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VOL. VII.

SRSEVBVEVTEVSETSTETTUDSUSTUVITAVS

THE

JOURNAL

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THE ASIATIC SOCIETY

OF

BENGAL.

=——@—

EDITED BY

JAMES PRINSEP, F.R.S.

SECRETARY OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL 3; HON. MEM. OF THE AS, Soc,
OF PARIS ; COR. MEM. OF THE ZOOLOGICAL SOC. OF LONDON, AND OF THE
ROYAL SOCIETIES OF MARSEILLES AND CAEN; OF THE ACADEMY
OF NATURAL SCIENCES OF PHILADELPHIA 3} OF THE
PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY OF GENEVA 3 OF
THE ALBANY INSTITUTE, &c.

VOL. VII.

JANUARY TO DECEMBER,

183s.

‘¢ Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of
science, in different parts of Asia will commit their observations to writing, and
send them to the Asiatic Society at-Caleutta ; it will languish, if such commu.
nications shall be long intermitted il’ diesaway, if they shall entirely cease.”

Str WM. Jones.

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS, CIRCULAR ROAD.
SOLD BY THE EDITOR, AT THE SOCIETY’S OFFICK,

1838.

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tm ES PRINS EP, FR. S.

SECRETARY OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL ; HON. MEM. OF THE AS. SOC.
OF PARIS ; COR. MEM. OF THE ZOOLOGICAL SOC. OF LONDON, AND OF THE
ROYAL SOCIETIES OF MARSEILLES AND CAEN; OF THE ACADEMY
OF NATURAL SCIENCES OF PHILADELPHIA 3 OF THE
PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY OF GENEVA ; OF

THE ALBANY INSTITUTE, &c.

VOL. VIT.—PART I.

JANUARY TO JUNE,

183s.

‘¢ Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of
science, in different parts of Asia will commit their observations to writing, and
send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta; it will languish, if such commu-

nications shall be long intermitted ; and will die away, if they shall entirely cease.’’
Sin Wo. Jones.

Calcutta:

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS, CIRCULAR ROAD.
SOLD BY THE EDITOR, AT THE SOCIEKTY’S OFFICE,

1838.

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PREFACE.

In conformity with the practice observed in the past conduct
of this Journal, we submit with the December number for the
year 1838, a brief exposition of the circumstances, adverse or
favorable, under which it has been carried on. But as this is
the last volume of the series, conducted by the Editor who has
heretofore addressed his subscribers in this form, it is right
that our review should embrace the whole period of his conduct
of the work.

t is known to all our readers, that the idea of establishing in
India a periodical work whose pages should be devoted to
Science, originated with the late Captain Hrrsert, who under
the name of Gleanings of Science issued monthly a few sheets,
professing to contain, with one or two original communications,
selected extracts from scientific works of Europe —the selection
being confined to such as, except through a reprint in India,
were likely to escape the perusal of the curious and interested.
The little Periodical thus modestly put forth found early
favor in Bengal: one cause of which may have been, that there
existed at that time no channel, through which the discoveries
and speculations of the learned and ingenious could find their
way to the public, except as separate works, which for short
treatises was out of the question, or through the learned pages
of the Asiatic Researches, of which the volumes appeared after
very uncertain periods, and latterly at very long intervals.

The monthly Periodical issued under the name of the Glean-
ings of Science, having been conducted by Captain Hersert
for three years, with very creditable industry and judgment, and
with corresponding success, was transferred by him to Mr. JamEs
PrinsEp, consequently upon his obtaining employment at a
distance from Caleutta. The Periodical continued, for some
time after the change of Editor, to win its way to public favor
under the same name; and, as the subscription list extended,
sheets and extra plates were added to its bulk—the new conduc-

vi Preface.

tor professing, like his predecessor, to have no desire to make
money by the publication, but being determined, and to this day
he has adhered to the determination, to devote the entire
proceeds of an increasing circulation, to the extension of its
utility, by improvements in the getting up, and additions to the
quantity of matter circulated through its means.

The Periodical received for some years much encouragement
through an arrangement made with the Government of Bengal,
by which it was exempted from postage, under the condition of
publishing each month one sheet of Dr. BucHanan’s Statistical
Reports of this Presidency. The arrangement continued till
June 1834, when Dr. BucHanan’s Report upon the district of
Dinajpur being completed, the indulgence of free circulation
in the interior was withdrawn, and the further publication of
these statistical reports as an Appendix to the Journal was stop-
ped.

There is no doubt that the arrangement was an unusual one
for a Government to make, and as it proved embarrassing in
the precedent it established, and in the claims to which it
gave rise in other Publications professing religious and other
praise-worthy objects, the withdrawal has never been a subject
of complaint.

The Periodical had, however, while this privilege lasted, ob-
tained its advantage in making its existence known throughout
India, and thus in inviting the scientific and the speculative to
avail themselves of its pages for the publication of the results of
their studies. We gratefully acknowledge that the success of
the Journal has been mainly owing to the manner in which
this invitation has been responded to.

The burthen of postage under the Post-office Rules, which
existed before the Act for equalizing them throughout India
was passed in 1837, bore very heavily on distant subscribers :
nevertheless the loss of the indulgence of free transmission occa-
sioned no diminution of the subscription list of the Journal, nor
was this affected by the further change of an increased sub-
scription, which became indispensable consequently upon a
large augmentation of the number of pages and plates. On |
the contrary it has been found necessary to add continu-
ally to the number of impressions ordered from the printer,

Preface. vii

and the demand for early numbers for the completion of sets
has far exceeded the means possessed of furnishing them. The
series of the Gleanings is quite out of print, so much so as to
have led the Editor to contemplate a reprint of its most valu-
able original articles: and even the volumes of the Journal for
the years from 1832 to 1835, that is for the first three years
after the Periodical assumed the title of Journal of the Asiatic
Society, are procurable now with extreme difficulty, our Pub-
lishers having no spare copies on hand.

We close the year 1838 with a subscription list of 325
names, besides the copies furnished to Government and to the
Asiatic Society, or exchanged with other periodicals, consti-
tuting a circulation of upwards of 590, the good-will of which
we freely make over to the conductors of the new series, in
the confident hope, that they will worthily follow in the same
career, and through their exertions daily win fresh proofs of
the favor and confidence of the public.

The retrospect of the past management is to us a source of
pride and much satisfaction. ‘The advance that has been made
in every branch of Science and of Indian Research, since the
Journal fell into the late Editor’s hands, will not fail to strike
every observer; and few will deny to himself and to his Perio-
dical, a large share of the merit of producing this great result.

Wide indeed has been the range of subjects which have been
illustrated in the volumes of this Journal. In Astronomy no
phenomenon has appeared, that has not been fully explained
with its calculations. In Natural History the Journal has been
enriched by the valuable contributions of Colonel Syxxs, of
Hopeson and Dr. Evans, of Drs. Grirrita, McCLeLLanp,
Pearson, Fatconer and Hetrer, of Benson and Hut-
yon, aud these with many others have through our pages de-
voted themselves to the classification of known objects, or to the
description of new specimens, so as to render the Journal a ne-
cessary book of reference to Zoologists, Botanists, Concholo-
gists, Entomologists, and to the learned in almost every other
branch of this Department of Science.

Jn Chemistry Dr. O’SHaucunessy, to whom the editorial
chair is now resigned, Dr. Pearson, and Mr. Pippineron have
combined with the late Editor himself to apply every kind of

vill Preface.

analysis to the investigation of substances, and the Journal has
been a perfect record of new discoveries and ingenious results
in that department.

In Geography there will be found a greater variety of new
routes, of surveys, and of accurate intelligence regarding coun-
tries imperfectly known, than any other work of equal dura-
tion and bulk can boast of possessing.

The Geology of India has been investigated and pourtrayed
with a zeal that has been acknowledged by the Societies, and
by the Learned of Europe, and the fossil remains that have
been extracted from various localities, from the sub-Himalaya
and from Ava, and from the Nerbudda valley, have excited
the astonishment and admiration of those whose lives were de-
voted to this branch of Science, and who first through the pages
of this Journal became acquainted with the existence of the new
animals discovered. In this lne the Journal has been most
indebted to Colonel CoLvin, and Captain Cautiey of the Ben-
gal Engineers, to Drs. Fatconer and Spitssury, and Colonel
Burney ; and Serjeant Dean of the Sappers and Miners, has
been by no means the least worthy of its contributors.

In Statistics many subjects have been investigated accurately,
and with effect: and the manners and customs of many new
tribes have been illustrated and described with truth and live-
liness, so as to make the Journal a pleasant travelling compa-
nion to adventurous voyagers, and a work of useful reference
to functionaries in the interior.

In the department of Languages the Journal has done much.
Grammars and Vocabularies of several new dialects have been
contributed by Lieut. Lezcu, and by others before him. In
Navigation some important papers, illustrative of the state of
this art in the middle ages, have been contributed by Baron
Von Hammer, now Count Porestratt, from the centre of
Germany, and this is far from being the only proof we could
adduce of the favor won for the Journal amongst the learn-
ed of the European Continent.

But much as has been done in all these departments of
Philosophy and useful Science, it is not for these, or through
these, that the memory of the Journal will principally be
cherished.

Preface. ix

Since it was established as the channel for giving to the
world original discoveries in the East, there has been opened an
entirely new field of research, in the Buddhistical annals of pe-
riods antecedent to the spread of Brahminical doctrines with
the Sanskrit language ; and through the successful cultivation of
this field advances have been made in restoring the early History
of India, which throw into the shade the investigations of the
great men of the preceding thirty years. In this department
the Honorable Mr. Turnovur of Ceylon stands pre-eminently
conspicuous, and Mr. Hopeson of Nipal, with Mr. Csoma bE
K6r6s, the learned author of the Thibetan Dictionary and Gram-
mar, have worthily prosecuted the same studies. ‘They have
been illustrated and advanced by incidental notices from the
Burmese and Siamese records, which through the Journal have
been opened to the world by Col. Burney, Captain Low, and
others, and the results obtained from all these sources have
been established by the crowning discovery of all, the key to
the ancient inscriptions of Asoxa in Pali, the merit of which
rests with our Editor himself.

That our Journal should be the fortunate Publication to give
forth so much of novel interest in relation to the History and
Antiquities of the country to which it is devoted, may well .
be a source of pride, but its claims upon the learned do not
stop here. The illustrations of the ancient History of India
would have been incomplete, if the link had not been rivetted
to connect its annals with the coeval authentic histories of
Ancient Greece and Egypt. This too has been accomplished
in the pages of our Journal, and mainly through the personal
influence and discoveries of its Editor, acting upon the zeal
and spirit of research which existed, or was excited in others.

Through the Journal attention was first drawn to the coins
of past ages, as a means of following backward the series of
Indian Kings and Dynasties. Genl. Ventura, Mr. Masson,
Sir A. Burnes, and others, have in consequence devoted them-
selves to the collection of coins and relics in the countries which
were the scene of Grecian enterprise ; and Col. Sracy, Dr. Swi-
NEY, Capt. Cunnincuam, Mr. TreceEar, and many more have
pursued the same line in different parts of India, placing them-
selves all in communication with our Editor, that their dis-

4 Preface.

coveries might through him be combined into one general
result.

The consequence has been, that in a very short time the
desired link between the histories of the East and West has
been completely established, and races of kings have been traced
down from the immediate followers of ALEXANDER, who settled
in Bactria and Kdbul, and established a Grecian device and
inscription for their coin, and even from before that, when
Western India was a province of Persia, to the times when
the Hindu successors of the Satraps and Grecian kings yield-
ed to the Muhammadan conquerors, and thence too down-
ward even to the present day.

The corruptions of language and of alphabet, traceable in
these coins, mark as clearly the successions of races, as if the
date of each had been consecutively stamped on the coins, and
the simultaneous collection of inscriptions from all parts of
India, with the key obtained for decyphering them, has afforded
a ready test for the accuracy of the numismatic deductions, and
an aid to their more complete development.

One object yet remained to excite the zeal, and to occupy the
attention of those devoted to these pursuits. The History of
India had been traced back to the period before the invasion of
ALEXANDER, and had been verified at each step by coinsand by
inscriptions, but the language of Bactria and of Persia at the
period of that conquest was still insufficiently ascertained.
To this object our Editor was devoted, when he was overtaken
by sickness and compelled to leave India. The Bactrian alpha-
bet was already more than half discovered, through the com-
parison of letters upon coins with bilingual superscriptions.
Several inscriptions, as obtained from the Topes excavated, or as
forwarded by travellers from within the ancient limits of Bac-
tria, were nearly decyphered, so that very little remained to
perfect this discovery also, and to establish that the ancient
Pali language, or something very closely resembling it, prevail-
ed over all those countries.

To the world it is a loss, to himself a disappointment, that his
series of the Journal closes before this discovery also is complet-
ed. We hope and trust that the scene of its development is
only changed, or rather that he, who has achieved so much for

Preface. xi

India, may be restored in health before long to the country to
which his best years have been devoted, to renew his useful la-
bours there, and to gather fresh laurels in the field of its Science
and antiquarian Research.

It is now 19 years since Mr. James Privsep arrived
amongst us, a boy in age, wanting perhaps the finish of classic
scholarship which is conferred at the public schools and univer-

sities of England, but well grounded in Chemistry, Mechanics,and
all useful sciences. He came to India as Assistant to Dr. Winson,
in the Assay Office at Calcutta; but, after a residence of little
more than a year, was removed to Benares to take indepen-
dent charge of the same department in the mint of that city. At
Benares he remained for nearly 10 years, during the better
part of which he superintended also works of improvement in
the city, with many of which, as of more than common inge-
nuity and usefulness, his name is still associated ; but his memo-
ry survives yet more in the recollection of the many estimable
‘qualities, which endeared him to all classes of the population.

Upon the Mint of Benares being abolished in 1830, he resum-
ed his post in Calcutta, and was soon after employed in complet-
ing the canal and locks to connect the Hoogly river with the
Salt Water Lake and Sundurbuns, which had been commenced
by a brother, who was attached to the Bengal Engineers,
but who met a sudden and violent death by a fall from his
horse. The work being completed with skill, he was present-
ed with a handsome and quite unexpected gratuity by the thrif-
ty Government of Lord Wm. Benrincx. Soon after this, Mr.
Witson returning to Europe, Mr. James Prinsep found it
necessary to confine himself to the duties of the Assay Office,
which superadded to the laborious scientific pursuits and re-
searches in which he was engaged, afforded full employment for
his time. A change of currency, to which his advice conduced,
brought an accession of official duty in the Assay Department,
while at the same time the success which attended his re-
searches in the depths of science, and his attempts to illustrate
the antiquities of the country to which he was devoted, stimu-
lated him to exertions in that line also, under which his consti-
tution at length sank. After fighting fruitlessly against the
approaches of disease for a couple of months, he was at last

xii Preface.

compelled, as will be found recorded in the pages of this Jour-
nal, to quit the country suddenly in the ship Herefordshire in
the early part of the month of November.

His friends and brothers are now anxiously expecting to
receive from the Cape of Good Hope, the first accounts of the
effect of the sea-voyage upon his health. In the midst of their
anxiety, they may be excused for the apparent egotism, of
placing so much of eulogy, and of personal memoir, in the
Preface to the last volume of his series of the Journal.

CaLcuTtTa,
February, 1839.

CONTENTS.

No. 73.—JANUARY.
Page
I.—History of Cooch Behar, being an extract of a passage from Dr. Bucha-
nan’s Account of Rungpur (Rangapura), : Sua
II.—Notice of the Himalayan Vulture Eagle. By Tiedt £. Britton, ni) 20
I1I.—Account of K4la Bagh on the right bank of the Indus. By — Mo-

han Ll, Ps ee ° -- a ee 625
IV.—A brief account of the Origin of the ‘Dati Putras, and of the power and

birth of Bahéwal Kh&n their Chief, on the bank of the Ghara and Indus.

By the same, ie oe ~ ale us ae A? |
V.—Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions, continued, oe 33
VI.—Extracts fromthe Journal of Lieut. Markham Kittoe, onnteted to the

Asiatic Society at the meeting of the 6th Oct. 1636.—Ruins and Pillar at

Jajipur, a ac le aie Sa od
VII.—Remarks on ‘fa Comparison of cides Chinese Languages, &c.’’ By the
Rev. W. Morton, z oa se 56

VIII.—On the difference of eves in Indian Coal fields, and the causes to cick

this may be ascribed. By J. McClelland, Esq. Secretary to the Committee

for investigating the Coal and mineral Resources of India, Bs ae 6S
IX.—Abstract of a Meteorological Register kept at the Cathmandu Residency,

for the month of Sept. 1837. By A. Campbell, Esq. Nipal Residency, .. 83
X.—Meteorological Registers kept at Darjiling, for September, October and

November, 1837, +e os oe os a -. 84
X1I.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, ak ie 4 Sim SF
XII.—Meteorological Register, a ae ee oe ee 92

I.—Account of the expedition of Chach (Chacha) extracted from the Chach
N&émeh, and extracts from the Téhfat ul Khwén, By Ensign Postans, .. 93

II.—Examination and Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts deposited in the
Madras College library... By the Reverend William Taylor, Ay -» 105

I1I.—Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam made at the request of Captain
Jenkins, Ageut to the Governor General. By William Griffith, Assistant

Surgeon on deputation with the Bhotan Mission, a : -- 132
IV.—Notices on the different systems of Buddhism, extracted from the Tibetan

authorities. By Alexander Csoma Ko6risi, : ee ate -- 142
V.—Enumeration of Historical and Grammatical tities to be met with in Tibet.

By the same, ata es -» 147
Vi1.—Section of a Hill in Cuttack NE pweaed a be likely to contain Coal. By

M. Kittoe, Esq. as oe ate oo 152
VII.—Discovery of the name of ree ae the Great, in two of the edicts of

Asoka, king of India, By James Prinsep, Sec. &c. ee -» 156
VIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, ve ve ee -» 167

1X.—Meteorological Register, ee ae wa fe os Aaa

Riv Contents.

Page

No. 75.—MARCH.
1.—Examination and Analysisof the Mackenzie Manuscripts deposited in the
Madras College library. By the Reverend William Taylor, os opt
II.—On the Revolution of the Seasons. By the Rev. Robert Everest, ie
III.—Table of Indian Coal analyzed at the Calcutta Assay Office, including
those published in the Gleanings in Science, September 1831, arranged ac-
cording to localities, extracted from the Report of the Coal Committee, ..
IV.—Extracts from the Journal of Lieut. Markham Kittoe, submitted to the
Asiatic Society at the meeting of the 6th Oct. 1836.—Ruins and Pillar at

Jajipur, ee ee eso ee ee ee
V.—On a remarkable heat observed in masses of Brine kept for some time in
large reservoirs. By G. A. Prinsep, Esq. a we os

VI,—On the Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Western Himdlaya. By Lieut.
T. Hutton, 37th Regt. N. I. and W. H. Benson, Esq., C. S. ae nie
VI1I.—On the Edicts of Piyadasi, or Asoka, the Buddhist monarch of India,
preserved on the Girnar rock in the Gujerat peninsula, and on the Dhauli
rock in Cuttack; with the discovery of Ptolemy’s name therein. By

James Prinsep, Secretary, As. Soc. &c. oe on “" oe
VI1I,.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, nf es oe a
IX.—Meteorological Register, oe oe “5 oe we

No. 76.—APRIL.
I.—Restoration and Translation of the Inscription on the large Arracan Bell
now at Nadrohighat, Zillah Alligarh, described by Captain Wroughton in

173
I92

197

200
207

211

219
283
286

the Journal Asiatic Society, December 1837, oe . 237
II.—Extracts from the Tdhfat ul abies and the Chach antes translated =

Lieutenant T, Postans, ae . 297
IlI.—Note of a visit to the Niti sind of the waeita sliabiieigien chain. By J. H.

Batten, Esq. C. S. es ia oe -- 310
IV.—Additional notice on the geography of Cochin China. By the Most Rev.

Jean Louis, Bishop of Isauropolis, a aie ee ie 31%
V.—On the Reg-Ruwan or moving sand, a singular phenomenon of sound near

Cabal witha sketch.. By Capt. Alex. Burnes, : oe «+ 324
VI.—On the Siah-pésh Kaffirs with specimens of their racaesiiics and costume,

By Captain Alex, Burnes, on ae oe °» 325
VII.—Examination of the Tnnchigtione from Girnér in Gujer4t, and Dhauli in

Cuttack, continued. By James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. a . 334
VIII.—A letter to Dr. Helfer, on the Zoology of Tenasserim and the sreipii

bouring Provinces. By Assist. Surg. J. T. Pearson, J. 357
1X.—Mode of Manufacture of the Salumba salt of Upper India, setenckl from

a Report by C. Gubbins, Esq. C. S. oe ef ee -+ 363
X.— Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, os ee Ae »» 364
XI.—Meteorological Register, en oe oe oe e- 370

No. 77.—MAY.
I.—Second Report on the Examination and Restoration of the Mackenzie
Manuscripts. By the Reverend William Taylor, es oe ee
II.—On the application of a new method of Block-printing, with examples of
unedited coins printed in facsimiles. By James Prinsep, Sec. &c. a
{11.—Note on the affinities of Galathea of Lamarck (Potamophila of Sowerby),

a Genus of Fluviatile Testacea. By W.H. Benson, Esq. Bengal Civil
Service, oe

37)

414

420

Contents. xv

Page
V .—Account of the Hurricane or Whirlwind of the sth April, 1838. By Mr.
J. Floyd, (communicated by J. H. Patton, Esq. Magistrate of the 24-Per-
gunnahs,) ee oe oe e: a -. 422
Vi.—Account of an ancient temple at Hissar, and of the ship model at that
place. By Capt. Wm. Brown, =a ve -. 429
VII.—An account of the Jain Temple at Badrasir ; shad ruins of Badranagiri in
the province of Cutch. By Lieut, W. Postans, we we es 431
VIII.—Examination of the separate edicts of the Aswastama inscription at
Dhauli in Cuttack. (Plate X.) By James Prinsep, Sec. &c. se os 434
1X.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, i oe ee e. 456
X.— Meteorological Register, ee aS a “2 -- 468

No. 78.—JUNE.
I.—Second Report on the Examination and Restoration of the Mackenzie
Manuscripts. By the Reverend Willian Taylor, .. .. . «2 «. «. 469
II.—Some account of a visit to the plain of Koh-i-Daman, the mining district
of Ghorband, and the Pass of Hindu Kash, with afew general observa-
tions respecting the structure and conformation of the country from the
Indus to Kabul. By P. B. Lord, M. B. in Medical charge of the Kabul
Mission, até oe . ai in is ow 521
IlI.—Epitome of the Grammars of the Buiendlg: the Balochky and the Pan-
jabi languages, with Vocabularies of the Baraky, the Pashi, the Lagh-
mani, the Cashgari, the Teerhai, and the Deer dialects. By Lieut. R.

Leech, Bombay Engineers, Assistant on a Mission to Kabul, a o- 538.
IV.—Translation of Inscription in the Society’s museum. Continued from
vol. Vi. p- 887, ee ee eo ee ee ee ee 557

V.—More Dénams from the Sanchi tope near Bhilsa, taken in impression, by

Capt. T. S. Burt, Engineers. Translated by Jas. Prinsep, ae «. 562

' VI.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, ae re #2 e” 567

VJ1.—Meteorological Register, = ae a a a 2. 582
No. 79.—JULY.

4.—Excursion tothe Eastward. No.1, .. A: -e wa -. 583

1].—Epitome of the Grammars of the Brahuiky, the Balochky and the Panjabi
languages, with Vocabularies of the Baraky, the Pashi, the Laghmani, the
Cashgari, the Teerhai, and the Deer dialects. | By Lieut. R. Leech, Bom-

bay Engineers, Assistant on a Mission to Kabul, =H ae -- 608
111.—Native account of washing for gold in Assam. By Moneeram, Revenue
Sheristadar, Bur Bundaree, ir ee fi aia -. 621

IV.—Further information on the gold washings of Assam, extracted from
Capt. Hannay’s communications to Capt. Jenkins, Agent to the Governor
General in Assam, a3 #4 as eg a ee) Gap

V.—Lithographs and translations of Inscriptions e441 in ectype by Captain
T. S. Burt, Engineers: and of one, from Ghosi taken by Captain A. Cun-

ningham, of the same corps, a3 a a -. 629
VI.—Additions to Bactrian Numismatics and discovery of the Bactrian Alpha-

bet. By James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. &c. ee -- 636
VII.—Note on a fossil Ruminant genus allied to Giraffide in the Siwalik hills.

By Captain P. T. Cautley, oe ae is as a -. 658
VIII.—Sketch of the sculptured images, on the temple of Grémeswara, near

Ratrapur: extracted from Lieut. Kittoe’s Journal, ve ee -. 660
1X.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, ee o ee oe -» 663

X.— Meteorological Register, ee ° ae eo eo oo 670

_ xvi Contents.

Page
No. 80.—AUGUST.
—A short account of the Moa Morah sect, and of the country at present
occupied by the Bor Senaputtee. By S. O. Hannay, Capt. 40th Regt. N. I.

Asst. to the Commissioner in Assam, ee =a ae i Gal
1I.—Mr. Kittoe’s Journal of his Tour in the Province of Orissa, e -. 679
III.—An examination of the Pali Buddhistical Annals, No. 3. By the Hon’ble

George Turnour, Esq. Ceylon Civil Service, a ste ak -. 686
{V.—Report on the Coal discovered in the Tenasserim provinces, by Dr. Helfer,

dated Mergui, 23rd May, 1838, is oe ois oie 2 701
V.—Comparison of Asiatic Languages, . *e es =» ZOT

VI.—Epitome of the Grammars of the Bratwsly, the Baliaeiiat and the Panjabi
languages, with Vocabularies of the Baraky, the Pashi, the Laghmani, the
Cashgari, the Teerhai, and the Deer dialects. By Lieut. R. Leech, Bom-

bay Engineers, Assistant on a Mission to Kabul, ee . ey Be
VII.—Note on a species of Arctonix from Arracan. By Dr. G. Evans, Cura-
tor, As. Soc. Museum. $e 7. dag

VIII.—Translation of an Tadeetauisk’ ona Témba Patra found in die Village of
Piplidnagar, in the Shujalpur Pergana, and presented to the Political
Agent, Bhopal, by the Jagirdar. By L. Wilkinson, Esq. Pol. Agent, .. 736

IX.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, By . ee a8 ame tS]

X.—Meteorological Register, oF se my ne ae -. 750

No. 81.—SEPTEMBER.

{.—Botanico-Agricultural account of the protected Sikh States. By M. P.

Edgeworth, Esq., C. S. Musuri, no i ue -» 751
I11,—Extracts from the Mohit (the Ocean), a Turkish moniea on Navigation in

the Indian Seas. Translated and Communicated by Joseph Von Hammer,

Baron Purgstall, Aulic Counsellor, and Prof. Orient. Lang. at Vienna,

Hon. Memb. As. Soc. &c. &c. «o 167
I1I.—Epitome of the Grammars of the Braluiky: the akanithes oid the Pan-

jabi languages, with Vocabularies of the Baraky, the Pashi, the Laghmani,

the Cashgari, the Teerhai, and the Deer Dialects. By Lieut. R. Leech, .

Bombay Engineers, Assistant on a Mission to Kabul, ys 3 . 780
1V.—Note on the New Zealand Caterpillar. By G. Evans, Esq. Curator of the

As. Soc. Museum, va of : =m 789
V.—An Examination of the Péli Buddhistical Accel No. 3. By the Hon’ble

George Turnour, Esq. Ceylon Civil Service, 5 789
VI.—Table of Mortality for ages from birth to twenty years, fname from fe

Registers of the Lower Orphan School, Calcutta. By H. T. Prinsep, Esq. 818
VII.—Sketch of the Temple to Durga at Badeswur, &c. extracted from Lieut.

Kittoe’s Journal, ee ° o. ee -. 828
VIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic See oe oe oe -- 829
I1X.—Meteorological Register, os oo a ee -. 838

No. 82.—OCTOBER.

I.—Report of a visit made to the supposed Coal Field at Bidjeegurh (Vijaya-
gadha). By Mr. George Osborne, Sub. Dep. Opium Agent, Benares divi-
sion, af aon 2 oy as B= * a», ‘839

I1.—Report on ten specimens of Coal from Captain Burnes, .. oe «. 848

I1I.—Note on the animal productions of the Tenasserim Provinces ; read at
the meeting of the 10th October, 1838. By J. W. Helfer, Esq. M.D.... 855

1V.—On a new species of Pheasant from Tibet. By B. H. Hodgson, Esq. .. 863

Contents.

V.—Notes of a journey to Girndr in the Province of Kattywar, for the purpose
of copying the ancient inscriptions upon the rock near that place.—Under-
taken by order of the Bombay Government. By Lieut. Postans, Bombay
Engineers ; with two notes on Somnath, one by Mr. Kittoe, aie as

V1.—Population and Mortality in Calcutta, - ve oe Js

VII.—Report on the Weights, Measures, and Coins of Cabul and Bukhara.
By Nowrozjee Furdoonjee. Forwarded by Captain Burnes to Government,

and transferred to the Asiatic Society, oe oe ae oe
VIII.—Ancient Inscriptions, = oe ae as a
1X.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, oa a a8 on
X.—Meteorological Register, __ ee Ae ae ae oe

No. 83.—NOVEMBER.

-I.—An examination of the Pali Buddhistical Annals, No. 4. By the Hon’ble

Georce Harnour, Esq. Ceylon Civil Service, 2. ...accwcce ss cccccecccscccs
1i.—Report on the Copper mines of Kumaon. By Capt. H. Drummoné, 3rd
1II.—Observations on six new species of Cyprinide, with an outline of a new

classification of the family. By J. McClelland, Esq., Bengal Medical Esta-

blishment, ........ SAB Soo: SERS ABE NARA Ae Re SaE Er ee RO ep ee
1V.—Report upon the Coal beds of Assam. (Submitted to Gpccruccat by the

Committee appointed to investigate the Coal and Iron resources of the Ben-

gal Presidency, as a supplement to their first printed Report,) ....0...006.
i eMRICHOMINSEFIPUIONS, (65.0. Ss ccclcncs cece woccnccocccncoss coesvccneceoes
VI.—Information regarding Illanoon Pirates. By Capt. Blake, H. M.S. Larne,
VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, ...cescecccccscccscccccrcecssece
n= MCUERIGLOPICAlTRCRISEET, fcc. oa esc once secs ovleesesevecsvecuvccses

No. 84.—DECEMBER.
I.—An examination of the Pali Buddhistical Annals, No. 5. By the Hon.
George Turnour, Esq. Ceylon Civil Service, - - 5 = A
1J.—On the spontaneous heating of Brine. By G.A. Prinsep, Esq. .. =.
III.—A short notice of the coast-line, and rivers and islands adjacent, forming
a portion of the Mergui Province, from a late survey. By Captain R.
Lloyd, I. N. eS a
I1V.—On the genus Biciatmatodan of aie Paeaher ana Captain Cantien: By

J. McClelland, Assist. Surgeon, Bengal Service, ae ae ake
V.—Coins and relics from Bactria, is ae es a ae
Vi.—Ancient Hindu Coins from Jyonpur and Oojein, =e ie si
Vil.—Ancient Inscriptions, oe ° Tap pia =3 oe a
VIII.—Mr. Kittoe’s tour in Orissa, ponkiuned from page 829 of September

1838, oe se oe eo oe ee ee

1X.—Meteorological eouister ose ye ee ate ae ae

934

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Page

ERRATA.

In the December No. 1837.

992, for ‘impossible,’ read ‘ impassable,’

997, for ‘ he permitted,’ read ‘ be permitted.’

1076, for ‘ or Cuttack,’ read ‘ of Cuttack.’
1079, for ‘ detached of yore,’ read ‘ detached figures.’

1078,

1079, line 10, alter thestops thus. ‘ Khandgiri has but few caves.

note, for ‘ meet any attention,’ read ‘ merit any attention.’

there is, &c.’

Page line

37,
43,

444,

12, for ¢ earefaf&,’ read < fc’
24, for cantaarfarat, reed amnfamifast.’
26, for ‘ata, yead ¢ afer.’

13, for « ayia,’ read ¢ @yafa.’

14, dele ¢ wa,’ after ‘wyhq.

23, for « Savy,’ read ¢ fe,’ and dele °

21, notes, for « aq,’ read ¢ wy,’

6, 55 for © aaa,’ ae Wanga.’
— ,, for< wa, read ¢ 7

1,» for < farqa yaa,’ read faae waa.
15, ,, after ‘eyafa,’ insert « (qvafa).’

18, ,, forc@ gq,’ "ed (eq

13, 4, after ‘qayaqar,’ dele :

23, », after ¢afe,’ insert;

6, », after « fafaaran,’ insert (fafasa.’
23, » afters-aq Ta, insert §
26, », for areata, "eed ‘aranfa.

4, from below for ‘9fafstata,’ 744 < Tastare.
24, for ‘aq,’ read « ua.’

2, from below for < fax, read ¢ fafa.’

22, for eeararca:, "ed CeayTa:.

31, read‘ Faaa, or ¢ fara.’

41, for seat: ,? read « Sage.’

15, for « <a, read « ay.

30, for ‘ewya,’ “ead < Za.’

32, for ¢ afer,’ read <atifar.’

25, for * fara, read ‘sfeaq:.’

— for ‘Wey, read * Bway,’

On the summit

XxX

Page line
444, 29,
445, 33,

446, 26,

Errata.

for ‘sxzadufaa, read ‘ gzadafead.’

for atta,’ read <arfara.’

Sor * aay,’ read * as.’

Sor < Braye,” read « aT ATE.”

from bottom, for ‘ variety,’ ‘ read rarity.’

from top, for ‘ two,’ read ‘ the.’

from top, for ‘two,’ read ‘ so.’

Jor ‘ MacCullack,’ read *‘ McCulloch.’

from bottom, jor ‘Sheer Muhammad Minad Bey,’ read ‘ Mir Muham-
med Murad Bey.’—(By some inadvertence this form was sent to press
before it had been read by the editor.)

LIST OF PLATES.

Page
I.—Inscription on the Kuhaon pillar, .....ccccsccseeeceeees Sf
11.—Facsimile of an Inscription at Iskardo, .......026 eovves 39
I11.—Copperplate grant from Bakerganj, .......ecececescenee 44
Rie aE AAS AOOUN, oe csc a cis wc cece so cesstesnccirdoed cage, OF
Wee — Garuda and Haims at D0. occas e cers ccc esaccesdessene 20s
ot -tiap of Central Indiag i cj./s.cciscie-clslec ccs ndecsscacss reese 9 Oe
VII. & VIII.—Fossil shells, &c. from Chirra, .....csseeceee socececece ihe
1X.—Ficus elastica, ......... Be eaten Sood ipaberpet Retin deal ata i Fela C5 7.
—_~X.—Facsimile of the Dhauli or Aswastama inscription. ....... 434
XI.—Plan and specimen of the Girnar inscription. ............ 219
XII.—Surashtra Coins, to face page .... ccc cecccccerececcee 346
XIII.—Sanskrit Alph&bet, consonants of various ages.......... 276
eee GOVE) 8 OL OLLEO) ss ci Sn oe diwlicle) s-cfwiaiie ele) aca\disis ioe 'oieisls ole ae 4 80s
XV.—Sanskrit Sdueription from Gauck, ENIOs Bian siatsoo|aiave ogee oibi ai us OO,
XVI.—Talain inscription on Arracan bell, to face.........eee000 294
Seer — wap of Cochin-Chind, - csi ccsc cece vnecsevecececves SLT
XVIII.—Reg Ruwan ; and map of whirlwind of the 8th ne page... 324
XIX.—Detail of Asoka inscription from Girnar,...........6.--+ 340
eA SKTIG NIUNAETAIS,: , oc ocvotvle« olwlece pe beldlales colsusQeecene O40
XXI.—Plan and elevation of the Dhauli hill, .............0+000 436
XXII.—Legend of Indo-Sassanian MIAN alse a a las ese cisl djeike wha aia city Soe
XXIII.—Further inscriptions from Sanchi,,......ccccecesesceees 564
MeL ._PsTAHMES WALL TASCTIPTION, icc ce co cccc ce vecdsccconsere — 900
XXV.—Enlarged view of Dhauli elephant, .....ceccecececccese 406
XXVI.—Hissar pillar, and Badrasir temple, ...ccesssececesecess 430
XXVII.—Coins of Eucratides and Spalirises, ..........0ceeee000- 638
ee Phe Bactrian COINS, VATLOUS, 205. cbicoaecieiccdscccesccececcee 650
XXIX.— Bates’ medal-ruling machine,......secccccccccccccsessse 606
XXX.—-Inscription cn Vardha image at Eran, ....cccsscee esses 632
XXXI.—Ditto, on Bhimsen’s pillar, at ditto,.......0ececeeeeeees 634
eet Ineo-actrian COS, bocce sc cece cc cece ceeccosscccese L050
XXXIII.—Ditto, on iron pillar at Delhi, and stone from the Fort of
EIMEE, Aolsieteiminctaciale liaise ele, o Olea eid ethaieaiMainlagne seis sive!) GSO
“XXXVII.—Sculpture of Grameswara temple, .........ccccececccese 662
XXXVIII.—Sculptured stone near Jajipur and the Sinh at Kanarac,.. 680
XXXIX.
XL. | Different caves in the Udayagiri rock at Kundgiri near
XLI- Cuttack,
XLII,

,

eeeotr oe eceeveaeeeoee esos eoeoeveoeveev ee eoseeeevened 683

an. ee
,

xxii List of Plates.

Page
XLIII.—The Arctonix —————, or Bali Souar, .o.csevevecsesee 735
XLIV.—Sculpture on the frieze in the Ganésh Gurbha, represented
in, PISA DL sree te Ree CEk ae SE Oe hs Bes tneis’ os ss oetoee
XLV.—Sketch of Badé@wur temple, ....cc..scecescscceccceres 828
XLVI. 846
xivit, to illustrate the report on Bidjeegurh coal fields, ........ i 848
XLVIII. 844
X LEX :—Tibet Pheasanty:'cg <0 Sale +0 Gs oss Chics sclsa nm ekels Seuleabuas ee
L.—Elevation: of Somnitth, <c52 sc caleeck te enbeebisicimameeak es (OUT:
LI.—Interior of Sommath, ~. . «c,s.os.0j0.0,00)* ge sins wWhlarpanee ealsites TOUS

LII.: 872
LIII. | Views of Girnar and of the Rock inscriptions there, ...... 1s
Liv. J 878

LV. & LVI.—Cyprinide, CF eee Geese COSHH HEHEHE HOH ee tOeoeeeeoeeeeeeeenes 942

LVII.—Sketch-map of Assam, .. eoecere Fos ane se ee ese eoreeeene seen 950
LVIII.—Mergui Coast and Islands, .......eeccnevccccce cosese 1027

LIX.—Hexaprotodons, . » .::> 5d. ¢bipes@le dad bm oe silken a1 089
Ancient Patera from Badakhshan, ........0eceeccceeceee 1047
LX.—Ancient Hindu Coins, . «0 ewe) 2 o's stelelsl ch O8R Ue ce wae LOSe
LXI.—Ancient Coins from Oojein, ...cceccesscccccccecccseee 1054

e

a ag

JOURNAL

or

WHE ASIA TLIC SOC LET Y.

No. 73.—January, 1838.

1.—History of Cooch Behér, being an extract of a passage from Dr.
Bucuanan’s Account of Rungpur ( Rangapura )*.
[Revised and communicated by Major F. JEnKIns. ]

The history of this district is perhaps involved in still greater obscurity
than that of Dinajpur. Almost the whole of it is included in the anci-
ent Hindu territory of Kamrup, which extends east from the Kurotoya
where it joined the kingdom of Motsyo, tot Dikkorbasini a river of
Assam, which enters the Brohmoputro a little to the east of the eastern
Kamakhya, which is said to be fourteen days’ journey by water above
Jorehat the present capital of the kingdom. I have not been able to
learn, that the ancient Hindus mention any kingdom as intervening be-
tween Kamrup and China. Those whom I have consulted seem to
think that Kamrup is bounded on the east by Chin ; by which, however,
it must be observed, is probably meant the country between the Indian and
Chinese empires, for as ABUL Fazit justly observes, the Chinese empire
is the Maha Chin of the Hindus. He indeed calls Pegu the China
of the Hindus ; but in this he is only to be considered as mentioning for
the whole, what was then the principal kingdom, as now we might say
that the empire of Ava is the proper China of the Hindus; and in fact
it now separates Kamrup from the Chinese or Maha Chin. On the
north Kamrup extends to Kongjogiri, the frontier of Mado, the
kingdom of Sazlyo, which comprehends Bhotan; I have not, however,
been able to learn where the mountain is placed, and the Bhoteas seem
to have made large encroachments on the whole northern frontier of
Kamrup. The*southern boundary of Kamrup frontier of Kamrup, is

* Bucwanan’s orthography is retained: he uses the short o for a, being the
BengAli pronunciation.—Ep.

+ This is the name of a temple on the Brahmaputra above Sadiyd, and nearly
where the river issues from the hills.

2 History of Cooch Behar. [JAn.

where Lakhya river separates from the Brohmoputro, and there it is
bounded by the country called Bunggo. Kamrup according to this de-
scription includes a portion of Moymunsing (north part of Dacca R.)
and of Srihotto ( Silhet B.) together with Monipur, Jaintiya, Kachar:
and Assam.

The earliest tradition concerning the history of Kamrup is that it was
given by KrisHno to NorAk, the son of the earth, (Prithivi.) This
Norok, although an infidel (oswr) was for some time a favorite of the
god, who appointed him guardian (dwarpal ) of the temple of Kamakhya
(granter of pleasure) who naturally presided over the region of desire,
(Kamrup). This deity is by the Hindus considered as female, and her
temple situated near Gohati, the place where Norox resided, is still
much frequented. r

Kamrup is said to have been then divided into four peths or portions»
which may naturally be expected to have appellations suitable to its name
and tutelary deity. They are accordingly called Kam, Rotno, Mont and
Yoni peths, alluding to desire, beauty and some circumstances not un_
connected with these qualities, which our customs do not admit to be
mentioned with the plainness that is allowed in the sacred languages of
the east. In fact the country by the natives is considered as the prin-
cipal seat of amorous delight, and a great indulgence is considered as
allowable. I have not learned the boundaries of these divisions, but am
told that Rotno Peth is the country now called Vihar.

Norok did not long merit the favor of Krisuno, being a great op-
pressor and a worshipper of the rival god Sis. He was put to death,
and was succeeded by his son BHoGGopaTTo. At the time of the wars
which are said to have placed Yupu1suTuHeER on the throne of India, the
prince engaged in the great contest on the losing side, and followed the
fortunes of Duryopuon. There can be little doubt that this is the
same person with the Buucrut of Mr. GLApwin’s translation of the
Ayeen Akbery, “ who came to the assistance of JIRJOoDHUN, and gal-
tantly fell in the war of the Mahabharut.” By Axsut Faziv this prince
is said to have been of the Khyetri ([Khyotrio) caste, and this is sup-
ported by the opimion of the brahmans; but here a considerable diffi-
culty occurs; for it is generally allowed, that BuoccopaTTo was the
son of Noroxk, who was not a Hindu. We shall, however, soon see that
in Kamrup many other personages have been adopted into the princely
race, whose claims to a Hindu descent are at best exceedingly doubtful.

BHOGGODATTO is said to have usually resided at Gowahatt. The
king of Kamrup is said occasionally to have fled from the bustle and
cares of his capital, and to have sought the pleasures of retirement

1838. } | History of Cooch Behér. 3

at Rungyopur, from whence its name, signifying the abode of pleasure,
is derived. No traces of any buildings by BHoccopattTo or his family
remain in this district, nor is it probable that any remain in Assam, as
the princes of the eastern parts of Kamrup continue even to this day,
to dwell in huts; nor is there any reason to suppose, that his accommo-
dation was superior; while his power, and probably the thickness of his
forest, rendered fortifications towards the west unnecessary.

In the great war BHoGGopDATTo fell by the hands of Orsun, brother
of YUDHISHTHER, but according to the Ayeen Akbery twenty-three
princes of the same family continued to govern after his death. The
authority of this work is, however, diminished by its supposing that these
princes governed the whole of Bengal, which seems entirely without
foundation. It is, however, very likely, and is said indeed to be mentioned
in the Purans, that for some time the descendants of BHOGGODATTC
retained the government of Kamrup. I cannot indeed adopt the chrono-
logy, which places YUDHISHTHER about 3200 years before the birth of
Christ; on the contrary I am persuaded that this prince lived consider-
ably after the time of ALEXANDER, for in every part of India there
remain traces of the family of YUDHISHTHER, or of the princes who
were his contemporaries, of many dynasties that have governed since his
time, but all these later dynasties, so far as I have learned, may be
ascertained to be of a comparatively late period; and making every pos-

sible allowance for the reigns of the families of YUDHISHTHER and of

the dynasties that have succeeded, we shall not be able to place the
former much beyond the time of Aucustus. Iam happy to acknowledge
that I have derived this manner of reasoning on the subjects from a con-
versation with my worthy friend Major Mackenzir of Madras, who
has formed more accurate notions on Indian History than any person
whose opinions I know,—notions founded on a careful investigation of the
remains of antiquity, and not on the fictions of Indian poets, who in the
extravagance of invention exceed even the fertile genius of Greece.

In the part of the Yogini Tontro which I have procured, and which
is considered as the highest authority concerning every thing to Kam-
rup, the pandit of the mission says that there is no mention of Buocco-
DATTO, but that the god S1B prophecies that after the infidel Norok,
and at the commencement of the era of Saka, that is about the end of
¢he Ist century of our era, there would be Sudro kings of Kamrup.
The first raja mentioned is DwyEswor, in whose time the worship of
Kameswori or Kamakhya, the knowledge of which had hitherto been
confined to the learned, would be published even to the vulgar, and this

would happen at the very beginning of the era of Saka, or in the year of
B 2

4 History of Cooch Behar. (JAN.

our era 76. This raja is said to have been of the tribe called in the
_Songskrito language Dhwor, which is usually applied to the Katbortos of
Bengal ; but it may be doubted, whether the prince belonged to that tribe
which is not one of Kamrup. The worship of the linga according to
the prophecy would begin in the 19th year of Saka ; some indefinite time _
after that period, a brahman born of the Korotoya river and named
Nocosonkor, would be king, and extend the doctrine. After him, but
at what interval is not mentioned, would be a raja named JoLPESWAR,
who would still further encourage that worship, and who would build the
celebrated temple of Jolpis. Very considerable ruins are at no great dis-
tance from that place as will be hereafter described; but they are ascribed
to a Prithu, who may, however, have been a person of the same family.

This Prithw raja from the size of his capital, and the numerous
works raised in the vicinity by various dependents and connections of the
court, must have governed a large extent of country, and for a consider-
able period of time. Although he is in some measure an object of wor-
ship among the neighbouring Hindus, they have few traditions concern-
ing the place from whence he came, nor at what period he lived; and I
heard it only mentioned by one old man, that he governed before the
time of the dynasty which will be next mentioned.

As usual he is considered as having been a very holy personage, who
was so much afraid of having his purity sullied, that, on the approach
of an abominable tribe of impure feeders named Kichok, he threw him-
self into a tank, and was followed by all his guards, so that:the town was
given up to plunder, and the family ceased to reign. At present the
Kichok are a kind of gipsies, that are thinly scattered in the northern
parts of India, and live by snaring game, telling fortunes, and it is usually
supposed by stealing. It must, however, be observed, that this tribe,
which in the Songskrito language is called Kirat, would at one time
appear to have been really powerful in this vicinity; and according to
the Yogini Tontro, was not reduced to its present miserable state, until
the time of Viswo SInGHo, who will be hereafter mentioned.

There is also a tradition in the country, that a much greater portion
of Kamrup formerly belonged to the Bhoteas than does at present.
I am inclined to think, that these Bhoteas were really the Chinese, whose
histories, I believe, mention their conquests in this part of India, and
might naturally be confounded with the Bhoteas, from their impure
feeding and from having made their attack through the country of that
people.

It would not appear, that during the dynasty of Apisur, any part of
this district was comprehended in the Hindu kingdom of Bengal. On

__=——"" =

1838.) EMistory of Cooch Behar. 5

the contrary, about that time, or not long after, the western parts of
this country, as far as the Brohmoputro, seem to have been subject
to a family of princes, the first of whom, that has left any traces, was
Duormo Pat. Whether or not from his name we may suppose that he
was one of the Pat family, which preceded the dynasty of Apisur, who
in the wreck of his family may have saved a portion, I shall not venture to
determine. From the works that are attributed to DHormo PAL, he
would appear to have been a person of some power, and even the works
attributed to relations and dependents of his family, possess some degree
of magnitude. He is said to have had a brother named Manikcuon-
DRO, who seems to have died early, and to have left the management of
his son and estate to his wife Moynawore. This lady makes a con-
spicuous figure in the traditions of the natives, and is said to have killed
Duormo PAt in an engagement near the banks of the Zista; at least
the raja disappeared during the battle between his troops, and those of
his sister-in-law. MoynAwoTe’s son GOPICHONDRO succeeded his
uncle, and seems to have left the management of his affairs to his mother,
and for some time to have indulged himself in the luxury of 100 wives,
among whom the two most celebrated for beauty and rank were Hopna
and Popna, one of whom, if not both, was the daughter of a person of
considerable rank named HoriscHonprRo. When GopricHonpro had
grown up, and probably, when he had been satiated with the pleasure
which women bestow, he wished to interfere in business. His mother
had then the art to persuade him to dedicate his life to religion; and
having placed him under the tuition of her spiritual guide (guru) Ha-
RIPA a religious mendicant, (yogi) of remarkable sanctity, this prince,
changed from voluptuousness to superstition, adopted the same manner
of life with his instructor, and is supposed to be now wandering in the
forests. The people of Kamrup are still frequently entertained by the
songs of itinerant bards of the low castes called yog?, who repeat the poem
called Sibergit, which gives an account of GoricHonpRo, of his pious
resignation of power, and the lamentations of his hundred wives, who by
no means approved of his change of life. This song is in the vulgar
language, and its repetition occupies four or five Hindu hours for two
days.
As the father is praised by the Hindus for his piety, his son Horo-
CHONDRO, or BHOVOCHONDRO as his name is here more usually pro-
nounced, is given as an example of stupidity, who with his minister Go-
VOCHONDRO did nothing like other people, and turned night into day,
and day into night. Many examples of their stupidity are related to serve
as amusement to the youth of Bengal; but the raja seems to have lived

¥

6 History of Cooch Behar. [JaAn.

im considerable splendour, and without fear, while the works of his rela-
tion Sora and of his tributary Benna show, that his dependents had
considerable power, and did not require fortresses to enable them to
live in security. After the death of BHovocHonprRo there came a
Pala raja of the same family who is said to have been destroyed by a
dynasty that I shall have next occasion to mention, although it is more
probable that a period of anarchy intervened.

The princes of the dynasty of DHormo PAL are supposed to have
been Khyotriyos ; yet this seems doubtful. The lady Moynawore had
not a brahman for a spiritual guide, but this important office was held :
by a yogi, that isa Sudra dedicated to a religious life; and there is great .
reason to believe that the yogis who repeat the songs, are descendants
of this kind of priesthood, who were degraded by Sonckor ACHARYO,
and who reject the brahmans as spiritual guides, although in order to
procure a miserable existence they have now betaken themselves to
weaving, burning lime, and other low employments. In the south of
India they collect and vend drugs, and pretend to practise physic, but
are equally obstinate in rejecting the instruction of the sacred orders.

With regard to the next dynasty there is greater certainty, although
as usual the chronology is attended with many difficulties. According
to tradition there was a brahman whose name is unknown, but who had
a servant that tended his cattle, no one knows where. According to
some this servant was an infidel (osur,) most probably from the moun-
tains of Tripura; but concerning this different persons are not exactly
agreed, and some allege that it was his mother who was of the impure
race, and that she bore her son while in the service of the brahman.
Many complaints were lodged against this fellow, and his master one
day was desired to view him asleep while his cattle were permitted to
destroy the crops of the neighbours. The brahman was advancing with
a determination to bestow the merited punishment, when he observed the
lines on the naked feet of his servant, and immediately by his profound
skill in the most noble science of Samudrik Jyotishi, knew that the
sleeper would become a prince. On this discovery the brahman paid
him all due respect, rendered it unnecessary for him to perform any low
office, and shewed ‘him still more kindness by disclosing the certainty
of his future greatness ; the servant in return promised that when he be-
came a prince, the brahman should be his chief minister, (Patro). Ac-
cordingly some time afterwards, it is not known how, he became king,
and is said to have destroyed Pata, the successor of HorocHonpDRo.
This, however, as I have before observed, is rather doubtful; and Kam-
sup in the interval had probably fallen into a state of anarchy favorable.

1838. ] History of Cooch Behar. 7

for an upstart, and was overrun by various rude tribes, Koch, Mech,
Garo, Kachhari, Rabha, Hajong, Tripura, Bhot, and Nepcha, who
neither spoke the language of Bengal, nor had adopted the religion of
the brahmans, although numerous fugitives had taken refuge from the
violence of Sultan JALALUDDIN, as mentioned in my account of Dinaj-
pur, and had diffused some degree of instruction, or at least had
preserved the little improvement that had been made in former dynasties,

The new raja seems to have been much guided by his minister the
brahman, assumed a Hindu title Nilodhwoj, and placed himself under
the tuition of the sacred order. For this purpose a colony of brahmans
were introduced from Maithilo, and from thence we may perhaps infer
the country of the minister. There is no trace of any earlier colony of
brahmans in Kamrup than this from Mazthilo, and the great merits of
the prince were rewarded by elevating his tribe called Khyen to the
dignity of the pure Hindu. It is, indeed, contended by Rassonestis,
that NiLopHwoJ was of their caste, and that the Khyen were only his
servants, begotten by RAsBonGsIs on prostitutes of the Khyotriyo tribes
but it seems highly improbable that the raja would procure the dignity of
pure birth for the illegitimate offspring of his servants, while his own
family remained in the impure tribe of Rassonasi1, the origin of which
seems to me of a later date.

The raja having settled his government built a city called Komotapur,
and his successors took the title of Komoteswor or lords of Komota,
while the title of Komoteswari, or lady of Komota, was bestowed on
the family deity, a female spirit, as usual, delighting in blood.

As each raja of this family claimed his right to govern on the autho-
rity of some miracle, it was discovered by CHokROoDHWoOJ, the second
prince, that BHocopDATTo had received from Sis an amulet (koboj )
which rendered him invulnerable, and which he usually wore on his arm.
In the hurry of preparation for battle, this amulet had been left behind,
on the day when BHoGopATTOo was killed, and lay concealed near Has-
tinapur until the time of CaoxroDHwogJ, when this prince was informed
in a dream how the amulet might be found, and that it was to be wor-
shipped as representing Komoteswor?, as it is to this day.

During this dynasty the office of chief minister (Patro) seems to
have been hereditary as well as the regal dignity, and the brahman and
his descendants occupied a fortress contiguous to the walls of the city ;
but the government does not seem to have been very secure, as not only
the royal palace and the residence of the minister, but several houses of
inferior personages seem to have been fortified, although situated within
the immense works by which the city was surrounded.

—

8 History of Cooch Behér. [JAN.

CHOKRODHWOJ was succeeded by NiLAMBor, the third and last
prince of the family. His dominions are said to have extended over the
greater part of Kamrup and included part of Motsyo; for the fort at
Ghoraghat is said to have been one of his erecting. Numerous public
works, especially magnificent roads, are attributed to this prince, who
from thence seems to have governed his country with attention, but the
circumstances related concerning his overthrow are accompanied with
traits of the most savage barbarity.

Whether from a natural suspiciousness of temper or from an uncom-"
mon accuracy of observing such circumstances, the raja on entering his
women’s apartments one day observed traces, which convinced him, that
a man had been there. He was immediately inflamed with jealousy, and
having sent people to watch, a young brahman, son of Socui Potro
the prime minister, was soon caught attempting to enter the royal apart-
ments and to dishonor his master. He was taken before the king, put
privately to death, and part of his body was prepared for foad. His
father, having been invited to a grand entertainment given by the king
eat of his son’s body; for in Kamrup the brahmans are allowed great
liberties in their diet. After he had satiated himself with this monstrous
food, the king showed him his son’s head, and informed him of the crime
and of what he had been eating. The minister is said to have acted
with a presence of mind well suited for such an occasion. He said, that
his son had no doubt deserved any punishment ; but as the king had made
him eat such a horrid repast, that he could no longer. continue in his
service, but would retire from the world, and dedicate himself to the
duties of a religious mendicant. By this stratagem he was allowed to
retire, and having assumed the habit of a sonnyashi, immediately left
Kamrup. His first object now was to procure revenge, and he proceeded
without delay to Gaur, when he laid before the Moslem king informa-
tion, that was followed by an attack on N1LAMBoR. For some time how-
ever the invasion did not seem likely to terminate in success ; for after a
siege of 12 years the Moslem had made no impression on the works of
Komotapur. Although the length of the siege is probably exceedingly
exaggerated by tradition, its issue probably continued long doubtful; for
the invading army had evidently fortified its camp with much care. The
place is said to have been taken at length by stratagem, or rather by the
most abominable treachery. The Muhammadan commander informed
the king by message, that having lost all hopes of taking the place, he
was desirous of making peace, and leaving the country on the most
friendly terms. This having been accepted, it was proposed that the
ladies of the Moslem chiefs should pay their respects to the queen. This

1838.)] History of Cooch Behar. 9

also was received as a mark of polite attention, and a number of covered
litters were admitted into the women’s apartments within the citadel. In
place of Moslem ladies these litters contained arms, and the bearers
were soldiers, who immediately on gaining admission seized their wea-
pons, and secured the person of the raja, who was put into an iron cage
in order to afford amusement for the sultan and populace of Gaur ;
on the way he contrived to escape, and has ever since remained con.
cealed.

The Muhammadans of Ghoraghat attribute the destruction of NILAM-
BOR to their favorable samt IsmarL G’azi of whom I have given an
account in the report concerning Dinajpur. By the Moslems of this
district he is considered as a chief of saints, and several places of wor-
ship are erected to his memory, or over precious relics that belonged to
his person. But this reverence has probably induced them to magnify
the conquests of IsmarL who governed Ghoraghat in the reign of
NasrAT SHAH; a prince whose reign commenced about the year of our
era 1523, which seems to be somewhat too late for the destruction of
Komotapur.

In the manuscript account of Bengal, which I procured at Muideh, it
js said, that the sultan HosEyn, immediate predecessor of NAsRart,
conquered Kamrup, and killed its kng Karup Narain, son of Mat-
KONGYAR, son of SApA LukKHymon, and I have no doubt, that these
are the same persons with the three princes of Komotapur ; for the Hin-
du rajas have so many titles, that one person may choose to call them by
a name totally different from that which another person may choose to
employ; and the time of the events will not admit of our supposing
that a dynasty intervened between that destroyed by Hosryn, and the
one which now governs the small portion of Kamrup that retains some
degree of independence.

In the short account of Assam published in the 2nd volume of the
Asiatic Researches, which seems to me more accurate than the commen-
tator is willmg to admit, it is stated, that Husryn Suan, a king of
Bengal, undertook an expedition against Assam, in which he had at first
considerable success. The rdja retired to the mountains, and the son of
the king was left with a large army to keep possession of the country.
In the rainy season the r4ja descended into the plains, and destroyed the
whole invading army, who were all either killed or made prisoners (A.
R. II. p. 180). It was probably this rash expedition, which frustrated
the conquest of Komotapur, and rendered it necessary for the Moslems
to retire, after a possession of one or two years. Indeed the traditions of
the Hindus state, that they made no stay at Komotapur, but retreated

c

10 History of Cooch Behar. [ JAN.

immediately with what booty they could procure. This, however, seems
improbable, and I shall have occasion to show, that within the walls of
Komota there are probable traces of the Moslems having begun very
considerable works, which have been broken off unfinished; it is there-
fore probable that N11 amszor was destroyed by Hosryn SHAun im person,
and he begun to reign about forty years before the usurpation of SHER
SHAH, or about the year 1496 of our era. The conquests therefore of
IsmMAEL G’azi must be confined to the vicinity of Ghoraghat, and per-
haps he did no more than retain these small portions of the conquests
made by the sultan Hosryn, where he founded the city named after
NaAsraArT, the successor of that prince.

The overthrow of Nizameor is looked upon by the natives as a most
unfortunate event. In the Yogini Tontro, it is told, that in the time of
Norox, a most holy person, VosisHtHo Mont went to the temple of
Kamakhya and was refused admittance by the infidel guardian. As such
persons conscious of their worth are sometimes apt to be a great deal too
irascible, VostsHTHo prayed that the temple might be deprived of all
dignity, which accordingly would have immediately happened, had not the
goddess of love (KAMAKHYA) made a complaint to Siva, who although
he could not entirely prevent the effects of the holy man’s imprecation
(sang pon); yet postponed the completion until the destruction of
Komotapur, and he ordered, that this degradation should continue only
until the restoration of the Komoteswar, who, as I have said, is supposed
to be still alive, and his return is anxiously and eagerly expected by the
people of Kamrup, as some of the events which are prophecied to pre-
cede the restoration, have already come to pass. On that happy occasion
the goddess of delight will be restored to full glory, and the four nations
of usurpers who now share Kamrup, will be extirpated by mutual
slaughter. These nations are the Ploo! or Bhoteas; the Sawmar or
Assamese ; the Kuvach or Koch, who govern Vihar ; and the Yovew or
barbarians of the west, who, according to the authority of the Yogini
Tontro, are descendants of Harnoyo and TALoJoncGHo, two Khoyotri-
yos, who on account of cowardice were degraded and prohibited from
eating pure food, and from following the doctrine of the Vedas.

Two brothers named Cuonpon and Monon, after the overthrow of
Nitameor, established a short government of eight years at a place
called Norolovas, which now is under the government of the Des raja,
and is about thirty miles north from Komotapur. This power was not
only transient, but seems to have extended to no great distance, and the
parts of Kamrup that were not retained by the Moslems, seem to have
fallen again into anarchy under the chiefs of the rude tribes, which I

1838. ] History of Cooch Behar. 11

formerly mentioned. Among these by far the most powerful were the
Koch, who had a number of chiefs, at first independent, but who gradu-
ally united under the authority of one of themselves named Haso. He
seems to have been a person of great vigour, and reduced under his
government the whole of this district except Ghoraghat, together with
most of that portion of Assam which is included in the government of
Gohati or Kamrup. He had no children, except two daughters Hira
and JIRA.

Hira, before the rise of her family, had been married to a certain
Herya, who is said to have been of the impure tribe called Mech.
Whether JirA was married or not is not known, but she had a son
named Sisu, while her sister bore a son named Visu. The former is
said to be ancestor of several branches of the family that are now sub-
ject to the company; but Visu succeeded to the whole power of his
grandfather. As he was not contented with the instruction of the
Kolitas, who seem to have been the original priesthood of his tribe,
nor with the learning of the brahmans of Mazthilo, who had been for-
merly introduced, he procured some men of piety ( Batdiks) from Sri-
hotto, and gave them the title of Kamrupi brahmans, and these form
the second colony of the sacred order that has settled in this country.

To this era may probably be referred the composition, or as the Hin-
dus would say the publication of many, or most of the books called
Tontros which are supposed to have been communicated by the god Siva
to his wife ParzoTi about 5000 years ago. One of the most celebrated
of these compositions the Yogini Tontro I am indeed informed, men:
tions the amours of Hira and the government of her son; nor is there
any doubt that Kamrup is usually considered as the grand source of this
system of magic, and the period between the time of Visu and of his
great-grandson PorRIKHYIT seems to have been the only period, when
the learning of the brahmans flourished im that country. The doctrines
contained in these works admit of many indulgences necessary for new
converts, and to enable the brahmans to share in the pleasures of a most
sensual people ; and they inculcate chiefly the worship of the female spirits
that are appeased with blood, which was the original worship of the coun-
try, and which has now become very generally diffused among the brah-
mans of Bengal, with whom these Z'ontros are in the highest request.

It was now discovered that the raja was not a son of the poor barba-
rian Herya; but that his mother although born a Koch, was not only
of a celestial origin, but had been the peculiar favorite of the god Siva ;
who had passed much time in amorous dalliance with the damsel, and
was the actual father of the prince, who took the name of Viswo SINGHO,

c2

12 History of Cooch Behar. (JAN

and bestowed on the son of his aunt Jira that of SrvA Sineno; and
this prince also claimed for his mother, the honor of the most intimate
favor of the god, whose name he bore.

Although the Yogini Tontro calls the father of Hrra a barbarian
(Mlechchho) ; yet it has been discovered, that the Koch were not im
fact an impure tribe, as had been in general supposed ; but were descended
from some Khyotriyos, who had fled nto Kamrup, and the adjacent
country of Chin, in order to escape from the violence of PorosuRAM,
when that deity pursued the kings of the earth, and gave their territories
to the brahmans. In the exile the descendants of the Ahyotriyos had
departed from many parts of the Hindu law; and on this account were
considered impure. This seems to be exactly the same story, which Sir
WiLitiAM Jones quotes (A. R. II. page 368), from the Institutes of
Menu, and on the authority of which he deduced the origin of the Chi-
nese from the Hindus. The features both of Chinese and Koch seem
to me msuperable objections against that theory ; and I have no doubt;
that both the passage of Menu and the fable of the Koch are equally
founded on national vanity, which, however unbecoming in a lawyer or
philosopher like Menu, is excusable enough in the Koch, who among
the people with whom it is their fortune to live, are naturally desirous of
procuring some means of being raised from the dregs of impurity. On
this pretended descent the Koch, or at least all of them that have adopted
the Hindu religion and have relinquished their impure practices, assume
the title of Lajbongsis, or descendants of princes ; and the other rude
tribes of Kamrup and Chin, such as Mech and Hajong, who have fo}-
lowed their example m religion, have assumed the same title. All the
descendants of Hira, still farther elated by their supposed divine origin,
assume the title of Deb or Lord, and all the reigning princes of the
family claim the title of Marayow ; which among the Hindus is one of
the names of the supreme deity. |

Vrswo SInGHo was so weak as to divide his dominions between two
sons Naro Narayon and SuKLADHWoy. ‘The former obtained the
country west from the Chhannokosh, the latter obtained the country
east from that river, together with both sides of the Brohmoputro. 1
shall now proceed to give an account of this braneh of the family which
was the most considerable.

SuKLopDHwoy seems to have governed without any remarkable event,
and left his dominions to his son Roguu Dev Narayon. He had two
sons PorikuyiT N. and another*, who as an appanage obtained Dorong
which his descendants still retain under the kings of Assam. PortKuyrr

* Bottir NARAYON.

=. i -s ers

1838.] History of Cooch Behar. 13

however, prudently retained the sovereignty of the whole, and lived at
Gilajhar on the west side of the Godadhor where the only remains to
be seen, although the place is also called Atharo Kotha, or eighteen
castles, clearly evince the small improvement which his people had made
in the arts; but his court seems to have flourished in learning, and 700
brahmans are said to have resided at his capital.

When Asut Fazit composed the Ayin Akbery, the sub-division
of the kingdom of Viswo SINGHo was not known at Delhi; although in
all probability it had recently taken place. From prudential motives it
had perhaps been carefully concealed, and the two branches of the family
lived in an amity that was absolutely necessary for their safety. ABUL
Fazi says that “ north from Bengal is the province of Cooch ( Koch)
the chief of which commands 1000 horse and 100,000 foot (the usual
oriental exaggeration). Kamrup, which is also called Kamtah ( Komota
the old capital) makes a part of his dominion.” Soon after this, how-
ever it is said, that the Muhammadan governor of Dhaka discovered
the real state of affairs, and became very urgent with PorikuyiT for
tribute. The raja being afraid did not absolutely refuse to comply, but
in order to procure favorable terms was advised to undertake a journey
to Agra, where he was kindly received, and procured an order from the
king, directing the governor to take whatever tribute the raja chose to
offer. On returning to Dacca, the raja who was totally ignorant of hu-
man affairs, and of the immensity of the sum offered 20,000,000 of ru-
pees and returned to his capital highly satisfied with his conduct. When
his minister (Patro) explained to him the nature of the promise which
he had made, the poor raja was thrown into consternation, and again set
out for Agra, taking his minister with him, in order to avoid such mis-
takes. Unfortunately he died by the way and the Moslems, in the mean
time, took possession of the country, in order to recover the money that
had been promised*. The minister proceeded to court, where after some
trouble he was appointed kanungoe or register of the country, which
was divided into four sirkars. Uttro Kul or Dhengkiri north of the
Brohmoputro, Dokhin Kul south of the same, Benggalbhumi west of
the Brohmoputro, and Kamrup proper called so as containing G'ohati,

the most ancient capital of the country. The brother of PorikHyIT
was confirmed in his government of Dorong, and Cuonpro NARAyow,
the son of the unfortunate raja, received very large estates which his
descendants still retain as subjects. These I shall afterwards have occa-
sion to mention. Large estates were also given to the new kanungoe
from whose family papers these accounts are taken.

* PoriKHYIT’s descendants are the rajas of Bijnee according to the records of
the Durrang family.

14 History of Cooch Behér. (Jan.

The Moslem army took possession of the country about the year 1009
of the Bengal era, that is A. D. 1603 or two years before the death of
Axper. A Mogul general (Fouzdar) resided at Ranggamati, and
the country is said for many years to have undergone considerable im-
provements, especially under the government of a certain noble Hindu
named MANosINGHO. :

The usual desire of encroachment, however, induced the Moslems in
the reign of AURUNGZEBE, to invade Assam, the limits of which were then
very narrow, but the people were fierce of their independence, were in-
vigorated by a nourishing diet and strong drink, and their princes still
retained their energy of mind and had not sunk under the enervating
and unceasing ceremonies of the Hindu doctrine. The Mogul army
under Mrerr JumLa was completely destroyed, and they were compelled
to cede to the Assamese the whole of Sirkar Kamrup, and a portion of
Uttorkul and Dokhyin Kul, which have ever since been placed under the
management of a great Assamese officer, and form the government of
Kamrup, which is about a third part of the whole kingdom. After a
residence of 73 years, the Muhammadans withdrew the ( Foujdari) go-
vernment of Ranggamati, and placed the station of the governor of the
frontier at Ghoraghat, as | have mentioned in my account of Dinaje-
pur. Still, however, an officer dignified with the title of Nawab resided
at Ranggamati with some troops; but it seemed to have been the wish
of the Mogul government to encourage the growth of forests and reeds,
which might serve as a check to the incursions of the Assamese; and
nothing was required of the chiefs descended from Por1kuyIT, nor from
the zemindars of the hilly countries, but a tribute in a great measure
nominal.

The conversion of the kings of Assam to the doctrines of the brah-
mans of Bengal, which happened soon after the overthrow of MEER
JUMLA seems to have put a total stop to their enterprise, and the petty
chiefs, who remained nominally under the authority of the nawab of
Ranggamati, would have been entirely uninterrupted in cutting each
other’s throats, and in reducing the country to a desert, had not they been
assisted by the Bhoteas, who brought several of them under their au-
thority and continued advancing, when the Company’s gigantic power
put a stop to all petty attacks of that nature. A tolerably settled fron-
tier has been obtained; there are some appearances of a regular govern-
ment, and cultivation is beginning to revive, although it is still much
retarded by the constant squabbles of the chiefs, and the liberty which
they take of dictating to all who reside on their property.

I shall now finish this historical view with an account of the western
division of Viswo SinGuo’s dominions, which fell to the share of his son

1838. ] Elistory of Cooch Behar. 15

Noro Narain. This division comprehended the whole northern parts
from the Chhonnokosh to the Mohananda, and from Sirkar Ghora-
ghat to the mountains of Bhotan, being a very fertile tract of country
about 90 miles from N. W. to S. E. and 60 miles from N. E. to S. W.
The north-west extremity of this territory was settled on the descendants
of Sivo Sineuo the son of Jira, the grand-aunt of Naro N. from among
whom the rajas were bound to choose their chief ministers ( Raykot ).
This portion, as producing an income of 32,000 rupees a year, was called
Botirishazai (Batis hazéri R.) but the general name given to the
principality was Vihar, as having been the scene of the voluptuous in-
tercourse between Siva and the daughters of Hago. In order to distin-
guish this Vihar from the large territory of the same name near Patna
it has been usual to call it Koch Vihar ( Coos Beyhar, Renn.) ; but
all remembrance of the Koch is disagreeable to its princes, and at their
capital all additional appellations given to Vihar are considered as ex-
ceedingly uncourtly*.

The following is the succession of these princes ; but among these
after the fifth generation are some sons by adoption, and some co-lateral,
and it is alleged illegitimate successors, of which I have been able to
procure no satisfactory account: Ist Noro N., 2nd Lokuymi1 N., 3rd
VeRN., 4th Pran N., Sth Mop N., 6th VosupEv N., 7th MoninpRo N,,
8th Dino N., 9th Rurvo N.+, 10th Urenpro N,, llth DevEeNnDRo N.,
12th DHAIRJYENDRO N., 13th Rasenpro N., 14th Duorenpro N.,
15th VisenprRo N.t, 16th KnocEenpro N.§, 17th Horenpro N,, the

* The name of Kusha vihar is doubtless derived, though the people now know
nothing of it, from the Buddhist monastery or vihara which existed there in ancient
times, as did the province of Behdr from another monastery near Gaya, or at Behar.

We know from M. Csoma’s Life of SHa’kya (As. Res, XX. 310), that this MUNI
died at Kusha the capital of Kamrup, (so called from the Kusha grass for which it
was famous:) and that the Chaitya ‘‘ of the head ornament?’ was distant about
four miles from the pair of s4l trees near this town, under which he expired (p. 311);
for says KUNGAVo—“ in all the space from the city of Kusha to the river Yig-dan, (the
Toresha?) from the grove of the sal trees to the Chaitya, 12 miles in circumference, there
is not a single spot which is not occupied by wise gods of great power—some rolling
on the ground, some wringing their hands, uttering ejaculations, some oppressed by
great sorrow, sit still, and some depending on religion say, ‘ The lord who in-
structed us in many things that were pleasing, agreeable and delightful to the heart,
has been delivered from pain! ’’ It would be very desirable to examine the site
and remains of the Kusha-vihara minutely, as it can hardly be doubted that the
place.whose champions contended for the possession of Buddha’s relics with the eight
chief powers of India, must have been at that time, and long after, a town of great

importance. The rich valley of Assam was probably then what it seems again des-
tined to become in a few years.—ED.

+ An usurper, only reigned a few days or weeks. t DuarrsyENDRO N. sintouaisl2 ?
§ KnocenprRo, was the Nazir deo who actually governed the country but
never assumed the title of raja.

SR, re EEO

16 History of Cooch Behar. [JAN

reigning prince. By the natives he is considered as a very pious per-
son, for he pays no attention to business, but passes the whole of his
time in retirement and as is supposed, much of it in prayers ; and as he
lays out much money in supporting men dedicated to a religious life, of
course his temporal affairs are not flourishing, and his people would
probably suffer less, were he more attentive to their government; for he
is said to be desirous of rendering justice. At present the whole
management of the country is left to strangers, who are alleged to be
mere sharks, but all the chiefs of the Rajbongsis are like their prince ;
no one is said to be either able or willing to attend to business. It is
supposed by the natives that the gods have bestowed an extraordinary
reward on the virtue of the raja. He has 50 wives, and it is commonly
reported, and gravely asserted to be believed, that all these ladies have
often, in the course of one day, received the most intimate proof of the
raja’s affection and extraordinary vigour. The accounts which I have
heard of this chief from Europeans, who were all acquainted with him,
differ a good deal from the above, and represent him as a poor creature
exhausted by drunkenness and debauchery.

' The Vihar rajas reckon by the era of their ancestor Viswo, and sup-
pose that he began in the Bengal year 916 or A. D. 1509. This is
scarcely reconcilable with the supposition that Hoszeyn SHAun destroyed
Komotapur after along siege, as he began about 1496 ; especially if
we suppose, that a long anarchy took place between the governments of
NiramBorand Viswo. I can only suppose that Haso immediately af-
ter the retreat of the Moslems began to acquire great power, and that
the era begins with the independence of the country, in place of being
reckoned from the reign of Viswo, the impure HaJo being considered
by the descendants of the gods as an unworthy connection. It must far-
ther be observed, that from an inscription on a temple erected by PRAN
Narayon, the great-grandson of Viswo, that prince was alive in the
year of Sakadityo 1587 or A. D. 1665, so that five reigns according to
the era of Viswo, occupied 156 years while the thirteen following reigns
have only occupied 144 years. It must be also observed, that the era of
Viswo does not appear to have been in use in the year 1665, and is a
recent invention which can have no great authority ; yet I do not think
it much antedated, as the government of PorikHyIT, a great-grandson
of Viswo, was destroyed in the year 1603.

After the division of their territory into two principalities, the Koch,
sensible of their weakness, are said to have erected a line of fortifications
along their southern frontier. ‘This still remains, and is attributed to
Mop, the 5th prince of Vihar, but it proved an effectual protection to

1838. ] EMistory of Cooch Behar. 17

his part of the country for only a very short period. About the begin-
ning of the 18th century the Muhammadans, under the command of a
certain Esapurt Kuan, were able to wrest from his descendants the
districts which in the Bengal atlas were called Boodah and Rungpur ;
and, as if they had conquered the whole, erected them into a new sirkar
called och Vihar or Kochar. Indeed it comprehends at least a third
of the whole principality, and that by far the most improved, although
this is probably owing, in a great measure to its change of masters.
The confusion that ensued in the Mogul government secured the Vi-
har family from farther encroachment on that side, but their reduced
state now exposed them to the depredations of Drv raja who deprived
them of one half of their remaining territories. The attack indeed was
on the point of proving entirely ruinous, when Dorpo Dev the Raykot,
or hereditary minister, having laid aside all regard to his duty, rebelled
against his sovereign and kinsman. He entered into an alliance with
the Dev raja, and ceded to him a considerable portion of the Bo/tris-
hazdri, on condition of being supported in overthrowing the raja, to
whose title in fact there were some objections. Having procured troops
from Bhotan he invaded Vihar. The raja in despair* applied for as-
sistance to the Company, and to secure protection engaged to pay one half
of his revenue. Accordingly in 1772 Captain Jones with a battalion of
sepoys routed Dorro Dev, who took refuge in Bhotan. Captain Jonzrs
followed and in 1773 took the fortress of Dolim Koth, on which the
Dev raja and Dorpo sued for peace. This was granted, and the parts
of Botiris-hazari that had not been ceded to Bhotan, were restored to
Dorpo ; but he was placed exactly on the same footing as an ordinary
_ zemindar, and a revenue was fixed on his lands, while he lost all authority
in the remnant of Vihar which does not now exceed cne-third of its ori-
ginal dimensions, and pays as a tribute what is supposed to be one half
of its net revenue. In settling the frontier great favor and lenity seem
to have been shown to the Bhoteahs, probably with a view of gaining
their friendship in an expectation of commercial advantages, that would
appear to be chimerical ; some favor, however, has also been shown to
the raja. When the Moslems settled their new conquest of sirkar
Kooch Vihar, they gave the zemindaries, or management of the soil, to
various officers and servants of the raja, by whose treachery they pro-.
bably had been assisted. Among these, three considerable estates were
in the possession of a branch of the family, from among the members of
which the Nazir deo or commander of the troops, was always ap-

* The raja was carried off by the Bhoteas and the Nazir deo applied to the
English Government.

C

EN ee eee

18 History of Cooch Behar. (JAN.

pointed ; and these estates had been granted as a part of the means by
which the expense of the army was to be defrayed. The descendants
of the Nazir deo had enjoyed these estates from the time of the Mos-
lem conquest, but on the British army being bound by treaty to defend
the country, the raja represented that he had no occasion to support a
military establishment, and that therefore the general had no pretence
for keeping lands to enable him to maintain soldiers. It has been
“thought just to allow the raja to enjoy these estates as a zemindar, and
to receive whatever profits may be derived from their management. The
possession which the Nazir deo had obtained from the Moslems seems
to render the case doubtful ; but the claim of the raja is certamly pos-
sessed of great weight*.

* In 1788-89, Messrs. MERCER and CHANNET were appointed to investigate
amongst other matters, the respective claims of the raja and Nazir Deo. From the
documents presented to them there does not appear to be any grounds for supposing
that the Moslems had any thing to do with the partition of the country into three
estates between the Raja, the Nazir Deo, and Dewan Deo. For some generations the
rajas had been appointed by the Nazir Deo, and it was acknowledged to the com-
missioners that the Nazir Deo’s sanction was necessary to give validity to the en-
thronement of the rfjas. The Nazir Deo claimed a 9 anas 10 cowry share in the raj,
aud though this may seem exorbitant, yet considering the power of the Nazir Deos
as commanders in chief, it may be believed that the rajas, who were entirely indebted
to the Nuzir Deos for their thrones, had voluntarily submitted to the considerations
proposed by the Nazir Deos. The commissioners gave no opinion on the respective
claims, but merely submitted the evidence collected by them to Government. Amongst
the documents submitted, are the accounts of receipts and disbursements of the raj
from 1181 to 1189 B. E. or during the period of the reigns of the two preceding rajas
and the two first years of the reign of the present raja. In these accounts the col.
lections are entered in the names of the three sharers according to their respective
shares, and the disbursements are made in the same manner. The Company’s tri-
bute, which is expressly for the maintenance of troops, and the pay of the retained
Sebundies, are thus made general charges against the three sharers, not against the
Nazir Deo alone; and in the same manner are charged all the Durbar charges and
charges of the courts, not against the raja’s share only. This seems to disprove the
raja’s claim. For many years these claims were under discussion with our Govern-
ment, and the Nazir was obliged to be satisfied, until they were settled, with a small
estate and 500 rupeesa month. At length the Government on a discovery of the
r4ja’s independence, and the Nazir Deo’s subjection to him, declined to interfere and
referred the claims to the justice, equity, and good conscience of the raja. It seems
needless to add, that the Nazi Deo’s claims are still in abeyance, but the raja-has
ever since been endeavouring to recover half the estate settled on the Nazir Deo
through the intercession of the British Government—F. J.

1838. ] Mistory of Cooch Behdr. 19

List of Rajas of Cooch Behr of the SEEBO BonGso, or Siva Dynasty.

1510. Bisso SiIncH-— Founder of the dynasty, and said to be of divine origin ; his
brother Seeso SineH Roycot, was the ancestor of the Bykuntpur rajas.

1553. NORNARAIN, 89n of Bisso SINGH, whose younger brothers were SOOKLA-
DUDGE, CHILLARAI and NorsInGuH. The two first appear to have invaded
Assam, and the present réjas of Durrung Bijnee and Beltollah trace their de-
scent from SOOKLADUDGE; from the third brother are descended the rajae
of Pungah in Rungpur.

1587. LOKHENARAIN, son of NORNARAIN.’

1621. BEERNARAIN, son of LOKHENARAIN,

1626. PRANNARAIN, son of BEERNARAIN.

1665. MOHUDNARAIN, son of PRANNARAIN, died without issue.

1680. BUSTODEBNARAIN, third brother of the preceding ; he was put to death
by JUGOONARAIN Nazir Dro, son of Gossine MOHEENARAIN Nazir Deo,
on which Buose Deo and Jue Deo brought up a force from Bykunfpur, put
to flight the Nazir Deo, and set up MOHINDERNARAIN as yaja. He died
without issue. ;

1682. MoHINDERNARAIN, son of MANNARAIN, the son of BISSNONARAIN, se-
cond brother of BUSTODEBNARAIN. He dying without issue, Cooch Behér
was again invaded by BHOJE Dero and JuG Deo, rajas of Bykuntpur, but were
defeated by SONTONARAIN, then the Nazir Deo, a grandson of GOSSINE
MOHEENARAIN, brother of raja BEERNARAIN, who set up his first cousin
on the throne,

1693. ROOPNARAIN, son of JOGGOTNARAIN, the eldest son of GossINE MOHEE-
NARAIN. On his succession Cooch Behdr appears to have been divided into
three shares, between the Raja, the Nazir Deo, andthe Nazir Deo’s elder
brother, SUTTNARAIN, who was created Dewan Deo.

1714. OOPEENDERNARAIN, great-great-great grandson of ROOPNARAIN, was set
up by KOGHINDERNARAIN, Nazir Deo, his great uncle; but DEENNARAIN
the son of the Dewan Deo, SUTTNARAIN, attempted to seize the throne
with the assistance of some Mogul troops ; he was, however, defeated, and fled

to Rangpur.
1763. DEBINDERNARAIN, succeeded his father OoPEENDERNARALN, and died with-

out issue.

1765. DURGINDERNARAIN, son of KURGNARAIN, Dewan Deo, brother of OoPEEN-
DERNARAIN, succeeded DURJINDERNARAIN, being carried off by the
Bhoteahs, the Nazir Deo, KOGHINDERNARAIN, set up DURJINDERNARAIN’S
brother, RAJINDERNARAIN.

1769. RAJINDERNARAIN, was succeeded by DURJINDERNARAIN’S sou.

1771. HURRINDERNARAIN: the year after he ascended the throne, KOGHINDER-
NARAIN the Nazir Deocalled in the assistance of the British, with whom
he made a treaty in 1772, in consequence of the defeat of the Bhoteahs by the
British troops under Captain Jones, DUJINDERNARAIN was released and |
again succeeded to the throne, on his son’s death,

1774. DURGINDERNARAIN: he was succeeded by his second son.

1782, HURRINDERNARAIN, the present raja who had seven sons, viz. SEEBINDER-
NARAIN*, MEGINDERNARAINT, MOHINDERNARAIN], BHOJINDERNA-
RAIN§, POOLINDERNARAIN, JAOGINDERNARAIN, NEEROINDERNARAIN.

* Living. +t Dead. ? t Dead. ?
§ The r&ja wishes this son to be considered his successor, but he has not been
created Joub raja, (Yuvdrdja.)—F. J. ye BR

q2

ES ——

20 Notice of the Himalayan Vulture Eagle. (Jan
I1.—WNotice of the Himalayan Vulture Eagle. By Lieut. T. Hurton.

In a former notice of this bird, drawn up from the examination of an
injured and decaying specimen, I pointed out characters which I thought
would entitle it to be ranked as a new and distinct species from that
known as the Gypaétos Barbatus, or Bearded Vulture.

I have since that time had opportunities of examining many recently
killed specimens in various stages of plumage, from the yearling to the
adult bird, and the result of my observations during nearly two years,
is to leave me still farther convinced of the correctness of my conjecture
as to its distinctness from the Lammer Geyer of the Swiss, and the
Bearded Vulture of authors.

Mr. Hopeson, in a paper subsequent to my former notice, describes
a Himélayan Gypaétos, and pronounces it to be the European Bird, but
I think I shall be able to show that the subject of the present paper
possesses two constant characters, which are wanting in the former
bird, and which, being constant, I believe to be sufficient to entitle their
possessor to rank as a species new to science.

The characters I allude to, are, the dark gorget at the bottom of the
neck, across the orange of the under parts, which is always wanting
in the G. Barbatus, or of which at least no mention is made by any
author that I have been able to consult* ;—and the relation which the
first prime quill bears to the length of the third.

Mr. Hopeson’s bird, though stated to the contrary by him, I should
conjecture to have been immature, as well as under moult; for he des-
cribes it as possessing brown feathers about the neck, which in the adult
bird is never the case; and moreover he gives the fourth quill longest,
which character if correct and constant would at once distinguish it,
not only from the present subject, but also from the known Bearded
Vulture, in both of which the ¢hard quill is the longest.

Mr. Hopeson asks also, in his postscript, in reference to my descrip-
tion, “ Is there not here some undue allowance for shrinking in his old
and mutilated specimen?” My answer is, ‘On the contrary, I supposed
an unskilful hand to have stretched it in skinning, and consequently
erring on the safe side, gave 91 feet of expanse, or Jess than the actual
measurement.’

The reason for asking this question, is not however quite apparent,
since he has in the same paper allowed it to be probable that the bird
may attain an expanse of eleven feet, or eighteen inches move than
mine.

* Brisson: Cuvier: Gardens and Menagerie Zoological Society: Stark’s Ele-
ments Nat. Hist. Encyclopedia Metropolitana, &c.

1838. ] Notice of the Himalayan Vulture Eagle. 21

I have seen these birds from Subathu to the Snowy range; they
are by no means of rare occurrence throughout the Hills, and at Simla
are sometimes even numerous. They may be seen in all stages of
plumage, from the dark-colored yearling, to the rich orange hue of the
adult. During its flight the dark gorget on the breast of the mature
bird is distinctly visible, and is darkest and most conspicuous in the
female. Immature birds have the plumage of a dark brownish or black-
ish colour, varied according to age, with a few buff or dusky orange
feathers intermixed; the under parts are also dark and the gorget conse-
quently wanting. In those of the first year, the black bristles leading
over the eyes to the hind part of the head are likewise wanting, but in
the second and after years, as the plumage advances to maturity, these
bristles also appear.

Their flight is strong and swift, and in the habit of sweeping through
the air on extended wing, and in the occasional deep bending of the
pinions as they renew the force of their advance, they are not unlike the
Wandering Albatross ( Diomedea exuleus ), and this resemblance is often
much heightened during the rainy season, when the white clouds rolling
through the dark valleys of the Hills, give to the scene the appearance
of a stormy sea. The Himalayan Vulture Eagle, though often seen
by two and three at a time, is not gregarious; they feed on offal and
carrion and the smaller animals, and like the kite (Paleo cheela) will
carry off portions of flesh in their talons and devour them on the wing.
They are wary birds and will not descend to a bait as long as they
perceive any person on the watch; they are difficult to bring within
range of shot in consequence, and unless the fowler lies concealed he
may often watch for days without succeeding in bringing down a speci-
men. When pressed by hunger, however, which in these regions must
sometimes be the case, he becomes much bolder and is more regardless
of danger, though still somewhat cautious in his approach to man. If
flesh be left exposed unwatched, he does not scruple to take his share,
using the utmost despatch and casting a keen glance around as if con-
scious of the theft and fearful of detection. On alighting, the attitude, and
particularly the gait in walking, very strongly resemble those of the
“ Neophron percuopterus,” the head and neck being held rather erect
and the feet, in walking, lifted high off the ground.

The only sound I have heard them emit, is a hoarse croaking note
uttered when angry.

They moult once in the year, during the months of May, June and
part of July.

I have occasionally seen them soaring round in company with the

22 Notice of the Bimdlayan Vulture Eagle. [ JAN.

kite and Neophron percuopterus, while the Pondicherry and Indian
Vultures (V. ponticerianus and V. Indicus) were feasting on a carcass
in the depth of the glen below.

They select some retired and nearly inaccessible cliff or ledge of
rock whenever they seek to build their nests, which they commence in
April, and the young are ready to take wing about the end of June.

On a comparison of Nos. 1 and 8, with the description of the muti-
lated bird formerly given by me it will be seen that the relative length
of the primary quills is as near as possible the same in all, speaking not
only to the accuracy of my measurements of the decaying specimen, but
affording a strong additional reason for separating the Himalayan from
the European Gypaétos, in which the first quillis represented as nearly
equal to the second and third, while in the present species the third
quill, in adult birds, uniformly exceeds the first, at the least, by three
inches and a half.

Thus my own conviction is, that the relative length of the primary
quills, together with the black gorget on the lower part of the neck,
furnish two constant characters, uniformly foreign to the Bearded
Vulture of authors, and I have therefore ventured to offer it as a species
new to science, under the title of

Gypantos HeMacHALaNnus.

G. supra fusco-niger, subtus ferrugineus; collo obscurior, infra pal-
lidior; collo inferiore nigro circumcincto; primoribus, rectricibusque
cinereis, marginibus nigrexentibus; remige tertio ceteris longiore, 34 poll.
primum excedente. In ceteris G. Barbato similis. |

The following are correct measurements and descriptions of birds of
various ages.

No. 1. Adult in full plumage.

Ft. in.
Length from tip of bill to end of tail, « 4&..0
Breadth of expanded wings, es
Length of the bill from tip to gape, 0 4
Basal height, 0 124
Basal breadth at the gape, 0 2%
Point of bill falling below the under inaieastes woe O08
Tail of 12 feathers, forming a wedge. 3
The two central feathers of which are in length, oat Sem
The first from the centre is 03 in. less or 1 64
The second x5 53 ot) Ins: Mess, oF 1. 84
5, third bi », 14 ins. less or Pee oe
», fourth 5 », 14 ins. less or “hs tence ae
,, fifth or outermost ,,° 2} ins. less or 1 0

1838. ] Notice of the Himdlayan Vulture Eagle. 23

The outer feather is therefore 7 inches shorter than the central one.
The first quill of the wings is 32, inches less than the 2nd.

>, second ,, - 0,3, inch less than the 3rd,

5. Aphard + 5y oF 1 inch longer than the 4th.

The third quill is therefore the longest, and exceeds the first by
34 inches.

Head clothed with short and somewhat down-like whitish feathers,
with a black line of strong hairs arising from the base of the upper
mandible running over each eye, and turning round to the back part of
the head, but not joining. A short black stripe or moustache running
backwards from the gape, covering the ears, which are on a line with
the mouth. Nostrils and cere concealed beneath strong black bristles,
directed forwards. Chin with a bunch of black bristles hanging down
like a beard; from thence, the throat, neck, breast, belly, vent and thighs
are ferruginous or pale orange, darkest on the chin and throat, palest
on the vent and thighs; upper half of the back part of the neck, buff or
very pale orange; lower half of the same, deep black, as also the back
and rump, each feather with a narrow white shaft: upper smaller wing
coverts black, with a buff or ferruginous stripe down the shaft, ending in
a somewhat triangular spot of the same color; under wing coverts the
same. From the black on the hind part of-the neck, across the orange
feathers of the breast, runs a band of deep brown or black, forming a
well marked collar or gorget. Large wing coverts above, all the quills
of the wings and tail, ashy black with darker edges, the shafts white.
Tail of twelve feathers and wedged. Bill horn-colored; legs clothed to
the toes with pale ferruginous feathers; toes bluish lead color; claws
black, strong and curved. Under side of the wings pale cinereous, the
ends of the quills blackish.

This bird was shot at Tootoo in September 1836, about 5 marches
from Simla, and was in full plumage, the moult taking place in May
and June.

This description will be found generally applicable to all adult birds,
with the exception of the length and breadth, in which there is great
variety.

No. 2. Adult and moulting; plumage in all respects agreeing with
the last.

Length from tip of bill to end of tail, ol
Expanse of -vings, 8 6
Length of bill, O14
Basal height, 0 2
Basal breadth, 0 23
Point falling below the under mandible, 0 04

The third quill of the wings longest,

24 Notice of the Himalayan Vulture Eagle. [Jan.

Shot at Simla, 16th May 1837, while devouring some raw flesh
laid out as a bait.

Had the plumage been perfect, it would have exceeded the last in
size.

No. 3. Young of the first year, in moult.

Length, 3 jt. 9 in. Breadth, ft. 8 9 in.
The first quill 34 inches less than the second.
», second ,, 0d inch less than the third.
» third ,, 04 inch longer than the fourth.
The 3rd quill longest.

The relative length of the quills agrees closely with the foregoing
birds, something being allowed for moulting. Plumage above dark
brown, clouded with black, with a few buff or pale brown feathers on the
upper part of the back. Head black, as also the upper part of the neck.
Line of bristles over the eyes wanting. Strong over the cere and on
the beard. Chin, throat and neck beneath, sooty black, from thence to
the vent, dusky or pale brown. Under wing coverts dusky.

Shot at Simla, July 1837.

No. 4. Young of the 2nd or 3rd year, in moult.

Fi... in.
Length, 3 ft. 9 in. Breadth, 8 ft. 4 in.
Length of bill, nia, y 0, Be
Basal height, 0 2
Basal breadth, 0 23
Point falling, 0 of

The 3rd quill longest.

Beneath, from the beard to the breast, dark brown intermixed with
tawny and orange-colored feathers; breast, belly, vent, thighs and under
tail coverts, dirty orange clouded with a brownish tinge. Under wing
coverts brown with clotches of black. Upper parts varied with a mix-
ture of dark brown and tawny feathers, darkest on the rump. Upper
wing coverts brown with dusky patches. Quills of the tail and wings
dusky brown or ashy black, the shafts white. Feet leaden blue, claws
blackish horn color. The line of bristles over the eyes is well marked
in this specimeu. ‘The upper wing coverts, &c., want the buff-colored
shaft and triangular spot at the tips, so conspicuous in the adult bird.

This specimen had no band or gorget on the lower part of the neck
as in the mature bird, and is I believe in the second year’s plumage,
when the orange of the upper and under parts of the neck is beginning
to usurp the place of the dark brown feathers of the first year.

Shot at Simla, 20th May 1837.

The measurements of three other adult Birds, shot at Simla, were as
follows :

1838. ] | Account of Kila Bagh. 25
| fea is St. in.
Adult male, Length, ... 4 0 Breadth, se! Sh D
Adult female, dais Ay Dek a OD
Adult female, asus Oude a .» 9 8d

All had the gorget, and it was darkest in the females ; in other re-
spects all agreed with No. 1, above described. s
The Neemuch specimen was in length 3 feet 11 inches, and in breadth
9 feet 6 inches.
The following table will serve to show how much they vary in dimen-
sions.

ft. in. Pai 3s
1. Adult male in full plumage, Length,... 4 0 Breadth,... 8 6
Adult male, ss 5k, AO 9 0
Adult female, om we 4 1d 9 0
Adult female, Sb spd ihe. 9 84
5. Neemuch bird adult, ,, 3 11 9 6
Adult bird moulting, Se | 8 6
Young bird 1st year? moulting, 3.9 8 9
8. Young bird 2nd or 3rd year? moulting,.. 3 9 8 4

Now allowing the two females to be of the same reeth, we shall
have an average on the five adult birds in full plumage, of length
rather less than four feet and half an inch, and breadth rather more
than nine feet one and half inch.

Postscript.—l formerly noticed the presence of a dark line Sina t the
head; this is erroneous, and was merely occasioned by the loss of the
occipital feathers in the old specimen, leaving a few stumps and blackish
hairs.

I1l.— Account of Kala Bagh on the right bank of the Indus. By
Munshi Mowan LAL.

During our voyage on the Indus we saw no place on its banks wor-
thy of notice except Fort and Kuld Bagh. The former presented no-
thing new which would enter my head in addition to the account read
in the work of Captain Burnes, but the latter though in some respect
already laid before the public by Mr. Erpuinstong, still enchanted
me with its appearance.

The view of Kali Bagh or Baghan from the valley which pours out
the Indus is oval; and from the opposite bank it gives a most striking
scenery which I cannot describe in any language. The houses of Kalé
Bagh are built of stones and mud on the very bank of the river. The

Bazdr is so narrow, that two men can hardly pass abreast through it,
E

{
\

26 Account of Kala Bagh. [Jan.

and the roofs of the houses are so low that a person cannot ride through
it on horseback. There are about 140 shops which are all shut by the
fall of the evening, and darkness covers the face of the streets.

Marak ALAyAr is the ruler of Baghdn; he is descended from the
Awédn family. He collects 32,000 Rs. per year, out of which he pays
10,000 Rs. to Rangi’t Stincu. He has about 200 horsemen and the
same number of foot soldiers. |

There are 10 alum manufactories at Béghan and 200 at Moch on the
other side of the river. Each of them consumes 4 Rs. fuel every day,
which is cut and brought from Kachhi. A kind of earth which is green-
ish inside is dug from the neighbouring “ rah” or hillocks: it is called
“vol” and is put between layers of burning wood. Sprinkling of
water produces an immediate fire, and then it becomes red. After this
it is boiled in iron pans which are 52 spans in diameter, and passes into
many successive focuses, (filters?) where it is well cleaned. Jasdhi,
which is a kind of saltpetre, and produced in Kachhi, is mixed with it ;
and by means of large cups it is poured into the earthen jars. For some
days it is left among them where it turns into the large loaves of alum.
Each of the loaves is 2 mans in weight, and the price of each load,
which is 8 mans, is 2 Rs.

The salt range stands close by the town, but the mines which were

lately worked, and numbered 21, are on the other side of the mountain.
It shines like crystal on the face of the hills. The appearance of the salt
rock is very curious ; in some places it is as a sheet of snow and in other
lies in the manner of a line of shining marble running through and across
the mountain. The grazing of the cattle has caused many holes in the
base of the range. The caves from whence the salt is excavated are
neither open nor deep. In the preceding times there was dug about
300,000 Rs. worth per year. The half of that quantity was the share
of the diggers, the third of the malak or headman, and the fourth of the
Maharaja. It was soldfrom 6 to 7 mans per Rupee and sent to Derahjat
by the Indus. Since the mines of Pid Ddden Khan have been
monopolized by raja Goxa’B SinecH, all the salt ranges under the
authority of Ransir SinGuH have fallen into his. possession. He digs the
mines and sells the salt according to his pleasure and on unjust plans,
The salt of Kohd¢ is not so good as that of Kala Bagh. Sawdd and
Bhimer formerly received it from this place. |

The earth of Baghin produces alum as well as rock salt-and sulphur.
The Sikh authorities are not aware of the existence of the last mine, but
the malak who descends from the ruling family of this place knows it,
and digs it to manufacture gunpowder when he wants.

1838. } Origin of the Dud Putras. 27

The heat in summer is excessive and the natives pass the hot noons
in the cold caves of the salt. ‘Their lodgings which are poor cottages
run along the base or slope of the range. The complexion of the peo-
ple is pale and fever generally attacks them. Nearly half of the popula-
tion is subject to goitre.

The Hindu ladies who follow the doctrine of Bab&é Na’nak and
Guru’ Govinp SinGuH, tie their hair on the top of the head, in a

manner hardly different from the fashion adopted by the European ladies,

but that combs are not used by them.

IV.—A brief a@tount of the Origin of the Déid Putras, and of the
power and birth of BAHAwAL Kua’n their Chief; on the bank
of the Ghira and Indus. By the same.

Thad long since intended to lay before you the account of the birth and

power of Munammap Bana’wat Kua’y, the present chief of the Didd

Putras, but it struck me that the authorities who have frequently naviga-

ted the Ghird might not have omitted to mention them. By the late

arrival of the Asiatic Journal for the month of March, which contains
the “ Journal of Captain C. M. Wanpr’s voyage from Lodiana to h-
thankot by the river Satlaj on his mission to Ldhor and bahdwalpur

in 1832-33 by Lieutenant Macxeson, 14th Regiment, N. I.” I find that

the latter officer has only described the country, buildings, gardens and
people, &c. of Bahdwalpur, and has not favored us with any biographical
accounts of the Ddud Putras, which I have collected from authentic
sources. I donot presume to say that it will meet your approbation, but
trust that it will not fail to give you some amusement and information.
Da’v’p was a person of obscure origin anda weaver at Shikurpur ; he
was in the habit of shooting in the suburbs. One day finding no game
he was returning home with great disappointment ; perchance he hap-
pened to come on the brim of a ford or pond and listened to the sound as
if some animal were passing through the water. It was night-time and he
was sure that it could be no man, but some quadruped. As he hada
loaded gun in his hands and could see the moving of the water he fired
at it, which instantly created a cheerless shout saying, “ You have killed
an innocent being. I was a man and not an animal, take care of my
wife and little children as they have now nobody to support them*.”

* This story resembles that of the death of Yasnapartta killed by king
DasaraTua, the subject of a beautiful episode in the Raméyana, translated
by the late M. Curzy; and perhaps the poetry of it may be partly borrowed

thence ; _

ES

28 Origin of the Daid Putras. [JAN.

Da’v’p went near his head and while he was yet breathing learnt where
his family was. On his death he cut off one of his fingers and took it to
his house. He saw that a female with two young sons sat alone, and
en his approach she began to: frighten him. He said to her,-do not
make foolish attempts, I have just killed your husband, and threw the
finger as amark before her. She delivered herself to Da’u’p and implored
his mercy not to kill her sons. He consoled them and asked what was
the name of her late husband, and what names had her sons. She replied
that the name of her husband was “* KEHRUv’,” and those of his two sons
“ Kanir” (rope), and “ Kanpa” (thorn), and his forefathers were sweep-
ers. As the lady was young and had an enchanting complexion, Da’u’p
brought her along with her sons to ‘his house. All the property which
Keurv’ had hoarded by robbery fell into the hands of Da’v’p, who being
a bachelor married her without delay. He changed the names of her
sons from “ Kanir” to “ KreHurR” and from “ Kanpa to “ Urs.”

Sometime having elapsed she brought forth the third son by Da’vu’p,
who was named “ Brrag.” These three boys on reaching their manhood
became fathers of a large family. The descendants of “ Brrag” are called
Birjani to this day; and those from “ KEHuR” Kehrani. The sons
of “ Urs” are noted as Lrbani. As the Birjanis are descended from
Da’vu’p himself, they marry the daughters of the sons of the other two,
but never give them their own, because they look upon Kehrani and
Trbani as the lowest of the tribe.

In a short time they grew much in power and number and built a
separate fort to live in, in the suburbs of Shikdrpur. Many of these

18. ‘* Nipdne mahisham rdtrao gajamvd tiram dyatam,
anyamvdpi mrigam kanchij jighdnsur ajitendriyas.

19, athdham piryamdnasya jalakumbhasya niswanam,
achakshurvishaye sraosham vdranasyeva vrinhitam.

20. Tatas supunkham nisitam saram sandhdya kdrmuke
asmin sabde saram kshipram asrijam daivamohitas ;

21. Sharechdsrinavam tasmin mukte nipdtite tadd
Had natosmiti karundém mdnusheneritdm giramt !

which is thus literally rendered in Latin by the translator :
18. ‘* Dum biberet, urum, noctu, elephantumve ad ripam advenientem
aliamve etiam feram quamlibet interficiendi cupidus, animi impotens.
19. Tum ego amphore que implebatur sonitum,
videndi sensu destitutus, audivi elephanti velut fremitum.
20. Tum bene-pennatum, acutam, sagittam aptans in arcu,
ad hunc sonitum sagittam statim emisi, fato delusus ;

21. Sagittaque, audivi, hac emissa, postquam cecidit,
‘ Ah! occisus sum’ ecce miserabilem hominis tremulam vocem.
+ The versification of this beautiful episode is the same as has been made familiar
to us by copious P4li extracts from the Mahdvansa. The English reader will best fall
into it by repeating it to the vulgar tune of ‘‘ A captain bold in Halifax,’’—Ep.

z
b
4

1838.] Origin of the David Putras. 29

people engaged themselves in cultivation, catching fishes, and many be-
came plunderers, notwithstanding the rulers of the country threatened
them for bad conduct; but they never lent them their ears.

The Daid Putras descended from the abovementioned three principal
branches; and, as the number grew, were subdivided into the different
clans under the name of some respectable person of the family. Such is
the origin of the Daud Putra race.

On the death of AURANGZEB, A. H. 1118, Bana’pur SuA’uH held the
sceptre of the realm of Hindustan, and was every day informed that the
Afghdéns under JE'wAn Kua’n were destroying the country of Sewé and
Dhadar near Qandhér. He was proud of the services which he had
performed for AvRANGZEB against Dara’ Saixon. When the latter
prince passed through Sewé on his way to Qandhdr, he presented JEwan
Kua’n with riches, and trusting his confidence put up in his house. The
Kuan being treacherous and forgetful of the liberal obligations which
he had received from the young prince, imprisoned and conducted him
to the presence of the king at Delhi. His majesty honored him with
the title of BakuTya’R KuHa’n as well as with rich dresses*.

Bakxutya’k Kua’ having obtained the leave of the king to return to
his native land, considered himself independent of the rulers of Qandhdr
and Shikdrpur. He after said publicly that he imprisoned Dara’
Saikouw and planted AURANGZEB on the throne; but while the king
lived he was afraid to rebel or to espouse predatory habits.

When AurRANGzEB expired, BAKuTYa’R Kuan became mutinous and
jengthened his hands to plunder the travellers. Bana’purR SHa’‘H was
highly incensed at this, and appointed his son the prince Moizzuppin
with an experienced army to chastise that banditti. The prince came
to Sewt by the way of Multdn, and after great opposition he killed
Baxutya Rk Kaan and also the otherAfghdns of his tribe.

In this battle the David Putrds gave great assistance to the prince oy
the son of Bana’pur SHA’n, and showed wonderful actions of bravery.
They obtained a good deal of booty from the camp of the Bakhtydris, but
were in want of a good leader, and the means to draw the favorable notice
of the prince and his nobles. Being pressed, they commenced pillaging
the rear of the troops, and by that plan were summoned to the prince.

Moizzuppin asked the Daud Putras the cause of their ill behaviour,
¢0 which their head men, as Sa’pAq Kua’n BirJa’ni, Menpu’ Kua’n,
Ista’m Kna’n and MunamMabD Marvu’s Keara’ni, and Qa’yam Kua’n
IRBANi unanimously replied, that they without salary sided with the

* This account is particularly mentioned in the Shah Jahan Némah and Aurang.
zebe Namah.

:

30 Origin of the Ddid Putras. [Jane

prince and fought against the Bakhtydris, but received no reward in
return. They also complained against the injustice of the prince in re-
warding those who performed no heroism in the engagement, and
forgetting the men who put their lives in danger.

On hearing this the prince ordered them to occupy the country and
desert lying on the eastern banks of the Indus and Ghdré opposite to
Shikarpur and Multan, and to protect them from robbers.

According to the rules of the prince, the Dawid Putras paid half of
the produce of the land to government and kept half for themselves.
This was the first time that the Daud Putras crossed the Indus. The
town which they first peopled in Kachhi was Khan Beli, and the whole
tribe distributed the land among themselves which to this day bears the
name of the respective individuals. After this they became rich, and
masters of the country between Sabzalkot and Kot Quzan Rats. They
also erected the forts in the sandy desert and named them as Jslém
Garh, Mauj Garh, Din Garh and Khin Garh, &c. &c. They are
about 25 in number, situated at the distance of 15 or 16 kos from each
other, and extend to Valhor and Bhalan the boundary of Bikaner. -

On the bank of the Ghdéri the Ddtid Putras built Ahmedpur,
_ Nanshaira, Sultinpur, and Khdnpur, and inhabited the country on the

east and west of the same river from Pak Pattan downto Uch. They
obtained the sanction of the Multién government, dug many wells, mahas
(canals), and also got the possession of the country of Kachhi from Shah
Garh to Mithankot, which lie between the eastern bank of the Indus
and the western of Cheréh and Panjnad. In the two latter countries
they peopled many villages which bore their names. When they grew
powerful they began to commit faults and oppression, for they had no
ruler and never obeyed each other. Finally they became tyrants and
universally took to pillaging the pilgrims and merchants.

In the beginning of A. H. 1153 or when Na’prr Sua’ returned to
Kédbul from the victory of Delhi, he was obliged to come down to
Derahjét and bend his course towards Shikadrpur and Larkidna, where
he crossed the Indus, to reduce Kuupa’ya’r or M1a'n Nur MunamMaD
Katounna’ of Umankot to subjection. When he settled the affairs of
that quarter, he heard many complaints against the Diddd Putras, on
‘which he appointed Sardar TaruMasP Qui’ Kua’n to punish that nation.
Before the Tamidch Quli, as these people call him, reachedstheir country,
they assembled, put many of their wives to the sword, and taking their
children went into the sandy desert where they made a wall round a
small pond to defend themselves. The Sardar at the head of a consi-
derable army besieged the Divid Putras. An engagement ensued and the

1838. ] Origin of the Dad Putras. 31

Persian commander was shot by the enemy: though some say by his own
horsemen. On his death the army dispersed, lost the road and expired
in want of the water, which the Daud Putras had in their charge. If the
water had been in the hands of the Persians, they would have pro-
cured a decided victory.

The intelligence of the death of TatumMa/sp Qouxi Kua’n and his un-
successful expedition was conveyed to Na’pirR Sua‘’u at Mathoud, who
_Yesolved to revenge his losses after pressing the disturbances of that
quarter, which continued to the end of his life.

When the Prince Moizzuppin had given the Didud Putras the coun.
try on the left bank of the Ghird, the fort of Dildwar in the desert was
under the government of the rajaof Bikiner. Mir Momin Kuan and
Diwa’n JaspaT Ra’e the agents of Nawa’s Kua’n Bahddur, son of As-
BuL Sami Kuan Taimuri, the governor of Lahor and Multin, drove
out the garrison of the raja and made the Ddid Putras masters of that
stronghold. They said, by placing the Ddiid Putras in Dilawar they
had fixed an iron pin on their boundary to check the progress of their
antagonists.

Previous to the settling of the Diid Putras in Dildwar, the Réjpiits
from the Bikdner and Jaisalmer countries harassed all the towns of
Multan on the Ghari, and since that time, none of the Rajputs dared to
cross the sandy desert.

The country of Zakhi* lies 25 kos S. W. of the eastern bank of the
Panjnad and the Indus. From thence passing through. Dildwar the
distance from Mauj Garh and Dinpur to Valhar and Bhalar is esti-
mated at about 100 kos. Each of the abovementioned forts are situated
25 kos from the eastern bank of the Ghidrd.

The first individual of the Daid Putras tribe of the Berjini family
who came into this country was Sanpa@ Kuan. He had a son named
Baua'waL Kua'n who built the city of Bahawalpur. The latter again

had two sons namely MuBa/Rak Kaa‘’n and Fatan Kua’n. The former *

was generous, popular, and added some structures to make the city large.
He gained the title of Ali Muhammad Khan Khigwari the ruler of
Multdn ; he also dug a canal, which is since called Sarddr whdr, from
the Ghara, and peopled the ruinous districts of Jalilpur, Katta,
Ghalwhér and Adamwhadr. He paid the share of the Multan govern-
ment without fail, and improved the country of Kachhi greatly—in fact
peopled it newly. The latter was pious and never took notice of the
affairs of the world.

* Lohki means a tableland hayiug on both sides small cliffs of sand.

32 Origin of the Daid Putras. (Jan.

Moupésrak Kun died without issue; and was succeeded by Ja’FAR
Kuén the son of his brother FaraH Kua’n. The successor was called
by the name of BanswaL Kua&n. On the third day of his death all the
respectable Daud Putras and the Sayads of Uch assembled to console
Ja’FAR KuHAwn for the loss of his uncle, and to pray for the salva-
tion of the deceased. Among them were the Makhdam N&strupp1’n,
Sayap BoxuHsri and Makhdim Gans Givari, who stood and turning
to JAN Muuammap and Nur Munammap Kuan of the Kehrani
family, and Ka’Rra’m and Jawsu Kua&n of the Jrbani house, said in the
following manner: “ Musa’rak Kua’n gave a good name to the Déud
Putras and treated every person kindly ; you have no ruler among your-
selves while every nation in the world has. If you take our sincere
advice, look unanimously upon Ja’FaR KuHa/N as your leader and name
him BauAwat Kuan.” At length after along discussion all the David
Putras gave a full consent to the. proposal of the Makhdtms; called
Ja’FaR by the name of Baua’wat Kua’y, and paid him homage. IkuT-
ya’R Kua’n Kehrani boldly said to the Makhdims that the “ influence
and power which they are placing in the person of BaHa’waL Kua/n
first will destroy their own houses and then those of the whole Ddid
Putras.” The word of this man proved afterwards exactly true.

When the above mentioned Makhdims died, BAHa’waL Kua’y plant-
ed the seeds of quarrel amongst their sons, finally levelled their castles to
the ground, and confiscated all their property. He made such schemes as
created many disorders between the David Putras. This presented a
favorable opportunity to BaHa’waL Kua’n to reduce every one of
them to poverty, and deprive them of the power and privileges which
they enjoyed. 3

Baua’wat Kua’y on killing Kuupa’ Baxusa Kua’n Kerahni, who
was in possession of great authority in the nation, said before he expired,
that he put all the rebellious Ddiid Putras to death and established
such peace in the country that a female could govern it without thinking
of any insurrection on the part of the population.

The Daéd Putras had recourse to the late Taimur Sua/u, the king of
Kédbul, and told his majesty that his coming to their country and assisting
them against Bana’waL Kua’n would enrich him abundantly. In 1203
A. H. Taimur Sua/’a came to Bahawalpur with 70,000 horsemen, and
the Kua’n was pressed to have shelter into the sandy desert. The king
driving the Kua’n’s garrison out of the fort of Dilawar, and keeping all
the Ddid Putras under Saa MunamMap Kua’n Bdnozt1, appointed
him the governor of that place.

When Taimv’r Sua’n returned, Bana’wal Kun by his deep policy got —

1838. )] Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 33

friends again with the David Putras, and by their aid expelled the king’s
governor out of the country, and made himself master as before. Bana’waL
Kua’n died a natural death in 1224 A. H. after having governed for 36
years. His son Sa’pa@ Kaa’n succeeded him and ruled the David Putras
for 16 years. This personage received the Honorable M. Eipuin-
STONE'S Mission in its way to Kabul with great consideration, and
showed him every hospitality and favor, as asserted in that gentleman’s
work.

It is nearly 13 years since Sa’pag Kua’n died and his son, the pre-

sent chief MunHAMMAD Bana’wat Kuan, killed and imprisoned all his

uncles and brothers and made himself the owner of the country. In
the beginning he was smitten with pleasures and took very little
notice of public affairs. The lion of the Panjib embraced a favorable
opportunity and deprived the weak Ku&n of his hereditary rights,
which his enterprising ancestors had in the countries of Multan and
Kachhi. The land which he holds now yields him six lacs of rupees per
year, and all his treasures, which amount to five millions, are deposited in
the fort of Dildwar. He has a despotic character and is addicted to
every kind of luxury. He does not neglect all sorts. of assistance to the
British authorities for the navigation of the Zndus, and is the first and
best of our allies on that river. He is very fond of hunting, the
accounts of which he keeps and compares with those of his father, to
know whether he or his ancestors killed most game.

While I was acting in the place of Lieut. F. Mackerson the British
Agent on the Indus, BAHA’wAL Kuan treated me very kindly and
showed me every consideration and respect. He deserves both my
public and private thanks for the favors he has done me during my
sojourn in his country. |

IV.—Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions, Continued.

Notice of antiquities discovered in the eastern division of Gorakh-
pur; with a copy of an imscription on a stone pillar, &c. By
D. Liston, Esq.

I have the pleasure of sending you a copy of an inscription on a pillar
which stands close by the village of Kuhaon in tuppah Myle, pergunnah
Selampoor Mujomlee, zillah Gorakhpur. The copy I believe to be
tolerably correct; it was first transcribed by a friend and myself on
the spot ; a clean copy of it was then made at leisure, taken back and
compared letter by letter with the original.

F

34 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. (Jan.

The people of the village had no tradition to offer regarding the erec-

tion of the column, but it was generally agreed by them and others that
no one who had made the attempt had been able to decipher the cha-
racter, though it had occasionally been visited by natives of learning who
had essayed the task.
- The pillar is of a very compact sandstone and the letters deeply and
clearly carved. Should it be my lot to return to the purgunnah, I
shall be most happy, if you intimate that the inscription contains matter
of importance, to endeavour to take an accurate impression of it, so that
it may be submitted to the examination of those who have studied the
characters of such inscriptions, exactly as it appears on the column,

The base of the pillar to the height of four and a half feet is a square
of one foot ten inches. At 4-6 it is wrought into an octagonal form,
and it is on the three northern faces of this portion of the column that
the inscription is found. The accompanying sketch which I have
attempted will serve to give an idea of the appearance of the column.
The base portion on the western side has a naked male figure in relief
carved on it, two females kneel at his feet and behind him is a snake
_ coiled, gifted with seven heads which form a sort of canopy over the
hero or god. On each aspect of the square portion of the column at
the upper end is also a figure in relief, and the whole is topped by a
metal spike, on which most probably was fixed a lion or Singh, but that,
has disappeared ; not a fragment even remaining as evidence of its for-
mer existence.

Il. At Bhégalpur in tuppuh Bulleah, the next to that of Myle to
the east, and five miles S. E. of Kuhaon, is another pillar with traces of é
an inscription consisting of twenty-one lines; some pains, however, have
been taken to destroy the engraving, and I fear that any attempt to
read it now must prove vain. I enclose as correct a copy as I could
take of the two first lines, together with a heading which I suspect to be
newer than the rest. What I now transmit is the most distinct portion
of the inscription ; perhaps an impression of what remains of the letters
might be got, and if you think that there would be any advantage m
attaining this object I shall endeavour to have it effected. This pillar
is entirely round and is smaller than that at Kuhaon, but of the same
description of material ; viz. hard compact sandstone; it is 17 or 18 feet
in height and about 20 inches in diameter; nothing beyond the shaft
remains standing; but a portion of a capital lies near, and a baiargi
who occupies a hut close by reported, that five years ago a storm upset
a trisula and singh from the column, and that the fragments of the
ruins had been stolen by travellers. The bairagi’s information was not

1838.) Faesimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 35

confirmed to the full extent by replies to questions put to other men
who had known the column from a period long anterior to that assigned
to the destructive tempest. :

An attempt has been made to cut this column into two pieces at the
elevation at which the inscription occurs ; the perpetrators of the mischief,
however, have begun their work in a quarter in which there areno letters :
the writing is on the eastern aspect, the cutting has been commenced
on the west side. The greater dilapidation of this column compared
with that at Kuhaon may perhaps be accounted for by Bhégaipir
being a public ferry on the Gogra river, and by such an object conse-
quently being more obnoxious to injury from the rude hands of bigotted
strangers here than at the other more retired locality:

The bair4gi stated that the pillar had been created in hoiiour of five
brothers, and pretended to read the first two lines thus in Sanskrit as he
alleged, though the last words are plain Hindui.

Bheem Lukoa Aujién Sahdeo Deodustul sadee piinchnia.:....Sowa
Lakh roopeea khitr) luga hye... 1. .isses

The five Bheems whose names are here given oii Cicerone told us
had come from Delhi and conquered Nipal. He mentioned the Bettiah
Lat as connected with this and the one at Kuhaon, but he said there
were no other in the Gorakhpur district, and this assertion is confirmed
by answers to inquiries made of other intelligent natives who know the
district well.

Ill. At Serga a village in pergunnah Sidowa Jobena, about three
miles north of Samour (a stage on the road from Chupra to Gorakh-
pur, and where the traveller first enters zillah Gorakhpur) are some
stone images nearly the size of life ; they have been disfigured in a simi-
lar manner to that of Mata Konr at Kusseea of which I sent a notice
te the Journal some months ago, though a representation of a group of
dancers of small proportions has escaped nearly untouched.

The most remarkable of the idols is one of Bhowanee or Durga.
This has been sadly mutilated ; what formed the nose has, I suppose,
been originally let into the stone out of which the image is cut, and this
has been removed, giving the figure the appearance of a person in an
advanced stage of a loathsome disease. Little respect is paid to this
Statue, owing it may be to this revolting appearance; the brahman of the
neighbouring village is, however, called on occasionally to officiate at
the shrine when a rare votary makes his or her appearance.

The figure which is rather well carved is that of a young girl who
has hardly arrived at puberty. There are or have been eight arms some
of which have been removed, but it is not said that the goddess has had

F 2

36 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. (FAN.

the power or inclination to protect or avenge herself as Mata Konr is
said to have done. ‘This image is alone. About half a mile to the west
there is another of a different divinity of ruder workmanship and deeply
sunk in the ground. It is here that the group of dancers. above men-
tioned is met with on a separate slab of very heavy stone.

All these objects have ceased to attract-much respect or even to excite

much interest, and seem the remains of a people or of a religion that

has passed away. Though taking a somewhat lively interest in remains of
this sort, it has been by accident that those of which I have given this
notice have come under my observation. I had been encamped at Bhd-
galpur several times, and for days together before I heard of the pillar
at that village, and, in consequence, of the more entire one at Kuhaon.
It is not indeed easily found, being situated in a small mango tope and
close by one of the trees. That at Kuhaon stands isolated and is a con-
spicuous object to the passing traveller from every side.

Note on the above inscriptions from Gorakhpur, by J. P.

The mutilated fragment of the inscription on the column at Bhagal-
pur, is of a comparatively modern date, being in the Kwtila character :
the two lines given as a specimen in PI. I. are surmounted by the words
UWA Bat raja jog, in a still more recent character as suspected
by Mr. Liston: and nothing of the five Pandavas or of the expenditure
of 14 lakhs so impudently asserted by the bairégi is to be found there.
Mr. L. has since forwarded us a printed impression of the whole, but itis
quite illegible.

The Auhaon inscription is however of a much more interesting cha-
racter. Perceiving from the copy which accompanied the above note,
that it was in the Chandra Gupta (or for shortness sake the Gupta)
alphabet, I requested the author to take off an impression from the
stone itself, which he has since done with entire success, acknowledg-
ing that with all the care he had taken in his former copy there were
discrepancies and redundancies which he could have believed impossible.

The facsimile is introduced on a reduced scale into Plate I. It is
in excellent preservation, and the versification, in the Srigdhara mea-
sure complete throughout. At the head of the second and third lines
only there are a couple of superfluous letters introduced, in the former
fa and in the latter q: which I presume should be read together. as
faq siddha, ‘ accomplished’—or it may be the name of the sculptor.
After transcription, my pandit KamaLa’ KA’NTA readily furnished me
with the interpretation of this curious monument, which I accordingly
annex in modern Devanagari and translation :

-
a

vy A
a lk

Oy

Journ.Asdoo. Vol. Pils

ue uZ aa asuhanqrs Onorpagy
& Rage sy yds Asa TWN S|
YPE pus sy RR uAAU: HIN IATA
EBON F FT PARE HY OB
HABA HT AAS TRAY Sass 5 YA -
YAU AAI a UsYouRs sea Hug wy
ABALLEE Qo AF emeps ty] 3,5 B
MEAD ae EMSA ARG AYA fy

Eq@emAIHaTe AA |

- Fi

— 1838.) Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 37

Transcript in Modern Devanégari.
aaueayia sufamatecuraatatayat

. Sf say
Tara aeusay ufseasnaay eIaTAg:
ced waiag fafanmand: STAY WI:
aq farmetarncanaad sagatia gua
wMawrmaca aA tia wearydadtya
Tal al fang sae wa fad dfe wat aera:
AAACHS A VYTATA GM MWHeCI Taal
AASRIAST UignTeatay swam wifrary
Ty qa aan aateeafes Facey Hat
~An % EN C €
ware yoye ufa franraaeatareada
agai wutsal ucfe yaarafsarawararat

aaa qaatacsthrecana: as AUT +

* The following errors of orthography are noted by the pandit: ap-
plying @ before yt and w in the second fourth lines. The insertion
of visarga in wARw<fa and ara:tfa Wiat for ata: in the ninth line.
the w final of the tenth and eleventh lines, which should both be @:
and @t@ Wartai in the 10th which should be @rawmarat.

Translation.

“ In the month of Jyaistha, in the year one hundred and thirty-three+
after the deceaset of SkANDA GuprTa, the chief of a hundred kings,
resembling Inpra in his rule, possessed of the chiefest of riches, en-
joying far-spread reputation, born of the royal race of the GuprTas,
whose earthly throne was shaken by the wind of the bowing heads of
a hundred kings.

At this celebrated and precious village, sanctified in reverential at-
tachment by the inhabitants of Kakubharati§.

The opulent Buatti Soma was the son of AmiLa, the receptacle
of good qualities. His son was the very famous and talented Rupra

+ Lit. ‘‘ The month Jyestha in the year thirty and two and one plus one

hundred, being arrived.’’

+ Shantéh, of the repose, i. e. death.

§ Written Kakubhahrati NAM: tfasnaa (sic): the meaning must be that
Such was the name.of the village ; and probably the modern Auhaon may bea
corruption of the ancient appellation kakubha.

I

38 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. | [Jans

Soma, known by another appellation as VYAGHRARATI*. His own son
was Mapra, the constant and friendly patron of brahmans, gurus,
and yatis. He, struck with awe at beholding the universal instability
of this world, made (for himself) a road of virtuet ; having set up

(established) along the roadside, five images, made of quarried stone, of

INDRA, objects of adoration to the religious and devout, for the increase
of his own moral merit and the happiness of mankind; (the same) having
attached thereto a tank filled with water.

This stone pillar, beautiful and lofty as the craggy pinnacles of the
mountains, is the maker of renown: (i. e. records his meritorious act.)”

The circumstance of chief importance in the above monument, is its
allusion to ‘ SkanpA Gupta, of the family of the Gurras,’ a name
so well known to us from the Bhitarz inscription and from our Canouj
coins. That his sway was nearly as potent as the expression ‘lord of a
hundred kings’ would seem to convey, I shall have hereafter occasion
to prove by the exhibition of his own name and of that of his prede-
cessor KumMARA Gupta on the coins of Saurashtra or Kattywar on
the western extremity of the Indian continent. The death of this prince
is here employed as an epoch in a somewhat enigmatical way. Accord-
ing to the ordinary mode of interpretation, the several figures should
be set down from the right to the left hand; thus 30 + 2 + 1+ 100
should be written 1001230; but, as this would be evidently ridiculous,
I have rather summed the whole together as ‘133 years after the
death of Skanpa.’ It does not appear who succeeded him, or whether
the Gupra dynasty there terminated; but I think it is open to conjec-
ture that the whole power was usurped by the minister’s family, because
we find Tira Buarri, a chief magistrate, erecting the Allahabad pil-
lar, and we here finda nother of the same name, the opulent Buatr1
Soma, the son of AmiLaA (BuatrTI?) at the head of a new race, not to
be sure arrogating to themselves the title of rdja, but possessing
wealth and power and erecting pillars in their own name. Four gene-
rations from AmiLa, viz: 1 Amiyta, 2 Boattr Soma, 3 Rupra
Soma, 4 Mapra—will give about 33 years to each generation, which
for private life may be tolerably near the ordinary average.

The five Jndras{ may possibly be the five figures stated by Mr.
Liston to be carved, four on the upper part, and one on the lower of

* Punyaskandham sa chakkre; in punning allusion perhaps to his adorning
the road with these five images.

+ The word seems to be written Pachaindrdm from the contracted space occupied
by the n of WY. The small figure below has very much the character of Buddha.

t The lover of (the hunting of) tigers.

es

ee ae ae

¥9
4

era.

P)
5

LL

Journ As. Soe. YolLW Pi

Facsimile of an Inscription onamutilated Buddha
«af LSKARDO ae Little Tibet.

He OAKES Na LQ NUNiiyg
BADHIAWIT VCOLQARUNG ST
BROUK RYE TEV RRSECIAN IOS
SS SCONES Lele: 2! 7

Vigne cles.

2”)

a PF PPI a,

a,

para vera’

‘SEAL of SIVA on the Belat Sen CopperPlate Grant, PUAL.

Inscription on image af Parésnath dug’ sf atl Aymeer.

Ve MA VATA YD AMAA AMAT
AMezasamaatanmayas(

c scp Wh.
EMauadden des.

1838.] Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 39

the pillar itself, for there are no other relics in the neighbourhood. As
the inscription states, it is placed on the high road in a most conspicu-
ous position, although it had hitherto escaped the eye of an European.
We perceive from this specimen that the alphabetical character had
undergone no change since the time of Samupra Gupta, say in two
centuries,

Tibetan Inscription from Iskardo.
One of Mr. G. Vicne’s first cares, on visiting Iskardo for a second.
time, has been: to re-examine the inscription on the base of a mutilated
image of Buppua of which a sketch was published in Pl. IX. of the
fifth volume of this Journal. He has kindly transmitted the facsimile to
me, and I have the pleasure to state that it has proved immediately
legible to M. Csoma, who has favored me with the subjoined transcript
in modern Tibetan Character, and with a literal translation. He deems
it to be an injunction to the people that they should pay respect and
adoration to the image, and to the priesthood that they should keep it
always in repair.
The facsimile is lithographed in Plate IT.

P Vv

0 TEMES EAE Pera Senay a he a
Ey GS rn eee a ATS Myson): Phe
Vv Vv V O bas a VY.

QW Ha N" AQL'DBN' BAN ANTT BWHIN' DA TT ANA’

V/ x xs
REVS NATAL AVY GS TT YVEN }4'S'Ia TI
Ene Sa HANSA | SSNS TSA NNAAL'S (or WS) FHS
a AY
BAN SV ANA FAV YI'AIQTT
Translation.

the eighty excellencies of the body (visible in the image repre-
senting BuppaA) also (too or again), for along time (for long continu-
ance sake)—with collected clean offerings, by every one the eight-fold
prostration (i. e, touching the ground with his two feet, two knees, two
hands, the breast and the forehead) and prayer at large must be per-
formed. And then afterwards also, by the faithful ones, at certain

times, the paint (or color) must be cleansed, and the Sacristan (he
that has charge of the image) must inviolably observe the established

”
®

a“

rule

40 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [Jan.

Copperplate Grant from Biakerganj.

This plate was presented in November last, to the Society, on my soli- -
citation, by Baboo ConoyLaL TaGorE, in whose possession it had re-
mained for some months previous, having been dug up in the char land, or
land deposited by river inundation, of a zemindari or estate belonging to
him in perganna Edilpur, zilla Békerganj about 120 miles directly east
of Calcutta. “oe

No little curiosity has been astir among the Baboos of Calcutta to
ascertain the contents of this curious document, as itis I believe the first
that has been discovered treating of the Bel/dla kings of Bengal. I should
not have thought it possible from the appearance of the copper, which is
in perfect preservation, and still sharp in the letters, that the plate could
have been long buried in the place where it is stated to have been found.
The seal, which is an elaborately executed figure of Siva cast in copper, of
great delicacy and taste, is uninjured by time even in the minute limbs and
weapons which protrude undefended from the trunk. I have given a very
rough sketch of this seal in Pl. II. of the natural size, and certainly it
bears evidence of having been somewhere preserved with the greatest
care for the seven centuries which have transpired since it was engraven,
and of its having been only recently buried in the alluvial ground,
perhaps by the upsetting of some boat traversing the spot during the
inundation. |

Seeing the depth and perfection of the engraving, I endeavoured to print
off directly from the plate a facsimile of the writing on both sides, by
inking the surface with printer’s ink and carefully pressing upon it a mois-
tened sheet of paper:—the impression thus taken I immediately passed
between rollers with a plain sheet so as to obtain a reversed or rather
rectified facsimile fit for transfer to a lithographic stone. With the assis-
tance of the officers of the government lithographic press I at length suc-
ceeded in effecting the triple transfer with tolerable success, retouching
the writing on the stone where the letters had become too much filled up
by the operation. We have thus in Pl. III. a copy of the whole which,
though imperfect in the finer strokes is legible throughout, and more
trustworthy than any copy made by the eye alone. M. Jacquet of Paris,
I fancy, employs the same method in lithographing inscriptions both from
plates and stones. ‘Their size renders the latter inconvenient.

The character of this inscription is rather less simple than the earlier
alphabets of the Pala dynasty. Itis strictly the Gawr character whence
has descended the modern written Bengali*.

* It is much to be regretted that when first a fount of Bengali type was prepa-

red, the letters were made after the model of the running hand or writing instead
of this which may be called the prin¢ hand, Mad the latter been taken, the dif-

1838.] Kesava Sena Plate from Bakerganj. 4}

Govinpa Ra’Ma, the Society’s pandit was entrusted with the transcrip-
tion of the contents ; and his work was revised, where difficulties occurred,
by Kamata’ka’nra: while the English version was made under their
explanation by young Sa’ROD’APRASA’DA.

The purport of the whole is, a grant in perpetuity to a brahman named
IswARA DEVA SARMA, Of the Va4tsa tribe, of the villages of Bdgulé
Betiogdta and Udyamina situated between four equally unknown places
in Banga, or Bengal: unless Garhaghataka be Ghoraghdta in the
Dindjpur, or Vikramapur the place of that name in the Dacca, district.
The mention of tanks of fresh water, with houses built on the raised
banks for protection against inundation,—of the neighbouring jangal in
the west, and of the saline soils, is in favor of the locality being in the
Bakerganj district itself, on the edge of the Sundarbans where sea salt
is still manufactured. Probably the Chanda Bhanda tribe made over as
property along with the soil may have been the poor class named from
this tract (quasi Sandabanda as indeed it is generally pronounced)
employed in the salt works, and like the modern Molangis, only a step
or two removed from slavery.

Regarding the Vaidya dynasty of Bengal (so called from its founder
being of the medical caste) there is the same uncertainty as in almost all
other portions of Indian history. Some make Apisur the progenitor, he
who is stated to have applied to the reigning king of Canouj, Kanyakubja,
for a supply of brahmans for the Bengal provinces ; but the catalogues
recorded on good authority in the Ayin Akberi place the whole of the
Bhupala dynasty, extending to 698 years, betwen Apisur and Suku
Sena the father of BaLLa’La Sena who built the fort of Gawr. No men-
tion of either of these parties is made in the present inscription, but on the
_ contrary the father of Batiaxa SENa is distinctly stated to be Visaya SENA;
and as this is I believe the first copperplate record of a grant by the family,
we should give it the preference to books or traditions, on a point of
history so near its own time: for Kesava Sena is but the fourth in des-
cent from VisAya4, on the plate; or the fifth, if we take ABuL Fazv’s list.

Aysn Akberi list. Inscription.
1063 SOOKHSEIN, reigned...... 3 yrs. VisayA SENA.
MEG BILLALSEIN,.. ce-acosvecce 50 BALLA’LA SENA.
1116 LUKHENSEIN,...ccecccess 7 LAKSHMANA SENNA.
1123 MADHOWSEIN,,......+..6+ 10 —
Rete SOOSHIN,. cutscccsseea 15 KEsAVA SENA.
1151 SUDDASEIN,.............- 18 considered the last by the Bengalis.
MPU INOWSEH, OF 2c ccccccucce 3

1200 (LAKSHMANIYEH) thelast.

ference between it and the Devanagari is so slight that gradually they would
have become amalgamated; at any rate the reader would with facility have perused
both, instead of deeming them, as now, distinct characters.

G

42 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [Jam

- It is curious that wherever the name of KrsAva SENA occurs on the
plate, there are marks of an erasure; as if the grant had been prepared’
during the reign of Ma’puAva Sena, and, on his dying before it was com-
pleted (for such a plate must have taken a long time to engrave), the name
of his successor Krsava, fortunately happening. to be of the same proso-
dial quantity, was ingeniously substituted, and mutato nomine, the endow-
ment was completed and promulgated. Kxzsava must have been in
this case the brother of Ma’puava.

Little of the historical occurrences of Krsava’s reign are to be ga-
thered from the inflated eulogistic style common to this species of com-
position. It is said in general terms that he kept his enemies in awe, that
he was religious and bountiful to the priesthood. There is considerable
poetical ingenuity in the triple similes applied to the smoke of his
sacrificial fires, and to that of the sparkling of the moon-beam in the
second verse. The allegory of the bird with two dissimilar wings at the
opening of the inscription might be thought to apply rather to the moon
than the sun ; but the Surya SIDDHANTA, according to the pandit, shews
that the sun has as much to do with the phenomena as the moon—or im
fact that the moon, when east or west is, as it were, a wing to the sun:—
thus

BaisreeVa: Wt qqrmecywwt
ESS

wasianfaaagiiuryaryadied ||

‘¢From the sun retreating eastward when goes each day the moon

by twelve degrees, that forms the ¢ithi—the moon’s day.”

The title of Sankara Goureswara applied to all the members of
the family may mean either the auspicious lord of the city of Gaur ; or it
may convey a sly hint, by the substitution of x#T for FT (mixed
race) of the inferior caste of this Sena dynasty.

Nothing is said of the miraculous descent of BALLALA SENA,as before
romarked: but he is said to have worshipped Siva for many hundred
years (in former generations ) to obtain so famous a son as LaKSHMANA
Srna, who seems to have been the hero of the family, erecting pillars of
victory and altars at Benares, Alluhabad and Jaganndtha. It may how-
ever be reasonably doubted whether these monuments of his greatness
ever existed elsewhere than in the poet’s imagination.

The date of the grant is very clearly written in the lowermost line
TE PALe | semvat & jyaistha dine ... but the rest is not legible. The
third year doubtless refers to the reign of Kegava Sena, which brings
the age of the plate to the year 1156 of our era.

Tere follows Govinpara’Ma’s version of the text:

1838.] Kesava Sena Plate from Bakergany. 43

Giaaraetaaray wegcfaeqrarqayaeata fragua
TAIASCs | watataMafaateayaamaqarangaay (ara
Sam 1% i wamenfentast agadl fafisataaat
guiafsaacad|aqiaad au: | sigaheanadutitanfeq,
afaat: TIT VSI WMS SRIM TRACE HAT IR I
gama fafancftastuciedi(acogiamfastaiaaaraet
fanyss yes shat | TavfamafinanacaaHIgS
area fafaxerquanarar Tea: |e | BATATTUT
wa aefa aa ca: ad quilscamed fasta caret |
ae fgaaaiefaeg face nat euwalatead facts
fATRAT a | Teatesstetify caemaiia achat
ariif saaa aaife ayuieents are aad | fates
aaa saa aaa seat aatsaagaa Bat Ate
aa Gata jw vefufeataatfecefaatadafeyursdat
ateatey esate waatest West ey cre | Sea
Sifter we feqaataa ceqenygaaa frstawafia
fenfaty dianfaare: | ¢ | BIRT Awad
Siew cufaaaiticnqesiveal Zu | qaorwadfa
taeraquat ar duaferenewiaaea 3
fefsa: yoy staratu a aaa afar aitatiaac
qa aque: aattaecte waa | aig a
trai: ufigeatrad grea TU faTUg a AAT
Zu |S) sae frasentaataatdetyst aae aa
UIAARATAT AIS: || ala anfaatfertinacaage
aqanaaate ffuaneuenaad feet way ey aa
aranag ufataat aaa afaad qi aa catfaat gaa

G 2

44 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [Jan.

HE wa: fw: | cata aaawar ferayauaaaaar fa
wa fafaursarfacaad afer ater: wey AwaT
qaTy Wathast ArT TI TMA! a faquye aq eq
tat fawafa aa ycraatcatts | Ue | ATS TCU STRAT
GEN aa: feataed ara: siawea feqit aeqayaeat
efaa: | gaat aacgayufaat wat fats Fuet Rt arat
fa Fa Ral T APYTURACAT eT: v2 | Amai efaatsway
auTaeawdaaaTi aa at wqTefaqcarmaag ity
aifa | ats aur swaTTAETTAAaaTE TAA
au: ae wacTaaMAa Wufs 13 | atfaara ufas
uifacuag Fut adiat feared at fray qerafeatea
aaidad! waiyeta athearia face wet areal ABTA
Saeetate afeht aafsaafrat 1 ye Care whe
nuecatcaratar waa ufarac: | staimsiate: yfaay
asagcata: | wy efearraaa fegataat ae fesrai
We UsaeaatecUued sta at faa: cafataaarg
ara wefa vateestast sarstia fecwatath yraratayay
ANAT | Us | WAM ACAI CA_C TAC MITE ATE]
famy Fcuftueqraat fanaa! faars <frai fase wire
qi sam Ad favigizeciayutraesretgearaa 120 1
maAM_quaqacafaae: war feat eravay wansedy
aaaaety free, aAtaafearct feat teacst
emAamcyalfaat waaay warfs Fae: 1 es y athass:
ufestifaas afeat awetitcedfeega aaweet acaa:
MM Ha: GRE: | Hagrancanccaaiang AAI Far
SA AATASIYWIAA Sas | re RGM eats

— eo) ee.

PL] = 3 ayiske
DIBLE Lele A) 1S 2}
Raley
| (PIDUERS
(CREED IBERILEIE]
BU RRILE RS EIBORRIL
IGLOS IRELIMILE2I
LBL ELUSLT
IBAICSiRejcEN
pt PALE
Spee Le 2]
LELWEL EW) BURN DERSLRI IIE Be!
LNGIRDE RIBBLE 2ChiBSILUbe
WIP IBIS BEEN LbEL SB Ee IIs
EZiDRIBBEIRG EL BEINGSb4 ENE!
SEMEL WILLE 22IELF lisIailt BL AlZP EN 7
Hog WIELIRIRE LL ERIE bi CEGIPIE RIANA ble BB BBE Ne Bisel Mills
eb SUbellte IBEPINBE2 Bele HEIR ER ces PELE IB RIbeE SIRE Ree
BPS RIE CSL Elise ibhIGPRRIPIb CRIS sie Ss ReZEIbPE SLB DILIPBR
LZ bIEIbEIAISNBUSI6 = RIELIEINS T/L PEVRIPPERIGIBJEMDELILEL|LIEIBIL
BIEPRIERISBIBILIAU Cte GPRS LPIENSBIsie SUS BISBEI Lets kee 2)214)
lBJbe 2 2IRIEEBEE RI IGIABEROIREEGE SERIE PER IPLIIRIEBP 8 IIe)
DAVIES SPELIVE 2M? CFIA: BAVAIE CEE |ey ele seeietuiae
WISbPNESL abs sIPELI Pass chaiPee lS IIC ere elisisle EAS adnate tit
RUSKIN SBPRBPie6 Piste icibaiel 2) SSB ReGe thee abe rb |) Te Ie be
IASECRLISEI HAILED SUZ GL BILE NIE PERIEBE RINE R ELIE Reh ENE CIP Whol:
| Cl BSIS@GRERRIED| rhe REI seiseC (PO BEAGRIEL EPIC RSPEI BMS) bles
GiSkiG RLS BI SHEHPlsILIbS Gag Be Sebi )PlePibe epelbe Balj slJemglal ge: Lb

MATA

MAaaugheal

ie CO
Tala

fs “hws Paquet
iS oon oe

Peetu Rees

Sear aT ;
AMANTAGAS
hz ane aaa

5s bel

aren
eee

one

ya
vat sige rca ie TA
be er rahe §

He SHEN ICT:

ee aah

ener meth
acerca:
cera,

rata.
aE eae

1838. ] Kesava Sena grant from Bakerganj. 45

qraaatenaifatecatat utara a fea wat
area: | waq mevaacuafafa =rafsatarge fasaiia
aaafaafaetigre AaTgTa: | Ro | fadafefa frwat
atrasranterattfastinatagerytaaataTe TUE v
fudifaat ufaahitatimmt: anagaarara: TasaTaAst
ZU: | 2% | Uasafa at Sita wa waAe aqafy at
GH ACTAARATSAT || 22 | Weal sfaenefeaeway Sra
Gat warhife yfofaeca: Tredtabatie: anitqetaa
afatad cleat cer we: aufaufeqiaca: aes
l RR | CadtaaaMEPeaTataa dana STH TALTAAT
aaaaqayataiaar | fara eft adi asaataayfast
WAUILIMAUUTM MALIA SAS: HAST: | AV TE GT FT
Daa MATISAAMaacg TaUrMEGIa BlCcst
Sea UHT Sasa fea seas OTe TA WAM TT
TABATA RTAUF TAS ATCA ASA TS ASAT ATT TIAA
DURGA A CCAALAUFTE A SAC MAA GM FAST aa ala
qamarmquasaufaarsataacafacsasartyatarargaaa
SATA ACS AITIS Va auAS AANA TATATS ANCA
AGUFLULA ACYL AN ZILATLA TILA SIL (SALA ACL AL
GUPFENSqeaawasaaniaaatys WTAE
CIAYRATSATAT TRAST CAAT AS Te Pear STaAT A
| astettufiatenasaamfiacieraearatiecieaaas
SMA Aeaalaniasan aAIMARAIAAITT
wares ance fausiifairaayayacig Wag
AMAT AAI GATS sae aaafa staat at
feufa v fafeane want auigasayenutiaay faa
TUATAIA LIMA Sastalee TaasrarelaaAaas faa

46 - Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. (JAN.

AFCIM A fay aaa ree ay: HanfeAagariaeswacat
w Sarat aaiyarawgqaay dase sasfesaet
aafearqequtagta: quaga gt qa qwaaaal aaqaiatar
at aiaiataat arauie: Tarerfafarsena acres TITT
ferrmnafeanaataRHETAMaaa Sagal
faeaata aaa fet aaawaraeanfcutten arcfaar
qaattastiea wats yatrarkanfsnaa qt
TATAGA AMATIAY VWI VATGIT Hea
UMVALY ULIMLSa TAM: UATATA aMaRIaEy ayaa Te
THACLIWAN: WAT IANA TA waysIcy gaara
WAM! YA AMARA AIAIVIAB GIG Blas ATyUAT
atta Sfaulsnta Ble acS aaa a FTAUTY Ae imaaRat aA
frat cdiaitaanien yfesatia wRawegarana
faa yea as Vaetarsteanrarafaty | seo agaty:
SicaaaTs aie lesa fafca wed TCU ANAT UIT
VAMIAT UIets asia WAAL ae: Brat | BlEWtz

afta faatt aaafa footaer “fates ata aaegrat
afafe ae actrees wld wees vara gw

cA . © rN = Q
ata fara qunfaadt qehiagu ca cafe: anarlefa:
ag ay aet Yfaay ay agi WIAACAU VCTUt aa wea

agua a fastat afavent frefa: ae uaa ufsacaverfa

aa fasfa ufae: SIaRTaTIaa @ aaa ACH Haq Aaat
Ha CATH AAA HAT wa | Ka MATT gtae stat Haaata
ww AAU fay anaacaerwag Gel afe yeu: WealVal
fearon: | afsancarfenfrarerqaerqMEaTya
AMPIM IMS AANA Gai Stange wcafa
Saracen Acafst Alaa atafay Ts wWaees....0.

1858.} Kesava Sena grant from Békergany. 47

Translation by Sirodéprasdda Pandit.
Aum ! Salutation to Na’/ra’vana !

