhammad Shah and Mir Gabru of his hands.
192 B. Bandyopadhyaya— Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
Cuapter If.
In the fort of Ranthambor Hamir Chohdn was born to Rado Jeyat at midday, on Sunday, the twelfth of the wane, in the month of Kar- tika, Samvat 1141.* All the members of the royal family were greatly delighted. A sumptuous feast was given to all the Brahmans of Ajmer and Chitor, and large gifts were distributed among beggars, minstrels, musicians, and others. Rejoicings prevailed in the city. It happened that on the birthday of the child a servant was polishing an iron pot with a stone taken at random from the ground. The pot turned into gold. The man was greatly surprised. He took the stone to the king and informed him of its quality. It was predicted of Hamir that he would wage a terrible war with Ala-uddin Khilji, of Dehli. He was married to Asa, the beautiful daughter of Rao Puar of Abu, and, on the death of his father, ascended the throne of Ranthambor.
The great Ala-uddin was born a contemporary of Hamir. It is said that the princess, his mother, seeing the newly born babe very ugly and ill- shaped, commanded a nurse to carry it away and replace it by a child of handsome appearance. The nurse obeyed her orders, and thus was the boy, who was to be an emperor, brought up in the nursery of acarder. His foster-father called him Ald4-uddin. In the days of his boyhood he would sometimes play at king, making of his playmates, one the vizier, another the Bakshi, a third the attendant. He would dismiss some and appoint others. While in the king’s palace, the son of the carder would play at his father’s profession.
Ten miles to the north of Dehli there was a temple of the Sharaoji sect of Buddhists. A widow, daughter of a merchant, used to visit it every day. Once Parasnath, the principal ¢¢érthankar, appeared and in heavenly accents said—‘ Daughter, I am pleased with thy vows; blest be thou with the enjoyment of two sons.’
The woman replied—* Lord, I am but a poor widow, and therefore if I should be brought to bed of a child, it would bring a stain upon my name and that of my family.”
The heavens opened and the following words were heard. ‘‘ None shall be able to perceive thy womb. ‘Thou shalt be delivered of twins at the time thou dost please to appoint. ‘They will be very rich, and their names will spread far and wide.”
* This date, as also the one on the preceding page, is wrong. According to Muhammadan historians the siege of Ranthambor took place in A. D. 1299-1300, and according to the Hamir Rasa (infrd, p. 203), Hamir was at the time twenty-eight years old, so he must have been born in Samyat 1328, Saka 1193 and A. D. 1271, Eb.
1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 193
All was profound silence. There was none but a carpenter at work on the outside who overheard this prophecy. He thought that a very fortunate mother the widow would be, and so if he could seduce her and take her away from her parents, he would indeed be very happy. In the disguise of a merchant he came every day to the temple. Many days after, having availed himself of an opportunity, he said, “ Virtuous woman, you are blessed, for you walk in God. If it please you, my rath (carriage) is at your service.” The widow thanked him for his kind attention, and, believing in the honesty of his purpose, accepted the favour. Many days passed away. The carpenter said, “ Merchant’s daughter, a pious and devoted visitor of temples should appear before her gods in her best dress, and wearing ornaments.” The widow not anticipating any evil, com- menced doing so. By and by he gained her confidence so much that he succeeded by cunning in taking her to the city of Ujjain in Malw4. He made her a proposal of marriage, which she rejected with scorn. ‘“ You have brought me,” said she, ‘‘ away from my parents; very good, but I will never consent to your marrying me.” When the lady’s jewels and ornaments, the means of their support, had been all sold, the carpenter ad- dressed her—‘ Merchant’s daughter, do you remember the sound which you had the good fortune to hear while in the temple of Parasnath ?”
The widow replied, “ Yes, Ido.” Immediately after, she fell on her knees and prayed to Parasnath, when lo! by the command of the god she gave birth to twins of very handsome appearance. One of them was named Basanta Pal, and the other Tej Pal. Accidentally the mother found a very large pan of gold and diamonds buried under ground. Fortune smiled on her from that moment, but she did not let the carpenter see her babes. One day at the eager and humble request of the man, the twins were shown to him, but alas! poor creature! the very sight of them brought on instant death.
When the twin-brothers grew up to boyhood, they insisted upon their mother telling them, although she was very loth to do so, where their father was. As soon as they had the knowledge of their miraculous birth, they thought themselves to be the favourites of fortune and set about their business with redoubled energy. On attaining majority they, with all their treasure and establishment, removed to Dehli. There they began to carry on mercantile transactions, and, by giving very handsome nazzars, rose to the notice of his majesty the emperor. But all other Sharaojis of the city looked upon them as aliens,.and therefore did not allow them to take part in their social festivities. However at a meeting of that sect on Grinar, they were, on the testimony of the Sharaojis of Ujjain, received into caste. It was proposed to build two temples on that memorable spot.
194 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Humir Rasa, [No. 3,
A few days after returning to Dehli, the merchants called a pandit to search for a lucky hour in which to lay the foundation-stones of the temples. The pandit replied, “TI shall tell you the time, but it is no use your building the temples, because an emperor has been born who, it is predicted, will pull down all the sacred edifices to the dust.” The merchants said “ Where lives such an emperor?” “In a carder’s house, playing in the dirt,’ was the pandit’s reply. The merchants were shown the house. They filled two silver plates with mohars and, placing two diamonds on them, presented them to Ala-uddin at the playground. Thereupon the boy said—“ See, Sirs I am but a poor carder. I need not such valuables. Pray, take these to the prince in the royal palace.’’ The merchants replied “ You are our prince, the sole master of our lives and property.’’ Al4-uddin looked pleased. He kept with him only the diamonds and divided the mohars among his play- mates. Then said he, “ How do you know, merchants, that Iam your prince ? Who told you so?” “A pandit’’ was the merchants’ reply.
Ald-uddin.—* Bring the pandit to me, and without delay give him these silver plates.”
Accordingly the merchants took the pandit to Ala-uddin, who asked him as follows:
Aldé-uddin.—‘ Brahman, are you sure that I shall be an emperor ?’
Pandit.—‘ Yes, certainly Iam. May it please your Royal Highness to grant the request of the merchants.’
Aldé-uddin.— Merchants, what do you want to be done ?’
Merchants.—‘ We beseech your Royal Highness to give us permission to build two temples.’
Ald-uddin—‘ Never can I grant such an unreasonable request. I have made it a point in my life to pull down alltemples tothe dust. The gods have unjustly cursed me by throwing me into such a miserable state, and I will drain the last drop of my blood in wreaking vengeance on them. But as you have done me honour and made me aware of what I shall be, I feel bound to make an exception in your case. Goand build the temples, but on their roofs raise mud-walls to the height of a cubit and a quarter. Those walls shall I pull down, when I shall set out on a crusade against gods and their holy buildings.’
The playmates of Ald-uddin, when they returned home from the play- ground, told their parents, how their Alia distributed mohars among them and ordered the merchants of Ujjain to build temples. On hearing this news the emperor had Ald-uddin brought to the palace, while the boy who had been brought up there was sent to the carder’s hovel.
Ala-uddin married the daughter of Bubak Shah of Kandahar. A year after his marriage, he ascended the throne of Dehh. It is written that he
1879. ] or a History of Hamtr, prince of Ranthambor. 195
besieged eighty-four forts and captured them. In the course of taking a certain fort, a devil was made a captive by four warriors, and a bastion was, by the command of the emperor, raised over his head. In the dead of the night, while all was still, a sound came: “ Ala-uddin, Ala-uddin, mighty monarch, dost thou presume to keep me buried for ever under these walls? huge pillars are but as hairs on my head. Lelease me, or this very moment I am free and thy bastion broken.’
Aldé-uddin.—“ Rest, unquiet spirit, I give thee the entire right over the throne of Suleman.”
Cuapter III.
Once the emperor Ala-uddin intended to go out for a hunt. Haudis "were mounted upon elephants, and many noble steeds saddled. All the vassals, then present in the imperial court, with all their retainers and acquaintances, marched, each wearing his hunting dress. Numerous heroes strutted along with an important air, some restless in pride, others advanc- ing in solemn gait. Trumpets, drums and other musical instruments were sounded. Ala-uddin took with him a queen, who in beauty and fascina- tion could well be compared with the fairy Urvasi of heaven. She charm- ed him, as the white moon-beams charm the eager chakor, and the pretty lotus binds the bee in love. Packs of dogs, leopards, hawks and other beasts and birds of prey followed the hunters. Thick columns of dust rose high up in the air and hid the sun. ‘The loud sound of the drums seemed, as if peals of thunder were heard from the dark clouds of the rainy season. Numbers of horses ran briskly and passed off like meteors. The imperial veterans clad in mail, began to play at arms, wrestle, bend their bows, adjust arrows and display their skill in various kinds of heroic feats.
At last the hunters entered a forest. They saw that it was very deep, and that profound darkness reigned over it, and heard the murmuring of rivulets and the rushing of springs.
[Here follows a description of an intrigue between Chimn4 Begam and one Muhammad Shah, which we omit.]
The queen confessed her guilt, but the emperor doted upon her and, fearing lest the execution of the Sheik should be followed by suicide on her part, exiled him, saying, “ Be gone, Sheik, be gone for ever from the confines of my dominions. J will kill the man who may chance to give thee refuge. Thou art deserving of the gallows. Muhammad Shah, there is no one on earth who is so bold as to shelter thee from my anger, thee who hast wronged me, I will circulate what thou hast done to the four
i96 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 8,
corners of the world. Dost thou know any prince or emperor who can promise safe-keeping to a culprit banished my territories ? Canst thou tell me his name who is mightier than I, and to whose door thou dost intend to go seeking protection ? There is no place on this wide earth, but Mecca, where thou canst be safe from utter ruin and destruction.”
The Sheik having joined his hands, replied, “ Mighty is the father of all creatures. The fertile earth is never barren of heroes. I shall go to the court of one who will, I am sure, receive me hospitably and challenge you to fight with him.” ‘Then bowing he continued, “I will never return to Dehli and bow down to you again with prayers for shelter, but meet you on the battle-field and show you my skill there.”
Muhammad Shah returned to his house, sad at the thought of parting from his dear friends and relatives. He went to his brother Mir Gabru to bid him farewell. ‘“ Why are you sorry, brother ?” asked the latter. ‘ Has any one done you wrong ? Tell me. My heart burns with anger.” “My doings are my enemy, dear Gabru” replied Muhammad Shah. “I am no longer destined to eat and drink here in Dehli. How can I then live here, and who on earth can keep me within the city wall. ‘Think on these things and be silent.”
These words struck Mir Gabru as thunder. Immediately he fell in a swoon. Muhammad Shah consoled him in various ways, saying, “Do not be sorry, brother ; serve his Majesty, the emperor, and live in peace and plenty.” “ Then go to Mecca, dear Muhammad Shah,” replied Mir Gabru, “ or live with Hamir, if that generous Rao will give you house and shelter.”
The Sheik went, leaving the confines of Ald-uddin’s dominions. He took with him twelve companies of soldiers, five elephants, carriages, ser- vants and young male and female slaves. Numerous camels followed his train, laden with fine looking tents and furniture. His wife went with him. On his way, he used to hunt deer wherever he made a halt. His men were all of one mind with him.
A confidential herald named Sultan Khan was sent with the exile to report on his whereabouts, and to inform the potentate, who might chance to give him shelter, of the cause of his banishment.
Muhammad wandered far and wide, but nowhere could he find refuge. He went to the courts of almost all the princes, both Hindi and Musalman ; but none dared to protect him, and thereby incur the displeasure of Ala- uddin. At last he intended to go to the durbar of Hamir and arrived out- side the walls of Ranthambor. He saw the strength of the fort, the height and inaccessibility of the hill upon which it was situated, and various indi- cations of the might of its royal master, and became full of delightful assurance of his warm reception there. When his horses and elephants
1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. iS
had been tied, he took his meal. A carpet was spread in his tent, whereon sat his heroes, ministers and friends. They were asked to go to the Rao and inform him of all particulars. He said “ First tell him my salams, next the events which have led to my banishment ; tell him that if it please him to meet me, I shall wait on his royal presence. You shall be able to know by these statements how virtuous and religious he is. Look at his features and examine them with care.”
The heralds met with a warmreception. They informed the Rao of all things as they had happened. The latter asked, “Is the Sheik sate, is he well”? He was delighted and sent his son to call the exile to the fort.
Muhammad Shah started dressed in his best clothes to wait on Hamir. He took with him five horses, one elephant, one bow of Multan, made of nine pieces of buffalo horn, a sharp sword, a beautiful palanquin, two pieces of ruby, a necklace of pearls, two hawks and two hunting dogs. His escort went on foot. The train stopped at the principal gate of the fort, awaiting orders. Some nobles of the royal court were sent to receive the Sheik. They took him to the audience chamber of the Rao, who, with all the mem- bers of his council stood up, embraced him and enquired after his health. The Sheik touched the Rao’s feet with both his hands and stood up, having joined them in submission. After having offered him the costly presents, he said, “‘ Grant me shelter, generous Rao, shelter me in my distress. I have gone to the courts of the kings of Kandesh, Kabul, Multan, Kashmir, Guzerat, Gandwana and Bengal, but none has dared to receive me: they all have tried to get rid of me, the sooner the better. I am at your mercy, noble lord, save me in this extremity.”
Hamir replied, smiling, “So powerful is Ala-uddin that none has ven- tured to shelter you from his anger. Live here safe, Sheik, live here within the fort, under the shadow of my protection. JI, Rao Hamir, will defend you, even if my defending you should cost me my life. Need I tell you more?” He accepted the presents and thus spoke out his mind—“ J will give up my body, wealth, fort and kingdom, but be sure, Sheik, the emperor will never be able to get you.”
“ May it please you, mighty Rao,” said the Sheik, “to consider all the consequences that will follow, before you promise me safe-keeping. I have wandered far and wide over India and seen that almost all the Khans and Sultans, Réjds, Rédos and Rénds fear the power of Ala-uddin. He said at my parting, that if in any part of this wide world, supported by Shesh, any one should give me protection, he will cut him in pieces. He who incurs his displeasure must not hope for life. Promise me safety and have the glory of keeping a houseless and helpless creature with you, after having fully con- sidered all these particulars.” “ You need not warn me,”’ replied Hamir,
BB
198 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
“ of the danger I would expose myself to by giving you refuge, and thereby provoke my anger. I have spoken my mind, and do you think I can retract the words which I have once said P The descendants of the Chohans are never false to their promise. My firmness in acting up to what I have determined to do can never be shaken by the love of life and _ self-interest. Be patient, Sheik, and live here without fear. The mountains may move, and the polar star leave its fixed place, yet be sure, Muhammad Shah, the honour of my resolution can never be violated. -It stands in unfaded glory for evermore.”
The following presents were made to Muhammad Shah ; a bow, golden ornaments, a necklace of pearls, a turban set with diamonds, and a shawl. A jaghir worth five lacs of rupees was also given him. A noble palace was appointed for his residence. The Council broke up with great joy and excitement. Muhammad Shah went to his new mansion, riding on a horse. His heart became easy at the sight of various comforts which were stored there for him. Then the Rao gave a grand feast to him and his companions.
The imperial herald, who had followed the Sheik to the fort, addressed himself to Hamir—“‘ Do not give shelter to Muhammad Shah, great Rao, because by doing so you will incur the displeasure of the most powerful emperor in the world. The mighty Ala-uddin is an inspired warrior. If the weak match with the strong, be sure, prince, they will come off thelosers. Listen tomy words, attend to my advice. You area descendant of a family which has played an important part in the history of your country. Why leave an ocean big with invaluable pearls and rubies for a worthless tank full of mud and weeds? What qualities has this Sheik ? See, he has left all his possessions for the vile enjoyment of a female. I know that you are familiar with all princely principles; one of them is, ‘ Let a man die, if his death alone can ensure the safety of a family; forsake a house, if its destruction can save a village; let a city go to destruction, if by leaving it you can preserve the welfare of a country.’ Why do you push all souls to death for the safety of one, and that one an ungrateful wretch, having neither reason nor conscience. Your refugee is the vilest of all creatures. He had not even the slightest scruple to defile the bed of his master. Think, before it is too late. The anger of Ald-uddin is like a red flame of fire which burns all that come in contact with it. His power destroys all who have the rashness to incur his displeasure. See, even the gods have fled away, leaving their temples. On the other hand, if you do not give refuge to the Sheik, your friendship with the emperor will become stronger and stronger every day. Why drop poison in a pot full of nectar? You will have to pay very dearly for your folly. Consider, therefore, now
1879.] or a History of Hamitr, prince of Ranthambor. 199
in time and get rid of the Sheik as soon as you can. See, Ravana con- quered the three worlds and had perfect control over the gods, men and serpents; but when he made Raghunath his enemy, the splendid and strong fort of Lanka was sacked, burnt and pulled in the dust. Who can subdue Al4-uddin ? If you think you can, you will certainly be destroyed.”
Hamir.—‘ O herald, I can never lie. See what will be the condition of that poor, deserted man, if I deny him protection. I will draw my sword in the teeth of all difficulties, fight with Alaé-uddin and crush his pride. Wither I shall be transported to heaven a little early, or continue reigning in my fort of Ranthambor. Go, thou messenger, and tell the emperor that the Sheik is safe under the roof of Hamir Chohan, and that preparations for war are being made within the fort.”
The herald went to Dehli and, having joined his hands and bowed down to Ala-uddin, thus prayed, “ Dreaded Majesty, the Sheik Muhammad Shah wandered far and wide, over the northern, the eastern and the southern parts of India, but nowhere did he find shelter. At last he went to Ran- thambor and humbly prayed to the Rao of that place, who took pity on him and promised him safe-keeping within the walls of his fort.”
Vazir Mihram Khan.—* Never has the Rao done so. How can he, a vassal to his Majesty, afford house and shelter to one banished the domini- ons of his lord and master ? Never say such words again.”
Herald.—‘ Vazir, my words are not false, but true to the letter.”
Alé-uddin.—Write a firman to Hamir, and then you shall be able to know whether he speaks the truth or falsehood.
Accordingly a firman was written and sent by the same herald to Ranthambor.
Firman.—* Hamir, be not obstinate ; yield; do not give asylum to a thief. Iam called the master of Dehli, and you are a mere Rao. What ean you hope to gain by incurring my displeasure P Why make yourself culpable P ake as much land and gold as you wish for. Send back the criminal to me, the moment you read this firman.”’
Hamir’s reply.—* Attack me, fall upon me, but I will never send you Muhammad Shah. I have promised him shelter, and for the monarchy of all the world, I will never break my word.”
The emperor’s blood boiled. He rebuked the Vazir for denying the truth of the herald’s statements. Another jirman was written and sent to the Rao.
Lirman.—* How many forts, have you, Hamir, and how strong are they, that you are so proud and stubborn? Consider, know that I ama gifted hero. Send the Sheik. Be reasonable.”
Hamir’s reply.‘ Your Majesty need not send meso many ,firmans.
200 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamtr Rasa, [No. 3,
1 will never set aside my resolution. How can I deliver into your hands the man whom I have promised safe-keeping ?” (To the herald.) “ Go to the emperor and say to him, that if it be possible for the sun to rise in the West and the waters of the Ganges to flow from her mouth to the souree, then will it be possible for Hamir to violate what he has deliberately resolved upon. I rule over the territory given us by the sage Padam. When the time appointed for the destruction of my fort will arrive, none shall be able to avert its fate. What is not fated to be, will never come to pass; while what is fated to be, must happen. Wealth and death are in the hands of God, then why fear men? I have given my word to the Sheik, and how can I forsake him? To be faithless to a refugee goes hard against the virtues of the Kshatriyas. I will never join my hands and bow down before Ala- uddin. If he fall upon me, I will fight; I care neither for my life nor kingdom.” Hamir added the following words to his letter: ‘“ Far from me be the thought of sending you Muhammad Shah, I will never send you even his picture. These are my true words, true in every respect.”
The emperor, on reading the reply of Hamir, became very angry ; but, at the request of Mihram Khan, the prime-minister, a third jirman was, in consideration of his religion, sent to Hamir.
Firman.—* Thousands and tens of thousands of men like you are liek- ing the dust of my feet ; many brave heroes, such as you, have I have brought under subjugation. Rule in safety over the territory of Ranthambor. Why stake life and kingdom for the sake of a villain? Come with him and meet with me. You are my servant, and so shall you ever remain although you fall not at my feet. If you continue to persist in your unwise resolution, I, emperor Ala-uddin Khilji, do promise to burn you and your house to dust. Do not be obstinate, Hamir. Why try to wake the sleeping Gan- ges—disturb the peaceable state of things? My anger is like a red flame of fire which burns mountains and forests. The Rajas of the four quarters of India pay me tribute. Who dares oppose me? Can a tank be equal to a river ? No it never can.”
Hamntr’s reply.— Logs of wood are burnt to ashes by fire, but water can put it out, however strong it may be. Listen, emperor Ala-uddin, all must live their time. Who can killa man when he is not fated to die P If I send the Sheik to you, the sun, a witness of my promise, will be ashamed of my cowardice and villainy. I, Rao Hamir Chohdén of Rantham- bor, do hereby declare that I will never violate my promise. Come, lose no time, march and fall upon me.”
Then went the imperial herald dejected to Dehli. He said, ‘‘ Mighty monarch, Hamir of the fort of Ranthambor does not care at all for your power. His cavalry, infantry and heroes are numerous. Besides, firmness
1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 201
in keeping their resolution isa hereditary virtue of the Chohans. You have conquered the whole world and made many potent chiefs and monarchs powerless and humble before your rod, but now Hamir matches with you and challenges you to fight with him. Hither he or you must be victorious. I hhave advised him many times as to the folly of his keeping the exile under his roof. He frowned, his blood boiled with anger, even at the mention of the name ‘ Muhammad Shah.’ ‘I shall fight with the emperor, face to face,’ said he ‘and cut the imperial forces to pieces. Then at last I will offer my head to the great Mahddeo, that my glory may be sung in the worlds below and the heavens above. I have made aresolution. How can I break through it P I do not fear the anger of Ala-uddin, I do not fear his massive arms, I do not fear his fury, nay I do not fear death, but I fear dishonour, and above all, I fear staining the virtues of my renowned ancestors.’ ”
CHaprer IV.
Ala-uddin, wondering at the intrepidity and decision of character of Hamir, made up his mind to besiege the fort of Ranthambor. With a view to obtain information as to the Rao, his forces and the government of his states, he made the following queries to Sultan Khan, the herald, who was well conversant with those particulars.
Eimperor.— How strong are the forces of Hamir ?”
Herald.—* Imperial Majesty, Hamir has 117,000 horse, and his foot are 200,000 in number. In their midst rides he, the great Rao, on an ele- phant. He has 500 commanders, tall, robust and well-skilled in the art of war. He commands the allegiance of the princes of Chitor, Narwargar and Gwaliar. The forces of one of his vassals, named Randhir, consist of 31,000 horse, 80 elephants, and 10,000 heroes all invincible.”
Emperor.—* How strong is the fort of Ranthambor ?”
Herald.—“ The fort is very strong, and inaccessible to an enemy. Four roads lead to it, and eighty-four passes, very close and narrow, go winding amidst its surrounding hills. Five large tanks, fed by mountain-torrents and therefore deep beyond compare and filled to the brim, strengthen the defence of the fort. Temples of Ganesa, Siva, Nandi, Bhairav, Durga and her attendant goddesses are situated within it. Itis guarded by a body of 600 Nagas, all veteran soldiers, and 70 very wide-mouthed cannons, which cannot be moved, and at whose report mountains tremble, women miscarry and rivers become dry. Its supply of provisions and ammunition is immense. Two very large underground stores are well stocked with grain, weighing one crore, ten lacs and ten thousand maunds. The weight of the sunn cord and pack-thread stored within the fort is ten lacs of maunds; that of bullets four lacs, that of gh¢ twenty thousand, that of fejra (opium husks or
202 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
the capsules of the poppy) ten thousand, and that of powder nine laes. Heaps upon heaps of salt are piled like hills. There are different stores for camphor, musk, saffron, spices, far, oil, iron and lead.”
Emperor.—< How does Hamir rule over his 2déj ? Describe his morals and ways of government.”’
Herald.—* In the character of Hamir are combined the highest qua- lities of a king with those of a moral man. As a king, he isa great lover of justice ; merciful to his subjects, affable to the virtuous, charitable and bene- volent to the poor. No tax is levied in his states. His people, 6,710,000 in number, live in peace and prosperity. As a moralist, he is strict in the performance of all the austerities of his religion, with unflinching courage, bold decision of character, and total disregard for his life, when it stands between him and his promise. He abstains from flesh and wine, tolerates no Muhammadan forms of worship, neither bang (call to prayer) nor nimdz (prayers). He has pulled down all the mosques in his territory and erect- ed temples in their stead, whose walls resound with prayers offered up to Hari. The hymns of the god are chanted, and his words read over the length and breadth of his dominion. The Koran can never be pronounced there. No man can jest with a woman other than his wife. The son pays the greatest possible respect to the father, talking with his face down all the while. A woman who proves false to her husband is punished with death.
EXmperor.— Tell me in brief the charity of Hamir.”
Herald.—* Five mohars, each weighing 5 tolas, and 12 cows with their calves are given every morning at sunrise to pious Brahmans, who are daily fed in the palace. 107 maunds of khitchari (cooked rice and dal) are daily distributed among disabled men, and 12 maunds of grain are scattered to be picked up by birds.”
Emperor.—< Tell me the character of his queen.”
Herald.—“ His queen Aga is the perfect pattern of chastity and is always engaged in doing her duties as a wife. As a mother she is a Suniti of her age, and is very kind to her subjects. Hamir has a prince and a prin- cess both unequalled in beauty. The sun stops in his airy path to get a glimpse of their royal persons, and flies buzz about their mouths as they do about a sweet-scented flower. In brief, mighty monarch, both the Rao and his wife hold under their bodies and devote their minds to things of a transcendental nature, deep abstractions of philosophy and mental discipline. The great Chohan prefers the substantial to the unsubstantial, the lasting to the frail and evanescent. Asa true Rajptt, he does not lack physical courage : brave and firm like a rock, he never shows his back to his enemies, His subjects are all happy because of the virtues of their ruler. The young as well as the old, the rich as well as the poor, the able as well as the disabled, all find in him their affectionate friend.”
-1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 203
Emperor.—‘ What is the age of Hamir ?”
Herald.‘ Hamir is an accomplished youth of 28 and, at this early age, a miracle of genius, prudence, heroism, wisdom and intelligence. When he comes to the durbar, the minstrel Maqna thus sings his praises : ‘Bestower of gifts, great Rao of Ranthambor, the hero of heroes, that bring on the golden age in this corrupt world, your virtues are incompara- ble, and your might almost divine. Your truth is like that of Harish- chandra ; charity like that of Karan; attainments in learning like those of Bhoj ; sympathy with the poor and administration of relief like those of Vikram ;and beauty of features like that of Cupid. You are a Brik- bhanu in power. Your words are sweet and full of love, and you are well versed in fourteen kinds of arts and sciences. Your wealth is like Indra’s, your treasury and stores like Kuber’s, whereon Riddhi (prosperity) and Siddhi (fulfilment), two wives of the god Ganega, always preside. There are eight kinds of s¢ddhis in your states, and all pieces of iron are turned into gold.’
“Thick, green gardens lie round about his fort, while around them are deep and dark forests. The mango trees, the pomegranate, lime, apple, berry, orange, Ahirni, plantain, cocoanut, dates, chiranjz and jack, all are loaded with their sweet, delicious fruits. There are very many wmer trees, hundred kinds of shyotds, the large acacia and the beautiful khir. The bees hum amidst various flowers and draw nectar with great glee. Here you can see in full bloom and blossom the rose and the jassamine ; there the ketaki by its sweet smell draws together and charms a number of bees. Here beds of keora, johi, jay, sindup and sabbu beautify the scene ; there the padal, chameli, kékbeld, satrang, srikhand, kund, malati and shewti give fragrance to the air. The matia plants are loaded with flowers and the /d/lbang, vine, the nimble madhoj and other creepers are plentiful. There are palms and famd/s on the banks of tanks, which bear on their broad bosoms the dancing red lotus and the white lotus with the bee, enjoying itself, being hid amidst the petals. All around are the lofty hills covered with dense forests and clad in green. Waterfalls pour from on high, where beside the waters play the peacock, the duck, the chakravak, the suk, the chatrak and the blackbird.”
CHAPTER V.
Aldé-uddin’s soliloqguy.— 1 do not care for the pride of Hamir. Ina moment I can bring him to my feet, knock down his fort, seize the criminal Muhammad Shah, and drag him to Dehli. Sure as my name is Ald-uddin, I will do all these things. A Rao, possessing one fort only, vaunts so much of his might! Surely I cannot bear it. Yet I have scruples as to the cer-
204 B. Bandyopadhyaya— Hamir Rasa, [| No. 3,
tainty of my victory. I know not what might be the issue of my attack, if I rashly attempt it at once. Defeat, as well as victory, is in the hand of God. Who knows that I shall never be brought to the wall? It is, therefore, that I think it advisable to act up to the council of my ministers and vassals. i shall call a grand meeting and court discussion.”