1. J pray to the rising paradoxical bird (or the sun) of the tree of holy

writ (the Veda) the friend of the waterlily bushes, the deliverer of the three
worlds confined in the prison of darkness, who spreads abroad alternately
his wings one white and the other black (the semilunations). May that
moon shine propitious, who revivifies the fame of him who wears the flowery
shafts (Ka’ma), making by his rays the airy sphere as it were spread over
by the. water of the heavenly river, the earth as if scattered over with crys-
talline mountains, the ocean as if filled with pearls unfolded, andthe sides
resembling women adorned with the blowing spikes of flowers.
8. Of this line (the Chandra vamsa) was born a race of kings, whose
hands were employed in giving rest to the chief of serpents, oppressed with
the weight of the world; whose courtiers filled every side of the world, and
the explanation of whose works, written in incomparable strings of words,
is delightful.

4. In this noble line was born a raja by the name of Visava Sena, as
an incarnation ; who was as it were himself the god who wears a crescent
on his head ; at whose toe nails the raéjas putting their heads (bowing)
made others mistake them for the bow of the ten-headed (Ra’vana).

5. Whose sword plays in the war to the astonishment of all people, and
which (sword) though like the blue lily crushes the spirit of men, though
beautiful like the clustered clouds gives pain to the heart of men, though
black shining like the madhipas (black honey bees) is an object of terror,
and though like smeared kajjala*, is painful to the eyes of his enemies.

6. He, this raja, had the desire of overcoming the sun in glory (with
respect to his spirit), who governed this whole earth by rooting out the fa-
milies of the inimical royal lines by the sleepless attempt of his shining
‘sword; whose (the rdja’s) hands were properly compared to serpents ; and
who was in disagreement with the lords of the cardinal points (Dikpdia) for
the boundaries (of his possessions).

7. From him was born Batna’ta Sena, who by his creeping-plant-like
playing sword stole sweeping the heat of the pride of his enemies, whose
fame was unrivalled, and by whom was stolen the Lakshmi (or wealth) of
his enemies, being placed in an elephant-tusk-like palanqueen at the limit
of the field of battle which was impassable on account of the river of blood.

8. From him was born LaxsumMana Sena, who was the ka/pa-drima (tree
of desire) of the earth; who, though master of immense wealth, did not
‘conquer the bold by stratagem (but by force) ; though master of JtulaT (the
moon) did not accept the dosha} ; and could not say ‘* No” though he was
_* Considered as a collyrium being applied upon the eyelashes or eyelids me-
dicinally or ornamentatively.

+ The word:kalé has two meanings, the 64 qualities and the digits or minutes

of a degree.
+ The word dosha has two meanings,— faults when with raja, and night
when with moon.

48 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [ JAN»

acquainted with all the words; and who, though the most happy of men (or the
bhogindra, lord of sesndg) was not surrounded by the double-minded (or
snakes).

9. Who (the raja) caused three different sounds to be made to the sky
in the three Sandhydés (the three periods of a day, the dawn, the noon, and
the evening). In the dawn the sounds of the iron chains of those impri-
soned réjas who were his enemies; at the noon the loud ringing of the bells
on the young elephants and camels, led forth to be watered ; and in the
evening the pleasing sounds of the manjiras (ornament for the feet or
toes) of female visitors, beautified by their evening dresses.

10. The raja (Batia’ta Sena) being desirous of having a son, left all
kinds of enjoyment and assiduously worshipped Hara (Siva) in many
hundred prior births on the bank of Suradhunt (Gangé) for the birth of
this prince; otherwise so famous a prince (LaxsMaNA Sena) would not
have born from him, who was the head of all raéjas and praised by the
universe, and whose resolution widowed the wives of his enemies.

11. Who when born and existing on the earth, the moon was no longer
solely on the firmament ; nor the kalpa tree on the golden mountain, nei- |
ther the chief of the gods only in the city of the Devas, (i. e. they were
here also). |

12. Who knows why the creator, having made his fond stay in the field
of battle, did not create his rival enemy in this sphere of the earth? His
hands were like the trunks of elephants and his breast hard as stone ; his
shafts were fatal to his enemies and his elephants were exuding juice from
their heads.

13. By him were erected many pillars for victories in battle, high sacri-
ficial posts near the altar of Mushaladhara and Gaddépéni ( Balaréma and
Jaganndtha) situated on the coasts of the South Sea; at the holy place of
Visvéswara, (or at Kashi) where fall the streams of 4si and Varand, into
the waves of Gangd ; and on the banks of Trivéni ( Allahabdéd), which be-
came truly sacred and pure, for its being the place where he who was born
from lilies (BRamuHa) commenced his sacrifice.

14, His chief queen was Va’su’pEvi’ the jewel of the heads of Sutis*,
and after creating whomthe creator thought his hands to have been sacred;
whose astonishing charms and conduct adorned the universe, and whose
Sapatnist Earth and Laksmi fulfilled her every desire. Nay she was
worthy of obtaining the Z'rivargas (or the three human objects of pur-
suit, viz. virtue, wealth, and love.)

15. From them was born Kesava Sena Deva, who was the jewel of
the crown of his inimical rdjas, as was born Saxripuara (Kartika) from him
who wears a crescent on his head and Gi'rya’ (the mountain-born goddess).

16. It is not wonderful that at the glance of him, who conquered the
universe and turned the golden vessels of adverse rajas into iron, that the
iron drinking-vessels of the bramans should be turned into gold !

17. The multitude of his inimical réjas hearing of his strength, instantly
starting with fear and leaving their dear sleeping consorts, quickly enter.

* Virtuous women, who burn themselves with their husbands’ corpses.
+ A woman whose husband marries other wives,

1838. ] “Facsimiles of Inscriptions. 49

ed their ramparts and being disappointed of a firm shelter there, imme.
diately came out and are wandering here and there ; whose (the raja’s)
mind was devoted from his childhood to the occupations of numerous bat-
tles and whose station was praised by the assembly of heroes. |

18. The hands of this raja were not for a moment inactive,—towards
his foes in firing arrows drawn home to his ear,—among the assembly of
polite men in hold the darvha (sacrificial grasses) moistened with the
drops of water, for consecrating gifts;,—and among bashful lovely-eyed
women in loosening their waist cloths.

19. The smoke of whose burnt-offerings plays over the world, making
it appear as though the banks of rivers are skirted with Tépinja trees,—
that the sky is involved in thick clouds and all the trees of the earth
seem to be covered Marakatas (emeralds) and most of the pearls seem
to be changed to the color of sapphires. |

20. ‘Ihe wishes of honest men tired with wandering for wealth in the
forest of Kulpa trees, in the broken mountains, in mines of gems, and on
the shores of oceans, are at last lying under the canopy of his cloud-like
feet for rest, (i. e. he has fulfilled their wishes.)

21. He(theréja) who was like Rupra in Pralaya (the end of a Kalpa)
and born from the race named Gundhapavana and the first of those who
were praised by the famous heroes, governed this earth. Whom when the
contending rdjas beheld when leading their expeditions for victory, they
were struck with wonder and exclaimed, “ What is this?” their whole
thick army being at once put into confusion!

22. Even Saraswati’ (the goddess of wisdom) having lived in his
mouth gained the title Paudmdlaya (whose dwelling-place is the lily)
which LaxsumMi enjoys in three worlds.

23. The wives of the interior of the r4éja who were always seeing his
beauty, when he played with them on the top of the lofty cloud-reaching
palace and cast his eye on the damsels, shrunk under it, yet still courted
it, coquetting in gesture and motion through evident desire.

24. By him who was like Inpra on earth were granted to the brahma-
nas many famous villages with high buildings; which (villages) contained
many fruitful and smooth fields and were pleasant with the sound of the
geese that were sporting in the sands of the rivers near, and the rice of
which became the best of its kind when boiled.

The victorious and honorable emperor Kes’ava Sena Dava, who was
possessed of fame, the king of the three sorts of rajas, namely, Aswapati,
Gujapatt and Narapati, like the sun in expanding the lily-like Sena caste,
the lamp of the lunar line, famous as Karna in gifts, veracious as
Ga'neeya (the son of Ganea’, or Bui’suma) a cage hard as Bujra to the
refugees, the most rich, learned, the great hero, the king of kings, the
destroyer of his enemies, and entitled Sankara Gaureswara, who was a
dutiful son of Laxsmana Sena entitled also Sankara Gaureswara ; who
(Laksmana Sena) achieved his own fame, suppressor of his enemies and al-

H

50 Facsimiles of Inscriptions. [Jan. _

ways meditating on the footsteps* of his father Batia’ta Sena ; who (Bat
La‘LA Sena) was also titled Sankara Gaureswara and possessed of fame, sub-
duer of enemies, and who meditated on the footsteps of his father Visaya
Sena ; who (Visaya Sena) was also possessed of self-earned fame, for his
putting down (securing) the load of victory from his shoulder which he
gained by conquering all. this Jamba Grdéma (India), and who was the
destroyer of his foes, and entitled Sankara Gaureswara,—now duly inti-
mates, informs, and commands to the rajas and réjanyas (the caste of Khe.
triyas) that were present with him, and the queens and their children, the
princes, the royal ministers, the priests, the judges, those who were experi-
enced in war and peace, the chief commanders, wrestlers, the peons who ap-
prehend robbers, naval officers, masters of elephants, cows, goats and wool-
len cloths, keepers of gardens, the executioners, the magistrates, the moral-
ists, peons, those who were supported from his kingdom, superintendents
over his dominions with their chiefs, men that belong to the tribe called
Chanda Bhanda, and their chiefs, and many other-rulers—to this effect:

“ Be it known to all of you that this great raja, on his birthday to
prolong his life has consecrated with water and presented to the brahmana,
named Iswara Deva Sarma, with a copperplate s’dsanam on which an
image of Sudds‘iva is riveted, who (the brahmana) was the descendant of
Vatsa mini, of five Pravarast ; namely, Bhargavo, Chydvana, Apnivat,
Aurva, and Jémadagna ; the reader of the holy texts, (Sruté) and the
son of Banama’ui’ Sarma the descendant of Varsa, of the above five
Pravaras, the grandson of GarBHEeswaRaA Deva the descendant of Vatsa,
of the above five Pravuras, and the great-grandson of Para’s’ara Deva
Sarma, the descendant of Varsa of the same Pravaras,—the land of the
villages Bigili, Bettogdétélodyumina, which is encompassed with these fa-
mous boundaries; on the east by Pranagiéinaténa Gharhdghétaka, near
Vikramapura in Banga, which is in Paundrakat, as bhakti (or as a jageer) ;
on the south by the village named Sattrakdédhi, on the west by Sdnkara (?)
Govinda, which looks high with jangals, and on the north by the village
Panchaka Pagado ; for the peaceful enjoyment of his sons and grand.
sons, &c. &c. as long as the moon, the sun, and the earth shall endure.
Which (village) is perpetually inheritable, well-governed, and not to be
claimed by any of his relatives (such as an elder brother, &e.) and which
contains houses on the margin of pure tanks, holes, saline soils, both the
Jand and water, all sorts of shrubs, the trees of betelnuts and cocoanuts,
and the tribe called Chanda Bhanda, and in which (ere he has consecrated
it) he caused the ponds to be made, and the nut and cocoanut trees to be
planted. Besides he has given him the power of punishing the Chanda
Bandas.

F Uarat*arTea reflecting on his feet, or the hereditary successor of.—Ep.

t+ The disciples of the Munt from whose progeny were the brahmans descended.

{ Paundra is the country extending from Rangpur across the Ganges to the
Jangalmehals, including most of Bengal. Wils. Dict.—Ep.

1888.) Ballaia inscription from Bikergany. 51

“In this copper sésanam are written 300 (perhaps bigés.)

“ Therefore you must allow him to enjoy the same ; as also shall the
future rajas maintain it, with consideration that deprivation will doom them
to hell, and maintaining will do glory to their virtue.

Some religious Slokas are written on this subject.

“ When any body gives land, his ancestors praise and boast themselves,
saying that a land-giver is born in our race, and he will be the deliverer
of us. He that presents lands and he that receives it, both of them are
worthy of going to heaven.

Again: “ this earth though enjoyed by several kings as Saga7 raja, &c.
&c. yet whenever any one possess it he is the svle enjoyer of its produce.

“« He that deprives the land given by him or by any other person will
rot in ordure, being born insects in it with his forefathers.

*“« He who presents land lives 60,000 vears in heaven, but he who abuses
or disregards it is doomed to hell for the same period.

“ The effects of giving other things are to be enjoyed for one life*.

*« Men, considering human life and prosperity as fickle as the water on
the leaf of the lily, and understanding what is already said, should not
destroy the fame of others.

“ This sdsanam of the (prince) whose feet are kissed by a hundred
ministers: (signed on his part by)

‘< His Majesty’s almoners the high in authority, Sriman Mapyasa
Karanani; Srimahé MapanaKa Karawnant; Srimat Karananl.

“‘ In the year (of reign) 3 ; the month Jyaistha on the day—’ (the rest
obliterated.

4. Inscriptions on Jain images from Central India.

In the course of the year 1836, a number (nine or ten) of Jain
images of marble were exhumated at Ajmir, from what is now a Musal-
m4n burial-ground, and in the immediate neighbourhood of an old Jain
temple beyond the Durgah of the Khawaja Sdhib on the ascent to
Térdgarh. Lieut. E. Mappen, in obligingly communicating the
above intelligence, furnished me with a copy of the line of writing in-
scribed on the base of three of the images, in hopes it might afford some
‘historical aid, however limited, to our store of dates and names. One of
these inscriptions I have inserted at the foot of Plate II. Omitting the draw-
ing of the naked Jain saint kindly made by Lieut. OLDFIELD, because it
differs in nothing from the ordinary images of the Digambarvi class, so fre-
quently represented ;they are seated cross-legged with their hands joined;
their ears are long and split, and their hair in the small round knebs or
curls which have led many to give these images an African origin.

* In this half sloka, afew words are wanting to complete the verse, the
meaning of which should be ‘‘ but the effects of presenting land are enjoyable
for endless lives.”’

a

52 Facsimiles of Inscriptions. | Jan
The following version of several of the inscriptions was attempted by

Lieut. Mappen’s pandit at Ajmir. The first being intended for that

represented in the plate.

q PAT eRe. VI Tels GH TYAS Taal area wast
asfas fared? sane asafearaofaatarctrar: |

R Haq pRss aay Vey. Was Gaea slaragea: gfaat
ALIN YAIGAA TU wa saat auraarfaaa
eautaat sfaeriiafaat | ,

Q Wad YwRRse BHsTs YR TUles ayael FAIA we
sfareata caus saafafaet | |

g Faq (Aso FATT TT Vw SWS Tay TwaTTal BTR
aay ofretua Aareare vfsat Ware aise |

y dad wae at safes gH BruTalfus @afamaraed
afsataca asaiisar gaafa | |

¢ Haq hey Bamgte & Bras Aeridtad ufeaqaaRa
wifaata ufaaraticat |

HI ATA AT Btar Fat aT faa He at HAT aT AT

aia Rt Be Saat aia feaqa weraarey |

Whatever may be the correctness of the rest, the plate specimen cer-
tainly does not accord with the pandit’s version as to the name of the
jmage, which is clearly Prajitindth, one of the 24 Jain saints : another is

* as evidently Mallinatha pratima karapita ‘ the image of MALLINa’

THA was caused to be made, —and doubtless the whole would be found
jn any list of the Jain Zirthankaras (see Useful Tables 87). Parswa-
natha, Varddhamdana, Vasupddya, and Chandraprabha of this list
are found in the present inscriptions. The inscriptions are couched in
the Prakrit dialect, and their chief merit is in being specimens of the Jain
character of the 12th century. I read the line in the Plate thus :

Sam. 1239 Pha. sudi 4, Sukreé ; sadhuviha-acharyyamadana Srt
Putra pandu (?) lahadena, Prajitanitha pratima kdrapitda.”

1838. ] Account of the ruins of Jéjipur. 58

VI.—Extracts from the Journal of Lieut. MArKuAm KirTokr, sub-
mitted to the Asiatic Society at the meeting of the 6th Oct. 1836.—
Ruins and Pillar at Jajipur.

Sunday the 27th Nov.—Halt to-day.

Having made previous arrangements for a visit to Jajipur, I started
at 4 a. M. in company with about a hundred men of the corps proceed-
ing to pay their devotions at the famous ¢irath or khetr resting (as the
Hindus assert) on the navel of the great Gaya Asura. At this place all
good Hindus make offerings to their deceased relatives termed “ pinda
_ pharna:” a notice of the ceremonies attending which is to be found in
STIRLING’s account of Orissa. I had no leisure to make many inquiries
or to visit every object worthy of notice, yet I still saw a great deal
which duly repaid me for my long ride of six miles there and six back
again with a burning sun over my head.

The first place I visited was the mosque in the outskirts of the town,
where there formerly stood the palace of the Sabehdars of the province
MuwamMmap Taki’ Kuya’xn, Apu Nasar Kua’n and others. The
mosque is rather a pretty object but of rough workmanship.

Over the centre archway is an inscription of five verses placed. in
five “ howducs” or compartments in the style of the reign in which the
mosque was built, the verses run thus: ‘

w\bin< lps BaF yy HLS wise, gla dj SH ens) ls hs
gs dae OS Uy ale yt yo
dplyd fake dh LUG apis |

oy wldyaipl yles 3! gry lay vbderl pid ph Bee lS thy

The English of which is nearly as follows:

1
‘““ May the Shadow of the insignia of the Emperor AuraNnazEB
Be spread as long as the stars cast their light (shine. )

4
The praises and good qualities of the excellent Nawab
Are greater than in the power of the poet to describe.

3
In the town of Jdjipér he laid the foundations of a mosque
Beneath the domes of which the nine heavens are hidden.

> =o

a

le

=)

D4 Journal of a trip to Cuttack, (JAN.

4,
Oh would you hear the angels recite the prayers
You must pass one night therein,
5
As the mosque was made in the time of A’pu Nassar Kna’n
So-its date is “ the time of the Nawéb A’su Nassar Kua’n.”

The year of the Hegira 1093 A. D. 1686. *

By this inscription it would appear that the mosque was built in
A. D. 1686 by the Nawab Asu Nassar Kua’n and not MuHAMMaD
Taki’ Kuan as stated by Mr. STIRLING.

At a short distance from the mosque is a dargah or shrine of a
Mussulman saint who destroyed a famous temple and converted the
terrace,on which it stood, into an open mosque and burial-place for
himself and family. Beneath the terrace are three idols of enormous
dimensions and exquisite sculpture, representing Indr4ni, Vardha and
Kali: the latter figure is the most worthy of notice though a more
hideous object could not well be imagined,—it resembles (as it were) a
living skeleton of an old fury. Mr. StiriLine gives a good account of
these finespecimens of ancient Hindu sculpture ; it is much to be regret-
ted that these idols have so suffered from the mason’s chisel, in late years
employed by an European officer to detach “relics!” A part of the
mund-mdla of Kali and a hand of Indrani have been thus lost. It is
also a great pity that these curiosities are not removed to the museum
in Calcutta (which could easily be done in the rainy season) and thereby
placed out of the reach of such would-be-antiquarian relic hunters.

The following are the dimensions of the figures.

Ka’t1’, base 6 feet 04 inch; height 9 feet ; thickness at the base 1 foot
4 inches.

InprRa’nI’, height 8 feet 10 inches; breadth at the base 5 feet 9
inches ; thickness ditto 3 feet 14 inches.

Vardua, height 9 feet 10 inches ; breadth at the base 5 feet 11 inches; ©
thickness ditto 3 feet 64 inches.

I regretted my inability (for want of time) to make drawings of the
three figures.

Having through the attention and exceeding politeness of the Mun-
sif ABpuL Autp (who resides near the mosque) procured guides to shew
me all that is to be seen in and near Jijipur, I visited the different
temples, none of which are worthy of notice or at all ancient, though

‘they occupy the places of those destroyed by the Muhammadan conquer-

ors. About a mile and a half from the mosque behind the town, I was
shewn a very elegant pillar of which the accompanying is a sketch ; it is

Set!
\e AY NE {/
: AY h! |
AVA \
Yay NY
WAIN
RA
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ORE
Saw NY im
NEw

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Vol. Vit. Pl. 1

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MK. est ; BEISittoe Lcth*

1838. ] Ruins of Jajipur. 55

of black chlorite and highly polished. I could obtain no information
worthy of credit regarding it ; it is called Stvastambha and is 85 feet high ;
the shaft is 19 feet 8 inches, the base 6 feet, consequently the capital
is 9-4, consisting of three separate blocks which have been shaken out
of their original position : indeed I doubt their originality.

The column is a polygon of 16 sides slightly concave. It would be
useless conjecturing the origin of this elegant column, or even the former
locality of it; it certainly was not always in its present situation but has
been fixed in some building, perhaps a terrace, now no longer in existence.

Want of time again prevented my visiting a curious place said to be
on a hill 3 miles off, but, God willing, I shall pay a special visit to Jaji-
pur at some future period, where I shall devote a few days to hunting
out and remarking upon all its now unknown curiosities.

I remarked a number of Jain and Buddhist figures in different places
scattered about.

I omitted to state that an assertion of the villagers that a fine figure of
Garuda was formerly at the top of the pillar and had flown away and
alighted a mile off when Ka’LA’pA’HA’R came to commit his ravages at
Jdjipur ; since which it had remained there and had had a small temple
erected overit. Curiosity led me to the spot : I was shewn within a small
templean elegantly executed figure of Garuda of black chlorite, a sketch of
which I annex; it rests on a shaft (sunk in the ground) exactly similar
in dimensions to the Stvastambha and may probably have belonged to it.

In the suburbs [ remarked an ancient bridge similar to that over the
Kanse-banse* but nearly buried in the earth, the accumulation of ages.
A river called Mudagir, used in former times to flow through it, but
of which there is scarcely a visible sign left ; the bridge is of itself very
ancient and constructed of materials taken from buildings of more remote
date still. Figure (1) is an elevation of one of the arches+ which struck
me as very peculiar: it will be observed that there is a regular keystone
in lieu of the more common block architrave. Figure (2) shews the
manner in which the stones project and are finished off on the starlings,
that is, on the face towards the stream.

The huts and houses in the town (which is very straggling) are re-
markably neat and are all on stone terraces{ raised to the height of 4
and 5 feet, a very necessary precaution in a place subject to inunda-
tions as this is; the country is a very few feet higher than the bed of the

* This is the place alluded to in the Udayagiri inscription, see last No.—Ep.

t+ A represents the face towards the strears, and B the opposite side. The
actual form of the arch is not altered by this arrangement.

} Hewn stones from the different ruins.

-

56 Remarks on a comparative vocabulary [JAN

Baitarani. There are numerous tanks and swamps which together with
the forest of cocoanut and other trees as well as bamboos must render
it very unhealthy.

The brahmans are more troublesome here than in any place I have
ever yet visited; they complained loudly of their loss since the high
road through Akua Padda had been established, which deterred pil-
grims from visiting their khetr*. I must now take leave of Jéjipur
and conclude with stating that I returned to camp late in the evening —
much fatigued, having been in motion alternately on foot and on horse-
back for the space of fourteen hours; but I considered myself amply
repaid for my trouble.

Vil.—Remarks on “a Comparison of Indo-Chinese Languages, &c.
By the Rev. W. Morton.

The paper which appeared, under the above title, in the last, or December
No. of the Journal of the Asiatic Society, was no doubt perused with much
interest by many of the readers of that periodical. The importance of
such a comparison, as was therein partially instituted, of the very yu-
merous languages or dialects spoken both within and beyond the Ganges,
is, in every point of view, very considerable. Whether we aim at amelio-
rating the civil institutions of the various tribes among whom they are the
media of intercourse, or to communicate to them the arts and sciences and
purer religion of the west, and to elevate them above the debasing in-
fluence of cruel, impure and abominable superstitions; or whether we
seek merely to obtain an accurate as well as extensive acquaintance with
these various dialects —in all points of view such investigations, as those
in question, are most important; and the present efforts to obtain in-
formation of a philological nature by the Sadiya missionaries, directed to
these ends are cousequently highly laudable.

I. Of their execution of the task undertaken I can say but little, and
that little must almost be confined to the language of our own Province
of Bengal. Of course the excellent individual who furnished the ‘* Com-
parison,” will take my observations in good part, as my design is simply,
and in good faith, to throw in my mite of aid to him in his useful in-
vestigations, as well as to draw the attention of others to the subject.

1. In the “ Comparison of the Bengéli and Asémese,” it is stated that
*‘ above six-tenths of the most common words are identical, except with
slight variations of pronunciation.” Now I have carefully examined
the list of words from which this conclusion is drawn, and find that up-
wards of eight-tenths would be the more correct statement ; and that, of the
60 words, 50 are identical in Beng4li and Asémese. For, the most has not
been made of the analogy. between the two languages, by the introduction,

* The highway to Cuttack lay through Jdjipur before the new road was made.

1838. ] Remarks on Indo-Chinese Languages. 57

into the Bengéli column, of such secondary forms in current use as come far
nearer, in many cases, to the Assamese terms,than those given in the “* Com-
parison.” Thus béyu is compared with botéh, while bét, equally a Bengali
form, is omitted. So, with asthi a bone, should have been given hdr ; with
karna, kén; with hasti, hati ; with pité, bép ; with matsya, miéchh ; for
pushpa, phul ; for mastak, mur ; with shringa, shing ; with bdénar, bandar ;
with chandra, chand ; for janant, mé ; with rétri, rét ; with tail, tel ; for
prastar, shilé ; with danta, dént ; with grém, gdén ; all identical, or very
nearly so, with the Assamese of the table.

In the same use of secondary forms, the results of comparison with
some of the other columns also would be slightly varied ; as the Bengali go,
a cow, would much more nearly resemble the Khamti ngé and Siamese
ngoa, than garu (the only form given) from which the Assamese gér% is
drawn. Thus too, were ¢ej and /auha given in the Bengéli column, for blood
—with the former, signifying vigour, the principle of vigour (and so applied
to the brain, marrow, bile, semen, &c.) would agree the Assamese fez, the
Jili tashai, the Koreng tazyai, &c. while the latter would appear to have
originated the Khamti /eit and Siamese J/iiat; whereas rakta shews no
agreement with either. The Assamese pérud, an ant, might shew a resem-
blance to the Bengali pinpard, though none with pipiliké, &c. These,
and others we shall reduce to a table as follows.

English. Bengali. Asamese.

Air bat botéh

Ant pinpara porua

Arrow shar Cor. sar

Blood tej], lauha tez, Kha, leit, St. liat, Jt. tashai, Kor.
tazyai

Boat nau, dingi nau, Ana. ding

Bone har har Man. sari, Song. karau, Ch. sori, C. T.
ura, S. 7. aré, Lu. arii, N. T. artikéu

Cat marjar

and my4o, acat’s mewing, :
whence myaokari, the mewer mekdri Kh. mit, Si.meau, Gar. menggé, Song.

and Kor, myauna, An, meyit

Cow Z0 Kh. ngé, Si. ngda

Dog - shwa —_—— Bar. kbwé, Sing. kwi, M. hwi, Song.
shi, Kap. &c., wi. An. shé

Ear kan kan Ji. and Kap. kana, Koren. kon. Ch.
‘-khund, Lu. khana

Elephant danti Mish, datén

Father bap, bapu, béba, bupai, Ak, &bba, Abor. babu, Maring, papa, &c.

Fire poran (to burn) Co. par

Fish m&chh mas

Flower phul phal

Foot pa Mar. Lu. and Song. phai, Ch. aphat

Hair lom Anam. long

Hand pani Song. ban, Mar. van, Ch, apan, Lu. ping

Head mur mur, Co. mari

Horn shing hing, Ak. kung, An. sting

Leaf parna, pén Koreng. pant

Moon chénd jun, Si, ditan

Mother ma Kh, An. and Si. me, Bar. amé, Kar. mo,

Mountain

ai (mat: grand- ai
mother)
adri

Garo amé, M. ima, Co, omi

Abor, adi

58 Remarks on Indo-Chinese Languages. . | [Sans
Salt lun lun
Sky swarga (heaven) Garo, srigi
Stone shila hil, deh. hin, Si. hin
Sun tapan _ St, tawan
dahan (burning) Ak. dahani
Tiger sing, (properly a lion,) Kh. sei, Si. stia, Lu. sangkhi, N. T.
sakhwii, C. T. sakwi, &c.

Village - gan gaun

Thewriter will no doubt be glad to obtain the Bengali forms above
given.

2. The seven cases stated to belong to Assamese Nouns, are the same in
number and order with those of Bengali nouns: and it is by no means (as
asserted in the ‘‘ Comparison, &c.”) a peculiarity in Assamese that “ two
pronouns are used for the 2nd person, according as the person addressed is
superior or inferior to the speaker.” The same -obtains in Bengéli also,
and is extended to the 3rd person likewise, with a similar terminational
change in the verb. Thus—

Ist pers: ami mari Plural amra mari
Qnd inferior tui méaris tora maris
2nd superior tumi mara tomra mara
8rd inferior se mare tahara mare
3rd superior __tini maren tanh4ré méren.

3. The comparison of adjectives in Bengéli is effected by a similar pro.
cess to that erroneously stated to be peculiar to the Assamese. Thus tahé
haite bara, greater than that ; sakal haite bara, greatest of all. All
the other grammatical minutia particularized, equally apply. Also
what are termed in the “ Comparison, &c.” numeral affixes, are of ordinary
use in Bengéli; so that the analogy of the two languages is much closer
than supposed in the “ Comparison.”

Il. The fact stated by Captain Gordon, of the various very minute por-
tions of the population employing a variety of dialects often nearly unin-
telligible to their next neighbours, is most observable. And, the same
multiplied diversity having existed among the numerous aboriginal tribes of
South America,the inference is just, that dialects are most numerous in the
infancy of nations and tribes : while, in proportion as, with the cessation of
hereditary feuds and the extension of national intercourse, they become civi-
lized and educated, they approximate also in the use of a common language,
Hence it may be confidently expected that, as the blessings of knowledge
and refinement, peace, commerce and true religion, are extended among
these 27 nations, at present using so many vernacular media, the customs
and languages of the smaller tribes will merge into those of the larger, and
those of common origin again approach each other and ultimately coalesce,
The philanthropist must ardently desire so happy a consummation ; since
no one thing, perhaps, so fatally impedes the progress of mankind as those
endless subdivisions, of which these multiplied tongues are first a conse-

quence and then a confirmation, ever exciting to jgeloupies and hostilities

of most injurious operation.

Se! eee sh LULU

1838. ] Remarks on Indo-Chinese Languages. 59

It may therefore fairly be a question how far the intelligent missionaries
at Sadiya and elsewhere, might be justified in endeavouring to anticipate
in some measure the work of time. It will scarcely be disputed that a
translation of the Scriptures, (unless in very minute portions) for such
a tribe, for instance, as that of Champhung, speaking a dialect understood
only by thirty or forty families, would be most preposterous. Much may,
no doubt, be done to diminish these. fractions of language, and the Babel
confusion and difficulty they occasion, by the judicious efforts of our
political Agents and Missionaries in the ultra-Gangetic and other regions.
Much prudence will indeed be required to avoid exciting the hostility
of national prejudices, and other impediments to universal improvement.

In many cases, however, little difficulty would be experienced in con-
fining translations, &e. to a more general language, which would ultimately
supersede the more confined colloquial idioms. Thus, it is stated that
“the majority (of the Champhung families) can speak more or less of
Manipuri, or the languages of their more immediate neighbours.” = Again
that ‘ dialects so nearly similar, as are those of the northern and central
Tangkhuls, are generally intelligible to the adult male population on
both sides ; while the women and children, who rarely leave their homes,
find much difficulty in making themselves (mutually) understood.” In
these and similar cases, the way is plain ; to extend education in the com. |
mon or nearly common language; then, as the want of intellectual and
especially of religious supply is felt, it will be sought in the language of
the printed books.

III. Intimately connected with this point is that of the character to be
taught to a people having none of their own. It should seem good, as a
general principle, to employ, in such instances, the one used by the dominant
neighbouring nation, especially if the languages be of kindred origin ; for
in this case, that character will be the best adapted to the sounds of the
cognate dialect, and may be expected generally to give it a fitter and more
correct expression than would any foreign alphabet.

The words in the “ Comparison, &c.” are given in the Roman character,
according to the modified system of Sir Wint1am Jongs, to which the term
Romanizing system has been applied. The writer thinks “ they furnish
abundant evidence that the Roman character is adequate to express every
sound of the human voice, and is well fitted to be the written representa-
tive of all languages.”’

There is a fallacy here, into which most of the thorough-going advocates
of the Romanizing system have been betrayed ; it is that the modifications
applied, according to that system, to the Roman alphabet, are not equally
applicable to almost any other alphabet. Now, it is an obvious fact that
the Roman letters are, as applied to eastern languages, both redundant
and deficient. First, there are no letters corresponding to the ten aspirated
consonants at gq, &c.; to the sibilants *t and w; to the liquids a and 4; to

the nasals $ » 4 ; to the long vowels of %, &c. Again, the letters c, f, q,

j ee

60 Remarks on the inapplicability of the Roman (Jan

Vv, W, X, Z, are redundant ; while the two dentals, d and t, must denote, by
the aid of the aspirate and a diacritical point, no fewer than eight sounds of
that class ! But, while this double defect, of redundancy and insufficiency,
opposes the application of the- Roman alphabet to the expression of the
sounds of the Hindustani, Assamese,and many other languages in question,
the Nagari and its derivatives are not only complete without excess, but are
positively also the most perfect alphabets in the world, the most philosophi-
cally conceived and arranged. The only exceptions that can be shewn are,
that in the derivatives of the Sanskrit, the sound of v has been generally
merged into 6 or w, which occasions a seeming redundancy of one letter ;
(yet but seeming, because the form is also but one* ; ) and that two of the
three sibilants are usually confounded in utterance, because of the tenuity
of the distinction in their sounds, or rather origin. But if the abuse of even
a perfect alphabet, one exactly commensurate with the primitive sounds of
the language for which it was devised, be a matter of fact, surely that fact
is rather an argument against the adoption of a very imperfect one, as somuch
more liable to originate far greater abuses. ‘To a certain extent, few living
languages, if any, have ever been exempt from these irregularities ; but all
that can, it should seem, be done to prevent or remedy them, is done when
the sounds are, technically, fived sounds ; and, above all, when the written
expression of them is exactly commensurate with them when so fixed; and
when, if a few irregularities have become obstinate in the usage of any peo-
ple, they also are assigned their fixed limits and fixed expression likewise, as in
the use of a diacritical point under the dentals 8 and U to mark a provin-
cial utterance not original to the language. Now, as to this last expedient:
it should appear to be the only available resource for denoting to the eye
the variations from the first sounds of those letters, other than the invention
of additional ones not primitive and original to the language ; one neces-
sary effect of which course, would have been the confounding of the
etymologies of words essentially the same.

But the fallacy alluded to above is involved in the assertion that “ the
Roman character is adequate (as gathered from the tabular columns of
‘ the Comparison, &c.’) to express every sound of the human voice, and is

well fitted to be the written representative of all languages.” This assertion.

involves a negation of such adequacy and fitness to all other characters.
Let us see then with what justice. For how are the deficiency and redun-
dancy in the Roman alphabet overcome, on the Romanizing system ? Why
Ist, By entirely discurding those letters in it whose European sounds are not
found in the Indian languages. 2ndly, By the use of combination and of
diucritical points, to enable the Indian variety of sounds to be expressed
by an inadequate number of letters having an original utterance not In-
dian. But who does not see that the same operation may be extended to
any alphabetic characters whatever ? Of any such, we might with equal
propriety and equal truth say, that “ it is adequate to express every sound
of the human voice, &c.” The more or less is altogether, as we said, a

* i, e.in the derivate alphabets only; the original forms were quite distinct, —EpD.

a
i

Spiess

1838. ] Alphabet to Oriental Languages. 61

subsequent and separate consideration. Let not any then be misled by
the fallacious mystification of a plain question, in which the sanguine ad-
vocates of the Romanizing system have indulged and do yet indulge. It is

of course, a subsequent question what alphabet may be made applicable to
express the sounds of the Indian languages with the fewest, simp/est, and
most effective modifications ; but the primary one, as to the capability of
any set of characters to receive an arbitrary assignment to the office of re.
presenting any variety of sound whatever, is that which has been, in our
judgment, so mischievously mystified. What, in fact, should prevent the
process of omission and of diacritical distinction from being applied to any
existing alphabet or to any newly invented symbols whatever ?—

We have, abstractedly considered, no objection to make to the adoption
of the Roman alphabet for written communication among a people yet
without one of their own. In such a case the only question with us would
be one of expediency, to be determined by aptitude, facility, and many
other special considerations. But we look upon the attempt to substitute
the Roman letters for the long established characters, among a people ac.
quainted with the use of written as well as spoken language, as both quixo-
tic and preposterous ; quixotic, because the attempt must fail of any consi-
derable measure of success within the lapse of ages, except by measures
too arbitrary and unjust to be contemplated by the most zealous advocate
of the plan ; and preposterous, for the following reasons chiefly—

Because there is a positive, though not to all at first manifest, danger
of a progressive corruption of the sounds and confusion of the etymologies of
the native languages, by applying to them any other than their own origi-
nal alphabets. ‘The results of the progress of independent nations, during
a course of ages, must not be confounded with those that may be expected
under the operation of a high state of mental advancement in a dominant
people suddenly and at once imparting their own large knowledge to their
conquered subjects. Therefore no conclusion against the present argument
can be drawn from the gradual modifications of a nation’s own alphabet, from
age to age; nor from the ultimate disuse, among the European nations, of
the German character for the Roman: because these two sets of symbols
were substantially the same in form, essentially the same in sound. There
is consequently no analogy between the gradual improvement of the Euro-
pean alphabets, in appearance and facility of writing, &c. and the now con-
templated entire substitution of a foreign alphabet, altogether exotic both
in sound and figure, for the native Indian characters. In the former
case, there was no danger whatever to be apprehended of confounding
letters of the same organ, to the annihilation of all clear traces of the
etymologies of words of various origin, or of the gradual corruption of the
phonic powers of the letters ; in the latter there is the greatest. Thus ¢aé,
that, and ¢at a shore, differ, in Roman character, but by the diacritical
point under the final ¢ of the latter word. Now all who are versed in this
subject well know the extreme difficulty, and often almost inextricable con
fusion, occasioned by errors and omissions in diacritical marks, in the writing

62 Remarks on the inaptitude of the [Jan,

of Janguages to which they are original ; and if this be the consequence of
such a system to them to whom such languages are vernacular, how much
more extensively is its experience to be apprehended by those who come, as
foreigners, to the study of languages whose system of alphabetic sounds is
so widely different as are those of India from those of Europe? Europeans
as it is, with all the check upon a vicious pronunciation secured by the
distinct forms of the native characters, too often fail in acquiring their
proper sounds, and in consequence are but too extensively unintelligible in
their vocal communications. How often has this been felt and complained
of in civil functionaries and, where it is most injurious in its results, in
Missionaries of the blessed Gospel! The writer has known numerous
cases in which the greatest zeal, and even large positive attainments, have
been greatly neutralised by a confused, inaccurate and indistinct pronuncia-
tion. The adult organs have, in fact, acquired a set, so to speak, which
does not readily admit of the enunciation of sounds various from those
acquired in childhood. Indeed, not only a facility of accommodating the
organs of pronunciation to new positions, &c. but a fine and accurate ear
too, is necessary, in the first instance, to distinguish the minuter variations
of sound among letters of the same class: some, entirely new, are seldom
perhaps thoroughly acquired by the best scholars. Now it is manifest that
this difficulty, and the concomitant danger of confounding the most impor-
tant differences in letters and words, would be immeasurably increased were
the helps and guards of the native characters removed and our own, how-
ever systematized, introduced.

Nor would the evil be confined to foreigners. For, besides that increasing

intercourse with these would naturally and even necessarily tend, of itself,
to familiarize the natives to much vocal and written corruption of their
languages, were they also to adopt the Romanizing system, they would
themselves be in no small danger of extending that corruption. ‘Thus the
words Se that, and 3B, a shore, in distinct native characters cannot be
mistaken ; but their equivalents in Roman letters, tut and tat differ only-in
a point. How easily might the omission alone of that point create confusi-
on and obscurity ! But this is not all ; for as, in English, the letter ¢ has ne-
ver the sound of © but of @ only, in learning that language a native of In-
dia has first to encounter the difficulty of altogether discarding, wherever he
meets the letter ¢, the dental sound of 5, (immeasurably more frequent in his
own language than that of @ which is the English t,) and is then inces-
santly exposed to the hazard of corrupting the sound either of the English
t or of his native letter 3, and of settling down into a slovenly uniformity
of dental enunciation in one or in both languages, to the ultimate confu-
sion of words essentially different ; thus, at once, destroying the etymolo-
gies and obscuring the sense of the words he employs. Sv of the vowels also ;
man, in English, he must pronounce nearly as gta in Bengéli; in reading his
own tongue Romanized, he must pronounce the same combination as 4a,
of which it is the equivalent. It is replied, I know, that Europeans
of all nations experience no such difficulty, and are exposed to no such

ae —

ee

——

1838. ] Roman Alphabet to Oriental Languages. , 68

hazard of a mispronunciation of the same letters applied in different
combinations to varying utterances. But, be it remembered, that the
European has acquired his vernacular alphabetic sounds in infancy and
without effort ; by effort must he learn, in after life, to give other sounds,
say the French, &c. to the same letters. ‘There is no danger whatever of
his corrupting those proper to his native tongue. There is to him only
the difficulty of fully acquiring and correctly applying the acquired foreign
enunciation. But to a native of India, the Roman alphabet is originally
unknown, as the expression of any system of sounds. He has therefore to
encounter the prodigious difficulty of applying foreign letters on two dis-
tinct vocal arrangements; first to his own tongue, to which it is inade-
quate, and then to a European one. Nor, let this difficulty be thought
exaggerated. For in eastern languages vowels at least are strictly invari-
able ; the same letter expressing ever but one sound ; and, with very slight
exceptions, this is equally true of the consonants : but, in English, and but
in Bengali, are severally, an adversative conjunction and a noun meaning a
species of corn ; and the same vowel wu is equivalent to the native & and g
both, vowels never confusible or interchangeable !

To all which must be added the conclusive consideration, that were the
Remanizing innovation, by any chance, to succeed in throwing out of use
the native character among European students of the native languages,
and among any considerable number of the youth of the country now edu-
cating in our Schools and Colleges, one of the most singular and fatal
consequences of such an unparalleled anomaly in educational philosophy,
would be the setting aside, at one fell swoop, of the whole indigenous
literature of the Jand, the entire writings of its purest and most valuable
original authors, and the reduction of the native library of the rising
literati and the European student, to a few miserable volumes of Roma-
nized exotics, a Primer or two, the Pilgrim’s Progress, and one or more
similar specimens of a foreign idiom in a foreign dress! How monstrous
a consummation !

I might indefinitely enlarge, but must yield to the restraint imposed
by the limits to which the small space afforded in a periodical confines me.
Enough has been stated I should hope to shew— |

Ist. That it isa manifest fallacy to represent the Roman alphabet, as
modified in the Romanizing system, as a fitter expression than any other
alphabet, under the same plan of modification, of the sounds of eastern or
of any other languages.

2nd. 'Fhat the attempt, futile as it really is, to substitute the Roman for
the native alphabets, were it actually to succeed, must be pregnant with the
~ most mischievous results to the philology of the native languages ; both as
to the etymological distinctness of words, (on which the clear perception
of their sense and the perspicuity or obscurity of construction so much de.
pend) and as to the purity of native pronunciation.

I will only in conclusion observe, that, as applied to the expression in
European books, and for the information of Europeans, of native words and

64 Remarks on the romanization of the Indian languages. [Jan.

sentential quotations, the Romanized system, originally fixed by that emi-
nent scholar Sir W. Jonxs, and now but very slightly modified indeed,
is immeasurably more accurate, complete and philosophical than any
other that has been put forth by English Philologists. All who take an
interest in oriental literature must heartily rejoice in the fresh impulse
that has been latterly given to it ; an impulse which bids fair, ultimately
and at no distant period, to put out of use, for ever, those other, at once
crude and tasteless, systems, equally unphilosophical to the mind and unin-
viting to the eye, which have been applied by some learned but injudicious
scholars. ‘This alone were result enough, amply to reward those active
and philanthropic individuals who have stirred up the present question.
Would they but rest here, they would be justly esteemed benefactors; be-
yond this their labours are either mischievous, or absurd, or both at once ;
of which, besides the philological arguments above given, may be adduced
the fact, that while occupied with more than quixotic hopes, excitement,
and confinement of view, in this vain attempt at more than an Herculean
task, they are dividing the warmest friends of native education and general
improvement: they do positively retard the period of the regeneration
of India; a consummation that can only be brought about by united exer-
tions; by “a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether,” of that
chain of instrumental truth which is to pull down for ever the monstrous
edifice of the superstitions of ages.

Note.—Did we not consider this question as long since set at rest, we
might easily second our author with other arguments against the adapta-
bility of the Roman alphabet to take the place of the oriental alphabets either
of Arabia or India ; although it is no doubt possible to contrive that it shall,
by modifications and restrictions, represent any given number of sounds.
The real merit of the European alphabet, for writing and for printing con-
sists in its fewness of symbols:—multiply these by diacritical marks, and
it is put on a par with Eastern alphabets in one source of perplexity, while
it is behind them greatly in the distinction of letters inter se. Any one

engaged in printing knows the exceeding difficulty of setting up and of

sorting letters of the same name merely affected by a minute dot; and
hardly a page of romanized writing can be produced in print properly ac-
centuated. SirW. Jongs’s system of romanization even with the TReveLyan
modifications, is still far from being perfect, however sufficient, as we have
always maintained, for Europeans and sentential quotations. Some of the
continental systems, as that of Cuezy, founded on the principle of repre-
senting single letters always by single letters, has a great advantage over it
in the transcription of poetry in particular,where it seems unprosodial to give
a short quantity to a vowel preceding such double letters as bh, dh, chh,
while mh, /h, require a long one. The hard palatial is, we think, better
represented by the ¢ alone, that is, the Italiane; especially as both the
hard and soft sound of this letter are discarded in the present romanized
scale. What can look more uncouth than achchhé (by Cuezy ace‘d) un-
less, indeed, it be the more ancient continental orthography atchtchhé,
which is qualified to express nothing short of a typographed sneeze !—Ep.

1838.) On the Indian Coal Fields. 65

4

VIII.— On the difference of level in Indian Coal fields, and the causes
to which this may be ascribed. By J. McCieLttanp Esq. Secre-
tary to the Committee for investigating the Coal and Mineral re-
sources of India.

[Extracted with permission from the Committee’s Reports now under publication. ]
Before proceeding to notice the information which has been published

or reported to government regarding the various coal fields, it will be

desirable to offer a few observations on the geological features of that
portion of India in which they occur, more especially beyond the Gan-
ges.

The face of the country rises gradually as we cross the plains on the
western side of the Hoogley towards the range of hills, at the base of
which the coal field of Burdwan is situated ; this is proved by the fol-
lowing fact noticed by the late Mr. Jones, namely, that at Omptah,
twenty-two miles due west of Calcutta, and the same distance from the
sea as that city, the tides in the Damuda derived from the estuary of

the Hoogley rise but ten inches during the springs of June, ebbing

and flowing only half an hour*. In Calcutta on the other hand there
is a difference of seventeen feet between high and low water during the
same springs+, from which we may perhaps infer, that the plain in this
direction ascends nine inches per mile for the distance of twenty-two
miles from the Hoogley ; beyond this, the surface is known to rise
more rapidly throughout the extent of sixty or seventy miles to the foot
of the hills, which is the cause of those violent floods that render the
navigation of the Damuda so difficultt.

* We should think the facts here noted prove rather the two places to be on
the same level. As far as the tide reaches, the average of high and low water will
be very nearly the level of the sea, unless there is a considerable flow of water from
above, which is less the case in the Damuda than in the Hoogley. The lift de-
pends on the body of water, depth, and configuration of the channel, and the
Damuda only gets an offset from the Hoogley tidal supply. The height of the
surface of the land may be safely measured from the average of high and low
water mark. See a paper on this subject by Captain T. Prinsep, Gl. Sci.
Vol. I1.—Ep.

+ See Kyp’s Tables, Asiatic Res. 1829.

t Mr. Jones states that the Damuda river is open from the middle of June
to the end of September for boats of 300 maunds burden, from Omptah to the
situation at which the coal is raised, and that each boat is capable during this
period of passing five times between these situations. It is necessary, when from
a slight cessation of rain the river is perceived to fall, to haul the boat on the
highest practicable ground, and there await the succeeding flood, which sets in
with so much impetuosity as to overwhelm whatever may happen to be in its
course.

K

66 On the difference of level (JAN.

On the eastern side of Calcutta on the contrary, there is a depres-
sion, though probably of less amount, extending gradually to that portion
of the Swnderbunds marked ‘morass,’ in ARROWSMITH’s map, a little

on the west of Culna. This lowest situation perhaps of the Sunder-

bunds, is situated midway between the Tiperah hills on the east, and
those hills the continuation of which on the western side of the Hoogley,
contains the Burdwan coal field; the distance across the alluvium on
either side being about 150 miles, making the breadth of the united
delta of the Ganges and Brahmaputra, at this situation 300 miles.

If from the morass, we proceed two and a half degrees due north, |
we find the breadth of the great delta contracted between the Garrow

and Rajmahl hills to 150 miles, from which situation the alluvium
again expands into the plains of its respective rivers, extending north-
west and north-east respectively, and leaving an obtuse angle formed
by the Sikkim and Lhotan mountains, pomting toward the great delta,
and forming with the Feajmah/ and Garrow mountains three points of a
nearly equilateral triangle, which constitutes the nearest local con-
nexion of the three distinct systems of Indian mountains; and at each
of the three situations, viz. Rajmahl, Chilmary, and the Teesa river
coal has been found.

It would be hazardous to draw any conclusion from this interesting
fact, until we are better acquainted with the nature and relative position
of the strata in each locality. Should the coal of the three situations
prove to be the same formation, borings in that case conducted in
various intermediate points in Purnea and Dinagepore, might detect
the coal measures buried beneath this portion of the delta; (vide a. A.
Fig. 1) but at present our data are too vague to justify the expense of
such a mode of inquiry in this quarter. It would rather seem that the
intervening coal measures were upheaved with those of the adjacent
mountains, and subsequently overthrown by the Ganges and Brahma-
putra, or by other causes hereafter to be considered.

Although we have at Chirra Pumnji, a bed of coal raised on an
insulated summit 4300 feet above the level of the sea, the rocks by
which it is accompanied are identical in their nature with those that
are found bearing a similar relative position to other beds of coal of
the same formation, whether above or below the level of the sea. The
annexed figure will render these observations better understood.

aaaaaCoal. bb Great sandstone forming the base of the coal measures.

ee ee Igueous rocks. g Basaltic quartzose-rocks, reposing on the greenstone (i.) _

7 Greenstone. 4 Granular slaty quartz, or metamorphosed sandstone.

k Nummulite limestone. m Slate clay. |

n New sandstone, containing in the south side of Assam fragments of cual and
fossil trees,

1838.] of the Indian Coal Fields. —~ 67

Mufiong. Serarim. Chirra.

Agi
Livia

Assam. a e

The section of the Késya mountains here represented is not ideal,
although the horizontal distances are contracted for convenience.

With regard to the tertiary beach Z, it is a settled point in such
cases that it is the land and not the sea that has undergone an alteration
of level. The difference between the fossil beach and the present sea, is
consequently the quantity which these mountains have increased in
height since the tertiary period, indicated by the character of the shells
of which the fossil beach is constituted, thus accounting at once for the
principal difference of level between the coal at Chirra and that of
Burdwan on the opposite side of the delta. The bursting of a sub-
marine volcano between the points B, B, from’ beneath a secondary
basin A, composed of the coal measures, would necessarily if on a scale
of sufficient magnitude uplift the intermediate portion of the latter,
separating the strata /, 7, /, 7, which were continuous before the elevatory
movements commenced. ‘This will also account for the presence of coal
at the base, as well as on the summit of the mountain at Chirra*. ‘The
great mass of igneous rocks e, e, e, e, which appear to have been chiefly
instrumental in effecting the upheavement of the coal measures, is sienite ;
but at 2, situated on the southern side of the Gogapany river, greenstone

€ B

* The existence of a sub-marine basin of a depth which according to these views
must have heen equal to the entire height of the mountains, may appear to be
incompatible with the depth to be assigned to the sea which would appear to
have covered Bengal during the tertiary period. The existence of an unfathom-
able abyss called the swatch of no ground, close to the mouths of the Ganges,
and surrounded by shoal water where the deposit of silt might be supposed
rapidly to remove such a remarkable feature, leaves little difficulty in conceiving
the great depth to which marine valleys may descend. The swatch is about 5
miles east of Lacom’s Channel: itis fifty miles long, and thirty broad, and
within a mile or two of sands which are left bare at low water; 150 fathoms of
line have been tried without effect, and this, within so inconsiderable a distance
from the northern side of the swatch, where soundings indicate only 7 fathoms,
as to leave little doubt of this sub-marine valley presenting as precipitous
declivities as we are in the habit of witnessing from the loftiest table-lands. For
the soundings of this basin see Horssvreu’s Map of the Bay of Bengal.

KD

pe epee A ae —
4
d
j

68 : On the levels of Indian Coal Fields. [Jan.

is seen protruding from beneath the lower strata of sandstone here
represented by a coarse conglomerate of boulders, imbedded in some
occasions in a matrix of felspar, as in the valley of the Calapany*. The
greenstone 2, forms the whole declivity on the south side of the Bogapany,
down to the bed of the torrent which is formed of a glassy basalt,
apparently nothing more than altered masses of that portion of the
sandstone .formation which has been here entirely overthrown by the
causes just adverted tot. Ascending from the torrent along the pre-
cipitous face of the mountain to Muflong, the metamorphosed rock
gradually loses its columnar structure, and assumes the character of
granular slaty quartz. In the vicinity of Muflong, this last form of
rock, which may be traced by several gradations into ordinary sand-
stone, rests on sienite in highly inclined masses. Sienite forms some
of the loftiest summits in this situation, but appears to pass, on declivi-
ties, into a rock formed chiefly of felspar in a fine granular crystalline
state, with a little quartz{; and enclosing granitic masses which under-
go concentric decay, and occasionally beds of mica, and sometimes of
quartz much comminuted. This constitutes the principal formation
over which the road extends from Matrang into the valley of Assam.
Somewhere on either side of the lower portion of this declivity, coal
measures have been detected the same as on the Bengal face of the
mountains, but accompanied with newer sandstones containing salt
springs in addition to fossil trees and detached fragments of coal.
Limestone, agreeing in mineral characters and probably in fossil con-
tents with that of Chirva, also occurs in this side of the mountains;
but the relative position of the beds, as well as all other important geo-
logical features here remain unexplored§.

* This is a small but precipitous river valley, met with in the table-land
between the Serartm and the Bogapany.

+ It is always satisfactory on such occasions to find the views of different
observers agree in ever so limited a degree: I may therefore remark that Sir
Epwarp Ryan and Mr. Cracrort, who on distinct occasions crossed this
portion of the Kasya mountains prior to the visit of the Assam deputation, also
found rocks which they denominated basaltic. No 21 in Sir Epwarp’s collection
of specimens presented to the Asiatic Society’s museum’ is named ‘ basaltic
quartz’ from the bed of the Bogapany ; and is the same as the glassy basalt
abovementioned. Mr. Cracrort’s collection of specimens from between
Muflong and Serartm also contains a ‘ basalt’ as well as ‘a coarse quartzy
sandstone’-—(Vide Journal of the Asiatic Soc. Vol. III. 294) which is the
metamorphosed sandstone here spoken of.

+ Described in my geological catalogue as primary sandstone.

§ Figs. 25, 20, 21, and 15, Plate 2, were found in a small quantity of the Assam
limestone which had been brought to Gowahattt for the purpose of making
lime: all these but 15 have been found in the Chirra limestone also.

1838. | Geology of the Kaésya Mountains. 69

The insulated situation of the coal measures at Chirra Punji affords
an excellent opportunity for their examination, owing to the great extent
of surface which is free from soil and alluvium, so that the geologist
has no obstacle to encounter but the dense vegetation peculiar to the
climate.

The great sandstone composing here as elsewhere the base of the
coal measures, forms the lofty front of the mountains facing the plains.
The lower beds consist of a coarse conglomerate, as already stated, repre-
sented at 7, in the preceding section, resting on greenstone after the
manner of similar conglomerates in nearly all countries in which their
fundamental rocks have been observed*. When we consider that this
is not merely the case with the sandstone of the Adsya mountains, but
that the whole series of sandstones throughout Central India rest on
the flanks of ranges of sienite, greenstone, and basalt, we cannot apply
more appropriate language in elucidation of this general feature in our
geology, extending as it does over an area of 1800 geographical miles
in length, and 300 in breadth, than the following remarks of De La
BecuE :—“ As we can scarcely conceive such general and simultaneous
movements in the interior strata immediately preceding the first deposit
of the red sandstone series, that every point on which it reposes was
convulsed and threw off fragments of rocks at the same moment; we
should rather look to certain foci of disturbance for the dispersion of
_ fragments, or the sudden elevation of lines of strata, sometimes perhaps

producing ranges of mountains in accordance with the views of M. Exte
DE Beaumont. Had this idea resulted from observations in India,
rather than in Europe, it could not have been more appropriate, or
formed so as to convey a more accurate notion of the nature and con-
nexions of our red conglomerates.

Ascending through the series of beds of this rock in the Kdsya moun-
tains, we find the coarser strata occasionally reappear, succeeded again
by the normal beds which are fine, durable, and grey colored.

In some places, but especially when approaching the upper third of

_the series, the colors become variegated, and ultimately the whole, or
nearly so, assume a brick red color. The higher strata form a barren
table-land with lengthy sloping summits extending to the distance of ten
miles towards the interior of the mountains.

* Speaking of the porphyry on which the red conglomerates of Devonshire rest,
De La Bercus observes (Manual Geol. 388),—‘‘ When however we extend our
observations, we find that our conglomerates are very characteristic of deposits

of the same age in other parts of Britain, France, and Germany, and they most
frequently though not always rest on disturbed strata.”’

70 Geology of the Kasya Mountains. [Jane

The limestone and coal about to be described, repose in an elevated

position on either side of the.adjoing summits ; whether the rocks of

which these last are composed, occupy a superior geognostic position
with regard to the coal or not, is somewhat.doubtful ; but as far as itis
safe to determine from inquiries of a partial nature, we may consider
the sandstone from the base of the mountains to the higher peaks along
their flanks as an uninterrupted series of beds, and consequently, =
the coal is a newer rock than the sandstone composing adjacent sum-
mits.

In the sandstone upon which the coal and limestone immediately rest:

at Chirra, a bed of boring shells, figs. 8, 9, 10, plate VII. occur com-

posing a considerable portion of the rock in certain places. The shells.

were of the size and form of the Teredo navalis, but they are mine-
ralized so unfavorably as to render it doubtful to what genus. they
really belonged*.

It is here worthy of remark that the old red sandstone at the base of

the coal measures at Caithness, and other parts of Britain contains

fishes, none of which appear in the-superincumbent beds, while at Chirra
we have a sandstone bearing the character of the old red, and like it
reposing on igneous rocks, and supporting beds of limestone and coal ;
but instead of fishes abounding in the peculiar boring shells just men-

tioned, not one of which could be found in the superimposed rock, nor.

could one of the numerous shells of the latter be found in the subja~
cent rock, thus indicating both in Europe and India, that a sufficient

* In Dr. BucKLawnn’s paper on the fossils procured in Ava by Mr. CRawForp,

Geol. Trans. 2nd series, vol. II. p. 387, teredines are mentioned as having been-
found in blocks of wood in that kingdom and of the same species as those found

in London clay. Mr. Wise of Dacca has recently found fossil trees in Camilla,
that remarkable tract of table-land referred to in. the first paragraph of the
author’s report on the physical condition of the Assam tea plant. (Transactions
of the Agricultural Society of India, vol. IV. p. 1.) Two specimens of these trees
have been brought to Calcutta by H. M. Low, Esq., one apparently calcareous,
the other is siliceous, yet both were found together in the same place, so that it is
to be supposed they were drifted from distinct situations. One of these fossils
had been eaten by termes and the other perforated by a kind of feredo, the holes
of which agree in every respect with those formed in recent trees in the Swnder-
bunds by the teredo navalis ; the trees were dicotyledinous. If they were actu-
ally found on the table-land alluded to, the fact will lead to some highly inter-
esting inferences, but whether or not, they serve to form an interesting local link
between the fossils of the Chirra Punji sandstone, and the living teredo in the
Bay of Bengal. Mr. Low has kindly undertaken to procure more information
from Mr, Wise regarding the history of the fossil woods in question, whieh are
in the meantime trausferred to my friend Dr. Cantor.

1838.] Geology of the Kasya Mountains. 71

interval of time had elapsed between the period at which the formation
of the conglomerates was finished, and that at which the production of
the limestone commenced, to allow of the disappearance from the seas
of one class of animals, and. the introduction of another. The surface
of this great formation for two-thirds of the entire height of the Kdsya
mountains in this situation, is covered with a stratum of marine shells
which lie immediately under the soil, and in places these remains are
accumulated in extensive deposits of the shingle of an ancient coast
represented at Z, in the preceding figure. — ,

On the summits which intervene between the coal at Chirra, and
that of Serarim above adverted to, the sandstone is chiefly of a brick
red color, variegated in places with white. Imbedded in the structure
of this rock, the fragment of a fruit or lomentum of a leguminous plant
belonging to the tribe mimosea, was found*. This fossil, figs. 4, 5, 6, 7,
plate I., like the remains of the teredinous animals already noticed,
(though its form is better preserved) is converted into sandstone in no
way different from the matrix, except that it was separated from it by a
_ want of cohesion between the form and the impression. It is probable
from this condition of the fossil that it may have lived at a time when
the rock in which it was imbedded was forming, and been washed into
waters and deposited with their sediment. Near it was found a thorny
stem, fig. 3, plate I., such as the plant to which the fruit belonged most
probably possessed, especially as the thorny species of mimosez, produc-
ing fruit of such a size, are the most numerous of the tribe. The mi-
mosee form a very general feature of the vegetation of the plains, but
are rarely if ever seen on mountain summits at such an elevation as the
rock in which these fragments were found. The inference consequently
tends to support the indications of upheavement afforded by the marine
remains so extensively distributed over the acclivities of these mountains,
as well as the doctrine of Lyrxu as to the influence of vicissitudes in
physical geography, on the distribution and existence of species. It also
leads us to infer, that one feature at least of the existing vegetation of
India, has survived those revolutions which have obliterated the existence
of tropical forms in the present temperate regions of the earth.

Reposing on the teredinite ‘sandstone near Chirra, a detached accu-
mulation of limestone with alternating beds of sandstone, coal, and shale,
disposed in horizontal strata, form a precipice about a hundred feet high
from the base. Coal, to a thickness of fifteen feet in places occupies a

* We are indebted to the botanical acquirements of my friend and fellow-

traveller WiLt1AM Grirritru, Esq. for aright knowledge of the nature of this
fossil.

~

72 Geology of the Kasya Mountains. [Jan.

middle position in these strata. A bed of loose, coarse and sharp sand,
five feet deep, forms the roof of the coal, and a layer of soft sandstone,
about two feet in thickness, rests directly under the soil upon a bed of
clay about twenty feet deep. The clay holds an intermediate position
between the roof of the coal and the superincumbent sandstone; it is
of yellow color, but dark in some places, and intersected horizontally
with thin layers of gravel, coal, and an iron pyrites of little value, and
in small quantity. From their softness these beds ‘are easily, though
not uniformly, acted upon by surface water, which peculiarity may have
given rise to that waved appearance observed by Mr. Jones and Captain
SaGeE in the Burdwan and Palamow coal fields. |

Following the section from the coal downwards, we meet with an
earthy limestone, which, though naturally dark, becomes mealy and
whitish on the surface by exposure: it is perhaps the magnesian lime-
stone of the coal measures. This bed is about four feet in thickness,
and contains nests of coal, with some traces of shells; a layer of sand-
stone an inch in thickness divides this from a bed of ordinary compact
limestone twenty feet in thickness, containing few if any shells ;—an
interesting circumstance when compared with the fact of the absence of
fossils in limestones of similar character in Central India: a more com-
pact and crystalline bed than the last, abounding in those shells repre-
sented in plate 2, then occurs. This is separated from the great
sandstone, by a fine calcareous grit stone eight feet in thickness, in
which fig. 23, plate VIII. was the only fossil found.

Nummulite limestone (A, fig. 1) was first brought to light at the
foot of the Kdsya mountains by Mr. CoLesrooke in his paper on Mr.
Scorr’s notes and specimens, which were forwarded to the Geological So-
ciety in 1824* ; but the Chirra Punji bed of shell limestone here noticed
was first observed in 1832 by Mr. Cracrorrt+, Mr. Scorr may have
previously found occasional shells in the same rock in the Kdsya as
well as in the Garrow mountains{. It does not however appear that
any chronological distinction has been established between the different
limestones in this quarter, although the Chirra rock is distinguished as
a formation from the nummulite limestone, as well by means of its fossils,
as by the beds with which it is associated.

The nummulite limestone of Terriaghdt, where it composes that por-
tion of the Laour hills situated at the base of the Kdsya mountains, is a

* Geological Transactions, vol. I. 2nd series, 132.
t+ Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. I. 252.
} Geological Transactions, vol. I. 2nd series, 132.

x

~ 1838.) Geology of the Kasya Mountains. 73

compact blue rock alternating in single strata with a coarse earthy oolite
of a calcareous nature*. These appear to rest (as well as could be de-
termined during a cursory examination while passing) on a slate clay
composed of argillaceous blue clay with slaty layers of ferruginous matter
and sandstone. The compact beds abound in nummulites, and in frag-
ments of the same rock which had been quarried somewhere in this
vicinity and conveyed to Chaté:k for the purpose of making lime, a
turbinolopsis ocracea was found+. Now although we cannot as yet
contend for the universal and contemporaneous distribution either of the
same organic species or geological formations, yet as the chalk of Europe
is represented in several extensive tracts of that continent by rocks
which are very unlike, and especially in the Morea, by a compact num-
mulite limestone, and inthe South of France by an oolite containing
nummulites, there is no reason why, in the present state of our knowledge
-we should not refer our compact nummulite limestone, together with the
volite associated with it, to the cretaceous group. See LyEeLu, 4th ed.
vol. IV. 287-8, where the observations of MM. Bosiaye and VIRLET,
are referred to in support of the equivalent distribution of chalk and
nummulite limestone in Europe.

In the Chirra Punji coal no vegetable impressions have been found ;
but slight opportunities have been hitherto afforded of examining the
adjoining shales in which they are chiefly to be expected. I found in
the bed of coal at Serarim, however, which appears to be the same
formation, a large phytolithus, or stem, characteristic also of several of
the independent coal formations of Europe and America ; a similar fossil
appears to have been also found by Voysey, in the coal of Central

* Although 40 geographical miles distant from Silhet, it is named in Mr.
CoLEBROOKz’s paper, Silhet limestone; but as other limestones may be found
nearer Silhet, the necessity of being more definite in our allusious to localities
in India is obvious. In the following volume of the same Transactions, this
rock (supposing it to be the Sil/he¢ limestone), is said to be white, and also
to contain in the Garrow mountains vertebre of a fish; but unless we presume
that the Rev. Dr. Buckianp, the eminent author of the paper in question,
identified these in Mr. Scorr’s specimens, and that they were overlooked by
Messrs. Cuirr and Wegster who examined them for Coresrooxke’s paper, we
must attribute the statement to a similar vague indication of localities as that
above referred to ; as we look in vain for an instance of Mr. Scorr having found
vertebre of fishes in the nummulite limestone, although such were found by
him in the sands and clays of the Caridari hills, as appears from the list of fossils
in COLEBROOKE’S paper.

t A madreporite represented by a single star, the radii of which, as well as
the form of the fossil, correspond with T. ocracea, represented in the Suppl. vol.
Grirr. Anim. ‘King.

i,

74 Geology of the Coal beds of Central India. (JAN.

India* ; thus, the identity of the different beds referred to, is so far
confirmed. |

With the exception just mentioned, as well as the impressions of
lycopodiums and ferns in the shales connected with Burdwan coal,
organic remains have been hitherto little noticed in Indian coals ; but
when we avail ourselves of improved means of observation we find this
branch of the subject no less interesting here, than it had been rendered
in Europet+. |

The microscopic discoveries of the organic tissues of plants recently
made by the Rev. Mr. Reape in the ashes of English coal, have induced
J. W. Grant, Esq. of Calcutta to repeat those interesting observations
with complete success. The ashes of Serarim coal, as well as those
afforded by several kinds from the neighbourhood of Silhet, and one
variety of the Burdwan coal, display most distinct signs of organic tex-
tures; so much so, that some of the coals of very different localities
may be identified by their ashes as having been formed from similar
plants under similar circumstances—for instance, one variety of coal
from the foot of the hills near Sz/het, with another from a lofty bed on
the summit of the Aasya mountains.

With regard to the nature of the rocks in Central India associated
with coal, as far as their details have been made out, there can be little
question regarding their identity with the coal measures of Chirra.
FRANKLIN, after an examination of several districts, considered the
sandstones of the Nerbudda to represent the new red conglomerate of
Europe. The Rev. Mr. Everest on the other hand, has assigned
excellent reasons for supposing those rocks to bear a closer alliance to
the old red sandstone, and his views are strengthened, if not confirmed,
by more recent and extended observations in a quarter better calculated
to afford satisfactory results. The limestone of the same districts were

considered by Captain FRanKLin, and other writers of the same period

with no better reason, to represent the lias; but Mr. Everest justly

* Res. Phys. Class. Asiat. Soc. 1892.—13.

t+ A gentleman recently engaged ina survey of one of our coal fields, exhibited
a large reed which seemed to be an ordinary species of saccharum, at one of
the late scientific soirees at Government House, as the plant from which coal
is derived. It is however stated on the authority of LinpLey and Hurron,
in their Fossil Flora, that no glumaceous plant has been found in a fossil state,
though grasses now forma general feature of the vegetation of all countries.
Of 260 species of plants discovered in coal formations, 220 are cryptogamous, the
remainder afford no instance of any reed, notwithstanding some doubtful appear-
ances to the contrary, and not a single vegetable impression in the coal beds has
been identified with any plant now growing on the earth.

ee ee

—

i
“2 aro

ert Ee

T838."} Change of level in Indian Coal beds. 75

observed, that as no fossils have been found in it, the chances are that
it belongs to an earlier date*. Numerous limestones are found so much
alike in appearance, that it would be quite impossible to draw a line
of distinction between them except by means either of their fossil con-
tents, or their relative position to other rocks whose nature may be
better understood; but where, as in the present case, such information
is also deficient, we must still hesitate to adopt any decided views regard-
ing them.

It may here be desirable to offer a few observations on the changes of
levels which have taken place in our various coal fields) Why one
should now occupy the summit of a mountain at an elevation of 4300
feet+, and another remain scarcely emerged above the seat, is a question
that almost suggests itself in this place ; and as the nature of coal has
led to the conclusion that it must at least have been formed beneath
estuaries, if not at greater depths from the surface§, the causes that have
produced its present diversified position cannot fail to excite the deepest
interest in our minds. In the course of the inquiry we shall find that
there is perhaps no portion of the earth to which the doctrine of existing
causes can be applied with more effect in accounting for the physical
changes that have taken place, than India.

An inspection of the annexed map Pl. VI. will show the probability of
the disturbing forces having been directed in certain lines, one of which
extending from A, to B, may be named the secondary volcanic band,
from its principal energies appearing to have been exerted during the
secondary period. Voysery, after a careful examination of several dis-
tricts in Central India, embraced by this belt observes, ‘I have had too
many proofs of the intrusion of trap rocks in this district” (table-
lands west of Nagpore) “amongst the gneiss to allow me to doubt of
their volcanic origin||.” Dr. Harpy, Captains Frankuin, JENKINS:
and CouULTHARD in their several communications to the Asiatic Society,
have in certain instances expressed similar views regarding several phe-
nomena presented to their notice in the course of their inquiries in
Central India. The appearance of lines here observed in the distribu-
tion of trap rocks, was formerly supposed to be irreconcilable to the pro-

* Gleanings of Science, vol. III. page 207.

+t At Chirra Punji. t At Arracan.

§ Dr. Taomson considers coal to have been formed by the slow combustion
of vegetable matters under great pressure and consequently at considerable
depth beneath the surface—vide outlines Mineralogy and Geology 1836: others
refer its origin merely to the accumulation of vegetable matters in estuaries.

| As. Res, 1829. p. 194.

L 2

76 Volcanic bands extending (JAw.

miscuous nature of volvanic action, and may have tended materially to
embarrass the views of geologists in districts not calculated to afford any
very striking results.

If we refer to the volcanic belt of the Molucca and Sunda islands, -

we shall find evidence of as perfect a lineal tendency in the direction
of its active energies as that which the extinct band affords, of having,
within the secondary period, extended across the ceutre of India in a
line parallel with the equator from the gulf of Cumbay to the Himd-
hiya.

The active vents of the Molucca band have been extended by Von
Bucu from Suwmutra to Barren Island, from which point the train
may be carried in the same line through the islands of Marcandam and
Rambree, to the coast of Arracan and Chittagong, as represented on
the annexed map ; at this situation the two zones intersect each other, so
as to form their united focus in the Késya mountains where the energies
of both would seem to have been most exerted, the elevatory move-

ments having commenced in the secondary, and continued throughout ©

the tertiary period.

Although oscillations of the surface, and perhaps occasional eruptions
-may have taken place at all times, attended by the subsidence of one
tract, and the upheavement of another, yet the principal energy of the
Vindhya* volcanic belt from A to B, appears as already stated to have
been chiefly confined to the secondary period. .

A chain of sienite passing on the one hand into granitic rocks, chiefly
composed of felspar, and on the other into greenstone and basalt, extends
across this portion of the continent. On the flanks of this chain the

coal measures repose, rarely forming a series of beds so extensive as .

observed in England, except perhaps in the Caribari hills and along
the southern boundary of Assam. A sandstone equivalent to the old
red, rests immediately on the disturbed strata; with the sandstone, beds
of coal and shale, as well as limestone occur: along the flanks of the
chain thermal springs are situated, one of these has been recently found
by Mr. Bervs in the Damuda river near the foot of the Pachite hillst+.
In the Nerbudda valley two have also been brought to notice by Dr.
Spitspury ; in Curruckpore district several hot springs are mention-

* Such is the geographical name of the range which extends from the Gulf of
Cambay to the Ganges at Bdgalpore, from which it would seem from certain
indications (24.49) tc have been extended by a series, obliterated ridges across
the Delta tothe Garrow mountains, the leading geological features of the older
rocks being, as far as they are as yet determined, the same on both sides (41.)

+ Journ. As. Soc. 1832-36.

1838. ] across India—and down the East Coasts. 77

ed by Mr. Jones, in addition to the well known spring at Mongir. In
Assam, on the opposite side of the delta they are alsocommon in the
same line in several situations along the foot of the Muga mountains,
thus confirming other indications that have been adduced of the volcanic
agency of this extensive band throughout its extent on both sides of the
Ganges.

_ The other band now to.be noticed is a continuation of that which has
been described by Von Bucu, as belonging to the volcanic train of the
Moluccas; but it has been extended no farther by him in the direction in
which we are now to trace it, than Barven Islund in 12° 19’ N. lat. in
the Bay of Bengal*. | :

The island of Nercandam situated in 18° 22’ N. lat. is a volcanic cone
raised to the height of seven or eight hundred feet. ‘The annexed out-
line, reduced from asketch made by WiLLiamM GriFFitTH, Esq., while

passing within half a mile of the shore, shews the figure of the cone; the
upper part of which is quite naked, presenting lines such as were
doubtlessly formed by lava currents descending from the crater to the
base, which last is covered with vegetation. No soundings are to be
found at the distance of half a mile from the shore.

The next. volcanic islands to be observed, are those which form a small
archipelago on the Arracan coast. The largest of these is Rambree,
described in the fourth volume of the Asiatic Journal by the late Lieut.
Fo.ey. It is situated close to the low marshy coast of Arracan, and
is formed of ranges of mountains extending in the direction of north-
northwest, varying in height from five to fifteen hundred feet; one
peak named Jeeka, is raised to an elevation of 3000 feet above the sea.
The plains from which the ridges ascend slope down to the sea with the
occasional interruption of low ridges containing basin-like cavities large
enough for the cultivation of rice. The highest portions of the plain
are composed of shingle, the same as the recent breach, a circumstance
which may be observed on removing the soil.

Earthy cones covered merely by a green sward, and situated gene-
rally in marshy grounds are ranged along the shores of Rambree as well
as the adjoining islands and coast of Arracan: their naked appearance,

* See Plate III. Lyex’s Principles Geol. vol, XI. 4th ed.

78 Mud Volcanoes on the Coast of Arracan. [J AR.

contrasted with the dense marshy forests from which they ascend, is
said to have a singular effect, heightened by a few scattered plants of
the Tamarix indica, elsewhere found only in sandy deltas and islands
along the course of the great rivers, growing on their sides; on the
summit of each cone a spring of muddy water is found, through which
gas escapes in bubbles, a peculiarity which has procured for them the
name of mud volcanoes. These cones, although they excited no interest
when first described by Lieut. FoLey*, are characteristics of the coasts
of Chili and Calabyia, and are well known to result from some of the
most interesting and awful visitations to which the surface of the earth
is exposed. They are of a similar nature, but of much greater size
than the cones of earth which formed on the coast of Chili during the
great earthquake of 1822, where they are referred to fissures produced

in the granitic rocks through which water mixed with mud was thrown”

upt. The alluvial plains of Calabria present similar cones of sand, in-
dicating the alternate rising and sinking of the ground.

Sir W. Hamitton explains such phenomena by supposing the first
movement to have raised the fissured plain from below upwards, so that
the rivers and stagnant waters in bogs sank down, but when the ground
was returned with violence to its former position the mud was thrown up
in jets through fissures{. ;

Near Kaeng in Rambree, Lieutenant Forry found at the foot of one
of these cones, masses resembling clink stone, of green color, very hard
and sonorous when struck, and he naturally concluded that they must
have been ejected from a volcanic vent.

Two of the largest of the cones are situated on a ridge of sandstone
. 300 feet in height, about 3 miles from Kyouk Phyoo, the capital of the
island. From one of them called Nayadong, vapour and flame was
seen by the inhabitants of Kyouk Phyoo to issue to the height of several
hundred feet above the summit during the principal shock of the earth-
quake of the 26th August 1833. The phenomenon may have been
occasioned by the concussion of the earthquake bursting open some
new fissure from which a transitory stream of inflammable gas, such as
that which supplies the celebrated burning fountain of Chittagong may
have issued.

The island of Chaduba adjoining Rambree is represented in most old
charts as a burning mountain, from which it may be alleged that early
surveyors witnessed its eruptions; the higher ridges of neither of these
islands have been examined, but the shores of Chaduba, like those of

* They were referred by some merely to the decomposition of iron pyrites.
+ LYELL, 2, 232, 4th ed. } LYELL, 2, 278. 4th ed.

1838. ] Earthquake, and alterations of the Coast. 79

Rambree, present numerous earthy cones, with springs of mud and gas
on their summits.

Three miles south of Chaduba, there is a small cone composed of
scoriaceous rocks, raised 200 feet above the sea; soundings at its base
display those peculiarities which always characterise volcanic coasts*.

The above facts might alone be sufficient to prove the volcanic
nature of the coast of Arracan, and to justify our extending the train
of active volcanic agency from Barren Island to the 20° N. Lat. or
within five degrees of the Kdsya mountains as in the annexed map.
But the events which took place on this coast during the great earth-
quake of the 2nd April 1762, and to which the earthy cones are no
doubt referrible, place the question in a less doubtful point of view.
Sixty square miles of the Chittagong coast, suddenly, and permanently
subsided during this earthquake. Ces-lung-Toom, one of the Mug
mountains, entirely disappeared, and another sunk so low that its
summit only remained visible+. Four hills are described as having
been variously rent asunder, leaving open chasms differing from 30 to
60 feet in width{. In the plain, the earth opened in several places,
throwing up water and mud of a sulphurous smell. At Bar Charra,
200 lives were lost on a tract of ground that sunk suddenly, but it is
said that at Arracan where it was supposed the chief force was dis-
played§, the effects were as fatal as those of the earthquake which
happened about the same period at Lisbon. At Dacca the waters rose
so suddenly as to cast several hundred boats on shore, and on retiring,
the wave which is described as terrible, swept numbers of persons
away]||.

* This is stated on the authority of Captain LLoyp, Marine Surveyor General,
to whom the author is indebted for several other interesting items regarding this
coast.

T Phil. Trans. vol. LIII. p. 256.

¢ Other mountains and hills were variously disturbed or destroyed, some partly
or entirely thrown down so as to obstruct the course of rivers ; others sank 25 and
others 40 cubits. A Toom hill called Chatter Puttuah, is described as having “‘ split
by little and little till if became reduced to the level of the plain,’’ and in other
eases creeks were closed up by banks of sand rising from their bottom. See Phil.
Trans. 1763; upon the whole the history of this earthquake may be supposed to be
very incomplete, its effects in one district only of the extensive line of coast in which
it happened being imperfectly described.

§ See also observations on the disappearance of various stn on the Chitta-
gong coast, which are alluded to in the nautical works of the Arabs in the middle of
the 16tn century. (Journal As. Soc. 466.)—J. P.

|| As an instance of the readiness with which such visitations are forgotten, I may
mention that a well written '‘ Historical and Satistical Account of Chittagong"'
has recently been published by agentleman many years resident in the province, in
which no mentionis madeof this earthquake, though a Chronological list of 120
Tajas is given, and the political history traced to a proportionally early date.

80 Alteration of level in Cutch ‘[Jan.

It is an interesting observation connected with this earthquake as
with that of 26th August 1833, that although both were peculiarly felt
at Arracan, as well as toward the hills on the northwest side of Ben-
gal, yet they were comparatively little felt in several intermediate situa-
tions. At Ghirotty where Col. Coorr and a regiment of Europeans
were at the time encamped the earthquake of 1762 is described as most |
alarming, the waters in the rivers and tanks being thrown up to the
height of 6 feet, although at Chandernagore, only a few miles distant
in a southeast direction, its effects were scarcely perceptible.

The earthquake of 26th August 1833, which was attended with the
peculiar eruption already adverted to from one of the volcanoes near
Kyouk Phyoo, was more severely felt at Mongir, where the fort and
several houses were injured, than in any intermediate position, which
might lead us to suppose that although the volcanic energy of the igne-
ous bands we have pointed out may have become extinct, or at least
comparatively dormant as they recede from the seas on either side of
India, yet that they are still the peculiar seat of occasional disturbance.

The province of Cufch already adverted to as forming the western
boundary of the carboniferous zone, lost a considerable portion of its
surface, which subsided suddenly during an earthquake in 1819, while at
the same time an adjoining tract was raised to a higher position than it
had previously occupied*.

Although the surface may seem to have acquired greater stability in
recent times in proportion as we proceed inland from the points at which
the two volcanic bands are intersected by the seas at Cutch, and Chitta-
gong’, yet as far as we are prepared to judge from unquestionable data,
the amount of disturbance which has taken place appears to increase as
we proceed from Cutch towards the east, and from Chittagong towards
the north, until we arrive at that situation at which both bands meet
and cross each other; and thus by a species of synthesis, we find the
common focus of disturbance to be situated in the Kdsya mountains,
about the very position in which we have the most direct and unques-
tionable proof of concentrated action, the circumstances of the raised
beach being sufficient evidence of these mountains having been raised
to nearly twice their former height since the commencement of the
tertiary period.

It remains for the present uncertain whether so great a change in the
physical features of India has been effected by paroxysmal violence, such
as occasionally even in our own times has been known to destroy one
portion of the land, and to raise up another, or by a slow and gradual

* Lyell, 11. 237, also see Capt. BuRNrs’ repor ton Cutch.—EpD.

1838.] Alteration of level in Cutch. 81

perpetuation ofelevatory movements. It has been before remarked that
a destruction of an elevated tract of land, which probably formed a more
or less complete series of ridges extending between Rajmahl and the
Garrow mountains, may have taken place.

Considering the geological features of those table-lands and moun-

tain chains which extend from Hajmahl to the gulf of Cambay on the
one side, and from the Garrow mountains to the Himdlaya on the
other, it becomes a matter of greater probability that the present breach
between Rajmahi and the Garrow mountains was more or less oc-
cupied by hills and table-lands, than that this tract of plain escaped
all those vicissitudes to which every other feature of our geography has
been subject. If this tract, like every other portion of the band which
it contributes to form, once presented elevated lands, they would neces-
sarily have formed the northern coast of that sea which it is evident
from the remains ofan estuary in the Caribavz hills, as well as from the
littoral remains which are spread over the surface of the Kadsya moun-
- tains, must have occupied the place of the present plains of Bengal.
If we admit this reasoning to be correct, little ingenuity will be re-
quired to account in a satisfactory way for some of the most interesting
points in our geology. The destruction of the highlands, which it is
thus probable once filled the space alluded to, by subsidence during some
great paroxysm, when another tract of equal extent may have been ele-
vated ; or by means of a succession of earthquakes, to the destructive
effects of which the action of a sea on the one side, and of the waters
of the two great rivers on the other, would powerfully contribute. The
interesting discoveries now in progress in Fort William of the bones of
land animals intermingled with those of amphibious reptiles and frag-
ments of mountain limestone, wood, and coal, at a depth of from 370 to,
450 feet* beneath this portion of the Gangetic delta, seem to refer te
some such destruction of dry land on the northern side of Bengal, as
that which has been here supposed to have taken place+.

Should the catastrophe referred to have been sudden, we may easily
imagine that a devastating wave would have been occasioned of sufficient

* I here refer to the experiment of boring for water now carried on in Fort
William, in which process the augur, five inches in diameter, brought up nothing
but clays, sands, and gravels, until the depth of 350 feet had been attained, when the
jower end of a humerus, supposed by Mr. J. PRinseEpP to resemble that of a hyena,
was extracted. Soon after a portion of the rib, a chelonian reptile, with detached
fragments of mountain limestone resembling that of the Kasya mountains, but much
corroded, as well as fragments of wood, coal, &c. The depth now attained is 450
feet, and the work is still going on with spirit.

+ Two other fragments of the plastron of a turtle have just been brought up from
450 feet depth.—Ep,

M

een a eae ae

82 Description of the Plates. [JAan.

extent to account for many of the denuded features presented by the
geology of Central, and Southern India. The overthrow of the mam-
moth, whose gigantic remains have been brought to light in such
abundance in Central India by Dr. Sprrspury, may have been occasion-
ed by the same cause; and should signs of upheavement be found to
extend at intervals from the raised beach at Chirra Punji, towards
Ava and the Chittagong coast, we may be able to refer the destruction
of the various species of mastodon, and other extinct animals whose
bones are extensively dispersed throughout Burma, to the events which
took place at the time of such commotion. When the countries in this
direction shall have been farther explored by geologists, we may expect
to arrive at more exact conclusions than at present, as to the time these
changes took place, and the circumstances of the animal and vegetable
kingdoms under which they occurred,

Description of the Plates.
MAP.—PLATE VI.

The geological map of Upper India has been constructed chiefly from
the authorities referred to in the text; its utility will probably consist
merely in shewing how much remains to be done in researches of this na-
ture. The publications of Bucaanan, Hryne, Voysey, Crawrorp,
Davy, and many more recent writers, as Benza, SrirLiNc, BaBIneTon,
Pemberton, Low, and several others, some of whose inquiries are still in
progress, will probably, when carefully examined, afford sufficient materi-
als for including the southern portion of the continent in this geological
sketch. ‘The want of sufficient information regarding the Great Desert
has prevented more being said on the subject than occurs in paras. 142-3 ;
barometrical measurements of its levels, and the navigableness of the
Loony ov Salt River, are objects well deserving the attention of future
travellers in this quarter. The delineation of the rocks on this portion of
the map has been partly derived from Ex.puinstone’s Journey to Caubul,
and Lieutenant Bo1LEeav’s recent work onthe Desert States, which I have
not had an opportunity of acknowledging in the text.

PLATE VII.

Fig. 1. Fragment of a Phytolithus transversus, from the coal at Sera-
vim in the Kdsya mountains.

Fig. 2. Apparently the mould of a stem found in the shale adjoining
the coal measures at Chirva Pynji.

Figs. 4, 5, 6, 7. Several views of a fossil which Mr. Grirriru thinks
is probably the lomentum of a species of mimosa, found imbedded in the
red sandstone on the road between Chirra and Serarim.

Fig. 3. Found with the above fruit, and is probably a portion of the
stem of the plant to which the fruit belonged.

Figs. 8, 9, 10, 11. ‘Teredinites, foundin great abundance in the Chir7a
Punji sand-stone, on which the limestone and coal rest.

Fig. 11. From the shale adjoining the coal at Chirra.

Fig. 12. Shell from the lower beds of the great sandstone.

PLATE VIII.

Organic remains from the lime-stone which intervenes between the
teredinite sandstone and the coal at Chirra. ‘The same remains are also

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Meteorological Register kept at Cathmandi. 83

contained in the limestone connected with coal in Assum, and may be
found on farther inquiry to characterise this member of the coal measures
generally throughout India.

The fossils represented in the above plates, together with the views to
which they have partly given rise, are so much of the results of my late
journey to Assam, as appear at present to be connected with the subject of
coal. Other more extensive collections of a similar nature from the raised
beach referred in section I1., are less connected with the natural history
of our coal-fields, but will be progressively brought forward on more suit-
able occasions: in the mean time Dr. Canror has kindly undertaken to
submit a sample of the whole to naturalists at home, whose views will be
a guide to farther investigations on the subject. J. M.

1X.— Abstract of a Meteorological Register kept at the Cathmandu Resi-

dency for the month of September, 1837.
Nipal Residency.

Observations at 10 A. M. Observations at 4 P.M.

By A. Campse.u, Esq.

Wind, Weather, Rain.

= {Barome-|Thermometer. |Barome-|Thermometer. |At JOA. M.| At4P. M. 3 ©
=) ter. ter. oa
Height Dif- |- Height Dif-
at In | Wet} fer- at In |Wet}] fer-
320 Fah.|Air.|/bulb/ence.!32° Fah. | Air.|/bulbjence.
1 {25,242 | 74| 69] 5 [25,176 | 78 | 70} 8 |W.Cloudy.|N.W.Clear
2 3258 74 | 69 5 ,165 76 | 70 | 6 Do. Do. |W. Shy.
3 270. } 73-1 68}. 5 5174 78|}70|] 8 IN. W. Do./W. Fair. 519
4 ,202 | 73 | 68] 5 ,0S3 | 75|69!}] 6 |W. Do. |S.W. Rain} 346
5 ,181 71 | 66 5 ,089 75 | 701 5 Do. Do. |W.Cloudy,| 200
6 141 714, 68°|.,.5 al 72168} 4 |S. W. Do. |S. W. Rn.
7 147 72 |68| 4 ,107 | 72| 68 | 4 |Do. Do. |S. E.Do. | 250
8 291 72 | 68 4 , 146 74 | 70 | 4 |W. Do. W. Fine. 865
9 247 72 | 68 4 ,191 72069 | 3 Do. Do. |S. W. Rn. |1.297
10 »259 71 | 68 3 ,190 74 | 70) 4 S.W. Fair.| W. Clear 519
1] 3287 71 | 67 4 »207 76 | 70) 6 W. Clear. |W. Thund
12 ,328. | 70 | 66 4 »268 70 | 66 | 4 W.Cloudy.;W. Calm. {1.020
13 eas, 1 20:| 66.| 4 ,280 | 77] 70) 7 |W. Clear. |Do.Bright.| 150
14 ,389 | 72 | 68 | 4 »279 | 76|70| 6 |S. W.Cdy.|Do. Do.
15 369 72|68 | 4 »279 75. | 71 4 W. Clear. |S. W. Cady.
16 9295 72 | 68 4 ,199 75 | 70; 5 S. W. Cdy|Do. Do.
17 3229 72 | 68 4 , 166 7 he ay ol 6 i a) Do. Clear. |W. Clear.
18 291 72\ 66 | 6 240 173) Gt) 6 IW. Do.) 1S... Wild.) 4.
1g saa 71 | 65 6 7283 75 | 68 | 7 S. W. Cdy |W. Clear.
20 9372 70) 66 4 9297 75 | 66 9 Do. Do. |Do. Do.
21 9427 68 | 64 4 ,305 75 | 68 7 W. Clear. |Do. Do.
22 4449 | 69 | 64] 5 339 | 73 |68!] 5 (|Do. Do. |Do. Do.
23 454 | 69 | 64] 5 soo. 721 66| 6 |Do. Do. |Do. Cldy.
24
25
26
37 -
28
29
30
31
_ Mn.j25,292 |71.3|66.8| 4.5 25,257 |74.5|68.6| 5.9 5.166

No Rain since the 13th but the neighbouring mountain tops have been cloudy
throughout the month. A slight shock of earthquake at 11-45 P.M. of the Sth.

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1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. | 87

XI.—Proceedingss of the Asiatic Society.

. Wednesday Evening, the 7th February, 1838.

D. Hare, Esq., senior member present, in the chair.

Major W. H. Sieeman, Messrs. J. W. Grant, G. A. Prinsep, Assistant
Surgeon J. Arnorr, and Dr. Bonsauu, were elected ordinary members
of the Society.

Syep Kera’mat Atl, proposed at the last meeting, was upon the recom-
mendation of the Committee of Papers elected an associate member.

The Caevauier Ame’pe’E JAuBERT, President of the Asiatic Society of
Paris, proposed at the last meeting, was upon the favorable report of the
Committee of Papers, elected an honorary member,

CuarR es Fraser, Esq. Commissioner at Hoshungabad, and Manaton
Ommaney, Esq., proposed by the Secretary, seconded by Col. Cauriexp.

Dr. W. H. Green, proposed by the Secretary, seconded by Dr.

McCuierpann.

Lieut. A. Bicer, Assistant to the Governor General's agent in Assam,
proposed by Captain PemsBerron, seconded by the Secretary. |

Mr. W. Dent, requested that his name might be withdrawn from the
list of members from the beginning of the current year.

Read letters from M. E. Burnovr, and Dr. Jutes Mout, acknowledging
the arrival of the several cases of Sanskrit books, dispatched hence last
year ; and presenting various works. (See Library.)

Dr. MoHL, mentions having obtained for the Society, a copy of the first volume
of the Collection Orientale now under publication at great cost by the French
Government. It*contains the first part of Raschideddin, by M. QUATREME’RE
DE QUINCEY.

Also, letters from the Secretaries of the American Philosophical Society
and the Cambridge Philosophical Society acknowledging the receipt of
the Researches, vol. xx. §

Read a letter from M. Csoma ne Korés, thanking the Society for the
renewed accommodation afforded him during his stay in Calcutta.

Read a letter from Mana’ra’sa Hinpvu Rado, stating his readiness to
deliver the fragments of the Ancient Hindu Pillar, to the executive
engineer when required.

Library.

Read a letter from Professor WILSON, presenting copy of his translation of
‘The Sankhya Karika’”’ or memorial verses on the Sankhya philosophy.

Read a letter from J. VAUGHAN, Esq. Librarian of the American Philosophical
Society, forwarding for presentation a copy of Vol. V. part 3rd of their transactions.

The following works presented by the Asiatic Society of Paris.

Geographie d’Aboulfeda, texte arabe, de par M. M. REINAUD, et le Baron
MaAcGUCKIN DE SLANE.

Elements de la langue Géorgienne, par M. BrosseT Jeune.

Also, a number of duplicates of the Journal Asiatique to complete the Society’s
series.

The following Books were likewise presented :—

Verhandelingen Van Het Bataviasche Genootschap Van Kunsten En Wetens-
chappen—by the Batavian Society.

Narrative of a tour through the Western states of Rdjwdra in 1835, by Lieut.
A. H, E. BorLeau, Engineers—by the Honorable Government.

Report on Amherst Town and the Tenasserim Provinces, by Dr. J. W. HELFER,
2 copies—presented by F, J. Halliday, Sec. on the part of Government.

Reports of a committee for investigating the coal and mineral resources of India—
by the Committee’s Sec. Dr. MCCLELLAND.

The Quarterly Journal of the Calcutta Medical and Physical Society, Nos. 4

. and 5—by the Editors.

Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, No. 51—by the Society.
Meteorological Register for Dec. 1837—by the Surveyor General,
From the Booksellers.
Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—Domestic Economy,
Wellesley Dispatches, Vol. V.

f
+
4

88 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [JAn.

The Secretary read the following letter from Government on the subject
of the Journal, deeming it, though of more immediate concern to himself
as editor and proprietor of that work, in principle addressed to the
Society, whose labours it eulogized. ,

: To JAMES PRINSEP, Esq. Secretary to the Asiatic Society.
IR, .
I am directed by the Honorable the Deputy Governor of Bengal to transmit to
you the annexed extract froma letter, No. 51 of 1837, from the Honorable the
Court of Directors inthe public department, dated the 25th October, in order that
the wishes of the Honorable Court in regard to the transmission of 40 copies of the
Society’s Journal from its commencement to the period of dispatch may be complied
with, and that 40 copies of each of the succeeding numbers as they shall respective-
ly appear, be in future forwarded to this Department,. and for transmission to the
Honorable Court.
I have the honor to be, &c.
Fort William, (Signed) H. ‘I. PRINSsEp,
17th January, 1838. Secy. to Govt.
Extract from Letter, No. 51, of 1837, from the Honorable the Court

of Directors, dated the 25th October.

‘* We have always felt the importance of affording due encouragement to the pro
motion of learned and scientific pursuits in the territories subject to our Govern-
ment, and more especially to those branches of knowledge which have peculiar
reference to Oriental objects. The Asiatic Society of Bengal, having labored long
and successfully to collect and diffuse the best and most accurate information upon
such topics, we desire that you forward to us 40 copies of the Journal of that Society
from its commencement to the period of dispatch ; and that you will subsequently
continue to transmit 40 copies of each of the succeeding numbers as they shall
respectively appear.’’
(True extract,)

' H.T. PRINSEP, Secy. to Govt.

A representation having lately been made to Government respecting
the publication of the Bishop of Cochin China’s Vocabulary forming an
Appendix to the Dictionary now nearly completed, the following answer

was received.
To JAMES PRINSEP, Esq. Secretary to the Asiatic Society.

Sir,
I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, dated the 13th instant,
soliciting that the Government will take upon itself the entire expence of printing
the Vocabulary or English Appendix to the Cochin Chinese and Latin Dictionary
about to be published by the right reverend the Catholic Bishop of Isauropolis in
lieu of paying for the 100 additional copies of this part of the work; and in reply to
state, that under the representation now made, the Honorable the President in Coun-
cil is prepared to authorize the expenditure of a sum not exceeding 1,500 rupees for
the publication of 1,300 copies of the Vocabulary of the Anamitan language which
has been prepared at the suggestion of Government with the map, &c, in lieu of
taking the 100 additional copies as originally proposed.

I am, &c.

Council Chamber,
17th January, 1838. H. T. Prinsep, Secy. fo Govt.

Babu Ram Comut Sena communicated an offer, from Maulavi Hariz
Qaxir, of 1,200 rupees for the imperfect set of the Fatéwa Alemgirt. Re-
ferred to the Committee of Papers.

The Librarian submitted a statement of the books bound and repaired
from November to January, in all 146 volumes; a daftarie’s bill for
Rs. 63 2 was passed,

The following extract of a letter from Professor Wison, to the Secre-
tary, dated 5th September, 1837, having been read :—

‘*We have in the library at the East India House an excellent bust of the late
Mr. COLEBROOKE by Chantrey, a copy of which the artist would furnish for £60.
It would form a valuable addition to your Society’s statuary if 600 rupees could be
raised for the purpose.’’—

Proposed by the Secretary seconded by Captain Sanpers and carried

unanimously ;— i

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 89

That, in order to profit by Professor Witson’s most welcome sugges-
tion, and to obtain a lasting memorial of Henry Tuomas CoLEBROOKE to
be placed in the Society’s library, a subscription be set on foot among
members of the Society in Calcutta and in the Mufasal.

It was further resolved that should the sum raised be more than suffi-
cient to cover the expence contemplated, Mr. Wixson should be requested
to procure, if possible, a similar memorial of Sir Witi1am Jones, if there
be any monument in England from which a good bust can be copied.
And as the sum raised for Dr. Minx’s portrait was also sufficient to pay
for a bust by Chantrey, it was determined to modify the former resolution,
and to request Dr. Mixx also to sit to this eminent sculptor ; by which
means the Society will become possessed of four monuments of its most
eminent orientalists, equally ornamental and durable.

Antiquities.

Mr. D. Lisron forwarded facsimiles (or rather impressions) of the in-

scription on the Kuhaon and Bédgelpur pillars in the Gorakhpur district.
[Published in the present Journal. }

Mr. J. H. Batten presented an impression of the inscription on the tem-
ple of Bdgheswur ( Vydgreswara,) in Kemaon, with drawings of the old and
modern temples there, and a Négari report drawn up by the priests of the
place, of the princes who formerly reigned in that district.

Capt. J. Campsett, Asst. to the Commissioner, Ganjam, at the request
of Mr. Wix1nson sent for presentation the Gumsur copperplate grants of
which a lithograph and translation were published in the Journal, vol. VI.

Mr. L. Wixx1nson, presented for deposit in the Society’s museum the
Piplianagar plates, translated by him in the Journal for July 1836. __

The Secretary exhibited to the members present a number of Bactrian
and Indo-Scythic coins collected by Captain Burnes at Cabul and from
Bokhara.

Among them were three Indo-Sassanians dug up at the former place, which had
enabled him to interpret the Sanskrit marginal legend of two similar coins found at
Manikydla, by Genl. VENTURA. It proves to be a translation of the usual Pehlevi
titles of the Persian monarchs of the Sassanian dynasty.

Mr. M. Kirror presented for the museum, 6 arrows used by the Paiks
in the Kattak hills:—a Kund arrow from Boad ; a Sikh spear.

Also, a small stone with inscription from the fort of Kattak, anda fac.
simile of another from the same place.

Various weapons used in JVipal were presented by Mr. B. H. Honeson.

Physical.

Fourteen boxes of geological specimens collected in the Shekdwati coun-
try by Mr. Epmunp Dean, were presented in his name to the museum ;
with a descriptive catalogue.

Mr. B. H. Honeson presented a variety of the fishes of the sub-Himé-

-layan streams preserved in spirits. Dr. McCuennanp had examined

and named these, and made drawings of such as were new.

List of Fishes presented to the Asiatic Society, by B. H. Hopeson, Esq.

1 Cyprinus mola, Ham. Figured Ganget. Fishes.
2 Cyprinus calbosus, ditto ditto ditto.
3 Cyprinus bacaila, ditto ditto ditto.
4 Cyprinus putitora.
5 Cyprinus shacra, and
6 Cyprinus chagunio of HAMILTON, unfigured and not received in consequence
by the naturalists of Europe.
7 Cyprinus, a new species.
8 Cyprinus, probably new.
9 Achirus new ?
10 Bola coitor, Ham. Figured and described in HAM. Gang. Fishes.
11 Pimelodus tengana, ditto ditto.
N

90 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [Jan,

12 Chauda nama? Ham. Figured and described in HAM. Gang. Fishes.
13 Clupanodon cortius, ditto ditto.

14 Silurus canio, ditto ditto.

15 Pimelodus aor, ditto ditto.

16 Esox cancila, ditto ditto.

17 Coius cobojius, ditto ditto.

18 Silarus boalis, ditto ditto.

19 Gmnotus notopterus auctorum.

20 Macrognathus armatus, Ham. Figured and described in Gang. Fishes.

Various specimens of butterflies and insects were presented by Mr. C.
Harvey.

A stuffed parrot, by Mr. X. Niconas. A black curlew by Dr. S. Evans.
A porcupine stuffed and mounted by Mr. Boucnez. The Skeleton of a
Gosamp or guana was presented by Mr. M. Masters.

A large collection of birds was. received from Captain Pemperton for
deposit until the return of his expedition. |

The following extracts from a private letter dated the 1st and 11th instant, will
interest those who are acquainted with the objects of the embassy :

‘* 1 yesterday crossed the frontier line and entered the Bhotun territory, after wait-
ing for several days to afford my friends time to make their arrangements for the
conveyance of our baggage and the collection of supplies ; but I found them, quite as
far advanced after a week’s nominal labour as before their exertions commenced.
I have opened communication with the Dewangirt raja who commands the Bura
Dovar pass by which I shall enter the Bhotan hills, and he has written to me in
very, friendly terms, promising a great deal when we meet. His residence is on the
summit of the first range of mountains overlooking the Assam valley. I ought to

have mentioned that this pass though called Buxa is not the Dovar by which -

TURNER travelled in 1783, but another bearing the same name, a little to the
westward of north of Gowhatty. I have just been shewing some Bhoteahs the
plates in TURNER with which they are delighted, and recognized the different places
immediately. They are quite astonished at the extent of our knowledge.

Dewangirt, Bhotan hills, January, 11, 1838.
Lat. 26° 50’52” Long. 91° 37’ 17”. Height above the sea, 2,150 feet.

We left Hazdragong on the 2nd for Goorgam a small village at the foot of the hills
where we halted for the night, and on the following morning entered the defiles of
the hills, and travelled nearly the whole day over the rocky bed of the Durung
nullah whose source is among the heights which immediately overhang Dewangiri
on the east. The stream is now scarcely more than ancle-deep, but in the rains it
forms a rapid and impracticable torrent, rushing with immense velocity. over its

rocky bed. Boulders of granite, masses of hornblende-slate, micaceous-slate, brown -

and ochre-colored sandstones, are the principal rocks found in this torrent, and the
heights on either side which rise almost perpendicularly from the stream, appear to
be composed of a coarse granite which is rapidly decomposing. In some instances,
the whole hill is a conglomerate formed of angular fragments of the different varie-
ties of rock already enumerated, the fragments of pre-existing formations. These
inferior heights when viewed from the plains present a very striking contrast to the
more massive ranges of which they form an advanced barrier. Their sides are almost
entirely bare of vegetation: slips are seen in every direction, having large white
patches, which’ have a very singular and striking effect when contrasted with.the
dark foliage of the more lofty ranges beyond them, The peaks, some of which are
from 500 to 800 feet high, rise very precipitously from the ridges on which they rest
presenting all the characteristics of primitive rocks.

The ascent from the foot of the hill on which Dewangiri stands commences about
half a mile. below the village and is rather precipitous, but presents nothing like the
difficulties which I have frequently experienced in my former rambles. I was met
by a deputation from the raja with ponies and mules to convey us to the encamp-
ment, and being mounted on the favourite hybred of royalty, | committed myself to
the guidance of a stout limbed Bhoteah who led it by ahalter. The ascent was
accomplished by a succession of rushes: the guide stopping at every ten paces to
take breath, and then hallooing to the animal made a second rush and we at
length reached the summit with very little apparent distress to the powerful mule
on which I was mounted. During the whole of this ascent, I sat perfectly secure
between the well raised kantle and pummel of the Bhoteah, saddle, without: even
finding it necessary to touch the bridle. I was closely followed by an officer of
some rank who must have ridden at least 15 stone, and he was conveyed up this

Ee ee

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. ie

ascent with apparent ease by a little mule scarcely more than 11 hands high, one:

man leading the animal and one on each side supporting the back of the compound
of silk, good humour, dirt and rank, on the little animal.

On the 5th, we paid our respects to the réja and were received with all the state
he could display on the occasion. He is a fine looking man of about 55 years of age
with a strictly Mongolian countenance (that is superfluity of cheek bone and paucity
of beard), he received us in the southern room of the second floor of a tolerably well
built stone house, the ascent to which was by a plank notched into steps of such
inadequate width that it is a service of no small danger to reach the presence by such
devious ways. We found the réja seated ona well-raised cushion witha colossal
statue in front of him which I have since heard is intended to represent any one of
the ten thousand dharmas who have been amusing themselves for the last eighteen
centuries by periodical flights from defunct carcasses into living children. Every
thing was conducted throughout this visit with a degree of polite urbanity which
would hardly have been expected from a nation whom we have been accustomed to
regard as so low in the scale of civilization; there was some distrust at first, but it
has now evidently worn off, and we have established a mutual understanding which
will, I trust, be productive of much eventual good. ;

Tam just now about to pay the raja a friendly visit, and intend taking Csoma
De Koros’ Tibetan Grammar and Dictionary to shew him. As yet we are hardly
sufficiently far north to obtain any very accurate information regarding the coun-
tries in that direction, but I have seen one or two very intelligent men who confi-
dently affirm that the Eroo Chownboo, or river which flows between Teshoo Loomboo
and Hlassa, is the Burhampooter of Assam, and that just before turning to the south
it receives a river from the eastward which flows into it from China, which country
they designate Karree, not Geanna as TURNER represents, this latter term being
applied apparently to eastern Tartary. We expect to leave this in a day or two
more, and hope to reach Punakha in twenty days. The general direction of our
marches will be about northwest, and on the seventh day we shall enter a snowy
region from which we shall not emerge until the eleventh march. The most inter-
esting portion of our journey is therefore still before us, and thus far I have
succeeded in having my instruments conveyed in safely. I have two excellent baro-
meters from which my estimate of altitudes are deduced, and. as I have frequently
tested them in the course of journeys previously made by comparison with heights I
examined trigonometrically, I know they are to be depended upon. My observations
for latitude and time are taken with a Troughton’s reflecting circle on a balanced
stand, and my chronometer is one by BARRAUD which I purchased from Mr. Gray
just before leaving Calcutta. Its rate is 1’ per diem gaining, and I have deduced the
longitude of this place from Gowhatty by it. It is an excellent time-keeper and
fully sustains the character Mr. Gray gave it when it was purchased. We are
enclosed on the north by peaks which must rise from two to four thousand feet above
our present level; but vegetation flourishes exuberantly to the very summits of all
the ranges visible, and I long for the sight of more rugged scenery. I have sent
you another dispatch of birds, of which I enclose a list.’’

Mr. G. Evans submitted to the meeting the Prospectus of a work by
Capt. Harris of the Bombay Engineers, comprising twenty-eight paint-
ings of the south African game quadrupeds with appropriate landscape,
collected during a hunting expedition into the interior of Africa, wherein
he had penetrated to the tropic of capricorn. Resolved, that members
should be invited to patronize the work.

[See the Prospectus and list of Subscribers on the cover of the present Journal. ]

The following bulletin of proceedings in the Nerbadda fossil field was
extracted from a letter from Dr. SprtsBury dated 15th January.

Major OusELEy is very hard at work bringing out some unknown animal’s head,
the teeth running like the radii of acircle, 18 inches long. You will hereafter receive
it along with a tusk that we cannot make out. The matrixis so very hard, that it
requires skill as well as labor to get on. It was first trusted to a native and nearly
spoilt. I chiselled out a splendid elephant’s head at Saugor ; there is also one here,
As I have already sent you one, these are destined for different places. I hope you
got the box of shells from WALKER, I have drawings of all the varieties we have
yet discovered which shall be sent you by and bye with an account of the sites, also
some new fossil sites, which I shall visit.

Colonel Luovp forwarded meteorological Journals from Daryjiling for

October and November to complete the year’s observations by Dr. Cuap-
MAN,

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JOURNAL

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THE ASIATIC SOCIETY.

No. 74.—February, 1838.

{.—Account of the expedition of Cuacn (Chacha) extracted from
the Chach Nameh, and extracts from the Tohfat ul Khwaén. By
Ensign PosTans.

The original Chach Nameh, from which the following is taken, is
the only known history of Sindh, authentic or otherwise, which affords
any information on the state of that country, previous to its conquest by
Muwammap Bin Ca’sim, under the Khalif WaALuip, in the year of
the Haj. 92. It exists in the form of a Persian translation from the
Arabic, in which it was originally written, by ALI BIN AHMED
BIN ABU-BAKR KurFIE, a resident of Ooch; but it is so defective,
that much on the following, and other interesting subjects connected
with the state of the country at that period, has been lest; the succeed-
ing account, is all that can be given of an expedition led by the brahman
CuaAcu when he usurped the sovereignty of Sindh, about the year 20
of the Hejira. |

Cuacu being firmly seated upon the throne of Sindh, and having
appointed his brother as his deputy, inquired of Bu’pHEMa’n, the minis-
ter of the late king, as to the divisions and extent of the empire, seeing
that it was his intention to make a tour of his dominions, for the pur-
pose of forming still stronger alliances with those chiefs who were
friendly to his rule; whilst he punished, and subdued te his obedience,
the discontented and seditious. Bu’ pHEMA«A’N informed him, that for-
merly the country had been divided into four great divisions, each
having its ruler whe acknowledged the supremacy of the sovereign ; in
which state it came to Sa’Hars BIN Diwaiy*, who was overthrown,

* Diwaij seems a corruption of dwija, ‘the brahman :’ and Sahurs resembles
much the genitive sdhasa of our Saurashtra coins, of whom the first is a swami
putra or son of a brahman; but the date seems too recent. See Vol. VI. p.
385.— Ep.

o

94 Extracts from the Persian History (Fes.

and killed by the Persians, under Nimroz; it then descended to
Sa’HASsi, a wise and virtuous prince, who made great exertions to
improve the country, and who added much to the wealth of the public
treasury ; he observed, “ Oh, CuaAcn, it is now in your possession,
where may it long remain; Go therefore and see the country, for by so
doing, and personally inquirmg imto its affairs, the dominion and power
over this vast territory will be fully secured to you.” CHAcH approved
of this advice, and having prepared a large force, set out to go towards
Hindostan, which was close to his territories. After many marches he
arrived at Hissarpdadyeh, on the southern shore of the river Bids; the
governor of that fort, MaLtakx BAMEA'H, opposed his progress; engage-
ments ensued; MaLaKk BameEa’H was defeated, and fled to the fort
where he entrenched himself.. CHAcH staid at this place some time,
until, his supplies failing, he made a night march, and arrived at Iskunder,
which was a fortified place, and encamped near the city. Now in that
fort was a person named Martryren, who was well disposed towards
Cracu, and the most influential man in the place. Cuacu sent messen-
gers to him, promising him the fort and the government of that part of
the country, if he would contrive either to destroy, or imprison MaLaxk

Bamea’H, the governor of Lskander; and in order to ratify his pro-

mise, he delivered written agreements to Mavyen to that effect. This
latter acceded to these conditions, and seizing an opportunity slew
Marak Bamea’n by night, and brought his head to Cuacn, who
made Matyrn governor of the country, whilst the great people of the
place paid visits, and brought presents to Cuacu, acknowledging his
authority. From this place, he proceeded towards the country of
Miltin. Now in the city of Multan, was a governor named Buu’siran,
of the family of Sa‘uassi the late king; when this man heard of the
arrival of Cuaca on the confines of his dominions, he came with a
large force to the edge of the river Rdwi; his nephew Sinup, was
governor of the fort of Sukeh to the eastward of Mdaltdén, and his
cousin Assi’n came with a large force to the edge of the Bits, where
he encamped for three months, until the water decreased, when he
forded it, and came to join Siau’p, at the fort of Sukeh, which place
Cuacn besieged. The besieged held out for some time, until they became
distressed, and much slaughter ensued on both sides. Sinu‘p then fled
towards Miiltén, and made a stand on the bank of the Réwi; Cuacu
advanced upon Ailtun, and Buu’si’rauw prepared his forces and war
elephants to oppose him. After much fighting and slaughter, Buv’si’rag
was defeated, and fled for refuge to the fort, from whence he dispatched
emissaries to Cashmere, telling the governors of that place, that the

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1838.] of Sindh, relative to Chacha raja. 95

brahman Cnacu, witha powerful army was in the country, and that there
would be no bounds to his conquests, unless they sent assistance to
enable him to repel the invader. The messengers from Cashmere return-
ed with the following answer: “ The governor of this country is just
dead, and his son is a minor: the army so far from being disposed to
obey him, are rather inclined to be mutinous: we must first settle the
affairs of our own state, before we offer to render you the assistance
you require.” On receiving this reply, Buu‘sirau sued to Cuacu for
safety for himself, his family, and the whole garrison, when he promised
to evacuate the place, and depart from the country: this was acceded
to. The fort and whole country of Mudtin, were taken possession of by
Caacu, and Bav’sirag departed to Cashmere. After this acquisition of
territory, CuAcu proceeded to the temple, where he prostrated himself
before his gods, and made his oblations: after having appointed a
Thakur as his deputy to gevern Multun, and the governors of Malud,
Karud, and Ishpahar, having profiered their allegiance, CHacu pro-
ceeded towards Cashmere, to the boundaries of which country he arriv-
ed without any opposition, because, when God raises a man to power,
he facilitates all his difficulties, and gratifies all his wishes. So Cuacu
proceeded from stage to stage until he arrived at the fort of Shah
Kidhar, higher up than Kisa, and which is situated upon the confines
of Cashmere; here he halted for one month. Some of the neighbour-
ing chiefs were refractory, whilst others acknowledged obedience: he
formed new alliances, and strengthened old ones, with many of the
nobles, and when affairs were settled, he sent for two young trees, one
a willow and the other a fir; these he planted on the borders of the
country of Cashmere, on the edge of the river which is called Panj
Mahiyat, near the hills of Cashmere whence it rises; he remained here
until the branches of the trees met, and then decreed, that they should
be considered as the boundaries of the two territories, on that side was
to belong to Cashmere, on this to Sindh. After this he returned to
Alor, where he remained for one year. Having now completely settled
the affairs of the country to the eastward, Cu acu observed to his minis-
ter Bu‘puEMa’N, that it would be necessary to make a journey to the
southward and westward; whereupon he proceeded to the fort of Biad-
hapur and Secustan, the governor of which latter place was named
Matten. From a place called Dahtamat (which is a boundary between
Sammah and Alor) he went to Budyeh, whose governor was the son of
Korup. The capital of the country was Kakardj, the residents of
which are called Sawis. Cuacu attacked them, and took the fort.
‘Ka’KEH BIN Ka’KEn came to Cuacu, and asked for safety for his father
o 2

96 Extracts from the Persian History of Sindh, (Fes.

and family, promising to pay tribute and be obedient. Batis then
proceeded towards Sectistaxn. MatTTEen the governor came out to battle,
but was defeated and fled to the fort, where he was besieged. After a
week, Cuacu took the place, and reinstating Marren as the governor,
left agents of his own there for its greater security. Here he staid for
some days, until all the affairs of the country being settled, he sent
messengers to Brahmanabdd, to the governor Akuam Lona’na’,
who had also charge of the provinces of Sakeh, Sammah and Suhuteh,
to bring him to obedience. The spies who had been stationed on the
road, which is a few days’ journey from Makrdn, intercepted a letter
which AkuAm had written to Marrex wherein it was thus written:
“ Your letters have arrived: whilst I live I will prevent any person
from encroaching upon my dominions. Who is this Cuacu that I should
fear him? a thousand such have come and departed, who is not a king,
but a brahman; you are free to travel in my dominions, from Brah-
mandbad to the sea at Diwul, no one shall molest you, nay, I will
assist and protect you, for I am powerful.” Cuacu on reading this,
wrote to Akuam thus: “ You are proud of your power and bravery, but
be not too confident; it is true that the countries I possess were not
mine by inheritance, but they are the gifts of God who protects me, and
whose assistance I alone supplicate. It is in this way that I have always
overthrown my enemies.” |

Cuaca marched to Brahmandbadd. Axuam Lona’na was notat
that time there, but in another part of his dominions; but hearing of the
arrival of Cuacu, he hastened to oppose him. After a great battle and
much slaughter AKAM was defeated and besieged in his own fort.

* * * '% * * + * * *

The following are from the Zufat ul Khwan.

Methods of deciding the innocence or guilt of persons Eee of
misdemeanours.

Ist. It is a practice with these people (although a foolish one*),
when any person is accused of theft, to give him the trial by fire: if he
passes through the flames unhurt, they conclude him innocent.

2nd. Another plan is, to place an iron spade heated to a white heat

* NorE.—These, or practices equally ridiculous, are at the present day com.
mon in Sindh. Since writing the above, I have been informed by a most intel-
ligent native (SAyAp AzAmuppin) for some time resident at Vikhar, as British
agent at the mouths of the Indus; that the most approved method at present in
use amongst these people, is for the accused to dip himself clothed in the river,
from whence if he emerges with his body dry, he is beyond doubt innocent of

the crime laid to his charge! Truly, such methods of administering justice
must leave the accused but a sorry chance of escape; whether innocent or guilty.

s

1838.} On the Customs and Superstitions of the people. 97

upon the palm of the hand; some green leaves are tied together with
raw silk, and placed upon the heated iron: if the accused be innocent,
the leaves remain unburnt and the hand uninjured; (as has been fre-
quently observed) but if guilty, both the leaves and handare burnt. For
example, a certain woman stole a pair of siwdrehs, (kind of ornament) —
from another woman, and denied the theft, whereupon, they agreed to
decide the question by means of the heated spade. The accused
placed the articles stolen in a basket, covering over and concealing them
with cotton, and previously to undergoing the ordeal, gave the same
to the owner of the siwdrehs: then, fearlessly lifting the spade, she
returned it to the ground unhurt, although the heat was so great, that
it scorched all the surrounding earth. The accuser, enraged at seeing
the woman, whom she knew to be guilty, escape without injury, threw
_ down the basket, when the ornaments rolled out, and the truth became
apparent.

3rd. They sink the foot of a post in deep water: the accused is direct-
ed to dive to the bottom of the post; at the moment that he does so,
an arrow is thrown, and a person dispatched to-bring it; the post is
then moved, if the accused be guilty, he rises to the surface, but if
innocent, he is enabled to stay in the water. |

Magic and Divination.

These people are great magicians; one woman will charm away the
butter from the curds of another, and add the quantity to her own. For
instance*, I was once the. guest of a woman in a village who had pre-
pared her curds for butter, when under pretence of asking for fire, she
proceeded to the house of a neighbour, whose curds she saw were also
ready; my hostess returned, and in a short time by dint of powerful
charms, produced as much butter from the produce’of one cow, (which
was all she possessed) as could scarcely have been produced by ten
cows. Their best method of divination is by means of the blade-bone
of a goat. The following once occurred. |

A party of hillmen being pursued by enemies, left their stronghold,
and fled to the plains; they had amongst their number, a Mdneh Sang,
(so this description of diviners are called). On the road they found the
blade-bone of a goat, and requested the diviner to tell them how far
their pursuers were behind. He looked at the bone and reported that
they were close upon them. He was then directed to point out the best
means of escape; he ordered them to sprinkle the contents of their

* This is quoted from the author of the Tohfat, who speaks in the first
person.

98 Extracts from the Persian History of Sindh, [Frs.

mussocks upon the ground, and pass over it; they did so, and proceeded
on their journey. In a short time, the other party arrived, having also
with them a Médneh Sang, who, looking at the water and the direction
the pursued had taken, told his companions that there was no use in
proceeding further, as the enemy had crossed the (water), they accord-
ingly gave up the pursuit.

Tracking footsteps, and Omens.

These people are wonderfully expert in the art of tracking footsteps;
they can distinguish those of friends from strangers, old from young,
nor do they lose the track over any kind of ground. Some can also
divine from the noise of birds, particularly from that of the woodcock
or quail, both of which are birds of great omen. I was once with a
person who said to me, come along quickly, for, from the omens of
the birds I know that guests have arrived at my house, as also, that
a certain person is dead. It proved to be as he had predicted.

Stories.

No. l. In the time of Omar Sumrau, two extraordinary circum-
stances occurred, which I will relate: Ist, a beautiful girl named Mau-
ru‘l, who resided at Zalhar, was betrothed by her family to a person
named Panu’, but afterwards given in marriage to another. Panu’
enraged at what had occurred, determined upon revenge, and with this
intent, reported to the king Omar, that Mauru’’ was exceedingly
beautiful, and fit only to be an mmate of his harem. OMAR on hear-
ing this, disguised himself, and mounting a swift camel proceeded in
search of the beauty; he found her, and being enraptured with her
charms, seized the first opportunity of carrying her away. Maurvu’i’s
virtue however was proof against all the king’s entreaties, and after a
year had passed in vain endeavours to gratify his desires, he sent for
the husband, and resigned her again to his care. Notwithstanding
OMAR’s assurances to the contrary, the man’s mind was infected with
doubts as to his wife’s purity, nor did the taunts he underwent from his
tribe, on the subject of her residence with the king, diminish these sus-
picions; in short, he ill treated MaAHrv‘’i, and did not scruple openly
to curse Omar, as the cause of his misfortune and disgrace. ‘These

circumstances, reaching the ear of the king, in a transport of rage he

headed a body of troops, determined to inflict summary punishment
upon the whole of that tribe; but MAnru‘’t interceded to dissuade
him from so cruel and unjust a proceeding, pointing out, that the fault
was his own, in keeping a stranger’s wife so long in his own house.
Whilst in order to satisfy her husband’s doubts, and set his mind at rest,

she underwent the trial by fire, and coming out unscathed, proved to

1838.) On the Customs and Superstitions of the people. 99

him and all the tribe, that she was spotless. They then lived together
in the bonds of affection.
Susi and Panin.

2. In the city of Bahanpurweh, resided a rich man, whose wife
after remaining for many years childless, brought forth a daughter; the
father’s happiness at the event was very great, but on consulting the
astrologers as to the future fate of the child, they predicted, that she
would marry one of the Muhammadan persuasion. In order to prevent
the disgrace which must attend such a connéction, the father determined
to destroy the infant; and for this purpose, placed it in a box which he
threw into the river. By chance, it floated to the city of Bahanpore, and
was picked up by a man in the employ of a dhobi of that place. He
took it to his master who opened it and found the child alive. Being
without children himself, he adopted the girl as his own. In time Su’s1’,
(for so she was called,) became so renowned for her beauty, that when-
ever she went abroad, she was followed by a large concourse of the peo-
ple of that city. Now it happened, that a large caravan of merchants
from Kish and Makran halted at Bahanpore, and some of these,
having seen the girl, on their return, reported her beauty to Panun,
the son of the governor of Kish. He became enamoured of her deserip-.
tion, and disguising himself as a merchant, travelled with the next
caravan to the city of Bahanpore, for the purpose of satisfying himself
as to the truth of the reports he had heard. The better to carry his pur-
pose into execution, he entered the service of the dhobi, and soon con-
trived to see Su’si’, whose real charms exceeded all description. Ina
short time, he made her acquainted with his passion, which she returned;
and by the consent of the dhobi, they were married.

When the intelligence of this reached Panu’n’s father, he was
annoyed at the connection which his son had formed, and dispatched
other two of his sons to bring their brother back. They arrived at
Bahanpore, and took up their residenee near the house of the dhobi
where their brother lived, until watching an opportunity, they one
night seized Panv’n, and placing him upon a swift camel, returned
with him to their father. The grief of Su’st’ on discovering the
abduction of her husband knew no bounds; she determined to follow
him, and took the road to Késh. After travelling for about 40 kos
from the city, overcome with thirst and fatigue, she feli exhausted
to the ground, but in so doing, her foot struck a stone, and imme-
diately there gushed forth a spring of limpid water, with which she
quenched her thirst; this same spring yet remains, nor was it ever
known to become dry, even in seasons of great drought, when all the

100 Extracts from the Persian History of Sindh, [ Fes.

tanks, and other springs in the country, have been parched up. Svust’,
in commemoration of the goodness of God in thus miraculously affording
her assistance, planted a sprig of the tree from which henna is procured,
on the edge of the spring. ‘The tree is to be seen there at the present
day.
Proceeding onwards towards the hills, she was again distressed with
fatigue and ‘thirst, in which situation a shepherd observing her, and
being struck with her extreme beauty, advanced for the purpose of
offering her violence; by entreaty however, she prevailed over him
sufficiently, to induce him to desist from his evil designs, until he
had first satisfied the thirst with which she was tormented. Whilst
the shepherd returned to procure her some milk, Sv’s1’ prayed
to the almighty to release her from her manifold calamities; her sup-
plications were answered, the hill whereon she stood opened, and she
entered the fissure which closed after her, leaving only the edge of her
garment visible, as a proof to the rest of mankind of the power of God,
and to direct her husband Panu’n, to the spot. When the shepherd
returned, and saw what had happened, he reproached himself bitterly as
the cause of the calamity, and piled a few stones together in the shape
of a tomb, as a memorial of his grief. In the mean time, Panun
continued inconsolable at the separation from his beloved wife, and his
father seeing that he was determined rather to die than live without her,
became apprehensive for his life, and dispatched him in charge of his
brothers, to seek Su’si’. When they arrived at the spot in the hills,
and were informed by the shepherd of the circumstances attending
Su’si”s death, they were overcome with fear and astonishment.
Panu’n, under pretence of paying his devotions at the tomb of his
wife, withdrew from his brothers, when he supplicated the almighty to
join him in death with his beloved Su’s1’; the earth again opened, and
he was swallowed up also. The brothers returned to their father, and
reported what had occurred. This is a story well known in Sindh, and
Mvr Masu’n Baxerte, the author of the 2nd Chach Nameh,
has composed some verses upon it, under the title of Hassan and Naz*.

3. It is related, that during the reign of a king of Cutch named

Laken, there lived a jogi who was wonderfully skilled in the various
properties of herbs, and who had for years been occupied in searching
for a peculiar kind of grass, the roots of which, if burnt and a man

* Nore.—There can be little doubt, that this, as well as the succeeding legends,

relative to the destruction of tne cities Alor and Brdhmandbéd, have their
erigin in some convulsion of nature.

:

1838. ] On the Customs and Superstitions of the people. 101 —

thrown into the same fire, the body of the person so burnt would become
gold. Any of his limbs might afterwards be taken away without the body

‘sustaining any diminution for the parts so taken, would always restore

themselves. It happened one day, that this jogi whilst following a
flock of goats, observed a red goat eating of the very grass he was so
anxious to procure. He immediately rooted it up, and desired the shep- —
herd who was near, to assist him in procuring firewood. When he had
collected the wood, and kindled a fire, into which the grass was thrown,
the jogi, wishing to make the shepherd the victim of his avarice, under
pretence of its being necessary, desired him to make a few circuits
round the fire. The man however suspecting foul play, was beforehand
with him, and watching an opportunity, seized the jogi himself, and
threw him into the fire where he left him to be consumed. The next
day when he returned to the spot, great was his astonishment at behold-
ing the golden figure of a man lying amongst the dying embers. He
immediately chopped off one of the limbs, and hid it. The next day, he
returned to take some more, when he found to his surprise, that.
another limb had replaced the one he had taken off. In short, in this
way the shepherd soon become wealthy, and afterwards revealed the
secret of his riches to the king LakEen; who by the same means, accu-
mulated so much gold, that every day, he was in the habit of giving
1,25,000 rupees, in alms to fakirs.
The country of Cutch taken possession of by the men of Samméh.
_ Many of the men of Sammah emigrated to Cutch, the ruler of which
country treated them with kindness and consideration. After some time
they represented that they had become a powerful and numerous tribe,
able to support themselves without burthening the state, for which pur-_
pose they petitioned the government for a grant of land, which they
pledged themselves to cultivate, and pay tribute and tax, like the other
subjects of the country. The king of Cutch with great generosity,
bestowed broad lands upon them, and also gave them 500 carts laden
with grain, which they promised to repay with the produce of their
agriculture. In the course of time, these people made themselves ac-
quainted with the affairs of the country, and became ambitious to possess
it. With this intent they formed a plot in the first instance to seize the
capital, and residence of the king, which was as follows; they con-
cealed armed men in their 500 carts, covering them over with grass, two
men in each cart, and one as a driver. Under pretence of selling the
grass, they were about to enter the fort, but seated in the porch of the
gate, was a brahman, an astrologer, whose business it was to divine the
intentions of all who entered the city, and who warned the door-keepers
P

102 Extracts from the Persian History of Sindh, (Fes.

of danger by telling them, he was sure flesh was concealed under the

grass. These men would not believe him, but to prove the truth of his
assertion, thrust their spears amongst the bundles of grass in the fore-
most carts. The Swmmdhs who were thus wounded, wiped the stain
of the blood to prevent detection; the door-keepers were deceived, the
brahman was taunted as a false diviner, and the whole of the carts
passed into the city. In the night, the Sammdahs left their places of
concealment, and took possession of the place, and of the whole country,
the descendants of the Summdhs, are governors of Cutch to this day*.

Downfall of the Cities of Alor and Brahmandabad.

Ditv’ Rai was a tyrant, and his oppression and injustice caused
the downfall of the cities of Alor and Brdhmandbad: as they are
extraordinary circumstances, I will relate them. It was the practice
with that monster of cruelty, to deprive every merchant who visited his
city of half his property, and to seize by force the beautiful wives of
his subjects, who were made to minister to his sensual gratifications-
It happened that a very wealthy merchant by name, Sizrr ut Muvk,
(some say, he was not a merchant, but a prince in disguise,) halted at
Alor on his road to Mecca; he was also accompanied by his wife, a
very beautiful woman: in those days, the waters of the river Mehran,
ran close by the city of Alor. Now when Ditvu’ Rat, heard of the
riches of SizF uL Mutk, and of the beauty of his wife, he determined

* The city of Goontree or Goatree, one of the three remarkable ruins in Cutch and
which the writer of this has visited, was the scene of this stratagem ; as the strong
current in this province agrees so nearly with what our author has written, it is
herewith given in the words of Captain BurNEs, whose paper on these and other
subjects connected with Cutch, leave but little employment for the pens of others.

After describing the situation of the city, and the discord which exists amongst its
inhabitants, the account says, ‘‘ Discord having been once sown among them, their
city fell into the hands of a body of Sumas or Jharejas through treachery. This tribe
had migrated from Kucho in Sindh to Cutch, and tended herds of cattle in the
neighbourhood of Goontree, supplied the city with grass, &c. and being encouraged
by the differences among the Rajpoots, they secretly introduced armed men into the
city, not exactly in the bowels of the wooden horse, but concealed during night in
carts among the grass, and thus possessing themselves of Goontree, as the Greeks
did of Troy, they forced the Sands to flee from Cutch, and they settled in Bal beyond
Lemree in Jhalawar, where their posterity are said still to exist.

‘‘It is in the mouth of every one, that the inhabitants of Kattywdr are from Cutch,
which gives probability at least to this story.

‘‘The chiefs of the tribe of Suma, which thus came into power, were Mor and
Muwnal names of notoriety to this day, and often mentioned by the Bhats of the
country in their songs; and it was the son of this Mor, who afterwards took Kténcot
in Wagur, and extended his rule over all Cutch, and converted the province into a
petty kingdom in which it has ever since continued.’’ f

ad

1838.] On the Customs and Superstitions of the people. 103

to rob him of both, and told him of his intention. The unfortunate
merchant, petitioned for three days’ grace, when he promised to accede
to the tyrant’s wishes in all things. Srer ut MuLx was a holy man,
and that night prayed fervently to God and the prophet to assist him
in his difficulties; he had a dream, wherein he was desired to collect
together all the masons of the city of Alor, and cut a road through the
neighbouring hills, sufficiently large to allow of the passage of a boat,
by which means he should escape. The merchant reasoned within him-
self, that such could not possibly be the work of mortal hands, but since
it was the will of the most high, he did as he was directed, and in one
night the passage was completed; the river changed its course, and
flowing through the new channel, enabled Sizer ut Mutk, to escape

_ with his wife and property, from the fangs of the tyrant Ditu’ Ra’t.

The river has ever since flowed in the new channel, and from its so
doing, may be dated the downfall of the city of Alor, which rapidly fell
into decay, and from being the capital city of the country, soon became
a mere ruin. ~ It is related, that Serr Ut Mutx with his wife returned
from Mecca, and took up his residence near Sttaporu, where he died after
having two sons; his tomb, and those of his sons, are well known as
places of pilgrimage.
Destruction of Brahmandbad.

After the river had left the city of Alor, Ditu’ Ra’r took up his resi-
dence at Brdhmandbédd ; he had a brother named Cuotan, who by the
blessing of God had early in life embraced Islamism, and knew the Koran
by heart; his friends importuned him to marry, but he shewed a disincli-
nation to do so, till one of them tauntingly observed; “Oh, he does not
intend to marry a native of his own country, but will go to Mecca, and
take unto himself the daughter of some wealthy Arab. Now it so hap-
pened, that Cuorau at that time contemplated a journey to the holy city ;
this speech, and the importunity of his friends urged him to the measure,
and he departed. During his residence at Mecca, as he was one day
walking in the street, he observed a woman standing at the door of a
house reading the koran aloud. Caoran stopped to listen to her, where-
upon she asked him, why he did so? he said, “ He also was anxious to
read the koran, and that he would consider himself her slave, if she
would instruct him. The woman replied, My teacher is the daughter
of such a person, if you will disguise yourself as a woman and accom-
pany me, I will introduce you to her.” They went accordingly, and in
his disguise, CuoTsn attended daily upon his instructress, who in ad-
dition to other accomplishments, was also skilled in astrology. On one
occasion CuoTaun remarked to her, ““Youwho are so well skilled in fore-

Pp 2

——s.

104 Extracts from the Persian History of Sindh. ([Fes.

telling the destinies of others, are you acquainted with your own?” She
‘said “ Yes; and itis foretold that I shall become the wife of a native of
Sindh, and you are the man.” CuorTan, finding his secret revealed, no
longer continued his stolen visits, but making the girl’s parents ac-
quainted with his passion, was lawfully married to her, and returned to
Brahmandbad, where he employed himself in trying to persuade
Ditvu’ Ra‘, to abandon his evil courses, but without effect. The
beauty of CuoTan’s wife (FATIMEH), reaching the ears of the tyrant,
he determined to possess her and for this purpose sought an opportuni-
ty whilst his brother was from home to visit his wife. Cuoran being
informed of this, returned quickly and taking FATIMEH with him de-
parted from the city, after venting maledictions upon it, and the tyrant

who ruled there, prophecying that the place, and all who inhabited it,

would be overthrown. Many believed his predictions, and fled; three
nights afterwards, it was, with all its inhabitants, swallowed up ; one single
minaret alone remains as a warning to the rest of mankind.
Worship of Idols.
Bris Ca’sim after the taking of Alor* entered the city, where he

observed a number of people prostrating themselves before a temple. On |

inquiring, he found that they were worshipping idols ; he entered the
temple, where he saw the figure of a man on horseback so perfect, that
he drew his sword to defend himself, but the bystanders told him to
sheathe it again, as the figure he saw was not a man, but the resemblance
of one and an object of adoration. Upon this, Brn Ca’sim advanced to the
figure, and the better to prove to these people the absurdity of their reli-
gion, drew one of the gauntlets+ from the hands of the idol, and
observing to the idolators that their divinity had now only one gauntlet
left, desired them to inquire of him, what had become of the other?
to which they replied, “ How should the inanimate idol be able to answer
a question; what can he understand of such things?” Then said Bin
Ca’sim, “what strange sort of god do you worship, who so far from
being acquainted with the state of others, is not even able to answer a
question concerning his own.” The unbelievers were ashamed at the
rebuke.

*93H. 7H1 A.D. .

+ Literally, the word is wt dws dastwdn, gauntlet or glove, probably more cor-

rect as an ornament of some kind, than a glove.

1§38.] Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. 105

I]l.—Ezamination and Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts depo-
sited in the Madras College library. By the Reverend WiLLi1aM
TAYLOR. |

Palm-leaf MS. No. 217, counter mark 74.
A :—TAMIL.

1.—Conga désa Rajékal.

There are two copies of this valuable manuscript both of which were
read and compared together. The one was found to be an imperfect
copy of the other, having besides a considerable chasm in the middle :
the superior copy has also a short break in the passage relating to a
change of Visunu VerRv’aana of Talcdd from the Jaina to the Viish-
nava faith ; there is also an omission of one or two names. In other
respects the better manuscript is complete. The palm-leaves of this
copy (and of the inferior one also) had suffered much from being eaten
through by insects: in some places letters, in others words, were quite
eaten away: these, however, could be made out by a little attention ;
and to prevent further illegibility, I directed the manuscript to be re-
stored in paper, forming a valuable record.

Though the title indicates only a narrative of the ancient Conga-dé-
sam (being as it would appear the same with the modern Coimbatore
country) yet the work contains distinct chapters, or sections, which
might be regarded as distinct productions on the Chéla, Oyisdla and
Vijayanagara kingdoms ; these kings having been successively con-
querors of the Conga country. The first record of the country goes up
nearly to the commencement of the Christian era, and narrates the
rule of some chiefs down to the close of the ninth century, and con-
quest of the country about that time by ApiTya Varma a Chola prince.
Various matters are narrated in connexion with this dynasty, and some
light is thrown on the Pdndya-désam, such as the records ofthat
kingdom would not own. The Cénga country then seems to have
come under the rule of the Oyisdlas whose capital was above the
Ghats, in the Mysore country. . These gave way before the Rayers, of
Bisnagur.

Both dynasties of Oyisdlas and Rayers are given from the com-
mencement. The record is brought down to a period subsequent to
the transfer of the remains of the Rayer power to Pennacéndai; and
concludes with narrating warlike operations in the Mysore country,
with the siege and storming of Seringapatam A. D. 1609-10, nearly
two hundred years antecedent to a like event which made it for a time

7)

106 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fan

so famous. At that time it is said to have come into the possession. of
the raja Upiyar of Mysore.

The manuscript is for the most part free from the mythological fable
which usually disfigures Hindu documents, and is well supported by
dates ; in general referred to inscriptions which are mentioned ; and
many grants of land are specified with such reference. -On the whole
this is one of the best, and most valuable manuscripts in the collection.
A more full abstract is not here given seeing that sometime since, I
translated the whole; and intend to transmit a copy of it to the Bengal
Asiatic Society for insertion, if thought worthy by them of such dis-
tinction, in the transactions of that illustrious Society.

Professor WuiLson’s notice of this manuscript will be found in Des.
Cat. Vol. I. p. 198.

Books of Manuscripts on paper. Book No. 12, countermark 766.

Section 1.—The universal deluge according to the account of the
Jaina people in the Chettupat district.

The account was given by one named Cavunpr’svaReR. There are
some geographical details of the neighbourhood of the Himdlaya
mountains, with chronological definitions dealing in magnificent periods
of time, and narrating changes of those periods. Bounds of Dherma
Candam, and Mléchch’ha Cdndam. The period of great heat—of fire
—rain—previous to the deluge ; then other kinds of showers—among
them of sugarcane juice—of poison—quintessence of poison ; by which
means the earth sinks down depressed. ‘Then come showers of milk—
nectar—water, and afterwards the earth becomes restored : grass,
plants, shrubs, &c. re-appear. Men also again inhabit the earth, who
dwell on it and increase. After forty thousand years, the Menus, and
Chacravertis are born, and continue to rule. Then comes a period of
twenty crores of crores of years, at the close of which the seven kinds
of showers, as before, introduce the yuga praldya, or periodical deluge.
Certain other changes occur down to the year 2480 of the kah-yuga,
corresponding with the year of the era of Salivahana 1739 (A. D. 1817
when possibly the account was given). After another 18,000 years,
there will be extreme heat for 21,000 years, and then in the Dherma
Candam only, the fire showers falling, will be followed by the periodi-
cal deluge.

Note. ‘This short paper is in Tamil strangely mingled with Prdkrit ;

and the writing is so much faded as to be with difficulty legible. It

contains the most extravagant exaggerations ; but illustrates obscure
expressions in other manuscripts, as to fire-showers; and may be
=~

i

1888.] = -_ Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. 107

taken generally for a confirmation of opinion among the Jainas sub-
stantially the same. as to the leading fact of the deluge with the opinions
and records concerning the same great event by the Brahmanical Hin-
dus.

Section 2.—Account of a Raja of Chenji (Ginjee) who persecuted
the Jaina people.

In the year of Salivdhana 1400 (A. D. 1478, 9) Ca’varar Vunca-
tapaTi Nayak ruled in Ginjee, over the Tiruvadi district near Vrid-
dhachala. Being a man of a low tribe, he demanded of the brahmans
who among them would give one of their daughters to him as a wife.
They replied that if the Jainas would first give him a wife, they would
themselves do the same. The brahmans. went to a famous Jaina in
the Dindivanam district, who promised to give his daughter to the
chieftain ; but instead of actually doing so, contrived to offer him a
very cutting insult. The chief greatly incensed issued an order to de-
capitate all the Jainas that could be met with. In consequence some
Jainas emigrated : some adopted the Saiva religion ; some were slain,
and some dissembled, secretly following their own rites. In Uppu-
Véhir a disguised Jaina was taken at a pool of water while performing
his evening ceremonies in the Jaina method, and was sent to Ginjee ;
but as the chief had just then a child born in his house, he pardoned
the Jaina. ‘This person after so narrow an escape vowed to devote
himself to an ascetic life. | With some preparatory studies he fulfilled
his vow.

Another Jaina, through fear, had emigrated towards the south,
passing from place to place, till at length in a dream he was directed
not to go any further away. Immediately afterwards he heard of the
approach of the Muhammadans towards his native place. He went to
meet them, and advanced as far as Arcot ; where he acquired land to
cultivate. |

After some time he sent for the before mentioned Jaina ascetic ;
and to prevent a strange religion being introduced, he located that per-
son on his lands as a teacher and guide. Some time afterwards a
brahman named Tarra’cHa’RyaR set up a pillar at Conjeveram and
challenged any who might think proper to come and dispute with him.
Hearing of this circumstance the aforesaid Jaina teacher named Vira-
CHENA ACHA/RYA went thither, and overcame TaTTa’CHA’RYAR in
polemical dispute, upset the pillar, and returned to Uppu-Véhir ; where
he fell sick, and died. Subsequently the Jaina religion flourished
greatly in that neighbourhood, and Tayamur Ubalear continued to

-

108 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

extend to persons of that persuasion flattering distinctions and privileges.

Note. This paper was more legible than the former one, but in
some places difficult to be restored. It seems to contain a plain tradi-
tionary statement of matters not very remote ; and, in the main, may
possibly be depended on. Many Jainas live in the neighbourhood of
Arcot, Vellore, and Conjeveram.

' Section 3.—Account of the Sdne’hya, and other modes of religious
credence. |

In the early times during the reign of a son of Bharata, the Muni

Capila performed penitential austerities after the Jaina ( Vaishnava ) .

mode. ‘There is a defective Prakrit sloca, or verse. Some notice
follows of the foundation of the Sdanec’hya School by Carita. Notices
of other persons with defective slocas. Account of leaders of the Jaina

system, and of their disputations with the followers of other opinions..

Remark. ‘This paper is in the same handwriting, and mode of com-
position, as Section 1, but the ink so much faded, as to leave the mean-
ing provokingly unintelligible. The attempt to read it, and by conse-
quence to restore it, has been a failure. The information that, if other-
wise might have been obtained from it, we most probably possess from
other sources.

Section 4.—Customs and manners of the Jainas in the Chettupat
district.

This paper contains two parts, here designated by the letters A.
and B.

A. The Yetht Dherma and B. the Sravana Dherma.

a. The Yethi Dherma is of ten kinds.

1. Ardhyavam, to follow the right way, and teach it to others.
2. Mard hava, to behave with reverence to superiors, and carefully
to instruct disciples. 3. Satyam, invariably to speak the truth.
4. Sdujam, mentally to renounce hatred, affection, or passion, and
evil desire ; and outwardly to act with purity. 5. Tiydgam, to renounce
all bad conduct. 6. Cshama, to bear patiently, like the earth, in time
of trouble. 7. Tapasu, outward and inward self-mortification. 8. Brah-
macharyam, to relinquish all sexual attachment, even in word or
thought. 9. Aginchanam, to renounce the darkness of error, and to
follow the light of truth. 10. Samyamam, duly to celebrate all special
periods, festivals, or the like. 7

bh. The Sravana Dherma is of eleven kinds, 1. Terisinigen, one
who relinquishes certain unclean kinds of food, with killing, lying, theft,
and all anxious cares. 2. Vritiken, one who eats not at night, is faith-

ee SA as Ge a hea a

1838.] Jains of the Chettupat. division. 109

ful to his teacher, to his family, and to his religion ; he is self-restrained
and keeps silence, and zealously renounces the use of all pleasant vege-
tables. 3. Sdmdthiken, is one, who with the foregoing qualifications,
renders homage to the Divine Being three times a day, morning, noon,
and evening. 4. Proshépavasen, one who fasts on certain days, so
appointed to be observed. 5. Sachitan-vrithen, one who with the
foregoing dispositions renounces certain kinds offood. 6. Rdttiri bakh-
ten, one who observes mortification during the day only. 7. Bramah-
madchirya, one always occupied in contemplation of God. 8. Anaram-
pan, one who quits cultivation, and all other secular occupations. 9.
Aparigrahan, one who renounces all kinds of earthly gain. 10. Anu-
mati-pinda-vrithen, one who forbears to eat even that which he had
prepared. 11. Uteshta-pinda-vrithen, one who relinquishes dress, except
for mere decency ; he carries a pot, and lives in the wilderness.

B. The Purva-carmam and Apara-carmam.

a. The Parva-carmam is of 16 kinds ; and relates to ceremonies pre-
ceding birth, attendant on it, or consequent thereto; with any particular
ceremonies attendant on special occasions, during life.

b. The Apara-carmam is of 12 kinds, and relates to ceremonies
consequent on death; the first being burning the body, and the others
different rites appropriated to following days. The names only are
given, without any explanation of the various ceremonies.

Note. Section 4, A isin the Grantha-Sanskrit character, with a little
Jaina-Tamil, towards the close. B is Jatwa-Tamil. Though not very
legible yet the restoration has been effected, this section may have its
use.