An open durbdr was held at the Council hall. The emperor thus ad- dressed it :—
“My noble Khans, Sultans, Rands and Réos—you have been for a long time aware that a Sheik, named Muhammad Shéh, was for some heinous erime banished the dominions of our empire ; you are also aware, that he wandered far and wide, without house and shelter, till he came to Rantham- bor, where he found protection under the roof of the Chohan Chief of that place. I myself, through one of my heralds, tried in various ways to con- vince the Rao of the folly of his action, the certainty of his destruction and that of his fort, if he persisted in refusing to send me the culprit. But he, in spite of my friendly advice and remonstrance, cares not at all for me and my power and in a haughty style challenges me to fight. (The audience shouted “Let us draw our swords, let us draw our swords.’’) Hear, my noble Chiefs, in order to justly punish the folly and obstinacy of the Rao, I have determined to capture his fort, and plant on its tower the standard of the crescent. (The audience rose up from their seats and, reverently bowing their heads, stood ready to receive orders.) Be resolved, therefore, one and all, to fight. Faint not, fear not, but with hearts of steel let us march to curb the pride of the upstart and to show him the power, glory and energy of the followers of the true faith.”
All the chiefs, assembled in the council, exclaimed with one voice—“ We are ready to die, emperor, ready to sacrifice our lives and interests for this sacred and profitable cause : sacred because it concerns Islamism, and profit- able because it concerns the interest of our monarch, the sole preserver of our lives and property. Here is a rule and a very good one it is— If you goto hunt a jackal, be armed with all weapons necessary to hunt- ing a lion. The proud Rado challenges you to fight. It behoves us, there- fore, to attack him in his own house, demolish his fort and burn him and all that belongs to him to ashes.”
All was excitement, when the Vazir Mihram Khan, with joined hands, thus began: “ May it please your Majesty, I ask your royal permission to speak only a few words. ‘There is a great difference between hunting a lion and hunting a jackal. Do not think them all one. Why do you in- crease your anger? Why make much of the malice you bear towards the exile P because the risk a man incurs by being engaged in a war is fearfully great. He hazards life and prosperity and can never be sure of victory.
1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 205
Tf he come off a loser after his best endeavours, then all is over with him. The Chohans are in no way inferior to the Musalmans in martial bravery. The warlike Prithviraj defeated Muhammad Ghori and drove him back to the mountains of Ghor. The bold Bisaldev committed great havoc among the Muhammadan ranks and obliged them to retrace their steps from the very gates of Ajmir. Do not expose yourself and your subjects to the risks of a war. It seems to me wise to make the figure of the exile of lace and behead it, proclaiming his execution.”
The emperor became greatly incensed at these words of the Vazir.
War was proclaimed. Egypt, Kabul, Ghazni, Kandahar, Khorasan, Rum, Arabia, Kashmir, Iran, Turdn and Habesh (Abyssinia) poured forth each its quota of soldiers. There was a vast sea of spears, swords, muskets, shields, bows and arrows, all glittering in the sun on the broad plain of Dehli. The emperor could not help laughing at the rashness of Hamir, seeing before him, as far as his eyesight could reach, the unending line of the soldiers who were drawn up in battle-array, with streaming ban- ners, at the call of the muster-rolls. There stood before him, bending their heads, Lodis, Pathans, Gohdns, Burdwans, Sarunis, Khordsdnis, Khayam Khamis, Syads, Mughals, Adamkhoris, Chustis and Scindhis, all num- bering 4,510,000 troops, horse, foot, artillery and archers.
“ How foolish is Hamir,” exclaimed Ald-uddin, casting his eyes from one flank to the other, “ how foolish is he to persist in his unwise resolu- tion. He, the butterfly of a day, flitters about the strongest of fires and knows not that after a few minutes he is to fall on it with his wings sing- ed, his beauty gone, his pride crushed, and above all his life sacrificed to imprudence. Independently of the troops of my allies, so numerous in number and obedient to my call, my tributary and dependent chiefs of Surat, Girinagar and of all the provinces to the south and east of my wide dominions are ready to give up their lives and interests for the sake of me, their sole monarch. 138,088 Omraos come from all parts of my empire to the imperial court, twice a year, once on Chandtij (a festival) of Bha- dun (August) and once in Chait (March). They prostrate themselves at my feet and remain in that position, till I bid them hold up their heads. My power is acknowledged far and wide, my authority undisputed, my heroism unparalleled, my pride and glory unbroken, and courage almost divine. I will, first of all, break down the ten walls of the fort of Ran- thambor, make defence impossible, and then burn Hamir with his wives and children in the very fire which his obstinacy alone has kindled to such an extent.”
Ald-uddin set out with his immense army in the month of Chait, Thick columns of dust rose high up in the air and hid the sun. When his
cc
206 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
legions began to advance, it seemed as if an ocean, having left its boundary, rolled on, sweeping everything before it with great fury. The cavalry, consisted of 27,00,000 of excellent horsemen, of whom 700,000 were Hindts. There were 10,000 messengers of war, 400,000 of pioneers, 100,000 of writers, 200,000 of merchants, 400,000 of female cooks, 200,000 of mules laden with treasure, 400,000 of grooms and 100,000 of mendicants, 200,000 of artillerymen, very able and powerful in the art of destruction, and 300,000 of camels, loaded with tents, furniture and powder bags. 5000 elephants, one exceeding the other in strength, followed the camp. They seemed as if the dark clouds of the rainy season advanced roaring and thundering in their way.
Drums and trumpets sent forth their warlike peals and stirred up spirit aud enthusiasm in every heart. ’Ali Khan headed the van of the army, and Himmat Bahadur the rear. 8000 banners were unfurled. A space of more than eighty miles was taken up by these innumerable hosts, so that at every halt the pioneers had to clear such an extent of land of dense for- ests. All wells and tanks which they happened to pass by were drained, many a narrow valley was blown up and extended.
The report of the expedition of Ala-uddin reached the territory of Hamir. Many cowardly Bhumias (petty chiefs) fled, leaving their posses- sions, to live amidst defiles and winding caves of mountains, whereas heroes, nobles and soldiers made themselves ready for battle. There was a hill-fort named Malarna from which descended a body of brave Rajputs. They took by surprise a detachment of Muhammadan troops encamped below in fancied security. 10,000 soldiers of the Shah of Kablantir were cut off, and the camp pillaged.
When the intelligence of this event reached the emperor, he ordered his soldiers to. pursue the plunderers closely. They succeeded in overtak- ing them on the bank of the Banas. A party of 20,000 Rawats, headed by five heroes—Puafir Abhay Singh, Rattor Bharji, Bagel Hari Singh, Katch- wa Bhim Singh and Chohan Sardul—hastened to the aid of the pursued even without taking the orders of their liege-lord Hamir. The imperial tents arrived there and had to halt for two days.
A detachment of troops, commanded by Himmat Bahadur, came for- ward. They were met by a body of Rajpit soldiers under Hari Singh Bagelé and Bhim Singh Katchwa. ’Ali Khan, at the head of 200,000 sol- diers, joimed his brother Himmat’s ranks. ‘The Rajpit warriors, although surrounded on every side by the masses of the Muhammadan army, pressed on and began to fight. Very great was the skill displayed by them. Now they applied arrows to their bows, now they shot them, pulling the strings
1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 207
up to their ears. Engaged in battle, they seemed asif the great Arjun was again fighting in the field of Kurukshetra. There was a play of swords for hours. ‘The blood of the slain rained as showers of the rainy season. ‘The armours were cut, and bodies divided into two parts. Many spearmen danced with fury, stabbing all that fell in their way. The sharp points of lances, seen on the backs of the dead, were as horns of the moon peeping through dark clouds. Many heads were cut off ; but lo! the bodies rose with swords in their hands and made havoc among the hostile ranks. Daggers went right through the bellies, the wide battle-axes opened large wounds in the chests, whence flowed jets of blood in torrents as pour down streams of water besoiled with red clay from the tops of mountains. Many a wounded man flew with wild fury at his nearest adversary, killed him and then fel) down dead on his body. At last the Muhammadans, panic-struck, ran away in confusion. Many bewailed their lot, and there rose a cry of despair.
The victorious Rajputs carried off immense booty, consisting mostly of treasure. The loss on the Muhammadan side was 30,000 foot, 20 elephants, and 2000 horse. ‘The number of the wounded could not be counted. On the Rajput side, there fell 16 warriors only, and 80 were wounded, among whom was Puafr Abhay Singh who had received a slight injury on his head.
Having defeated the Muhammadans, the Rajptit warriors went to Ranthambor and bowed their heads before Hamir. Then they informed him of allthe events as they had happened. He ordered them in a firm tone not to fight any more battles with the emperor while he was on the way.
The Vazir Mihram Khan said to Ald-uddin: “ Imperial Master, the territories of Hamir are very mountainous, and therefore difficult of subjuga- tion. See a body of plunderers and thieves descended on us from hill-tops and declivities and went away, having pillaged our goods. So it behoves our troops to be very cautious, and always on their guard.”
Ald-uddin’s tents were pitched outside the hills of Ranthambor. Mirs, Amirs, Khans and others arrived there, not without scruples and were _encamped by the side of wells and tanks all round the town.
CuHaprer VI.
Seated on his hill-fort, which commanded the view of many a mile, Hamir saw the grandeur of the imperial camp. He remarked, laughing, “Lo! Ald-uddin has come, a gipsy at the head of numerous flocks. He, with all his pride and parade, shall never be able to stand the first shock which my chiefs and I will give him and his troops. The Mlechchas (infidels) of all the ten quarters of the world have accompanied him ; but
208 B Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
I will disperse them as flakes of cotton in the air, and this I resolve to do very soon. If it please God to determine otherwise, I am sure to cause wholesale massacre in the second battle.”’
Hamir’s letter to Ala-uddin.—* Emperor, arm yourself with two bows and ten arrows. War is to be waged between you and me, Why close the roads to travellers? Do not molest them. When you have come to Ranthambor, you will very shortly see how strong are our forces in an open battle-field.”’
Ald-uddin’s reply. Do not think me, Hindi, a common person: I am one inspired from heaven, and gifted with the sovereignty of Dehli. The ways of the Hindus and those of the Musalmans are different, and it is my avowed object to make them follow one—the only way of truth. Four devils and eighty-four saints are at my service, waiting only for my sover- eign command. You have given refuge to Muhammad Shah, and do you venture to hope for life P Yet consider. What profit do you hope to get by keeping a culprit with you? Know that the issue of your stubbornness will be the destruction of lacs and millions of men. Then why not leave one, if your leaving him would make the aspect of things look bright ?”
Hamir’s letter.—“ O Emperor, you have never heard of the virtues of the Kshatriyas. As you are a saint of Mecca, so am Ia heroof heaven. Be- tween you and me there is no resemblance, and this I have told you often. I will never break my promise, which I have resolved to keep after a care- ful consideration of all circumstances. I will never violate it. Our fort was founded by Siva for the defence of the oppressed and the glorification of truth and RAjptit power. Why care for your body which is frail and transient at best ? Where lies the use of living an inglorious life? The anchorets never give up spiritual meditation and abstraction of their minds for things worldly and, therefore, corrupt. The Rajptts never give up their hereditary virtues. I will never return you the exile Muhammad Shab, until my head be severed from my body. The Chohans and the Muhammadans have been and are often at war with one another. _ Prithvi- r4j slew the saints Miran and Kwaja with their 180,000 men. The great Ajaipal had paramount power. Bisaldev brought many a monarch to his feet. Biramdev Sangrénaé made a great havoc among the Muhammadan ranks at Jhalwargarh ; he never consented to give his handsome daughter in marriage with an emperor and thus preserved, in spite of great difficulties and temptations, the honour of his house inviolate. Prithviraj drove away Muhammad Ghori seven times to the mountains of Ghor, after having subjected him to the ignominy of wearing women’s bracelets (churis) on his arms. When the latter again attacked Dehli, the brave Chohan died exulting on the field. You, weak in intellect, do you think that
1879. ] or a History of Hamtr, prince of Ranthambor. 209
the truthful Rajpits will be deterred by adverse circumstances from doing what they consider to be their duty ? Do you think that they fear death and destruction? Never give place tou such a thought. I am a descendant of the heroic Chohéns. Rather than live to see my words fall to the ground, I will die a glorious death with my sword drawn on my bosom. I have determined and made it a point in my life never to leave undone what I am resolved upon. I will never go to you and bow down at your feet with proposals of peace, it matters not with how many furies you may be attended. If the Sesh leave supporting the earth on its broad head, if the mountains leave their fixed places and begin to move, if the waters of the Ganges flow from her mouth to the source, if the sun rise in the West and the polar star move in the sky, if the ocean violate the truth by which he his bound to keep confined within his dominions, if the sat/ who burned herself with the body of her husband rise from her ashes and begin to live together again in the world, then and yet then I will never break through my resolution. The sky may not bear myriads of stars on its broad bosom, and the beams of the morning sun hide them from the face of the earth, yet Hamir, brave Hamir, will never violate his sacred promise. L assure you, I will never let any one, be he the strongest of all mortals— a saint or a demon—to pull a hair out of Muhammad Shah’s head as long as I am alive.
“Do not forget, Emperor, the truth I point out to you—that lacs of Ala-uddins have been turned to dust on the surface of this frail earth. Do you think yourself the only heroP Never for a moment give place to such a thought. Nothing has been, and will ever be, stable on earth. Do not blow your own trumpet, Ala-uddin. If it has pleased God to make you a monarch, you are one, and who calls you a slave? Who knows what will be your condition in the fort of Ranthambor ?”’
Cuaprer VII.
Hamir came to the temple of Mahadeva, worshipped the god in various ways, burnt incense and thus prayed :—
“T bow down at thy feet, thou Omnipotent, thou wearer of matted hair, holder of the pindk spear. O thou, that hast three eyes and fire burning and the moon shining on thy forehead ; that hast a garland of human heads around thy neck; that hast Bhavani on thy left side, and the Ganges murmuring on thy head, hid amidst the knots of thy hair; that hast Gauri as a part of the body, and devils and serpents attending thee—O thou whose throat is blue with poison, whose son is Ganesa and servant Bir: bhadra, O thou mighty lord, have mercy on me, help me in this dire extre- mity and make me fearless now, when Ald-uddin has come at the head of
210 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
270,000 horse to fall on me and conquer my fort. I depend only on thy mercy. The sinner has his sins forgiven him by thy benign power. I have come to thee to ask thy protection. Defend the fort; defend truth and the glory of the Rajpit virtues. O thou, the lord of Uma, bless me, help me, support me and encourage me. ‘The fort is beimg drowned and swept away by the mighty ocean of the Muhammadan army. Keep the honour of my words inviolate. O god, assist me that thy name may be glorified here on earth.”” Then Hamir closed his eyes and became lost in contem- plation.
The heavens opened and a sound issued—“ Hear, son, the glory of thy deeds shall remain untarnished for ever. Fight the Muhammadan forces: thou hast nothing to fear, even if the siege last for 14 years. On Saturday the eleventh after the full-moon in the month of July (the moon being on the sign Pushya), there shall be a great final massacre. Thy name and heroism shall be immortal both here and hereafter. Draw thy sword for the glory of thy words, because such is the virtue of the Kshatriyas.”’
With great joy Hamir prostrated himself at the feet of the god. He was coming out of the temple, when he heard the following words: ‘ Hear, Rao, this is certain—if a thousand warriors of thy ranks fall on the field, they shall fall killing a lac of the infidels.”
Hamir called a council of war. His friends and ministers all assem- bled. There were present warriors, heroes, Rawats and formidable Bhars— men who regarded their lives.as pawned for the safety and cause of their liege-lord. They were not given to sensual pleasures, and, therefore, their limbs were as strong and hard as rocks. The world and the flesh had no influence on their minds. Their lips dropped honey, and they were ready to cut off their own heads for the interest of others. Their glory and heroism were sung by the minstrels. They held jdgirs which gave to each of them an annual yield, worth a lac of Rupees. Rado Randhir of the fort of Chhan, uncle to Hamir, was at the head of these heroes. He, having bowed to the Rao, thus spoke, “ Hamir, see my dexterity in using swords. I shall do what our uncle Kan did when he fought with the Kémdhaj Rattors of Kanauj.” ‘“ Listen to what I say, my valiant uncle,” replied the Rao, “your heroism is not unknown to me. You are the defender of my fort, fort-wall, town, my forces and all that I have inmy possession. Hear, I have said to the emperor, that I shall fight with him in an open field of battle ; see that my words do not fall to the ground.”
Hamir strengthened the defences of the fort. Large cannons were mounted on the bastions ; soldiers armed with bows and arrows were seated beside the battlements. The gates were well guarded by very powerful sen- tinels, Every pass, every entrance, every gap was very carefully shut up, and
1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 211
defended by bodies of strong heroes. Then marched the great Chohan, riding on an elephant, followed by many other warriors armed cap a pied each seated on his own charger. The elephants were so tall that the heads of their riders touched the sky. Such an impetuous rush they made, that it seemed as if a host of devils ran forward to fight, having been awakened from sleep. Then followed bodies of horses all brisk and fleet, well-dressed and mailed. Young and powerful heroes rode on them and began to pour down in parties. The head of the mighty Randhir was seen promi- nent among the Rajput ranks. The valleys rang with the loud and thrill- ing sounds of trumpets anddrums. Randhir, with his warriors, pressed on. The large number of horses and elephants, coming forward, looked as if the waters of an ocean rolled on sweeping everything before them.
Ala-uddin, on seeing the hostile troops before him, drawn up in bat- tle-array, ordered, in great anger, to besiege the fort very closely. The Rajput forces and the ranks of the Muhammadans met. Many a hero rushed hither and thither, uttering shouts of war-cries at the top of his voice. Arrows flew whizzing through the air and pierced the massive bodies of elephants, as pass numbers of enraged serpents to their dens on the sides of mountains.
There was a sharp play of swords held in determined hands. Randhir rode out in front, brandishing his steel very cleverly. Azmat Khan and Muhammad Ali, at the head of 80,000 veteran soldiers, fell upon him. The engagement was very fearful and lasted steadily for a long time. “ Hold fast your bows, Muhammadan,” cried out Randhir. Mu- hammad Ali rushed at him, furious like a tiger. While both the heroes were engaged, Azgmat Khan bent his bow and shot an arrow at the breast of the Chohdn, who, slightly hurt, thrust his lance on the former so cleverly that it went right through his head, and down dropped the body on the ground. “ Think not, Chohaén, that thou hast won the victory” exclaimed Muhammad Ali, “I shall show thee my skill in the use of swords, and the next moment thou shalt fall a prey to it.’? No sooner did he say the above words than his flashing sword fell on the head of Randhir. The helmet was cut off, but the wound on the head was very slight. The brave Chohan then despatched the Muhammadan by one stroke of his sword. When their brave commander fell the troops gave way. They shrank in fear. Many veterans dropped down dead on the field; sharp daggers were run through many a breast. Heads began to roll on the ground, their teeth grinding and eyes darting fire. Legs and hands were cut off, and yet the stumps fought. A panic seized the Muhammadans, and they fled away in confusion. The total loss on the Muhammadan side was a very great number of soldiers, besides Muhammad Ali and Azmat Khan, Mirs of the
212 B. Bandyopddhyéya—Hamir Rasé, [No. 8,
emperor of Balkh, while that on the side of the Chohan was 10,000 only. The goddess Kaliké danced and laughed, and her attendant she-devils feasted on the flesh and blood of the slain. All who fell on the field were translated to heaven.
When the troops fled away from the field, when “ Fly away for life” was the only expression heard, the emperor burst with anger. He said “Ry! Fy! cowards, why do you leave the field? Is it for this act of shame that I allowed you the enjoyment of many comforts? Is it for this that you have eaten my salt ? Now the love of life overcomes faith- fulness. Come, come along to me, I shall cut you to pieces with my own hand.”’ The scattered soldiers became united, and again they rushed to the field. Their shouts were heard to a great distance. Badat Khan, the principal Mir of Ghazni, bowed down to Ala-uddin. He said, “ See my dexterity and military talents, Royal Master, see how I fight and kill the hostile troops one and all.”
Badat came to the field with great fury ; so great were his bravery and ferocity that it seemed as if the fire of death and destruction shone forth from every pore of his body. The air resounded with the high peal of drums. Colours were unfurled. Clad in mail and armed with all the weapons of attack and defence, the Muhammadan Mir thought himself invulnerable. The enraged emperor gave orders, anda second battle was fought. Again the martial music of sdndhis (pipes), trumpets and drums was sounded ; shouts and cheers were heard from all sides. Cannons roared, and thereby the earth shook, the waters of tanks and wells became dry, and women miscarried. Arrows flew fast in large numbers. Darkness spread over the field, so that the hands of the archers could neither be seen nor dis- tinguished. Badat Khan and Randhir met. They seemed asif two mighty Rudras came face to face. The Muhammadan was at the head of 20,000 soldiers who surrounded the Rajput. The troops of the latter rode for- ward. Swords clashed, and the Chohan warriors, by a masterly feat of arms, failed. not in cutting the bodies of their adversaries in ten thousand pieces. There wasa play of sharp spears. The heroic Randhir commenced a wholesale massacre, and almost all the Muhammadans were put to the sword. With a wild hurrah, out rushed Badat Khan and fell on the great Chohan. He raised a guraz (a club with a ball of steel at one end) on the head of his enemy, who shifting wisely warded off the blow by his shield. Then Randhir, furious with rage, struck Badat Khan dead by one stroke of his sword. The head dropped down, but behold! the body rose and rushed at the Rao, who immediately divided it into two equal parts.
The emperor became greatly sorry at the fall of Badat Khan and that of his 20,000 men. Mihram Khan having joined his hands, thus spoke:
1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 213
“Did I not tell you, that Hamir will never come to you and return you the exile, Muhammad Shah. When he has drawn his sword against you, he will stand by his resolution ; you can never get the body of the refugee. The promise of that greatest of all heroes is true, and true to the letter.”
Ala-uddin became greatly displeased with the Vazir. He said “ Cursed coward, do you not know my might? Do you not know that in the twinkling of an eye, I can destroy the fort of your valiant Rao, burn him, his sons and wives, and bring the exile Muhammad Shah trembling to my feet ?” Taking a copy of the Koran in his hand, he bowed down to the great Alla. He cast his eyes from one flank to the other of the numerous host arranged on his side. Then with asecret pride he gave vent to his thoughts—“ The lines of my forces are as thick and dense as dark clouds on the autumnal sky. Hamir, foolish Hamir, can expect to live only a day or two more.”
The Vazir’s reply.—* O Emperor, who on earth can have even a shght glimpse of futurity? A stubborn insect persistently flitters about the strongest fire, although it falls singed on the flame.”
In the camp of Hamir, Randhir said,—“ The emperor has come to Ranthambor, having conquered the four sides of the earth. It behoves us, therefore, to fight both day and night.”
Hamir.—‘ Mighty uncle, at night how shall I be able to distinguish heroes from cowards ?_ Besides, the principal virtue of the Kshatriyas les in fighting in the presence of Surya (the sun), Bhairay, Mahadeva, and. Kalika ; and the vultures do not come to the field but in day-light. I will never fight the Muhammadan forces at night, because I consider it a decep- tion.”
Two thousand large cannons were kept steadily engaged in pour- ing out volleys of fire towards the-fort. The fearless Hamir sallied forth | from his hills and committed dreadful massacre by day, while by night descended the troops of Randhir all of a sudden from the defiles and declivities of the mountains of Chhan, and brought certain destruction on the Muhammadan ranks. Thus did the two heroes cut off the heads of many Mirs and Amirs and those of many horses and elephants. The blood of the slain flowed as rivers. Ah! what a terrible sight it was to look upon.
Ala-uddin, seeing the hopeless state of things, is said to have invoked the saint Khw4jé of Ajmir and the saint Miran of Taragarh in the following words : “I will go barefooted to your shrines, mighty Pirs, if you deliver the fort of Ranthambor into my hands.” The latter sent nine Sayyads to his assistance. They cut off their own heads and holding them by their hands made a desperate rush at Hamir, when lo! four gods descended from
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214 B. Bandyopadhyéya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
heaven—Gananath, Sambhu, Dinakar and Khethrap4l. There followed a violent contest between them. Exulting and angry, they sprang on the heads of each other. Now they roared, now darkness covered the face of the earth making everything look terrible, now it rained very fast, now they rode on the clouds and exchanged angry words with one another. Now they poured down fire, now they hurled each his enemy into the air. Now the earth shook with their fury. Gananath wielded his pindk& with great skill, and Bhairav his mudgar. The Pirs fell. Their bodies remained on the earth while their souls were put into prison. Here are their names: Abdal, Hassein, Rahim, Sultén Mekki, Abul Haékéni, Rassul, Jakhki Ah, Hayar and Himmat. Ald-uddin drew a heavy sigh at the sight of their bodies strangled and scattered in a forest. Ina desponding tone he remarked : “ Victory belongs to Hamir, alas! not to the great follower of the crescent.”
Then the emperor called a council of war. The Vazir Mihram Khan thus addressed his Imperial Majesty: “ Nothing now can be of any avail but one thing. Let us besiege Chhan. If the fort of Randhir fall, we shall succeed in creating a panic in that of Ranthambor. Rao Randhir will come to you with the Sheik, and thus will the pride of Hamir fall to the ground.”
Emperor.— Then let us carry the fort Chhan at once.” A purwanna was instantly written to Rao Randhir.
Firman.—* Rao, the emperor, being angry with you at your haughty conduct, has determined to besiege your fort. ‘Take care and be humble, for his 5000 Arabic cannons are so strong that they, when fired, can split up huge mountains to pieces. Once fire flowed from their mouths as rain from clouds, at whose fearful report the lions fled from their dens in dismay. Ala-uddin the Great, with his 250,000 horse, comes in full parade to justly punish you for your pride.”
Reply of Randhir.—* Do not delay, Emperor, in besieging my fort, now that your repeated efforts to take that of Ranthambor, which you boasted to capture within the shortest possible period, have gone for nothing. Be patient, Ala-uddin, I will fight with you bravely in an open field. Has India no heroes? Are her brave sons all gone that you are so over-bearing and vaunting P J have made every preparation for war. My soldiers are singing in sweet notes the marching song. Of my 31,000 troops, 10,000 heroes, gay like flowers, are promenading in the battle-field. They can defeat and scatter the forces of their enemy, being safe themselves.”
The imperial troops were encamped on the plains of Chhan.
Then sallied forth the Chohan troops from the hill-tops of Chhan, headed by the warlike Randhir. On the Muhammadan side Abdul Khan
1879. | or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 215
and Karim Khan were made commanders of the battle. Both the parties met. Showers of arrows fell, swords clashed, and rings were flung. Very great was the bravery displayed by the 10,000 heroes of the Chohan chief. The heads of 10,000 Habshis rolled on the ground. 500 Rajput warriors were slain, on whose bodies sat vultures and jackals and feasted on their flesh and blood. Then, swift like a flash of lightning, Randhir, like a hungry lion, fell upon both the commanders and cut off their heads with great dexterity. A massacre ensued. The imperial troops were driven four miles behind. ‘ Behold, emperor,” exclaimed the Rao, ‘‘ see how your brave soldiers fly away. Pity their poor souls! Why do you number their days by pushing them on to the great furnace of Rajpit might ?”
Randhir’s letter to Ald-uddin.—* Why delay, emperor, in taking my fort ? The few days, in which you said you would capture it, have passed away. Why do you not rase my fort? Shall you ever be able to do so? No, never. Why then sacrifice the lives of your poor soldiers? Though you should besiege my fort for five years, you would not succeed in pulling a stone out of it, nor out of Hamir’s, if the siege were to last for twelve years.”
Although an enemy, Ald-uddin could not forbear commending the military talents and prowess of Randhir. He said “ Glory to Randhir, glory to his bravery. See, amidst a forest of our men, he, at the head of a few troops, rushed in and darted like lightning, carrying the palm. Let us no more fight with swords except in special cases, for in the use of swords the Rajputs have, I am inclined to believe, no equal. Let us try to blow up the fort by planting batteries all around.”
The Rajpit officers and soldiers, with one voice, said to Randhir, “Continue fighting, invincible master, we will never show the enemy our backs. Fight without fear, trusting in our faithfulness. We shall die glorying in our death, thereby glorifying the name of the Chohans, and thus ascend that world of felicity which is far above the earth and the
At the instance of Rao Randhir, Rao Hamir called together the Ksha- triyas of thirty-six different clans. The troops assembled and seemed as numerous as clouds which overcast the sky. ‘They stood in front, with their hands joined, and were thus addressed ‘‘ Listen, ye friends, listen with atten- tion ; since we have drawn our swords against the emperor of India, we shall fight to the last drop of our blood. Come and side with us, ye who are brave, who dare sacrifice their lives for our sake. Let him who fears to die go away from our ranks.”
The vassals replied —“ Royal Master, we have eaten your salt, and shall eat it as long as we live. How can we in this extremity leave your cause ?
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216 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
We promise that we will not only defend the fort, but with hearts un- daunted meet the emperor, your enemy, in an open field. However great may be the odds in his favour, we will cut his men to pieces and scatter them in flight.”
Flames of fire burst forth from every hill-top, and illuminated the country to a great distance.
On the receipt of Hamir’s letter, the two princes of Chitor, Khan and Balansi, proclaimed the fact of their going to Ranthambor, at which all the citizens, male and female, came and fell down at their feet, beseeching them to change their resolution, and not to sacrifice their interests for those of their uncle—Hamir. The princes replied—* Listen, ye citizens, those who are born must die, for it is soordained by God. In this corrupt age none are immortal, and none will ever be so. If we fall in battle, we shall die in glory, and our praises will be sung by the immortal Urvasi, the fairy-queen of heaven.” The Ranis, their mothers, looked pale, but they would not yield. Having saluted their superiors, they, with 3,000 brave Rattors, 5,000 Puairs and 8,000 Chohans, marched for Ranthambor. When they arrived, they encamped below the hills. Then they went to the fort.
Hamir gave the princes a very warm reception, embracing them tenderly. Great rejoicings were made in honour of their coming to Ran- thambor. “I leave the burden of government upon you, princes,” said Hamir, “take it. I leave all in your charge.’”’ “ Glory to you, uncle,” re- plied they, “for keeping the houseless under the shadow of your protec- tion. You have thereby become famous in this world. None are to live for ever here below, but deeds, glorious deeds, are lasting monuments of men’s lives. Our bodies are frail. As long as we, your slaves, are alive you need not go yourself to the field. We must fight the imperial legion and show you our skill in the art of war.’”
Both the brothers stood up in great excitement. Bravery and courage beamed forth from their faces, which looked like two rising suns. Their helmets and breast-plates glittered, and the spirit-stirring peal of trumpets made them restless.
“ Brother Khan,” exclaimed Balansi, ‘let us take the Muhammadans unawares, swoop down upon them at once, and cut them to pieces. We are resolved to die gloriously on the field. Ratan shall reign on the thrones of Chitor, Narwal and Gwaliar. (To Hamir), If the provisions of food fail, care not at all, uncle, for your life; go, fight the Muham- madans, commit a massacre and fall on the field of glory, but never break your word.” The bold words of the princes made the heroic Réo weep at the thought of parting with them, alas! for ever.
Princes.—“ Nothing is stable in the world, nay, not even the moun-
1879. | or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 217
tains, the earth and the hills. Why weep at the thought of parting, dear uncle? If we be separated from you, we are sure to meet you in yonder heaven.”
The Rado kept quiet. The two brave heroes went to the females’ apartments. They bowed to Rani Aga. All the females, including the maids of the princess burst, out a-crying. “It is time now, dear sons,” said As4 with tears rolling down her cheeks, “ when we shall rejoice to see you married.”” The princes laughed. They cried. “Then fasten on our heads the marriage-crowns, gracious queen, and we shall fight with greater determination.’”’ The crowns were tied to their foreheads, and holy threads wound round their arms. Then she blessed them.
Afterwards the princes entered the temple of Siva. They worship- ped the god and his son Ganega ; prayed to them and touched their feet.
When they returned from the temple, drums were beaten and colours unfurled. The earth and heaven echoed. They then went to the Rao, touched his feet, and exclaimed, ‘“‘ We shall meet you, dear uncle, no more here on earth, but surely there in heaven. We shall die, certainly die, but never be false to the virtues of our clan. Better far to give up the love of life and kingdom, home and children, than to violate the honour of one’s own words. Farewell, Chitor, farewell ye hills and fort of Ran- thambor, farewell this world of woe; welcome victory, welcome glorious death, and welcome eternal life and happiness.”
The princes and their train descended from the hill-fort. The beauty of the Rajput shone forth; and their spears glistened in the sun. Hnergy was visible on every countenance. The god Siva forgot his contemplation, and broke out into a wild fit of laughter. Many a handsome nymph and frightful Jogini (she-devil) descended from the air to follow the troops. Vultures and other birds, which feed on flesh, hovered along in thick numbers. Many a devil, who dwelt on land and air, moved forward to assemble there. The gods alighted for the protection of the princes and remained with them unseen and unknown. ‘The procession came to their encampment. Drums gave the warning that within a few minutes there would be fought a terrible engagement.
Lmperor.—“‘ What rejoicings are being made in the hill-fort ?”
Vazir.—“ Two young princes, sons of Hamir’s younger brother, have come to fight with us, They are strong-limbed, fully armed, blood-thirsty and desperate. Both wear crowns of victory on their foreheads.”
Emperor.—“ Then those of our ranks who can fight with a lion can venture to meet the princes face to face.”’
Vazir.—“ On our side the Mirs of Arabia are unequalled in bravery and other martial talents. Their teeth are like those of a monkey, eyes like
218 B. Bandyopaédhyaéya—Hamir Rasd, [No. 3,
cats, bodies like monsters, and ears like a winnowing fan. ‘Their ancestors captured Prithviraj and took him to Ghazni. They can easily seize the young princes and bring them to your feet.”
The emperor thanked the Vazir for his valuable advice. Instantly he sent for Mir Zam4l Khan. 4
Emperor.— Brave Mir, I leave the present work entirely with you. Your ancestors imprisoned the great Prithviraj] Chohdn. So go you to the Rajput ranks and capture the two princes of Chaturang, newly come to the assistance of Hamir ; but see you do not kill them.”
Mir Zamal Khan twisted his whiskers, touched the feet of the em- peror and said, “ Gracious Majesty, the work you have been pleased to give me is beneath my dignity asa warrior. What a trifle is to me the cap- ture of two young boys. I can bring all the Hindus pinioned to your feet, cut all in pieces if they venture to make head against me, and level their bodies in the dust.”” He bowed before Ala-uddin.
The Rajpits and the Muhammadans marched in great excitement. They came face to face. Then all of a sudden, like a flash of lightning, out rushed the Mir of Arabia. On both sides the warlike peal of martial music stirred up all to action. The blue and the white colours were unfurled. There was a clashing of swords for hours. The battle raged very furiously. A steady fire of matchlocks was kept up. There was also a brisk play of lances. ‘The bold, warlike spearsmen managed their spears with so great skill that every one of them stabbed two soldiers with one stroke of his weapon. Never did.a sword fail in cutting the head, upon which it had been struck, clean out of the shoulders. A wild laughter separated the lips of the goddess Kalika. 'There was a continuous raining of heads. Here fell a hand, there an arm, here some fingers, there some palms, here dropped — the head, there with vehemence rose the body of many a warrior. Then with a shout, which thrilled every heart, outrushed Zamal the Mir of Arabia, while from the Rajput side rode forth the prince Kénh to meet him. The Muhammadan shot an arrow which pierced the horse of the Rajpit. The horse dropped dead, and instantly a second horse was moun- ted. The fighting continued with unabated fury. Kanh drove a lance into the body of his adversary, who for a moment fell senseless on the ground. With redoubled energy and violence the Muhammadan was on his legs again. ‘The brave feats of arms of both the warriors were seen with admiration by the troops of both sides. At last the wise Hamir, thinking that the old Muhammadan was more than a match for the young Hindus, called Saukhdhar. ‘Go you, Saukhdhar, the bravest of all heroes, skilful in the art of war, go at once to the field to aid the Chitor princes. They are very heroic, but very young, and their antagonist is a monster in
1879. | or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 219
human shape. It is written that the woman, who, having determined to be burned alive with the body of her husband, shrinks back in fear at the sight of fire, is condemned in this world and loses her place in heaven. You know that nothing is immortal but the soul. You are wise, and so I need not instruct you in these well known rules. Glorious are they who con- quer both this. world and the world to come. Your mother bore in you a hero ; think of these things and fight. Go with all speed to the field and assist the young princes.”
With a wild hurrah rode forth Saukhdhar as swiftly as an arrow. The troops of Zamal Khan were also reinforced by a body of 200,000 Arabian soldiers. Cannons boomed, and balls rushed out, uplifting many a horse and elephant in the air. Swords clashed, and heroes hollood. Heads dropped on the muddy earth, muddy by the incessant shedding of blood.
“ Fight, fight my brave soldiers,” exclaimed Kanh at the top of his voice, “fight the Muhummadans, and be glorious; fight to the last drop of your blood that your name may be noised here below, and salvation won there above. See, none is able to live for ever in this frail world.”? The prince Balan spurred his elephant to meet Zamal Kanh. All of a sudden he struck the Mir with a sword, which cut off the helmet and wounded his head. Again a combat ensued. The dagger of Balan went right through the heart of Zamal, who fell down dead on the ground. Then outrushed his attendants, and they succeeded in killing the prince. Kanh made a des- perate rush at the enemy’s line and killed all he could; but his days were also numbered. With wild fury sprang amidst the ranks the brave Saukhdhar. Many Arabians were put to the sword, and more were stabbed. From every wound blood issued in jets and flowed in torrents, The reek- ing weapons flashed fire, and heads rolled hither and thither on the ground. The beheaded rose with vehemence and rushed at any that chanced to fall within their grasp. The victory belonged to the Rajputs, and the remainder of the Arab forces fled away in confusion. Many handsome nymphs descended from heaven and carried above the two brave princes and the mighty warrior Saukhdhar. On the Rajput side the loss was 8000 Chohans, 3000 Rattors, and 5000 Puatirs—16,000 in all, and three great heroes ; while that on the Muhammadan side was 70,000 foot, 5000 horse and elephant—75,000 in all, and Zamal Khan, the Mir of Arabia.
Rao Randhir, with his sword drawn, spoke face to face with Ala-uddin. “OQ Emperor, the time has come when my fort shall be destroyed. Hear, with attention, Hamir will never break through his resolution. Know this as truth, and nothing but truth. Consider very maturely, and then act. ‘The fort of Ranthambor will never come into your possession. Leave your pride therefore. It behoves you to do so,”
220 B. Bandyopadhyaya— Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
“Why not,” replied Ala-uddin, “ make Hamir understand what I say ? Why extend the flame of war which feeds on many Rajpits and Muham- madans? He may reign in the territories of Ranthambor. I am not averse to that, if he will only bring the exile Muhummad Shah to my feet: else sure as my name is Al4-uddin I will curb his pride. IfI break through my resolution while Hamir is glorying in the firmness of his, I shall never be worthy the name of ‘Emperor.’ It is certain that of two contending parties one comes off the gainer. Listen, Randhir, listen to my word. I know every creek and corner of the dominions of Hamir. By whose orders has he been authorized to enjoy to this day the possession of the four forts— Ranthambor, Chitor, Narwal and Gwaliar? He has never served me; neither has ke ever so far condescended as to make me an obeisance. Mountains may move, the sun may rise in the West, and many such other unnatural things might happen, but I, mighty Ald-uddin, will never return to Delhi without the exile. If I do so, I shall be a coward and emphatically the greatest of all cowards, not worthy to sit on an imperial throne.” (Turn- ing to his ranks), “ Press hard the seige, my brave warriors, and carry the fort.”
Randhir bade farewell to the fort. He gave alms to the Brahmans, bowed down his head before the sun and joined his hands as if he awaited his orders. Then, bending at the name of Hamir, he rushed forth very furi- ously at the head of his heroes, warriors and soldiers. His 10,000 veterans were in the front line. Then followed the horsemen, the riders upon elephants. Cannons boomed from the fort. Hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! shouted the Chohan troops. Then, swift as flashes of lightning, they fell upon the Muhammadan ranks, as fell the mighty Raghava upon the rakshasas of Ceylon. The heroes looked ferocious in anger. Steady in fight, all of them vowed to abide by the virtues of their clans. There was a standing cannon fire from both sides. The fort and its walls were breached. On the earth it rained terrible showers of flame. Dark clouds, produced by the smoke, hung on the atmosphere. Wherever there was a circle of men, shots came in that direction.
“ Come, fight with us, ye Muhammadan wrestlers, if any of you be wor- thy the name,” cried out the brave veterans of Randhir, elated with pride. They fell to wrestling. The battle raged, horse fought with horse, foot with foot, and elephant with elephant. There was an incessant shower of shots. Some lost their bodies, while others their heads, some their hands, while others their legs. So profound was the darkness spread over the field, that it could not be known whether it was day or night. Arrows flew fast piercing many a horse and elephant. The strong steel mail was no protection from their sharp points. Some soldiers were stabbed by the violent strokes of
1879. | or a History of Hamitr, prince of Ranthambor. eh
daggers. From the wounds caused by them the blood flowed in torrents as from roofs the rain water flows in the month of August. Numberless heads dropped on the field and rolled like so many water-melons. The Muhamma- dan forces shrank back. At the brave feat of arms of Randhir, even the Emperor, although an enemy, could not forbear to exclaim, “ Praise to you, praise to your valour, mighty warrior,” and at the same time, looking at his dispersed troops, he frowned and then rebuked them, saying, “‘ Why fly, ye cowards, from the field, while I am still alive P”
Then bowed down the Bakhshi of the imperial legion. ‘“ Make me the commander of the battle,” said he exulting, ‘‘and I will with 100,000 Rumanians fight the Hinds and scatter them as flakes of cotton before the wind.” With a drawn sword in his hand he rushed out at the command of Ala-uddin. Randhir, holding a lance, rode forward. The warriors came face to face. The Mubammadan aimed a guraz (an iron élub) at the head of the Chohan. ‘The latter warded off the blow with his massive shield. Then a lance was darted at the former. It pierced his body and that of his horse too, and the next moment he fell senseless on the field. Fifty Mirs rushed forward, but all of them met the same fate. Then came out a fierce Mir of Rim. A fearful engagement raged. A dagger was run through his breast down to the hilt; he dropped down, and in a few minutes all his struggles subsided in the stillness of death. The sword of a Balkhan fell on the shoulder of the Rao. The throat was eut through, but behold the body rose with vehemence. Ié made a rush at the murderer. Jt got him within its grasp and pressed him heavily. Down they dropped and instantly the dagger of the Moslim went right through his breast. 100,000 Ruméanians fell. The body of the brave Chohan lay on the field like a tall palm, with blood gushing out of the neck, The Joginis (she-devils) regaled themselves with his blood, filled their cups, drained them, and danced.*
On Saturday the 9th before the full-moon in the month of Chait, 30,000 Rajptits fell for the defence of the fort, and 10,000 women burned themselves on pyres with their husbands. The loss on the Muhammadan side was thousands of Muhammadan soldiers, including the mighty Bakhshi, who held a jagir of 5 lacs, and other officers, holding from 10 to 20,000 Rupees’ worth of land.
_ When the intelligence of the capture of the fort of Chohan by Ala- uddin reached Hamir, he became the more resolved to fight the Musalmén ' forces. He exclaimed, “Glory to you, uncle, glory to your uncommon bravery. The death of a Kshatriya is both a glory and a blessing. You have done, mighty hero, what uncle Kan did for Prithviraj at the battles
* Tt was a belief among the Rajpiits that Joginis like the blood of mighty heroes,
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222 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
of Kanauj.” He felt glad and sorry at intervals: glad at the heroic death of his uncle, and sorry at the loss of so great an ally. He continued, “ You have killed 60 elephants, 200,000 horses and 26 Amirs; glory to you for ever, invincible hero of heroes.”
So numerous were the men slain and wounded in the Musalman ranks, that it took Ald-uddin full six months to have them buried one by one.
““Tmperial Majesty,”’ said a herald to Ala-uddin, “ it is said that Maha- deva, the lord of tigers, is Hamir’s ally. He has blessed the brave Rao, telling him, ‘ Fear not, child, your fort can never be taken, even if the siege last for fourteen years.’ ”
On the third day after the full-moon in the month of Asaj (Septem- ber), the emperor marched to break down all the temples at Alanpur. On this, there followed a great commotion among the devils of Mahadeva. Sixty-four Joginis and fifty-four Bhairavs (he-devils), armed with tridents and khappars (cups for holding blood) danced a horrible dance. They, with Sheoji at their head, rushed at Ala-uddin, playing on deherw and singing through sankh (shells) many fearful, soul-stirring, martial airs. A Bhairav was close at the heels of the Emperor, exclaiming: “I will slay thee, wretch, knock thy head and make a grand feast of thy blood.’”’- The terrified emperor fled with haste, praying, “ Defend me, Alla, defend me now that I am about to be eaten up by this dreadful monster.”” Then the goddess Sakti, taking her various shapes with bows, arrows, rings, swords, daggers and spears in her hands, and the gods armed with hal, mushal, ankus, mudgar, each his own weapon, fell on the Musalman troops. 100,000 of the infidels fell. Ganesa bewildered the brains of many Khans, Mirs and Amirs who began to cut off the heads of their friends, mistaking them for foes. All was confu- sion. Heaps upon heaps of dead bodies lay here and there and made the roads quite impassable. Ah! what a dreadful sight it was to look upon! Seven Mirs, being totally hopeless of victory, went away from the imperial ranks. The Emperor was struck with great astonishment at seeing the corpses of 200,000 of his forces, and those of two very able chiefs Himmat Bahadur and Ali Khan among them. He thus thought within himself— “ What destroyer of gods is ever happy? We hear that Hari killed hun- dreds of Asurs or devils in ancient times. Man can match with man, gods with gods, and devils with devils.” He called many Brahmans very eagerly, and told them to do whatever they could in the way of appeasing the anger of the incensed gods.
He gave orders to march from Alanpur with all expedition.
Emperor. Although I am Hamir’s enemy, I cannot but admire the way in which his men fight. They are quite at home with the sword. While many in our ranks fell, they fought very manfully, fearing none and,
1879. | or a History of Hamtr, prince of Ranthambor. 223
glorying in death. Their heroic contempt of life is the grand secret of their success.”
Mihram Khan.— Do not be sorry, Emperor, although you have come in spite of my prohibition. Be patient and do not lose heart. Press hard the siege. Hamir shall no more be able to hold out.”
CHapter VIII.
The imperial tents were r2amoved from Alanpur and pitched on a hill at Rang. Having taken a view of the fort of Ranthambor through a telescope, the emperor consulted his vassals and ministers, and sent a herald to Hamir. He said, “Tell, herald, tell Hamir to deliver into my hands the exile Muhammad Shah and to come and fall down at my feet.”
When the Rao heard this message his blood boiled. THe replied, “TI - eare not at all for your words, Emperor, I care not for them. Hamir is not a child, that threats and flatteries can move him even an inch from his resolution. So far from giving you back the Sheik Muhammad Shéh, I will not give you even any of the birds and beasts of Ranthambor. The heads of such valiant heroes as Baldev, Ranjit and Randhir Singh have I sacrificed on the field. What! to give youback our refugee. Did you not feel ashamed to write me the firman ?”’ (To the herald.) ‘Go and give the emperor what I have written, and come no more even if you be ordered to do so by your master. ‘Take as much gold as you wish for. ‘Tell Ala- uddin that he is my enemy, and not a friend, and so where is the use of such a jfirman. ‘Tell him that I will never, never deliver into his hands his exile Muhammad Shah. Tell him that I have resolved never to meet him but on the bloody field of battle.”
“ How foolish is Hamir,’’ remarked Ald-uddin, when he was informed of all particulars by the herald. According to the advice of the Vazir Mehram Khan, he secured the possession of the hill of Rang. Large cannons were mounted upon it, and their mouths directed towards the fort. “ Let us blow up the cannon which lies yonder on a bastion of the fort,” said the emperor to his Vazir.
A monstrous cannon was fired, but the Rdéo’s cannon could not be silenced. When Hamir heard this intelligence, he ran forward to the can- non. He saw it perfectly safe. ‘Is there any one among my cannoniers who can burst the largest cannon mounted on Rang! If any, I shall reward him amply and make him very rich.” One stepped forward, and, having bowed to the Rao, fired his cannon, and the next moment the imperial cannon was broken to pieces.
Emperor.—‘ What means are to be taken now for the capture of the fort?”
224 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
Mihram Khén.—“ Hear, your Majesty, there is a tank outside the walls of the fort which, if bridged over, can give a passage direct to the fort.”
Every arrangement was made for the building of a dam, and it was finished after prodigious labour.
“We can no longer defend the fort’’ said Hamir drawing a heavy sigh. “Tt is lost, alas! the dear fort of my father is lost.” In the dead of the night Padam Sagar in the guise of a man appeared to him in his dreams. “ Do not be sorry, my bold son,”* said he ‘my waters are fed by springs issuing forth from 7 oceans and 900 rivers. Be sure I willoverflow the dam with the greatest expedition. Be happy andlive secure within your fort.” At break of day, Hamir saw to his astonishment a vast sheet of water rolling over the site of the erected dam. The emperor felt greatly disheartened. He said in despair: “ Alas, the fort baffles all our attempts.”
Great rejoicings were held within the fort. There was dancing in the darbaér of Hamir. Chandrakala, a fascinating dancing-girl, the harmonious mridang, bina (flutes), shitar sdandyi, khanjurt, kartal, srimddal, sur, jaltarang and such other musical instruments were bewitching the heart of every one of theaudience. Chandrakala had perfect knowledge of 6 Ragas and 86 Raginis. The following airs were being sung. (Here follow a list of the tunes which we omit.) The Rao was sitting in state reclining on his pillow, and chamars were being fanned about him.
When Ala-uddin saw this pomp and splendour of Hamir, his heart was cut to the core. He said “Lo! Hamir is enjoying pleasures like the rich Indra of heaven. He does not break through his resolution and meet with me, neither does he give me the Sheik, nor understand the consequences of his inveterate pride. See, how he laughs with the dancing-girl who darts quick glances at him, while she cares not at all forme. When the music calls her for dancing, she bows her head to the Rao, while she shows her heels to me. She insults me very greatly. See, how she laughs and makes her feet as if she would kick me. Is there any one among my archers who, by shooting her, could curb her pride and that of her master? I would give a very handsome prize to that hero.” Mir Gabru joined his hands and prayed, “Tt is not becoming for heroes, oh mighty Emperor, to hurt awoman.”’ “Do not shoot her dead, noble Mir,” replied Ala-uddin “but wound her foot.” Fast flew the arrow of Mir Gabru whizzing through the air. It pierced a foot of Chandrakala and fell in the midst of the Chohaén Council.
All the audience were struck dumb with surprise. Hamir looked dejected and became full of cares. “Singular!” he remarked. ‘ How can an arrow come over such a distance ? Who is the archer? a saint indeed.” He looked around in confusion and was lost in astonishment. In utter
* Padam Sagar was a large tank inside the fort of Ranthambor,
1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 225
hopelessness, he gasped: “ How many such skilful saints are there in the yanks of Al4-uddin ®” “Do not be alarmed, mighty Rao,”’ said Muhammad Shah. “I know the archer, heis my younger brother: none amongst the troops of Al4-uddin can equal him in archery. Devotion can never be made but by a devotee, neither can heroism be displayed but by a hero. May it please you to order me, and this very moment the head of the emperor ' shall I pierce, sitting as I am in this place. All your troubles will be over and his troops dispersed.” Hamir replied, smiling, “ Never be guilty of regicide, great hero, for an emperor, whatever his merits may be, is next to God. Shoot away the state umbrella which is put up above his head.” The swift-winged arrow of Muhammad Shah shot the umbrella with such a force that it fell on the ground. An Analpank’s (eagle’s) keen eyes mis- took it (umbrella) for an elephant. The bird swooped down upon it and was disappointed.
The Vazir Mihram Khan having joined his hands, said to the emperor, “ Praise be to God that your life has been saved owing to the consideration of eating your salt in former years. Be sure that if the skilful archer shoot a second arrow, it will be aimed at your life. How can that fort be captured wherein lives such an expert hero? Asa serpent that has caught amole is on the two horns of a dilemma: ifit swallows it, it dies, and if it vomits the part eaten, it becomes blind. Such, exactly such has been your case, impe- rial Majesty. JI hear that the heroic Muhammad Shah asks for orders daily to shoot you dead, but the kind Hamir does not consent to do so. If he be ever given orders, he will put you in fetters, set his protector on the throne of Dehli and proclaim his rule there. It behoves you, therefore, to leave your determination and go back to the capital safe and sound, with your headon your shoulders. On the other hand, if Hamir be victorious and you fly away from here, your honour will be greatly hurt.”
The disappointed emperor, although very angry, had to withdraw his camp backwards to Mullarna.
CHAPTER IX.
Sarjan Shah, a band (merchant) of the Sharaoji sect of Buddhists, made up his mind to avenge the death of his father. “The blood of my father cries out ‘ Vengeance,’ ”’ said he, “and so I must forthwith go to the imperial camp and by any means possible give Al4-uddin the possession of the fort.’”” He presented five mohurs to the emperor and bowed down at his feet. He then joined his hands and thus addressed his Majesty: “I will enable you, mighty monarch, to capture the fort. Only promise to give me in return the territory of Randhir.”’
226 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 8,
The emperor replied, smiling, “Come forward, dear Seth,* I will give you not only the Raj of Randhir, but that of Hamir. Iwill make you agreat Umrio.” Sarjan took an oath by chewing a betel-leaf and attached himself privately to the cause of Ald-uddin, who removed his tents and pitched them on his former position near the fort.
The false mind of Sarjan devised a good plan. In the dead of the night, he managed with the greatest secrecy to throw dry hides into the deep under-ground stores of grain named Jaraé and Bhord. At break of day he came to the darbar of Hamir and with a profound bow said to the Rao: “My lord, we are really in a great extremity. The supply of provision has failed. The only resource now left us is to meet with the emperor and make friends with him.” Hamir was at first indifferent to what he said, but when Sarjan repeatedly pressed his point, he could no longer keep his passion within bounds. His eye-balls darted fire. He roared, “ Be- gone, vile coward, begone from my sight. Dost thou propose to shake my resolution? Understand, wretch, if I bow down my head at the feet of the emperor, my mother will be ashamed* of having borne me ten months in her womb.” He softened and then continued, “ What isthe motive of thy request ? If I go to Ala-uddin with proposals of peace, my meeting with him will go hard against me and against my virtues as a Rajput. Listen, thou fool, the basest of all mortals, mean and timid, listen; I am a Ksha- triya, and if I break through my resolution, I shall no more be worthy of being called by that glorious name. How do you know that our stores are empty ?” “Tf it please you, lord,” replied Sarjan, “to go to the stores, you will see with your own eyes the reality of what I speak.” Then he took Hamir to the stores and threw stones into them. How great was the Rao’s dis- appointment to hear them resound. He was now convinced of the truth of Sarjan’s words and could not find out that the real cause of the rever- beration were the hides, thrown some hours ago by his perfidious store- keeper.
Seeing the Rao very sad, Muhammad Shah with joined hands, thus prayed, “Do not be sorry, my generous patron and protector. Permit me, I humbly implore you, to permit me to go to the presence of Ala-uddin. The moment he will get me, he will, I have no doubt, march back for his capital, You have given me house and have suffered somuch. Do not stake your life and throne, Rao, but reign secure in your dominions. Wherever I shall go, your praises shall be on my lips for evermore.”
Hamir replied, smiling, ‘‘ What on earth is stable, Sheik ? How can a being endowed with reason desire for a thing which, taken at its utmost
* Seth is a title of respect given to a wealthy merchant.
1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 227
length, is but frail and transient. Glorious actions outlive their doers. I have drawn my sword against Ald-uddin for the honour of my promise. Let me die a glorious death. There are many friends in prosperity, but in adversity very few. Know that the firmness of Hamir, the pride and stubbornness of Ravana, the truth of Raja Harischandra, and the skilful archery of Arjtin are unequalled in their potency, superior to the fear of death, to the love of life and kingdom. Is death to be feared when it brings an endless glory both here and hereafter? Shall I break through my resolu- tion and thereby be meaner than the tiny chakar which picks up fire and never refrains, although its bill is burnt to ashes ?”
At night-fall, Sarjan Shah went in haste to the emperor’s camp, his countenance beaming with joy. Having joined his hands and bowed down, he informed his Majesty of the success of his device. He said ‘‘ The supply of grain is still large enough to last twelve years more. Now the fort is yours, its strength of position and Rajput bravery will avail it nothing. It is yours, now, emphatically yours. May it please you to demand of Hamir (1) Chandrakala the dancing-girl, (2) Dewal Kimari (the virgin daughter of Hamir), (8) Paresh the philosopher’s stone, (4) Muhammad Shah the exile.
A jfirman containing the above demands was instantly written and sent to the Rao with an order for prompt execution.
The emperor’s firman made Hamir’s blood boil. He wrote, “I care not at all for you, Ald-uddin. As long as Hamir’s head is on his shoulders, he will never allow you to get any of your demands. Take care, villain, take care, beware of your life, otherwise you are a dead man, and the throne of Dehli is without its emperor. Send me without delay (1) Begum Chim. na (the favourite queen of Aldé-uddin), (2) Chintémani (a philosopher’s stone), and (8) the four devils who are at your command. Send them, for so the great Hamir demands of you.”
“Where lies the truth, knave,” said Ala-uddin to Sarjan Shah on receiving Hamir’s reply, “where lies the truth of thy abject flatteries P”
Sarjan.—“ Wait, and you will see how things go on within the fort.”
CHAPTER X.
Sorry and crest-fallen, Hamir went to the zenana. The princess Asa stood up, bowed down her head, joined her hands and anxiously inquired, “ What ails you, lord?” “Noble queen,” said he with a heavy sigh, “ our provision has fallen short. What is to be done now? what means to be taken in this dire extremity? Shall I give the Sheikh back and break my word ? Alas! the very thought stings me to death.” “Never do so,” replied the Rani in a firm and decided tone. “ With heroism unequalled, you the
228 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
great Rao, have fought for twelve years and many times driven the emperor from the wall. Who has put such a vile idea in your head? What accursed devil has got possession of you that you are uttering such base words? Understand, my lord, that the greatest glory of manlies in speaking truth and standing by it at any cost. It matters not whether his body be severed to pieces, wealth lost and brothers, sons and wife sacrificed. Know that wealth and kingdom are for a few days only, while glory lasts for ever. Fight manfully to the last and keep the glory of your word intact. See, Dasaratha was bound by a promise which he had given to his bewitching Kaikayi, and so he was obliged to banish his dearest Rama, whose separation broke his heart and he sank and at last sueecumbed. What is fated to be must happen, and you can never avert it. Consider, Maha Rio, Muhammad Shah cannot come twice to our door, neither ean Ala-uddin twice fall on the fort. If a man fear death, is he worthy to be called a Rajpit? If you break through your resolution, your father- land Ajmir, the seat of your heroic ancestors, will be ashamed of you. Sacrifice your throne, life and fort, but never give our refugee back.”
“See, Rao where is the pious Jagdev Puafir, who cut off his own head and offered it to his tutelary goddess? Where are the learned Vikram and Bho}, who relieved the distress of the poor? Where is the generous Karan who used to give in charity every morning, on rising from his bed, one bhar (weight) and a quarter of gold? Where are all these monarchs? Alas! they are all gone, all swept away by the grim-looking sweeper, death. None can escape from his all-grasping hand, neither the holy sages, nor the emperors, nay not even the gods. There have been many Chakravarti (paramount) rajas on the surface of the earth, whose sway extended to the shores of oceans, but where are they? All lost in the deep abyss of time. Wealth, youth and the condition of man do not ever remain the same. The moon even is subject to change. She wanes to nothingness and again waxes to her fulness.”