Remark. Inthe Sradvana Dherma particularly, some resemblance
appears to some peculiar and known tenents of the Pythagorean philo-
sophy. PyruHaGoras is considered to have learned his system from the
gymunosophists of India, usually confounded with the Brachmanes. But
the Sanskrit term answering to gymnosophist is Digambara, usually
understood to have belonged especially to the ancient votaries of Bud-
dha, and from it the brahmans of the south coined the corrupt term
Samandr, to denote the shameless sect of the Bauddhas or Jainas.
I think that the tenets taught by PyrHacoras were those of the
Indian Digambaras, or primitive Bauddhists ; and throw out the
conjecture as perhaps meriting attention.

Section 5.—Representation of the Juinas of the Chettupat district.
A petition to Colonel Mackenzir, Surveyor General.

The .Jaiwnd system was established in the Peninsula from very early
Q

110 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Fss.

times, and had many fanes, with other buildings for sacred purposes,
well endowed. The Saiva and Vaishnava systems arose in opposition ;
and the brahmans of those classes, by their learning and magical arts
brought over the kings, or other rulers, to their mode of credence ; fol-
lowed up by persecutions of the Jatnas, their champions in polemical
discussion being first overcome by magical means, and afterwards de-
stroyed. Some well-disposed rulers knowing these proceedings protected
the Jainas, and made allowances to their religious edifices. A Jaina -
king from the north named YEMasITaLA, came to the Daudacdranya
(the great Peninsular forest) and clearing it, brought a large colony of peo-
ple from the north. But KuLo’rtunGa Cuota and ADo’npAt, took the
country ; and by the counsel of the brahmans many Jaina edifices were
appropriated to the Hindu system of worship, and other edifices were
destroyed. At a subsequent period, the conquerors relenting, five Jaina
fanes, at places specified, were protected and endowed. VIcRAMA |
Cuo ta especially made a free-grant of land to the village of Chitambiir ;
copy of the inscription on stone, recording this grant, having been sent
to Colonel Mackenzie with the petition. About six hundred years
ago YEDATA-RAYER, and VISHNUVA-DEVARAYER, gave 1400 pagodas
as a free donation: the inscription commemorating this grant remains.
About 200 years ago VENCATAPATI-RAYER gave a free donation of
1000 pagodas: copy of the inscription, recording the grant, transmitted.
The rulers of the Carnataca country gave donations. During the rule
of the Muhammadans, as the brahmans were their agents, these, without
knowledge of their employers, resumed the whole of the grants, with
the exception of only 200 pagodas. Besides. Ipranim subadar fought
with Ra’yasi of Arcot, and taking possession of the whole very unjustly
left only 40 pagodas of the annual endowment. The /Jainas complained
to the nabob (name not specified) who issued an order on the subject.
but the messenger bringing the order was seized by the subadar, and
ill-treated. Terrified by this proceeding the Jaimas made no more
complaint, but committed their cause to God. When the Honorable
Company had assumed the country, they removed the distress which the
Jainas had suffered, and conducted themselves with equity to all. The
people generally were restored to their privileges; the Hindus were em-
ployed and favored, and the Saiwa and Vaishnava fanes protected ; but
about 160 fanes belonging to the /aimas were neglected. The Chitam-
bir fane, being ancient and distinguished, received some little notice, to
the extent of 60 pagodas. Considering that the arrangement was made
by servants of the Honorable Company, the Jainas were afraid to
make any complaint. At length “as a child addresses its father” they

1838. | Jain temples—Damara-pdkam. 111

took courage to address the Government, pointing out the alleged invi-
dious distinguishing favors, accorded to the Saivas and Vaishnavas
above themselves, who were earlier established in this country (the
Téndamandalam). ‘“ As we (says the petition) do not desire much,
we now enclose a list of actually necessary expenses for Chitambir and
other fanes.”

Section 6.—Account of the Jaina fanes at Chitambur in the Chettupat
district with list of expenses.

The required expenditure referred to in the preceding article follows
here ; but as it relates to very trifling items and to the supply of such
articles as oil, incense, lights, and the like, it was not thought necessary
to copy out this portion, which could be of no general interest.

The following queries came after the list of required expenses ; and
appear, as far as can be made out, to be inquiries given by Colonel
Mackenzie to his agent named ApAvu: some of the inquiries would
seem to have been answered by the foregoing and other papers. 1. From
the early times to the present, the statement of kings who ruled, requires
to be made, either from written history or from tradition. 2. Regula-
tions of old and down to the present time, with the dates or periods of
their authors required: also their countries, towns and eras are wanted.
3. Eight thousand Munis were killed at Madura. In what particular
places, and at what times did this event occur? 4. As the Jaina system
is asserted to be the original one, at what time and place did it begin ?
5. To what place in Ceylon were the Bauddhas first sent? 6. It is
said that the world was destroyed by a flood, and only Satyavrdata pre-

served: what do the Jaina books mention on that point? 7. What do ~

the Jainas say of showers of fire and of mud, destroying the earth ?
8. From what country did the Ladas and Lebbis come? 9. The Yethi-
dherma and Grihastha dherma. ............(the rest illegible).

Section 7.—Account of Damara-pikam in the Arcot district.

In the beginning of the era of Salivahana this country ( Téndaman-
dalam ) was governed by the Curwmbers, who built forts ; and KuLor-
TUNGA-CHOLA hearing that they were bad people, came and conquered
the land which he gave to his-posterity. After some time, in the days
of VIRA-JAMBU-RAYER, one named VIRA-VASANTA-RAYER acquired
authority in this mud fort and changed the name to Vera-vasanta-puram,
building temples, which after some time decayed, together with his
authority. In the time of AcuyuTa-RAYER (of Bisnagar) an investiga-
tion was made by him, who had a car made and a fane built to
Varada-raja, with other similar matters. In the time of ZuLFECAR

Qa 2

i

112 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

KHAN the country went to ruin. In the time of the nabob WaLLasau
this mud-fort was attended to: a Ailladar and a revenue court were
fixed there. In the great disturbance, many people from the vicinity took
refuge within it.. The fort is fifteen cawnies in extent. Here follows
a list of the fanes or temples, which are around it, together with sacred
pools and porches. ;

Section 8.— Account of ARZAKIYACHENAN and ANJATACANDAN, who
ruled in the old fort of Azilam in the Arcot district.

Anciently all this surrounding country was waste. The above-men-

tioned persons came from the north, and built forts on the hills named
Cuthirdi-tondi, and Vaiyali-téndi, with a town named Arzagu-chenai,
having a palace therein, with a surrounding wall and gates: they also
formed a lower fort, and an upper citadel. These chiefs extended their
authority to some distance around, strengthened by fortified posts ; and
being without fear of superiors they began to molest the common people.
Matters being thus, about three hundred years ago “ our forefathers”
came from the district of Srz-satlam in the north, to this country ; from
what cause is not known. By the permission of YommunaRr who built
the fort of Vellore, they resided under his authority, and constructed a
small military fort, becoming a check on the before-mentioned marauding
chieftains. They formed five villages into one district, and protected
the people. From that time, downwards, whether they held the
land by Sarveméntyam (independent right) or by Artamdnium (half
right) ee donot know. Subsequently from the time of SappuLia
Kuan, they were accustomed to pay a small and easy tribute. From
the time of Rayagi’s Subah that easy taxation ceased, and a regular tri-
bute to the full extent was paid. In the time of the nabob in conse-
quence of the molestation of one named Si1La-NAYAKEN (supposed to be
some predatory chief) we built a smali fort of brick for protection, and
gave a maintenance to the troops that kept it from the proceeds of
the land.

After the assumption of the country by the Honorable Company that
allowance was discontinued, and the fort now only remains. We conti-
nue to cultivate the ground, and pay tribute to the Company like others ;
sometimes by direct tax to Government, and sometimes by an interme-
diate lease to farmers. There are two old fanes, one Saiva, one
Vaishnava, in the neighbourhood. Some other unimportant details of
fanes, sacred pools, &c. at the close of the document.

Remark. Compared with other papers the opening portion of this
section may throw a ray of light additional on the state of the Carnatic
under the early Muhammadan, or else the Vijeyandgara government.

1§38.] Temple of Pundi in Arnee. 113

The narrative implies its having been written down from the oral com-
munication of villagers, apparently of the Ved/dla, or agricultural class :
claiming by tradition a descent from persons who emigrated hither
from Sri-sdilam in the north.
Section 9.—An account of Pundi, a Jaina fune in the Arnee
district.

This is a shrine of Arhat of the Jainas, of great consequence. The
paper. commences with a poetical description of the paradise in the
midst of which it was built. The occasion was the following :—Two
Védars, (of the tribe of wild-hunters,) one named IrumMBan, the other
PonpAN, came thither, in order to dig up an edible kind of root.
There was an ascetic who like VaLmica was doing penance in a white
ant-hill, when these hunters in digging struck him on the breast with
their implement. The hunters afraid shaded the spot with branches,
and daily brought to the ascetic, who was named TxKU-MANI-NATHAR,
offerings of honey, flour, fruits, and roots. After doing so for a long
time, another Muni came thither, named SaMaya-NATHAR, on seeing
whom the Vrepars became almost lifeless through dread; but on his
manifesting tokens of favor they recovered self-possession. The Vedars
said to him “ There is a god like to yourself in our quarter.” The Muni
being rejoiced bid them shew him where, which they speedily did with
great reverence. Under his instructions the foundations of a shrine to
Aruat were laid with the prescribed ceremonies. The two Védars
afterwards hastily ran away, taking with them their bows and arrows to
the Rayer to whom they reported that they brought good news which
would remove his troubles. On the Rayer inquiring what it was,
PunpAN reminded him of a promise from him~of giving even to the
extent of half his dominions, if an evil spirit which possessed his sister,
and which had destroyed all who attempted to exorcise it, could be cast
out. While the man was speaking, this spirit quitted the woman, who
came forth dressed, a plate of flowers in her hand, with which she set
out to visit the residence of the Muni whose power had cured her.
The Rayer and his family followed after, and on coming to the place,
they all paid homage to the sage. On the Rayer asking him what he
demanded, he required that the begun temple should be properly finish-
ed: which the Rayer accordingly directed to be accomplished. The
two Védars had villages given them which afterwards bore their respec-
tive names; and when one of the Munis died, the other continued to
reside in or near the shrine.

Note. This paper from the fading of the ink, caused great trouble in
restoring particular passages, with a few failures in making out some

114 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Fxs.

words, and letters. The general sense is however, preserved. It is in
poetical Tamil, of the plainer sort, and merely the legend of a Jaina fane.
The Rayer’s name is not mentioned, nor any date. Accordingly the
only use of the document is to illustrate native manners, and the mode
of the introduction of the Jaina system at a remote period. The tribe
of Védars (a pure Tamil word having no connexion with the Sanskrit
word Véda) were not Hindus; but, according to indications in these
papers, they were the earliest inhabitants of the peninsula, giving way
before the Curumbars, even as these also were superseded by the pure
Hindus. In Hindu writings the term Védar is synonimous with every
thing low, vile and contemptible under a human form.

Section 10.—An account ofa hillock of white pebbles (fossil remains )
at Callipihyir in the district of Chettup at.

To the east of the above village there is a-hillock entirely of white.
stones. The hierophant of the fane in that village, gave the following
account of them. Two récshasas named VATHEN and VIL-VATHEN
lived here, and, were accustomed to feast foot-travellers in the following
manner: VIL-VATHEN first slew his younger brother VATuEN and then
cooked him in pots out of which he fed the traveller. The meal being
finished ViL-vaTHEN called on his brother by name, who came forth
alive, rending the bowels of the guest, who dying in consequence both
of the savages feasted on his body. On the occasion of the marriage of
Srvuand Parvati, at Cailasa, they dismissed AGastya, sending him
to the mountain Pothaiya in the south; who, on the road, came by the
residence of these rdcshasas, and was treated with great civility by
ViL-vATIEN, and the usual meal. On its being finished ViL-vATHEN
called his brother; and AGasTya, penetrating the state of the case,
took up the words and added a word or two of Sanskrit, in consequence
of which mantra the body of VATHEN dissolved, and passed away, with-
out doing AGAsTya any mischief. He denounced a woe on VIL-vATHEN
who died. The bones of these two rdcshasas having fallen to pieces,
and becoming petrified, are now termed white pebbles.

Remark. Setting aside the ridiculous fable, a tradition like this implies
that the Hindus designate savages by the term récshasas ; and that
possibly (as Dr. Lreypen has intimated) cannibalism was common in
India, among the tribes supplanted by Brakhmanism or Bauddhism. The
hillock itself if really a fossil petrifaction should be an object of attention
to the naturalist.

,
ie

1838.] Account of Tiruvapadi and Chettupat. 115

Section 11.—Account of the fone of Tiruwvapadi and of the ancient
Sort of Adi-narrayen Sambhuva Rayer at Vayalar in the
Chettupat district. |

In the ancient times Parasara-risuI (father of VyAsa,) and MAr-
CANDAYA-RISHI, retired for penance to this mountain named Sridari-
sanam. VisHnu came thither to see them, and remained reposing on
ATHI-SESHA ; giving mécsham (or eternal happiness), to such as came
to worship him there: these visitors being not men, but the inferior
gods. They formed mountain-pools for bathing, which now make five
cascades. The tirthas (or pools), are designated by names. In one of
them the footsteps of Visunvu are visible by the marks left. A little to
the east of this hill Vira Narrayana SamBuuva RayeEn built a fort,
governed the country, and made some charitable grants. Fragments of
buildings in_ brick-work indicate the site of this fort. His palace was
on a hill at some distance westward ; where also vestiges appear. There
is also a Vaishnava fane. As only a few dwellings are in that place
it is now called Vayaliér (a hamlet in the open fields). At the foot of the
hill there was once a Saiva fane, of which now only the emblem of
Siva remains. Under the hill are other antique vestiges, among them
of a wide street with mantapas (or porches), and other similar things,
appendages to Hindu worship. In a former yuga (or age) the Vinara
(sylvans) paid homage to RAMa, the incarnation of Visunvu ; and when
the latter returned to Vdicontha, he called for them: some followed
him, and some remained, continuing to the present day, in Vaishnava
fanes, to attend on the god. The black-faced species of ape especially
abounds in this district.

This statement was written according to the account given by the

_ NaMuHIAN (brahman) of Tiruvayipadi, and of Vencatésa-muthdéliar.

Remark. From an account like this we can extract nothing more
than the certainty of some head town of a district, having existed under
a chief, whose name elsewhere appears, and who may have been among
the chiefs arising out of the ruins of the ancient Chola dynasty.

Section 12.—An inscription on a slab at the entrance of a Jaina fane
at Turakal in the district of Vandivasi.

The inscription commemorates the grant by TIRUMUCAPA SVASTA
sr1 GOVA-PERUN-SINGHEN, of a Pallichantam (alms-house), to the offi-
ciating hierophants and their assistants. It has no date except the
specification of Carteceya month (part of November). It is in Tamil
mingled with Prakrit in the usual Jaina manner ; and does not appear
to be complete, unless the sign at the end be intended to denote (&c.)

oe oe

116 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Fus.

by the copyist, as not having transcribed the whole, which seems to be
not improbable.

A remark by Appavu (Col, Macxenzie’s Servant.)

In Turdkal there is a small hill, on which there is a curious Jaina
fane, and another one at the base. In one place there is an image of
fine workmanship, and in another place four well sculptured images.
In the latter there are three inscriptions, -respectively in the Canarese,
Tamil, and Sanskrit, of which the letters would require great pains to
copy, or decipher. There is the unfinished commencement of a sculp-
tured cave, like those at Mavalipuram, and several natural caves around
the hill; in three of which there are Jaima images, on seats (or pedes-
tals): they say that Jaina ascetics lived in these caves. There was most
probably a Jaina subah (or assembly) here in former times. The de-
scription and account were obtained from LoGa-NATHA-NAYANAR.

Section 13.—An account of Aragiri hill, near the village of Arun-
gunram in the Arcot district.

In the Scinda-purdna by Vepa-VyaSsa, an account is given of a
place three and a half yojanas (leagues of 10 miles each) west of Con-

_jeveram ; where there was a celebrated fane endowed by many rijus,

as KuLotruNGA CHOoLa, and others. Notice of festivals in the
neighbourhood. In the fanes of Zirtha-ndthar, and Cudapa-nathar,
are inscriptions of the year 1120 era of Salivdhana. On a large stone
there is an inscription of the time of KuLorrunca CuoLa commemo-
rating a treaty between JamBU-RayYEN who ruled in west country, the

conqueror of the Panprya king, and rdja Crsart Varma. There

are besides many other inscriptions, commemorating grants by other
persons. The Muhammadans broke up this fane, and used the materials
in building Arcot. In the shrine of one of the emblems of Stva, to the
north-east some offerings continue to be paid. There is a perpetual
spring (fountain) near the place. In the era of Salivéhana 1122, one,
named CuenGenrt VicraMa Rayer JAMBu-RayeEn, built a fane to
the (grdma devati) village tutelary goddess : an inscription on a pillar
of the porch is the attestation. Various benefactors built and endowed
particular places, and after their time a chieftain named ANJaTHI
Caupsn acquired authority and fixed boundary gates at a great dis-
tance around. At that time. Vellore, Arcot, and Arnee (forts) were
not built: when these were constructed that chieftain’s power had

passed away. ‘To the paper is appended a list of ten sacred pools, and
two larger reservoirs.

1838.] Account of the Vellore Chiefs. 117

Observation. The foregoing paper seems to afford some historical
indications ; and the neighbourhood therein referred to would seem to
abound in remains of some antiquity. Should the inscriptions not
prove to be found among those in the collection, from the Conjeveram
district, they would perhaps merit an attentive examination. We find
herein a confirmation of Section 11, and that JamBpu Rayer (or
-SamBuuva Rayzr) was probably the titular name of some series of
rajas, or important chieftains. P

Note. From Section 10 to 13 the handwriting differs, and with a
few exceptions, is legible, not causing much difficulty, these sections
have been satisfactorily restored, though in a very few years more the
ink would have entirely faded. |

(A paper not sectionized in the list at the head of the Book No. 12.)

Account of the Vellore Muhammadan Chiefs, composed by VELLI
CanpDalyaR.

In the course of the Cali-yuga, GHuLAM ALI KHAN ruled in Vel-
lore. He had four sons. The names of these are mentioned, and their
rule. AcBar MuHammaD ALI was the youngest, and most distinguished.
In his time one named Sita Nayaken made great disturbance in the
country. A force was sent against him of which the marchings and
halts are stated. On coming to the boundary of Sita Nayakugn, spies
were sent, who after having ascended the hill-fort of Stra Nayaken
returned, and reported that they had seen only women. As many of
these as should be taken were ordered to be sent to Arcot ; and one
named RanGapa CueETTI, advised to have their hands and feet cut off,
which it is implied was done. Mention is made of a lame Pandit, who
supplied SApat ULLa KHAN with ten lakhs of money. The cause of
the above hostile movement is stated to have originated in a disagree-
ment between Sita NayaKeEn, and one named VaRaDaIyAR ; who had
been accustomed mutually to accommodate each other with loans to the
extent of 30,000 pieces of money. But on one occasion the loan of
only 4,000 was refused to Sina Nayakrn. In resentment Sita Naya-
KeN waylaid the pregnant daughter of Varapatyar, and after seizing
her, had her bowels ripped open, the foetus taken out and its place
supplied with thorns ; the abdomen being afterwards sewed up. VaRa-
DAIYAR went to Arcot ; and, by Muhammadan aid, effected the destruc-
tion of his cruel neighbour.

Observation. Exclusive of the above, there is some absurd matter
as to the derivation of the name of the Paldr (or milk-river) and of
the Shadaranya; which will be found to be better given elsewhere

R

7

118 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

in these papers. There is also a very loose paragraph of no weight, as
to what the writer had heard of the Muhrattas, and Muhammadans, int
the Peninsula. It states that the Ztayer ruled 500 years before the
Muhammadans, the Vellulas for 700 years before the Rayer. Three
hundred years preceding are not filled up with any name ; and antece-
dently to that period the Séra, Chola, Pandiya kings, and the Chacra-
vertis ruled.

This is not a well written paper. Its only use seems to be to explain
who was Sita NayakeEn before referred to (Section 8); and to shew
how ruthless human nature can sometimes be, under particular circum-
stances.

— Section 14.—Account of Tirupanang Kadu in the district of
Trruvatur.

Reference to the marriage of Siva and Parvati, on Cailisa.. The
assembly of vishis, and others, among them AGasTya and PuLastaya;
at which time the earth was irregular in height, and AGasrya received
an order to go and make the earth equal, or level. A promise, that
Siva would appear to him by the way, was accomplished at this place,
called Tirupenang Kéddu, as being situated in the Douducdranya,
abounding with Pauwna (i.e. palmyra) trees. Ata subsequent period -
three celebrated poets named SuNTsRueR, APPAR, and SamMpauTaR
came to Tivruvatir, and sung the praises of that place. A little to the
south of Tiruvatir, at Tirupanang Kddu, the god appeared to them
in the guise of an old man—struck the ground with his sdélam, pro-
ducing water—and provided food. Subsequently a Chola king who
had incurred the guilt of killing a brahman came this way, and to re-
move that guilt, seeing the place without a fane, he built a double shrine
for the god and goddess, with the usual accompaniments and grants,
recorded by inscriptions. After the Chola kings had passed away, one
named TaMaLa-varzE built a large mantepa (porch) in front of the
shrine with a mud fort around. Subsequently some district chieftains
turned this fortification into a stronghold, and put troops therein. In-
the time of ANaverpHA KHAN, nabob of Arcot, 500 Mahrattas came
by treaty and treacherously took the fort, killing Mu’rt1-Nayaken its
commander, and rasing it to the ground. The families of people for
ten miles round, through fear of the Mahratta cavalry, had taken re-
fuge in the fort ; many of these the Mahrattas killed, while some
escaped wounded. The shrine was plundered, and its service ceased.
In the time of Fdyaji the ruler of Arcot, a wealthy man from Madras
made some endowments. In the great Muhammadan troubles worship

1838. } Account of Tondaman Chakravarti. 419

ceased. The brahmans did not succeed in obtaining the patronage of
the Hon’ble Company. A brahman made some repairs, with alms
collected by him; and the Ciimbhdbishégum (or transfer of the inhe-
rent divinity of the image, into a pot of water), was performed during
the process of the repairs.

Section 15.—Account of the tribe of Nohkurs in the Tiruvatir
district.

This class of mountebanks arose about the year 214 era of Saliva-
hina. They acquired skill by the assistance of Devi (or Durga).
On one occasion they especially exerted themselves at Trinomali, fix-
ing their pole on the top of one of the loftiest turrets of that fane ; and
going through their feats as though the pole was fixed on the ground.
They then, as a body, begged of the spectators to affiliate them into
their tribes ; which request was refused. At length the tribe of wea-
vers consented to receive and incorporate them into that tribe. Hence
they are considered to be the weavers adopted children.

Note. ‘These people have not the appearance of Hindus. Perhaps
they came to India about the abovementioned period ; and they would
desire to be naturalized. I have heard another account of their origin.
They may add a class to the number of those who, being in this coun-
try, are not aboriginally Hindus.

Il].—Manuscript Book, No. 15, countermark 769.

Section 1.—Account of the war of TonpaMan CHACRAVERTI and
VISVAVASU raja.

Aponpal the son of KuLottunGa Cuota having destroyed the
Curumbars, and cleared the waste-lands, ruled the country. Its four
boundaries are mentioned, and a hyperbolical description is given of its
splendor and power. A king from the north named Visvavasu came
with a great army and fought with him for a year, by which much of
the country was laid waste, and the whole conquered, .ADoNpaI fled
with some scattered remnants of his forces, and-lived for some time on
fruits and roots, the spontaneous productions of the earth. While
wandering about a temple of golden-colored turrets struck his view:
he entered and worshipped Isvara and Isvani’ therein; and deter-
mined to remain there. After some time he was favored with a vision
of the local nwmina, who assured him that his adoration was accepted,
and promised him a great army, with the entire recovery of his posses-
sions. As TonpamMan was afraid of his adversary, this fear was re-
proved ; and as a sign he was told, that on going to the encounter, he

R 2

<< - — =~
- See

120 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripis. [Fus.

should find at a certain place the figure of Nandi (the bullock vehicle
of Siva), which usually looks at the gate of a shrine, turned the other
way. A greatly exaggerated description is given of the battles ; which
resulted in favor of AponpAI, who at length, with his own hand, cut
down Visvavasa rdja. This last (in the Hindu poetical fashion) is
then represented as turning into a celestial form ; and addressing the
conquerer, he gives an account of the cause why he was banished from
Inpra’s presence, to bea king on earth, and to have his form restored
by the hand of a votary of S1va. After declaring the right of the
conqueror to rule over the land, he went to the invisible world. The
victorious ADONDAI appointed ministers to assist him, and returning to
Suriti-purt (the place of the former vision) he made great additions of
shrines and ornaments, and caused the public festivals to be conducted
with regularity. :

Remark. This is only another and more poetical version of an ac-
count otherwise mentioned in other papers of the collection. The
leading fact, that ADONDAI conquered and regulated the Zondaman-

- dalam is unquestionably historical. The means will be found to exist

in the collection of bringing out the connected circumstances in full
detail.

Section 2.—Account of Arcot ; derivation of the word ; first and se-
cond settlement ; and subsequent history. ;

The Brahmdnda-purdna is adduced as an authority that Mandi (the
vehicle of S1va) for some fault was sentenced to become a stone on
earth, and accordingly became a mountain, called Nandi-dirga (Nun-
didroog). Visunu interceded with Siva, on behalf of Nandi. Siva
ordered GANGa’ in his hair, to fall on the fountain, (the river Puldér
rises from Nundidroog) and to wash away the fault of Nandi. GANGA’
replied that if she descended on earth she wished Siva and Visunu to
be in their shrines on the banks of the river, and that she might run
between both te the sea. The request was conceded, and Siva came
to Canchipiram (Conjeveram) im the shape of abrahman. An account
of the images of Siva ; and of the six vishts who established them. The
waste country wherein these six ascetics dwelt was termed Shaduranya
(in Tamil Aru-Cdédw) “ six wildernesses ;’ whence came the word, popu-
larly written and pronounced, Arcot.

When Kotorrunea Cuo.a, and his illegitimate son Aponpat had
conquered the foresters of the country, they saw that this Shadadranya
had been the abode of sacred ascetics; and hence they built many fanes
with the usual accompaniments at Cdnchipuram and other places,

1838.] Bauddha Sovereigns of Arzipadai tdngi. 121

Subsequently the edifices built by them went to ruin; and the country
became a wilderness, as it had been before. Thus it remained for some
time till Nata BomMa-NAYaDu, and TimMa-NAyapu, being on a hunt-
ing excursion from Pennacondat, hearing there was a multitude of beasts
jn this forest, came hither. They saw an old hare chase a fierce tiger
and seize it by the throat, at which they were surprised: they consi-
dered this to be an auspicious place; and, having caused it to be colo-
nized, they cut down the forest termed Arcddu, and built there a stone
fort, with treasure discovered by Anjanam, (a kind of magic, ) and ruling
there the power descended to several generations. At length ZULFECAR
Kua’n, with a Muhammadan force, came into the country, and, after fight-
ing with the raja of Ginjee for twelve years, he took the hill-fort of
Ginjee, and placed Dau’D Kuan in this country as his subadar. Ginjee
and other places were included in the district of Arcot, and the subah
of Ascot thenceforward became famous. Davu’p Kuan after regulat-
ing all things went to the north. ZutFecar Kuan colonized the coun-
try with Muhammadans, and greatly improved it. He was superior to
the former Carndtaca raja, and he made some benefactions to Hindu
fanes. From the constant increase of inhabitants the town became very
large. During this Muhammadan rule, it was not allowed to the Hindus
to build large houses, or to travel in any conveyance. If any such
thing appeared the persons connected therewith were seized, fined, and
reduced to poverty. Such being the case with the settled residents, the
persons employed as servants, were six months on fatigue duty, with a
bundle of rice in their hands, and another six with their hands tied
together in fetters. At length when the English came into power, and
the disturbances had ceased, as Arcot was a large town it received much
attention ; and the inhabitants were happily released from their troubles.
Remark. The former part of this section is merely of etymological
consequence, but the latter portion, as to the founding of Arcot, is valu-
able, and is capable of being joined in its proper place, with the other
portions of real history to be gathered, here and there, from the materi-
als which form this collection.

Section 3.—Account of the Bauddha rdjas who ruled in the seven-
walled Fort of Arzipada tang.

Anciently the Bauddhas ruled over one-third of the country forming
the Déudaciranya. They built a large fort with seven walls, called as
above. There were Bauddhist fanes of celebrity at various places
among them at Conjeverum. ‘The last of their rulers was YEMASITHA-
Lan. Many persons came to them from a great distance in the north

122 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Fes.

teaching their doctrinal and polemical sastvas. They became very accom-
plished in their religious ways. They were united among themselves,
and sent their children to a great distance to receive instruction.

Two persons named AcaLancan and NIsHCALANGAN produced a
persecution by privately writing in a Lauddha book that the Jaina sys-
tem was the best one. A device was had recourse to in order to discover
the authors ; and, on being discovered, they were forced to flee for their
life, hotly pursued ; when NisucaLanean, by sacrificing his life, contriv-
ed to allow ACALANGAN to escape, charging him, on succeeding to spread
their system. The Bauddhas, in the heat of the moment had tied a
piece of flesh in all the Jaina fanes, with a sléca of contemptuous import.
AcaLANGAN after his escape put a vessel containing ordure in the Buud-
dha fanes, with another siéca in retaliation. Under these circumstances —
of discord, the vvja ordered an assembly of Bauddha, and Jaina, learned
men to dispute with each other, and to finish within a specified time,
when he would himself embrace the victorious system, and put all of the
opposite party to death by grinding them in oil-mills. The Bauddhas
concealed themselves behind a thin cloth enclosure, so as to see their
opponents without themselves being seen, and managed the discussion
by means of doing homage to an evil goddess: as the appointed term
approached the Jainas became anxious for their lives. In this extremity
ACALANGAN had recourse to a goddess named SvALa-Devi, who ap-
peared to him, and gave him a phrase to use, which would mean,
“‘what more?” or “ what is there behind?” bidding him kick with his
foot behind the veil or curtain. On the morrow AcaLaNnGaN inquired |
“what more?” or “what is there behind?” and at the same time
by kicking at the curtain, he broke a large jar in which the fer-
mented juice of the palm-tree had been kept, wherein from long
standing there were worms, and whence an offensive smell proceeded.
The king in consequence declared the Bauddhas to be conquered, to
which they were compelled to accede. ACALANGAN was afterwards
admitted to the raja’s presence, and became his instructor—There is a
reference to further matter on the subject contained in book No. 27.

Remark. Under restriction as to that reference, it may be observed
that from this section the Bauddhas and Juinas clearly appear to have
lived together as people of one religion under two modifications; the
Juinas gradually increasing by coming from the north, and that a casual
dispute only led to the violence of a schism. The account is an ea-parte
one from the Jainas, who seem to have supplanted the Bauddhas. The
statement that these last hada fane at Conjeveram is consistent with
vestiges found there, and elucidates a part of the Madura Sthalla-pu-

1838.] Foundation of the Chola kingdom. 123

réina, while it affords an idea as to the time; checking the extravagance
of that Purdna. Supposing the statement received from the Juinas to
be with them a matter of record, or correct tradition, we may conclude
with certairity that incidents inthe Madura Purana, carried up to a high
antiquity, were not more remote than the early part of the Christian
era. In this way, I conceive, documenis which seem to be trifling in
themselves may, by comparison with other documents, assist in eluci-
dating points of actual history. The Brahmans and the Fauddhas
or Jainas, ate the best possible checks on each other. The pu-
nishment by grinding to death in oil-mills, is one well known to Indian
History ; and in the progress of development of these papers it will be
seen that Bauddhas and Jainas were subjected to it, at a later period, by
Aindu kings, under Brahmanical influence. |

Section 4.—Account of the destruction of Eight Thousand Jainas by

the famous SAUMPAUTAR-MURTI, at Punat-takai-matam.

This is an account considerably ornamented ; and much resembling
the accounts which we otherwise have of the destruction of the Samunat
at Madura ; herein also referred to. The site of the transaction is how-
ever different, the name of the king who is concerned is not mentioned
nor yet the name of his kingdom. I am doubtful whether the transac-
tion be not the same with that which occurred at Madura. At all
events the paper is worth translating, as a note, or illustration, to any
leading view of the whole subject. The general fact that SAMPAUTAR
was the inciter of an extensive and cruel persecution of the Bauddhas
or Jainas, by the Saivas, is historical.

Section 5.—Account of the first founder of the Chola kingdom, named

TAYAMAN-NALLI.

Anciently the Piundiya; Chola, and Ténda countries were one vast
forest, called after Daupaca a rdcshasa that dwelt in it. RAma brought
several people from the north, and one person, named TAYAMAN-NALLI
settled at T'richinopoly ; then surrounded by a vast wilderness. He
built a fane and placed an emblem of Siva, called after his own name,
on the rock: he also paid great attention to cultivation. He had a son
called Vun-cuotan, from connecting the Cawery river with the Ven-
nar, and thereby fertilizing an enlarged extent of country. His son
was CaRI-CauDA-CHOLA so called from having embanked the Cauwvery
river.

Remark. Of the accuracy of this paper I have some doubts, chiefly
because the name of the fane on the top of the rock of Trichinopoly is
said to be an epithet of Stva of the same import, in Tamil, with Mdétri-

124 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes,

bhuvesvara in Sanskrit; that is “ Srva who became a mother,” from a
fable that Stva gave suck to an orphan ; being no doubt some historical
circumstance, veiled under an emblem, or hieroglyphic. The name was
also borne by a famous adwita poet at Trichinopoly. Whether it belong-
ed to a colonist from the north, as stated in this paper, I would leave
others to determine.

General Note to Manuscript Book, No. 15.

The paper on which this book is written remains in good preserva-
tion, unattacked by insects. But the writing being very pale, and liable
to early illegibility, pointed it out for restoration. The contents of the
book are of average interest, and a few passages are rather special.

IV.—Carnataca rdéjakal Savistara Charitra, or a General history of
the Peninsula.
(Palm-leaf Manuscript, No. 214, countermark 75.)

This work, which is of no ordinary interest or importance, professes to
be ageneral history of Peninsula India, Muhammadan as well as Hindu,
and to include the period from the commencement of the Cali-yuga,
corresponding with the installation of PartcsHira son of ABIMANYA,
-and grandson of ArJunas, down to Cali-yuga 4908, being Acheya year
of the Hindu cycle, era of Vicramaditya 1864. Salivéhana saca 1729,
(A. D. 1807-8.) It is a great pity that there is a small chasm in one
place, and a much larger one in another, though not in the most valua-
able portions. The general nature of the work may best appear from
the following abstract, often little more than a mere index to the con-
tents.

Introduction. Theusualinvocation. The author’sname NaRARyYA-
NEN of the Anantakoén race of Ginjee. The book was composed while
Lord W. Bentinck was Governor of Madras, at the special request
of Colonel Wit~trAm Macteop then Commissioner at Arcot; who
desired NARRAYANEN to write down a narrative of events in India from
the earliest times, as such an account would be very acceptable to EKuro-
peans. In consequence of this request NarrayaNneEN felt great anxiety
that his work should be complete and authentic ; and, after six months
preparatory study, during which he specially procured the aid of learned
Muhammadans, and acquired from them all the details of their books and
records, he wrote down this compendium of results. He offers the
customary apology to authors and critics for any deficiency that may be
found in his production.

The Narrative.

The first Cdnda or section, on primeval matters. A reference to the

creation of elementary principles ; the Brahmdndam or mundane egg}

eS ee

— a.

1838.] Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. 125

the formation therein of the different orders of beings and things. The
greater and lesser periods, or ages, periodical deluge ; formation of infe-
rior gods, aswras, and men; Avatdras of VisHNu; eclipses, how ac-
counted for; fasting at that time peculiar to India; Hindu notions of
geography, mention of Nipal, Moghulistén, Tirkistén and Hindustan
proper. The birth of CrisHna about one hundred years before the
end of the Dwdpara-yuga, and his building the tewn of Dwdraca, on
the sea-coast, and reigning there. ‘His actions are stated in plain lan-
guage, divested of the marvellous.
The second Cdnda, er section, relating to the royal line of Hastind-

pur.

~ The genealogy of the race deduced from Sdéma. Accounts of the
Pandavas, and other persons, similar to matters in the Mahabharata,
but reduced to simple narrative, by the rejection of hyperbolical meta-
phors. <A long lapse of time given to the later descendants subsequent
to JANAMEJEYA. VICRAMADITYA conquered and ended that race
References to SALIVAHANA and Buo’sa raja, with their successors (of
great value if authentic), down to year of the Cal-yuga 3700, about
which time is fixed the commencement of the Hegira ; Hindu kings
ruled 591 years after that period. ‘The conquest of Dedhi placed in
the reign of Parrnu. Rise of the Muhammadan ascendency.

The third Canda or section. Account of the Willaet, or original
country of the Muhammadans.

Geographical details and definition of the country north-west of the
Indus, adapted to aid in fixing the reference of names in Pauranic geo-
graphy ; mention of ALEXANDER’S victory over Darius ; extended notice
of ancient ran and Turan ; rise of MunAmmMap in year of Vicramdditya
621, era of Salivahana 486; notices of the CALIPHS his successors ;
a somewhat full account of Hassan and Hoéssen; various subordinate
matters ; Cersian invasion of Multan and Lahore, (by way of Candahér
and Cébul) against Rama Deva king of that part of the country,
( Hegira 431,) who routed the invaders and drove them back across the
Indus at Attock. Reference to Firpavsi author of the Shah Nameh,
the insufficient reward given to him, which he bestowed in charity, and
satirised the promise-breaking patron. Invasion of Delhi from Persia
taking tribute ; extension of the eruption in the Deccan ; plunder of the
Carndtaca country extending as far as Seringapatam. Images of gods
taken thence, and carried to the Pddshéh at Delhi; RAMaNUJA was
then at Seringapatam, and went to the Padshdh at Delhi ; by making
interest through the medium of the Pddshdh’s daughter he recovered

S

126 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

the sacred images and brought them back; the Pddshah after making
a treaty ‘with the De//i monarch returned to Irdx. Another invasion
in the year of the Hegira 622, with subordinate matters.

The 4th Section on Delhi affairs.

In Hegira 625, Sulton Caras pin Pédshéh invaded Multén and was
defeated. There are many following details of battle and negociations,
not well admitting of an abstract. At a later period there is special men-
tion of Mirza ALA UDDIN GorG, as having conquered BAHARAM SHAH
and being seated on the throne of Delii. He sent to demand tribute

from the southern kings in India, which was not given, and the refusal

led to various hostilities. Affairs of Gujerat are introduced. Firoz Suan
is said to have acquired extensive power in Hindustan. Other details
of more or less importance are given. ;
The 5th Section. Account of ‘Timur.
A shepherd boy named TAYAMU’R, was in the habit of leading out
a few sheep belonging to his mother to the forest, wherein one day he
met a holy man; who, in a manner minutely detailed, prophetically

announced his future sovereignty, and that he should be the head of a

dynasty of twenty-one kings. At 18 years of age Tavamu’r discovered
treasure in a well : relinquishing the care of sheep, he assembled troops
and made successful incursions on Jrdén. He overcame various chief-
tains, and conquered the troops sent against him by the Pddshdh, de-
feated the Pddshah himself and took him prisoner. In Hegira 773,
Tayamu’R imposed tribute on Irdn. He subsequently attacked the
kingdom of Turdn. Tayamu’r gave to four of his sons, four kingdoms.
He invaded Afghdnistdén and overthrew its ruler. Subsequently Taya-
wu’Rr invaded Hindustan. He sat down on the Delhi throne Hegira 801.
Minor details. Transactions with the Shah of Roum. Intending to invade
the empire of China, he fell sick and died on the. way H. 807 : various
details of the Delhi empire follow. Ata later period some notices of
Oudipore and Jeypore are given. .

(A small chasm occurs, the realities me. 51, being wanting ; it may
be recovered, and space is left for it in the restored copy.)

Some details respecting Humaiun SHAH, his recovery of courage
after the loss of his kingdom ascribed to a singular reproof unconscious-
ly given to him by a woman, who charitably bestowed a meal on him
when he was a fugitive in disguise. AcBar; his inquiries into Hindu
literature, part of it transfused into Persian, at an expense to him of
three crores of rupees. He died H. 1014. His son Jenancuir—in-
temperance ; other habits ; attachment and gifts to NouRMAHAL ; notice

of the Bengal soubah, held by the younger brother of NouRMAHAL,.

°
a
>
>

ee

1838.] Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. 127

who abusing his trust was ordered to be beheaded, but escaped by her
contrivance. Anecdote of three lime-kilns kept ready by the Shah for the
death of himself, of NourMAHAL and her brother, in case of emergency.
AURUNGZEBE. The Mahrattas; various details ; foundation of Aurun-
gabad H.1060. Notices of Aprz Suan, and the ruler at Hyderabad.
Magnificent tomb ; details of tributaries). AuruNGzKBxr’s behaviour to-
wards his father and brothers. Affairs of the Panjab and of Gujerat.
Mention introduced of Anagundi Ginjce, and other Carndtaca countries.
Vellore, Ginjee, Arnee, Tanjore, governed by him. War with Sfuogtr,
chief of the Mahrattas. Death of S1rost raja ; crowning of SAHosr
who ruled in Sattard. The Pddshéh sent ZuLFEcar Ku&n to conquer
the Carnatic ; fought with the Mahrattas, took Ginjee. Mention of
Dav’pD SHan; made Killaddr of Ginjee. ZuLtFecaR Kuan returned.
The Mahrattas attacked him; details of the Mahratias. ARUNGZEBE
sent his son AsurpH Suan to Bengal. Arrangement for his sons pre-
vious to his death, which took place in H. 1119. Various details con-
cerning his successor. Details relative to some Amiérs of the palace.
Other matters down to H. 1131, when Munammap Suau became.
Piddshih. He sent out a firman to various kings as far as to Arcot.

- Various details inclusive of Carnatic afiairs down to NADIR Suan.

AHMED SHAH, subsequent matters.
Section 6th.— Concerning the Mahrattas and the Tuluva country.

The country referred to in this section lies between the Nerbudda
and Toomboodra rivers (the Mirmathi and Tiimbidra). That land
used to give tribute during the Dwapara-yuga to the kings of Has-
tindpurt, down to the time of JANAMEJEYA. SALIVAHANA was
born, an illegimate child of a brahman, at Mingwilpatnan at, or near
to Réma-giri (or Dowlutabad). He made extensive conquests even to
the Cauvery river. He overcame VicRAMADITYA, and placed the son
of the latter on his throne as a tributary, at Oujemn. Many other kings
ruled for 4000 years.

Transition to the land of Tuluva and the upper Carndtaca-désam. A
shepherd of the Curumba tribe did service to arisht, or ascetic, who dis-
covered to him hidden treasure, with which the shepherd quitting that
occupation raised troops, and laid the foundation of Anacdndai, and
afterwards of Bijayanagaram. He was named PRAVADA-DEVA-RAYER
No mention of intervening matters down to NARASINGA-DEVA-RAYER,
who introduced a new dynasty.

Section 7th.—On the Hassan dynasty of the Deccan kingdom.

This kingdom began with Hassan a contemporary with RAMA-DEVA

of the foregoing race. He was of humble origin. A brahman saw
s 2

eS

a te ae eeu hm ,

—_—

128 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

him sleeping in the sun, his face shaded by the hood of a cobra-capella,
and thence prognosticated his future greatness. At a time when a
sovereign was wanted, and an elephant with a wreath of flowers on its
trunk was deputed to fix on the proper person, the animal selected
Hassan from a multitude of people, and deposited the wreath on his
head. He was in consequence chosen king......... ......

(In this place some palm leaves of the copy are wanting: how many
cannot be determined, as the Ne. of the page is uniformly reckoned
from the beginning of the section. Spare sheets will be left in the bind-
ing up of the restored copy, sufficient to allow of the filling in, should
the deficient matter be hereafter recovered. There is so close a coin-
cidence between the beginning of the section, and the account given by
FERISHTA of the commencement of the kingdom of the Deccan, that
possibly the whole section may only have been an abridgment of FERtsHTA
received by the author NarrdAyanen from Muhammadans at Arcot.
If so the loss is immaterial ; but if otherwise, it is much to be regretted
as a check on the mendacious FERIsaTa is very desirable.)

Section 8.—Concerning the lower Carndtaca country.

Definitive boundaries of the Carnatic. The Ténda-mandalam, capi-~

tal Conjeveram. The Canara country, capital Seringapatam. The
Chélo-mandalam, capital here said to be Chenjt, ( Ginjee.) Chola-desam

on the Cawery, its capital Tanjore. Tothe south Pdndiya-mandalam, -

capital Madura with Trichtnopoly. Sera-mandalam, capital Tiru-nagari.
Kerala desam, capital Ananta-sayanam. Telinga-desam, capital Kolo-
eondai ( Golconda).—Revennes of those different kmgdoms. The Kerala,
Péandiya, Chola, and other rajas were tributaries to the royal house of
Hastinapuri. Some notice of the incarnations of the emblems of Vishnu
(the Chank, Chacra, &c.) in the persons of Ma’ner, SADUGOPA’RVAR and
others. Notice of Manica, VAsacer and Sampnatar; their polemical
contests with the Samunar (Bauddhas or Jainas). Subsequent to that
time the Vaishnava sect experienced a depreciation, owing to the
ascendency gained by the Saivas. Notice of Tamil poets, ComBAN,
PucrrentTan, Orta-cuTan. CamBan composed his poetical version of
the Ramdyanan in Sal. Sac. 807. Notice of some Chola kings. The
Vaishnava teacher Ramanvsa flourished Sal. Sac. 939. TriBuuva-
NA CHACRAVERTI became Suntara Paundiya dever, Fusly 460, Vira
Panpiya CuoLan was his son. RAMANUJa lived in his time. (These
points and dates considered as the author's testimony are very important
as a check on accounts by the Saivas.) Notice of the first inroad made.
by the Muhammadans into the Carnatic. Many details concerning

1838.] Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. 129

Crinu-canda-cholan; of RAMANuUJA and the Muhammadans; Carr-
cARA CHOoLAN flourished 570 Fusly. ViLLipuTTuRaR, a poet in the
Conga desam, translated the Mahabharata into Tamil verse at the promis-
ed reward of five gold huns each stanza (of four lines). On his task being
finished, the king gave him only five fanams each stanza. Story of NanpI
aking of the Chola country, his hunt of a pig, which in the end became
metamorphosed into afigure of Vishnu inthe Vardha-avatara, a shrine
was built on the spot. Origin of Chenji (or Ginjee). A treasure was
discovered by one ANANTAKON a shepherd, who raised troops therewith,
and getting aid “from other chiefs, established himself as a raja, Gin-
jee being his capital ; this was Fusly year 600. He cut a canal for irri-
gation near Zinomali which in the course of time having become filled
up, was restored by the nabob Wartasan, F. 1184. ANANTAKON
gave to his tribe the name of Sammanamdnar. He was succeeded
by CrisHnakon, F. 650. Gonerrixon, F. 680, both of them built

sacred edifices. His son was Govinpakon, Fusly 700. VaLtiyakon, |

Fusly 720, he made roads, choultries, &c. The dynasty now gave way
before a Curumba tribe named Vaudaga Yediar (north country shep-
herds): the first king of this tribe was Kope-Linean, F. 740. He
built a brick fort at Chentamangalam. He formed some tanks, and
left others unfinished. In his time, his feudatories built several forts
with bricks in different places, as Asupir, Pelacupir, Cupam, Cohir,
&c. He formed channels to bring down streams for irrigation from
mountain springs; among which the one named Kobilingan Juvi re-
mains to this day. He ruled with great equity. Afterwards, F. 800,
‘Narasinca Upryar became viceroy, the Maharayer of Anacondai,
_Vijayanagaram, and Pennacondai sent an army against the aforesaid
KoBILinGAN, and having conquered the country he delivered it over to
NarAsinca Upiyar to be held as a fief sending tribute to the rayer.
A donation was made toa fane or temple, Sal. Sac. 1332 (A. D. 1410).
About thistime the raja of Vandiwash named Buupari rsyver Uptyar
ruled according to an inscription dated in Sal. Sac. 1341. Vira-visaya
RAYER was also ruler over that district. VALLALA RAYER ruled, F.750.
_ He made additions to the shrine at Trinomali. He paid tribute to the
yayer. After he fell the country being divided among petty chiefs
became subject to CrisHNa-DEVa-RA4YER. He sent a great army into
the Carnatic, said to have consisted of 100,000 men, under the command
of chiefs named VaiyapaA NAYAKER, TuBAKI, CRISHNAPA NAYAKER,
Visaya R&GHAVA NayakER, and VENKITAPA NAYAKuER. In F.
870 VANYAPA NAYAKER came and collected tribute extensively. He
encamped near Vellore. The chief at Chittoor, and other petty chiefs

ne

130 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

of the Tondamandalam had an interview with him. He fixed their
rate of tribute. Mention is made among others of Bomma-reddi of
Calastri. The rdyer’s general afterwards went to Ginjee. The chiefs
of the Chola-mandalam had an interview with him, and their tribute was
also settled. VaryAPA NAYAKER continued at Ginjee with his army.
He gave it in charge to the subordinate generals to go and levy tribute
on the Pandya, Chola, and Chera kingdoms. In Tanjore, Trichinopoly,
Madura and Tiru-nagari, the kings respectfully answered to the demand.
Thus the eastern Carnataca (as distinguished from Mysore, &c.)
became subject to the rdyer. He derived three crores of rupees
from this country, and in consequence he divided the whole into three

parts, under three viceroys. CriSHNAPA NAYAKER at Ginjee, govern-

ed the country from Nellore to the river Coleroon; VisayA RAGHAVA
at Tanjore, governed the fertile country washed by the Cauvery river;
and to VENKITAPA NAYAKER, was assigned the country south of the
latter. Notices follow of the proceedings of these viceroys. A Muham-
madan coalition was formed against the rayer. The principal vice-
roy of the latter was recalled, with his troops; and TuBaxt NAYAKER
thenceforward assumed independency at Ginjee. His successors with
their dates and proceedings are mentioned. ‘The last of them Appa
NAYAKER is described as weak and vicious to an extreme. He came
to the throne, F. 1030, and in his time a Muhammadan confederacy,
the formation of which is ascribed to the treachery of Bomma raja of
Chingleput, brought down a deluge of Muhammadan troops into the low-
er Carnatic. The siege of Ginjee, and its capture, after great resistance
are described with considerable force and spirit, and at much length as
the author is writing about his native place. The proceedings of VisAva
Racuava at Tanjore are also alluded to: he purchasedpeace. Tirvu-
MALA NAYAKER of Madura, by the assistance of the Collaries routed
and repelled the Muhammadans, who returned discomfited to Gunjee.
Irruption of the Mahrattas into the country. Seizure of Tanjore.
Tribute imposed by them on other places. Proceedings of Sevaji in the
lower Carnatic. Arrival of the English at Chennapatnam (Madras ).
Notice of other Europeans. From this time forwards, there is a minute
and generally correct detail of the proceedings of the English and French
in connexion with the nabob on the one part, and CuunDaA saheb, &c-
on the other part. The French capture of Ginjee is circumstantially
stated. The whole of the connected and subsequent transactions are
interwoven with details as to motives on the part of native princes,
such as perhaps our English historians, who have gone over the same
ground, may not have so fully known. Hyper Axi and Tippo’s pro-

_—

1838. Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. - 131

ceedings: are fully described; and the commanding interest of the nar-
rative may be considered to close with the final capture of Seringapa-
tam, and its celebration at. Madras. The author, however, conti-
nues his narrative onwards a few years later ; and closes with a reference
to the regulation of the Arcot country, and its management. by his
patron, Colonel W. Mac eon, as Commissioner.

Remark.—In a general retrospect of the contents of this large
manuscript, it appears that the suggestion of an English gentleman,
produced. that rare result a native Hindu historian, writing under the
influence of good sense, and in conformity to a prevailing degree, with
European notions of history. In an abstract I have not felt myself
obliged to verify or compare his dates and facts with other authorities.
_ There are probably some anachronisms and errors; but the value of the
whole seems to me considerable, and the eighth section, down to the
arrival of the English, invaluable. To me that matter is new, and with
the incidential coincidences derivable from other papers in this col-
lection a narrative may now be carried upwards, with some degree of
certainty, to the era of CRISHNA RAYER; above which there is only
a short interval of anarchy till we reach the regular Chola government.
The whole manuscript, but especially the first half of the eighth Section,
ought, I am of opinion, to be carefully translated and edited.

Prof. Witson’s notice of this MS. (Des. Cat. Vol. I. p. 199,) is as
- follows :—

“XJ. Keméta-rdjakal, a Palm leaves, 6 ditto, ¢ ditto, d ditto. An
account of the sovereigns of the Carnatic. After a short notice of
YupuisnTira, and his brethren, and of some Hindu princes of the
lunar family, the MS. gives an account of the Mogul sovereigns of
Hindustan, and the family of Nizam Axi. MS. 0 is an abridgment.” _

On reading this notice I went to the college, and searched for a second
copy without succeeding in finding one. This copy is much injured by
insects. I shall be gratified if eventually I may succeed in effecting one

completely restored copy.
[ To be continued. }

Note. Since the above was set up in type we have received information,
that Mr. Taylor’s analysis will be printed in the Madras Journal. This does
not deter us from publication inasmuch as our readers are for the greater part
distinct. On the other hand if is most remote from our wishes to be thought
guilty of forestalling our brother editor. We have both a claim to the materials,
-~—he from his connection with the place of their deposit—-we from having re-—
commended their being entrusted to Mr. Taylor for examination ; and we should
be thankful to him for the opportunity afforded of making widely known the re-

sult of his successful labours.—Ep.

132 Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. [Frs.

III].—Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam made at the request of
Captain JENKINS, Agent to the Governor General. By WiLL1AM
GRIFFITH, Assistant Surgeon on deputation with the Bhotan Mission.

[Communicated by the Government. ]

Agreeable to your instructions I proceeded to Ferozepoor, and
thence, accompanied by Lieut. Vercu and Mr. Browntow, to the
forests in which the tree yielding the caoutchouc is found.

The forests alluded to, form what is evidently the Zardi, and they
probably extend almost without intermission, from the western to the
eastern extremity of the valley, at least on its northern boundary.

The breadth of the forest tracts is variable ; in the parts we traversed
it was computed to be between 7 and 8 miles. The forests are of a
decidedly tropical character ; exceptions, however, to this occur towards
the basis of the hills, near which some trees indicative of a temperate
climate are found, such as horse and spanish chesnuts, an alder,
Hovenia dulcis. No particularly fine timber trees occurred with the
exception of a solitary chaum tree, the Artocarpus chaplasha of Dr.
RoxsurcH. The caoutchouc tree itself occurs very generally as a
solitary tree*, occasionally however two or three may be found grouped
together. In size they are far superior to all the other trees, and espe-
cially in the extent of surface covered by their branches. They cer-
tainly deserve to be ranked amongst the largest known trees, being pro-
bably inferior in size to the banian only, which may be said to be ca-
pable of indefinite extension ; such is the size indeed of the caoutchouc
tree, that it may be distinguished from a distance of several miles by
its dense, immense, and lofty crown. ‘The dimensions of one of the
largest were as follows: circumference of main trunk 74 feet; ditto
of main trunk and the supports 120 feet; ditto of area covered by
the branches, 610 feet; estimated height 100 feet. The trees appear
to be, so far at least as I have had opportunities of judging, confined to
the Tard, the drier parts of which they seem to affect, and they be-
come more abundant towards the foot of the hills. They are said,
however, to occur about some of the villages in this direction ; if so, they
have probably been planted there, at any rate it is quite certain that on
the southern side of the valley, along which considerable spaces occur
totally devoid of forests, they are comparatively uncommon.

In the tracts of forests traversed by us and which I have said was
estimated to be between 7 and 8 miles in length, 80 trees were seen:
of these by far the greater number were of large size.

* This tree is known to the Assamese by the name Borgach, to the Khasiyas
by that of Ka-gi-7vi,

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1838. ] Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. 133

As we have reason for supposing that they are equally abundant
throughout the districts of Chdérdwar, some approximation to their real
number may be formed. ‘Thus taking the length of the belt of forests
in this district to be 30 miles, and its average breadth 8, we may form
so many sections, each of the diameter of 100 yards, 50 yards being
the utmost extent to which one is able to see on either side owing to the
extreme thickness of the jangal. In the above thirty miles 528 sections
will be formed, and the total number of trees, taking 80 as the average
of each section, will be 42,240, and however overestimated this may
subsequently prove to be, it is evident that the tree is very abundant,
since, even in the infancy of the scheme, 300 maunds of juice have been
collected in 30 days.

Nothing definitive can be stated of the probable number of trees in
the whole valley. It is known to exist about Godlpara and at Borhath,
on the south side of the valley, and I think that it will be found to exist
along both sides, wherever a belt of 7virac* exists. Ihave no doubt
but that 4ssam alone will, when the value of the juice becomes more
generally known to the natives, be able to meet all demands.

The tree likewise exists in plenty on the Khdsiya mountains, on
which it occasionally ascends as high as 4500 feet. Mr. Royer, in his
Illustrations, p. 336 says, that it does not extend beyond Pandua, Jainti-
pur and Chirra Punjt, but this statement is apparently made on no
other grounds than that of its not having been then found elsewhere.

The geographical range of the tree, as far as has been hitherto ascer-
tained, may be stated to be between 25° 10’ and 27° 20’ north latitude,
and between 90° 40’ and 95° 30’ east longitude. Throughout this space
it will be found in the densely-wooded tracts, so prevalent along the bases
of hills, and perhaps on their faces up to an average elevation of 22,500
feet.

The attention of the public was, it appears, first directed to this
tree by the celebrated Dr. RoxpurGu, aman worthy of the estimation
he was held in by government, both on account of his extensive strictly
botanical knowledge as well as of that of vegetable statistics.

The manner in which this discovery was made was given as follows :
“ Towards the close of 1810, Mr. Marruew Ricuarp Smirtu of Sylhet
sent me a vessel there called a turong filled with honey in the very state
in which it had been brought from the Pandua or Jaintipur mountains,
north of Sylhet. ‘The vessel was a common, or rather coarse basket in
the shape of a four-cornered, wide-mouthed bottle, made of split ratans,

* Lieut. Vetca has since ascertained that the tree is as abundant in the dis-
trict of Naudwdr, as in that of Chdrdwar.:

T

a EEE

134 Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. (Fes:

several species of which grow in abundance amongst the abovemen-
tioned mountains, and contained about two gallons. Mr. Suita observed
that the inside of the vessel, was smeared over with the juice of a tree
which grows on the mountains. I was therefore more anxious to examine
the nature of this lining than the quality of the honey. The turong
was therefore emptied and washed out, when to my gratification I found

it very perfectly lined with a thin coat of caoutchouc*.” Dr. RoxpurcH ~

then mentions one or two facts, which are consonant with the views of
modern vegetable physiology, viz. “that old trees afford a better and more
indecomposable juice than young ones, and that during the cold season
the juice is better but more scanty than in the hot. It is extracted by
incisions across the bark down to the wood, at a distance of about a foot
from one another, all round the trunk or branch up to the top of the
tree ; and the higher, the more abundant is the fluid said to be. After one
operation, the same tree requires about a fortnight’s rest, when it may
be again repeated+.” The only description hitherto given of the tree is
that of Dr. Roxpures ; it was drawn up from young specimens, but
it is quite sufficient to enable one to recognise the plant. I subjoin a
sketch of the only flowering branch I have hitherto met with. The roots
of this really noble tree spread out in every direction on reaching the
ground, and the larger ones are half uncovered: they occasionally assume

the appearance of buttresses, but never to such an extent as those of

some other trees. The nature of the trunk of this and some other spe-
cies of the same genus is so extraordinary that it may not be amiss to
make a few remarks on its structure. It differs in the first place from
the ordinary form of trunk by its sculptural appearance, and it is from
this that its extremely picturesque appearance arises.

The appearance arises entirely from the tendency of these trees to
throw out roots both from the main trunk as well as from the branches,
and from the extreme tendency these have to cohere with the trunk or
with each other. If the roots are thrown out from or very near the
main trunk, they ordinarily run down its surface, and cohere with it
firmly and hence the sculptured appearance ; if, as happens in some, they
are thrown out from the branches at such a distance from the trunk
that they do not come in contact with it, they pass down to the earth,
and form what I call supports. These attain their maximum of deve-
lopments in the banian and render the growth of the tree quite indefinite.
These supports appear never to produce leaf, bearing branches, so long,
at least, as they remain attached to the tree. They are generally per-

* Roxsuren’s Flora Indica, Vol. III. p. 543.
t+ Roxpuren’s Flora Indica, Vol. III. p. 544.

;
7

PAE SSS Li emai ernie tenis:

1838. ]} Report on the Caoutchoue Tree of Assam. 135

fectly straight at first, becoming conical only by divisions at the apex
when near the earth, and by the mutual adhesion of these divisions.

Very generally, it would appear, this species, as well as some others,
vegetates in other trees ; its first processes of growth being probably simi-
lar to those of other arboreous dicotyledons. The roots, however in
obeying the laws regulating their descent, soon come into contact, and
wherever they do so, a mutual and firm adhesion is the result.

A net work is soon formed round the tree ; the size of its reticulations
soon diminishes with the increase in the number of roots; and at last a
nearly solid and excessively firm cylinder is formed, which encloses, as it
were in a case, the tree which originally protected the young seedling :
to such an extent is this carried that the death of the tree is sure to oc-
cur sooner or later.

In such a case as this the fig-tree has, it may be said, no trunk at all
comparable to ordinary trunks, which result from growth in an ascend-
ing direction. In these they originate from the aggregation and cohe-
sion of roots, or from growth in a descending direction. One may
hence readily imagine how easily such trees may overtop all others, for,
if they vegetate on a tree 60 feet from its base, it is at once obvious that
this distance is an actual gain in height over all the others. Such
instances are perhaps the only ones in which epiphytes destroy the
plants on which they grow. They may indeed be denominated parasitical
epiphytes. As might be expected the seeds are indifferent as to the
species of tree on which they vegetate: it is not uncommon to find two
fig-trees entwined in a close embrace.

Dr. RoxspurGH was aware of this manner of growth, but he appears
to have only seen palmyra trees enclosed in the way I have endeavoured
to explain. The tendency to throw out roots is-so excessive in the Ficus
elastica, that any section through the back of the trunk or the supports
of sufficient depth to reach the wooded structure, is sure to occasion their
appearance. These roots or radicles are distinctly continuous with the
outer fibres of the last formed wood, and so many are thrown out that
the lower extremity of a transverse section of a support not unfrequent-
ly assumes the appearance of a very coarse tail. The union between the
root commences by abrasion, and although I have not yet examined sec-
tions with reference to the degree of intimacy of union, I have but little
doubt but that each union is an instance of true and spontaneous graft-
ing. .

The inflorescence of this tree remains to be explained, particularly as
it would at first sight appear to be totally different from that of any
other, and because such forms unless reduced to ordinary types, confuse

T2

136 Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. (Fen.

the minds of beginners. By the old school, the only one yet known on
this side of India, and which even in England has too many advocates»
each instance, almost, of anomalous form is at once elevated into a dis-
tinct or swi generis formation, as if nature in her wonderful workings
had no distinct plan.

This was, and is, the great fault of the Linnean School of Botany,
and it is continually causing curious and really, at this period, quite in-
excusable mistakes. If we turn over the pages of RoxpurcGu’s Flora
Indica, which relate to this genus, we shall find that the fruit is describ-
ed before the flower—described in fact before it can possibly exist.

That which RoxgsurGu called the fruit is the inflorescence, and con-
sists of a hollow, more or less closed receptacle, on which minute flowers
of different sexes are arranged. A receptacle on which a number of flowers
is situated, is by no means uncommon, and I may point out familiar in-
stances in the thistle, artichoke, dandelion, &c. in which the receptacle
may be said to be almost at its maximum of development. Frequent
instances of such enlarged receptacles occur in the natural order to
which the fig belongs, particularly in Dorstenia.

In all these the receptacle is more or less flat; were we to take one of
these flat receptacles and so dispose of it, that it shall become closed
except at its apex, we shall have an inflorescence similar to that of a fig,
the scales found at the aperture of which are analogous to the scales
visible outside the heads of the beforementioned instances, and which,
as is well known, form the edible heart of the artichoke. A fig may
therefore be compared with the head of a compound flower, however
different it may appear at first sight to be*.

The last point I have to notice with reference to these plants, is
that they are, more especially the peepul, frequently infested by some
parasites.

The juice is procured from transverse incisions made in the larger
root, which I have mentioned as being half exposed. The incision
reaches the wood, or even penetrates it, but the flow of the juice takes
place in these instances from the bark alone.

Under the incision a hole is scooped out in the earth, in which a leaf,
folded up into the shape of a rude cap, is placed; for this purpose the
leaves of Phrynium capitatum of Linnazus seem to be preferred.

* A fig might be proved almost to be an artichoke.
+ M. De CANDOLLE reasoning on the supposition that no parasites existed on
trees furnished with milky juice, constructed an ingenious theory, which I have
long known to be invalidated in the instance of the jack-tree.

1838.] Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. 137

This plan is simple, and far superior to that of incising the trunk
as it ensures greater cleanliness. The larger roots are preferred in ad-
dition to their being half exposed, for yielding a richer juice.

The fluid on issuing is, when good, nearly of the consistence of
cream, and of a very pure white.

Its excellence is known by the degree of consistence, and the quantity
of caoutchouc, on which this would appear to depend, is readily ascer-
tained by rubbing up a few drops in the palm of the hand, when the
caoutchoue rapidly becomes separated. By kneading this up again, it
rapidly becomes elastic.

Many incisions are made in one tree. The juice flows rapidly at
first, but the rapidity diminishes after a few minutes.

It is said to flow fastest during the night: it continues during two
or three days, after which it ceases, owing to the formation of a layer
of caoutchouc over the wound.

The quantity obtainable by the above method from a single tree has
not yet been exactly ascertained. Some of the natives affirm that four or
even five maunds may be procured; others only give one ghurrah full
or ten seers as the amount procurable. From the slowness with which
it flows, I should consider half a maund to be a fair average produce
of each bleeding. The operation is repeated at the expiration of 18 or
20 days. Assuming the rate of half a maund to be nearly correct,
20,000 trees will give as the aggregate of four bleedings 12,000 maunds
of caoutchouc, that is if Dr. RoxBurcu’s proportion of this product to
aqueous matter, viz. 154 oz. to 50, be correct. |

I should however, observe that the proportion of caoutchouc in the
American juice is given by Dr. FArapay as 45 in 100*, or nearly one
in two. On the excellence of the Assamese products as compared with
that of America, it does not become me to pronounce. If strength, elasti-
city, clearness and freedom from viscidity as well as from foreign matter
be test of excellence, then this product may be considered superior to any
other hitherto manufactured. Nothing can in fact well exceed, at least
in these points, the best specimens manufactured by Mr. Scorr. It has
been pronounced by persons resident in Calcutta to be excellent, and the
only objection that has hitherto been raised against it on sufficient ea-
amination is that of Mr. BELL, who says it snaps. But if by this we
are to understand snapping from being allowed to return to its original
dimensions from the state of tension, the objection amounts to an excel-

* Mechanic’s Magazine, 24,440. Mr. Scorrt finds that the proportion varies

from four to six parts in 10, the variation depending probably on the part of the
tree from which the juice is extracted.

—— as

Ss =

138 Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. (Fes.

lence. Mr. McCosu has indeed declared it to be inferior to the South
American article, but this decisive judgment has evidently been made
on casual examination of perhaps the worst possible specimens. Deci-
sions such as these are totally inadmissible in any work, much more so
in the one alluded to* which from the materials placed at the author’s
disposal, should at least have been correct.

On the points of comparative excellence of the two products we shall
soon, it is to be hoped, be set at rest. Lieut. Vercuy has submitted nu-
merous excellent specimens to the London Caoutchouc Company, and Mr.
Scott and Mr. Browniow are engaged on a series of experiments,
which promise complete success.

It is to be hoped that samples may be sent to the Society of Arts,
whose reports on all these subjects are so excellent and so readily and
obligingly furnished. I think, however, it is desirable that Dr. O SHAUGH-
NEsSy be requested to draw up an analysis both of the Assamese and
American products, as that analysis would at once set at rest the com-
parative amount of caoutchouc as well as of its solubility.

As this tree promises to become an important source of revenue, all
possible precautions should be taken, to ensure the present stock from
injury and to increase the number of trees so that the province may be
able to meet any demand. With reference to the first point it will be
quite sufficient to limit the bleedings to the cold months, so that during
the season of the greatest activity of vegetation, the trees may remain
unmolested, and this is more particularly necessary from our having
reasons for supposing that the juice will be during the period alluded to
much less rich in caoutchouc. I would thereforepropose the interval
between April Ist and November Ist as the season of rest. The size
of the tree being such as to preclude any possibility of great imjury
resulting from the abstraction of the juice, the bleedings if indeed it be
possible to limit them, may recur at intervals of one month.

The best check, however, to over-depletion will be the rigorous re-
jection of all over thin juice. The plan now adopted for the extraction
of the juice needs no modifications, for it is simple, effectual and cleanly,
For increasing the number of trees the formation of plantations will be
necessary. The sites chosen for these should be both in the forests
themselves as well as in and about those villages which, from being situ-
ated near the edge of the forests, may seem adapted to the end in view.

* Medical Topography of Assam.
+ It cannot be too well known, that it is owing to the exertions of this officer
that the existence of this valuable tree in abundance has been ascertained.

1838.] Report on the Caoutchoue Tree of Assam. 139

There is every reason for supposing that this tree presents every
facility for multiplication by division, and probably the plan pursued by
the natives with the peepul will be effectual for this purpose: a branch is
chosen of the thickness of a man’s thigh, and of a height of 15 or 20
feet ; all its branches with the exception of one or two at the apex are to
be lopped off clean, and the wounds to be plastered over with clay. The
cutting is to be planted out at the commencement of spring, that is in
March or April*.

The jangal must be cleared, but not so much so as to expose the cut-
tings to the full influence of the sun. It must be borne in mind that
the tree is one which requires an immense space, should rearing from
seed be resorted to, which however, can scarcely be necessary ; it must
be remembered also, that the most favorable situation for ensuring their
vegetation would appear to be on other trees, and they should be so
placed as not to be liable to be removed either by rain or wind. Some
manure should be placed with them so as to imitate as much as possible
that with which they are generally supplied by birds.

The substance, caoutchouc, is a widely disseminated constituent ae
vegetable fluids. It has hitherto, I believe, been found only in plants
with milky juice, although its presence in all plants yielding such fluid
remains to be proved. The presence of caoutchouc in silk has been,
I believe, attributed to the nature of the fluids of the plants on which
the caterpillars feed: but this, although applicable to the mulberry
plants, can scarcely hold good with the various species of Tetranthera on
which the Moonga feeds, or with the castor-oil plant the chief food of
the Eria, which in Assam does not appear to yield milk. Milky juice is
often characteristic of certain families, but often not: its presence is fre-
quently of importance, as it often affords valuable indications of affinity.
It is remarkable that it is almost unknown in the grand division of
Monocotyledonous plants. The families in which its presence may be
said to be universal are Apocquea, Asclepiadea, Campanulacea, Sobelia-
cea, and the great division of Compositz, Chichoracea, of which the let-
tuce is a familiar example. It is of common occurrence in Euphorbiacea,
and Tulicea, which orders may be looked on as the grand sources of
caoutchouc. Thus, in addition to our Indian plants, the American caout-
chouc is supposed to be produced by Cecropia peltata which belongs to
Urticea, and the Ule tree of Papantla, from which the caoutchouc of that
country is obtained, is supposed to belong to the same orders. I must,
however, observe that Baron HumBo.pT objects to the supposition of

* For this information I am indebted to Captain JENKINS.

I at a ee eT a ae

140 Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. {Fes.

Cecropia peltata yielding the American caoutchoue, as its juice is diffi-
cult to inspissate*.

The order Euphorbiacea would likewise appear to supply a large
quantity. Thus Dr. Linpiy informs us that the true caoutchouc is
furnished by Siphonia elastica, Hevia quiancusis of AUBLET, a Surinam
and Brazilian tree; and it is from a tree of this order that a substance
resembling caoutchouc is procured in Sierra Leone.

Some Apocquez are also reported to produce good caoutchouc+ ; thus
Aricola elastica produces the caoutchouc of Sumatra; and it is from
this plant that caoutchouc has been produced in Penang and exported
to Englandt{. Willughbeia edulis is likewise an Jndian plant from
which caoutchouc has been produced, but RoxBuRGH says it is of indif-
ferent quality ; unless I have been misled, good caoutchouc is obtained
from Nerium grandifloreum of RoxpurGH. .

It is probably equally abundant in Asclepiadea ; one plant of which
order Cynanchum albifloreum has been stated to yield it of excellent
quality in Penang. Mr. Royxe seems inclined to attribute the great
tenacity of the fibres of some plants of both these orders to its presence,
but this supposition seems to me of very doubtful accuracy§.

It is to these orders therefore, viz. Tritecia, Euphorbiacea, Apocquea,
and Asclepiadea that I would beg to direct particular attention. The.
relative values of the various caoutchoucs is still open to investigation.
The relative values of the milky juice as sources of caoutchouc depend
on their freedom from viscidity, and this is very readily ascertained by
rubbing up a few drops in the palm of the hand: in freedom from this
material nothing can well exceed the juice of the Ficus elastica.

Too much attention in fact can scarcely be paid to all plants afford-
ing milky juice ; as in the event of a diminution in quantity from the
present sources, chemists may possibly devise some means of extracting
it from those materials, which at present are disregarded. This of
course, only holds good provided the assumption that the juice of
all plants of a milky nature contains caoutchouc, proves correct. A
historical retrospect of caoutchouc may be found in the Mechanic’s Maga-
zine, vol. 24, page 434. In this the opinions of Dr. ANDERsown, ont he
probable future extensive utility of this substance are given at length;
the author however appears to consider these views as overdrawn, and

* Linp.y’s Introduction to Natural system of Botany, p. 176.

+ Linpxy’s Instructions, p. 300.

~ Royue’s Illustrations, p. 329, under Euphorbiacea, and p. 270, under
Apocquea.

§ Royue’s Illustrations, p. 274. | *

1838.] Report on the Caoutchouc Tree. 141

they are so certainly, if we look to the modus operandi proposed by
‘Dr. ANDERSON.

But if we look to the late improvements by which this substance is
rendered tolerably manageable, we can scarcely imagine any limit to its
sphere of usefulness. If it be limited, it will be owing to the fact that
the supplies cannot meet the demand. It is well known that the de-
mand for this article has called into existence the London Caoutchouc
Company, and their attention appears to have been directed towards India
by Mr. Royer (to whom this empire will very probably be under very
great obligations) and to Assam in particular by Professor SELDEN.
It is much to be wished that all communications regarding new products
of value should be very explicit, for it is but seldom that in this country
opinions of value are to be obtained. The plan recommended by the
caoutchouc committee, viz.; that of forming the caoutchouc into bottles
is perhaps the worst that could be recommended : it is bad from its great
tediousness and laboriousness, bad from its causing the blackening of
the caoutchouc, and bad from its not obviating the viscidity of this when
exposed to the sun. And it may reasonably be asked of what possible
use the form of bottles can be when the bottle is not meant to hold a
solution but to become one*.

It is much to be regretted that the handsome premium proposed by
this company should have been limited to caoutchouc prepared in the
South American manner: the premium should have been open to any
form of manufacture and limited only with reference to quality. The
same plan has of course been followed by the Agri-Horticultural Society
of Calcutta, with this difference that the reward is much smaller, indeed
ridiculously so, when compared to the extravagant rewards allotted to
other products of comparatively no value and in many cases of rather
Visionary attainment. In all such cases, Societies would do well -to
proportion the amount of rewards to the amount of value. I am not
aware whether the juice itself is in demand : this is certain however, that
with slight precautions it will keep for a very long time.

_ The presence of petroleum in abundance along the southern boundary
of the valley may possibly suggest another mode of exportation, but
there are it appears to me considerable objections to the exportation of
this valuable substance in any other form than that now practised. In
conclusion I would beg to apologize for the very imperfect nature of this
report, but my means of observation have been limited, and the stock of

-™ The uselessness of the plan alluded to at once struck both Lieutenant
Vetcu and Mr. Scort, who were led to pay attention to the caoutchouc from
the caoutchouc company’s circular.

U

142 Notice of the different systems of Buddhism, [Fxs.

-information hitherto laid before the public is certainly sufficiently scanty.

Mr. Scorr having very obligingly furnished me with a series of spe-

-cimens illustrating the relative advantages of his various modes of pre-

paration. I have the honor of submitting them for inspection.
The numbers refer to Mr. Scort’s extensive series of experiments,

-which throw much light on these important articles, and which are addi-

tionally valuable, from the readiness with which this gentleman has ren-
dered them available to all in Assam.
No. 10 Juice formed into a mass without any care.

6 Juice dried upon a non-absorbing surface.

3 Juice dried upon an absorbing surface.

9 Juice worked up in the hand, bleached in water, and subjected
to a pressure of about 4 maunds to the square foot.

8 Juice worked up with the hand and not bleached.

7 Juice boiled with an equal quantity of water and subjected
toa similar pressure; this has been ‘exposed to the sun
without deterioration. |

5 Juice boiled in a smaller quantity of water, and subjected to
the same pressure.

11 Prepared from equal parts (% iv.) of juice and water, with $
oz. of diluted sulphuric acid of the Edinburgh Pharmaco-
pia: less acid, however, will destroy the coloring matter.

12 Juice prepared with concentrated sulphuric acid.

IV.—Notices on the different systems of Buddhism, extracted from the
Tibetan authorities. By ALEXANDER CsoMa KO6ros1.
Sdngyé (aN SN: Sangs-r,gyas), is the generic name for express-
ing the Supreme Being or intelligence in the Buddhistic system. This
term corresponds to the Sanskrit Buddha. In Tibetan it denotes the
most perfect being, that is pure (or clean) from all imperfections and
abounds in all good qualities.
' There are three distinctions with respect to the essence, the substance
or body of BuppHA ; as
1. Dharma kéya (KX aN 9 ¥—chhos-kyi-sku) ; 2. Sambhogkéya

(quay yn" paN" a9 H—longs- spyod-rdsogs-pahi’-sku), and 3. Mir-

mankaya (qx ue —sprul-pahi-sku). The first as the primary essence

of all things, is denominated by several names ; as, A'di Buddha —

(ara aay SN) :—Samanta Buddha yay Qaa" Swab hdun

LuG'gG’, self-produced, or self-existing ; Dharmadhdatu aN’ ASOGNe
~~

1838.] extracted from the Tibetan books. 143

the root of all things; Sqrq. fay’ 5" HYD the Jina of Jinas ; MSM IC)
the basis of all things; sa aya sas existing without the three

times, or without beginning and end.

To the Sambhogkiuya belong the Dhyani Buddhas of five kinds, the
chief of whom is Vatvochana (or Berotsana, as the Tibetians pronounce
it, called by them, Ray y Ga 4y\—rnam-per-snang-mdsad : the

illuminator. These are the attendants of A’di-Buddha.

- To the third or Mrmankaya belong the several incarnations of
Buddha. Immense is the number of such Buddhas that have appeared
in former ages in the several parts of the universe. In this age (styled
the happy age) the number of incarnations of Buddhas is one thousand,
four of whom have appeared hitherto, and the rest are to come hereafter.
Though there are mentioned many Buddhas as having appeared and
having taught their doctrines, yet in the modern Buddhistic system every
thing is attributed sor referred to Sudxya, who is supposed (by the
Tibetans) to have lived about one thousand years befure Jesus Christ.

' The different systems of Buddhism derived from India, and known
now to the Tibetians are the following four.

1. Vaibhdshika, (3* 4a)" y—byé-brag-pa.)

2. Sautrantika, (ajnH~yj—mdo-sdé-pa.) |

8. Vogéchérya (§2°Q9. Wyyy or aA’ Ss a’ xy—rnal-hbyor-
spyod-pa, or sems-tsam-pa).

4, Madhyamika (4q"a"~7—dvu-ma-pa),

The first consists of four principal classes with its subdivisions. They
origmated with Sua’kyA’s four disciples; who are called in Sanskrit,
Ra/Huta, Ka’suyapa, Upa’Li, and Ka/TYA/YANA.

1. Ra’nura (Tib. y'5)34' Qe 4—sgra-ychan-hdsin), the son of
Sua’kya. His followers were divided in four sects. They recited the
Sutra on emancipation, in Sanskrit ; they affirmed the existence of all
things ; they wore on their religious garb from twenty-five to nine narrow
pieces of cloth. The distinctive mark of this class was an ufpala padma,
(water-lily) jewel, and tree-leaf put together in the form of a nosegay*.

2. Ka’sHYAPA (Any c—Hod-srung), of the brahman caste. His
followers were divided into six sects. They were called the “ great
community.” They recited the Sutra of emancipation in a corrupt dialect.
They wore on their religious garb from twenty-three to three pieces of
nartéw cloth ; and they carried a shell or conch as a distinctive mark of
their school.

* May not these notes explain the marks on our Buddhist coins ?—-Ep.

u 2

144 Notice of the different systems of Buddhism, (Fun, :

3. Upa’Lr (Tib. $°>Q1°Q~x1L—Nyé-var-hkhor), of the Stidra tribe.
His followers were divided into three sects. | They recited the emanci-.
pation Stitra in the language of the flesh-eaters, Pishachika. They
wore on their religious garb from twenty-one to five pieces of narrow
cloth. They carried a sortstka flower as a mark of their school. They.
were styled, ‘“ the class which is honored by many.”

4. Kdrysyana (Tib. 753% —Katyahi-bu), of the Vaisya tribe.
His followers were divided Sh three sects; they recited the emancipa-
tion Sitra in the vulgar dialect. They wore the same number of
narrow pieces of cloth, as the former class, and they had on their garb
the figure of a wheel, as the distinctive mark of their school. They
were styled : “ the class that have a fixed habitation,” maa qQba'y-

The followers of the Vaibhdshika system, in general, stand on the
lowest degree of speculation. They take every thing in the scriptures —
in their most vulgar acceptations; they believe every thing, and will |
not dispute. Secondly, of the

2. Sautratika school (an N'y—zmdo-sdé-pa), a follower of the
Sitras. There are two classes, the one will prove every thing by
authorities contained in the scriptures, the other by arguments.

3. The third division is that of the Yogdcharya, (% WAIL Ya y—
nal-hbyor-spyod-pa, or Na" Sa” Y—sems-tsam-pa. ) There are count-
ed nine subdivisions of this school. The Ne works on this system -
are referredto A’RYA SANGA (QEBITE FIS|N aS ) in the 7th century,
about of our era. There are in the Kah-gyur several works of his, and
of his followers, explanatory of the Yogdcharya system. Lastly, the

4. Madhydmika school, (,q'ay'y—Dvu-ma-pa, they that keep a

middle way.) This is properly the philosophical system. It originated
with NAGARJUNA (q "SU ak ee 400 years after the death of

SHAKYA. His principal disciples have been A’ryA Deva and BuppHa
PALITA. ‘There are in the Stan-gyur several works of them on the-
Madhydmika system. Some learned pandits in India have united this
system with that of the Yogdchérya,as BopuisaTwa (or SHANTA RAK-
suiTA has done) in the 8th century, and afterwards ATisHa in the 11th.
CuanDRA Kvrti A ays'y, wrote a commentary on the original

work of NAGa’RgunA ; as also several other works introductory to, and
explanatory of, the Madhydmika theory. In all the higher schools
in ‘Tibet these works are now the chief authorities in all controversies. «

relating to the Madhydémika system.

1838.] extracted from the Tibetan books. 145

From among the four theories above specified, only the two last are
philosophical, the two first being rather dogmatical, or following implicitly
scriptural authorities. According to the views of some writers, there is
little difference between the Yogdchdrya andthe Madhydmika theories
also, as some have united them; except that the former is more prac-
tical and the latter more theoretical or speculative (dealing with too
many abstract terms, and minute discriminations). In the Do class of
the Stan-gyur, there are many volumes containing works explanatory of
both these systems. But they can be understood only by the learned, the
generality of the religious persons (or the clergy) prefer to read Tan-
trika works, the Dulva, and some tracts of the Do class of the Kah-gyur.

The above mentioned systems are well known to many of the learned
in Tibet; but there are likewise many who are acquainted only with
their names. .

There is another distinction (with which the Tibetians are more fami-
liar, and which is taken from the scriptures) with respect to the prin-
ciples, on which the scriptural works are founded ; that of gay myay

Thég-pa-gsum ; S. Tri-yinam, the three vehicles. Accordingly all

Buddha scriptures are calculated for the lowest, the mean or middle,
and the highest capacities; for, they contain low or vulgar, middle, and
high principles to be known by such as aspire to any degree of perfection.

Some writers have used the name of “ Lam-rim,” degrees of way (to
perfection), considering men on three different degrees of intellectual
and moral capacity; as, men of little, middle, and highest capacities.
Under this title there are now in Tibet (among those of the Géluk-pa
sect) several manual works on the principles of the Buddhistic religion.
Among these “ Lam-rims” the most esteemed and the most compre-
hensive is that of TsonKu4-PA, a celebrated Lama, who flourished in the
beginning of the fifteenth century.

According to the Lam-rim, there are three degrees of principles with
respect to the theory of the Buddha faith.

1. Men of vulgar capacity must believe that there is a God, there is
a future life, and that they shall therein have the fruits of their works in
this life.

2. Those that are on a middle degree of intellectual and moral
eapacity, besides admitting the former positions, must know, that every
compound thing is perishable, that there is no reality in things; that
every imperfection is pain, and that deliverance from pain or bodily exis-
tence, is final happiness or beatitude.

3. Those of the highest capacities, besides the above enumerated

articles, know that from the body or last object to the supreme soul,

= —

146 Notice of the different systems of Buddhism, &c. (Fes.

nothing is existing by itself, neither can be said that it will continue

always, or cease absolutely ; but that every thing exists by a dependent

or causal connection or concatenation.

_ With respect to practice, those of vulgar pera are content with the

exercise of the ten virtues. Those of a middle degree, besides the
fulfilling of the ten virtues, endeavour to excel in morality, meditation,
and ingenuity or wisdom. Those of the highest capacities besides the
former will perfectly exercise the six transcendal virtues.

With respect to their summum bonum. !

The first seeing the miseries of those suffering in the bad places of

transmigration ; as, in hell, Yiddks, and beasts, wish to be born among
men, the asurs and the gods.

Those of the second class, not contented with the happiness of the
former, wish for themselves only to be delivered entirely from pain and
bodily existence. Lastly; these regarding as pain, every bodily exis-

tence, in whatever region of the world it be, aspire to final emancipation,

and wish to arrive at the supreme perfection, that they may become able
to help others in their miseries.

Such distinction. in speculative Buddhism, as that of the Swabhdvika,
Aishwarika, Karmika, and Ydtnika does not exist in Tibetan books
(except, perhaps, among the Nyigmda-pa sect, who are said to possess yet
several volumes that have not been printed in the Kah-gyur and Stan-gyur
collections, but which may be found in Tibet both written and printed,
among the people of that sect), although there are many works in the
Stan-gyur containing materials on the several doctrines or tenets of those

* philosophical schools.

The ancient philosophical sects in India mentioned frequently, and
partly described in the Tibetan books, especially in the Stan-gyur volumes
are as follows :

1. Grangs-chen-pa (qaayr x4 yY—Sdnkhya in Sanskrit). The Bud-
dhists have adopted much of this school. Inthe % and volumes of the
Do class in the Stan-gyur, there is an account of the six schools (and
of others also) in ancient India.

2. Ché-prag-pa (gqayy—S. Vaisheshilea).

3. Rig-chet-pa (1a"54"q—S. Védantika).

4. Shot-pa-pa (naarxyny7—S. Mimdnsaka).

5. Jigten-gyéng-phen-p4 (QEay’ $4" 85" Qu4'y—S. Lokayata).

6. Those that take Vang-chuk (,qQa" y, 5\—S. Ishwara) for the first

principle.

1838.] Historical works of Tibet. 147

7, They that take Tshangs-pa (Sna'y Brahmd), for the first
principle.

8. They that take Khydb-juk (gq Qgyj—S. Vishnu), for ditto.

9. They that take Skyes-bu ( gv" q—S. Parusha), for ditto.

10. They that take gTsovo (a, x47—S. Pradhina) for ditto.

11. They that take time (<ay—S. Kala), for ditto.

12. The atomists or they that take rdul-phran (& Q7q 4) the atoms
for the first principle of the existence of the world. There are yet some
others also.

The general principles of practical Buddhism with a follower of this
faith in Tibet, are such as follow.

1. To take refuge only with Buddha.

2. To form in his mind the resolution of endeavouring to arrive at
the highest degree of perfection, to be united with the supreme intelligence.

3. To prostrate himself before (the image of) Buddha; to adore him.

4. To bring offerings before him, such as are pleasing to any of the
six senses ; as, light, flowers, garlands, incenses, perfumes ; all sorts of
edible and drinkable things, (whether raw or prepared, ) stuffs, cloths, &c.
for garments and hanging ornaments.

5. To make musick, sing hymns, and utter praises on Buddha,
respecting his person, doctrine, love or mercy, his perfections or attri-
butes ; his acts or performances for the benefit of all animal beings.

6. To confess one’s sins with a contrite heart; to ask forgiveness of
them, and to declare sincerely not to commit such afterwards.

_ 7. To rejoice in the moral merits of all animal beings, and to wish
that they may contribute them to obtain ware final emancipation or
beatitude.

8. To pray and exhort all the Buddhas that are now in the world
to turn the wheel of religion (or to teach their doctrines) and not. to
leave soon the world, but to remain here for many ages, (Kalpas,)

V.—Enumeration of Historical and Grammatical Works to be met with
in Tibet. By the same.

Works, containing historical matter, may be found, in Tibet, under
the following names :

1. Lo-yyus (XS 5 wa /o-rgyus), meaning annals, chronicle, history.
2. Tam-gyut (a Aa" 3 6 gtam-rgyud), tradition, oral account,
traditional history. (S. A’khyénam.)

148 Historical works of Tibet. ¢ (Fes.

3. Ch’hos-jung (AW'Q95" Ch’hos-hbyung), origin and progress
(of the elements) of the (Buddhistic) religion.

4. Tokzhot (%1 S|\N'QES rtogs-brjod), properly a judicious saying ;
memoir, reflections, critique, biography.

5. Nam-thdar (§a*aQx rnam-thar), properly emancipation, liberation,
biography, legend.

6. Grung (¢ yoy Grungs), a fable, fiction, fabulous history.

7. Stan-cis (Qy% 3% Bstan-rtsis), chronology, or calculation of
Some events or epochs occurring in the sacred volumes.

To the first class or “o-gyus” may be referred the following works,
on account of their contents being of a historical character.

1. Mani-kdbum (a6 QQ’ QQH md-ni-bkah-hbum), an historical
work, composed by SRONG-TSAN-GAMPO ( ¥u'qQ Sa" gary SRonc-
BTsan-SGAM-PO), a celebrated king in Tibet, in the seventh century of
the christian era.

2. Pddma- thing-yik (y= Maly wm Padma-thang-yig) another his-
torical work, written in the eieslith or ninth century, in thetime of Kurt-
SRONG DE’-TSAN (8 yo" BQ "21. 84,) by an Indian guru, called in Tibe-
tan PADMA JUNG-NE, (H%2g GAA), in Sanskrit Padma Sambhava,

3. Ka-thangdé-na (AMZ qa'n’ a); by the before mentioned guru,
and by some Tibetan translators or lotsavas, in five parts, containin
biographical notices of princes, queens, chief officers, pandits and lotsa-
vas or Tibetan translators.

4. Vik-nying (wmyAaq"), ancient writ or chronicle, compiled by the
ancient Tibetan translators. 3}

5. Vik-zhung-ch’hen-mo, (gay Qu aa a ), containing Indian his-
tory from Asoka ( SMT Wd mya-nan-med, in Tibetan) a king, (who
lived one hundred and ten years after the death of Suakya, and had his
residence at Pdtaliputra and Dehli) till the time of PRatTiTa SE‘Na (in

the beginning of the fourteenth century of our era).
Other historical works are known under the following titles >

6. Ka-tstk-cl’hen-mo (qm San’ RAH):
7. Ké-ch’hem-ké-k hol-ma (Qyyeann’ AN QQ as):
8. Gyel-rab-pag-sam-jon-shing (AWLAN AQ QVNY ray a's"),
9. She-cha-rap-sal (Qy'g* LA SN).
7 aom oN
10. Gyel rap-salvai-mélong ( AMLAN ANA AQ YB’),
ll. Bod-kyi-yik-ts'ang (aR N'UYs\"HG"), Tibetan records.

1838. ] Historical works of Tibet. | 149

12. Dep-ter-pon-po (5a LS rt)> ancient records.

13. Sa-s,kya-yik-tsing (a y'tm'dc"), records made in the Sa-
skya monastery.

14. Gyahi-yik-ts'ang (83° way ao" ), Chinese Heduadi, translated by
BLAMA RIN-CH HEN-GRAGS-PA.

There are in Tibet some historical fragments under this title, Gtam
gyut (sina St ), traditional history, also.

Under this title, ch’hos-jung (aay" Qa &*), Elements of religion, or the
origin and progress of the Buddhistic religion, there are several works
in Tibet, according to the different authors. As by Ne’L-pa, by Bu-
s,TON ; the Ch’os’jung of the Bkah-gdams-pa sect, that originated in
the eleventh century ; ditto of the Bruk-pa sect, by PADMA KARPo.

Under this name: “ Tokzhot” (& mA OES S. Avadana), there are
many historical fragments both in the Kah-gyur and Stan-gyur (especially
in the w or thirtieth volume of the Mdo class of the Kah-gyur, mostly of
a legendary character. But besides these there are also true narrations.
The following work is of a mixed character of this kind: FYAQ 5‘. |
Qs '"so'Qgagywy "S's Ry" OES “ sham-bha-lahi rnam bshat-dang
p hak-yul-gyi-rtokzhod”—Description of Shambhala (a fabulous country
and city in the north of Asia). And a memoir on p’haks-yul (S. A’rya
désa or India, in general), written by PAN-cH’HEN PALDAN YE-SHES, the
great Lama at Tashi lunpo (Qy aay arty) in 1775.

Under this name: “nam thar” Sara 1, thereare many historical
works in Tibet, containing narratives of the life of any great personage,
as the life of Su&xkya, in a mdo or sutra, called 5’ HU LAY (gya-cher-
rol-pa) or “ Lalita vistara” in Sanskrit. As also in the Mdo styled
Ho ary L'QIG'Q non-par-jung-va, his appearance in the world (in a
religious character).

To this class belong the following works, as: Dpag-bsam-k hri-shing
(RYAN RG"), by Dee-vant-Dvane-Po (S. Shubhendra), trans-
lated from Sanskrit. The “ rnam-t’har” or legendary narrative (contained
in the bstan-gyur) of eighty-four persons, in ancient India. How they
were emancipated, or acquired preternatural faculties.

The Say'qx vnam-thar, of the sixteen principal disciples (maa as 4
nétan) of SHAkya.

The hundred acts of SHakya compiled by TArAnatua, a Tibetan
Lama, in the seventeenth century.

x

—_

150 Mistorical works of Tibet. [ Fes.

The twelve acts of Suakya, by SRONG-TSAN-GAMBO, in the Mani-
kabum.

The “skyés-rabs-brgya-pa” or one hundred new births or regenera-
tions, by a Lama of the Karmapa sect.

There are in the Dulva biographical notices of several princes wealthy
citizens, and other illustrious persons, in ancient India.

Amongst the Grungs (y may) or fabulous narratives, the “ Kesar
Grungs” (&" NL" y GA) or fabulous history of Kesar a warlike ancient
king in central Asia, i is much celebrated in Tibet.

On Stan-gis (Br aya 3) or astronomical calculations of some events
or epochs, occurring in the sacred’volumes or Shastras, there are like-
wise several works, in Tibet. Of this kind are the commentaries on
the “ Kala chakra or dus-kyi-hk’hor-lo,” in Tibetan, made by several
learned men,—as ; by “Bu-ston” (qy4) in the fourteenth century, by

« Jo-nang-pa” by “ Mk’has-grub” in the fifteenth century ; by “‘ Panch’-

hen-blo-bzang-ch’hos-kyi-rgyel-mts’han,” by “ Padma karpo”’—(a cele-
brated Lama of the Bruk-pa sect, in the sixteenth century.
Also a commentary on the K4la chakra, and the history of the Bud-

dhistic religion, written in Tibetan by a Mongol Lama (Sum-bha-zhabs-

trung) in the last century.

The “ rtsis-kyi-hbyung-k hungs” (Bay 3 Q3a Ba) elements of
calculations by “ Mx’HAS-GRUB-rGYA-mTS HO” and ‘ Nor-B-zANG-
7TGYA-mTs Ho. The substance of these works have been embodied in
the “ Baidurya, PTeaRpO an astronomical, &c. work, written by

«“ SANG-RGYAS-YGYA-MTS HO,” a regent at Lassa, in the last half of

the seventeenth century.

List of such Indian (or Sanskrit) grammatical works, as have been
known to the ancient Tibetan learned men, and partly have been trans-
lated into Tibetan, or have been only quoted by them.

The names of these works have been collected in the last volumes of
the B,stan-gyur compilation. They are as follows: Pdni-vyadkarana, in
two thousand slokas; Maha-bhdna, a commentary of the former in
one hundred thousand slokas, by kLU-NoR-rGYAS-KHI-Bu’—not trans-
lated. An abridgment of the two former by RAMa CHANDRA.

A grammar, in twenty-four chapters, by CHANDRA GoMI.

A commentary on the twenty prepositive particles, by do.

A Sutra on the letters, by do.

A commentary on the letters, by Cu’Hos-sxyone (S. Dhermapala).

The several cases of nouns, by Caanpra Gomi, in explanatory
verses.

1838. ] Historical works of Tibet. 151

Another grammatical work, by ZLA-vA-GRAGS-PA. (S. Chandra kirtti.)

A commentary on the Chandrapé by Pandita Ratna MALI, in
twelve thousand slokas.

A commentary on the former by Pandita Purna CHANDRA, in
thirty thousand slokas.

Duyings-mdohi-hgrel-pa, a Andee) on the verbal roots, by
“ Byins-xyI-DPUNG-GRYEN.

Ting-mthahi-bshad-pa: explication of the “ ting” termination.

The milch-cow of desire.

The eight compositions.

The Kaldpa in fifteen chapters, by DvANG-PHYUG-GO-CH’HA.

Sde-spyod byda-karana, in five hundred slokas, a commentary on the
Kaldpa, by brahman Ucra Buv’tt.

The “ Si,” &c. &c. of the Kalapa, nates by Hyam-dpa.-
GRaGs-PAa (S. Manjukirtti).

A grammatical work, introductory to every speech or language.

A commentary on the same, by a teacher: SuBHASHA KIRTTI.

A commentary on the twenty preponilive particles, by Dvanc-po-
BYIN (S. Indradatta. )

Dyangs-chan-bydkarana (of Saraswati) in thirty-one chapters.

Six great commentaries of the former, and several smaller ones.

we (un) and other terminations explained in a Sutra, by Dur-Sine.

A Sutra on the ye(un) termination, by “ CuanpRra”—with a com-
mentary by the author himself.

A Sutra of roots in the Kal¢pa and in the Chandrapa, by “ Gang-
vahi-zla-va” (S. Purnna Chandra ).

% (ti) and other terminations of actions, &c. peed by dGah-
vahi-grags-pa.

Collection of words having the same sound but different significa-
tion. H,jam-Dvyangs (S. Manju-ghosha) byakaranahi-r,tsta-va, by
SaADHU-KIRTTI.

A commentary on Panini’s grammar, by Rama Cuanpra.

Panini-byings-mdo (the roots Sutra, of Panini), by Pandita hjigs- |

med-e,dé.

On the above enumerated Indian grammatical works, there are some
commentaries made by the Tibetans. As; by “ Bu-ston-rin-ch’hen-
grub” and “ Zhalu-lo-tsa-va ch’hos-sk’yong-bzang-po.”

There are, likewise, in Tibet, several works teaching how to read the
Sanskrit text, especially the mantras. The most common are those
(both the text and the commentary on) written by “ Sancua SKRI”
at Snar-thang. But there are others also, made by TARANATHA, by
Kunue’es, by Dox’-Le’cs, and by Srrupa.

x 2

ae -*

ee iad OEE. CO ey SO er ea = —

152 Section of a Hill in Cuttack. (Fes.

The most ancient grammatical work extant for the Tibetan language
is that made by “SamBora” in the seventh century. Its Tibetan name
is: “ Lung-du- ston-pa-sum-chu-pa” and “ , Tags-kyi-P,jug-pa” or
grammatical introduction in thirty slokas, and the adding of the cha-
racteristic letters (for the formation of the several cases of nouns, &c.)

Both these treatises are very short, making not more than three or
four small leaves. They give little information, and are interesting only
on account of the grammatical terms. But there are now many com-
mentaries on this original text, composed by the authors, whose names
here follow, as: Dvu-pa-bLo-gsal, Lo-ch’hen-Nam-Mkhah-rgya-Mts‘ho,
s Nar-thang-lo-tsa-Sangha-Shri, Yar-hbrog-pa-rin-ch’hen-tog, dgé-yé-va-
ts’hul-k’hrims-Sengé, Pan-ch’hen-gser-mdog-chan-pa, dpah-vo-gtsug-
lag H,p’hreng-va, Zur-Mk’har-va-bLo-gros-rgyal-po, Rab-hbyams-smra-
va-ch’hos-rgyal, Hol-ra-rab-hbyams, Sman-lung-pa-bLo-moh hogrdo-rje,
Zha-lu-lo-tsa-va-ch hos-skyong-Bzang-po, Yha-lu-pa-ch’hos-legs, Byams-
gLing-Bsod-nams-rnam-r,gyal, Kun-mk’-hyen-go-ram-pa. (These two
last have commented only the “ Sum-Stchu-pa.” ) Zag-lung-ch’hos-7jé,
Rab-Abyans-pa-jam-gral, K’ha-rag-sprul-sku, Drung-yig-hjam-Dvyangs,
(these have written answers to some proposed questions respecting
grammar). Pan-ch’hen-dkon-Mch’hog-ch,hos-grags, (he wrote in the
seventeenth century, under this title; “ Légs-Bshad-snang byed-
norbu’” on sixty-four leaves.)

S1rv, or Lvom-su-pa of Derghé in Kham-yul, wrote in the last
century, on eighty-six leaves. The title of his grammar is: “ mk’has-
pahi-mgul-rgyan-mu-tig-phreng-mdses” (a beautiful necklace of pearls
for a neck ornament of the learned).

There are yet several other grammatical works on the language of
Tibet.

A. Cs.

VI.—Section of a Hill in Cuttack supposed to be likely to contain
Coal. By M. Kirror, Esq.

[In a letter addressed to J. McCiexLxanp, Esq. Secretary Coal Committee.]

I have the pleasure to forward a sketch (section) of a hill called
“ Newrdj,” where I had expected to find coal, but have been unsuccess-
ful ; the hill, however, presents such striking features, that I deem it
worthy the notice of a geologist, and address you accordingly. 1 have
forwarded specimens [a list of which is hereto annexed] to the Secre-
tary of the Asiatic Society, who will deliver them to you for examina-
tion, after which I request the favour of your informing me whether or
not coal is likely to be found beneath the very black slate, (marked K) ?

1838. } Section of a Hill in Cuttack. 153

Also, whether it is likely to occur beneath the brown slate (J), in sam-
ples of which (obtained fourteen or fifteen feet below the surface at a
village in a valley two miles inland south from Newrii7,) I have found
delicate veins of coal? Again, I should feel greatly obliged by your
giving me instructions as to the nature of the rocks, beneath (or near
to) which coal beds usually occur in this country ? If there are any
specimens available in the museum, I beg you will oblige me by for-
warding some samples to me, labelled, and at the same time you will
favour me with the names, &c. of the different specimens now forwarded,
lettered as they are, my duplicates having the same labels.

A reply to the above at your earliest convenience will much oblige

your most obedient servant.
Cuttack, Nov. 8, 1837.

(No. 1.) A. Laterite of Stirling, vide pp. 177-178, As. Res. volume, headed,
on Orissa proper or Cuttack.

(2.) B. (3.) C. Upper courses of the rock just below the lower part of the
rock next the water degenerating into clay.

(4.) E. (5.) F. Earth mixed with others of a yellowish hue like fuller’s earth
in taste and appearance, and resting between the black slate and the hard rock.

(6.) G. Vertical dyke between the rock and the slate imbedded in the fuller’s
earth.

A vein fusing through the hard rock at a right angle averaging 19 feet thick.

(7.) H. Yellow clay slate above the brown slate.

(8.). J. Brown slate, continuation of the black.

(9.) J. Pink slate, continuation of the brown.

(10.) K. Black slate of three kinds, the soft being the lowest.

(11.) Z. Specimens of the vein which runs the whole length of the slate rocks,
varying in color and thickness ; average thickness 9 inches.

:
|

4

i ee

154 Section of a Hill in Cuttack. [Frs.

(12.) M. Piece found in the black slate.
(13.) NW. Specimen of dyke (vertical) through the slate.

The other specimens forwarded are from Mahdnadi and Kutjooree.

(1) Laterite, (2) speckled rock apparently volcanic, (3) ditto softer, (4) earth
between the slate and rock, (5) dike of calcareous substance, (6) lava? (7) yellow
clay slate, (8) brown slate, (9) pink slate, (10) black-slate, (11) vein of various
colors principally red, (13) dike through the slate, (14) marl between the rocks
and the laterite, varying in thickness, (15) upper stratum of soil, (16) sandstone
rock which continues for 50 or 60 miles towards Ganjam. |

~

The above is merely a rough sketch to exhibit the different forma-
tions as exposed to view: the whole is without measurement. The
extreme height of the hill is about 120 feet from the water level. Should
it be required I shall be happy to make a more correct plan by actual
measurement.

Newraj is about seven miles in a direct line (due west) from Cuttack ;
It is at this spot that the Mahdénadi throwing off its branch called ©
the Kutjooree, finally quits the hilly country and the great valley
hence to Burmool. The natives look on this curious rock as the work
of “ Siva” under the denomination of “ Siddhéswar” to whom a temple
(of great antiquity.) is dedicated, and situated at the top of the rock, the
lower story of it, as well as the enclosure or terraces are hewn out of
the solid laterite rock, in which there are (besides) several caves, for-
merly inhabited by rishis (ascetics). The black rock is exported to Poo-
ree for the purpose of making the “ t//ak,” or frontal mark of the
Hindus; the red, yellow, pink, &c. &c. are used to paint the houses in
the vicinity. The sandstone does not come down to the water’s edge
but rests on the other rock at a short distance inland; indeed the rock
washed by the river extends but a very short distance, when it joins on
the range of coarse sandstone hillocks, which extend to the south to-
wards the Chilea lake, including Kandgirri, Kurdd, &c. and across
the Mahanadi from Undharkot on the bank, towards Dakhanncl in
a northerly direction; westerly, they extend as far as Dhompdragarh
on the right bank, and Barramba on the left. The rock dipping and
passing under the bed of the Mahdnadi. Many valleys or basins are
formed by these hills on both sides of the river ; in some places the hil-
locks are but 30 or 40 feet high, the beds of sandstone being com-
paratively thin, of a coarse grain, resembling gritstone ; it has numerous
quartz pebbles of all sizes imbedded in it: it usually rests on shingle,
and has a superstratum of the same kind ; which again appears to rest
on indurated clay slate.

1838. ] Section of a Hill in Cuttack. 155

Note—By Dr. Mc Clelland.

The hill of Mewraj described by Mr. Kirror in the accompanying
letter, is situated seven miles in a direct line due west of Cuttack near
the confluence of the Autjooree with the Mahdnadi at the exit of the
latter from the hills; and appears from an examination of the small but
interesting collection of specimens procured by Mr. Kirroe to be, as he
has accurately described it, volcanic.

The centre of the hill is formed of a massive dyke (2,) thrown up
from below, and consisting of a dark green trachyte of a somewhat
coarse glossy character with minute vesicles containing a soft earthy
matter, which is removed by exposure (6.) The lower portion of this
rock (3), where it is exposed to the action of air and moisture, decays
like green-stone, yielding a similar clay.

On one side of the dyke there is an abrupt abutment of sandstone
(16), which forms an extensive undulating country on the west, south
and north of Newrdj; and on the other side a bed of drawing slate
changing into yellow (7,) brown (8,) red (9,) and black chalks (10, 10,
10,) which might be used with advantage in the manufacture of paints
and pencils. Mr. Kirrok indeed states, that the black drawing slate is
exported to Pooree for the purpose of making the ¢llak, or frontal
mark of the Hindus, and that the other kinds are used in the neigh-
bourhood by the natives for painting their houses. I do not think that
these chalks are at all inferior (especially the black) to the best kinds
imported to England.

The annexed copy of Mr. Kitror’s sketch of the section of Mewrdj
hill, Ihave made by using one of his rough geological specimens of
black chalk instead of a pencil.

Between this last bed and the dyke, there is a true vein filled up ap-
parently from above by scaly fragments of drawing slate and calcare-
ous matter (5); this rent has evidently been formed in the centre of the
hill by the elevation of the dyke from below, and some distance from
this the slate is divided by a vein of a different nature (13) from the
last, occasioned by the separation of the lower convex surface of the
disturbed mass ; this vein is composed of fragments of primary clay slate
mechanically intermixed with plates of silvery mica, ingredients which
must have been derived from below.

Another interesting peculiarity, and one for which it is more difficult
to account in this section, is a vein of black glossy trachyte, extended
obliquely from the drawing slate at the water’s edge across the great dyke,
dividing it nearly in a horizontal direction.

Fes 2 2S

156 Discovery of the name of Antiochus the Great, [Fes.

VII.— Discovery of the name of Antiocnus the Great, in two of the
edicts of Asoxa, king of India. By James Prinsep, See. §c.
[Read at the Meeting of the 7th March.] ,

As long as the study of Indian antiquities confines itself to the illus-
tration of Indian history it must be confessed that it possesses little attrac-
tion for the general student, who is apt to regard the labour expended on
the disentanglement of perplexing and contradictory mazes of fiction,
as leading only to the substitution of vague and dry probabilities for
poetical, albeit extravagant, fable. But the moment any name or event
turns up in the course of such speculations offering a plausible point of
connection between the legends of India and the rational histories of
Greece or Rome,—a collision between the fortunes of an eastern and a
western hero,—forthwith a speedy and spreading interest is excited which
cannot be satisfied until the subject is thoroughly sifted by the exami-
nation of all the ancient works, western and eastern, that can throw
concurrent light on the matter at issue. Such was the engrossing in-
terest which attended the identification of Sandracottus with Chandra-
gupta in the days of Sir Wm. Jones: such the ardour with which the
Sanskrit was studied, and is still studied, by philologists at home after
it was discovered to bear an intimate relation to the classical languages
of ancient Europe. Such more recently has been the curiosity excited,
on Mr. Turnour’s throwing open the hitherto sealed page of the Bud-
dhist historians to the development of Indian monuments and Pauranic
records.

The discovery I was myself so fortunate as to make, last year, of
the alphabet of the De/hi pillar inscription, led immediately to results of
hardly less consideration to the learned world. Dr. Mix regarded these
inscriptions as all but certainly demonstrated relics of the classical
periods of Indian literature. This slight remainder of doubt has been
since removed by the identification of Pryapast as ASOKA, which we
also owe to Mr. Turnour’s successful researches; and, dating from
an epoch thus happily achieved, we have since succeeded in tracing the
name of the grandson of the same king, DAsaraTHA, at Gaya in the
same old character; and the names of Nanpa and A1’LAs, and perhaps
Visaya in the Kalinga caves: while on Bactriam coins we have been
rewarded with finding the purely Greek names of AGATHOCLEs and
PANTALEON, faithfully rendered in the same ancient alphabet of the
Hindus.

I have now to bring to the notice of the Society another link of the
same chain of discovery, which will, if I do not deceive myself, create a

1838. ] in two of the edicts of Asoka, king of India. 157

yet stronger degree of general interest in the labours, and of confidence
in the deductions, of our antiquarian members than any that has
preceded it. I feel it so impossible to keep this highly singular disco-
very to myself that I risk the imputation (which has been not unjustly
cast upon me in the course of my late undigested disclosures) of bring-
ing it forward in a very immature shape, and perhaps of hereafter being
obliged to retract a portion of what I advance. Yet neither in this, nor
in any former communication to the Society, have I to fear any material
alteration in their general bearing, though improvements in reading and
translation must of course be expected as I become more familiar with
characters and dialects unknown for ages past even to the natives them-
selves, and entirely new to my own study.

A year ago, as the Society will remember, Mr. W. H. WaTuen,
of Bombay, kindly sent me a reduced copy of the facsimiles of the in-
scriptions on a rock at Girnar ( Girinagara) near Junagarh in Gu-
jerat, which had been taken on cloth by the Rev. Dr. Wixson, president
of the Bombay Literary Society. He also sent a copy te M. Jacquet
of Paris, which I dare say before this has been turned to good account.

After completing the reading of the pillar inscriptions, my attention
was naturally turned to these in the same character from the west of
India, but I soon found that the copy sent was not sufficiently well
done to be thoroughly made out; and I accordingly requested Mr.
Witson to favor me with the facsimile itself, which with the most
liberal frankness he immediately sent round under a careful hand by
sea. Meanwhile Lieut. Kirrox had, as you are also aware, made the
important discovery of a long series of inscriptions in the same charac-
ter at a place called Dhawli, in Cuttack. These were in so muti-
lated a state that I almost despaired of being able to sift their contents ;
and they were put aside, at any rate until the more promising portion of
my labour should be accomplished.

_Ihad just groped my way through the Girnar text, which proved
to be, like that of the pillars, a series of edicts promulgated by Asoka,
but essentially different both in language and in purport; when I took
up the Cuttack inscriptions of which Lieut. Kirroz had been engaged
in making a lithographic copy for my journal. To my surprise and joy
I discovered that the greater part of these inscriptions (all indeed save
the first and last paragraphs which were enclosed in distinguishing
frames), was identical with the inscription at Girnay / And thus as I
had had five copies of the pillar inscription to collate together for a cor-
rect text, a most extraordmary chance had now thrown before me two

copies of the rock edicts to aid me in a similar task! There was however
¥

158 Dicovery of the name of Antiochus the Great, (Fes.

one great variance in the parallel,—for, while the pillars were almost
identical letter for letter, the Girnar and Cuttack texts turned out to
be only so in substance, the language and alphabet having both very
notable and characteristic differences.

Having premised thus much in explanation of the manner of my dis-
covery, I must now quit the general subject for a time, to single out the
particular passage in the inscriptions which is to form the theme of my
present communication.

The second tablet at Girnar is im very good preservation; every
letter is legible, and but two or three are im any way dubious. The
paragraph at Aswastwma which I found to correspond therewith, is far
from being in so good a state; nevertheless when the extant letters are
interlined with the more perfect Girnar text, as in the accompanying
copy, they will be seen to confirm the most important passage, while they
throw a corroborative evidence upon the remainder, and give a great deal
of instruction on the respective idioms in which the two are couched.

The edict relates to the establishment of a system of medical admi-
nistration throughout the dominions of the supreme sovereign of India,
one at which we may smile in the present day, for it includes both man
and beast; but this we know to be in accordance with the fastidious
humanity of the Buddhist creed, and we must therefore make due al-
lowance for a state of society and of opinions altogether different from

| our own.

I here present the whole paragraph in the old character as it stands
at Girnar, followmg it up with an interlined transcript in the roman
character, so as to place under one view the parallel texts from opposite
sides of India.

Second Tablet at Girndr.
oA GEAR SSL Udy, Uden Foto ae
b Ad LO- FFF VALUA FADOT HAUT HAL
q FLLTELSO AAW hdth OBK TEL ASA POL

D
Fite Sta ¥iJld bvld LALA we
A T

d

J

Bdid b-On hubs fede sigue

1838.] in two of the edicts of Asoka, king of India. 159

The same in Roman character, with the Dhault copy interlined*.

Savata vijitemhi devanampiyasa Piyadasino rano, evama-

Savata vimitamsi devinampiyasa Piyadasine..........cccesees
papavantesu, yatha Choda, Pida, fe gaeisie Ketalepato,

eat eereere 8Oeee s@e eo @0@+@e @8 FFF CHF Cet Oe FER PHF HHH FOS es -eee e@eec ce6

PPambapansi, ANTIYAKO YONA ve vip (tasa
Veseescsccecteceeeese ANTIYOKE nama yona lajaya vapi (...sa@
ANTIYAKASA samino rajano), savata devanampiyasa Piya-
Antiyakasa sadmanta lajéne) savata devanampiyasa Piya-
dasino rano dwe chikichha kata ;—manusa chikichha cha pasu

Mates! OE tee tiem ee adn ee BOUL UION 5 $A gcpagle ce
Poe cha : be hag yani manusopagani cha paso-
eS... cha...... dhani dni muniso.......ni pasu
ae cha. Yata yata ndasti, savata pdardpitani cha
opoganant cha ata—té mnathi, sa..... palapita

ropapitani cha; mulani cha phalani cha’; yata yata nésti,
NERA PETES) TEEN od. eecev an e.cisg sags 4p 18sie sind ojame da ala's csoeilble Gb lds
savata h4rapiténi cha Jopabitent cha. See we kupa

vata halopita cha, lopapita cha. ma (gesu) udapanani
cha khdndpita; vachha cha ropapita ; pari bhogaya
tha khanapitani, lukhani cha lopapitini pati bhogaya
pasu manusanam.
P....0+02-4NamM.

Translation.
__ Everywhere within the conquered provinces of raja Piyapast the
beloved of the gods, as well as in the parts occupied by the faithful,
such as Chola, Pida, Satiyaputra, and Ketalaputra, even as far as
Tambapanni ( Ceylon )/—and moreover within the dominions of An-
TiocHus the Greek, (of which AnTIocuus’ generals are the rulers, )—
everywhere the heaven-beloved raja Pryapasi’s double system of me-
dical aid is established ;—both medical aid for men, and medical aid
for animals: together with medicaments of all sorts, which are suitable
for men, and suitable for animals. And wherever there is not (such
provision )—in all such places they are to be prepared, and to be planted:
both root-drugs, and herbs, wheresoever there is not (a provision of
them) in all such places shall they be deposited and planted.
And in the public highways wells are to be dug, and trees to be

planted, for the accommodation of men and animals.”

* I reserve the lithographed facsimile until next month.

x 2

160 Discovery of the name of Antiochus the Great, [ Fes.

Many things are deserving of comment in this short edict. To begin
in due order ;—

The opening words which are equally well preserved in both the
Girnay and the Dhauli inscriptions, will be remarked to differ, in the two
examples, only in a single letter (disregarding of course the variation of
the inflection, which we shall see by and by to be peculiar to the dialect
of each place, and constant throughout) ;—the former text reads Savata
vyitamhi equivalent to the Sanskrit savatra vijtte, ‘every where in the
‘conquered (country)’ whereas the latter has savata vimatamsi (S. vimate ) |
throughout the inimical (in religion) country*. This difference is incon-
siderable ; and both expressions will contrast equally well with apdpa-
vantesu (S.apdpavatsu ) ‘in the sinless-like,’ or ‘the provinces containing
the believers.’ Of the places enumerated as belonging to the latter divi-
sion, unfortunately one list only is preserved, and we are unable to identify
any of their names with certainty, except the last. Choda may indeed be
the Chola kingdom, and Pida the country named in the Brahmanda
Purana+, as Pidika in the same list with Chilica: but in what part of
India situated does not very clearly appear. Satyapito and Ketalaputo
are equally unknown ; unless the latter be Ketorapuri of WiLrorp—
hod. Tahneswar. The former seems rather an epithet of some ‘holy city’
of the time. Our only certain landmark then is Tambapanni, the ancient
name of Ceylon, spelt exactly in the same manner as in the Pali text of
the Mahdvunsa just published by Mr. Turnour. The Greek name of
this island, Taprobane, as Dr. Mix has elsewhere observed{, seems
rather to be taken from the Sanskrit Tamra-pani, which is also the
true Singhalese name for the same place.

But the principal fact which arrests attention in this very curious pro-
clamation, is its allusion to ANTIocuus the Yona, (Sanskrit Yavana) or
Greek, king. The name occurs four times over, with only one variation
in the spelling, where in lieu of Antiyako we have Antiyoko, a still
nearer approach to the Greek. The final o is the regular Pali conver-
sion of the Sanskrit nominative masculine termination as, or the Greek
os. In the pillar dialect the visarga of the Sanskrit is replaced by _
the vowel e, as we see in the interlined reading, Antiyake. Again the
interposition of the semivowel y between the two Greek vowels?
and o, is exactly what I had occasion to observe in the writing of the
words Agathuklayoj and Puntalawanta for AyaboxAews and mavradcovTos
on the coins. All this evidence would of itself bias my choice to-
" * While correcting the press, I received a revision of the Cuttack inscription,

by Mr. Kirrog, in which the word is plainly vijitamsi.
+ As. Res. VIII. 336. t Journal As. Soc. Vol- V. 830.

1838. ] in two of the edicts of Asoka, king of India. 161

wards the reading adopted, even were it possible to propose any other;
but although I have placed the sentence, exactly transcribed in the
Devanagari character, in the pandit’s hand; he could not, without the al-
teration of very many letters, convert it to any other meaning, however
strained. And were there still any doubt at all in my mind, it would be
removed by the testimony of the Cuttack version which introduces be-
tween Antiyake and Yona the word néma,—making the precise sense
‘the Yona raja by name ANTIOCHUS.

Having then, I trust, established the existence of a genuine Greek
name in an authentic Indian edict, let us turn to the histories of the
period and ascertain who he may be, and how far the circumstance tallies
with the Grecian and Persian records of these ancient times.

The age of Asoka, as fixed by the Buddhist annals falls close after
the invasion of ALEXANDER the Great, but when adjusted by the esta-
blished epoch of CHANDRAGUPTA, it coalesces with the flourishing
period of Bactrian independence.

The name of AnTIocuus occurs solely in the Seleucidan dynasty
which enjoyed supremacy over the whole extent of the Macedonian
conquests, until the satraps of Persia and higher Asia threw off the
Syrian yoke, and assumed to themselves the regal title. It was to re-
establish his sway over the revolted provinces that AnT1ocHus the
Great in the third century before Christ, conducted an extended cam-
paign in Bactria, which ended in an accommodation with EutuypDEMus
whereby he was permitted to hold the regal title. The Bactrian king
consented probably to be tributary to ANT1ocHUus, for the treaty was
ratified by the surrender of all EurHypEemMus’ elephants to ANTIOCUuUs ;
who, on his side, cemented the alliance by granting his daughter in mar-
riage to the handsome Demerrius, KuTHyDEMUS’s son. This memo-
rable event is fixed by Bayer in the year 205 B. C.

“In the reign of ANTIocHus the Great,” says Maurice, “ the affairs
of India again become conspicuously prominent in the page of Asiatic
history.” Potyzius informs us that subsequently to the settlement
of Bactria, this monarch led his army over the Indian Caucasus, and
entered India, where he paid a visit to, and renewed his alliance*
with SopHaGAsEnes, king of that country, and received likewise his
elephants, which with those he had from EvrayDEMvus amounted now

* The treaty thus renewed, may have been that entered into between Setev-
cus and Sanpracottus. Alluding to the obscure origin of this prince Justi-
Nus says, ‘‘ By such a tenure of rule was it that SanpracotTrTus acquired In-
dia at the time SeLeucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness,
and the latter having concluded a league with him, and settled his affairs in the
east came down and joined the war against ANTIGONUS.’’ L. XV. C. 4.

162 Discovery of the name of Antiochus the Great, [ Fes.

to a hundred and fifty*; he then recrossed the Jndus and returned
homeward through Avachosia, Drangiana, and Carmania, settling in
all those countries due order and discipline. ‘“ The boldness of his at-
tempts and the wisdom of his conduct during the whole course of this
long war, gained him the reputation of a wise and valiant prince, so
that his name became formidable to all Europe as well as Asia, and well
deserved the addition of ‘ Great’ which was given him+.”

In all, save the name of the Indian monarch, do these circumstances
agree with the terms of our inscription. We may readily imagine it to
have been a provision in the treaty, that the Buddhist king of India
should be allowed to establish his religious and humane regulations
among those of the same faith who resided under the rule of AnTIo-
cuus’ generals, that is, in Bactria and perhaps Simde. We see an ac-
knowledgment of fealty to him in the very wording of the sentence, and
it is curious that, while the Cutéack inscription calls the Greek princes,
Sdmanta his generals—the other edict names them Swdmuno f, ‘ lords.’

With regard to the name of Sophagasena I should not have much
hesitation in asserting that it was a palpable corruption of Asoka sinha or
sena, the first two syllables transposed§,—but that I am saved the trou-
ble by that more daring etymologist Col. WiLrorp, who long ago pro-
nounced Sophagasena to be nothing more than Sivaca-sena, a term
equivalent to Asoca-sena, ‘ one whose army is clement, —and which was
another name for AsoCA-VERDDHANA the third in descent from CHAN-
DRAGUPTA in the Pauranic lists ||.

Mr. Turnour fixes the date of Asoxa’s accession in B. C. 247, or
62 years subsequent to CHANDRAGUPTA, the cotemporary of SELEucus.
Many of his edicts are dated in his 28th year, that is in B. C. 219, or
six years after AnTiocuus the Great had mounted the throne. The
medical edict is not absolutely dated; we however perceive that there
can be no positive anachronism to oppose the conclusions to which other
powerful considerations would lead.

* The words of Potysrus are:—‘YrepBarovde tov Kadxacov, kat kardpas els
thy “lvdikhy, Thy Tov piAlay dvevewoaro Thy mpos Zopayachnvoy Tov BaciAéa Twy
Tydav, Kai AaBdy erA€payTas, Hse yeveoOat Tobs dravras ets Exardy Kal wevThKovTa,
ert Se oiTomeTphoas WaALy evTavoa THY Sivauly, avTdS mev avéCeveE META TNS SpaTtise
*Avdpoabévn be Tov KuSixnvoy em rhs avaxoudjs ameAure THs yotns, Ta Smodoyne
Gcions avT@ mapa Tov BactAews. Pol. Histor. lib. xi.

t+ Universal History, vol. VIII. p. 157.

t The last letter is however doubtful (more resembling pham) and 1 feel very
certain that re-examination will prove the reading to be Sdmanta.

. § Just as the natives persist in calling Ocutrertony, Loni-akter ;—many
such whimsical perversions might be quoted.
{| Asiatic Researches, V. 286.

1838.) in two of the edicts of Asoka, king of India. 163

’ But the subject of elucidation is not exhausted here. The Persian
historians have yet to be examined; and their account of this eventful
period may be gathered, from FexisuTa’s words, to have been copied
not from the Greeks, but from native authorities now no longer extant.

“ SINSARCHAND* assumed the imperial dignity after the death of
Puoor, and in a short time regulated the discomposed concerns of the
empire. He neglected not in the mean time to remit the customary
tribute to the Grecian captains, who possessed Persia under and after
the death of ALEXANDER. SinsARcHAND and his son possessed the
empire of India seventy years. When the grandson of SinsarchanD
acceded to the throne, a prince named Jona, who is said to have been
a grand nephew of Puoor, though that circumstance is not well attest-
ed, aspiring to the throne, rose in arms against the reigning prince and
deposed him.”

* Maurice’s Modern Hindustan, vol. I. 65—Sinsdr-chand is just as much of

‘a Sanskrit name as CHANDRAGUPTA, and nearly of the same import; viz.
Saicaey Sansdra-chandra, ‘ moon of the world.’

+ The whole passage in Ferishta is not too long to be extracted, that it may
be consulted in the original. The Society’s copy however differs from that
translated in the above quotation from Maurice in the substitution of other
names for those of the Greek captains.

” S25] dL phan gdb Wo gk shi aps dia pandaw
“ihe \2.20 cy! SY) 9 wu &S }, win AD ales cs 3 deo Sail
ee Oe BI ged sddBLAe 9 9d pies? bo? wot ALS ye 5
ely lye as pee ae aye? S us), Py) eel } | pass rhaiss BS aw y 2

prt 5) J oliaa 863); 1 Saw 5 Stites J Sco MLEIS yy Nya) ceniel.
s ust Wrdau] 8,6 oe I~ Gs PAG) BS gam cs: SAH =
ey v8! ; al, x BS 9m aS is! 2 sar Biya Ly) oe
daily $ prs * 632 Asan eer sg 3 tO Jie!) el, J Lies? 9s w>
es ; coy»! 3 Broce 3 2858 st peas, ve) BILLS le LS ams Re yoy
wil» sawed sh P dy] =? we st eal ‘ ai te yg “pts laa!

DAD yas a \5 YS yes SG pad das Bis Pepsy Sys poole

wd
haw y 2! 7> a 4 J 3 eens Nee ad a Ut ws? Mask yas Adam Aes)

tins x aes Ore 4 dase Sy ’ 30S Sead sa, (> 33) wtasy
ish oie, J o;? i SR! See i”) BASS eee hese aphawd Ba Me

Arpvesurer Bapeaa’n, began to reign A. D, 223. There is an anachronism
therefore of near 500 years inthis account! The name of KALIANCHAND is

eS

=.

164 Discovery of the name of Antiochus the Great, (Fes.

Now it is not by any means improbable that the Jona (or Yona) here
introduced as a rival to Asoka, may be the identical Yona raja, men-
tioned in the edict before us, or in other words, ANTIOCHUs himself ;
although it is certainly true that the Persian historian goes on to give a
circumstantial account of his reigning at Canouj for a long time, with
indefatigable attention to the police of the country and the peopling and
cultivation of the waste tracts of Hindustan! Yona is placed 260 years
before CurisT, and is stated to have made a present of elephants and a
vast quantity of gold and jewels to ARDEsuIR, who claimed tribute from
the empire of India. This seems to be, mutato nomine, a repetition of
the story given by Potysivs, for, independently of the anachronism, it is
hardly probable that the Arsacidz, themselves tributary to Syria, should
have yet mustered courage to exact the like respect from their powerful
neighbours.

I think the edict furnishes a satisfactory solution of the difficulty,
by enabling us to erase Yona from the Indian list, and to transfer him
either to Syria or to some principality of the Bactrian Greeks who are
acknowledged to have held sway in the upper part of India.

As for the Pauranic histories of the Hindus, all I need say is, that if
any thing can tend to persuade the brahmanical pandits of the erroneous
basis on which their chronology rests, and the necessity of seeking its
explanation (which I do not deem at all impossible) it will be this dis-
covery of a coincidence between our histories and these sculptured monu-
ments in their own language, which cannot have been tampered with,
and cannot be suspected of giving false testimony on such a matter.

The best accounts however of the early occurrences of Indian history
are to be sought in the Buddhist annals. Let us see what light they
throw on the term Yona.

In Mr. Turnovur’s introduction to the Mahdwanso (which I have
only this moment seen through the kindness of Dr. Buanp of the Wolf)
I find these words: “ In regard to the geographical identification of
the Yona country, I am of opinion that we shall have to abandon past
speculations on the similarity of the names “ Yona” and “ Yavana,”
and the consequent inference that the Yavanas were the Greeks of
Bactriana;—as yona is stated to be mentioned long anterior to ALEXAN-
DER’s invasion in the ancient Pali works. The term in that case can
have no connection with the Greeks.’ Now on turning to the only
two passages indicated in the glossary ; I find that the first relates to the
unknown in the Puranas :—neither are Koderz and Terasi, known as kings of

Persia of that period. The former resembles much the Kodes of our Bactrian
eoins : the latter may be Ziridates (B.C. 253).

1838. ] in two of the edicts of Asoka, king of India. 165

deputation by Asoka himself of a missionary named MaHa’RAKKHITO
to effect the conversion of the Yona country, while MassHantiKo
goes to Kasmira and G'andhdra, and others to various places.

The other passage cited (page 171) occurs in an elaborate and most
circumstantial account of the erection of the Mahdthupa, or great tope,
at Ruanwelli, by DurtHAGamint king of Ceylon, in the year 157 B. C.
Among the priests who resort to Ceylon to assist at its consecration
are the following from Upper India—for the passage is so interesting to
us Indians who ‘are nearly in the dark as to those periods, that I cannot

refrain from extracting it entire:

‘* Nénddesdpi aganchhun bahawé dhikkhawé idha:
Idhadipatthasanghassa kakathdwa idhdgame ?
Therdsiti sahassani bhikkhii dddya dgama
Rdjagahassa s4mantdé Indagutto mahdgani.
Sahassdn Isipatand Bhikkhunan dwadasddya
Dhummaseno mahdthéro chetiyatthanamdgamd.
Saithin bhikkhusahassini addya iddhamdgama
Piyadassi mahathéro Jetaramawiharato. ,
Wesdlimahawanato théroru Buddharakkhite
Atthdsasahassant bhikkhu ddaya agama.
Kosambighositdrdmo théroru dhammarakkhito
Tinsa bhikkhusahasséni dddya idhamagamda.
Addya Yujjeniyan théro Dakkhinagirito
Yati chattdrisahassdnt dgoru Dhammarakkhito
Bhikkhunan satasahassanan satthi-sahassani chadiya.
Pupphapure sékarama thero mittinnandmako.
Duwe satasahassdni sahassdni cha satthicha,
Bhikkhu Pallawabhogamhad mahadewo mahdmati.
Yoénanaggar dlasanna Yona mahddhammarakkhito
Théro satthisahassdni bhikkhu addy dgamd.
Winjhé tawiwataniyd senasanitu uttaro.

Thero salthi sahassdni bhikkhu dddya ¢gamd4.
Chittagutto mahdthéro Bodhimanda wihdrato
Tinsa bhikkhusahassdni ddiyitwa idhagama.
Chandagutto mahdthéro wanawdsapadesate,
A’gdsiti sahassani adiyetwd yati idha.
Suriyagutto mahathéro kéldsamahdwihdrato
Chhanawati sahassani bhikkhu ddaya agama.”

** From various foreign countries many priests repaired thither. Who will be able
to render an account of the priests of the island who assembled here? ‘The_pro-
found teacher INDAGUTTO, a sojourner in the vicinity of Rdjaguha, attended, ac-
companied by eight thousand théros. The mahé théro DHAMMASENO, bringing with
him twelve thousand from the fraternity of the Istpattana temple (near Bardnest),
repaired to the site of the ¢thv@po. The maha théro PryapDassi from the jeto wihdro
(near Sdwatthipura) attended, bringing with him sixty thousand priests. The
théro BUDDHARAKKHITO attended from the Mahdwanno wihdré of Wésali, bring-
ing eight thousand priests. The chief théro DHAMMARAKKHITO, attended from
the Ghositéd temple of Késambité, bringing thirty thousand priests with him. The
chief théro DHAMMARAKKHBITO, bringing forty thousand disciples from Dakkhind-
girt temple of Ujjéni, also attended. The théro named MITTINNO, bringing sixty
thousand priests from his fraternity of one hundred thousand at the Asdéko temple
at Pupphapura. The théro REeTTINNO, bringing from the Kdsmira country two
hundred and eighty thousand priests. The great sage MAHADEWO with fourteen
lacs and sixty thousand priests from Pallawabhdgo; and maha DHAMMARAK-
KHITO, théro of Yona, accompanied by thirty thousand priests from the vicinity of
A’lasadda, the capital of the Yéna country, attended. The théro UTTARO attended
accompanied by sixty. thousand priests from the Uttania temple in the wilderness of
Winjha. The maha théro Ca1ITTAGUTTO repaired hither, attended by thirty thousand
priests from the Boddhimando. The maha théro CHANDAGUTTO repaired hither,
attended by eighty thousand priests from the Wandwdsé country. The maha théro
aoe attended, accompanied by ninety-six thousand priests from the Kélase
wtharo,

Z

166 Discovery of the name of Antiochus the Great. (Fes.

‘ The vicinity of A’lasaddé (in the text A‘lasannd, but corrected in
the errata) the capital of the Yona country’—follows, m this enumera-
tion, the mention of Kdsmir, while it precedes the wilderness of Vinjha
which is evidently Vindravan, the modern Bindrabund. In situation
then as well.as in date I see nothing here to oppose the understanding
of Yona as the Greek dominion of Bactria and the Panjab, and I dare
even further propose that the name of the capital near which the Bud-
dhist monastery was situated, and which Mr. Turnovr states in his
glossary to be unidentified, is merely a corruption of Alewandria, the -
right reading being perhaps A’lasanda, halfway between the authorities of
the Pali ‘ variorum.’ ‘Thus in lieu of finding any difficulty in regard to
the use of the term Yona by oriental authors, we perceive them all rather
to admit the interpretation which the sagacity of our antiquarians had
long since suggested, but which could only be thoroughly confirmed by
such an incontrovertible testimony as it has now fallen to my lot to
bring to notice. The particular Alexandria alluded to may probably be
that ad calcem Caucasi which is placed at Beghram by Mr. Masson in
the 5th volume of my Journal, and in the neighbourhood of which so
many stupendous stupas have been brought to light through his able
investigations.

The purport of the edict thus promulgated to the subjects of the
Indian monarch and of his Greek ally, now merits a few observations.

I have said that its object was to establish a system of medical admi-
nistration. The word chikichha is the regular Pali form ofthe Sanskrit
chikitsa (Fafarq), the administration of medicine, or healing. In fact a
medical service seems to have been instituted and supported at the ex-
pense of the state, with depots of the herbs and drugs then, and still
used as remedies by Indian practitioners. The term osudh4ni, (Sans,
aushadhanr areata) according to WiLson, may even comprehend
mineral as well as vegetable medicaments, and it may possibly be thus
used in contradistinction to muldni and phaldni.

In reading the particular allusion to a separate system of treatment
for animals, one is reminded of that remarkable institution at Surat
usually called the Banyan hospital, which has been so frequently de-
scribed by European visitors of the last century. If proper inquiry
were directed to this building, I dare say it would be discovered
to be a living example, (the only one that has braved twenty cen-
turies,)—of the humane acts of Asoxa, recorded at no great dis-
tance on a rock in Gwjerat.—“ This hospital consisted of a large
piece of ground enclosed by high walls and subdivided into several
courts or wards for the accommodation of animals. In sickness they

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 167

were attended with the greatest care, and here found a peaceful asylum
for the infirmities of old age. When an animal broke a limb or was
otherwise disabled, his owner brought him to this hospital, where he was
received without regard to the caste or nation of his master. In 1772,
it contained horses, mules, oxen, sheep, goats, monkeys, poultry, pige-
ons, and a variety of birds, also an aged tortoise which was known to
have been there 75 years. The most extraordinary ward was that
appropriated for rats, mice, bugs, and other noxious vermin, for whom
suitable food was provided.” (Ham. Hindostan, I. 718.)

The order for digging wells and planting trees along the sides of the
high roads in this edict, is of a similar nature with, but rather more la-
conic than that on the Feréz lath, which it may be remembered, specified
that the wells were to be half a coss apart, and the trees to be of the
mango species: besides which there were to be serais and villages—a
provision which seems pointed at in the passage quoted from Frrisura,
about SInsARCHAND’s successor “establishing towns and_ villages
along the Ganges and Jumna.”

The word used for wells at Girnar is kupd, pure Sanskrit :—at
Dhaolt it is udapandn as on the pillars,—and so for road, one uses
patha,—the other maga (S. marga) as on the pillars ;—and in the
same manner one dialect employs manusdnam the other munisdnam,
‘of men ;’ but of this and other idiomatical peculiarities I shall hereafter
have more to say when I shall have presented the remainder of these
most interesting relics of antiquity to the Society’s notice ; fearing that
1 have almost transgressed the bounds of their patience in the observa-
tions to which I have been led by the one selected for my theme on the

present occasion.

VIII.— Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.
‘Wednesday evening, the 7th Feb. 1838.

The Hon’ble Sir Epwarp Ryan, President, in the chair. .

Cuarzes Fraser, Esq., M. C. Ommaney, Esq., Dr. W. H. Green, and
Lieut. A. Biaas, Asst. to the Gov. Genl.’s Agent in Assam, proposed at the
last meeting were ballotted for and duly elected members of the Society.

Dr. Henry Harpur Spry, was proposed by Col. McLeop, seconded by
the Secretary.

Read a letter from Capt. Ropert Saortrepe, Acting Secretary of the
Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, acknowledging the receipt
of the 3rd volume of the Muahdbhérata.

Also, a letter from Mansur Anmen, thanking the Society for the copy
of Khazunat ul Iim, presented to him for having edited that work

gratuitously to its completion, but declining the other copies offered him _

and requesting in lieu thereof, such volumes of the A/emgiri series as could
be spared. Resolved to present him with the 3rd, 4th, 5th and last volumes.

z2

Ce es

|
1
|
t
r|
a
3
|

gr er
—————

——

168 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Fes.

Library.

Read a letter from M. E. Doturus, President of Societé Industrielle of
Mulhausen in Alsace, forwarding for presentation the following books,
and soliciting an exchange of publications with the Society.

Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhausen, vol. X.

Exposition des produits de l’ Industrie Alsacienne organisée par la Société Indus-
trielle de Mulhausen—for May 1836.

Rapport Annuei for 1836-37.

The following books were also presented.

Wellesley Dispatches, vol. V—presented by the Hon’ ble Government of India.

An account of the manufacture of the black tea as now practised at Sadiya in
Upper Assam, by G. A. Bruci, Superintendent of tea culture—Ly the Tea Committee,
through Dr. N. Wallich.

The Pooraénic, Siddhantic and Copernican systems of the world compared; by
SooBAJEE Bapoo of Lehore near Bhopal, in Malwa, printed in Telinga at Madras—
presented by L. WILKINSON, Esq. ;

Indian Journal of Medical and Physical Science, for March 1838—by the Editor.

Resala Aruza Farsi, by Syep Keramut ALi—by the Author.

Tasfrul Osal, by MAuLAvi ABDUL Moj1p—by the Author.

Meteorological Register, for January 1638—by the Surveyor General.

Antiquities.

Capt. A. Cunnincuam forwarded impressions of inscriptions from the
neighbourhood of Juanpoor.

Capt. W. Brown, forwarded a notice, and drawings of the ancient
pillar, at Hissér.

{We shall hasten to insert this note, but the remains of letters on the lower part
of the shaft, do not appear sufficiently well defined to be pronounced of the Asoka
alphabet. | '

The Secretary submitted the following question addressed to himself by
a friend under the signature Vidyérthi, to the critical solution of the
native members of the Society.

SIR

I shall feel obliged if you or any of your readers will enlighten me on a point
regarding which I am in doubt. I have observed, that in MooRk’s Hindu Pantheon
and in several papers in the Asiatic Researches treating of Hindu Mythology, the
bull, which is the vehicle of Suiva, is styled ‘‘ Nandi ;’’ and the correctness of this
appellation seems to be maintained by you in your No. 67, for July last, in a paper
(No. VI.) on certain ancient inscriptions (vide page 590. Note 4.) Now I have
searched in vain in both editions of ‘‘ WILSON’s Sanskrit Dictionary,’’ in RADHA
Kant Des’s Encyclopedian Sanskrit Dictionary, the ‘‘ Shabda Kalpadruma,’’ in
CaREyY’s Bengallee Dictionary, and in ‘‘ WArpD’s Hindoos,’’ for proofs that the bull
of SHIVA is called ‘‘ Nandi.’’ I wish therefore to know what authority there is for
such an application of this term ?

Calcutta, March 3rd, 1838.

The Secretary read a paper on the discovery of a notice of Antiochus
the Great in two of the edicts of Asoxa.

{This paper is printed in the present Journal.]
Physical.

Two fresh fragments of fossil testudo from the fort boring were pre-
sented by Col. McLeon, brought up from a depth of 450 feet.

A description of Balwa Kund, Chittagaon, was forwarded by Lieut. G.
Sippons, Engineers.

A report on Caoutchouc, by Dr. W. GrirritH, was communicated by
Government through the Gen. Dept.

[Printed in the present number. ]

Various minerals and coal fossils were presented on the part of L.
Priayrair, Esq. through Mr. Bieneut.

A third despatch consisting of 163 specimens of birds, and 7 animals
was received from Capt. Pemsrrron, for deposit in the Society’s charge.

Mr. J. P. Grant presented for the museum eight birds and one animal
in the name of Mr. Cuarues Grant, C. S. at the Cape of Good Hope.

Mr. D. Ross, a bird (otis deiiciosa) mounted by M. Boucuez.

Also a black-headed gull, was presanted by M. X. Nicouas.

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 169

The following announcement of two new sites of coal in Assam was
communicated by Dr. MoCuetxann, Secretary of the Coal Committee.

To CapraIn HENDERSON,
Member of Coal and Iron Committee, Calcutta.
SIR

1 beg to acquaint you for the information of the Committee that in a recent visit
to the south-east frontier of the valley, I inspected beds of coal in two places, first
at Borhath and then near Jeypore.

2. The first bed at the former place that I met with, was in the channel of
the Disang river about a mile above the little village of Borhath and at the com-
mencement of the rising ground of the first low range of the Naga hills. The bed
was visible for about a hundred yards in length and about eicht feet in thickness
above the level of the water and gravel of the stream ; it was immediately covered
by a stratum of loose rubble four or five feet deep, over which was the superficial layer
of soil of about the same depth that forms the surface of the surrounding place.
The bed was apparently horizontal, for a part of it was visible in the opposite bank
of the river at the same level.

3. Ascending the bank and proceeding up a gentle rise about a quarter of a
mile, at an elevation of probably 50 or 60 feet, I came again upon a vein of coal in
the banks of a iittle watercourse and traced it for about 200 yards. It was not
here visible in extensive continuance, masses being overlaid here and there with the
fallen rubbish of the acclivity above, but it cropped out at intervals and always seem-
ed to bear a thickness of several feet. From beneath this bed several small springs
of petroletm fiow into the pools in the watercourse, and four or five seers (10 lbs.) of
this oil were collected by my servants from their surfaces in a few minutes.

4. The coal in both these strata appeared to be of the first quality, and nothing
could well be more favorable than the position for facilitating the working, nor for
the transport of the coal as far as the waters of the Disang admit, but this stream
is barely navigable for laden canoes of small size in the dry weather, although in
the rains it hasa depth of water sufficient for large boats, and its stream is no where
impetuous.

5. The other bed of coal was similarly situated at the foot of the eastern side
of the same hills, about 12 miles from Bhorath, about 3 miles inland from the
Pehing river, and the village of Jeypore. This coal is also accompanied by petroleum
springs and appears to be of exactly the same quality as that first mentioned.

6. Captain HANNAY is now engaged in quarrying some of this coal, agreeably
to instructions from the Right Honorable the Governor General, aud I hope soon
to be able to send a small quantity of it to the Presidency. He was not aware of
the existence of the Borhath coal, the superior facilities of transport offered by
which would otherwise have induced him probably to have worked it in preference,
but he could not so well have superintended the labourers, the road between Jeypore
and Borhath being in an extremely bad state and scarcely passable after rain.

7. Although no other traces of coal have as yet been discovered in the imme-
diate vicinity of either Jeypore or Borhath than the beds now noticed, it is impossible
not to come tothe conclusion, from what has been brought to light by previous
‘discoveries above and below, and from the general conformity of the geology of the
whole tract, that a most extensive bed of coal underlies all the small range of Naga
hills on this frontier for an extent of perhaps upwards of 100 miles.

8. Along this great extent we may hereafter find beds extending far lower
down towards the great navigabie channel of the Brahmapiitra, and therefore
apparently offering some advantages in regard to transport, but as these advantages
will be counterbalanced by greater difficulty in drainage it seems to me that we are
not likely in ail Upper Assam to find any two points where coal could be worked to
more advantage than those now noticed, viz. Borhath and Jeypore, with reference
particularly to the nature of the streams which traverse this bank; for, these
receiving no tributaries of the least consequence after leaving the hills, they in
themselves are as fitted for navigation close to the hills as in any part of their
courses, whilst a little longer navigation is of little or no consequence, and the
Dehing and Disang are the largest streams on the south bank.

9. If therefore the sample of coal to be sent down should turn out favorable
in regard to cost, the committee need not I think hesitate working these seams,
looking to the discovery of further beds better situated. I greatly fear however the
present lamentable desolation of this part of the country and the inefficient manage-
ment to which it has been entrusted may oppose most formidable obstacles to
working the coal on any scale and with any economy. In the hills there is indeed
a sufficient population of Nagas for any works, and the tribes in this neighbourhood
are in great measure civilized and would willingly take employment under us, were
they free to choose; but they are all now engaged in the rdja’s salt works in the
vicinity, and I apprehend they are not at liberty to leave them.

{i

Tot Goal Dien ated. lee atta

eit

_——_—

~

170 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [Fes.

10. In therefore the existing deserted state of the country and under the
mistaken policy of its ruler, I fear Captain HANNAy will not be successful in
showing that the coal can be worked to advantage, and the great mineral wealth of
Upper Assam will therefore not be for the present available to the state.

I have the honor to be, &c. &e,
Govr. Genl. Agent's Office, R. JENKINS,
Jorehath Ghat, 19th Feb. 1838. Agent to the Govr. Genl.

Specimens of coal and accompanying minerals from the neighbourhood
of Huzéribdgh, were also presented by the same gentlemen on the part
of Dr. A. Drummonp.

‘The following is extracted from Mr. Drummonn’s report to the Medi-
cal Board on the subject :

‘¢ Although I am fully impressed with the belief that Hazdribdgh is a coal dis-
trict, it yet seems obvious, that no confirmation of such an opinion is likely to be
obtained till the ground has been opened to an extent sufficient for ascertaining the
point by actual examination.

‘* It cannot therefore be certainly averred that coal exists at the places indicated
whence the minerals were taken, although such a supposition is highly probable.

‘“ It is moreover strongly corroborated by other evidence. Coal is found in large
quantity to the south-east of Hazdribdgh at several places. The principal of these
is called Lugupuhar about 24 miles distant, whence a considerable quantity was
brought last year aud sold at Hazaribagh, four maunds for the rupee. The approach
to itis however, highly dangerous, being situated in a jangal so extremely dense,
that tigers, hyenas, and other wild animals are in great abundance. Even at
Minkundgunge a hill about three miles south-east of Hazaribagh, where I was
searching for lead and antimony ores reported to exist there, 1 was informed by
the villagers, that they had killed a tiger only eight days previous. I need there-
fore hardly observe that a guard on such occasions is almost indispensable.

‘« The other places where coal is found are called Ruhana, Eeehauk, not Eeechauk,
and Luhio being also to the south-east and nearly equidistant with Lugupuhar.

*« T have not yet examined the strata in either of the above named places for the
reasons just assigned, but it is my intention to proceed thither by dak in a few
days, more particularly on account of fossils, of which 1 have not yet discovered
any remains, and no traces whatever of marine testacea or vegetables.

‘“The discoveries of coal-beds made by the-natives are more to be attributed to
chance, than to any ideas they entertain of coal being concealed under ground in
the vicinity of any particular strata. Those which have been discovered to the
south-east were laid bare by the gradual operation of mountain torrents and other
natural causes. Artificial means however, only can avail for the discovery of others,
which, from their situation are but little affected by fluctuations of weather and
might in the usual course require centuries even for their development. I now
proceed to the specimens forwarded, and begin with

Series 1st.

‘¢ These specimens were taken from an excavation in an elevated portion of

land about one anda half miles south from Hazdribdgh at the depth of about 80 or

°100 feet below the original surface. The soil has been extensively broken up by

successive rainy reasons, and being skirted by a small river or nullah, to which the
descent is sudden, currents and torrents probably have been principally instrumen-
tal in causing the disruption in the surface alluded to.

‘¢ The superior stratum of the original soil is about eight feet deep, of a red co-
lor, and consists of clay, sand, and gravel, with small fragments of mica intermix-
ed, much more abundant however in the ‘

‘* Supermedial stratum, just underlying the red soil, being occasionally of a black-
ish or blue aspect. This stratum consists of fragments of quartz and conglomerate,
siliceous and calcareous earths, variously disposed and alternating sometimes with
other earths. White sandstone is very abundant, being evidently decayed quartz,
with mica and lime combined, having a laminated texture, in some cases easily
crumbled according to its state of decay. This order appears to terminate in the
carboniferous group is my belief from specimen No. 1, which seems to be coal
imbedded in quartz. The coal however, is not only deprived of its bitumen, but
obviously contains an excess of earthy matter; and to the absence of the one,
and presence of the other is probably owing its uninflammability. Exposure to
the air may have contributed to its decomposition, and subsequent deprivation of
bitumen as in the first instance, while the presence of earthy matter, may be
assigned to the usual causes. The specimen was dug out as nearly as possible in
its present state, the dark side being uppermost.

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 171

‘¢ Specimen 2 contains fragnients found in great abundance in the vicinity of
No. 1, having also undergone a like decomposition.

‘‘ Specimens 3, 4, and 5, alternate in the same bed with the former: specimen
6 being a species of oolite, (?) also from the surrounding strata.

Series 2nd.

‘* These specimens were taken from a ravine about 2 miles north-east from Hazd-
ribdgh, my belief of the existence of coal, in which, has been chiefly-influenced by
the iron stone, (as in specimen No. 1,) which it contains in great abundance. It
alternates with the other specimens more or less near according to their numbers.
No. 10, however is a rare specimen. The ravine is situated near a granite hill,
and owes its formation to the same causes though acting in a less degree, which
have been already adduced as subsidiary in forming the others, or even, primeval.

‘‘ The packet lettered A is a specimen of coal from Lugupuhar, the specimen letter-
ed B isfrom Luhio; and was taken from the dried bed of a river, of which the distance
is about 20 miles south-east of Hazaribagh. There are three species of coal found at
the latter place, but B is the only one I have as yet procured. Having lately visited
Kueylee or Kuindree Ghat, about 14 miles north-west from Hazdribagh previously
unvisited by any European, | obtained some curious crystalline specimens of lime-
stone and silex, of which specimen C gives the prevailing character. Specimen D
ae taken from an immense block of the prevailing rock of which it is charac-

eristic,

'‘* The Ghat is situated in a jangal so dense that two paces in front, a man was
employed to part bushes and grass, to allow my palkee (above which the grass
reached several feet) to proceed : even this mode at length was unavailing. I shall
defer a more particular account however of this place, till 1 shall have ascertained
the result of my present communication.’’

The following extract of a letter from Dr. Hetrrr to Mr. BuunpvEn,
Tavoy, 15th February 1838, was communicated by that gentleman
through Mr. Secretary Maneues.’ The specimens of ore, &c. had not
reached Calcutta.

‘* Before I leave this place, I of course make a report up about all what has
been hitherto done. I have been very diligent since my last letter: J have made
one great excursion towards the east crossing over the Tenasserim river to the other
side of the ‘supposed’ boundary. My chief aim was the examination of the tin
mines, and I am greatly satisfied with them. They are very productive and very
extensive—only because the people do not understand to work them, and because
no European, who understands it, knows of them, they lie waste. But on a large
seale worked beginning with a capital of say twenty thousand rupees, one could be-
come soon a Millionaire.”

The whole country near the sea coast is abounding in capital iron ores, but the
best of all is one hour from Tavoy. You have probably heard that loadstone has
been found there ; well without knowing this when approaching Tavoy, I found close
to it or rather part of it a hill entirely composed of the very best specular iron
ore*. I visited since that time the place a second time to ascertain its quantity,
and found that it is unlimited.

T am of opinion, thut you may work this place not waiting for coal, nay I
think that charcoal isevencheaper. The place is only 25 minutes from the banks
of the Tavoy river, leading through paddy fields. If you get dug a canal by a
parcel of convicts through these fields on four feet broad, you have all done that is
required. Close tothe banks you set up your iron foundry. Wood carried down
from the banks of the upper Tavoy river, is converted in loco into charcoal, and if
eut down only on the banks and thrown into the water will be indeed cheaper than

any other fuel. Vessels of a hundred tons burthen can approach the same banks, and
carry the pig iron, to any part of the world you like. Respecting situation I think
there is no place in the world so admirably situated, and a better quality you will
find nowhere.
i send some boxes with collections. As I do not return before the monsoon, I
would very much beg to have every thing soldered up, except the stone, otherwise
all the great trouble of collecting would be useless.

x, start from here to-morrow towards Mergui,—I intend to visit at first Taun-
biauk and the Kiauktaun, afterwards Pali, from whence I wish to cross over to the
Tenasserim, to visit the sapan wood forests, and to go down that river to Mergut.

No coal yet, but I am promised to get it in Pali. I have some hopes to find some
gold in the lower parts. If I have coal and gold, then you are content I know.

_ ™ Lhave a fine specimen of a similar ore from an island south of Penang stated
to be entirely composed of it.—Ep.

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Comal

JOURNAL

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY.

No. 75.—March, 1838.

i.—E amination and Anelysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts depo-
sited in the Madras College library. By the Reverend WiLLiam
TAyLor. ;

[Continued from page 131.]

Palm-leaves, No. 42, Countermark 308.

B :—TELUGU. j
L.—Crishna Rayer Vijayam, or the Triumph of CRISHNA Rayer.

This book isin Telugu verse of an ornamented kind. Its ob-
ject is chiefly to celebrate a victory obtained over the Muhammadans,
and a treaty cemented by marriage with the Gajaputi, or king of
Orissa. After the victory over the Muhammadans, it was judged ex-
pedient also to curb the Gajapati, who was in alliance with them.
At first war was commenced; but, difficulties arising by the counsel
and skill of Appasi, the rayer’s minister of state, proposals of peace
from the Gajapati were brought about, and the latter offered to give his
daughter in marriage to the rayer. In the native manner, a parrot
it is said was sent to narrate to the rayer the descent and superior
qualities of the other raja’s daughter. This office the parrot discharged
and the marriage was celebrated, with which the poem concludes.

This copy of the work is written on palm-leaves decayed at the edges
but otherwise complete, and in good preservation. _Its restoration does
not seem to be urgent or indeed important: the following is a fuller
abstract of the contents.

The author’s name is VENGAIYAm son of CALAI, who invokes his
gods, and the poets. of antiquity, such as Vaxtmica andothers. He
wrote by direction of Sar RAma given in a dream, Hari-HADI-CHENNA
VencaTa-Buu’pa’La was his patron, who instructed him to write the

history of CBisHNA rayer. He first celebrates Viyayanagaram and the
ZA

174 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripis. [Manrcn,

praise of NARAsINGA rayer (father of CrisHNa rayer). He states that
NarasinGA rayer demanded of him an account of the primitive state of
the Vidydranya (site of Vijzyanagaram ) and of the worship of Virupacshi,
(a form of Siva) and of the proceedings of Vidyaranahi (a sage) be-
fore the town was built. These are narrated to the following pur-
port.

IsVAREN assumed the form of VipyaranaLu, afterwards called San-
Cara CHA/RYA. He demanded and received from Lacsumr the privilege
of having a town built in that wilderness bearing his name, where she
( Lacshma, that is plenty) might always reside. She directed him to go
and choose some place. He went to the banks of the Tiimbddra river,
and there seeing the fane of Virupdcshi-isvarer, he inquired into the
origin of the place, which those versed in such matters narrated to him.
The legend was founded on a tale from the Ramdyanam. Sucriva.
ascended this hill, but Vaxr could not do so. There are five hills, called
Malvatam, Yémacutam, Busuva stringam, Madhanga-parvatom, Kish-
kindi. ‘They told him that this sacred land was suitable for his abode,
At the same time he perceived a hare chasing a lion, at which being
surprised, he remarked that this was a special place for the brave, and
here a town must be built to be called (after his name) Vidydnagaram.

A transition is then made by stating, that NarasinGa rayer, ‘after
hearing many things on the ancient history of the place, addressed his
minister Appasr stating his wish, that his son Crisuna rayer should be’
crowned, or installed, which was accordingly done. CrisHNaA rayer
sought advice and kingly prudence from AppaJ1, who instructed him.
He then desired to see all the forts and other strong places. He ac-
quired full information on all points. He also went out in disguise, the
better to know if the matters conveyed to his knowledge were true, He
thus lived some little time in a brahman’s house unknown; but being
found out by his harcarras the brahman asked why he so came? He
said it was for “ the destruction of the evil and protection of the good.”
The minister Satuva Trmma brought to him great treasure. The
harcarras in his hall of audience, reported to him matters concerning
Visiapuram, and the Nizam, that a negociation was being carried on
between the Nizam, the Gajapati prince, and the ruler of Vistapwram,
in consequence of a dread or dislike of CrisHNA rayer’s accession to
the throne of NarasinGa rayer. The minister represented that as the
Gajapati was a worshipper of Jagannatha, and a protector of the brah-
mans, it would be right to pardon him, and it was determined on to
proceed against Delhi (the Muhammadans) in preference. To this end
preparations were made, and Crisana rayer proceeded at the head of his _

1838. ] Crishna Rayer Vijayam. 175

army. Many favorable omens occurred, inferior chiefs of districts were
overcome, and their districts assumed. All who submitted were pro-
tected. At length, after many conquests, he directed his march against
Golconda. A great army amounting to a hundred thousand cavalry
came thence with precipitancy and halted on the other bank of the
Kistna river. A general assuring the rayer of his ability to disperse
the Muhammadans, received permission to do so, and he fell upon them
_ on the bank of the river ; when, after hard fighting, the Muhammadans
were defeated and fled. Some persons advised the rayer to assault the
town, but the advice of the minister was that the place was too strong ;
he rather advised to directt heir course eastward against the Gajapati,
who had harassed and impeded them on their march. The rayer con-
sented, and while on the way to attack the Gajapati, he was opposed
by scattered portions of different people, fighting without union or plan
who were one by one overcome, and at length they all came proffering
submission. The rayer received them favorably and confirmed them in
their possessions, (as tributaries understood.) Proceeding onwards the
rayer with his army invested Amidanagara (Ahmednagar). The
Muhammadans of the place made fierce resistance ; but were at length
defeated. CriIsHNA rayer took possession of that hill-fort, and erected
his flag on it. Still advancing against the Gajapati, his minister SaLUVA
TimMMA represented to him, that though he could unquestionably con-
quer the Gajapati, yet that as the road was difficult, opposition would-be
considerable ; and that it would be best to make a treaty of peace with
the Orissa prince. CRISHNA rayer paid no attention to him; but says
ing that the forest was no great thing, it could be cut down, and the
Gajapati no great matter, he proceeded in anger. On the way.Sipavu
khan opposed with sixty thousand bow-men. The fighting was obsti-
“nate; the khan having for his object to promote the glory of the Gaja-
pati. News came tothe Orissa prince that CRIsSHNA rayer was approach -
ing, and the ministers of that prince advised him to go to the re-in-
forcement of the Muhammadan chief. Sixteen other chiefs around the
Gajapati rose up, and asked leave to go against the invading army,
which leave was granted. Ckisana rayer hearing of their coming be-
came discouraged, and reflecting on his having before slighted the ad-
vice of AppaJi, he sent for him, admitted the error, and asked how it
was now suitable to act. Appagi said it would not be possible to con-
quer their opponents, but that division must be caused amongst them.
Receiving all needful treasure from the rayer he wrote deceptive let-

ters, addressed to the sixteen chiefs, and sent them in boxes in which

were presents of money, with honorary dresses and ornaments: these
2A 2

» |

176 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Marca,

were given to messengers, who were sent on alone, and falling into the
hands of the Gajapati’s people, they were taken before him. The
Orissa prince read the letters with great astonishment. The purport
was to say that CrisHNna rayer consented to the terms proposed by the
ehiefs, and that if they would take and deliver up the person of the
Gajapati rdja, the villages, money and jewels, as stipulated, should be
made over to them. The Orissa prince, fearing for his personal safety
retreated to some distance privately; and the chiefs, not seeing the king
or knowing what was become of him, desisted from fighting. The
rayer, on his part, did not advance his troops, and made no assault.
AppaJi now proceeded to the Orissa prince, and told him that Crisuna
rayer desired his welfare. The Gajapati hesitated for a time; but at
length thinking the rayer might be trusted, he came to an audience,
bringing presents. Both parties exchanged salutations; the Gajapatt
offered his daughter in marriage; and AppaJi being greatly rejoiced
strongly recommended the union. At the desire of the ruler of Orissa
Appast followed him, being treated with great honors, and allowed to see
the king’s daughter. When about to return, the daughter named Tuca-
RAMANI sent a parrot to her father who transmitted it by Appagt to the
rayer. The bird after narrating its own divine origin, and the perfec-
tions of the person sending it, gave the rayer satisfaction. The mar.
riage was celebrated, and the rayetreturned to Vijayanagaram.

Note. This somewhat full abstract may perhaps supersede the
necessity of any translation, so far as historical objects are concerned,
FERISHTA admits that CrisHNa rayer severely defeated the Muhamma-
dans: the other matters are probably historical. The ornament at the
close may be oriental metaphor merely to designate a messenger who
was to repeat what was ordered, andno more. SALuva TIMMa seems
to have been the proper name of the minister; and Appaji a sort of
title of office: many tales are current of the skill and address of Appas1

the minister to CRISHNA rayer.
Professor WiLson’s notice of this manuscript may be found in Des,,

Cat. Vol. 1, p. 296.
Manuscript Book, No. 33, Countermark 787.

Section 5.—Brief narrative concerning the rule of the Setupatis, as

feudatory princes at Ramnad.

This paper mentions a traditionary guardianship of the Ramiseram
temple committed to seven persons, one among whom by hereditary
descent, was Sapdica, who in Sal. Sac. 1527 (A. D. 1606), was made
lord paramount of the Marawa principality by TirumaLaA NAYAKER>

1838. ] Carndtaca rulers of Madure. 177

ruler of Madura. The transmission of the authority downwar|s with
dates and names, and mention of connected events is continued to Sal.
Sac. 1716, (A. D. 1795.)

As this short paper was translated and printed at the end of the
appendix to Vol. 2 of Oriental Historical MSS. any more lengthened
notice than the above, is not required. The original text was not then
given ; and as the writing of the document was rapidly fading it appeared
suitable to have it restored, and available at any time for reference as a
record.

Manuscript Book, No. 31, Countermark 785.

Section 1.—Account of TirumaLa Nayanuv and of his descendants,

the Carnataca rulers of Madura.

This manuscript was also translated and printed in the second volume
Or. Hist. MSS. beginning at page 182. Hence there is need only to
observe in brief, that it commences with the accession of the son of
TirnuMALA Nayaker to the throne at Madura, and brings the account
downwards, with a somewhat minute specification of wars, negociations
and changes of power, to the period of the last feeble remains of the
race, who received a village for their maintenance. In some of the
details, where most obscure, this manuscript is confirmed and elucidated
by the large Tamil manuscript before mentioned, the Carndtaca rajakol,
At the time of making the above translation, this Telugu MS. was not
without difficulty legible ; a rough copy of it was then made for greater
convenience, and as the lapse of two years since has only added to the
difficulty of reading the original, a restored copy has been prepared from

the original aided by occasional reference to the rough copy, and the
text not having been printed a correct record for reference is thus pro-
vided.
Section 2.—An account of the rule of Cart CALA CHOLAN.

In consequence of war with the Pandya king, a woman of the Chola
royal race named Cuncaina GENT’HI escaped alone into the wilderness,
being pregnant ; and took up her abode in the house of a brahman a
schoolmaster, and also an astrologer. By his art he declared concerning
the child, after casting its nativity, that it would become a powerful and
independent prince. In the ceremony of naming the child it was called
Caxi Cuoxan. After the ceremony of investing with the sacred thread,
and while learning in the school, the boy was the object of much con-
tempt from the other boys, being treated as the son of a widow. He
retaliated on them ; but the brahman thought it best to keep him within
the house. He, became well instructed in knowledge and very powerful

at gt hee

178 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [(Marcen,

in bodily strength. The Pandiya king then ruled the Chola-mandalam;
but, wishing to place over it a viceroy, he made public proclamation in
order to meet with a suitable person. A great concourse of claimants
assembled. The Pdndiyan then put a golden pot containing water on
the head of an elephant, anda wreath of flowers in its trunk, announcing
that the person on whom the elephant should place the wreath, and
anoint by pouring on him the water would be regarded as chosen, and to
that person the king would give his own daughter in marriage. The
elephant being let loose, avoided all the people in the town, and going
direct to the aforesaid brahman’s house, there selected the youth by
depositing the wreath on his head, and pouring the water over him.
The young man was as strong as ten elephants, but in order to diminish
his strength the brahman rubbed the sole of one of his feet with char-
coal, and thereby took away the strength of nine elephants, leaving him |
only as strong as one elephant. He. was subsequently installed at
Combaconum ; and had the name of Cart CaLa CHOLAN given him to
commemorate the rubbing of charcoal (carz) on his foot. But the
king’s daughter was not given him. He strengthened and enlarged his
capital town. The young man learning from his mother that his father
was before him king of the Chéla country, that his father had feared
to encounter the Péndiya king, and had died during the disturbance
that had arisen; resolved on vindicating his own, and his father’s right :
and, assembling an army, set out to make war on the Pundvya king,
The army is stated at 250,000 cavalry, under commanders whose names
are given, who approached the Vaigai river. The Péndiyan alarmed,
brought to him treasure and jewels, and after much flattering homage,
embraced him, and conducting him to his palace seated him, on terms
of equality, on half of his throne, and married him to his daughter S1p’-
HE’SVARI, after which Carr CALA CHOLAN returned to Combaconum,
where there were great rejoicings. He allowed the cultivators three —
parts of the produce, and took one-fourth (the ordinary rate used to be
one-sixth), with which revenue he built and repaired many sacred
edifices, gave large donations to brahmans, heard many religious stories
recited, and was a firm votary of Siva. In order to see if his people
were firm in that way, and with a view to discover and rectify evils, he
was accustomed to go out in disguise, covered with a common dark-
coloured hair blanket, during the night. Out of this custom arose the
following circumstances. 3

There was an aged brahman who, as the result of long penance, had a
son born to him, who when grown up was married, and the old man
died, but not before having charged his son to carry his bones to Cési,

1838.] _ Rule of Cari Cala Cholan. 179

and bury them in the Ganges. The young man prepared to do so; but
on the eve of setting out slept in the porch of his house, and there gave
strict charge to his wife to keep within doors, while he should be absent
for a year and a half; the only exception being that, if in want, she
might ask alms of the charitable prince Cart C£ua CuHouan. The latter
was at the door ; and, admiring so great an act of confidence, determined
on being the watchful guardian of that house. While the brahman was
absent he watched it carefully; but the brahman returned within six
months, on the way to complete his pilgrimage at Ramiseram, and
wishing to assure himself of his wife’s discretion, approached the door
alone at night, and looked in through its apertures. The Chélan came
thither at the same time, and thinking the brahman was a thief cut him

‘down with a sword, and retired. His wife next day suffered great

reproach from her neighbours, but recognizing her husband, she burned
herself with his body ; and the king having unconsciously killed a brah-
man, had the visitation termed Brahma-hatti (a personification of the
erime, as if an evil spirit, always following him). He made many
attempts to get rid of it, but though the sprite quitted him at the door
of a temple, or entry on a sacred pool, yet it always returned afterwards.
He went on pilgrimage to the shrine of Minétchi at Madura, who, in a
vision, informed him that the visitation could not be so easily got quit
of, but directed him to bnild 108 Siva fanes, and then at Madhydranya
he would be relieved. He accordingly built a shrine every day, not
eating till each day’s work was done; but he did not know where
Madhyaranya was. At length he found an emblem of Siva under a
tree named Madhi; and Siva there appeared to him, directing him to
build a temple ; to enter at one gate, where the sprite would halt, and
would be imprisoned, and to go out at a gate on the opposite side: which
the king did, and was cured. He however died childless, and his queen
followed him. There was no Chola king after him, he reigned fifty-five
years. The above things concerning him were compiled by CHACRATAI-
YENGAR a Vaishnava brahman of Mélur from the Bakhti Vildasan and
some other books, inclusive of Sthala Mahdatmyas, or temple legends.

Remark. Fable and fact appear to be blended in the first portion of
this account, the latter portion explains and illustrates some parts of the
Madura Purdnam, and from the comparison of the two, a few histori-
cal facts may be gleaned with some measure of certainty. It is to be
noted that this last of the Chola race, made Combaconum (twenty miles
north of Tanjore) his capital. This is the first document I have as yet
met with stating that fact; though I always thought that Combaconum
must once have been a metropolis, from traces remaining.

= ee a La ee ll

a Oa Rn apne.

|

180 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Marcu,

Section 8.—An account of the Yinédu jati, or wild people of Sri-

huri-cétta, received from an old man of that tribe.

' Of old one named R&cGuava brought with him sixty families from
Paca-natti district ; and located himself with them at Sri-hari-cétta, and
clearing the country formed Réghava-puram. The people by degrees
spread through a few adjoining districts. A risht who came from Be-
nares and was named AMBIKE’/SVARER resided in Madhyuranya (or the
central wilderness) ; and there, daily bathing in a river, paid homage to
Siva. These wild people of their own accord daily brought him fruits
and edibles, putting them before him. At length he inquired of them
the reason, they replied that their country was infested by a terrible
serpent, and they wished to be taught charms to destroy it, as well as
charms for other needful purposes. He taught them, and then vanished
away. “

These wild people, being skilful in magic, continued in the forest.
They are of four classes : |

1 Chenju-Vandlu, 3 Coya-vdandlu,
2 Vinddulu, - 4 Irdla-vindlu.

The Ydanddu people are skilful in medicine. The Coéya people
reside to the westward in the wilds at Gooty, Athavani, and other
circumjacent places. Within their forest boundaries, if any traveller
attempt to pluck fruit from any tree, his hand is fastened to the spot;
so that he cannot move; but if on seeing any one of the Coya people,
he call out to that person explaining his wishes and get permission, then
he can take the fruit, and move away; while the Céya forester, on the
receipt. of a small roll of tobacco leaf, is abundantly gratified. Besides
which the Céya people eat snakes. About forty years since a brahman
passing through the district saw a person cooking snakes for food,~and,
expressing great astonishment, was told by the forester that these were
mere worms ; that if he wished to see a serpent, one should be shewn
him, but that, as for themselves, secured by the potent charms taught
them by AmBIKn’/SVARER, they feared no serpents. As the brahman
desired to see this large serpent, a child was sent with a bundle of straw
and a winnowing-fan, who went accompanied by the brahman, into the
depths of the forest, and putting the straw on the mouth of a hole com-
menced winnowing, when smoke of continually varying colors arose,
followed by bright flame, in the midst of which a monstrous serpent,
having seven heads was seen. ‘The brahman was speechless with terror
at the sight; and, being conducted back by the child, was dismissed
with presents of fruits, and proceeded to the north. ‘This circumstance
occurred among the Céya people of the woods or wilds to the northward

1938.] Account of the Yanddu jati. isl

of Pdla-Vamchcha Whadrichalam in Sal. Sac. 1635, (A. D.
1712-13.)

The Chenju people live to the westward of Ahdbalam, Sri-Sailam
and other places, in the woods or wilds ; and go about constantly carry-
ing in their hands bows and arrows. They clothe themselves with leaves,
and live on the sago, or rice, of the bamboo. ‘They rob travellers,
killing them if they oppose. “ This people afflict every living creature :”
(kill for food is supposed to be meant.)

The Jrala people carry bows and arrows, and wander in the forests.
They are thieves. ‘The Yanddu class alone do not plunder. They
are employed as watchmen: they collect a kind of bark and roots, used
for dyeing red, bringing heavy loads, and receive whatever the sircar is
pleased to give in return. They chiefly live on a kind of white root and
wild-honey. The sircar employs them as watchmen. In the woods
near Sri-hdri-cotta there are forty of these Yanidu people (supposed
to be heads of families). The sircar gives to the head man of these
people twelve maracads of rice monthly : in return he delivers sometimes
ten bundles (each five hundred lbs.) of the dyeing bark. The others,
who do not carry on this intercourse, live in their own manner in the
forest on white roots and honey. This handful of Yaénidu people seem
to be comparatively separated; for if they attempt to hold intercourse
with others of that tribe at a distance, they are killed ; and their wives
are carried off: the others hold no intercourre with them. Such, as
far as could be obtained, is an account of these Ydnddu people obtained
from JA’RA’MARUDU, as far as he could give information.

Remarks. ‘This paper was read over by me a year or two since,
without any other remark than that there were people in the Peninsula
of whom Europeans had received little or no information. It now
attracted attention chiefly from its following the preceding papers and
from wishing to dispose of the entire book, No. 31, without need of
future reference. But reading it now after having had previously in
hand the paper on the Khot-j1ti mountaineers of Goomsoor, (Mad. Jour.
of L. and S. No. 16,) termed Cédalu, in the Telugu paper therein
translated, it appears to assume more importance than otherwise I should
have attributed to it. For it seems that the proper term is neither
Khoi, nor Codalu, but Céyu-jati (in the ordinary pronunciation to the
ear very similar to the enunciation of Ahot-juti), and that they are a sub-

division of a much larger body of people. I am confirmed in my suppo-
: sition that the so termed L’heels of the north in Gujerat, &c. are of the
same kind of people, though seemingly more closely analogous to the
Chenju, or TIrala, class. As regards the seeming absurdity of the

Qeg

182 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripis. , (Marcu,

bundle of straw and the large serpent, I am of opinion that this is an
enigma, and covers some more recondite meaning. Having in the
Mackenzie papers sometimes met with a fact plainly narrated, and in
others veiled by fable, metaphor, and symbols, I have learned not hastily
to dismiss such seemingly crude orientalisms, but to try to look through
them ; and in this instance, without pretending to solve, what I am tole-
rably sure is a symbolical statement, I would throw out the conjecture,
whether it do not allude to the Meria-pujai, or human sacrifice, which
may possibly be the charm on which these Céya people relied, and
which they may have practised, as well as the savage inhabitants of the
mountains of Goomsoor.

The locality of Svi-huri-cotta is about twenty miles northward of
Pulicat: the country about Gooty stretches thence northwestward ; but
Sri Sailam is farther to the north. These savages are found in the
Goomsoor wilds and mountains, and from personal information received
by me, there is a very similar kind of people dwelling in the woody
mountains of the Dindigul province, to the south. In the persons of
the B’heels they dwell on the Vindya (or Bhind) mountains ; and I
have, in the paper before alluded to, shewn it to be probable that they
inhabit the Baramahl hills to the north of Behar. ‘The account of this
people as carrying bows and arrows, living on roots, honey, or reptiles,
agrees with intimations throughout the more local papers of the Mackenzie
collection, and with current fables as to the Vedurs who seem to have
been wild savage people, aboriginal when the Hindus first began to
colonize it from the north. Thus we have a somewhat wide range of
data for inductive evidence, in favor of this particular kind of people,
under various subdivisions, having been. the primary dwellers in the
peninsula. The conclusion need not for the present be drawn ; but it is
clearly indicated: to be followed, possibly, by other equally plain steps
of historical deduction, arising out of the Mackenzie papers, by the aid
of patience and perseverance. ‘The point once established, that the
Hindus are not the aboriginal native inhabitants of the peninsula, does.
not seem to me of trifling magnitude-; and this point, I expect, will be
fully proved, in the process of the present investigation.

C:—MALAYALAM.
Manuscript Book, No. 8, Countermark 896.
Section 5.—Kérala Upatti. An account of the Kerala, or Mala-
yalam country.

This manuscript is stated to be copied from one then in the possession
of Dr. Leypen : the following is a brief abstract of the contents.

A 4

1838.] ~The Malayalam country. 183

Invocation. The incarnation of Parasu-RAMA and his destruction of
the cshetriyas. He formed the Kerala desam, which being infested
with serpents, he introduced the Arya brahmans, and located them in
sixty-four villages. Minor details of internal arrangements. PARasvu-
r4MA procured from Inpra the grant statedly of six months’ rain in the
year. Other details concerning the classes of brahmans, and their
offices. The brahmans at first conducted the government on the prin-
ciples of a republic; but not agreeing among themselves, and disputes
about property arising, PARASU-RAMA determined that it would be better
for the country to be governed by a king, and one was selected born by
a brahman father, by a cshefriya mother, thus combining brahmanical
and kingly descent. He was first settled in the Kerala division, whence
arose the name of Kerala desam, but the entire Malayalam country was
originally divided into four districts. Zviluva, Mushica, Keralam, Civa,
the latter on the extreme south: details of the villages. At a late period
in the Cali-yuga the bauddhas came to Keralu-desa; and the king Curru-
MAN PERUMAL learnt from them their mode of religious credence. Being
favorably inclined to them, and having adopted their system, he intimat-
ed to the brahmans that they must unite with the bauddhas, and follow
their system. The brahmans were greatly alarmed and incensed, and
consulting with a leading individual among them at 77i-Carir, he pro-
mised to remove their difficulties. Following his advice the brahmans
went to the king and remonstrated with him, calling for a public dispu-
tation, when if they, the brahmans were vanquished, their tongues
should be cut out, and the like done to the bauddhas if these should be
overcome. The dispute was held, terminating favorably to the brahmans
im consequence of a magical influence emanating from the head brah-
man at 77vi-Carir: the tongues of the bauddhas* were cut out and
they were banished the country. The king who had adopted their sys-
tem was dethroned, and some lands were set apart for his support. He is
not the CueruMAN Perumat who went to Mecca. His son was crowned
and an oath was taken from him, never to permit the bauddhas, or peo-
ple of any other religion to obtain public sanction. Other details of
some subsequent matters are given. At later periods, when the above
oath had fallen into desuetude, the bauddhas (Muhammadans) obtained
some footing in different places. The system of Bhattacharya obtained
in the Malayala country, and the vedantists, of that class, received some

* In Malayalam it seems that the Muhammadans are termed Bauddhas. The
Syrian Christians are called Marga-carer ‘‘ people of a way;’’- but are never
designated Bauddhas. Such a use of the last term as applied to Muhammadans is,
I believe, peculiar to the Malayala country.

2B 2

184 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Marca,

endowments in lands. At an assembly of the brahmans of the sixty-

four villages, it was determined that only the brahmans of eleven: vil-
lages (or village-districts) should possess the right of offering a particu-’

lar species of yagam or sacrifice, and of performing some other special
ceremonies. In process of time the rule of kings had become extinct,
and some brahmans went to CRISHNA rayer inviting* him to take the
rule of the country. He sent two persons respectively named A the
raja PERUMAL and Pandeya raja PERUMAL, as his viceroys, each for a
period of twelve years. After them CHERUMAN PeRUMAL was sent, who
was welcomed by some distinguished persons, safely conducted, and duly

installed. He ruled thirty-six years, being three times the appointed:
period, on account of his good qualities. ‘The rayer however was not:

satisfied with this extension of the term, and determined on hostilities.

CHERUMAN PErRUMAL took counsel as to the best means of meeting the

invasion. In the first place two brahman ambassadors were sent to the
rayer to endeavour to pacify him; but he refused to listen to them. A
little fable is narrated of the manner in which the messengers acquired
a magical quill, by looking through which the real nature of any being
could be discerned. The Cherwman in connexion with the Calicut raja,
and other subordinates, assembled a great army, and, while the multi-
tudes were asleep, by looking at them through the quill, it was perceived

that 10,000 were men, 30,600 gods, and the rest aswras. To the ten:
thousand a distinctive mark was afiixed, and with them the rayer was’

encountered and defeated.

The birthof Sancara’cua/rya is then narrated with his proceedings’

as to the different castes of people and the regulations established by him
accounted for in rather a fanciful manner, but it is stated that his regu-
lations continued to be observed. CHERUMAN PERUMAL continued to

rule. A Nayar was killed, who after death is represented as instructing. -
the king to attend to the lessons of a Jonaca (Muhammadan) teacher,:

according to whose advice he might embark on board ship, and would

thereby attain a partial beatification. Het divided his whole dominions:

into eighteen portions, which he gave over to the charge of different:

chiefs. The two ambassadors by whose means the rayer had been con-.

quered each received portions of country. He specially gave a shield.
to the Calicut raja) CHERUMAN PzERUMAL then went away (by sea):

to the country termed Asu, (supposed to designate Arabia.) The Calicué.

raja afterwards waged war with the various petty chieftains, conquering
some of them, and acquiring superiority.
* He more probably conquered the country, without any special invitation.

+ This is the CoupRuMAN PrruMALwho is said to have adopted the Muhamma-
dan religion, and to have gone to Mecca.

1838. ] The Malayalam country. 185

The arrival of the Portuguese at Calicut is noticed, and the Calicut
raja is said to have fought with the captain. The raja ruled over
eighteen forts, and seventeen districts. He fought continually with his
neighbours ; the Travancore and Tellicherry rajas being excepted. He
subdued many countries, exaggeration appearing in the. enumeration of
them. He acquired pre-eminence above other kings. The customs of
the Calicut kingdom are then narrated; laws regulating interest and
profit. The commencement of the Collam era is thus accounted for.
The rule of the viceroys of Viyjayanagaram had been fixed at twelve
years corresponding with the revolution, in orbit, of the planet Jupiter.
But as CHERUMAN PERUMAL exceeded the prescribed time this mode of
reckoning fell into disuse. Ina period of great scarcity and drought,
when a large reservoir (Collam,) had become quite dry, the brahmans,
in a body, went to the Calicut raja and represented that the cause was
his withholding the customary largesses to the gods and the brahmans.
The raja acknowledged his fault and promised to repair it. As a com-
mencement a great number of brahmans were fed in the dry bed of the
tank, and before they had finished eating, the water rushed in with such
rapidity that they were obliged to make their escape without having
time to take away the leaves on which their food had been eaten. An
era was begun to commemorate this event, being the Collam era.
Matters relating to the cultivation of cocoa-nut trees, betel vines, &c.
customs in dealings, buying, selling, &c. Rules to regulate hunting.
Origin of the Nayars, also of a kind of divinity derived from the fable
in the Mahabharata of Siva’s appearing to ARJUNA during his penance
near the Himalaya mountains. The origin of the d4ywar born from
Siva and Mohini. The names of various local nwmna in the Malayala
country are given. Names of various fanes in that country. Besides
which the thirty-three crores of superior gods, and the sixty-six thou-
sand aswras, are all said to have beenin Malayalam, together with the
superior gods protecting the country.

Afterwards the names of the Calicut rajas and other inferior chiefs
are given. The story of a Jonaca (Muhammadan) who came to this —
country, the cause of which is narrated; the foreigner extended the
dominion of the Calicut raja; magnificent things are stated as to the
conquests of the Calicut raja, originating in his devotedness to Sri
Bhégavati, and her gifts to him. Notwithstanding the foreign Euro-
peans came and took possession of Calicut whom however, in the end,
the raja defeated. The Curumbas of the hilly district greatly helped,
and had districts given in consequence. Disputes between this Curumba
chief and the Cochin raja. Details of the number of Nayars belonging-

186 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Marcu,

to different parts of the country. Reference to the regulations made by
PaRasu-RAMA, and confirmed by SANCARACHA’RYA as to the distance:
which must be observed by different castes, in their approach one towards
another. The distance in feet being minutely stated. Brahmans and
cows are of good birth, other classes. of men and other animals not so.
With these regulations as to personal distinctions, and caste observances
the account concludes.

Remark. The writing of this document was in one place very much
faded. As it is one of the best of the few Malayalam MSS., it has
been restored; and its entire translation is recommended, notwithstand-
ing that it contains some things puerile, and some absurd. Still there
are real historical details, and these can always be best selected, after
that the whole evidence of any document, whether important or trifling,
has been fully and fairly brought into view.

D:—MAHRATTI.
Manuscript Book, No. 6, Countermark 918.

An account of kings of the four ages, and specially of the Mahratta
kings of Sattara.

An account is proposed to be given of the four ages, the kings of
Hastinapurt, the Muhammadans, the Maharashtiras and Bhosalas. The
narrative is professed to be received from VITALA svdémi, an incarnation
of a portion of the divine essence near Sattara. Mention of the incar-
nation of VisHNu in different ages. With a brief reference to other
kings, the lines of Yudishthira is given. ‘Then the ancient line of the
Bhosala vamsa, ruling for 1330 years. A further list of the line of
Yudishthira. JeyvuH Sinu from the Bengal country made great con-
quests. Various other kings. Narapa Sinu is said to have ruled at
the commencement of the era of Sdlwdadhana. ‘The race of NARADA
Sinu is given. In Sal. Sac. 500 the Padshah is said to have ruled
in Hastinapuri (Delhi.) The sultans of this race protected the
Mahardshtiras, and gave them lands to the southward of the Merbudda

river. Some little matter is given in the Balbund character. The
Padshah’s instructions to the Mahrattas as to tribute and duties. |The

instructions of the great Mahratta (i. e. the Bhosala) to his tribe and

dependants, as to the manner in which they were to govern so as

to fulfil the Padshah’s wishes, and not to oppress the accountants, or
people. A list of the Bhosala race. A request made by the Divan

(or Peshwa) to give hima grant of land. The Bhosala pointed out the

neighbourhood of Poona ; and gave him a grant of land there subject to
quit-rent, or tribute. Subsequently the Divén named Bayt Rao, did not.

~

1838. ] Mahratta kings of Sattara. 187

send tribute to the Bhosala, on which account the latter wrote two or
three letters. The reply was in substance, that as the Bhosalu derived
his possessions from the Padshah, so he, Bagi Rao, owed him, the Bho-
sala, nothing ; but that the tribute must be given to the Padshah. Both
parties appealed to the Padshah, in consequence of which appeal, an
order came to the Bhosala, directing him not to interfere with the
Divén, and that.tribute from the latter must be sent to the Padshah.
The Divan did send tribute for a short time and then discontinued doing
so. In consequence the Padshah sent a detachment of troops to demand
the stated revenue; but the officer was put off with various excuses,
Meantime the troops killed every day twenty or more cows, on which
the Divan remonstrated and wrote to the Padshah who replied, that it
proceeded from his refusing to pay his tribute, which if he did the an-
noyance would be withdrawn. The Divan requested a small portion of
land to be bestowed on him, in free gift, or fee simple, wherein he
might carry on the rites of his religion without molestation. The Pad-
shah consented, bestowing on him an nam grant; and restored all the
remainder of his former possessions to the Bhosala, as a tributary. The
Divdn within his small district strengthened himself by degrees, and
assembling troops at length ventured on making war on the Bhosala,
who being occupied chiefly in peaceable duties and depending on protec-
tion from the Padshah kept up no great standing army; as a consequenee
he was attacked by the Divan, taken prisoner and carried to Poona. As
the Divin obtained great plunder and wealth from the Bhosala so he
greatly increased his army therewith; and, when the Padshah assumed
hostile demonstrations, he sent word to say, that the country south of
the Nerbudda was fitting to be ruled by brahmans; that he, the Padshah,
need give himself no trouble, for whatsoever tribute was demanded
should be remitted. The Padshah relaxed on receiving this message;
and consented to receive tribute. The Diviin accordingly had account-
ants prepared in the different languages of the country, being Gujeratt,
Baibandi, Mahraiti and Canarese. Basi Rao now sent messages to the
Guicowar, to Scindiah, and the ruler of the Céngama country (the
Konkan) calling on them for allegiance and tribute in which case he
would protect them, seeing that he held his authority by sanction of the
Padshah. The consequence was a war with the Céngama country,
which he conquered; and next the conquest of the Gwicowar the ruler
of Gwerat.' The ruler of Visiapur hearing of these proceedings deter-
mined to make war on Basi Rao tohumble him and to assume his coun-
try. This he did and began to rule over that country in Sal. Sac. 1610,
(A. D. 1687, 8.) The name of his viceroy was SHanogi. Other changes

188 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Marcn,

‘and revolutions followed, one named Ram SinGu obtained a temporary
ascendancy; but the Vistapus Padshah sent an army and overthrew him
‘and subsequently re-instated the Bhosala as a tributary. His name
was StvaJ1: other wars followed. List of rajas of the Bhosala race, who
subsequently ruled; with the period of each one’s rule. The Colapur
raja meantime protected the posterity of the beforementioned Basi Rao.
A number of zemindars or persons who had received benefits from
‘Bast Rao, were assembled; and counsel was held as to the means of
raising an army to go against the Bhosala and re-instate the descendant
of Bast Rao. An application was made by him to Bombay for help from _
the English there in Sal. Sac. 1635 (A. D. 1712,18), stating his prior
claims to the country, now governed by the Bhosala. It would appear .
that they gave assistance. The descendant of Basi Rao then addressed
a memorial to the Padshah stating his claims, a copy of which, at length,
is given. It is verbose in details of preceding matters; assuming in
part, somewhat the air of a manifesto, demanding at least the restoration
of the small z2am grant, or independent territory, before given, to Bast
Rao or else with the aid of the Célapur raja, and other auxiliaries, the
memorialist would be prepared to make war for the recovery of his pa-
trimonial inheritance. This memorial was written in Sal. Sac. 1572
(A. D. 1659-10): on the despatch of the memorial, the writer of it set
out at the head of 25,000 men to attack the ruler of Visiapur ; halting
at the village named Visdéla-gadda; whence a few troops of the Padshah
retreated. The Visiapur Padshah went, it is stated, to Goa, giving in-
structions to his respective chiefs; especially to the commander at Aw-
rungabad. ‘The minister of the young man named Nana FArnis in-
terposed his counsel; to the effect that the Vistapur Padshah was too
strong for him; that the concentration of troops forming at Aurungabad
would render it inexpedient to go against Viscapur itself; and that it
would be better to proceed against the Bhosala raja of Sattara. This
counsel was followed. The army was made to retrograde; and was turned
towards the latter place. Din Att KHAN came to the assistance of the
Visiapur Padshah with 60,000 troops from the Padshah of Baganagur
(Bisnagur ?) The young man was greatly intimidated by the arrival of
this auxiliary force. He divided his army into two divisions proceeding
with 13,000 against Sattara, and sending 12,000 into the Congama
country (the Konkan), which latter was conquered and brought under
revenue management. ‘The Sattara Bhosala fearing to encounter the
invaders, relinquished the country and gave it upto them. The de-
scendant of Bast Rao in consequence gave to the Bhosala a small terri-
tory, to hold as a feudatory; on the condition of being ready to do mili-

1838.) Chatur Vimsati Purdnam. 189

_ tary service whenever summoned. His title was still to be Siwajt Bho-

sila Mahd-raja. The descendant of Bast Rao soon after died. He had
no child, but his wife was pregnant, and under the instructions and guid-
ance of Nana Farnis a regency was formed ad interim. A transition
is then made to the race of the aforesaid Bhosala; their names, dates,
and periods of rule being given. Details of their donations, and endow-

~ments of shrines. The before mentioned wife of Bas Rao’s descendant

was delivered of a son, who was named PanDA PRATANA Bag Rao,
great rejoicings were made, and the government was conducted by Nana
Farnis. A woman of the same race named Ganer Buat had a share
in the government. The young man on coming to 16 years of age was
installed, and named Simanpar Bast Rao. He had some English
auxiliaries in his pay, and made conquests in the neighbouring Congwma,
and Telinga countries. He established DowLut Rao Scinpiau, Hot-
KAR Rao the Guicowar, and also the Bhosala as subordinate chiefs;
the authority descending to their posterity. He himself maintained a
standing army, as stated of a crore, or ten millions, (that is to say a
large army.) |

The preceding account was written by Appast of Mysore in A. D.
1806, finished on the 12th April at Poona.

Remark. It will appear from the above abstract, that the document
to which it refers is of considerable relative importance towards illustrat-
ing the history of the Mahrattas, from the time of their origin. I

would defer stating any thing, with reference to full translation, until the

various documents in the Tamil language, some of them of great length
and much detail, bearing on the history of Mahrattas, have undergone a
more full examination by me. The present document can be referred
to at any subsequent period. The manuscript book containing it was
damaged and in rapid progress towards decay ; on which account, as well
as from the presumed value of the contents, the document has been
restored.

E:—SANSKRIT.
(Grantha character.)
Palm-leaf Book, No. 236, Countermark 1044.

Chatur Vimsati Purcénam.

Invocation. A brief indication of the contents, then a reference to the
author, and to his readers. The Purdéna is derived from the supreme

2c

190 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (M ARCH,

lord PARAMESVARER, its virtues and beneficial tendencies are announced,
great virtues of its writer : great advantages will result to its readers.
The Purina opens with a reference to VrisHAB HA Svdmz, who lived in
the centre of the southern portion of the land of Sharata in Jumbu dwi-
pa, (central Hindustan, ) an early Chucraverti (or ruler) came to him, and
begged to know all customs, differences of times, and other matters from
the time of SusumAn. The svdmz favorably received his request and taught
him the Mdlatantra, or principal system, which was delivered by Gau-
TAMA to SRENICA, the great king, and consisted of 455,442,003,100,530
stanzas. This, the great Purdna, is taught from age to age. The
account is then conducted as if repeating what GAUTAMA stated to
SRENICA, a specification of the various yogus, that is, religious rites.
or modes of worship. A reference to SvayAMBHUVa Mawnu and the
matters which occurred in his time introducing the mention of the
Ulsarpani and Avasarpini periods; the former prosperous as following
the renovation of all things after the periodical deluge; the latter adverse,
as going before and preparing for the destroying and purifying deluge.
(See MS. book, No. 12, Section 1.) The peopling of the Bharata can-
dam, (or continent of India) with the Manus, Chacravertis, and people
is next adverted to. The prompt justice and equity of the Chacravertis
in the punishment of crime. The book then mentions various matters,
concerning the world, countries, towns, kingdoms, sacred rivers or pools,
donations, penance, in detail. In those times men believed in only one
creator, who created men good and evil, not according to his own pur-
pose of mind, but according to their good and evil deeds in a former
state of existence. Afterwards the bounds and.the nature of the Bhara-
ta candam (or upper India) are stated, its hills, peaks of mountains, &e.
The great city of Alacapurt, on the northern portion, its ruler was ATHI-
PASEN king of the Vidyddhanas, (a species of celestial): he considered
the luxury of kingly rule to be like smelling a poisonous flower, and
relinquished the kingdom,devolving it on his son; and, becoming a naked
ascetic, he was initiated into the Jamnasystem. Details are given of that
system. ManapaLen governed, he had four ministers, two of whose
names were MauaMaTHI and SvayaMpuTtTiI. One day Svayam-
PUTTI, being a distinguished person among the Jainas, asked the king
some questions of a religious character to which the king replied, and
they both agreed that the body dies, yet that the Jivan (life or soul)
does not die. A story is narrated in illustration; to the advantage of
the Jaina system. Various accounts are given of persons who by acts of
merit according to the Jaina belief, obtained beatification. Some ac-

1838.] Chatur Vimsati Purdnam. 191

count of persons who by evil actions incurred the pains of Ndaraca (or
hell.) Description of the various places of torment, and the punish-
ment inflicted: being instructed, or purified, thereby: the persons so
punished subsequently attain to happiness. Mention of persons who
obtained beatification in the Jsana-calpam. There follow details of
capital towns, each the metropolis of a state or kingdom. Prophetic de-
claration as to the future birth of VaisHAB’HA suiimi, his incarnation ;
Brauma and other gods did him homage. Many matters follow con-
cerning that incarnation and its praises. An account of the instruc-
tions given by VRISHAB'HA svdmi seated on a lofty seat, or throne;
Buarata and others received his lectures, an account of their panegy-
ric on the teacher. The glory of the Jaina system dwelt on. The
Chacraverti afterwards returned to Ayodhya, and received homage
from the Vidyddharas ; in a dream he had a vision of the god who
announced to him that persecutions and sufferings would arise from the
Pdshandis (a contemptuous epithet applied to the Saivas), and also
from the Mlechchas (outcasts or barbarians), detailed at length. The
Chacraverti in the morning performed the rite of ablution, in order to
remove the evil of the dream, or to avert its accomplishment. Details
of PraBAsAn, CuMB’HAM, and many others, are given, as coming
from the mouth of GauTAMaA, delivered to SRENICA, that is to say, of
what kind of birth or form of being, they before were, (on the system
of the metempsychosis,) what kind of actions they performed, afterwards
being instructed in the Juina system, they acquired beatification.
These various accounts in much detail occupy the rest of the work.

Note. This palm-leaf manuscript on examination was found to be
complete, and in good order; with the exception of about fifty leaves
at the beginning. These were restored on other palm-leaves, and added
to the book, for its more certain preservation.

The work it will be seen carries up the origin of the Jaina system
to the very birth of time; yet as the whole turns on the alleged incar-
nation of VrisHABHA svami (considered by some to be a subordinate
incarnation of VisHNU), and as VrisHABHA svdmt was posterior to
Gautama Buppua, the evidence for such high antiquity may receive
as much credence as any one may choose to bestow. In truth the
Jaina system, at its origin, was a modification of the Vaishnava one.
To me it seems that the Pali work (about to be published in Ceylon), en-
titled the Mahawanso (or great genealogy), clearly fixes the origin of
the Bauddha and Jaina systems at Magadha, three or four hundred
years antecedent to the Christian era. Nothing in this work, as it

So 2 |

~

192 On the Revolution of the Seasoas. [Mancit,

seems to me, contradicts such an origin; without being easily recon-
cileable thereto. The entire book might be worth translating, at some
future period; for though the Jaina legendary history is as much be-
clouded with metaphor, and fiction, as the Brahmanical ; yet, from a
comparison of the two, facts may be selected which could not be receiv-
ed on the evidence of either one of the parties.

Prof. Wiuson’s notice of this book (Des. Cat. vol. 1, p. 152) is
as follows : :

«VI, CuAtTURVINSATI PURANA.
“ Tamul Language and Character, Palm-leaves.

« An account of various sovereigns, peculiar to the legendary history
of the Jainas, who flourished contemporaneously with the twenty-four
Jainas, as Vidyddhara, Mahdbala, Vajrabahu, Vajragarbha, Nabhi,
Vrishabha, Bharata, Anukampana, Sripdla, Samudravijaya, Sri-
shena, &c. In three books, by Virasoma Suri.”

The statement of this book being in the Tamil language and charac-
ter must have been an oversight of Prof. WiLson’s assistant. It isa -
Prakrit (or unpolished Sanskrit) work of the kind sometimes denomi-
nated (by natives of other provincest han the Tamil district), the Ta-
mil Grant’ha; the term grant’ha not then denoting merely a book,
but a Prakrit work, both in letters and language.

Conclusion.

In this report I have not included all the works that have been the
subject of examination, collation and restoration during the brief period
of two months, to whieh it refers; but only so many as would suffice
to form a primary volume of restored documents; of which moreover,
I could get the abstracts written over from my rough notes in sufficient
time; and the preparation of an abstract, forms to me, not the least
laborious part of the duty. Such MSS. as for the present lie over, I
purpose to include within a following statement.

IIl.—On the Revolution of the Seasons. By the Rev. Ropert
EVEREST.
(Continued from vol, VI. p. 308.)
When my last paper upon this subject was in hand I was in hopes
of receiving additional lists of the prices of corn from different parts of
the country, which might enable me to trace the average line of varia-
tion throughout the last century with a considerable degree of regula-

1838.] On the Revolution of the Seasons. 193

rity. In this I have been so far disappointed, that the lists received
have been very few, and not above two of them extending more than
95 years back. That the data which they, together with those already
in my possession, afforded, should be insufficient to give results regular,
or nearly regular, was no more than experience with the most recent
period (from 1835 to 1806) led me to believe. But there are some
farther impediments to extending the investigation beyond 1806 which
must be particularly noticed. Ist. Many of the lists do not extend
beyond 1812; only 12 out of 50 reach to 1792, and only 5 to 1750.
Each of these lists has a particular mean dependent upon local circum-
stances, and the cessation of it affects the general average. The only
way to obviate this source of error, would be to reduce each list to a
common mean, the labour of which would be very great. 2ndly. No
registers of the prices of corn-for this period have been kept with a
view of ensuring accuracy; consequently the lists have been filled up
from the best information that could be procured, such as the private
memoranda of individuals, merchants, and others: of course the more
distant the time the more scanty and uncertain those data would become,
and we can hardly believe but that many of the results they furnish must
be, in a degree, erroneous. 3rdly. Previous to the year 1806 great part
of the country was still in its age of chivalry ; at one time subject to the
passage of numerous armies, sacking, plundering and devastating ; at
another to the forays of bands of knights-errant. Besides this, the
different governments often took the corn dealer under their paternal
care, and he was made to sell as the caprice of a tyrant, or the clamours
of an unthinking people, obliged him.

All this being premised we have now to state what the actual result
of an examination of the lists has been. ‘The lists which formed the
N. W. line in a previous paper were not increased in number, but sepa-
rated into two divisions, according as the places from which they came
were situated nearer, either to Dehli, or to Lodiana.—The average
was taken of each division, and, as in the former case, the difference
between the maximum and minimum from 1750 to 1835 was divided
in’ 1000 parts. The Benares line remained the same as before.—
The Bengal line was increased by a list from Calcutta taken from the
12th vol. of the Asiatic Researches. The last, or southern line (Jub-
bulpore, Indore, and Bhopal), was increased by the addition of a line
from Dundwala in the Panjéb. The average of the five lines was
then taken and the general line traced out in the manner described in the
former paper. I have before mentioned the notion that a complete revolu-

194 On the Revolution of the Seasons. [Marcn,

tion took place in 56 years, or three cycles. In pursuance of this idea
it was intended to described the first 56 years, beginning with 1835,
and then to place in a line above them the next 56 years beginning
with 1779—so that their parallelism, or the contrary, might be more
easily detected. This has been done (see below) for the first 21 years
of each period, viz. from 1835 to 1815 both inclusive, and from 1779
to 1759, both inclusive ; and it will, I think, hardly be denied that some
degree of parallelism does exist between them. In the 35 last years of
each period, from 1815 to 1780, and from 1759 to 1723 the irregula-
rities were too great to allow their being placed in a similar manner.—
But I have traced out the variations from 1815 to 1780 (see the thin
continuous line in the plate from 1815 to 1780), and it will be observed
that the principal maxima run thus, 1815, 1806, 1796, 1787.

Now we must consider that it is only by taking an average of differ-
ent cycles that we can get rid of the effect of such disturbing causes as
are only temporary—say, for instance, the inroad of an army, or the
decrease of the population. The average therefore of the four cycles
1815 to 1796, 1796 to 1779, 1759 to 1741, and 1741 to 1723, was
taken, and this average is represented by the dotted line from 1815 to
1796, and from 1796 to 1779. It appears to be nearly regular, and
probably succeeding observations may enable us to make it more cor-
rect. The dotted line from 1815 to 1835 represents the average of the
two periods, 1815 to 1835, and 1759 to 1779.

Since writing my last paper I have also received a list of corn prices
from the Cape of Good Hope from 1835 to 1812, and another from
Bickanir in the desert for the same period. These prices have been
added to those of Dundwala in the Panjab for the same years and from
the average a line has been traced similar to that of fig. 2, Plate,
(Journal, No. 64.)

This long and tedious investigation was entered into in the hope that
certain useful results might be obtained, and the results that have been
obtained do make it highly probable that there is a certain degree of
regularity in the revolution of the seasons. Ifthe number of rain-
gauges in different parts of the country should be greatly increased,
and the prices of corn accurately registered, may we not hope that
something more definite may be established, even so far as to enable us
to fix the variation which may be due to each particular locality. Nay
more, if certain combinations of light, heat, and moisture be conditions
essential to every kind of animal and vegetable existence, may we not
conjecture that other productions than corn are affected by peculiar

1838.) On the Revolution of the Seasons. 195

seasons, and that we only need numerous, and long-continued observa-
tions, to know when those peculiarities are likely to recur ?

P.S. Arguing from what has been to what will be, we might join
the two dotted lines in the plate for a conjectural line, the first year of
which would be 1836. It would, however, first be necessary to correct
the latter part. The two lines of which it is composed 1775, 1779,
and 1831, 1835, are both erroneous, as indications of the seasons ; the
first in a considerable degree, the latter less so. To illustrate this I have
added the line of the Calcutta rain-guage, 1823, 1835, which may be
compared with the lines in the plate, Journal, No. 64, and I have other
data, which I will arrange and bring forward at a future opportunity.

TaBLeE I.

Average price of Corn in Northern India, during 4 Lunar Cycles.
Year.

1815 448 362 340 361 364 354 298 253 360 365 355 278 428 455 429 459

Year, 1 23a 4 ° 56 6 7° 8 6810 Ne 12-13 14-:38016 17 38 19 ys.
1815 448 362 340 361 364 354 298 253 360 365 355 278 428 455 429 459 496 G14 591 1797
1796 764 639 529 449 409 404 424 423 445 485 427 230 193 300 233 221 311 345 .. 1779
1758 326 366 408 360 318 387 259 385 435 326 280 265 273 175 139 137 163 200 .. 1741
1740 194 161 170 232 210 216 201 224 226 208 179 205 154 174 235214 216... .. 1724

er 432 382 362 350 325 340 345 321 366 346 310 244 262 276 259 258 296 386
1Cy.
N. B. These numbers were taken from the average of the five principal liaes men-

tioned in the paper, the whole variation in each case having been previously divided
into 1000 parts.

Taste II.
Average price of Corn in Northern India.
Year. Year. Year, Year.
1835, 404 345 1779. 1824, 273 356 1768.
34, 306 334 78. pas, 98% 44g - 672
a3; 312 :397 273 22, 409 404 #66,
322 3i2 £382” «96. 21, 321 361 65.
Sig) 341, 2358 75. 1820, 188 306 64.
1830, 413 340 74. 19, 200 207 63.
29, 359 395 73. 18, 240 264 62.
28, 309 340 72. 17, 339 292 #61.
27, 267 306 ais 16, 355 306 60.
26, 259 267 70. 15, 448 303 1759.

25, 285 275 69.

These two lines are those which are traced on the diagram, and together make
up a period of 6 cycles or 112 years.

|

[Marcx,

ion of the Seasons.

On the Revolut

196

VARIATIONS FROM TEE MEAN.

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197

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1838.]

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Analysis of Indian Coal.

198

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200 . Journal of a trip to Cuttack, - [Marcu,

IV.—Extracts from the Journal of Lieut. Manxuam Krrrox, sub-
mitted to the Asiatic Society at the meeting of the 6th Oct. 18386.—
Ruins and Pillar at Jajipur.

[Continued from p. 56.]

Wednesday, 30th November, 1836,—Camp Chutteea. This morn-
ing’s march, the distance was 14 miles, road good and no less than
twenty-two bridges.

Our camp is on an open space near the Chutteea, no shelter, the
ground so hard that it was with difficulty our tents were pitched, there
being a bed of laterite a few inches below the surface ; the village stands
on a granite rock, the laterite adheres to and mixes with the granite in
a curious manner, the strata of the rock incline at (about) an angle of
45° with the horizon (southward), the rock in such parts where the
laterite (which is hard and vitrified having the appearance of brick-
kiln slag) rests, is in like manner red and vitrified.

The country to the left of the road is very flat and swampy, the
isolated hills alluded to yesterday, have a very strange appearance: it
has often struck me as very remarkable, the abrupt manner in which
all the hills met with from hence to Aajmahal and onwards to the
Sewalik range, rise from the surrounding plains, in the soil of which at
a distance of a few yards only, not a pebble or fragment of rock is to be
found, even at very great depths*: it would seem that the whole plains
of Hindustan had been (previous to their present state) a vast ocean of
liquid mud and quicksands which had gradually settled and dried on the
receding of the waters that caused its existence.

About two miles from camp, we passed between two high hills, rising
abruptly as described: they are covered with dense jungle, there was

* The Sewalik range of hills east and west (in the immediate vicinity) of the
Sutlege, rise very abruptly, from Kidderabad near Rooper to the Jumna, and again
between that river and the Ganges, shingle and boulderstones are found to a very
great depth. The shingle is met with at increased depths from the surface (below
the common soil) in ratio as you recede from the foot of the hills towards the plains,
shewing I should think, the former existence of a beach, and of the ocean having
once washed the Sewalik range prior to the formation of the plains. During my
travels along the base of the Sewalik, and through the Dhoons (valleys), of Dhera,
Kyarda and Pinjore and to Nahun, Simla, Mussooree, &c. &c. in 1831, J could not
help observing the peculiar manner in which the strata of shingle and boulders in
some places rest, commencing at the base of the high ranges and passing under the
valleys over the Sewalik, there dippiog down on the southern face into the plains
(vide sketch A), The cavities in the higher mountains being likewise filled with debris
would lead one to suppose that at some remote period an ocean had shifted its posi-
tion from the northern regions beyond the Him4laya to the southern.

1838.) Ruins of Jajipur. : 201

indeed a great deal of jungle nearly the whole way, to the right of the
road, but low land and rice fields to the left.

To the northwest of the village is a very large tank and a high mound
around it, on which there are traces of there having been buildings in for-
mer years. The tank swarms with alligators and is overgrown with solah
and purene (water-lily). The mounds are now covered with jungle and
brambles. I remarked a figure of Buddh under a large banyan tree,
it was all besmeared with sendoor (red lead) and worshipped by the
villagers as the thakoor (Mahadeo) ; there were other picces of sculp-
ture scattered about in different directions.

Thursday, 1st December, 1836,—Camp Tanghee. Distance this
morning 54 miles, bridges 15, road good ; our camp was pitched a fur-
long to the right of the road, on an open space near the village, beside
a tank : there is not sufficient shelter here for a whole regiment, though
ample, for smaller detachments.

There are two remarkable mounds to the east of the village and left
of the road, they go by the name of Kenchuc Dhee and (by some)
Asurd-ka Dhee or Tangee both of which words, imply a “mound;” the
natives say that many centuries ago, in the time of the Devatas, a
demon (Asura) named Krencuuc constructed a fort here in which he
used to reside: such mounds as these are very common in Upper India
and are ascribed to like causes*.

I should observe that Jveechuc or Kenchuk of itself means a daemon,
_I saw several fragments of sculpture under the banyan and peepul
trees round the village, also some mutilated figures of Buddh.

A large tree as well as a mound, always attracts my attention and I
invariably ride up to every one I see, when I am able to do so, as it is
under such trees, that many curiosities are to be seen throughout India :
for it is ageneral custom when any sculptured stones, idols or else are
found in digging or by other accident, they are placed under the sacred
peepul or burr.

There is a very fine view to be had of the surrounding country from
the top of Keechue Dhee (where there is a small bungalow) ; the coun-
try to the right (facing Cuttack) is woody with continuous ranges of
high hills which have a grand appearance. To the left, are extensive
plains with a good proportion of trees on them, as far as the eye can
reach; the mangoe topes at Cuttack are clearly visible at about eight
miles in a direct line due south.

* I would call the attention of all antiquaries and collectors of ancient coins to
such mounds as these so common in the Doaband in the vicinity of Mathura and
Deihee, such as Paniput, Soonput, Baghput, or many other ‘* puts’’ or ‘‘ prastas,”’

202 Journal of a trip to Cuttack, [ Marcu,

There is a market held occasionally at Tanghee where brass utensils,
coarse cloth, and shoes are sold, chiefly brought from Cuttack; the
village is a tolerable sized one, there is a police thana: it is in the Mo-
gulbundee and in the pergunnah Kokakund.

* * * * * * * * *
* * * * * * * * *

Cuttack, Friday, the 2nd December, 1836.—We commenced our

march at 4 o'clock, and did not reach our camp (which was pitched.

under the east face of the fort on the river side) till ten o’clock, our hacke-
ries did not arrive till very late, owing to the very long and heavy drag
through the sand of the Mahanuddee, a distance of two miles.

Owing to the river not being fordable at the regular ghat, we were
obliged. to go more than three miles to the left off the direct road on
reaching Chaudwdr, and cross over at the ferry three miles below the
fort, nearly opposite Chowleea gunge. |

The road was very good as far as Chaudwdar where we turned off and
passed over the ruins of that ancient city, which extend for many miles.
There are very few ruins above ground, but the foundations of many
are visible, particularly of the walls and moat which was faced with
stone ; there are numerous reservoirs also, and the remains of tem-
ples ; the stone was removed in former years to build the fort of Cuttack
and the revetment ; it is chiefly mottled red iron clay called laterite by
mineralogists and mookura by the natives ; it is a curious substance and
has the appearance of vitrified clay and other earths of various colors,
red, black, yellow and brown, with fragments of every description of rock
imbedded in it, in greater quantities nearest the hills; it has much the
appearance of brick-kiln slag, and seems to have been caused by sudden
immersion into water while in its fused state, the beds of this mineral
are usually near the surface of the soil, and average in:thickness from
10 inches to 10 and 12 feet and even more in some localities. I have
observed frequently thin coats adhering to the rocks and bases of the
hills, either rising from, or bordering on, the plains; in such localities
it is much more vitrified and consequently harder than that which is
found resting on marl: it also contains (as I have before said) a greater
proportion of fragments of quartz, granite, sand-stone, &c. &c. But to re-
turn; Chaudwar, the southern face of this ancient city is, and ever has
been washed by a branch of the Mahanuddee called the Biroopd, the walls
along the river face are in many parts still in existence, the present
village of Chaudwar is close to them.

STIRLING makes but little mention of this curious place, he calls it
“ Chauwéar or city of four gates,” it should: be “ Chaudadwér or city

1838.] Ruins of Jéjipur. 208

of fourteen gates,” if I may rely on the local authorities; history
does not inform us when and why this once extensive city was
abandoned, but there is a legend told by the Ooriahs, that the place
was neve rfinished, that while it was being built, and near com-
pletion, the raja one day went out hawking and let his hawk at a
small white heron; they flew across the Mahanuddee, when both
alighting on the opposite bank, the heron killed the hawk; the raja
upon this consulted his learned men and astronomers, who pronounced
that it was a warning to abandon Chaudwér and to build his fort on
this more auspicious spot: he accordingly built the present fort of Cut-
tack upon it and called it Barahbattee: he then forsook Chaudwér
which was never after resorted to.

We remained at Cuttack several days, the fort (Barahbattee) being
the first object that attracted my notice. I shall first describe it, or
rather, what is left of it ; for it is fast disappearing, the stones being taken
for various public works; the greatest drain has been for the lighthouse
at False Point and for the macadamizing the cantonment roads.

The figure of the fort deviates little from a regular parallelogram
having its longest faces to the north and south, the river running paral-
lel with the former at a short distance from it.

The walls were originally defended by high square bastion towers,
projecting at different distances ; the place could never at any time have
offered much resistance, as the walls were barely five feet thick on the
three land faces, which a six Ib. shot could have perforated, except on the
river face, where they were not only of great height but of proportional
thickness with numerous square bastion towers; the broad and deep
moat faced with stone, was what the natives depended upon as their chief
defence, before the invention and introduction of artillery; there is only
one gateway and that in the centre of the eastern face; it is narrow and
between two square towers, like the others, wide at the base and decreas-
ing toward their summit ; the archway is of comparatively modern date,
and is the work of the Mogul governors of the province: there was an
inner gateway which has been lately taken down to build the lighthouse
with. This part of the structure, with several adjacent buildings, were
the work of a Mahratta governor in the 4th year of the reign of Ma-
HOMED SHAH, which I found thus recorded on a small stone neatly cut
which was let into one of the walls.

Dre tha gible Coe” aly» ead y dak y Nps chu
us je sigh ls doo] wolon

204 Journal of a trip to Cuttack, (Marcu,

In the year of the Higera one thousand, one hundred and sixty and
five, coeval with the 4th year of the reign of AHMuD Suau the victori-
ous king. |

Over the archway was another inscription which is in the possession
of the executive engineer: it was thus.

wstly? 338 {> oxi cle is td) Sa predic j

gy olde ydae GIy; yalye ASbuw yy AS gid Lig
cgcluda JI jeden yes ay dy ly OK aS ayAS _prihrodtye
Chel Slats Ryd parents ple! lad) jlo sal piraken ;

3

Lette Edeha dy) oy65 hor bxl5 Sy aly pty &45
jor B49 rage I yy) whys GAsd 5 yy ust! bls
void) a Lo) wsle cor 16 op ww Bey!0 dad why >
uelee Al Bled ais, aS had eye Syd eS LD ;

G6

It is certainly not a very elegant composition, indeed native judges
pronounce it execrable and unintelligible: the following is as correct a
translation as I can make.

-« From the splendor and state of one named RuKHBEER ; may he ever
possess the revenues of foreign countries. What an excellent prince
was Monun Sincu Benapur*. His speech is a mine of desire and
beneficence. ,

‘‘ When in the time of need he takes up his sword, what are Rus-
TUM, ZAL or SAMEE before+ him. By his order the Killadar Imam
AFGHAN (KHAN), occupied himself night or day with the care of put-
ting fort Barahbattee wholly in excellent repair, with a gateway and

tower to it mountain high. This fort first of iron, next a ditch filled

with alligators, is at once a double trap for the destruction of its ene-
mies.

“ The experienced daroga ALLEE Ruza native of Kurrd as chrono-
logist, employing himself to find a date asked it of the hidden sound
(voice) which replied, May the Rughnath gateway ever remain perma-
nent.”

I cannot discover who were the individuals whose praises are thus
recorded, unless they were some of the officers of the Mahratta govern-
ment; I can neither find the name of Rukupzer nor of Mouun Sineu,
in STIRLING’s work.

* Perhaps MoHUN SINGH was son of RUKHBEER? the passage is obscure to me
as well as to Moonshees I have shewn the verses to.
t+ Opposed to.

1838.] ~ Ruins of Jéjipur. 205

In the year 1174, A. H. which the last line gives by the rules of the
abjid, the province of Cuttack was in the hands of the Mahrattas,
under BABAsI Naix. If the date, on the other hand refers to the
Amli year 1174, which answers to A. D. 1765, or thereabout, it was
during the administration of BHowany pandit, the Mahratta go-
vernor of plundering notoriety who succeeded SHEOBHAT in 1171
Amli*. The persons thus mentioned may have been the military go-
vernors, under either of these supreme rulers.

On our taking possession of the fort in 1803, the ditch was drained
and the numerous alligators destroyed or allowed to escape into the
river : there are but few to be seen at present and none of any size.

The walls and other masonry are of laterite and sandstone, most of
the towers are faced with the latter. The most striking object is the
cavalier, which is 1 suppose the “ mountain” alluded to in the inscription,
this has evidently had a subsequent facing of sandstone added to it and
forms a part of the original “ gurh or keep of the castle.”

There is an old mosque with no pretensions to elegance, the work of
the Mogul occupants.

The candelabra mentioned by Mr. Stixtinc has been removed to a
garden in Chowleegunge, it is a chiragddn about 15 feet high and
of mogunee or chlorite ; being an octagonal pillar 13 feet at its base and
about 10 inches at its summit on which is a vase the shape of a lotus,
but intended to hold a “tulsee” plant, it is not one shaft, but a number
of layers about 10 inches deep, each having four brackets projecting out
of four of the sides of the octagon, and every other layer having its
brackets on different faces so as to allow of one blank every way between
each bracket ; it is of modern workmanship and belonged to a temple
built by the Mahrattas which was pulled down many years ago, and
was used for illuminations at the Dewallee festival : there is another very
like it, before a temple, in the cantonment by the river side, also
built by the Mahrattas.

* * * * * # * * * *

The town of Cuttack is very straggling ; there are a number of very
good houses of hewn stone and brick, but mostly in very indifferent re-
pair from the poverty of their inmates.

The principal building is the “ Kuddwm Russool” in the suburbs;
over the gateway of which is the Pew inscription.

pt “ih NES) wenden bees) pv us? "> ” o> 8 yay
ul at ple sl yay usite 3 us] ile sig

* Vide STIRLING’S Orissa, Aw. Res.

2k

————

——_— i

206 Journal of a trip to Cuttack. (Maren,

ww) | ad ot ust WE dy dae? 30 eae O55 ye
cgile dpate ais ole JSS asi eel isle jldge as
3} ghikth yw 1) 8S MB ge pS gp URSYY Se lm
Csi Cher gal WLS Cede! wns ans phy aw

; Usps” 1149 abou
The building in which are placed the sacred relics, has no pretentions

to elegance of design: the enclosure and the ground surrounding it is
chiefly used as the common burial place for the moslem inhabitants.

The Peer-zadas or priests, make a tolerable profit in sickly seasons as.

they charge from 1-4 to 2 and 3 rupees for each grave dug. The fore-
going inscription alludes simply to the gateway and music gallery over
the same; it appears to have been built in the year A. D. 1755, when
the province of Cuttack was in the hands of the Mahrattas. I cannot
ascertain who the individual “ Dezpar ALLEE” was, or what office he
held at Cuttack, it is however immaterial, the building is not worthy
of notice. The following is a translation of the verses.

«“ At the shrine of the Lord of both worlds, the asylum of human
beings and of the Jins, the music gallery of the faith was constructed,
in the reign of AtumcEER Sant, (ALumGEEr the 2nd.) If the off-
spring of the good in the faith of Munammap, know that his name is
DeErparR ALLEE, at the shrine of the Prophet he erected this palace,
may the Lord grant the wishes of his heart. When I asked the year
of its date, the hidden angel (voice) replied with condescension, ‘ When
the king broke the heads of infidels, read the year (in)’ ‘ of the music
gallery of the faith,’ (year of the Hegira 1169.)’

The Jumma Musjid in the principal street is also a very clumsy in-
elegant building : it is used as much as a school as for a place of prayer.
There is now scarce any thing remaining of the palaces of the Lall-bag.
The Hindu temples are all smail and inelegant and none of any anti-
quity ; there is however one temple of large dimensions which has never
been finished, it was commenced by one of the Mahratta governors who
did not live to complete it: it is about 70 feet high. The largest dwelling

houses are those of the former amils and governors, they are all fast

falling to the ground.

There appears to be very little trade carried on in Cuttack, the chief
manufactures are brass cooking utensils, and shoes for which the place
is famous.

The soil of Cuttack is sandy and very poor: rice is the only cultiva-
tion, the gardens are consequently very inferior.

a i ia ee ee

1838.] On the spontaneous heating of Brine. 207

V.—On a remarkable heat observed in masses of Brine kept for
some time in large reservoirs. By G. A. Prinsep, Esq.

In the course of my experiments of several years in the manufacture
of salt at Balya Ghat, on the salt-water lake east of Calcutta, I have
Sometimes observed a high degree of temperature at the bottom of the
brine reservoirs after they had been filled for some weeks with brine
of less than one fourth saturation. But as the greatest heat observed
did not exceed 104° Fahr. which was under the maximum heat of the
brine on the terraces, whence the reservoirs had been filled, 1 supposed
the high temperature to be merely that of a warm stream of water let in
at the hottest part of the day in May or June, and remaining below and
unmixed with the cooler surface water, of less specific gravity, after-
wards admitted. This opinion was strengthened by the gradual reduc-
tion of the temperature below to nearly that of the surface, before the end
of the rainy season. I have frequently bathed in one of the reservoirs
(about 550 feet long, 35 ft. wide at top and 7 or 8 feet deep), in Sep-
tember and October, and have found the temperature of the water then
pretty equal throughout. But on plunging into the same reservoir on
the 17th September last, I was surprised to find the temperature near
the bottom so warm as to be intolerable to the feet. Still however I
imagined that the heat was only that which the sun had imparted to the
terrace brine in the very sultry weather of June last, when I had 120°
registered (4th June, 4 p. M. ) for the brine of a terrace yielding salt:
and believing the hottest water to be therefore near the bottom I tried
the temperature there about a month afterwards by immersing an empty
bottle at the end of a bamboo, fixing the mouth so that it would be filled
about a foot from the ground. ‘The contents when poured out were at
the temperature of 120°. A similar experiment made on the same day
in a circular brine reservoir at Varainpore (120 feet diam. and about 16
feet deep) gave 104°. But on a subsequent visit to Narainpore on the
29th October, I was startled to observe that a pump fixed against the
wall of this reservoir, for the purpose of feeding the boilers, was actu-
ally bringing up water of the temperature of 130° from a depth of
about 12 feet. This very unexpected discovery determined me to con-
trive an instrument that should serve as a probe to ascertain both the
temperature and the specific gravity or saltness of the water at different
depths. Annexed is a drawing of the instrument employed: it con-
sisted of a split bamboo with bamboo buckets fixed between at distances
of one foot from centre to centre, the mouths of the buckets being
corked but the corks having small air-holes; and the mode of using the
machine was, to let it down with the mouths of the buckets downwards,
and then turn it round after which the air bubbles indicated the progress

282

208 On the spontaneous heating of Brine. [Marcw,

of filling and in ten minutes or a quarter of an hour, when these disap-
peared, the machine was quickly drawn up and the temperature of the
water in the buckets was tried rapidly in succession with a smal! ther-
mometer, leaving the specific gravity to be tried afterwards.

On the day of the first trial of this probe I was favored with the
company and assistance of Dr. HuFFNAGLE, who took a lively interest
in the experiment. The following particulars are the results of all the
trials I have yet made with it, the buckets being numbered from the

bottom of the machine. 2
First Experiment, 5ih November, 9 A.M. Fourth Experiment, 19th November, 2 P.M.

Open long reservoir at Balya Ghét, at Narainpore.
Probe immersed at an angle of 450r 50°, Open round brine reservoir southwest
No. Temp side. Probe at angle 60°.
1 106 only. ¥ full. No. Temp,
2 120 S.G. (appt.) 1077 at T. 117 1 104 (appt.) S. G. 1150 at T. 102
Ses ae sob on POTS B fya, 4 LIG® », 2h AOB od 55 cow falls
aie ke aaa ok Sper re ne) ser Ose © Star) eee. es
5 99 ” ” 1049s, 97 4 6114 ” ” 1148 »» 112
Ba R600. vs Bileatalake (> Maange tient ae ele oT aia Sa 6 = ARSE
a tes” 3 ” 1022, yg, = 78 6 132 ” ” 1151 yy 124
Bow ies vis ts DOD Iny 55. Wis >) Gee ieee a uh ie Hi4en) 109
9 78 OI a age Nene i, ee, oe
Second Experiment, 'sth November, 2 P.M. 9 127 ss i‘ 1095 y, 120
at Narainpore. 10 24 ‘9 ” 1070 95 ~ 110
Open round brine reservoir. Probe at 11 117 rr Fi 1061 yp ee
¥ angle about 60° southwest side. 12 99 ” ” 1057 » 96
o. Temp. 3 90 104
1 105 (appt.)S.G. 1163 atT. 100 a ef ods ‘ ray: a 3
2 104 not full. 15 «6815 os a 1045.6 _,, 83
3 106 (appt.)S.G. 1140 ,, 104 16 ay eee St ORR
4 113 is oD 1160 », 108 82 8 3045 i 83
ial a ain ies Ma 2 SO pane Fifth Experiment, same date and place.
6 123 4, ‘9 1157) yy «117 Covered reservoir. Probe at angle
7 130 ” ” 1159 1, 123 about Ate
8132 ” i 1153.5 ,. 124 No, Tem
9 137 + es 1145 Pim) 1 88 on S.G. 1147
10 (331 ” % 112] x «125 2 88 ” ” 1124.5
9p ROR, pxty LAOO Peper VOO% weg. (pOOw i oo rh lee
12, cia), oi’. SOQ SE rn dna, ag, aE ee oh 1OR
13 #114 9 9 1075 », 109 5 90 ” 9 1102.6
34%) 104.04 os sabe pM Ope Loto. ut 6 OO eg Yim .»lOQ4
157100, ce MOR oT MOTT ge Te ot ee aaa 25 |
PH 41856, lng 95 10400265. yiGderwuren EBBA «iy 9» 1078
17. 84 sg 1044.3 ,, 83 9 STs. us, < 1069
18 «662 -S », not full, 10 — empty.
19 82 deer bel OSB Mak Sic olden | i teen tn oe
Third Experiment, 5th November, 295 P.M. 12 80 t full
Same place and reservoir east side at 13 77 f DO'*B"s
gate. Probe at angle about 75°. 14 «76 1046
- Temp. 15 16 1046
102 (appt-) S. G. 1149 atT. 100 Sixth Experiment, same date and place.
105 ss ” 1145.3 4, 103 Large reservoir. Probe at angle
109 —s,,_-—s not full. about — Tried at 23 Pp. M.

114 190, oe Gate 2 » 111 No. Tem

119 ” ” 1165.5 5, 116 034 ‘(appt.) S.G. 1070
128 9 ” 1159 99 124 935 ” ” 1070
137 ” ” 1155 3, 130
133 99 ” 1139 9, 128
135 ”” a” 1125 a) 127 914 a” ” 1964
1p 327 ‘9 A 1097 3,5 120 90 a 5 1064.5

1
2 i
3 93 ais a 1069
4
5
6
11 114 de i 1075 sche qi. BT in 1057
ts}
9
10
1}
12

92, 99 99 1067

COTA TRWOES

12 105 ” ” 1068 1», 101 35 ” ” 1056
13. 92 bb tb 1050 = ,, 90 84 b> ” 1050
14 86 ” i. 1040 ae |’ 84 2 » 1050.5
15 823 ,, a 1038 5» / 61 84 (not full).

16 815 a? a? 10375 o? 61 84 ” Led 1050

en orn Sas Raine OMe a eae As Re ee ei GS ee Yc ne ig

a

1838.] _ On the spontaneous heating of Brine. 209

Seventh Experiment, 3rd December, 2 Pp. M. at Narainpore.

Open round reservoir, tried in the centre, probe nearly perpendicular.
No. 1 T. 107 half full.

2, 110 apparent S. G. 1151 at T. 106
CES Te! ss 1150 we 140
4 118 o 1143.5 4, 118
5 125 half full.

6 124 wn 1114 eu BAG
wi “116 a 1095 4, «112
8 105 99 1078.5 ,, 103
9 96 i 1063.5 4, 93

10 92 ig 1059 “ht. OP

11 87 Bs 1054 4

12 86 OS 1053.7

13 84 half full,

14 ~—s 882 bi 1052

15 81 - 1053

16 82 Ae 1052

17 82 i 1051

In the first trial at Narainpore the greatest heat was found about half-
way from the bottom. The difference in that respect at Balya Ghat
where the greatest heat appeared at the second and third foot from the
bottom may be explained, by the small depth of the reservoir at the
latter place, the surface water being liable to be affected to the same
depth in both by the wind and rain and temperature of the atmosphere,
and the subsequent descent of the maximum heat at Narainpore is
attributable in part to the expenditure of the brine there being pumped
out from near the bottom for the supply of the boilers. The highest
temperature given by the probe at Narainpore was 137°, but this is 5° less
than the maximum given by the pumps, as will be seen by the following
statement.

29 Oct. N. pump T. 130 S. G. (corrected) 1180

12. Nov. ,, sap aoe ee ls * 1970
19 2”? 7 9 », 142 ” ” 1162
26 ” 9 ” 9 1403 oe) ” 1152
Ss Dee, ,; ag ae 2 -: 7 1133 S. Pump 134 8. G. 1172
10 ” ” 5) », 124 ” ” 1173 ” 124 ” 1158
17 ” ” ” ” 125 99 9 1153 ” 124 29 1175
24 9 ” ” ”? 119 29 ”? 1173 9 116 ” 1171
31 9 ”? ” 9 116 ” ” 1174 9 1}4 ” 1179
TBs, gy i Saar A i p 1133 ee nee ke ns 1128
13__—«s,.« (sunk 2 feet) 104 49 ‘ 1177 yesh BLDO ni se 1132
4 Feb. 905 4 ie 1100 my Be ay 1119
TEASE EDGE Ghale oi. tate ge cll e won) a CIO, bigale « SEVAGy 90: i, 1110

As the temperature of 90° was only about the mean of June, and also
that of the lower moiety of the brine in the covered reservoir on the
19th November, which was all nearly of an equable temperature, I con-
sider the influence of the heating course to have ceased in the first week
of February, if not before. The reservoirs have since been pumped dry
and therefore these experiments cannot be repeated, until they are reple-
nished with brine in April or May next.

210 On the spontaneous heating of Brine. [Marcr,

It is remarkable that the probe indicated no signs of a heating influ-
ence affecting the water in the large reservoir at Narainpore on the
19th November though the specific gravity of the brine near the
bottom was little less than that of the water in the long reservoir
at Balya Ghat on the 5th November, its mean spec. grav. being also
considerably higher than the mean of the latter. Moreover the heat-
ing influence was scarcely traceable in the covered brine reservoir at
Narainpore on the 19th November, which perhaps may be accounted
for by the large previous expenditure of brine, say about three-fourths
of its original contents, the consumption of which had been replaced to
within a foot of the general level by filtration from the ground and
leakage at the gate communicating with the adjoining terrace and brine
fields; whereas the expenditure of brine in the contiguous open round

reservoir otherwise similarly situated, was but half of the original con- —

tents up to the middle of January, its entire volume being about 170,000
cubic feet, while the covered reservoir contained only about 50,000. In
these two reservoirs all the brine when first let in was of a high degree
of saturation, ranging from 1170 to 1200 sp. gr. and consequently con-
taining little or no sulphate of lime, which ingredient in the composition
of sea water, I have observed at Balya Ghdt, is always deposited upon
the terraces there, considerably before the brine begins to deposit its
sulphate of soda. But this was not the case with respect to the brine
in the large reservoir at Narainpore, nor in that of a longer narrow
one at Balya Ghat, except perhaps a small proportion of the latter, both of
which were charged with brine of only 1070 to 1085 sp. gr., a much
higher degree however than that of the contents of the long reservoir
in any previous year; and in both of them the water had remained undis-
turbed, except by the action of the atmosphere ; yet in one of them a high
degree of heat was observed, and in the other where I should sooner
have expected to find it, no indication of heat was perceived beyond the
probable temperature at which it was filled in June.

In order to ascertain however whether any fermentation and disen-
gagement of heat takes place on the mixture of saturated brine with
brine of a weaker degree, I lately procured from Balya Ghdt some
bottles of brine of different degrees of saturation, with which the follow-
ing experiments were tried.

Ist Experiment.—Half a pint of saturated brine sp. gr. 1216, tempe-
rature 82.5 mixed with about the same quantity of brine of sp. gr. 1069,
temperature 81.2. Result, temperature 82.2 and no effervescence after
standing some minutes.

2nd Experiment.—Same quantities of brine sp. gr. 1216, tempera-

*

ee. en of

1838.] Laad and Fresh-water Shells of the Himalaya. 211

ture 82.5, and of brine sp. gr. 1091, temperature 81°. Result, sp. gr.
1152.5, temperature 82.2 and no effervescence.

3rd Experiment.—Same quantities of brine sp. gr. 1216, tempera=
ture 82.5, and sp. gr. 1135, temperature 81.6. Result, sp. gr. 1174.3,
temperature 82.1 and no effervescence, nor.any increase of tempera-
ture after remaining some hours in the glass.

Being therefore quite unable to offer any explanation of the cause of
the remarkable heat observed in my brine reservoirs, I can only promise
to register the temperature from time to time when they are filled again
in the hope that materials may thus be furnished to some scientific friend
more capable of solving the interesting problem. If it should be disco-
vered that a slow fermentation arising from the mixture of brine of dif-
ferent densities in large masses is the cause of this heat, it would seem
to be accelerated by agitation, for the water raised by the pumps was
always warmer than that which the probe brought up from the same
depth ; and, except at the first trial at Narainpore, always hotter than
the maximum given by the probe.

VI.—On the Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Western Himélaya.
By Lieut. T. Hutton, 37th Regt. N. I. and W. H. Benson,
Esq. C. S.

The following catalogue chiefly refers to shells which I have lately
discovered, almost all inhabiting the western portion of the Himélaya in
the neighbourhood of Sila, and extending upwards from Monimajra
at the extreme verge of the hills, to the Burenda Pass on the Snowy
range. In the description of the various species, I have availed myself
of the valuable assistance of Mr. Bznson, C. S. whose extensive collec-
tion of terrestrial and fluviatile shells from all parts of the world, and
whose greater experience in this branch of natural history, have enabled
him to do more justice to the subject, than I could have done without
assistance. In order, however, that each may in some measure stand
responsible for his contributions, an initial letter will be found affixed.

Although most of the shells belong to the hills, a few were collected
on the route from Neemuch in the cold season of 1835-6.—“ The most
interesting of these acquisitions is an unique specimen of an ‘ Ancylus'
the first of this Patelliform genus yet discovered in India, if not in
Asia*.” It occurred adhering to a dead specimen of Paludina Benga-
lensis, in the Kali Nuddi at Bolund Shehr.

* Benson,

212 Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himalaya. (Marcu,

It is interesting to observe the wide distribution of these tender
beings, and to trace the gradual and almost insensible yielding of one
species to another as the elevation or the climate varies. The shells
of our lowland provinces, for descriptions of which we are chiefly in-
debted to Mr. Benson, here give place, as the temperature becomes
cooler, to forms more nearly resembling those of Europe, some still ad-
vancing a short way into the hills, but impatient of the chills of our
mountain winters, confining themselves to the valleys of the lower ranges
around Subathu.

One species, however, the “ Nanina vesicula” described by me as
“ Heli# 29” in the third volume of the Asiatic Society’s Journal, as
occurring between Meemuch and Mhow, and since discovered by Mr.
Benson in the Rajmahi range, seems alike to defy the heats of the
provinces and the winter of the hills, ascending even beyond the height
of 10,000 feet above the sea. It ranges therefore over the central and
western tracts of this presidency, and occurring in profusion along the
verge of the hills at Mansir Debi, mounts to Subathu, Simla, and
Hattt mountain, preserving everywhere the same habits, creeping
over every plant and shrub during the rains, and concealing itself
beneath stones and at the roots of trees, with the aperture closed by an
unattached calcareous operculum, From its occurring on Hatti, it is
probable that it may be met with at inferior elevations throughout this
portion of the hills.

Another species, the “ wtrindides” of Desuayes, inhabiting the

Rajmahl range, and extending also to the western frontier, advances’
upwards only to Subathu, and its neighbouring valleys, passing at

Simla into a strong variety possessing the same form, and partaking of
the same habits and general economy.

“ Succinea crassiuscula,” (Benson, ) has ala: a wide range and is appa-
rently to be met with throughout the provinces, occurring abundantly,
according to Mr. Benson, in the compound of the Asiatic Society’s
Rooms in Calcutta, extending through Bahar and Allahabad to the
western frontier, and advancing to the hills as high as Subathu.

With the exception of “ Nanina vesicula” the shells we are about to -

describe, appear to be peculiar to these hills, differing in toto from those
of the Sylhet collection, yet with them forming that beautiful: connec-
tion, which is seen to pervade all nature.

In giving Subathw as the probable boundary beyond which the

speciés of the provinces do not occur, it must be borne in mind that
I would be understood to mean, not that they are never found more in
the interior of the hills, but simply that they do not rise to a greater

1838.] Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himalaya. 213

elevation, for where the temperature assimilates to that of the plains,
there may we expect to find the plants and animals adapted to it. Such
an expectation is, at least, fulfilled, in the portion of the hills I have
been fortunate enough to visit; thus for instance at Ruri about 5000
feet above the sea, in the valley of the Pabbar, where the temperature
in the summer months is somewhat high, plants which flourish abun-
dantly around Neemuch, are intermingled with others peculiar to the
hills, and again around Subathi at an elevation rather beyond 3000
feet, that beautiful flower the “ Gloriosa Superba” and many species of
convolvulus, so common in the jungles of Meywar, are seen, as well as
the bhéla, bamboo, and other plants of the provinces, surrounded by
the vegetation of the mountains. Thus, then, at elevations where the
plants of the hills and plains are seen mingled together, it is natural to
look for a similar fact in the animal kingdom. And with regard to the
Mollusca we shall find it so.

Yet though we find some species common to the plains extending far
into the hills, there is nevertheless a well marked line of elevation be-
yond which the welfare of the general number forbids them to pass.
Thus, while “ Nanina vesicula” is found roaming throughout the hills,
apparently at all elevations up to 10,500 feet, other species which in
the plains of India are found in company with it and at the same sea-
sons, never mount beyond a third of that height, confining themselves
to the warmer valleys at about 3 to 4000 feet above the sea. Among
these are “ Nanina vitrindides” and “ Succinea crassiuscula” which
around Subathwu are found in company with species peculiar to the
hills, such as “ Helicarion cassida” and “ Pupa pulchella” which are
never found in the plains, while the former are not met with in the
higher and colder hills. To this region also, “ Pupa pulchella” would
seem more properly to belong.

Here then we have a well marked frontier line of elevation, rich in
the plants of hills and plains and producing a species peculiar to itself,
separating, as it were on either hand, the animals of the highlands and
the lowlands.

*¢ When temperature, says Lyr.t, forms the barrier which arrests the
progress of an animal or plant in a particular direction, the individuals
are fewer, and less vigorous as they approach the extreme confines of
the geographical range of the species.” —“ In almost every district, espe-
cially if it be mountainous, there are a variety of species the limits of
whose habitations are continuous, some being unable to proceed further
without encountering too much heat, others too much cold. Indivi-

duals, which are thus on the borders of the regions proper to their re-
Qf

bn TE :

:
:

214 Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himalaya. [Marcw,

spective species are like the outposts of hostile armies, ready to profit
by every slight change of circumstances in their favour, and to advance
upon the ground occupied by their neighbours and opponents*.—T. H.

No. l. Helicarion cassida, Hutton.—Testa ovato-depressa, pallidé
cornea radiatim striolata, junioris epidermide sericea, etate nitore orba-
ta, anfractibus (penultima etiam intra aperturam} ventricosioribus ;
apertura patula, rotundato-ovata ; spird convexa, apice exsertiuscula,
minine obtusata, anfractibus 5 velociter crescentibus.—(B.)

Greatest breadth 1 inch 2 lines.

This shell has a more exserted spire than any other species known
to the writers. This character, notwithstanding the great size of the
aperture, coupled with the ventricose appearance of the penultimate
whorl within the aperture, gives the shell an Heliciform air. It is very
closely allied in habit to a species lately received from Almorah, but
differs from it in its greater size and paler color, and in the want of
the polish which is observable in the Kemaon shell. It equals in mag-
nitude the Sylhet “ Vitrina gigas,” from which singular Macrostoma-
tous species it altogether differs in form.—(B.)

At Simla it is not uncommon during the rains, or even after heavy
showers at other seasons, creeping out from the holes of stone walls
and the crevices of rocks with the grey colour of which its own hue
assimilates so much when concealed by its mantle, that it is not easily
discovered. It occurs from Bhar to Simla but most abundantly be-
tween the former place and Subathi.

Animal varying in colors, sometimes pale brownish, at others dark
grey. Two broad leaf-like processes running toa point, are spread
over the shell when the animal is in motion, so as entirely to conceal it, -
and presenting the appearance of a large grey slug with a hump-back ;
a fleshy anal horn, as in the genus Nanina ; foot very long; tentacula
4, the superior pair longest ,buttoned at the tips and bearing the eyes.
Orifice on the right side below the leaf-like process.

Shell large, of 5 whorls, ventricose, suddenly increasing, the body
whorl formiag nearly all the shell. Transversely wrinkled by the lines
of growth; aperture transverse, ovate, broader than long, discovering
the previous whorls ; margins acute, interrupted on the body whorl.
Epidermis varying in colors from yellowish to olive green. In young
specimens lustrous when placed on its spire, the aperture appears as if
the pillar lip had been obliquely sliced off. The animal carries the
shell horizontally on its back, the spire pointing upwards.—(H.)

* LYELL’s Geology, vol. II. page 172.

1838.] Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himdlaya., 215

No. 2. Nanina vitrindides, DisHayEes.—This species occurs in
the khads or valleys around Subathi ;—at Simla, there is found a
variety with a rib-like incrassation within the aperture like many of the
specimens of another variety found in Bengal. It attains a large size,
and the animal is of a dark-green color. It is scarce at Simla, and is
found only on very wet rocks in the kKAads, keeping up the character
which it bears in the plains of being essentially a moisture-loving snail.
—(H. and B.)

No. 3. Nanina monticola, Hutton.—* Testa subdiscoidea, pallidé
vel saturaté brunnea, epidermide radiatim et concentricé rugosula, spira
depresso-conoidea, apice obtusata; peripheria minimé angulata, suturis
leviter impressis, apertura transvers@, lunata, labre costa interni sub-
marginali albida munito.”—Diam. 1.75.—(B.)

*« Umbilicus as in the genus. The shell has a very moderate polish
and is sufficiently distinguished from ‘ vitrindides,’ on the one hand,
and from ‘decussata’ on the other by the radiating wrimkles inter-
rupted by concentrically disposed depressed lines, which give the sur-
face of the shell a rough aspect, very different from the finely decussa-
ted surface of ‘ decussata. Mr. Benson has specimens of a variety of
‘vitrindides' taken in Bengal, resembling ‘ NV. monticola’ in form
and in the internal rib of the aperture, but well distinguished by the
want of the rugose surface, which appears to have been as it were,
planed away to the base of the depressions. The larger specimens of
‘ N. monticola’ obtain a considerable thickness, and there are visible
three or four internal varices at various distances, occasioned by the
ribs at the apertures of former growths.

“Lieut. Hurron has observed the dark and light colored varieties in

coitu, and has remarked that the latter were those which were fecun-
dated. The eggs which were deposited in rotten wood, were oval and
greenish white, and about the size of a mustard-seed.
_ “The color of the animal is a dirty brown. The dark-colored
variety is the more frequent of the two, although both occur of
every size. They are abundant at Mahdssu% under fallen timber, and
in the rainy season they climb the stalks of plants, feeding upon the
leaves. The largest specimens occur at Hatt, among the ruins of
the old forts which crown that mountain. Young specimens were met
with among junipers at Ziti, at an elevation not much under 14,000
feet.” —(B.)

No. 4. Nanina splendens, HuTton,—* Testa discoided, purpureo-
brunneé, polita, leviter concentricé et radiatim striata, striis radiatis re-
motis, illis confertissimé dispositis; spird vix elevata; anfractibus sep-

2F2

216 Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himdlaga. ([Marcs,

tem, (apice omiss4) arcté convolutis; apertura lunata, labro striga in~-
crassataé interni distante munito.”—Diam. 0.65.—(B.)

Animal as in the genus; the color a dark verdigris green.

This beautiful species is found in great abundance in the forest of
Mahéssé, beneath fallen timber, and in the hollow trunks of decaying.
trees; it is also plentiful at Fugu and Ndgkunda, at 9,016 feet, and
has been met with at Hatté, at 10,656 feet. All these places have a
greater elevation than Simla, where it has not yet been diseovered—
(H.)

“ The closely packed whorls shewing a larger number in a smaller
diameter, at once distinguished this species from all the darker colored
and more depressed varieties of Nanina vitrindides.”—(B.)

No. 5. Nanina vesicula, Bunson.—Testa tenui depressiuscula, pal-
lidé cornea, translucente, polité, sipra conoidé ; apice acuminata ; infra
tumidiuscula ; aperture longitudine latitudinem zquante ; labro subrecto
ad axem spectante.—Diam. 0.6. Whorls six in number.

“ This shell has a wide geographical range, and is yet very local. Lieut.
Hutton first met with it between Neemuch and Mhow, and noticed
without naming it in the 3rd vol. of the Journal, p. 521. Mr. Benson
subsequently observed it at the effluence of the Bhagtrathi from the
Ganges, and at Rajmahl, and noticed it as a novelty in p. 357, vol. 5.
Lieut. Hutron again met with it abundantly at Simla, where it pre-
serves the habit as at Rajmahl of climbing on plants, a circumstance so
rare with respect to ‘ vetrinoides’ that it can only be looked upon as a
casual exception to its custom of creeping on the earth, on rocks or
mossy masonry. The animals first taken by Lieut. Hutton, were
doubtless observed in too dry an atmosphere, as he then failed to re-
mark the extensile tentacular processes of the mantle which preserve
the fine polish of the epidermis ; and the oval process poke ai the
mucous pore must have been in a contracted state.

“ The straightness and verticality of the left lip of the shell, the great
comparative length of the aperture, and the acuminated spire abundant-
ly serve to distinguish this species.”—(B.)

No. 6. Nanina fragilis, Hurron.—tTesta tenui, fragili, vitrea,
olivaced, conico-discoidea ; spira subexsertA, apice obtuso; anfractibus 5,
supra convexis, subtuis subplanatis ; apertura obliqua, rotundato-ovata;
peritremate acuto.”—Diam. 0.35 poll.—(H.)

This small and fragile species was found at Kirmalliah, about 5 miles
from Neemuch, crawling over the leaves of the Dhak bush or Pulas
tree (Butea frondosa), on which it appeared to feed. Itis a very thin
fragile species, and the smallest of any of the genus I have yet seen.

1838.] Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himdlaya. 217

No. 7. Helix humilis*, Huttron.—‘ Testa parvula, convexo-
depress4, cornea, lata et profundé umbilicata; anfractibus quinque
rotundatis, ultimo subangulato, penultimo aperturam circularem vix
interrumpente; peritremate acuto.”—Diam. 0.125.—(B.)

Animal Heliciform; dark-grey or blackish.

Occurs at Simla, on moist rocks, on wet dead leaves, and at the roots
of shrubs in the khads. It is very abundant during the rains, but is
so small and so like the earth in color that a very close search is
necessary to effect its detection. It is very nearly allied to the British
species “ H. umbilicata” (H. rupestris of DRAPARNaAUD), but is distin-
guishable by its somewhat larger size, and by its rather more open
umbilicus.—(H. and B.)

No. 8. Helix orbicula, Hurron.—< Testa orbiculato-convex4,
fuscescente, epidermide scabid; anfractibus sex convexinsculis ; peri-
pheria subangulata ; umbilico-profundo latiusculo ; peritremate subro-
tundato, acuto.”—Diam. 0.4.—(B.)

The animal is Heliciform with a short foot tapering posteriorly; co-
lor pale watery brown. It closes its shell witha false operculum and
is met with under dead leaves and moss, on damp rocks and at the roots
of trees at Simla and Mahdssa. Less common than the last describ-
ed species.—(H. )

« A specimen of this shell, the largest of the Simla examples of the
genus Helix as at present restricted, occurs in an interesting collection
made for Mr. Benson by Dr. Cuapman, at the Darjiling Sanatarium,

“ This collection includes forms peculiar to the Szccim mountain forests,
as well as others met with at both extremes of the Indian Himdlaya.
The new forms alluded to are Achatina belonging to the group Poly-
phemus, and a strong and handsome Cyclostoma approaching in habit
to, but somewhat larger than the European fossil species ‘ C. Mumia,’
abundantly distinguished from it however by the rounder and more re-
flected orange peristome, and by its central position at the base, as well
as by the delicate sculpture, and an embossed spiral cord which winds
from above the umbilicus to the base, whence the species has received
the trivial appellation of ‘ Funiculalum. It is the first known Indian
species belonging to the pupeform or subcylindric division of Cyclos-
toma.” —(B.)

No. 9. Helix fastigiata, Hurron.—“ Testa parvula, albidocor-

* A reversed variety of this shell occurs at Fagd, in decayed trees, differing
thus in habits from the dextral species which affects rocks and dead leaves
principally, The shell is of four whorls exclusive of apex, finely wrinkled by the

lines of growth; umbilicus discovering the previous volutionss—Diam. 14 lines.
Tn all respects resembling the dextral shell,

——

218 Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himalaya. [Marca,

ned, minutissimé granulataé, pyramidata, subties plano-convexa, anfrac-
tibus septem convexiusculis, ultimo acuto angulato, suturis leviter im-
pressis, umbilico evanescente, apertura latiore quam longa ; apice obtuso.”
—Axis 0.16.

Animal Heliciform, greyish, darker on the tentacula. Found on
dead leaves at Simla, in the khads, and when in motion carries its
shell upright. It is not uncommon, but its smallness renders it difficult
to collect.—(H.)

«It is more lengthened proportionally than either ‘ H. turbenifor-
mis’ of Patargatha and Berhampore, alluded to in p. 357, vol. 5,
of this Journal, or the European species ‘ H. conica’ and ‘ convidea.’
In size it is much inferior to any of the three. It differs altogether
from the two latter in substance and coloring which approach to those
of ‘ H. turbiniformis, but the animal does not appear to exhibit the
beautiful dark patches on a light -ground which render that shell so
conspicuous, when the animal is alive, by the appearance of the tints
through the translucent shell ; and the sculpture is altogether different.”
—(B.)

No. 10. Helix bullula, Hutton.—“ Testa parvula, glabra, trans-
lucente, sub-trochiformi, conoidea; anfractibus quinque convexis, ultimo
rotundato ; suturis impressis; umbilico angustato; apertura latiore ;
labro simplici.”——Diam. 015.—(B.)

Found with the preceding species among dead leaves at Simla,

No. ll. Hehx nana, Hutroy.—“< Testa parvulé, convexo-co-
noidea, pallidé fuscescente; anfractibus sex aut septem arcté convolu-
tis, ultimo rotundato ; apertura latiore, labro’ simplici ; umbilico evani-
olo; apice valdé obtuso.”—Diam. 0.1,—(B.)

Animal Heliciform ; color dark-grey, Accompanies the last two
species and occurs in the greatest abundance, It is nearly allied to the
British species ‘ H, trochiformis,’ (fulva, DkraPARNAUD,) but the more
closely wound whorls sufficiently distinguish it —(B.)

No. 12. Helix planiuscula, Hurton.—“ Testa parvula, depres-

sa fusca, polita; anfractibus quinque, ultimi peripheria rotundata; aper-

turé transversa.”—Diam. 0.1.—(B.)
Found at Stemda on dead leaves.—(H.-)

“This shell is darker and smaller than ‘ H. crystallina’ of Britain,
which has likewise a more flattened apex than the Simla species.” —(B.)
[To be continued. |

[ The concluding part of the catalogue will contain species belonging
to the genera Clausiha, Pupa, Bulimus, Carychium, Vertigo, and
Cyclostoma, together with the fluviatile shells above alluded to. ]

Journ. As Soc. Vol. WI. PLXI |

Disposition and Dimensions of the Tablets af GIRNAR.

ae
SURV TaN

Serine iesbenmeeaaan ie _
SOAS UNG LOY LCG >) OE
TbxO bd AYLOdr Gr VALURThD UAT KO oe
GEM ALFEFLLFELE VLA LX AL+GL See

FEL MEADGLELL LLP LEK Df+OtrAR
Bh Ldt G6 SFSILLESI Sivas PLAY
LLENLGDADKEE bok CEOKRLIVOGCA Cae
YJLd OSLdbKVALRLEATI CALA TOC RE
LOMERAMPLOAS SS TCC RULIPNVULYYL GL

Passage in the 1374 Tablet, regarding Péolemy:
Lore KIAb Kd busid hs Jf d Feb Ge
TAG Sond ALIREL EL Khe mage BA d
“DOG D SUdk BSL CL LDELA TALSAWAGCR
SEL b6Ohldse.h CAV BGLII CACO SEL
SEL I SSAY BV HLIAFLOSEUGKR d

“SFE d bt ott erg cae a
OUN bt bod +)) AG. einstp th

Ac it
ail

1838.] Continuation of the Girnar inscriptions. 219

VII.—On the Edicts of Ptryapasi, or Asoka, the Buddhist monarch
of India, preserved on the Girnar rock in the Gujerat peninsula,
and on the Dhauli rock in Cuttack ; with the discovery of Pro.E-
my’s name therein. By James PrinseEp, Secretary, As. Soc. &c.

|
[Read at the Meeting of the 4th April 1838.]

In continuation of the discovery I had the pleasure of bringing to the
notice of the Society at its last meeting, I am now enabled to announce
that the edicts in the ancient character from Guserat do not confine
their mention of Greek sovereigns to ANTIOCHUS the ally of Asoka,
but that they contain an allusion equally authentic and distinct, to one
of the Protemies of Egypt! The edict containing this highly
curious passage is in a mutilated condition and at the very end of the
inscription, which will account for its having hitherto escaped my atten-
tion. As I propose to lay before the Society a brief account of the
whole of the Girnar inscription I will do no more than mention the fact
at present, reserving the particulars until I come to the actual position
of the passage on the stone; for there will be found, I hope, quite
enough of interest in the subject matter of the inscription throughout,
to allow my hearers to accompany me through a short analysis of the
whole, without urging me to pass at once to the point which must ne-
cessarily be most attractive to all who have been nurtured in the school
of western classical associations.

I have already mentioned the fortunate discovery of a duplicate of
the Guerat inscription, at Dhault in Cuttack.

The divided sentences, or as I shall for the present venture to call
them, the edicts, which are common to Girnar and to Dhauli are
eleven in number. From the first to the tenth they keep pace together:
the only difference being that while at Girnar each is surrounded by an
engraved line as a frame, at Dhauli the beginning of each edict is
marked by a short dash as will be seen in the accompanying plate. The
regular succession is then interrupted by three interpolations at Girnar ;
after which, the fourteenth edict of that series is found to correspond
with the eleventh or concluding one of the same set at Dhauli.

The three missing edicts are more than compensated at Dhauli by
the introduction of two others not found at Girnar, one at the end
enclosed in a frame, and one on the left hand of the same rock on
a larger scale of sculpture: but both of these being of a totally differ-
ent purport and being quite unconnected with the rest, I shall postpone
for separate consideration.

220 Inscription in the old character on the [Manrcs;

That the edicts are of different dates is proved by the actual mention
of the year of Pryapasi’s reign in which several of them were pub-
lished. Two of them are dated in the tenth* and two in the twelfth
year after his abhisék or consecration, which we learn from the Hon’ble
Mr. Turnour’s Pali history did not take place until the fourth year
of his succession to the throne of his father, Binpusaro. Only one
of the pillar edicts is dated in the twelfth year; the remainder, gene-
rally, bearing the date of the twenty-seventh year,—and one contain-
ing both, as if contradicting at the later epoch what had been published
fifteen years before. From this evidence we must conclude that the
Gujerat and Cuttack inscriptions have slightly the advantage in anti-
quity over the lats of Delhi and Allahabad: but again in the order of
sequence we find edicts of the twelfth year preceding those of the tenth,
and we learn expressly from the fourteenth edict that the whole were
engraven at one time. ‘Their preservation on rocks and pillars there-
fore must be regarded as resulting from an after order, when some -
re-arrangement. was probably made according to the relative importance
of the subjects.

The copy that emanated from the palace must however have been
modified according to the vernacular idiom of the opposite parts of
India to which it was transmitted, for there is a marked and peculiar dif-
ference both in the grammar and in the alphabet of the two texts which
demands a more lengthened examination than I can afford to introduce
in this place. I shall however presently recur to this subject, and at
least give the explanation of those new characters which I have been
obliged to cut in order to print the Girnar text, and which in fact
render the alphabet as complete as that of the modern Pali, wanting
only the two additional sibilants of the Devanagari, and some of the
vowels. But before doing so it will be more regular to introduce the
documents themselves, with such a translation as I am capable of offer-
ing. A very few words of exordium will suffice to give us a general
comprehension of their purport.

Contents of the Edicts.

The first edict prohibits the sacrifice of animals both for food and
in religious assemblies, and enjoms more attention to the practice of
this first of Buddhistic virtues than seems to have been paid to it even
by the raja himself, at least prior to the sixteenth year of his reign.

* I use these terms as more consonant to our idiom, the correct translation
is ‘having been consecrated ten and twelve years,’’ so that the actual period
is one year latter in our mode of reckoning.

1838.) rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 221

The second edict as we have already seen provides a system of medi-
eal aid for men and animals throughout Pryapasi’s dominions, and
orders trees to be planted and wells to be dug along the sides of the
principal public roads.

The third edict enjoins a quinquennial humiliation,—or if we read
the word, by the alteration of y to s, as anusdsanam, the republication
every five years of the great moral maxims inculcated in the Bud-
dhist ereed, viz:—-Honour to father and mother ; charity to kindred
and pepe and te! the ying (whether eminent or buddhis-

gee: from evil apeniing !” And these sinotiepes are to be preached
to the flock by their pastors with arguments and example. This edict
_ is dated after the twelfth year of Pryapast’s inauguration.

The fourth edict draws a comparison between the former state of -
things, perhaps lawless, and uncivilized, and the state of regeneration of
the country under the ordinances of the beloved king. The publica-
tion of the glad tidings seems to have been made with unexampled
pomp and circumstance, ‘and posterity is invoked to uphold the system.
This edict is also dated in the twelfth year of Prvapast.

The fifth edict after an exordium not very intelligible, proceeds to
record the appointment of ministers of religion, or more strictly mis-
sionaries ; and enumerates many of the countries to which they are to
be deputed for the conversion of the young and the old, the rich and
the poor, the native and the foreigner. Many highly curious points
especially as to geography call for notice in this edict, wherein for the
first time the name of the celebrated city of Pdtaliputa is made known
to ug in the ancient character.

The sixth edict appoints in like manner pativédakas, informers, or per-
haps more properly custodes morum, who are to take cognizance of the
conduct of the people in their meals, their domestic life, their families,
their conversation, their general deportment and their decease. It also
nominates magistrates or officers for punishment, if the word atiydyika
(S. qerya) may be so understood—so that in this edict we have a
glimpse of the excellent system of moral administration for which the
Greek and Persian historians give credit to our monarch, and we find
| it actually not very different from that followed twenty centuries later
by ourselves; for we too have our judges, and our magistrates ; and
further our missionaries are spread abroad among the people ‘ to
drown them with the overflowing truths of our dharma, to release
them from the fetters of sin and bring them unto the salvation which
passeth understanding !”

2G

rt

7

=. ==” = %

222 Inscription in the old character on the _ — [Marcu,

The seventh edict expresses, not an order, but an earnest desire on
the part of the king that all the diversities of religious opinion may be
obliterated ; that every distinction in rank and in tastes may be harmo-
nized into one system of bhivasudhi, that peace of mind, or repose of
conscience which proceeds from knowledge, from faith and entire assent.

The eighth edict contrasts the mere carnal amusements patronized by
former rajas, with the more harmless and pious enjoyment prescribed
by himself. The dhammaydétd, or in Sanskrit dharmaydtrd, the festival
of religion, is thus set in opposition to the whdaraydatrd, festival of
amusement ; and it is stated to consist in the visits to holy people, in
alms-giving, in respect to elders, and similar praise-worthy sources of ra-
tional gratification. This edict is dated in (or rather after) the tenth
year of Pryapasi’s reign.

The ninth edict continues the thread of the same discourse by ex-
patiating on the sources of true happiness, not such as the worldling
seeks in marriage, in rearing children, in foreign travel and such things ;
but the dharma mangalam, the happiness of virtue, which displays
itself in benevolence to dependants, reverence to one’s pastors ; in
peace with all men; abundant charity and so forth ; through which
alone can the blessings of heaven be propitiated.

The tenth paragraph comments upon Yaso va kiti vd, ‘ the glory
orrenown’ which attend merely the vain and transitory deeds of this
world. ‘The raja is actuated by higher motives, and he looks beyond
for the reward for which he strives with heroism (pardkramena) the
most zealous yet respectful. |

The eleventh edict is not to be found at Dhauli, but it is well pre-
served at Girnar and the meaning is clear throughout. As former
paragraphs had vaunted the superiority of every act connected with
dharma, so this upholds that the imparting of dharma itself is the
chiefest of charitable donations, and then it points out as usual how the
possession of this treasure becomes manifest in good works rewarded
with temporary blessings in this world and endless moral merit (or the
reward of it) in the next. ~ f

The twelfth edict is likewise wanting in the Cuttack series. It is
addressed to all unbelievers whether domestic or ascetic, with entreaty
and with more solid and more persuasive bounty, though with direct
disavowal that fame is the object. There is some little obscurity
in the passages which follow regarding the mode of dealing with the two
great divisions of the unbelievers who are distinguished as dptapasanda
(those fit for conversion or actually converted), and parapdsanda ultra-
heretics, or those upon whom no impression had been made; but the

1838.]} rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 223

concluding paragraph informs us of the appointment of three grades
of ministers, dharmamahdmdatras, stairyya mahimatras, and subordi-
nates, in the congregational ceremonies, karmikds, thus placing the
religion upon a firmer basis, promoting conversion to it and enhancing
its attractiveness among the people.

The fourteenth edict is one of the most interesting of the whole
series. It is a kind of summing up of the foregoing, which we have
seen are partly laconic and partly diffuse, but the whole is said to be
complete in itself :—and ‘ if more were written it would be repetition.’
We learn from this edict that the whole was engraven at one time from
an authentic copy issued doubtless under the royal mandate, by a scribe
and pandit of a name not very easily deciphered. It is somewhat
curious to find the same words precisely on the rock in Cuttack. The
name of the writer is there erased, but the final letters of lipikdra,
‘ scribe,’ are quite distinct.

This may be properly regarded as the last of the particular series of
edicts to which it alludes. It terminates the left hand inscription at Gir-
nar, and at Dhault it is followed only by a separate edict enclosed with
a line, which, as already stated and as will be seen hereafter, is of
local import.

There is another paragraph at Girnar placed at the bottom of the
left hand, which I have numbered as the thirteenth because it seems
naturally to follow the paragraph about conversions; and like the
two foregoing it is omitted at Dhauli. From the mutilated state of
the rock in this place it is difficult to put together the context
of the entire paragraph ; but.imsulated phrases are intelligible enough,
and are much in the same strain as the main inscription, repeating
the usual maxim of duty to parents, humanity to animals and li-
berality to priests. It winds up with a curious passage about victory,
which as far as I can make it out, describes the victory of victories to
be that which overcometh the passions and happiness itself.—which con-
quereth things of this world and things of the world beyond, thalokikd
cha paralokika cha, and is the true object of desire.

A line here closes the paragraph, and below it in a larger character
is a remarkable expression which I read as follows :—

buk LOLSTthTLTLYy
Va SWETO HASTI PAVA LOKA SUKHAHARO nama.
By altering pavé loka to savaloka (S. aa@ta) ‘ the whole world’
this sentence may be construed: “ And the white elephant . con-

Jerring pleasure upon all the world (is its) name.” But without re-
262

224 Inscription in the old character on the [Manrén,

ferring to the original I would not venture even to make the very
trifling alteration which this reading would require.

I may here notice, though with some misgiving of the reading upon
which it depends, that the fourteenth paragraph seems to contain thé
explanation of the occurrence of a duplicate of the G'ujeraé inscription
in Cuttack; or at least it shews a connection between the two
countries, in the words pachhé adhanaladhesu kalingesu— ‘ afterwards
in the Kalinga provinces not to be obtained by wealth!’ while with
a kind of reciprocity the Cuttack version of the fifth tablet as we’ shall
have occasion to notice again, alludes to Sulathika or Surashtira as
one of the provinces into which missionaries were to be deputed.

But/there is another passage in this Gujerat edict more calculated to
rivet our attention than all that I have briefly alluded to above, or even
than the mention of ANTiocuus in the second or medical edict,
Although we might be agreeably surprised at finding the name of a Greek
prince of Syria preserved in the proclamation of a Hindu sovereign,
there were circumstances of alliance and connection in the histories of
the Macedonian provinces and of India which immediately explained
away the wonder and satisfied us as to the likelihood of the fact ;—but- I
am now about to produce evidence that Asoxa’s acquaintance with géo-
graphy was not limited to Asia, and that his expansive benevolence

towards living creatures extended, at least in intention, to another quar-'
ter of the globe ;—that his religious ambition sought to apostolize Egypt ;
—and that. we must hereafter look for traces of the introduction of Bud-
dhism into the fertile regions of the Nile, so prolific of metaphysical dis-
cussions from the earliest ages !

The line to which I allude is the fifth from the bottom. Something
is lost at its commencement, but the letters extant are with few excep-
tions quite distinct and as follows :—

LLE ELI dALd OT FEL ANYSLd Satld Bid
DOI Phd ddA BSL Ld DU LdY HLd
Lady en |
- Yona rdjé paran cha, tena Chaptiro rdjéno, Turamdyo cha,

GonGAKENA cha, MAGA cha,

snes wdha para de (se) su cha savata Devanampiyasa dhamménusastin
anuvatare yata péngati (? dharmasastin anuvartate yatra padyate.) »

« And the Greek king besides, by whom the Chapté kings, ProLr-
MAIOS, and GonGAKENoS (?) and Macas,”—(here we may supply the
connection) ;—* have been induced to permit that—”

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 225

-« Both here and in foreign countries, every where (the people)

follows me doctrine of the religion of DEVANAMPIYA wheresoever it
reacheth.

_ The sight of my former friend the yona raja, (whom, if he should
not turn out to be Anriocuus the ally, I shall shortly find another
name for,) drew my particular attention to what followed ; and it was
impossible, with this help, not to recognize the name of ProLEeMy even
in the disguise of TurAMayo. The r is however doubtful ; and I think
on sécond examination it may turn out an /, which will make the ortho-
graphy of the name complete. The word rdjino and its adjective
chaptaro being both in the plural, made it necessary that other names
should follow, which was confirmed by the recurrence of the conjunc-
tion cha. The next name was evidently imperfect, the syllabic letter
read as gon. if turned on one side would be rather an, and the next too
short for a g, might, by restoring the lost part above, be made into ¢* :

I therefore inclined to read this name MN’ AFL Antikono for Antigo-
nus and, assuming that chaptdro was a corruption of chatwaro * four,’
to understand the passage as alluding to a treaty with the four princi-
pal divisions of the Alexandrine monarchy, two of which in the time
of AntiocHus the Great were governed by princes of these names,
viz.: ANTIGONUs (in Macedonia) and Protemy Evergetes in Egypt.
The fourth name however thus remained inexplicable ; while on the
stone it was even more clear than the others, Magda.

Now in the time of Propemy PuiLapveLpuus, (B. C. 260) his half
brother Macas who had married ApaME the daughter of ANTiocuus I.
had established his authority in Cyrene and was acknowledged as
reigning monarch over a considerable portion of Lybia. A grandson
of his, it is true, of the same name and brother of Protemy LY. was
contemporary with AnTiocuus the Great, but we do not read that he
held any independent authority in the country. It seems therefore
more rational to refer the allusion in our edict to the former period,
and so far to modify the theory I have lately adopted on prima facie
evidence of the treaty of Asoka with AwnrTiocHus the Great, as to
transfer it to the original treaty with one of his predecessors, the first
or second of the same name, Soter or Theos, of whom the former may
have the preference from his close family connection with both Pro-
LEMY and Magas, which would readily give him the power of promis-
ing free communication between India and Egypt. I say nothing on
the intermediate name, G'ongakena or Antigonus, because I cannot be

* See the lithographed copy of the cloth facsimile, Plate XI.

226 Inscription in the old character on the [Marcn,

certain of its correct spelling. AntTiGconus GonatTus had much to do
with the affairs of Egypt, but he could not be well set down among its
kings.

Whether chaptivo (or singular chapté) can be allowed to pass as
the Indian appellation of Egypt may be questioned ; but I am at a loss
how otherwise to understand an expression not translateable as Pali or
Sanskrit. The first syllable, cha, may be read as a conjunction with
tena but it will be, there, redundant; and Ptdéro will be more un-
manageable as a plural nominative. According to WiLrorp the San-
skrit name of Egypt is Aguptd or G'uptd, whence would be formed an
adjectional plural nominative Guptao, but I am not aware that the g
was in ancient times softened as in modern pronunciation so as to allow
of its being written by an Indian, guided by the sound alone, with a pala-
tial in lieu of a guttural consonant.

Be that as it may, we have proof in the names of Protemy and Ma-
GAs, that the country of Egypt is intended ; and we can easily believe
that its enlightened sovereign would afford every encouragement to the
resort of Indians thither, for the sake of promoting that commerce with
India which was so fertile a source of enrichment: and indeed his-
tory tells us that ProLemy PHILapELPuHus deputed a learned man
named Dionysius to India to examine the principal marts on the wes-
tern coast, and in the interior. But a desire of studying the celebrated
philosophical systems of the brachmani and sramani, already well
known to him by name, may as well have been the true cause ; for such
a degree of curiosity may be naturally acceded to the king, who
is said to have employed seventy Jewish doctors in translating the
Hebrew scriptures into Greek, and to have collected a library of some
hundred thousand volumes.

Much of the Indian knowledge possessed by Alexandrine authors of
later days may have been derived from AsoKka’s missionaries settled in
their country, and CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS and Jerome the fathers
may thence have been able to draw the faithful picture their works are
said to contain of the tenets of the Sramani or Semni.

As far as the doctrines of the Buddhist faith are portrayed in the
simple edicts of the royal Indian convert, they were admirably adapted
to win acceptance among the educated and reflecting students of the
schools of Greece and Egypt. Reverence to parents, love to neigh-
bour, charity to the poor, and humanity to animal beings were set
forth as the sure and sufficient methods of gaining happiness in this
world and of propitiating heaven. The acceptance of these virtuous
maxims was not thwarted by any mysterious dogmas, any harsh or

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 227

revolting condemnation of other systems. Even the insulated Jew
could see nothing in them at variance with his own Mosaic command-
ments, and the title of the Indian religion every where resounded was
one familiar to himself,—dharma ‘ the law.’ It would be an agreeable
task to follow up the train of investigation which here opens itself to
the imagination :—to estimate and to trace the effect of the introduc-
tion of the Samanean principles on the prevailing opinions of the day
in Antioch, and in Alexandria, as well as in Persia and Bactria, where
the efforts to amalgamate the buddhist with the mithraic worship are
matter of history ;—but this is too vast a field of speculation for me to
enter, and many may deem our ground as yet too slight and unstable
to be made the foundation of any new views.

The intercourse thus proved to have been maintained at this early
date between India, that is buddhist India, and the western nations,
may help us to explain another circumstance which has lately been for-
cibly brought to our attention by Mr. L. W1LKINson, namely, the close
agreement between the Buddhist system of astronomy and the Ptole-
maic. In opposing the absurd system of the brahmanical puranas they
had the advantage of all the knowledge derived from Syria and Egypt ;
and we thus have a clue to the compilation of the Szddhantas, which
may be of the utmost importance in reviewing what has been written
on Hindu astronomy by CoLEBROOKE and BENTLEY.

Another prolific source of speculation, now that we know of the close
connection between the Indians and the Greeks at the age in which the
Bhilsa and similar monuments were erected, will be to determine what of
history can be extracted from the decidedly Greek scenes depicted in
the exquisite sculpture of some of these remains.

But all this I throw out merely to enable others to place a proper
value upon the evidence which a mere Aint, a mere single word, in a
stone record of indubitable antiquity, brings to the elucidation of so
many disputed questions : not that I have leisure or ability to make the
application myself. What the learned world demands of us in India, is to
be quite certain of our data, to place the monumental record before them
exactly as it now exists, and to interpret it faithfully and literally, as the
document says itself, ‘ without exaggeration and without extenuation.’

Anxious then to possess a copy of the text as perfect as it is possible
to be made by the facsimile process, I have thought it my duty to
jnterest the public authorities in effecting this desirable object. I
confidently anticipate that the nobleman at the head of our government,
and the patron of our Society will accede to my suggestion that
Lieut. PosTans, a zealous young officer now in Cuéch, should be deputed

228 Inscription in the old character on the -(Marex,

and cp of any ruins es may hes in the neighbourhood. —

Meanwhile I proceed to lay before the Society the whole text of Gini |

nar such as I am now able to make it out from the Rey. Dr. Wixson’s
copy, which is so fair that it cannot require correction in more than a few
incomplete and doubtful passages ; and many of these even are rectified
by the collateral text so opportunely discovered in Cuttack ; which
Mr. Kirroer’s recent deputation to survey the coal mines there has
given him an opportunity of re-examining from beginning to end.

First Tablet.

ob DEVO Poi thd. bebadall Roald lid. aed
Livdés? Hid X LE CAL Ldd¥E +AL OF 6
nd DYE LAA BSL OLOLEA Fe HOA, D+ +d
ASE ODYA PEL LLd LLAdT TAH bl SLLLOL
PSL bLd CLEdL TA HLS OLL OL had
OL Wid bb OC Odd HELPHL DSVUL SEAR DS
CI Hid Ud lOL BYP PL BXLL IAL DE
D+0A CE LS LHI dae
Third Tablet.
PELULLLEG TE DS HEL ShhdddOAl BL
SP HHDA ASA SEARS LAd| etd Obtd diy
U'dh ddd Hid dl dLA PALS WO oy
DEL Add LO-HbLd+8L OD SAT bard Ady
U8 AddA FAL OST d8EL’ oD BL CEL OD
HOI HULDA Hod PX GD LPGULA HhLddh
AELLGAKd b€itd
Fourth Tablet.
HAFAT WAT OL ddbhl 8Ok DS CEI

a |

etd wh had Hd LALA dT ABEL Ha bd

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 237

Lid HE PEL ddd LEAT RDB ALL AT
TS HUD BUD S¥L PLEd LOPblEd HAI OLd
HALd edSl) OL Pb GEL Lid Obb bab b

OYT WYEL a UALA SAT OAT ddd -
bb Hhd OLED D8diE Sek ded
bL Led F& D8dIL 2b Wed
bel tld Led CH ddddrk ¥
HSUSCHE DB8MILAUA 28° Hebb
Udt+4 LO- HLddl D°8d sei etek Hd
-3Y Hoe Dd HL UD DAL HOLD aT LA’
“Bb HOd SOLEA CL d ddA L bedded AL

Bet ib bled. oF. bt UA:
Fifth Tablet.

SOL hod CE DS THE tJ sti 4?!
JL LUatl th A8L ObES E +h DA BY
ma GAd ld ALLYS* *Hebacte Hs.
Adi AOL tA FAK LA DARA LE LLA beta’
FA LFIY LUHAF A WAL Lea US? D'88E
meas 8h k sdhdtahAl D°S8LEA +A Ads
Guid DUA D88ELt ** * dD: Bu Add dt +-O-d
AD | LiGt (wT Ot) LALFL' LSU Hh Hor
KdA8ius (OL ddd) * KL HUrKOL LEAK
ODL ODA Ucdédl*’* Eth d¥id S01d 6

LUK TF OC JuAd OG dd SU HHRAFUSA LLA
2H

—sL «1.

ae
ee.
‘Lo
(ons

238 Inscription in the old character on the (Marce,

AL Wh DBUL dF FS (PLOLK Fs OSL.

D.BLAYLUA 8B) D'B8ESA PAL HOW Hd
D'SJL VIA
Sixth Tablet.

BoLUL ULed FEDS HE HAFA HAL Le
ALS dF HOFVS LCSPL SK BL DSTA’ Ws
HESLY LTDLY ATKIY bd¥-d SLA¥d
se ddd LCSPF GUA HO BELL LOS
5O eA ddAd ELM HOTTY Ld $d $10 Wh
LLY ¥L PLES TELE Shs LLEESAM Hd Lt
tba dak DiLHOW Soslthouk vlod
HEAL UCSE1UB ddA LEED DS BL Hh LA’
Lh LALY HOM GIE LdtAb8Ab8 A8Tt+bA’
Add UL DUST LALd HOM DIEd [GES AL
dbTt GAddd F dbl t¥sHu FkedL HLL

Nob? :DdLL dTULY LI kd DA HE DL AA DAL

5g

HO-b Hb) D Ba bdT bA EAL? Kako A. Aa

BUATAd LEAdHLdAL dot OAL etl Ase
HhA HAL UPt+8L
Seventh Tablet.
BEL bb bare GSA eek 02 CA ee
Ub A dLv'd AdUD'd dA EXIM Ldédo's

Lddd TH Add sth d D+bd'd Fuk SHTA |

|

LAL dd lh dB ddu0 KS +FA* HAS BOAK
Ait 6 Oe°)

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 239
Eighth Tablet.

HAFAT HAL PEL SGILA ALL DABAL
HALd PATOL Hd ¥FL HE UY SSL LL ULad
PE bdddddk Uk Hbdbd?*d Ald DLA DA

LtA OYT d8EL* sdtd fe OFL' bdTd
GIL ucddid €Lbedd ELd ebl DLs
D'BLTudd ABLD Pbdbid Adk BEL Ubd
bbibt rR dA Hh |

Ninth Tablet.

PoL LL ULed FE DS* HL HAEL Ldédd’
BS.AVH+TA HODAS HELS SUAS LATHE US
Ad PAYd WHY d EL Lddd BAY +TA
DAA 8GSL Obt+d OSDd bet dl eOrd YAY’
TA AtAL BS A BAS HU bY AT DR BAY:
AS WLASELI SAID LDSSADAA Sh FATE,
MLALA ALL* Huddk &D Cid dL¥ OD OFT
AYEL OD FLDAd Hhd DATA D88*AY [8
AbALT UXS YALE AK Sd HEFL S AMHOM
Tgth Hd OdA7 GDEL’ IK LA DAPAHE
e1° S$ HLAG S Lad Dal s DSLATSE AAT
BAL Sd dbedt bAtl 6 dbbis Ld bad
ASAY. VATL ett: bed vA EOL dt

wh HE DASA Fd SLtAL A “LO WAT D

Tenth Tablet.
BSL UL Wed TELLS FA SL YCO SG
BhA HHA APLE-CULdM BEL D'BdA bd”

2H 2

———— —

240 * Inscription in the old character onthe (Marcu,

AK D'BSAKS HLS DLA DAFL BSL UL CLE
re dtd Fis vbk LAFd UPt8A BSL bd
nd FE Add? CLAFL FA dtd HULP AS Hd
Db Ur dd Lb HUH"

SfiI“AT DATS PTL S ELL LCL b HHA
HAL UP+RL hdbrd EGPAA TLACL Bt

| Eleventh Tablet.

BOLL Uhed Te Do HL LEdAT A FL’
Sid D8FL DBAS SD Bd sdk & D¥LOD
SAK who ddd BhdAte GELALA SAL LAT
GH ddd SAddA HAFL ALT AvEL OD PL
DEL), Hoda oD, DASAL LAS) Ades
BAdbrk AAtL & bdLCSULE +h OD sh
thd) DAOTL-dtéd HOD tA GIS He
Ah dé A ALD FLL |

Twelfth Tablet.

Led T& hs bhi ld vdthld
| K lid édDdd b&b LELAL?
LAAQ- 18 LE d BSLUL YHA LO-FK I
6 Hb ddbd el oT 8A OLS APAMA
ma Ba LddAA FA HOGU bE 6 UF Ode AL
Gétdd HU+ITY JlLFSs Hh ABAY UFIT
LEA LA DSULI bh td de HLtTA LUbFd Hb
bb dt LELA Lith? SAILA bd Hood?
AAD fA Wbbde ds PULS =A fd UL AO

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 241
AWbGd et O6Al? LULA Add St DSOD FA
BY hd DBE Lad Uddld DS LESL bbb
6 FRdL Ode Obdb! kd Hb t+VEAS Hh
Ld AA AA UA LAG OAL PSL UL TAO FL S
LES BRALO FA GIES Hddd Oh LOYFd
DAL HOw LUX D8 8ENAd FO PTEESKd 6’
+8 fd Whd FFD Hd'd DAd bvL HbLGdt béd
GA D'8dd PLL |
Thirteenth Tablet.

PPP Ad UBKAALAT OFASA H8AAK US
HDIVDd tUAdA DYSL 506 SILT 4 HUStS
EldA 6 SBLYAd AL¥Ad BE (Sletters,) OYA
DAT ddd AL ddd SAdvAd Gb BAF v 5d
(Sletters,) LRAtLAL OUEA AA LLAdL LUT
GAUCHAS ddl (Gletters) LFLG SLOL P+A
IY Ode HY LL8 Che Ld AF (letters) § Lbdt
Bee GS OHCSL BoLG LA LEA UK
momaALl HbAd ULY'd dy (letters) dT'd Yad d
LIFE LI dAL GOTT ELAIYL dx, tld 8fd
“DOB dddd BEL LLd DULAL HLSATLA
Gr? A SEL ASO LL SEL LAS Od LATA
DBSELY CELY SEALS’ Hdl dt DS SELSA
d tuff d Glotfd

bt Lh dd tth1bT £8

7

242 Inscription in the old character on the {Marcw,
Fourteenth Tablet.

Hdd BIL Bod ibd bbebLy 5 halt be
HObS AVAL HG SEBL HG ohAL Loads:
LSA UCA’ BEVt OSEA Obd VPA NICS
dd Hod DAt LLLLSA’ AdAd HOM UDI AL
+h EL AQ: UCLEO AA D+E HAYA’ VIVA’
Hbbd'd dddfii'd -lJdy JUtPufOld

The GiIRNAR VERSION in the Roman character, with the DHAULY
VERSION tnterlined in Italics.

First Tablet.

Iyam dhammalipi dev4nampiyena Piyadasina rana lekhapita.
(10 letters). ghi savata,. devdaampiyn,., Piyd....i.. cela «2 “we
Idha na kanchi jivam 4rabhita puja hitaya nacha samaja katavye :
wl Bon sl ....nam alabhitu. paje pa. ‘
bahu_ rep Tere samajamhi padati. ee ee oe 2
asti wy ekacha samaja s&dhumaté. Devanampiyasa Piyadasino
: ..+» bha palapa sadhumata. sah dca Pryadasine
raho pura mah4nase thu he devenan pina Piydasino raéno anudiva-

sam elim ‘p&ha sacealBint Grubic sipdthtsla au sa aja yada

A . pdna sata:....... Glabhiyisu supathdya .......... da
ae ‘dhadidatto: Pichitary eva pana Arabhisusupathaya dwAmard
dhammalipit likhitati. . Cie So jb a. sy oad ee

ekomato: sop ramagana aire kop pana pachha na érabhisantled
. Sint panani pachha na dlabhiyisanti.

Second Tablet.
[This has been already published in the Feb. number. ]

Third Tablet.
Devanampiya Piyadasi r4j4 evam Aha. Dwadasa vasabhisitenamaya
Deviénampiya Piyadasi laja hevam é&ha. Duwédasa vasabhisitena me
idam anapitam. Savata vijite mama yote cha rajuke cha padesake cha
GIN ANGI ia 600 vphnc ns le sa_me yuge .. lajake.... s.ininsekcaeean tee
4 (PO . 4 4 Cs
panchasu panchasu vasesu anusayinam siyaétu: etayeva atha-
panchasu panchasu vasesu anusayanam nikhamavu: athd annayept kam-

——————————<6=S =. sf. ll

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 243

ya im4ya dhamménusanstaya, yatha apoyasakammaya: sadhu
mane hevam imdye dhammé anusaydsd Uo... cece ce cee ee teen
métari cha pitari cha sustis4; mitasa suta patina bamhanasamananam
mata pita susiisd; .......... natisu babhana samaneht

e4dhu d4nam: pandnam sd&dhu andrambho: apavyayata apabhindata
sadhu danam: jivisu.. andlambhe sddhu apaviyaté apabhandita
sddhu: parisapi yuto ahapayisati gananayam hetute cha vyanjaneto cha.
sadhu : parisapi chatiyatani dnapayi ga........tuto cha viyan.......

? Fourth Tablet.

Atik4tam antaram bahimi vasasatani vadhita eva panarambho, vi-
Atikantam antalam bahiini vasasatdnt vadhiteva pdadnalambhe, vi-

hins4 cha bhitanam; fatisu asampatipati; bamhana s4manauam
hinsad. cha bhuiénam,.. ndtisu asampatipati.. samana.. vipuyesu....
asampatipati cha: Aja devanampiyasa Piyadasino réno dhammachara-
asampatipati.:.... Seaja devanampiyasa Piyadasine rajine dhammacha-
ganena bherizhoso api dhammaghoso, vimana dapana cha, hassi dapa-
Janena bhelighosam api dhammaghosgm vimana dasanam,. . hathini.....
nacha, agikhandhani cha annani divy4ni rapani — dasayi
we... Agakhandhani,. .... annant cha daviyani ripani dasayitun
pajanam yarisa bahthi vasa satehi na bhuta puve, tarise aja
munisinam ddise bahu.. vasa satemsi no hita puluve, tadise aja
vadhitaé: devanampiyasa Piyadasino raéno dhammdanusanstiya ;
vuti:.. devanampiyasa — Piyadasine rdjine dhammanusathiya ;
anarambho pananam, avihinsa bhutanam, natinam sampatipati,
analambhe paudnam, avihins&é bhutdnam, ndtisu.. sampatipati,

bamhana samana4nam sampatipati; mAtari pitari sustisa ; thaire sususa,
samana.. babhanesu.. sampatipati ; mata _ pitu sustisd(gura)va susisa ;
esa ane cha bahu vidhe dhammacharana vadhita; vadhayisati cheva
esa.annecha bahu vidhe dhammachalane.. vadhite; vadhayisati cheva
devanampiyo Piyadasi raja dhammacharanam idam, puta cha pota cha
devanampiye Piyadasi laéja dhammachalanam mam puta pi chanati
papota cha devanampiyasa Piyadasino rafo vadhayisanti idam
ain (....) devadnampiyasa Piyadasine rajine pavaghayisanti yeva
dhamma charanam 4 cha _ pavata kap4é dhammamhi_ silamhi
dhamma = chulanam imam; &@ kepam .... dhammasi.. silasi..
tistanto .. imam anusAsisati esahise tekame yath4 anusdsana......
bhavi (si) tu .... sasisanti.. esahise....me ya dhammdnusdsana
dhammacharahe pina bhavati asila sava; imamhi athamhi dhi cha
dhammachalana pi cha no hoti asilasa; se imasa.. athusa.. va ahi
ahini cha sadhu. Etdya athdya idam likhapitam: imasa athasa vadhaya
ahini dhasdya. tdye athe.. iyam likhite..... imasa athasa vadhiyun

:
= Se

244 Inscription in the old character on the (Mareu,

jantu: hini.... lo chetam.. rha(?) Dwadasa_ vasabhisitena

: jantu.. hini cha ma alo chayi (tun).. Duwddasa_ vasabhisitasa he
| deva4nampiyasa Piyadasina rano idam lekhapitam. :
| 4 : . . e ee e ° Ws .
| devanampiyasa Piyadasine rajine (e) sa likhite. ‘"

Fifth Tablet.

Devanampiya Piyadasi raj4 evam aha .—Kalana dakaraya a.. .la

Devdénampiya FPiyadasi laja hevam &ha:—Kayane dukale........
kal4ne pape dukara karoti: tam mayd bahu kalana kat&: ta mama
kayand@ sase dukalam kaleti: se.. me.. bahuke kayand kate: tam ye me
) puta cha potacha pare cha tanav4 me.... Ava pavata kapa....
| PE DEE oi a iis cha tanaye apatiye me ava kapam tathé
anuvatasare: tath4 so sakatam kdsati: yo tu ete desam pihapeyati
| anuvatisanti: se.. .. sakatam kachhati: ehe ta desam pihépayisati,
| so dukatam kasati... .. pakaramhi pape. Atikatam antaram na
| se dukatam kéchhati paépe ha. su puddlayesu. Atikantam antalam no
| bhuta puvam, dhammamah4mata nama: mey4a to dasavasabhisi (tena)..
hita puluvd, dhammamahamaia nama: se to dasavasdbhisi tena me '

dhammamab4mata katé; te.. sava pasandesu vyapata :
dhammamahamata nama kata: te sate sava pasandesu viyapa(ta)
dhamimamajinaya .yhy oda Miethut a ak oe poor dhammasutasa

dhammadhithanaye dhamma vadhiye hita sukhdye cha dhammasita..

chayena; Kam (bocha, gan)dhara, naristika petenikanaye vapi ana

sanyana, Kambocha gandhdle, suldthika pitenike, sa li, vapi anne
Aparaté bhatamayesu; va (hita su) kh4 (ya....va yutanam aparAgo-
dpalanta bhati............bdbhana bhisasu, anathesu
mahalokesu cha hitasukhaye, dhammayutaye apalibo--
dhaya vyapata; tebandhana badhaya patividhandva.... . ja kata:
dhaya viyapatd ; se bandhana badhasa........ ya ........ apalibo-.
dhaye mokhaye cha iyam anubandha pajati (ka) td;.......... 34
Bhikaresu v4 thairesuhi va vyapataé; to Patilipute cha bAdhiresu cha
bhikalest vd mahdlakensi va viyapata; se hida cha béahilesu cha,

nagalesu savesu olodhanesu evahi bhiténam va bhagininam
vapi ane fatika savata viyadpata, te yo iyam dha.... pennasito
annesu. sd..ti savata tata viyapata cha,, iyam dhamma
nisitativam dhammadhithane, tava ddnasayute va sava
HAVA or. aio a le ae tba eh a aes in kal ee eat oy
pathaviyam: dhammadyutast viyapata ime dhamma mahamata :
etaya ath4ya ayam dhamma lipi likhita.

imaye athdye iyam dhamma lipi likhité; kapd tasa cha me paja
anuvetatu !

-1838.] —s rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 245
Sizth Tablet.

(Devanampiyo) Piyadaési rajé evam aha. Atikdtam antaram na
Devdnampiye Piyadasi laja hevam ahd. Atikantam antalam na
bhuta puva, 8a...... athakamme va pativedanaé va t& may& eva
huta puluve, savakdélam athakamme va pativedand td se mama ya
katam. Save kéle, bhunjaména same, Urodhanamhi, gabhagaramhi,

kate. Sava ..........+...... sameante, olodhanasi, gabhatapast
vachamhi va vinitteankd én: uyanesu cha, savata pativedaka stita
(tapasi bis?) vinitasi...... wyenasu cha, savata pativedakd .

athe me janasa pativedetha iti! Savata va janasa athe karomi
janasa .. atham pativedayantumati! Savaia cha jd..sa atham kaldmi
ya cha kinchi mukhato ahapayami ; may4 dapakam va, stavapakam
ha .. am pi cha makhato anapeyami; me.. dapakam va, savakam ..
vayava, Puna mahathe tesu Achayika anapita bhavati. Etaya
vaG evd. .... mahd ma ..si atiydyike alopite hott... tasi..
athaya vividoni kiti vasanto parisaya, anantara pativeda rasam
athasi vavadevani kitt vdsantam pahipayd anantaliyam potivadeta, va he
me savatasave kale evam maya ahapitam. Nasti hi me to ren (?)
meti savata savam kalam hevam me.. anusatha. ....4...... pre
ustinamhi athasantirana yava katavyamatehi me sama loka

(suthana) hapi athasanttland yacha kataviyamutechi me sava loka

hitam: tasa cha puna esa milo ustanam cha athasantirana cha, nasti
hite :..tasa cha pana iyam mule suthdna cha “santiland cha, nathi
kammataram savaloka hita sta, yacha kinchi parékam4mi aham!
kammatala .. savaloka hitdya, a@ chatt cha.. palakadmivahakam!
Kinti bhitaénam (anannam gachheyam) idha chanani sukhdpayémi;
Kinti bhitanam a..ni yam ye hati.... hida cha kdni sukhaydmi;..
parat4 cha swagam 4radhayantiti. Etaya athaya ayam dhammalipi
palaté cha swaga.. basddhayantutt. Htaye athéye ayam dhammalipi

‘Vikhapita: kinti chiran tisteya iti! Tatha cha me puta pota
dikhita : chilathitika hotu! Tathad cha pota

cha papot4 cha anavataram sava loka hitéya dukarantthu idam afata
papotéd me palakama.. sa.... ka hitdye dukale cha. . iyam annata

agena parakamena.

agena paldkamena.