“You cannot leave the Sheikh, because you have promised him safety. Abide by your word and resolution and never move from it and be cowed by adverse circumstances. ‘The final massacre, as foretold by Siva, is at hand. Fight, fight with the Muhammadan odds, holding your sword with a more determined hand. Be regardless of your life and interests. Birth, death and union come from God. None born in this world can be immor- tal. That which grows must perish, is a universal law of nature which no power can annul. Nothing is stable, neither man nor tree, neither mountain nor village. You have reigned over the territory of Ranthambor as long as your virtues enabled you todoso. Where is Rao Jait, your father, who laid the foundation of the fort? Where is your grandfather
1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 229
Sur Singh? Where is the valiant Prithivraj who imprisoned Muhammad Gori? Think on all these things, Maha Rao; none can undo the decree of fate. Union and separation go hand in hand.” Full of emotion she cried out, “ We must now part, dear husband, we must now part from each other |’
Hamir’s reply.—* Glory to you, jewel of women, and glory to your ancestors. Is there any other woman on the face of the earth who can say such free and stimulating words? If I deliver the Sheik into the hands of Ald-uddin, it will leave a foul stigma on my race. Keep your honour inviolate, commit a massacre within the fort, and die if you see blue colours come. I have tried you and found you equal to every emergency, and fit to glorify the virtues of the Kshatriyas. You are very firm in your resolu- tion, noble princess, and I have confidence in your words.”
“Why do you doubt, lord,’ said Asa angrily, “why do you doubt our chastity? Need I tell you that we do not look even at the face of any other man? Can we go with others and be living when your fort is taken, and you killed? Let us perish first, that you may have confidence in our chastity in your dying moments.”
Hanir.—‘ I do not doubt your chastity, noble queen. I know you are a flower of female virtues. Listen to my request. Wait till you see the issue of the next battle.”
Hamir gave alms to all the Brahmans and minstrels of his town. To do honour to the virtues of the Kshatriyas, he engrossed his mind and drove away the thoughts of self-interest which bind us to the world. He felt greatly affected. He bade adieu to his wife, went to the darbdr and called a council of his officers, soldiers and ministers.
“Justen, brave Chaturang,” said he, “look after Ratan Singh, now that he will be fatherless. You are wise and so I leave everything entirely to your discretion. -Keep under your protection my servants and others who will go to you, strengthen the fort of Chitor and rule over your raj with a golden sceptre. The virtues of a king are specially four—for- bearance, courage, scrutiny and justice. Follow them, because none can be a good ruler without them.”
Chaturang.— <1 will never leave you, Rao; if you live, I will live; if you die the death of glory, why am I to be deprived of it?”
Hamir.—* Your life is specially necessary, Chaturang. See, where will our subjects go to, when they shall be, as a matter of course, oppressed by the Muhammadans? To Chitor certainly. There will the inhabitants of Ranthambor flee to live in peace and plenty.” ;
Chaturang Mori and the prince Ratan marched for Chitor, accom- panied by a strong guard of 5000 Rajputs.
ay ay)
230 B. Bandyopadhyaya— Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
Cuapter XI.
Hamir assembled the remainder of his forces in a grand darbar and thus spoke : “ My friends, if a man live, he will continue enjoying the plea- sures of the world, and if he fall in glory on the battle-field, he will be translated to heaven. What do you prefer, my brave warriors? the enjoy- ment of the world, or the enjoyment of everlasting happiness? if the former, then do not come to me; if the latter, then make yourselves ready to fight the emperor.”
Muhammad Shah rose from the council and went with haste to his palace. He drew a sword and cut off the heads of his dearest relatives, his own kith and kin, even his own flesh and blood, lest Ala-tiddin should insult them after his death. Soon afterwards he hastened to Hamir. In vain did he struggle to repress his feelings. Tears rolled down his cheeks, when he stood before the Rao and informed him of the massacre.
Hamir said—“ Do not be sorry, Muhammad Shah ; nothing is lasting in this world; none can escape from the jaws of death. In the various trans- _ migrations which a man goes through, he remains subject to that grim
monster. There is none on the surface of the earth who wishes his death, but would gladly extend his days. The death of a Sat¢, that of a hero, and that of a virtuous man are truly glorious and productive of much good.”
(Turning to hisOmrao.) “ Wear clothes dyed with saffron, my vassals, because such a golden opportunity of attaining salvation and glorifying the names of our noble clans will not twice present itself. I, Rao of Rantham- bor, intend dying on the battle-field and abiding for ever at the feet of our Mahadeo. Ald-uddin cannot fall twice on our fort. I will distribute 1000 cows among the poor and fasten the mor, the crown of marriage, to my forehead.”
Drums were beaten, and at their sound the Chohan colours were un- furled. Joy and the extreme thirst for glory knew no bounds and could not be contained in the hearts of the Rado, his officers and soldiers. 5000 able Rajpits were kept for the defence of the fort, and 80,000 became ready to fight the Muhammadans on the open field. None loved their lives and interests, and all were impatient of delay in rushing at their enemy. Here are the names of some of the thirty-six clans to which his vassals and soldiers belonged.*
Then went to arm himself the brave Rao Hamir, the hero of minstrels’
* Kamadhaj, Karam, Gaur, Tumar, Parihdér, Piraj, Pandar, Chohan, Jadavy, Gohil, Gehlot, Sagar, Puafir, and Bhils with Bhoj at their head.
1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 231
songs, the defender of the glory of the Rajpit power, very skilful in the art of war,. benevolent, beautiful, strong-limbed and unwearied in fighting, even though he should be engaged continuously both day and night and wounded in every part of the body, for the sake of keeping the honour of the virtues of his illustrious fathers. His vassals went each to his tent to put on armour. They were so many lions in battle, no danger could daunt them: no obstacle, no difficulty, however great it might be, could move them in the least from their deliberate resolution. Their foreheads were smeared with streaks of the red sandal. With the names of the great Surya on their lips they began to prance and rush like athletes. All were intent and resolved on doing something very terrible, they bathed, gave gifts of cows and gold to the Brahmans, and worshipped the Sun, Siva and Vish- nu. The honour of the virtues of the Kshatriyas occupied their minds and made them glad and exulting. They were descended of noble ancestors whose glorious actions are the subjects of many a minstrel’s songs. Elated with pride, with their heads erect, and energy beaming forth from their countenances, they made themselves ready to march with Hamir. They were steady in fight, regardless of life and interest, very charitable, brave, noble-minded, immovable from their resolution, and devoted to the worship of Hara.
Very brisk, active, fleet horses, well-caparisoned and guarded from head to foot from the weapons of enemies, were given each to his competent rider. 16,000 horses were equipped, of which 5000 were Turk?, good at trotting, and 11,000 mild and well-trained Zajv. All were of noble breed and very beau- tiful, catching the eyes of even a monarch. ‘Their saddles were covered with ornamental embroidery and brilliant diamonds. Bunches of lace were upon their heads. Pairs of chamar hung by their sides, hiding the legs of the riders. ‘Their necks were adorned with garlands of pearls, their manes were braided and their saddlery was made of rich silk and velvet. They seemed a thick flight of locusts. They were swifter than the wind. When they pressed their hoofs on the ground, fire came out instantly. They used to go through water as easily and swiftly as on the dry land. Riding on a horse of such mettle, a tolerable huntsman could put his bow around the neck of a deer while running fast in a jungle, and shoot a bird while in rapid motion. Hach of these steeds was got for an equal weight of gold and diamonds.
The Katchi horses fled after the birds, the Irak: were very patient and and mild, the Kandéhdri very beautiful, the Kabuli very attractive, dressed in silk and satin saddlery, the Adéiwdr¢ very fleet and nimble, and the Ara- bt could be compared with elephants.
The horses were divided into various groups according to their colours. 500 elephants, whose bodies were like mountains and whose roar like the peal
232 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
of thunder, were taken with the Chohan army. ‘The drivers could not control them but by charms. At first they went to their feet, bowed to them, and then unloosened their chains, but all their endeavours could not make them move. ‘Then they amused them in various ways. ‘They bathed them and rubbed their bodies with oil and vermilion. The moon was painted upon their foreheads. ‘he red streaks of vermilion looked like flashes of light- ning, dancing amidst the clouds of the wet season. Haudds were mounted. upon them. When they, fierce and frantic with rage, rushed out, it seemed as if large masses of dark clouds came on rolling in the air and striking each other. Their huge tusks looked like herons flying about on a rainy day against sombre clouds. The exudation from their temples was like drops of rain. Massive shields were fastened to their heads. With an impetuous rush they marched as if the grim monarch of death ran forward to seize his victim. Men with discuses, arrows and pointed sticks ran all about them. ‘They were spurred on by the pricking of goads. Sometimes they would stop in the way, and nothing could move them. Little drums were then sounded, and their sweet and soft strains induced them to pro- ceed. The chamars, fanned on the riders, glittered in the sun.
All the chief Rajput warriors bowed down to Hamir, who instructed them in various ways.
The heroes as well as celestial nymphs became elated with joy. The former put on their breastplates, while the latter their corsets. The former wore helmets, while the latter drew their veils on their heads. The former wore weapons of attack and defence, while the latter ornaments of diamonds. The former took their swords, while the latter applied unction to their eyes. The former put on their shields, while the latter their earrings. The former took their daggers, while the latter pressed the télak on their fore- heads. The former took betel, while the latter applied chup (a kind of golden teeth-ornaments) to their teeth. The former bent their bows and pulled the strings, while the latter darted sidelong glances. The former took knives in their hands, while the latter coloured theirs with myrtle. The former took up their spears, while the latter wreaths of flowers. The former bound their turbans tight with pieces of rich silk, while the latter pinned jewelled lockets (shishful) on their foreheads. The former pranced and leaped with exultation, while the latter displayed their fascinating manners. The former wore sheld (silken threads worn on the neck like the sacred thread of investiture), the latter their necklaces. The former smeared their foreheads with streaks of the sandal, while the latter combed their hair. The former took in their hand the ¢wlsz rosaries, while the latter handled garlands of flowers. The former spurred their horses, while the latter drove their cars on the aerial way.
1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 233
The elephants were ranged foremost, then followed the horses with flying colours. There was a peal of trumpets, drums, cow-mouthed pipes, chang and séndy?. The minstrels went on singing praises of the glorious exploits of the Chohans and accounts of the Rajptt chivalry, thereby in- flaming the minds of all the warriors with an eagerness of displaying their military talents and becoming illustrious for ever, both here and hereafter. Very swift camels followed the troops of Hamir for the speedy despatch of messages.
Many cannons were taken to the front of the army. They were painted with vermilion. ‘Their muzzles, with red colours streaming on them, seemed as if many terrible monarchs of death had opened their mouths and were showing their tongues. Sometimes the cannons would stop in the way, when wine and mutton were offered to them, and immediately they moved on. Matchlocks, small guns and several mitrailleuses,* followed in their wake.
At the singing of the martial air of simdhu all the troops set out, and celestial nymphs ran forward with garlands of flowers in their hands.
On the Muhammadan side all the Khans and Umrdos made good pre- parations for the capture of the fort of Ranthambor.
The two parties met. Brave and warlike heroes rushed forward from both sides and came face to face. Mach of them wasa terrible messenger of death. The battle raged with such fury that it seemed as if two mighty oceans, bursting over their confines, had come on striking against each other, bringing destruction and devastation in their train. The Rajptt heroes ran forward. The brave and powerful Muhammadan Mirs met them. Columns of dust rose high up in the air and hid the sun. The martial music was sounded. The cannons boomed; the earth shook as well as the heavens. Flames burst forth on all sides. Dark smoke filled the air. There was a continuous shower of fiery shots which poured with violence like so many balls of gold. Heaps upon heaps of horses and elephants roll- ed on the ground, writhing in the agony of death. The ravage of fire-arms was so terrible that it seemed as if the cloud of death hung on the sky, pouring destruction everywhere. Blood began to flow from wounds in tor- rents. Large balls went through the bodies of elephants, making the wounds so open that vultures sat in them tearing and pulling out the flesh from within. They seemed as if numbers of devotees were engaged in contempla- tion, sitting in the caves of mountains. Many a horse was blown up. The cannons roared, and the volleys of fire emitted from their muzzles came on like flashes of lightning that attend thunder. Many mitrailleuses were fired at
* These were called chaddars, and were made by so fixing several gun barrels on an iron frame, as to admit of their being fired at once.
234 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
once. The continuous succession of the sounds of these fire-arms was like the sounds emitted from the fiery oven of a grain-baker. Thousands of guns were discharged all at the same time. The showers of their bullets were like the showers of hail-stones. Rockets of iron (bam) flew, circling with a great noise, and fell amidst the hostile ranks.
Heavy showers of arrows rained incessantly. Away they flew piercing many horses and elephants. There was a brisk play of fomars (sticks pointed at both ends). Many a lance was driven into the bowels of the Muham- madan soldiers amidst loud shouts. The swords began to flash fire. Even the massive heads of two elephants were cut off by one stroke. The blood of the slain flowed in torrents. When a sword was raised on the head of a Muhammadan, it failed not to cut through the helmet, the head, the breast- plate, the breast, the belly, the waist, the saddle and the horse. There danced and laughed Sambhu, the lord of tigers. With great glee he presented necklaces of human heads, one to every hero. Daggers were run through the breasts of the hostile soldiers. Their sharp points, seen outside the backs of the wounded, were like red hands of women stretched out of the windows of a baleony. The sharpest knives stabbed many a warrior, and kanjars (battle-axes) despatched many more by opening large wounds in their chests. Here and there the heroes of both sides fell to wrestling. The din of the battle was deafening. Many bodies rose without heads and fled at their adversaries with a rush. ‘The bowels of the slain were scattered all around and drawn hither and thither by the greedy vultures. The wounded, made desperate by the deep scars on their bodies, began to rave. The Joginis filled their cups with blood and feasted on flesh, and the Bhairavs danced with mirth, eating the hearts of the fallen. The infidel heroes were taken to heaven by the black-eyed Houris and the Hindu by the Apsaras. The goddess Kali opened wide her jaws and laughed, grinning at the Muham- madans.
The imperial forces withdrew in fear. The emperor, in an angry tone, thus exclaimed—‘“‘ Where will ye fly to, ye fools? Wherever you may go, you can never escape from the fury of Hamir.”
Ald-uddin to Mihram Khan.—< See, Vazir, see how my cowardly troops prize their lives and fly away, while the Chohans are fighting bravely, regardless of life and interest. All the Kshatriyas are very faithful to the virtues of their clans. See, how they fight fearlessly and never show their backs to the enemy. See their bold determination, their unflinching courage, their noble resignation to fate, and lastly their heroic contempt of life. See, with what skill they are cutting our soldiers to pieces, never leaving for a moment the field of battle. On the other hand look at our forces. They, including the Mirs and the Amirs, love the
1879. | or a History of Hamir, prince of Runthambor. 235
world and withdraw in fear. What is to be done now, able minister, what means shall we take in this dire extremity P”
Mihram Khén.—< Gracious Majesty, there is one means. Let us divide our forces into four corps, each under an able general. Give the Diwan the command of one, the Bakshi the other, me, your Vazir, the third, and yourself take the fourth. Let us then all unite in the field and fight very bravely ; Hamir Rao will never be able to withstand us.”
This arrangement having been made, the Muhammadan troops came to the field. The crescents were raised aloft. Many able heroes, frantic and dreadful, riding on horses and painted elephants, surrounded the Rajputs. They gave out a thrilling shout and went on very cautiously.
Both the Hindus and the Muhammadans rushed out, exulting, to the fight, puffed up with pride and courage. Then a massacre ensued. The cannons boomed. The fury of the shots drove the heroes to some distance. Again they ran forward and met. The field rang with the peal of the martial music, and the battle continued with unabated fury. The four- headed arrows of warriors went right through the hearts of soldiers, causing instant death. The forests of lances, darted with vehemence, repelled a body of hostile troops for a moment. ‘The latter rushed forward, vaunting of their might. Their reeking swords cut down a large number of horses and elephants. Many warriors were struck dead, and their heads dropped down on the ground. Daggers were driven with determined hands. Thus battled both the parties, each exulting and glorying to win the victory. Heaps upon heaps of the slain lay scattered on the field—a dreadful spectacle !—on which vultures sat and feasted. The jackals licked the blood, and the she-devils filled their vessels, danced and sang with merri- ment. They wished for such another battle. They took pieces of flesh and bone into their bloody mouths, drained their cups, sucked their clothes steeped in blood and searched for more flesh. The superior archery of the Chohans secured the victory. The Muhammadan ranks, seeing that the day was against them, fled away in confusion.
Then exclaimed Bahddur, the Mir of Abdal, curling his whiskers. “Order me, Royal Master, and this very moment I will, like a lion seizing a sheep, bring Hamir to your feet. Only give me in return the Raj of Ran- thambor. I will drag him into your presence, placing my bow around his neck.” Abdal was placed at the head of 20,000 horse, determined to fight the emperor’s cause. With a wild outcry rushed the brave Mir to the field and came in front of Hamir, and with him 20,000 troops and 30 elephants ran forward, mad and frantic with rage. On the Rajput side
Hamir ordered a hero to march forward and meet the Muhammadan commander.
236 B. Bandyopdidhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
Both met, each vaunting of his own might. Elephant fought with elephant, horse with horse, and foot with foot—all engaged in the work of destruction. Drums were beaten and trumpets sounded. Cannons boomed and blew up many a brave young warrior. Swords falling on heads split the bodies into two. Their sharp blades were like the bloody jaws of the grim Yam. Many a wrestler and athlete fell. Heaps upon heaps of corpses lay in a confused mass. Men on elephants and elephants on men, all huddled together very rightfully on the field. Horses writhed and rolled in the agony of death. Behold! bodies without heads dance and wrestle, their heads send forth a shout which thrill every heart, to the horror of the living. Hillocks of bowels were formed, which falling one upon another, seemed as if the elephant and the tortoise mentioned in the Mahabharata were again fighting with violence. The kites and vul- tures swooped down upon them and flew away with them. The bowels suspending from their talons looked like lines of kites in the hands of playful boys. Pieces of flesh were pinched out of many a living body, and blood issued in jets. Arms and legs dropped off, and heads began to roll like so many water-melons. ‘Tanks of flesh and blood were formed. The goddess Kalika laughed, the Khetrapals danced and surfeited them- selves with great glee. Siva leaped and, full of joy, wore new garlands of heads. 6000 Khorasanis fell and were taken to heaven by the black-eyed Houris. 30 elephants were cut to pieces and lay scattered on the field.
Muhammad Shah bowed his head, joined his hands and asked for orders. Hamir remained silent. Then the Shaik exclaimed—“ See, Rao, see my skill in managing swords.” No sooner did he say the above words, than he flew in haste to the field. Seated at ease on his horse, he thus spoke out: ‘See, emperor, how good am I in the art of war. Why are you silent? Here stand I, your wrong-doer. See, here do I stand. Seize me if you can. I have come before you on an open field ; now seize me as you used to vaunt, or if your words be false, you are no longer worthy the name of ‘ emperor.’ ”’
At the command of Ald-uddin 30,000 Khordsdnis, with the Mir of Saduki at their head, rushed forward, exclaiming: ‘‘ We will catch the Shaik, give us in return the dominions of Hamir.” Drumsand the high- sounding trumpets stirred them all to action. 10,000 heroes, the flower of chivalry, were with Muhammad Shah. Besides, there were 23,000 soldiers. The famous Shaik spurred his horse and drew his sword in the teeth ot the hostile army.
“ Seize the villain, seize him alive, noble Saduki” exclaimed the angry emperor at the top of his voice. “I will give youa jagzr worth 12,000 a year.” At that very moment the Mir came forward, vaunting of his might. The Shaik bowed to Hamir and began to flourish his sword.
1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. SE
“Victory to the Crescent” was shouted by the Muhammadan ranks and “ Victory to Hamir” by those of the Chohan. “Hear, Emperor,” cried Mir Saduki, “hear what a trifle is Hamir to me who have subdued ‘Tatta Bhakar.’” With these words on his lips, he rushed out in wild fury, taking with him a detachment of 6000 picked Khordsanis. Some soldiers advanced with flying colours. Heroes met with heroes, all brave, stalwart and proud. They bent their bows, pulled the strings, adjusted arrows with joy and shot them, each boastful of his own skill. The great Shaik began to fight very furiously. Swords flashed fire, and a dreadful massacre ensued. Hands and feet, arms and legs, heads and bellies dropped down. Many warriors fell on the ground and rose again with redoubled rage. Their bellies were cut, and the bowels came out, full of wind. All was a confused mass of flesh and blood. The 6000 soldiers were put to the sword ; not a single man escaped. Their banners and drums were snatched away and presented to the Rao.
A stronger body of Muhammadan heroes rushed to capture Muham- mad Shah. ‘Glory to you, valiant Chohan,” exclaimed the latter, “ your bravery, courage, truth and other manly virtues have won you a universal fame which will last for ever. You have staked your life and kingdom, wealth and property for the honour of your words. Glory to'your decision of character, glory to your firmness. Your praises will be sung for ever- more.” The thought of parting with his noble patron crossed his heart and drew tears from his eyes. He continued, ‘‘ When my future mother will give me birth, then shall I nieet you, my generous Rao.”
Hamir replied.~“ Warriors do not display soft feelings on the field. They do not love life, thinking it frail and transient. Union and separation go hand in hand. That which grows must perish; so it is taught by the Vedas. Do not be sorry, hero, do not lose heart. If you be separated here by death, be sure that grim monarch cannot separate us there in heaven. We shall all meet with one another, you, I, your wife, children, brother and the emperor too, the moment we leave our bodies. Leave interest and love. Nothing have we brought with us, and it is certain we can carry nothing away. ‘This frail body is turned to dust, while good deeds live for ever in glory. Hear, Shaik, nothing is stable on the earth. What is our flesh ? Jt is but a compound of dust, perishable at a slight accident. Why then love it P love virtue and glory and drain the last drop of your blood in order to have them.”
Muhammad Shah rushed headlong to the fight. Mir Gabru ran out from the imperial ranks and bowed to him.
Mir Gabru.— TI eat the salt of Ala-uddin, brother, and you that of Hamir. Let not our relation make cowards of us. Let us stand by our virtues at the peril of our lives. Although we shall part here from each
G &
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238 B. Bandyopadhyéya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
other, we shall surely meet and live together there in everlasting happi- ness.”
Ald-uddin said, smiling.—“ Hear, brave Muhammad Shah, your words have come to pass to the very letter. You have never bowed down your head to me since you left the gates of Dehli. Give up your anger, and let us shake hands with each other and be friends again from this moment. Come and side with me. I give you the woman with whom you kept com- pany, and besides, the province of Gorakhpur.”” The Shaik, smiled gently, and thus replied: ‘‘ Remember, Emperor, the words you told me while in Dehli. Keep your promise to yourself. My mother has not borne in me so mean a son as to take what you give. Far from siding with you, I will, if God spare my life, try my best to have Hamir seated on the throne of Dehli, and his rule proclaimed through the length and breadth of India. { will never leave my generous patron and protector, but will worship his feet for evermore.”
When Hamir heard this news he sent a body of troops to the aid of Muhammad Shah with the following message—“ Do not eare for your life, Shaik. See, for the honour of my words, I have drawn my sword against the emperor of all India. Do not betray weakness now that I have staked so much for you. Do not fear to die ; if you do so, Muham- mad Shah, then women are better than you. They keep their words, al- though they cost them their lives.”
“ Let us draw our swords, brother,” exclaimed Mir Gabru, “and obey the orders of our masters. Our death is imminent.”
Muhammad Shah felt pleased. Both the brothers, glad and exulting, rushed at each other with drawn swords in their hands. They embraced each other. Mir Gabru falling at the feet of the Shaik asked for orders. “ Brother,” said the Mir, “ we are killing each other for the sake of loyalty we bear to our masters. We shall never be blamed therefore.” Fraternal affection yielded to the all-absorbing feelings of fidelity. The brothers rushed at each other, They shouted, their helmets touched the sky. They began to fight as if two monarchs of death encountered each other. They fell a-wrestling, brother with brother dying for their masters, an affecting scene indeed! There was a clashing of swords, which flashed like the flashes of fire seen, when woods and villages are burning on a summer night. Both fell, fighting bravely. Their hands, legs and heads dropped, and yet their trunks fought rolling against each other like two massive elephants. Celestial nymphs descended to marry both the heroes, and their dead faces wore a shining appearance.
They went to heaven amidst the cheering shouts of both the Hindts and the Muhammadans. The dying words of Muhammad Shah were as
1879.] or a History of Hamtr, prince of Ranthambor. 239
follow : “‘ Hear, Emperor, you need no more kindle the flame of war. Re- turn to Dehli.” (To Hamir.) “Mighty Chohdn, your deeds will be immortal in this sinful Kali Yug, while the lives of others are as arrows shot, that leave no trace in the air. Master of my body, Rao Hamir, you have fulfilled your words, you have brightened your house and family, you have no equal in this world, you have not read the Koran, while Ala- uddin invoked your gods. We have not, we two, bowed down to him.” His quivering lips uttered ‘Glory to Hamiv.’
Cuapter XII.
Ala-uddin was for effecting a reconciliation. He said, “ Listen, warlike Hamir, the bravest of all heroes, listen with attention to what I tell you. You need not draw your sword again, for I have made up my mind to return to Dehli with the living remainder of my forces. I not only forgive you your offences, but give you fifty-two pargands in addition to your territories. Reign undisturbed on them. I swear by the Koran that I will never assail your fort again. Asis Dehli the capital of the Muhammadan govern- ment, so is Ranthambor that of the Chohan.
Hamir replied.—“ Listen, Master of Dehli, and consider with attention. Who can avert the decree of fate? What is fated to be must happen, and no power, whether human or divine, can make it void. Whose are the terri- tories that you are so presuming enough to give me? Did you give us our lands? No. Who sat you on the throne of Dehli? Your ancestors ? No. It was destined. Then, where lies the use of your wise words ? How- ever powerful and cunning you may be, you can never avert predestination. Nothing is stable on the earth but deeds of glory. Conquer time. See, where are the cruel Duryodhan and the mighty Dashaskandha (the ten- headed Ravana) ? They have all been levelled in the dust. Whose is the fort, Emperor, and whose the throne of Dehli? They have been given to us by God. We were both parts of the great Padam Rishi. I have been born a Hindi, and you a Musalman according to our virtues. You offended the gods, and so have been degraded to be an infidel. Leave enjoyment and hunger for land, and let us both go to heaven to live there, clad in ever- lasting glory. See, I have left my fort and come in your presence. I have kept my word. My companion and refugee has been blessed with a heavenly life. Let us follow him. Draw your sword, draw it, and do not delay. Love not the world. All earthly possessions are but husks of grain before a strong gust of wind. Fall with glory on the field, and let vultures and jackals feast on your flesh that you may be a sharer of eternal enjoy- ment, there in the world of felicity.”
240 B. Bandyopidhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
Alé-uddin’s blood boiled. He sent forth troops to the field. All the soldiers and officers became ready, and another battle raged with such fury as surpassed that of the war, waged by Partha on the famous plain of Kuru- kshetra.
80,000 Rajputs and Bhils, armed with swords, bows, and arrows, were drawn up in battle-array. The line of elephants looked like thick clouds of autumn. Numbers of horses ran faster than the air. The swords flash- ed like lightning. The arrows seemed as if showers of rain were falling fast with violence. The war-minstrels sang martial airs. The drums sent forth their soul-stirring peals. Messengers darted hither and thither.
On the Muhammadan side Mir Sikandar took an oath, bowed his head, and received orders. He said in a vaunting tone, “I have captured the fort of Birjapur, so what a trifle is to me this fortress of Ranthambor. In vain have you, Emperor, pushed so many souls to death. Now see and admire my skill in fighting.” He took with him all the regiments of Kan- dahar and marched with fury.
From the Hindu ranks came out a Bhil, named Bhoj, and asked Hamir for orders.
“ Allow me, noble lord, to fight the Kandaharis.’’ “I can never do so,” replied Hamir. “ Do you remember, Bhoj, that two brave Bhils were, of their own accord, beheaded near the foundation of the gate-wall of the fort? of them One was your father. Raja Jait promised you protection. You were bred by him, so how can I push you on to death? You are wise and valiant. Go to Chitor, there to serve under the prince Ratan. Take this fleet horse and go there with all speed.”
Bhoj.— This head is devoted to your service, mighty Chohan. I am old and as long as I live, I will serve you. I consider my life as a pawn only for the cause of you, my master. If I lose this opportunity of show- ing wy fidelity I shall never be able to gain it.”
He bowed down to Hamir, took with him his regiment and rode for- ward. There was a forest of bamboo bows, arrows and daggers on the field of battle.
Mir Sikandar rushed out and met them. ‘The valleys rang with the soul-stirring peals of drums and trumpets, and banners flew aloft. The battle raged, the arrows whizzed. The two wings of the opposite parties met each other. The Mir commanded the riders on elephants to go forward. The Bhils pulled their clothes tight over their breasts and rush- ed headlong to the fight. They, savage and ferocious with rage, held bows in their hands. As the sound of drums inspires an athlete with cou- rage, and he springs and jumps, so leaped Bhoj at the sound of war-songs. Arrows were shot, and daggers driven into the bodies of enemies. An ele-
1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 241
phant rushed with fury and was the next moment torn into two pieces by two Bhils named Moria and Bhuria. ‘This was followed by a fierce out- rush of all the Bhils. They fell on the ranks of Ald-uddin and seemed as if angry legions of bears and monkeys were destroying the golden fields of Ceylon.