Seventh Tablet.

Devanampiya Piyadasi raja savata ichhati save pasanda vaseyu

Devanampiye Piyadasi ldja savata ichhati ........ danam....va

-Save tesayamancha bhavasudhincha: ichhati janasa uch4vacha

veva ti save hoga sachhaman bhavesudhi cha: ichhati munisa ochavacha
2 *

246 . Inscription in old character on the [Marcn,

chhando uchavacha régo te savam vakasanti ekadesam vakasanti

vando.. wuchdvacha Idgd te savam vd...... ekadasam kachati..

visule tu pi dane; yasa nasti sayame bhavasudhi tava katam nata

vidala pinaddne; asa nathi dhayame bhavasudhi cha ....0...6
va dadhabhatita rani, va badham.
aves sdadcass cosa Mt, Che Sidhkam,

: Eighth Tablet.

Atikaétam antaram rajano viharavatan heyaka etamaga-

. tam antalam ldju vahalayatam nama — nikhamisaga ma (ga)-

vyA anhani cha etarisani abhiramakavi ahum pum: so devanam-

viyam anndni cha edisini abhiramani puvaniinam: se devénam-
piyo Piyadasi raja dasavasabhisito santo ayaya satam cha

piye Piyadasi ldja dasavasdbhisite janikhami sam bopa........
tenes4 dhammayat4: etayam hoti,—bamhana samaninam dasane cha
tenaiaé dhammaydtad: se hotéti,—samana babhandnam dasane cha
dane cha, thairanam dasane cha,—hiranna patividhano cha, °jana-
dave cha, vadhdnam dasane cha,—hilanna putivipdddnena .. jana-
padasa cha janasa daspanam, dhammanusasti cha dhammaparipuva
padasa .. janasa dasane cha, dhammdnupa........ sores sy Chika
cha; tadopaya esa bhayarati bhavati devanampiyasa Piyadasino
cha taddpaydla se abhirémi hott devdnampiyasa Piyadasine
rano bhage anhe.
yajine bhage.....°
Ninth Tablet.

Devanampiyo Piyadasi raja evam 4ha:— Atta jano uchévacham

Devanampiye Piyadast laja hevam kahé:— ...... ne uchivacham
mangalam karote, 4badhaseva .. avahavivahesu v4 putaldbhesu va
mangalam kaletati dbadha.. «bis. ole GWG Ia Loe Voie salar QAO: knee
pavasamhi va; etamhi lia: sotiieahd cha jano_ uchavacham
pavdsast ...... etdye .. anndyevahidisdye jane bahu.. kam
mangalam karote; Etatu mahadayo bahuka cha bahu vidha cha ya-
mangalam ka... IJthibinam.. cha bahu..adha.... nia.. yam cha
dam charadatham cha mangalam karote. Ta katavyamevata mangalam
a ee ae Be SMa iets mangalam kaleti. Se kotaviyelevetam ananta le
apaphalam tu kho etadisam mangalam, 4yata maha phale mangale,
apapale.. cha kho esahadise mangal.. thi... bahu phala, malagi..
ya dhamma mangale, tata dasa bhatakamhi ee gurdnam

lata tesa.. 2 da. sam mupan kaleti......... ete ee he eve. Canam
apachiti Satta panesu sayame sadhe; isa biage samananam sadhuda-
awpeisine Gageit--teaudals x. eseees. Samana bdbhandnam .... da-

nam: ete cha anacha etarisam dhamma mangalam nama ta vatavyam
nam; €s@ .. annecha ...... ...... mangalam ...... vat ....

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 247

pité va putena va bhata.. va svamikena va, sadhu, idam katavyam
pitind pi. Seite bhatindpi ~— suvdmika. . BMA Ss OLUOE RII,
mangalam; 4va tasa athasa nistinaya asti 1 eh eects sadhu
weeeeses ava tasa athisa nithindya aihi .. panamvate dane

danam iti: Na tu etddisam asti danam va anugaho va,
sadhiti: Se nathi e..nam_ ete DOP ey
vadisam dhammadanam va dhammanugaho va, ta tu kho ee va
....-- dhammdddne -¢ Cammopagehe bord Ue gibi RM cl

suhadayena hatikena va sapayena va ochaditavya isthe Pint paka-
vececee. @ nena .. sapdyena va viyovadita........tast paka-
rane: idam kacham, idam sadham iti; imani saka swagam

Jananst 4.2.24). UE APIS dha yitave ........ » WDA gaia
4radhentu iti. Kicha mina katavyam, ta.. yatha swapérédht ?
Mead. .,--5.... «oxi Rare ptt a ea hn me

Tenth Tablet.

Devénampiya Piyadasi réj4 yaso va kiti vé na mahéthévahi mafate

sesscseseses piye Piyadasi lé... yaso vd vidhi va na ......... BONA sevsvocee
anata tadaptano (°) do ghaéya chame jané yasa dhamma sé pd-
si yaso vé kadhivé ichhati ta dwaye annatt ja...ne .«.... vanacieneescnSth Pile
sunsatén dhammavatan va anuvidhiyatén etakéye Devénampiya Piyadasi
GMS A RGINIME. 5: wes OE |, we. s ce vecdencenree CUAUE YO: sind vad innicnse TYO ce diinnadives
réja yaso va kiti va ichhati; ya tu kinchi parakamate devanampiya Piya.
seesecee cecceecssseeseseserereceees AUUE ssseeeee palukamati devdnampiye Piya-
dasi raja ta savam pératikéye. Kinti sakale apapardsave asa; esatu

oT eer sa Kinti sakama apapalésave apukiti ...
pardsave ya apunham. Dakaraénta kho etam vadakengé vajanena usatena va
pama 6a eeeooeeeesereonee eeeeeee - & kaje Va SCOR9TOT COR eSHSETEHED BHC ROR CEReEE Ee COE FER

ahata agena ae savam parécha papta (?) etata kho nec
wevel® AGC .vcrecrercccceceereM@ SAVAM Cha pAlili .reccccccesssereece Khu dukena
dukaran...

_Iépasatena va usatena cha dakalata.

Eleventh Tablet.

Devanampiya Piyadasi raja evam 4ha, Néasti etdrisam dénam yarisam
dhamma danam: dhamma sahstavo vé dhamma safvibhégo v4, dhamma
sambandho vé !

Tata idam bhavati; dasa bhatakamhi sampatipati; méatari pitari

_sédho sususé ; mitasasuta fatakanam bamhana samangnam sédhu dénam ;

Pénénam anarambho s4dhu: etam vatavyam pité va putena va
bhaté va mitasa sut (ena) bhata kena va vyava pativesiyehi, idam sgdhu ;
idam katavyam :

So tatha karu ilokavasa drédha hoti; parato vé anantah punfiam
bhavati tena dhamma dénena.

212

248 - Inscription in old character on the ~ £Marcs,’

Twelfth Tablet.

Devénampiyo Piyadasi réj4 sava pésandéni cha pavajiténi cha gharistani
cha pujayati, danena cha vividhaya pdjaya pujayati n: na tu tathé dénam
va ptja va Devénampiyo mannate yathé kiti: sara vadhi asa, sava pasan-
dénam séro vadhyata bahu vidhé: (? ) tada gasa tu idam mala ya vacha.
guti. Kinti 4ptapdsanda puja va parépasanda garahé va ne bhave, apaka-
ranamhi Jahaké va asa...tamatamhi pakarane ; pujeta ya (n) tu eva parapa-
sandé tena tena pakaranena ; evam katam 4ptapasanda (n) cha vadhayeti,
parépésandasa cha apakaroti, taddnhathé karoti; dptapasandam cha
chhanati parépésandasa cha hi apakaroti: yo hi kaéchi éptapésandam puja-
yati, parépésandam va garahati sava aptapasanda bhatiya kinti éptapé-
sandam dipayema iti, yo cha puna tathaé kara to aptapésandam bédhataram
papapunati tasa chevano eva sédha. Kinti mahamanfhasa dhammam
sundta cha pusan serava evam hi Devanampiyasa ichha kitasaya pésand4
bahu puté cha asu kalénégamé cha asu ye chai tata tata papunnata hi
vatavyam; Devanampiyo—ne tathé dénam va pija va manhate yatha kiti:—
‘‘ sgri vadhi asa sava paésandénam bahuké cha :—’’

Etaya athéyavyapita dhammamahéméta cha ithaijha kho méhémété
cha vava (dha) kamika cha afie cha nikéyé ayanchu. Etasa phaléya
éptapdésanda vadhi cha hati, dhamasa cha dipané.

Thirteenth Tablet.
> P P tasa pasamata tatihatan bahutivaté kammata taté pachhé adhan4é-

Jadhesu kalingesu ti dhammaviyo......vadho va maranam va apavého va jana
gata baédhe vedamaté chaganamataé cha devaé (nampiyasa...... )... pé; mata

pitari sususa, guru susisé, mitasa sanstaya hatika vyasanam papunéti
tata so pitesu upaghéto patipati bhétevesiya pa ............ ya ta nésti
manusénam ekataramhi pésandamhi na nama pésédeyavatako ya ta do
veceeeeee NYA Saka va mitaveyavapi apaviyo devénampiya (sa) yata paj i to
pita ......... sava bhutaéném achhaté cha sayaman cha sama ...... cheron
cha madava cha .......... Yona réja paran cha tena chaptéro réjano,
Turamayo cha, AnriKono cha (?) Maea’ cha...... idha parinde (se)
su...... savata Devénampiyasa dhamménusastin anuvatare yata pédati.
Vijayo savatha puna vijayo piti raso sé ladhé sé piti hoti dhammavijaya.
man. Vijayaman, ma vijetavyam man. N’asarasake eva vijayechhati cha
eeeee Ulokiké cha péra lokiké cha.
Va SWETOHASTI SAVA LOKA SUKHA’HARO néma.

Fourteenth, and last Tublet.
Ayam dhammalipi devénampiyena Piyadasiné raha likhépitaé. Asti eva
Iyam dhammalipi devénampiyena Piyadasind ldjina likhi.......cccceceeeee
sankhitena, asti majhamena, asti vistatena ; ndévayavam, pavata ghatitam ;
creverccevecces ALhi MAGHA...ccccsecesegrscecesecsese NEpayave,... savata ghatitam ;
mahélaka pavijitam; bahu cha likhitam Jikhépoyisam cheva; asti cha
muhantehi vijaye ;......bahu ke cha likhite ... likhi yisd.......0+ wevee athi pa cha
etakam punepanavutam. Tasatasa athasa maédharitéya kata; jano,
Dinlniaks stage vu, 6 tvegnenas Weviedacse atvectssent shuPesete ie ote evesdecvensvcsbiece | QRIEUUEE Ian

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 249

tatha patipajetha! Tata ekadé asamétam likhitam, asa desam cha,
tathé patipajeydti! ...... Epicha asamati... likhite...... 84...di8AM ooo
Rexacuerv lipikaré pandithena cha.
PEinasvicins cana soPPQl® wnarervors ops ssvenkta

Translation of the first Tablet.

The following edict of religion is promulgated by the heaven-beloved
king Pivapasi. ‘ In this place the putting to death of anything
whatever that hath life—either for the benefit of the puja, or in
convivial meetings, shall not be done. Much cruelty of this nature
occurs in such assemblies. The heaven-beloved king PryApaAs!1 is
(as it were) a father (to his people). Uniformity of worship is wise and
proper for the congregation of the heaven-beloved Pryapast raja.

“ Formerly in the great refectory and temple of the heaven-beloved
king Pryapasr, daily were many hundred thousand animals sacrificed
for the sake of meat-food. So even at this day while this religious
edict is under promulgation from the sacrifice of animals for the sake
of food, some two are killed or one is killed :—but now the joyful
chorus resounds again and again—that from henceforward not a single
animal shall be put to death !”

Notes to the First Tablet.

Iyam. In others of the Girnar edicts ayam is used for the feminine, as in P&li.

Tdha. The P&li form of gg tha ‘here.’ In the Cuttack dialect, hida; see
observations on the reading of hidapdlate, &c. below. In tke present passage at
Dhuuli, ‘ savata,’ every where, seems to be substituted.

Arabhité, or drabhyaté, for the vowel mark more resembles a y; Sans. BIW
slaughter of animals. ;

Paja hitaya (for the benefit of the people; Sc. for food) S. praja hitdya, has the
support of the Cutiack text, but puja hitaya, ‘for the efficacy of puja’ as in
Girnar seems preferable.

Samaja katavye, ‘ anassembly of beasts (not) to be made’—might allude to the
practice of animal fights ;—but as samdja comes afterwards twice, I prefer it here
also, and would read katavyam.

Repidasam :—1 have rendered this by @y gg cruel sight or cruelty : the pandit
would read bahukam idrisam, ‘ much of this kind.’

Astipitu @feqfaa, ‘is the father ?’—-perhaps in a deified sense ?—were Piyadasi
not in the nominative case I should be inclined to read avapitam, ordained by.

Ekaché, S. Yayay one worship or worship of one object ?—This sense is confirm-
ed by the feminine adjective sddhumatd, excellent-minded or righteous. The Cuttack
text is here erased but for samdja it reads palape, qweyy in conversation instead
of in company.

Mahdnase thupe — qwyaA: a kitchen and qq: a tope or buddhist monument:
but the latter word is doubtful and unsuitable.

Supathays wy Syrg, supa is broth (or sowp)—probably such as contained meat.

Aja, Pali form of Ba, hodie, to-day.

Dwdmard ekomato, This passage is altogether very unintelligible:—1 have ren-
dered it Sarat WRIT.

Ramagdna dhuvé is alsodoubtful. ty pleasant yyeq song ya , chorus or ‘ reprise’
—are the basis of the translation I have conjecturally offered.

250 Inscription in pld character on the — {Marcn,

Translation of the Third Tablet.

Thus spake the heaven-beloved king Pryapast:

“ By me after the twelfth year of my anointment, this commandment
is made! Every where in the conquered (provinces) among the faithful,
whether (my own) subjects or foreigners, after every five years, let
there be (a public) humiliation for this express object, yea for the
confirmation of virtue and for the suppression of disgraceful acts.

“ Good and proper is dutiful service to mother and father ;—towards
friends and kinsfolk, towards brahmans and sramans, excellent is cha-
rity :—prodigality and malicious slander are not good.

“ All this the leader of the congregation shall inculcate to the assem-
bly with (appropriate) explanation and example.”

Translation of the Fourth Tablet.

‘In times past even for many hundred years has been practised the
sacrifice of living beings, the slaughter of animals ; disregard of relations,
and disrespect towards brahmans and sramans:—This day by the mes-
senger of the religion of the heaven-beloved king Pryapasi, (has been
made) a proclamation by beat of drum, a grand announcement of religi-

Notes to the Third Tablet.

Vijite, in the second tablet vijitamhi, in the Cuttack idiom vijitamsi ; all variations
of the Pali locative case. . Vijitam may, I believe, mean dominion generally as well
as conquest.

Yote is the Sanskrit 43 ; yuge on the other hand is Qyg the devoted :—both nearly
similar in signification”

Anusayinam, S. waywaa penitence. Siydtu QUT ‘ let be’ is replaced by nikha-
mavu quasi fa:aa yaad ‘is undoubtedly proper,’ q@a@ zeal, see the same word in

the extract quoted below.

Dhamma anusanstaya ‘ for firmly establishing virtue’ qe SIT and Se ORE fe |
¢ for the avoiding of disgraceful acts’ are imperfectly deciphered at Dhauli,—Kame
mane and anusayasa u.

Nétinam samandnam, &c. in the genitive or rather dative case, are put in the loca-
tive ndtisu—samanehi, (q. nemsi.) at Dhauli. The same holds for pandnam, replaced
by jivisu, ‘ among living things.’

Parisipiyuto is, 1 suppose, compounded of Gicre an assembly, afq and aa
quasi the ‘ leader of the congregation.’ The Cuttack text adds chatiyatdni quasi
belonging to or near the chetiya ?

Apavyayatd, ‘ lavish expenditure’—and apabhindatd, calumny, quiz cr perhaps
apabhandita, * separation from society:’ yrag (cooking vessel). Read asddhu. The
Dhauli. orthography of viyaté explains a word misunderstood on the pillars.

Hetuto, exactly the Sanskrit Sqayq Asa ay in the 5th case, taspritya,—‘ as
to cause, and as to effect, or token.’

Notes to the Fourth Tablet.
Atikdntam antaram, occurs too often to allow the reading adopted by the pandit |
of the latter word as the verb dturan:—it is clearly afaamiay Yat ‘ elapsed inters
val’—useu adverbially, and denoting that an anterior period of obedience existed.

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 251

ous grace—and a display of equipages, and a parade of elephants, and
things to gratify the senses, and every other kind of heavenly object for
the admiration of mankind, such as had never been for many hundred
years, such were to-day exhibited.

«« By the religious ordinance of the heaven-beloved king PryapAs1,
the non-sacrifice of animals—the non-destruction of living beings, proper
regard to kindred,—respect to brahmans and sramans: dutiful service
to mother and father; dutiful service to spiritual pastors :—through
these and many other similar (good acts) doth religious grace abound ;
and thus moreover shall the heaven-beloved king Pryapasi cause reli-
gion to flourish: and the same shall the sons, the grandsons, and the
great-grandsons of the heaven-beloved king Pryapasi cause to abound
exceedingly.

«As long asthe mountains shall endure, so long in virtue and in strict
observances shall the religion stand fast. And through good acts of
this nature,—that is to say—through these ordinances, and the strict
practice of religion laxness of discipline is obviated. Moreover in this
object it is proper to be intelligent and nowise neglectful. For the
same purpose is this (edict) ordered to be written. Let all take heed to
profit of this good object and not to give utterance to objections.

« By the heaven-beloved king Piyapasi after the twelfth year of his
anointment is this caused to be written.”

Bamhana-samandnam, is curiously replaced at Cuttack by samana-vipuyesu, fay
of the same meaning, but throughout the Cuttack text the buddhist sramans have
precedence of the brahmanical priests.

Charaganena, (charagana) ‘ by the conveyer :’—at Dhauli, chalanena ‘ by the pro-

gress.’

Vimana, &c. There isa strange disagreement between the two texts in this sen-
tence, apparently Spee to aatenpppehcheion: of the copyist. Girnar reads vimana
‘ grief,’ hasst (Sa) ‘ joy’—and dapani, xine ‘ from the mirror of: (pda oy

has vimdna ‘equipage,’ hathint w@feqajt ‘ a female elephant’—and dasanam Sway
‘ the sight of.’

Anga khandhdni, the five objects of sense.—Aggikhandhdni, on the contrary ‘is the
title of one of Buddha’s discourses, ‘ the heap of fire.’

Yérisa-térisa, and in the Cuttack idiom ddise tadise are the Sanskrit gyeyw Ale w
or in the modern Hindustani jaisé taisd.

Nathita puve, Cuttack—no hita puluve, Sans. qaq Ta.
~

Dhammanusastiyé—here we find the correct rendering of anusathiyd of the pillars:
Sans. qquie- tart ‘ by the ordinance of.’

Apavatakapa—or kepam from eq or @Y ‘to move’—‘ until the moving of the
hills’—abbreviated by omission of pavata—quasi ‘ until the break up (of all things)’—~
the pandit prefers @uT, ‘ benevolence, as enduring as the hills.’ See below.

Dhi cha ahini cha yt intellect-—¥¥ complaint, objection —or Zifa@q abandonment.

Asilasa, The latter part of this edict is rather obscure: there is too much of a

truism in q@yl aq: Wha AW ata besides asilasa is in the genitive case.

252 Inscription in old character on the (Marea,

Translation of the Fifth Tablet.

Thus spake the heaven-beloved king Piyapas1:—
“ Prosperity (cometh) through adversity, and truly each man (to ob-
tain) prosperity causeth himself present difficulty—therefore by me
(nevertheless) has much prosperity been brought about and therefore

shall my sons, and my grandsons and my latest posterity, as long as the

very hills endure, pursue the same conduct; and so shall each meet
his reward !—While he, on the other hand, who shall neglect such
conduct,—shall meet his punishment in the midst of the wicked [in the
nethermost regions of hell. ]

«For a very long period of time there have been no ministers of religi-
on properly so called. By myself, then, in this tenth year of mine
anointment, are ministers of religion appointed*: who, intermingling
among all unbelievers (may overwhelm them) with the inundation of
religion, and with the abundance of the sacred doctrines. Through
Kam/(bocha, gan) dhara, narastika, Petenika, and elsewhere finding
their way unto the uttermost limits of the barbarian countries, for the be-
nefit and pleasure of (all classes) ... and for restraining the passions of
the faithful, and for the regeneration of those bound in the fetters (of
sin?) ......... are they appointed. Intermingling equally among the
dreaded, and among the respected—both in Pdétaliputa and in foreign

places, teaching better things shall they everywhere penetrate; so that

they even who (oppose the faith shall at length become) ministers of it.”

Notes to the Fifth Tablet.

The opening sentence in this tablet has evidently a close relation with that on the
pillars beginning with the 17th line of the north side at Delhi, and as it presents no
small difficulty to the translator, it may be as well to insert here the pillar version
for comparison with the other two.

Kaydnameva dekhati iyam me kaydne kateti: nomina pdpakam dekhati, iyam me
papaka kateti.

The Girnar reading of kaldnam confirms my pandit’s assumption that kaydnam
should be rendered by the Sanskrit kalydnam, happiness, prosperity, rather than by
kshaya, kshayini, waste prodigality, as adopted by the Hon’ble Mr. Turnour,
which would I imagine form khaya, khayini in P&li, and indeed we have this very
word in another part of the inscription. The word naturally contrasting with
kalyanam is duhkh ( :@) affliction, or dushkaram (SieHR) evil, trouble, wicked:
this latter might be softened in Palito dukham, or dukam, as we find in the two
texts. We must not confound it with the second word dekhati of the pillars which
is the verb drishyati eygqfa ‘ appears.’ But in the pillars the contrast is made by
paipam, or pdpakam* wickedness.’ Were the two new texts complete we might easily
explain them, at present we can only conjecture. Thusthe pandit gives it in Sanskrit:

HTSTU SHRUG BALA AAW BY SHC HUifa Tava! Gs AAU HAT:

* The Cuttack version differs so much in the latter part of this edict that a
separate translation is necessary from the point here marked.

1888.] rocks of Girnar in Guwerat, and Dhauliin Cuttack. 258

For this purpose is the present religious edict caused to be written.
The Cuttack version continued from *.

who shall be intermingled with all the hundred grades of un-
believers for the establishment among them of the faith, for the increase of
religion, and for their profit and gratification through the context of the
sacred doctrines, in Kambocha and Gandhéra, in Surastrika and Pite-
nika,... and even to the farthest (limits) of the barbarian (countries).
Who shall mix with brahmans and bhikshus, with the poor and with the
rich,—for their benefit and pleasure, to bring them unto the righteous-
ness which passeth knowledge; and for those bound in the fetters
(of sin) this new bond of precious knowledge is made for their
final emancipation which is beyond understanding: and among the terri-
ble and the powerful shall they be mixed both here and in foreign
countries, in every town, and among all the kindred ties even of
brotherhood and sisterhood, and others ...... every where! and here
also having penetrated, for there is religious darkness ( ?) even in the

Parechatanayd, qvTaqaaqai HA my posterity—qaq: ‘a male descendant.’ To
this is added in the Cnttack version apatiye suey ‘ sin cpa male or female.’
Anuvatasare, either WATT | yearly ;’ or better Baa (aay « Shall uphold.’
Pihdpayisati faerafyuta or perhaps, pesdpayisati fara, to injure, to destroy.
Késati,—kacchati ; precision will no longer allow the reading formerly adopted of
gacchuti ‘ goes.’ In its stead we have achoice of qINiq, Aa, HB dy All synony-
mous as ‘shines,—’ prakdsh kartd, illuminates :—or of waa, Re from &q to
go, to approach or meet, which I prefer : gaa and = Sia, good and evil recom-
pense, contrast as wellas the places of their reward; aad puddlayesu can only be

explained as U@ WGay in the mansions of the put hell—to which the childless -

are condemned, and whichis said to have a most abominable stench.
Pakaramhi pape, Gat beep, qTyq sin.
Dhammamajunayd, AHA: ‘ by drowning in dharma.’
Dhamma sititasa chayena, QA Wz ; dhammadhithandaya afysta abiding.
Kambocha, &c. for these places see observations sanyena Yq; union.
Apardté bhata mayesu Buta having nothing beyond, yz - barbarian Har
boundary.
Aparagodhdya, Satay restraint of passion.
Apalibodhdya, qafca ry not within knowledge.

Pativédhandyais from yfaare repeated opposition. I read Yfafaarara
for re-arrangement, substituted ceremonial.
Patalipute cha béhiresu cha, is replaced in Cuttack (which is nearer the capital) by

hidu cha bahilesu cha zeaafsyy.
~
Anubandhapajati, gaifa ; pre-eminent knowledge.

Bhikaresu, @ayc worker of dread: thairesu, way a name of distinction which
is commonly found in Pali books written thero, ‘ reverend, or honorable.’

Olodhanesu, from He the loins or wr: the breast and we treasure?
Bhatdnam, va bhagininam wiauy afaatat.
Dinasayute, dhammayute Z14tasHt charitable, WaasI righteous,
2 Sioa
2K

= ee

254 Inscription in the old character on the (Marcu,

very metropolis of religion, every question shall be asked among the
charitable, and these being themselves absorbed in righteousness, shall
become ministers of the faith (?). For this express reason is this religi-
ous edict promulgated ; for evermore let my people pay attention thereto !

Translation of the Sivth Tablet.

Thus spake Pryapasi the heaven-beloved king!

“« Never was there in any former period a system of instruction, ap-
plicable to every season and to every action, such as that which is now
established by me!

“‘ For every season, for behaviour during meals, during repose, in do-
mestic relations, in the nursery, in conversation, in general deportment,
and on the bed of death, every where instructors (or Pativedakas)
have been appointed:—accordingly do ye (instructors) deliver instruc-
tion in what concerneth my people.

«« And every where in what concerneth my people do I myself perform

whatsoever with my mouth I enjoin (unto them); whether it be by me ~ .

(esteemed) disagreeable or whether agreeable. Moreover for their
better welfare among them an awarder of punishment is duly instal-
led. On this account, assembling together those who are dwelling
in the reputation of much wisdom, do ye meanwhile instruct them as
to the substance of what is hereby ordained by me for all circumstances
and for all seasons. This is not done by me in any desire for the col-

Dhammanisa tativam. 1am quite unable to give the sense of this passage; nisé
famy night, is feminine as iyam, and adhithdne afyxgta is in the locative—
hence the turn I have adopted.

Pathaviyam, may be yea to be questioned.

A’va pavata kapd, and dva kapam, 1 have rendered by aay qaane and
maa ae as long as the age of the hills—or simply for a kalpa, or immense
period. The long 4 in kapd inclined the pandit to understand gy] a benevolence—
as enduring as the hills. (See last tablet.)

Notes to the Sixth Tablet.

Pativedand, gfaaeat information either delivered or received by espionage?—
pativedaka, the giver of oragent to receive the same: instructor is the more probable.
Té eva katam, or yd kate—tat and ye the participles should agree in both cases.

Bhunjamana—same, qWaArat eating, a quiet—quere sleep?

Orodhanamhi—qaeag in the secluded apartment or zenéna?—implying as
I presume conjugal or. domestic relations, or see sie tant explanation offered in the
last tablet.

Garbhagdrdmhi, nearly of the same import—or TWATATT the womb.

Uydnesu Vaasa in going up—or in articulo mortis?

Stitd, Fegat the verb (or rather participle) is avoided in the Cuttack text by
carrying to the imperative vedayantu, The other has pativedetha in the second pers.
plural, imper. mood.

Mukhato Faas. orally—from the mouth.

wee;

+1838.) *rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 255

lection of worldly gain, but in the real intention that the benefit of my
people shall be effected; whereof moreover this is the root, the good
foundation, and the steady repose in all circumstances: there is not a
more effectual mode of benefitting all mankind, than this on which I
bestow my whole labour.

« But upon how many living beings (I will pass over the mention of
other things) do I confer happiness here :—hereafter likewise let them
hope ardently for heaven! amen !

« For this reason has the present religious edict been written :—May
it endure for evermore ; and so may my sons and my grandsons and my
great-grandsons uphold the same for the profit of all the world, and la-
bour therein with the most reverential exertion.”

Translation of the Seventh Tablet.

The heaven-beloved king Pryapasi every where ardently desireth
that all unbelievers may be brought to repentance and peace of mind.
He is anxious that every diversity of opinion, and every diversity of

Dapakam- -stavapakam eum what kindles—or is pungent and disagreeable ? satire:

qae praise—eulogy—what is sweet.
Vaéyava—(Cuttack version, va eva) Sanskrit % a.
Mahdthe—tesu .. reads at Dhauli, mahdmatesu, among the right-minded.

Achdyiko—atiyayike, the awarder of Bayyq death, punishment.

Vividoni—vividevani, fafaarat aif fame proceeding from wisdom.

Anapitam—anusathi are here seen to be synonymous ; wane order.

Vasantam living (sub. janam) parisadya, and paripdya are nearly synonymous.

Uddhinamhi—a doubtful word— wey a wish?

Atha sanstirandya from Wy afwzweii collection or security of property ?>—more
correct in the other idiom santilandya, yf calm or repose in a religious sense.

Ustdnam—only explicable by the other text suthdnam or Gare the excellent
abode ; see uddhinamht.

Pardkamami aham, or ahakam—wgqq@—this is the first time I have met with the
first personal pronoun nom, sing.

A’nanna guccheyam, seems introduced parenthetically (others I will not approach)
SayANs y,—but the passage is doubtful.

Idha chandni, 2eqZaifa—things connected with here, probably kdni, how many.

Agena—I have been here compelled to acknowledge Mr. TURNOUR’S more correct
interpretation—see note on the alphabet. wy, chief.

Notes to the Seventh Tablet.
Ichhati is written ivati in the Girnar copy, by mistake?
Vaseyu, any may incline or desire, awa.
Sa-yamam, qqq religious restraint: at Cuttack, sachhaman, aaa righteous ;
from YA RAH, "epose.
Bhdva sudhi, wage quiet of conscience, purity of mind.
Uchévacha, 3aqyarq high and low—extremes.

ge 2

256 Inscription in the old character on the [Marcg, «

passion may shine forth blended into one system, and be conspicuous in
undistinguishing charity! Unto no one can be repentance and peace of
mind until he hath attained supreme knowledge, perfect faith which

surmounteth all obstacles, and perpetual assent. )

Eighth Tablet.
In ancient times, festivals for the amusement of sovereigns consisted
of gambling, hunting the deer (or antelope) and other exhilarating plea-
sures of the same nature. But the heaven-beloved king PryapDAst |

having attained the tenth year of his anointment, for the happiness of

the wise by him hath a festival of religion (been substituted) :—and this —
same consisteth in visits to brahmans and sramans, and in almsgiving, “yl
and in visits to the reverend and aged; and the liberal distribution of
gold, the contemplation of the universe and its inhabitants, obeying the
precepts of religion, and setting religion before all other things, are the
expedients (he employs for amusement) and these will become an enjoy-
ment without alloy to the heaven-beloved king PiyaDAsI in another —
existence.

Chhando, @=e; Opinion: Ty yy: passion, taste.

Ekadesam, of one country, or gaye of One kind, but such a word does not exist.
Vidala(Cutiack) ) Tae expanded—visule (Girnar) is doubtful in the secondsyllable,
Katam hatd,— HARA, srpreme wisdom.

Dadhabhati, waufsq great faith or devotion; tdérini, arfcat that transports.

Nicha, faz always—The Cuttack version omits the two foregone qualifications,
and retains only bddham, aye assent.

Notes to the Lighth Tablet.

Rajdno vihdraydtaé, the plural réjéno seems here to be joined by samés with |

fazicx Qazi; although contrary I believe to rule, to express that such amusements

were common to all raéjas:—the Cutéack text has the singular noun, :

Neyaka, { have translated gambling, from ayy waste, wqaTaay; but perhaps it 3
should be adjectively applied as extravagant or destructive, to hunting.

Etamagavyd, from Tq; a deer? eyaqy (properly wajq| in the feminine, for tha
Cuttack text is right in using magaviyam in the neuter) the chase.
Abhiramakdni, pleasureable :—also, abhiramdani for qfacaqifa; chun puaso,

Quaaq Ue, the so should he carried on. :
Abhisito santo,—in Sanskrit @a@ being: as the ablative absolute.
Thairdnum vadhénam, here we have the parallel to the Pali ¢hero in zalat aged.
Hiranna patividhjno—yfafaure , repaying with interest.
Dhamma paripuva, ufeya placing before all else.
Tadopaya, aewy means, expedient for this. i
A hhayorati, pleasure without fear, is replaced in the Cuttack text with abhirame
imply enjoyment.
Bhdge ange, in another wit, fortune, or life.

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 257

Ninth Tablet.

Thus spake king PryapAsi beloved of the gods!

«¢ Each individual seeketh his own happiness in a diversity of ways:
in the bonds of affection,—in marriage, or otherwise,—in the rearing
of offspring,—in foreign travel:—in these and other similar objects
doth man provide happiness of every degree. But there is great ruina-
tion, excessive and of all kinds, when (a man) maketh worldly objects his
happiness. On the contrary this is what is to be done,—(for most cer-
tainly that species of happiness is a fruitless happiness,)—to obtain the
happiness which yieldeth plentiful fruit, even the happiness of virtue;
that is to say ;—kindness to dependants, reverence-to spiritual teachers
are proper; humanity to animals is proper: almsgiving to brahmans and
sramans is proper:—all these acts and others of the same kind are to be
rightly denominated the happiness of virtue!

“« By father, and by son, and by brother: by master (and by servant)
it is proper that these things should be entitled happiness. And further
for the complete attainment of this object secret charity is most suitable:
yea there is no alms and no loving kindness comparable with the alms
of religion and the loving kindness of religion, which ought verily to be

Notes to the Ninth Tablet.
A’ha:—Whether by mistake or otherwise, the Cuttack text has kaha (ieimodena
Hindustani verb.
Attajano, Bla Sa; each man respectively, properly Wigea eo See (a
Uchavacham, see last edict—of high or low degree.

A’badhasi eva, or abadhasi, from wyqRq; bonds of affection, or ornament, whieh
latter will perhaps contrast better with the other objects.

Avgha-vivihesu, fAAqTS marriage, afqapt<s the opposite state.
Putalabhesu, Gama acquisition of a son—yaye foreign residence.
Mahadayo, &\q;: destruction, calamity.

Charadatham, qty Ha@ happiness in things of ordinary occurrence.

Ta-katavyameva, qaugaar in Sanskrit this member of a proposition comes
before the explanation of its nature.
A’yata, Yaa long, diffuse—the nouns are here put in the locative case without

apparent reason : etatkurtavyam mahaphalé mangale, &c. this is to be done in (or to
obtain) profitable happiness.
Bhatakamhi, aaa the hired labourer.

Apachiti, ay fata Worship, salutation,
Svamika, suvamika, warfaae @ master, lord—as a contrast I have inserted Lhataka,

servant, to fill a space of 3 letters.
Pavatam, qiwa concealed, covered,

Suhadayena natiiena, Gecaa Sifaa a ;—sapdyena may be ‘ impassionate.’
Uchaditavya, Begifaa cievated, purified, manifested ? qaqiq qqacw entire fulfil-
ment; or it may be read ramatamhi, cjq or TRY agreeable ; or Gawa Of this mind.

“<<< - -—.— ~~ —

258 Inscription in the old character on the (Marcu,

upheld alike by the friend, by the good-hearted, by kinsman and neigh-
bour, in the entire fulfilment of pleasing duties.

“‘ This is what is to be done: this is what is good. With these things
let each man propitiate heaven. And how much ought (not) to be
done in order to the propitiation of heaven ?”

Translation of the Tenth Tablet.

The heaven-beloved king Pryapast doth not deem that glory and
reputation (are) the things of chief importance ; on the contrary (only for
the prevention of sin?) and for enforcing conformity among a people
praise-worthy for following the four rules of virtue, and pious, doth the
heaven-beloved king Piyapasi desire glory and reputation in this world ;
and whatsoever the heaven-beloved king Piyapas1 chiefly .displayeth
heroism in obtaining, that is all (connected with) the other world.

For in every thing connected with his immortality there is as regards
mortal things in general discredit. (?) Let this be discriminated with
encouragement or with abandonment, with honour or with the most
respectful force, and every difficulty connected with futurity shall with
equal reverence be vanquished.

Kacham, a to be done—distinguisned from katavyam what ought to be
done?
Swagdradhi, G a) seems used substantively: kdchana-ind, &c. may be read as

alata ValAUay Zur HTT :— end for ésa (kriya) how much aia this to be
done, as the propitiation of heaven ?—

Some passages in the Cuttack text differ from the other, but they are too much
mutilated to be separately interpreted.

Notes to the Tenth Tablet.

Mahathd vahi, either Aza of great importance or Awl eqq; great praise.

Taddptano-do-ghaya, &c. the Rare of this passage is unintelligible without
alteration—the pandit reads waagy, GNZal Vaaal qa faaat.

Etakdye—paratikaye misunderstood in the pillar edict hidakaye, paratikdye.

Apunnam, apakiti, AyU, Baia, disgrace, vice.

Apapardsave, BYYTIAE 4th case from Yrpe, on account of immortality ?

Vadakena, vajanena, admit of two interpretations either ae I aqisvaa by the
minister and by the people, or qcaa by separating and aaaag by abandonment,
i. e. by discrimination,

Dakarantu and dukarantu, I can only explain by deriving the first from ¢ to fear,
avoid, eagaa and the second from Sara labour strenuously, the whole

passage is difficult, and dukarantu is not properly a verb—it should be dukaran
kurvantu, Pali, karontu.

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 259

Eleventh Tublet.

Thus spake Pryapasi the king beloved of the gods !—There is no
such charity as the charity which springeth from virtue !—(which is)
the intimate knowledge of virtue, the inheritance of virtue, the close union
with virtue ! And in these maxims is it manifested: “ kindness towards
servants and hirelings; towards mother and father dutiful service is
proper ;—towards a friend’s offspring, to kindred in general, to brah-
mans and sramans, almsgiving is proper: avoiding the destruction of
animal life is proper.” And this (saying) should be equally repeated by
father and by son, by brother and friend’s son, (?) by the hireling and
even so by neighbours in general !

This is excellent—and this is what ought to be done!

And whoso doeth thus, is blessed of the inhabitants of this world:
and in the next world endless moral merit resulteth from such religious
charity.

Twelfth Tablet.

The heaven-beloved king Pryapasi propitiateth all unbelievers,
both of the ascetic and of the domestic classes ; by charitable offerings
and by every species of puja doth he (strive to) propitiate them. Not
that the beloved of the gods deemeth offerings or prayers to be of the
same (value) with true glory. The promotion of his own salvation
promoteth in many ways, the salvation of all unbelievers ...... of which
indeed this is the root, and the whole substance.

Notes to the Eleventh Tablet.
Sanstavo, Y@qaq: intimate knowledge—or Waqyq eulogy ?
Samvibhigo, ofawta: inheritance, or the due distribution of religious duties ?
Sambandho, avqzq; property, union, friendship.

Vatavyam, perhaps afea to be performed, from warather than ama to be
Spoken.

Natikdnam if the 4 were long it might be yi@apay pandits.

Bhataka, wea @ hired labourer.

Sampatipati, the original has the m written with a stroke beneath apparently to

serve asthe vyanjan of the Sanskrit :—it must have been written by mistake in lieu
of the anusvara.

Notes to the Twelfth Tablet.

Pujayati, gaara propitiates by puja.

Pdsandéni pavajitani—gharistani, afafaara ascetics those who have entirely con~
quered their passions—7ZYeq A grihist or laity, possessing homes and families. It

will be remarked that the accusative case plural is made to terminate in dni instead
of an,

260 Inscription in the old chureeter on the [Marcn, —

Again, the propitiation of the converted heretic, and the reproof.
of the unconverted heretic must-not be (effected) by harsh treatment :
‘but let those who enter into discussion (conciliate them) by
restraint of their own passions, and by their mild address. By such and
such conciliatory demeanour shall even the unconverted heretics be
propitiated. And such conduct increaseth the number of converted —
heretics, while it disposeth of the unconverted heretic, and effecteth a_
revolution of opinion in him. And (he) encourageth the converted
heretic, while he disposeth completely of the unconverted heretic, whoso-
ever propitiateth the converted heretic, or reproveth the unconverted
heretic, by the pecuniary support of the converted heretic. Moreover
we thus stimulate materially the converted heretic. And whoso, again,
doth so, he purifieth in the most effectual manner the heretic; and
of himself such an act is his very breath, and his well-being,

Moreover ‘hear ye the religion of the faithful and attend thereto:
even such is the desire, the act, the hope of the beloved of the gods,
that all unbelievers may speedily be purified, and brought unto con-
tentment speedily.

Furthermore from place to place this most gracious sentiment choull
be repeated :—

Sara vadhi, @q,T essence, marrow, excellence—gfy increase. I have been forced
to translate this by periphrasis as salvation: perhaps it should be taken with kdrti—
kirti sava being a common expression, but the second time it occurs without it.

a ao STH: aptus, apt, gained, obtained.

Garahd, Wer abuse, censure: the sentence beyond is incomplete.

Apakaranamhi, qgRcA from GayTH treating with respect or doing vwell--Fathied
than qyAcal putting away.

Ldpakd, disputants? wy to contradict, dispute, speak—the verb for this is wanting.

Tamatamhi,—qaq desires, libidinous ? @a@ dark : better tam mata mhi, of this mind.

Chhanati, aufa according to the pandit signifies praises, gives pleasure to,—
in the dictionary ‘ injures, kills,’ or fgwijfq@ diminishes ; garakati, ae fq blames.
So, the nominative pronoun is omitted.

Apakaroti, undoes, puts to a distance—this verb governs a genitive.

Bhataya, [eat by the hire, or pecuniary employment.

Dipayema, we stimulate, ey aj kindle.

Manamanhasd—qayarey obedient, faithful.

Sunita ? gave hearing, or wa Ware hear ye and obey.

Pasannata, gaqa: With (or from) g grace.

Sava vagutt—I can only render this, by waa sta sarva vdgiti—this is the a
whole story.

Pujetaydtu, yaaa let be propitiated, (yéntu, in the plural, is neque ta ,

Jasa chevdno,—tasya cha evd ano, aye; vital breath.

Asu, seems used for the verb qa santu—or it may be TX instantly.
~

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 261

« The beloved of the gods doth not esteem either charitable offering
or puja, as comparable with true glory. The increase of blessing to
himself is of as much (importance) to all unbelievers.”

For this putpose have been spread abroad ministers of religion,

“‘ninisters possessing fortitude of mind, and practisers of every virtue* :
may the various congregations co-operate (with them) for the accom-
plishment therefore. For the increase of converts is indeed the lustre
of religion.

Thirteenth Tablet.

we... Whose equality, and exertion towards that object, exceeding ac-
tivity, judicious conduct...... afterwards in the Kalinga provinces not to
be obtained by wealth ...... the decline of religion, murder and death, and
unrestrained license of mankind ; when flourished the (precious maxims)
of Deviinampiyo, comprising the essence of learning and of science :—
dutiful service to mother and father ; dutiful service to spiritual teachers :
the love of friend and child ; (charity) to kinsfolk, to servants (to brah-
mans and sramans, &c. which) cleanse away the calamities of generations :
further also in these things unceasing perseverance is fame. There is
not in either class of the heretics of men, not, so to say, a procedure
marked by such grace, ...... nor so glorious nor friendly, nor even so
extremely liberal as Devdnampiyo’s injunction for the non-injury, and
content of living creatures ......... and the Greek king besides,
by whom the kings of Egypt Protemaios and ANTIGONos (?) and
Maeasg, ...... both here and in foreign (countries) ; every where the
religious ordinances of Devanampiyo effect conversion, wherever

Yecha, further, qq ‘ and this.’
+ Ichhd kritasaya SAI Alfa Big: wish, act, hope? perhaps the last word
should be sava,
Ithaijha, WaT fortitude of mind—whence thairo or thero.
* QOr as in the opening remarks, three grades of ministers, dhamma mahdémdtas,
thaijha (or thero) mahdmatds, and vividha kamikds, subordinate er working agents.

Netes to the Thirteenth Tablet.

Pasamatd, &c. These words are all Sanskrit, WHAT aASSaAT @EBmadt
Raa aT: and they all apply eulogistically to éasa, whose; but the name of the
party thus praised is unfortunately erased.

. Adhanaladhesu @pyqwqse not acquired or acquirable by wealth ; an epithet prov-
ing that the ‘ Calinge ore maritime’ were in those days rich and popuious.

Dhammaviyo aq waste, destruction of religion ?

Apaviha; q~ carrier of a burthen, that is being under restraint? apavdha, nou-
endurance.

Badhe gq to be powerful or large?—or better vadhe.
. Achhata seat purity qaTqTCT?— the rest is gone.
21

962 _ Inscription in old character on the (Marca,

they go; ...... conquest is of every description: but further the conquest
which bringeth joy springing from pleasant emotions, becometh joy it-
self; the victory of virtue is happiness: the victory of happiness is not to
be overcome. That which essentially possesses a pledge of happiness,—
such victory is desired in things of this world and things of the next
world !

And (this place) is named the WHITE ELEPHANT conferring pleasure
on all the world. :

Fourteenth Tablet.

This religious edict is caused to be written by the heaven-beloved
king Prypasr. It is (partly) (written) with abridgment ; it is (partly)
with ordinary extent; andit is (partly) with amplification: not inco-
herent (or disjointed) but throughout continuous (and united) it is
powerful in overcoming the wise ; and it is much written and caused to
be written, yet it is always but the same thing repeated over and over
again. For the persuasive eloquence which is lavished on each sepa-
rate subject shall man the rather render obedience thereunto !

Furthermore, at one time even unto the conclusion is this written,
incomparable in manner, and conformable with the copy, by RELACHEPU
the scribe and pandit.

Yona raja, see opening remarks.

Pitiraso saladha Tfaca aay: for want of a better interpretation !

Man, this syllable more than once repeated may stand for mangalam, commonly
written @], in Sanskrit Manuscripts.

Nasarasake, aia TITACTaAA conferring permanent happiness, wg a pledge.

' Swetahasti, written, pasti on the cloth copy :—also pavd loka, which I correct to
sava by the addition of a stroke to the Sieg p, h, and sare frequently mistaken
inter se by the transcriber.

Notes to the Pees Tablet.

Sankhitena asti qfaqqa abridged. See P4li grammar, page 133, pubbena gdman,
east of the village, for this use of the 3rd case.
Majhamena, Haq widdle, mean : vistitena faeqa spread.
2 ‘
Navayavam, compounded q and qaqaq divided into syllogisms?
Pavata or savata, on rocks, or every where. @feaq devised, attempted, in contact

with.
Likhapdyisam, for payston, resembles the inflection still retained, payis, pore

Punepanavatam, aq: yaad done again and again.

Médhiritdaya, aratcar sweetness, figuratively.

Asamdtam, @TqaATF to the conclusion.

Sachhaya kéranancha, Fqy ACY an act with a shadow or copy?

Pandithena, the the should be te; it may be wizaq by one of the Pandava caste.

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 268

Remarks, On the first edict.

The understanding of the opening sentence of this edict baffled me
for a long time because of the separation of the word kanchi by the
termination of the first lme—rdhanakam chijivam was the obvious and
unintelligible reading; for it must be remarked that throughout the
Girnar and Cuttack inscriptions the words are all run into one another,
Sanskrit fashion, and we are deprived of the material help afforded by
their separation on the Dedhz pillars.

There is also more uncertainty in the value of many of the letters
particularly the vowels, in this than in many of the following edicts ;
probably from its being at the top it was more exposed to the weather
and less accessible to the copyist. I cannot therefore be satisfied with
my translation until I get a facsimile.

It seems to have been a common practice with Buddhist kings to
commence their reign by proclaiming a prohibition of the destruction
of animal life. Thus in the second taranga of the Raja Tarangini
the following account of the first act of MeGHaVvAHANA*, a Buddhist
sovereign of Kashmir of the third or fourth century:

aalwes waa wcaatfyaricu: |
BHAA AVS YSRTATHTIAA [I
aaiuamifaay aa cafaafcd
fauiut ufvateti earera vifaarey: 11
AUtighaaegsy arcfagraw sar: |
Baeayy: feewws ATH ||

‘At the time of (MEGHAVAHANA’S) coronation, his ministers by his com-
mand sounded the drum in all places for the prohibition of slaying.

“The killing of living beings being restrained by the prosperous king, his
ministers obliged (the people) to resort to sinless occupations according to their
several means.

‘¢ In his reign, who equalled Jina (Buddha) the successful Opponent of Ka’ma
an animal for sacrifice was made (in effigy) of cakes and clarified butter,”

The expression ekdchdé samija sddhumaté, might almost be inter-

preted, ‘ the worship of onz is wholesome for the congregation ;’ but it
_is remarkable that throughout the document there is no mention of the

deity, or any object of direct worship. The sacred pyam™a, ‘ virtue,’

* This name reminds us forcibly of the epithet of AIRA RAJA at Khandgiri :—~
I find no account given of its origin, but the pandit supposes it may have been
a title obtained from his invasion of Ceylon, to which island (being befriended by
Varuna) the Cashmir raja was conveyed without touching the water,

21 2

264 Inscription in old character n the (Marcu,

or ‘the law’ is held forth as the great rule of conduct, and future happi-
ness or punishment are inculcated as the motives, but neither BuppHa,
nor any member of the Hindu pantheon is introduced by name or
allusion. I dare not imagine that by the expression—raja asti pitu, it
is intended that the raja was a deified object, to whom alone reverence
(ekarcha@) was to be paid.

On turning to the infallible #ika upon our inscriptions afforded by
Mr. Turnour’s admirable Mahawanso, we find a circumstance recorded
which may help us materially to understand the obscure passage relat-
ing to the mahdnaso or kitchen. It seems that Asoxa followed for
three years the example of his father in bestowing food daily on sixty
thousand brahmans. On the change of his faith the .brahmans were
discharged, but an equal number of Buddhist priests were maintained in
their stead, dnd their food doubtless was of a more simple and harmless
nature.

Tato rdjé pasanno so digunena dine dine
Bhikkhu satthi sahassdni anupubbenupatthahi.

Titthiydnan sahassénan nikkaddhiwdna satthi so,
Satthi bhikku sahassdni ghare nicchamabhojayi.

‘ Thereafter this king increasing the number from day to day gave alms to
sixty thousand Buddhist priests as formerly (to the brahmans). Having dis-
missed the sixty thousand heretics, he constantly maintained in his palace sixty
thousand Buddhist priests.’

[For remarks on the second tablet see the February number.]

Remarks on the Third Tablet.

Nothing in this edict calls for particular notice. The term visite
conquered country is, as in the second edict, applied to Swrushtra—not
to Cuttack. The appointment of an anusayanam or feast of repentance,
every five years, is unknown I believe to the religionists of either deno-
mination nowadays; though its efficacy in removing sin is acknowleqia™

by Manu.

QI AA a AVIIIAAT | Waa ya Wedraacaay |

‘ By confession, by penitence, by fasting, by reading the sacred texts, the
sinner is absolved from his sins, also by almsgiving, and by restraint of the
passions.’

Did not the two texts agree, it would be preferable te read anusasa-
nam, a public promulgation of the sacred maxims every five years,
otherwise it does not well appear why their specification should here be
introduced. Of the maxims themselves it is also worthy of notice that
they are not comformable to any particular creed—they comprehend
neither the eight mdrgas (ways); not the four satyas (truths) of the

1838.} rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 265

Buddhists; nor yet the five great sacraments*, nor the four domestic
sacraments of Mrenut.

They are all however frequently alluded to as good acts, and the
brahmans do not yield to their rivals in applauding either humanity to
animals, or charity to one’s neighbour.

The word parisdpiyuto seems derived from parishat, an assembly,
S. afcwyai the president of the assembly.—It would seem that names
had not been assigned to the grades of priesthood by the use of this and
other general terms mahdamata, &c. throughout the inscription, or that
it applied to no particular sect.

Remarks on the Fourth Tablet.

The publication ‘by beat of drum’ here alluded to may reasonably
be supposed to be the very one recorded in the Ceylonese annals as
having taken place on Asoka’s hearing of the construction of the
various viharas throughout his kingdom ;—[ Mahawanso. Epit. p. 37.]

Lekhe sutwa, mahérdja, mahatejiddhi wikkamo,
Kdtu, kamo sakinyewa sabbd rama mahamahan,
Purabherin chardpési ‘‘ sattame diwase ito
Sabbadramamaho hotu sabba desesu ekadd.”’
Vojane yojane dentu Mahadanam mahitale.
Karontu gaméramanan maggdnancha wibhisanan.
Wiharesu cha sabbesu bhikku sanghassa sabbatha,
Mahddandni, wattentu yatha kdlan, yatha balan,
Dipamala pupphamala lankare cha tahin tahin,
Turiyehi cha sabbehi upaharun anekadha:
Uposathangd naddya sabbe dhamman sunantu cha,
Pujawisése nekecha karontu tadaht picha.

‘* Having heard these dispatches read, the glorious, the superlatively-gifted, the
victorious sovereign having resolved on having a great festival of offerings at all
the temples at the same moment caused to be published by beat of drum through
the capital; ‘ On the seventh day from hence throughout all the kingdoms in the
empire let there be a great festival of offerings held on the same day. Through-
out the empire at the distance of each yojana let there be great offerings be-
stowed. Let there be decorating of the roads to villages as well as temples. In
all the vihares let almsgiving to the priesthood be kept up in every respect, as
long as practicable, and liberally as means will allow.

‘¢ At those places decorated with festoons of lamps and garlands of flowers in
various ways and joyous with every description of music, let a great procession
be celebrated, and let all persons duly prepared by a life of righteousness, listen
to the doctrines of the faith, and let innumerable offerings be made on that day.’ ”*

*qaiiaafanal wan auvafe: | wiqygawaa sqanifearaan:
reading the Veda, sacrifice, of the homa, hospitality, offering to manes, &c. grace
at meals (libation to the gods). Amera cosha.

+ The domestic sacraments differ only in the omission of the homa. Menu
Chap. II. 86.

266 Inscription in old character on the (Marcu,

The ambiguous terms (alluded to in the notes) vimana dapana,
hasst dapand,—may be the titles of some particular discourses of
Buppua, ‘the mirror of grief’ and ‘ the mirror of hilarity’—for we
find the next expression agikhandhdni (though it should be in the sin-
gular rather than the plural) is explained by Mr. Turnour to be the
parable of the “ hill of fire,’—-a celebrated discourse of Buppuo,
which had special effect in the conversion of distant nations: thus in
the Mahawanso:

Gantwd parantakdn théré Yénaké Dhammarakkhito
Aggikkhandhépumdnsuttan kathetwd janamajjhago.
So sattatisa sahassdn pané tathéd samdgaté
Dhammdmaté mapayési dhammadhammesu kowide,
Purisdndm sahassancha, itthiiyécha tatodhika,
Khattiydnan kuldyéwa nikkhamitwanupabbajun.

‘ The théro y6nako DHAMMARAKKHITO repairing to the Aparantaka country
in the midst of the populace preached the ‘‘ aggikkhanddpuman’’ discourse (of
Buppuo). This (disciple), who thoroughly understood how to discriminate true
from false doctrines, poured out to the seventy thousand who had assembled
before him the delicious (draught of the) true faith. A thousand males and a
still greater number of females, descendants exclusively of Ahathiya families,
pelled by their unreligious ardor, entered into the priesthood.’

Remarks on the Fifth Edict.

The deputation of missionaries to different countries is particularly
described in the Mahawanso, Chapter XII. of which I here annex the
translation only, as the passage is rather long.

‘‘ The thero son of MoGGAxt, having terminated the third convocation, was
reflecting on futurity: perceiving that the times had arrived for the establish-
ment of the religion of Buppuo in foreign countries he dispatched severally in
the month of ‘ Kattiko’ the following theros to those foreign parts.

‘* He deputed MassHaAntTIKO to Kasmira and Gandhdra, and Mauapevo to
Mahisamandalam : RakKITO to Wanawasi, and Yona DHAMMARAKHITO to
Aparantaka. He deputed MAHADHAMMAKKUHITO to Maharatia, and MAaua-
RAKKHITO to the Yona country: Massurmo to the Himawanta country and to
Sowanabhumi the two theros Sono and Uttaro. He deputed MAHAMAHINDO,
together with his (Mocca t's) disciples Irtiyo, Uttryo, SamBaLto BHADDA-
SALO (to Ceylon), saying unto these five theros, ‘ Establish ye in the delightful
land of Lanka the delightful religion of the vanquisher (Jina).’ ’’ | 5,

The only places in the above list which agree with the more authen-
tic record of our inscription are Gandhara and Aparantaka. The for-
mer of these is known as the country of the Gandaride or Gandari
of StraBo and HERopotus. Professor Wi1xLson has collected all that
can throw light on the position of this nation in his notes on the History of
Cashmir, As. Res. XV. 104. That it was situated in the Panjab there

is every reason to conclude, and now that we know the Buddhist

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 267

sources of information open to the Egyptian geographers we may adopt
Protemy’s locality—“ Inter Suastum et Indum sunt Gandare,” with
confidence. Candahar, if one of the Alexandrias, must be thrown out
of the question. |

Aparantcka of the Cuttack text I should have translated as the
uttermost boundary ‘ place having no beyond’—the ultima Thule in
short of the BuDDHISTS ; were it not accounted by Mr. Turnour, as a
distinct country, one however as the glossary tells us “ not yet identified.”
The mode of spelling the word at Girnar, ( Apardta,) may help us in
identifying it with the Aparyte of the Greeks—for Heroporus couples
this nation with the Gandarw as having served in the army of XERXES
Sarrayvoa: Se car Pavddpior Kat Aadika Te kat Arapuvra.—formed together the

seventh prefecture of the Persian empire, under Darius HysraspeEs.
Who the latter were, professor WILSon saysis still dubious—the name he
adds may be derived from apara ulterior or western, and thus the sense
reverts to my first supposition. But the inscription has apaurdtabhata-
mayesu, in the boundaries of apardtabhata ; a term more nearly agree-
ing with the reading of the Ptolemzan name by Isipors—aparbartica,
which RENNELL converts into aparbatata a low-lander*.

Kambocha, must be the Camboja so often mentioned in WILForp’s
essays, and by him, I know not on what authority, always classed with
the mountainous tract of Ghazni. |

Pitenika or Peteni may certainly be the Plithana of the Periplus,
which Dr. Vincent, following WiLForD, establishes as Pultuna in the
Dakhan about twenty days’ journey south of Barugdza, or Baroach, a
mart of some importance in the time of Arrian. It may however be
objected that all the rest of the names denote countries not cities, and
that Pultina seems too near home to be mentioned among countries out
of India proper; yet I can hardly concur with Witrorp’s speculations
regarding Patthinistdn and carry it all the way to Egypt, notwithstand-
ing the alliance with Protemyt+.

Of Suldthika in the Cuttack text, all I need remark is that its omis-
sion at Girndr is so far evidence that Kattywar or the Gujerdt penin-
sula was included in the district of Swurdshtra,—Tes-suriosta or
Surastrene of the Greeks. Further the orthography of the name both
here and in a Sanskrit inscription which I shall soon have occasion to
describe, is Suwrashtra ; not Sawrashtra as modern authors generally
write it. And the Greek orthography is therefore the more correct.

Of those names of countries which are indistinct in the two texts it is
unnecessary to say any thing until we obtain a more correct copy.

* Witson, As, Res, XV. 104, * Asiatic Researches, III. 338.

268 - Inscription in old character on the [Manrcw,

The only other name that occurs is one of some importance and
celebrity, being no less than Pétaliputa itself the capital of the Mauryan
dynasty of Magadha, known as such in the Buddhist annals, and in the
Greek authors as Palibothra. In Sanskrit it is written with precisely
the corresponding orthography, Wei@ys:, but in the Buddhist annals
we find sometimes Patiliputto, with the dental ¢. No clue is afforded of
the position of the town by the inscription, but it is remarkable that the
name is omitted at Dhauli, and in its stead the expression hida cha
‘ here’-—* at home’~as contrasted with bahilesu cha, or béhiresu,
‘ without, abroad, among foreign countries’ qiqy. Of hida, for <¥
more will be said when I speak of the dialect.

Remarks on the Sixth Tablet.

I was inclined at first to look upon the prativedakas, as a kind of
khabar navis or newswriters appointed every where to send informa-
tion to the sovereign of what was going on among the people, as is
universally the practice with native courts at this day:

Or again the recurrence of the word atham (artham) which means
wealth, riches, as well as interest, object, might induce some to consider
them inspectors appointed to assess the wealth of the people,—for the
collection of revenue, arthasanstirand ?

But the sense adopted is preferable, and we may either regard this
edict as setting on foot an extensive system of national education (an
education in which conduct through life was the thing taught)—or a
system of judicial administration to take cognizance and decide on all
departure from the moral law—and this latter is the more likely, because
the mention of atyayaka or agents of punishment immediately follows.

The adjudication of punishments is treated of at greater length in the
west compartment of the Delhi pillar, the correct interpretation of
which is still a desideratum.

Remarks on the Seventh Tablet.

The only remark which it occurs to me to make on this short sen-
tence, relates to the last word bédham, which I stated, in my transla-
tion of the inscription round the shaft of the Feroz 1a at Delhi, not to
be Sanskrit. True it is not to be found in Wixson’s Dictionary nor in
CoLEBROoKE’s Amera cosha, but KAMALAKANTA informs me now
that the word q1¢ bddham frequently occurs in Sanskrit works. Thus,
in Bhavadeva Bhatta’s Dasakarma this word is given with the signi-
fication of assent “yes.” The guru is instructing the noviciate what he
isto do, ARAIT uaa aiefafa gala, ‘the pupil answers to all this

1838.] vocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 269

“ bidham” or yes. we Te Ee FS are expletives used to complete
verses according to the Kavikalpalata.

The sense therefore of the pillars entence—Dhammavadhiydcha
badham vadhisati, should be “ and by the growth of grace, assent will
also increase.”
: Remarks on the Eleventh Tablet.

I am not sure whether in lieu of the sense adopted in the translation
of this sentence, we should not understand by dhamma dénam, the gift
of dharma, or religion ;—which gift transcends all other alms inas-
much as it brings the blessings of this world, and eternal happiness in
the next,—and the anantam punnam, or endless moral merit will thus
accrue not to the mere obeyer of the moral maxims inculcated, but to
the sovereign who bestowed so great a gift on his subjects. More com-
petent scholars must decide this point.

The Cuttack text does not contain a copy of this edict, which may be
accounted for by its being in substance a repetition of a part of the
preceding edict. The word mitasasuta, though it occurs twice in the
course of the short paragraph is by no means a satisfactory reading—it
looks in the original more like mita sastata, a facsimile will probably
remove this ambiguity.

| Remarks on the Twelfth Tablet.

That this edict should likewise not be included in the Dhauli series

may be explained, by supposing that the Buddhist religion already
predominated in the Kalinga provinces, and that therefore there was
less necessity to prescribe rules of conduct towards those who were well
inclined to become converts than others. By apta and para-pdsanad,
I should have understood well-disposed and obdurate heretics, had not
the concluding sentence, ‘the increase of the aptapdsandas is the
splendour of religion’ shewn that the former must be rendered heretics
actually converted, or converts,

The continual recurrence of the same words makes it nearly impos-
sible to give an elegance to a translation which I strive to preserve as
literal as, possible; there are also not a few ambiguities which cannot
be cleared until we have an actual facsimile. In fact I have had more
trouble with this than most of the foregoing tablets. Having merely a
dictionary for my guide I am perplexed how to translate such an
expression as Sdravadhi, a1<efa: sdra has a dozen meanings, pith,
essence, vital part, substance, marrow, wind, sickness, cream, firmness,
water, wealth, propriety, steel, climax! but none of these applies to the
condition, that, increased in the king, it should also be increased in all
heretics, What constituted his g/ovy would also constitute theirs, namely,

2M

‘
fi
}
;
E

270 Inscription in the old character on the [Marcu,-

their conversion ; it must then be connected with Kirti; the ‘pith’ of
his religious merit or glory, must be a blessing or salvation, and by
this periphrasis have I therefore ventured to translate the term, which
as the basis of a strong and magnanimous argument is twice repeated
in the course of the paragraph.
[For the Thirteenth tablet see the opening remarks. }
Remarks on the Fourteenth and last Tablet.

When I first transcribed this tablet to read it over with the pandit,
he exclaimed at the word sankhitena, and wondered at the ignorance of ©
the scribe who could have pretended to call such corrupt and illiterate
language by the sacred name of Sanskrit. A little inquiry however
convinced us that the word sanskritam was always written sankatam
in Pali, while the Pali word sankhitéam, with double ¢, regularly repre-
sented the Sanskrit YfaH ‘ abridged.’ Thus in the second hne of the
Mahawanso itself we find almost the very expressions in the paragraph
before us:

Pordanchi katopeso, atiwittharito kwachi,
Atiwakwachi sankhitto, aneka punarutiako.

“Which the Hon’ble Mr. Turnour thus translates ;

‘¢ That which was composed by the ancient (historians) is in some respects
too concise, in others too diffuse, abounding also in the defects of tautology.’’

The resemblance here to asti sankhitenu, and asti vistatena, is
remarkable :—and in aneka punaruttako, we perceive an anology to
etakam punepunavutam.

It might be objected that pé is never in the Girnar text contracted
to tt, but is written at length, as in chaptdro, dpta; but here again it
may be answered that the p in apta was necessary to distinguish it from
atta, the Sanskrit déma, which in Pali proper is written afana.

Another example may be quoted from the preface to Mr. Turnovur’s
work, wherein the words occur as in our text, in the third case. .

It is a citation from the commentary on the Rupa siddhi, speaking of
KacucH4yano the grammarian, (Katya’yana:)

‘* Tabbansi kécchayamiti Kacchdyano, kochdyan,
Kacchdyané néma? Vo etad aggan, Bhikkhawé f
Mama siwakdnan bhikkinan sankhitténa
Bhasitassa witthdrena atthan wibbajantanan
Yadidan mahdkachchayanolti etad aggé thapito
Bhagawa mdn chatuparisa majjhé nisinnd.

(Iflam asked) who is this Kacucua’YANO? whence his name KAcnucHa’YANO?
(I answer) It is he was selected for the important office (of compiling the first
Pali grammar): ‘‘ Bhikkhus, from amongst my sanctified disciples, who are
capable of elucidating in detail that which is expressed in the abstract, the most
eminent is Mawa’kacucHa’yano.”” Thus said BHAGAWa’ seated in the midst
of the four classes of devotees (of which his congregation was composed).

1838.) rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhaulé in Cuttack. 271

But there is no occasion to go further :—all will acknowledge that
the language of the inscription is not Sanskrit—What is it then? To
answer this question I must solicit stilla little space. First however I
must take a review of the Girnar alphabet, for it is evident that it con-
tains many additions to the more simple elements of the pillars. These
additions, to which onlyI have time to allude, will be found to complete
the alphabet to the existing standard of the Pali of Ceylon.

§ 1. Completion of the Alphabet.
The most remarkable change observable in the alphabet has al-
ready been noticed in my paper of last June, namely the substitution of
the letter j for .J in all words now written with an 7 in Sanskrit, but

on the pillars spelt with an J, as JE Ads O, &c. now corrected to
T €-20 | © raja, dasaratha, &c. Although there are many words
in the Sanskrit in which the use of the 7 and ry is indifferent, still the
invariable employment of the former liquid, does not appear to have
been ascribed to any of the numerous Ps dkrits or even the Apabhran-
sas, by the Sanskrit. grammarians. In a succinct account of the pecu-
liarities of the latter extracted by the learned Prof. Lassen from
the Praékrit grammar called Kalpataru, we find only one allusion to
the intermutation of r and J :—
ae Fifas ay faqwgqu qaras Ars TAILS |

Siet Drdévidé litterze n permutatione, Paschd4tyé immutatione r et J. -

Now the Paschdtyaja are those born in the west (of India), and we
should thence expect the Gujerdt orthography rather than that of Cué-
tack, Delhi or Allahabad to be deficient in the distinction of the two
liquids, unless indeed the term were employed by a writer of Bengal,
for they like ourselves give the name of western provinces ( sc. of this
presidency) to all west of Allahabad and the Ganges ; and of east, only
to those east of Patna. The exclusive use of / belongs to the Chinese
family of nations.

Of other letters made known by. the Girnar tablets we may notice
first in order the |, or gh, which can nolonger be denied a place, or con-
founded with any other letter, because it now occurs in the well known
word gharistani (S. grihastani), and inmegha, ghara, ghata, &c. of the
Kalinga and Sainhadri inscriptions. These words it must be observed
occur only in those tablets of the Cuttack inscription wherein the letter

| is used, and which so far resemble in dialect those of Girnar. The

orthography of griiastdnz on the pillars is girithani. It does not there-

fore follow necessarily, though there is every probability thereof,

that the g is never used for gh; but when we find the aspirate pre-
2m 2

272 Inscription in the old character on the (Marcu,

sent in other words of the same monuments, such as ghanti, sanghathast,
&c. we are bound not unnecessarily to aspirate the simple g, where it.
ean be read without doing so. Thus the word aga of the inscription
must be read as agra 4¥, rather than agha, wa; and Mr.
Turwour’s reading of agdya and agena in the opening of the pillar
edict is correct; while my own reading, aghdya, aghena, must be
abandoned. I am the more anxious to acknowledge my error, and
make the amende to my friend, our on/y Pali scholar, because at the
end of the sixth tablet we find the same adjective employed :—idam
anata agena parékamena, ‘ this with the utmost respectful force,’—here
the sense insisted upon by my pandit of ‘than which all else is sinful’
cannot certainly be applied to pardkrama, heroism, on account of the
context.

The nasal of the first class of consonants, or gutturals has not been
yet recovered, because its place is generally supplied by the anuswara ;
but in one or two places I thmk the & may be traced in its primitive
form of LCL: at any rate it may be safely constructed so, from the
analogy of the form in the No. 2 alphabet [| also found on the coins
in the name Simha vikrama (written sometimes Nya singha), and from
the more modern form of the Tibetan & ng.

The letter 7h 4, is of rare occurrence, even in the Sanskrit. It is_
not therefore to be wondered at, that we should be tardy of discovering
it in the ancient alphabet. Yet in Puk this letter takes the place of
the Sanskrit ¥ in madhya, madhyama, ‘middle,’ and perhaps of 77 in
nirjita and of rdy and ryy and other similar compounds which in pro-
nunciation assimilate to yh ; and it is thus more likely to be found in a
Pali than a Sanskrit monument. On my first review of the pillar al-
phabet I was inclined to look upon the letter P as jh, from its occur-
rence in the word ¥ my 2 majhimd, coupled with uwkasé and gevayd,
domestics and ascetics, but it seemed better explained by 77 in other
places. A similar expression in one of the Girnar again leads me
to consider it as jh, viz. ‘sankhitena, majhamena, vistitena,’ where

the central word is written & HY | both in the Girnar and in the
Dhauli versions of the concluding paragraph. Again in the pillars it
is generally inflected with the ¢ or the @ vowel mark, which could not
be the case with 77%; and lastly, it bears considerable affinity to the
Bengali a jh which also resembles the v7 of the same alphabet ; I there-
fore now pronounce } without hesitation to be a jh; and I must modify
former readings accordingly*.

* This it is not difficult to accomplish : ex. gr. in the western tablet of the Feroz
1&t, ndsantan nijhipayitd ddnamdahanti, may be Sanskritized as follows : arse free

a

1838.) rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 273

The z of the second class, or palatials is an acquisition upon which
there is no room to doubt. It is a peculiarity in the Pali language that
this letter, which has the pronunciation of ny, both supplies the place
in the Sanskrit compound letter jn in such words as rujnah <TsH:' of a
prof’ce, and Sis djnd, ‘ order’—and of =, or ny in such words as Yayq;
anyatah, else, q=aifa anydni, others; and in aaa manyate, Pali
mannate, deems. Now these and many other examples occur most
opportunely in the Gzrnar inscriptions—the letter}, with the ne-
cessary, vowel, inflections } fie, t aé, or A fo being invariably em-

ployed in all such cases; asin the sixth tablet above quoted, HhA

HALLE +81 afata agena parékamena: whereas in the Delhi
pillars the word anata, for instance is written 4° | \ annata, with the
dental n, the-only one there made known to us, doubled by the anus-
wara. In this letter } we at once recognize the primitive form from
which are regularly deducible the “ of the No. 2 alphabet; the 4 of
the Tibetan, and the 3] of the modern Nagari, I should also be strong-
ly tempted to deduce from this letter rather than from | the » of the

| Mahamalaipura alphabet of Basinaron, f, but I have not closely

investigated the subject.

The next form of n, belonging to the cerebral series, has already
been made known to usfrom the Sainhadri cave inscriptions, ‘|; and the
modern derivative forms were on that occasion described (see page 1045
of volume VI.) In the present inscription this 2 invariably follows the
letter 7 asin Sanskrit ; ex.gr. D°¥ qd | [° Dhammacharanam ‘the
progress of religion.’ The vowel affixes are united to the central perpen-

dicular stroke as He ESF ne, na, no. A few words written in Sanskrit
with the dental n, are found in the inscription written with [, as jana-
sa, dusanam (7th and 8th tab.) and the same holds good of the gram-
matical Pali of books. It should be remembered that in the regular
Prékrit, this is the only x which ever stands singly in a word.

The only letter of the labial series which was yet wanting to us, the
ph, is most fortunately recovered through the indubitable expression
milini cha phalani cha in the second tablet of Girnar—‘ both roots and

= = al
fruits’—written g Jid bd. Intheletter b we at once per-
ceive the prototype of the % of No. 2, and the % of the Tibetan alpha-

ulfaar ara areata, ‘ expelling the murderer (from the town or community)
they shall give him an alms.’ And in the edict regarding animals,—fa se sajive.
nojhipayitaviye— ‘such while life remains shall not be abandoned,’ wearafaaa:
and in the last tablet for dhgmma niyame nijhayitéd bhuye, read fasaudra

‘the rules of dharma shall be invincible.’

ee a

274 _ Inscription in the old character on the (Marcn,

bet : and we see the reason why this was departed from in the Nagari
form, %, by turning the stroke outward, lest by turning inwards it
should be confounded with the ¥ or sh, a letter unknown in our old
alphabet. With reference to my former remark on the duplication
of alphabetic forms to produce the aspirates, it may be adduced as an
additional argument for such an assumption that in the oldest of three
plates from Kaira with copies of which I have been lately favored by
Dr. A. Burn, the ph of the word phala is twice written (jj or pp im
lieu of t ; which is the augmented Or aspirated form used in the other
plates, and which is more consistent with the original type now disclos-
ed to our knowledge.

Of the 6h I would merely take this opportunity of noticing that I
have discovered the period and cause of the two very opposite forms of
this letter which are found in later alphabets, as for instance the Mah-
ratta a and the Tibetan 4 (which agrees with the Devanagari or Kutila
of the 10th century 2,) and have proved them both to descend from
the original ,|| ; the Mahratta may be said to follow naturally from
the Sainhadri form; the other I have traced on the Saurashtra coins
of SkAnDA and Kumara GupPTA, where sometimes the one and some-
times the other form is employed, the latter being the natural course
followed by the pen in imitating the sculptured letter | , beginning at
the top, viz: ”;, whence would gradually follow %,, and ¥ with the
headstroke, common to all the modern characters.

The Pali contains but one s. We cannot therefore expect to find in
our ancient alphabet the prototype of either the Sanskrit wor ¥y. Of |
these letters I only notice the early forms because I have inserted them in
the accompanying lithographed plate. The modern form of 4 would seem
to be derived from the NW of the Samudragupta or No. 2 alphabet,
where again it might be presumed that it was introduced as a trifling
modification of the letter AJ, or s,—in fact, by closing the outer stroke |
or doing the same thing to this as was done to the p, to have the effect
of duplication or aspiration. Or, it may be more proper to consider it a
written modification of the more ancient form {) found on the copper-plate
grants of the third century dug up in the G'wjerat peninsula, whence the
transition is more evident and palpable to the various Pali and Sinhalese
forms, the Cashmere form and even the modern Nagari and Bengali.

It is not so easy to trace the origin of the tdéliba sha, @, in the old alpha-
bet but there is plausible reason to suppose that this was originally merely
the murdina or cerebral s A, turned in an opposite direction, invented to
denote another modification of the sibilant required in the refinement
of the Sanskrit alphabet. In the oldest Guierdti plates, these are writ

1838. ] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 273

ten |] fe] ; and exactly the same structure is retained in the square
Pali alphabet or stone letter of Barma, except that the stroke in the
centre is contracted into a dot, 9) ; further they are merely round-
ed in the modern Burmese for the facility of writing, GC) @. Inno
other alphabets that I know of are the analogies to the original type so
faithfully preserved as to shew that these two sibilants were originally
the same letter reversed in position, a mode frequently adopted, as I
have had occasion to notice before, in Indian alphabets to represent
slight modifications in sound, (see vol. VI. p. 475-6.)

The most ancient Sanskrit form, however, of the taliba sh is one I have
just discovered on a genuine inscription of the time of CaanDRAGuPTA,
where it is written TM and (Y. ‘This type is evidently the original of
the form so common on early Hindu coins andinscriptions, @], whence are
directly descended the Tibetan «, the Bengdli *t, and the modern Nagari
%, which heretofore presented a kind of anomaly in the derivation of our
alphabetical symbols.

Having thus recovered the complete, and as I consider it the prime-
val alphabet of the Indian languages, I have arranged in the accom-
panying plate the changes each letter has undergone in successive cen-
turies, as deduced from absolute records on copper or stone. The table
furnishes a curious species of palzographic chronometer, by which any
ancient monument may be assigned with considerable accuracy to the
period at which it was written even though it possess no actual date.

I begin with the sixth century before the Christian era,—because
I suppose that the alphabet which we possess, as used by the buddhists
of a couple of centuries later, was that i which their sacred works had
been written by the contemporaries of BuDDHA himself, who died in
the year 543 B. C.

What in some measure confirms this hypothesis is, that the Sanskrit
character of the third century before Christ, (of which I have intro-
duced a specimen in the plate from the genuine document above allud-
ed to*,) differs only so much from the original form as the habits of a
class of writers distinct in religion and more refined in language might
naturally introduce :—just as we afterwards find an equal degree of
modification from the type of Asoxa’s time, in the Sanskrit alphabet of
five centuries later, on the pillars.

The Asoka alphabet (the Sanskrit one) agrees very closely with that |
of our Surashtra coins, which may thence be pronounced to be ante-
rior to the Gupta series. The Gujerat plates dated in the third century
of the samyat era, differ but little from the Allahabad pillar or Samudra-

* I hope to be able to insert an account of this inscription in my next journal.

276 Inscription in the old character on the (Marcu, |

gupta, inscription, but that little is all in favor of their superior anti-
quity.

Of the more recent alphabets it is unnecessary to say any thing.
The Tibetan is acknowledged to be of the seventh century. The Kutila
alphabet is taken from the inscription sent down in facsimile by Colonel
Stacy from Bareilly :—we learn thence that the artist was of Canowy,
and we see that the Bengali, which was drawn from the same focus of
learning near a century afterwards, does not differ more from it, than
the modifications it has undergone since it was domiciled in the lower
provinces will explain ;—indeed all old Sanskrit inscriptions from Bena-
resto Cuttack differ only from the Kutila type in having the triangular
leop, 4, instead of the round one @.

A hundred other modifications of the primitive character might be
easily introduced, were I to travel southward or to cross to Ava or
Ceylon ; but I purposely avoid swelling the table ; and include only those
epochas of the Indian alphabet which can now be proved from undenia-
ble monuments. On a former occasion (Vol. VI. p. 222) the Amaravati,
Hala Canara and Tedinga alphabets were traced to the Gupta as their
prototype, and thus might others be deduced: but another opportunity
must be sought of placing the whole in a comprehensive table*.

In conclusion, I may again regret that our printers did not take for
their standard the form that would have served to blend the Bengali
and the Hindi into a common system!

§ 2. Lunguage of the Girnar inscriptions.

I must now say a few ‘ last words’ on the language or dialect of
the Gujerat edict as contrasted with that of the Cuttack copy, and the
idiom of the pillars. The'glossary which I have appended to the trans-
lation of each tablet has almost anticipated all I might have reserved
for this branch of my discussion. Reading, as Mr. Turnour justly
observes, through a Sanskritized medium, with a pandit at my elbow, and
without a Pali dictionary (if such a thing exists), my only method of
eoming at the sense has been by finding corresponding Sanskrit words
in every case ;—and so close is the analogy of the two languages, that
in most cases little more was necessary than to subjoin an 7 after a
p, or ay after an s; and to change final o into the visarga.

All doubt as to the pre-existence of the Sanskrit in its purest state
being set aside by the simultaneous production of a monument of
Asoka’s time, I need not trouble myself to prove the necessity of the
existence of a higher and more remote model to account for the marked

* Captain HARKNgss has lately published a very useful volume of the southe
ern alphabets, but none reach up even to our third series in antiquity.

Vol. Vi. Pl. KUL.

OOUNY fem 20d Wor

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yeh ages ee)

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; j 1 o4 gr te ae Phe ¥ a Si
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ANE: 1A Sa LD
: saa fags Mts 1 2 i Cah oe A ae pt ae

ti : eae Pia Se ani de Soe Jills. 6

§ Sal cry ; hue =e ae en ‘an : ie

; De ‘Serr ere ce a aga ate ange tp. PRipoestins pont ie ne

FE | ae? - ey si sa Sai gli ete Meron ok ‘ Bnet?

a be ea hy | iis sin eh re a " sy ents
i 5 nati Me ve fag Rho Nn

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— BB EeRR SSE Yee HERE AAEHEDE ER weseows 6

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- te & wlepw F¥igyee wHOD or bk OS E Bioko erases

Pb G were Se yee be DAA NDS Peeeea es ase ce ne
B i Kk L ie Fae ie MS GN NO Ne pecan,
fi R KR VR £% b mm ++. ch Hk tk G:9"¢ 6 & HH avanse wists’
Q (G HR Y & £elergy ££ “Hl k k k ra Py 2 f uk k Ee apenea
(., at % pe £& amy dd L Lf pa A Y" ht ‘oR ANSDOMIHL ES

po & 2ee. Prue... has Se we

Wy ACS op 4) i mea re 44 js o° KK oe unazo nists J

BABB OA 0” Ae DES HW Al ASN SoBe SNOILVOISIGOW

1838. } rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 277

difference between the dialect of Gujerat and that of Cuttack. In the
former we find bhavati, asti, is; anusasti, command; dpta, fit; following
closely upon the Sanskrit etymology : whereas in the latter we have hoti,
athi, anusathi, atta, as in the modern Pali. It would be a process of
inversion indeed to derive the former from the latter, while we have
the instances of French, Italian and Latin before our eyes.

The dialect of Girnar, then, is intermediate between Sanskrit and P4li,
or rather the pillar idiom ; for Pali, so called, agrees in some respects bet-
ter with one, in some with the other, and in orthography decidedly
with neither !

Thus the word idha used at Gurnar for £z tha, ‘here,’ is correctly
the Pali term as may be seenin the long quotation about the erection of
a stupa in Ceylon inserted in last month’s journal.

The corresponding word in the eastern dialect is curiously modified
to hida, a fact I only ascertained by the collation of the two texts, and
one which at once opens an important discovery to aid our studies. In
several of the Dhauli inscriptions the expressions hidalokika paralokika,
—hidaloka paraloka, occur: at Gernar (12th tablet) we have also clokiké
paralokiké cha:—all these are evidently Sweat woffa
‘ of this world and of the next world.’ Now the opening of the pillar
inscription which so much perplexed us has the same elements hidata
palate—Ze YT or ewaraica: here and hereafter, a sense which at
once renders the passage intelligible. The same may be said of hida-
takaye palatakaye in the north compartment.

The eastern dialect is remarkable for this species of cockneyism
which, as far as I know, has no parallel in any of the grammatical Pra-
krits: thus the A is inserted before evam (hevam), idam and some
other words beginning with vowels.

On the other hand (but this is also a cockneyism) the semivowel y is
cut off in many words such as athd, add, ata,am which are correctly spelt
at Girnar,—yathd, yadd, yata (S. yatra) and yam. In these instances
the pillar language is remotest from the Sanskrit. There is a singular
exception however in the feminine pronoun iyam (S. <4) which is pre-
served throughout at Dhauli and on the pillars ; whereas at Girnar, ayam
is made both masculine and feminine, as in modern (or rather written)
Pali.

There cannot be a better test of the gradual change of language than
the word prati, a prefix in Sanskrit extensively used, implying 7elation,
direction or return. In the Pali of Girnar this is merely altered to pati

b x by omission of the vr. In the Mangere of the pillars the same prepo-
sition is always written pati, LC with the cerebral t. The orthogra-
2N

SS < = > . =
re
: ‘

278 Inscription in old character on the’. (Marcu,

phy varies in the written Pali of books, being in Ceylonese pati, in

Burmese pati; while in Prakrit, the rules of which generally change the
; hard to the soft consonants, ¢ to d, ¢ to d, the word is written ¥fs padi
: as ufsureate for sfarq:eafa, &c. and perhaps we may recognizea - “
final-change into par in the modern Hindi, for instance in qtIw paros
from 9faaw prativesa vicinity, and other words.
Substantives suffer modifications not so great in extent, but equally
| remarkable, and significant of gradual corruption. |

The word man may serve as an example: Sans. Haw: manushyas ;

at Girnar, manuso; at Dhauli and on the pillars, munise ; Pali

manusso ; Prakrit— ? Bhakha, mdnvs. Again the Sanskrit, Ywa: puru-
shas, is made at Girnar, puruso (?); at Dhauli, pulise; Pali, puriso,
or poso; Prakrit, puriso. In modern dialects it is only used as a
Sanskrit word.

Of the changes undergone by the verbs a good example may be select-
ed in the substantive verb bhu, bhavati, be; which is found unimpaired
in several instances at Givndr, though never so on the pillars ;—ho#i, the
Pali form, sometimes takes its place in the Girndr tablets,—always. on
the pillars. The Prdakrit changes this to hodi, @ifz; whence it is
further softened to we hai and 2 he in the modern dialects.

ral di and | rt asti and ndsti (Sanskrit yf and arf) are also
retained in the original form at Girndr: at Dhauli they became athi and
nathi; whereas in Pali they are converted into atthi and ndtthi, The
future passive participle terminates as the Sanskrit in @a@, tavya, at
Girnar, and taviya at Dhauli; while Pali makes it tabba; Prakrit dabba ;
and the form is altogether lost in the modern bhdshas. This gradual
transition is well marked in the verb kri; do:—Sans. kar ttavyam ;
Gir. katuvyam ; Cut. kataviyam ; Pal. katavvam; Prak. kdédabbam.

In writing many Sanskrit words in which the sth, or st, dental, or cere-
bral, are required, a curious rule is adopted at Girnar of representing

them by a cerebral? with the s subjoined, as i Ub tisteyd for fatara, |
may remain; Wy anusasti for wa ata— } DEL adhistana for
i]

ufezra. In all these the lowermost consonant is pronounced first.
Another similar anomaly is remarked in the mode of writing vy in

ib L A vydpatd (S. arat) +A db” katavyam (aia), &c. thev being plac-

4d below the y, whereas on ‘he: pillars (where the double consonant is

:

employed at all) it is correctly written } vy. The word bamhana, 3T@%,
is written with the h below ]-%_T ; it may therefore on the above prin-

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 279

ciple be read with the A first, bdhmana, as nearer to the Sanskrit. At
Dhauli this word is invariably written badbhana. In modern Pali it is
written b7ahmano with the dental n.

In the inflexion of the seventh case we have at Girnar often ve mhe
(or hmi); at Dhauli * le mst or st. These correspond of course with

the Sanskrit smin in ufaa, &c. and all forms are allowed in the facile
grammar of the written Pali, along with the regular locative in e. It is
impossible not to recognize the Hindi postposition men in the Girnar
form of the locative case.

The conjunctive 4 va seems to be used for ‘and’ as frequently as ud for
‘or.’ Itis the Persian conjunction, and is used in written Hindi though
seldom in the spoken tongue; aur @i< the pandit pointed out in one
place written > dro, but I doubt the reading.

A great many other instances might be cited to prove that the lan-
guage of Girnar is not precisely either pure Sanskrit, or the pure Pali of
books: but as the buddhist volumes of Ceylon are acknowledged to be
posterior by 450 years to the death of Saxya, his tenets having been first
reduced to writing, in Ceylon, about 90 years before Christ, some
change may be allowed to have taken place in the mean time, and we may
presumethat the Girnar inscriptions represent the Pali (or vulgar) tongue
as it was in the time of Asoxa on the west of India, as the pillars shew it
to us as it was pronounced on the east, or in Magadha proper. Nowit is
curious enough that some of the distinguishing traits of the pillar dialect,
are just such as are pointed out by the grammarians of a later day as con-
stituting the differences between Magadhi and Pélh,—names it must be
remembered which are indifferently employed in Ceylon, Ava, Siam and
even China, to express the sacred language of the Buddhists. Thus,
quoting from MM. Lassen and Burnour’s Essai sur le Pali p. 156,—
“ Ra devient la en Migadhi; poulise, Pali powriso. Ce changement
a quelque fois lieu en Prakrit, jamais en Pali’—and again in the next
paragraph,—“ en Migadhi le nominatif singulier est en e (which takes
the places of visarga) tandis qu’en Prakrit et en Pali il est terminé en
o. ~The use of o in lieu of e for the masc. nominative is general, but
not universal in the text before us. The conclusion, to which the same
savans were led at that early period of their studies, may now require
a slight modification :—

- Une comparaison attentive du Prakrit et du Pali nous a conduit 4
eette conclusion :

“1. Qu’il existe, entre ces deux dialectes, une ressemblance telle
qu'on peut avancer gw’ils sont presque identiques ;

2Nn 2

q oe
en pepe

coool hs

Bi eee

‘ , u

280 | Inscription in old character on the (Marcu,

2. Que le Prakrit altére plus le Sanskrit que ne le fait le Pali, et
qu’il offre en quelque sorte, le second dégré d’alteration, comme le Pali
en est le premier et le plus immédiat.—Fssaz sur le Pal. 15.

The second position is quite true, and it has been fully developed in
a recent work (Institutiones Prakritics) by Professor Lassen, which
should be in the hands of every Indian philologist.

Constat itaque, Palicam linguam sacram esselinguam Bauddharum meridionalium,
id est eorum qui versus meridiem ab oris Kalinge potissimum solventes, religionis
Buddhaice doctrinam primum in Taprobanen insulam transtulere, indeque in Indiam
ultra Gangem transecti late propagaverunt. Ista lingua a Sanscritico fonte eodem
prorsus modo derivata est atque Prakrita precipua, decurtata vetustioris lingue
structura, nullis sive paene nullis adjectis novis inventis; uno tamen, ut ito dicam,
gradu antiquior quam scenicus sermo, ceteroquin arctissimo vinculo cum Prakrita
praecipua conjuncta, saepe ab ea omnino non diversa. Cujus rei in caussa nil
aliud fuisse potest, quam id, quod haec prius ad literarios usus accommodata fuerit
quam illa. Ut dicam, quod sentiam, uno saeculo commode orta esse possunt discri-
mina, quibus Palicaa Prakrita distinguatur. Cohaeret autem Palica lingua cum
emigratione Buddhaicae doctrinae in terras meridionales ; ipsa autem in India sine
ullo dubio nata est. Utrum statim ab initio lingua Palica usi sint Bauddhae meri-
diem petentes, necne, questio est satis obscura: verum enimvero, quum initia emi-
grationis in Taprobanem ante annos ante chr. n. 628-543 vix ponere liceat, eo aevo
vetustior vix erit Palicae dialecti accommodatio ad religionem Buddhae docendam;
quanto junior sit illo aevo, alii, historiae hujus sectae enuncleandae operam navan-
tes, videant. Prakritam autem scenicam quadringentisimo ante chr. n. anno vetus-
tiorem vix crederem, nec tamen ultra saeculum juniorem; nam in Mrichchakati,
dramate ante chr. n. probabiliter scripto, et quidem, si traditioni Indorum fides
habenda sit, circa ducentesimum ante chr. n. annum, Prakriticus sermo iam utitur
norma prorus eadem, atque, in recentioribus fabulis; neque ab illo tempore immu-
tatus est. Scenam autem ipsam si respicis, sciendum est, utrum ea ab initio varios
admiserit dialectos, necne, antequam ejus aetatem cum aetate dialectorum scenica-
rum conjungas.

LASSEN’s Inst. Ling. Pracriticae. 60.

The position assumed by M. Lassen, that the Pali of Ceylon was
immediately derived from the shores of Kalinga, independently of its
being matter of history, is supported by the evidence of the records now
discovered in that country. Yet it must be confessed that in some re-
spects there is a nearer connection with the dialect of Gujerdé: and it
is not unnatural to suppose that a maritime intercourse also prevailed
at a very early period between the western emporia of Suwrashtra, and
Tambapanni, the island so fruitful in aromatics, which would lead to
an intercommunion of those professing the same faith in the two coun-
tries.

The vernacular language of India at that period, then, varied in diffe-
rent provinces :—it approached more to the Sanskrit in the northwest ;
diverged from itin Magadha and Kalinga :—but it was in both places
essentially what is now called Pali, a word supposed to be derived from

1838.] rock of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 281

wat pailli, a village; as we should nowadays distinguish gaonw dri, villa-
ger, boorish, from #rdé the language of the court. There is no trace of
genuine Prdkrit in either of the dialects, and we may therefore agree
with Prof. Lassen that the patois of the dramas was not used until
three or four centuries later. The grammarians who subsequently framed
the rules of this corrupted idiom cease to mention Pal at all ;—a proof
that it had already been banished the country along with the Buddhist
religion; while the Migadhi by them set down as nearly the lowest
of jargons is evidently quite different from the inferior language of the
pillars, and the Cuttack inscriptions.

Hereafter we may be able to classify the various written vernacular
languages of India in chronological order, as regular as the modifica-
tions of the alphabet in the accompanying plate, and thus venture to
approximate the date of many an uncertain author:—but the result as
regards the Sanskrit itself is already manifest ;—the further back we go,
the nearer we approach to this parent tongue. And yet in the sixth
century before Christ we are far, very far, removed from its pristine
purity, in what we suppose to be the spoken dialect of the day; while
on the other hand we have proof that the grammatical structure of this
classical language itself has not in the slightest degree changed since the
time of ALEXANDER the Great.

That there were many provincial dialects prevalent, even in the time
of Buppua has been already proved from the books of his followers. I
cannot however close my present hasty notice better than by inserting
the very words extracted from the Tibetan authorities by my friend
M. Csoma de Kérés at my request, since in the discussions which may
ensue upon this prolific theme it will be always more satisfactory to re-
fer to the author’s own words than to a translation. Mr. Csoma
writes :—

“‘ I beg leave to lay before you a passage from the Index or Intro-
duction to the one hundred volumes of the Kah-gyur (as quoted there
from the fourth abridged commentary on the Kéla chakra Tantra)
showing that the doctrine of SHAxya, after his death, was compiled in
different languages in different parts of India, and in some other foreign
countries. The quotation, in Tibetan is thus:

SA QUL'QUY S'S AD. LAREN AG YAN AGG AAS
rao YIAoA SNH QUa'YS WyQerqsa"
PBN UNS WSS GN: QSNTULELN AT BR" Nes"
yan Aa AVA Qa A SARS AGA MARA

eet!
ee i
nae

ES _— -

282 Inscription in old character, &c. (Marcn,

VA

yeaa ySe ys yaar SQyy Sar SAN 1 HAH F:

is}

4°52
NOVA TT wae seys haga Va SHAG YAN
NL SLAY AS OV 1 Sse Ss Qasr gy AV YL’ HI
NER GAMING SST BL'SMANNS SO TUN YL Y L'A'Q
agar Lay ya vary Asay vs 1 VED UN A
LAAN SS ABI YN VHS ARS NLS YY SATA
ay eagas ays wus ary ays dy SH Sve’
Br Saye SasyvSuNrtl Say se qr Sam da
HSN OVNI UNM TUS gL VATA SV AT SOA
Qraas SryQyysy AVRorT FQQuasyy say
mA gare'gs word a Sav 11 Garanawy &e.

Translation.

From the fourth abridged commentary on the Kdla chakra.

‘After TaTHAGATA, the most accomplished Buddha, the Bhagavan
had been delivered from pain (or sorrow, i. e. had died) here in 4'ryadé-
sha, the compilers writing in books the three vehicles (or works on the
three-fold principles) they expressed all the three true repositories of
Sttra of TATHAGATA in his language. The Sdtra class in the Sindhu
language. The Prajnydé péramittd and the Mantras, in Sanskrit. The
several sorts of Tantras, in several languages: Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apa-
bhransha, in that of the mountaineers, and all sorts of mlechchhas. The
compilers thus collected all the doctrines taught by the all-knowing.
Accordingly all the three vehicles (Ydnam) in Tibet were written in
the Tibetan language. In China, in Chinese; in great China in great
Chinese. In the Parsika country, in Parsik language. On the north
of the Sita (Jawartes) river, in the languages of the Champaka country,

the Ape or Monkey country, and of the Gold-land (or country). Thus it
has been said.’ |

24th March, 1838. A. Csoma.”

[Note. I have not given a lithograph of Captain LaAne’s excellent facsimile on
cloth of the Girn4r inscription at length, because I am in hopes of soon having it re

vised on the spot, either by Dr. Burn or by Lieut. PosTans, when I shall hasten
to publish in a reduced form.—J. P. }

1838. } Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 283

VIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, the 4th April, 1838.

The Right Reverend the Lorp Bisuor of Calcutta, in the chair.

Dr. H. H. Spry, proposed at the last meeting, was elected by ballot a
member of the Society.

Dr. F. Hurrnacue, was proposed by Mr. G. A. Prinser, scconded by
the Secretary.

Correspondence. :

Read letters from Enwarp R. Danre.u, Esq. Secretary to the Royal
Institution, Epwarp Baxrour, Esq. Secretary of the Royal College of
Surgeons, and Cuartes Konie, Esq. Secretary of the Royal Society of
London, acknowledging the receipt of the last volume of the Researches
and Journal.

Read a letter from H. Dovenas, Esq. (senior member of the Civil Ser-
vice, lately retired,) dated Patna, 14th March, 1838, acknowledging the
receipt of a copy of the Khazénatul I/m, presented to him by the Society
in consequence of the great assistance afforded by him to its compiler
Kuang assmentioned with gratitude in his preface.

Mr. D. states that the relatives of the author are poor and uneducated,
and a presentation copy would be thrown away on them.

Read a letter from Juntrs Dessarpins, Esq. Secretary to the Natural
History Society of the Mauritius, acknowledging receipt of the Oriental
publications of the Society, and forwarding for presentation to the Society,
continuation of the Meteorological observations kept by himself from
June to September, 1837.

In reply to the Society’s circular regarding tidal observations, M. DESJARDINS
states that Mr. Luoyp, Chief Engineer on the island, had organized a complete
series which had been sent direct to Professor WHEWELL.

Also a letter from M. Rovy ve Rocne ue, President of the Geogra.
phical Society of Paris, forwarding the 7th volume of their bulletin, and
noticing the receipt by mistake of duplicate of the Researches.

Also, a letter of thanks from Professor Bopr for the Mahabharata, &c.
and presenting his own works in return. (See library.)

Museum.

Colonel McLeop had completed the erection of the pillar upon which
the Bust of Witson was set at the entrance into the oriental end of the
Library: he received the thanks of the Society for the superior manner
in which it was executed.

Library.

The following books were presented by the authors :

Vergleichende Grammatik—or Comparative Grammar of the Sanscrit, Zend, Greek,
eee Lithuanian, Gothic, and German languages, three parts—by Professor FRANZ

OPP.

Text and Latin translation of the episode of Nalus from the Mahabharata, second
part—by the same.

Notice du Traité Persén sur les vertus de Hugain waiz Koschifi, intitulé, Akhla-
qui Mubc¢ini, de M. Garcin_DE Tassy.

Map of the Post roads in India—presented by Captain Taylor.

The following by Societies and editors.

Bulletin de la Société de Geographie. Vol. VII.—by the Geog. Soc. of Paris.

Transactions of the Medical and Physical Society of Bombay—by the Society
through C. MOREHEBAD, Esq. Secretary.

x oly Journal of the Madras Literary Society—by Dr. Cole, Secretary und
tor,

The Chinese Repository, Vols. II, III, IV, V, and part of VI—presented by R.
Inglis, Esq.

The following works were presented by Captain T, 8. Burt, Engineers.

Burt’s Observations on Nature, I vol. edited by his son,

Burt’s Christianity, a poem with notes, ditto.

284 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Marcu,

Views of Ancient and Modern Hindu and Musalman Architecture—by Capf. Burt.

The following were received from the booksellers.

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—England, vol. 7.

Harton’s Flora Americana, 3 vols. (purchased.)

The usual Meteorological Journal—by the Surveyor General.

Oriental Publications.

Messrs. THackER and Co. submitted a file of the Alif Leila to page 504
completed : 100 pages more were in the press. The translation of the first
50 nights was expected daily and would be printed without loss of time.

Literary and Antiquities.

The Rev. W. Taytor, forwarded a duplicate of the continuation of his
Report to the Madras Literary Society on his examination of the Mac-
KENZIE manuscripts.

General ALLARD presented facsimiles of two ancient inscriptions from
Kashmir.

Extract of a letter from Captain Burnes, was read, announcing the dis.
patch of the Cabul marble slab noticed at a former meeting.

Réja Venkata Aswa Rao, presented copy of an inscription froma
temple at Warangal in the Hyderabad district, in the Telinga character,
with a transcript in Devanagari by himself. |

Mr. E. BuunpELL, Commissioner of the Tenasserim Provinces, in reply
to the Society’s request, forwarded a translation and restored copy of the
inscription on the Great Arracan bell, a description of which (by Captain
Wroveuron) was published in the December No. of the Journal.

The Secretary read continuation of his translation of the religious edicts
of Asoxa from Gujerat and Cuttack. .
[Printed in the present number. ]

He also announced the discovery that a second inscription from Juna-
garh in Gujerat, in Sansxrirt, related to the circumstance of the repair of
a bridge in the time of CuarpRaguprta, and by the very Asoxa his grand-
son whose Pdili edicts had just been described.

(This notice which is of great interest in the study of Indian antiquities, will be
published in our next number. ]

Captain T. 8. Burr, Engineers, announced in a letter to the Secretary,
that he had discovered three new pillars, two of them with inscriptions in
the No. 2 character in Malwa, of which he had taken facsimiles for trans-
mission to the Society.

Captain Burt writes also :—

‘“] paid a visit to the Sanchi monument and copied the third ancient inscription
referred to by Captain Smiru as being illegible, and of which he did not for that
reason take an impression. I am very happy in being able to confirm your remarks
as to the shorter inscriptions iu the old character at Sanchi, which from their all
being written upon different huge blocks of stone (forming component parts of the
terrace or outer wall of the tope) satisfactorily account for the word dénam, because
each huge stone was the ddnam or gift of the individual concerned.

‘‘T have taken facsimiles of about a hundred inscriptions or more since I left
Sehore or Bhilsa on the 13th ultimo, but the greater part are from satti monuments,

and not worth sending. One however is 5 feet by 4 a splendid facsimile 1120 odd
of the samvat.”’

Mr. M. Kirror, having returned from a trip to explore the site of
some coal beds in Cuttack, on which he had been deputed by government
at the recommendation of the Coal Committee, laid before the meeting
an account of the antiquarian researches he had collaterally been enabled
to make at various places in his route.

[ We shall hereafter give a sketch of the tour and need not therefore say more, than
that although the heat was so great as almost to paralyze out-of-door exertions
still the zealous explorer left nothing unseen or undone on his route :—he re-exa-
mined the inscriptions at Dhuuli mounted on a frail bambu scaffold,—he copied a
Bobaneswar inscription: he drew the whole of the sculpture on the caves at Uda-
yagtri,—a jaya stambha on a plain at some distance,—the Jdjipur images,—and

1838. } Proceedings of the Astatie Society. 285

same of the black pagoda sculpture ; this temple is now under spoliation by the
Khurda raja, and Mr. Kirton suggested that the Society should secure some of
the better samples of its rich carving for their museum, rather than allow them to
be fractured and thrown away. His visit to the coal district was attended with
success and will form the subject of a separate report. The drawings had not
then arrived, but we have since been gratified with a sight of them, and have
remarked decided traces of the Greek soldier’s dress in the battle scenes, as we
noticed in the Bihtlsa tope relievos.]
5 Physical.

A further note on the geography of Cochin China was submitted by
the Bishop of Zsauropolis.

A letter from Captain Burnes gave an account of the Reg ruwan or
moving sand near Cabul,—with a drawing of the hill by Mr. Gonsanvras.

Captain Caurney communicated the journal of a trip to the Niti pass
of the Himd/ayas, by H. Barren, Esq. C. S.

A drawing by Mr. G. Tress, of a large fossil head (elephant) lately
extracted from the rock near Warsinhpur, was sent by Dr. Spimssury.

Specimens of coal from a new site near the Damoda discovered by Lieut.
J. Harryneron, were presented by Mr. Maneu zs.

{Extract of a letter to Captain WILKINSON. |

‘*T send you a specimen of coal brought from pergana Jherria, in which pergana
that mineral abounds. This was taken from the surface of the ground about a
quarter of a mile east of the town of Jherria, and five or six miles from the banks
of the Damoda river. Of the depth or extent of the bed I cannot speak precisely,
but it lies near the surface, is I believe of considerable thickness, and with perhaps
occasional breaks or flows extends for many miles. I have found it within half a mile
of the Damoda and in some places it probably reaches the banks.

‘« The quality of the coal seems to be good; the specimen I send, and all that I
have procured, have been exposed to the weather for ages, and one I should sup-
pose inferior to what might be had at greater depths. It burns freely in a small
stove and reduces completely into ashes, so that it is free from slate or other in-

combustible substance.
‘* To enable you to trace the position of this valuable bed of coal I may mention

that it lies in about Lat. 23° 43’ N. and Long. 86° 30’ E. being about 30 miles west
from the Chinakuri Colliery, and on the northern or left bank of the Dumoda."’

Rurulia,
6th Murch, 1838. (Signed) J. HARRYNGTON.

[For an analysis of the specimen, see the table published this month. |

Some specimens of the fossil bones discovered by Mr. Pops, at the Cape
of Good Hope, supposed to be in continuation of the series presented by
him on 7th September, 1836, had arrived addressed to Mr. R. Trorrmr,
who being absent, the Sccretary had claimed them for the Society. .No
description had been received. z

Mr. W. Cracrort, presented 2 water snakes in spirits, from Ganga
Sdgar, 1 crab, and the fin of a bhekii fish with a sucking insect attached.
Also the skeleton of the head of a kangaroo rat. |

Lieutenant Feut, I. N., presented 3 fish and a few insects.

Mr. Niconas, a bird, the Austrian Patrincole mounted.

When the ordinary business was concluded Mr. J. W. Grant exhibited
to the members present, with the aid of a very beautiful lucernal micros-
cope belonging to himself, some of the fossil infusoria lately the subject of
so much discussion at home. Living infusoria of nearly the same species
had frequently been compared therewith, but they were not now in.sea-
son; other kinds were plentifully exhibited, as also the ashes of the vari-
ous coals of Burdwan and Assum, in which Mr. Grant pointed outa
marked difference, so much so that he could tel! to which field any speci-
men belonged from the appearance of its ashes under the microscope.

Mr. Grant received the thanks of the Members present, for the gratifi-
cation afforded them.

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JOURNAL

OF

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY.

No. 76.—April, 1838:

{.—Restoration and Translation of the Inscription on the large
Arracan Bell now at Nadrohighét, Zillah Ailigarh, described

by Captain WroveuTon in the Journal of the Asiatic Society,
December 1837.

At the suggestion of Colonel Burney the larger of the two facsimiles
prepared by Captain WrouGuHTon, which appeared to his pandit to be
jn the Talain dialect, was sent te Mr. E. Bhunpett, Commissioner at
Maulmain, with a request that he would endeavour to get it read and
translated by the natives of that place.

By the hands of Dr. Rictarpson it was returned to us a8 a fair

transcript of the whele, which we hasten to set up with the aid of the
new fount of Burman type cast for the publication of Mr. Lane’s Dice
tionary. The two sides of the bell contain separate copies of the same
text, one in Burmese and the other in Tudain, both with an admixture of
_ Pali at the commencement and termination. On setting up the Talain,
we found so many characters to be wanting that we were obliged to
break up the form ; but we have had the whole written in lithography
rather than omit it, thinkimg it might prove interesting to students of
_these dialects to have the corresponding texts face to face.
For the translation, Mr. BLUNDELL informs us, we are indebted to a
_ young military friend of his who has made some progress in studying the
language. The concluding portion being in Pali was translated by Dr.
- Ricwarnpson himself on his way to Calcutta. ‘To all these friends, as
well as to their native assistants who must have had no easy task in
deciphering the facsimile notwithstanding the care and minuteness with
which it was executed, we beg to return our best thanks.

It will be seen that the inscription contains a scrap of history of no
emall interest in its way.

20

288 Translation of the inscription on a Bell [ Aprit,

It seems that about the beginning of the seventeenth century the king
of Pegu being invaded by his neighbour the Burmese sovereign of
Pagahm (Pugan the ancient capital described by Colonel Burvey in
the J. A. S. Vol. IV. p. 400) called im the aid of his ally the king of
Murtaban, whom, after gaining his object, he sought treacherously to
destroy. :—but he became justly the victim of his own stratagem, and
was defeated by the Martaban king who forthwith possessed himself
of Threehenthawuddee*, (Pegu?) having the four cognomens of Yad-
zatannee, Bydzatannee, Yattatanee and Yougutunnee. He is then
represented to have endeavoured to extirpate some heresy that offended
the sect of Buddhists he brought with him, by scattering the obnoxious
articles: and the final act which the inscription records is its own
construction for the worthy object of sounding an alarm that should
reach the royal ear when any injustice was crying aloud in the streets ;
this was in the year 984 which if it be reckoned in the vulgar Burmese
era will correspond with A. D. 1622.

We cannot help regretting that such a monument should have been
removed from the place where it had a name, a history, and an object.
to be lost in an obscure Hindu temple in the northwest of India! We
know that such sacrilege, for by no other name can we call the plunder
of a place of worship, was prohibited ; but the preventive checks must

have been small indeed that could take no cognizance of the removal of

amass weighing 31 hundred weight! We should like to see the bell
claimed by our civil commissioner and restored by our government,
as an act more likely than any other to ingratiate us with the people
of Arracan. We would even compensate in cash the Resdladar, if his
conscience would not readily concede the bell from his temple when told
that it belonged to the hated and impure followers of Buddha!

With Ratna Pauta’s aid we have given the correct Pali orthogra-
phy of many words wrongly spelt on the Bell.—Eb.

Burma Version.

caggangs § asad RoSpScorSe cooSog$eod
(CHscoo0 og ep2(GoSgacaragp 2081 ©) a9 S cond (Bec00d
Qep:Godgocdleag$ “og$cood(Hs cooSogeps (oh
GO9I00000000099G005 sCaragi OFSeo$dag$eordse
[Ga pdepo0Sn0Q$ cosd(Hecoos ogeps(GoSgoovcoq

* Srihansavati, possessed of swans, a name generally applied to Rangoon.
The four epithets are Sanskrit names—Rdjadhdnt, Vidyadhani, Ratnadhénf aud
Yodhadh&ni, the abode of royalty, learning, jewels and warriors. ~

1838.]. brought from Arracan, in the. late war. 289
edloragScor$aaop5i aQap2(GoSgoeuseq, (°) ecloo
a1 OFS g0$dep$cord eG: copSe70091 oo00080¢005
2519 gScp$aop5iiad00099G005 9g0Q _YsSOQEII09
99 (6) gE GpSq$aopSoés(gScoodgoopsu agze€ 095
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colings vco{lQecpQadu soovcoapSegogeaqgso8
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sogooo ©) anagoog ©) conog0009 (4) e084,
® 900989, (9) 0981) sagle,o0 ©) canepa, ©) @9906)90

208

290 Translation of the inscription on a Bell [Aprit,

onop003§ FoaecTqo2(9Eu BscorSy poseoss0g Boo
goqoSaopSaoceKQoego o€soYGllogEepoossEoBu
Bs cordGaseé: Fooogngodad (gE Edueg$gon afd
HeGhn SSaopSn gooosoh09(cBu ofo}so§saeoo000
gooQeoogeGgo§u ga8s0d () odSag(BeaogSuGoS

a Gog qQos0Ga8oppS(gogu GeSfooscso€eoagozeco
Glicés egomep& ") oopSn opdSoopdgogoop5igBs
corSsos8$a0pSopSoopdgoGfaop5iig8s coodudc003
aranp5ep500e590§}09P51| cd liico D20Sos0081 co9091
Gcogosondseosonc00000099 eoSzas0 e€goea00c8
cooGoooop5i offs 02 yovodgoc005d90 eoS(gSoop5i
aGz0g yovodo}oop5:fFep goo: of}. agSo$Zdoos
cGGego}urq eooofadeoo2 ejoGaEQlgF efGoo
pS ean0qo03 *) gasfgfoow odsodecodlesGoo
agin S8sagoSeacanae,oS c00g0d 1205" GoSeqaod ©
BEsEor$Q cofGadeagSoqoSsdclesemaqoc3 1)
Qo rgiogaS cong) 999,09 sSeqScod00p50 890d
2000038 pooodoo$qicpspu OGesod | BGodo00080
ExcsamrapGaops ooggSoodsscledleg GéoEéB
cgiEigeooo0p$06 09a8:0F sofas cp 08 pYeoodeago

Eng qnetiod cQodagopdaacAgoCoocoa [Cn q aQneiie
Es megog3oSegy: saqoz20b ad GEosdu soec8ebag
(Bog2\02009 2009$20q,Eoog8: orpgoSosgjaS oo pSig
QRarnrjcoog} SGodsaooBQaheqSeh q Qpeiedsco

(9) ogaddegg “) gaoepa {*) caseqed3 “) GoD
cqodk (14) Gepos (15) Gcpoe (16) Gooep (17) @ECpO>

1838. ] brought from Arracan, in the late war. 29)

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agoadaacy$aaq SgFqsogesojosepi coroqoc3.q 03
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En 99 $o9cGos008 Seq) s FagoBo$ad qad oopbieso0
soodepSaq$G$aopSu cagq@ofoc8 ao—dofE(ge5yo
CloopS oos0039Slu009 [GSqopdgHagjEu ooggjcoo
opda$agecogy$ go qSqio5 gos oYohosoon aflsOSe
G]e000909Q0 8 oSa0$ G [Gage q qnowoE copdesocp0§$
1) HEmaAQorodg PoSeqaoEa$u GEqé soo
ORGQEooeSoEzcramrap& ) jsaq$sqhoSo4s3ep
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RIES cSeqooEay$GEqEsSooogqosé:cag 1
QQROLC rcopdess0EopSaZcBGagjeucooas *) gdleg
EGeSq$o005n 8B90d000008(G.098 SuQq ecogf co9
on (1°) Gls cp asepaocooctBu'BgcosoBi 7! ag9
conc ‘*) newosacc208 (9) noGscosa8 Gc SoS uep
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700013 9) oo08 (4) coaB ©) coagoa8 (9) Bgqoo008

292 Translation of the inscription ona Bell — [Apnit,
ecigos§Eu aggoooc °) Yepgoiaooso7 SlecTyoe
(GpSq$GEu cooscaccoaB °*) Asqpgosaooad0$Q$oo
2502209 90S ecTiyaz (GEtoooaB *) cdlssSQeSq$oo
SABGosoosochF: o3BSozqgGosoroEgoosa,0304
agadoo€ gE coE Gag (GS oo0hgo8:9Scoodqecogien
@ocdeoocn00i odo9{(Hogon sop8{8.goeeoodeor

apsiooeSoqepioges cospogedi oo€ av00gedqo# §¢

OSYCoophi Yeodcogsduco.fcoovosearaE coos go
OpEd qosagaocos goQ$(GSqcso0EvEsegomeps )
aSastcay|sagEu cGeocaro€oooscooopgQougad aja:
an[Breoco sq Saha$(GSccog «

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o8Ea9QpSo002 goododaa(Hu geod ogorp8009908
AG gucolgeSeaQodu covcsoop5u sogoSossepaqjoSge
COIEGSQ$0g cdc00005 og$Bo00Sa$11 B§$oo$oao
c00So9Eo2(gadoc0:0§ s0(Hys BSloYeaorE Seoodu
wE:GJEooepa00Scl s EBs oo(gEcognoBodaG¢12 giz

- CYA IEGEZG eS ooozoHahaq gagzootghegeosog ag

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2909$ cordeoosar9 B05 5 a9 (AG adz00F Qodepc009

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Y 0998809

1838. } brovght from Arracan, in the late war. 293

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epooposagoysa cay u

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|poCods csarrepGio} BGudo000c8 of EG pSaRodG
MQOVOGEag(GaSooo: Ysoog$eooSorepoo (GSqo5

294 Translation of the inscription on a Bell [ APRIL,

GOODD EDIQQGES aysSoopSes Eade ofag$oq -
Sooosq 00951 0§Ea2(GaSacox03g eooSarepo0[g Eg
Sq oopSso0G2 gocpoESyosesoosaq Oo} cqsqsleo
ood $gyo$oq GeoGJocop5u ao00GEu soocfEoosp

| ofaq gepooedi g$ooSarep00(g§aqgq5]eo0001 a

uC) oopdagayjaSosepeasae (oSoopSau Ga lS \

[On comparing the translation with the original text, through the aid
of Ratna PavuLa, we find that the first half of the inscription is left
untranslated, either from its obscurity or from its not containing any
thing of material import. Nevertheless as the document is incomplete
without it we will endeavour to give the sense of this portion.

* In the course of the Bhattakambha (Bhadrakalpa or golden age)
the holy power of (the Buddhas) Kuxusanpa, KonaGamana, and
Kasyapa, was manifested; but their religion expired with them.
Afterwards the supreme power of the divine mahavira GauTAMA
appeared in the world. From the date of his nibban (nirvan) 1275
years, (A. D. 732) and after that in this 913th* year, (A. D. 1645)
a prince is ruling replete with virtue, intelligence, learning and elo-
quence, vigour and determination ; of a family all virtuous, redressing
his subjects’ grievances, and distributing favors: he, desiring the oppor-
tunity of doing good, consulted with his chief minister DASABENyYa and
his four ministers in order to extend friendship, and favor, and charity,
and to give employ to his subjects of town and country. Dosenyat+
expounded that the anointed sovereign was one and supreme, that his
city contained the five forces, Dasabala, Nyanbala, Kayabala, Tejabala,
and Sutabala, which being explained mean, Dasabala the rich, possessed
of gold, silver, jewels, &c.; Nyanbala, the raja himself replete with
supremacy, power, command, skill, and majesty ; Kayaba/a, those having
the eighteen sciences, and the warrior class; Zejabala, priests and
the wise; and Sutabala (Srutabala), the intelligent inhabitants of
town and country. He (the raja) expelled his brother Byano Yo,
why ?—because he did not walk in the way of the respectable: why
was his brother put out of the throne of Pi? ( Prome/), because
he did not honor or favor his nobles and his generals, therefore was he
expelled. Dussipat (TusHapaTTa) commander of the army, with the

* The passage is obscure and the second date 1913—We suppose the 1 to be
an accidental stroke the sense becomes as above. +t DasaBenya?

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1838. ] brought from Arracan, in the late war. 295

officers and soldiers turned away their minds, and many men of Pé shook
off their allegiance. The supreme king gave to his brother Addnin the
place where he resides, and to his other brothers, their residences,
Vanchesi, Calhat, Talvi, and Labha, four towns, to receive the revenue
thereof; to the ministers DasAMARAH and Apacua, the raja had given
Kolya. These two were ministers of the right side, they had been guilty
of beating, imprisoning and other cruelty and extortion to the citizens

”?

Pali name of the town Pugehu, not the province in which it is placed :
it is spelt Ketumati (the possessed of the royal banner) in the former
Ramzvi inscription printed in the Journal, vol. III. p. 209.—Ep. ]

Translation,

« At a propitious moment when the constellation Nekhat* was in
the ascendant, on Tuesday the third day of the waning of the moon
Tagoo (April) the four divisions of royal troops, consisting of elephan-
teers, infantry, horsemen and charioteers, marched out of the city of
Pagahm in the district of Gaytoowuddee, and arrived in the country
of Threehenthawuddee (Pegu) in fifteen days, when a camp was
formed.

Then the king of Pegu, collected his grand royal army, and having
set it in order, he marched to meet the enemy, and give battle, but being
apprehensive of defeat, he dispatched a letter to the king of Mautamma
(Martaban) calling upon him for aid. The king of Martaban there-
upon collected his nobles, generals, and all his bold and courageous
soldiers, and marched to his assistance. When he arrived in the king-
dom of Pegu, he mounted the elephant Avvrawon, and attacked the
armies of Pagahm with such firmness and resolution, that it was
impossible for them to withstand the shock, and they were completely
routed. :

The king of Martaban with his nobles, generals and victorious army
returning were met by the king of Pegw, mounted upon the elephant

_Vopantathat+, and surrounded by the chiefs, and the variously armed
divisions of his royal forces. The king of Martaban distrusting him of
: Pegu, and seeing himself surrounded by his army, began to tremble for

* The word nekhat (nakshatra) signifies lunar mansion ; there is therefore some
mistake here. The words are didi nekhat, which may be trittya nakshatra, while
the 3rd mansion was rising, to denote the hour of the day.— Ep.

+ Uposatha, the name of a fabulous elephant of supernatural strength,
the other animal is called airévati, the name of INpRa’s elephant.

op
:

296 Translation of an inseviption on a Bell, &c. [APRIL,

his life, he therefore vowed that should he be delivered from the ruin
that threatened him, he would become a charitable donor to religious
establishments ; then having mounted his elephant Airawon, he assem-
bled his generals, and set his troops in battle, order:—the two armies

being now engaged, the king of Pegw riding upon his elephant Vopan-

tatha, was charged by the monarch of Martaban, seated upon the

elephant Azrawon ; the tusks of the former being broken in the encoun- —

ter, he was unable to sustain the fight, but turned and fled, upon which
the army of Pegwu was defeated and the nobles and generals destroyed.
The king of Martaban having proclaimed his victory, took possession

of Threehenthawuddee and the four Tannees* ( ) which it

contained. These four Tunnees were called Yadzatannee, Bydzatan-
nee, Yattatannee and Yougatannee ; among them Yadzatannee was the
most excellent: of the highest order, and possessed of power and great-

ness. Bydzatannee had superior wisdom and knowledge; Yattatannee
had the seven kinds of precious gems, and Yougatannee was careless of —

life and excelled in bravery. Having taken Threehenthawuddee, and
banished the evil doers, he ruled over the country in peace. The nobles,
chiefs and military officers represented that the property of the tem-
ples, of the libraries, and of the monasteries, was not in accordance

with the established system, that like a hot iron it consumed every am
thing near it, and that it should be conveyed out of the couutry : it was ¥

accordingly scattered abroad.
The inhabitants of the whole earth enjoyed the light of his wise

administration of the laws. In like manner as the stars are illumined

by the brightness of the full moon, so the king desired to see his nobles

and warriors, and his subjects, in number more than a hundred thou-

sand, increase their riches in proportion to his own prosperity. The
king by means of his ten royal virtues, increased in benevolence; he
instructed his people according to the ancient rules and customs+, and
would not suffer them to act wickedly. He governed Threehentha-
wuddee, after the manner of former times. Sometimes during the
season Ganthayedda, when the king reclined upon the royal coucht
and pleasure filled his breast, he reflected upon the just laws of the
world, and thought it would be right to erect a statue of the deity in the

* Tannee, is the Sanskrit dhdni, the abode of, and these four names are
epithets or descriptions of the Pegu kingdom, not separate provinces.

+ The text has, ‘like Yama he repressed the wicked.’ And further en
‘like Chandra he shone among the planets of his court.’

{ The text has, ‘in the cool season or ritu.’

1838.] Description of Sindh. 297

country of Pegu, aud establish for the people a true system of justice
that they may neither fear nor hate him, but bear him in respectful
remembrance, and for this purpose he determined to cast a bell and
place it beneath a double roof*, that the people might give notice of
their wrongs by striking it, the sound of which reaching his ears, he
would be enabled to redress their wrongs. (He therefore) expended a
thousand vis of pure silver in the construction of this bell.

On Monday, the twelfth day of the waxing of the moon of July (Phal-
gun or February—March), three hours and a half after the rising of the
ninth sign.of the zodiac, in the year 984+, (agreeing with A. D. 1622,)
the king caused this bell to be cast, its weight being 8254 vist: it was
placed beneath a double roof. From the time of its being so made and
suspended the people have struck it upon the occurrence of any injus-
tice, the sound of which having been heard by him, he has directed
justice to be properly administered. The people of the country per-
ceiving (his benevolence) felt as if washed with water (abuses abolish-
ed).

If this bell be destroyed let future monarchs repair it ; to this end I
have made it, that the people might obtain justice and that I might
obtain Nibban, and all ages till that time the laws might be duly admi-
nistered§. This work of merit I have done.”

l.—Ezxtracts from the Téhfat ul Kiram||, and the Chach Ndmeh,
translated by Lieutenant T. PosTans.

[Continued from page 104.]

As the following translations from the Persian manuscripts (Téh-
Jat ul Kiram, and 2nd Chach Nameh) afford some imformation, re-
specting the early history of Sindh previous to, as well as its conquest

* Mandap, a kind of belfry or temple.

+ There is some confusion, two dates being apparently given, one Pha/.
gun, the other July, one is doubtless the rising of the lunar mansion for
the fortunate hour.—Epb.

_{ This weight must be read rather 825 vis 4 tikals, which at 140 tolas
will be about 2750 pounds avoirdupois.—Captain W. made the weight by
estimation of the cubic contents 3472 lbs.

§ Rarwa Pavuxa understands this,—and in all my transmigrations be-
fore attaining nibban, may I duly exercise justice, &c.

\| (Tohfat ul Kiram—written Tohfat ul Kbwia in the former extract from in-
distinctness in the MS,—Eb.)
2 Pp 2

298 Description of Sindh [Aprin,

by, the Muhammadans under the Khalif Watiip ;—they may perhaps _
be considered of some interest.
Description of Sindh. q
Sindh is one of the sixty-one divisions of the world, situated in the z=
five first climates, belonging chiefly to the second, and is in the same —
region as the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. ‘The river of Sindh
rises in the mountains of Cashmere ; another joins it from the mountains
of Cabul, in Multdin it is met by the river Schun, and thus proceeds to —
the sea. Its water is clear and very cool, in the language of the coun- !
try it is called Mthran. All the rivers of Sindh flow towards the south,
where they empty themselves into the sea, such as the waters of Pilab, —
Chinab, Lahore, Sultanpur, and Bajiwarrah. The climate of Sindh —
is delightful, its mornings and evenings invariably cool; the country
to the north hotter than that to the south, its inhabitants intelligent, F
and of large stature. }
Sindh is so called from Sinpu, the brother of Hinpu, the son of —
Noau, whose descendants for many generations ruled in that country. —
From these also sprang numerous tribes, such as the Nabeteh, the men q |
of Zak, and the tribe of Nomid who governed and possessed it by
turns. No record remains of.these, and its history commences with the
last of the dynasty of the Rahis (or rajas), whose capital city and seat —
of government was Alor, Alor was a large, flourishing, and populous —
city, situated on the bank of the river Mihran, possessing magnificent —
edifices, highly cultivated gardens, producing every description of tree
and fruit: ‘ travellers found all their wants supplied.”
The territory of the raja of Sindh extended to the east, as far as —
Cashmere and Kunnij ; west, to Mihran and the sea ; south, to the ter-
ritories of the ports of Surat and Deo, and to the north, to Kandahar, —
Secustan, and the mountains of Suliman and Kynakan. a }
At the time this history commences*, Raui Sauir Sin, Bin —
SAHIRSi, governed the country of Stmdh ; he was a good and just man, a
whose authority being universally acknowledged, extended to the ter-
ritories abovementioned. The peace which for a long period had
reigned in all parts of his dominions, was suddenly interrupted by an
incursion of a large army from Persia, under the king Nim Roz, into —
Mukran and Kich, which countries that prince laid waste, and taking
with him many prisoners, returned to Persia. When the news of this
foray reached Sanir Sry, he was highly incensed, and having pre-
pared a large force, marched to Mukran, whence he dispatched mes-

* That is, about the year 2 of the Hejira.

e |
fi
*
*
*
1

1838. } _ from the Muhammadan historians. 299

sengers, offering battle to Ni’m Roz; this latter was also prepared, and
advanced with all speed. A desperate conflict ensued, lasting from morn-
ing until mid-day, in which N1'm Roz was victorious, Sauir Sin being
killed during his retreat, by an arrow in the neck. The victorious
army of Ni’m Roz, having occupied themselves in plunder, returned to
their own country, and the remnant of the Sindhian forces, returned to
Alor, where, on their arrival, they placed Sauir, the son of Sanir
Sin, upon the throne, with great festivity and rejoicing.

* Rahi, (or raja) Sau following the example of his father,
governed the country of Sindh with justice and moderation, and secu-
rity and peace were throughout his dominions. In his minister Rém
Rar’, the raja possessed a man fully competent to the discharge of all
the duties of government, and being himself much inclined to luxury,
and the sensual enjoyments of his harem, he entrusted the management
of all his state affairs, to R&m Rat’; nor in this man’s hands was power
abused, but the affairs of the country prospered, and the subjects were
satisfied. On one occasion R&m Rat’ convened a large assembly of
brahmins and other learned men; from amongst the former, a young
man of pleasing exterior, and great eloquence, by name CHacu, parti-
cularly attracted the attention of the minister, who asked him his name,
and whence he came, he replied, “ I am CHAcu, the son of Sinan,” a
brahmin well known in the city of Alor. This introduction was the pre-
lude to a great friendship, and R<m Rar’ discovering the extraordinary
talents of Cuacu, (who was wonderfully learned in all the learning of
the Hindus) made him his assistant and confidential adviser. In a short
time the brahmin Cuacu became thoroughly acquainted with all the
affairs of government, and was entrusted by RAm Rar’ with the sole
direction and management of the country; the people looked upon the
brahmin Cuacu, as the representive of the raja, and Ram Rai’s
influence decreased.

It happened that Ram Rat’ fell sick, and during his illness, letters
arrived from a distant part of the dominions, which required the raja’s
immediate attention. Messages were sent to the king, who, too indolent
to leave his harem, desired that the letters might be brought to his
presence, where from behind a curtain, he would dictate a reply. His
attendants represented that the bearer was a brahmin, whose sacred
_ Office precluded the necessity of a veil between him and the inmates of
the harem. Cuacu read and explained the dispatches, as well as dic-
tated the replies, and by these and other acts, so completely gained the

* (From this to the end is from the 2nd Chach Nameh.)

300 Description of Sindh [Apnrit,

confidence and applause of the raja, that he was invested with a dress
of honor, and raised to the highest dignity of the state. It happened
during the first interview with the raja, that the rani saw the brahmin
Cuacn, and immediately became desperately enamoured of his person ;
nor did she hesitate to make him acquainted with her passion. CHacu’s
honor, however, was proof against her solicitations, and he replied, Be |
am a brahmin, and cannot be guilty of treachery by violating the
harem of the king, whose servant I am ; moreover the safety of myself 4
and family would be compromised by such a crime.” The rani’s passion
was too strong to be overcome, and she became melancholy, refusing
rest and food. At length the state of affairs became public, and the king.
was informed that Cuacu was plotting with the rani, to disgrace him
in the eyes of his subjects : the raja’s confidence however in Cuacu was
not shaken by these reports, to which he gave no credit. Shortly after
the raja became sick unto death, and the rani seeing her husband’s end
approaching, called for Cuacu, and told him she had devised a plan,
whereby he might succeed to the throne of Sindh, as well as gratify her
desires after the death of the raja. To this end, she issued a proclama-

tion in the king’s name, convening a general assembly of all classes in

the city of Alor. When the people were assembled, it was announced
that the king’s health not permitting his attendance, he had delegated
all authority to the brahmin Cuacu, whom, during the king’s illness,
the subjects were implicitly to obey. CHACH was moreover invested
with the royal signet, and duly acknowledged by the people as the re-
presentative of the raja. In a few days the rahi Sanur’ died, and the rani

immediately instigated Cu ACH to seize the throne, saying, “‘ Now is the ba

time for the accomplishment of my wishes, and the destruction of your
enemies.” Cuacu replied, “I bow to your will.” The rani reported,
that the r4ja had no children, but that other members of the family
would doubtless assert their claims to the government of the country;
she therefore devised the following plot for their destruction. As the
fact of the king’s death had been kept a profound secret, the relations
were invited to the palace, under the pretence that the raja finding him-
self at the point of death, was anxious to make his will, and settle the
succession, to which end it was necessary, that all the members of his
family should attend. These people thus inveigled into the palace, were
imprisoned and afterwards murdered. The body of the raja was burnt,
and the brahmin Cuacu proclaimed king of the country of Sindh and
its dependencies without opposition.

a) a

1838.] from the Muhammadan historians. 301

Account of the government of Cuacu and his marriage with the
rani.

When by the consent of the nobles, Cuacu was seated on the
throne, he opened the doors of the treasury, and by bestowing largesses
on all ranks, made them subservient to his authority, increased the pay
of the soldiers, decreased the taxes, founded cities, cultivated all parts
of his dominions ; and married the rani according to the rites of his
religion. When these circumstances were generally known throughout
the country, other relatives of the late-king, came from Jaudpur and
Chitir, to assert their claims to the throne, and having- collected a
large army, prepared to dispute their rights. The commander of these
forces was Rana Miurutr CuHItTTOo’rI’, who, when he arrived in the
neighbourhood of Jaisulmir, wrote to Cuacn saying, “ You are a
brahmin ; the affairs of government cannot be carried on by you; you
cannot fight: it is better that you seek retirement, and not rush on de-
struction.”

Cuacu took this letter to the r4ni, told her the contents of it, and
said, “ a powerful enemy is at hand, what do you counsel ?” The rani
said, battle is better understood by men than women, if you are not a
man, give me your clothes and take mine, and I will go to battle with
the enemy.” Cuacu was ashamed: the rani moreover advised CHAcH
saying, “ You have abundance of wealth, use it liberally amongst your
subjects, so that they become attached and obedient to you.” CuacH
again opened the doors of the treasury, and after distributing large
sums of money, collected his force, and prepared to meet the enemy,
Suddenly Rana Minruvr arrived in the neighbourhood of Alor, on
learning which, Cuaca came out to meet him. When both armies were
drawn up for battle, and about to begin the contest, Rana Minrut
cried out “ Oh Cuacn! why should these men destroy each other.
We are the principals in this quarrel, let us then decide the matter by
single combat and on foot; if I fall, you shall have all I possess, and if
I am victorious, I will rule your country.” To this Cuacu agreed, and
the two chiefs advanced in front of their respective forces. CHACH
alighted from his horse, which he ordered his servant to bring slowly
after him; but when the two chiefs approached each other, and were
about to begin the combat, the servant of CHacu at a preconcerted
signal, brought his horse to his master, who quickly mounting and
drawing his sword, with one blow killed Rana Minrut, whose army
seeing the fall of their leader, took to flight. Cuacn pursuing them,
killed the greater part, the rest fled; he did not quit the scene of action

302 “Description of Sindh [ Aprit,

until the next day, when the people of Alor ornamented their bazars
and houses, and CHAcu with great pomp returned to Alor, and became
a powerful king. In that year he made a tour of his dominions with a
large army*, and was much satisfied with the state of the country. He
had two sons, one named Durr the other Dinter; he had also a
daughter. After some years CHACH died, and his eldest son (DAu1R),
succeeded to the throne: Cuacu reigned 40 years.

Account of the government of the son of Cuacu, on the throne of
his father.

By the consent of the nobles and subjects, Dauir the eldest son
of Cuacu, was placed upon the throne of his father; he was just and
merciful, bestowed gifts on the soldiers, and was kind to all classes of
his subjects. After DAntr had reigned one year, he went towards the
country of Shirki, to the government of which province he appointed a
deputy ; from thence he proceeded to Chittore and Burhamanabad, in
which latter he sojourned some days, appointing his brother Diurr its
ruler. After a period of six months, occupied in travelling through
various parts of his dominions, he concluded a treaty of peace with the
governor of Kinnan, and returned to his own capital Alor. Here he was
received with every demonstration of respect and attachment, the peo-
ple of the city coming out to meet him. Dzure was inclined to put
much faith in the predictions of astrologers, and as he had settled all
the affairs of the country under his rule, he consulted those learned
men, as to the future welfare of himself and his dominions. They de-
clared, that they had consulted the stars and that neither in the horos-
cope of the king D&urr, or his brother Dintr, could they discern any
malignant influence ; but in that of their sister it was ordained, that she
should marry, and that her husband should occupy the throne of Sindh ;
and rule the dominions subject thereto.

This intelligence sorely perplexed DAurr, who fancied he saw in
this prediction the loss of his sovereignty and power. For some time
however, he occupied himself with state affairs, but the prediction of the
astrologers still perplexing him, he again summoned them, and again
required them to foretel his fate. After some delay, they returned him
the same answer as before, whereupon DAuiIR called together his father’s
ministers, and all the servants of the state, and sought their counsel on
the occasion, telling them that as he could not bring himself to the

* An account of this expedition has been before given, from the original
‘* Chach Nameh."’ See January No. of the Society's Journal for the present
year.

1838.) from the Muhammadan historians. 303

sacrifice of power and eritpire, he intended, to fulfil the predictions of
the astrologers, by marrying his own sister. To this measure his coun-
cil expressed the utmost abhorrence, representing, that it would not
only bring reproach on the country, and violate the laws of the religion

_ they professed ; but, that so unnatural a proceeding, would not fail to pro-

duce insurrections and disturbances throughout his dominions. These
arguments however were of no avail to stifle the superstitious fears of
the raja, who after some days, was married in the presence of his nobles,
and according to the forms of the Hindu religion, to his own sister.
When the news of this marriage reached Burhamanabad, DiH1r was
greatiy incensed at his brother’s conduct, and wrote to him in terms of
expostulation, entreating him to repair if possible, the disgrace he had
brought upon the memory of their father Cuacu, by absolving himself
from so unholy a connection. The brother’s arguments were of no
avail, Da‘urr replying, “ That he had but fulfilled his destiny, from
which it was vain to attempt to flee.” In short, Dinrr enraged with
his brother, collected a force and marched to Alor to punish him.
Dur prepared to oppose his brother, and for this purpose encamped
at some distance from the city; awaiting his arrival. Inthe mean-
while, Din1r marching by another route, reached the gates of Alor,
thinking in his brother’s absence to make an easy capture of the place;
put the walls were manned, and the defence so vigorous, that Dinir
was driven to the westward of the city. Da'‘urr, learning the arrival of
his brother’s forces, threw himself with his army into Alor. The next
day he proclaimed a general feast, and sent some of his confidential
men, with presents and viands, to his brother Dinir, with a view to
pacify his wrath, and bring about a reconciliation; but Diatr would
neither accept them, or listen to overtures of peace. These messengers
were followed by the mother of the princes, who used her influence to
reconcile the younger to his brother’s conduct, telling him, that beyond
the mere forms of marriage with his sister, Da’1HR had committed no
sin ; moreover, that this was understood by all classes of the subjects,
and every where accepted, as a sufficient justification of the raja’s pro-
ceedings. The mother’s arguments prevailed, and the following day was
appointed for an interview; and public reconciliation between the princes.
The next day the raja Da'u1r came out with a large retinue to meet his
brother, who alighting from his horse, advanced and kissed the raja’s foot,
in token of submission to his authority. DAurr also, with much display
of affection, alighted, embraced and kissed his brother, and taking him
by the hand, led him to his tent, where they remained for some time,
Da’uir relating all that had occurred. In the evening Drutr returned
2a

~~

in =

304 Description of Sindh [-ApRiE,

to his encampment, but was shortly after attacked with small-pox, from
the violence of which malady he died after an illness of four days.
Davuir’s sorrow on hearing of the death of his brother was very great,
and after dispatching messengers to ascertain the truth of the report,
he himself with his head and feet bare, proceeded to his brother's resi-
dence ; he helped to bear the body to the pile, and assisted in the funeral
ceremonies. Durer afterwards proceededto Burhamanabad, where he
appointed a governor in the place of his deceased brother: he then
returned to Alor, and for some years governed the country in peace and
prosperity.

Reason of sending the army of the faithful to Sindh.

In the history of Sindh itis related, that during the Khalifat of
AspuLt Maturx, the king of Sirundip (Ceylon), sent some of his
servants with presents of female slaves and other merchandize, to the
Khalif at Bagdad. The boat which conveyed these people was attacked
near the port of Dibul, (which to this day is called Tattah and Lahou-

ry) by a band of robbers, who killed the greater part of the messen- —

gers, seized the property, and made many of the people prisoners : some
few escaped, and reported what had occurred to the Khalif.

The Khalif was incensed at the outrages, and immediately ordered
a force to be prepared to attack Sindh. In the meantime the Khalif died,
and the marching of this force was delayed. After the death of ABpuL
Ma.uixk, his son WALLI’D (Brn AspuL MALuix) succeeded to
the throne, and Hissas Bin Yusur was to settle the affairs of the
countries of Urakin, Kirman, Khorassan, and Stostan ; he also made

himself acquainted with the state of affairs in Sindh, and wrote to the —

Khalif, representing, that the servants of the king of Strundip, who
had been dispatched with presents to his father, were still prisoners in
the fort of Dibul, that it had been the intention of the former Khalif,
to punish the committers of the outrage, and release these people; but
that his death interfered to prevent the measure. H1ssaJ urged the
Khalif to give the necessary orders for the dispatch of a foree, and as
he considered it an office of some importance, wrote himself to the raja of
Sindh, (D/autr Bin Cyacu,) stating what had occurred, and demand-
ing anexplanation. This letter Hissag entrusted to two messengers
directing them at the same time to act as spies, and give him every in-
formation respecting the state of the country of Sindh. When Hissas’s
letter reached Da/nir, he received it with all respect, but replied, that
as the outrage complained of had been committed by a band of lawless
people, over whom he had no control; he had neither the power to

1838.] from the Muhammadan historians. 305

punish them, or return the property which had been seized. This reply
was conveyed to Higsas, with every particular respecting the coun-
try, and at the same time the necessary orders were issued from
the seat of authority at Bagdad, for assembling a large force to
subdue Sindh. The command of this army was entrusted to Ma-
nHomMap Brn Kassim, a cousin of the Khalifs ; the expenses of its
equipment were directed to be paid from the public treasury, under
the direction of Hissas Brn Yusur. In one month Hussas
collected 15,000 men (of these 6000 were horse, 6000 mounted
on camels, and 3000 infantry), and marched them upon Szndh,
sending with them 30,000 dinars for expenses. The marching of this
army took place in the year 92 of the Hejira. God is great.

Account of the conquest of Sindh by Manommep Brn Kassim,
and of the death of Dautr.

Kazi IsmarL Bin Axi, Bin Manommen Bin Musa, Bin Tuoat’
has related, that during the time of the reign of WALLI'’p Bin Appu'L
Mutx, Hissay Brn Yusur Svu’kuFisz, sent Manommep Bin Ha-
ru’w from Bagdad to Mukran, and he conquered Mukran, and the
countries on the bank of the river Kulzum. In the year 92 Hejira,
MauommMeEp Bin Kassim, cousin of the Khalif’s, and son-in-law of
Hissays Bin Yusur, with the army of the faithful, marched to attack
Sindh, being for some time employed in Kerman, in preparing his
forces, passing through Kich and Mukran, he marched towards Sindh.
When Ddurr heard of the arrival of the army of the faithful, he pre-
pared to advance to Mukran and attack them; the great men of the
state however dissuaded him from this, representing, that Brn Kas-
SIM’s army was composed of Arabs, who were instigated by revenge
and hatred of the Hindu religion to conquer the country ; that it was
necessary to be cautious, and if possible to satisfy Bin Kassim with
overtures of tribute, but in case of such overtures not being accepted,
then said they, “ Let us make some other arrangement, and having col-
lected a great army with the assistance of the treasury of the state; let
us preserve the country from the calamity with which it is threatened.”
Raut’ DdAurr approved of this advice, and delayed his march until
the army of the faithful had arrived at the fort of Metrunkote, which
they besieged, and after much fighting captured, killing most of the
infidels: the rest fled to the capital Alor. Elated with this success,
Bry Kassim marched upon Tattah, which place he soon reduced,
releasing the prisoners who were there, and sending them to Hissas;

he then directed his steps towards the neighbourhood of Secustan. The
2Q2

306 Description of Sindh : [APRIz,

account of the battle which there took place, exceeds the power of tongue
to relate; in two encounters the infidels were victorious ; the third time
victory was declared in favour of the faithful, and the infidels fled.
Manommep Bin Kassim having conquered the fort of Seciustan,
settled the affairs of the surrounding country, and sent a deputy to
Tattah putting the affairs of that place and Merrunkote into his hands.

It is related, that when Manommep. Bin KaAssiM, arrived in the

neighbourhood of Secvstan, the men of Chuneh sent a spy into his

camp, who arrived during the time of the calling to prayers of the army
of the believers. On that occasion, the Mussulmen were formed in
lines for prayers, and Manommep Bin Kassim acted as the preacher,
the faithful being collected round him, attending to his discourse. The
spy beheld this, and reported to the men of Chuneh, saying, “ I swear
by God, that that tribe are so unanimous, that whatever enterprise they
undertake, there can be little doubt but they will conclude it.” He also

told them how attentive and obedient they were to the advice of Mauom- — ;

MED Bin Kassim. On hearing these words, a desire arose in the minds
of the men of Chuneh, and they enlisted ufider the banners of Islamism ;
they were the first inhabitants of Simdh, who became Muhammadans.”
After the arrangement of affairs in Secustan, it was debated in the
army of the faithful, whether it should first attack Brahmanabad, or
the capital of the country Alor ; but Bin Kassim decided in favour of
the latter, for said he, “ let us first reduce the capital and dethrone the
king, the other places will then fall into our hands.” This was agreed.
upon, and having passed the river opposite Talhatty, the army of the
faithful proceeded to Alor. Daur on hearing this, prepared for battle.
The astrologers however told him that they had consulted the stars, and
learnt that his horoscope boded him bad fortune ; whilst the star of the
army of the Muhammadans, was in the ascendant. On this account, they
counselled him not to depart from the city, but to entrench himself with-
in its walls. Danir therefore sent a countless army from the city, who
arrived upon the banks of the waters of Gunjeri, the next day, Bin
Kassim in the place called Duffian, appointed ABDULLAH Bin
Av Su’kurl’, to attack the enemy. He accordingly arrived oppo-

site the army of the infidels, in the place called Kullah Gunjeri, on

the bank of the river. They met and fought furiously ; the infidels were
worsted, and many of them killed, and some say, that the defeat of the
infidels on that day, was ascribed to an accident which befel their com-
- mander, whose horse threw him, and galloping amongst the ranks of the
soldiers, led them to believe that their chief was killed, whereupon they
fled. In short, ABDULLAH returned to Bin KassiM victorious, and

1838. } . Srom the Muhammadan historians. 307

Brin Kassim marching from that place arrived at Alor and laid seige to
it. DAuir was thus surrounded in his own city. Bry Kassim erected
a catapult, and threw fireworks (which he had seen in use amongst the
people of Persia and Rum), into the city. Both armies, the besieged
and besiegers, fought desperately, so much so that in ten days, seven
battles or engagements took place, in every one of which the Muham-
madans were victorious ; and on the day of Thursday the 10th of the happy
month of Ramzan, in the year 93. Hejira, the king Durr, instigated
by rage and revenge, prepared his war elephants, and with a large force
came out from the city of dlor, to do battle for his crown and kingdom.
They say he had 1000 men with armour, and 30,000 infantry in line, in
advance of his army. Durr himself, seated in the howdah of an elephant,
the cover of which was highly ornamented, went to the right and left ani-
mating and encouraging his troops. On that day two beautiful female
slaves were seated in the raja’s howdah, one administered wine, and the
other pauntohim. Thearmies fought from morn untii night; Brn Kassim
with a division of his army, fought himself as a common soldier on the
plain, overthrowing all to whom he was opposed, whilst others of the faith-
ful threw fireworks into that part of the enemy’s army occupied by the
elephants. In this way the howdahs took fire, and the beasts becoming
infuriated, rushed through the ranks of their own tr oops, and fled to the
water, into which they plunged themselves. The banks of the river
were muddy, and Danir’s elephant sank in the mud, at the same
time, an arrow from the Muhammadan army struck the raja Da’uir
in the throat, and killed him: this occurred at the time of the setting
of the sun, and the brahmins who were seated behind D4’nIr’s howdah,
took his dead body, and burying it in the mud, went towards the city,
Da’nir reigned 33 years.

Now the Muhammadans had so cautiously guarded all the approaches
to Alor, that a bird could not have flown past, and these brahmins be-
came prisoners in the hands of a general named KeiIss. Kuiss was
about to kill them, but they asked for quarter, relating to him the cir-
cumstances of the r4ja Da’urr’s death: on this Kriss spared their lives.
In the meantime, some soldiers having captured the two female slaves
who were with Da’uir, and brought them to Bin Kassim ; these last
also reported the death of the raja. On learning this, Bin Kassim pro-
claimed to his troops, “ The death of Da’stk is reported, but as yet it is
not certain, let not the faithful therefore withdraw their hands from
battle, for the sake of plunder, lest some unexpected enemy come upon
them.” When Keiss heard this proclamation, he brought the brahmins
whom he had captured to Bin Kassim, who when he heard their report

308 Description of Sindh — . [ Apri,

which confirmed that of the female slaves was overjoyed, and the army-

of the faithful rent the sky with acclamations. Bin Kassim accompa-

nied by the brahmins and confidential servants, then proceeded to where
the body of Da’nrr was buried ; they took it from the mud, and cutting
off the head, stuck it on a spear. They shewed it first to the female slaves,
who knew and recognised it. Bin Kassim then ordered all his troops to
come round the fort, and occupy themselves with thanksgiving and
prayers to God for the victory. That evening was the evening of Fri-
day, and they prayed till morning. When the day dawned Kassim or-
dered that they should place the head of Da/’nir with the female slaves
upon the gates of the fort, so that all men of the city might see the
same ; by these people Da’uir’s name was execrated, for going to battle
attended by his concubines. When the news of Da’u1r’s death reached
his wife Lap1', she was overwhelmed with grief, and came to the gate
where the slaves were, asking them the circumstances of the death of
Da’nir. ‘The women weeping, shewed her the raja’s head, on seeing
which she threw herself from the walls of the fort, and a noise and tumult
arose amongst the men of the city, who being helpless, opened the
gates of the citadel, and on Friday the 11th of the month Ramzan,
A. H. 93, the Muhammadan army entered the fort of Alor, A. D.
711, taking possession of the treasury, and property of Da’arr which
they entrusted to the charge of Kerss. They turned the temples of
the idol worshippers (Hindus) into places of prayer, destroyed the
idols, erecting pulpits in their stead. At the beginning of the month
of Shuwal, Bry Kasstm took an account of all the treasure, booty, pro-
perty and prisoners, and sent them with 200 horse in charge of Kuss,
by the road of Kich and Mukran, to Bagdad, and Htssaz being ac-
quainted with those circumstances, was much pleased: after that he sent
all the plunder in charge of Kriss to the Khalif at Sham. When
Kziss arrived at Sham, he placed the crown, treasure, and all the pro-
perty of Da’urr, at the feet of the Khalif, relating all that had occur-
red. The Khalif was pleased, and bestowed presents and honors,
upon the messenger of these good tidings, and at the same time, issued
a royal mandate to the army, saying, the army of the faithful must not
be satisfied with the conquest of Sindh, but must proceed to the eastward
immediately, and all the country which belonged to Da’nir, must be
subdued.

When this order reached Bin Kasstm, he conquered Brahmana-
bad*, and settled the tribute it should pay, and the brahmins whe

* This city was next in size to the capital Alor, and was known also by the
names Baéhmana or Bhamana, situated in or near the Péran. For an account

1838.7 from the Mihammadan historians. 309

were before employed to collect the revenue were still retained in their
several capacities, and the men of Summah, which were in the neigh-
bourhood of Mihuri, having collected, came with music and singing to
pay homage to Bin Kassim*. He asked who they were; the brahmins
replied, ‘“ These are inhabitants of the desert, whose custom it is thus to
shew respect to their governor.” Bin Kassim settled their tribute, and
dismissed them. The men of Lohana, Suhuteh, Judrinai, Haleh

and Kiirijeh, directed by Arr Bin Manommep Bin Appu'L Runnay’

Suuxati, with head and feet bare, came to offer service to Bin
Kassim, craving pardon, and seeking protection, which Bin Kassim
promised them, directing, that their future service should be to act as
guards to such followers of the prophet, as should travel to and from
Hagdad and. Alor.

Story of the death of Bin Kassim.

From amongst the prisoners captured at Alor, two daughters of the
king Da’Hir, were sent in charge of MaAnomMeED Bin Atti Inrv-
MANY’, with some Habshis to Bagdad; the Khalif sent these two
women to his harem, consigning them to the care of his people until
their grief should be assuaged, so that when they were relieved
from the distress of travel, they should be ready for his (the Khalif’s)
service. After two months, these women were brought to the presence
of the Khalif, an interpreter being present ; when they raised the veils
from their faces, the Khalif was smitten with their beauty, and asked
their names; one was called GireuLt Deo, the other Su’rus Dro. The
Khalif ordered one to his own bed; she said, “ Oh my lord, I am not fit
for the king’s service, we have both for three days been with Bin Kas-
s1M, who after dishonouring us, sent us here.” The interpreters explained
this to the king. The king was highly incensed, and directed that his

servants should seize Bin Kassim, sew him up in a cow-hide, and send

him to Sham ; afterwards to enforce this order, he wrote in the margin
of the letter with his own hand directing that in nowise should it be
disobeyed. At that time Bin Kassim was at Hudapur, and when
he received the order of the Khalif, after reading it, he directed the
messengers to do as they were directed. They obeyed the order, cover-
ing Bin Kassim with a raw cow-hide: after enduring the torture for
3 days he died. They then put his body into a box, and conveyed it

of this as well as other cities and divisions of the ancient country of Sindh
see Art. on Sindh by Captain McMurpo, Journ. Royal As. Soc. No. II.
November, 1834.

* Belichi (?) tribes who paid homage to Bin Kassim.

_

310° Visit to the Niti pass. f Apart,

to the Khalif. When they reached Sham they shewed the box to the
king, who ordered it into the seraglio, opening it in the presence of the
daughters of Da’uir, to whom he said, ‘“‘ Behold how absolute is my
power, and how I treat such. servants as Bin Kassim.” The women
replied, “ Oh king, just men ought not to be precipitate in great affairs,
or be too hasty to act, either upon the representation of friends or foes.”
The king asked their meaning, they said,“ We made this accusation
against Bin Kassrm because of the hatred we bore him, seeing that he
slew our father, and through him we lost all our property and posses«
sions, and became exiles from our own country; but Brn Kassim was
like a father and brother to us, he looked not on us for any bad pur-
pose, but when our object was revenge for the blood of our father, we
accused him of this treachery : this end attained do with us as you will.”
The Khalif on hearing this, suffered great remorse: he ordered the two
women to be tied to horses, and dragged to death, and they buried Bin
Kassim in the burial place at Damascus.

Ill —Note of a visit to the Niti pass of the grand Himdlayan chuin.
By J. H. Barren, Esq. C. S.

[Extracted from a letter to, and communicated by, Captain P. T. CauTLEy.]

Joshinath, 22nd Dec. 1887.
Having just returned from the Sprti pass, I think that an account of
my expedition thither, however brief, will not fail to interest one whom
I look upon, now that the admirable FALCONER is far away absent from
India Proper, as the chief scientific authority of the Upper Provinces.
You are entitled to the first tribute of information gleaned in my trip,
because you have been ever ready to give the benefit of your instrue-
tion to your pupils ; and secondly, because Fatconer and yourself
have rendered the geological School of Sehdéranpur illustrious, by the
well-deserved medals which you have won for its professors /

Above the junction of the Dhauli and Alaknanda branches of the
Ganges at Vishniprdg a mile below this place, (which is the chief seat
of the Baprina'TH RAwAL and his priests,) the glen of the Dhaul
continues for 35 miles up to Miti village. Near Joshindth and the whole
way to the junction of the Kinf river, which comes from the north-
west faceof Mandi Dévi, this glen is characterised by the most exquisite
scenery ; the southern mountains sloping down to the river covered by
forests of Quercus semicarpifolia, Rosa webbiana (wild red rose), yew,

1838.} in the Himalayan range. 311

horse chesnut, alder, poplars and elms, interspersed with pretty villages
- of which the chief ornament, at this season, are the fields of red Marsa,
(the Batti of Bissehr) a species of amaranth, while the high craggy
northern mountains and peaks, that form the separating ridge between
Badrinéth and Niti, come down to the Dhaul in the most terrific
precipices. Above the Fini, both sides of the glen assume the regular
Himalayan features of wild sublimity, although villages are every where
_ seen perched up on seemingly inaccessible heights. The river remains
broad and deep, though often broken into cataracts. The road (a fine
new one made by myself this year) is carried on evther side of the river
as most easy, and is crossed by fine Sangas. We soon enter Bhote ; and
flocks upon flocks of sheep carrying loads of grain, or salt and borax
according as they are from Bhote or to Bhote, are met with at every
step, guarded by the savage dogs of Thibet and the still more savage
Bhotias among whom are also discerned a few most savage Lamias, or
wandering beggars from Zartary. Of the latter the dress and appear-
ance are most strange; the women are scarcely human, and both they
and the men resemble the pictures given of the Esquimaux. The
children are rosy-cheeked and sometimes pretty, but the small Chinese
eyes buried in the face give a somewhat monkey-like look to their
physiognomy. This latter observation applies equally to the Bhotias
as to the Lamias. But I refer you to TRAILL’s report on Bhote for a
description of the people and their customs, as well as of the trade between
this province and J’hibet, and the mode in which it is conducted. Let
me rather tell you what Trarut does not describe with accuracy, or at
least with minuteness, viz., the rocks and the trees and the general
geography. ‘There is a very dreary glen without villages for ten or
twelve miles separating Upper from Lower Pynkanda, or as they are
sometimes, but improperly, called Upper and Lower Niti. After leaving
the oaks and elms, &c., the wood becomes entirely cypress, and from
summit to base of the mountains no other tree is seen. The larger
trees attain not unfrequently an enormous size, some of them hav-
ing a girth of 27 feet. The smaller kind are, however, the prettiest,
and even appear to be different from the larger in species ; but on
observing them attentively I perceived no difference whatever in reality
between what some travellers call the Arbor vite and the large
Himflayan cypress. At Jima, Upper Pynkanda is entered, and then
the scenery, retaining all its grandeur, also becomes exquisitely lovely.
Villages of the true Swiss character are seen on every open spot,
surrounded by cedar trees, and overhung by crags of the most stupen-

dous character wooded up to the snow which shines on their summits,
2x

312 Visit to the Nitt Pass (APRIL, .

with similar trees and birch, which latter as well as the sycamores have
at this season the true autumnal tints contrasting finely with the dark

branches of the deodar. The bridges now become very frequent ; and |

the river, though still unfordable, becomes a torrent falling over rapids.
Malivi is next entered, a very large village in every respect similar to
those seen in Kanaur. The crops when I arrived had just been cut, and
it was somewhat strange at 10,250 feet above the sea to see the fields in
the valley covered with harvest-sheaves, while the eternal snows were
not more than 3000 feet distant overhead: and heavy frost was whiten
ing the ground. Between Maldri and Melam in the Juwéhir pass is a
route practicable in August for about a fortnight every year, but like all

the other routes within the Himalaya very high, snowy, and dangerous. ~

It is in this intermediate range between the Dhauli and the Gor? that
silver is said to exist*. | Lead mines are now worked on a high range
not far above Mulari; but the situation renders all hopes of increased
produce or new discoveries of this metal, almost vain in this direction,
After leaving Mulari, we march up a glen of the most beautiful kind,
the deodar trees (all of the spreadimg shape) coming down to the
waters’ edge. and now beginning to be mingled with chilapines+ (pinus
excelsa, not unlike the chir at a distance), and Ragha firs (abies web-
biana): a set of large villages is then entered. Bampa, Gumsali, &e.
all varying in elevation from the sea from 10,200 to 11,000 feet and up-

wards, the highest of which is Viti. At Bampa the deodar pines end,

and no other tree is seen save birch and pinus excelsa, but the ground is
covered as well as the surrounding heights, with beds of ground cypress,
gooseberries, currants, furze, ( astralagus, RoyLe,) webb rose, sweet-
briar and juniper. The furze is especially plentiful, but there is no
heath as at Badrinath. By heath I mean the andromeda fastigiata
depicted in Royle. Up to Gdmsdl the rocks have been quartz, mica,
schist and gneiss, with granite blocks, in the river beds, fallen from the
peaks, except in the neighbourhood of Muldrf where argillaceous and

* N.B. All our snowy range galena ores have a good proportion of silver in
them? Would this be worth extracting by chemical process? Could not you
come and visit all our mines? [Capt. Drummonp and an experienced miner
have since been deputed to the district.—Ep.]

+ N. B. The Chila pine grows up very near to the upper limit of birch. At
Nits it is found at 11,800 feet; the birch only goes to 12,200 feet. At Badrindih,
the limit of wood is lower, as the snow comes down lower. Both Badrindth and
Nits are within the Himd/laya, and have snowy peaks to their south : Kedarndth, is
on the contrary on the south base of the peaks and snow is met with at 10,000

feet. Gangaviri and Badrindth are in the north of the peaks. Jamnautrl and

Kedérnath, on their sovth.

1858. ] in the Himalayan range. 313

taleose schist is the chief rock. At Gumsali the granite is met with:
in sttu, pervading gneiss and mica schist, exactly in the mode shewn
by Lye in his picture of Cape Wrath in Scotland. The breadth
of the veins is sometimes very thin, but sometimes the granite spreads
into great broad patches. It isa reddish variety in general, but a highly
quartzoze variety with large schorl (?) or tourmaline (?) crystals is very
common. Just above Gumsali the river runs through tremendous gneiss
and granite precipices, and the road is carried along scaffoldings, now
quite passable for a poney, hamare agbdal se. After turning this corner
and ascending to (Viti village the Himélaya peaks are all turned, not
one is left to the north, though some of the northwest and northeastern
heights are within perpetual snow limits. At ti limestone (not crys-
talline) and argillaceous schist, chiefly the latter, are the rocks. Néti is
11,500 feet above the sea, and when I arrived no snow was to be seen
even in the river bed. On the 10th October, I left the Nitians cutting
their barley and ph4phar harvest, and proceeded on to the junction of
the Gunés with the Dhauli. I met with the first snow near Gilding,
more than 14,500 feet high, and this snow was merely a snow-cave
in the river, the leavings of last winter. A few masses of gneiss and gra-
nite were still to be seen in the bed of the Dhauli, the debris of some
‘of the southern precipices through which I could see the granite veins
running along; but argillaceous schist and quartz were the rocks of
the surrounding hills. There is one very bad gorge between Gothing
and Gilding pastures, where I shall have some trouble in making my
road, but after Gildung the hills are round and smooth up to the pass.
They were covered with grass and sausstire flowers, the grass of very
peculiar kinds and noted for its goodness. The pastures were covered
with yaks (chowra-gaies) and jubboos, the mule breed. These animals
retreat of their own accord to the villages on the setting in of the winter
just before the villagers depart for the southern parganas. I carried up
firewood and other loads on the backs of yaks, and my servants rode
on others. Very few are white, except at the tail.

The rivers Gunés and Dhauli are mere streams, and were half frozen
above Gilding at their junction, but between Gothing, the Rylkanda
joins the main river with a large body of water, arising at this season

» from a glacier, and up to this point the Dhawlh may be said to be unford-

able, except at one or two rocky points near Nitt. The Gunés may

be said to arise from a snow-bed, for I saw snow-caves towards its

source, but the Dhawili or furthest branch of the Ganges certainly rises

from a spring at the southern face of the pass where on the 11th Oct.

there was not even a speck of snow. My camp on the 10th, was at
| 2R 2

a

314 Visit to the Niti Pass (Aprit,

14,500 feet of elevation, and I was sufficiently wretched and cold ; the
wind on the open downs being terrific, and blowing from the southern
peaks. At this point juniper was still plentifel, but no other shrub,
and the grass was excellent, though coarse. On the Ilth Oct. I started
very early for the pass, being carried ina dandi. The first part was all
smooth-going, but the rarity of the air became very distressing, after
entering the 15,000 feet line, and parting with the juniper.

After leaving the source of the Dhauli, the aseent was very steep a
through crumbling crags of blue limestone which now succeeded to the
round clay-slate hills ; but the top of the pass was round and open, the (
limestone lying about in stones as far as the eye could reach, interspersed
with arenaceous quartz rocks. ‘There was not a cloud in the sky or on
the mountains far and near, and I obtained a full and undimmed view into
Thibet. ‘The wind had not yet got up, but the cold was terrific, 14° in
the shade, and 30° in the sun at8 a.m. The first object that caught my:
eye was the one Kailds Peak standing up in the E. N. E. among a
row of not very peaky snowy heights, whieh terminated that end of
the picture like a white kanradt. Right in front stretched a dreary —
plain, shrubless, treeless and houseless, terminated along its whole

northern side at a distance of about 20 miles from my position by a low
range of rounded brown hills, utterly without shrub or tree or jutting
rock, but very broken into ravines and perpendicular faces on this their
southern side. The E. N. E. peaks towards Manasarovara Lake of
which I spoke, stand up close behind this range, to all appearance, but
there are 20 or 30 miles of plam between them, I am told. The plain
is broken into ravines and river courses running down to the Satlej
which flowed (not visibly as to water) in a deep ravine not far from the
base of the round hills. I saw this ravine distinctly. Ddpa was not
visible even with a telescope, there being no smoke, and it lying among
the ravines. It has no bazar and is only a row of mud huts. Démpu was
pointed out to me on the south slope of the hills to the northeast. The
Kailas peak did not appear to be higher than 5,000 feet (if so high) above
my position, but its distance I do not know. It appeared hardly higher
than the lower range appears from Sahdranpix. No snow was visible
except on the Auilds range and on the top of the highest portion of
the intermediate hillocks, just behind Dapa. Travellers were passing
over the plain with loaded sheep going to and from the pass, but there
were no cattle visible at pasture. The whole country looked something
like that Ward of Lanarkshire (I forget whether north, east, south or
west) in which Tintoch peak is situated, and the distant hills looked like

1838.) in the Himdlayan range. - 815

those of Peebleshire. Had there been heather instead of stone and
brown grass, it would have resembled a highland moor. Its level was
hardly any where lower than the pass!! but immediately below the pass
was a deep ravine which might deceive some people into the idea of a
descent, whereas the opposite side of the ravine was certainly within
300 feet as high as this side and thence the plain begun. I descended
into this ravine, saw the source of the Sidnki river and some green ponds
on one side of it, thence ascended the opposite banks, keeping to the
northwest for two miles till I came to what was called the fossil ground,
(Chakra patharke makdn.) During this walk I was almost killed by
mere pain. The rarity of the air along this high road to Ddpa (nearly
17,000 feet) was perfectly awful. My dandi people would not go on and
returned to the crest of the pass. One man accompanied me and he and
I went groaning along, ata snail’s pace; on a level, and yet in great
agony. (Angina pectoris I now consider nothing in comparison).

The Mitt Bhotias regularly educate for the endurance of this air,
( Bish ke hawd, ) and some cannot learn to bear it during their whole
life. At Dapa I am told that in the morning and evening people feel it
most, and an universal headache prevails. I felt the pain most at my
chest, and suffocation seemed to threaten me at every step. There was,
thank God! neither snow nor wind to add to my sufferings. I found’
the ammonites lying about in hundreds on the top of a small ascent just
as the road wound through a kind of pass between two hillocks, before
it descended to aravine. ‘The distance from the Nié pass was about
three miles, but at this point the continuation from that pass of the crags
forming the first rise of the Himalayan mountains was not very distant.
The rocks surrounding the fossils were a kind of mottled grey limestone,
i.e. the white veins were more frequent than in ordinary limestone.
The hills seemed all to be decomposed hereabouts: and from the glen
of the Stanki river, I observed that the limestone was in almost per-
pendicular strata, dipping to the northeast where a dip was visible ; but
the strata seemed to be the effect of a convulsion and not to be natural-
ly formed. Indeed, the quartzoze masses on the south side of the
pass were all ofa similar appearance, and some hills were composed
entirely of white decomposed soil; as others, on both sides, were of a
black soil. I was too ill to stay long picking up ammonites, and,
moreover, I can always command a good supply from the Bhotias. I
shall send you a present of specimens. To my surprise, I found in return
that the whole ravine down to the Sianki river was equally full of
ammonites, but that being round and uncovered from their matrix, the
natives did not generally observe them so well as the broken ones high-

$16 Visit to the Niti Pass. [Aprit,

er up. Wedged in the blue limestone in the ascent back to the crest
of the pass, I observed a large bed of thinly laminated and contorted
argillaceous schist. The round quartz stones are every where scattered.

I see no difference whatever either in the geological character of
the hills or the form of the ranges, between one side of the pass and
the other. . Tartary is in fact entered very soon after leaving Nit
village, and the peaks seen so grandly towering in the south are the
teal beginning of the Himdléya mountains, and not the crest of the
pass. Pray come and see whether I am not right in conjecturing that
fossil ammonites can be found on the south face of the JViti pass,
which is in my idea, only the highest portion of the Tartaric plain,
running up to the Himalaya peaks. Even at Viti, there are peaks
23,000 feet high due south ; and there as well as at the pass itself the
spectator wonders how one is to thread one’s way into Hindustan
through them, no gorge or glen being visible, that seems to be like an

introit or exit. Behind Malari the hills become round and Tartarie .

also, as well as behind Viti, but being higher and within the limit of
perpetual snow, they are difficult to cross, and the pass following a
river bed is preferred. The time to visit Nii is from the 20th Sept. to
the 10th Oct. In May, Maliri even is hardly reachable, and the snow
does not melt in any part of Upper Pynkanda till the end of that
month. The pass is not open till July, and it shuts now. On the
evening of the day (11th Oct.) on which I visited the pass, the first
snow fell. All night it snowed heavily and next day I could hardly
reach Niti/ Such are the vicissitudes at this season. At 3 Pp. M. when
the wind got up, the thermometer was 30° in the shade and 42° in the
sun at the crest of the pass. On the morning of the 12th, in my camp at

14,500 feet, the thermometer was 16° in the air and 22° at my bedside! _

I shall wait till I get back to send you specimens. I havea good
many fossil bones brought from the interior of T’hibet, and from the
Ména pass. They are however very broken and small.

P.S. The Hindu pilgrims who visit Manasarovara Lake go up
by the Mana pass, which is merely the continuance of the glen of the
Saraswati above Badrinath, (as the Witt pass is of the Dhauli river,)
and they return by the Nelang pass behind Gangautri or by Niti.
These two last are the easiest of all the passes, Nelang being without
much ascent and being the course of the Jhannabi river, which rises on
the Thibet side. The Juwdéhir pass is the most difficult, but being
near Almora the greatest traffic, nevertheless, is carried on in that
pass. The Neipdl passes are all easy. The pilgrims leave Ména in
July, and return to this side in the beginning of October.

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TABULA GEOGRAPHICA I[MPERM ANAMITICT
of the Righh Ree. ean Louts Bishop of saurepolis

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1838. ] : Geography of Cochinchina. 317

1V.— Additional notice on the geography of Cochinchina. By the most
Rev. Jean Louis, Bishop of Lsauropolis.

Although I have already given you a short account of the geography
of Cochinchina, I think it is advisable to add a few more remarks
because in the first place, I have recent intelligence from that country
that various changes have taken place in the divisions or limits of the
empire ; and in the second place, because I have made,—and in some
eases I have not made,—the consequent alterations in the map which
I am about to publish.

The letters to which I have above alluded inform me that the king-
dom of Cumboze, henceforth will only, have a local habitation and a
name in our old maps. This kingdom so ancient, known in the
Chinese annals by the name of Chén lap and of Chiém lap, was originally
designed by them under the name of Phd nam. From the fifth cen-
tury and perhaps even before, it was divided into two parts, one named
Chiém lop (maritime). This part was the nearest to the sea and has
the appearance of an immense lake. It is the division now known by
the name of Gia dint, or the province of lower Cochinchina. The
northern part which is very mountainous was called Chiém lap ‘ of earth’
(inland). This denomination ceased about the year 606 of the Chris-
tian era, when the general name of Chiém lap or Camboze embraced
the whole. This kingdom was bounded on the north by the kingdom
of Laos, on the west by the kingdom of Stam, and on the south by
the sea, for it is within the last century only that lower Cochinchina
has formed one of its limits to the south, for the latter country was itself
formerly one of the finest divisions of the Camboze kingdom. Its true
limits were the mountains inhabited by savages called Moz, and those of
the ancient kingdom of Ciampa. This country is situated in a long
plain between two ranges of mountains on the east and west.

Camboze, from being one of the most flourishing kingdoms of Indo-
China has undergone the same fate as all those great empires of Asia
of which nothing remain but the name, while Cochinchina has been built
upon its ruins. For along period the king of Camboze was tributary
to the kings of Siam and of Cochinchina. The king of Siam had taken
all the country which bordered his kingdom to the west even as far as
Battambong. The king of Cochinchina extended the limits of his domi-
nion to Chdndoe, a fortified place, situated on the canal of Ha-tién, about
three days’ journey from the capital of Camboze, named Nam-vang, by
the Cochinchinese, Penompeng by the Cambogiens, from whence, the
Europeans, who have a facility of corrupting names, have made Columpé.

318 Geography of Cochinchina. [Aprit,

The effeminate king of Camboze (he deserved this name for his escort was
composed of nothing but-women) for a long time found himself between
two zealous protectors, who, while they were encroaching little by little on
his dominions, were always feasting him with the titles of noble and power-
ful majesty. In a word, the situation of this phantom of a king resem-
bled that of the unfortunate individual in the proverb who sitting between
two stools soon found himself on the ground between them. The king of
Cochinchina always placed near his majesty several mandareens to pro-
tect and direct his politics. For a long time this king had no male child,
and although in that country the Salic law was not in existence, the
Cochinchinese king only waited for the favorable moment to put into
execution the project he had “privately entertained for many years of
adding to his kingdom what little still remained in the possession of the
king of Camboze. About the end of 1835 or beginning of 1836 the
king of Camboze died; immediately the king of Cochinchina gave the
daughter of the defunct monarch in marriage to a Cochinchinese man-
dareen and proclaimed Nam VAnc one of the protectors of the em-
pire of Annam, and also of the country in the vicinity of the sea, under
the title of Protector (prefect?) of Gosat. 1n order not to terrify the
neighbouring kings and principally so as not to excite the jealousy of
the king of Siam, the Cochinchinese king gave the title of Nu Vuong,
that is to say Queen, to the Princess of Camboze. If I were asked to
say in which kingdom she reigns, as all her dominions have been
added to the Cochinchinese prefecture? I should answer that I do not
know; but in the same manner as small bones are given to amuse chil-
dren, so sometimes fine titles are given to amuse grown up people. These
are my reasons for having only placed the name of Camboze in my
map and reduced the country into prefectures.

This is what I have done:—now what I have not done is the changing
of Nam Vang the capital. Has it changed its place? Certainly, and
what to us appears so extraordinary is not so to those who know the
customs and superstitions of the Indians and of the Indo-chinese. In
your journal for September 1837, it strikes me that I gave the reasons
for these different changes. About the end of December 1833, this
town of Nam Vang was entirely destroyed by the Siamese. The king
of Camboze has had another town built at a short distance from the
former one, and on the opposite bank of the same river, but being igno-
rant of its right position I have not altered it. I may say as much regard-
ing the position of Saigon, in lower Cochinchina ;—it is no longer in its
ancient place. Some day looking at this map, people will say that there
are mistakes, but these errors are known and announced so as to enable

1838.] Geography of Cochinchina. 31g

persons who visit these parts to rectify the same. In drawing the map
of this country I am guided merely by the interests of science and must
openly say what I think of the work, and of the ameliorations or changes
that I have thought proper to make. .

One of the most essential alterations and which I had the greatest
hesitation in adopting, was—what do you think ?—to change the course
of one of the finest and largest rivers in Asia. The present map is alto-
gether different in this respect from the ancient ones. In all the Euro-
pean maps this great river of Laos is represented throughout the whole
_ of its course as strait as an arrow until it reaches Cochinchina. I think
it a decided mistake ; I will give you my reasons for thinking so. I was
always persuaded that in regard to a geographical map, the same rule
holds as for a geographical dictionary ;—one copies the maps of another
and enlarges it more or less, and adds a few more names, and it is lucky
if in thus copying the errors are not augmented. The geographical
dictionary of VosGIEN offers an example. For his day it was a very good
work ; since then new editions have been made, enriched, augmented, im-
proved, &c. and nevertheless the greater part of the original mistakes
still remain, and what was really the case in the time of VoscrEn, but
has disappeared within the last 50 or 60 years, is not corrected : v. g.
the town of Chandernagore is always the same ;—it is said that a great
quantity of velvet, silk, brocades, saltpetre, &c. are bought and sold
there: I could give further examples of this, but it would be superfiu-
ous. |
_ I return again to the geographical map of Cochinchina. I have given
to the river which flows through Laos a course quite different from that
in all the other maps, because the two maps I had with me drawn
~by engineers of the country gave it this direction. They know the
country, they visit it every day and have measured all the windings of
the river Laos which is also called Meykon or Mecon. ‘To lay down
interior of Camboge, Laos and a part of Thon-king, I have used an
ancient and a modern map of the country designed by his majesty’s engi-
neers ; for the coast I have used a map made by Mr. D’Ayor, a French
officer, formerly in the service of his majesty the emperor of Cochin-
china. I think it the best map for the coasts that I have as yet seen: in
truth no one had such a good opportunity, for Mr. D’ Ayo7’s occupations
obliging him often to pass and repass this shore, he could make his ob-
servations and rectify them often. The knowledge I have had of the
greater part of the places of the interior of Cochinchina properly called has
greatly aided me in placing them on this map. You would probably
wish to know if any confidence is to be placedin the map made by these

25

| :

320 Geography of Cochinchina. [ Arid;

engineers, and if ‘they were capable ofmeasuring distances and finding the
latitude and longitude of places. The different engineers ahd drafts-
men belonging to his majesty with whom I was acquainted were not: .
then conversant with the details of the art ; they merely used the chain
and could find out the points in the horizon by means of the compass.
In drawing their maps they used those made by Europeans which they
either reduced or enlarged in scale; then they added the different
places omitted or unknown to the Europeans. Although this map is
not without errors, yet I think it is and may be, unfortunately for a long
period, the best and most detailed that has as yet appeared.

For 200 years a number of Europeans of different nations have inha-
bited Cochinchina, others Tonguin, and others again Camboge. Some
had factories and were occupied with commerce; others were mis-
sionaries and attended to the instruction of the infidels and to the relief.
of the Christians. How happened it that in those happy times, when
these strangers were protected and even enjoyed liberty, none of them:
have given us any knowledge of the geography of the country? About
this period the Jesuits at the court of Pekin were giving to the enlightened
world the most exact and most complete plans of an immense empire.
In my opinion if the different kingdoms that I have enumerated had had
as their chief a man like Cane H1, who protected the fine arts, we should
have enjoyed the same advantage. But to the eyes of an ignorant
prince and people he who dared to construct any geographical instru-
ments so as to make observations, might have paid rather dear for such
a temerity, either by death or at least by exile. I will give you an
example of what I have just said. In the year 1818 or 1819, the offi-
cers of a French frigate “ Ze Henri,’ which was anchored in the river
Hué, and who had been very well received by the king Gia Lone
father of the reigning prince, wished to regulate their chronometers
and had come ashore and prepared an artificial horizon. The day after
the king having been informed of the preparation of these extraordinary
instruments, had called into his presence the two French mandareens
Messrs. VannieR and CHAGNEAU, who were in his service, and said
to them in the presence of the assembled council : “ It appears that the
officers of the frigate are making a map of the country, order them to
discontinue their attempt.” If G1a Lone, whose sentiments towards
Europeans were so different from those of his son, acted in this way,
what hope can we have of being better acquainted with the interior of
this country so long as things are in this state ?

It was a pity that Captain Mactzop was unable to carry his
researches beyond the 3rd degree of longitude. His services would have

1838. | Geography of Cochinchina. 32}

been of great use, had he been able to have come down the Me
kong river from the 18th degree to the 11th of latitude north. But
let us hope that what is delayed, is not altogether lost. Captain
Mac teop has opened and cleared the road. Under the present cir-
cumstances it appears to me to be the best and only route to be taken ;
as neither the Siamese nor Cochinchinese will allow Europeans to
enter their country to go and visit Laos, and much less to prepare in-
struments to make observations with.

About the year 1770, Mr. LEVAvassEuR, a missionary at Camboge,
well acquainted with the different localities, informs us; “that the town
of Columpé, which some geographers have placed on the western branch
of the Mécon, is in reality very near to this river, but on another river
nearly as large which flows from a large lake from Camboge, and after
passing Columpé enters the Mécon.” The same person in another place
says ‘“¢ after passing Columpé we soon arrived at the place, where the
river, which flows past the royal town, enters the Mécon.” Here the
bishop of Canathe remarked to me that the river that enters Cochinchina

is one of the branches of the great river, which after having been sub-

divided in Cochinchina enters the sea at two different places; adding
to these two the mouth of the Bassac is the cause of geographers say-
ing that the Mécon enters the sea at three different places: it is as well
to add that the ancient geographers made no mistake in placing the
three mouths of the Mécon in the Camboge, for in former days this
kingdom extended as far. (Nouvelles lettres edifiantes, tom. VI.)

In the days of this missionary, the dominions of the king of Cochin-
china did not extend so far as the country watered by the western
branch of the Mécon. It is surprising that the greater part of our
geographers have not profited by these observations, and that the route
traced out by the ancient geographers should still be followed without
trying to amend it. MaxrTesrun says that one can only guess at the
right situation of Lac-thé which a recent traveller says is situated to the
north of Laos, between Tong-kin and China. I have tried to find its
situation and I think I have succeeded. From the narrative of the
missionaries, this country of Lac-thdé, which isnothing more than a

- eganton, contains about 1500 inhabitants, and is situated at the extre-

mity of Zong-kin towards the west, is dependent of the province of
Thanh-hoa-mgoai, and is situated on the borders of the provinces of

Hiing-héa of Soutdy or Doai and of Nam-thiiong. I think Mat-
-TEBRUN was wrong in only seeing in the Lac- a the Laos by the

Chinese name of Lac-tchoue.
. 2s. 2

822 Geography of Cochinchina. [ Apri,

At present a large country is designated by the name of the kingdom
of Laos, or more properly Luo, because a number of towns or small
states bear that name. For instance in the Cochinchinese map there
is a great kingdom called Zao long; its capital town is near the river,
called Mécon when it approaches Camboge; but near the capital itself
this river bears the name of Ciu long giang, which signifies, the river
of the nine dragons. I think that from the word Lao long, the extent
of country situated between two chains of mountains and watered by
this great river has been called Zao. I was unable to place in my map
this town of Lao long as it appears to be between the first and second
degrees of longitude east and about the 22nd of latitude north. I was
surprised at not finding this capitalin Mr. Macneon’s map. Mat-
TEBRUN and many others have placed the source of this river in the
province of Yun-nam in China. But I am persuaded that this river
flows from the mountains of Thibet. Ina short time I have no doubt
that we shall obtain proof of what I have advanced. It is indicated in
the map of Cochinchina and the extraordinary inundation of this river
about the month of September proves also, that the melting of the ice of
Thibet, is the cause of its overflowing its banks and spreading its waters
over Camboge and lower Cochinchina, and causing the same fertility as
the Nile does in Egypt. What Matresrun speaks of a traveller
having arrived at Laos from China by descending one of the rivers and
crossing a lake, does not prove that the Camboge river has its source in
China; this on the contrary accords exactly with the Cochinchinese
map ; about the 23rd or 24th degree of latitude one of the rivers, which
flows from the mountains of Ligum-nam, enters the great river of dl
Camboge.' This Portuguese traveller must have taken the junction of *
these two rivers for a lake.

The Dutch ambassador, GeRARD VAN WotTuoF visited Laos im
1641, and if we exclude Lz Marini whose works 1 was unable to

procure, it is to the Dutch we are indebted for what little we know of | {

Laos. They embarked on board small boats at Camboge, and were :

eleven weeks reaching Viénchau, the capital of one of the states of Laos,
In the Cochinchinese map this town is called Ban chuu, but the
Siamese call it Vien chaw and I think this its real name. I do not
know why some geographers call it Lanchaing or Luntchung, others
Langyone which is not a bit better. Others have at a short distance
from Vien chau added the town of Sandepara; I have not mentioned
this place because I could find no trace of it in any of my maps. The
greater number of the small kingdoms composing the country of Laos
{ have included in the Cochinchinese empire, because I think them all

1838.) | Geography of Cochinchina. 323

tributary to that empire. Some pay their tribute in gold, musk, gum,
lac, &c.; others again in elephants’ teeth, rhinoceros’ horns, skins of deer
and other animals, aromatic gums, &c. The Cochinchinese sell their
silks, but salt is the most profitable substance ; formerly this commodity
used to be sold for its weight in gold. .

The language and customs of the country of Laos resemble in a
great measure those of Siam and Camboge. The religion of Buddha is
in the same state of veneration as in these two countries, but a few
changes have been introduced by the Bonzes. There are in this
country a number of idols and Bonzes ; one scarcely finds a village with-
out them. Near the residence of the princes there is generally a mag-
nificent temple and a gilt idol of an enormous size. Each prince as
he succeeds to the throne has it re-gilt. The custom of burning the
dead bodies near it is still kept up, and of preserving the ashes in an
earthen vase placed in the temple of the idol. Their Bonzes have
however broken the law of abstinence; they leave this part of the rites
to their brethren, while they themselves eat indifferently all sorts of
meat. They themselves have ordained that they may marry ; this is not
allowed in Camboge of Siam and Cochinchina, where if they do not wish
to remain in celibacy they are obliged to quit the pagoda,

The Dutch who ascended the Camboge river on their way to Lo, found
this river very broad in some places and very narrow and full of rocks
in others. The most remarkable places they saw were Lowm, Gocke-
lok, Looim, Simpou, Sombok, Sombabour, and Baatsiong. Out of
the whole of these I only meet with Sombok and Sombabour which
were formerly towns of Camboge. I have not placed either of them in
my map, because in the last century the frequent civil wars have caused
great ravages, and the constant incursions of the Cochinchinese and
principally those of the Siamese have ruined many towns and changed
the face of the whole country. A great number of the inhabitants
were killed ; others again were taken into captivity. The Cochinchinese
seeing that a part of these territories was uncultivated, advanced little
by little to cultivate a land, the fertility of which was surprising, and
at last ended by being the only masters of this part.

The empire of Anamite, which at its origin, was nothing more than a
small state has bécome a vast and powerful empire by the conquest of
Ciampee of Tong-king and of Camboge ; this empire might be compared
at its foundation toa small rivulet that becomes larger as different streams
enter it.. If the geography of this country and of its neighbouring
kingdoms has become obscure, it is not, as MALTEBRUN says, from its
having been treated of by numerous writers who contradict each other,

324 ~ On the Reg-Ruwan. . [ApRig,

but owing to the numerous changes that have taken place in conse-

quence of fresh conquests and usurpations. A scientifie and clever
traveller who would penetrate into these vast and almost unknown
countries would render a great service to science.

V.—On the Reg-Ruwan or moving sand, a singular phenomenon of
sound near Cubiil with a sketch. By Capt. ALex. Burnes,

In the vicinity of Cabdél there is a phenomenon similar to what occurs
at Jabal Nakous, or the sounding mountain, near Tor in the Red Sea.
It is called Reg-Ruwun or the moving sand, and is thus described by
the emperor Baser. ‘‘ Between these plains there is a small hill in
which there is a line of sandy ground, reaching from the top to the bot-
tom of the hill. They called it Khwaja Reg-Ruwan. They say that
im the summer season the sound of drums and nagarets issues from this
sand.” The place has been seldom visited, being in the Kohistun or
troubled part.of the country, but the power of the present chief of
C.biél has subdued the rebellious tribes near, and an opportunity was
thus afforded us of visiting it, which we did in October last.

The description of BaBER above given, though it appears marvellous,
is accurate ; Reg-Ruwan is about forty miles north of Cabél towards
Hindu, kosh and near the base of the mountains. Two ridges of hills,
detached from the rest, run in and meet each other; at the apex of
this, a sheet of sand, as pure as that on the sea shore, with a slope of
about 40°, forms the face of a hill to its summit, which is about 400
feet high. When this sand is set in motion by a body of people, whe
slide down it, a sound is emitted. On the first trial we distinctly heard
two loud, hollow sounds such as would be given by a large drum. On
two subsequent attempts we heard nothing, so that perhaps the sand
requires to be for a time settled before the curiosity is displayed. There
is an echo in the place, and the inhabitants have a belief that the sounds
are only heard on Friday when the saint of Reg-Ruwan, who is interred
hard by, permits! The locality of the sand is remarkable, there being
none other in the neighbourhood. Reg-Ruwan faces the south but the
wind of Purwan (badi Purwan) blows from the north for the greater
part of the year, and has probably deposited it by an eddy. Such is the
violence of this wind that all the trees in the neighbourhood bend to the
south, and a field, after a few years, requires to be recleared of the
pebbles and stones which the loss of soil lays bare. The mountains
here are generally composed of granite or mica, but at Reg-Ruwan we
had sandstone, lime, slate and quartz.

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1838.] Description of the Stah-péshis. © 325

In a late number of the Journal of the Asiatic Society, an extract of
a letter from Lieutenant WeELLSTEAD of the Indian Navy, described
the mountain in the Red Sea, which has also been mentioned by Gray
and SeetTzen. ‘There would appear to be some variation in the kind of
sound issued, but both are, I suppose, explained by one theory and that
given by Mr. James Prinsep, regarding Jabal Nakous, being merely
‘a reduplication of impulse setting air in vibration in a focus of echo.

At all events Reg-Ruwan is another example of the phenomenon, and
the accompanying sketch of its locale may please those interested in
acoustics,

- Reg-Ruwan is seen from a great distance, and the situation of the
sand is so curious that it might almost be imagined the hill had been
cut in two, and that it had gushed forth as from a sand bag, though the
wind could have brought it together. Convulsions of nature however
are exceedingly common in this part of the world. BaseE mentions
one to have occurred in his time and in this very plain, so “that, in some
places, the ground was elevated to the height of an elephant above its
old level, and in others as much depressed.” A severe earthquake took
place in Cabil six years ago and shocks happen so frequently as twice
or thrice in a mouth. We had no less than three of these on the 14th
of December last, and many before and since, but they were all slight.
A passing shake, with a rumbling noise, is called ‘ goozur” to distin-
guish it from “zilzillee” or earthquake, which the inhabitants denomi-
nate a motion that is tremulous. A Cashmerian lately asked me to
inform him what was the cause of the series of earthquakes that con-
tinued daily without intermission for six successive months in Cashmeer
about four or five years ago. If these reports be true, Cashmeer may
have been a lake as is generally supposed, or it may have been any
thing. The frequency of volcanic action in these countries is deserv-
ing of much attention.

VI.—On the Stah-pésh Kaffirs with specimens of their language and
costume. By Captain ALEx. Burnes*.

_ The extreme interest which attaches to the history and condition of the

Kaffirs, who occupy the mountainous regions of northern 4fhagnistan,

has excited much curiosity, which it is my endeavour to gratify, having

* Captain Burnes in the letter to Mr. Secretary MACNAGHTEN, forwarding this
interesting note, writes :—

‘““Tearly determined either to attempt in person to enter Kaffiristan or to send.
one of the gentlemen along with me, but the services of all being disposed of elsc-

=

@

§26 Description of the Stah-pdshis. [Aprrt,

just met several Kaffirs in Cabiil, who had been captured at an advanc-
ed age, and were still familiar with the language and manners of their
countrymen. I have also of late seen people both Hindu and Muham-
madan, who had visited the habitations of the Kaffirs and have thus had
the opportunity presented of hearing what these people thought of them-
selves and how they were viewed by foreigners. ‘The account of the
Kaffirs, given by Mr. ELPHINsTONE, renders it unnecessary to repeat
the many details which will be found in his work ; my object being to
improve our present knowledge and clear up, if possible, some of the
existing obscurity.

In speaking of their nation, the Kaffirs designate themselves as the
Muhammadans do ‘ Kaffirs’ with which they do not couple any opprobrious -
meaning though it implies infidel. They consider themselves descended
of one KomxsuAt,and their Muhammadan neighbours, either corrupt the
word or, assign them a lineage from Koreish, one of the noblest of the
tribes of Arabia, to the language of which country they further state
that of the Kaffirs to be allied. They have no distinction of black and
white Kaffirs that I could hear of; and one of the Kaffir informants
assured me that his tribe looked upon all as brothers, who wore ringlets
and drank wine! They have however no definite idea of the surround-
ing countries, Bajour and Kuner to the south being the limits of their
geographical knowledge. They have no books, nor is reading or writ-
ing known in the nation, so that they have no recorded traditions.
Their country has many table-lands some of which extend for fifteen or
twenty miles, and on these there are always villages; Wygul and
Camdesh are on one of these plateaus, and eastward of the latter lies the
country of the Muhammadans. ‘The winter is severe, but in summer
grapes ripen in great abundance.

The words of a young Kaffir, about eighteen years of age now in
Cabul, will afford the best explanation of many of their customs. His
name as a Kaffir was DEEABUR, as a Muhammadan it has been changed
to FurEEpDoom. He fell into the hands of the Muhammadans eighteen
months since, by losing his road when passing from his native village
of Wygul to Gimeer, to visit a relative. He is a remarkably handsome
young man, tall with regular Grecian features, blue eyes and fair com-
plexion, and is now a slave of the Ameer. Two other Kaffir boys, eight

where, no opportunity has been yet presented of hearing how a European observer
would regard that singular race. As there is much curiosity, both on the contineat
and in our own country, about the Kaffirs, and we are naturally looked to for in-
formation regarding them, I have transmitted this paper to Government that his
Lordship the Governor General may be pleased to dispose of it as he deems proper."*

1838.] Description of the Siah-péshis. 327

and nine years old, who came along with him, had ruddy complexions
hazel eyes and auburn hair. They also had less beauty and high cheek-
bones, but they were still handsome, and extremely intelligent. Their
Kaffir names were TEENGEER and CHoupurR, and that of their mothers
RaAJMAL and BraoraGty. None of these Kaffirs, nor two others which
I saw, had any resemblance to the Afghans or even Cashmerians.
They looked a distinct race, as the most superficial observer would
have remarked on seeing them.

DerEnsur said that there was no chief of the Kaffirs, but that great
men were called Salmunash. They do not appear to carry on any
combined operations against their neighbours, but they retaliate, when
an invasion of their frontier takes place, and are very inveterate against
the Muhammadans, and give no quarter to captives. They possess great
agility and activity, qualities which their enemies accord to them.
Muhammadans seldom venture to enter their country as travellers, but
Hindus go as merchants and beggars (fakirs) and are not ill used. I

met a Muhammadan who had passed into Budukhshan and was not mo-'

lested. In killing their food, the Kaffirs have no ceremonies, they
sacrifice cows and goats to Docuan, the Supreme Being, particularly

at a great festival which occurs in the beginning of April and lasts for _

ten days. They have idols and know the Hindu god Mauna'Dzo by name,
but they all eat beef and have either lost their Hindu belief or never
had any thing in common with it. They neither burn nor bury their
dead but place the body in a box arrayed in a fine dress, which consists
of goat skins or Cashgar woollens ; they then remove it to the summit
of a hill near the village where it is placed but never interred. Kaffir
females till the ground, and in eating the men sit apart from the women.
They have no tables, the dish containing the meal is placed on a tripod
made of iron rods of which DezNnBur and his companions made a model
for-me with twigs. They assemble around this and eat sitting on stools
or chairs without backs. They are very fond of honey, wine and vine-
gar, all of which they have in abundance. ‘They have no domestic fowls,
nor is there a horse in their country ; wheat and barley are their grains,
¢here is no juwaree. ‘They are very found of music and dancing but,
as in eating, the men separate from the women, and the dance of the
one sex differs from that of the other. Both were exhibited to me»
that of the men consists of three hops on one foot, and then a stamp ; the
women place their hands on their shoulders and leap with both feet»
going round in a circle, They have a two-stringed instrument and a
kind of drum for music.
2T

328 Description of the Stah-pédshis. [Aprin,

DsENBUR described the mode of life among the Kaffirs to be social,
since they frequently assemble at each other’s houses or under the trees
which embosom them, and have drinking parties. In winter they sit
round a fire and talk of their exploits. They drink from silver cups,
trophies of their spoil in war. The wine, which is both light and.dark,
will keep for years and is made by expressing the juice under the feet
into a large earthen jar, described to be of delicate workmanship. Old
and young of both sexes drink wine, and grape juice is given to children
at the breast. A Kaffir slave girl, who became a mother, shortly after
her arrival in Cabél, demanded wine or vinegar after the birth of her
child, the latter was given to her, she caused five or six walnuts to be
burned and put in it, drinking it off and refusing all the luxuries of }
Cabil. The costume of the nation is better shewn in the accompany-
ing sketch than by description ; a successful warrior adds to it a waist- —
band ornamented with a small belt for every Muhammadan he has killed.
The daughter of such a one also, has the privilege of wearing certain
ornaments entwined in her hair, made of sea shells or cowries, which
no one can usurp without signal punishment, A Hindu, who was pre-
sent at a Kaffir marriage, informed me that the bridegroom had his food
given to him behind his back because he had not killed a Mubammadan.
Enmities frequently arise among them, but the most deadly feud may be
extinguished by one of the parties kissing the nipple of his antagonist’s
left breast, as being typical of drinking the milk of friendship. The
other party then returns the compliment by kissing the suitor on the
head, when they become friends till death. The Kaffirs do not sell theiy
children to Muhammadans; though a man, in distress, may sometimes
dispose of his servant or steal a neighbour’s child and sell it.

I asked my oldest Kaffir informant if he regretted the loss of his _
country and he, at once, replied that their Kaffir customs were best but,
here, he preferred those of Muhammad. He had, however, imbibed a
taste for Js/am, and observed that here there was religion and there
none. He told me a singular fact of a Kaffir relative of his own, named
SHuBOOD, who had been captured and, becoming a Moollah, travelled,
under the name of Korosn, into India, returning about three years ago,
to Kaffiristan when he made known many things to the Kaffirs which ~
they had never before heard of: after a short stay, he wished to quit the
country but he was not permitted. The names of places which Drzn-
BuR remembered were Wygul, Gimeer, Cheemee, Kaygul, Minchgul,
Ameeshdesh, Jamuj, Nishaigram, Richgul Deree, Kuttar, Camdesh,
Douggul, Pendesh, Villegul and Savendesh. It is however, believed
that all the inhabitants of Durai Noor, and other defiles of Hindu

1838. ] Description of the Siah-péshis. 329

koosh north of Cabil and Julalabad, are converted Kaffirs, which their
appearance and mixed language seem to bear out.

The language of Kaffiristan is altogether unintelligible to Hindus
and their Uzbek and Afghan neighbours; some of its sound, soft labials
are scarcely to be pronounced by a European, but the accompanying
specimens will illustrate it. They were taken from Deznspur. The
sentences that follow bear, however, an evident affinity to the languages
of the Hindu stock. As the Kaffirs have no written character, I give
them in an English dress. When in the Kohistan of Cabil, near
Punjsheer, I had an opportunity of meeting some of the people, who
speak Pushye, which resembles the dialect of the Kaffirs as may be
supposed from their proximity to them, and as will be seen in the annex-
ed vocabulary. Pushye is spoken in eight villages, named as follows :
1 Eeshpein, 2 Heshkein, 3 Soudur, 4 Alisye, 5 Ghyu, 6 Doornama,
7 Durat pootta and 8 Mulaikir, all of which are situated among
or near the seven valleys of Mwrow (huft dura i nujrow). The
Pushyes are considered a kind of Tajiks by the Afghans.

I have stated the account which the Kaffirs give of themselves. I
received the following additional particulars from a Muhammadan, who
had visited four villages named Kutar, Gimeer, Deoos and Sas, all of
which are beyond the frontier hamlet of Koolman, which is inhabited
by Neemchu Mussulmans and lies north of Julalabad. He described
the Kaffirs as a very merry race, without care, and hoped he would not
be considered disrespectful, when he stated that he had never seen
‘ people more resembling Europeans in their intelligence, habits and
appearance as well as in their hilarous tone and familiarity, over their
wine. They have all tight clothes, sit on leathern stools, and are exceed-
ingly hospitable. They always give wine to a stranger and it is often
put in pitchers, like water, at public places which any one may drink.
To ensure a supply of it they have also very strict regulations prevent-
ing the grapes being cut before a certain day. My informant consider-
ed the country of the Kaffirs quite pervious to a traveller if he gat a
Kaffir to be his security. They have no ferocity of disposition, however
barbarous some of their customs appear; and, besides the mode of
ensuring pardon already described, he stated that if a Kaffir has killed
ten men of a tribe, he can secure forgiveness by throwing down his
knife before his enemies, trampling on it and kneeling.

Besides my Muhammadan informant I met a Hindu at Peshawur,
who had penetrated into the higher Kaffir country, about twenty-five
miles from Chughansurall where he resided for eleven days: some of
his observations are curious. He was protected by a Kaffir and expe-

a y2

330 Description of the Siah-péshts. (Aprit,

rienced no difficulties, but he would not have been permitted to go
among the more distant Kaffirs: had he attempted it, he either would
have been killed or compelled to marry and live for good among them.
He was not however convinced of the journey being impracticable.
He was kindly treated as far as he went, and admitted to their houses.
He saw them dancing and describes the race to be of exquisite beauty,
with arched eyebrows and fine complexion! These Kaffirs allow a lock
of hair to grow -on the right side of the head, and'the Hindu declares
they were of his own creed as they knew Stva. They had bows and
arrows for defence, they pulled the strings of the former with their toes
and their arrows had heads like drooping lilies. Their country had many
flowers and much shade. Many coins are found in it resembling those
to be procured about Bajour, and some of which have Grecian inscrip-
tions. The worthy Hindu insisted upon its being a fact that the Kavffirs
sold their daughters to the Muhammadans according to their size, twenty
rupees per span being a fair valuation! There is certainly no difficulty
in procuring Kaffir slaves, and the high prices which are readily given
may have induced these poor people, who closely adjoin the Muhamma-
dan countries, to enter upon this unnatural traffic.

But by far the most singular of all the visitors to the Kaflfir country —

of whom I have heard was an individual, who went into it from Cabiil
about the year 1829. He arrived from Candahar and gave himself

out, to be a Gubr or fireworshipper and an “ Ibrahime” (follower of

AxBRAHIM) from Persia, who had come to examine the Kaffir country
where he expected to find trace of his ancestors. He alighted in Cabal]

with the Armenians, called himself SauwRyak, which is a name current _

among the Parsees of these days. His hosts used every argument to
dissuade his going on such a dangerous journey, but he proceeded to
Julalabad and Lughman, where he left his pony and property, and
entered the Kaffir country as a mendicant by way of Nupil, and was
absent for some months. On his return, after quitting Kaffiristan, he
was barbarously murdered by the neighbouring Hazdras of the Ak
Purust tribe ; whose Malik, Oosman, was so incensed at his country
men’s conduct that he exacted a fine of two thousand rupees as the price
of his blood. All these facts were communicated to me by the Arme-
nians in Cabil, but whether poor SauHRYAR was a Bombay Parsee or
a Persian Gubr, I could not discover, though I am disposed to believe
him the latter as he carried along with him “arukum” or document
from the shah of Persia. The death of this successful sojourner among
the Kaffir tribes is a subject for deep fegret, but it holds out a hope
that some one may still follow the adventurous example of this disciple of

-1838.] Description of the Siah-pésis — 331

ZoROASTER, and yet visit the Kaffirs in their native glens. I know not
what could have given rise to an identification of the Kaffir race with
that of ancient Persia, but the mode of disposing of their dead on hills,
without interment, but there are certainly traditions all over Afghanis-
tan regardiug the Gubrs or fireworshippers, and one of their principal
cities, called Gurdez, in Zinnué south of Cabul, yet exists, which even
in Baser’s time, was a place of considerable strength. ;

The country of the Kaffirs has also been entered by many wandering
jewellers who pass through it, which brings me to make mention of its
adjoining districts and their peculiarities. One of these individuals had
visited Cashgar beyond Deer, and proceeded thence to the town of
Shah Kuttore under Chitral and on to Badukhshan, habited as a
fakiv. He always received bread when he asked for it, but could not
have, with safety, made himself known. The account of this man’s
journey is curious as well as what he saw during it. Near a “ zyarut”
or place of pilgrimage at Bayour there is an inscription which, from
the specimen shewn to me, I take to be old Sanskrit. About two miles
beyond there is another inscription ; between the village of Deer and
Arabkhan, there is a third, towards Cashgar, where the road is cut
through the hill for some yards, the fame of the artificer being com-
memorated. Katigiram is an ancient place a day’s march from Deer.
Two days’ journey from Bajour, there is a small idol cut in black stone
and attached to the rock. It is in a sitting posture, about two and a half
feet high, and is said to have a helmet on the head similar to what is
seen in the coins from Bajour. It may be a Hindu figure for that tribe
hold it sacred, but idols are to be dug up throughout all this country and
a small one, eight or nine inches high, was brought to me from Swat
which represented a pot-bellied figure cut in stone, half seated, with
crossed arms and a hand placed on itshead. Such idols are also found at
the “ tope” in the plain of Peshawvur, and, whether they represent
Baccuus or some less celebrated hero, antiquarians must determine.
But to continue the jeweller’s rambles. At Cashgar he purchased rock
crystal (beloor) from the shepherds, who, simple men that they are,
believe it to be the frozen ice of an hundred years! In siéw a maund of
it costs twenty rupees and he doubled his outlay on returning by mak-
ing it into seals and armlets. It is exported to China as buttons for the
caps of the Mandarins. From Cashgar the onward journey was made
for lapis lazuli and rubies which he found in Budukhshan. Leaving
Cashgar he crossed the river that passes Chitral, and which is here
called the water of Kuner; in three days he ‘came toa hill called
“ Koh-t-nigsan” or the hill of injury, down which he slid upon the

332 Description of the Siah-péshis. [ APRIL;

frozen snow in a leathern shirt and came to a bridge, but this is not on

the high road. I was so much pleased with the novel account of his

journey, that I prevailed on the man to repeat it and attend to such

instructions as I should give him regarding copies of the inscriptions,

&c. but he has not yet joined me. _ |
Vocabulary of the Kaffir language.

English. Kaffir. English. Kafr.
God Yamrai, Doghan |Wheat Gum
Sky Dilla Barley Yu
Star Tarah Grass Yius
Sun Soe Flour Bre
Moon Mas Bread Eu
World Danyé or doonya | Milk Zor
Earth Palal Cheese Kila
Water Aut Jar Sha
Wind Dama Pot Siri
Fire Ai Salt Vok
Lightning Pulak Man Naursta
Thunder Trankyas Woman Mashi
Clouds Mayar Son Dabla
Rain Wash Daughter Dabli
Snow Zim Father Tala
Tce Achama Mother Hai
Moist Ashai Brother Bura
Hot Tapi Sister Sosi
Cold Yoz Uncle Kench taulé
Spring Vastinck Priest Deshtan
Summer Vasunt Ink Kacha
Autumn Shari Tongue Jip
Winter Zuin Hair Kech
Kill Da Forehead Taluk
Plain Galulé Ear Kar
Pond Aza Eye Achén
River Galmulé Nose Nasa
Canal Shueléw Mouth Ash
Tree Ushtun Teeth Dint
Desert Ghatad4 Chin Deli
Fruits Deraz Heart Zudiwan
Green Yuz Hand Chapal pain
Horse Goa Finger Agun
Ass - Ghuda Nail Nunché
Bullock Ga Foot Kur
Cow Istriki gao Cotton Poché
Sheep Vami Wool Varak
Goat Vasru Cloth Kamis
Dog Tan Shoe Vachai
Shepherd Pashka Quilt Brastan
Herd Icho Iron Chima
Tiger Se Silver Chitta
House Ama Gold Soné
Door Do Soldier Oatah
Window Dari Chief Salmanash
Rope Utrek Troop Katki
*SPin Kakhche Fort Qila

1838. _] Description of the Stah-péshis 333
English Ka ffir. English. Kaffr.
Wall Barkan Fi ve Pich

King Pacha Six Shu

Bow Shindri ‘Seven Soti

Arrow Kain Right Osht

Sword Tavali Nine Nu

Shield Karai Ten Dosh

Spear Shel Twenty Vashi

Armour Jirah Thirty (not known only
Axe Chavi even tens)
Knife Kalai Forty Dovashi

Tobacco Tamékut Sixty Trevashi

One Ek Eighty Chal

Two Du Hundred Chatavashi

Three Tre Thousand Hazar

Four Chata

Questions in the Kafr Language.

What is your name? Too ba nam kussoora ?

Where is your country? Eema ba desh akineora ?
Where are you going ? Akeeny gayish ?

In your country do they dance? Eema ba deshakna natee chaol?

Do you drink wine? Chookrye piash ? |
I do not understand. Yai na piam.
Give me water. Keu an as.

Is the road bad? Poout awaiwa.

-Are there bears in Kaffiristan ? Eema ba deshukua broo wa?

How many days’ journey from Wygu/l Wygul oshtee kittee wass ka dunooa
to Camdesh ? Camdesh ?

Who lives in Shah Kuttore’s country? Shah Kuttore bu deshunaki visheen

ust mom ?

Muhammadans reside there ? Moosulmannis heen ust mom ?

Is there any king in Wygul ? Wygul pucha waist a nuwair ?

How many towns are there? Kitee shuhr war?

Specimens of the Pushye Dialect. -

English. Pushye. English. Pushye.
Bread Aoo Foot Payam
Water ‘Oorgai Waist Gamum
Mother Ai Breast Simoom
Wife Ishterkoom Belly Koochun
Son Pootram Thigh Dawaram
Forehead Tili Knee Kareem
Eyebrows Kash Fingers Angoram
Nose Nost Ear Kaiam
Lip ‘Ooshtam Hair Loom
Mouth Gilamam Butter Ghoost
Beard Darim Flour Aboee
Hard Hustam Meat Pe

Questions.

Are you hungry?

Are you thirsty ?

The sun is hot.

Have you fever ?

What is your name?
Where are you going?
When will you return ?
Is it snowing?

Awa tooma?
Tunooma ?
Soora gurma,
Pare jech ke?
Name kera ?

-Kuro shart ke ?

Kima le yai?
Lange tareo?

fal

VII.—Fxamination of the Inscriptions from Girnar in Gujerat, and
Dhaulit wn Cuttack, continued by James Prinsep, Sec, As. Soc.

Sanskrit Inscription, No. 1, from Junagarh.

After the announcement made in the proceedings of the Society,
published in the present journal, that the Governor General has acced-

ed to my request for the deputation of an officer to take exact facsimiles.

of the several inscriptions in Gujerat which have turned out to be of so
important a nature, it may seem premature or superfluous to continue
the publication of the analysis of the less perfect document now in my
hands. But it is only in a few uncertain passages that the expected
corrections are desired. The body of the matter is sufficiently intelli-
gible, both in the Pali edicts of Girnar published last month, and in
the Sanskrit inscription from Junagarh, which I have chosen for the
subject of my present notice.

I should indeed be doing an injustice to Captain Lane who executed
the cloth facsimile for the President of the Bombay Literary Society,
and to Dr. Witson himself, who so graciously placed it at my disposal,
when doubtless he might with little trouble have succeeded himself in
interpreting it much better than I can do, from his well known proficiency
ix the Sanskrit language; it would, I say, be an injustice to them, were
I to withhold the publication of what is already prepared for the press,
which may be looked upon as their property, and their discovery,
and to mix it with what may hereafter be obtained by a more accurate
survey of the spot.

Before, however, proceeding to the inscription itself, I have much
pleasure in inserting Dr. WiLson’s account of his visit to the place,
and of the mode in which the inscriptions were taken down under his
instructions. It was printed in the Bombay Christian Spectator, whence
the author has kindly extracted it at my request, in a letter first receiy-
ed from Bombay.

Account of a visit to Girnar by the Rev. J. Wizson, D...D. gg

It was on the 13th of March, 1835, that I visited the Girnadr moun-
tain. The following is the extract from my journal which you have
asked me to send to you.

“ After leaving the Nawab of Tanieod (with whom and his darbar
I had spent the preceding night in keen, but friendly discussion),
I rested for a little, and then proceeded in a dolé to the celebrated
Girndr hill. I found myself at the base of it (the road leads
through thick jangal) about day-break. The ascent is very difficult,

834 Examination of the Inscriptions — [ APRIL,

¥01.VA PUXN..

BQ velo Bearers By np ¥2(Rvalest hy ryt (Bea lop kw vag’ Gopotx

ed
wo

Tourn. As

* ¥f!7 forte

PP on aed £{expual

Fr omag hn So ¥l%o&
yl kbpegnng 234x "poy
ibe hie klae
rearjabakamiRomgeelns

~~

2B .onmrtatohads ‘roa!

bia ry nemanytmrged

ee lymieplvogombfersragere —

ear aeee, | oo reomrewyhy Park hn ptystin
te ee eee BOG: GahbhopwhBlekowdish
pe FeLtE yRBe gneeprpluz BER PuerVv Wu legen cae x Bni@ug
ay > perm xm (Yep es ede rwe br szata & ‘pa bmzh
NB 2 ro torres 2x23 fen Yaak 2hbRatleok tf $m xntGas voormh xy CY fonlsa'Pr2yrto

Of vhuboaeboveball hes hrwhavhgmentlpses eal Support Qrometechye wy
Eh pppoe pe ses yxlpyfoyya so Rps Fst ¥Swrulb gorges

seweohtyr7 rfropanbae BEXB bys Yefohenons fords VE rhrmp prongs Pestwlg
Gc hateaysaee:. naoewr oan

revise wh pax
nfob&a pm

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max hebrstreme Pp fiuh J fkuRhx Lyn of ftv $o:5 [Rips ee
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rat sna hghyg libra! Gx xyg"hghssovs
. Dostwlogelaiiou neue

4 vyhvor keer hrmrog otal
o” wbyxt$t olx moby ® yriwraur vkerybnen

4 cov €l3ak

Chr Se lr
alemel$i fulravi

sa Sade ecate
rn epyutpreb mb lwlinevadedsefelowfonxlfyhnitesr 2 RY COPY baughszrrgehywen
vbzxahivmpllumyFho$Fe giovbe fork anxhens a nutoq ype
yoko Saykill ve BLoYU eal tax E(RIF big ro Aegh:kyy
20% La biphail feats menlnbflpss Tee Goyoens e

far vhesso% Genaxteavrern fea ‘

av¥bofpofra lobmymis zal kegs} “s L2g3.(ur Cor wah f3y3 .

t. ui GbE 2ih9,

WoT Jsrzp vas Zag ryqfjr «of

“Ip sp ulog SLT WOSPIM I p12Y 2y/
Sof ‘funy ‘yhoo ke YJO)2 “oO uUwayVf

‘g0ef¢ 2yBray pref ro yovor
“lvy Ose ry A909 WIASNINAd SBHWL Ni HY WD VNOAC WVBN ANOLS 35uv7 Ww 30 BQIS 183M FHL NO NOILdIy¥DSNI

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1838. Srom Girndr in Gujerat. 335

and in some places, from the precipitousness of the mountain, rather
trying to the nerves. The rock is of granite, containing, particularly
near the summit, a large quantity of mica. There is scarcely any
_ vegetation upon it, and indeed from its steepness, no possibility of
the formation of a. soil. The largest temples are at an elevation, I
should think, of about 2000 feet, estimating the greatest height at 2500.
They are built of the granite, though some of the steps and staircases
are formed of sandstone, from the plain below. They are works of pro-
digious labour, and are executed in excellent taste. They are at pre-
sent appropriated by the Jainas ; but the most ancient and remarkable
of them appear to me from the Dhagob, and other arrangements, to be
undoubtedly Buddhist. The most remarkable Jaina images in them,
are those of Nemindtha, not much exceeding the size of a man, black
and ornamented with gold, and at present worshipped ; and Aishabh-
deva, of a colossal size, of granite, covered with white chunam ; and
Parasnétha. In the inferior parts, there are the images of all the twen-
ty-four ZTirthankars. There are numerous cells inthe courts of the
temples, and places adjoining, which were probably formerly used by
the priests. At present, the only persons who live on the hill, are the
sipahis who guard the temples, a few pujdris, and pilgrims who come
_ to worship, and who may sojourn for-a night or two. I was allowed to
go through all the temples, and even to enter the shrines, and measure
the idols. When I had finished the inspection of them, a large com-
pany of Yatis and Banias came to perform their devotions ; and as soon
as I could command their attention, 1 preached to them the words of
eternal life.......

« After taking a little refreshment, I proceeded to the temple situat-
ed at the summit of the hill. Though goodlooking in the exterior, and
evidently of Buddhist, or Jaina, origin, it is very filthy within. In
one extremity, there is an uncarved block of granite, with huge eyes
and a monstrous mouth depicted upon it, sacred to Devi under the
name of Ambdémd. I found a good many people around it, to whom I
spoke on the folly and guilt of idolatry. There are two other peaks on
the hill, from one of which the Hindus, who get tired of life, throw
themselves down in the hope of making a speedy journey of it to heaven.
I did not think of visiting them, on account of the difficulty of reaching
them. There was, however, a staircase leading to them, as to the peak
on which I stood.

“ The view from the top of Girndr is one which is not dearly pur-
chased at the expense of ascending it. It embraces the adjoining hills
(of granite), and one of which, the Dhdtar, vies with it in height, and an

2u

Ee

336 | Examination of the Inscriptions { Aprity

immense range of low country extending in all directions, and toward
the west, reaching to the sea. There is much jangal on the lower hills ;
and cultivation, from the want of water, is not very extensive in the
low country. Villages appear scattered only here and there.

“I made as quick a descent of the mountain as possible, that I
might reach, before the darkness of night settled upon me, the block. of
granite near Junaga%, which contains the ancient inseriptions which,
though never deciphered, have attracted much attention. I was able to
accomplish the object which I had in view. After examining the block

for a little, and comparing the letters with several ancient Sanskrita
alphabets in my possession, I found myself able, to my great joy, and

that of the brahmans who were with me, to make out several words,
and to decide as to the probable possibility of making out the whole.
The taking a copy of the inscriptions I found, from their extent, to be
a hopeless task ; but as Captain Lane (of the Kédtiawdd Political
Agency), had kindly promised to procure a transcript of the whole for
me, I did not regret the circumstance. .....”

‘‘ T suggested to Captain LANG, a plan for taking a facsimile of the
inscriptions. I recommended him to cover the rock with native paper
slightly moistened, and to trace with ink the depressions corresponding
with the forms of the letters. The idea of using cloth, instead of paper
was entirely his own ; and to that able officer, and his native assistants,
are we indebted for the very correct facsimile, which he presented to
me, and which I forwarded to you some months ago for your inspection
aid use. During the time that it was in Bombay, it was mostly with
Mr. WaTHEN, who got prepared for yourself, the reduced transcript,
and with a native, who at the request of our Asiatic Society, and with
ry permission, prepared a copy for M. Jacquet of Paris. I had
commenced the deciphering of it, when you kindly communicated to me
the discovery of your alphabet ; and I at once determined that you, as

was most justly due, should have the undivided honour of first promulgat- —

ing its mysteries. Any little progress which I had made in the attempt
to forge a key, was from the assistance which I had received from the
alphabets formerly published in your transcendantly able work, Mr.
Evviot’s Canarese alphabets, and the rigid deductions of VisHnu SHAS
TRI, my quondam pandit to whom Mr. WatTueEn has expressed his obli-

gations in his paper on some ancient copper-plate grants lately sent by

him to England. Visuwu’s paleographical studies, I may mention, com-
menced with Dr. BaBineTon’s paper, which I showed to him some years
ago; and they were matured under Mr. WatHeN. I mention these
facts from my desire to act according to the maxim, Suum cutque tribue.

|

/

i
i]

1838.) from Girnér in Gujerdt. 337

“ The rock containing the inscriptions, it should be observed, is about
a mile to the eastward of Jundgad, and about four miles from the base
of Girndr, which is in the same direction. It marks, I should think,
the extremity of the Maryddé of the sacred mountain. The Jainas,
as the successors of the Bauddhas, greatly honor it. They maintain
pinjardpurs, or brute hospitals, like the Banyas of Surat, in many of

the towns both of the peninsula and province of Guwjerdt ; and practise

to a great extent the philopsychy of the long forgotten, but now restor-
ed, edict of Asoka.”

The rock or large stone above alluded to, appears to contain all three
inscriptions. Qn the eastern side facing the Girnar hill are the edicts
of Asoxa in the old character :—on the western side the Sanskrit inscrip-
tion which I have selected as my theme for the present occasion; and

on the southern side a third inscription longer even than either of the -

others, but somewhat more modern, and less distinct.

The western inscription, then, is near the top of the stone :—it covers
a surface of ten feet and a half in breadth, by five feet in height. The
stone is a good deal cut or worn away in two places, but it does not
seem that any thing has been lost on the outer edges, the irregularities
there visible proceeding from the contour of the stone. Capt. Lane’s
facsimile is lithographed on a very reduced scale in Pl. XV.

The character is only one remove from the Buddhist alphabet of
Girnar, It has the same mode of applying the vowel marks e, a, and
0, in particular to those excellent test letters n, n, and m. The vowel z
is still formed of the three dots: but I need not more fully dilate upon
its peculiarities since I have already inserted the whole alphabet, as No. 3
of the comparative table in last month’s Journal. A few also of the
principal passages I now subjoin on a larger scale in Pl. XVI. as upon
them rests the value with which this inscription will doubtless be regard-

_edin Europe as well as in India, on account of the historical information
it is calculated to afford.

Once transcribed into modern Nagari a Sanskrit inscription becomes
easily intelligible through the aid of a skilful pandit. In the present
Istance it has only been necessary to change two or three dubious
letters to enable KamMALAKANTA to explain to me the contents of all
the continuous passages which still exist on the stone, and it is fortu-
nately not very difficult to imagine from the context what must have

_ occupied most of the spaces now eroded or mutilated,

I have contented myself with a very small copy of the original text,

| because hereafter it may have, like the Allahabad inscription, to be
_ done over again ! |

v2 2

338

10.

Examination of the Inscriptions [ APRin,
Transcript of the Junagarh inscription. No. 1.

fag scaea qewd fafcaneretute (15 letters) Hua ?
fawicarateat: afaaeraaatferames aut (a)
(at) eufaefey (30 letters) (S) waa afaaa qa.
aTquaeefafaaaraetare at (=)
gb fauta (35 letters) (fa) atfeftzanwaeaTTs
qua afc UTS ASTAAIWAIAS ()
ante: afaaetrwy (34 letters) YAR Usl Aeasy
ve qefeoumnacfiers safsanta a <= z |
AAW sas IIA (30 letters) eaten UST ATMA |
yatatfaavfyst—aarat frtasaa: gqafaitwatat
watatinedtaiaciniatiarsteseameaga (20 letters)
Tarararaayfantcaty faf< fawcaaqersaagaaae
wearmafaafaat vatawaqa
We HAL quam aqava faa afas fitemeaboend
(14 letters) Fanta qanweaad gactastuagr —
feaafe ware eanatia Gwtrsaciwrada cada
afaeitara |

Uwatawaa—aAIISa Hea faqaaddraneaast *.

afasines (10 letters) wre Alaa ts: WHT waa (Ae)
UIYUATVAA VATA Aiea HATA Alay aaara4rsia
quaafusat

amifucsad aatfeaat 7 crIatrencafaeraat ate
(mia) eeateratfaqaa(g) (9 letters) at WAHT YS
fasaaafea TITTacUTMaMATaT fay TAUTY
ufaa gaa QRarBrearqeaaulagiaaat

aastaat Bt) AHWMAHASAITATATALT ©

1838. ] From Girnar in Gujerdt. 339

}1.

12.

13.

14,

15,

16.

i

faacuafarafe (10 letters) atau quatre
gfaqdian(a)ancaed (2) w yea nagiiefucaqag
yea aactaaTA

TAIAASANASHaAaATTHIATAA AT = WATTTALT
aitaa ATTAT GUE A (5 letters) acqgqer facrafauer

(eye aagtat waqyara (7 letters) atafaqatat faaatat

ufaat Haaataeya

Pua aAVyarataawarat vegas ches
mumaaanatecte faisiaaharisaday fax
TIETTUAATATTAALET AT (10 letters) tle saray
weaT UPASlaAA SITU SUT
SRISasaVwHTLIAN WeArsaraearararatat frat
at aedtat meager frarrraiafaqaatiiat gor
racuyaifaae fyEReT (10 letters) aTMAT Stsa
faa Secectaaraa (Feat)

faraMlss WesMT aad TRG AIT IAAL TT
aq ay acutauay fawqumaaniita (3) eqewaaTT
farsa wes aaifeacaAaTA ATAWAAT
wal qiafaad acaante ti:

WAIAMA_I aa Ayala Wacyal wT aAETAAT
ATALALHA AAI GCIICUAI VI ARIAAUA UH

. STAT (25) eum a gee atuefaarqztafea

wuaautt: eam (aad) ward Arerawaaatea
wafaremaget «= 6fanucuacfaecarataadfaa—
(20 letters) cuxatatfcatafa

ARM AAA AAAT aaHA TA ACAI AMAA AMAT AST
@quzeraenfanacatats: vay_aets

3-10 Examination of the Inscriptions - [Apart

18. yuu CEe saat GuaTE TUrysls WesaTe
AUATES Saaa waa ales soratafarafes
MEAT TATA ATA

19. Wea Fe valaaaa ufrada qaractradaa
PCeNacquamaayaal Waa ead ufuateaaral
Hea

20. afufasaradattd anife udcfagaatateafata |

Translation.

(Be it) accomplished!’ This very impassable bank atthe foot of the hill.
city,( Girinagara’ )...... (15 syllables) with wide expansion and with great
depth of strong masonry® carried all along the bottom of the said hill,
filling up the interstices or irregularities in even layers up to the height
of the bank ...... (30) ....c..00scesseee. DY @& Chosen -(arehitect?) the
foundations of the bridge being completed most substantially by, em-
banking off in-various ways the water .........sscssseeons (BO) .2...0ccd cee
by workmen cheered on by kindnesses, and with a vast abundance of mate-
rials was in progress. ‘Then the work continued under favor of the raja
Mahakshatrapa (the great patron of the warrior class) who was named
Swami Chastana ...... (and was completed) in the seventy-second year of
his son, the Kshatrapa, mindful of the lessons of his instructors, the raja
named Artpa'Ma” in the dark half of the month of Margairsha.........

veeeese (afterwards) by an immense inundation brought on by
heavy rains converting the whole surface of the earth into an ocean,
and making a mass of mud of the hill of Urjayata (?)—...... by the
tempestuous waves of the Palesiné river, and its several tributaries, the
bridge ‘s...5s (was carried away. Subsequently) ...... in conformity with
the original design (it was) repaired with blocks of stone from the hill,
remedying the difficulties of the passage way with numerous long
beams and trees laid across,—and skilfully uniting them............ (A
second time) by the force of the waves in a fierce hurricane and flood

1. The same invocation, s’ddham, is used in the Skandagupta inscription, Pl. I.

2. The vowels of the word Girinagar are wanting, but the name cannot be mis.
taken, being modern Girndr.

3. Ofer af, the joining or cementation of masonry, is now called by a similar
name jordi. I suppose the piers or foundations to be intended,

4. araciiara (sic)—if this is correctly traced it contains a grammatical error
in the substitution of q for: after «, The name might be read Atri ; or Rudra, were
the preceding word namno. The date may be read eithef varshe dwisaptatita (me)
followed by numerals,—or Ari damni nashte dwisaptati vatsare, in the 72nd year after

the death of Aridamd. As there isa space after dwi, sata may be also supplied,
making the date 270.

van. As Sac. Vol. VIL. PL XIX.
— Beber Names in the Junagar A lnscriplion M2

ry NPS YAN, SRPoRNY, A] Je

nd mah Svami Chasta Nasya 7 ‘ano maha kshabr ‘afia or namna rate < Damneae

oe

i
ads 55" Ou yc ata ode Pusu
my ser 2 pi Saaetioma es Pace

i ~s“ MaAuryasya Zo Yavana ra ye na Lushaspena- adh shlagea

#59 Ey Hop japan hae &.. rach

} malya raft ic ranaaee: maha kshatr 7 foEerta KRiuicdbra Dea mea re a. Baran ty HEY Veer le ey

: Bethe coins) JR* 4, a4 UN hj 2¥Y NSN

Mpecimen of the Junagarh inseriplion M3.
where 7205 2 gga ae :

{cE EA Rd ye yesy Ox t ; eOlW (End af second line)

pe a sane Lu veryo rea Lf inate! asx

Bq aS: AF 4549 AiO 9 of de AAD

| Seer “okanda Guplah prifnu Gi hatara .. 0 2 Ue Aiphetet J)
Sate

4 Insc rifateconr ona syrall Slonre near Lhe large i fan easlerly .

Sree re ratha Swame . (Me last ¢ seryes also tor St,

Legend on coins (6, W, Plate XL. Eid om Surashbtra, Sochige

obverse

“ UJ VAFOFPEOTERT MIT WU3 ay sumdat sh OHdHO

Parame bhonuytra, ray ool raga Srikumdra Gupla mah endrasye

au MANUAL SE QRS TUF ECA symbol * 2, GO

Beat 90.955 ce bhae< cdatamea Raye Sve Skanda Guple kraemads Ga J Prirscp Lad

1838. ] from Girndr in Guyerat. 341

(it was) broken down and much damaged, ............ (after which) with
stones and trees and piles ® and massive beams ® stretched across it was
again put into complete repair, with an indestructible embankment
having a length of four hundred cubits, and in like manner having
a breadth of seventy-five cubits, in a wonderful manner taking out all
the water and laying dry the bed of the river " ............ by Pupya
Gupta, the territorial treasurer of raja CHANDRAGUPTA Maurya,
(this) was caused to be done: and by the Yavana raja of Asoxa Mau-
RYA, (named) TusHAsPa, it was ornamented with cornice and parapet,
and with an artificial canal visible there, over which the bridge also ex-
tended, in a manner worthy of the approval of the raja.......( Afterwards)
by him, who, being predestined from the womb to the unceasing and in-
creasing possession of the fortunes of royalty, was invited by all classes
waiting upon him for the security of their property—to be their king :—
who from clear intelligence has not suffered the sacrifice of animal life ;—
who is faithful to his promises—who is courteous in speech,—who in bat-
tle opposed face to face with an equal antagonist and threatening to dis-
charge his weapons,—compassionates his yielding foe,.............. who
gives hope to those of their own accord repairing to him to beseech for
succour......preserving the ancient customs of the town uninfringed by
the proud and insolent ;—who is lord of the countries® of Avanti, Anupa
(?) Vrija, Anartta, Surashtra, ......... Savara, Kukira, Kiréta,
Tishat and others, all conquered by his own might, and maintained in
their former prosperity, and all their inhabitants both high and low
converted into obedient subjects—all these countries, under his majesty
(forming one empire) and furnishing every object of desire and gratifi-
cation :—who is the powerful leader of an army obeying him fondly as
one born with the title of a renowned hero;—who, after more than
one conquest of SATKARNI the, king of Dakshinapatha by merely a

5. BPAUFITATCT, the introduction of Dwdra here is hardly intelligible, per-

haps we should read anutalpat vari sarana ucchraya vidhansind—the remover of the
impediments to the flow of the current from the beams and materials that had fallen
into the river.

6. Waa a1—the distinction of golas and latfas in the modern wood market is
that the former are unsquared, and the latter, squared timbers.

7. Ihave given to this obscure passage the best sense in which I think it expli-
cable, asthe breadth, 75, cubits could hardly have been that of the bridge itself.

8. Most of the countries enumerated here are to be foundin the Purdnas. Avanti
is well known as Oujein; Vrija is the country about Mathura ; Anartta is mentioned
with Cumboja, Sindhu, and Yavana Margana, (As. Res. VIII. 339, 341,) and is there-
fore probably in the Panjab :—Kukura is enumerated in the same list with Benares:
Savara is called a wild tribe in the southeast :—there are three Kirdtas named—two
(Chaiada and Rajya) in the northeast and one in the south (pp. 339.41)—Tishat
may perhaps be read Toshali in Cuttack of which more hereafter.

342 Examination of the Inscriptions [Aprit,

threat (of attack), concluded a peace (with him) for the security and
protection of his country,. .........and again set up his royal banner ;—
who has a natural taste for exercising and improving the strength of
his hand, according to the rules* ;—who is renowned for his skill in the
practice of all the celebrated sciences, of grammar, of polity, of singing,
of expedients (mechanics ?) and the rest, the theory of which he has
gone through and thoroughly retained;—who powerful in horses,
elephants, chariots, oxen, weapons, and armour ........... exceedingly
clever in breaking down the strongholds+-of his enemies;—who is

every day happy in the bestowal of alms and mercy ;—who is affa- -

ble in manners ;—whose treasury is abundantly filled with gold,
silver, tin, and the lapis lazuli jewel, brought as tokens of his great-
ness, offered to him as his just and proper measure of tribute; who
(understands) the precise etiquette of (courtly terms,) their sense,
measure, sweetness, rarity, ......... who is of correct bodily proportion,
excellent in gait, color, vigour, and strength, &c.; in form and limb
of most auspicious aspect ;—who of his own (merit ?) has the title of
‘ patron of warriors and king of men ;—who is crowned with the garland{
of flowers won in the Swayamvara ceremony (or tournament) ;—by
this great patron of the warriors (or Satrap) RuUDAR Da’Ma’...... cs. +0000
zealous for the increase of his religious fame and in kindness and
compassion for females and the lame and sick : and with a most liberal
expenditure from his own treasury (for the people ?) ;—consenting at
once to the petition of the chief citizens ;—the construction of this
bridge with threefold strength............... after due inspection was
ordered to be done ;~—thus.

By the dignified in virtue, the chief minister of the great Satrap......
......the road was also lined with trees conferring pleasure (on the pas-
sers by ).—

Further, by him who out of favor to the inhabitants of town and
country restored with substantial repairs the excellent condition (of the
bridge) to the good subjects of this metropolis,—-who made it impregna-
ble to the torrents of water...... ..? by the descendant of the Pahlavan
tribe, Ma vyaA, the contractor, who has finished his work precisely on the
terms of his estimates and plans, so. as to give satisfaction,—the strong

* By inadvertence I have omitted the repetition of the word arjita =p fSafsa
at the beginning of the 13th line in the lithograph.

+ Reading UW4STAHY, but the text may he read beh bu making it ‘ destroying
his enemy’s force,’ or again it may be Utaeeeaaeatmaa, well skilled in
diminishing the power of his enemies. (The Nagari text has been altered thus).

t In former times, Hindu maidens chose their favorite among a band of suitors
by throwing a garland over his neck. A play on the name Ddméd is intended.

aS oe:

1838. ] Srom Girnar in Gujerat. 343

man and overcomer of difficulties, surrounded by his overseers (pattis ),
—by him, the establisher of religious fame, and the increaser of the
glory of his master, was this work executed*.”

Observations.

I have already remarked that in this inscription for the first time we
find the name of the great CHANDRAGUPTA the contemporary of
ALEXANDER recorded on a genuine monument of antiquity. There
can be no doubt of his identity because his family name Maurya is
added, and further the name of his grandson, the no less famous Asoka
immediately follows designated also by the same family cognomen of
Maurya. (See Pl. XIX. for the passages containing the two names.)

On first discovering this important fact and perusing the mutilated
fragment with KAMALAKANTA pandit, as well as we could make it out,
I thought myself in possession of a record of the time at least of Asoka,
by whose deputy or viceroy the bridge seemed to have been completed.
The long string of complimentary epithets which fill up the bulk of the
inscription being in the instrumental case, and thus agreeing with the
Yavana rdjena of the upper sentence.

This turns out not to be precisely the case. A considerable period
is embraced in the history of the Garnar bridge—partly anterior and
partly subsequent to the time of CHanpRAGUPTA :—thus it seems
originally to have been erected by a prince named Swa’Mi CHASHTA'NA
a name rather Persian than Indian :—it was then either repaired or more
probably completed by his son Aripa’ma’ or ATRIDA’MA’ in the month
of Margasirsha or Agrahayana—in the year 72, but the letters which
follow are unfortunately illegible, and we are left in the dark as to the
era then in use for recording events.

The bridge was then totally destroyed by an inundation of the river
Paleshint, aname I cannot discover in the map of Gujerat. Thus tem-
porarily repaired perhaps by the inhabitants it was again carried away ;
_and a more thorough reparation was commenced under orders from

CHANDRAGUPTA MAURYA by his prefect of the province PupyacupPTa,
and completed in the reign of Asoxa his grandson thirty or forty years
afterwards by his Greek officer, for so I think we may understand Yavana
raja. The brahmanical population of the distant province of Surdshtra
probably had but little affection for the Buddhist monarch who is not
even honored in the inscription with the title of raja—being simply styled
_ Asoka the macrya! The name of his Greek employe is not very
* Anushthitam wafea, accomplished. ‘The same word is used at the foot of the

Allahabad inscription—(vol. VI. 978). But I know not how it there eluded the
apprehension of the pandit who made me write in lieu of it wafayaq ‘ remaining
firm or fixed.’

2x

4

344 Evxaminanion of the Inscripitions [ APRIL,

plain on the cloth; it may be read qua@a— by Tushaspa’ a name
evidently of Persian termination like Gushtasp, Lohrasp, &c. from asp
a horse (Sans. asva). Were the name written Tushasva we might have
supposed it a translation of the Greek name Philippos, having precisely
the same meaning ; and we might have argued that some adventurer hav-
ing from his military prowess obtained service under Asoka, had added
those new provinces to his empire, which we find noticed in his religious
edicts, and had at length usurped a considerable share of power to
himself; being in fact the very Yona raja whom the Muhammadan
historians state to have dispossessed SinsAR Cuanp’s grandson. But
I am sensible that I have beem frequently guilty of running ahead of
prudence with my deductions, and I must consequently draw in a little;
for it may be possible after all that the word yavane does not exist.

It is preceded by the letter @ which I have rendered q < further’ ‘ too ;’

but the expletive is somewhat out of place, and some may prefer the
reading YRTHY ATATATIZA, ‘ by AsoxKa’s raja (or lord) of the floods
and forests.’

_ To continue my history of the bridge:—after the last repairs
although no accident is mentioned, we must conclude that such had
eccurred, and that the bridge was rebuilt by the prince upon whom the
largest share of the eulogistic inscription is lavished. The opening
passage may perhaps be recoverable on a careful re-examination of
the stone. Towards the close it does indeed mention that on
the petition of the inhabitants (backed by female imfluence ?) he
strengthened the structure three-fold at his own expense. Now the
name of this prince is RupDRADAMA, destined, it says, from his
cradle to be elected to the throne,—his title is Raja Maha Ksha-
trapa the same as that of ARrpAmé and Swami Cuasnran. We may

therefore view him as a scion of the old dynasty replaced on the throne 4
after a temporary subjugation of the province by the Mawrya sove- —

reigns of India proper.

It is curious and most interesting to those whose attention is engaged
in the subject to observe how different ancient monuments throw light
upon one another and help to their mutual development. ‘The name of

RupDRADAMA recals to our memory the series of Surashtra coins —

described in my journal hardly a year ago. Among the eleven names
there distinguished, RupRADAMA was conspicuous as following just
such a break in the line as would be made by the cause above alluded
to. Again, the title then read as Maha Kritrima, the elected king,
on second examination agrees precisely with the present more palpably
developed Maha Kshatrapa. On referring to the plate of Mr. Sreu-
ART’s coins sent tome by Captain Harkness I find that I so read the

1838. ] From Girnar in Gujerdai. 845

word at first and noted it im pencil, but gave it up on the pandit’s ignorance
of such having ever been a titlein use. Had I possessed at that time a
comparative alphabet to consult, I should immediately have perceived
that the right hand twist at the foot of the & (see pl. XIX) did not then
denote as it does now the vowel ri, which was formerly turned in the con-
trary sense; but that it was the cerebral sh subjoimed to the & (forming
&sh), exactly as it occurs on the Junagarh* inscription. The p also de-
ceived me, being more pointed than the same letter in the word putra ;
but on examination of the coins in my possession I find it generally round-
ed off as U, and never crossed below as the m(x). (See the plate.)
The word @qaqy : kshatrapas, although wholly unknown as a sove-
reign title te modern Hindus, ard not to be found in their books;
is familiar to the reader of the Grecian history of ancient Persia,
with merely a softening of the initial letter, as sarpanns, Satrapa,
the prefect of a province under the Persian system of government. I
do not believe that the etymology of this name has ever been traced.
It is called a Persian title, but the Persian dictionaries only contain
2 yaw Satrab, as an obsolete term for the governor of a province,
without explanation of its origin. In Sanskrit it signifies the ruler,
feeder, or patron of the Xshatra or military class ; and now that we
know the ancient language of Persia east of the Euphrates to have been
a near dialect of the Sanskrit, we may conclude that Satrapa had the
same signification in Ariana. It is not for me in this place to specu-
late on the purport of the term in the Persian polity, but it is a fact
well known that the effeminate Persians at a very early period were in
the habit of governing their numerous tributary provinces by mercenary
troops. The same system, and the same denomination of Satrap, was
adopted and retained by the Macedonian conqueror, both when Greek and
native officers were employed: and instances are frequent enough of
the Satraps assuming to themselves independence and a regal title.
The Satrapies of the ancient Persian monarchy are not supposed to
have extended across the Indus. If i ALEXANDER’s time this limit
was first transgressed, it was not long before the Bactrian Greeks or
the Parthians made themselves masters of Sindh, Cutch and Guzeratt.
The present inscription may incline the learned to conclude that Su-
vashtra was before then one of the Satrapies of the empire, from the
name of CuasTan, the Satrap, who is stated to have first erected the
bridge, and who must have preceded CuanpracuptTa. Rvupra, VIs-

* I have before remarked that this town seems called after the Greek prince,

Yavanagada,
+ See J. A. S. vol. VI. page 385 for VINCENT’s authority on this subject.

2 Eo

346 Examination of the Inscriptions [Aprir,

wa, and others of the list are more Indian in sound. It. is re-
markable that in the long string of epithets applied even to RupRa-.
pAmA the chosen Satrap, there is none which bears the slightest
allusion to Hindu mythology ; while on the other hand the coins of the
whole dynasty bear an emblem which we have hitherto considered either
of Mithraic or of Buddhist import. The name Jinadami (wearing
Buddha as a necklace) is decidedly Buddhistic ; and the epithet applied
in the inscription to Rudradamd,—‘ who from right persuasion never.
put any living creature to death’—proves that Rupra’s opinions were
at any rate influenced by the proximity of the important Buddhist
establishment at Gurndr.

' The style of prose eulogy employed by the composer of the inscrip-
tion puts us much in mind of our old friend, the Allahabud column. It
has its corresponding list of countries conquered and equitably ruled:
but few of the names are, as might be expected, the same in the two.
Avanti or Ujjayani, and Vrija (if the latter name be correctly read)
are of the anost importance as implying that the elected kings of the
Sah family, or the Satraps of Surdshtra as we may now more properly
call them, had acquired dominion over all the central portion of India,
driving back the Magadha sovereigns, (who had previously spread their.
hands to the farthest west,) into their own Gangetic limits. The other
places Anartta, Kukura, &c. are probably provinces to the northwest, out
of India proper. One other name however deserves our particular atten-
tion ; the king of the Dakhan (Dakshinapatha), who was twice threatened.
with an invasion, and brought to sue for peace. His name is SATA
Karn, the same which occurs several times in the lists of the Andhra
kings extracted by WILForD from the Bhagavat, and other Purdnas.
It is a patronymic, from waafw ‘the hundred-eared’ which was doubt-
less the name of the founder of the family : and SArakK Arn was _proba-
bly the surname of all the line, though not repeated aNOny where in the —
versified enumeration of the Puranas. .

The locality of the Andhra dominion has hitherto been as uncertain
as the period of its sway. W1LFoRD says in one place that the Andhra
princes ‘made a most conspicuous figure on the banks of the Ganges.
for above 800 years* ;—again that Andhra and Koshala (near Kalin--
ga) are used synonymously by some Hindu authors :—again that Srr’
Carna pveEva took the title of king of Zvri-kalinga, or of the three
shores, to the east and west and south of India+. From our inscription
we perceive that the general term of Dakshinapatha agrees well with
the latter definition, and we may rest content with denoting the See |
karnis-as kings of the Peninsula. |

* As. Res. 1X.101. ‘ Ditto, 104.

iy
=

Journal: As. Soe. Vol. VI. FEE

SAURASHTRA COINS. |

spl

Kasinath Sculpe

i

TOE ay

1838.] Srom Girnér in Gujerat. 247

Further, as to their age, we find one of the name contemporary with
RupravDAMA who followed Asoka (we cannot say at what precise
distance.) WILFoRD, brings them much lower down, from the third to
the sixth century after Christ, in order to square the last of their name,
Pulomarchi or Puliman, with the Pulomien* of the Chinese.

He is forced to confess however that there were Andhras at the
beginning of the Christian era, when, says Piiny, ‘the Andare kings
were very powerful in India having no less than 30 fortified cities, an
army of 100,000 men and 1000 elephants+.’

We must therefore consent to throw back the Andhras ; and, instead
of requiring them to fall into a general and single line of paramount
Indian kings as WiLForp would insist, let them run in a parallel line,
along with the lines of Surdshtra, Ujjain, Magadha and others,—indi-
viduals of each line in turn obtaining by their talent, prowess or good
fortune a temporary ascendancy over his neighbours: thus at length we
may hope to fulfil Captain Ton’s prophecy,—“ let us master the charac-
ters on the columns of Indrapreshta, Poorag, and Mewar, on the rocks
of Junagarh, at Bijolle on the Aravulli, and in the Jain temples scatter-
ed over India, and then we shall be able to arrive at just and satisfactory
conclusions (in regard to Indian history )t.”

As an atonement for leading my readers into this long digression,
I now present them with an engraved plate of all the varieties of the
Surdshtra group of coins yet found. There is one new name added
through the diligence of Lieut. E. Conotty. The rest are already
known, but I subjoin their corrected readings for the satisfaction of my
numismatical friends. The fact of their having a Grecian legend and
head on the obverse is now explained ; and the date of their fabrication
is determined so far that we may certainly place some of the early
reigns in the second and third centuries before Christ : to what later
period they descend we may also hope to ascertain through the means
of other coins which will come to be described along with the third in-

* Quere. Is not Brahman written with this orthography in Chinese ?

+ The name Séragan given in the Periplus as of a sovereign that had formerly
reigned at Kalliena (near Bombay) has some resemblance to Sdtakarni, but I will
not build upon such uncertain ground.

t Ton’s Rajasth4n, I. 45, he gives a curious derivation, by the way, of the name
of Junagarh :

‘6 The ‘ancient city’ par éminence, is the only name this old capital, at the foot of
and guarding the sacred mount Girndr, is known by. ABUL FAZL says, it had long
remained desolate and unknown and was discovered by mere accident, Tradition
even being silent, they give it the emphatic name of Juna (old) gurh (fortress), I
have little doubt that it is the Asildurga or Asilgurh of the Grahilote annals; where
it is said that prince Asx raised a fortress, called after him near to Girnar by the
consent of the DABI prince, his uncle,’’ (See note to page 345.)

“'

348 Examination of the Inscriptions [Aprit,

scription from Junagarh, as soon as we obtain a correct facsimile of it.
I may here so far satisfy curiosity as to state that this third inscription,
the longest and in some respects the best preserved, though from the
smallness and rudeness of the letters it is very difficult to decipher,—is in
a more modern character—that alloted to the third century after Christ —
or the Gupra alphabet: and that in the opening lines I find an allu-
sion to SKANDA GuPTA one of the GuPTA family, whose name has
also been found upon a new series of the Surdshtra coms. The words
are... Hifa faaw eafe: Sete: TIM Ws......(vide Plate XIX.)

We shall thus be able to string together by means of the inscriptions
and coins of ancient Surdshtra a continued series of names and dates
from the time of the Maurya dynasty to that of the Gupta dynasty of
Canouj which terminates the catalogues of the Puranas.

Dates too did I say ?—Yes I am in hopes of adding even actual
dates to the series, for I have been fortunate enough to light upon a
clue to the ancient forms of the Sanskrit nwmerals, and to discover
their presence on the very series of Swrdshtrian coins to which I have
been just alluding. But here again I must solicit a little patience, while
I describe the grounds of this new assertion.

§ On the Ancient Sanskrit Numerals.

The most ancient mode of denoting number in the Sanskrit languages,
as in the Greek and Latin, was by the use of letters in alphabetical
order. This system we find prevalent in all ancient Sanskrit works, as
well as in the Pali, the Tibetan and other derivate systems. There do
not indeed appear to be any numerals peculiar to the P4li. In their
sacred records, the words are always written at length; they have also
the symbolical words of the Sanskrit astronomical works, and what is
called the Varna sankhya, or numeral classification of the alphabet.
The numerals now employed in Ceylon, Ava, Cambodia, Siam, have
hardly the slightest affinity to one another.

When this system was exchanged for that of the decimal or cipher
notation does not appear to be known, or to have been investigated by
the learned. Up to the ninth or tenth century of our era, the Nagari
numerals extant on numerous monuments do not differ materially from
those now in use.

In the Gupta class of inscriptions, as far as I know, no numerals had
as yet been found until I noticed some doubtful and unknown symbols
on the Bhilsa monument. In the Buddhist pillar inscriptions the
dates where they occurred, were uniformly expressed at full length.

A few months ago, I was engaged in transcribing and reading with
my pandit, some copper-plate grants supposed to be of the third cen-
tury, found in Gujerdt by Dr. Burn, whose beautiful copies of them, I

Journ.As. Sec. VolVa PL MX

Sanskrit Numerals.

DY A a a A A=
> ‘
BM Fercndgere TAR BY “4 9c Q
De yanagart of 10” century 4 Xx v. % sq 4 ? ‘) Cc ow y
Be agate , rockers 5 i 9 g S_ 4 | t- pa t ©]
A ssanivese Cvtns Lteent g 2 § 3 Ry Ny) 2 6 ) fe)
NWepalese coins alle 4 4 a4 + 5 & a] Li ~ °
ae ee A a) i
Sezbelar " oe = c lj ~b 9) js ‘ a 0
Burmese te eT ema a Sa AS o
Ceylonese GY Gv Gru CE Gre £) oy C2 CON Coy
Karn be fez and Lelenga Cy. 29 a yy A oy Qo) —¢ re O
Pali letter numerals Olt Rie ae RR Opi Gy 2
in the Burmese character. ; 8 S = bs Pe Denes ? ?
SS aE 1S SO: a ee
Beet A Yt & DS U SYN YHAY
Tritécal tellers é at: ren thea fa chhash sa ah? n nf?
aa Z&€ Za UHH RARQAT
Arabce numerals { V i 1S <4 y V OA 9 +

Ancient Vumerals on Copper plale Grants.

MMP Aarra, D° Burn. .:.words, ND UJ H53ZGSy $3 5)0F (Samvat 394)
repeated cn 1 fog “res i UIA it kB

H2, in words and pgures a @* (340) - W235, “Da Ad 5 pas).

| WN 4 pe only in figures x FAY. A? 5, (elo TAS ELST DO

MC mig ..-- xy 2 AN A ap A q= = Samvat 375 Por 30 ardha pausha
Bhilsa Inscription N°7.7A8.v1.48— N @= aeue oo 79? Bhad: ogee

oO” Sam.

De. MB Second, lo fs perfect. NK “t ay a =, je Be ay .

: Numerals on the Satrapr Coins of Surashtra.

Silver CONS, 9 Ker, as &- =) to kx Woy 7] a | DO 9 /2 4: @ 43 OS >

Copper do 73 (Stacey) WwhHKO ? S4 (Coucky) py | WN : 3
“Uw

Lead cdo IS :yoot 16 yes 17 a tag witoutdale as QS

?

ANCIENT NUMERALS restored y) Fs Hi | 4y Y oc Ni CO &B :

SJ Pinsep “ith.

E
=
'

1838.] from Girndr in Guyer dt. 849

hope shortly to make public. In one of these, the date was entered at
full in the words daqt waasaqarafy & ‘in the samvat year three
hundred and ninety-four.’ A few lines below this, the word || Haq |j
again occurred, followed by three symbols “T8 ‘ which must of
course be numerals : they are more exactly copied in Plate XX; and
according to the preceding statement should be 394.

On a second plate in the same manner, the date in words was ¥q@M<
na aafuafya aifia Vageeui, ‘in the 15th of Kartik, samvat 380,’
and in figures 4 yO aifua w 5 .

On a third plate the date in words was waaqugiiuafea afar
TraAe, ‘Kartik full moon, samvat 385’ and in figures THs and

5 as before: in both of which the same symbols occur for 1, 3, 8,
and 5; and the latter figure, much resembling the ancient letter na, but
slightly altered was again observed on a fourth plate sent me by Dr.
Burn from Gujerat, which did not contain the date in words, thus,
“TAG.

Much pleased with this new train of discovery, I turned to Mr.
WatTneEn’s paper in the fourth volume of the Journal, in which I
remembered his interpretation of the date on a similar grant by Sri
Duara Sena, as being in the ninth year of the Valabhi Samvat of
Top, corresponding with A. D. 328. Here the translator had no
written entry to guide him, nor had he any clue whereby to recognize
the numerals which followed the abbreviated Samvat, thus, a | |
which we now perceive to be 300, + some unknown unit. I immediately
wrote to Mr. WaTHEN and to Dr. Burn, requesting them to examine
carefully the dates of all other plates in their possession, and from them
in return I received all the examples which are inserted in the accom-
panying plate. From the whole series combined we may venture to
assign a certain value to the 1, the 3, the 4, the 5, the 8 and the 9.

The last of these, [ could not but remember as the symbol on one of
the Bhilsa inscriptions which led to so many conjectures a year ago.
In the form of @ we have evidently our § , or the year 9, but the
three strokes at the side would appear to modify its value, or to be
themselves a numeral, perhaps the 0. Then, as we find the preceding al

has not a dot above it, we may use that also as a numeral and under-
stand the whole A/QBR as 2 or 6 or 790 according to the value to be
hereafter assigned to AJ,

Again in the second Bhilsa inscription (page 458, pl. XXVI.) the
figure 3 with another is perceived, following the word ara and

850 Examination of the Inscriptions (Apri,

the last letter may possibly be a numeral also. In Mr. OMMANNEY’S
Multay inscription, two numerals of the same class were observed
(VI. 868.)

It may also be remembered that in my notice of the Surdshtra coins,
vol. VI. p. 389, I remarked behind the head on the obverse, besides a
legend in corrupted Greek characters, a few strange marks not at all
like either Greek or Sanskrit, alphabetical characters ; to these I now
redirected my attention and was happy to perceive that they too were in
fact numerals of the same forms and of equal variety with those on
the copper-plate grauts.

I have arranged at the foot of Plate XII. those specimens in my own
cabinet on which the figures are best developed.

Upon bringing the subject to the notice of Dr. Burn at Kaira, he
wrote me that he had already remarked these symbols on another very
numerous class of old coins found in the ruins of the Gujerat towns.
They are made of lead or tin; and have on one side, in general, a bull,
and on the other the triple pyramid which forms the central symbol of
the silver hemidrachmas of the Surdshtra satraps. I have not found
space to introduce them into the present plate, but fig. 22, will serve
as a representative of the whole class. It is a finely preserved copper
coin most opportunely discovered and presented to me by Lieut. E.
Conotty, from Ujein. It bears the numerical symbols TN very
distinctly marked under the symbol §. Among the facsimiles of the

leaden coins, I find git siee and TB: with barely room for a third
figure, but in one the reading is yor LC so that we may venture to

place them all in the fourth century of some yet unknown era.
Among the silver coins the variety is greater: fig. 23, which I find
by the reverses is a coin of RupRa Sau, has the year "¥()G,
Another fig. 26, also of Rupra Sau, has the third figure well de-
veloped “J()).
Fig. 24, of the son of Rupra DAMA (the repairer of the Girndr
bridge), has apparently the numbers, “TB: or 390.

Fig. 12, from Ujein, Rupra Séu II. has “TTA the first 3 rather
faint. Ina coin of Viswa Sdn, given to me by Mr. WATHEN, similar
to fig. 9, of the plate, the date is OL.

Fig. 25, is a well brought out date “TOC: on a coin of Arar D&ma,

son of Rupra Su, in my cabinet: the coins of the same prince
in Mr. Stevarzt’s plate, and one also of Aca DAMA shew traces of the
same second figure.

tan}

*

PE

LEP IELSSd fARO

1838. ] Jrom Girnar in Gujerat. 351

Now, although the succession of the Satraps or San family, as
given in last volume, page 338, rests but on slender evidence in some
points ; still where the names of father and son are consecutive, we may
rest with confidence on it in fixing the priority of such of our newly
found numerals as occur on them respectively.

We must for the sake of perspicuity, repeat the list with the addition
of the dates as far as we have traced them :

Regal Satraps of Surashtra.
K. Rupra Séu, son of a private individual Swkm1 Jina DAmd
K. Aca D&mai, his son.
(Here the connection is broken.)
MK. Démi Sdu, (no coins.)
MK. Visaya Su, son of Dama SAH.
K. Vira D&ma, son of DAM‘ SAH.

? 2
MK. Runpra Sdn, son of Vira Dam, Samvat, 6 mM) and TT
K. Viswa SAu, another son of ditto, ..... ditto, TAG
K. Ruvupra Sdu, son of M. K, Rupra SAzu, ditto, TTA

Mk. Are Dimd, son of ditto; «....4.. «.. ditto, is he :
10 MK. Viswa S&u, son of Atri DAMA.
(Here the connection is broken.)
11 MK. Swami Rupra Dds, (no coins.)
12 MK. Swami Rupra SAu, his son, Samvat, “OG and ol sR:

__ The two last names being insulated from the rest were on the former
_ occasion placed by me before DAMA SAu, because the form of the letter
| j seemed of the earlier type. Since then, I have learnt that the turn-
ing up of the central stroke of the 7 constitutes a vowel inflection. I
| now therefore bring the two SwAmis to the foot of the list on the plea

tS =

oe oN DD K&R OO

| that all figures must have precedence of the 9 or §3. In the same
| manner we may now argue that Q precedes "Y, this figure OC and the
datter again ().

| To aid in prosecuting my inquiry, I begged KAMALAKANTA, to
| point out any allusions to the forms of the ancient numerals, he might
| have met with in grammars or other works; but he could produce
but very few instances to the point. One of these is to be met with
in the Kdtantra Vyakarana, a work of BeLALA Sena’s time, where
the conformation of the four is alluded to in these words,

| aa aMatawgqrel favre

Like a woman’s breast is the figure four, and like the visarga;

2 Y

352 Examination of the Inscriptions (Aprit,

and the visarga is further explained by a passage in the Tantrd-bhid-
hana, amore modern work still, dated in 1406 Saka.
fea: wrerqufiat srituawayia aaa
The name of visarga is ‘two ths,’ ‘ Swdhd,’ analapriya,—because the visarga
has the form of the letter {A(O).
This merely alludes to the modern form of the 4, which exactly
resembles the Bengali visarga.
The oldest allusion he could furnish, was the following on the form
of the 6 from PrncGava’s Prakrit Grammar.
SILA TAA BH USMT FATT F at
“The guru mark* is Jike the figure 6, crooked, und of two strokes: it is called
also lahu (lughu), it is also denoted by one stroke or one minute.”

This passage evidently alludes to a form of 6 more resembling the
Bengali than the present Nagari type.

Another channel through which I was in hopes of tracing the ancient
ciphers was the numerical system of tltose Indian alphabets which bear
most resemblance to the forms of the earlier centuries, such as those of
Cashmir, &c. In the specimens of these, which I have introduced into
the plate for the purpose of comparison, it will be seen that the three has

certainly considerable affinity to our i ; while the one, and five ap-

proach nearly to our Y and b. There is a faint resemblance, in

others of the group ; but some again are totally changed.

The Tibetan numerals (of the seventh century) do not yield much
more insight into the matter. They are, we may say, one remove back-
wards from the Bengali numbers—the 1, 2, 3 and 5, only agreeing
better with the Nagari forms. The 1, however, agrees exactly with
one of the ancient figures on the coins, and this has been my inducement
to consider the latter as 1. ;

Upon regarding attentively the forms of many of the numerals, one
cannot but be led to suppose that the initial letters of the written names
were, many of them, adopted as their numerical symbols. Thus in the
Tibetan 5 > we see the Q or p of the same alphabet, the initial of
pancha. ‘The same may be said of the Cashmirian, and the modern
Hindi form y andindeed in some measure of the ancient forms [and d “

Again the Tibetan 6 %, resembles the ch x of that alphabet: the
Ceylonese form is exactly the ch of its alphabet ; and there is an equally

marked connection between the Nagari ¢ and the @ chha, which is the
common name of this numeral.

* i.e. The mark used to denote a short quantity in prosody and in music, which
is formed ¥-

1838. Srom Girndr in Gujerdt. 353

On the same principle in the absence of other argument, we may set

down the AJ of our new series as 7, being identical with A) the initial
of sapta.

The modern 3 3, has no small likeness to the ér of the older Nagari
alphabets : nor does the 2 differ much from d; but these resemblances
may be more ideal than real ; for by an equally facile process of com-
parison they might be both derived from the Arabic figures, as might
other members of the series, as 7 and 8, in the Nagari of the Nepalese
coins particularly.

The 9 of the Tibetan, Bengali, Nipalese and Burmese numerals is
precisely the / of the ancient alphabets. | Now in the allotment of the
vowels numerically, the /¢ represents 9; but it would appear far-fetched
to adopt one insulated example of derivation from such a source.

The 9 however of the Surdshtra grants and coins is totally of a dif-
ferent order. It resembles the four-petalled flower of the bé/ or Indian
jasmine,—and in the copper plates we find it absolutely represented
with a stalk, (see No. 1, of Pl. XX.) Seeking the name of this flower
in Sanskrit, mallika, the pandit reminded that one of its synonymes
was nava mallika, which the dictionaries derive from naéa ‘ praised,
excellent’—but which may now receive a much more natural definition
as the ‘ jasmine flower resembling the figure 9.’ |

It is further to be remarked that in many of the ancient systems,
separate symbols were used to denote ten, twenty, &c. in combination
with the nine units severally. The curious compound figure seemingly
used for the 1 of 15 in the two cases quoted above cf may be of this
sort :—indeed it somewhat resembles the Ceylonese ten (see Plate.)
On this point however I can offer no demonstration, nor any other

argument, save that we have already more than nine symbols to find

accommodation for as numerals.

With all these helps, and analogies, I have endeavoured to arrange the
nine old numerical symbols in their proper order in the accompanying
plate, so as also to meet the conditions of the succession of dates on the
coins of the satraps of Surdshtra. In this I am far from being confident
of having succeeded ; but having once as it were broken the ice, we may
soon hope for a more perfect solution of the curious problem, through the
multitude of new, or rather old, monuments which seem to emerge from
oblivion just at the time they are wanted, under the united efforts of the
Society's associates in central India. Once having proved that it was
customary to date the coin of that early period, we must direct attention
again to the monograms on the Bactrian, Indo-Scythic and Canouj

coims, which may turn out to be also used numerically,
2y¥ 2

304 Examination of the Inscriptions [Aprit,

The numbers then which form comparison with foreign and modern
native series as well as the other considerations above given, I have

finally adopted are as follows :—
i _ 3 4

5 6 7 8 9
PGE Hurl Oe aA) an gel
varieties? OF QQ O£ 5 a]

Before concluding this division of my theme, I may be expected to
explain in what era the dates of the Suwrdshtra coins can be expressed,
so as to place SwAm1 Rupra DA&m4, whom we perceive in the inscrip-
tion to have followed at some reasonable distance AsoKA himself, at the
end of a fourth century or about the year 390. If the Vikramdditya
or Samvat be here intended, he will fall after the close even of the
Arsakian dynasty of Persia, when the Greek was disused, and the arts
had greatly deteriorated; when moreover the form of the Sanskrit cha-
racter had undergone considerable change. If we take the Seleucidan’
epoch, which might have been introduced in the provinces tributary
to Syria, Rupra will have reigned in A, D. 89. If lastly out of
deference to AsoKa’s temporary supremacy in the Gujerdé peninsula,
_we take the Buddhist era, then 543—390 will leave 153 B. C. about a

century after Asoxa, and in every respect the period I should like to adopt
were it ‘possible to establish any more certain grounds for its preference.
The most perplexing circumstance is that the grants of Balabhi dynasty
are also dated in the third (or fourth) century—and that it is hardly
possible to consider their dominion as contemporary with those of the
satraps. For them indeed we must adopt the Vikramaditya era, what-
ever may be determined in regard to the one before us.

Explanation of Plate XII.

Fig. 1, (from Srevart’s plates,) a silver hemidrachma.

Fig. 11, a coin belonging to Mutza Feroz of Bombay.

Fig. 13, a coin found by Capt. Prescorr at Palhanpur in Gugerdt,
presented to me by Mr. WaTHEN.

These three coins have all the same legend, but No. 11 exhibits the
application of the vowel ¢in two places, which the others want: the

10? 0

ft
d

legend thus completed is,
Rajna Kshatrapasa Rudra Sdhasa, Swami Jina Damdputrasa ;
‘Of the Royal Satrap, Rudra S&h, the son of the lord Jina dama.’

The title of Jina DAMA < votary of Buppua’, is a better reading than
Jina dama, subduer of that sect, formerly adopted.

Fig. 2, (from Stxvart’s plates,) a coin of Aca D&md, son of Ru-
DRA SAH.

1838.] from Girndr in Gujerdt. 855

. Rdjna Kshotrapasa Aga Damna, Rdjna Kshatrapasa Rudra Séha putrasa.

Fig. 3, (ditto) a coin of Visaya San, son of DAMA Sau.

Rajna Kshatrapasa Vijaya Sahasa, rajno maha Kshatrapasa Dama Sha putrasa,

Fig. 4, (ditto) a coin of Vira Dama4, son of Dama S&u.

Rajna Kshatrapasa Viraddma, rdjno maha Kshatrapasa Dama Saha putrasa.

Fig. 5, (ditto) a coin of Rupra Sdu, son of Vira D&ma.

Rajno mahé Kshatrapasa Rudra Sahasa, rajno Kshatrapasa Viradama putrasa.

Another coin apparently of this Rupra, in my possession, fig. 26,
has a date which may be read 283, I find I have two coins of this prince,
(one given me by Mr. F. Starnrortu.) Colonel Stacy has also two
of the same; they may be known by the epithet maha.

Fig. 6, (ditto) a coin of Viswa SAu, son of Rupra SAu,

Rajna Kshatrapasa Viswa Sdhasa, rdjno maha& Kshatrapasa Rudra Saha putrasa.

Fig. 7, (ditto) a coin of ATR1 DAmAanother son of RupRa SAu;behind
the head, but more distinctly in my own coin (fig. 25) is the date 360 ?

Rajno maha Kshatrapasa Atri dadmna, rajno maha Kshatrapasa Rudra Séha (2)
putrasa,

This name is the nearest approach to the Art DAmMA of the inscrip-
tion, who, however, was the same of SwAmi CHasTANA. Colonel Stacy
has also a coin of Arri DAMA.

Fig. 8, (ditto) of the same prince introduced as shewing more clearly
the name of his father.

Radjna Kshatrapasa Atrt.sececcccees sees trapasa Rudra Séha putrasa,

Fig. 9, a coin of Visva San, son of BHatri DAMA.

Rajno Kshatrapasa Visva Sahasa, rajno maha Kshatrapasa Atri Damd putrasa.

This coin has a date, which may be read 328, in which case it must
precede the last two—the father’s name was before read as ATRI Dama,
whence the misplacement.

Fig. 10, a coin of Swami Rupra, son of SwAmr Rupra DAMA, in
the obverse, the figures 39 (perhaps 390). Another has 385.

Rajna maha Kshatrapasa Swami Rudra Sdha, rajno maha Kshatrapasa Swami
Rudra Dama Saha putrasa.

Fig. 12, a new name, or new as to the second title; Rupra SAu,
son of the great Satrap Rupra Dama was presented to me by Lieut.
E. Conotty, from Ujein. ;

_ Rojna Kshatrapasa Rudra Sdhasa, rajna mahé Kshatrapasa, Rudra Damd (?)
Saha putrasa.

This is the only coin which bears the name of the repairer of the
bridge, and that rather dubiously as the father of the prince who coined
the piece, It has a date on the obverse which I have interpreted, 390
like the preceding.

856 Examination of the Inscriptions, &c. [AprRIL,

Fig, 15, a silver coin belonging to Mutia Feroz of Bombay, simi-
lar to Mr. Stevart’s coin, fig. 3.

Réjna maha Kshatrapasa Vijaya Séhasa, rdjna maha Kshatrapasa Dama Saha
putrasa.

Fig. 14, a copper coin, unique, discovered by Lieut. ConoLLy at
Ujein, and placed in my cabinet through his kindness. Obverse, a bull,
with a marginal legend apparently Greek, some of the letters seeming
to form the word Lastleus, &c.

‘Rajno maha Kshatra (pa)....the remainder of the legend lost.
The letters are larger and better formed on this than on the silver

coins. Most copper coins of the series exactly resemble the silver ones —

with a head on the obverse. Col. Stacy has a good specimen, of which
the obverse (fig. 27) has apparently a date.

Fig. 16. In this silver coin found in Cutch in 1837, and presented to
me by Mr. Warnen, the central emblem of the reverse is changed to
a kind of trident: the legend is also altered from that of a Satrap to
one of a paramount sovereign :

ULA WAAC CST Bl FAIA ASAT

Parama Bhanuvira Rajédhiraja Sri Kumara Gupta Mahendrasya.
‘¢Of the paramount sovereign the heroic king of kings Ski KUMARA GuPTA MA-
HENDRA.”’

Fig. 17, another of the same kind, having the same Sanskrit legend,
but behind the head the Greek letters may be read oNnonov, OF
RAO NANO? it was presented to me with the last by Mr. WATHEN.

Figs. 18, 19, 20 and 21, have the same symbol, but the workmanship
is very much deteriorated. The legend on them all has at length been
deciphered by the collation of several specimens presented to me by Mr,

_ WatTHuEN, and found in various parts of Cutch, Kattywar and Gujerdt,

by Capt. Prescott, Capt. Burnes, Dr. Burn; as well as the few
inserted in the plates of Mr. Srevart’s coins*.

Wa Wigds UBS HAfey
Parama Bhagadata ma (ha) Réja Sri Skanda Gupta (vi) kramaditya.
But as I have a larger assortment of the coins of the same king, to

introduce into a future plate, I will postpone further mention of this
series for the present.

* By a letter from Professor Wirson I learn that Mr. Stevart’s Plate is to
appear in the Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal ; but that it had time to journey
to India and back before the outcoming number went to press! I regret I] am

thus deprived of the power of adding to this note the observations of the learned
in England on the Surashtra coins.

ae

1838.] On the Zoology of Tenasserim™ 857

VIII.—A letter to Dr. HELFER, on the Zoology of Tenasserim and the
neighbouring Provinces. By Assist. Surg. J.T. Pearson.

In compliance with the commands of the Right Honorable the Go-
vernor General, I have much pleasure in offering the following remarks
upon the points to which your attention may be usefully directed during
your expedition to the coast of Z’enasserim and the neighbouring pro-
vinces. And I do this the more readily, that I am satisfied, from my
own experience, the hints of a long resident in a country may almost
always be of use to a new comer in the prosecution of his researches into
its natural history.

The first grand problem of natural history, beyond doubt, is the dis-
covery of a new species of man. This, however, the naturalist will be
fortunate beyond all others who is enabled to offer any but negative
evidence to solve. But it is not impossible, perhaps not improbable, that
some variety but little known, or which we are totally ignorant of may
exist among the forests of the country ; in like manner as the Papuas of
New Guinea, and the Shaw halla of Abyssinia live wild and remote
from other men*. Accurate observations upon any portion of the human
race are valuable, especially upon those who are little known to their
civilized brethren.

Jn the next order of mammalia, the Quadrumana, a wider field will be
open before you. Many unknown species or varieties of species are
probably to be found in the forests with which those coasts are covered :
and the discovery of another specimen of the gigantic ape, found by
Captain Comeroort in Sumatra, and described by the late Doctor ABEL
in the Researches of the Asiatic Society, may be made. This animal
seven feet in height, would be valuable to the naturalist, and a well
preserved specimen the greatest ornament of any museum.

Among the Cheiroptera any species of the genera Galeopithecus and
Pteropus which you may meet with, will very likely be new, and con-
sequently well worthy of preservation, and, indeed, the chances are, that
in this family the greater part of the species on the coast of Tenasserim
are altogether unknown.

At Malacca there is said to be a Hedgehog with pendulous ears:
but the species is not well authenticated. If it really exist at Malacca,
it will also, I should think be found in Tenasserim.

In the order Rodentia the researches of the naturalist will, it is pro-
bable, be richly rewarded. An animal, somewhat between a mole and a
vat in form was found by Doctor Ricitarpson, I imagine in no very

_® J believe Dr. HELFER has actually done what is here pointed out, by discovering
a new race in the jangals of Tenasserim.

£58 Letter on the Zoology [ APRIL,

great scarcity, for he mentions two specimens as having been among his
collections, but which he unfortunately lost. He states that it is called
poe, by the Burmese-; that the head is large and round, like an otter’s ;
the cutting teeth like a rat’s; feet slightly webbed, somewhat resembling
in appearance, though not so strong as, the moles, with fur exactly like
the moles but larger in the staple, and, as he thinks, even finer ; that it
is little larger than an English mole, and burrows with great rapidity.
Dr. Ricuarpson further says, that, there are two kinds of the same
animal, one being longer and covered with harsher hair than the other.
As the animal is probably a new one, and the two kinds he mentions
distinct species, it should be sought for and described, and specimens
procured. The squirrels of that country probably bear a resemblance of
those of the Islands of the Eastern Archipelago, of Arracan, Assam,
and the lower ranges of the mountains of continental India ; but some
new ones must be met with. I have lately had one pointed out to me
as an inhabitant of Assam, by Dr. McCLeLxyanp. He described it,
as a very large black squirrel; much larger than the Scturus masi-
mus ; and he states, that it is an inhabitant of Baugmaurea in Upper
Assam; frora which place’ he has given it the specific name of Baug-
maria. I am not sure if Dr. McCLeLLanp brought a specimen
with him, but I rather think he did; and I am almost sure he has
described it; nevertheless the arrival of other specimens is desirable,
and they may be procured, it is likely, in the countries you are about
to visit: as may also various species of flying squirrels, whether of the
genus Sciuropterus or Pteromys.

Of the Pachydermata, the elephant and-rhinoceros seem to be com-
mon in the provinces to the north and east of Tenussertom; and the
Malay Tupir or that of China if there be such an animal, may also be
met with. Of late a question has been raised as to the existence of the
Hippopotamus in the rivers of India. Lieut. Ticket of the 31st Regt.
N. I. has stated, that while out with his regiment against the Coles, in
1833, he received intelligence of a large animal, said by the natives to |
be amphibious ; and which from the description they gave him, he be-
lieved to be the Hippopotamus. If this be so, that animal may be found
in our eastern Provinces ; at all events, it is desirable to ascertain the
existence, or probable non-existence of an Asiatic Hzppopotamus.
Reasoniny from analozy the point is very doubtful; for if the Tapir of
the east and south America, fill the place of the Hippopotamus of
Africa, in the list of Puchydermata, then we have no reason to expect
it here ; but, on the other hand, the zoology of Africa is too little
known to allow us to conclude, that the Zupir does not also exist upon

"
$s,
_
Ps

1838.4 of the Tenasserim Provinces. 359

that continent: andif so, the Hippopotamus, or some analogous species
will probably be discovered in Asia and America.
But one animal, though infinitely less in size than the Hippopotamus,
is perhaps quite equal to it in point of importance; and may admit of a
fanciful. analogy in its habits. I allude to the mole the well known
dweller under the earth, as the Hippopotamus is the dweller under the
waters. The mole in its varieties seems to be common in most parts of
Europe, though it is said not to be found in Ireland, and to be scarce in
Greece} while its congenera Chrysochlorus and Condylurus inhabit the
Cape, and North America. But as far as I am aware, no example of it
‘occurs in Asia, within the limit of the tropical rains. It is possible this
ignorance may be owing to a want of research; my own journeying in
India having been confined to a small portion of Bengal, Behar and
Orissa; where I may almost venture to say the mole does not exist.
But [have made many inquiries of men likely to have observed it if
present ; whose marches have been extensive, and whom I have requested
to inquire into the subject. Among these Ensign PHayre of the 7th
Regiment N. I. has travelled through a great part of India from Med-
napore to Goruckpore, the Terai, the. kingdom of Oude, and Assam ;
and he informs me that he never met with, or heard of this animal, or
any of its affinities, though he inquired of intelligent natives of those
countries, and made careful observations himself. This is also confirmed
by Dr. McCLeLianp, and Lieut. TicKELL, and by Mr. Benson of
the Civil Service, whose researches into the molluscous animals of India
are well known. It will therefore be an object worth inquiring into,
whether or not the mole or its affinities, is a native of the countries you
are going to visit. 5
The Chlamyphorus truncatus of South America, in habits somewhat
analogous to the mole, seems to have in others an affinity to the Arma-
dilloes of the same continent. If, as has been said, it take the place of
the mole in the tropical regions of the west, it is not improbable that
some animal having an analogy, or perhaps an affinity to it, may be
found in the east. In like manner, as you are aware the Pangolins
of this country take the place of the drmadilloes and Ant-eaters in that,
and the animal which forms the genus Orycteropus at the Cape, where,
as I before said, the place of the mole is filled by the genus Chryso-
chlorus.
To return however to the Pachydermata: Ensign PHAyRe during
his residence in Assam, met with a single specimen of an animal which

appears to unite the genera Sus and Dicotyles, possessing the incisor
22

360 Letter on the Zoology [ Aprit, q

teeth of the hog, and the molar teeth of the Peccary*. It was without
tail, and although a female, no mammez were discoverable, while the vulva
was so with difficulty. The hair was exceedingly coarse, much more
so than that of the hog generally is ; the eyes strongly resembled those

of that animal, the ears more rounded than his, and deeply seated ina —

kind of groove iu the head. The height was about 105 inches, and
the length from the tip of the tail to the vent 224 inches, measured in
astraight line. It is to be regretted that the feet of this animal did not
accompany the skin; but, as it is, there are sufficient grounds to con-

jecture the existence between Sus and Dicotyles. It was shot at Bish-. |

nath in central Assam, where it was discovered among some long grass,

in which it ran, and from which it could not be driven: in this respect —

differing altogether from the manners of the hog, when similarly hunted.
While at Maulmain, the same gentleman was informed of the exis-
tence of a black tiger. This may be the Felis melas, which has been

supposed to inhabit the Island of Java only; and which Mr. Temmincx

according to Lesson, for I am at present unable to consult TEmmrncx’s
monograph of the family}, believes to be a variety of leopard. Hs
discovery in a new locality is to be desired.

The wild cow is also a native of Tenasserim. ‘The species may be
the same as the Bos frontalis of Sylhet. Of other Ruminantia, deer

are met with in great numbers, and probably new species, of their kind, ;

and of the antelope may be discovered. Mr. PHAyreE was also told of a

goat with one horn, resembling the celebrated unicorn (it may be of — q

fable) ; a hint worth following up, for should there after all be no such
animal, yet itis very likely some species will be discovered whose pecu-
liarities gave rise to the story.

Of herbivorous Cetacea, the Halicore or Dugong is known to be
a native of the seas of our southeastern provinces: and specimens of
this animal would be valuable ina museum. Of piscivorous Cefacea,
various species are also inhabitants of those seas, and probably new
ones may be discovered, should you have the means of searching after
them. The Chinese, dubious, and black Dolphins ( Delphinus Sinen-

* After this letter was written and sent to Dr. HELFER I have been able to
examine minutely the dental system of this specimen ; and find that the last molars
are present in the jaw though yet undeveloped, thus making the molars the same in
number as those of the hog. The specimen may nevertheless be a distinct species
though it cannot form a separate genus.

tT 1 have since seen this monograph as given in the Zoological Journal, according
to which M. TemMMINCK states, that young have been found in the leopard’s lair,
one black and the other of the usual color.

1838.] of the Tenasserim Provinces. 361

sis, dubius et niger), are possibly there, if any where; as is also the
Oxypterus Rhinoceros, a species, like them, not well authenticated.

The Birds of Tenasserim appear in some respects to resemble those
of the Islands, and of the continent of India. But the Dodo, called
by SwAINnson the rasorial type of the Vulture family, and supposed
by him to belong to the African races, may possibly be found there : and,
if so, I need not point out the honour which will belong to the dis-
coverer of this long contested species. The Vultures and Hagles of
that country are but little known so that researches after them must be
rewarded by the discovery of new or rare species. Birds of the genus
Buceros are there in perfection: the Rhinoceros Hornbill the most
striking; and the Concave Hornbill (Buceros Homrai of Hopeson)
the largest, being natives of the country. The Cassowary (Casuarius
Emu, of some authors, the Struthio Casuarius of Linnaus) may per-
haps be met with. Among the Psitthacide are many species; some
perhaps, intermediate between those of New Holland and India. Gal-
linaceous birds abound in southern Asia, and in the Islands, and many
rare, and no doubt some new species will be brought to light by a dili-
gent inquiry after them. Among these the beautiful Columba Zoe, an
inhabitant of New Guinea, may extend to the coast of Tenasserim ; the
magnificent Argus Pheasant is supposed to be found there; and the
same may be expected of many other species in this, the most impor-
tant to us of all the families of the feathered race. Wild poultry should
be particularly sought after, and living specimens of them and of the
various species of Pheasants procured.

As objects of curiosity the Esculent swallow, its nest, eggs, and
young should be sought after. Mr. PHayre presented to the Asiatic
Society, nests which he brought from Zenasserim. He also heard that
the breeding of adjutants takes place there: a fact it would be well to
ascertain as well as its manner: and various species of that beautiful
family the Crimyrides the humming birds of the east, are there to be
met with.

The other Vertebrata, reptiles, and fishes, of that country are so little
known as to give a fair promise of almost all that are caught being new
species. Of the Saurian Reptiles the flying lizard (Draco volans of
Linnzvs) was brought from thence by Mr. Paayre, and presented to
the Asiatic Society, and Col. Burney, Political Resident in Ava, pre-
sented me with several specimens he brought from Pegue. ‘To the
latter gentleman I am also indebted for a curious species of Chelonian

reptile, a tortoise with a tail, as long, or longer than the body, which
222

362, On the Zoology of Tenasserim. ce. q

seems to be new. But, as I before said, almost every reptile and fish
of the Tenasserim coast must necessarily be so.

In the Invertebrata, a still wider field opens before the enterprising
naturalist, in the seas, and on the coasts you are about to visit. The
Cephalopodous and Pteropodous Mollusca may be said to be unknown.

The terrestrial and fluviatile Acephalous, and Gasteropodous sections of —

the same class are equally so. So extreme is the ignorance of naturalists
of the Indian animals of this class, that one of the most eminent English
writers in a late work expresses his surprise that the rivers of the east

should have produced but six or seven species of shells, while those of —

America are known to contain upwards of 150. In my cabinet there
are not less than 28 species of fluviatile shells, 20 of which I have found
in the tanks and nullahs in the neighbourhood of Calcutta, and*in the
river Hoogly, a fact sufficient to prove the fault is not in nature.

In marine Mollusca the rarest, and most beautiful, genera are natives
of our Indian “ narrow seas” as well as of the Indian ocean. The genera
Conus, Voluta, Harpa, Scalaria, Dolium, Venus, Isocardia and many
others are to be found there, rich in species, which require only a careful
collector to bring them to notice. Many species of the genus Patella
and its congenera from the coast of Arracan, were presented to me by
Mrs. Hatuep. And, not to dwell upon this part of the subject, we
may venture to say, that by a careful dredging for marine, a diligent
search for terrestrial and fluviatile shells, and by hanging out a tow line
on your voyage for Pelagic mollusca, you will be able to make a splen-
did collection of new genera, and new species in this most beautiful
branch of natural history.

Of the Crustacea, Arachnida, Insects, and Zoophytes upon our coasts,
our ignorance is more than equal to what it is of the Mollusca, while to
attempt to enumerate even the genera you will meet with, would extend
this paper beyond all reasonable limits. Besides, my remarks must be
for the most part merely conjectural, and you will, of course, gather all
you meet with, and particularly inquire after any curious in themselves,
or useful in medicine and the arts. Among the former the phospho-
rescent Pennatule are natives of the Straits of Malacca; but whe-
ther of the European species or not, I am not informed. Of the
latter, some species of Cantharide are met with, in numbers suffi-
cient to be used in blistering ; and other insects may be known to the
natives of real, or fancied, specific virtues : if so, such should be inquired

after: I may also mention the Cochineal insect ( Coccus cacti, Linn.) _

which some think may after all be found in India, though from its place

-

1838.] Manufacture of Salumba salt. 363

being apparently filled by another species* of the same genus, I have
little hope of your discovering it.

With regard to the internal parts of animals; those of Vertebrata
should be preserved, as well as the animals themselves of those Jnverte-
brata which are provided with a shell. Of the importance of these in
systematic classification you are well aware.

The little time I can command must be my apology for not entering
here upon the subject of the preservation of your specimens. All I
know, however, about it is fully detailed in a paper I published last year
in the Journal of the Asiatic Society ; a copy of which | have the plea-
sure to annex. In that paper you will find the method I have been
induced, by the experience of several years in this climate, to recommend,
and which has been practised in my own cabinet, and in the museum
of the Asiatic Society, with the most perfect success.

In conclusion, permit me to congratulate you upon an appointment
which promises so fair an opportunity of distinction to yourself; and
such great advantage to zoological science.

IX.—Mode of Manufacture of the Salumba salt of Upper India, ea-
tracted from a Report by C. Guspins, Esq. CLS.
The Noh Mehdi situated below and to the east of the Mewdt hills,
and between two jheels, that of Kotela to the south and that of Chun-
dainee to the north, comprizes 12 villages,

Chundainee, Baee, Bas,
Noh, - Selumbah, Boutka,
Khairlah, Salaheree, Lildbur,
Mulub, Ferozpore, Murara.

The area of these villages is about 394 square miles.

The salt is made by solar evaporation from well water, exposed in
pukka vats or reservoirs of an average of 3} cubits deep, 70 cubits long
and 40 cubits broad. ‘These reservoirs are built in sets of six, and are
filled from wells, one of them is chosen which is always kept full from
the remaining five, while these again are refilled from the well as often
as they empty. ;

Two years is the usual time for the first collection of salt (this is
however often retarded or accelerated by a heavy or scanty fall of rain,
during the wet months) : when a red scum begins to appear on the sur
face of the water fresh bushes are thrown in, chiefly of thorny plants, ©
such as the Keeker, Jhoud, Joankur and the Joasa plants, and by the

* Further reflection has led me to think the Sylvestre, or C. Tomentosus is a variety
of and not a distinct species from the C, cacti,

364 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [ APRIL,

time that the bark decomposes the salt has completed its crystallization.
The pits last, without requiring repair, for about six years ; and yield
salt every year after the first produce.
The following is an average account of expense and produce.

Produce of first 3 years Expence.
from outlay,......... mds. 1,500 Outlay for 6 pukka reservoirs at 50 300
Pu See cage ee Osa 830 per each...........00s nab ogee-ssepeemuseee .
5th ........000.. 830 Expence of drawing water for 6 yrs. 150
GER 55238. desidean « 830 ab 25 Rs. per ann. .cesnsersccocraoseae
Mds. of 92 Sa. Wt.... 3,990 | Sa. Rs.... 450

The salt is stored without any care or trouble, a pit is dug as close to
the salt pans as possible averaging 8 cubits deep and*— diameter, into
this the salt is thrown ; tenacious clayey earth is then spread over it and
the outer surface of the pit raised slightly higher than the surrounding
ground,

X-—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, 2nd May, 1838.

The Honorable Sir Epwarp Ryan, President, in the chair.

Dr. Chas. Hurrnae ue, proposed at the last meeting, was elected a mem-
ber of the Society. .

H.V. Bayury, Esq. C. S. was proposed by H. T. Prinsep, Esq., second-
ed by Sir E. Ryan.

Lieutenant C. B. Youne, Engineers, was proposed by the Secretary, se-
conded also by the President.

Letters from Dr. C. J. Macponatp, M. C. Ommanney, Esq. and Lieut.
H. Bieer, acknowledged their election. —

Establishment. :

The Secretary announced that Mr. Kirror’s appointment to the survey z
of the new line of dak road to Bombay, had left the curatorship and libra.
rianship vacant, whereon =

Mr. ALeExaANDER Csoma, KOr6si, was unanimously elected Librarian, —__
on the arrangement formerly offered him.

After some discussion as to the best mode of conducting the manage-
ment of the museum, it was proposed by Professor O’SHauGHNEssy, second. __
ed by the President,

That Mr. Greorce Evans, be appointed Curator on the same allowance
as was granted to Dr. Pearson.

The Secretary further stated that the repairs of the house, which he
had intended to have committed to Mr. Kirror’s care, now required a pro-
fessional superintendance, when it was determined to employ Mr. Rows
of Surerirr and Co.’s establishment.

Library.

A letter was received from Dr. Joun Repman Coxe, Prof. Mat. Med.
Univ. Pensyl. forwarding the following publications in which he had been
engaged at different periods, for presentation to the Society. Some of
them had previously been presented through the late Dr. Hunter.
hd eaory into the claims of HARv£Y to the discovery of the circulation of |

e blood.

* The diameter is always proportioned to the quantity of salt to be stored.

—

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 365

Philadelphian Medical Museum, vols. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, (the first out of print.)

The emporium of arts and sciences, conducted by Dr. Coxe, Philadelphia—1812-
13, Nos. 1 to 12 forming two vols.

Practical observations on vaccination—by the sume.

fEsculapean Register, 1824—by the same.

Observations on combustion and acidification, Pamphlet, Philad, 1811.

Observations on a letter from Dr. N. CHApMAN to Dr. W. B. Tyurr on cho-
lera, Philad. 1833.

Some observations on the Jalap plant.

An introduction to solid Geometry and to the study of chrystallography by N.
J. LARKIN, M. G. S. London, 1820.

Appeal to the public from the proceedings of the Trustees of the University of
Pensylvania.

A letter from J. Vaueuan, Esq. librarian of the American Philosophi-
cal Society was read, forwarding the following works.

Darlington’s Flora Cestrica, or description of the flowering and filicoid plants of
Chester county Pensylvania.

American Almanac and Repository of Useful Knowledge, 1838.

Notice of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia by Dr. HARLAN—
presented by the author.

The following wére also presented :

The proceedings of the Bombay Geographical Society, for February 1838, for-

warded by the Society.
Radde-u-din-musalmani or refutation of Muhammedanism, by the Rev. J. WiL-

son, D. D. Bombay, 1836—by the Author.

Proceedings of the Agricultural Society—by the Secretary.

Colonel MActEop, V. P. Chief Engineer, presented GReGory’s Highland and
Isles of Scotland.

Dorje-ling, a compilation of all the official information, respecting the capabilities
of that station, as a Sanatarium—by H. V. Bayley, Esq. C. 8S.

Kirby and SPENCE’S Entomology of Insects, 2 vols.—presented by W. Cracroft, Esq.

Museum of Antiquities.

Lieutenant-Colonel Sracy, submitted for inspection and temporary
deposit in the Society’s Museum, a female image procured at Muttra ;
supposed to mark an epoch in Hindu sculpture, on which subject a note
by the proprietor was read.

Captain A. CunnincuaM, presented two fragments of sculpture procur.
ed by him in his journey to Simla ; one of them bears the following date.

7a (VCR Ture afe 2 cfs fea—the name of the maker of the image is

worn and illegible.

On the top of this fragment are two feet of a female with bangles.

The other fragment (in mottled sandstone, is of Devi holding a child
(Gangs) in her lap.

The Secretary read the following reply from the Secretary to the
Governor General, relative to the further examination of the antiquities

of Junagarh and Girinagar in Gujerat.

To J. PRINSEP, Esq.
Secretary to the Asiatic Society.

Sir, .

I am directed. to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, dated the 28th ultimo,
to the address of the Right Honorable the @overnor General, and in reply, to
transmit for your information copy of a communication this day made by me under
the instructions of His Lordship, to the Acting Chief Secretary to the Government
of Bombay, to depute a qualified officer for the purpose of taking a facsimile of the
inscriptions alluded to, and generally, to collect all information which can be had
regarding them, as suggested by you.

I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) W. H. MACNAGHTEN,

Simla, 18th April, 1838. Secy. to the Govt. of India, with the Govr. Genl.

To L. R. Rep, Esq. Acting Chief Secy. to the Govt. of Bombay.

SIR
I am desired by the Right Honorable the Governor General to forward to you

for the purpose of being laid before the Right Honorable the Governor in Council

rN

366 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. _ [Aprit,

of Bombay, the accompanying copy of a letter to the address of His Lordship from

Mr. J. PrinseEp, Secretary to the Asiatic Society, dated the 28th ultimo.

2. Iam directed at the same time to express the wish of His Lordship, should
the Right Honorable the Governor in Council be aware of no objection to the mea-
sure, that an officer qualified for such a duty and interested in it, may be deputed
for a limited period without loss of allowances, and with power to incur some
reasonable amount of contingent expense, to take a facsimile of the inscriptions
alluded to, and generally, to collect all information which can be had regarding
them, as suggested in Mr. PRINSEP’s letter.

3. It will be observed that the names of three officers have been indicated by
Mr. PRINSEP as being peculiarly well qualified for the duty in question.

I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed,) W. H. MACNAGHTEN,
Simla, 18th April, 1838, Secy. tothe Govt. of India, with the Govr. Genl.

By permission of General Court, the facsimile of a circular copper-plate
on its way to M. Jacquet of Paris was exhibited ; also drawings of two
coins of Undopherres or Gondopharés of new types, in which the letters of
the name were very distinct. .

The circular plate is a kind of primer, containing the Nagari Alphabet, arranged,
the vowels in the centre and the consonants in their several classes around, with
the letter Sré in a cipher, and the Buddhist invocation WAlTHCSAI namo Arahan-
tanam, between each compartment.

The margin contains a family pedigree in three lines, in a kind of vernacular of
which the following is a literal transcript.

siwanitia daq yese atfawagfe. yx Weare argraa
ATLAS VRCAT, AUazcH Waway ameaica BH
GRIGH ATLA WUAR TUATARASl Grea. fedtars
BUG ACSA TUS. ATR ATSTAU AAMT WAgaA
AMIGA Gd HAST TITAERY. Uadaseta. fadiawsasa
a1y. US Tae cra aa zesis fagua aacfanaaary
SIG. AUS AVS LaGTararst WaT |

Prosperity, glory and fame...... Samvat 1681, in the light half of Kartik, 5th,
Thursday. Kddyasingha (?) native of Mathura in Pushkara gaon (?) in his succession
was Sri Guna Chandra whoses uccessor was Sri Sakala Chandra ; his successors
were two sons, the first own son was Tulsidas ;—the second son Surahantri,—his
successor was Mohan Sain, of whose descent, in the Gohila tribe, a village was
named after him Japdlu. He had two sons, Ist Chanchala dds, the 2nd Dharma
dds ; by whom this jantra or Siddha chakra (magic circle) for the reward of the
virtuous acts of Tulsi dds is made, and on the margin the names of Tulsi dds’s
ancestry are written.

Literary.

A letter was received from Mr. Sec. H. T. Prrnsep, forwarding by
desire of the Hon'ble Mr. Ross, President in Council, a Pushto or Pan.
jabi Grammar, prepared by Lieutenant Lercu, of the Bombay Engineers,

The Secretary explained that the Committee of Papers had determined
that the two former grammars (Belochki and Baruiki) by the same intelli-
gent gentleman were not adapted for publication in the Researches, but
would be more useful as a separate volume.

Resolved that with reference to the Pushto Grammar of Dr. Carey,
already in existence, the works be referred to the librarian to consider on
the mode of their publication.

The President in Council likewise presented for such notice as the
Society might think fit, a paper on the Siahposh Kaffirs, with specimens
of their language and costume, by Captain A. Burnus.

[Printed in the present number. ]

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 367

Dr. A. Burn, presented facsimile of a fourth copper-plate gr:
at Kutra in Gujerat, which in all but the names hives a be dis guneeis
of one formerly submitted.

Lieut. Postans addressed to the Society, some further extracts from the
Tohfat ul kiram and the Chach Nameh, bearing on the history of Sinde.

[Printed in the present number. ] .
Physical.

The Rev. J. McQueen, presented on the part of Dr. Dunpar, Ram-
gurh battalion, a second series of geological specimens collected in the
Cole country. He begged they might with the former collection be re-
served at the owner's disposal after examination.

Dr. R. Haran, transmitted from the Philadelphian Museum, casts
made by himself of the remains of the Basilosaurus of Alabama, a fossil
animal described and depicted in his ‘‘ Medical and Physical Researches.”
: The fragments comprise the jaw, a humerus, a vertebra and some other

ones.

Dr. G. G. SpinsBurRy, presented a large mass of indurated clay, contain-
ing fossil shells, with a note on the various sites in which the same species
have been discovered, with drawings by Lieut. P. A. Reynoxps.

Also, a specimen of Nerbudda coal from Major Ousrtey.

Notice of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, by Dr.
Harian—presented through E. Ryan, Esq.

Lieutenant Hutton, forwarded specimens of the lichens of the Himd/aya,”
with solutions in ammoniacal liquid for comparison with those received
from the Royal Asiatic Society. The following note accompanied them.

: , Meerut, 23rd February, 1838.