There was a play of daggers which stabbed many a warrior to death. “ Behold, Vazir,”’ said Al4-uddin to Mihram Khan, “ behold how the Bhils fight. ‘They are making a rush at our men like so many enraged bears.” Bhoj and Sikandar met. “Raise your sword, Mir, raise your sword at first,’ exclaimed the brave Bhil. “ Pity, pity, old man, I pity your old age,” replied the Mir. Bhoj burned with anger. He ran a dagger with ~ violence into the bowels of Sikandar. The latter laughed and struck the former dead in an instant. Down dropped the head, but lo! the body rose and made a fearful rush, committing a great massacre. Sikandar fell, and a beautiful Houri came down and took him up to Paradise. Innumerable soldiers of Kandahar fell with him. The trunk of -the brave Bhil danced on the field and yet stopped not its work of destruction. It rushed and rushed on with unspeakable fury. The imperial forces withdrew.
The loss on the Muhammadan side was 25,000 soldiers of Kashmir, 30,000 Kandaharis with Sikandar at their head, and ten Mirs headed by Ali Sher, while that on the Hindi was 2000 Bhils with Bhoj.
The troops of Ala-uddin ran away in confusion. Hamir alighted from his elephant and came to the corpse of the brave Bhoj. He could not sup- press his feelings; he wept; he said: “ Who can measure the agony of my heart? Bhoj, my dear companion, is dead. You were unsurpassed in bravery, mighty Bhil, and are now glorious in immortality. Oh! that I could follow you to that region of felicity whose gates have been open to receive you with honour. Glory to you, bravest of heroes, faithful to the salt.’
While Hamir was lamenting the death of the Bhil, Jayan Sikandar came unawares and rushed at the Rao to seize him. But he was dis- appointed. ‘The Chohan troops arrived in time, and Hamir mounted on his elephant.
The emperor’s blood boiled at the sight of his men flying away from the field. ‘‘ Why fly away, cowards, why fly away from the field P You have all been fed on the richest food and have enjoyed many blessings under my rule. What! to fly away and love life and interest at this critical moment and to heap shame on my head !”
All the heroes were stimulated. They rushed again to fight with Ha- mir. 200,000 of Kandaharis with Jayan Sikandar at their head marched, while Hamir, for the sake of truth and religion, made his soldiers ready for
242 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
another battle. Cannon and other fire-arms were no longer made use of, and swords only were taken in hand.
Rao Hamir pulled the string of his bow and away flew shafts of arrows whizzing through the air. It seemed as if the mighty Arjun was fighting again on the field of Kurukshetra. Many elephants were pierced. Down they fell and rolled, roaring with agony. The mails of the horses were run through, and the fire-headed arrows flew away with violence from the bodies of many noble steeds, carrying their lives with them. They rained like the showers of the rainy season. The Mirs and Rawats met. The latter rushed out from their ranks. Clad in clothes dyed with saffron, with the marriage-crowns fastened to their heads, many fierce warriors ran for- ward with thrilling shouts. The war-minstrels began to sing their praises, as they darted flashing like meteors. The hair of their erect whiskers touched their eyes, and all their hairs were erect, being inflamed with rage, energy and pride.
A thick array of elephants was set in front of the imperial force. The Rajput heroes made at them with sword in hand and fire in their hearts. Hamir roared, standing on the field. The earth and the heavens shook with the peals of the martial music. Banners streamed. Some elephants were hurled in the air, others were struck dead. Some were torn into two, the trunks of others were cut off so swiftly, as if they were so many plantain trees. The tusks of some were broken, and the poor elephants instantly fled, roar- ing and writhing in pain. Others were caught by the tails and tusks and thrown suddenly on the ground. Heaps upon heaps of carcases were scat- tered on the field, and blood began to flow from wounds in torrents, as jets of water flow froma fountain. Many good horses rolled hither and thither, with their legs and bodies cut in pieces. Again the swords flashed. Heroes fought with heroes, while cowards fled away. The heads of some dropped, the legs of others, the arms of some and the breasts of others. Down came many warriors with a sound like the crash of falling timbers. The reeking swords fell on the heads of some, and the heads fell down and uttered forth a horrible scream, while their bodies began to dance on the field. Arrows whizzed, swords flashed, they sounded as the axe of the wood-cut- ter when at work in a jungle. The sharp lances went through many bodies as enraged serpents go to their dens. Daggers stabbed many, knives were run through, whose points looked on the other side of the body like tails of the cobra de capello. The disén was driven with force, and breasts were rent into two.
The athletes commenced wrestling. Some were hurled in the air. The hands of others were sprained and plucked out. Some lost their heads, and others their legs. The earth was unable to drink the blood of which a river
1879.] or a History of Hamtr, prince of Ranthambor. 24.3
flowed from the field. The huge carcases of horses and elephants, piled in heaps, formed its banks ; the wheels of war-chariots caused currents. The bows driven by a gentle wind looked like waves, the hands and legs like serpents, and fingers with rings on them like shoals of shrimps, the heads surmounted by red turbans like lotuses, the shady eye-brows like the black-bee, and the hair like mosses. The bathing-places were where the heroes were vaunting each of his might. The Yoginis, filling their basins with the red liquid, looked like a troop of beautiful women filling their jars and pitchers, and Bhairavs, Sambhu and Kalika, dancing with great glee, like persons coming to bathe in the sacred months of Bysdk and Kartika (April and October).
The living remainder of the troops of Ala-uddin withdrew in fear and shame. Standing on the field, the mighty Hamir roared like alion. Many jackals, vultures and kites flew hither and thither, feasting on flesh and blood.
The flashing sword of Hamir fell on the head of Shah Sikandar Jahan. Down dropped his enormous head with a crash. 125,000 Kanda- hdris were put to the sword. Besides, 100,000 of Ala-uddin’s own troops, 500 elephants and 10 Mirs fell. Here are the names of the last-named. Shesh, Mahesh, Murad, Muhabbat, Muzaffar Ali, Nur, Askar Ali, Nizim Ali, Sikandar Shah, Nur-uddin.
The wounded heroes raved here and there, quite furious and blood- ‘thirsty. The bright car of the sun stopped as if its majestic rider would take a view of this dreadful spectacle. ven gods were taken aback. They wondered at the military prowess of Hamir and looked with admiration at the field of carnage. The gates of heaven were opened, and all the slain were taken above, the Hindis by handsome Apsaras, and the Muham- madanvs by black-eyed Houris. The loss of the Chohans was four heroes only.
“Hara, Hara, Hara” shouted the bold Hamir and, mounted on his elephant, rushed at the emperor. His reeking sword flashed in his hand. He exclaimed, “Come on, Ala-uddin, come and fight with me, draw your sword, fight with me, come along.’’ The emperor became greatly enraged. Full of anger, he rushed to go in front of the Chohan prince. But his troops would not advance a step. The mighty Rao was a lion in fight, therefore they feared to come before him. Some Mirs and Vazirs only were with Ala-uddin.
“ How is this, Vazir,” said the emperor to Mihram Khan, “ where are my forces? On whatever side I cast my eyes, I see none but the mass- es of the Chohan army.”
Mihram Khan replied.~* The best counsel, I can offer your Majesty, is to make friends with the Chohdns and live in peace.”
244. B. Bandyopdédhyéya—Humir Résd, [No. 3,
The emperor sent a herald to the Rao with proposals of peace. He wrote, “ Pardon my faults, brave Chohan, and effect a reconciliation. En- joy undisputed your land and territory in the heart of Rajptitana. I have made up my mind to return to Dehli.”
When Hawmir got the letter, he thus replied, “We are both on the field ; we have come here to fight, and not to sue for peace. JI cannot grant this request. He who uses humble words, words of weakness before an enemy clad in mail, is a coward, and nothing but a coward ; or if you have any other motive, Emperor, be sure, it will bear no fruit.” (To the herald.) “Go, herald, go to your emperor, and tell him that I am ready with my troops and will never go away without fighting with him.”
Hamir to his vassals.—*‘ My brave Sirdars, do just as I bid you. The Rajputs fight with thirty-six arms ; but mind, in this battle, we will use four only—swords, daggers, khanjars and bisans. Be glorious by fighting the emperor with these weapons, leaving aside the use of fire-arms—cannon, ban, chaddar, hathnar, gambhur, muskets, pistolsand guns. Fall on the Mu- hammadan forces ; but see, you do not kill Alé-uddin: if you die, you are sure to go to heaven and live there with handsome Apsaras for evermore.”
The Sirdars obeyed his orders. Clad in clothes dyed with saffron and fastening the crowns of marriage on their heads, they attacked the Muham- madan ranks.
There was not a single fire-arm, neither were there any bows and ar- rows. Swords only were played. The emperor came to the field, full of rage. Both the parties met. Throats, hands and legs dropped on the ground. Bodies were cut off in the middle, as the sharp edge of a saw divides a block of wood. Many a head fell, but the body rose and danced horribly on the field. The headless trunk of a Chohén made a rush and drove the trunk of a Muhammadan away. The severed heads shrieked and shouted, and their shouts sent a thrill to the hearts of the living soldiers. Daggers were run through, held in determined hands. Ahanjars (bat- tle-axes) opened large wounds on the chests, and bisdns (short poniards firmly attached to the fist) stabbed hearts of adamant. The field wore a very gay appearance, being ornamented with five different colours. The Bakshi was put to the sword. The moment he fell, the troops of the emperor ran away in confusion. There was a terrible din on the field. It seemed as if the dead rose and shouted with fury, opening their bloody jaws and extending their hands to fight. At the fall of the Bakshi, Ala-uddin himself reined his elephant aside. Only his Vazir was with him. A body of Chohan soldiers surrounded the elephant.
“Do not slay the emperor,” exclaimed Hamir at the top of his voice, “do not slay him, for such is not the virtue of the Kshatriya. It is a sin
1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 245
to kill an emperor because he gives food to thousands of souls. Besides, Alé-uddin calls himself ‘ master of the world.’ ”
Then was the emperor taken into the presence of Hamir, who said “ Emperor, return to Dehli safe.”
The next moment Ald-uddin, with the remainder of his forces, encamp- ed four miles behind his former camp, in the direction of his capital. Con- siderable booty fell to the hands of the Chohan troops—tents, furniture, ensigns, weapons and money. All the wounded, irrespective of their caste, were taken special care of, and their wounds dressed. They were then sent each to his own country.
The sweet peals of Dundhavi sounded the march. Full of joy Hamir started to return to his fort. He was too glad to remember what he had said to the princess Asa, his favourite wife. Some soldiers in the front line had the imperial colours in their hands. The eager princess saw them from the fort, and, thinking that victory had gone to the Musalmans, committed a dreadful massacre and killed one and all, preferring death to ignominy.
When the Rao entered the fort, he heard of the massacre, and the next
moment he saw before him the lifeless body of his dear queen, that of his daughter Dewal, and those of the maids lying on the ground, with streams of blood gushing out from the wounds. ‘Then he called to mind the words of Siva. He resolved to cut off his own head and offer it at the feet of the god. He informed his Vazirs, officers and Rdwats of his determina- tion. : “ Patience, patience, royal master” prayed a hero. “ Do not shorten your life. What was fated to be, has come to pass. Long live you in glory under the protection of Mahadeva. Grant our prayer and request. All your warriors join their hands and entreat you. Do not, mighty Rado, behead yourself.”
Hamtr exclaimed.—“ Hear, my brave heroes, partners of my labours and pains, hear with attention. The lion enjoys carnal pleasures but for once. The word which has once come out of the mouth of a virtuous man can never be withdrawn. The plantain yields its fruit only once. The oil which is rubbed over the head of a woman on the occasion of her mar- riage can never be rubbed again in her life. And the firm resolution of Hamir of doing what he has once said can never be shaken.’’*
Hamir bade adieu to all present, ordering them to go to Chitor to the service of the prince Ratan. All alone the great Rao stood before Maha- deva and offered his own head to the god. The apsaras descended from
* fay fauy, qaey aga, Fe Te CHAT |
faa te, ea cay at Sforare | H H
246 B. Bandyopadhyaya— Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,
heaven, singing hymns of praise. Urvasi, the fairy-queen, threw garlands of flowers on his head and rubbed it with nectar. In heaven the gods sang ‘Glory to Hamir,’ and on earth all men did the same. Great rejoicings were made in the golden city of Amaravati on the grand occasion of the great Chohan’s entering into Paradise. Glory, glory, glory to the brave and generous Rao of Ranthambor!
Punishment of Sarjan Shah.—Atter the death of Hamir, Sarjan Shah called Ala-uddin to the fort of Ranthambor. The emperor was struck dumb by Hamir’s resolution. He gave vent to his feelings of admiration in the following words: “Glory to you, Rao Hamir, glory to your mother who bore in her womb such a heroic son. Your words are true. You are a perfect pattern of disinterestedness. You have left life and interest for the cause of one, a foreigner by birth, creed and nationality. The earth will never see such a hero again. You are unequalled in bravery, Hamir. I offered you terms of peace continually for fourteen years, but you were immovable from your purpose and resolution like a mountain. May your name be glorious from one end of the world to the other. Glory to you, valiant hero of heroes.”
Turning about, the emperor said to Sarjan Shah: “ Listen to what I say, now. The Raois dead, go and get mea hair of his head.” Mahadeva frowned, and the following words were heard to come out. “Take care, thou vile monster, thou ungrateful wretch, if thou advance one step to execute thy foul purpose, thou art a dead man, and thy head severed from thy body.”
Sarjan was frightened out of his wits, The emperor laughed, looked at him, and thus exclaimed, “ Basest of all mortals, thou faithless to thy salt, thou hast no equal in villainy. In return for thy black deeds take this deserving reward.’’ His head was cut off, and his body tied to the tail of an elephant and dragged all about the camp.
APPENDIX.
Chaturbhuj, the first Chohan, sprung from the Analkund, had two wives, Chakramati and Anatrambha,
Chaturbhuj by Chakramati. Chaturbhuj by Anatrambha. Bhiunal. Sekand Raja. Bhunal worshipped Jin Mata, and Raja Sekand worshipped Asa Puri, built the fort of Jinor. finally called Sambhano Mata and
built the fort of Jallor.
1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. His clans. His clans.
(1.) Jinawal Chohans (12 tribes). (1.) Daora
(2.) Dadrora 33 (2.) Saugrava
(8.) Kam Khani __,, (8.) Khinchi
(4.) Dak " (4.) Balicha
(5.) Rakshiya rs (5.) Hara
(6.) Bhakshiya hi (7.) Narbechha =
(8.) Jarichha _ (9.) Tak ‘ (10.) Dori i (11.) Niman s (12.) Daiman 2 (13.) Marwal a) (14.) Dal i, (15.) Sachoda u, (16.) Dhachoda p (17.) Chayel = (18.) Moyel Ae (19.) Gul-i-bash (20.) Charar 3 (21.) Bishutra .) (22.) Deshutra n
Sekand Raja. — EE =a
| Bachb Rikh or Batsha Rikh.
|
Maha Rikh, |
Mul Rikh. |
Jahin Rikh.
(6.) Hul (7.) Choka (8.) Dhanarayal (9.) Bhagaria (10.) Shachora (11.) Dhachora (12.) Alnot (13.) Minawat (14.) Bidinsia (15.) Thimia (16.) Koli (17.) Bahaéla (18.) Chahel& (19.) Baleta (20.) Jahella (21.) Sahella (22.) Sipat (23.) Bhagravat J oe Rikh.
Ayan Rikh.
fee ln Ciawe Mahat Rikh. |
aah Rikh. Rip Ki
Shyam Rikh.
Shiivan Rikh.
| Khauk Rikb.
Chohans.
247
248
B. Bandyopidhyaya—Hamir Rasa,
Khauk Rikh. |
Anant Rikh. |
Bhao Rikh.
| Showan Rikh.
| Jaman Rikh
| Dev Rikh. |
Chabi Dit. |
Nara Dit.
Daya Dit. |
Ran Dit.
Ae Hara Dit.
|
Nag Dit. |
Chakra Dit. |
Sur Dit.
Shinya Dit. |
Narendra Dit.
| Khem Dit.
Shivan Dit. Dhaii Dit.
| Bam Dit.
Bam Dit. ae Udai Pal. Mantra Pal. Baran Pal.
Chandra Pal. |
Rajendra Pal. |
Kul Pal.
[No. 3,
1879.]
* Meg Pal wrested the white umbrella of Indra.
or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor.
Kul Pal. | i Abhay Mandab.
Nara Mandab.
| Shuvan Mandab. Chahi Mandab.
|
Rikh Mandab.
| Batshaya Mandab.
| Goal Mandab.
eee Sujan Mandab.
Chakra Mandab.
| Shir Chakra Mandab.
Peale Maru Mandab.
|
Kimbha Mandab. |
Baran Jang Mandab. |
Dirang Mandab.
| Khinwar Mandab. |
Gabu Raj.
Bhringdeo Raj.
Artr Chandra Raj. |
Raj Chandra.
Shyam Chandra,
Bijai Chandra.
Chohans.
Bijai Chandra. |
Hamir Chandra. |
Rai Chandra, | Mahi Chandra.
| Bal Chandra.
| Gobind Chandra. |
Omi Chandra.
Narayan Chandra.
Manik Chandra. |
Trisinha Dey.
Hem. Dev.
Hara Dit.
Pow cE Meg Pal.*
Ree Biawals Wer Biante
| Shukmal.
Amarmal.
Jaman Bhim,
Samant.
249
Hence the white colours of the
B. Bandyopédhyaya—Humir Rasa,
Samant.
|
Nara Dev.
|
Bhim Dev. |
Shir Rao.
| Anka Rao.
| Abhai Rao.
ae ee Pur Rao. Ts cae Ts ae Yogendra Pal. Ami Pal.
| Kumbbh Pal.
Kumbb Pal. Antra Pal. Mahi Pal. Ratan Pl. Hara Pal. ae Pa SET
{al Rae Vatsha Dev.
Chakra Bhitp. |
Ajai Chandra. |
Chiman Dev. Anal Dev.
| Vatsa Raj.
Matsya Raj.
[No. 3,
i
1879.]
+ Prithviraj I, had 9 sons. ? Alan Deo—father of Alnat Choh4ns who reigned in Ajmir.
Matsya Raj. |
Hara Dit. Shur Dit.
| Jana Dit.
|
Trichhanna Dev.
| Arak Dev.
| Daud Nares.
Dhaol. | Anna Mahi.
|
Bijai Mahi. |
Chand Raj. |
Bil Dev. |
Kabilas. |
Bichitra. |
Gahu.
* Ajay Pal. |
Bijay Pal. | Chandan Dev.
Chatak Dev.
Prithviraj IT. |
or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor.
Gahu.
| Nara Dev.
| Basu Dey.
| |
| Malayasi.
Krit Bimb. |
Sawant Shi.
Narendra.
| Big Raj.
Ajai Raj
Manik Rao,
i) CX ee
reigned M §Sa-
[mar.
founded Ajmir in 343 (Sambat) and built the fort
of Taragarh.
Ajay Pal.* |
Prithviraj I+ son of Bisaul |
Alan Dev.
Chatak Dev. Bir Balan Dev. | Bisal Dey. |
Prithviraj I.
[ Dev.
Stiraj Mal father of the Shangra Chohans, who built the fort of Shangra,
Dev Raj Khim Karanji Udai Karanji Biram Deyji Halji
Har Palji Chatur Ghal
- Deora Chohans, who built the fort of Deora. Khinchi Chohans, who built Raghogarh,
Balecha Chohaéns of Madhugarh.
Khamicha Chohans of Suratgarh and Bhadaria Cho-
Huail Chohans of Jeyatgarh.
Hara Chohans of Kota and Bandi.
Chokha Chohans of Chatshu.
[hans.
252 B. Bandyopddhya4ya—Hamir Rasa. [No. 3, Alan Dev. ae
| i 2 2) 4 5:
Someshwar. Hari Singh. Bir Dis Kan 1 2 | 3 | Singh. Rao. Samant. Prithvi. Har Raj. Chaharde. Shtir Singh. |
Bahujuth. Rao Jait. ow Weg Sa Bijai Ram. Hamir.
| Lakhan Shi. Rana Ratan | Sen.
Raja Shankat.
21 sons ruled in Etgarh.
1. Harsha Rajji ruled in Dhunoti. 2. Sains Malji Hy LEROY, 3. Birém Chandji ,, ,, Kumayu. 4, Trilédk Chandji (Khayir Jartoli ka Raja). 5&6. Sheo R4m and Binaya Ram ruled in Sheopir, Kangra in the Panjab. 7. Gyan Chandji ruled in Etawa, Jalpi, Kalpi, Bagha, Mainpuri and Patiwari. 8&9. Ram, Bariam ruled in Kala Pahar, Sonkar, Sonkari. 10 & 11. Gaher, Baher (Kashika Chohans). 12, 18, 14, 15,16. Naulji, Gusainji, Chit Raj, Bambh Raj, Barshi, ruled in Pachewara, had 500 villages, and 6 towns—K4ahu, Lalsét, Lewala, Digo, Lanka and Baratindo. 17. Ajja—Shri Mal Bunniyas descended from him, 18. Bijja—father of Sheo Ranjat clan. 19. Kalas Raj—father of the Chita Minas. 20. Mir. 21. Radmu—tfather of Khola Ahir.
Oe
No. 1. SKETCH MAP Showing Villages about
KANDAHAR
From Observations with a Prismatic Compass, during February 1879; in Tarnak Valley during Advanced Foraging Expedition, rst Division, Kelat-i-Ghilzai to Kandahar ; in Arghisan Valley during Reconnoitring Expedition.
Kargxi-Milla Paind. eLandéKarex
réxdino Ky eam Aum
Milla/Paixo~ Z é SY
Taraki 8 ct grant — “Néjor
Aolichy A. S¥ aE OD cb Shah Ponge
mad Kela-t-Narud DuiKhan —— ( a Z re Sees a AbdurRahman AbdulWahab ~ Naib Sultan
Z Madoxai — Mund. His sar Saifullah. KaxiKaréz ° 4 S! qo Marut __—
ArunKala. o
ie atif Khan
= Baianeai
Zarighir Khan or Te SS Mahtmimad Khan
Nizarmmbd DinKhen
MN.
NR
be SE
Kalai-Saitullal’ oKala-ivRahmin
Assumed Base Koneh Momana to Robat 8 Miles, Beartg 77 :
jos oe eer ey ear F 20 us TEs mass | TS == T T 1Miles, Scale 759720 4 Miles to the Inch Distribution of the Population.—I. Morgan Kehchar, 5 ‘Abd-ur-Rahmin Khin. br Deh-i-HAji, Alizais, Madozai. 3 Deh-i-Dai, ae Kalak Dad, Nirzais, Marsingzai. & Naib Sultan, fs q Makian, Makus. Re Robits #2 Kala-i-Saif-ul-lah, Be LIER WUE Ee, Ran ae Kala-i-Akhund. a Kala-i-Rahmén, 5S. Sigzai, Sigzais. J Kala-i-Amir. #o8 Kala-i-Azim (Arghisan V.) eae Taraki Kuldcha, 33 ‘Abu, 224 Kérés Aino, a Be Pir Did, pie 3 z Milla Paizo, Abs-ul- Wahi, ag 2 ee 3 Heh E eae Ghilzais. ST ae Mir Ahmad Khin. oe ee Mulla Paindé. eeu (Tarnak V.) Se Pir Muhammand Khan. go 32 Haji Adis, Saneaen ee Abd-ultah Khin, Bede Mund Hissar. ja. cee Malang. Kaka ah q Amin Kala. aos rs 15. Eas, = Shah Muhammad. 273 Momand. Momands. ot Saif-ul-lah. a= Syad Muhammand. Zanghir Khan, aga Landé Karéz. Syads, Muhammad Khan. ee Kazi Karéz. Nizim-ud-Din Khin. E23 Kulacha-i-Syad Muhammad Shab. Baianzai, a z Kala-i-Nur-ud-Din Khan. an
No. 2,
Ss KETCH MAP Showing Villages in Tarnak and Arghisan Valley.
(In Continuation of No. I.)
Sartip Nix Mofaiamad |
u Norte
tir Aten es yy
sale 254290 4 Miles lo the Inch
Saifu-l-lah.
ee Karazai. x Sease8 eae ee. Bakhlidr 2 Amin Kala, 424 250922 5 Boas. | Sudén. é Baianzai, 44 ae aoeas Zakariah. 28 i $% KalaicSher Ali a Mir Alam Khan, EEE, salted & Feith, BOERS? — Sokhin. at Sartip Nur Muhammad, er Tang. Sunjat, 2 2
Habibullah, gag
Jalaugir. S33
“Ayiz. 922
Ismail Khan. 23s
Nausazai. a2
Kaul. a
Laluk. 4
Sher Muhammad E
Jaldak, L
Sandarzai.
The Index of Vol. XLVIII of 1879 will be issued with No. I of Vol. XLIX of 1880.
Silica iano
JOURNAL
OF THE
Poalic SOCIETY OF BENGAL,
—Y—- Part I.—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e, No. IV.—1879.
Pali Derivations in Burmese.—By H. L. St. BarBe, B. c. 8.
The Burmese have borrowed their alphabet, religion, literature and a large portion of their language from the neighbouring continent. The alphabet was no doubt introduced at a very early period. It has never been analysed with any care, but its square variety approximates more closely to the Asoka and fifth century (B. C.) inscriptions than any later Indian modifications. It was adopted en bloc, though the Burmese have never themselves found any use for 12 out of the 34 consonants and have altered several of the sounds, notably the 2nd varga from “ch” and “4” to “s” a" “-” the vowel ‘ai’ into é (pronounced more or less like the “e” in there) and “o” into “6” (like the “aw” in “law’’). To express the sound of an “0” and “ai,” they invented a new compound, which I propose calling “ ui’? from the symbols it is apparently composed of. The remaining characters, for my present purpose, will be more conveniently designated by their Indian equivalents.*
The earliest date mentioned in the national chronicle is the foundation of the Sarekhettaré kingdom (B. C. 482). Previous to this, lengthy lines of kings with Indian names are mentioned at Sangassa and Pajicala, as the old capitals of Tagoung and old Pugdn were denominated. There is no adequate reason, so far as I can see, for rejecting the Indian origin of these early kingdoms. The country was in much the same state as Karen- ni or the Kachyen hills are at present; inhabited by a number of petty
* A paper on Burmese Transliteration was contributed by the writer tothe R. A, Society and published in their Journal for April 1878.
If
254 H. L. St. Barbe—Pali Derivations in Burmese. [No. 4,
tribes with scarcely a shred of order, civilization or authority among them. The advent of an Indian prince (be he real or the reverse), with a little band of refugees, would have much the same effect as the advent of a Burmese ““mintha’” among the Karen Highlanders. He may be the sole element required for order, coherence and organization. The separate clans become a nation, the separate states a kingdom, a dynasty is established, and his- tory commences. The rulers will introduce as far as possible their own language, usages and religion. Their sons and cities will have sonorous Indian titles, and they will import astrologers, sages and as many represen- tatives of their native Pantheon as their subjects can comfortably digest. A hundred years or so, and these will remain the sole testimonies to their foreign extraction. This is exactly what has happened in Burma. The bulk of the Aryan element, no doubt, found its way into the language hundreds of years later through a Pali channel, when Andérahta in the eleventh cen- tury A. D. brought the “ Three Baskets’ from Thahton and had them translated into the vernacular. But Sanskrit words had entered the lan- guage before this, without any connection with Buddhism. The names for the days of the week are derived from a Sanskrit source, though dis- torted at times beyond recognition. Anga, Buddhaht::, Sokra:, Krasa- pate :* and Chane are identifiable, but Tananla and Tananganve have as yet defied analysis. So too the signs of the zodiac, such as priccha, karakat, prissa, more nearly resemble the Sanskrit; while such words as khyanse a lion, rasse a rishi, athwad (S. thud to cover) a pinnacle, hira: (S. hora) astrologers, pritta (S. preta) the dead, missa (S. mesa) a ram, prassad (S. prasdda) a tower, seem to point to a time when the foreign vocables were written down as they sounded in Burmese, without reference to their etymology. The presence of the “r’’ also in such words as samuddard, krattiké, amruik (amrita), kramma, drap (darpa), gruih (graha), chakra, aggirat, bhimirat, indicate an earlier source than Pali. As time went on, the importations vastly increased, and an estimate of words of Indie extraction as constituting one-seventh of the whole Burmese vocabulary would be rather under than over the actual proportion. Many, no doubt, are corrupted and contorted beyond all knowledge. Captain Latter remarks in his grammar that there is no such thing as orthography in the Burmese language, and no doubt the existence of 12 superfluous characters and the slurred enunciation of final consonants have led to a good deal of confusion. Such forms as vibhak (vipaka), puppa (pubba), phothappa (photthabba), ki (guba), bhavak (bhavaggam) are typical instances of
* The change of an initial labial into a guttural is rare in Burmese. The only other instance I know of is pattarad into kattard. 'The change of ¢ into s is common enough,
1879. ] H. L. St. Barbe—Pali Derivations in Burmese. 255 common errors, and many others will be noticed among my examples. Nei- ther Dr. Judson in his Dictionary nor Dr. Mason in his Pali Grammar can be relied on, and I regret to state that the provincial government is among the worst of offenders. Besides countenancing the most frenzied methods of transliteration, it had the temerity to allow the Education Department to publish a collection of popular Burmese texts with but the scantiest acquaintance with the language. Pali MSS. were exclusively relied on, the result being that it is almost impossible to conceive more orthogra- phical errors bemg included within a smaller space.