The accompanying specimens of dyes from Hill lichens, I had lately the honor to
submit for inspection to the Governor General, and I am requested by his Lord-
ship to forward them for examination in Calcutta. In order to afford you all the
information I can, regarding them, I have taken the liberty of repeating the sub-
‘stance of my communication to his Lordship, during his recent visit to Meerut.

‘¢ During my rambles in the neighbourhood of Simla, and especially in a hurried
trip to the Burenda Pass, I noted an immense variety of these plants, both on
rocks and trees, but not knowing at that time that information regarding them was
required, I neglected to secure specimens of the greater number.

‘¢ Some few, however, which attracted notice from the beauty of their forms, I
collected, and having since subjected them to the usual test of diluted liquor am-
monie, 1 find that out of eight plants, six yield coloring matter.’’ These
species might be procured in any quantities from the forests of the interior and from
the rocks at the Burenda Pass. In collecting the plants much care and attention
would be necessary, in order to ‘ ascertain at what stage of their growth, or at
what season of the year, they produce the greatest quantity of coloring matter,’’ by
which knowledge all unnecessary waste of the plants would be avoided, and also a
better article furnished to commerce.

‘¢ It is probable that the higher and more arid tracts of country in Kunawer and
Spiti, beyond the influence of the periodical rains, may produce some valuable
lichens as, I believe it to be a fact, that the drier the climate, the more rich and
valuable are the dyes.”’

You will find that the plants have been left in the solution; this is because of
some of them I have no more left, to show the species.

~ The vial No. 1, contains a species which is very abundant, and appears to yield a
large quantity of color. (This orchilla seems equal to the canary specimen.)

No. 2. Is I think the same plant in a different stage of growth. Both are

_ abundant on trees.
No. 3. Is from the Brenda Pass, where itis very abundant on rocks near

the snow.

No. 4. From forests of the interior ; found both on rocks and trees.

No. 5. Is very abundant in the forest of Muhassti, one march from Simla.

No. 6. From Simla to the Bérenda Pass on trees.

The other two plants which I submitted to the same test, did not even discolor
the solution in the least.

oA

368 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (APRIL, © -

These specimens have been very roughly tested, as I knew not what were the
quantities of ammonia and water.

You will greatly oblige we by letting me know as soon as possible whether any
of these are likely to be of use, as his Lordship the Governor General expressed
a wish that I would inform him of the result of the examination as soon as I could. —

In addition to the foregoing, I have the pleasure to senda few specimens from —
Subathti which I have not yet tested. -

Nos. 7, 8 and 9, are abundant on rocks and may possibly prove to be the same
species. No. 10, on rocks, not so abundant.

Of No. 1, I have put a small quantity in the box also.

The specimens will be forwarded home without delay.

Mr. C. Symes, Branch Pilot, presented a stuffed specimen of the sword
fish, on the part of Mr. J. T. Twisren,

Extract of a letter from Captain Jenxins, furnished the following infor-
mation regarding coal and iron of Assam, from Captain Hannay.

SIR, _ Jeypore, the 1st February, 1838,

With reference to your letter of the 15th December last, enclosing letters regard.
ing coal, I have the honor to state that since my arrival here I have discovered
several beds of workable coal, and that I have already commenced clearing a large
vein about 2 miles distant from this.

As I wish to collect the coal at as little expense as possible, I have commenced
working the vein nearest to Jeypore, and before I came to this determination]
employed myself on exploring the neighbourhood, and have been very successful in _
finding coal and iron in great plenty.

The coal is generally in veins of considerable size and is turned in all directions _
without reference to any particular bearings. The outcrop of the different strata or
vein may, I believe, be seen in most of the small ravines or water-courses which
come from these hills.

The coal which has come under my observation appears to me to be of a descrips
tion between, slate coal No. 1, and canal coal. The best of the bed being as yet
unseen, however I cannot speak correctly of its qualities for manufacturing purposes,

In the soil of the hills generally, large and small amorphous masses of clay iron _
ore are found, some of the masses of a size sufficient for two men to lift, and onone _
of the hills, the soil of which is highly red colored, mines or wells are still visible
of a considerable depth from which the above description of one bed been extracted __
many years ago.

Nodules of iron ore are also abundant in the strata above the coal barring only
a stratum of blue sand of 3 feet in depth separating the two.

Varieties of this ore are found in several other localities in the hills as alsoin the
bed of the Dehing and on both banks, for some distance above this ;some of the _
specimens are apparently brown and red hematite, and as an opportunity offers, I —
shall have much pleasure in forwarding specimens of the whole. .

Petroleum is also plentiful, and it here presents itself rising from beds of coal —
which are visible ; the description is of a thicker consistency than what I had before -
seen in this country ; the color is also dark brown, and it does not possess so pun= —
gent an odour.

I have also to state that in one of my excursions in the neighbourhood, I walked
through a tea tract of considerable extent, contiguous to what | believe had been __
pointed out to some of Mr. Brucr’s people. tes

What I have seen is entirely on hilly ground, and it seems to me to present some ~
peculiarities which I think necessary to mention. The hill is about 80 or 100 feet
high, the soil is of a deep-red color, and a portion of the tract is the locality of the
iron ore, which had been dug for in former years, some of the tea trees growing
out from the mines or wells.

The tea trees are tall and slender with a whitish bark, and the leaf does not ap- __
pear to me to be so coarse or of so dark a color as I had before observed, and the
seed is very small: the soil is no doubt congenial to the growth of the plant as
seedlings are plentifully scattered about. The jangal is bambu*.

This tea tract in its general appearance comes nearer to the idea I had formed of
the localities of this plant in China, than any I have hitherto seen.

I have, &c.
f (Signed) S. HANNAY.

Captain Liovp, presented 22 birds and 1 squirrel obtained on the Sun-
darban coasts. ;

ebepunene of Caoutchouc, manufactured by Dr. Scorr, were laid on the
table. :

* Generally with exception of a few very large trees.

ve sae
-
- |

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 369

One of these in the form of a large cylindric boot was claimed by Dr. Spry, as
having been intended for transmission by him to the English manufacturers. It
was explained that the cylinder or bottle form was the most convenient for the
makers at home, who place the cylinder on the lathe and cut off by machinery a
continual thread therefrom. This use was as yet unknown to Indian cultivators
who imagined the Caoutchouc was only intended for solution.

Captain Luovp, presented through Dr. McCLenuanp, a specimen of the
mud brought up from the Swatch, or place of no soundings at the top of
the Bay of Bengal. The following note by Dr. McCLEeLuanp was read.

- The specimens were brought up from 200 fathoms on the north side of the Swatch
at a short distance from shoal water by which it is said to be surrounded; but
Capt. LLoyp supposes from the eddy that here appears, though slightly, to run
against the tide, that the Swatch is open to seaward.

These are the deepest soundings that have been made, and the texture of the
deposit brought up bears a singular resemblance to that of the upper beds of primi-
tive clay-slate*, though it possesses all the characters of a deposit now forming.
Compared with specimens brought up from less depth, those from the Swatch are
more compact, and show a more luminated and finer texture.

Their color is also more uniform and unlike deposits that take place at ordinary
depths ; itis a greenish grey, similar to that of the peculiar slate to which it has
been compared.

The Swatch has been supposed to be a circular basin, bottomless, though sur-
rounded with sands and shoal waters. Capt. LLoyp however suspects that shoal
water is not to be found to seaward, and he was disposed to countenance the opinion
that this trough may be occasioned by the back currents caused in the Bay by the
two great currents from the Hoogly and Megna between which it is situated; but
the number of other outlets from the Sundarbands by which a great portion of
Gangetic waters escape opposite to the Swatch, and the absence of any general
retrocession of currents between the estuaries of the two great rivers, induced him
to repose little confidence in the opinion.

It may however be remarked in favor of the above opinion, that Capt. LLoyp’s
observations were made during the dry season, when the peculiar influence of the
rivers on the Bay may be supposed to be least. At all events we must ascribe the
Swatch to a comparative interruption of deposits at the spot, and if the force of the
two great bodies of fresh water falling into the Bay from two parallel directions be
sufficient during the rains to cause an opposite current of sea water to rush back
between them, a trough similar to the Swatch would be the natural consequence.

We might even conceive the volume of sea water which would be thus driven back
by the impetuosity of the two great river currents, to be so assisted by the S. W.
monsoon and the peculiar conformation of the Bay, as to overcome the compara-
tively weaker currents from the Sundarbands opposite to the Swatch, directing them
on either side to the currents from the two great rivers.

The following extract of a letter from Dr. Cantor, dated Cape, 17th
January, 1838, was read.

Cape, 17th January, 1838.

‘‘T have spoken to Sir J. HERSCHEL, about our museum, andI hope that your plan
of exchange may by and bye be realized ; it will however take some time, because the
Cape museum is very poor in every branch, except in the ornithological. A single,
half-cleaned skull of a rhinoceros was the only osteological preparation I observed,
As for a skull of the Hippopotamus, Sir JoHwn told me that he has constantly been
looking out for one but without success ; in the Cape district they are nearly ex-
tinct and although they swarm in the interior, the dutch Boors cannot be prevailed
upon to preserve any other part of the skull but the tushes. I am about making
out a list of such duplicates which I know you are anxious to get rid of, and Sir
JOHN, who embarks for England two months hence, is goiag to give the list to M,
VALETTE the curator.

He inquired very anxiously about the fossils, which Mr. Pope (he was never able
to find him out to deliver your message) discovered at the Cape (query where ?) of
course I could not tell more than [| had heard from yourself, and the short note in
your Journal. The following anecdote will I think prove of interest to you. In the
interior is found a great number of isolated blocks of iron, which Sir J. by analysis
found to contain nickel, and they are meteoric, of course. Some time ago Captain
ALEXANDER brought: samples of iron from an ore in the interior which Sir JoHN
found also to contain nickel, and to be identical with meteoriciron. So addio to
all theories upon the formation of ‘ meteoric’ iron. You will however ina short
time see more about it from Europe.-

* It struck usas resembling more in colour and texture the greenish clay ejected
from the mud volcanos of Rdmri island, see FoLey’s Desc. J. A. S. IV., 28.—Ep.

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a

JOURNAL

OFr

fer ASIA TIC SOCIETY.

No. 77.—May, 1838.

1.—WSecond Report on the Examination and Restoration of the Mac-
kenzie Manuscripts. By the Reverend Witu1aM TAyLor.
A Palm-leaf MS. No. 165, Countermark 64.
A:—TAMIL.
1.— Chola pirva Patayam, or ancient Chéla record.

This is a large Tamil manuscript containing 48 Palm-leaves in the
introductory portion and 219 in the remainder. It is perfect as regards
the numbering of the leaves, and is generally ina good state of preserva-
tion: a few of the leaves are a little damaged, but these, having been
restored, the whole will last in good preservation, for several years.

Brief Abstract.

Reference to inscriptions at Conjeveram, and to VIKRAMADITYA the
son of GovinDA, slain by SAtivaHana. It states that SALIVAHANA
was born in the country of Ayodhya, in a potter’s house, under the
influence of ATHI-SESHAN. He acquired great skill and prowess ; and
conquering VIKRAMADITYA, subdued also the Ayodhya* country. An
era was formed termed the era of SALivAnyana. In his time there
was great disorder, Hindu fanes, rites, and institutions, all were neg-
lected. SALIVAHANA was a Samana (or Jaina) a worshipper of Sar-
vésvarer of a venomous spirit, and in these he gloried. He destroyed
the fanes and secred edifices of the Hindus of five classes, without favor
or distinction. He overthrew all privileges which Hindus derived from
VIKRAMADITYA. He persecuted and oppressed all who would not

* Whence it appears either that theauthor made a mistake or else that there
was a second Ayodhya. VikRaAMA’pITYA ruled over Gujerat and Malwa, and
derived tribute extensively from other countries. Ayodhya may however, be
viewed as an epithet, ‘‘ exempt from war.”

oA

“

¢

872 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (May,

enter into the Samana religion, of which he was a devotee. If they —
entered the way of Sarvésvarer, he protected them ; but punished them
if they refused... Through his wickedness there was no rain, a great a
famine, much distress, and one house distant ten miles from any other —
house: the country little better than a waste benighted wilderness. The ‘
ascetics retiring to wildernesses, in secret made murmuring complaints —
to Siva, and Visunu, Srva to avenge the desolation, solicited from
the Athi-Pariébaram (Supreme Being) a fire rain. ATHI-SESHAN before- ;
hand apprized SALt1vAHANA of its approach in a dream. SaALIVAHANA 3
announced to all the followers of Sarvésvarer, the coming fire rain, and —
recommended them to build stone houses, or to remain (on the day q
fixed) in rivers, by both of which means they would be preserved unin-
jured by the fire ram. ‘They followed his advice, some quarrying stonés |
and building houses, others watching on the banks of the largest rivers ; a
and they were all on the alert. Srva opening his frontlet eye, sent a rain
of fire. SALrvAHAna’s people took refuge in their stone houses, and —
he himself with his army on the banks of the Caveri (here used to de- 3
signate a river in general), avoided it by plunging in the water. Siva —
seeing this, by recourse had to the Supreme Being, and by meditating on :
the five lettered mantra, sent down a shower of mud. Those in stone —
houses were thereby blocked up and suffocated ; those in rivers came q
out and escaped, and thus SALivAuawna (here also termed Buosa ), with —
his army escaped. Siva now took counsel within himself. The first —
reflection produced Vira Cholan, (the thought of him was born in his f
mind:) the second reflection produced Ula Cheran of the Léda coun- 4
try, and Nanda Gopala Yedvar (or herdsmen class or tribe): the third q
reflection produced Vajranga Pandiyan of the fisherman’s class. Siva 4
then, with a regard to VisHNu, meditated the eight-lettered mantra ; y
and through it designated these three to their respective offices, it being F |
the special lot of the Cholan to kill SAutvAuana. The three kings
came together to take counsel so that the three crowns became as one _

crown, and they bathed together in the river at Tirumukudal*. After”
making a vow to destroy SALIVAHANA, and taking means to assemble 4
money and troops, they made a pilgrimage to Kasi. At that time Kast
was neglected, and it was merely a wilderness of banyan trees. They
are represented.as discovering an inscription deep hidden in the earth, —
stating this to be Kasi, &c. (Hence it is not Benares, but some ficti- —

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* This is a place where three rivers became one, said to be not far from Con-

jeveram. Hence the name, implying, ‘‘ the sacred triple union.’? Another such —
place is celebrated.in a book called Mukudal pallu and is said to be near Alagan

kavil, in the neighbourhood of Madura. :

1838.] Chola pirva Patayam, or ancient Chéla record: 373

tious dst, that is designated.) They subsequently came to Canchi-
nagara ( Conjeveram. ) The same process as before is represented to
have been repeated. Here also an inscription was found. (It is to be
noted that the original name is Cacht ; Canchi being a modern addi-
tion.) They were referred for further information to Cacu1 Vira Cé-
MACHI RAYEN, of the weaver tribe. They cleared the forest ; but were
opposed by a local Durea who threatened to sacrifice them for trespass-
ing on her domains. There follow various details needless to state
minutely, SALIYAHANA is again designated simply by the name Buoga.
The aforesaid CacH1 Vira CAMAcHI appears as a negociator with the
local Durea, and promises her one thousand and eight human sacri-
fices, from among the people of his tribe, and the title of “ War god-
dess ;’ so that when the tribe should rule, and fight with other kings,
her appetite for human blood should be abundantly satiated: with these
terms the Durca was satisfied and gave consent to the building of a
town, and establishing a monarchy. (If this be ornament it is still
startling in its indications as to by-gone days.) She then took him
to the tank of her local residence, and explained to him that after Vr-
KRAMADITYA’S defeat by SAL1VAHANA, all the former inhabitants of the
place had collected their jewels and other valuables, which were put
into a copper chest, and that this chest was buried, deep under the bed
of a tank (reservoir), in a cave closed by a door, which was locked, and
over it the stone bed of the tank was relaid. She pointed out to him
the spot, and put him in possession of the chest. She also directed him
to another spot where ancient records of the place, when the country
was ruled by Devenpra were deposited, and shewing him where it
was she disappeared. Cacui Viran returned to a locality where
the three kings were waiting for him. There follows some more
fable, and then an order from Siva in the form of a guru, to open the
chest. A detail of its contents—a smaller chest, a weapon, a sacred
‘utensil or weapon, another weapon, a brass vessel, a key of the mferior
regions, five other keys, an iron crow-bar, a hammer, ten thousand pieces
of gold coined in the age of the great king Santanu. The smaller
chest being opened contained images of G'anesa, Kartikeya, Valliyam-
ma, (the female image at Chillambram,) a trinetra fruit (the sacred ashes
of the Saivas), a sacred bead containing the image of one god (usually
jt is held to contain three, four, or five; the kind mentioned is very
yare). A chank with its windings to the right (extremely rare and
precious), a cane without joints or knots, a row of beads for prayer, a
‘seal ring of six classes of Hindus—these and the like were in the inner
box, These were given to the Sawa guru to be purified, and then
3A 2

374 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (May,
were committed to the care of Vira CAmAcut for the purposes of wor-
ship. He fetched a pot of water from the Cambha river, and putting
it before the chest, placed one of the weapons upright in the ground,
and paying homage transferred the divinity resident within the chest,
into the pot of water, which was daily worshipped by himself and his
wife. This was all done by instructions from the god in the shape of
a Sativa guru. He delivered the same over to his son to be so handed
down from generation to generation. The said guru further told them
to make use of the key of the inferior regions in the place before indi-
cated by the local DurGa, where a copperplate inscription would be
found. The Saiva guru then disappeared resuming his divine form
of Yegambarésvarer. The three kings were again resorted to, when
the original inscription first mentioned was once more read by them all,
and again hidden. After some other matters the opening of the other
cave is mentioned to which the mstruments before found in the first
box were necessary. ‘This was a eave which was entered by the light
of large torches, and thence another box was taken. The inscription
on copper-plates and its contents are stated to have referred to the four
ages, with the record of some leading names, and coming down to the
mention of VikramApitya’s defeat by SAtrvAHana; at which era it
would appear to have been engraved ; and its contents are said to have
contained extensive details, (certainly ill suiting a copper-plate record,
but there is much of exaggeration apparent :) the simple object of the
inscription would seem to have been to commemorate the previous preva-
lence of the Hindu faith, that the memory might not be lost, during the
greatly altered state of things under SdurvAnana. The three kings
rendered great honor to Vira CAmacur and to his son. There is a
brief repetition of matters connected with the four ages; for the pur-
pose of shewing apparently, that all the great events recorded were
preceded by the exhibition of human sacrifices; and it was again agreed
upon by the three kings that before setting out to conquer SALIVAHANA
a similar sacrifice must be offered at a place termed Czdutiuri. The
contents of the inscription, as regards the list of kings in foregoing ages
was copied out on palm-leaves, ane then the copper-plates were returned
to the place whence they had been taken. The three kings again went
to Kasi. ‘Thence they derived three crores of money, said to be dug
up from beneath the shrine of a goddess ; a variety of fabulous accom-
paniments. Nine persons in all are represented as having visited Kast,
and as subsequently returning to Conjeveram. The affair of destroying
SALIVAHANA was now entered on, and the three kings leaving Conje-
veram proceeded to Cudatturiyur. Being there Vira CuoLan wrote

page BEES es

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1838. ] Chola pirva Patayam, or ancient Chéla record. 875

letters missive addressed to the votaries of Siva and Visunvu, whether
in cultivated lands or wastes; always excepting the Samana followers
of Sarvesvarer, the purport being a call to assemble at Cudatturiyur,
in order to proceed against SAnivAHANA. A great concourse assembled.
SAtrvduana heard of these preparations, (Here the manuscript takes a

retrospect in a few lines, and the passage is important.) In former days

VickamApirya ruled in the country of Ayodhya, and built a large town
with battlements and other fortifications. When SALIVAHANA BHOJA,
eonquerec VikRAMADITYA as he was not fit to rule in that town, he
constructed another town in the same country, called Bhoju raya puram
where the descendants of this SALIVAHANA Buoga ruled during 1442
years*. In their time the three kings aforementioned made their pre-
parations which (the descendant of) SALrivanana learning, consulted
about some place of refuge and hearing of Trichinopoly, inquired con-
cerning its origin and antiquity. This statement introduces the ordi-
nary legend about that place founded on circumstances connected with

the poem of the Ramayana. Assembling all his forces SALIVAHANA

set out with them from Bhoja rayapur, and overran the whole of the
Peninsula, until he came to Zrichinopoly, of which he took possession.
Ascending the rock, and perceiving the strength of the place, he consi-
dered that no one could dispossess him of it, if he made it his citadel,
which greatly added to his confidence. Residing in a palace at the foot,
he thence administered the affairs of the kingdom. Meantime the three
kings continued their preparations at Cudatturiyur. Cacui Viran
advised to send an envoy to hear what SALIVAHANa would say, and
then to levy war against him. The Cuonan accordingly sent Cacur
Viran himself, accompanied by some troops: at an interview with

* Thus in the sense of this author, Sa’Liva’HANA stands both for an indivi-
dual and for a dynasty, of which he was the head; according to a custom of
their oriental, and even scriptural, writers, as has been fully shewn by Bishop
Newton in his Dissertations on the Prophecies. The tales about VikRAMA’DI-
tya make BuoJa rédja his successor after some interval, in a different town,
and on another throve. If the Carnataca rajakal, can be safely followed the
town and fortress of Sa’Liva’/HANA was at the modern Dowlutabad, a truly sin-
gular place, according to the description given of it by Captain Serty, while
the neighbouring sculptures at Ellore (prevailingly Jaina in fashion) sanction the
idea of a great power in the neighbourhood. At that place Deva giri (or Dowlut-
abad) a long list of kings did reign down to Rama deva (or Ram deo), conquer-
ed by the Muhammadans, when the place was plundered, and the kingdom sub-
jugated. Hence I think we have some important indications to be followed out
in fuller conclusion.

[The quasi interregnum of 1442 years is evidently introduced to reconcile the
modern with the ancient epoch of the Kali yuga. See next page.—Ep.]

" — ee ne ee
ee ee eee

376 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (May, | Y

SdtrvéHana, in Trichinopoly, he recited the preparations made with
the express intention of destroying the power of that ruler, demanding
in consequence that he should give up Zvrichincpoly, renounce the
Samana way, bathe his head in the Caver? (become a Hindu), retire to
his own proper town of Bhoja rayapur, and there maintain only half
his present army. SALIVAHANA, much incensed, with abusive epithets,
rejected the demand; but added a challenge if they thought themselves
strong. Cacui Viran returned to Cudatturiyur, and his opinion

being asked he advised a second embassy before making war; Cacn1 —
' Viran was again sent, An appointed time and place of combat were

now fixed, SarrvAHana engaging to come with his force to the place.
This place was Tiruvani kaval, whither the three kings, Cacut Viran,
his son, and an army repaired as appointed. There Vira Caonan
was crowned and invested with royal insignia by Cacui Viran ; thence

they proceeded to besiege Trichinopoly. Cacui ViRAN, by means of —

the copper inscription at Conjeveram before mentioned knew that by
the craft of VisBUSHANA (younger brother of RAvana) there was a

subterraneous entry into the fort of Zrichinopoly. This was passed —

by a few people with torches, who thence proceeded to open the Chin-
tamanit gate, by which the troops entered in multitudes and destroyed
SALIVAHANA together with his Samana troops, with great effusion of
blood. A pariar named VELLAN escaped on SAtivAHANa’s horse, and
with him a hundred others with their families, escaped, and went to the
sea shore, whence he proceeded to some island, so as to leave behind

29

the proverbial saying “ VatuLAn went to the river :

crime of killing SAtrvAnana styled Sarpa-désha- Brahm-hatti (that is,
a degree of sacredness adhering to SativAwANA as born under the in-
fluence of Athi-seshan, assimilating the crime to the evil of braéhman-
slaughter, though not the same). In consequence of this crime he be-

came infatuated, and fell sword in hand on his own troops, who onall

* The authority for this date deserves examination, as if well founded it re- — -

conciles all the difficulties of the Kali yuga epoch, which it places in 1443-78=
1365 before Christ. Now by calculation of the place of the equinoctial colures,

Davis fixes Para’saRa the contemporary of YUDHISTHIRA at the commencement :
of the Kali yuga, in 1391 B. C. And calculating backwards the Pauranic reigns _ ¥

from CHANDRAGUPTA to YUDHISTHIRA, WILFORD places the latter in 1360,—

Witson in 1430 B. C. The confirmation of Sa’LivA’HANA’s being a sramana or
buddhist is important: his name seems derived from some allusion to the sacred —

#al trees under which Sa’kya died:—is it possible that the surname of Bhaja

wrongfully applied to him, may be a corruption of Rauddha, the buddhist ?—En-

the destruction of _
SstivAwana is dated in C. Y. 1443 (in writing at full)*. The three —
kings celebrated their conquest. Vira CHoLan had to get rid of the —

Pit

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1838.) Record of the time of Cart Cala Cholan. 877

sides ran away to avoid him, besides which he sloughed his skin, in the
same way as a serpent changes his skin annually. His companions
seeing these things consulted together, and in consequence Cacut VirAN
gave instructions to his wife CamAcui to assume the guise and appear-
ance of a Curava woman, of the description practising palmistry. She
accordingly came into the town in that guise, when the three confe-
derates had her called, and first submitting their own palms, brought
Vira Cuoxan to submit to the like process. ‘The fortune-teller said
“that he had killed SAnivAwana, of such and such a race, and must ex-
piate the crime by building a great number of fanes to Siva, to VisHNnu
to SupranManya, dwellings for ascetics, and dwellings for Brahmans;
and to enforce the duty a long narration is given of distinguished per-
sonages in former ages, who had expiated like crimes, by building an
immense number of such structures. At the mere hearing of the duty,
Vira CuHoxan found his malady alleviated, and the doing accordingly
was determined upon. The Cwratti (or fortune-teller) went away and
resumed his proper form as CAmacur. ‘The kings inspected the forti-
fication of Zrichinopoly which they found only fit for a rakshasa ; but
extended it so as to be fit for a regular Hindu sovereign. They then re-
turned to Conjeveram where by their desire Cacurt Viran, read to
them the writings on palm-leaves, his copy of the before mentioned
copper-plate inscriptions ; and, according to the appointment therein
stated by Rama, the division of castes and tribes was restored. A great
number of sacred edifices of the five kinds were built. The three kings
then separated to their respective dominions. From Ularacheran there
were 26 kings down to Chengara natha cheran. From Vajranga there
were 26 Pandiyans down to Choka natha. From Vira Cholan down
to Uttama Cholan there were 25 Cholans. ‘The son of Urtama Cuo-
tan was Uriyur Cuoran, with the account of whom a new section is
made to begin.

The ancient record of the time of Cari Cata CHOLAN.

After the death of Urrama Cuouan the crown devolved on Urtyur
Cuotan in the year of the Cali Yuga 3535*. This was corresponding
with the death of Cuoxa Naruz Pandiyan of the southern Madura.
The son of this last, Minarcur Savunrira Pandiyan, was crowned C.
Y. 3537. In the Conga Dharapuram the death of Coanxara NatHA
CuERAN was contemporaneous. His son named Cuzrumat PERUMAL
was crowned C. Y. 3538. In the town of Canchi (Conjeveram) Sac-

* This date is irreconcilable with the epoch above assumed—the innovation

—viz., the astronomical fixation of the Kali yuga, as the zero of the planetary
revolutions, must therefore have taken place before it was written. —Enp.

:

Pe a ee

378 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May,

SHAMAIYA MuTHALIAR Of the race of Cacni Murruv Vira CAmicurt
RAYER being dead, his son named Cacu1 Vira VencAta Cueiia Mu-
THALI was crowned in C. Y. 3539. Some details follow connected with
the right hand class of people, to which Vencara Caexta belonged.
Reverting to Uriyur CuHonan, he is stated to have been as bad as
SAtivAHANA, which conduct so displeased Sara Siva, that he gave
permission to Cart Mant (the Durga) at Conjeveram to send a shower
of mud against Urtyur. But Sevenpxi-1svarer admonishing Urryur
CuHoLan in a dream, the latter fearing for his life prepared to take refuge
in the Conga nad, and there to keep himself concealed. His wife Sine-
HAMMAL wasin a state of three months’ pregnancy. The aforesaid
Cart MArs opening the eye oun her forehead, sent down a shower of
mud. It arrested Urtyur Conan, halfway in his flight, and killed
him. From the circumstance of Cart Mari opening her frontlet eye
she was called Cunnanur Mari. SiNecHAMMAL witha single attendant
arrived in the Conga country, and both performed manual labor in a
Brahman’s house. A son was born to her, he was well instructed and
at 16 years of age an assembly of people occurred at Zirwvatur to con-
sider the best means of remedying the evils which had arisen from the
want of aking. The principal men from Conjeveram including the
before mentioned Vencata CHELLA were present, anda white elephant
was brought from Kdsi. ‘The usual arrangements being made the ele-
phant was let loose ; and proceeded of its own acord to the Conga coun-
try, where it selected the above youth who was playing along with se-
veral Brahman boys. He was crowned and received the name of Canr
Caua Cuotan. The Pandiyan and Cheran are represented as sum-
moned to be present. The date was C. Y. 3567, (A. D. 465.) After
all things had reverted to their course, the tale is introduced of the son:
of Carr Cata Conan runing over a calf in the streets Tiruvérur.
Cart CaLA CuHoLan became troubled with the Brahmahatti, and to re-
move it, the same device as before was resorted to. Yegambara isvarer
of Conjeveram temple instructed his wife CAmAcui to assume the guise
of a fortune-teller. The remedy was to build 360 Saiva fanes, and 32
water aqueducts for irrigation. Details at great length then follow of
the founding and endowment of various Saiva fanes ; too minute for
being abstracted. Such details may have their use. (Here the manu-
script being very much injured in different places, so much as needful
was restored, on other palm-leaves.) The great prevalence of the wor-
ship of Durga throughout the Chola country is indicated. Most of the
village fanes are erected to some name or form of Durca. Besides the
intimation given in the early part of the work of human sacrifices hay-

PSA asa

_1838.] Record of the time of Cari Cala Cholan. 879

ing been offered, on a grand scale, it further appears that Samaya
- Moruaxt a manager or agent for Cart Caza Cuora offered one of his
sons in sacrifice at Trinomali, and at the demand of the Durga at Ma-
thurai (Madura) he offered another son as a sacrifice. He then insisted
that for future years human sacrifices should not be offered ; but that the
goddess must be contented with other offerings, a multitude of goats
being included. It is stated that 27 generations, and 36 reigns occu-
pied 2460 years. (in this statement and in the following ones there is
a recurrence of artificial structure.) The number of fanes constructed
by the three kings, Chola, Pandiya and Conga, is greatly exaggerated.
Among other things it is stated that beneath the shrine of. Minacshi at
Madura, there is a subterraneous way to the Vaigai river. A great
many things are mentioned apparently with the object of magnifying
the importance of Samatya MurHatrar, and the weaver caste at Con-
Jjeveram, After which Cuzrumaw Perumat being at Conjeveram with
his colleagues, the two other kings, he is brought forward as looking
into futurity, and declaring matters in the form of a prophecy. To wit,
the whole country will become Muhammadan, the gods of the chief
places will retire into concealment. The Muhammadans will exercise
great severities. The Samana religion will increase, low tribes will
prevail throughout the country. There will be want of rain ; famine,
deaths of people in consequence. Every thing will be as in the days of
SfurvAnana. The Muhammadans will rule during 360 years. They
are termed rdékshasas concerning whom the sacred ascetics will complain
to Stva. Siva in consultation with Visunu, will resuscitate VixramMApr-«
tyA with his minister Barri*, and destroy by him, the Muhammadans.
Siva will order VixramApitya, born as Vira Vasanta Rayer, to
reign with his posterity, during a period of seven generations and 540
years. After that, while performing worship with eyes closed, the
Mogul Padshah will come and destroy him. The Rasgirt Mogul and
his posterity will reign 5 generations or 360 years. WiKramApitya,
will again be born as RANA Kanor Vira Vasanta Rayer and rule with
his posterity 7 generations and 540 years. Another Padshah termed
Coa Cata will then come and destroy him, and rule for 5 generations,
and 360 years. VixeramApitya will then again be born at Raya Vilur,
and destroy the Cora Caza Padshah, and rule with his posterity 27
generations and 2160 years. After that he will be taken up alive to

* The common name of the minister on the grants and pillars of the Surd4sh-
tra and Oujein princes is Bhatti, and Vikramdditya is a title on many of their
coins. We may therefore soon hope to find who this bréhman prince over-
thrown by a Buddhist rival really was. —Ep. ’

3B

880 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Aprir,

Kailésa. Some other similar matters being stated it is added that the
Chola and the Pandiya dynasties will become extinct, and CusRuMAN
Perumau’s race alone remain, ruling in the Conga country, Sunrarer
Murti carries CHERUMAN PeRuMAL into the presence of Sapasiva,
and there he remains in a state of beatification,

There are afew more palm leaves containing poetical stanzas on the
boundaries of the six Tamil countries of no consequence, similar ones
having been translated and printed. They are allowed to remain attach-
ed to the book.

Remarks. It appears to me that this rather extensive piece of com-
position is, in its introductory portion a species of historical romance,
but, like many other such romances, containing some fragments of real
history. The first date that is met with, fixing the destruction of SAur-
vAuana at Cal. Y. 1443, (or B. C. 1659,) is calculated to reflect dis-
grace and discredit not only on the chronology, but also on the entire
composition*. There seems however to be something more credible
when the installation of Catt Cara Cuoxan is dated C. Y. 3567,
(A. D. 465.) Just before there is an artificial structure visible in the
26 Cherans and 26 Pandiyans and 25 Cholans ; and ascending upwards
with these 25 generations from, say about C. Y. 3550 to C. Y. 1448,
the result would be 80 years to a generation, far beyond probability ;
and yet apparently to make room for so many generetions the author
threw the earlier date so far back; forgetting that the era of Sarva-
HANA by common consent, did not commence until about 77 A. D.
Besides in the artificial, and untrue, representation of the three kings
being so much and so long together, and uniformly of the same mind,
there is a violation of what we know to be history, so far as they are
concerned. The utmost that can be admitted is, that the author pus
together, in the best manner he could, the disjointed fragments of tradi-
tions which he had heard ; many of which may have been true, though not
true as he has collocated them, hence to judge of the value of any such
traditions it seems expedient to discover at what time the author wrote.
There is no trace as far as I can perceive, of his name, but he has given
an indication as to time. The book made use of, it may be observed
in passing, is from internal evidence, a copy from some other one. It
is not easy to judge of the antiquity of palm-leaf copies of works, so
much depending on the care employed in the preservation. This parti-
cular copy may be 50 or possibly 100 years old. But however that
may be the date of the original cannot I think be much less than 300
years since. I derive the inference from the latter part, wherein Visa

* See the preceding notes.--Ep.

—_—

1838.} Record of the time of Cari Cala Cholan. 381

VasanTa Rayer is mentioned as a new incarnation of VixraMApiTYa.
Up to that period the alleged prophecy is history, in the main feature
of Muhammadan rule and violence. And to the best of my judgment,
arismg from the study of similar documents, I conceive the author to
have lived and written sometime in the 15th century, probably towards
its close. Thenceforward he manifests ignorance: availing himself of
some Pauranic annunciations as to the three Vixkramas; but yielding
nothing like matters of fact. I am of opinion, by consequence, that the
author was patronised by Vira Vasanta Rayer and wrote under his
auspices. Of this Vrra Vasanta Rayer we find traces in the men-
tion made of him in the smaller local papers of this collection, as may
have been observed in those already abstracted; but from the Carnata
rajakal we learn more distinctly that he was a viceroy of Narsinca
Rayer father of Krrsuna Rayur. The former who subverted the more
ancient Vijayanagara dynasty, made a successful inroad into the Conje-
veram and Ginjee country, I believe before his conquest of Vijayana-
garam, but whether before or after he placed Vira Vasanra RAayER
as his viceroy over the country that had become subject to the kings of
Ginjee. The era of Narsinea Rayer is within the 15th century.
Now if we consider the author to have written in that century, it will
be apparent that he might have some advantage over later writers in
the matter of early tradition, and there may consequently be some cir-
cumstances in his account worthy of attention. .
The writer’s chief object seems to have been to frame an account of
the foundation of the various shrines seattered over the extent of the
Carnatic proper. The statements given concerning them form the

larger portion of the manuscript; but these of course I have passed

by, as they could only be developed by translation. In the event of
any cause occurring to require an exact account of different shrines or
fanes I presume this manuscript might acquire a measure of consequence,
not now belonging to it. Asit is, there are a few historical indications,
that ought not to be despised, because the whole will not bear the severer
tests of western historical writing. These indications are: that SALI-
VAHANA was a Samuna or Savana* (for the writer or his copyist writes
the word in both methods) that he persecuted the Brahmanical reli-
gion, and patronised another which for the present I suppose to be the
Jaina system; that an insurrection took place leading to the destruc-

* These two words are apparently the Pdli or Prdkrit forms of the common
Sanskrit terms for the followers of Buddha; viz. Sramana, a devotee, austere

‘ascetic, used by themselves ; and Sravana, a heretic, used by their opponents
the br4hmans.—Ep,

3 B2

Cd

382 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ APRIL,

tion of many of his people, but that he himself and his army escaped ;
that he over-ran the country to the south, as far as Trichinopoly,
which he probably first fortified; that he had a line of princes of his
own posterity succeeding him; that he ruled in a town and fortress of
his own construction, not being the capital where ViKRAMADITYA
ruled before him ; that Buoga raja was perhaps another name by which
he was known, or was the name of one of his successors; that as
SALIVAHANA stands for the name of a dynasty, (like Caesar, Plantagenet
or Bourbon, ) so perhaps ViKRAMADITYA may in other books stand for a
dynasty, and so help us through the fable of his asserted long reign.
These seem to me to be fair inferences for fuller consideration here-
after. I will add as mere conjecture that Samana or Savana as it is
often spelt, may possibly be none other than the change of y into 7 or s,
which is a very usual one thus giving us Yuvana, and if so then there is
a concurrence with a multitude of other indications as to the interference
of the Yavanas with the greater portion of India, inclusive of the penin-
sula. For the original of the Yavanas we must look most probably to
the Bactrians. Besides in the Banta curzis (for which see a follow-
ing page MS. Books, No. 14, Section I.) we have the remnants of
ancient sepultures of which the people of the present day know nothing
beyond conjecture. They accord with Dr. MaLcotmson’s account of
similar ones at Hydrabad, (Bengal Asiatic Journal, vol. 1V. p. 180,) and
with the contents of the mounds in the Panjub, opened by HonicBer-
Ger and others. In the Carnatic they were found in localities that
would rather indicate camps (Custella) than towns. At all events
such vestiges are foreign. All Hindu records afford traces of foreign
interference which they usually mystify. The dark and mystified pe-
riod succeeds the term allotted to VikrAMADITYA ; and the manner in
which SALrvAuana is spoken of sufficiently indicates sectarian hatred,
and resolution to conceal the truth.

The alleged flight by sea of a portion of the garrison at Trinchino-
poly, I have not before noticed. It is not however to be entirely disre-
garded. ‘Lhe peopling of Java with a race evidently from India, has te
be accounted for, and the many concurring Hindu traditions and records
that people were driven from India by wars or persecutions, proceeding
thence by sea, all require to be noticed as they occur ; seeing that m
the end they will point to some general conclusion.

The symbolical language of the Chéla purva Patayam, (the docu-
ment under consideration,) may be adverted to in passing. It is@
regular specimen of Hindu writing; and that, even in plain prose, in-
volves bolder metaphors than would enter the minds of Luropean

=

1838.] Record of the time of Cart Cala Cholan. 383

writers, and more than metaphors, that is symbols bordering on_hie-
roglyphics probably suggested by the use of hieroglyphical writing. The
Mackenzie MSS. have in some degree educated me to a small degree
of acquaintance with this language ; though, on discovery of this style
of writing, a previous acquaintance with the symbolic language of the
Christian Scriptures assisted me much, Generically both are the same ;
specifically they vary. Until this symbolic kind of writing is more fully
understood, we cannot come to the real meaning and contents of a
multitude of early Hindu writings.

One instance may be given in the fire-rain of which mention occurs
at the commencement of the manuscript. The Jainas have a doctrine
that a rain of fire always goes before the periodically recurring univer-
sal deluge, and this is only a slight alteration of the orthodox Hindu
statements, that before the Munupralaya, or periodical deluge, the sun
acquires so much increased power, that all things are scorched up and
destroyed ; after which copious showers, in which water descends in
streams like the trunks of elephants, involve the cinerated surface of
the earth, deep within a folding of mighty waters ; during which time
is the night of BRauma, or quiescence of the creative energy, and dur-
ing which time NArvAYANA, or the conservative energy, quietly floats
on the surface of the abyss. But though the aforesaid notion of the
Jainas may have suggested the idea of fire-rain, yet it seems in the
document under notice to be a symbol made use of to denote divine
judgments: whether the idea in this sense may be borrowed from a
well-known historical fact or otherwise let others determine. Hindu
writers reckon seven kinds of clouds which respectively shower down
gems, water, gold, flowers, earth, stones, fire, in which enumeration,
part at least must be metaphorical. In strong poetical hyperbole a
lightning-cloud might be said to rain fire. But the lightning and
thunderbolt form INpra’s weapon. The fire-rain rather seems to be a
symbol of the anger of Siva, in plainer terms, an insurrection against
SAtivAwana ; and, if so, the shower of mud, may have a symbolical
meaning also ; and may help to the meaning of a tradition which states
that Uriyur the capital of the Chola kingdom was destroyed by a
shower of sand or mud. This last event however, the manuscript in
question, aided by some others in the collection, has enabled me to
perceive is to be understood of a popular movement, beginning at Con-

jeveram against a violent Chula prince, directed with effect by a hostile
Pandiya raja: so that Uriyur was taken by force, and the king com-

pelled to flee, being arrested and killed by the mud shower; that is,
being overtaken and slain by pursuers from the hostile army. It may

384 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (April,

suffice for the present to point, in general terms, at such clues to the
meaning of symbolical writing, but to make full use of the whole can
only result from digesting and comparing all such indications together,
which, for the present at least is not my task.

It may not be amiss to show in passing, that the emblem or symbol
of a fire-shower is not entirely strange to poets of the west. Thus
Mitton, in his absurd pauranical description of war in heaven, puts
into the mouth of one of his heralds-angelic, this expression :—

‘No drizzling shower

But rattling storm of arrows barb’d with fire.”
And CaMpPBELL, a poet of our own age in his LocniEL’s warning, and in
a passage, Hindu-like, poetically predictive of a past event, that is to
say, the battle of Culloden, puts this expression into the midst of an
expostulation from a local seer of the land ; addressed to LocuiE.L.
‘‘ Why flames the far summit ? why shoots to the blast,
These embers like stars from the firmament cast ?
’Tis the fire-shower of rain, all dreadfully driven

From his eyrie that beacons the darkness of heaven,
* * * * * * * *

Heaven’s fire is around thee, &c.”’

Here the symbol is precisely the same in kind, as that which I sup-
pose to designate some battle against SALivAwana in which he was
worsted, and saved himself with the remnants of his army, by retreating
across a river. While his country being left open, those of his race
who had taken refuge in stone-houses (or forts), were besieged and
taken, possibly by starvation, emblematized by the mud shower; even
as the capture of Uriyur is handed down in popular tradition under
the veil-of that capital having been destroyed by a shower of mud.
That I formerly* took a more easy and credulous view of this latter
circumstance will be no effective argument against a more mature, and
as I think a better conclusion.

Professor Wi tson’s notice of this manuscript may be seen Des.
Catal., Vol. I. pp. 184-5.

2.—Tiruviliyadal Purana. No. 34, Countermark 84.
This is a copy of the Madura Auhalla Purdna in Tamil verse,
complete, and in very good order. As noted in the next article, it
wants some of the marks usually borne by MSS. of this collection.

3.—Tiruviliyadal Purdna. No. 35, Countermark 24.
This is a copy of the same work in prose, and on examination was
found to be incomplete; though otherwise in good order. It wants

* Or. Hist. MSS. Vol. II. p. 91.

1888.) Srirangha Mahalmyam—Abstract of contents. 385

part of the 30th section, and the whole of the three following sections.
This last manuscript retains the usual marks of having passed through
Professor WiLson’s hands, and is briefly catalogued vol. l, p. 173. No.
xxvii. under the title of Perawoliyar Purana. The preceding copy
wants that attestation, and is not mentioned in the catalogue, giving
occasion to some doubt whether it may not subsequently have been
substituted in the collection for some other work.

Observation.

Since the Madura Sthalla Purdna (from a copy of my own ob-
tained direct from Madura several years ago), was abstracted by
me, and the abstract published in the Ist volume of Oriental Historical
MSS. it has not appeared to me needful to abstract the same work
anew in this place. In order however to make the last copy complete
the deficient portions have been restored on palm-leaves, and incorpo-
rated with the work in the proper place.

4.—Srirangha Mahalmyam, or legend of Seringham, near Trichi-
nopoly.

This is a palm-leaf MS. of 70 leaves in good preservation and in
very legible writing. It is found in the collection without mark or
number ; but is noted in the descriptive catalogue vol. 1, p. 174.

There is no need of doing any thing with it, as regards restoration.
The following is an

Abstract of the legendary contents.

1. NAreEpA addresses IsvAreR, and stating that the latter has told
him all the wonders of the three worlds (upper, middle, and lower) de-
sires to know the renown of the Cdvéri river, and how Sri rangha
became a Vaishnava fane. Extravagant praise as to the omnipotent
virtues of doing any act of homage at Sri rangham, is stated in reply,
by IsvareRr, forming the first adhyaya, or division of the work.

2. NAreEpDA expressing his satisfaction at what he had heard, in-
quires as to the placing there of the Vimdna (or shrine) to which
Siva replies forming the second adhydya. In the time of the deluge
NARRAYEN was sleeping a long time on the serpent Athi-seshan (sin-
gularly enough, from a later fable, said to be at the same time in the
bowels of Agastyar); BraHMA was born; the Pranava formed (or mys-
tic O’m). Origin of the Rig veda the Séma yagam and the 18 Puré-
mas: other similar matters of a mythological description, relating to
times immediately succeeding the deluge.

3. Brauma begun the work of creating anew; BranMa studied
astrology to acquire foreknowledge. He also performed penance. The

886 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ Apri,

Ciirma-avatira of Visunu, BrAuMA said that VisHnu had assumed
many deceptive forms, but he wished to see him (VisHnv) in his own
form. In consequence a Vimdna or shrine, was produced described
in highly hyperbolical language; BraAuMa worshipped the image there-
in of Visunu in a reclining posture, extravagantly described, forming
the third adhyaya.

4. BrAuHMA made one hundred get prostrations to VisHnu,
and declared that he ought to be so honoured for crores of years, without
end; BranMa terms him JaGaNnatua (lord of the universe) and, “ fa-
ther,” A long string of similar praise, indicating this image of Visunu
to be all things, and things in it; Visunu declared his satisfaction with
the eulogium pronounced by Brana, and inquires what gift he re-
quires.

5. Branma requests that Visnnu under that form will always be
in that image, and that he (Brauma) may always have the privilege of
worshipping it. Visunu tells Brana that if he so worship him dur-
ing one hundred years he will attain beatitude, and if others so worship
they will attain beatitude. Some little explanation is given of what is
meant by beatitude.

6. Branma desires to be informed as to the proper manner of per-
forming homage and service to VisHnu’s image. This is stated and it is
added that he is a Chanddéla who does not worship Visenu, being a
quotation of stanza by ‘Privat PERUMAL AYENGAR ; whosoever speaks
against the Sri rangha image is a Chandala. If there be an ignorant
person that knows nothing of Sri rangha perumal, the food he eats is
the same as that given toa dog. Brauma took the shrine to Swerga-
loca (InDRa’s paradise) ; the precise day of which event is stated, with
astronomical accompaniments, but in what year is not mentioned. The
sun was summoned, was taught a mantra, and directed to worship the
image; which Surya accordingly did. Surya’s son did the same ;
and IxsHvAxku, the son of the latter also paid homage. The latter
brought the image back to earth again. Many kings of the solar race
worshipped it in subsequent ages : all who did so (Isvarer informs NA-
REDA) were prosperous.

7. N&repa inquires the cause why the Vimdna, or shrine, came
down from heaven to earth? Why did Brauma give it to IksHvdxu,
and for what reason was it brought, and placed in the midst of the river
Caveri ? Iksuvdku was a king of Ayodhya, he was taught by VasisuTa,
He killed all the evil rdékshasas and while reigning equitably, he one
day thought on his father Varvasvata, and others having gone to the
other world, and thereby worshipping this image obtaining beatification,

1838. } Legend of Seringham. 887

but that since he himself and his children could not go thither to wer-
ship, it would be expedient by penance to bring Srr Ranewa down to
earth, which thought he unfolded to VasisuTa. The latter was rejoiced
and taught him the eight-lettered charm. The gods sent Manmarua
to destroy the penance of IxsHvAxvu, who wounded the latter with one
of his arrows, but IxsuvAxvu was firm, and prevailed. Ivpra came down
to disturb his penance; but IxsuvAxu by meditating on Sri RaneGua
brought down the flaming Chakra of Visunu, at the sight of which
Inpra fled; and Ixsuvdxu ascribing the praise to Srt RaNGHA conti-
nued his penance. Sri Ranena now tells Brana, that he will go
down to Ayodhya, and stay there during four yugas, and afterwards
remain between both banks of the Caveri during seven Manwunteras,
and again return to be in time for Brauma’s midday worship : and sub-
sequently go to earth and return again perpetually ; but that while
absent no evil shall happen to Brauma. In consequence Brana put
the Vimdna on Garuda, and brought it down to earth, where he
taught IxsuvAkv all the needful ceremonies to be observed in its wor-
ship.

8. The Vimdéna was placed in the centre of a river at Ayodhya,
where a temple was built for it, and all accompaniments provided. The
race of IxsHvAKu worshipped during a mahd yuga, or great age. At
that time a Chola rdja named D’yERmMA Brauma, went thither to a
sacrifice, and inquired of the rishis the circumstances attending the
transit of the Vimana from heaven to earth. He professed a desire to
do penance in order to obtain the image ; but the stshis told him it
would be useless ; explaining to him, that they knew the town of his
ancestors, to which Sri RanGua was due west only a mile or two, had
been destroyed by Siva, because one of his progenitors had trampled on
the flower-garden of a muni there ; that Visanu would soon be incarnate
as RAma, who would give the Vémdna, or shrine, into the hands of
VIBHUSHANA (younger brother of Ravana), who would place it at Sri
RanGoa. A defiance of chronology is here involved in making the
destruction of Uriyiir anterior to the expedition of Rama. RAma being
come made an Asvamedha ydagam (horse sacrifice) to which D’HeRMA
BrauMa went, and before the other assembled kings were dismissed
he asked leave to return home; VisuusHana followed, bringing the
shrine by permission of Rama, which he placed between both banks of
the Cavert with the mention of which the 8th Adhydya concludes.

9. D’uerma Brauma detained VipHusHANA from going to Lanka
for the space of 15 days; during which time a festival of 10 days was
eelebrated in honour of the image. At the end of the 15 days Vipnu-

3¢

388 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [May,

SHANA purposed to take up the image again on his head, and carry it to
Lanka but found it to be so heavy, that he could not move it ; on which
being greatly grieved, and prostrating himself before the image, PeRvu-
MAL told him not to grieve, for that it was previously appointed that
the shrine should remain here, in the good land of the excellent Chola
kings ; and to account for it narrated a fable of a dispute between the
Ganges and the Caveri as to which of the two was the greatest, which
being decided in favor of Gangd, the Caveri (personified as a female)
dissatisfied went to the north side of the Himalaya, and there began a
severe penance. Branma demanded what gift she wanted. The reply
was to be greater than Gangd. ‘The answer of Brauma was, that this
could not be; but he bestowed on her the gift of being “equal to
Ganga.” Caveri dissatisfied came to a place near this, added Perumat,
and there worshipped me, demanding to be greater than Giangd. As
nothing belonging to the world can be greater than Ganga, I promised
to come myself and reside between the banks of the Caveri whereby in
effect the Caveri should have a pre-eminence over the Ganges, to fulfil
which promise Iam come here, and cannot go to your town, VIBHU-
sHaNnaA! but at that you must not be sorry. VIBHUSHANA expressed a
wish to remain; but was forbidden, and a promise of protecting his

town being added, he went to Lanka, and resumed his reign. D’HER-

MA Brauma had many additions made to the shrine.

10. The domain round Sri-rangham was two yojanas (20 miles) :
those living within it are destitute of sin. Praise of the Chandra push-
kara tirt ha, or sacred pool. Praise of the Vilva tirt’ha, wherein Suxra
performed penance ; which will even remove the crime of killing a Bréh-
man; the Jambu tirt’ha where Paramesvarzr performed penance,
Aswa tirtha, InprA performed penance there; it removes all sins
against matronly chastity. Palavasu tirt ha removes all evil contract-
ed by living in the midst of vile persons. Details of other tanks and
their virtues. Mention of persons who had crimes removed at S7i-
rangham, among them being NArEepa to whom the narrative is pro-
fessedly made: persons to whom the Mahatmya is to be read: that is,
good Vaishnavas alone. Advantages of having it in the house, bene-
fits derivable from hearing the Mahatmya. As for example, if a
Cshetuya wishes for a kingdom, he will obtain one and the like in
proportion to other kinds of people. In conclusion Isvarer praises
Nrepa for his patience, and piety, in listening to the narrative,
offering to add more if required. NAREDA in return declares that
by the recital his knowledge is perfected, he wishes for no more. The
Sri-rangha Mahatmyam, it is then said, was translated from the
Grantha of the Brahmanda Puranam by App1vACHARYAR.

ie’ ,
.
a

1838.) Account of the kings of Delhi. 889

5.—Delhi Maharajakal kaifeyat, or an account of the kings of
Dethi.
Palm-leaf Manuscript, No. 233. Countermark 79.

When Vixrama’pITYA (to whom is given a profusion of titles)
reigned, D’HERMA raja had left the earth at the end of the Dwdpara
yuga ; he left ParixsatrT ruling down to C. Y. 126, JANAMEJEYA 77
years; S1vaKa mahar4ja 80; Rasenpra 45; SARANGADARAN, with
whom the Chandra vamsa ended. Then follows Purvra MANTATHA
83 years. Next Maruipdta maharaja ruled 25 years. Locirua
maharaja 53; Ganeapvuara 56; Vama Deva 53; Trinetra 56;
Partisa VisgAya 72; Purinatua 53; Pusuepa Ganpra 58; ATHI-
YARAYER 58; Papma Ganpra 49; UrraigA Racuava 54; AIveNn-
THi 54; BauvuMA 55; Supra CARTICA 65; ASAGAYA SuRA VIKRA-
ma'piryA 2000 years; in all 3179 years. SAtiva’Hana 70 years;
Vimata Keruana 58. BuoJa raja, conquered the north, and ruled
over the south. Kanaxa Raver of Cambira desam was his minister,
and at the head of 63 other persons ; afterwards settled as accountants,
of whom details follow, with the names of the towns in the Carnatic
where Agraharams were established for them. The sixty-four families
of Brahmans, thus introduced into the Carnatic, from the north, became
the settled accountants, and arbitrators of boundaries. They conducted
their accounts in the Girvanam language, (Sanskrit in the Balbund

character). Busoga raja ruled 66 years, from Sal. Sac. 188, 128, to

$. S. 194, his rule ended in Caliyugam 3373 corresponding with Sal.
Sac. 194. Next ruled Rasenpra 71, MapHAva Varma Cuotan 31,
Panprya 60, Vira Cuota (also called Coeran) 51, Deva Cuotan 29,
Sorna CootAn 20, Rasa Cuoran 4]. He was also called Caur Cana
Cuoian, Devenpra Cuouan 60, Martanna Cuouan 65, Rasarai raja
Cuotan 33, Parata 30, Vira Panara 4], in all 532 years, agreeing
with Cali yuga 3905, S.S.729. CHEenna BALALLAN; in his time a fa-
mous annicut (or aqueduct) was formed from the Cavery for irrigation,
all the 56 kings except Vikrama CHoLan king of Cashmir contributed,
and his share was divided, and borne among the remaining 55. As his
quota was afterwards brought, that was appropriated in rebuilding an
Agraharam, that Buosa raja had caused to be constructed at Chatur
Vedamangalam ; which during the ascendancy of the Juinas had been
allowed to go to decay, and the king dissipated the Juinas, The Agra-
haram received the names of Vikrama Chola Puram, Tanniyur and
Cauvert Pakam. After which the Cashmiy king went away. CHENNA
Bawuara ruled 41 years, Visunu Verpuana 40, Rasa Batata Sl
years, Irtntya Bautista 4], Visaya 41; other names of BALLAta
seo

390 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May,

kings, running into the rayers are given, with a total of 736 years.
Corresponding with Cali yuga 4641, Sal. Sac. 1462, Pravupa Deva
Rayer 21, other rayers (not in correct order) for 80 years down to
C. Y. 4721, Sal. Sac. 1542, so far the rayer dynasty ; afterwards that
of the Muhammadans.

There follows a story (not complete) founded on the question “ whe-
ther the learned, or the vulgar, are to be blamed in the impositions
practised under the sanction of the popular system of idolatry ?”

Also amemorandum from one of the Colonel’s Agents, as to MSS,
and documents previously supplied.

It states that Perrya Virapa Nayaxrr son of Periya KisTNAMA
Nayaker conquered the king of Mavalivanam, and also Mysore. It
has the singular statement that SatyavraTa was a Pandiya king of
Madura, and that the story of the little fish, had its site at Madura,
being the Matsya avataram, on which account it says the Pandiya
kings used the fish banner, or umbrella. It may be noted in passing

that the 18th book of the Bhagavatam places the site of Satyaveata’s

penance in the Dravida-desa, or Tamil country.

Remarks. The last memorandum has little or no use, beyond the
two items selected. The preceding one is merely a story (not complete)
ascribed to Krisuna Rayer’s time ; tending to illustrate the easy credu-
lity of men as imposed on by ascetics, mistaken for gods. This tale
may have its use in a series of tales; but is quite irrelevant to the title
of the manuscript. The first article does not correspond with that title
except in a brief allusion to the race of D’uzra raja at the beginning,
What follows is not of much consequence except as to the introduction
of the 64 Brahman families settled in the Carnatic. Concerning this
settlement other illustrations will appear; and it is similar to the mode
followed in Malayalam, according to the Kerala Ulpati. Whether
Brahmans had a footing in the south of India before that time is, at the
least, doubtful. In other documents the matter will be further eluci-
dated. The abstract given of the MS. is almost a translation; it has

evident, and very gross anachronisms, and I am afraid none of its dates —

ean be depended upon. It contains only four and a half palm-leaves
quite fresh and in good order; by consequence not needing restoration.
6.—Palm-leaf Manuscript, No. 2283. Countermark 80.
Delhi Janamajeya Raja vamsavali, (or the race of Janamassya king
of Delhi.)
This is a manuscript which, with a promising title, and a large exter-
nal appearance, has almost nothing within, containing only eight palm-

eo

1838. ] Race of Janamejeya king of Delhi. 391

leaves. It bears within itself the title of “ the early history of the Ben-
gal country,” but it sets out with Janamessya raja of sfastindpuré,
The appearance of the palm-leaves and of the writing is incomparatively
fresh, and as it comes down to Lord Mornineron’s goveriment, dated
Fusly 1220 it must be a recent writing.

The following is an :
Abstract.

After Janameszya son of Parrksuirt who died about 100 of the
Cali yugam, many kings reigned and took tribute durmg 3000 years.
VIKRAMADITYA after that became incarnate, and ruled over Hindustan,
Bengal, the Deccan, and the Western peninsula, receiving tribute from
all kings. SAnivAnawna fought with him and he fell in C. Y. 3171. Saut-
VAHANA governed after him with equity 349 years. Many kings after Sa-
LIVAHANA reigned down to C. Y. 4300. Sutran SAHAB U’DIN GHorY,
from the country of Jran came with a large army to Delhi, Hegira 591,
and overthrow Barti raja, and seating himself on the throne he ruled
over the country including Bengal, placing his Fouzdars in all countries.
From that time Bengal became a Muhammadan dependancy. Timur’s
invasion levied extensive tribute over the Dakshin, down to Hegira 900-
Hindust4n was under Timur’s descendants. Humaton Suau’s defeat.
Acpar ruled well. Jaenanauir gave the Fouzadari of Bengal to a brother
of Nur Bicam, whom he removed in anger and put another Fouzdar
in his place. From that time, different Fouzdars governed Bengal.
ALEMGUIR.—JzHAN SHAH. After some details, the narrative comes
down to the English Bahadur Governor William. The English were
merchants. The Vizier of Luknow collected tribute for Delhi. His
son was SusyA up powLaH. Moorshedabad soubadar was Mapuuze
Srneu died; his elder sister’s son, Nabob Srras up powLAn, became
soubadar. Mr. Wiuu1am from London in England, came and settled at
Calcutta, and hoisted a flag, keeping in pay a few troops and traded.
Affair of a gomestah and a sowcar. The gomestah went to Calcutia
and Siras uD pow.aH called the English Vakeel demanding his Nabob
to be given back. Siras uD DOWLAH ingreat wrath invaded Calcutta ; a
little fighting, and the soubah took Calcutta. In Fusly 1210 the fa-
ther of Lord Curve, Governor CLive, came with troops from Madras
(F. 1170); battle; the Nabob was wounded by a musket ball and after a
‘short time died. His elder sister’s son was Casstm Aut Kudn, who
continued the fighting. Division of the country with the English by
treaty with Sus aur Kuan. Two engagements General ; Nabob
defeated ; treaty; increase of English power. Death of the Nabob F.
1208; his younger brother succeededhim, The Moorshedabad Nabob

392 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [May,

died. Lord Mavir sent General Lrxon, who went to Delhi and took
it, and they kept the Padshah by their side, regulating the police (for
government). They took a sunnud from the Padshah, acknowledging
their authority over all things. Such of the Hindu sovereigns as paid
them homage they retained as tributaries, and fighting with those who
resisted them down to F. 1220 (date of the writing), they continue
still to govern the country of Bengal.

Note. From this abstract it may be seen that though the MS.
contains nothing not otherwise known, yet that it is im some measure
curious, and as such perhaps worth translation. .

Professor Wttson’s notices of this, and the foregoing manuscript,
will be found in Des. Catal. Vol. I. pp. 200—1 : and are as follows.

XIV.--Dilli réja Katha.
Palm-leaves.

‘A short genealogical account of the descendants of Arsuna, and a
few Hindu princes, and some account of the reign of Krisona RAya of
Vijayanagar.

XV.—Janamejaya Vansavali.
Palm-leaves.

“ A short account of the family of JanameEsaya the great-grandson

of ARJUNA.
7.—Palm-leaf Book, No. I. Countermark 953.
Inscriptions at the Vaishnuva fane of Conjeveram, .

On the Sampanci sacred wall, and on the southern wall, on the hill.

1. Inscription of Varrasa Timmapa, Sal.Sac. 1413: commemorates
agift by Varrasa Timmapa of 4500 fanams (of what kind not specified),
to be given yearly.at the Divala and Upahit festivals for the expenses
of processions, and for furnishing the usual offerings of ghee, sugar,
and other matters for making sacred viands, as customary in Vaishnava
fanes.

2. On the sacred hill, on the Sampanet, and the southern wall.

Inscription of Nacaina Nayanr of Mucapalam, Sal. Sac. 1409. A
gift of ghee and other matters, for lights and offerings to be raised from
the revenues of a village called Tiru pani pillat, made in the time of
Saxuva Timma of the race of Narastmua Rayrr.

3. On the sacred hill, below the Sampanci on the southern wall.

(In Telugu). Inscription of Sanuva Tima rAsa, Sal. Sac. 1403.
Tima was the son of Sanuva Saluva Malliya deva mahardja. Gift of
7800 fanams for four kinds of service in one fane, and two kinds in
another fane to arise from the products of cultivation.

1838. ] Inscriptions at Conjeveram. 392

4. On the south side of the tower, on the Sampanci, below the
southern wall.

Inscription of Trrvu viru sn the daughter of Ammanr, dated in
Sal. Sac. 1408. Gift of 300 fanams for conducting a certain ceremony
of singing, &c. at the time of the gods’ rising up in the morning after
sleep.

5. Inscription of NaranA Parua vaArr the Purdhitan, or Brah-
man-adviser of KrisunA Rayer, dated in Sal. Sac. 1436. Gift of
ten thousand fanams, arising from the products of cultivation, for
offerings before the god, eight times daily, of ghee, and various sow
articles specified.

6. Dated in Sal. Sae. 1528, during the rule of Sri Vira Venca-
TAPATI AYYA-DEVER (of Pennacondai ?) by ANumAyA ANNAYANGAR,
son of LantacA Nayaka of the Cauri caste people of Malliya vanam
near Vijayanagara of 365 gold huns for the 365 days of the year, for
the gift of two large tureens of rice to be offered to the two images and
the overplus of the expense to go to the inferior temple attendants.

7. Dated in Sal. Sac. 1123, donation by Upanpa Rayer ULAGAPPEN
of 840 fanams for the conducting certain ceremonies on the monthly
recurrence of the Nakshetra (lunar mansion) of his own birth, and that
of his mother. (It is of early date, and the title Ulagappen means
“father of the world.”)

8. On the sacred hill, on the southern side of the shrine ( Vimdnan ).

Inscription of Timma reja son of Satuva Gunppu RaAyaA v’pIyar,
dated in Sal. Sac. 1385 gifts of some land for the conduct of offerings.

9. On the southern wall facing the street in which the car is drawn
at festivals.

Inscription of the merchant Crisunama Cuerti1 dated in Sal. Sac.
1458. What was given not known, as it is stated that the remaining
letters of the inscription have become illegible.

10. On the same wall.

Inscription of Koppu Nayant a disciple of TatTAcuarya, dated in
Sal. Sac. 1467. Gift of 3750 fanams for offerings to be conducted
on the eleventh day of every lunar fortnight.

Note. The above palm-leaf MS. is badly written in small letters,
and the palm-leaf is in some places eaten away. It is therefore restor-
ed on paper, as some of the dates and names will be useful in elucidat-
_ ing a few obscure points in 6 more modern portion of the Peninsular
history.

i ere

394 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Max,

8.—Palm-leaf Book, No. 232. Countermark 98. Chengi Rajakat
Kaifeyat, or account of the rajus of Ginjee.

This is a MS. of 28 palm-leaves damaged by worms. It is written
in Tamil verse of an easy kind. Its chief object is to celebrate the
heroism of the last of the rajas of Ginjee, of the dynasty proceeding
from the original viceroy from Vijayanagaram. ‘The final defence of
the fort of Ginjee was very obstinate. According to this poem the raja
headed his troops in person, and when he found himself no longer sup-
ported by them he rode among the Muhammadans, dealing destruction
around him, until overpowered and slain. This rashness the writer
magnifies into extraordinary heroism.

Note. As the manuscript is ina state of incipient destruction it has
been restored. '

Prof. Witson has very briefly noted the MS. in Des. Catal. Vol. I.
p. 207, Art, xxvii.

6. MANUSCRIPT BOOKS.
9.—Manuscript Book, No. 50. Countermark 1019.

Section 1. Copies of Tamil inscriptions at Sri-rangham near
Trichinopoly, and other places of the Chola desam.

No. 1. Date Sal. Sac. 1581, commemorates a donation by Cuoxka
Natua Nayak, of the race of Visva Natua Nayak,.to five classes of
people of an elephant, two horse-tail fans, a white umbrella, a palanquin,
a tent; to be used in the public solemnity when the image of Seventes-
vérer fane should be carried out in procession, and with a view to
obviate some irregularities that had occurred in such festival processions.

No. 2, Date 1599 of Aruronar (unknown era) gift by Vinapa
Nayaker in the time of Vuncara prva maha rayer, of land in the
villages of Conol and Pallava ruram, for the continual conduct of
certain festivals connected with the above fane.

No. 3. No year, Tirumata Nayanur and Vittumiya Nayanur,
gave certain gifts to the fane; the exact nature of which cannot be
ascertained, us the copy of the inscription is imperfect.

No. 4. A gift in the time Kutorrunea CHo.an (year not specifi-
ed) of certain lauds to the above fane, by a union of several respectable
Jeading men.

No. 5. One Avan a rakshasa being afflicted with Brahmahatii,
did penance to Siva. In proof of which there are certain remains near
to Rajendra Chola pettah, and two gigantic images of 20 yards in
height, and 12 yards in circumference.

1888. ]} Inscriptions of the Pandiyans and Chotns. 395

No. 6. Date Sal. Sac. the figure for one thousand, and some other
figures blank. Vira Pravupa rayer son of Vira Visaya rayer Maha
rayer gave a large extent of waste land, near Rajendra Chola pettah ;
the produce to be for ceremonies at the festivals of certain fanes, three
in number.

No. 7. Gift of land belonging to raja Kemarra Cuoua pettan, by
the people of the town, attested by the names of five among them.
No date.

No. 8. Inscription in the village of Pedu vayi tuli. In the seventh
year of RasenpraA Cnouan, a chief (titular style only mentioned )
pressed certain bricklayers, and ironsmiths, and by their means made
some additions to a fane. Inscriptions incomplete.

No. 9. Inscription on a stone at Vetiu vayt tult; the dimensions of
the stone are given, but the inscription itself seems not to have been
copied.

No. 10. Same town, in the 20th year of Sar Kuuorrunca Cuona
pEvER. ‘The letters are become illegible, copy therefore incomplete :
it relates to a gift of some extensive land near to T’richinopoly.

No. 11. Same town of Veitu vayi tuli, date Sal. Sac. 1608; Ranca
Kistna Mutruu Virapa Nayaxsr ofthe race of VisvanatHa Nava-
KER : Certain repairs, by his order, of structures in that town originally
built by Chola princes, which had gone to decay.

No. 12. Date Sal. Sac. 1240, 25, the name of the donor obliterated ;
gift of land to Prasarma VeNCATESVARA SVAMI.

No. 13. Inscription in a fane of Subramanya, Sal. Sac. 1444, in
the time of Sri Krisna pevur, maha rayer, gift of land.

No. 14. Inthe 30th year of Rasenpra Cuoua DEVER, gift of a
village producing ten thousand pieces of gold (huns ).

No. 15. Inscription in Ziru yerembesvarer, hill fane, on the
elephant gate, date Sal. Sac. 1307, gift of land for repairs of the said
fane, a certain proportion of revenue given, by whom not stated.

No. 16. Dated in the 3rd year of Sri Kovi raja Kesari Panpiyan,
the remaining letters are stated to have become illegible by time.

No. 17. Dated-in the 5th year of Sri Kovi raja Kesart PANDIYAN;
letters become illegible.

No. 18. Dated 70th year of the same (but supposed to be an error
for seventh year) appropriation of a village to a fane of Agnésvara, in-
complete.

No. 19. Dated in the reign of Sri Kov1 raja Kesari PANDIYAN,
and in the seventh year of Kuntorrunea Cuowan, (thus intimated to
be contemporaries,) gift of land in Vayalir.

3 D

396 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [May,

No. 20. Dated in the reign of Kesért Panpryan, and third of
Kuxrorrunea Cnonan, gift by Pint Vanay upryar, son of MATHuran-
TACA UDIYAR, Of certain customs from produce of lands. Short Gran-
tha addition. :

No. 21. Dated second year of RAJA rasA DEvER, gift of land for
maintaining lamps in a fane, by whom not mentioned.

No. 22. Dated sixth year of Kovi Kesarr Panpryan, gift of land
for the internal ceremonies of a heathen fane.

No. 23. Dated third year of Vira RAsENDRA DEVER, who is either
the subordinate of Kovi Kesarrt Panpryan, or else the same with an
additional title; the wording is obscure; gift to the fane of Villumiya
dever, for the keeping up a perpetual light with neyz or butter oil.

No. 24. Inscription at Manga puram in the talook of Vittu Kaiti,
dated in the 16th year of RAszenprRA CuoLa Dever, gift of land by cer-
tain persons whose names are subscribed for the benefit of the fane of
Firu maranes varudaryar. ie.

No. 25. Dated in the tenth year of Sri Sunrera Panpiya DEVER,
same town, same fane, with two other fanes ; from the imperfection of
the copy, what was given not ascertained.

No. 26. Dated in the seventh year of Rasa Ragesnpra CuHoLa

-pEvrr: other letters of the inscription could not be made out.

No. 27. Gift of two villages by certain chiefs, whose names are
mentioned, to Rangha, the image at Sri Rangham fane, through the
head brahman of the class of Ramanwa of Tripety.

No. 28. Dated in the 30th year of Sar RAsa pever, gift of six
marcals of grain for each rice field, and a quarter fanam each field of
other kinds to go towards the celebration of the marriage of the god
and goddess of Marnuzsvara fane, and the conduct of other festivals
from VeNcATAPATI rayer, son of Vira VALLALA RAYA DEVER pre-emi-
nent raja of the north shore. It is a stone inscription in the fane in
Vélur, of Vittu Katti talook.

No. 29. Date Sal. Sac. 1629, (A. D. 1707.) Gift of customs ofa
half measure out of every calam (96 measures) of rice from one hun-
dred and eighty villages, from three persons (Hindus), who from their
titles appear to have held office under Muhammadans, to Sri Vira
Narrayana Swamt, of Mandir Kovil, in the Manadr district.

No. 30. Dated sixth year of Sr Rasa rdya Deva Urrunca Cro-
LAN ; imperfect, nothing further can be made out. .

' No. 831. Dated second year of Sri Rasa rdsa RAJA DEVER; at Pra-
panja Pichaita girt, where Acasrya formerly dwelt, and which had
sunk lower down into the earth, Cart Cata Cuoxa, coming thither,

1838.] Inscriptions of the Pandiyan and Cholan dynasties. 397

saw a golden-colored chamelion-lizard, which he wished to catch, but
it entered into a hole, in digging up which blood was seen, anda form
of Siva appeared ; by reason of which appearance, a fane was built on
_ the spot; and this having decayed, the aforesaid Rasa puver (as far as
can be made out) restored the said shrine, and gave for that purpose
thirty thousand Veélis of land, (each Veli containing five cawnies, the
whole being upwards of one hundred thousand acres. )

No. 32. Dated in the tenth year of the Caota résa KEsart Manpr-
yAR: some letters and words wanting. It is a gift of village lands ; but
for what object does not appear.

Translation.
No. 33. An inscription in Mel Pallur, or (upper Pallur), dated Sal.
Sac. 1489, (A. D. 1517.)

The ruler of the entire world HartyA RAYER VIPADAN, faultless in
speech, taking possession of other countries, never relinquishing his own,
the south quarter .................. the excellent courageous ruler Sri
Vira Krisuna Rayer, the great emperor, the restorer of the Sdma-
sula tax, and of the other taxes of the Chéla-mandalam, and of the
Sawa and Vaishnava temples, .................. (a number or part of a
name) having taken certain countries and conquered Vira ParcHuNAN
the son of Prardpa Rupra the Gajapati prince, and certified the con-
quest inthe presence of Maxurcarsuna (the god at Vijayanagaram J,
gave four thousand pieces of gold, for the service of the god Mariu-
MIsvARA NaAyAnaAR of this town; a Sanskrit sloka, in praise of the
giver.

[The above is as near a translation as can be made out: it is of
some use. | ’

No. 34. It bears the two names of Sri Kovi Kzesari PAnpryAn, and
Suntera Panpiyan, seventh year of reign: title of a ruler on the south
shore. (The remaining portion could not be recovered by the copyist
from the original stone.)

No. 35. Inscription cut on stone in the fane at Ambur. Dated in the
second year of Kutorrunea CuHona never. Gift to ARAKE’sVARANU-
piyaA Nayanar, the image of ‘ Amu'r fane from AmuTA KADI-YUDI-
yar rds of the north bank (of the Caveri) of a thousand (what not
mentioned), in free gift (therefore must be land) in the village for the
service of the fane of Tiruvake’svaramudiya Tambiranar, the same
image, with an addition of epithet.

No. 36. Dated in the fourteenth year of Srr Kopa Kesari Panpr-
YAN : imperfect.

3D 2

rg

398 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [May,

No. 37. Gift to Miluvanésvara Tambiran from Kr'sart PAnpryAn,
the giver of his own weight in gold, and a heap of vestments like a hill ;
a courageous warrior, and ruler of the three worlds ( Tribhuvana Cha-
kravertt Nayangr). He gave one hundred gold huns for the use of
Varava Nampa, the head brahman, to the temple females, and other
temple attendants.

No. 88. Datedin Sal. Sac. 1112; gift to Nintvanamuprya NAYANUR
of fifty gold pieces, by the whole of the people of fhis village (name not
given ) for the celebration of the marriage of the said god in the month
of April.

No. 39. (Very short and perfect) gift of an elephant vehicle by the
head man of Muthurdntacam im the country of RaseNprA Cuo ta of
the north bank (supposed of the Caveri) to whom, when, or for what

- object, not stated.

No. 40. A few Sanskrit words in Tamil and Grantha letters, without
connected meaning, copied from the inner building of a fane of Ganga
Kunda-puram in the Udiyar Palliyam.

Manuscript Book, No. 14. Countermark 768.

Section 1. Account of Pandoo coolies ( Pantu curzis ) in the Jughire,
and Arcot Districts, written from different verbal accounts.

This paper contains an account of certain subterranea, or excavations,
as if they were tombs, discovered at various places : of the exact nature
or character of these pits there appears to be no certain knowledge;
but the writer has collected, and stated, the traditionary accounts of
people near the places where those excavations were found, by which
they are ascribed,-— .

1. Toa desire of obtaining shelter from a predicted shower of fire,
about the beginning of the era of Sadlivihana. 2. To certain pigmies that
lived towards the end of the Dwdpara yuga, who constructed for
themselves these dwellings under ground. 3. To the five Pdandavas,
as a refuge from the persecution of Duryop’Hana. 4. To the votaries
of a certain goddess named Niza-mucari’, who offered to her monthly

sacrifices therein. 5. To the Vedar and Curumbar, (hunters and

savages), of former days, as places of protection, for their wives and
children, from wild beasts. 6. To certain men in the time of RAma,
who had monkey’s tails, whence these pits are by some called Vali-Cudi.
7. To rakshesas (or evil beings) who constructed these places of safety
for their wives and children. 8. To a custom of early times after the
deluge, when men lived so long as to be a burden to themselves, and
their relatives, so that the latter put them in certain earthen shells with
a supply of provisions and left them to die.

1838. ] Account of Tondaman tn Conjeveram. 399

These excavations are stated to be of various fashions, and sizes ;
and some have the appearance of being tombs of great or distinguished
men. Tradition states, that great wealth was most certainly discovered
and carried away, from some of these excavations.

Section 2. An account of Tondaman Chakraverti in the district

of Canchi ( Conjeveruam).

There were forty-four generations previously of the Chola race, who
were persons of self-government, but the last of them Kutorrunca
Cuouan (who had only a son and a daughter), having killed the son
of Camspan the poet, the latter killed the king’s son, and the king
afterwards formed an intercourse with one of the female attendants of his
court, and had privately a son by her, who was named Naat NaGa RAT-
TANAM. ‘The child was exposed ina golden vessel on the banks of
the Caveri river, and was discovered by the Brdéhmans, and head offi-
cers of the king, who recommended it to the king for protection, as
being like him ; and from an adonda flower being near the child they
called it ddondai. The king gave it in charge to his queen, to rear it
up; who readily undertook the task. The king’s Mantiré (or minister)
was alone somewhat instructed in the secret. The child proved to be
_ possessed of heroic qualities. On consulting how to give him a king-
dom, an eye was cast on the country northward, wherein the Curwm-
bar had constructed twenty-four forts, being an immense forest (wild
or open place). KunotTunea Cuota fought with the wild people (Cu-
rumbar) ; but could not conquer them. Anponpat’ his illegitimate son,
with a great army, fell on them, and conquered them to extermination.
Kuxortunea then came; and, having the forest cleared, founded the dis-
tinguished town of Canchi puram, in which he built a fane, and dug a
channel for the river Palar to flow through, ornear, it. There being a
deficiency of inhabitants, KutotTTunea gave his minister much wealth ;
who, going to other countries, brought men and women, and had them
married together, according to their respective tribes or castes. By
way of affixing a stigma on the newly conquered country, the minister
recommended that it should be called Tonda mandalam, “ the land
of slaves.” But the king, without penetrating his minister’s design,
called it Zondat-mandalam ; and gave it to his illegitimate son Apon-
par; who was accordingly crowned in Canchi; and, as he had con-
quered the ferocious people, the former inhabitants, he acquired the
additional epithet of Chakraverti. From that time the former name of
the country ( Curumbar b’humi) became extinct.

Remarks. This short paper has its value, as being a brief and
unvarnished account of an historical fact; otherwise variously and

eae repre —

400 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May,

verbosely told, with much of superfluous fiction and rhetorical orna-
ment.

Section 3. An account of Candava rayen, and Chethu rayen the
two sovereigns of the Vannier (forest race, a tribe of low cultwators )
who ruled in the fort of Tiruuidat Churam.

This fort was in the district of Chingleput, and this account was
taken from the mouth of one named SAHADEVEN-NATTAN.

Anciently the Curxmbar ruled in this country ; Aponpar CHOLAN
came from Tanjore, and destroyed them; and, having acquired the title
of AponpAr Cuaxkravertt, he established in their place the Kondai
Katti Vellazhar, (agriculturists who bound up their hair as women do.)
In those days the V«nnier, or Pali people, by permission of the ruler
of the country bnilt this fort for themselves, as their own. But they
paid tribute to the sovereigns of the Andhra, Carnata, and Dravida,
countries. No written account of their race has been preserved; but
of their posterity CANpa-RAYEN, and CHETHU-RAYEN, came to the
government. Being skilful men they built their old fort very strongly.

The measures of that fort, as now found are from south to north
1141 feet; east to west 1200 feet. The breadth of its outer wall was
20 feet. Around it there was a moat thirty feet broad. Besides this.
outer one, there was an inner fort, and a palace on the top of the hill.

' The upper fort was east to west 250 feet ; south to north 195 feet.

’ While ruling with considerable power, they rejected all claims of
customary tribute from superior kings. They were both illustrious ; but
CANDAVAN-RAYEN, was the most warlike of the two, He fixed alarm-
stations on eminences, at certain distances, around his capital. There
was no other king like him. When the rayer came to invade him, as
the drums were beaten at different hill-stations, the rayer did not know
in which the chief was, and at length the latter, watching his opportu-
nity, fell on the rayer’s forces, and made great slaughter. The rayer’s
general, being greatly incensed, came with a greater force ; and, during
four months, an uncertain war was carried on; the chief’s place not
being known; while, night and day, he harassed the troops of the
invader. The rayer now desisted from open war ; intending to effect
his object indirectly. CANDAVAN-RAYEN then greatly vexed the agri-
culturists, that Aponpa1 CuaxraAverti had placed in the land. The
Vellarzar in consequence arose in a body, and went to Krisuna
RAYER, who sent the Wiyalavar (the people of a PotiGaR) against
Canpava. That Porrcar being beaten retreated, and sent spies to
inspect the fortress, that he might discover how to overcome CANDAVA.

1838.] Account of two kings of the Vunnier race. 401

The spies discovered that at intervals of rest from war, CanpAva was
entirely enslaved by the leader of a band of dancing girls, and announced
the circumstance to the chief of the Wiydlavar tribe. He came to
Cupdcat, and gave her the offer of four bags of gold, as a bribe, to cut
off the head of Canpava; to which, induced by avarice, she consented :
appointing a time for the PoLicar, and his people to come. They came
as appointed. CupAcur gave Canpava poison, in a cake, from her own
hands; which speedily took effect. She cut off his head, and putting
it in a dish, brought it to the appointed place, and gave. it to the Po-
LIGAR’S people. After satisfying themselves of the identity of the
_head, they cut off the head of the traitress, and went away. In the
morning his younger brother, CHETTHU RAYEN, hearing this news;
and being extremely grieved, took the hundred companions of CupAé-
CHI; and, carrying them to a tank, after tying them in a row like cows,
_he cut off their heads: in proof whereof that tank is to this day called
Pinnai-yert (the lake of corpses). He also burnt down their houses ;
and the place is to this day called Cupacht kunnu (the heap of Cupa-
chi) ; and is a place of desolation. He also took the watchmen, who
had neglected their duty, and cut off their heads, at the above tank.
The WryALAvar-PoLicar came with his troops, and fell on the fort.
During twenty-six days, fighting was carried on, with great loss on both
sides ; till, at length, the attacking PoLicar took the fort ; which, after
that time, became a dependency of the Anagiindi kings, who protected
the agriculturists,

The truth of the preceding narrative is attested by all the people
living around about that neighbourhood. |

Section 4. An account of the Pagoda of Tiruvidaichuram (the
above fort) in the Arcot district,

The original date of this place is remote in antiquity ; the fane was
built by Kunottunea Cuoxan. It was repaired by other Cuo.as, and
Ravers. The Sthala Puranais lost. But the legend is to this effect,
that an Apper and Sundarar (the poets) were on their way to sing the
praises of Karz Kundam (a hill fane) ; they inquired of a shepherd
(at this place) if there was any emblem of Siva near, who pointed
them to one under a tree, and disappeared. Considering this as an
apparition of Srva, they chanted ten stanzas concerning the place;
which are in existence down to the present time. As the Chola king
adorned and endowed this fane, there may be an inscription; but it is
reported to be in recondite Tamil. They further say that, directly
under the view of the bullock of Siva, very much wealth is buried.

402 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May,

There certainly is some wealth concealed. If well examined, it would
be found: it, would not be needful, to that end, to damage the walls, or
structure, of the temple, but only to remove the flooring; no other
damage would accrue to the temple.

Section 5. An account of the ancient gold products of Callatur and
notice of the history of that place.

Anciently this was the second fortress of the Curumbar chieftains.
After they had been destroyed by ADONDAI CHAKRAVERTI, the fort
was in the hands of ten persons, who rode in palankeens, from among
the Kondai Katta Velazher, They were subordinates to the raja and
regulated the country. A poor Purdhita Brahman came to the fane
of Tiruval isvarer, and bought a piece of ground at Cullatur ; the
god afterwards personally appeared to him, and instructed him to give
the god notice when he ploughed and sowed the said field. He did so;
when the god came, on his Véhana, and, after sowing a handful of seed
disappeared. The other corn was sown by the Brahman. ‘The corn
sprung up luxuriantly ; while corn sown by other people was very weak.
The Bréhman’s corn grew higher than a man could reach, but without
earing; to his great grief. A Velazhan, passing by, being struck by
the singular appearance of the corn, plucked a stalk, and, opening it at
the top, found an incipient ear of gold, in consequence of which he
enticed the Brdhman to an exchange of products, ratified by a writing. —
A long time after the corn threw out ears, and the surface presented a
golden color. The rayer of that time, named Hart Harr Rayer
hearing of the circumstance, came himself, with an army ; and, having
it reaped, distributed the gold in the usual proportion of corn, to the
cultivator, the proprietor, and the king. The product was beaten out
on a brick flour, prepared for the purpose; such a floor is named Cal-
lam; hence the town came to be called Pon Velainta Callatur, or the
village where gold grew as corn. Remains of the brick floor are stiil
to be seen; and the circumstance is traceable in other names of con-
nected places. Some remains of the chaff of this harvest, are said to
be preserved in the treasuries of neighbouring temples. From the time
of TonDAMAN CHAKRAVERTI down to KrisHnA RayeEr’s time, the
fort was under the management of the Velazhar, or agriculturists.
KrisHNA Rayer demanded of them to build an Agrahdram, which
they refused to do; and he, in consequence, waged war against them,
with great slaughter, for six months: when they consented to his
request, and built two choultries; one of which was called by the name
of Krisuna RAyYER.

1838.] Ehstory of Tondumandalam. 403

Historical Indication.
Divested of fable, the probability is that a gold mine was anciently
discovered in the field of a Bradhman, and worked by one of the rayers.
The closing circumstance is within the range of credible tradition.

Section 6. —Accounts of the places of hidden treasure, in the Arcot
District.

1, In Pudawir, there are four Panta curzis in which, they say,
treasure is contained.

2. In Tiruvidaichuram, ina Peddri Kevil, under the image of
Durga, there is stated to be buried treasure. There is a sort of pro-
verbial saying to this effect current among the country people there-
abouts. Notice of an account given toa servant (gomasteh) of the
surveyor general of seven vessels of buried treasure, and of a human
sacrifice, offered by some persons who, in a Cae took away one
vessel, and went to live at Wandiwash.

3. In Neyamal, they say there is hidden treasure.

4. Beyond that village near Chingleput the pagoda of Tiruvadeés-
veren, at Callatur, at Cunatur, Vembacam near Chingleput, Uttura
Mélur, and some other places, there is said to be buried treasure.

Remark. Perhaps Colonel MackeEnziz’s instructions to his agents
included inquiries on the above subject : with one exception, as to the
Panta curzis, I do not see that any light is reflected on past history
by such traditions.

Section 7.—Ancient history of Tondamandalam, and its earlier
inhabitants called Vedars and Curumbars.

After the deluge the country was a vast forest, inhabited by wild
beasts. A wild race of men arose; and, destroying the wild beasts,
dwelt in certain districts. There were then, according to tradition, ne
forts, only huts, no kings, no religion, no civilization, no books; men
were naked savages: no marriage institutions. Many years after, the
Curumbars arose in the Carnata country: they had a certain kind of
religion ; they were murderers. They derived the name of Curumbar
from their cruelty. Some of them spread into the Dravida désam, as
far as the Zondamandata country. They are now found near Uttra
Mérur ; but more civilized. They ruled the country some time; but
falling into strife among themselves, they at length agreed to select a
chief, who should unite them all together. They chose a man who had
some knowledge of books, who was chief of the Drdvig: country, and
was called Camanda Curumba prabhu, and PALAL raja; he built a fort

3 E

404 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [May-

in Puralérv. He divided the Curwmba land into twenty-four parts,
and constructed a fort in each district.. Of these the names of ten are
sececeeeeeee Puraliir, the royal fort; Callatur ; Amur; Puliyar ;.
Chaditas ; Uttht Kadu; Kaliyam; Venguna; Icattukotiaa ; Paduvir,
While they were ruling, there was a commerce carried on by ships,
As the merchants of Céveripiim-patnam sought tradig intercourse
with them, the Curumbars built the following forts (stations) for trade:
Patti-pulam ; Sala-cupam ; Sala-pakam ; Méyur ; Cadalur ; Alim-
pari; Maracaném ; whence, by means of merchants from Cavert pim-
patnam, and the Curumbar, a commercial intercourse by vessels was
carried on. They flourished in consequence; and while without any
religion, a Jaina ascetic came, and turned them to the Jaina credence,
The Basti which the Pural king built after the name of that ascetic, is-
still remaining together with other Basti and some Jaza images in
different places ; but some are dilapidated, and some destroyed by the
hatred of the Brahmans. They were similar-to the Jaimas of the
present day ; they were shepherds, weavers, lime-sellers, traders. While
living thus, various kings of civilized countries made inroads upon them.
as the Chola, the Pandiya kings, and others; and, being a wild peo»
ple, who cared not for their lives, they successfully resisted their invaders
and had some of the invading chiefs imprisoned in fetters, in front of
the Pural fort. Besides they constrained all young people to enter the
Jaina religion ; in consequence of which vexation, a cry arose in the
neighbouring countries. At length Aponpalt, of Tanjore, formed the
design of subduing them; and, invading them, a fierce battle was
fought in front of the Pural fort in which the Curumba king’s troops
fought and fell with great bravery, and two-thirds of ADONDAI’s army
was cut up. He retreated to a distance, overwhelmed with grief, and
the place where he halted is still called Cholan pedu. While thinking
of returning to Tanjore, Siva that night appeared to him, in a dream,
and promised him victory over the Curwmbas, guaranteed by a sign.
The sign occurred, and the Curumba troops were the same day routed
with great slaughter. The king was taken ; the Purad fort was thrown
down ; and its brazen (or bell-metal) gate was fixed in front of the
shrine at Tanjore. A temple was built where the sign occurred, and a
remarkable pillar of the fort was fixed there: the place is called Tiru
mul vdsal. A sort of commemorative ceremony is practised there.
After a little more fighting, the other forts were taken, and the Curum-
bas destroyed. Abonpal placed the Velazhar, as his deputed autho-
rities ; having called them into the country to supply the deficiency of
inhabitants, from the Zuluva désam (modern Canara). They are call-

1838.] Account of Marutan and Madurantacam. 405

-ed Tuluva Vellazhar to the present day. Some were brought from the
Chola désam, still called Chola Vellazhar. He called from the north
certain Braéhmans by birth, whom he fixed as accountants. The
Kondai Katti Vellazhar were appointed by him. He acquired the
name of Chakraverti from rescuing the people from their troubles.
The name Curumba-bhumi was discontinued, the country was called
Tonda-mandilam ; and common consent ascribes to ADONDAI the
regulation of the country.

Remarks. The writing of the above paper was a little obliterated,
and I think its restoration of consequence; for it seems to me rather
more important than these local papers usually are. We have in it a
clear and unvarnished statement of the introduction of the Aindus
(properly such) into the country, circumjacent with respect to Madras.
The Hindus had colonized the country south of the Coleroon ata
much earlier period. The trading from Caveripum-patnam; the con-
quest by Aponpar ; the introduction of brahmans as accountants from
the north; are matters confirmed by other papers. The Veluzhas of
the country hold the traditionary belief, that their ancestors emigrated
from Tuluva. ‘The Chola Velazhas are chiefly found in the south.
They wear a lock of hair on the front of their head ; not on the back,
like other Hindus. The old Tuduva or Hala Canada language, and
the Madras Tamil, are very nearly the same language.

Section 8.—Account of a Curumba fort at Marutan near Canchi, in

the Utramélur district.

This fort of mud was formerly built by the Curumbas, covering forty
cawnies of ground with two boundary walls, and was long ruled by
them. In the time of Kriswna Rayer his dependant the raja of
Chingleput fought with them; and, after some time the Curumba
chief was unjustly put to death. The Curumbas were destroyed, and
Tima raja took that fort. He gave it as a Jaghire to one of his near
relatives, named GovinDA raja. He built two Kooils (or fanes), and
established an Agvraharam for the Bréhmans.

- Note. Timma Rayer was the founder of Arcot as mentioned in a
former paper.

Section 9.—An account of Madurantacam in the Jaghire.

This place being the ancient boundary of the Madura kingdom was
called Maduridntacam (the end of Madura), in proof of which there is
an image called Madurai-Chelli-ammen. There is also a very ancient
Saiva fane. It is said that Naua-rasa, in his sorrowful pilgrimage,
came to this place ; and, by taking the muddy water of that pool, was

3 E 2

406 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May;

cured of his leprosy. He built a temple there, to commemorate his
cure. The tank was called by him Vishagatirtham. The Chola raja
built many other sacred edifices in this place; and he himself lived
there for a considerable time. The Sfhala mahatmya of this place
is connected with the St’hala mahatmya of Madura.

Remark. As the Madura Purénom contains a reference to the
northern Madura, it is well to know the precise locality thereby desig-
nated. The reference to Nata raja is an allusion to an episode in the
Mahabharata,

Section 10.—An account of the ruins of a fort with seven walls
(one within the other ), at Avidu tangi, written from verbal accounts
given by Brahmans of Pira-désam.

In the Arcot district, not far from Pira-désam*, are the extensive
remains of a very ancient fort of seven enclosures. It is now concealed
by brushwood, and lies waste. Gold cash, and other coins, have been
found there. Hyper ALLy is said to have examined it, and taken
thence treasure. It was built, many years after TonDAMAN CHAKRA-
VERTI, by VirA NARASIMHA raja. He appointed a very stupid Man-
tirt (or minister). There was no investigation of affairs ; and this minis-
ter buried the treasures, arising from the public revenues, and stultified
the king. A certain man named VIRAL-VENNAN, was wounded on the
head by a neighbour ; and, going to make a complaint at the king’s
gate, could get no hearing. He thereupon went about the town beating
all he met ; and, as there was no inquiry, he managed to get some
money, and to raise a small band of troops, with whom he took post
near a burning ground, and exacted tribute from all who came to per-
form funeral obsequies, By this means he became rich. After some
time the king went out in disguise to ascertain the state of the town,
and heard a poor woman complain of having no money to pay the
tribute. He inquired into the tax; and then went to the Mantii to
ask why it was imposed, who could give no account of it. The king
sent for VIRAL VENNAN, who refused to come; whereupon some troops
were sent against him: these were worsted, and then ViRAL VENNAN
came, sword in hand, of his own accord, and falling down before the
king narrated all his circumstances : whereupon the king had his minis-
ter beheaded, and put ViraL VENNAN in his stead. There is no other
tradition at Péira-desam; but possibly by going to Avidu-tangi some-
thing further might be learnt.

The end of book No. 14.

* This Pira-desam is probably the Pida which is coupled with Choda (or
Chola) in the enumeration of countries in the second edict at Girnar.—Ep.

a
¥
i

18388. ] List of ancient kings and sages. 407

Book No. 20, Countermark 774.
Section 1.—List of Kings in the Cali-yuga.
A few names very defective in the three first ages.

The Cali yvga list commences with JANAMEJAYA, and there are |

other names, without distinction of place or country, though we know
some of them to have ruled in places very distant from each other.

RasenpRA CHoLa: is dated by an inscription in S. S. 460, Deva

Mana Rayer by inscription 8. S. 1060, Virupacni Rayer 8. S. 1238,
Sanuva Narasincua Deva Rayer S. S. 1420, Vira NarasineHa
Rayer S. §, 1391, AurunozesE S. S. 1554.

The list of course does not admit of being abstracted. A few dates
and names are written as specimens. The list may be of use to refer
to, in comparison with other lists ; and, as now restored from an almost
illegible state, will admit of easy translation,

It is followed by another list, of which the ink is so much faded as
to be no longer capable of restoration. From a few names which can
be read it seems to be a fuller repetition; the same names appearing to
occur, with now and then a name not to be here found; but it is not
possible to make any thing of it, as a connected whole.

There follows a page of more illegible writing endorsed in English,
as a letter; and another half page of Pandiya kings, of no value.

Section 2.—Account of the most ancient sages and poets, with their

places and dates, in the Dravida désam.

This section with so promising a title is a mere cheat. Iv has a few
names of ascetics and poets, better known from other authorities, with-
out the promised distinction of time and place; and being quite worth.
less, the copying of it was omitted.

Section 3.—A general list of books and inscriptions.

The list refers merely to certain parts of the papers in the Macxen-
zi£ collection, supplied by the writer of the list ; and is of no perma-
nent consequence, there being a fuller catalogue in existence. The
copying was omitted. .

Section 4,—Account of Pradatta rdja.

The paper commences with a declaration ascribed to Brauma, of the
severe pain, and penalty, incurred by any one stealing even an atom
of property from afane of Siva, which inclusive of minor matters, in-
volves the being sent to Yuma puram (hell), and the being sunk in astra-
tum of fire. ‘There are other details of the evils which must follow the
taking.a bit of gold from the temple at Arunachellum (Trinomallee /,
and of eating any thing belonging to it, more fatal than eating poison.

408 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (May,

In illustration Brauma narrates an account of the visit of PRaDATTA,
king of Benares and of the surrounding country, in extravagantly
hyperbolical language, and of his becoming enamoured of one of the
Devadasis of the fane at Arunachellum (or Trinomallee), in consequence
of which his face was transformed into that of a baboon. Some of the
great men said it was from an evil thought, and advised him to render
special adoration to the image worshipped there, which he did and
recovered a beautiful form. These circumstances Brauma related to
Sanaka Risur. The entering on another narrative is announced;
which appears to be the one contained in the following section.
Observation.

The preceding is probably part of a legend connected with the Z’rino-
mallee temple; and has been evidently constructed so as to impose a
superstitious dread of taking any property from that place, or of covet-
ing any thing belonging to it: it is very well adapted to the intellectual
measure of the lower class of natives; it may illustrate manners and
opinions ; but in any historical reference, it seems quite useless,

Section 5.—Account of Vajrangata Pandiyan.

The king of the fertile country on the banks of the Vaigai, one day
set out on a hunting excursion to the great terror of the elephants, and
other beasts, and in the course of the chase he started a civet-cat, which
ran directly for Tvinomallee, and then went round the mountain, when
it fell down from exhaustion, and died; the horse ( Ganavattam) on
which the Pandiya king rode, also fell down, from extreme fatigue, and
died, Immediately two Vidhyadharas (celestials) appeared and said to
;he king, ‘ Why do you grieve, we were imprisoned in bodies through
the malediction of Durvasa-rishi, from having trodden on some flowers
in his garden ; so that he commanded one of us to become a civet-cat,
and the other a horse. On our asking when the spell would be dis-
solved, he said it would be by Vasraneara PAnpiyAn.’ These two ani-
mals then attained final happiness, by the merit of having gone around
Arumachella hill (or Trinomallee) ; but as the king did not walk round
but went round on horseback, he had no part in the merit. He subse-
quently made over his kingdom to his son named ART’HANAN-GATA
PANDIYAN, and became an ascetic; residing near the hill. His son
sent him much money, with which he greatly added to the splendour
and beauty of the fane. On walking round it, one day, the god Siva
met him in a visible form; and told him that he also had been impri-
soned, having heretofore been Inpra, who threw his diamond weapon
(Vajranga), at him (Srva), in consequence of which he was condemned
to live on earth as VAJRANGATA PANDIyAN; but that now from the

1838. } List of Chola kings. 409

virtue of his munificent acts to the temple, he should be readmitted to
his former state, and again become De’vEnprRA.
Observation.

The composition of this, like the former, is in’ poetical and hyperbo-
lical language ; but with incorrect orthography. A Pdéndiyan king is
otherwise understood to have repaired and beautified Trinomallee ; and
on this circumstance the fable is constructed. It seems to be a portion
of the Trinomallee St’hala-purana, as may be ascertained when that
Puranan comes to be examined. But it is of little use beyond illustra-
ting native opinions ; and was restored because found in a book greatly
damaged by time; though in itself, this section remained quite legible.

Section 6.—A list of Chola kings.

The list contains a few names only, without any dates ; the transcrib-
ing them has not appeared to be of any importance.

Preface to the first part of the History of India composed by Nar-
RAYANEN Astronomer (of the Ananta Kon race).

(This is not entered in the table of contents at the beginning of
book, No. 20.)

This book was written at the request of Col. W. Macteop of Arcot,
during Lord Brenrincx’s government of Madras. After the usual
poetical invocation it gives an account of the cause of its being written,
the different powers and kingdoms to be included: and the authorities
consulted in the compilation. The work proceeds to narrate the crea-
tion of the elements of all things, by NARRAYANEN ; the formation of the
Brahmandam, or mundane egg, and the division therein of the orders
of beings and things. An account of the different yugas. Formation of
gods, asuras, and mortals. Avataras of Visunu. Eclipses ; fasting at
that time peculiar to India. After some Indian astronomical details,
the writer states his preference of another system, that of the earth
turning on its own axis, and revolving round the sun, with different
latitudes, (evidently derived from intercourse with Europeans.) Geo-
graphical divisions of India, on the native system; some mention of
Nipdl, Moghulstan, Turkishtan and Hindustan proper. ‘This leads to
mention the birth of Krisuna about one hundred years before the end
of the Dwdpara yuga ; and his reigning in Dwéraka, a town which he
had built on the sea shore. ‘The end of the first book.

The foregoing is another copy, so far, of the large work entitled
Carnata rajakal, before abstracted. Should other Cdndams, or books,
be found among the paper MSS. the whole MS. may be restored ;
but the above is of no special use, being merely another copy of a por-
tion which exists in the larger work.

ag

410 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. {May,

Section 7.— Account of the Jain temple of Parsvana-natha-svdmt,
at Tiru Narrayanen Tonda a village, in the district of Yelvanachura
Cottat.

It is in the Vriddhachala district: a St hala mahatmya. In a certain
wilderness, a kind of roots grew which Verdars dug up for food. One
day a man of that class saw some growing in the cleft of a rock, and
going to dig them up, discovered the image of the above god. A winged
creature also appeared ; at which the hunter, being dazzled exclaimed
“ Appa! Ayya!” The being said “I am Appa, and Ayya is in that
image.” The hunter asked for a spiritual vision, and had one enlight-
ened eye given him; the report of the circumstance led to much dis-
cussion among the country people; who, on consulting, noted various
marks about the hills, and concluded that it must have been a place of
residence, for ancient ascetics. The king of the country, coming to
knowledge of these things, treated the hunter handsomely, and had a
temple built on the spot. There is then a narrative given, as having
happened before this circumstance, to account for the image being found
there. This forms a Jaina version of the Pandiya king renouncing
the Jaina system for that of the Saivas. By this account the famous
Appar was born and bred a Jaina, but, through ill-treatment of the
head ascetic of that system, he went away to the south, by way of the
Chola kingdom, and became a Sawa. In consultation with Sampanta
and SANTARAR, a plan was formed to convert the Pdndiyan king, Appar
by the power of incantation inflicted on him a grievous illness, and then
sent SaMPANTA, and Sunparar, with the Viputhi (or sacred ashes),
saying that if he accepted these he would be cured. He replied that
being a Jaina he could not do so. On their returning with this answer
to APPAR the latter inflicted severer pain on the king ; and then went
personally to him, and said, if his teachers could remove one-half on
one side, he would remove the other. The Juina teachers being sent
for, said that to use magical incantation was contrary to their religion.
Appar then promised to cure the king, to which he consented ; through
the craft of Appar, and because an evil time for the Jaina system was come.
After being cured Appar asked of the king to allow all the Jaina temples
to be turned into Sativa ones at which he hesitated ; but at length being
gradually overcome, and through previous ignorance of his own system
he was drawn over to become a Sativa; and he then gave a body of
troops into the hands of SampanTar, SuNDARAR and Appar; with which
they displaced the Jaina images, and turned the fanes into Sarva ones.
But on coming to the hill in question, in this paper, as soon as APPAR
ascended three steps towards it he was struck blind. Astonished he

1838. ] Legendary Account of Cdnda Cottai. 411

offered some prayers, according to his Jaina knowledge, and had one
restored ; he then resumed the Juina way and had both eyes restor-
ed. The Satvas, seeing what had occurred, carried him off; and in
a brick and chunam water-course near to Chittambram killed him.
The account closes, as being given by persons whe had received it
downwards by tradition.

Remark. The leading fact is historical, and every version of it,
especially from opposite religious parties, may render it better defined.

Section 8.—Chronological tables of the Hindu réjas (termed Juina
kings of the Dravida country in the table of contents of Book, No. 20.)

A few names of kings in the first age ; a few names of the solar line
in the second ; a few of the lunar line in the third age; in the fourth,
a mixture of names, one or two of them being Jaina : CHANDRAGUPTA
is termed a Jaina. The Chola rajas. Himastua a Jaina king. In the
list of rayers, there are some names not usually met with in those lists ;
some dates of these, and Chola kings are given: the list comes down to

a modern date.

A list of kings, in Grant’ha characters, is given; termed Jaina
kings.

Remark. ‘These lists, though imperfect may have some use for oc-
casional reference.

Section 9.—Legendary Account of Canda Cotta (and statement of
an emigration of artificers from India by sea eastward.)

In the town of Manda anciently the Camalar (artificers of 5 sorts)
lived closely united together ; and were employed by all ranks of men,
as there were no artificers besides them. They feared and respected
no king, which offended certain kings; who combined against.
them, taking with them all kind of arms. But as the fort in
which the Camalar lived was entirely constructed of loadstone, this
attracted and drew the weapons away from the hands of the assailants.
The kings then promised a great reward to any who sheuld burn down
their fort. No one dared to do this. ‘At length the courtezans of a .
temple engaged to effect it, and took the pledge of betal and areca en-
gaging thereby to do so. The kings greatly rejoicing, built a fort op-
posite, filled with such kind of courtezans, who by their singing attract-
ed the people from the fort, and led to intercourse. One of these at
length succeeded in extracting from a young man, the secret that if the
fort were surrounded with varacu* straw set on fire, it might be destroy-
ed. The king accordingly had this done, and in the burning down of

* Paspalum frumentaceum—Linn. Kadra vahd—Sans.

Oo F

412 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May,

the fort, many of the Camdlar lost their lives; some took to ships, be-
longing to them, and escaped by sea. In consequence there were no
artificers in that country. Those taken in the act of endeavouring to
escape, were beheaded. One woman of the tribe, being pregnant, took
refuge in the house of a chetty and escaped, passing for his daughter. —
From a want of artificers, who made implements for weavers, husband-«
men, and the like, manufactures and agriculture ceased, and great dis-
content arose in the country. The king, being of clever wit resorted
to a device to discover if any of the tribe remained, to remedy the evils
complained of. This was to send a piece of coral, having a fine tor-
tuous aperture running through it, with a piece of thread, to all parts of
the country; with a promise of great reward to any one who should
succeed in passing the thread through the coral. None could accom-
plish it. At length the child that had been born in the chetty’s
house undertook to do it ; and to effect it, he placed the coral over the
mouth of an ant-hole ; and, having steeped the thread in sugar, placed
it at some little distance. The ants took the thread, and drew it through
the coral. The king, seeing the difficulty overcome, gave great pre-
sents, and sent much work to be done; whieh that child, under the
counsel and guidance of its mother, performed. The king sent for the
chetty, and demanded an aceount of this young man, which the chetty
detailed. The king had him plentifully supplied with the means es-
pecially of making ploughshares ; and having him married to the
daughter of a chetty, gave him grants of land for his maintenance. He
had five sons, who followed the five different branches of work of the
Camalar tribe. The king gave them the title Panchayet; down to the
present day there is an intimate relation between these five branches, and
they intermarry with each other ; while as descendants of the chetty tribe,
they wear the punnul, or caste thread, of that tribe. Those of the Camdlar
that escaped by sea, are said to‘have gone to China. It is added that
the details of their destruction are contained in the Calingatu Bharani. —

Remark. Here is no doubt historical truth covered under the veil
of fiction and metaphor : it is particularly desirable to know if artificers
really emigrated from India to the eastward. ‘The ruins of Manda, or
Mandu, remain without any records concerning that place, I believe, in
any known history. The Calingatu Bharani, a poem, is in the Mackxen-
Z1E collection ; and will come under notice hereafter.

Section 10.—Account of the Curumbars, and a Massacre of them by
treachery. :

Under the rayer’s government the Curumbars ruled in many districts.
They constructed forts in various places. They tried to make the

1838.] Account of the Curumbars aud Muittilyar. 413

Muthaliers, and Vellézhas, render them homage; to which the others
did not consent ; and the Curumbars in consequence greatly troubled
them. Still they did not submit. Accordingly in betel gardens, and:
in many other places they constructed very low wicket gates, so that
the Hindus coming to them must be forced to bow on entering. But
the Muthaliers and Velldzhas, instead of entering head foremost thrust
their feet in first, and thus treated the Curumbars with contempt. As
the latter had power in their possession, they vexed the said tribes.
These at length went to a barber ; and, promising a gift of land, asked
of him counsel how to destroy the Curwmbars. The barber gave them
encouragement ; who then went to the houses of all his tribe and en-
gaged their services by promise. It was the custom of the Curumbars
that, if one of their people died, the whole family should have the head
shaved. One of the seniors of the tribe of Curumbars died : and by cus-
tom the whole tribe, at one time, sat down to have their heads shaved.
The aforesaid barber, on this occasion charged all his associates each
one to kill his man; which they did, by each one cutting the throat
of the person shaved. The women thus suddenly widowed had a
great pile of fire kindled into which they leaped, and died; execrating
their enemies. The ruins of the Curumbar forts and villages are still
visible ; being heaps of mould; there are very old wells, some for in-
stance near Sadras: the bricks of these wells have an appearance of
great antiquity. ;

Remarks. What evidence is due to the tradition I cannot tell: if
true, it adds another instance to the tragedies, consequent to sectarial
hatred, and effected by stratagem and treachery, which are numerous
in this collection.

Section 11.—Account of the Wiyalavar or Muttilyar at Nerva-
palhyam.

The Curumbars, in the time of the rayers built forts, causeways, &c.
In that time these Wiyalvar came from Ayodhya, in the north, They
brought with them two tutelary goddesses called Angalammai and Wi-
yalammai ; together with attendants (as supposed of these idols). These
first halted at Vidpuram. At that period one CHeNNAPA NAYAK was
acting with great violence, and killing many people. The rayers in
consequence promised to this new tribe, that if they would remove the
nuisance he would give them the district, so cleared, as their reward.
In consequence, by the power of their goddess, they took those robbers
and having obtained the district of Caznnapa Nayak, they first gave it
the name of Canda-gadi-palliyam. Subsequently, as the Curumbars gave
much trouble, and insulted the Muthaliers, the rayer made great pro-

3.F 2

414 Rupography, or a new mode [May,

mises to these Wiyalvar if they would destroy the Curumbars. The
Wiyalvar, in consequence by the aid of the rayer’s troops, and a thou-
sand men of their own, destroyed the Curwmbars. ‘The rayer gave
them great distinction for the same, and villages. They established
their goddesses in two villages ; and in one had also a Vaishnava fane.
They built a palace which afterwards was sold to discharge a debt.
Remark. This account may be compared with another book and
section, making mention of the Wiyalvar; and this tradition, if true,
adds to the proof that the earlier inhabitants of the Carnatic were de-
stroyed, to make way for colonies of Hindus.
[To be continued. ]

Il.—On the cpplication of a new method of Block-printing, with
examples of unedited coins printed in facsimile. By James
PrINSEP, Sec. &c.

In all Muhammadan countries it is the well known custom of those
who move in the rank of gentlemen to apply their seals in lieu of their
written signatures to letters, bonds, and other written documents—uniot as
we are accustomed to do it by an impression on wax, but by smearing the
flat surface of the seal with ink and printing in the manner of type, so
as to leave on the paper a white cipher upon a black field. It may
be in consequence of this custom, as much as from religious prejudice,
that Muhammadan seals are almost invariably confined to letter mottos ;
seldom ornamented, but, if so, merely with flowers, &c. done in out-
line ; because such only can be faithfully pourtrayed in a type impres-
sion, which of course cannot at all represent a head or other relievo
design.

The money of the Musalmans was in the same manner generally
impressed only with the signet or the titles of the sovereign, well adapt-
ed to a flat and thin surface of metal.

Seeking an easy and expeditious mode of making public the collection of
Muhammadan coins in my own and my friends’ cabinets, it thus occur-
redto me that by forming from them in sealing-wax or in type metal an
exact counterpart of the die which had struck these rupees, I should be
able to use it, in the native fashion, for producing ink impressions along
with the ordinary letter type; while, as the coin itself would in every
case furnish the mould, every chance of error in copying would be
removed: and, though the elegance of a shaded engraving could not be
attained, still this would be more than compensated by the scrupulous
fidelity of the representation.

1838. ] of printing coms in facsimile. 415

My first trial was so encouraging that I at once resolved on carrying
the plan mto execution on an extensive scale, and I have now prepared
for the press upwards of two hundred coins done in this novel and
exceedingly simple manner.

As however it will be in every respect more convenient to present
them in a continued series as an accompaniment to my tables of the value
of Indian coins already published, I propose merely to introduce into
the pages of the Journal a few examples of such coins as are new, rare,
or from other causes worthy of particular description.

But first, in deference to the established custom in such eases, I must
assign to this newly invented art some Greek polysyllabic appellation ;
and (without intending the undignified lapsus of a pun) I cannot pro-
pose one more expressive of the process than Rupography—not from
rupee the common designation of our Indian money, nor yet from the
Sanskrit word rupa ‘ form, likeness,’ but in a genuine and orthodox man-
ner from the Greek pimos, sigilaris cera, or sealing-wax, the substance
upon which the impression of the coin is first received and which will
itself serve as the printing material, if it be not desired to preserve the
block in the more durable material of type metal, by a second transfer
from the sealing-wax to a clay or gypsum mould into which the latter
substance can be cast in the usual manner. Some sharpness of outline
is lost by this triple operation, and where a great many copies are not
required the rupographical process may be safely confined to the first
stage, or simple impression on sealing-wax.

As a first specimen, then, of the capabilities of this art of rupography
I select.a coin, or rather medal purchased by myself some years ago at
Benares. It is of HusEin Sudu generally accounted the last Suft
monarch of Persia; for after his abdication in A. H. 1135, his son
TamAsp held but a nominal sovereignty, the real power being usurped
by Maumup the Afghan.

MarspDEN would designate this as one of the medals of the Persian
kings properly so called, intended to be hung and worn on the neck.
It had, when I bought it, a hasp for suspension; but still I do not ima-
gine it to have been struck for that express purpose, but rather as a
crown piece for distribution to courtiers on a birth-day, as is still the
custom at Delhi, at Lukhnow and other native courts. It is of nearly
pure silver, and weighs 844.3 grains, a little short of five rupees, and
somewhat above as much in value.

Marspen gives the drawing of another medal of ae same monarch,
which has merely the usual coin inscription.

The following is the numismatical description of my medal.

A416 Specimens of unedited coins [ May,

SuttAn Hosein Soin SkFravy,
reigned in Persia, A. H. 1106—1135, (A. D, 1694—1722.)
Silver.

Legend of the Obverse. —
wbahanld aye gy balanllf alae!) gal csp! J KSI Coot Sata!) ybbtud]
Centre. yh yolyo vl | damm whol

Reverse.
Area, alll Jy gle all Ju, dase® alll al) 9

Marg mn. usi em x pom dos’ ust? wn w> gsi
dos” ot usie dos”

Ob.—The SULTAN the just, the spiritual guide, the perfect, the ruler, Abu’l Mu-
zaffar ul Sultdn bin ul Sultan, SULTAN HOsEIN SHAH BEHADUR K®GAN, of the
Safvi race: may God perpetuate his kingdom and his dominion! Struck at Isfahdn,
1118 (A. D. 1694).

Rev.—There is no God but God! Muhammad is the prophet of God; Aliis the
favorite of God.

Margin.—Ali, Hasan,—Hosein, Ali,—Muhammad, Jafar,—Misa, Ali—Muham-

mad, Ali—Hasan, Muhammad.
(The twelve Imams in the order of their succession.)

Specimen II.

This is a coin presented to me by General VENTURA to complete my
series of the Patan sovereigns of Delhi, being the only one of the foun-
der of that dynasty which I had yet seen. Since then Captain BurNES
has favored me with the sight of a duplicate in less perfect preservation,
procured by himself, I believe, at Cabuél. I give it as a specimen of
what Rupography can do under the most. unfavourable conditions,

1838. ] printed in Rupography. 417

The form seems imitated from that of the Abbassite kh4lifs, having
the legend in concentric circles written in the Cufic form of Arabic.
The facsimile represents exactly by the dark parts where the surface is
worn smooth ; however, by carefully comparing the two specimens, the
whole has been made out satisfactorily with the aid of my brother Mr.
H. T. PRrinsEp.

It is curious that the common title of Shahab ul din, by which Mu-
HAMMED is generally known in Indian history, does not appear on this
Ghazneh dirhem, which gives him the two-fold designation of ghids ul
din, < the supporter of the faith,’ and moaz ul ndsix le din, the humbled
of the defender to the faith—(sc. to the Caliph of Baghdad). Proba-

bly the patent for the new title of Shahdb ul din, the flaming sword of

faith, given in honor of his brilliant and destructive expeditions into

India had not yet arrived from the court of the caliph. If so the word

tisatn (90) in the date may be read wrong.

SHan4zB uL DI'N, MuHAMMAD, BIN SAM.
Founder of the Ghéri dynasty of Delhi. Reigned A. H. 588—602,

a D. 1192—1206.)
Silver. Weight 73.4 to 92.6 grains.

Legends on the concentric circles of the Obverse.

SS Pee uate tabelal 04 dives powal.2 &) pay jauy! rug. '
eae 3) weld) ail) 3”) dose” all) 3) a S) >) ?
eis! ot) op), eel Glee

re wt Whose \=

Ditto of the Reverse.
Bylo pnrdm so, urs Bhw ddan’) bie soy 69 jd yal At 78

of J ols] | pxv0 pase) abi] Ekcol) cout
ond), Lil alae) Iya] ”
Lawes 3 dors”

( 4

The inscriptions are ce at length i in plate XXI.]}

418 Specimens of unedited coins | May,

Giverse ayer the Koran.) ‘ It is he that sendeth his messenger for righteous.
MESS’? oie. sales

There is no God but God, MunamMapD is the prophet of God !—The mighty sove-

reign Ghids ul dunya va u’din, Abu’l fateh, MUHAMMAD BIN SA’M.
Reverse.—This dirhem was struck in the city of Ghazneh, in the year five hundred
and ninety-six.
The coin of the mighty sovereign, Moaz ul ndser le din, abu’l dunyd va ul din
MUHAMMAD BIN SA’M.
Specimen III.

Among the coins discovered by General Ventura in the great tope
at Manikydla, and described in my third volume pl. xxi. fig. 10, and
page 316, were two of the Sassanian type, having Sanskrit legends on
the margin of the obverse. I did not then attempt to decipher them, nor
am I aware that their explanation has been since effected elsewhere.

Captain Burnes has been so fortunate as to pick up three more of
the same curious coins, in his present journey, which are now in my
hands with other rare antique produce of his successful research.

They have every appearance of having been extracted from some
similar ancient monument ; which is by no means improbable, for we may
be very sure, that full half of the fruits of the late explorations of the
various topes have evaded the hands of their explorers, and are scat-
tered about the country to be hereafter picked up gradually from
pilgrims or professed dealers; for a trade will soon be organized in
such articles, if it be not already established. There is no harm in this,
as it will tend to preserve such relics from destruction ; but we must for
the future be on our guard against spurious specimens, which will mul-
tiply daily.

Captain Burnes’ discovery has been of the greatest service toward
the deciphering of the Sanskrit legend : his coins have helped me to the
general purport of the marginal writing, even if they have not wholly
explained its contents. I found on collating the five legends now at my
command, that three of them (vide Pl. XXI.) were short of the others
by two letters, which in the most perfect of Captain Burnes’ coins
might be clearly read as nita fta:. Remembering an analogous
omission on one of the Gupra coins of Canow;, wherein some speci-
mens had the epithet vyayasa and others vijayajanita—both of the
same meaning, I concluded that the preceding anomalous letter on all |
the coins must be a &, and indeed it has no small affinity to the modern
- Nagari and Bengali 7. The two preceding syllables, again, there
could be no doubt about ; being in all five examples ¢4, deva. Now
devija and devajanita, ‘ offspring of the gods’ is the well known epi-
thet of the ancient Persian monarchs as well as of the Sassanian race.
Thus in the trilingual inscription on the Nakshi-rustam sculpture given

1838. ] printed in Rupogruphy. 419

in Ker PorTer’s travels in Persia, vol. I. 548, we have in the Greek

character :

TOYTO TO TIPOCQNON MACAACNOY OEOT APTAZAPOY BACIAENC BACI-
AEQN APIANQN EKTENOYG OEQN TIOY OEOT MNANAKOY BACIAENG
which is repeated below in two forms of Pehlevi, that for want of type
I am obliged to omit.

The same title in Sanskrit, devaputra shahan shdhi, it may be
remembered is applied to the king of Persia in the Allahabad pillar
inscription, as revised in last November’s Journal.

Again on the Sassanian coins, read by the Baron de Sacy as far as
they are published by Ker Porter (for I have not yet been able to ob-
tain a copy ofthe Baron’s work on the subject, ) the Pehlevi legend runs:

wlejshive Coke pho Blo ylile jpi9h a y joz<

Mazdezn beh Shahpura malakdn malaka* minochatri men yezdan.
‘ Adorer of Ormuzd, excellent Shahpur, king of king's, offspring of the divine race

of the gods.’
The natural deduction hence was that the rest of the Sanskrit legend

would also turn out to be a translation, or an imitation of the Sassanian
formula : and thus in fact it has proved to be. I here insert the facsi-
mile of Captain Burnes’ best coin, slightly retouched in the letters that
were least in relief;
Indo-sassanian dirhem.
Silver. Weight 53 grains.

\

_
_—

SS.
5 ih
a 5
¢ a
= +e

=

=
ot

5

3

=

A
, : i
%
%
“Nyy:
ni,

Legend.
Obverse. Head of Mithra (Ormuzd), Pehlevi very distinct but unread, see Pl. XXT.
Reverse. On the field, three letters of an unknown alphabet (like the Arme-
nian ?) or perhaps numerals ?
Margin. Aifatafax Crrwy Weayt TN a fefanra casfaa.
Sri hitivira Airana cha parameswara Sri VA'HITIGA’N devajanita.
In this legend the only actual letters at all doubtful are the p and me
of parameswara, and the first and last letters of the name. Indeed the
first letter is different in every example, as will be seen in the litho-

* In the examples given I should read this passage—Malakdn malak Airdnan, &c.
but the Sassanian coins require study ere they can be properly made out,

3G

420° On the affinities of Galathea [May,

graphed plate, as though they were all different names of the same
family. Now to analyze the sentence :

Hitivira I suppose to be a corrupt writing of efeae hridwira « noble
in heart,’ equivalent to the Pehlevi word beh translated by ‘“ excellent.” —
Airéna cha parameswara, and the supreme lord of Ard or Persia,
may be read (perhaps better) Atrdn va Pdrseswara, the lord of Zran and
Fars. For the name, we have severally phd, eha, va, gha, or ha ! followed
by hitigdn or hitikhan ; and lastly devajaniéa, as before explained.

I am quite at a loss to find owners for such names, and although this
is the third time I have alluded to this coin, gaining little by little
each time, still I fear we have much to learn before we can unravel its
entire history. For the present I leave unnoticed the Pehlevt legend,
merely placing under view in the annexed plate, corresponding passages
from regular Sassanian coins, which being titles, will soon lead to a
knowledge of their alphabet and meaning.

Il}.—Note on the affinities of Gualathea of Lamarck ( Potamophila
of Sowerby), a Genus of Fluviatile Testacea. By W. H. Benson,
Esq. Bengal Cwil Service.

Much misapprehension appears to exist with regard to the proper
jocation of the Fluviatite bivalve genus Galathea of LAMARcK. That
distinguished author placed the shell among his “ Conques Fluviatiles,”
and considered it to be nearly allied to Cyrena, referring merely to the
teeth as a sufficiently distinguishing character. RANe, more unaccount-
ably, either on a cursory examination of the shell only, or of its description
and without reference to the indications of the characters of its inhabi.
tant, which the testaceous covering exhibits, says that it would perhaps be
advisable to unite it to Cyrena. It is true that this writer includes not
only the Conche and Nymphacee, but also the Mactracee, Cardiacee,
and Lithophagt in one overgrown section, which he denominates
*‘ Conchacées,” but this attempt at generalization does not, in any wise,
absolve him from the charge of mistaking the place of the genus in
question in the family, which he has thought fit to constitute. The
fortuitous acquisition of a specimen of this still rather rare shell enables
me to offer some observations concerning it, which may serve to illustrate.
its true affinities, and may not only tend to confirm Lamarck’s separa-
tion of it from Cyrena, but likewise shew the propriety of its location
in a different family from that which he classed it.

The remaining genera of Lamarcx’s Conche, whether marine or
fluviatile, consisting of Cyrena (including the more modern genus
Corbicula) Cyclas, Cyprina, Cytherea, &c., possess the ligament and
siphons on the longer side, or that which occupies the dorsal aspect of

aurn.As.Soc. Vot WILT P2XXT

SANSKRIT LEGEND ow six (NDO-SASSANISAN COINS.

| Atala Qs rot p-v1s a LAB Anh ma VIG fA
AMLAMIVInroGIVeIMImAMLIB je
MOOR Vieraos-weINIBAmMzALoR: )7" ~~“
AGP IVT AT AINuTAnk ma bg a] Pertare
MRABVITOCITOATEAM | anya
Restoratéan of the Legend én the wagare of the SKeoent.

H299) vrwozy 29 ] PEGAMLA B34

PEHLEV! LEGEND of rHeR OBVYERSE. ON ARGA
a spe py) rsp 112) I CAI D Qu» ofo 3} <p
ete Ls Wy pow wi bb auioey ofo of <q

BiG. or ofa es

From she Sassantan Coins of SHAPUR . Marsd. Mam. Or.
pp 23329. 2 ee AD AAs pIIDI§| vx
sage o sHnse waddnare sruosuone + wbuss{sood Ass srogulogelly
Same commencement in the Nakshi Rustam sculpture 2S) YRS YH

Onthe cotn wtlh the winged Ca/fo, Marsd.Num . Or.
~ WwW tlo pow DOI .
Legend ou dérhken of Muhummed ben Darn.
\ fEEII 0 Do- . . Vue Obs 1.6 Hide J ecrele

PP 2s salsesall SlLw ef! 2
WAI 9H ANU) 1H! 2

Vy AS cenlve

a 0 Idd ba GUMS Sse»
DIL waa 2 DISA S YAS LVS Badal 2
S*A2U VIP Abe w0gi y! 3

Céen7re.

| S-Pinsas LA. Quy

1838.] a genus of Fluviatile Testacea. " AOl

the beaks : on the other hand in the Mymphacee*, and especially the
true Donacide, such as Donax, Capsa, &c. the ligament occupies the
place of the lunule, and the siphons are exserted from the contraverse
side or that towards which the beaks incline. In the fluviatile Conche
the siphons are very short, and, as a necessary consequence, the siphonal
scar is either very short or not apparent; while in the Nymphacee
it is very conspicuous, reaching in Capsa and Donazx to the centre of
the shell, and giving certain evidence of an elongated siphon. In
these important particulars Galathea agrees with the Donacide and
differs from the Conche. Its ligament occupies the lunule instead of
surmounting the corselet: the siphons occupy the contraverse side of
the beaks ; and lastly the elongated siphonal scar, indicative of a strong
distinctive character in the animal, decides its location apart from the ®
group which includes Cyrena. Its analogies also have reference to the
Donacideé in the peculiar truncation of the lunular side for which that
family is remarkable.

An examination of the teeth of Galathea, will further shew its
relation to the Donacid@ and its separation from Cyrenat. In Cyrena
the three primary teeth are alike divergent, seeming like remote elided
portions of rays proceeding from a common centre. In Galathea and
Capsa the primary teeth in the left valve consist of two radiating
prominences nearly joined at their points of departure, and exhibiting,
in the included hollow space, an obtuse triangular tooth; in the right
valve there are two similar but more closely approximated primary
teeth, with an interjacent hollow fitted to receive the triquetrous tooth
of the opposite valve.

In Capsa and Galathea the ligament is singularly short, occupying
a broad space close to the beaks, and immediately over the cardinal
teeth. In Cyrena this important apparatus is removed towards the
posterior lateral tooth.

Lamarcx following Brucuizres, decided on the separation of Gala-
thea from Cyrena, from the consideration of the form and position of
the teeth alone. The particulars now stated, will shew how well those
characters might have been relied on even for a more distant separation.

* Nore.—Astarte of Sowsersy (Crassina of Lamarcsx) is out of its place
among the Nymphacee. Its hinge and siphons both refer to the Conche.

+ Nors.—In this comparison I have the typical species of Cyrena in view,
such as Cyrena Sumatrana, so commonly imported into Calcutta from the
Sundurbuns, for the purpose of reduction into lime, and not the aberrant species
with elongate serrated lateral teeth, which are so numerous in the upper portious
of the Gangetic branches, and which constitute the genus Corbicula of MEGERLE

3.G 2

»

422 Account of the Hurricane near [May,

Later naturalists in their attempts at generalization, have underrated the
characters of the teeth, and overlooking the auxiliary characters im-
pressed by the inhabiting molluscum on the shell, furnish a proof, if
any were wanting, of the value of distinctions taken from the hinge,
which will always be found to vary in nearly as great a degree as the
inhabitant of the shell, to which we must ultimately look for those
distinctions which will stamp the generic character with a real value.
Where good opportunities may not occur of studying the animal of a
bivalve shell, a careful consideration of the teeth aided by the situa-
tion and length of the ligament and siphonal scar, will seldom, if ever,
fail to indicate its true place in nature.

LAMARCK imagined that the genus Galathea inhabited the rivers

*of Ceylon and India, and RawncG appears to be equally ill informed on

the subject of its true habitat. The specimen which Mr. G. B. SowEersy
obtained for me in London, was stated to have been procured from the
river Zatre or Congo. ‘The complete occupation of Ceylon by the
British Government, without the discovery and transmission of any of
these shells from the island, ought to afford a sufficient evidence of its
non-occurrence in that quarter; but the recent discovery of the jackal
in the Morea by French naturalists, after the opportunities so long
enjoyed by our countrymen of exploring that region had failed to elicit
that interesting information, forbids our placing complete reliance on
such negative evidence in disproof of the existence of Galathea in
Ceylon.

In conclusion it is proper to remark, that I have not met with SowER-

BY’s observations on Pofamophila ; should he have indicated the correct .
place of the genus, I can only plead, as an excuse for my work of —

supererogation, that I have been misled by the statement of a later
writer, who, from the nature of his work and his opportunities, ought to
have been acquainted with the latest information on the subject of the
Testacea, into the belief that the knowledge of the affinities of this
shell had not only not advanced, but that it had retrograded since the
date of Lamarck’s publication.

Bareilly, Rohilkhund, March 1838.

IV.—Account of the Hurricane or Whirlwind of the 8th April, 1838.
— By Mr.J. Fioyp, (communicated by J. H. Patton, Esq. Magis-
trate of the 24-Pergunnahs.) (See Sketch in Pl. XVII).
Agreeably to your request I beg to hand you the following account
of our visit to the villages that have suffered by. the storm of the 8th
mstant.

1838. ] _ Calcutta on the 8th April. 423

We proceeded to Codalea and on our arrival met one of the sufferers
a brahmin, who had lost hisfamily consisting of five persons, and had his
leg broken. The outskirts of this village have a beautiful appearance and
seem to have escaped the storm. The storm seems to have done little
damage to the west* and south of Codalea, but from north to east it has
made dreadful havoc, sweeping every thing before it. Indeed, with the
' exception of the government salt chokee and a few habitations adjoining
it, all Codalea has suffered more or less; some houses constructed of
brick and clay have followed the general wreck: the walls have almost
all crumbled into dust : large trees have been torn up by the roots ;
some have been broken at the stumps, while the small and elastic ones
have escaped with only the loss of leaves and branches. .

A peepul tree around which a bur had entwined itself attracted my
particular attention. A brahmin whose appearance denotec him to be
about the age of 80 years, informed me that the tree in question was a
favourite resort for the village nymphs and swains and for themselves
on particular occasions; and that it afforded shelter to the weary tra-
veller; that it had been standing time out of mind and to the knowledge
of the oldest inhabitants had never lost a bough. It was the first tree
that encountered the storm and the first that fell. The circle from
whence the roots sprung was 35 feet in diameter. and these being of -
extraordinary length caused the earth to come away with the tree and
to leave a chasm of about 38 feet in width by 14 in depth : most of its
stouter branches were wrenched off and thrown into an adjoining tank,
at such a distance as to prove the extraordinary violence with which
the tree was assailed.

The paths were obstructed by fallen trees, &c. and the tanks choked
with branches, in consequence of which they have become either impas-
sable or stagnant. 55 persons have sustained bodily injury, but reports
vary as to deaths ; I am certain many must have lost their lives on the
occasion, but there is no arriving at the actual number of those ; 17 -have
had their limbs very severely injured and I fear cannot survive. As
many of the wounded as we possibly could find were collected together,
and were attended to by the native doctor who accompanied us. The
females of the “ Koolin” families were looked after in their temporary
abodes, and the severest cases we advised to be removed to the hospital
at Allipore, but without effect ; the “ Gunga” they said was close at
hand, whither their friends would take them were they todie. To pre-
vent our enforcing our wishes they appealed in the most pathetic terms
to their relatives and friends, and intimated to us that they preferred

* Where a few houses have been left entire.

424 Account of the Hurricane near _ [May,

death to quitting their families, their birth-places and their homes,
even for a few days. i)

The gomastah used his influence: money was even offered, but it
was ofno avail; and we were eventually obliged to abandon the project.

As much medicine as could be conveniently spared we made over to
the gomastah and instructed him how each kind should be used. We
then took our leave of the houseless sufferers of Codalea and bent
our course towards Bykunthpore village to the west of Codalea. On
entering the limit of this village we were of opinion that it had not
suffered in comparison with the former, and congratulated some of the
inhabitants whom we met, uponit. They invited us to visit the interior
of the place when they said we should be better able to judge of its con-
dition: we had not proceeded far when we were convinced we had come
to a hasty conclusion ; for about a quarter of a mile in length not a house,
hut nor tree had escaped the violence of the storm, in fact every thing
that opposed its progress was levelled to the ground. Persons visiting the
place ignorant of the occurrence of the storm, would suppose the mis-
chief, as far as trees are concerned, had been caused by fire ; I had almost
come to the above conclusion myself on observing the stumps of trees,
withered leaves and here and there posts of houses, &c. Such was the
violence of the wind that cocoanut and date trees were twisted out of

the ground and hurled to a distance of two or three hundred feet; .

granaries out of number have been swept away, and life both of man and
beast destroyed. We traversed the whole extent of the village and wit-

nessed many shocking sights. In one place a cow was dug out after

remaining beneath the ruins four days, and though life was not extinct,
crows and vultures were devouring the body.

When so many lives of human beings and animals have been lost
without adequate means for the immediate removal of the bodies, it was
to be expected that the stench proceeding from the putrid carcases
would become intolerable and deter any one having a regard for his own
life from entering the place. But neither the putrefaction nor the repul-
sive sight of mangled bodies deterred Mr. Patron from visiting the.
place and giving such instructions to those under his authority as the
peculiar cases of the village and of the maimed seemed immediately to
require*. The humanity thus exhibited contrasts most painfully with
the conduct of those villagers who had sustained no injury—they were
indifferent to the misery and woe inflicted upon others, and seemed
almost indifferent to their own concerns.

* Mr. Parron has raised a subscription and distributed it among the ‘gurvivors.
—ED.

——-

1838.) | Calcutta on the 8th April. 425

I left my father at Bykunthpore and visited Majaree Gaon, Pergun-
nah Anarpur, Dum Dum, Anundpore, Baleaghatta, the salt water
lake, and adjacent villages. Baleaghatta towards the west does not
appear to have experienced the effects of the storm in all its horrors, as
only a few huts came to the ground, and but one life was lost ; but Mr.
G. Prinsep’s saltworks on the opposite side of the canal have suffered

materially*.

I could not ascertain the actual loss of life and property in the canal,
but by information collected from the boatmen and others it would
appear that fifteen lives were lost, and about twelve boats. That there
may have been more I do not deny; I only saw five wrecks, one of
them in the new dock said to have been conveyed thither by the violence
of the wind, the anchor of which must have weighed at least twelve .
maunds! But in “ Bairndla” almost every boat was swamped. The

villages of Sambandal and Chowbagan, have been laid desolate : men,

women, and children have died without number as well as animals—I
say without number, because there was an established hat in Sambandal,
and on that day, I understand, it was crowded to excess by people
from the neighbouring villages as well as by the residents. At By-
kunthpore and Codalea the visitation has been awful indeed, but at the
first mentioned places it surpasses all description; as far as the eye
could reach not a house is to be seen, the grass (I am at a loss how to

account for it) has been consumed, and the choppers of houses have

vanished as if they were mere vapour: Dongahs and Saulteest have
been carried up, and in their descent shattered into atoms. The
bark of the palm-trees have been pealed off as with a knife, and their
leaves broken into shreds ; I am of opinion that the effect of the whirl-
wind was more severely felt at Chowbagan and Sambandal than at
any other part; also, that it was owing to the vast expanse of water

* Some particulars of the damage sustained by these works are worthy of record.
An iron salt boiler weighing more than a maund was lifted into the air and con-
veyed a few yards distance :—the tiles of the terraces laid in the best cement were
ripped up as it were by suction. A beauliah or pleasure boat, lying on the ground
for repair disappeared, and only a few fragments were found:—the chimney was
thrown down and the roofs of the salt golas blown away—it appears from an observa-
tion of Prof. O'SHAUGHNESSY in this month’s Asiatic Society’s Proceedings, that
some of the salt fell in lumps at a great distance! Large beams were lodged on the
salt works from the opposite side of the canal; but the most extraordinary proof of
the force exerted in a lateral direction was evinced in the projection of a slight
bamboo horizontally through one of the raised tiled walks, which pierced through the
whole breadth, breaking the tiles on both sides. It has becn cut off and preserved
in situ as a monument of the storm.—A six-pounder could hardly have forced so
light an arrow through a mass of earth five feet thick.—ED.

+t Canoes and hollowed logs of wood used as fishing boats.—Eb.

<r Stal

nh

426 Account of the Hurricane near [May,

over which it took its course ere it met with any impediment, and
having encountered one of the above villages almost immediately after
crossing the water every thing before it was swept away. It pursued
its course in a southerly direction, levelling trees and houses in its
course, exhausting itself at Codalea. ‘The villages of Sambandal and
Chowbagan are well raised ; the lands surrounding them, being remark-
ably low and bounded on the east, west and south by paddy fields, and
on the north by the lake ; no regular road leads to them but merely
bunds, constructed for the preservation of the annual crops over which
the inhabitants travel, which circumstances seem to account for the
greater violence of the hurricane at these places. About three or four
hundred yards to the west of Sambandal there are a few scattered huts
slightly injured, and that chiefly in their thatch.

These villages were chiefly inhabited by fishermen, who were at the
time on the lake, and never felt the effects of the storm till on their
return they found their villages demolished and only a few surviving to
account for the occurrence. From the position of some of the bodies
I should suppose that, escaping the falling houses they had been thrown’
down by the whirlwind; or the wind being excessively hot, which is
said to have been the case, deprived them of breath; while others
encountering bamboos, &c, which were flying about as so many straws,
met with their death from them. As instances of the effect of the bam-
boos I must state that I saw a body resting on a bamboo which must
have struck instantly dead ; also the body of a female not quite fifteen
feet from a hut, and from which it is apparent she had been endeavour-
ing to escape, who having encountered a bamboo that was lying at her
feet must have there fallen. In a group were to be seen seven cows,
one in a sleeping posture, and but for the mangled condition of the
rest, I should have supposed it to be still alive, and am convinced that
the animal died through fright or suffocation as there was not a tree nor
house near to it.

Bakhavies or split bamboos forming the choppers of houses did
great execution. The gomastah of the above villages gave me the fol-
lowing romantic account of the storm.

On Sunday the 27th Choitro, at about half-past 2 p. m. while the
fishers were out in the lake, the hurricane came on; that at first it
appeared in a westerly direction, and to the best of their judgment two
dark columns that were visible whirling round and round descending to
the earth, had the appearance of two huge daityas (or demons) prepar-
ing for combat ; that a second before they fairly alighted they engaged in
mortal strife, and agitating the waters in the lake began their work of

1838.] Calcutta, on the 8th Aprii. 427

destruction on land, that such as were in their houses hastened out to
witness this wonderful phenomenon, and ere they could return to their
homes, which my informant tells me they were soon obliged to do, the
sudden darkness that overspread the place, the howling of the wind and
clouds of dust attending it, rendered it impossible for them to bear
testimony as to which of the two gained the victory: that from the
occurrence of the whirlwind, to the period it lasted, or left these parts,
it did not occupy twenty minutes, and was almost immediately followed
by sunshine, little or no rain, but a severe fall of hail, which probably
deprived some of life. The gomastah further informed me that after the
storm had subsided such as could do so, had their families conveyed to
the neighbouring villages, others abandoned the place altogether and
there were none to remove the dead and dying. Of the latter he remarked
there were scarcely any. I might as well notice here, that it is said, that
examining the bodies the following day they had the appearance of
being burnt by fire ; I could only find two of the wounded at Chowbagan
who were despatched to the hospital at Allipore. At the village termed
Mazare Ganw the whirlwind came on at about half-past one o'clock,
at Soorah, Anundpore, Balleaghatia, Chowbagan, and Sambandal, two
and three o'clock ; and the villages further east, Bykunthpoor and Coda-
dea, four o'clock, and though not lasting more than half an hour in
each, its effects have been truly distressing ; it hailed in the above
mentioned places, and in the two last named villages the hail was trian-
gular. I give this latter informationas I derived it, but at Dum Dum the
stones were uncommonly large, one weighed three and a half pounds*;
whether my informant was exaggerating I am not aware, but I sawa
large handi (capable of containing seven or eight seers) containing water
which he assured me was of the hailstone, the weight of which is given
above ; he said it might have weighed more, but was broken in its fall: the
fragments he did not collect.

_® We have been informed that one hailstone at Dum Dum would not go into

a finger-glass; we picked up some at the mint nearly as large as walnuts.
The large size of these stones led us to suppose that they must have been of in-
tense cold on their issuing from the clouds, so as to continue condensing and
freezing the moisture of other clouds, and the air, in their passage downwards.
We collected a quantity immediately on their reaching the ground, but their
temperature was then exactly 32°.—Ep.

428 Account of the Hurricane, &c. [ May,

Statement exhibiting the number of lives computed to have been lost, the
names. of the villages through which the hurricane passed, and other
particulars.

o ~~ al wm >
- HA hia) oh Bee no Bashi’ 3
g © =) ° : 3s
Fa) et 5 a | a Ss Ss
Bre n ee eee ps
Lidig fol) Gobet cede es
‘ + erst + Ler’ a wm
Names of the|Names of the| 3% |s aS id 5 & vi g 2 5 | -
Thanahs. villages. 0 8 = ee Pe Pa el
Sie x SB \Ss Slee 4a Ses
® jos = $ me S| be S te me bt 2
g 6 5.0 o = o fe © o o =
® se 5 = On |2n| & aa) 2 Sy
& i @D bua &o/§ o = g |
b 5 = Oo sUj5sU =} s 3 a
fa i< a 2 IG 2/4)41 &.
Manicktula, ..|Anundpore, .. |} Revolving} isis hee A A
Ditto, ........|Soorah, ...... QITED, oc s.0f sis! | wie) te cha een ees
Ditto, ........|Pagladanga, .. GHte; Slee Th eS, ee ee
Ditto,........|Mr. Prinsep’s
salt works,.. atte St 1 Teo) oe ee
Pautturghotta,|Botchtullah, .. ditto, \daetl % B3iu er ee
1 ee Chowhata, ditto, ....{ .. | 2241105 |235 | 31
Ditto, ........|Butgotchee, .. dittopdi. oy. 1S Sa re
Ditto,...... .|Madoordooah,. OO) 2s ss demary td oS] eG
Ditto,........|Sambandal, .. 6 |ditto, ....] .. 91| 26 | 90 | 17
Ditto,........|Kularabad, .. r= Git bose cic | fore hin. Le ie
Ditto, ........ | Nazeerabad,.. PD Re CEG Ri gets IN Se Ae aes m
Ditto, 3. ..25.4/Anuhdpore;’ eh) Seer fiitte, 160% jor, 41}. i aeee 3
Ditto,,.......|Jugdeepotha,.. | 4 6] & iditto,....)...| 53 gavahes oho
Ditto,........|Hossainpore,.. || ©! » {ditto, ....| .. Bl oe | ow foe | wm
Ditto,........{/Autghurah, .. 3 ditto, 2. Shas SA Ne RR Sa ass
Ditto,.......-. |Ranabatooah, pam 5 eee ee PY ee Bie ie REF
Ditto,........|Dhaloo, peat ditte,; 4k 17| 3 ‘ 3
Ditto,........j|Pauchpotah, .. ditto, ....] .. 58! 6] 18 6
peioea Ss th en siete BS ae esse] 1 | T50) 3a. eeameod
itto,........|Kodaleah, .... itto, ...-} 3 | 157) 13 | 17 | 55
Ramnagore, .. |Sreekhundpore, GIthO, .i¢sh is 79} 6 | 30} 12
Bittoys sss ...|Maderout,.... aie PM Brae 5 5
DEO jes axe spss e's Sanorpore,.... BittO,.i os 4nd 58| 12 | 42 4
Ditto,........ |Khord Rajpore, | GIECOy anes Te oi 45| 4 8 | 31
Ditto,........|Chingreepotah, ditto, ih3 ape 46) 2 5 | 28
Ditto,........ |Hurreenobhee, | J GEEEO yg oso 0] ots 3 os ides
6 |1239/215 1533 |223
REMARKS.

The extreme length of storm, properly speaking, is 16 miles, the effects from
Kawrapokur to Anundpore (4 miles) being slightly felt.

Posrscript.—There may be thought to be so much of the marvellous
in the foregoing account, however authentic and worthy of confidence,
that we are almost afraid to add to it the annexed extract from a Ma-
dras newspaper. It should have been authenticated by the name or
names of the Europeans who witnessed it. ‘The hail may have been
drifted together after its fall, and consolidated by its being colder than

ice and thus cemented by freezing the moisture precipitated on it from
the atmosphere.

1838.] Account of an ancient temple at Hissar. 429

Falling of a block of Ice.

“We are afraid that, like the person who favored us with the account,
we shall be accused of telling a traveller’s story, but the fact is too well
verified to us to admit of our questioning the statement which we make.
At Nowloor, in the neighbourhood of, and about two miles from, Dhar-
war, there fell a few days since a block of ice or a body of hailstones in
one mass, which measured 19 feet 10 inches. This extraordinary
mass fell on a Sunday night, and on the Wednesday succeeding, a ser-
vant, who was sent for the.-purpose of bringing away a pailful of the
bulk, reported that the mass then still remaining was as large as three
palanquins. We think such a fall as this must have astonished those
- who resided in the neighbourhood, who may thank their good fortunes

that the mass broke not upon any devoted head. This phenomenon is
- to be attributed to the electrical state of the atmosphere, thunder storms
have been very frequent of late in the neighbourhood of Dharwar, and
but a short time since a tree in the fort of Belgaum was shattered to
pieces by the electrical fluid, which fell only thirteen yards distance
from the powder magazine. Much as we should have relished a portion
of the frozen bulk (and we fancy in this climate the occurrence even
of a hailstorm would not be unaccompanied with pleasure), we have no
relish to have the missiles of the elements of such devastating dimen-
sions as that which we now record.”—Bombay Courier, May 15, 1838.