The process of engrafting Aryan vocables on a Mongoloid stock must be more or less clumsy and inadequate. Gotama would scarcely understand ten words together of his own doctrine as recited by a phungyi, and most certainly could not make himself intelligible to a Burmese audience. The character must always be a most unsatisfactory one to adopt for any new dialect or language. In reducing Karen to writing, the American Mission- aries had a grand opportunity of introducing the Latin alphabet (with the necessary additions) which was just as intelligible to their converts as any other, and which would have led easily to a general scheme of vernacular transliteration. ‘They were misguided enough, however, to employ Bur- mese, the consequence being a series of appalling hieroglyphies incompre- hensible to all but the contrivers. I hear that Kachyen is to undergo a similar treatment. ‘This is the language spoken by all the Singphos on the borders of Burma and Assam and deserves a better fate than being interred within an ingenious (perhaps) but inscrutable cipher. May I be permitted to record a feeble and, no doubt, ineffective protest? Apart however, from a want of orthoepical precision (to use Dr. Wilson’s phrase) there is a certain amount of method and uniformity observed in the appro- priation of Pali terms. I have been able to frame a simple set of rules which are tolerably comprehensive and which may be of some use in deal- ing with future importations. It will be noted (1) that anuswara and the nasals are freely interchangeable, (2) that visarga (which in Burmese is only used as a grave accent after long vowels and nasals) is added with- out any reference to the original.
I. The word was imported whole.
#. g. kala, sati, utu, gati, ussabha, ratha :, kula:, khana, upama.
Often inflected or misspelt.
E. g. asavo, upaddavo, pakate (pakati), Shot (chuti), sare (siri), yujana (yojanami), hans& (hamsa), ansd (amsa), parikkhaya (parikkhara),* milak-
* Of, also Tirichchhan for Tirachchhéna. There was evidently some false analogy deduced from “ yiriya” another importation.
256 H. LL. St. Barbe—Pali Derivations in Burmese. [No. 4,
khu (milakkho), nirzya (niraya), magha (magha), naga (ndga), akhobhani (akkhohint), kambulwe (kambulo).
II. It was abbreviated,
(a.) if the penultimate vowel was “a” or “1” and the last consonant uncompounded, by changing the vowel into “ ui” and dropping the termi-
nation.
Fi, g. phuil (phalam), buil (balam), gruih (graha), naguiy aisann makuit (makata), rakkhuik (rakkhaka), guin: (gana), kasuin (kasina), karuin (karanam), ganuin (kananam ?), samuin (samanfa?), But kuiy (kaya) is an exception.
“ 'T”? was occasionally changed into “k.”
fi. g. charuik (charita), amruik (amrita.)
(6.) If the penultimate vowel was neither “a” nor “i,” or if the last consonant was a compound, the final vowel or syllable was as ees
E. g. adhippay (adhippaya), apay (apdyo), dan (danda), dat (datu), upacha (upachdra), upade (upadesa), alin (alinda), kannamu (kannamdilam), chhan: (ehhanda), dhutan (dhuttanga), pullan (pullanko), nimit, (nimit- tam), kum (kumbha), van (vamsa), ekan (ekamsa), kan (kafifia).
N. B. In “ jani” (janika) and chheti (ehhetiyam) the i has been pe thened to allow the operation of this rule.
Occasionally the vowel was shortened.
#. g. nam (nama), yam (yama), amat (amatya), dan (d4mam), bhum (bhtimi), atit (atitam).
2. In some cases more than one syllable is dropped.
E. g. upad (upadanam), byai: (byaijanam), navarat (navaratanam), pitakat (pitakattayam).
3. “o” is changed into “ wu” in the words—
anulum (anuloma), upus (uposatha), alup (alopa).
4. The vowel is lengthened in the words—
ti (tula), ki (guha), va (vassam).
5. A penultimate y is often changed into fi or 6. ;
[As a final, fi has 3 sounds in Burmese, the first nearly corresponding to “i,” the second to “ é,” the 3rd (with an anusvara) to “ in.’”’]
Hf. g. nai (naya), pachchah (pachchaya), vinaii (vinaya), faré (niraya), sahé (sahdya).
6. The letters i (with an anusvara), n and u are often employed anomalously.
#. g. jai (jana), abhifafi (abhiiia), upamafi (upamadnam), uyyai: (uyyanam), sabhan (sabha), bhavan (bhava), maggan* (magga), d4gum
* Dr. Judson derives maggan from magganga.
This appears unnecessary and erroneous.
1879.] H. L. St. Barbe—Pali Derivations in Burmese. 25%
(agamma), arum (arammana), nigum: (nigama), saranagum (sarana gama- nam), apud (apada), vevuch (vevachanam), unnalum (unnalamba ?).
III. Occasionally some other change occurred in the word, viz.—
(a.) The Burmese substantive prefix “a’’ was given.
#. g. arup (ripam), arasa (rasam), akhan (khandeti).
(6.) The initial vowel was dropped.
Hi. g. pama (upam4), lanka (alankara), dhitthan (adhitthanam), bhissit (abhisito), rahan: (araham), numo (anu modanda).
(¢.) Some medial alteration took place.
#. g. muigh (megha), adhwan (addhana), bhe: (bhaya), sabho (sabhava), ealun (garulo), mahut* (muhuttd), puthui (thipo?). For a similar inver- ‘sion compare danchakii: for chandaki:, krapate for prakate, and perhaps rakhuin for kharuin.
_ The above is a brief and imperfect summary of the methods employed in adapting Pali derivatives to the Burmese vernacular. Some of the changes and modifications were necessitated by the character of the lan- guage ; others were dictated by euphony. I have not here analysed the reasons for any change, nor have I noticed the specialities or alterations of meaning which many words have assumed in their transfer. Such terms as sanbho (a ship), sankan: (a chivara), sankham: (a hermitage), dhtivam (the north star), pariyay (artifice), charit (expenses), joti (a schismatic) can- not be found with such significations in any Pali or Sanskrit dictionary, and a long list of obviously Indie words could be made up comprising such common names as pufifia: (a Brahmin), muttho (a dagoba), rikkha (provi- sions), purapuik (a slate &c.), koja (an era), prakkadin (an almanack), which are not to be found at all.
I should mention in concluding that some Pali words are to be found in several forms, such as kammam kam kramma, kaya kuiy, mag magea magegin, sarup rup rupa arup, mit metta, chit cheta, &e. The Burmese are fond also of using a Pali and Burmese word of the same signification to form a sort of aggregative compound.
#. g. mit-chhue (friends), amin ana (an order), pum-santhan (appear- ance), amhu kichcha (business), arap-desa (a place), amyak-dosa (anger), &c.
These well exemplify the way in which Pali has become interwoven with the common speech and thought of the people. A thorough knowledge of Burmese would necessitate some acquaintance with its Aryan ally, and one could wish to see a dictionary or grammar undertaken with some recog- nition of this fact.
* This dropping of the “u’” is very common in Burmese as pati:, pachchhui:, &c. for puti;:, puchchhui.
258 8. EH. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. [No. 4,
A peculiarity of the river names in Asam and some of the adjoining countries.—By 8S. HE. Puan, Sibsagar, Asam.
Some years ago the prevalence of Di or Ti, as a prefix to river names in Asam, induced me to draw up a list of such, in the hope that some clue might be found that would explain the frequent recurrence of it.
It soon became evident that this Di, Ti, meant “ water’? in many of the hill dialects, and that the second part of the word was the true name of the river, in many cases descriptive; thus, the Tisa of the Naga hills means, Ti = water, Sa = young, the “ young river.”
Di and Ti was also frequently seen as a suffix; thus, Ai ti = mother water, Rapti, Tapti, Kampti &c.; occasionally softened to thi, as in Yung-thi, La-thi, Mu-thi.
More extended search revealed the peculiarity in most of the countries adjacent, with traces of it as far as western India. In the Naga hills, there are several variations, Ti, Tsi, Di, Dsu, and Chi, among Kacharies, Doi, Lushais Tui, and over the Malayan peninsula Tsi and Si, as in Si-tang, Si-mun, Sigtn, although both Ti and Di also are occasionally met with.
In China we see it under various forms, as Tse, ¢. g. in Yang fse Kyang, and as Tsi, Tchi, Tchu, Sui and Chu, which latter is also so prevalent over Tibet, Chu being Tibetan for water. ‘This latter is also common all along our northern frontier, “‘ Lang chu” being in fact the upper Indus. Northwards, among the restricted Turanians, we get the Turki Su for water, and the Mongolian Us-su, no doubt related to the Tibetan Chu and Chinese Sui.
Following the course of the great Turki Mongolian invasions, from the north-east, we find this same word for water, more or less attached to rivers through Persia (as Sui) and Asia Minor (Siai, Soui, Su), emerging in European Turki as Su (there are two Kara-su rivers alone, falling into the gulf of Salonica, kara = black and su = water). Obviously these names are more or less of a generic character, the black water, the white water, &¢., being common in most countries. Returning eastward to Asam, where the Di is so very prevalent, it is noteworthy that the Doi of the Asamese Kacharies seems related to the Da and Dah of the aborigi- nals of western Bengal and Central India. Passing westwards from Asam, we see the Tista, Di-pok, Di-onai, &c. in Bihar ; Seti and Di-wa are also names of the Gogra; and Di-ngrai, a branch of the Arun in Nipal, is an almost exact repetition of the Ti-ngrai of eastern Asam.
Among the tributaries of the Ganges we have the Dioha, Rapti, and Gum-ti.* Again we have the Di-saun R. B. of the Bitwa (Jamna), the Narbada is the Kun-di, and we have the Tapti, Rapti, Dasti, Dire, &c. T
* There is another Gumti in Hill Tipperah,
1879. ] S. HE. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 259
is again met with, as the vernacular for water, among the tributaries of the upper Satlej and Indus, and used by hill tribes who do not seem to have had any communication, in the historic period, with the non-Aryans of Eastern Bengal. Jumna = Jamuna or Di-a-muna of Ptolemy.*
In regard to the peculiarity under notice, it is evident that the Himé- laya has acted as a conspicuous speech-parting. Starting from China, where we have Tse, Sui, and Chu, we get, via Tibet, Chu and Su alone, with their local variations, whereas to the south of the range, vid Burma, Asam and India, we get the variations of Di, Ti, Thi, Dzu, Dui, Dah, which are as absent north of the Himalaya, as the Chu and Su are south of it, although to the east the two groups are connected by many intermediate forms.
The peculiarity in question gains importance from a knowledge of the fact that river names often survive the races who gave them. As Dr. Buchanan Hamilton has truly said, “the names of rivers and mountains “are those which are usually most carefully preserved among the changes “that take place in the languages of mankind.”
It is not intended that these few remarks should be taken as an attempt to group non-Aryan races through a single word, but rather to invite a comparison between this peculiarity, as attached to river names, and the languages spoken zn situ at the present day. In many cases the race giving the name has evidently departed, leaving, as in Asam and parts of Bengal, little else but these river names as evidence of former occupancy. This is specially noteworthy in a country quite destitute of architectural remains, like Asam and the hill country surrounding it. A careful study of such words as are likely to survive the races that originate them may lead to many unexpected proofs of that which is, so far, only surmised. It would also include the changes which such words or names systematically undergo at the hands of Aryan races, as where Su is rendered “ Hu,” or even “ Hu,” as in Hu-phrates.; The Indus is obviously the Ind-su, and we have it on many old maps as Ind-huh (/ being s at each extremity of India) ; it is also rendered as Ind-suh. Non-Aryan names even seem to occur in Persia; Ak-su, literally white water, is found common all over Central Asia and as far west as Huropean Turkey. ‘Tested by the above, it looks more than probable that this is the source whence we derive “ Oxus,” one of the tributaries of that river, near its source, being Ak-su. I am, however, informed by a good authority that it comes from Waksh, also one of its sources. Possibly there may be less difference actually between the “ak-su’”’ and “waksh,” than at first sight appears.
* [Di appears to be merely the Greek way of spelling the Prakrit 7 Gamund) = Sanskrit y (ywmund) ; see A. Cunningham’s Ancient Geography of India, p. 46. Ep.]
+ [The Assyrian hw (Greek ew) = Scythian kw “ water’; see A, Cunningham, Ancient Geography, p. 37. Ep. ]
260 S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. [No. 4,
“ Kara-su,” z. e. black water, is perhaps the commonest of this group of words (being also of a generic character). The name extends from the east of China to Turkey in Europe, and from Turkestan to the Arctic Ocean. A list of instances with Latitudes and Longitudes is given further on.
In Longitude thev lie mainly between 21° 50’ east and 69° east, while in Latitude the name occurs mainly between 35° N. and 45° N., a very restricted belt, corresponding with the Mongolian invasions westwards.* Notwithstanding the fact that the whole of Central, Eastern, and Southern Asia, were probably originally peopled by non-Aryans, apparently spreading from China westward, it is noteworthy how effectually the Himalaya stood as a speech-parting, dividing the races spreading south of it from those to the north, even when tested by this one word for “ water.” ;
In studies of this kind much needless confusion has been caused by the very various modes of spelling adopted, ere the Hunterian system was introduced; the real name being often so disguised as to be barely seen. Indeed, in many cases we have boldly changed the original name for ano- ther, as when Rennel turned the Ai-ti (mother water) into Barelly, simply because the former sounded to him absurd. The Amins also, who were with Buchanan, endeavoured to turn Tista into Trista or Tristota, and against the protest of the inhabitants. Carelessness has also had a great deal to do with the confusion we see, and the first mode of spelling that was chanced on remained, whether correct or no. Some riversare spelt four or five different ways and at times as many as eight, and it is common to find the same river even on the same map spelt two different ways; thus we have Dee, De, Di, Dy interchangeable.
It must also be borne in mind that maps seldom give more than one name where there may be several well known locally to distinct tribes near. Thus Mbong-kha of the Singphis is the Ti-keng of the Nagas. Dinoi of the Singphus is Ning-thi of the Munipuris (the beautiful water), and it is Nam-tonai of the Shans and Kyendween or Thanla wati of the Burmese. Probably it has also Naga names. Many rivers therefore may not at first sight seem to fall into the following list, that are yet very con- spicuous, as the Dhansiri, but on investigation it turns out that the old name is nearly obsolete, z. e., the “ Di-ma,’’ whence Di-ma-pur. It is or was also called the Ti-mu.
In some cases again the name of the river is obviously recent, as the Godadhur, its true name being the Machi, chu being the Bhutan varia-
* T am not here in a position to follow out the word ‘kara’ (black) and trace its relationship to ‘kala’; possibly it has been done, but if not, it would scem to offer an interesting and instructive case whereby we may possibly collate the non-Aryan lan- guages with the Aryan. On the other hand it may simply have been imported from one to the other and modified lately.
1879. ] S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam, 261
tion, as in Tan-chti, Tso-chii (the Sonkosh) or Wang-chi, Har-cht Par-chi: &e.
It is often difficult to spell Turanian words correctly and Tsi, which gives great trouble, is as common in those languages as it is rare in the Aryan groups. The river Tsik, tributary L. B. Namrup and Dihing, I find spelt by us as Chik, Chick, Seek, Tuseek, Ta-sheek, Cheek, and Tee-chick, and it is usually spelt Nam-chik, while on the spot it is clearly pronounced Tsik.
Sanpi and Singphti also would be as correctly rendered by Tsanpu and Tsingpho.
The difference between Di and Ti is often hardly perceptible, and at times nil, as Tirap, Dirap and Dihrap.
‘It may appear to some that the second half of the name, if Tiis removed, is unpronounceable or difficult to realize as a distinct word, but such are common in these hill dialects. The western branch of the upper Trawadi is called by us Milee kha, but should be Ml; and in Mbong, Rz’n, ngrai, there is no vowel or even pause between the first two con- sonants.
As the names of rivers are probably the last to change in any age or country, being frequently retained long after the originating language is extinct, as in America, the subject is of special interest where Aryan and non-Aryan races have evidently overlapped in times past, and might well repay systematic investigation. The following is a contribution, to which I would invite additions. It will be seen that the position is often not given. This is the second list compiled, and in the original one when the names were first collected the sites were not recorded.
LIST OF RIVER NAMES.
Di-a near Diwangir1
Di-alung L. B.* Kalang
Di-bong N. EH. Asam Up. Asam Di-buru N. Lakbimpur Up. Asam Di-bri there are 3 Dibris
Di-bru original name of the Kalang C. Asam Di-bi or Tiphi near Samaguting Naga hills Di-big near Phungmai or Shuemai kha Shan States Di-bi R. B. Dinoi Up. Barma Di-blai H. Bihar Diflt L. B. Brahmaputra, Mikir hills C. Asam Di-g L. B. Chenab, Lahore N. W. P.
* L. B. left bank, R. B. right bank, trib. tributary, &c.
KK
262 SS. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam.
Di-ga Di-gart Di-garung Di-gboi Di-gi Di-gli Di-gmo Di-grimo Di-gim Di-grindi Di-ha Di-hanji Di-hang Di-hing Di-hong Di-hanji Di-hri Di-joi Di-ja Di-kalai Di-kar Di-karti Di-koi Di-kori Di-krai Di-krang
Di-krengkong
Di-kung Di-khou Di-has Di-hiri Di-hri Di-jung Di-khari
Di-kling or Di-mra
Di-khor Di-kra Di-khai Di-khim Di-khi Di-kroi
R. B. Dinoi
L. B. Dhansiri, Mikir hills Rk. B. Dihing, Jaipur
R. B. Brahmaputra, 89° Jiri Forest
R. B. Barak
a name of Dhansiri Khwang
Buri, and No.
L. B. Disang, Sibsagar N. Lakhimpur
Lat. 25° 49’ N. Long. 94° 6’ E.
R. B. Dialung, Mikir hills N.N. EH. of Kapili and Direng
N. E. No, Dwar
L. B. Brahmaputra
W. of Subansiri
trib. of Pisola
(Theobald’s cat shells, p. 11) Upper Dimo, Dihing
W. Kamaikia
L. B. Kora
L. B. Tingrai
L. B. Sessa
Dyor, L. B. Dhansiri
Up. Barma Asam
C. Asam Up. Asam Asam Cachar Silchar
Patkai
Up. Asam Kasi hills
[ No.
Kast Up. Asam North Up. Asam
W. Bengal Up. Asam Up. Asam
Asam
C, Asam
Up. Asam Balk
Up. Asam Up. Asam
Up. Asam
Kopili, Asam
C. Asam Up. Asam Up. Asam Up. Asam C. Asam
1879. | S. H. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 268
Di-lai Di-li Di-lih Di-li Di-ling Di-len Di-lkiri
Di-ma or Kali jan Di-ma Di-mal Di-mala Di-mari Di-mo Di-mri Di-nabi Di-noi Di-on Di-oha Di-lail Di-mu Di-ngrai Di-ndi Di-onai Di-pha Di-phi Di-phli Di-pling Di-pota Di-pta Di-pok Di-phu Di-ra Di-reng Di-ri or bri Di-ri Di-ro Di-rok Di-roi Di-rijmo Di-sam
trib. Manas
name of upper part, Disang
near Sibsagar Mishmi hills
Mishmi hills, Brahmakund
L. B. Brahmaputra, name of Kaka-
L. B. Indus danga W. Duars
a name of Dhansiri L. B. Kalang
R. B. Disang trib. Manas
No, Dihing L. B. Ganges
C. Asam. Up. Asam Cabul
Up. Asam Bhutan
C. Asam Up. Asam C. Asam Up. Barma
Up. Asam Oude
R. B. Indus, Lat.35° 30’ Long. 40°74’ EH.
N. Lakhimpur
W. Branch, Arun Kistna
Tista and Jamuna R. B. Brahmaputra
Nau gaon
R. B. Disang Gabharu, char Dwar R. B. Br. Tezpur trib. Sonkosh
trib. Kundil, Bram Kerim pani, Dihing R. B. Kapili
into the Disola Brahmakund
Jangi
No, Dihing
R. B. Disang
Miri country
L. B. Dibing
Up. Asam NIpaL
S. India Bihar
L. Asam
C. Asam Up. Asam C. Asam C. Asam Bihar Asam
Up. Asam ~
Up. Asam Naga hills Up. Asam Up. Asam Up. Asam
264 S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam.
Di-san Di-sang Di-pha Di-ri Di-rjt Di-rji Di-rpai Di-sang Di-sang Di-snoi Di-soi Di-sem Di-sart Di-satin Di-sola Di-sti Di-stn Di-sura Di-tori Di-tort Di-ula or Di-yula Di-wa Di-yong Di-yung Ti-bai Ti-bi Di-soi Di-yak or Di-ak Ti-vai Ti-ding Ti-dlum Ti-dlung Ti-groi Ti-keng Ti-ka Ti-ling Ti-lht Ti-loi Ti-mok Ti-mok Ti-mt
L. B. Brahmaputra the old Tista
Lat. 31°, Long. 66° L. B. Subansiri
R. B. Ronga Nadi L. B. Subansiri
Up. Irawadi
Patkai
Gabharu, char Dwar L. B. Brahmaputra R. B. Dhansiri
L. B. Jamuna
R. B. Bitwa, R. B. Jumna N. Sibsagar Brahmakund
Teng pani
Dee-tu-ree
L. B. mouth Kalang
old bed Manas
the Gogra
Kapili, N. Cachar
trib. Dhansiri or Doiyang Naga hills, Sibsagar
R. B. Kundil Mahanadi Naga hills Brahmakund Yugli Patkai Yugli Patkai
the Mbongkha Tirap, Dihing Patkai
Yugli Patkai
over Patkai
L B. Dimo
L. B. Disang
several
a name of Dhansiri
Bundelkund Up. Asam Bengal Afghanistan Up. Asam Up. Asam Up. Asam Brama Asam Asam
Up. Asam
Bengal
Up. Asam Up. Asam Up. Asam C. Asam —
Oude Cachar
Naga hills
Up. Asam Bengal
Up. Asam
Asam
Up. Asam Up. Asam
[No. 4,
1879. ] S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 265
Ti-mtn Ti-mtin ? Ti-ma Ti-nga Ti-nerai Ti-ok Ti-ok
. Ti-ka Ti-korai Ti-ki Ti-z1 Ti-ok Ti-pai Ti-pai Ti-pak Ti-ping Ti-pling Ti-pkai — Ti-psi 'Ti-phu Ti-pt Ti-pak Ti-pam Ti-rap Ti-ré Ti-reh Ti-ri aie rt Ti-rok Ti-rong Ti-ru Ti-ra or Chi-ru Ti-sa Ti-sang Ti-sing Ti-su Ti-sung Ti-tulia Ti-wa Ti-wang Tsi-tsi or S1-si
L. B. Disang several
R. B. Dihing
L. B. Disang
L. B. Brahmaputra trib. Di-bru
into Di-roi
several
L. B. Dhansiri Sibsagar
Dihing Sankosh
Tirap
near Moran Sibsagar Wr. Jaipur L. B. Dihing Sadia
Mikir Hills Sadia
Tirap
L. B. Dihing
L. B. Safrai, L. B. Disdng L. B. Jhanji
trib. Tiok and Disang trib. Dising L. B. Disang
Tiok
the Menga R. B. Dinoi R. B. Dinoi Abor hills
Up. Asam Wrn. Hlassa
Up. Asam Up. Asam Up. Asam Up. Asam Up. Asam Manipur
Naga hills
Cachar Up. Asam
Up. Asam
Up. Asam Up. Asam
Up. Asam Up. Asam
Up. Asam
Up. Asam Up. Asam Up. Asam Naga hills Naga hills Naga hills
Bengal
Up. Barma Up. Barma — Up. Asam
266 S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. [No. 4,
Tsi-k or Tsi-kha (Sing.) Nam chik, (Kampti) Tsi-khak (Sing.) Kyoung (Burmese)
Tsi-ngkatt L. B. Irawadi Bamo, Barma Tsi or Si-miin Siam Si-bangi Siam Si-gon Siam Si-hinbum Siam Si-ngum Siam Si-tang or Thithaung Siam
Si-la Lakhimpur Up. Asam Ai-ti Barelly, Up. Manas Asam Bag-ti Diyong-Dhansiri Asam Gar-ti R. B. Brahmaputra, 89° Asam Ti-si into Tiok Naga hills Ti-sta Sikim Bengal Ti-shui Lat. 29° 20’ Long. 111° E. China Si-ki trib. of Tsu Lat. 26° 27’ Long. 118°
Si-kiang Canton River China Ghal-ti
Gum-ti Near Lakhnau Oude Gum-ti Hill Tipperah E. Bengal Gulum-thi Mishmi hills
Das-ti Baluchistan Dind-di Kistna
Dun-di Gulf of Katch
Du-ti
Jak-ti Ript, Duar
Kun-di L. B. Narbada
Ku-ti N. W. Ceylon Kam-ti Nam Kamti, Kamti hills Asam Ku-ti Borneo La-thi Mishmi hills
Lan-di Peshawr Indus Ling-ti Ladak Milam-chi W. Kosi Nipal M-thi Brahmakund
* Mi-thi Mishmi Hills
Ning-thi the Dinoi Up. Barma Rap-ti L. B. Ganges Oude
* Moochee or Ummpanee of Griffiths! see p. 120 “ Selection of papers, relating
to the Hill Tracts between Asam and Burma.” B.S. Press.
1879. ] S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam.
Ra-ti Runga-ti Shigol-thi Sung-ti or thi Tap-ti Thi-kak Se-ti Ben-di Bula-ti Chider-ti Ulen-ti Ug-ti Di-jil-eh Di-ya-la Yeve-si u Sar Lie Du-rla Du-ba Dui-ola Rang-ti Ghar-ti Mur-ti Rai-ti Soi-ti Kal-ti Gal-ti Yang-tsi Much-kun-di
? Lau-tsa or tsu
Washis-ti Yung-thi Pi-ti Chom-tchu Sabarma-ti Ay-ya-wa-di Ingdi Bag-mu-ti Gangu-ti Bhag-ra-ti Shung-chu
Mishmi hills
Kandish, western India
L. B. Dialang, Mikir hills
Ghogra
Lake Van
Lat. 26°, N. Long. 63° E. ” 52° 2 73° ” 52° ” 72° sy LA? je Le
the Tigris trib. L. B. Tigris
the Ghogra
E. Monas Sonkosh
begins as Minac-cht W. of India Cambodia or Mi-khong
R. B. No, Dihing the Arun of
Trawadi Sadia
Alti hills the big water L. B. Upper Indus
Bihar
Surat Asam
W. Nipal Asia Minor
Lena L. B.
Baghdad Siberia
Bihar
Lukhi Duar Bhutan Bhutan Bhutan Bhutan Bhutan Bhutan China
S. of Bombay
S. of Bombay Asam Haiderabad Nipal
N. E. Baroda Barma
U. Asam’ Nipal
Catak Bengal
267
268 S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. [No.
Champa-muti R. B. Brahmaputra the Muti Bhutan Lopra-cha-chi the Subansiri
Ha-su-ti
Nari-cht the Sanpt
Haut-mo-ti
Huri-arius-arisu Herat Horing-o-ti
Isa-mo-té
Lai-mo-té near the Champa-muté Bhutan Mar-chang-di Nipal Mar-kun-di trib. Indravati Godavery Sam-po-na-ti
Sa-lun-di Katak Surati Satpura, Gunga
Sur-so-ti Tonk C. India Zih-di S. E. of Samarkand, trib. Oxus.
Dyardanes Brahmaputra, as known to the ancients
Chi Lat. 33° 30’ N. Long. 115° E.
Sin-shui 5 Aif s 109°
Tsin-chui 53 36° x 112° 30
Chi-chui ‘ 28° 3 106°
Shwui R. y 38° 30’ 103°
Tsing-chooi A 37° a 106°
He-shui 0 33° cs 105°
He-shwi 5 32° 4 103°
Kui-chui sj 85° A 109°
Tsti R. Fe 26° eA 119°
Si-ki 5 26° is 118°
Si-ri ‘i 26° ay 112°
Choo-chew .; 27° 5 110°
Qui-shoo 5 26° 5 112° 30° Hong-chui mf 25° i. 106°
Pe-shi L. B. Mikong or Cambodia
Ho-Ti Lat. 23° Long. 108°
Shoo 5 BE OY Pe aalali5e
1879.| -S. E. Peal—JA peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 269
Different forms of the Words, Tsi-chui-chi found in China, as per maps of recent date.
(Si ( Tchui Soo
| Tsi | Chui Tsu Chi | Chooi Chu Shi Shwi Choo Tse Shui Shoo Tsze Shwui Chew
List of Rivers named Kara su “ black water” and Ak su “ white water.”
|
Kara su, mi 41° 30’ 21° 50’ | Gulf of Salonica.
Kara su, ae 40° 20° 22° 5 Do.
Kara su, “i 41° 30’ 23° 10’ » Contessa.
Kara su, ae 41° 20° 24° 30’ » Gagos.
Kara su, ioe 38° Bye Asia Minor.
Kara su, ben 4.6° 34° Crimea.
Kara su, ane 38° 40° Asia Minor.
Kara su, Ae 38° 30’ 48° Persia.
Kara su, eh 35° 49° Persia.
Kara su, ss 45° 53° 30’ | Caspian Hast Bay.
Kara su, Be 37° 54° 10° Astrabad, Caspian.
Kara su, a 45° 68° 72’ | Kirghis steppe.
Kara su, ei 4:1° 69° Taskent.
Kara su, Bs 37° 30’ 28° 30° Asia Minor.
Kara su, we 45° 35°
Kara su, aoe 38° 40’ 35° 30’ Asia Minor.
Kara su, ab 39° 40’ 40° 30’ | Upper Euphrates.
Pe ae a 39° 41° 30’ ee EKuphrates. ara tsu, Srey |e jl eee seeNe Pou Nae valine 3 ina.
Kara su, ii (7S NRA ct gael Me toot eaten Arctie Ocean.
Ak su, so 42° 4,0’ 27° 30’ West Coast Black Sea.
Ak su, MAS 37° 31° Gulf of Salatia.
Ak su, Rs 37° 20° 37° Upper Euphrates.
Ak su, Bet 43° 74° Into Chu River.
Ak su, ee 38° 74° Upper Oxus.
Ak su, ae 42° 30’ 78° 20’ | Lake Issykul.
Ak su, oS. 46° 78° 20’ | Lower Dengiz.
270 F. 8. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities. [No. 4, Words for “ Water” in the following Languages. Lushai Tui Sonthali (Pergs.) Dak Kumi Tui, or Tooi. Mundari C. N. Daa Mru Tui Juang, Orissa Dak Kuki of Cachar Tui Kol Singbhim Da Do. of Tipperah Tui Bhunuj Da Hamali of do. Tui Sonthali of Manbhum Da Do. of Cachar Tui Nimar Da Naga of Oboepore ‘Ti Mehtu, Bilaspur, Dab Do. of Sibsagar Ti Mech Dace Do. of Haimong chu Cuch Tika ti Do. of Hatiguria a chi Magar, Nipal Di Do. of Miklai a chin Chipeng ,, Ti & Di Manipuri Ising Wawel x 4th Singphu Insin or Ntsin | Gara sl Augant Naga Dzu Kachari Doi Dafla Ksi Hojai Di Nari a tse Turki su Abor a se Tibetan chu S. Mishmi M’ji Bhutéa of Towang Sie D do. M’ji Do. of Lo, Hast echie Songhtu, Burma (H)tee Mongolian usstl Poi ne Te Chi soi, shui Telain of Pegu Dik eae chui, chi
Bulandshahr Antiquitie—By F. 8. Grows, ¢. 8., M. A., OXON, C. I. E. With a Note by DR. RAsENDRALALA Mirra, Rat Bananvur, ¢. tI. E. (With three Plates.)
The small town of Bulandshahr in the N. W. P. was selected in the year 1824 as the capital of a district, simply on account of its convenient central position. Since then it has thriven and increased greatly both in extent and population, though still of much less commercial importance than the flourishing mart of Khurja, some ten miles distant, which has the further advantage of being a station on the main line of the Hast India Railway. Its modern Muhammadan title of Buland-shahr (Higham) has been given to it in consequence of the great height of the artificial hill, on which stood the old Fort overlooking the stream of the Kalindi. This river is a tributary of the Jamund and is commonly known by Munshis and Huropean officials as the Kali-Nadi, the origin of the cor- ruption being, that the two words are indistinguishable from one another when written in Persian characters, and Kali Nadi or ‘ Black River’ suggests a more readily intelligible meaning than the Sanskrit patronymic Kalindi. The older Hindi name of the town was Baran, which is still retained as
1879.] F. S. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities, 271
the designation of the Pargana. Of its early history there are no written records, and little or nothing upon which implicit reliance can be placed has been preserved by oral tradition. Gold coins, however, bearing Greek and Pali inscriptions of the Bactrian dynasty, used to be not unfrequently washed down in the rains among the debris from the high ground of the old city,* and sufficiently attest that the place at that remote period was one of considerable wealth and importance.
According to tradition the founder was a Tomar Raja, by name Parmal, in whose time and for several generations later the town was ealled Banchati. One of his successors, Raja Ahibaran (‘the cobra- coloured,’ as his name is popularly interpreted), is said to have been the first to give his capital the name of Baran, intending thereby to perpetuate the memory of his own name. This appears to me very doubtful, or rather I might say plainly is obviously incorrect. Baran is certainly not the Sanskrit word varna ‘colour,’ but varana, ‘a hill fort or enclosure ;’ and Ahibaran might thus mean ‘ snake-fort’ or ‘ Naga-fort,’ in the same way as the more famous Ahi-kshetraf means ‘snake-land.’ No Raja Ahibaran, I should conjecture, ever existed, but the town may well have derived its name from being a stronghold of the Naga tribe.
Another explanation is, however, possible. Some twenty-one miles to the north-east of Bulandshahr, on the right bank of the Ganges, is the small town of Ahar, which (according to local tradition) is the spot where, after Parikshit, the successor of Raja Yudhishthir on the throne of Has- tindpur, had met his death by snake-bite, his son Janamejaya, to avenge his father’s death, performed a sacrifice for the destruction of the whole serpent race. Though still accounted the capital of a Pargana, it isa miserably poor and decayed place with a population, according to the last census, of only 2,414. It is evidently, however, a site of great antiquity. Part of it has been washed away by the river, but heaps of brick and other traces of ruin still extend over a large area, and I found lying about in the streets several fragments of stone sculpture of early date. The two best I brought away with me to Bulandshahr, as also a once fine but now terribly mutilated round pillar, which I dug up on the very verge of the high cliff overlooking the river. This is specially noticeable as having its base encircled with a coil of serpents, which would seem to corroborate the connection of the local name with the word ahi, ‘a snake.’ The prin- cipal residents of the town are Nagar Brahmans by descent, though—since
* The side of the hill where they used to be washed down in the rains was not long ago built up with masonry, to prevent any further cutting away. [See note, p. 272. Ep.]
+ [Commonly Ahi-chhatra or “Snake-canopy,” which appears to be the correct form; see A, Cunningham, Ane. Geogr. of India, p. 360. Ep.]
272, F. 8. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities. [No. 4,
the time of Aurangzeb—Muhammadans by religion, who believe that their ancestors were the priests employed by Janamejaya to conduct his sacrifice, and that in return for their services they had a grant of the township and the surrounding villages. Immediately after this event it is said that the Pandavas transferred their seat of local government from Ahar to Baran, and it may be that they then first attached the prefix ahi to the name of the town—so making it Ahibaran—in order to commemorate the circum- stances of the migration. This would imply that the town was already in existence ; and it might with much plausibility be identified with the Varan- avata,* mentioned in the 143rd chapter of the first Book of the Maha- bharat. :
All this, however, is conjectural and refers to a period so remote, nearly 1400 years before Christ, that no tangible record of it could be expected to survive to the present day. To come down to somewhat later times: the Bactrian dynasty, which flourished in the centuries immediately pre- ceding our era, and the Gupta dynasty that succeeded it, have both left traces behind them in their coins;+ the second also in a copper-plate in- scription that will be mentioned further on. When the Tomars of Kanauj extended their sovereignty over all Upper India, it may be that the legendary Parmal ruled under them at Baran; but at the time of Mahmiud’s invasion, in 1017, when Kanavuj was still the capital, and Delhi in all probability had not yet been re-built, Baran was certainly the seat of a Dor Raja, by name Hardatt, who—as stated in the Tarikh-i- Yamini— averted its threatened destruction by professing to be a convert to Islam. His dominion extended at least as far as Merath and Kol, for at each of those places he had a fort, for which he paid a large ransom in money and elephants. Indeed from traditions extant at other localities it would seem that the Dor Rajé of Baran was the head of all that clan, which for about two centuries supplied rulers for the whole of the territory included in the present districts of Merath, Aligarh, and Bulandshahr, with parts of Murada- bad, Mathura and Eta. When Kol was finally reduced by the Muham- madans in the reign of Nasir-uddin Mahmid (1246-1265 A. D.), it was under a Dor Raja, and the tower, which was wantonly destroyed by the local authorities in 1860, is generally supposed to have been erected in 1274 A. D. on the site of the principal temple of the old city. Among the
* General Cunningham, however, proposes to identify with the Varanavata of the Mahabharat a village now called Barnawa, in the Merath district. It has not yet been explored and it is therefore uncertain whether it is really an ancient site or not.
¢ [Two copper coins of Su-Hermaeus (Kadphises), one gold coin of Chandra Gupta II, and one gold coin of a dynasty intermediate between the Guptas and the Indo- scythians, presented by Mr. Growse, and now in the Society’s Cabinet, were found on the hill side, mentioned on p. 271. See Proceedings, A. S. B. for June, 1878. Ep.]
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1879.] F, S. Growse-— Bulandshahr Antiquities. 273
- Hindus, however, the tradition is somewhat different. They ascribe it to the Dor Raji Mangal Sen, who gave his daughter Padmavati in marriage to the heir of Raj4 Bhim of Mahrara and Etawa, who soon after his accession was murdered by his younger brothers. The widow then retired to Kol, where her father built the tower for her: and possibly the Mu- hammadans may only have altered and added to it, to make it suit their own requirements. At Noh-khera in the Jalesar Pargana, which is now included in the Eta district, there is a tradition of a Raja Bhim, who may possibly have been the person abovenamed; and at WNoh-jhil in Mathura are the remains of a temple, converted into a darjah, which is said to have been originally built by one of the Dor Rajas of Kol. The capital had been transferred there, from Jalali, by Mangal Sen’s father, Buddh Sen. This latter was the son of Bijay Ram (brother of Dasarath Sifth, who built the Fort at Jalesar) the son of Nahar Sifh (the founder of the Sambhal Fort) the son of Gobind Sih, who was the son of Mukund Sen, the son of Raja Vikram Sen of Baran.
In 1194, the last of the Dor rulers of Baran, Raj& Chandra Sen, was killed while defending the fort against the army of Shahab-uddin Muhammad Ghori. Before he fell, an arrow from his bow had slain one of the leaders of the Muhammadan forces, called Khwaja Lal Ali, who is still reverenced as a martyr under the popular appellation of Lal Barani. The site of his tomb is shown across the Kalindi, some 900 vards from the town, and it is from there that I brought the stone bearing the two inscriptions shown in the accompanying Plates VIII and IX. Itisa singularly shaped block, being 2 ft. 5 in. long, 10 in. broad and 10 in. thick. The inscriptions are opposite one another, on the two long sides. It could not have been intended to set up the stone anywhere as it is, for it is difficult to imagine a position in which the two sides could be conveniently read, and it is also evident that preparations had been made for splitting the stone at half its thickness into two slabs. As the letters are of different sizes, it could not have been meant to join the two pieces together, and it is possible that they may have no connection with one another. The one begins with the invocation, Om. Name Bhagavate Vasudevaya, and in the first line may also be read the words Kavalo nidraya militikshah senayah......prabala-kala-kara. In the first line on the reverse is appa- rently given the date, 1133. I fear that the obliteration is too extensive to allow of much information being elicited from what remains, even if it can be read. But I send it for publication in the Journal, where anti- quaries may have an opportunity of seeing it; and, as it may throw some light upon its subject, I have put together the above brief sketch of the history of the locality where the stone was found.
As might have been expected from its nearness to Delhi, the Muham-
274 F. 8. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities. [No. 4,
madans have long since made a clean sweep of the district and razed to the ground every building, whether secular or religious, that had been erected by its former Hindu rulers. I have now been over every part of it, and the few fragments shown in the accompanying Plate X are posi- tively the sum total of all the antiquities that I have noticed. The six short pillars are of the medieval Hindu period and may be ascribed to one of the Dor Rajas, about the year 1000 A. D. ‘They had been buried under the steps of a small mosque on the highest part of the old town of Bulandshahr. In digging the foundations of a house on the opposite side of the same street was found the curious stone sculptured with three miniature temples. These are of different design, and if found separately, I might have been inclined to refer them to different architec- tural periods. But similar forms may be seen in conjunction on the front of the temples at Khajuraho, which are known to be of the tenth century A. D., and the very archaic type of one of these designs must be attributed to religious conservatism. The high medizval column is one of a pair found a few years ago on the margin of what was formerly a large masonry tank outside the walls, said to have been constructed by Raji Hardatt, or one of his descendants. The companion column was sent off to Merath, 40 miles away, by the Muhammadan gentleman into whose possession it had come, to be worked up into a house he was building there. The one shown in the plate I rescued from his stables, where it had been thrown down on the ground and was used by his grass- cutters to sharpen their tools on. The circular pillar with the coil of human-headed snakes at the base is, as already mentioned, from Ahar; as also the medizeval door-jamb and the block, that supports it, carved with rows of temple facades in the style of the Nasik caves. ‘This last is pro- bably the oldest of the group. The second door-jamb found in the court- yard of the mosque at Bulandshahr is comparatively modern. More intimate local knowledge may possibly bring to light a few other ancient remains, but they are not likely to be numerous; for stone, which had to be brought from a considerable distance, has always been very sparingly used in the neighbourhood, while brick is a material, which however well worked must ordinarily cease to possess either interest or beauty when reduced to ruin. The only other ancient inscription, of which I have heard as belonging to the district, is the one of which a transcript and translation by Dr. Rajendralala Mitra were given in Vol. XLIII of the As. Society’s Journal. ‘This is dated in the reign of Skanda Gupta, in the year 146, which, if the Saka era is intended, would correspond with 224 A.D. It was dug up at the village of Indor, in a khera of unusual elevation and extent, which adjoins the high road between Antpshahr and Aligarh, about 10 miles from the former town. In the inscription
xe
, Journal], As: Soc: of Bengal, Vol, XVM, Pt.) for 1879
PL. X.
§ Lin
~ Gailentte, JLANDSHAHR ANTIQUITIES (from a photograph.)
1879.] F. S. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities. 275
the name of the village is given as Indraptra; and, by a curious coinci- dence, the very same Number of the Journal contained an article of mine on local etymology, in which I had demonstrated, by an application of the rules of the Prakrit Grammarian, Vararuchi, that a Sanskrit word, such as Indrapird must, in the natural course of phonetic decay, become Indor in the modern dialect. On the opposite, that is, the western side of the district, there is an almost continuous succession of deserted heras, along the bank of the Jamuna, from the village of Begamabad to the town of Dankor, a distance of about 20 miles. ‘The most southern of these is called Hastaur, which is strikingly suggestive of Hastinapur, an off-shoot perhaps from that ancient capital ; while another, as Raja Lakshman Sifha informs me, goes by the name of Kupsar. Begamabad is quite of modern origin, having been founded by the Begam Samrti of Sardhana; but Dankor is an ancient site and is supposed to derive its name from Drona, the tutor of the young princes of Hastinaptr. He has a tank and temple in the town still called after him, Dronachér. Inthe course of the next cold season I hope to visit all these £heras.
Note by Dz. RAsENDRALALA Mirra.
The inscriptions are so extensively obliterated that it is impossible to deduce from them connected narratives. No. 1 comprises 10 lines, every one of which has two or three lacune, and several doubtful letters, but from what remains the purport of the document is clear enough, a grant of land for the worship of a divinity whose name is not apparent. The land was bounded on the west by Chhandi —? on the south by Bhijali- bhata; on the north by a field named Mahardiva . The donors were a ~ great commander (mahdsdmanta) named Sri Vadana, who was a Naga raja and son of Amrita raja, and one Narayana, son of a householder and banker named Bhashvika. The date is some undecypherable day in the waxing moon of the month of S’ravana (July—August) of the Samvat year 1180 = 1224 A. D. of which the words as’tti adhikeshu “eighty above” are distinct. The first and second figures I read doubtfully. The last two lines contain imprecatory Puranic verses against resumption of grants of land. I annex a transcript of the portion legible to me.
No. 2 is also a deed of gift and is dated on the 5th of the month of Sravana of some undecypherable year. It was granted by an “ Adhirdja” or paramount sovereign, but his name is lost. A transcript of the few words that are legible to me is annexed.
Mr. Growse is quite right in supposing the two records to be uncon- nected with each other, though the month of the date is the same. The stone was not intended to be set up anywhere, but to be preserved in the archives of the temple as a title-deed.
276 F. §8. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities. [No. 4,
No. 1. q aameatety (2?) aiifa afs—sraware saq— 8 |——__——_ aaa Stat Sedans aurifan afta Teufa— 2 Se FS Blateram p—eala Taras Aaa Weta afeat AT WTA
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Qe | alae: sigattaat a—
No. 2.
21 Saal Baad Tee Tad ware fafyfsa aaa fara atfeare: Gare: feats FAA—
2| zea ae a faafaa saa aeat
3| fact st—
g |—§@——_——_ seamaantaare, <atta——§€_ . = eel
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© | Saunpaara— - SS = | — aaa
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1879.] C. J. Rodgers—Tihe Copper Coins of Kashmir. 277
Lhe Copper Coins of the old Mahdrdjas of Kashmir.*—By C. J. Ropgers. (With two Plates.)
Some years ago General Cunningham wrote for the Numismatic Socie- ty of London, of which he is a most distinguished and worthy member, a Paper on “The Ancient Coinage of Kashmir.” That paper is now out of print, and as it was written 36 years ago, the present generation cannot obtain it. It identifies “no less than 18 Rajds of Kashmir extending from Toramana to Jaga Deva, who reigned from about A. D. 500 to 1200.” In the present paper I propose to cover less ground and to start with Avanti Verma or Aditya Verma, the first Maharaja of the Utpala Dynasty, which commences from the year 875 A. D. The coins are all from my own cabi- net. In the majority of instances where I have duplicates I have chosen that coin for my plates, which has the greatest number of legible letters on it. ‘The accessories which are very interesting have been made to give way to this, as I regard the identification of the coin as of primary impor- tance.
As yet I have come across only two silver coins of any of these Maha- rajas. They are of Dippa, who was a Mahardni, and of Kanasa. ‘These two coins are of much finer execution than any of the copper ones. The reverses have different letters on them. Nothing but photographs of them would do them justice. I reserve them therefore for a separate notice. They are round, but thicker than the copper coins and are much less worn, The silver coins of the Sultans of Kashmir are square. General Cunning. ham informs me that he has two gold coins of Harsha. I believe they are the only gold coins known to exist of any one of the old Kashmir rulers.
The following is the list of the réjés as given in Prinsep’s Tables.— (Those kings whose coins are in this paper are in italics.)
Urpata DyNasty.
A. D.
875. Aditya or Avanti Verma. 904. Sankara Verma.
922. Gopala Verma.
* JT am much indebted to General Cunningham for help in reading the coins of the Maharajis. My cabinet contains several not before published both in the Sultans and Maharajas. I have several older coins, such as Vasukal, Milukal, Pratapaditya, Vininy4, Durlabacha.
MM
278 C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashiniy. [No. 4,
Sankata. 924. Sugandha Rant. 926. Partha. 941, Nirjita Verma. 942, Chakra Verma. 952. Sura Verma 953. Partha, a second time. 954. Chakra, a second time. 954. Sankara Verdhana. 956. Chakra Verma, a third time. 957. Unmatti Verma. 959. Sura Verma, a second time.
Last or Mrxep Dynasty.
960. Yaskara Deva. 1062. Harsha, 969. Sangrama Deva. 1062. Udayama Vikrama. 969. Parvagupta. 1072. Sankha Raja. 971. Kshemagupta. 1072. Salha. 979. Abhimanyu. 1072. Sussala. 993. Nandiguptea. 1088. Mallina. 994, Tribhuvana. 1088. Jaya Siitha. 996. Bhimagupta. 1110. Paramdana. 1001. Didda Rant. 1119. Bandi Deva. 1024, Sangrama Deva. 1126. Bopya Deva. (?) 1032. Ananta Deva. 1135. Jasu Deva. 1054. Kalasa. 11538. Jaga Deva, &e. &e.
The list goes on to 1298. But I have no eoins of later kings than Jaga Deva. It will be seen, however, that out of these two lists alone I have given the coins of 19 kings. I have given another coin which reads Java Deva Deva. This must be a coin of a king who reigned near to the time of Jaga Deva. He must be either an usurper or a man who is known to history under some other name. I give with some diffidence ano- ther coin. I attribute it to Bopya Deva. Of this man it is written that his folly exceeded all bounds. The historians give us the following speci- men of his lack of sense, which after all might have come from the banks of the Shannon. One day Bopya was taking his ease on the river. Look- ing over the side of the boat he saw a reflection of himself in the water. He smiled. The reflection smiled. He grew angry. It grew angry. At once he threw a stone which I suppose disturbed the water and disposed of
1879.] C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashiuntr. 279
the mimic for the time. On looking at his finger Bopya discovered that he had lost his ring. Nothing disconcerted he took his stick and threw it on the running stream and ordered the boatmen to row home. Arrived there he ordered his servants to go and bring his ring telling them that he had put his stick on the water where it fell. One is reminded on reading this of the Ivish- man who dropped the ship’s tea-kettle overboard in Dublin harbour. He cut a mark in the side of the ship where it fell. When the ship arrived off Cork, he asked the Captain whether if anything were lost he knew where it was? We may imagine the answer. Pat said, “ Well, you know the tay kettle is at the bottom of Dublin harbour, and the ship’s side has a mark on it to enable us to judge where it fell.”
I regret that up to the present I have seen no coin of Ratangiri who is said to have been the first Sultan of Kashmir. He was a second Solomon. One day two mares foaled. The foal of one died. The foal of the other took to both mares with equal affection. The owners could not tell whose foal had died and whose was the living foal. They came to Ratangiri. He ordered them to throw the living foal from a bridge into the water, the mare that followed it was to be adjudged the mother.
Of Yaskara it is written that in his days thieves and highwaymen were nowhere to be seen. Shops and houses were left open at night. It seems a pity that this king, whose rule was as effective as that of our own Alfred who preceded him by only half a century, should have seen fit to leave the scene he had graced so long, to hide himself like a second Charles V. in a monastery, or rather I expect in some jungle as an ascetic.
Now for a few words about the coins themselves. Both obverse and reverse have crowned figures on them. The figure on the obverse is proba- bly that of the king. But the face is in nearly every case more like that of an ass or bullock. There are large earrings in every instance. Round the waist are apparently two bands. The waist compared with the shoul- ders and chest is very thin. Mountaineers to the present day wear a rope round the waist. This figure is always seated, the legs being disposed of in a peculiar fashion. Sometimes they are hidden in the skirts, sometimes bare, and in one case the ancles have anklets on them (see figs. 22 and 24). The name comes on the obverse, and is generally divided into two parts by the figure. Sometimes S77 is present on the left of the figure and the name commences on the right. Sometimes S77 and part of the name are to the left and the remainder of the name to the right. Sometimes Srv is omitted and the name occupies both sides of the figure. The figure has a canopy over the crown. ‘This is shown very well in some specimens of Jaga Deva, lately obtained from a heap of about two hundred. (See figs. 23, 24.)
The reverse has a figure crowned, But the earrings give way to four dots which may represent jewels in the ear as worn by women. This figure
280 C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashmir. [No. 4,
is standing. The skirts are arranged peculiarly. The drawers resemble the broad and flowing drawers worn by women. The skirts are about as high as the knee. The legs are in some cases visible, with ties of an im- mense size to the boots: in other cases the legs seem to be naked. ‘The waist is supported by a cross belt. The right hand contains a wreath. The left hand holds a trident or lotus. The shoulders seem to be covered with a cape which sticks out very much like epaulettes. The left hand side of the coin generally has a circle of dots in it, over the right hand of the figure. On the right hand side of the figure the remnants of the titles and names are generally found, under the left arm, such as vermd, gupta, deva, raja. In one case the d of deva comes on the left hand side of the coin.
T have not as yet been able to trace anything like a sign approaching to a date on any coin.
In scarcely any case is there any difficulty about the identification of the coin ; the names are very easily made out.
Many of the coins have several types. The coins of Gopala, Jaya Sifha, Sussala, Jaga Deva are of several kinds, The last mentioned, how- ever, has the most. In only one case have I come across a smaller coin than the ones in the plates. The coin I have is evidently a half of what- ever these coins were called. It is one of Kalasa’s.
Having given so much by way of preface, I now give a table of the coins represented in Plates XJ and XII, showing exactly the inscription on each coin and its position, whether on the right or left of the obverse or reverse figure. In every case I speak of the right and left of the coin after the usual numismatic fashion. When speaking of the figure of course the right hand of the figure is on the left of the coin and vice versd.
Chas J. Rodgers, Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, Vol. XLVI, Pt. 1.for 1879. Lbs SEL
W. Newman & C2, Lith: Calcite. COINS OF THE MAHARAJAHS OF KASHMIR.
Chas. J. Rodgers, Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, Vol. XLVI, Pt.1 for 1879. PUXT.
W. Newman & C2, Lith: : Calcutta. COINS OF THE MAHARAUJAHS OF KASHMIR.
281
REMARKS.
Duplicate. British Museum.
Rare.
Rare.
Rare.
Duplicate. General Cunningham.
Corhmon.
Duplicate. General Cunningham.
Rare.
The gift of General Cunningham.
Rare.
Common.
Common.
Common.
Common.
Rare.
Rare.
Duplicate. General Cunningham.
Common.
Duplicate. J. D Tremlett, Esq.
*Perhaps.
* Perhaps.
Obverse only. Ditto.
Reverse only.
1879. ] C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashmir. ee ————————————————— i) Obverse Reverse as Inscriptions. | Inscriptions. & Kings’ Names. a) S Left. | Right.| Left. | Right. a ie |p Acvantiy. | q eq DGS AMAT EL 3106 0%i0 0) = | Nl SF aa 2) || Grojogiley cadenapeoter WTS qu 4 | Sugandha, .........) @t | O74 q 5) || \EERSIREN sageopodedes q Si 24 6 | Dikshema, ......... fe | Sa 19 i | Abhimanyu, .....- 3 | faa ag 8 | Nandigupta, ......| @ fq 7 9 | Tribhuvama, ...... ta ua qq 10 | Bhimagupta, ...... al aq 7 iLL || Weléle, Teor, Scoeae a [fee] — = 14 | Sewerage, ccodooaae a ya aAeq 113). |] Noe, Gok coounenodl was! aaa | MA iKalasa. sce: Ci PAT a= 15 | Harsha, ... ~ (aw z 1S) | SwwiGeRey Se soogosbes g awa aq iy |) dames Se, cone: wa | fez aq 18 | Paramdna, ......... aiq| <4 aq ey daca Wevase ns... SI q C4 q 20 | Java Deva,......... Bat; ~~ Za 21 | Bopya Deva, ...... qy* aq Za 22 | Not identified, .... — ay — a * 23 | Jaga Deva.......... wa |Tedq 24 | Jaga Deva,.......... qa 25 | Jaga Deva,......... 2 a 26 | Jaga Deva,......... a ae
Ditto, showing cir- cle of dots.
282 C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashmir. [No. 4,
The Copper Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir.—By C. J. Rovaers. (With a Plate.)
In nearly all the bazaars of the large cities of the Panjab large quan- tities of old coins of a peculiar stamp and bearing signs of much usage are obtainable. ‘The obverse of these coins has a bar, with central knot, running from right to left of the coin. This central knot is in some cases elaborate, in others it degenerates into a carelessly formed circle. Above the bar come the words peed wtbl.Jj, The w of Sultén is nearly always hung on the J of that word, while the ¢ crosses the field completely. Be- low the bar the name of the king is written, occupying as a rule the whole space. In every case, except that of Zain ul-Abidin, the word Shéh is added to the name. The reverse is occupied completely with the words &4w yet 39 _pe9S Syd, and the year is added in Arabic words. Were these coins obtainable in anything like a legible form, they would be exceedingly valuable in settling the chronology of Kashmir. But hitherto, in spite of most extensive search, only poor specimens of most of the kings have been obtained.
The silver coins of these Sult4ns are all, so far as I know, square. Two of them, Muhammad Ali Shah and Muhammad Yusuf Shah, were published by Mr. Delmerick in J. A. S. B., Pt. I, 1876, Pl. VI, figs. 24 and 25. I have silver coins of the above Muhammad Shah, Ismai’] Shah, Zain ul-Abidin, Nadir Shah and Akbar. General Cunningham has others, amongst which are Husain Shah and Humaytn. In all, this prince of In- dian Numismatists has the silver coins of ten Sultans. They are all square and are exceedingly rare.
The copper coins with which this paper has to do are common as a rule. But some of them are of necessity rare. Zain ul-Abidin was the only one who seems to have deviated from the track of the cross bar and central knot. The reverses of his coins exhibit also a divergence from the usual form. They have the word |, crossed by the word pie and around these words is a quarterfoil lozenge with elaborate knots in the outer corners. Some of this king’s coins conform to the bar and knot. I have not given specimens of these, as with so many other kings having them, they were not needed. Some of this king’s coins are brass. See No. 2.
After the time of Akbar the reverses contained the year in Perszan instead of Arabic. The coins of Husain Shah and Yusuf Shah exhibit these peculiarities. One of the three coins I have of Akbar has on the
FA i Dp ; reverse (.(/olo Gye, where the year is Akbar’s Hahisan. I have said above that I have a square silver coin of Nadir Shah. Who this king was I do
1879.] C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashmir. 283
not know. But I have three copper coins of his, with the name on, beyond a doubt. On the silver coin too the name is unmistakeable. But history is silent about him, and no lst of Kashmir kings that I have seen contains his name. Unfortunately the year is altogether rubbed off. Archzologi- eal explorations in Kashmir should reveal something about this Sultan. It is possible that some of the Sultans may have rejoiced in several names, and that the one by which he is known to historians is not the one on the coins. We have several instances of this in Indian numismatics. I have not given this king’s coins, though I possess three of them. I reserve them for fur- ther light, research may throw upon them.
By me just now I have a coin of Dr. Stulpnagel’s. It is of a Kash- mir Maharajah. It reads Sri Pesuta Jaya Siiha. This has not yet been identified. I have one of my own which reads Java Deva Deva. This I am going to publish though not able to identify the coin. Further study of these coins will give us fuller results. Hitherto numismatists have somewhat neglected them. They (the coins) are filthy looking, very much worn and being nearly illegible are too hard nuts for one to crack in leisure hours, inasmuch as the lines left are so hard to make out that only long study enables any one to feel any certainty about any point. The Kashmir Sultans as given in Prinsep’s Tables are as follows :—
MEL.) AD)
715. 1315. Shams-uddin Shah Mir.
750. 1349. Jamshed.
752. 1351. Alisher Ala-uddin.
765. 1363. Shahab-uddin.
785. 1386. Kutub-uddin, Hindal.
499: 1396. Sikandar, Butshikan.
819. 1416. Amir Khan, Ali Shah.
826. 1422. Zain ul- Abidin.
877. 1472. Haidar Shah.
878. 1473. Husain Shah.
S91. 1486. Muhammad Shah and Fath Shah were contending for the throne during these
902. 1496. | years.
911. 1505. Muhammad Shah reigned four times and Fath Shah three.
942. 1535. Nazuk Shah. (Huméayin.)
948. 1541. Mirza Haidar Daghlat.
960. 1552. Ibrahim.
963. 1555. Isma’il.
964. 1556. Habib.
284 C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashmir. [No. 4,
971. 1563. Husain Shah. 986. 1578. Yusuf Shah. 997. 1588. Annexation of Kashmir by Akbar.
Up to the present I have seen neither silver nor copper coins of one of the first five Sultans. The coins in our Plate XIII begin with Sikandar Shah.
No. 1. This coin has the name and titles of the king with bar and knot on the obverse, and on the reverse the legend in Arabic of Zarb-i- Kashmir fi shahir i san. But the year is not legible. There are many features of the reign of each king which it would be interesting to notice, but I will confine myself to the coins.
No. 2. Zain-ul Abidin. Obverse. Name and titles of king, with por- tions of a knot at the top. Reverse. The words Zarb Kashmir in a quar- terfoil, crossing each other. Date on obverse illegible.
No. 3. Same king. Obverse. Name and titles of king, without bar and knot, in a doublecircle, surrounded with a circle of dots. Reverse. Zarb-i-Kashmtr fi Shahur 1 san i ahd wa arbain wa Samanmdita = 841 Avia
No. 4. Same king. Obverse. Zain ul-Abidin Sultan, no bar or knot. Reverse. Zarb Naib i Amir ul Momanin. 851 A. H.
This king was to Kashmir pretty much what Firdz Shah and Akbar were to India. He was a great builder and poet. He got the Mahabhara- ta translated into Persian and was a patron of learned men. The rulers of Mecea and Kgypt, of Gilan, fran and Turan kept up correspondence with him. He is the only Sultan who calls himself the Wazb of the Amir ul- Momanin.
No. 5. Haidar Shah. Obverse. Name and titles of king with bar and knot and the year illegible. Reverse. Zarb.........fi......... sabain wa samanmdita = 87—. The 4 on the obverse is distinct ; this according to the tables, it ought to be 7. I have two coins of this king. The reverses give no help in solving this difficulty. The second coin has the year on the obverse worn off,
No. 6. Hasan Shah. Obverse. Name and titles of king, bar and knot. Reverse. The usual legend, but illegible.
No. 7. Muhammad Shah. This man began to reign when he was seven years old. Fath Shah the grandson of Zain ul-Abidin came from India and took the throne. These two kings went on fighting for the supreme power for many years. Fath Shah gained the throne three times but Muhammad Shah at last drove him away and sat for the fourth time on the throne of his father. The coin has on the obverse the usual name and titles with bar and knot. Reverse. The year looks like 895. If so this coin was struck during the first period Muhammad reigned.
Chas, J. Rodgers, Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, Vol, XLVI, Pt. 1 for 1879.
PIX
W. Newman & C2, Lith: GOPPER COINS OF THE SULTANS OF KASHMIR.
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1879.] V. A. Smith—Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. 285
No. 8. Fath Shih. Obverse. Name and titles with bar and knot. Reverse. Struck in Kashmir in year 897. There is some doubt as to the reading of the 7.
No. 9. Lbrahim Shah. Obverse. Name and titles, with bar and knot. Reverse. All illegible, but date &e.
No. 10. IJsma’tl Shah. Obverse. Name and titles, with bar and knot all in good preservation. Reverse.. A complete muddle of remains of date illegible: remnants of Kashmir legible.
No. 11. Husain Shah. Obverse. Name and titles, with bar and knot and probably remains of date. Reverse. Zarb Nuhsad wa haft wa haftid = 977 A. H. This coin is in splendid preservation.
No. 12. Muhammad Yisuf Shah. Obverse. Name, titles, bar and knot as usual, but titles illegible. Reverse. Muhsad wa shash wa hash- tad = 986. ‘This coin is very little worn, but it was struck on an irregular and ill-prepared piece of copper.
I regret very much that the years of the coins are so unsatisfactory in so many instances. ‘The names, however, afford no ground for dispute. They are all easily read, though in some cases at first sight they are not decipherable. I found I had several of Isma’il’s coins when I could read one. One’s power of reading progresses as one’s acquaintance with the coins increases. I have still several which up to the present I have not made out satisfactorily. These together with the coins of Nadir Shah, a coin of Nazuk Shah (so I read it, I want others to help me read this one) and the coins of Akbar struck in Kashmir with the bar and the knot must stand over for another paper.
———
Observations on some Chandel Antiquities By V. A. SMITH, B. A., C. S., and F. C. BLACK, C. E.
(With six Plates.)
The careful and accurate descriptions of the Chandel remains at Kha- juraho and Mahoba, published by General Cunningham, might be supposed to have exhausted the subject of which he treats, and to leave no gleanings to be picked up by amateur hands. We have, however, in the course of several years’ residence in the Hamirpur District, in which Mahoba is situa- ted, and after careful inspection of the buildings at Khajuraho, collected a few notes, which may, we venture to think, form a useful supplement to the more systematic record of the Director of the Archeological Survey.
NN
286 V. A. Smith— Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. [No. 4,
‘The zamindars of most villages in the small native state of Chhatar- pur, in which Khajuraho is situated, are said to be Kurmis, Kachlus, or Brahmans, but in Khajuraho itself we were surprised to find that Chandel Thakurs are still the zamindars. They comprise only a few families* and claim to be bhumiyan or aboriginal, stating, however, that their ancestors came from Maniya Garh,t+ which is the ancient fort of the town of Raj- garh, situated on the Ken, a few miles from Chhatarpur.
We were informed that Chandels are not found as zamindars in any village except Khajuraho, though scattered families exist elsewhere. The Chandel zamindars who are part proprietors of M. Urwara in Pargana Mahoba came from Ajnar in Pargana Jaitpur, whence they were expelled by Lodhis and Brahmans in the time of Jagatréj Bundela (circa 1750 A. D.); and the Chandels who have a share in Mauza Kaimaha of Pargana Mahoba immigrated at a late date from Sheordjpur in the Cawn- pore District.
We know of no other Chandel proprietors in the Hamirpur District, and the zamindars of Khajuraho may therefore claim to be the only local representatives of the ancient ruling clan who still retain an honourable position.
At Mahoba we have been told that the Chandel royal house is now represented by Jaimangal Singh of Gidhaur and by other Rajas in the vicinity of Gya.t
We have repeatedly made efforts to obtain specimens of the Chandel coinage, of which so few pieces have been found, but up to the present our enquiries, both at Khajuraho and elsewhere, have been unsuccessful.
The rarity of the coins of a dynasty which flourished for four centu- ries may perhaps be plausibly accounted for by the hypothesis that the Chandel coinage was called in by the Musalmans.
The native official with our camp told us that coins which he spoke of as dukri (the word apparently meaning simply ‘ old’) had been found at Khajuraho and sent into Chhatarpur, but at the latter place, when we tried to get a glimpse of them, we were put off with various excuses. These coins were stated to have borne illegible legends, and were pronounced by the local goldsmiths to consist of a mixture of silver, brass and copper.
* Eleven families according to General Cunningham who mentions their exis- tence. .
+ Maniya Deo is the tutelary goddess of the Chandels. Vide J. A.S.B., XLVI. Part I, p. 238, and Arch. Rep. VII. 44.
{ For a brief history of the Rajas of Gidhaur see Statistical Account of Bengal (for the Monghyr District) Vol. XV, pp. 71, 72.
1879. ] WV. A. Smith—Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. 287
We also heard that minute leaflets* of gold had been found in the fields about Khajuraho on more than one occasion. ‘They were described as being very small, and each pierced with a hole about the size of a barley- corn.
The Political Agent at Nayagaon (Nowgong) informs us that he has never heard of the discovery of any coins at Khajuraho, but there can be little doubt that they must be found from time to time, though their dis- covery is naturally concealed by the finders who are afraid of being deprived of their prize.
The buildings at Khajuraho have all been noticed by General Cunning- ham except a small flat-roofed temple, which now forms part of the dwell- ing house of a zamindar in the village. This edifice is of no special inter- est, and a defaced inscription on one of the pillars does not seem to be valuable.
We did not succeed in bringing to light any other new inscription. The brief pilgrim’s record on one of the pillars of the Ganthai temple, which is not mentioned by General Cunningham, is noticed in our remarks on that building.
We were told that the fragment of an inscribed stone was lying in one of the zamindar’s houses, but were prevented from seeing it. So many sculptures and other objects have been carried off from Khajuraho by visi- tors and pilgrims that the people are now very unwilling to show anything which is likely to excite the cupidity of an antiquarian or devotee.
General Cunningham (II. 484) describes a ‘ magic square’ cut on the right jamb of the door of the Jinanath temple and observes—“ The figure “8 is remarkable for an additional stroke on the left side, which I take to “be a mark of antiquity, as it is a near approach to the figure in my “ Suhaniya numeral inscription.” It is, however, perhaps worth while to note that this additional stroke is cut to a depth much less than that of the rest of the figure, and that it is searcely discernible on the stone though clearly visible in a rubbing (Plate XIV). The other figures too of the square are almost identical with the modern forms, and the antiquity of the sculpture may well be doubted.
It is much to be regretted that the short inscription of eleven lines on the left jamb of the door of the same Jinanath temple has not been pub- lished in facsimile and translated in full.
General Cunningham has given two abstract translations of it (Arch. Rep. II. 433 and J. A. S. B. XXIX, p. 395), and its date, on which doubt
* Particles of gold-leaf are found among the ruins of Manikydla, (Cunn. Arch. Rep. II. 170.) + For a rubbing of this date, see Plate XV.
288 V. A. Smith— Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. [No. 4,
was at one time thrown, may be accepted as certainly being Samvat 1011, but the reading of the Raja’s name is still unsettled, General Cunningham being in doubt whether the initial letter is DA or Gh; it looks quite as like Sh, and is certainly different from the ordinary Kutila form of Dh.
Not only this short inscription, but all the leading Chandel inserip- tions require to be carefully edited. Of the three great inscriptions at Khajuraho one only has been published at length, e7zz., that dated 1056 Samvat, now built into the wall inside the entrance of the Vis’vanath tem- ple. This record was translated by Mr. Sutherland (J. A. 8. B., for 1859, Vol. VIII, p. 159), but with many errors, some of which have since been corrected by General Cunningham. (Proc. A. 8. B., for 1865 (1) p. 99.)
The other equally large inscriptions, vzz., that dated 1058 Samvat, now built into the temple wall opposite that above mentioned, and that of Raja Dhanga, dated 1011 Samvat, now built into the wall on the right side of the entrance to the Chatarbhuj temple, are referred to in the Archeological Report (II, pp. 428, 426), but have never been published or translated, and we understand that other inscriptions of the Chandel dynas- ty, concerning which nothing has yet been made public, are in General Cunningham’s hands. :
The main outlines of the Chandel chronology* have been established beyond dispute, but many details are still unsettled, and there is much difficulty in reconciling the statements of several of the inscriptions which have been given to the public in a more or less perfect form. Maisey’st inscriptions from Kalinjar were translated a long time ago, when skill in deciphering inscriptions was a rarer accomplishment than it is now, and both the text and translation of the records published by him seem to re- quire revision by a competent scholar.
The drying up of the Kirat Sagar at Mahoba this year has disclosed a large broken Jain statue of Sumatinath with an inscription, dated “in the victorious reign of Sriman Madana Varmma Samvat 1215 Pts Sudi 10.” (Plate XV). 7
* By a recent attempt to settle the genealogy (J. A. S. B., XLVII, Part I, p. 74) Dr. Rajendralala Mitra has added to the confusion. He reduces Samvat dates to the Christian era by subtracting 55 instead of 57 as usual, and he ignores the two new plates published at p. 80 of the same number of the Journal, and uses Sutherland’s erroneous date of 1019 in the Dhanga inscription which was long ago corrected to 1056. He also omits all mention of Raja Parmal or Paramdrdi and of the other in- scriptions of Madana Varmma, which show that the Dr.’s date of 1150 A. D. for the close of Madana Varmma’s reign is much too early.
+ J. A. 8. B., XVII, Part I, 171, 313 (for 1848).
+ General Cunningham (Arch. Rep. II. 448) mentions an image of Sumatinath at Mahoba, dated in 1213 Samvat.
Journal, As: Soc: of Bengal, Vol, XLVI. Pt 1. for 1879. PU: XW.
Pugrims Inscription, Ganthat Temple, size 42 of orrg.
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INSCRIPTIONS FROM KHAJURAHO.
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The form of the figure 5 in this inscription is almost the same as that employed in the Khajuraho inscription dated 1056.
Madana Varmma evidently enjoyed a long reign, as is shown by his numerous inscriptions.
At the Gulawar Khera in the north of Mauza Chhikahra, Pargana Mahoba, a sandstone figure of Debi, found some years ago in a well, bears the following inscription (Plate XVI) in clearly cut characters—
“ Thakkura Sri Gangakena Devi Kardyitam.
““Samvat 1166.”
No Raja’s name is mentioned, but the year 1166 probably fell in the reign of Prithivi Varmma.
The people believe that in its palmy days Mahoba included 52 towns or bazars, one of them being Gulawar Khera. The latter was certainly the site of a considerable settlement, for the marks of foundations of buildings extend for about a mile. There are the ruins here of three small granite shrines, and a fourth is said to have formerly existed.
The popular tradition about the 52 bazars perhaps indicates that Mahoba was the chief town in a Bdoni or pargana of 52 towns and vil- lages.
The drought this year has also brought to light a sixth life-size sand- stone elephant at the ruined temple known as Madari, (mear the standing Kakra Marh temple*) in the Madan Sagar at Mahoba, where General Cunningham saw only five.
We cannot accept his suggestion that Shoes huge statues were ever ‘projected in mid air’ from the spires, but from their size and present position it is quite plain that the alternative which he suggests is the true one, and that they were erected in pairs at each of the three entrances to the temple.
The temple of Vis’vanath at Khajuraho has two half life-size elephants standing near it on the ground, which may formerly have been placed at the entrance. They are decidedly inferior in execution, as well as in size, to the Mahoba elephants.
Two others, still smaller, are lying in the field near the temple dedi- cated to Surya, to the entrance of which they probably served as an orna-
raiment:
On the temple of Vis’vandth several small elephants are to be seen projecting from the angles of the roof. Originally they seem to have been
* The name Kakra Marh is said to refer to the worship of Siva (Arch. Rep. II, 442). A ruined temple at Salat about 9 miles west of Mahoba, close to which Jain images of the 12th century A. D. have been found is also known as Kakra Marh.
290 V. A. Smith— Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. (No. 4,
fourteen in number, and five are still in position, supported on flat brackets, which now look weak owing to the absence of the slender stone props which supported the outer end of the brackets, of which the inner ends rest on the boldly projecting eaves of the balcony roofs. The mortice holes into which the props were inserted are still plainly visible, and in the Kandariya Mahadeo temple, the steeple of which is also adorned with small elephants, one at least of these props is in place.
The appearance of these little elephants, when the pedestal is perfect, is not inelegant.
The subject of the construction of the Khajuraho temples has hardly been touched on in the published accounts, a few words on this topic may therefore be found of interest.
In the Hamirpur District granite alone has been used for the con- struction of the religious edifices, sandstone being employed only for deco- rative purposes. At Khajuraho on the other hand almost all the temples are built entirely of sandstone, the only exclusively granite building being the so-called Chaonsat Jogini temple.
We noticed, however, that several of the sandstone temples rest on a granite foundation, which is almost concealed from view. Judging trom the number of granite pillars lying about, itis probable that at one time many buildings of the coarser material existed at Khajuraho.
The sikharas or steeples of the larger temples are very graceful in design ; that of Kandariya Mahadeo is perhaps the best, but those of the Chaturbliuj and Vis’vanath temples are almost equal to it.
The steeples, except those over the sanctum, which seem to be solid, are so constructed as to include many spaces or chambers, the intention evidently being to lighten the weight of the mass of masonry. We could find no trace of mortar in the joints of the stones with dressed outer faces which form the casing, but it has been freely used to bind together the undressed inner stones,
Access to the roof of all the chief temples is obtained Coe a small square hole at the top of one of the side walls of the sanctum, which can be reached by climbing over the sculptures.
The domes at Khajuraho are of course all constructed in the usual In- dian way with courses of overlapping stones. The architects seem to have felt a difficulty in spanning a considerable space with a self-supporting dome of this kind, and have accordingly in several of the great cruciform temples introduced four extra columns in the middle of the mahamandapa to assist in bearing the weight. This arrangement has the advantage of giving an appearance of richness to the interior, and of giving additional facilities for a display of sculpture and carving, but is disadvantageous in
1879.] V. A. Smith—Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. 291
depriving the building of the massive grandeur derived from the conquest of structural difficulties by bold and simple architecture.
Two only of the Khajuraho temples have self-supporting domes. One of these is the unrestored temple of Kunwar Math, where the interior diameter of the dome is 149,’ and the other is the temple of Mritang Mahadeo,* where the architect has succeeded in spanning, without any extraneous support, a space with a diameter of 22 feet.
The fine granite temple at Makarbai in Pargana Mahoba has a self- supporting dome 153” in diameter. With these three exceptions, we have not found any horizontal dome of more than 12 feet in diameter, built without central support.
It is somewhat remarkable that the Indian architects should not have constructed larger domes of this kind, for the horizontal dome of the cele- brated ‘Treasury of Atreus’ at Mycenae has an internal diameter of 48 feet.+
The restorations at Khajuraho have been extensive both in the Jain and Brahmanical temples, so extensive indeed that arguments based on an examination of structural details require careful scrutiny.
The most extensive restorations of the Brahmanical temples in recent times were effected by Raja Partap Singh of Chhatarpur ; who died in 1854 A. D. and who left directions in his will that five rupees daily should con- tinue to be spent on the repair of the buildings, directions which have not been fully carried out.
The restorations carried out under the orders of Raja Partap Singh are, as a rule, judicious, and have maintained the general appearance and outlines of the buildings without attempting to add any features not in- cluded in the original design.
The steeples (stkharas) have been repaired with brick and mortar work, showing a smooth surface, which does not correspond with the carving of the old stone work, but, inasmuch as the outline has been carefully preserved, and the plaster has got darkened by age, the repairs are seldom offensive to the eye. In the temples of Kandariya Mahadeo, Vis’vanath, and Chatur- bhuj they are scarcely visible till sought for, but in the temple of the Sun and some others they are more clumsily executed.
Many of the carved stones belonging to the steeples have been built into walls and steps, though a little more care on the part of the masons might perhaps have found the places to which the stones originally belong- ed.
* See Plate XVII for a plan of this building more detailed than that given by General Cunningham. + E. Dobson’s Treatise on Masonry and Stone-cutting, page 8.
292 V. A. Smith— Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. [No 4,
The temples usually stand, each on a massive rectangular terrace, and the greater number of loose stones found lying about have been built into the walls of these terraces,
The best preserved terraces are those belonging to the temples of Chaturbhuj and the Sun. When they were complete, a parapet, the upper portion of which sloped outwards, ran round the edge of each terrace, and inside this was attached a broad stone shelf supported on small pillars.
The main pillars of the principal temples are no doubt in their original positions, but considerable irregularities occur owing to the insertion in many places of extra pillars to support cracked cross-beams.
In the smaller temples which surround and are subsidiary to the great fanes, the pillars have been much changed about, and some have been brought in from inferior buildings.
The flights of steps leading up to the entrances of the temples have been freely restored, and little attention paid to the original design, which evidently comprised only a single narrow flight of stairs leading to the door of the main building.
On close inspection it is evident that the restorations are not all of one period, but that some are old, and in some cases the building has had time to fall to ruin again since the restoration. Hxamples of these early restorations may be observed in the Kunwar Math and adjoining temple which were not repaired by Raja Partap Singh.
It is a pity that the repairs of the group of temples to which the Kunwar Math belongs (Nos. 17, 18, 29, 30 and 35 in General Cunning- ham’s plan) are not proceeded with. ‘These buildings lie somewhat out of the way and have consequently received little notice, but they are hand- some structures and superior in ornamentation to some of the western group, though not so richly decorated as the great temples dedicated to Kandariya Mahadeo, Vis’vanath and Chaturbhuj.
The dome of Kunwar Math is especially worth preserving on account of its large size.
The temple at Jatkari dedicated to Vishnu is remarkable from its posi- tion with reference to the cardinal points. ‘The entrance faces the west, and the shrine the east, which arrangement is exactly the reverse of that adopted in all the other Brahmanical temples, except the smallest shrines.
The restorations of the Brahmanical temples, although considerable, are trifling compared with those of the Jain temples, which are subjected to continuous and rather undiscriminating repair and modification.
It may we fear be thought presumptuous in us to feel -hesitation in adopting a conclusion respecting the age and destination of a building which has been arrived at by so experienced a scholar as General Cunning-
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1879.] V. A. Smith—Obdservations on some Chandel Antiquities. 293
ham, and has been in part accepted by Mr. Fergusson, but, as regards the Ganthai temple at Khajuraho, we feel compelled to differ from these autho- rities.* ‘The former is of opinion that this temple is a Buddhist building of the 6th or 7th century ; the latter declares it to be most likely Jain and not Buddhist, but accepts General Cunningham’s date as approximately correct. The arguments, however, adduced by General Cunningham in favour of the early age of this structure appear singularly weak. They are two, (1) that the seated 4-armed female statuette over the centre of the entrance “is most probably a figure of Dharmma, who was either the first or the second person of the Buddhist triad,” and (2) that a pedestal lying near bore the well known profession of the Buddhist faith in characters of the 6th or 7th century.
Of these two reasons the first is admittedly conjectural, and the second is of little force, for the General immediately goes on to say that several naked Jain statues of a much later date, one being actually dated 1085 A. D.,f are lying among the adjacent ruins. It seems to us therefore that these facts go as far to prove that the temple is of the 11th century, as they do to prove it to belong to the 6th or 7th, and General Cunningham admits that they “would seem to show that the old Buddhist temple had been appropriated to their own use by the Jains of the eleventh century.” But in reality the position of detached statues in an ancient site like Khajuraho, which has evidently been the scene of repeated vicissitudes and restorations, is worthless as a proof of the antiquity of adjoining buildings. A close examination of the remains makes it plain, as we have above re- marked, that very many of the buildings have been more or less recon- structed, and a very cursory inspection shows that images and sculptures have been freely shifted about from place to place.
On the second sandstone pillar on the left of the Ganthai temple as you enter there is a short pilgrim’s inscription not noticed by General Cunningham (Plate XIV). The characters in this inscription are certainly not of a very early form, and seem to be of about the eleventh century. The presence of this record of a comparatively late date, and the absence of any earlier inscription on the building itself tend to support the opinion that the temple is not so ancient as has been supposed.{ Mr. Fergusson bases his opinion of the high antiquity of the Ganthai temple on “the character of its architectural details,’ but he gives no explanation of this opinion, and in the absence of such explanation a mere expression of opi- nion fails to carry conviction.
* Arch, Rep. II, 414 and 481.
+ This is now lost, as also is the pedestal with the Buddhist inscription.
¥ Ind. Arch. 1876, p. 247.
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294 V. A. Smith— Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. [No. 4,
The arguments above given in favour of a possible late date for the Ganthai temple appear to us not to be undeserving of consideration, but we rely mainly on the evidence afforded by the construction of the building itself, in support of the conclusion at which we have arrived that the temple in question is a comparatively late re-arrangement of the materials of earlier buildings, some of which may possibly be as old as the whole edifice has been supposed to be. There appears to be no good evidence to show to which religion the building belonged, but, as all the immediate surroundings are Jain, it may, in the absence of proof to the contrary, be assigned to the professors of that faith.
The name of Ganthai would appear to be derived from the bells sculptured on the columns as supposed by Dr. Fergusson, and the villagers also gave this reason for the name. As stated by General Cunning- ham, the only portions now standing are the four pillars of the porch, the carved entrance, the four pillars of the inner mandap or hall, some pilasters of granite which were built into the surrounding wall, and some portions of the roof.
The plan of the existing portion is shown on Plate XVII, and the dotted lines show the probable shape of the temple when complete.
This rectangular form we derive from the existing temple of Jinanath and are confirmed in our supposition by the plan of the Jain temple re- presented in Plate XLV of Burgess, Arch. Survey of Western India, 1874.
The Ganthai must therefore have been intended to be a large temple, larger than even Jinanath, which is the largest of the Jain temples. Assum- ing the building to have ever been completed and then allowed to fall into ruin, the mass of debris must have been very great, much greater than could easily have been removed, but the present remains consist of the columns and portions of the roof stated above and absolutely nothing else.
There is no trace whatever of the sanctum, which must, if it ever existed, have been very massive and crowned by a huge steeple. Nothing, except the pilasters above mentioned, remains of the thick side walls, which - would necessarily have been constructed, and it is not likely that the stones of the sanctum, side walls and spire could have so completely disappeared, if they were ever there.
From this we are inclined to think that the present building is an unfinished portion of what was intended to have been a very large temple, but which was never completed, and which, as we now proceed to show, was itself a reconstruction. We are led to believe this, not only from the disappearance of the materials of the wanting portion, but also from what is now standing having been put together in a clumsy and unsystematic manner. The outer pilasters are so irregular that it is evident that they
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TEMPLES IN KAAJURAHD
1879.| V. A. Smith—Obdservations on some Chandel Antiquities. 295
were never intended for the positions they now gecupy. They do not match with each other either in pattern or size. Some are propped up by a block placed underneath, whilst others have a piece added to the top to lengthen them. The thickness, the width and the patterns differ more or less in all. This is never the case in temples which have not been restored. The mechanical regularity with which the pillars and ornaments correspond to each other in undisturbed temples is remarkable. But in the Ganthai temple not only do the granite pilasters not match, but even the eight sandstone columns are irregular.* There are four pairs of them, and the decoration of each of these pairs has certain minute peculiarities, though the general style of allis the same. The accompanying Plate XVIII will illustrate our meaning, the several pairs of corresponding pillars being A and B, C and D, E and F, and G and H; and the reader will observe that some of the pillars which match each other are in unsymmetrical positions. That the restoring of old temples, and in many cases the absolute construc- tion of new temples out of old materials, is constantly going on at Kha- juraho is seen from the group of Jain temples east of Ganthai, where the work of building and repairing is so continual, that, with three exceptions, viz., Jinandth, Parswanath and the shrine of the Colossus of Adinath, it is difficult to say of any building that it is now as it originally stood.
Some undescribed buildings in the Hamirpur District appear suffi- ciently remarkable to deserve description, and we close this paper with a brief notice of one group of them. For the plans of these temples, see Plate XIX. The three temples now described are of small size, but, judging from their shape, are doubtless Jain. They are situated (1) at Barsi Taldo, near the village of Pahra, 14 miles north-east of the tahsili town of Mahoba; (2) at Makarbai, 9 miles distant in the same direction ; and (8) at Bamhauri, 4 roiles south-east of Makarbai. This last village Bamhauri is not now in the Hamirpur District, having been ceded to the native state of Charkari after the mutiny.
In these temples the shape is a rectangle, the sides of which face the cardinal points of the compass, with a sanctum in the middle of the western side, opposite to which is the entrance porch.
The roof, which is low, is supported internally on eight short pillars very simply ornamented, and surmounted by plain capitals over which are placed the stone beams which support a perfectly unornamented ceiling. Over the sanctum was a sikhara or steeple, which at Bamhauri is still stand-
* The accounts of General Cunningham and Mr. Fergusson seem to us to ex-
aggerate the beauty of these pillars, and indeed to attach to this Ganthai temple much more importance than it deserves.
296 V. A. Smith—Observations on some Chandel Antiquities.
ing, slightly ruined, but which is wanting both in the temple at Barsi and at Makarbat. ‘
In this last one the entrance to the sanctum has been walled up, so that the shrine is not visible. ‘The floors of the shrines at’ " Barsi and Bamhauri are both somewhat below the level of the floor of the main chamber.
The material of these three temples is granite, the walls being con- structed of wide slabs set on edge, and externally two bands of ornamented moulding run round the building.
From some fragments of stucco adhering to the outside of the Barsi temple it would appear to have been covered with plaster. This temple differs somewhat from the other two in having two openings for light in the middle of the shorter sides of the mandapa or hall, whilst the temples at Makarbai and Bamhauri have closed sides and only obtain light from the front of the building. We were unable to find any inscription at any of these temples, and the villagers only know them by the name of Baithaks. The name of the fal/éo on the edge of which the first temple stands is Barsi, and an ancient village site to the west is also called Barsi. The maker of the lake is said to be Bar Brahm Chandel.* “To the east of the temple stands a small shrine which we have not described, it being of no special interest. The neighbouring village of Paliza is also known under the name of Khajuraha. In another paper we hope to describe some other buildings which have hitherto either altogether escaped notice or been inadequately described. While we were engaged on this paper, Vol. VII of the Archeological Reports has appeared, but the notes recorded in it, are so meagre, and in some details so incorrect, that much remains to be done before it can be said that the antiquities of Bundelkhand have
received adequate treatment.
* Bar Brahm (7. e. Varmma) is not mentioned in any known inscription, but is in- cluded in the bards’ lists of the Chandel princes. He was probably not a ruling chiet, but one of the members of the ruling family.
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