VI.—Account of an ancient temple at Hissar, and of the ship model
at that place. By Capt. Wu. Brown.

_ Having visited Feroz Suan’s pillar in the fort here, it immediately
struck me that the base part of the column was one of the ancient Baudh
monuments, corresponding with those at Allahabad and Delhi. The
stone appears of the same description, but has suffered much from ex-
posure to the climate ; it has also the appearance of having been partially
worked by Fzroz’s orders, and probably some inscription was cut upon
it by his workmen, but of which there is now no trace owing to the
peeling off of the exterior surface. I however observed, near the upper
part of the stone, some of the ancient letters, which apparently have
been saved by accident, and having procured a ladder, I copied them as
correctly as possible, and few and indistinct as they are, I think it is
likely they will satisfy you that this is one of the lats erected by
Piyapast. Hissar is on the road to Cabul, and has always form-
ed one of the serais or resting places on that route, common with
Mehim, Hansi, Sersa, &c.; and it is not improbable other lats may
3H 2

439 Account of an ancient temple at Hissar. [Mayx,

be found further onwards, particularly as it appears the Buddhist religion
extended far to the northwest.

The ancient stone forming the base of Feroz’s pillar at Hissar is of
one piece, and is 10 feet 10 inches high : how much of it is sunk in the
ground below I cannot tell, but probably there is as much ofit below as
above, and some of the ancient inscriptions may still be preserved on
the lower parts. The greatest circumference of the stone aboveground
is eight and a half feet. The rest of the pillar is of the red sandstone,
common at Agra, and there is part of the column near the second cor-
nice made of coarse white marble. There is a massive iron rod on the
top which formerly served to support a cupola; several attempts have
been made to extract this rod by natives, but they have always failed.
From the base of the column to the top of this rod the height is about
45 feet; the column is solid, and there is no way of easily getting to
the top. ) .

The pillar is situated in the centre of a square of old buildings,
which at present are used as a magazine. In one of them isa Ty-
khana with a passage underground, which is said to extend to Hansi,
a distance of 16 miles. On the hill near Delhi where the Delhi lat
was found, of which Major Pew sent you a descriptien, there is a
similar passage underground, which is said to extend to the Jumna river.
I have myself explored a considerable distance of this passage, but was
glad to get back owing to the lights having gone out. It does not,
appear to be known for what purpose these passages underground were
made.

I now come to describe another building at Hissar, and although of
Frroz’s time, yet it claims an interest as having been a model of a ship
prepared by one of the emperor’s ameers who had seen one, but who
not being able to describe it sufficiently to his majesty, was ordered to
build one of stone and lime. There are several apartments, and a
Madrissa in the interior. The building is wide and evidently got up
in haste, and could not have given his majesty a very good idea of a
clipper: some of the old Dutch men-of-war of. Van Tromp’s time,
might have warranted the resemblance such as it is, and of which I
enclose sketches, as also of Frroz’s pillar.

Notz.—The faint traces of Jetters on the Hansi pillar have much more the ap-
pearance of English capitals than old Indian letters. If read however as the latter,
they form no word met with on the other lats. It may therefore be doubted whe-

ther this stunted shaft was one of the series—unless indeed the greater part of it
is buried below the ground.

We have unfortunately mislaid the sketch of the ship-house, but if the building
were really intended to give his Majesty an idea of a.ship, we cannot flatter the
architect on his success, nor the monarch on the felicity of his design.—Ep.

To rn,As.Seoe«-
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1838.] Account of the Juin Temple at Badrdsir. 431

VU.—An account of the Jain Temple at Bad dsir; and ruins of Badré-
nagri in the province of Cutch. By Lieut. W. Posrans.

The temple, of which the accompanying is a plan, is situated near
the town of Badrdsir, in this province, about 80 miles south from
Bhoj, and about two miles from the gulf of Cutch, in the portion of the
country called the Adnid, (or coast.) Surrounding this building may
be traced the remains of numerous habitations which, according to
tradition, once belonged to the ancient town of Badrdnagri, a sea-port
and flourishing place. The temple is said to have been originally
erected by one JaccrusA*, a banyan, about 800 years since, during the
prosperous days of Badrdnagri, of which Jaaerusd was a wealthy inha-
bitant. It is built of the sandstone peculiar to the province, in the
form of an oblong square, the sides of which respectively face to the
cardinal points, and may be about 30 feet high. The only entrance is
to the north, under a portico of two stones, and low doorway with flight
of steps. With the exception of this front, which is elaborately carved
in the pagoda style of architecture, the other three sides present
nothing externally, but flat stone walls ; the interior however amply
compensates for this want of exterior ornament. I have not had the
advantage of seeing any of this description of temple elsewhere, and
this is, I have reason to believe, the only one ofthe kind in Cutch, but I
am informed that it is not unusual for these buildings to present the
same uninteresting features externally, whilst their interiors are orna-
mented even more profusely than the Hindut. The inside of the
building may be considered as divided into two parts, that nearest the
entrance, which may be styled the vestibule, is covered in and support-
ed by 45 pillars with two domes ; whilst the further end of the quadran-
gle, containing the sanctum or pagoda, in which is the depository for
the figure of PArasnATH, is open at the top. This pagoda rises higher
than the surrounding building, and is most beautifully and elaborately
carved with figures, many of them large but generally on a small scale ;
if exceptions should be taken to the attitudes of some of these, they
must still rank very high as specimens of this description of sculpture.
The figures of PARASNATH (who is one of the twenty-four saints pe-
culiar to this sect), and his attendants, as represented in the accom-
panying sketch, are of white marble, answering to the same descrip-
tion as I once observed in some figures from the temples at A’bit.

* More probably of the Séh coin dynasty ?—W. H. W.

+ According to Dr, BUCHANAN, this temple will come under the denomination
of Basti. See article on the Jains, vol. 9th of Asiatic Researches.

t They are stated to have been brought from Guzerat : indeed the marble is not
procurable in Cutch,

OT el, ee EE LL
eee

432 Account of the Fain Temple at Badrasir. (May,

They are small, PkrasndtH not being more than two feet high:
the rest upon the same scale, highly finished and well carved. The
depository is a small room, guarded by two doors and a narrow passage ;
the approach by a flight of steps, from a double row of columns, lead-
ing from the front entrance through the vestibule. A verandah, as-
cended by three steps from the floor, runs all round the interior of the
building, with pillars and arches; beyond this are 52 niches for the
reception of figures of PARAsNATH, only one of which is at present
occupied. The part of the verandah, which is opposite the pagoda and
open at the top, is exquisitely carved. Such indeed may be said of the
whole of this building which, although upon a small scale, is in every
corner most studiously and beautifully decorated with figures, scrolls,
and every description of ornament. The roof, which is gained from
the upper story of the portico, presents the extraordinary appearance of
54 domes (including the two larger ones before mentioned, and which
are each 50 feet in circumference) in a space of about 100 feet by 70,
each of the niches in the verandah underneath being surmounted by its
corresponding dome :—these niches are 4 feet wide, and 5 feet deep.
The compartments contained in the wing to the east, do not appear to
belong to the temple, of which they form no part, and were probably
designed as offices ;—at present they are inaccessible, being blocked up
with stones and rubbish, whilst the damp air which has collected in
them, is most stifling in its effects. The corresponding wing appears
to have been destroyed by the earthquake.

Until some 15 years since, this beautiful building was allowed to
remain in a state of ruin and decay, but GorJi (for gérvji) KANTWAJEH,
a wealthy Jain, with praiseworthy zeal, has caused it to be extensively
repaired ; the portico which had suffered from the earthquake has been
re-placed, and the whole is now in good order, two peons and a priest
being deputed to look after it.

At a short distance from the above are the ruins of a temple to Ma-
HADEO, which is said to be situated outside, and close to, what was once
the wall of Badranagri ; of this latter however, no remains are to be
traced, the principal attraction of this ruin consists in the picturesque
appearance, presented by its various parts, to which the earthquake of
1819 has mainly contributed. It is devoid of ornament, and very
small, These two buildings, with piles of loose stones, are all that now
remain to trace the existence of the town of Badranagri, Coins are
occasionally found, one of which I have in my possession, and of which
the accompanying is a facsimile. Its mysterious and somewhat maso-
nice-looking symbols lead to no result, and it is questionable if they

1838.]} Account of the Jain Temple at Badrdsir. 433

were ever intended to convey any meaning. These coins are of silver*
and of the same size and value as the coree, the present current coin
of the country : they are known to the natives, in common with others,
as Gadhia paisa, a title which only belongs to those bearing the im«
press of a donkey, as their name implies ; but the natives of Cutch be-
stow this title indiscriminately on all numismatic relics ; the coree of
the former Raos of Cutch alone excepted.

I cannot avoid remarking a very curious coincidence between the
situation of the ruins of Badrdnagri, and those of Rdepur, or old
Mandavi, about 36 miles to the westward of the former; they are
about the same distance from the sea, and were both, according to popu-
lar tradition, seaport towns and flourishing places ; they are considered
to bear the same date as to antiquity, and probably owe their abandon-
ment and downfall to the same cause.

If the least reliance is to be placed on the traditions of the country,
the present appearance of these towns would clearly indicate a gradual
receding of the sea from the northern shore of the gulf of Cutch.

The Jain priests, better known in the province by their title of Gorjts,
are to be found in small numbers at Médndavi, Bhooj, and Anjir,
which location may be attributed to these being the great trading places,
and banian towns of Cutch. Many of the banians profess the Jain re-
ligion, and patronize the Govyjis as their religious instructors. Those of
the Gorjist (or g aris), who carry the non-destruction of animal life to
the greatest possible extent, are to be seen with a piece of cloth tied
over the mouth, and a brush in the left hand, to drive the insects from
their path ; they do not wash their clothes for the same reason, and are
distinguished by the title of Sadi. The Govyis, as well as the Sddis,
shave the head, and wear no turbans ; they are complete ascetics, pro-
fessing celibacy and continence, but if they are not defamed they can
lay little claim to the latter virtue.

Gorji KANTWAJEH, before mentioned, is the greatest man of the class
in the province, and very wealthy. I have never heard that these men
can compete with the brahmins in learning or acquirements, nor is
there much to be gained in the course of conversation with them, but

_* They are of the Indo-Sassanian series as depicted in vol. iv. pl. xlix. figs. 13-15,
and vol. vi. pl. xiv. fig. 12.

.t The term gdard is applied to those of the sect who are Sanidssis, renouncers
of the world and its pleasures ; they profess to abstain from pleasure in any form,
and are thus distinguished from the Brahmins, who marry and follow the doc-
trines of the vedds : the persons above described are these Gurdés, (corrupted into
Gorjis.) For full particulars of this sect, see the learned papers by COLEBROOKE
end others, in the gtb vol. of ‘* the Asiatic Researches.’’

434 Examination of the Inscription [May,

whether this proceeds from stupidity or a disinclination to impart any
information respecting ‘their faith and practices, I know not. I must
not however omit to mention a trifling exception to this rule in one of
the sect at Bhoo7, Gorsi Puns4yi, who to some trifling acquirements of
Sanskrit, adds a knowledge of the poetry peculiar to this province, as well
as that of Marwar, of which latter he isa native; his books are all writ-
tenin whatis styled the Gwalior bhakha* ; he is also sufficiently acquaint-
ed with astrology and astronomy, to cast nativities, and foretell fates :
this latter accomplishment is quite sufficient to secure him great influ-
ence with the people of Bhooj, whose superstition, even for natives, ex-
ceeds all bounds. Although the three towns, before mentioned, are fur-
nished with their proportion of Thdnas, (sthanas) or places of Jain wor-
ship, the structure at Badranagri is the only one in the province with
which I am acquainted deserving the title of a temple ; it is, according
to all accounts, as ancient as the oldest of those at mount A‘b, and
although not erected of such costly materials is a beautiful specimen
of its style of architecture, denoting either greater prosperity at Badrda-
nagri than is known in the trading towns at present, or a greater de-
gree of zeal in the Jain sectarians of its period.

Nots.— PungAsi, in accordance with a system which attains in Cutch,
of giving lands and villages, in endm, to fakirs, peers, and jogies, has a
village in his possession. The religious establishments of the Khanphaties
and Kaprias alone, possess between them not less than thirty villages.
True, they apply the revenue thus derived to charitable purposes, but
numerous are the instances in which it is otherwise appropriated, and
the revenue consequently suffers to support the least useful, if not the
most worthless, members of a community.

Anjar, 20th August, 1837.

VII.—Ewamination of the separate edicts of the Aswastama inserip-
tion at Dhauli in Cuttack. (Plate X.) By James PRINSEP,
Sec. &c.

I now return from Girndr to the spot on the opposite side of the
peninsula connected with it in so curious a manner, to render an account
of the two edicts, which I postponed on my notice of the double version
in March, as being of a local nature. My readers will however, in the
first instance, wish to know more of the locality, and of the circumstance
of the discovery of these Dhaulé inscriptions, which, though situated,
as it appears, close to the highroad at Bhuwaneswar, had entirely

* Mégadhi Bhasa.—W. H. W.

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1838.) at Dhauli in Cuttack. 435

escaped notice until the assiduous inquiries of Lieut. Krtroz brought
them to light, and once more realized the moral adage of ‘ eyes and no
eyes. —The more credit is due to him, that Colonel Mackenzie with
his myrmidons had been at Bhuvaneswar and had ransacked the coun-
try round about :—General Stuart and other of the minor class of
antiquaries had been there too, and had in their usual fashion stripped
and carried off all the images and fragments of old stones they could lay
hands on: which would have been enough to explain the shyness of the
priests in the neighbourhood at pointing out other remains, but that for
those of Buddhism they would have had no repugnance at giving in-
formation, and would doubtless have been glad to turn the attention of
the invader upon them to save the spcliation of their own temples.

Mr. KirrToe’s recent expedition in search of coal gave him an oppor-
tunity of revisiting Dhauli and of taking sketches of the various caves
in the neighbourhood which he had no time on his former visits, to do
more than inspect. I here insert an extract from his Journal on the
subject, and make public acknowledgment to him for the numerous
lithographs in illustration of it, all of which, drawn by himself, are
faithful, and not exaggerated, representations of the venerable and de-
serted grottos of the Buddhist priesthood.

Note by Mr. Kirtor on the Aswastama inscription at Dhauli near
Bhuvaneswar in Orissa, Se.

‘‘ The province of Orissa boasts of more ancient temples, sacred spots
and relics than any other in Hindustan, and though many of its more
noted antiquities are well known to. us, yet, there is reason to believe
that some, (perhaps even more worthy of notice,) remain hidden. That
which forms the subject of this paper, I had the good fortune to discover
by the merest accident: a byragi priest, native of Mirzapoor near Be-
nares having described it to me; such, however, is the aversion the
Ooriyahs have, to our going near their places of worship, that I was
actually decoyed away from the spot, when within a few yards of it,
being assured that there was no such place, and had returned for a mile
or more, when I met with a man who led me back to the spot by torch-
light. I set fire to the jangal and perceived the inscription which was
completely hidden by it. I subsequently returned and copied it.

“The Aswastama is situated on a rocky eminence forming one of a
cluster of hills, three in number, on the south bank of the Dyah river,
near to the village of Dhauli, and close to the northwest corner of the
famous tank called Konsala-gang, said to have been excavated by raja
Ganceswara Deva, king of Kalinga in the 12th century in expia-

3 I

—.

436 Examination of the Inseription (Mary,

tion of a grievous sin—I will here digress a little and relate the story
-told by the people of Ovissd.

“Maha rajaadhi raja GANGESwaRA Deva, having become enamour-
ed of his daughter (by name) KosAta, sought to cast off the odium of
incest he had committed, by the following stratagem.

“‘ Having assembled the priests and other learned men of his court, he
questioned them as to whether it was lawful for a man to enjoy the
fruit of his own sowing? Unaware of the real purport of the question,
an affirmative answer, such as the raja wished, to suit his conscience,
was given. After a time the princess being delivered of a son, the
raja was taken to task for his infamy, but he, on the other hand, threw
the blame upon those whose counsel he had sought, reminding them of
their answer to the question by which he had deceived them.

“‘ The brahmins, in atonement for the sin they had apparently been the
eause of, ordained that a golden vase with a small perforation at the bot-
tom should be placed, (filled with water) on the head of the offspring who.
was to be led by his mother round a space of ground as much as they could
travel over until the whole of the water should be expended, and that a
tank should: afterwards be excavated comprising such space ; this mandate
was obeyed and the tank (when finished) called “ Kosala Gang” after
the raja GANGEswaRa and his daughter Kosava.

“ Raja GANGESWARA DEva is said to have reigned in the 12th century
of the Christian era*. :

“I must now describe the Aswastama. The hills before alluded to,
rise abruptly from the plains and occupy a space of about five furlongs
by three; they have a singular appearance from their isolated position,
no other hills being nearer than eight or ten miles. They are appa-
rently volcanic, and composed of upheaved breccia with quartzose rock
intermixed.

“‘ The northernmost hill may be about 250 feet at its highest or eastern
end, on which is a ruined temple dedicated to MaHApgevA: the other
hills or rather rocks are less elevated. :

“‘ Beneath the temple on the eastern and southern declivities are several
small caves (c c) and the remains of many more; also two natura]
caverns or clefts in the rock, one being choked up with rubbish the
other (p) clear for eighty or a hundred feet, beyond which it is impos-
sible to penetrate, the passage becoming very narrow and the stench of
the myriads of bats (inhabiting it) quite suffocating+. At the mouth of

* Vide STIRLING's Oriss4 and PRinsEp’s Useful Tables.
T I found two species of bat new to ime, the one of a bright orange color, the other
black with a very long tail, like a mouse but much thinner.

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1838.] at Dhauli in Cuttack. 437

this cavern is an inscription (Fig. 2,) slightly scratched on a detached
‘block of stone. The inscription (Fig. 1,) is roughly cut in a small cave
(zs) on the southern face.

«« There are traces of other buildings having formerly existed on this
and the adjoining hills, also in the cavities between them (m F) there
is a fine temple dedicated to GanrsHA and MauwapeEva at the wes-
tern cave of the hill, also ruins of several others. (G H.)

«¢ Stone has been extensively quarried here for the different temples in
the vicinity,and (1 should ventureto add) for Kanirak*. The Aswastama
is situated on the northern face of the southernmost rock near its sum-
mit; the rock has been hewn and polished for a space of fifteen feet
long by ten in height, and the inscription deeply cut thereon being
divided into four tablets, the first of which appears to have been executed
at a different period from the rest; the letters are much larger and not
so well cut. The fourth tablet is encircled by a deep line, and is cut
with more care than either of the others.

“Immediately above the inscription is a terrace sixteen feet by fourteen
(a) on the right side of which (as you face the inscription) is the fore
half of an elephant, four feet high, of superior workmanship ; the whole
is hewn out of the solidrock. ‘There is a groove four inches wide by two
in depth round three sides of the terrace, with a space of three feet left
(a doorway?) immediately in front of the elephant; there are also
two grooves, one on either side of the elephant on the floor and in
the perpendicular face; these must have been intended probably to fix
a wooden canopy.

« There are also many broken caves inthe rocks adjoining the Aswas-
tama, and the foundations of many. buildings ; one in particular immedi-
ately above the inscription which may have been one of the chatyas or
stupas mentioned in the inscription.

The elephant does not seem to be an object of worship, though I
was informed that one day in every year is appointed, when’ the brah-
mins of the temples in the vicinity attend, and throw water on it, and
besmear it with red lead in honor of GANESHA.

«“ There are five caves in a row on the highrock south of the elephant
(c cc) called by some “ Panch-pandav” and by others “ Panch-gosain ;”
beside these caves (where there are traces of many others) there are
numerous small holes like mortars, cut in the rock ; these were probably
used to compound the drugs and medicines by the medical devotees
mentioned in the inscriptions. Like cavities occur at the caves of Khand-
‘giri; some larger than the rest have been used as reservoirs.

* The black pagoda.
312

=

438 Examination of the Inscription (May,

“ Having described the Aswastama. I will-return to the tank (Ko-
sala-gang). This once superb artificial sheet of water is now partly
choked up with the accumulated mud and sand of ages, one half of it
only remaining covered with water, except in the rainy season, when it
is filled to its full extent of one mile and a half in length, by five fur-
longs in breadth ; it was originally fed by means of a canal leading from
the Dyah river to the northwest corner of it. ‘There is an island called,
‘ndr’ or Barabati or ‘ fort’ in the centre, now in ruins. — :

«The canal is now choked up ; there are the remains of several small
bridges near it.

‘The mound round the tank, is evidently the site of alarge city. There
are heaps of stone, foundations, potsherds and bricks, particularly on
the Dhauli or western side. This may have been the city mentioned in
the inscription. With regard to the other: stupas named there has
been a large circular building on the summit of the Udayagiri rock.

“ Bhuvaneswar is the site of a very extensive city the name of which
is lost: the present village is called after the great temple, ‘ Ling raj,
Bhuvaneswara.”

There are several of the small isolated hills called Panch-pandeb
asthans in some of which there are small caves. There is also a natural
cavern in the great hill at Kurda attributed to the Pandavas, in which

there is said to be a small inscription.

Note. Persons wishing to visit the Aswastama should proceed as far as Sur-
duipoor, Nyabazar at the N. E. corner of the Kosala-gang on the Porree road, and
then proceed directly along the edge of the tank: vide map. Thereis alsoa direct —
path from Bhuwaneswar to Dhauli hill.

I now proceed to the two chief inscriptions, in the old Pdi character,
premising that the present text, which is taken from Mr. KiTTor’s
original pencil transcript, corrected by a second visit to the spot, will
be found to differ here and there from the lithograph in Pl. X., which
was done in a hurry.

First separate tablet at Dhault.

BEL UL Sdil dL SEA LAVSEUt
SASL Wd PTY LULA FSY FUL DLCs
Lu BdvAd Hud Phd BEYSA BSD DAA
HOD WAL HLAO*7ALL Obd Cidbad HLAELB
Abd d Bld dod¥lb LESY HOLE-L -S8U+
@) dol GAdIL Gadtt CIIFFL LESA VB

1838. ] at Dhault in Cuttack. — 439

ELdbv’ S68 etLd CYL Hs GD + USE BL
DAW LPdL bd PIAGAL DA’ USLALLA LD
bud ) ODLS LdtId § CULA AACA HHh
hig pik +H1ld @OLELedbe tai KAP HEEL
Ree ARG babe kB ddAleLd' bCb E
Kvbb Hd bLLOVLL AvLIL HLS AL dd
FJSBOL HGASLFEA DAC OESS8SA DA A
dddd SV HIddL HAV d Lhd PFW AGS
Pe ra IR ECK SK FHSS SE Ld BS
tee ahtbet Aekid Adub Hib YA Leds dialed HA DS
1 ULeh 1140" el Am ae Ga et WHOL
Pe CbA UC G2 GY A PALO! Ad WSDL
Me Patel sl Bol ASL HAW tu,bC LEX
Ld DA WMA’ HVDLAOA HL HULL PLO Fudd
esl lal aclokdels Hi Urb duddalOotdeA'd D+
Mee) bed -Tk Ae eOw LC UELAS

Pero dt Pea bates PL LAISSL
LF dd BL LES) th Hth LV-O-DS
Ht+h bv °° 8 PS Lute LA

DAL d HO“ Lt (D'S) 8A U'ddy U'dd ddd
C[18Lby PHIIAHEOd Pidd dA

DAY HO ELA‘ O MC) VA HO 88 HLAOA
betibd +8) DALE: HOL LT8 .@ Vid

BABA) Lod HAFBGGA ALSGL VB OAIdAb
HEH GA BEYA Lada A HELL Az HEL

J
K

+ >.

ee

440 Examination of the Inscription [May, ©

LA HALES DAG ELA” At LAT tuk HO
JEL H1dO

| Last separate tablet at Dhault.

Reto bb!: 4d? THe BEST iA
EL W+h5 TYE ° (erased to the end ; see above.)
eddAd Hudak’ Phd BBYBA dT DAA HOd
HAG (the rest eraved,) HO LE-L tSYUt tA USLEA
AML GedE+ CVTFFL LEGA U8 (ere rest erased.)
Oo WAL WESKL Fedad °° BS Bé¥ HA‘

Tg & :
Hbdh Hbddd AVBSJES 88 HLEILS bh
bel UL HU FA PdFL98A8 BY LYK:
dD'B'did Fatt Lddtd HUDLS DAM HOW
Lt HiddS AL HL. DAFL E+ LGA’ débd

aa

baee HUL8 LCHd 88 HEVH LS tC tBd JASL

Hb) ~ dXKE DL OULS +X HO-UL AO BSL OL.

Hot HO-d HAULS BSL’ LL HLd' LA Hot HOd
LELS SL BSL Ldbd ALT? HLddAS BSL ULt
PbSAt GOS PAL HOL ¢OVG AL HdbdLd
LAd tid ~° & Gadtt OUTFFLUS'd tA"
Ab dA’ HVD °°" 88d HLLd DLO DALd HOU
eb VOSA Ga DL SESA dba 8 LEdA
HodLL DBdvLbd Ad HEL tabtd JO Hd
MU APE LIRA Fee eee
ALL DIE SkoL bel Le Rew ee we Le
ne Ge |

i hie Maa Ab ie ae ie i ee

1838.] at Dhauli m Cutiack. 441

First separate Tablet at Dhauli.

Devdnampiyasa vachanena Tosaliyam mahamgta nagala vihdlaka
vataviyam. Am kichhi (dekhdém) i hannam, tam ichhami k4linam:
enam pativedaye ham: duvdlatecha alabhe ham, esa cha me mokhy-
amate duvale: etast athast am tuphe fi anusathi tuphe hi; bahisa
panasahasesu Ayata jana me gachha cha sumunisanam. Save sumunise
paja mam4éi: atha pajaye ichhami hakam; savena hitasukhena hida
lokika pdralokikéya yujeviti: he me ... hasa supa? ichémi duka no
cha papunitha ava - - - - - a - nedhava ? eka pulise manati ; etam sepi
desam no sava dekhatelhi tuphe éte ; savi hitapiniti—yam eka pulise ...
bandhanam va palikilesam va papunnati, tota hota akasma tena bandha-
n4 taka; ane cha ... ba hu janodasiye dukhiyati: tata ichhitaviye
tuphe hi ; niti majham patipAdayemati. Imehi cha vagahi no patipajati ;
—is4ya, asulopena, nithuliyena, tilandya, anavutiya, dlasiyena, k4lam-
mathena,—se ichhitaviye kiti ete bahu ... vevu mamati : e¢e sucha savesu
mila anasulope atulana cha, nitichham ekilante siya! ete ugati sam-
chalita vadhentu, va hitapiye etaviye, va hevam meva eda...tuphakatena

vataviye; anam na dakhita, hevancha hevam ata dev4nampiyasa anusa.

thi, se maha ...... tasa sampatipada yeham: mahe as4ye asampatipaticha
sampatipadayami, nahi etanananthi sagasa 4ladhino lajaladha duahalehi :
is4nam meva mannata manam ; atilekesa patipajamane cha, tam santam
aladhayisathati ...... tam apananiyam ehatha !

Iyam cha lipi tisa nakhatena (sota) viya antamési cha ti s e nana
khat end pi ekenapi sotaviy4: hevam cha kalanta tuphe, sanghatha
sampatipadayitave: etaya ath4y4 iyam lipi likhitaé hida ena nagala
viyopalaka sasatam samayam yujavii: nagala janasa akasmaé pali bodha
va akasma pali ...... ké ma deva no si vaya yati.

Etaye cha athaye hakam dhamma mate panchasu panchasu vasesu

nikhamayisami: eakha khase a ..... se khi nélambhe hisati: etama-’

tham janita ......... tha kalati atha mama anusathiti. Ujenya sepicha
kumale etayevam athaye nikhamay?sati hidisammeva vatam, no cha
atikamayisati tinivasani he me vatam; khasalate pi ada a .., te maha-

- mata nikhamisanti anusaydnam, tad ahapayita atanekamma etapi jana

satam tampi tam kho kalanti ath4 l4jine anusathi.
Last separate Tablet at Dhauli.

Bete dwipivien vachanena Tosaliyam kum4le mahamata cha vataviya!
an kichhi dakhami ha (nam tam ichhémi kilinam, enam pativedayehum)
duv4latacha 4labheham ; esa cha me mokhyamata duvala. Etasi athasi
an tuphe (ht anusuthi tuphe hi; bahiisu pdnasahasesu ayata jana me
gachha cha sumunisanam! save sumunise paja mama) atha pajaya

_icchami hakam iti, savena hita sukhena hidalokika palalokikaye yuje-

vuti he m @eoneees.e eos eeneee oes 008 098 800s ° eccecesereces © @e0@e ees eee eereseeaerre

442 Examination of the Inscription (May,

...siya: anténam aviditanam kachha vasul4é .. (6) .. mama ichhémi
antasu.... ipanevute; iti. Devanampiye...... mataramaviye ...
have vuti. Asvasevu cha sukhameva lahevu mama anodukhahevam
(sa) va nikhamachine: Devanampiya aha: kiti echa kiye: khami-
tave mama nimitam cha dhammam cha hev4, hidaloka palalokam cha
aladhayevu. Etasi athasi hakam anus4s4mi tuphe anu (sathike) eta-
kena hakam anusasita cha (hi) dancha vedita dhayami ; patinacha mama
ajalasa: hevam katukam me chalitaviyam !

asve ......... chi tani ena papune vu iti.

Atha piye tatha devanampiye adhaka: athé cha até hevam devanam-—
piye (nd) nusampati adhaka: atha cha paja hevam mdne devanampi-
yasa ; se hakam anusasite va devanampiyaka dase vutike hosami. Etaye
athaye Dubalahi tuphe cha swasanaye hitasukhaye cha (e) sa hidalo-
kika paralokikéye: hevancha Kalantam tuphe swagam 4ladhayitave,
tate mama cha ananichham ehatha! Etaye athaye iyam lipi likhita :
hida ena mahamataswasatam (nd) ma yajisati. A’sasandye dhamma
chalanaye cha tasta atanam : iyamcha lipi anabhdtun masam tisena na-
khatena sotaviya. K4&mamcha khanakhanasi antalapi tisena ekena
sotaviya ; hevam kalanti tuphe, sanghatha sampatipadayitave.

Translation of the first separate Tablet at Dhauli. :

By command of DeEvANAmMPiIyA (the beloved of the gods)! In
(the city of) Zosali, the public officers in charge of the town are to
be enjoined (as follows :)—

«¢ Whomsoever I ascertain to be a murderer, him do I desire to be
imprisoned. This I publicly proclaim, and | will carry it into effect
however difficult : for this my supreme will is irresistible !—On this
account the present tope (stupa) (is denominated) the tope of com-
mandment.

“From amongst many thousand souls, oh ye my chosen people! re-
pair ye (hither) to the holy men, Every righteous man is my (true)

Notes to the first tablet.

Tosaliyam, equivalent to the Sanskrit loc. AVAl from AGA. Nagala vihdlaka
vataviya, aaa, it shall be said to the inhabitants, &c. There should be a long a
to the two last words, vihdrakd vataviyd, perhaps omitted in copying.

Ankachhi de.... this mutilated sentence is filled up from the duplicate in the next
edict. ;

Kdlinam, a prisoner from kérd. (quere kdritam).

Duvilate cha dlabheham, see the observations—it is rendered here by the San-
skrit SACAW BITES + and in spite of difficulties (irresistibilities) I execute :’
which last word like the Sanskrit has the double sense of doing and killing.

Mokhyamate, in Sanskrit CY q aTeqaai Sd ‘and this my primary will
is irresistible !’—This will correct an interpretation of the same word in the pillar

1838.] At Dhauli in Cuttack. 443

subject, and for my subjects I desire this only, that they may be posses-
sed of every benefit and happiness as to things of this world and of the
world beyond !............... and furthermore I desire ye do not purify
ee RIT LT oI UR el Be cai no ae rr

“ Tn this country and not any where else is to be seen such a stupa (?)
in which is provided proper rules of moral conduct. When one man
relieves (his fellow-creature) from the bondage and misery (of sin), it
necessarily follows that he himself is released from bondage ; but again
despairing at the number of human beings in the same state (whom he
is unable to relieve) he is much troubled. Thence is this stupa so
desirable (as an asylum ?) ; that in the midst of virtuous regulations we
may pursue our obedient course! |

And through these classes (of deeds) are people rendered disobedient

edict No. 4 (page 597, vol. VI.) echa iyam atana paelepacanane se me mokhyamate—
in Sanskrit 99 FG BIST IBIS IAA: GT F ATYAA: ‘ and whoso from his
soul is a follower after this edict, he is by me (esteemed) the most desirable.’

Am for yat or yam (see remarks on Dhaulé dialect page 277); efor ye, ena for
yena are also frequent. In this place am seems put for ayam &

Tuphe, Sanskrit, BY Pali, thupo ; Anglice, ‘a tope,’ mound or Buddhist shrine.

“a C) °

A’yata jana, either—S19q ‘coming’ contrasted with, gachha cha and going, UR
OF BTBaSIA: the elect. See janasi dyatd, vol. vi. p. 585. Thereis a tempting ana-
logy between gachha, tree, in this passage and aswatha in the Delhi pillar, but it may

be illusory.
Athapajaye, more distinct in the next tablet—the lithograph here has adha, but.

on re-examination Mr. Kirror found it indistinctly al ¢), perhaps athi, is.

Yujevuti, aa for ail wafa 2—or qs: may unite ; see tablet 2.

Duka no ed papunitha ava i Sg (for (=eqfee) aa IVA AAA vee eee
the sense is here cut off by an erasure, nor is it at all satisfactory.

Etam sepi desam no sava dekhatehi tuphe ese. This difficult passage I have render-
ed at a hazard by wa zn aus ufe wT: EBaA—no sava dakhine hi‘ not
even in the south’ is there such a tope,—would be better.

Etemsi vihitapi niti_ Tata fafeativarta: ‘in this (tope) is appointed a system
of conduct.’ . | 3

Yam ekapulise _... this mutilated passage I dubiously fill up thus ayes te GUTS
aqua arukcay a wygaifa cawafa saa ca TAI IS
ASnalsrea s:arafa The pandit would render prapundti by prapnoti.

Niti majham ; the first letter doubtful, may be kirtti madhyam, e kriti madhyam,
‘in the midst of the wise,’ or it may be given as a name to a particular stupa.

RES i
Imehi cha vageht, Sans. Wlaeq TT: by these species (of offence).
SS : : *
Isdyo, Sua by envy—or it may be SWI ‘ to god’ in connection with the

next word, for in the pillar edict (vol. vi. page 584), envy is written isyd ,° ne .
Asulopena, AGATA, by cutting off, or sacrificing life.

o K

)
i
|

;

a a

|
:
;
)

!
i
8

444 Examination of the Inscription (Mary,

——viz. by enviousness, by the practice of destroying life, by tyranny, by
cruelty, by idleness, by laziness, by waste of time. That morality is to
be desired which is based on my ordinances (?), and in all these the roots
(or leading principles) are,—the non-destruction of life, and the non-
infliction of cruelty. May the desire of such moral guidance endure
unto the end of time! and may these (principles) continuing to rise (in
estimation) ever flourish, and inasmuch as this benefit and love should
be ever had in remembrance, my desire is that in this very manner, these
(ordinances) shall be pronounced aloud by the person appointed to the
stupa; and adverting to nothing else but precisely according to the
commandment of DevAnampiya, let him (further) declare and explain
them.

«¢ Much longing after the things of (this life) is a disobedience, I again
declare : not less so is the laborious ambition of dominion by a prince,
(who would be) a propitiator of heaven. Confess and believe in God
who is the worthy object of obedience !—for equal to this (belief), I
declare unto you; ye shall not find such a means of propitiating et
Oh strive ye to obtain this inestimable treasure !

Nithuliyena, ATAU by harsh severity.

Thlandya, either CUA, by cruelty, or CAAA, by inulenial

Andvutiya, HATS, by non-employment.

A’lasiyena, BWiPaa, by idleness.

Kdlamathena, RIAU, by churning time, (or wasting it :) a common expression
in Sanskrit ay Raa Rta why do you churn time, in idleness ?’

Se ichhitaviye kiti ete (read ese) perhaps UW <feas: or (VTA: ) ‘this is such a
wise man as is to be desired: Semele wanda eit tele beme femininneeal ace <o Seen

on the pillars, esd iti, &c. (p. 588.) But false concords are but too common 4

throughout.
Uyata sanchalita vadhetu, BRA wafer aaaq.

Hita piye etaviye (2) feafaa waa: profit and love are proper to be sought.

Tuphikatena vatuviye : ulead —hy the person appointed to the shriaey ‘
according to the pandit, but ather far- fetched,

Mahe asGye asampatipati—AEI HY: great possessions—or avariciousness.
Nahi etannanathi, afevaeayera, there is not verily such another.
iN ™~
Sagasa dladhino léjaladha duéhalehi-Gneg wafsay4 UAT S UVES,

‘so the difficult obtaining of dominion, is (an unworthy act) of one propitiating

heaven.’
Isénameva manyata madnam; SVTAHST Hey ATH worship ye the lord whio
is alone worthy of worship.

Atileke sampatipajamdnecha ye, tam santam dldédhayisatha: this requires but little
alteration Slate: dsfaugqarag | AGa BW<TAyAAy, who is most worthy
of obedience, him the eternal ye shall propitiate by prayer.

Tamcha apananiyam ehathe, @qqyaqaty Tea as translated.

ee.

——— ee ee a) ee

1838. } At Dhauli in Cuttack. 445

« And this edict is to be read at (the time of) the lunar mansion Tisa,
at the end of the month of Bhdtun : it is to be made heard (even if) by
a single (listener). And thus (has been founded) the K4élanta stupa for
the spiritual instruction of the congregation. For this reason is this
edict here inscribed, whereby the inhabitants of the town may be guided
in their devotions for ages to come—and as of the people insensibly the
divine knowledge and insensibly the (good works) increase, so the god
of passion no longer yieldeth them gratification. (?)

“‘ For this reason also I shall cause to be, every five years, a general
nikhama, (or act of humiliation ?) (on which occasions) the slaughter
(of no animal of any kind ?) shall take place. Having learnt this ob-
ject, it shall be so carried into effect according to my commandment.

*« And the young prince of Ujein, for the same purpose shall cause a

religious observance of the self-same custom : and he shall not allow any

transgression of this custom for the space of three years—so that
when ............... functionaries have admitted to initiation the pe-
nitent, then should any not leave off his (evil) practices—if even there
be hundreds (in the same predicament) it shall be certainly done unto
him according to the commandment of the raja.

Tisa nakhatena, fae WPA. See observations on this lunar mansion (Pushy)
in the notes to the pillar edict, vol. vi. p. 575.

Antamési cha—in the last month of the year, Chaitra or Phalguna.

Kdlantam iuphe, either the name of the tope, or kuldntam unto the end of time,
which translation I have given in the other edict.

Hidaena, aT here ; by which, or ec4a ‘with the heart.’

— gala vitopd.... laka; 1 fill up nagaraviyopdrakd, the merchants of the town;
perhaps vihdraka, the inhabitants as above.

Sasatam samayam, yruyd @ay —for a very long period.

Ka..devanosi.... ydti—filled up with hesitation, kéma deva no sivdya ydti, ‘the
god of love does not go for pleasure.’

Nikhamayisémi,- ta aataanta, I will cause GH kshama, pardon, devotion,
a general forgiveness ?—see page 242, and observations below.

Ujenyé se pichakumdle, SSHiQaqi AiTs HAT:

/ Ce ° °

Hedisam meva vatam, [EX AT A similar conduct as enjoined by me.

Atikamayisati, sfaaafaefe shall not allow deviation or transgression.

Tini vasdni he me vatam—for three years, my established custom.

Khasalatehi,—probably @4T: ‘intent upon killing,’ or still using meat food in
Sacrifice, — or a man of low caste: the word is doubtful.

Ada-tadd, YT AST when, then,

Nikhamisanti anusaydnam, ‘ shall absolve (him) as penitent.’ See above.

Ahapayita atane kamma, not leaving off his own (evil) deeds.

Etam pijana satam, tam tathd kalantu, ‘to this man, or a hundred such let them
do’—or etam janam satatam, ‘to such a man invariably.’

Rdjine anusathi, c7¥H: waite, the a is re-placed by a small dash on the stone.

o K 2

446 Examination of the Inscription (May,

Translation of the last separate edict at Dhault.
_ By command of Drevanampiya! It shall be signified to the prince
and the great officers in the city of Tosale.

Whomsover:Jiascertain to. be. ..d.cvaews ood ss deuapenidvereclacheleh mal eaoiaal
and this my supreme willis irresistible! On this account is the present
GEUPM .,.reecencccnceversenscevercencee see nee een cee nesses eee senses ee een cet eee san vais
and for my loving subjects do I ardently desire to this effect :—that they
may be filled with every species of blessing and happiness both as to
the things of this world and the world beyond!
sec vecesseceseveccesceseesseeeess may be. Of countless things as yet unknown
SsedsWsecessiveceee eos L ardently desire’... ti... ... they may partakel, (Chug
hath said DEVANAMPIYA ........eceeeee wideoe fvsieichaldcoese DANIO DOSE, cae
and take pleasure, while ‘the removal of affliction is in like man-
ner the chief consequence of true devotion. (?) DrvANAMPIYA
hath also said;—“‘ fame (consisteth in) this act, to meditate with
devotion on my motives, and on my deeds (of virtue): and to pray for
blessings in this world and the world to come. For this purpose do I
appoint another (?) stwya—by the which I cause to be respected that
which is (above) directed and proclaimed. And my promise is im-

Notes to the second Tablet.

Kumdle, RAITT: —with this exception the opening passage seems to correspond word
for word with that of the first tablet. I have filled in the erasures in italics in the
romanized version, but the translation gives only the portions that are preserved.

Kichhi dakhdmi—the omission of the e favors the reading fa faezienfa. (See ob-

servations.)

Yujeviti, from 437 unite, Sans. UIA or qalwt ‘ be thou united with’ ? yute is
also used in other places. The verb v% and vids (quasi vu-iti) so frequently occur-
ring in the pillar and Dhauli texts seem rather to represent the imperative bhava
(Pali, ho) than bhavet or bhavatu; or it oe be the termination of the 3rd person plu-
ral of the potential mood Gz eyu ; Say may unite, or aay: may worship ;

yajeyum in Pali.
Antanam aviditanam, the pandit would read atdnam or anantdnam, but the passage
is too mutilated to be completed.
Asvase cu— AT ATaa may breathe freely, enjoy the repose of a hermit’s life ?
Sukhamava lahevi—G@Ra SH m may take pleasure thus.

Nikhamachane, fa: Galas : replete with kshama, devotion. Khamitave, or kha-
mitun, to devoutly uphold, see observations.

A’hayami, either ahbaydmi Bisa aifa, I call, proclaim, or weaifa 1 cause to
be respected.

Patiia ajalasd, IfAR BATA promise—undecaying. This is a solitary instance
of the letter a being used. .

Katukam, RSH, bitter, disagreeable. See Girndr edicts.

Papine, TUG? exceeding virtuous.

1838. } At Dhauli in Cuttack. 447

perishable! However bitter (or hard) it shall be carried into effect
by me, and consolation (will accrue to him who obeys ?)—by which is
exceeding virtue—so be it.

Like as love itself, so is DevANAMprya worthy of respect! and as the
soul itself so is the unrelaxing guidance of DEVANAMPIYA worthy of
respect! and according (to the conduct of) the subject, so is the compas.
sion of DevaANAMPIYA : wherefore I myself, to accomplish his commands,
will become the slave and hireling of DevANamPpiya. For this reason
the Dubalibi tupha (is instituted) for undisturbed meditation, and for
(securing every) blessing and happiness as to the concerns of this world
and the world beyond! And thus to the end of time (is this) tupha
for the propitiation of heaven.

Accordingly strive ye to accomplish each and all of my desires! For
this ohject is this edict here inscribed, whereby (the spot) shall be caused
by me to receive the name of mahdmatiswasatam, or (place of medita-
tion of the officers) ; let it so remain for a perpetual endowment by me,
and for the furtherance of religion.

And this edict shall be read aloud in the course of the month of
Bhétun (Bhadin?) (when the moon is) in the nakhatra (or lunar
mansion) of Zsa :—and, as most desirable, also it shall be repeatedly

Athad—tathd, AAT WAT only distinguishable from Wy and WY by the final ¢.
LS
Adhdka—if for WER ‘ worthy of respect :—if the d be read i, then it may be
adhika, ‘ exceeding’—yea more. Atha paja hevam maye—a doubtful reading —mdne
is preferable, or hevam-aye—as adopted in the translation. The word looks more
like meye in the original.
Dase vutike hosdmi, STAalaAT WaegiA.
: iy
DubaléM, from {AA feeble, weak—hodie dba.
Kélantam, perhaps aT@qyay—to the end of time. See the first tablet.

° ° ; 8
A‘nanichham ehatha, BAAR (or FAR continually) CEA from ZF endeavour,

written esatha, in the first tablet, from {4 desire—UQV_ desire ye.?

| Hida ena either [ZZ aT or a4, see the other tablet.

Swasatam (nama ) yajisati faa araaisifaufa—tne letter n¢ has been inserted
conjecturally as not affecting the sense—the same verb is found in the analogous
passage in the twentieth line of the first tablet—Sdsatam samayam yajevts ( ti.)

Tastu atonam—perhaps eta (for etat) or tad astu aténam for atmandm—as translated.

Anabhétun masam—this I can only understand as anubhddun mdsam, in the course
of the month of Bhadun—Sans. Bhadra.

Tisena nakhatena,—see the parallel passage in the other edict, which the better
preservation of this enables us to complete.

Khanakhanasi—Sans. GU GE repeatedly or at stated intervals, derived from the
winking of the eyes,

aa. ee

448 Examination of the Inscription [May,

read aloud in the last month of the year, in the lunar mansion Tisa,
even if one person be present; thus to the end of time to afford in-
struction to the congregation, of the tupha.

Antalapi tisena—B*ATIfG—in the course of the month. The other edict has
antamdst — at the end of the same month, which is most likely the right reading.

Sanghatha sampatipddayitave—corrected from cha ghatha sampatipddayisave, on
the authority of the nineteenth line of the first edict. If ghatha be preferred it must:
be rendered by WY grantha, sacred volume ?

Observations.

I have stated that the first and last tablets at Dhaulé, were totally
distinct from the general series of AsoxK4’s religious edicts. This is
manifest as well from the mode of the address, as from the parties ad-
dressed. The expression Devaénampiyasa vachanena, ‘by command
of DevANAMPIya’—seems to denote that the proclamation was issued by
some functionary under the royal authority. The same peculiar open-
ing occurs in the short supplementary inscription on the Allahabad
pillar, but while that was addressed to the ministry in general (Savata
mahamdta vataviya—the ministers every where are to receive notice),
both of the present are confined to the immediate residents in the dis-
trict,—one being worded, Zosaliyam mahdmata nagala vihdlaka
vataviyam—‘ the ministers or officers enjoying the city m (the pro-
vince of) TYosali’’—or it may be ‘attached to the city Vihdra—are
to be informed ;—the other—Tosaliyam kumale mahdmatda cha vata-
viyam. In both these cases the gerund is in the neuter, but proba-
bly the inflections have been omitted in the copying.

It will be remarked that the simple word mahdmdtd, (Sans. maha-
matrah ) is used, not dhammamahamata*, the great officers or minis-
ters of religion :—the order therefore may be regarded as an injunction
from the court to the head civil authorities of the place. Moreover in
the first tablet, these officers alone are mentioned, whereas in the second
tablet the word Kumdle, (@atet:) young prince, is joined with them, as
though he had been in the former instance too young to be regarded,
and his chief officers had been nagala vihdlaka, as we should say, ¢ in
charge of the town.’

ArRIAN in his Indice gives exactly this account of the routine of
civil administration of the country in ALEXANDER’s time ;—and one

_ * The sense I proposed for mahdmdtd on first reading the pillar text, and repeated
in November last, of ‘sacred doctrine’ has been necessarily set aside by the olear
enunciation of the Girnar text, af

1888.7] At Dhault in Cuttack. 449

passage in par ticular applies with such curious fidelity to the duties of
the pativedakas or inquisitors whose report was to be made to the
prince, or where there was none to the magistrates, as described in the
sixth edict of Girndr and Dhauli (page 268,) that I cannot forbear to
extract it: the Greek word employed to designate what he calls the
sixth class of the Indian community ; émicxomo: is nearly a translation of
sfad]em instructors or inspectors :—

“Eko 5€ eiow ‘Ivdotow, of emikorror Kahedmevor. OdTor epopdcr Ta yivdueva Ka-
Th TE THY XApHV, Ka KaTa TAS TWoALaS’ Kal TADTA dvayyéAAouc! Tw Bacidrel, ivamep

Bactrevovrat Ivool’ 4 ros TéAcow, vamep adrovouo cict TouTois ob O€uis Weddos ay-
yeidas ovdev: ovdé Tis “I vda@y aitiny eoxe Wevoar0a:.—Indice, cap. XII.

‘The sixth class among the Indians are those called Episcopi (inspectors or
inquisitors). These take cognizance of whatever happens both in the country and
in the town, and report the same to the king in those places where the Indians are
under regal rule; or to the magistrates, where they govern themselves*. And to
these (functionaries) it is not lawful to report any thing false, nor indeed have
any of the Indians been ever taxed with the vice of falsehood.’

The last passage, as containing an impartial testimony to the charac-
ter for honesty once borne by the natives of this country, deserves to be
translated into the vernacular of every province, and hung up over the
door of every judicial court in the present degenerate age !

_ To proceed in our analysis :—-The province governed by this feudal
prince and his ministers has long been erased from the catalogue of
Indian states. Tosaliyam in the pillar-dialect of the Pali corresponds
with the Sanskrit locative case, qrgwt, of Arq, TVosali, a name only to
be found written with the same orthography in ProLemy’s tables, as
the city of Tosale. ‘The Indian name of the same place, as identified
by WiLForD, is Tosala-Cosalaka according to the Brahmanda Purana,
and simply Cosalaka or Cosala in the Vardsanhita. This is not the
first occasion in which the Greek have proved better guides than the
Sanskrit authorities, in regard to the actual geographical names preserved
“on our ancient buddhist monuments; though in describing their situa-
tion on the map great allowances must be occasionally made for the for-
~ mer ; who, if, as we have now some reason to suppose, they derived their
information from buddhist missionaries settled among them, would ne-
cessarily improve nothing of the very vague notion of relative positions
and distances possessed by their informants. Tosale metropolis} is
thus placed by Protemy on the other side of the Ganges, somewhere
near the mountains inhabited by the nangologe (most probably the nagas

* Such a government was that of the Litsavis in Prydga or Vishah. See Csoma’s
analysis of the Dulva. Such also in a great sense wag the capital of Surashtra.
T See ProLemMy’s Geog, 11th plate, India extra Gangem.

450 Examination of the Inscription [May,

or ndgaloka of the easternmountains). The Purdnas merely place Cosa-
laka ‘ behind the Vindhya mountains* ; but we are now able from the best
of all possible authorities to restore its correct position ; and it would seem
even that part of the Sanskrit appellation has been preserved to this day
in the name of the large artificial tank, around which Mr. KitTos tells
us the remains of an ancient city are still visible; for the tank is called
the Kounsla gung, or Kosala ganga ; though a very different account
of the origin of its name is given by the present inhabitants. Zusha
and /ushala, it should be remarked, both signify pleasure, happiness,
in Sanskrit.

The burthen of the proclamation seems to be contained in the sen-
tence immediately following, and of this by our usual good fortune
we have two copies to collate together ; for, as far as the mutilated con-
dition of the last tablet permits us to compare them, the two seem
literatim the same :

Ist. Am kichhi dakhdmi hannam, tam ichhémi kélinam .. na patipadayeham ;
Onda. Arm kichhi dakhami Hay. ... ca.sjnems - pee euienigmes Ge = eeeaiele
Ist. duvdlatecha dlabheham: esa cha me mokhyamate duva.
2nd. duvdlate cha 4labheham: esa cha me mokhya mate duvala.
Msteo spy SE wey San taphes &e;
Qnd. Etasi athasi an tuphe, &c.
In translating this important passage I have been divided between

two interpretations both equally sanctioned by the pandit ;—first,

y afafeata wa a sarfa afer wd sfaness facag wis

Uae Walaa (Fare: |

‘Whomsoever I discover to be a murderer him do I desire to be im-
prisoned :—this do I publicly notify, and (if guilty) a second time I put
him to death. And this (will be) a source of two-fold final beatitude to
me.’

The principal objections to this reading are, first that dw is never used
in this dialect for dwt or duwa (which would be written dz, or duwd),
but for duh or dur, hard: and second that moksha is written mokha
not mokhya as appears in both the instances before us. The second
reading requires several changes of letters where they are however
very clear on the stone, or at least in the copy made by Mr. Kiros.

qafafecraifa ava afesufa afta ed sfameas Sarcaae
ad wy a & Hrequar fare:

‘“ Whatsoever I say that I desire to be carried into effect,—this do I
declare : and I execute it in spite of all opposition ; and this my supreme
will is irresistible.”

* See WiLForD’s Essay, Asiatic Researches, VIII, 337, 338.

.- an

1838.) at Dhauli in Cuttack. 451

The nearest approach to the original text will be found to lie between
these two readings, taking the first half of the former and the last of the
latter; this is the reading I have accordingly adopted in the transla-
tion, while I nevertheless think it incumbent on me to conceal no
variorum interpretations which may help to a right understanding of
a passage whereon so much depends.

In token of the inflexible nature of this monarch’s orders, the pro-

-clamation then announces, that a certain chaitya or tope is to be called

the ‘commandment tope :’ anusatht or anushdsti tuphe. The word tuphe,
Ab is evidently the original of the modern expression ‘ tope:’ in the
regular Pali of books it is written thipa, which is again directly deriv-
ed from the Sanskrit original qq: stwpah, an artificial mound of earth,
(or of building material ?), hence doubtless applied (though the diction-
aries do not give this meaning), to the pyramidal monuments of the
Buddhists. Am tuphe I suppose to be a corruption of ayam tuphe
‘this tope’ in the nominative case.

The sentence next following seems an injunction or invitation to all

‘loving subjects to flock thither and receive instruction from the holy

men there located. A similar expression (bahisu pdnasahasesu, &c.)
occurs on the western tablet of the Frroz lat inscription, but there,
instead of a chaitya, the object of attraction is the aswatha or holy
fig tree, if indeed the sense has been rightly apprehended ; but from the
occurrence of words similar to aswatha in the present edicts,—aswdsevu,
swasanam, swasatam, I am inclined to deduce them all from the root
4, breathe,—thus aswatha abhita (around the holy fig tree) will be-
come dswasitd abhita for srafaa BaAtat: ‘ breathing fearless’ or ‘living
in security.’ The initial a in this case should however be long, whereas
the facsimiles just received from Captain Burt, prove it to be short, so
far confirming the original reading; but on the other hand Mr. Tur-
NOUR, our best authority, gives the latter sense,—aswatha abhitd kam-
mdni pawatayevun, ‘should follow a line of conduct tending to allay
alarm.’

Having adverted rather out of place, to the term swasatam I may
further observe that the title of Mahdmatda-aswasatam-nama is ap-
parently given to one of the chaityas, or perhaps to the platform of
the elephant situated just above the inscription, and that it means
the ‘place of breathing, or of quiet repose for the priests.’ This name
we may conclude to be preserved in the modern appellation of the rock
‘the aswastama, for which indeed it would be difficult to find a better
derivation. The Hindus of the place declare it to be name of the stone

3°L

—— —

a

452 Examination of the Inscription (May,

elephant called after one in the Mahabhérata,—while my own pandit
supposed it a corruption of aswastambha, the horse-pillar.

Another local name of the inscription can be traced in an equally
satisfactory manner; the present village of Dhauli being evidently
named after the Dubaléhi tupha mentioned in the last edict,—the
‘ shrine of the feeble’ from <4, in modern Hindi diblé. This esta-
blishment was probably a kind of hospital, and if Mr. Kirroe’s con-
jectures as to the small rock mortars be correct, it must have been
amply provided with medicamentary concoctions !

The name of the Kalantam tuphe (if this be indeed its name),
has not been equally fortunate in its preservation, and nothing can be
discovered like it in the neighbourhood. I imagined that it might be

read the Kalinga tupha, but on re-examination of the rock the word

was found to be correctly written in the transcript. It may be read
karanda tuphe, the beehive tope; but, as kadladntam, it has a more plausi-
ble interpretation,—the end of time !

The mutilated state of many passages in the inscription as usual
prevents my stringing the whole together in a connected shape ; but
from the parts extant I should be inclined to regard these two procla-
mations as intended chiefly to provide for the reading and due observance
of the principal string of commandments, which occupy the central space
on the stone; as well as to record the foundation of the several monas-
teries of ascetics mentioned above.

In both of them is an express regulation as to the time of the year
when the edicts are to be read aloud—not exactly when two or three
are gathered together—but literally ‘ when even only one be present !’
The seasons appointed are nearly half-yearly—one in Bhadra (if
Bhétun may be so interpreted) (August) and the other in Phdlguna the
antamdst, or last month according to the Buddhists ( February—March)
or near the vernal equinox. By the expression Zisena nakhatena in
the instrumental case—‘ with the Tisa lunar mansion,’-—is to be
understood, when also the moon is in the mansion of Tisya or Pushya,
the eighth nakshatra counting from Aswint. Now as the moon is full in

ee

the mansion whence the month is named, the 72sya tithi will fall about _

the 24th of Phalgan, and about the 12th of Bhidra. The veneration in
which the mansions of Punarvasune and Pushya were held by the
Buddhists was alluded to in my observations on the south pillar edict
at Delhi, (Vol. VI. page 575).’

Besides the order for reading AsoxKa’s homily on specified days, par-
ticular allusion is made to the five-yearly festival or fast, which is also
provided for in the third of the Girndr edicts (see page 264). In re-

“S
=

1838.] at Dhauli in Cuttack. 453

marking on the word anusayanam there used, I stated that such
a periodical humiliation was not known at the present day. On
further inquiry however I learn that a practice does prevail in
such Buddhist countries as are still independent, which seems pre-
cisely to explain the terms of the inscription. In Stam for instance
the Buddhist monarch every year in the month ef Asarha, throws off
his regal robes, shaves his head, adopts the yellow sackcloth of a
noviciate, and does penance for a few days in one of the vihdras along
with all his court ;—slaves are even bought to be shaved and initiated
as an act of virtue in their converter. In Ava the same practice prevails.
Even in Calcutta, | am told, among the small Maga population here,
the adoption of the yellow dress and abstraction from worldly pursuits
for a period is not an uncommon occurrence, and the term employed
is, ntkkhama, exactly that found in the inscription.

My friend Mr. Csoma bE Koérds has pointed out to me the follow-
ing passage in Georai's ‘ Alphabetum Tibetanum’ on the practice of
fasting in T2bet.

‘ Jejunia tum Xacaitis ascetis, tum etiam laicis communia duplicis
sunt generis. Alterum quod appellant Gnunné mgidum (ga m4N),
clauditur horis integris viginti quatuor. Tanta est jejunii hujus severl-
tas, ac superstitio, ut ne ipsam quidem salivam, sponte fluentem in ore,
ad fauces retrahere, ac deglutire liceat. Ilud plerique agunt tribus conti-
nuatis diebus, unica thee potione, quam hora matutina sumunt, recreati.
Alterum jejunii genus vocant Gnenné (Q¥4'm)4~=—Sans. upavasa)
Vespere semel prandent. Licitum tamen est interdiu bibere. Laici
frequentius, quam Ascete hujusmodi jejunia observant. Sed religiosis
et sanctimonialibus severissime praceptum est, ne unquam inter pran-
dium et ccenulum quicquam vel bibere vel degustare audeant.

The mention here of ¢hree days leads me to suggest that for the dent
vasdni, three years, of the first tablet it will be more rational to read
tint divasdni, three days, for the period of humiliation to be enforced
in the territories under the rule of the prince of Ujein.

The term nikhama has in Pali two very different meanings, one as
representing the Sanskrit fagqa nishkrama, putting out or off, (in mo-
dern Hindi nikdlnd 2) the other being the Sanskrit fa:aa: nuikshama,
from the root Wa peace, repose, devotion. I am not sufficiently versed
in the language to decide in which sense the verbal form here used is
to be understood; but from the term nikhamayisanti anusaydnam I -
should be inclined to translate ‘shall admit into the body of the church,
or shall give absolution to the penitent, for nikhama is alsc under-

3L 2

454 Examination of the Inscription, { May,’

stood as the initiatory grade of the priesthood*, as well as self-mortifi-
cation for religion’s sake. The word is frequently to be met with in
the Mahdwanso whence I extract the following passages, along with Mr.

TuRNouR’s translation, in illustration of both meanings of nikhama.
Purisénan sahassancha, ttthiyo cha tatodhikd
Khattiyénan kuldyeva nikkhamitwina pabbajun.
‘A thousand males and a still greater number of females, descendants exclusively
of Khattiya families, impelled by their religious ardor, entered into the i ail 7
Jaété jaté rdjagéhé darake rudarakkhast
Samuddato nikkhamitwd, bhakkhitwdna gacchati.
‘In those days as soon as an infant was born, a marine monster emerging from
the ocean devoured it and disappeared.’ Epitome Mahawanso, p. 81.

Following the translator's first example, the passage Ujenyd kumélé.

nikhdmayisati hidasam vatam, may be rendered, « The prince in
Ujjein shall enforce with devotional fervor the self same conduct.’
Taking it for granted that the Devdnampiya of these two edicts is
still PryaDasi or AsoKA, we may easily discover who was the ‘prince at
Oujein’ to whom he alludes. He must be either Ussenio or ‘ the
profoundly sapient great Maninpo’ (MauHEnpDRA) son of DHARMa-
SOKA who entered the priesthood at an early ae and who was deputed
along with his sister SaNGAMITTA to spread Buddhism in the Jsland
of Ceylon, in the year 306, B. C. (following Buddhist reckoning.)
Ussento and Mauinpo were the twin offspring of a romantic attach-
ment of the young Asoxa, with the daughter of a gentleman or Setthit+
ata place called Chetiyagiri when he was on his way to assume the

viceroyship of Avanti. Probably the elder son held this government
afterwards, and dwelt there with his mother, who was styled Queen and

resided in a rich palace: for we find MAHINDo paying them a visit

previous to his departure for Ceylon.
Tadantare natiganan datthun katwdna madnasan,
Upajjhdyancha sanghan cha wanditwé pucchi bhiipatin,
Adaya chaturo théré Sanghamittdya utajan
Sumanan samanerancha, jalabhinnan mahiddhikan.
Nadtinan sanghan kdtun agama Dakkhinagirin ;
Tathé tatthé charantassa chhammdsd samatikkamun.

‘ Having formed an earnest desire to visit his relations during this interval ; rever-
entially taking his leave of his preceptor and of the priesthood, and having also
obtained the consent of the king (his father DHAMMASoko), taking with him four
theros and the SAMANERO SAMANO, the son of SANGHAMITTA, who was preter-
naturally gifted, and master of the six branches of religious knowledge departed for
Dakkhinagiri for the purpose of administering the comforts (of religion) to his (mater-
nal) relations. There this pilgrim passed six months in this avocation.’

* See the Amera kosha (CLouGH’s P&livocabulary, page 111) ; ‘ nekkhamman—the
priestly state,renunciation of worldly pursuits for the purpose of devoting one’s-self to
-religious meditation, release from transmigration, mental abstraction or vision, &c.”

+ One of the Seth family, or af@ the president, or foreman of an association.

~

1838.] at Dhauli in Cuttack. 455

But I am growing too fond of quotations from my constant text book
the Mahawanso, which falls in so pleasantly with every trifling inci-
dent collaterally deducible from these inscriptions that I find the tempta-
tion to extract, like AsoKa’s orders, irresistible !

I have still one subject to call briefly to the attention of the student,
namely, the twice repeated name of Jsa or Jsdna. The pandit would
apply this name to God in a general sense :—and certainly the grievous
offence given, Jsdya asulopena, ‘by sacrifice of living things to God’
is a sense quite consistent with the tenor of the edict; but through the
extreme vagueness of the Pali imitative grammar, Jsdya also represents
the third case of isé, TUT, FAar irshaya ‘by envy: so that it is
impossible to assert which of the two is correct. The other instance is
in the passage ‘ Isénameva mannata manam,’ which I have translated
‘worship ye the lord, the proper object of worship’ (wa4aq aya Hie)
but I hold myself by no means responsible for its accuracy, as I do not
find Isa among the synonymes of Buppna.

I may conclude my notes by mentioning the singular effect of the
idiomatical expressions kKhanakhanasi antaldpi tisena upon the pandit
who had been reading all these inscriptions with me—‘ Now’ he
exclaimed ‘ I believe the whole document to be genuine !’—He had all
along misgivings whether he had not been at work on a haphazard
jumble of old symbols optionally transcribed into as unintelligible
Nagari, until the occurrence of a homely idiomatical phrase at once
brought him to a conviction of their reality, and encouraged him more
zealously to help me to their meaning !

Postscrirt.—I had well nigh forgotten to mention the two modern
inscriptions stated in Mr. Krrror’s account to be scratched over some
of the caves near Aswestuma. ‘They are lithographed in Pl. XXV,
On reference to Pl. LIV. of last volume, the larger one will be seen

_to agree in alphabet and in the opening paragraph with the inscription
over the elephant cave at Udayagiri—but the name of the raja in
whose reign they were both cut is better developed in the present speci-
men. SHANTIKARA DEVA, is not to be found in the Orissa list, but is
probably one of the Suryavamsa, as he has not the epithet Kesart; or
he may be one of the 32 princes whose names STIRLING has omitted as
uninteresting. The curious figure in the second line, I suppose from
analogy to §Q, to be the figure 9. As far as it is legible, the legend

may be thus restored :
MwuifaacVsTTA F AC Ml KAT AHS
aaa?) afar ta 4 zyastaagi WE?
Miele Aware -e5-0 » SRSA H saeng (?) afear:

*

456 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. Ta

-* In the ninth (?) year of the reign of Sri Saa’NTIKARA DEVA, music (flutes)
should be played (?) by the hermit of the cave of sacrifice; these maths (temples)
of Stva have been constructed by Hipya Cuwatra Baatt, the son of VAIDYA-
KA Baar the rich merchant......ceseeereceeee”

The other scrap is too mutilated to be worth insertion.

IX.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, the 6th June, 1838.

The Right Reverend the Lorp Bisuor of Calcutta, Vice President, in
the chair.

A. V. Bayury, Esq. C. S. and Lieut. C. B. Youne, Engineers, propos.
ed at the last meeting were duly elected members of the Society.

Mr. Sotomon Casar Manan, Bachelor of Arts in the university of Ox.
ford and Professor at Bishop’s College, member R. A. S., was proposed by
the Lorp BisHor, seconded by the Rev. G. Withers.

Colonel Benson (lately appointed envoy to the Burmese court) on his
return to India begged to be again entered on the list of resident mem.
bers.

Dr. Wm. Grirrity acknowledged his election.

Mr. W. Apam begged his name might be transferred to the absentee
tist*, as he was on the point of quitting India for America.

The Secretary reported that he had lately examined the roof and found
many of the beams completely destroyed by dry rot. The present season .
made it very inconvenient to commence repairs, but should the measure
be necessary the president had kindly placed the grand jury room at the
disposal of the Society for its monthly meetings while its own apartments
should be unavailable.

[The builder has since given his opinion that the repairs may be postponed till
October next, without danger. ]

Correspondence.

Read a letter from Sir G. T. Staunton, Bart. acknowledging his ad-
mission as an honorary member, and stating his readiness at all times to
promote the objects for which the several Asiatic Societies had been in-
stituted. :

A note from M. St. Husert Tuerovunpe, announced his approach.
ing departure for the Upper Provinces, and thanked the Society for the
cordial reception he had met among them during his residence in Calcutta.

Dr. Wauuicn requested on behalf of Lieut. Col. Stevenson, if it were
within the rules, that a set of the Society’s Researches should be presented
to the library of the artillery regiment at Bombay. After some discussion
it was agreed that the principle of distribution and exchange of the publi.
cations of a learned association precluded compliance with the present
request, lest it should form an inconvenient precedent.

Read a letter from Professor ScuLecEL, returning thanks for the Ma-
hébharat and other works sent to Bonn.

The following extract will interest the friends of oriental literature :—

‘* Non seulement tous les savans qui s’intéressent aux études Asiatiques, mais
j'ose dire, tous les hommes éclairés, pour peu qu’ils ayent réfiéchis sur 1’état moral

* Members of the Society by the rules cease to pay contributions when absent
re Asia, but continue to be members, and subscribe again from the date of their
return.

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1838. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 457

et intellectuel de ]’Inde, et sur les bases de la puissance Britanique de ee pays, on
été péniblement frappés de cette ordonnance qui a paralysé l’activité du Comité de
l’ instruction publique; et l’on a su apprécier la resolution genereuse de la Société
Asiatique de réparer le tort que l’ignorance et la barbarie menagaient de faire A la
cause de ]’érudition et des lumiéres. Cette Société, depuis sa fondation, a rendu
d’immenses services ; elle a puissamment contribué @ l’avancement de nos connais-
sances. Nous lui devons une infinité d’observations et de découvertes, et cette
abondance de matériaux dont nous jouissons anjourd’hui. Le département auguel les
orientalistes, qui vivent en Europe, doivent se vouer de préférence, c’est la critique
philologique, la correction la plus soignée des textes et l’art de l’interprétation,
En Allemagne et dans le nord le zéle pour l’étude du Sanscrit se maiutient tonjours
et se répand méme de plus en plus. On enseigne cette langue dans plusieurs
universités Allemandes: a Bonn te professeur LassEN et moi, nous an donnons des
cours concurremment tous Jes sémestres, sans avoir égard au petit nombre d’éco-
liers qui se présentent. L’hiver dernier j’ai eu parmi mes auditeurs un jeune savant
de Copenhague, et un autre néa St. Petersbourg. Un orientaliste d’ Upsala, qui, le
premier dans son pays, s’est appliqué au Sanscrit, et a fait un voyage littéraire
dans ce but, me fut addressé derniérement par le professeur WILSON, et je l’ai trou-
vé assez avancé pour pouvoir le recommender au gouvernement Suédois.

* J’ai été douloureusement affecté par la mort de mon immortel ami et demon
grand oracle COLEBROOKE, quoiqu’elle ne fit que le terme d’une existence depuis
longtemps brisée par les infirmités.

‘* Le professeur ROSEN, dans la force de l’age, a été enlevé presque subitement
& ses amis et aux lettres, dansle moment ou il se préparait de passer an Allemagne,
afin de revoir sa famille ou m’assure que l’impression de sou travail surle Rig-
véda est presque achevée. Les études asiatiques ont aussi fait une perte dans
la personne du Baron SCHILLING DE CRONSTADT, conseiller d’état a St. Peters-
bourg. Mon savant ami avait fait un voyage en Sibérie, et séjourné long temps
an-dela du lac Baical parmi les Burites. II s’était concilié la bienveillance de
quelques prétres Bouddhiques, de sorte qu’il ena rapporté une immense collection de
livres Tibétains. Les doubles seules, qu’il mit en dépot chez moi, il y a deux ans,
remplissaient six caisses. Je les ai expédiées 4 l’institut de France, auquel il en
avait don. La grande collection est restée & St. Petersbourg, et passera sans doute
a la bibliothéque Impériale.”’

The Secretary communicated the following extract from Professor
Witson’s last letter on the subject of the Masson collection of coins.

‘¢T have been lately occupied rather industriously with MAsson’s coins. We
received those of 1833-34 in the summer; those of 1835 only about three months ago.
After inspecting the first batch I proposed to the court through the chairman and
several of the directors to give a lecture upon them; but this was thoughtan un-
advisable innovation and the measure was abandoned. I was determined however not
to drop the subject, and therefore gave my lecture the form of a memoir, which I
presented and which was received very graciously. I suggested at the same time
the advisableness of publishing a book with plates, and offered to prepare the mate-
rials if the court would bear the expense, proposing that after taking such number
of copies as the court might require, to make over the rest to Mr. Masson’s family
for their benefit. There seems to be a disposition to accede to the arrangement, or
at any rate to give to Masson or his family some further remuneration for the
coins as their pecuniary value is much beyond what they cost.”’

By a recent letter from Capt. BuRNES it would appear that a supposed reflection
had been cast on MASSON’s labours in Professor RITTER’S remarks on the topes
published in a preceding journal.

‘‘ MASSON was not one of those who dug into the topes to get at the hidden trea-
sure without thinking of other things ; his researches were laborious, minute, and
scrutinizing ; height, depth, &c. were all noted. [have seen some of his MSS. in
which particulars are preserved amply to satisfy the German Professor.”

We may add to the above that we are sure no slur was intended on MASSON’S no
- more than on General VENTURA’S or CouRT’s explorations, in which every care
was taken to record the exact position of the ‘trouvailles.’ The information sought
by the German Professor was of a specific nature.

A letter from the Society’s Paris agent dated 8th January, mentioned

the death of the Baron Scninuine before he had heard of his election.

Major TROYER mentions that the Sanskrit text of the six. first books of the Ta-
rangini is printed, and the French translation is put to press. He has now accept-

458 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. +[May,

ed the proposal of the Earl of Munster on the part of the Roy. As. Soc. to complete
the English translation of the Persian Dabistdn of which the late Captain SHEA
had done about one third when he died. Major TROYER had translated the whole
into German whilst in Calcutta ; he will be occupied on the English version and the
editing of the whole, next year.

M. BurnourF Sec. Paris Asiatic Society announced the receipt of the
Society’s Journal of June containing the pillar alphabet, and the sensation
it had created among the learned :

‘‘ Le jour ou je l’ai recu j’allais 4 l’academie ; quoique ce savant corps ne préte
son attention en ce moment qu’ au Grec et a l’Arabe, j’ai demandé la parole, etj’ai
trouvé de la verve pour exposer tout ce que vous veniez de faire, de beau et de grand
par votre decouverte. J’ai été ecouté avec une religieuse attention, et je sais que
la communication a fait quelque effet .......... Chose singuliére! j’ avais deja
fait des essais infructueux surla copie du VII vol. des As. Res. : j’ avais huit
lettres, mais m’ etant trompé lourdement sur a et ne sachant que faire de |
je n’ avais pu passer ontre .... Votre | est un veritable trait de vive lumiére
qui a rendu ace caractére le méme service que le n des inscriptions cuneiformes ~
trouvé par Rask. J’ai communiqué votre lettre 4 M. JAcQUET que venait, peu de
jours avant, de recevoir une masse d’ inscriptions de Girnar exactement dans le
caractére que vous avez dechiffré si heureusement. I] s’est mis avec empressement,
et il vous ecrira lui méme.’’

Some correspondence with the Secretary of the Geological Society of
London was read, relating to a missing No. of their Transactions.

Read a letter from M. G. Vrouix, Secretary to the Royal Institution
of Sciences and Arts at Amsterdam, proposing an interchange of publica-
tions and presenting its transactions as far as published. Resolved, that
a suitable return be made of such vols. of the Researches as remain in
store, (from vol. 12 to vol. 20.)

Mr. J. Mincuin, Secretary Madras Literary Society, and Professor
DaniE.L, Sec. Roy. Institution of London, acknowledged presentations.

Library.

The following books were presented :

The Sdnkhya Kérika, 1 vol. 4to.—dy the Roy. As. Soc. Or. Trans. Com-
mitiee.

List of the Members of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland,
corrected to the 31st of July, 1837—Jdy ditto,

Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks, écrite en Arabe par Makrizi, et traduite en
Francais por M. QuATREME’RE, Tom. I. 4to.— dy the same.

Institutiones Linguze Pracritice, by Dr. CuristiaAN Lassen, Professor at
Bonn, the 3rd fasciculus—by the author.

Nieuwe Verhandelingen der Eerste Klasse van het koniklijk, Niderlandsche
Institut van Wetenschappen, Letterkunde en schoone kunsten (Parts I. II. III.
IV. V.) Amsterdam, 1827—1836—by the Amsterdam Royal Institute.

Transactions of the Zoological Society of London, Vol. II. Part I., London,
1836 and Journal,—by the Society.

The following by the Statistical Society of London.

Tables of the Revenue, Population, Commerce, &c. of the United Kingdom
and its Dependencies, Parts III. IV. V. each with a Supplement, folio, London,
1834—37.

Catalogue of Parliamentary Reports, 1696 —1834, ordered by the House of
Commons to be printed, 15th August, 1834.

Report, Vaccine Board, ordered by the House of Commons to be printed,
28th August, 1833.

General Statistics of the British Empire, by James M’QueEeEn, Esq. London,
1836.

Statistical Journal and Record of Useful Knowledge, for October, November
and December, 1837, London. 5

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 459

The following were also presented.

Proceedings of the Agricultural Society of India, January to May, 1838—by
the Society

W. Avawm’s Third Report on Educational Statistics of India—by the author..

The Meteorological Register-~by the Surveyor General.

Fauna Boreali-Americana, or Zoology of the Northern parts of British Ame.
rica. Part 2nd, containing the birds, with plates and cuts, by Dr, RICHARDSON,
and W. Swarnson, Esq. London, 1831, 4to. 524 pages, Rs. 50—purchased for
the Society by the Museum Committee.

11 vols. Naturalist’s Library, edited by Sir Witttam Jaropine, at 3 Rs. per
vol, the remaining vols. to be supplied at the same price—ditéo.

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia, Treatise on Geology, Vol. I. London, 1¢37—~
From the booksellers.

——— Eminent Literary and Scientific Men of Italy, Spain and Portugal,
Vol. III. London, 1837—/from ditto.

Two series of circulars, one addressed to the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
the other to the Asiatic Society of Calcutta! forwarding prospectus of
Foore’s medical pocket book and almanack.

Literary and Antiquities.

Mr. Secretary Prinsep, transmitted on the part of Government, voca.
bularies of the Baraky, and of five other languages spoken in the Panjab,
compiled by Lieutenant R. Leecu, of the Bombay Engineers.

In reply to the Society’s application to the Governor General of the
15th December, requesting that the executive engineer might be permit-
ted to effect the conveyance of the broken pillar presented to the Society
by Raja Hinpvu Rao from Delhi to Calcutta, Mr. Secy. Macnageuren for.
warded copies of correspondence with Captain G. Tuomson, and Captain
T.S. Burr of Engineers on the subject, and requested on the part of the
Gov. Gen. to know whether the Society would still wish its removal.

Captain TuHomson reported that the transportation of the shaft would cost
2000 rupees :—but Captain Burt suggested that by cutting off the inscribed part
it might be sent down for a tenth of that sum, though he doubted whether a fac-

simile would not answer every purpose, considering the mutilated condition of —

the inscription.

The object of possessing the Delhi fragment in the Society’s museum being ra-
ther as the only actual specimen of the ancient character which it would be possi-
ble to make portable, than for the sake ofreading its contents, which are known
and published in the Journal for last September, it was resolved still to re-
quest the aid of the Governor General for the dispatch. of the inscribed portio
at least of the shaft under the superintendence of Captain Burt.

Mr. B. H. Hopeson having been informed of the Society’s wish to
publish the text of the Lufita vistara in Sanskrit and Tibetan with a trans.
lation by M. Csoma pe Ko6ros, sent down two more manuscripts of this
standard Buddhist work for collation with the Society’s copy as it passes
through the press. One of these copies bears the marks of great anti-
guity, and both are more correct than the copy in the library.

Major James Low, M. A. S. C. offered to the Society for publication a
paper entitled ‘‘ Excursions to the Eastward, No. 1, or extracts from the
journal of a Pglitical Mission to the réja of Ligor in Lower Siém, with

drawings.

Captain T. S. Burr forwarded the 87 facsimiles of various inscriptions
mentioned at the last meeting.

He had also lately taken with considerable trouble, complete impressions
of the Feroz léth inscriptions and of the inscription on the iron pillar
at Delhi, which has been so long a desideratum. They had been made over
to the Secy. Gov. Gen, for transmission.

+ 3M

460 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (May,

Statistical.

Mr. W. Anam, presented on the part of Dr. A. Kean, some tables of
the population and of the births and mortality in a village of the Moor-
shedabad district. Referred to the Statistical Committee.

Dr. Kean hopes in the current year to be able to add marriages to his list,
and to extend it to a greater number of villages.

PuysicaL DrpaRTMENT.
Museum.

Mr. Kirror proposed that two or more Musulmén lads be entertained
as apprentices to M, Boucuuz, to learn the art of preparing birds and
animals, with the understanding that they are to be occasionally sent with
members of the Society, or officers of Government who may be deputed to
explore any part of the country,—and that the expense be defrayed out of
the Curator’s allowance granted by Government.

Mr. KirTok said, that during his late trip, had he been provided with such an
assistant he would have been able to have brought back many specimens for the
museum, . The proposition was approved, and referred to the Committee of
the Museum to be acted on.

Tidal Observations.

Mr. E. BLunpExLL, Commissioner of the Tenasserim provinces, forward-
ed two series of observations of the tides, one by Captain McLeop, at
Mergui, the other by Captain Corsin, Harbour Master at Amherst, made
in conformity with Professor Wueweuv’s circular.

Geography.

The following letter from Captain Pemperton in command of the depu-
tation to Bootén, descriptive of the progress of the expedition, in conti-
nuation of the extracts published in the Proceedings of the 7th February,
was communicated by the Secretary.

Tongro Bootan, March 12th, 1838.
Lat. 27° 29’ 32” Long, about 90° 17’; 6527 feet above the sea.

‘We left Devagirit on the 2lst January, and reached this place in twenty

marches, though forty days were consumed on the road from vartous unavoid-
able causes. The very first march we crossed an elevation of 7009 feet above the
sea, a good foretaste of what we had subsequently to expect. The third march
brought us to a village called Sasee, not more than 4300 feet above the sea, but
where we first found the most beautiful and extensive fir forests, I had ever seen
—all growing on mourtains of hornbleude slate which proved to be the prevailing
rock in this part of Bootdn. From Sasee we ascended on the following day to Bel-
phaee, a mile or two beyond whichis a temple whose elevation proved by measure-
ment to be 8300 feet above the sea ; this point is geologically important, as here
the hornblende slate is succeeded by a talc slate with garnets thickly dissemi-
nated, and traces of the transition began to appear between six and eight thou-
sand feet. Here we first saw ice on the ground, and traces of snow on a ridge to
the north about 2000 feet higher. On the Ist of February we reached Tassgong
called also Berhan, the residence of a sooba or prince of a district on the left
bank of the Monas river in Lat. 27° 19’ 37” Long. about 91° 33’ and 3182 feet
above the sea. The Monas flows 1200 feet below it over a bed of gneiss boulders,
with immense velocity and a very considerable volume of water. This river
which you may remember enters the Burhamputer at Jugigope nearly opposite
to Goalparrah, appears to be the principal drain of two-thirds of the waters of
Bootdn, every stream between it and this place falling into it, and the whole
forming a stream which in the rains rushes into the Burhamputer with a velo-
city which few boats can stem. At Phullury three marches from Tassgong,
we for the first time had a fall of snow which lasted two days, and gave to the
whole country an aspect precisely similar to that which you can imagine at home
in a November day. Snow balls were flying about in every direction and the
Bhuteeahs appeared to enter as keenly into the sport as our party. We
were six thousand feet above the sea, and though the fall at this elevation was
sufficiently heavy to cover the ground to a depth of five or six inches, the hills

1838. } Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 461

500 feet below us were scarcely at all affected by it, and summer and winter were
reigning at the same moment on opposite sides of a mountain torrent at dis-
tances not more than a mile apart. We had evidently however fairly entered a
region whose temperature was far below what we had been accustomed to for
many years, and vegetation no less than sensation proved it; on every side we
had oaks, firs, rhododendrons, weeping cypresses and apples. At 10 in the
morning of the 8th February, while the snow was falling heavily the thermome-
ter stood at 46, and strange to say in the afternoon at 4 Pp. M. with the thermo-
meter at 420 a rapid thaw took place, and we resumed our march on the 10th to
Tasangsee the residence of a sooba in Lat. 27° 34’ 25” Long. 91° 15’ and 5290
feet above the sea.

We had now arrived near the north-eastern foot of a lofty range of moun-
tains called the Domylala, the passage of which we were told would prove
difficult as the greater portion of it lay through snow, but that we should
be able to cross it in time to obtain shelter at a village on the opposite side
before night. Under this impression we started from a halting-house on the
morning of the 15th of February at an elevation of 8000 feet above the sea, and
after ascending 1000 feet entered a snowy region, where we found every tree
heavily laden with icicles and snow, and the latter in many places so deep as to
render extreme care necessary in travelling along the narrow ledges of gneiss,
which projecting in many places from the face of the mountain afforded a very in-
secure and scarcely distinguishable path for the traveller. Here we met cedars of
considerable size, but the snow so buried all the inferior shrubs that it was almost
impossible to obtain a sight of one. We toiled up this steep and weary ascent
until 1 o'clock when we reached a ridge which proved to be 11245 feet above
the sea. This we were told was the culminating point of the range, but we
found to our cost that it was not so; we descended for some time and again
crossing numerous peaks by zig-zag paths intersected by torrents which rushed
under a superficial coating of ice, finally reached the northwest crest from
whence we looked down almost perpendicularly on the massive platforms which
formed the basis of the ponderous ridge above. This point was 12480 feet above
the sea, and we commenced the descent about 3 p. M., and here the cold became
much more severe ; the rocks were coated with ice; huge icicles hung from them
in every direction, and yet the thermometor stood 2° above the freezing point*.
At halfpast four we reached an open platform sloping gradually to the westward,
and then pushed on through a succession of ravines expecting every moment to
arrive at the promised village where we were to obtain rest and refreshment.
The increasing darkness and difficulty of the road rendered advance every minute
more impracticable and we were at last so completely involved in darkness that
it was quite impracticable to advance further, no trace of a path being percep-
tible, and we determined to retrace our steps to an open spot in the rear rather
more free of snow than any around us. We did not reach this halting-place
until past 8 o’clock, when we contrived to make an old tree contribute to our
comfort by converting some of its branches into fire-wood; and passed the
night in the open air surrounded by snow at an elevation of 9600 feet above the
sea. Brake and myself with three or four servauts were the only persons
who reached this spot. GrirritH had halted a little behind us and the
people of the camp were scattered over a line of about 3 miles in length,
extending from the foot of the descent to the entrance of the ravines. The
village we did not reach until past 10 o’clock the following morning, and
several of the Bhuteeahs with the baggage did mot arrive until two days
afterwards.

In crossing this lofty range several of the party suffered from vertigo,
sickness and difficulty of breathing, and even much lower down the highly rarifi-
ed state of the air was proved by the faint report of our guns. We had fortunate-
ly a perfectly calm atmosphere while effectiug this arduous passage or the con-
sequences might have proved most serious to many of our followers, none of whom
had ever before been so exposed. Linge the village at which we halted for two
days, is 6330 feet above the sea, so that in this march we had ascended three
thousand and descended nearly six thousand feet, ina distance of 19 miles,

* See the explanation of this apparent anomaly J. A. 8. Vol. V.. 427.—Eb.
3M 2

462 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [May,

Our next march was to Lengloang the residence of a sooba in Lat. 279 29’ 13”
(our extreme northern limit thus far) Long. 91° 3’ 45” and 4523 feet above the
sea. These residences of the soobas are all built on the summit of a projecting
spur from some contiguous range, with a stream flowing on either side from the
superior heights. The edifice generaHy consists of a series of buildings erected
without any particular attention to form, the sole object being apparently to
make the most of the very scanty ground adapted to building on the sloping face
of a narrow ridge, and the filth that reigns in these ‘‘ baronial castles’? is greater
than you could possibly imagine, but admirably adapted for the residence of the
disgustingly dirty race that inhabits them. 1 have never in all my wanderings
met with a people so radically filthy in all their habits. After leaving Lenglong ~
we travelled two days through a more open and better cultivated tract of country.
than we had previously seen, the fields being all terraced and the face of the hills
less precipitous. .

On the third day however we again left this comparatively civilized portion

of Bootan and struggled amidst snow and ice to obtain the massive flank of
the Roodoola range of mountains, which like that crossed on the 15th, was
covered with snow from its summit down to about 4000 feet above the sea,
when the first traces began to appear. We halted for the night of the 25th
of February, in a miserable hovel at a place called Peiree 9700 feet above the sea,
surrounded on every side by snow, and with the formidable ridge of the Roodoola
towering full 4000 feet above us. The snow had recently fallen and we suffered
extremely from its want of compactness on the following morning, when we com-
menced climbing the zig-zag path which led to the ridge; the path was in
many instances, where it was carried round the mural side of a peak, entirely
formed by narrow slabs of gneiss oaly a few inches broad, forming under the
most favourable circumstances but an insecure footing, and covered as they now
were with snow from two to four feet deep it required the utmost caution to |
avoid falling over the precipices into the abyss which yawned below. At one spot
we had nearly lost our ponies which did go over, but were saved by strong halters
which had been secured to them in anticipation of the accident. Two years ago
in this same month (February) five Bhuteeahs were lost at this formidable pass;
they fell over the precipice, were buried in the snow, and their bodies discovered
in the summer when it had melted. A narrow defile between two peaks of gneiss
which rise about 500 feet above the path brought us to the spot from which the
rangederives its name of Roodoola, and this proved to be 12335 feet above the sea
level. We ascended about 300 feet higher and then commenced a rapid descent
through cedar and fir forests to a mountain valley called Boomdunglung 8670
feet above the sea; one of the most attractive spots we had seen in Bootan, surs
rounded on every side by mountains covered with snow, which gradually disap-
peared as it reached the elevation of the valley. Here we shot magpies, larks,
curlews, a quail, a duck, saruses, and some others which we had not before met
with. We have since passed through two more of these alpine valleys, those of Jugur
aud Jaresah which are respectively 8150 and 9400 feet above the sea, We were
at these places on the 5th instant, when the scanty wheat crops were barely above
the ground, while here at an elevation of 6500 feet, and only three geographical
miles further south, the wheat is in ear, but promising a miserable return. These
three valleys are the only ones we have yet met with since entering the hills, they
are watered by streams of remarkable transparency, and the heights around them
are either composed of gneiss, or a talcose slate in a state of rapid decomposi-
tion.

We have now entered apparently a more temperate region, though the wea-
ther is bleak and unpleasantly cold at times. We hope to start for Punakah
in a day or two, whichis not more than five marches distant. It is strange
that every Bhuteeah who has been asked points to the southward of west
as the division of Punakah while TunNeR in his map givea its Latitude at 27957’
about 27% miles to the northward of this: is it possible that he can have madesuch
amistake ? I think not; but I hope soon to be satisfied on this point. Commu-
nication can be held with Goalparrah from hence in 8 days, and I am preparing
my dispatches to send off as soon as I have an opportunity. There has been a
rebellion in the country ; the Deb who guided the helm of the state when I left

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 463.

Calcutta has been thrown overboard and another king Log now sits in his place
to be kicked after his predecessor whenever an ambitious aspirant after regal
honours can collect half a dozen musquets and five or six ounces of gunpowder.
The sanguinary contest has been waging for seven months, and the list of killed
and wounded from all I can learn might be included in a nutshell ; fighting is
not their vice, but filthiness in person, dress and house is. The former Tingso
Pile has been deposed and a successor arrived three days ago to take charge of
the building which they have chosen to call a fort or castle. I am collecting all
the information I can, but the Bhuteeahs are not very communicative, and money
here as elsewhere is the only key to their knowledge box.’’

| Astronomy.

Dr. McCrietuanp called the attention of the members tothe following
curious astronomical phenomenon, made known to him by a letter from
Sir J. W. HersHent, dated Cape of Good Hope, 13th January, 1838.

‘* We are treated here with one of the rarest and most remarkable of astrono-
mical phenomena, viz. the sudden and unexpected accession of brightness, by
which a well known star of the second magnitude, 7 in the constellation Argo
has within these two months grown to surpass all the stars of the first magnitude
except Sirius, Canopus, and a Centauri; to the latter of which it is now nearly if
not fully equal. During four years that I have been continually observing this
star I never had the smallest ground for suspecting it to be variable: nor has it
ever before so far as I am aware been noticed otherwise than as a large star of
the second magnitude. J am watching the progress and phases of this singular
phonomenon as you may suppose with great interest, and only regret that my ap-
proaching departure for Europe will probably oblige me to trust to the reports
of others for its ultimate event.”’

Dr. McCuexuanp stated that he had written to Mr. Tayntorthe Madras
astronomer on the suaject, as the star might better be observed from his
observatory than at Calcutta.

Botany.

The following inquiry regarding the gamboge tree was submitted for
solution to such members as might be best situated for its investigation,
by Dr. J. Grant Matcotmson of the Madras Medical Service, now in
Europe, in a letter to the Secretary.

N. Britain, December 7th, 1837.

‘‘T venture to renew a correspondence with which I have occasionally trou-
bled you, at the request of Professor GRAHAM of Edinburgh. You are aware
of the investigations he and Dr. Curistison have lately been engaged on, in
reference to the gamboge tree, about which so many erroneous opinions have
been received. I had collected some specimens from the gamboge tree near
Rangoon, and the leaves and branches were found by Royxz and myself to
differ from any in the India House collections ; and Mr. Brown having compar-
ed them with the specimens of LouveiRo’s plant from Siam in the British Mu-
seum, found it to resemble it very much, but to be apparently of a different
species, the leaves being much softer and more pointed. The tree was in full
fruitin May and I did not see the flowers: unfortunately the fruit I had
preserved in spirits and sent home, never reached their destination. I consider-
ed the tree to be the Guaicuma gambogia of Pensoon, but it is not necessary to
detain you with any account of it, as any of your readers who may be able to
supply Dr. Grawam with specimens will have no difficulty of obtaining the in-
formation onthe spot. The trees I saw had been wounded, and much fine gam-
boge had run down the trunk. Leaves, fruit, flowers, and sufiiciency of the
gamboge (with bark), for experiment, are desired. Tne following extract trom Dr.
Granam’s letter will explain this: ‘Louverro’s gamboge tree he believes to be
_ the same with that of Burman (the Ceylon plant), in which he is certainly wrong-
He calls it Gambogia gutta, and describes it thus: Tree large, with spreading
branches, leaves broad, lanceolate, quite eutire, flat, thick, scattered, petiolate,
small. Flowers saffron-colored, terminal, on many flowered pedungles. Calyx
of four leaflets : leaflets sub-rotund, concave, spreading. Corolla of 4 petals,

464 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. / [May,

ovato-oblong, unguiculate, spreading. Stamina numerous, inserted into tke
receptacle. Stigma sessile, many cleft. Berry sub-rotund, 8-angled, 8-locular,
loculaments monospermous: seed oblong ovate. Skin yellow, thin and smooth,
pulp yellow, -succulent, sweet, eatable. Size of the fruit 2 inches (he does not
say whether in length, breadth, or circumference). He adds, that it is frequent in
the woods of Cochin-China, and more so in Siam and Cambodia. I do hope that
this account will enable you to procure for me, specimens of the plant in flower
and fruit and of the gamboge obtained from it. It would appear that the flowers
are hermaphrodite, but possibly this may be a mistake, and it would therefore
be very important that this point should be examined. I have now ascertained
not only that the Ceylon tree has flowers of distinct sex, but that the different
sexes grow upon different plants. It is very possible that Louverro’s plant has
the several organs arranged in the same way, but the female flower looks as if it
were hermaphrodite, having always several abortive stamens round the germen,
Have the kindness to-beg that the fruit may be sent either in spirits or ina
saturated solution of salt in water,’ thatthe history ofthis important drug would
be cleared up*. Thus there are evidently two plants, one in Ava, the other to the
east of that country, and both should be procured.’’

Dr. Matcoumson, in the letter above quoted, gives the following infor-.
mation on the fossil shells of the Nerbudda basalt.

‘¢ T have drawn up a paper on the Nagpore fossils, of which Mr. Somersy has
furnished me with beautiful drawings. Al/ the shells are lacusterme, and render
it probable that the great basaltic eruptions between the Nerbudda and Goda-
very and south of that river, took place in the ¢ertiary epoch. The genera are
Unio-Melania, Physa, Limnea, Paludina ;—2 species of the fresh water crustacean
called Cypris; a new gyrogonite. The whole are undescribed. The Sagar and
Jubulpoor shell is considered to be a Physa; and certainly the same as some of
those from the Deccan.”

Natural History.

A letter from Mr. Witson Saunpers (late Lieut. Beng. Engineers):
gives some particulars of the duplicates of insects from Saugor, presented
by Major Hzarsey, which will be interesting to Indian entomologists.

‘¢T have been highly delighted with your present of Indian insects, which
arrived in perfect order. The Lepidoptera are very beautiful. Among the Coleop-
tera there is a Carnonia, some undescribed Longicornes allied to Lamia, and two
or three insects of the family Chrysomelide which I believe to be new. Tie
Hymenoptera offer a fine new species of Palopeus, and an EHumenes undescribed.
The Diptera contain two new génera, which I shall take an early opportunity
of describing, the first in the family Jabanide, aad the second. belonging to.
Jephritide, the latter very distinct with a. most singular encrassated nerve at
the base of the wing. Inthe orders I do not see any thing new as yet. Our
collections are all poor in Indian insects. I am most anxious to get specimens
of the curious coleopterous genus Paurus, and of the dipterous genus Diopsis,
in order to complete a description of these tribes.”

Mr. Saunpers on the part of the Entomological Society was desirous of

exchanging its transactions against the Society’s Journal, an arrangement
the secretary as Editor said he should be proud to carry into effect.

Dr. McCxietLanp submitted the following note, with the skin of a mole
from Assam.

‘Mr. Pearson in the interesting paper inserted in the last number of the
Society’s Journal at page 359 expresses a doubt as to the existence of the mole
in India. I was favoured by Captain JENKINS of Assam, a few weeks since, with
the skin of a small animal of which he observes ‘I also send you the skin of
a mole which I believe to bea variety here ; it was obtained by Captain HANNAY.

* The Madras journal for April just published cantains Dr. Graham’s reply to
Dr. Wight, on this subject—and a note from the latter confirming the fact of He-
bradendrongambogioides being a native of Ceylon, where itis found but not abune.
dantly, in the forests. The tree is diecious.—Ep,

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 465

near Jeypore.’ The skin unquestionably belonged to an animal closely allied
in its habits to the mole, with a similar fur but of mouse grey color, and with a
minute flat naked tail scarcely projecting above the fur, and having a row of stiff
hairs on its edge.

‘‘ Unfortunately we have not the skull nor even the fore feet of this animal—two
most essential parts, but the forms of the skin together with that of a single hind
foot, the only one attached to it, seem to refer it to the genus Chrysochloris or
that to which the Cape of Good Hope mole belongs as well as the golden mole.
The hind foot of the Assam animal is naked and ftat, bearing a near resemblance

to the human hand, with long nails, hollow below, narrow, and slightly pointed at
their extremities.’’

Dr. McCieLLanp made a further communication on the subject of two
small fish from a hot spring at Pooree.

‘¢ T may notice another point of Zoological interest for which I am indebted
to Dr. GoopEveE who has favoured me with two specimens of the fish found by

Mr. CuMBERLAND to live in a hot spring at Pooree, the temperature of which

is 112° Fakr. The subject was mentioned by Dr. Goopeve at the last meeting
of the Medical Society, but as we hear much more extraordinary things of fishes
than this it excited but little interest. Our Secretary Mr. J. Prinsep for instance
found one in his pluviometer that must have descended from the clouds. Hum-
BOLDT and Bonevanp found fishes thrown up alive from the bottom of a volcano
in the course of its explosions along with water and heated vapour only two degrees
under the boiling point; had this observation been made on the top of Chim-
borazo the boiling point might have been as low as the temperature of the hot
spring at Pooree, but GARRELL removes all uncertainty by stating the temperature
to have been 2102 Fahr. and it was stated at the Medical Society by Dr. O’-
Shaughnessy, on the authority of a writer in Blackwood, that fish live comfortably
in the Geysers—the boiling springs of Iceland, whose waters we should recollect
though only boiling at the surface, are supposed at greater depths to be suffi-
ciently hot to dissolve flint and hold it in solution.

‘* On the other hand the sucking carp, a species said to be remarkably tenaceous
of life, has been found by Dr. RicHarpson frozen in the ice of the northera
seas, apparently dead, but when the ice is thawed the fish avails itself of its liberty
as if nothing had happened to it. A similar fact has also been observed by Mr.
Jnsse with reference to the gold-fish, and in northern parts of Europe Mr.
GARRELL informs us that perch and eels are conveniently transported in a frozen
state from place to place without destroying life.

‘* With such an utter defiance of temperature as these facts prove the living
principle in fishes to be capable of exercising, there is nothing wonderful in our
finding fish in the hot spring at Pooree; there is this interest however in it, that
the fish belongs to a new genus of which we have some 10 or 12 species in India
all carnivorous, so that its presence implies the existence of other living things
in the hot spring in addition to its own kind.’’

The Secretary ventured to add to the foregoing a circumstance recently under
his own observation. The tank or reservoir connected with the mint steam
engines is well stored with the ri machii. During the late hot season the tem-
perature of this tank has risen to 104° ‘or 105° Fahr. from the constant working
of the engines; but this degree of heat seemed to incommode the fish consi-
derably, for they actually threw themselves on the banks as if to avoid it and

_ were caught by hand on tie margin of the tank.’’

Lieut. N. Vicary, on his return from New South Wales, presented
various objects for the museum, thus described in the curator’s notice.

1. Theskin of the Echidna Histrix, (DesM.) or spiny Echidna, Myrmecophaga
acuata, SHAW, the aculeated ant-eater of Australia, since stuffed and mounted
for the museum.

Being the only example of this singular animal at present in the musuem it
may be considered a valuable acquisition to the Society’s cabivet.

2. Skin of a small Platapus, Ornithorhynchus parodoxus, (BLuM.) which has
also been prepared and mounted. Of these animals there are now three good spe-
cimens in the museum all of the same species.

466 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (May;

3. Detached bones of a kangaroo, Kangurus labiatus.

There being neither a stuffed specimen, or a skeleton of a kangaroo inthe -

Society’s collection it is to be regretted that the bones presented by Lieut Vica-
RY, in belonging to a young animal.and being defective in number, are unfit
for articulation.

4. Portion of the stem of Alsophila Australis, the tree fern of the blue moun-
tains, which bears a strong resemblance to the fossils depicted in Buckland.

5. Flower of enthorr@a hastilis, the grass tree of the colonists.

6. Cidaris —————? a species of Echinus.

7. Birds. The nonpareil parrot platycorus ewimius, (Vie.) - Kingfisher;
Alcedo —————-? and white-headed Grosbeak, Lowia leucocephala, which owing
to their injured state cannot be preserved.,

The following were presented by Mr. Evans the curator.

Upper jaw of a small fish.

A preparation showing the ring of bony plates surrounding the eye of the
large horned owl of India. Asio bubo.

Preparation of the eye of the ringtailed eagle ;

Showing an analogous formation, only in a minor degree. These bony rings
composed of a series of plates admit of a limited motion, by moving on each
other and by which mechanical means these birds most probably have the power
of regulating the convexity of the cornea so as to vary the extent or intensity of
vision according to their habits and necessities.

Specimens of the following stuffed birds, were presented by Lieutenant
Monrriou, Indian Navy ; Perdix Francolinus, Lata. Francoline Partridge.
Perdix Asiatica, Laru. Asiatic Partridge, and Coturnia Pintah, (SyxKzs,)
mountain quail of the Dukhun.

The scapule, ossa humeri and two vertebre of a whale, (query) Balena
Australis, or Cacholot Macrocephalus.

Lieut. Fraser, Engineers, presented through Dr. McCuenianp, a speci-
men of rock-salt found in digging a well at how.

‘¢ Lieut. Hoveson of the artillery stationed at Mhow, when recently engaged in
sinking a well in his compound at that station on a high spot of ground composed
of two ordinary black soil of Malwa, found at a depth of 33 feet aninsulated mass
of rock-salt, the size of two fists, imbedded in trap rock which appears too much
cracked and broken so as to render it easily separated with the pick; mixed with
this brecciated rock there is a considerable quantity of carbonate of soda.”’

Lieut. Fraser inguires ‘‘ whether that mineral be usually found in detached
masses, and whether there be a prospect of finding it in more important quanti-
ties at Mhow or the vicinity.

‘* Salt springs are common in volcanic countries such as Mhow would seem to
be, and itis possible that the crystal may have been thus formed by infiltration
of brine into the natural cells of the basalt; but the salt lakesin the valleys along
the northern base of the table-land of Malwa, render it probable that extensive
deposits of the salt formation may exist in central India.”’

Colonel Macxeop presented a fresh rolled fragment of lignite from the
fort boring, depth 4644 feet. ;

‘Tt exactly resembled some of the Cuttack specimens, or burnt charcoal, on one
surface. Since then a lump of decayed wood has been brought up, rounded on the
edges as if rolled in a stream, but not in the least carbonized; just such as is
met with in the Sundarban alluvium.’’

Dr. McLxon; Inspector General of H. M. Hospitals, forwarded specimens
of the rocks found at Simla.

1. ‘* Granite from the Choor mountain, 13,000 feet alt.

2, 3, 15, 16 ditto, lower down the same mountain.

4, 6, quartz; 5, 7, mica; 8, 9, 10, micaceous schist; 11, iron stone melted
by the natives; 12, puddingstone ; 13, breccia from a stream; 14, decomposed
quartz; 17, stalactite from Maséri.”

Captain McLeon, forwarded some bottles of water and minerals from a
hot spring up the Palouk river (Jergui) lately visited by him.

‘‘ The springs are situated up the Palouk river, which takes its rise on the

OT Pes bi he

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. A67

western side of a high range of mountains, running along the western or right
bank of the Tenasserim river. At its mouth, which is in about 13° 9’N. Lat.
and 98° 43’ E. Long. and about 50 miles from Mergui ; it is about 700
feet, but narrows higher up towards the village of Palowk in 12° 16” N. Lat.
and 99° 8’ N. Long. Soon after passing the village it becomes in places
very shallow, and a succession of rapids and falls are met. Having ascended
as far as 1 could in a small canoe, which was dragged over rapids, I performed
the latter part of the journey by land, in consequence of the river becoming too
shallow and the rapids or falls getting stronger and steeper. In returning how-
ever I descended the stream the whole way on a small bamboo raft, ‘and the
highest fall I encountered was about 33 or 4 feet.

‘‘ The hills which from Palowk range along the sides of the river, are by no means
high, but covered with thick jungal and high trees.

‘‘There are two spots where the springs shew themselves, one immediately on
the right bank of the river, (which is here about 100 feet wide,) with some in the
river itself, and the other about two or three minutes walk to the northward in-
land. Over and around the former ones, a mound of circular stones (No. 1.) of
various sizes, (the largest about four or five miles in diameter,) was caked together
with hardened clay, bearing the appearance of stone. The whole of this mound
had externally a blackish appearance, and in some places, small circular basons
had been found by springs now dry.

‘¢ All the Springs now discharging are close to the waters edge or in the water ;
they issue from under the rocks, through a sandy bottom. The orifices are very
small, and not above two inches deep. The thermometer being dipped in the
hottest rose to 196° Fahr. The water from these was put into the small bottle
(No. 1.) Their height above the sea I estimate about two hundred feet.

‘‘The second springs a little inland, are larger and deeper. They are situated
in a small open space; there must be about thirty or forty bubbling up along a
line of about fifty feet by twenty, the largest being at the northern extremity. I
took the water from the two largest springs, one about three and a half feet deep
and two feet in diameter, and the other about half the size. In both of these
(from which the other two bottles of water were taken), the thermometer indicated
a heat of 194° Fahr. The ground at the bottom is of a dark shining color; here
and there resembling the color of brickdust. The trees and grass grow luxu-
riantly around, and in the open space the marks of hog, deer, &c. are seen;
the natives say some of the animals come to enjoy a draught of the water.

‘‘The springs are in about 13° 20’ N. Lat. and 90° 19’ E. Long. Though
vapours rise from the springs no disagreeable smell pervaded the atmosphere,
nor had the water a very disagreeable taste.

‘There are other springs about ten or twelve miles in a N. N. W. direction
from these, at a place called Pé. There is nothing in this neighbourhood that
I am aware of, indicating volcanic agency. Some very lofty, abrupt and
broken peaks of considerable height are seen to the N. E. but many miles dis-
tant. The other hills however are regular in their formations, &c. I visited
these springs in November, 1836 :—on that occasion I only took water from the
last mentioned springs, not being able to get at the spring, as I did this time by
means of bamboos formed into a small bridge ; I was obliged to attach the thermo-
meter to the end of a long rod by a piece of string, and thus dipped the thermo-
meter into the spring. The instrument at tbe end of the stick swung about like
a fish at the end of a line, I therefore concluded that the thermometer must
have fallen several degrees before it reached my hands.”’

Professor O’Suaueunessy noted a curious fact connected with the late
whirlwind.

‘* One of the pupils of the Medical College had seen fall near Dum-Dum a large
mass of what he considered to be hail, but finding that it did not melt he took
it to the college and it proved to be alump of pure salt. Dr. O’S. does not
think from its appearance that it was manufactured salt, and if as suggested in
a note published this month it was carried up from the Baliaghat salt works,
it had evidently travelled northward against the wind.’’

Colonel Sracy submitted for determination of its nature a fossil bone
of a large animal fossilized with lime—also for inspection some beautiful
drawings by his native artist of many sections of fossil teeth made under
his directions.

X.— Meteorological Register.

468

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JOURNAL

OF

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY.

No. 78.—June, 1838.

I.—Second Report on the Examination and Restoration of the Mac- |

kenzie Manuscripts. By the Reverend Witu1AM TayLor.
[Concluded from page 414. ]
Manuscript Book, No. 5, Countermark 759.
Section 1.—Account of the Zemindar of Emakalapuram, in the Din-
| digul district, of the Coimbatore province.
(Stated to be copied from an original palm-leaf account.)

During the rule of the rayer in Cal. yug. 4520 Sal. Sac. 1341, my

ancestors were of the Caémavar tribe ;and CamuLacaA NayAKER lived

_at Devinampatnam, near Cuddalore, being head-man of the district.

At that time the rayer had an unmanageable horse, which no one could
govern till the aforesaid CamuLaca, going to the capital, taught the
keepers how to control the animal; and, himself mounting the horse
rode out with it for three days together, in the most unfrequented
places and brought it back before the rayer on the fourth day, perfect-
ly quiet. The rayer was so well pleased, that he gave the head-man
the title of the horse, adding other titles, and distinctive banners; and
relinquished the district at Cuddalore to him in free gift, therewith
dismissing him. At the time when VisvanaTHA NayAKER was sent
to take possession of the Pandiya kingdom, the aforesaid CAMULACA
was ordered to accompany him, and afford aid. The household god of
Camutaca became an image at Emakalapuram, where he settled.
He received orders from VisvanaTHA NayAKeEr to furnish a quota of
troops, towards the charge and defence of the fort of Madura. Some
disagreement occurring between Kuiasr'cara and VIsvANATHA, the
latter ordered the Eimakalupuram chief to go against the former,
which he did ; and after much fighting the former laid an ambush, ‘so
that CamuLaca NayakeEr was shot, as he was advancing with his peo-.
3N

470 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. . [JUNE

ple. VisvanaTHA had the funeral rites performed. His son was
ANANTAPA NAYAK; who, in consideration of the manner of his
father’s death, received additional distinctions, and some villages in
free grant, from VisvANATHA Nayaker. At the time when the
seventy-two chiefs each had a bastion of the Madura fort confided to
him, this chief was appointed to the seventh bastion. He died after a
chieftainship of thirty years. CamuLaca Nayaxker, his son, succeeded
and ruled thirty-five years; he fulfilled his appointed duties, but with-
out any thing special occurring. His son was LAQuMaya NayYAKER,
and, as in the last case, died after a rule of seventeen years. ANAN-
TAPA NAYAKER, his son, governed seventy-five years and died. Ca-
MULACA NAYAKER, his son died after a rule of twenty-seven years.

His son) LAGuMAYA NAYAKER «cr... ses isevesscvesssjs oes ees VOREBs
7. VANANTAPA NAVARRE, Uae si2 os se oe eo oes
8. CamuLacaA NAYAKER, ...... ae SITE DM, RRA oe
9. Laaqumaysa Nayakrr, ... . a, : ae

Thus far there was a regular descent from eae ta son, ties their
own lands, without paying tax or tribute. ANANTAPA, the son of Laqu=
MAYA, ruled at the time when the Mysore ruler at Sering-apatam con-
quered the Dindtgul province ; when a tribute was imposed of one
hundred huns. ANanTAPA ruled twenty years. His son CamMuLACA
NayAKER, in the time of Hyper saurs, had an additional tax of fifty
imposed; paying anuvally one hundred and fifty huns; and ruled
twenty-one years. His son was ANANTAPA Nayak. In the time of
Meer saunis, his Amil, named Syep sanis, doubled the tribute ;
making it in all 300 huns; I myself Laqumaya NayAKeEr, who am
his son, for some years had the lands without tribute. Subsequent to
the rule of the Honorable Company over the Dindigul province Mr.
Commissioner McLeop fixed my tribute at four hundred and fifty huns,
It was afterwards raised to one thousand six hundred and twenty huns,
which was paid during eight years. Afterwards, in consequence of not
paying the tribute, the Honorable Company assumed the district and
my petition is that the Honorable Company will shew me favor and
protect me.

Section 2.—Account of the zemindars of Dottiya fort.
(Copied from a palm-leaf account.)

At the time when the padshah came against the rayer, before the
capital was taken, the rayer sent red garments out; with the message,
that so many as were willing to leave their families should put on those
garments, and prepare for war. My ancestor MacaLta Nayaker of

the Penjavalla tribe, with his people, assembled and, after defeating

SAR

“ps

ee

“ae se

ER Le RG Ma et PEE es oS FIRES

1838.) Zemindars of Dottiya fort. 471

the invaders, came to the rayer’s presence. The rayer, being greatly
‘pleased, honored him with various insignia of favor; and directed my
ancestors to build a fort 30 miles due west of Madura ;: in consequence
of which a mud fort named Dottiya-céttat was formed. Two of the
tribe were BomMana Nayaxer the elder, and Betratu Nayaker;
the eldest governed for twelve years. The second in succession
Bettatu Nayaker cleared away some waste lands. But as he was
very young, and the country was that of the Kallar caste, he did not
find himself at ease there. At that time Vira SeGara CHoLAN having
invaded the country of CHanpRA SeGaRA PanpDIyAN, the latter, be-
ing unable to resist, went to the rayer; who sent with him Nacama
NAyYAKER to reinstate him in his possessions. Brttatu NAYAKER
accompanied the pandiyan to the rayer ; expecting, if the pandiyan were
restored, that his own district would be secured to himself. But in
consequence of CuanprRa SzGara having only five illegimate sons, he
made over his kingdom to VisvANATHA Nayaker; and BerTaLu
Nayaker derived no benefit from waiting on CHANDRA SEGARA. At
a later period, when VisvaNATHA NayakeER, in conjunction with
AriyA NatHa Murua .iar, had fixed appointments to bastions of the
fort, in reply to a petition my ancestors were confirmed in the posses-
sion of the Dotéiya fort and lands. Subsequently, when the king went
to fight against Kayattattur fort, Berratu Nayaker was appointed
to guard the royal tent ; for his service on which occasion, he received
some acknowledgments. A tribute was fixed of one hundred chacrams.
He ruled thirty-five years. His sons were, BomMaLu NayAKeER, the
eldest, Cutnpuma NayakeER the younger. BomMaLu was the third
in succession, and ruled twenty-two years. The fourth in succession
was Bertatu NayakeEr, who ruled thirty-eight years. His tribute was
158 chacrams ; 5th, BommaLu Nayaker ruled 20 years, paid 150 cha-
crams; 6th, Bettatu Nayaxker, 27 years, paid 150 chacrams ; 7th,
Macara Nayaker, 26 years, paid 200 chacrams ; Sth, CHINDUMA
| Nayaksr, 27 years, paid 200 chacrams ; 9th, BetTALu NAyaker. In
his time RAMaParyan general of FirumaLa Nayaker, being about
to proceed against the Sethupathi, called for the said Betratu Na-
yaKer, and gave him orders to construct, with his people, a bridge at
the straits of Pamban ; which bridge was built with great labour, so that
the entire army passed over to the island of Ramésvaram, and, the
Sethupathi being conquered, BerraLu NayAKER received honorable
notice for the great trouble which had fallen to his share. He ruled 50
years.
3N 2

472 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Jung,

The 10th, Bommatu Nayaker, younger brother of the preceding,
ruled thirty years, paying 300 chacrams as tribute. His son Macaa
NaYAkeEr, was called on to attend Caoxa Natua Nayaker in the
war against Visaya Racuava of Tanjore; and received a front wound
in that war. He ruled 25 years, paying 300 chacrams. The 12th in
succession was Berratu Nayaxer, whoruled 24 years, paying 300
chacrams; 18th, Bommatu Nayaker ruled 27 years, paid 500 chae-
rams; 14th, Berratu Nayaxer ruled 13 years, paid 500 chacrams.

This tribute was paid to Meer sahib.

15th, Bawa a toy INAS Area els siecines opchogsye. ste cp mnsletiecnce aes

16th, Bommatu- Nayvaxer was his younger brother. In the time of
Syep sahib he paid 700 chacrams. In the time of Commissioner
McLezop an additional hundred was imposed ; in all 800 ehacrams. In
the time of Mr. Wynca the same. In the time of Mr. Hurpts the same.
After the measurement by survey the tribute was raised to one thou-
sand two hundred and fifty-six chacrams. ‘The country in consequence
becoming ruined he sold his personal effects, the proceeds of which
were paid into the court of the collector, Mr. Gzorcz Parisu. He
ruled 40 years. The 17th in succession, is myself Cuinnata Naya-
KER, and paying my tribute into the treasury of the collector Mr.
Rous Perer, I continue to obey the orders of the Honorable Company.

Section 3.—Account of the zemindars of Tuvasimadu, in the Dindi-
gul district.
(Copied from a palm-leaf manuscript. )

Before our ancestors came to the possession of this Pdlliyam (feudal
estate) they were resident in the province of G'ooty. In consequence
of the Muhammadans demanding our women, we abandoned jewels and
other property, and came to the Pandiya country in the south. Being
impeded by a deep and rapid river, we applied to our gods, when a
punga* tree was caused to incline over the river, so as to enable us by
its means to cross over to the southern side. Being followed by the
Muhammadans to whom we had refused to give wives, the tree, before
they came up, recovered its usual position, so that being unable to cross
the river, they returned. The whole of the emigrating body proceeded
till they came to a small hill, to the north-west of Madura; at the
foot of which they took up their encampment. CHorata Nayak the
head-man, placed a light (in token of divine homage) and continued
day and night in severe penance ; directed to his tutelary god. The
latter visibly appeared, and directed him, as the reward of his penance,

* Caja galedupa, Rumputus. Dalbergia arborea, WitLD. Kurrunja, Sans.
AInsLiz.—Mat. Med. Ind.

1838. ] Zemindars of Pattiya pa Nayaker, 473

to clear the country around ; to take it in possession, and to build a town
on the spot, where he had performed penance, to be called in comme-
moration of that penance, Zavasu-medu (or the hill of penance).
Subsequently during the disagreement between NAcama Nayaxar and
Cuanpra Seeara Panpiyan, the former, while proceeding by way of
Dindigul towards Pyney to visit the shrine at the latter place, was
taken ill; in consequence of which it occurred to him, that if he called
the aforesaid penitential’ head-man, this person would be able to cure
the disease. Being sent for, he came ; and, putting Veputhe (or sacred
ashes) upon the patient, cured him. In consequence N&cama Naya-
KER gave him permission to clear away land, build a town, and call
the place Zavasu-madu, therewith dismissing him. At a subsequent

period when VisvsnatHa NAYAKER and Artya Natrwa Murtnatiar

went to fight against Kayattattur, they called Cuorata Nayax and he
was appointed to guard the viceroy’s tent. CHoraua Nayak fell in the
battle. The second chief, son of the former, was named Racuu Rama
Cuorata Nayax. He ruled 42 years. The third son of the last, and
bearing the same name, had charge of one of the bastions of the fort of
Madura, and ruled 49 years ; 4th, of the same name ruled 50 years ;
5th, same name, 2 years; 6th, Pona SAmt Cuorata Nayak, 10 years ;
7th, Raghu Rama Cuotaua Nayak son of the last, was called upon to
accompany Rama Paryan in the war against the Sethupathi, during
the time of TrrumaLa Nayaxer of Madura; and on the return from
that expedition, was dismissed with presents. He ruled 42 years.
8th, Cuoraua Nayaxer ruled 40 years; 9th, Raghu Rama Cuorana
Nayaxa was called upon to guard the tent, and to accompany the expe-
dition against Zanjore; from which returning victorious he was dis-
missed with presents ; while obeying orders from Madura he ruled 45
years ; 10th, CnoraLa Nayaxsr, 33 years ; 11th, Raghu Rama Cuo-
paLA NAYAKER 380 years ; 12th, same name, 19 years.

The whole of the preceding twelve were sons in direct succession.
With the mention of the name and rule of the twelfth, the writing ab-
ruptly concludes. 1

Section 4.—Account of the zemindars of Pairiya pa Nayaxer, of
| Dindigul district.

Our ancestors were of the Penchai district. In Sal. Sac. 1257,
Cal. yug. 4536. Watt sahib, the officer of the Delht padshah, invad-
ed the rayer’s capital, Wautanra Maxr NaYAKER was summoned ;
and going against the invaders, returned victorious ; on which account,
the rayer being pleased with his services, gave various honorary dis-
tinctions and villages in the south. He fought with the Vedars and

474 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts: (June,

Kallars of those districts ; and put them to the edge of the sword. He
ruled there 33 years. His son was named Laxaman Nayaker, who
ruled 42 years. VetrAta Maxi Nayaxer, 15 years. This same
person went to Madura, and had an interview with Cuanpra SEGARA
Pawnpryran, when his tribute was settled at one hundred chacrams. It
is then again added that he ruled 19 years, but his son is most proba

bly intended. His son was Cima Navaxen. His son was YetTaMa ~

NaAyakeEN, who ruled 23 years. His son was Pauitryapa NayaKken
who paid 100 chacrams, and ruled 41 years. This chief built a mud
fort, also a Vaishnava fane, and a porch to Ganesa. His son was
CanacuLa NayAKeER, who built an aqueduct for the better irrigation
of the lands of several villages, and ruled 38 years. His son was
Corrama NayYAKER, whoat the time when Visvanatua NAYAKER;
the son of Corrama NaGama Nayaker, came to the government of
Madura, went thither and had an interview with that viceroy; at
which interview the yearly revenue was settled at 200 chacrams, and
Cortama Nayaker returning to Allipuram ruled 38 years. His
son was Pautryapa Nayaxer. His neighbours, AmmryapA Naya-
Ker, and Vari Konpama Nayaker, wrested from him two villages ; the
former took Vechandiyiir, the other took Chettiyampatti, with its re-
servoirs of water. PautryApa Nayaxer paid 200 chaerams as tri-
bute, and ruled 41 years. His son was CHacAua Nayaxrr. A
famine arose, in consequence of which the whole tribe took refuge with
the Virupacshi Poligar. He had before wrested from them some vil-
lages, and they pledged to him. Allinagaram for sixty culams of millet,
which they were subsequently disposed to repay, requesting that plac
to be restored to them; which request was refused; CHACALA
Nayaxker ruled 21 years. His son was ANavarA NayAKer, who
paid his tribute of 200 chacrams, and ruled 27 years. His son was
Bop Nayaxer, who made several improvements for the better irriga-
tion of the villages of his district. In the time of Vencata rayer he
went to an interview with that chief at Dindigul ; and he was there
required to pay 300 chacrams as tribute; he ruled 45 years. His
son was Bommatu Nayaxer, who paid the same tribute to the same
place, and ruled 41 years. His son was Cancu1 Varapva NaYAaKgRs
‘who paid his tribute, and ruled 41 years. His son was CHACALA
Nayaxer. Mesr sahib then ruled at Dindigul, and raised the tribute
to 700 chacrams. When Syep sahib ruled, he raised the tribute to on®
thousand chacrams. CHacata Nayaxer ruled 39 years. His son
Parutyapa Nayaker succeeded, paid the same extent of tribute, and
ruled 25 years. The Dindigul province having come under the govern-

1838.] Zemindars in the Dindigul district. 475

ment of the Honorable Company, the aforesaid tribute of 1000 chac-
rams was paid during the collectorships of Messrs. McLrop, Rankin,
and Wywcn. In the time of Mr. Hurpis the same. “In the Nala
year I paid 700, and being unable to pay the other 300 my district
was assumed; and Mr. Huropis protected me, by giving me an allow-
ance of sixty rupees monthly.” The lands were surveyed by measure-
ment; and it would appear as if a committee investigated the subject in
the time of Mr. Parisu, adjusting the tribute at the rate of 561 chac-
rams. The account is written by the grandson of the beforementioned
PauyyarA Nayaxer, bearing the same name. He dates his acces-
sion in Fusly 1221; with the mention of which date the writing con-
cludes.

Section 5.—Account of the zemindars of Succampatti, in the Dindi-
gul province.
(Copied from a palm-leaf manuscript. )

The same origin from the north, the founder of the race served with
VisvanatHa Nayak against the Muhammadans, and was sent down
to the Pandiyan country. One of the chiefs fell in the struggle
against an illegitimate son of the Pandiyan. On this war there are
some things in the document worth consulting. The war against the
Sethupathi, and against Tanjore are also noticed. For the rest the
minute details much resemble the preceding.

Rageicge «bali of the zemindar of Ammaiya Nayak palliyam, in
Dindigul district.

This account is copied, it is stated, from records writen on copper,
and carefully preserved by the family. It indicates a like origin with the
other preceding chiefs from the north, and has much minuteness of de-
tail concerning the different chiefs, and some notice of the discovery of
an image, and founding of a fane, whence the chief derived his title. For
the rest the account does not contain the mention of new or command-
ing events.

Section 7.—Account of the race of Copatya Nayak, zemindar in
the Dindigul district.

The origin from the north; they were sent to the south to assist in
collecting the rayer’s tribute, they were established in the town named
after Copaiya Nayak, by Visvanatua Nayaker, and had charge of
one of the bastions of the Madura fort. Like the preceding they came
under the Mysore government, after the Mysore conquest of Dindigul
province. There is however nothing eee added to the details of
leading events before given.

|

emreetcenteest 8 SL.

a a

476 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (June,

Section 8.—Account of the race of Cunapa Nayak, zemindur of
Nila-cotiai in the Dindigul district.

The account commences with the summons of the rayer, given by

sending round red garments, to raise troops to resist the Muhamma-

dans. The repulse of the first hostile manifestations of the Muham-

madans induced the rayer to present the founder of this race with va-_

rious honors and to send him down to the south. He represented that
the country was so wild, and unsettled, that he wished to have it for ten,
years free of tribute. The assumption of the Pandiya kingdom, the
war against Kayattatuy, where the five illegitimates ons of the Pandi-
yan were conquered, appear as before. The I83th chief, Cutapa NAGAMA
Nayaker, was an author; and composed the moral work entitled
Viravidudithu, (said to have been printed by a native at Madras.)
Conquest of Dindigul province by Hyper Aur mentioned. Nothing
else very particular ; except the assumption of the Padliyam.

Section 9.—Account of Carupa TAMBIRAN, zemindar of Cottai Kddu
d-duccam, in the Dindigul province.

This pdlliyam (or feudal estate), had its origin at a somewhat later.
date than the preceding ones; and was founded by a Tambiran, or one
of the class of ascetics. The account is very destitute of incident. It
is illustrative of opinions, and manners.

Section 10.—Account of the race of Bont Nayak, of the Dindigul
province.

The account commences with the destruction of Vijayanagara, by
the Muhammadans, when the ancestors of this race fled towards the
south. The first of the race purchased his estate from an ascetic, who
had before held it by a grant from one of the earlier Pdndiya kings.
In the reference made to the former possessor there would appear to be
some illustration of the hog-hunting, which figures in the Madura
Sthala purdénim, as attended with important consequences. Nothing
very special appears in the subsequent history of the various chiefs, or
possessors of the estate.

A petition to the Honorable Company to repair a certain annicut (or
water-course) follows, of no permanent consequence.

There is a copy of an inscription commemorating a grant of land from
one ConpamMa Nayak toa Brahman. Also copy of another inscrip-
tion commemorating a gift of land by Apparya Nayaker, a poligar, to
a female slave of a Vaishnava fane. ‘These three last documents are
not reckoned in the list of contents of the book ; and seem to have been
pasted in after the book had been bound up.

fad
sa

es A te

Salt
~—_

‘tow Po

1838.) Fanes in the Dindigul district. 477

Section 11.—Account of Pertya Murruou Samiya Nayaxgr, of the
Devaram palliyam, in the Dindigul district.

The Mahratta did not pay tribute to the padshah, when the latter di-
rected the ancestor of this poligar to go against the Mahratta ; and, as
the doing so was attended with success, the padshah rewarded the
chief with honors and distinctions. The padshah passing one day near
the latter’s residence, demanded one of the females of the tribe in mar-
riage ; threatening to take away the same person by force if refused.
An evasive answer was givem; and the account abruptly breaks off.
The inference is that the tribe fled to the south, to get away from the
Muhammadans, as mentioned (Section 8rd) in the account of a forego-
ing chief.

Section 12.—The local legend of the fane of Comba-palliya-patta, in
the Coimbatore province.

A legendary account of a fane to which at first a Sudra was hiero-
phant ; but which acquiring celebrity, from some alleged cures of people
who had been blind, obtained afterwards a Brahman as officiating cere-
monialist. Except as illustrating native manners, and opinions, the
section has no special value.

Section 13.—The local legend of the fane of Ranca Nayaxsr, tm the
Devaram feudal estate.

A peasant struck against a stone, while going on‘his work, and fell ;
on which being angry he was going to break the same, by which means
it was discovered to be an emblem of Visunu ; and, a fane being built
over the stone, it became in some degree celebrated ; but falling into
decay, at the prayer of some devotee for rain, a form appeared saying,
that if the shrine were honored as it used to be then there would be rain.
Nothing further is added.

An account of Cholt mali-alagar fine, in the Devaram feudal estate.
A boy, of the ordinary people, named CarupEn, was frightened and
chased by a spectre ; which circumstance he narrated to the village peo-
ple; who, recognizing the spectre to be an appearance of ALAGAR
(VisHNu), came and saw the place, and afterwards built a fane in com-
memoration of that appearance.

Section 14.—Account of the fune of Kildtesvarer in Uttama-palhyam

of the Dindigul district.

‘A person had been accustomed to go as far as Calastri on pilgrimage ;
but, one day a form appeared, and told him it was not needful to take
3.0

—

ee a

478 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [June

so much pains in going so far ; that underneath atree, pointed out, there
was a form of the same god, which could be there worshipped. A fane
was built there; which a trader afterwards enriched by a considerable
donation, and it was enlarged and ornamented.

Section 15.—Account of the different fanes in the Uttamam-pdlliyapet
district. |

It was anciently a teak forest, visited by the five Pdndavas, = by
them considered to be an excellent country ; whence the term Uttamam
signifying “excellence.” There follows some other matter, concerning
Nila-Candesvara fane, so evidently fabulous as not to merit much at-
tention.

Copy of an inscription on the fane of Callatésvarer in Uitama-palliyam.

It is dated in the reign of MancamaAt of Madura in the Cali yuga
year 4794, and in Sal. Sac. 1415. (In the latter date there is an-error,
the figure of 4 must on the inscription itself be 6 ; as appears both by the
known period of Mancamat’s rule, and the date of the Cali yuga era
which is correct; we must by consequence read Sal. Sac. 1615.) It
- commemorates a gift of land, to the fane ; and is of no importance, as
belonging to so recent a period.

Copy of an inscription on copperplate in the same fane.

Dated Sal. Sac. 1655 in the time of Bancara TinuMALA NAYAKER.
It commemorates a gift of two pieces of land, to the said fane, in perpe-
tuity ; and those who pervert the gift, from the fane, are threatened
with the severest visitation for the crime.

The St hala purana of Pulavinesvarer svami.

The legend is very brief; among other things it appears that, the
images having been destroyed, the god appeared in a vision to a ruler,
and said that next day an ark would float down the stream, in which
would be found a female image, which must be consecrated, and placed
in the shrine. The box came down the river, having a female image,
with some citrons and other fruits; and the consecration took place.
The names of Vira Pandiyan, and of Vicrama Péndiyan, appear in the
legend, but both names may be merely titular. No mention of any
date occurs.

Memorandum of a gift of an agrahdram (or Brahman almshouse)
made by one named NaraAsapatyer. The place was called Narasapa
bhupdla Samudram. The recorded documents perished by fire.

1838. ] Legend of Pashu-mali. 479

Legend of the Surabv’hi river.

In consequence of the penance of an ascetic, Siva came to the wil-
derness, where the said ascetic resided ; who, asking that a river might
be caused to flow through that wilderness, Stva directed Surab’hi (or
Camadhenu ), the cow of the gods, to be metamorphosed into this river ;
which accordingly took place. Certain marvels occur there; and the
beating of drums, and sound of other musical instruments, are heard
there at midnight. As the river flows from a rock, so any thing which
falls into it becomes petrified.

Legend of the village called Camban.

A man selling bracelets passed by an ant-hillock at this place, where
a female stood, who asked him to affix a pair of bracelets ; while doing
so, two other arms appeared, on which two other bracelets were placed;
and she directed him to go, and get paid by Pardcrama P&npryan;
who not only complied, but built a shrine over the spot, where the god-
dess had appeared. In later days a poligar built a town near the place ;
and, at a still later period, KorHar Verma raja built a town, and a
. fort, in the neighbourhood,

Legend of a place, where a fair, or general. market of commodities,
used to be held, but long since disused. It is to the south of the last
mentioned town called Cambam, and south of the river Suraub’hi. The
legend amounts to little, or nothing ; but the situation, on the borders
of the ancient Pandiya, and Chera, countries, throws a feeble gleam of
light on the extensive commerce which anciently took place between
those countries; encouraged by the intercourse of European traders
with the western coast.

Legend of Pashu-mal, or the Cow-mountain.

A cow-herd, not finding food for his cattle, drove them to the foot
of this hill, and then ascending it, chose a cool station for rest: one
cow strayed a long way from the herd, and at a forest-pool met a hun-
gry tiger. The cow pleaded, that it wanted to go and suckle its calf, and,
after the security of an oath that it would return, the tiger permitted
it to go. The cow went for its calf, and met a snake by the way, to
whom it told the tale; it then brought its calf, and the snake to the
tiger, but the tiger, struck with such a display of veracity, refused the
meal. The cow remonstrated, in vain. At length Srv came, disguis-
ed as a Brahman, when the cow ran at him; but, evading, he disap-
peared ; and returning with Parvati, and the thirty-three crores of ce-
lestials, he gave beatitude to the cow, to its calf, and to the snake. The
mountain acquired the name of Pashu-mali. (This inane legend is

30 2

— ee

480 Analysts of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Jung,

either purely such, tasking credulity to the utmost ; or else it is a fable,
couching some other circumstances under the veil of symbols, but if so —
there is no clue to the precise meaning.)

Copy of an Inscription on the fane of Kidal Alagiya Perumal, in the
Dindigul district.

Dated in S. 8. 1591, Collam era 844; gift of land, by one named
Kuctssecara Perumat; with a strict injunction, that the gift be not
perverted to any other use, than the service of the said fane.

End of Book, No. 5, C. M. 759.

General Remark. It was not my intention to take up the accounts
of southern poligars, or local legends, at so early a period, but this book
was found to be inso pitiable a plight, from the paleness of ink, and de-
struction effected by insects, that I gave it to a copyist, quite uncertain
whether he could effect its restoration. This has however been accom-
plished; the sense being generally preserved ; though with occasional
breaks, of no great consequence.

The accounts of the southern poligars (of which the present may be
accepted as a specimen, out of many more) are useful ; chiefly in giving
a great variety of details, as to the subversion of the old Pandtyan dy-
nasty, by the power of the rayer of Vijayanagaram, and the subsequent
events of the northern rule at Madura.

The local legends, herein contained, exhibit a state of society such as
we should not imagine, without such testimonials. The precise nation-
al character, at any given period, can however only be certainly known
by such documents.

Manuscript Book, No. 21. Countermark 775.

Abridged accoumt of the Vedas, Sastras, Puranas, various temples,
and books of general literature.

1. The four Vedas and connected books. The Mimansa, and later
Védanta books.

2. The Upanishadas, 32 in number; summary explanations of
their contents, including the designation of the four leading divisions of —
castes among the Hindus.

3. Law treatises on the Manu-niti books of eighteen authors enu-
merated, some of them of great antiquity. |

4. The eighteen Purwnas, the names specified ; distinguished into
Sawa, and Vuishnava kinds.

A concise indication of the general nature of their contents.

1838. ] Account of Books of General Literature. - 481

5. The eighteen Upa-puranas, the names of them are given, The
general nature of the contents is specified.

6. The Bératham, the Rémdyanum, and some other books, contents
explained; the matter of some of them is censured, as tending to
‘bewilder mens’ minds, and sink them into gross sensuality.

Notice of some books connected with the life of Crisuna; the ad-
ventures of Naxa, and other books, of the kind of poetical, or extrava-
gant, romance. |

7. The Nétaga works, or dramas.

8. The J/Jambu class of books, or abstracts of ancient and extensive
compositions ; the said epitomes having been made by CAut-pasa, and
other poets or learned men; and being adapted to aid as a guide to an
outline acquaintance with the originals.

9. The Bana class of books. 3

These are explained to be erotic treatises, teaching the art of fasci-
nating the eye ; according to the common fable of arrows.

10. Upa-jinna, books of adventures ; these describe the great suf-
ferings of certain personages, and the happiness which followed. They
refer to HariscHANDRA; Naa; Cusaua, son of Rama; and Sita,
wife of Rama.

11. The Nigundas ; seven are mentioned. , They are of the diction-
ary kind, containing works with synonimes or explanations.

12. The Ramdyonas, or various Tamil versions of this poem ; four
are mentioned.

13. The Barathams, or versions of the Mahabharata ; various other
tales, fables, and the like kind of works.

14. Books peculiar to the Vaishnava system ; a considerable list of
these is given, thirty-eight in number; several of them have the word
mystery added to the specific name. Accordingly to the explanation,
they relate to the spiritual interpretation of the symbols employed by
the sect, or to the‘esoteric doctrines, and much of the contents apper-
tain to a future state of being.

15. The Vedanta-sastras.

The Prva mimansa of Jaimini: comments of BarrAcHARya,
Veydsa, SANCARACHARYA, and some others.

16. The Jyotisha system, or astrological works.

These blend, what we term astronomy and astrology together ; they
are ascribed to eighteen rishis, whose names were probably attached to
them by later writers. The amount of the whole is stated at four lacs
of slocas or four hundred thousand poetical stanzas, in the Grantha, or
Prdkrit, of the south,

482 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Jung,

17. Epitomes of the foregoing systems.

18. The Cal jndna systems.

These relate chiefly to magic ; with a few exceptions such as the Ba-
ratha sastra relating to dancing, and such as relate to ceremonies,
Others profess to teach such arts as flying in the air. Stupifying ene-
mies, casting arrows, neutralizing the effects of fire, and a variety of
similar matters ; the total amounts to sixty-four kinds of such arts.

19. Sthala puranas of the Chéla-desam.

Forty-six of these are mentioned, relating to various places, ite
the twenty-four Kadams, or yojanas of the Chola country ; of which the
boundaries are mentioned in the explanation; and which country is
usually estimated at two hundred and forty square miles.

20. Names of fanes in the Péndiya country, eighteen of these are
mentioned, each of them having its local puranam.

21. Local puranam of the hill country.

One only is specified.

22. Fanes in the Chéra country.

Fourteen are mentioned, each having its local legend of marvellous
circumstances.

23. Fanes of the middle country.

Two are specified, with their puranas.

24. Fanes of the Tonda country.

Conjeveram and other fanes, to the number of thirty-seven, are enu-
merated, with their puranas.

25. Local puranas of the north country.

Ayodhya is the chief ; and, connected with it, eight others are enu-
merated.

26. Miscellaneous puranas.

Eleven are mentioned ; it being added, that there are many more.

27.. Miscellaneous Jamil books.

A very long list of these books is given forming a useful index, in
connexion with the brief explanation of each which is attached: of
course the value of these works is not uniform. The particular sec-
tion of dramas is here noticed, because the list. contains several which
are formed on events mentioned in the Christian scriptures, and which
are supposed to be the productions of Roman Catholics. The list of
medical books is somewhat full. To the mention of Saiva works some-
thing expressive of condemnation is usually added.

28. Grammatical works.

Thirteen of these are mentioned ; of which in particular the Nannul,
Toledpiam, and Ténnul are well known.

1838.] Books of General literature. , 4183

29. Another list of astrological works.

The former list was of Grantha books; this of works in Tamil.
Twenty-one are specified.

80. Miscellaneous arts, mechanics, building, &c.

Art of constructing forts, houses, fanes, of settling a village, naviga-
tion, and a variety of other similar things; enumerated as taught in
thirty-six works, the names of which are given.

31. Local puranas of Saiva fanes. Sixty-three of these are speci-
fied; they are to the north of the Cavert.

32. Fanes on the south bank of the Caverz river.

One hundred and twenty-seven are enumerated, each having its S?’-
hala puranam, of which, in the brief explanation, some mention of the
origin is given ; but without specification as to each particular legend.

33. Sthala purdnams of the Pandiya country. Fourteen of these
are mentioned.

34, Hill country —One puranam.

85. Conga nad, local legends.—Seven are enumerated.

36. The fanes in the middle country. Twenty-two, with each one
its legend, are enumerated ; the productions of Appar, SunTargr and
ManicavAsacar.

37. The legends of fanes in the Zénda country : thirty-two are enu-
merated.

38. Irza nad, local legends.

By Irza nad here seems to be meant Ceylon, as the purdnam is said
to describe the Candi desa, surrounded by the sea.

39. Local legends of the north country.

Five are mentioned, Kazlasa being included.

40. Names of St’hala puranas of the Tuluva country.

Gokernam is alone mentioned.

The total of Saiva fanes, and legends, is here stated to be (ro bin-
dred and seventy-four.

Al. The A’gama sdstras.

The 28 Sawa dgamas ; the names are given; but, though a general
indication of the subjects is added. yet for fuller information a reference
is made to brahmans versed in those books.

42. Summary or recapitulation.

The contents of this summary form a rather interesting synopsis of
the various religious systems and some of their peculiarities, within
the extensive country usually denominated India.

43. Total of the books before mentioned.

A few further remarks on the distinctive classification of the various
books contained in the preceding enumeration.

:

484 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (June,

Observation. The foregoing is a sort of catalogue raisonnée, although
not in logical method. The preparation of it must have demanded
considerable pains and care. I imagine that several persons must have
been engaged in its arrangement. The language is neat and correct,
wherever there is detail or explanation. Altogether it seems to be a
valuable document for occasional reference. It was written on country
paper, completely eaten through by termites, causing distinct perfora-
tions ; so as to leave some words irrecoverable or doubtful. It has
however been restored with sufficient, and satisfactory, accuracy. A
full translation might be desirable, as being adapted to present the
learned in Europe, or elsewhere, with a more complete view of the pre-
cise nature of native literature in the Zumil country, than could else-
where be obtained ; and certainly, such as no European could prepare.

Manuscript Book, No. 16. Countermark (not legible.)

Section 1.—A Malayalam book, containing an account of Kerala désam,
translated into Tamil.

This book is the Kerala Utpatti translated, as noted at the end of
the document, from the Maliyalam MS. of the late Mr. Exuis. On
comparison with the copy of the original Kerala Utpatti, in this collec-
tion, it was found that the translation was begun, not at the commence-
ment, but farther on; the omitted portion being appended at the close.
The translation also differs, a little in a few places, from the original ;
intimating some small differences in the two copies of the original. The
book (No. 16,) containing this translation, being in a greatly injured
state, arising, not as usual from insects, but from having seemingly been
exposed to damage from sea water, it claimed attention, if from this
cause alone. In consequence the whole has been re-copied ; and at the
same time the proper order of the translation restored.

Section 2.—A copy from an original manuscript in the possession of the
Lady of Cannanore in the Malayala countr ye

It is (improperly) styled the Kerala Ulpatti.

Subsequent to a certain flood, and in the Cali yuga era 3491, the
Kerala raja was crowned, at twenty-five years of age; and he ruled
sixty-three years. A list of fifteen kings, and the period of each one’s
rule is given. A prophecy of an astrologer is then introduced, in-
timating that evil days to the Kerala country would come; foreigners
would rule; the king would turn Muhammadan; and the country
adopt that religion. The birth of the child, through whom these
changes were to happen is then particularly adverted to, being the

1838. ] Chronological notice of Malayalam. 485

CueRuMAN Perumal who went to Mecca. He was 40 years old
when he went away ; and his instructions, to be observed during his
absence, are stated. He died on the return ; only his companion reach-
ed Kerala, who turned the family of CHzruman Perumat to the
Muhammadan faith; and styled the son of the late king, Sultan Mvu-
HAMMAD Att. ‘This was in Hegira 64. A list of descendants follows
with Muhammadan names, sixteen in number, and then two female rulers.
Certain feringhis (foreigners) came in the year 359 (Hegira supposed),
and fought with the Muhammadans, in the Ma/dive islands, turning some
of the people to the foreign religion ; in consequence of which, aid was
sought by the Muhammadans ; the leading men among whom came to
Cannanore in a dhoney, and an agreement being ratified, and recorded
on copper-plates, aid was sent; the foreigners were extirpated, and the
power restored to the Muhammadans. They were subject to the Can-
nanore rulers; but one or two among the island chiefs assumed inde-
pendence, leading to wars and interventions. This notice of the Maldives
is introduced as belonging to the time of Isar Bokuar in the year
455. The list of kings, down to the second of the two female
sovereigns, was before given.

Remark.—This is the most plain, matter of fact, document regard-
ing the Malayalam country which I have as yet met with. The
appended statement concerning the Maldives is exceedingly curious. It
seems to me that the whole document, which is but brief, claims full
translation ; as offering matter proper to be compared with other docu-
ments, concerning Malayalam, wherebygeneral results may be dedu-
ced.

B. MALAYALAM.
Book No. 3. Countermark 896.
Section 1.—Chronological notice of Malayalam, containing the dates
of Crisuna, of the Pandavas, and of CuzerumMAN PeruMaL.
CrisHNA was incarnate and flourished on earth for 107 years. He
lived during 94 years of the close of the Dwapara yuga, the remainder
in the Cali yuga, and was contemporary with some other connected
persons, such as DuerMa Raga, and ArsuNA: about the same time
was the era of the great war. Various dates are given connected with
the close of the Dwapara, and beginning of the Cait yuga. In the
distress which followed the great war, a brahman came to CRISHNA
and Arguna, and complained of the loss of his nine children. Crisana
was silent, but Argsuna, on learning that the brahman’s wife was preg:
3 P

486 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Junx,

nant, guaranteed the life of the child, even if necessary by himself
entering the fire, as a sacrifice to Yama, to save the life of the child.
CrisHNA rebuked Arjuna for so rash a promise, and took him to
Vaicantha, where the nine children of the brahman were found to be
comfortably seated on the lap of Lacsamr. They were brought back
to earth, on a celestial car ; and the place where this descended, called
Tiruponutara (near to Cochin) was afterwards set apart.as a holy
place, in the fifty-first day of the Cali yuga. CurisHna died in the
eleventh year of the Cali yuga ; D’HEesma Rasa died also in that year ;
with a difference between the two periods of only 25 days. In the
year 148 Padma néba svimi was established. (This is the image
worshipped in the capital of Zravancore.) Subsequently in the year
3444 Cusrumat Perumat flourished at Tiruvangi-culam (A. D. 342).
He distributed the country under various chiefs, and gave the official }
emblems of office. He died in 3508 (A. D. 406). The arrival of a ?
foreigner at Collam (Quilon ) is noted in the 425th year of the Collam A
era (A. D. 1249). Tirwmala dever svamt, was established at Cochin in |
C. E. 469. In C. E. 971 (A. D. 1795), the Vetta raja was killed by
foreigners, the Landa-para, (apparently designating the English.) ;
Remark.—tThis short paper seems to merit a full translation. q

ee Lh

Section 2.—Account of the modes of hunting in the Malayala country.
There are three modes, one that of Arjuna, one that of Ayyapen,
one that of Cdttala (or foresters). The various descriptions of people
requisite to hunting specified. Certain hunting phrases explained, and
terms which, as signals, designate the nature of the animal to be pur-
sued, and the number. Six other kinds of hunting are afterwards spe-
cified. Mythology, and a visit to heaven to fetch down four images
thence, mingled with the other matter.
Remark.—To some this section would be curious, and interesting ;
it is however of no further use than to aid in describing manners and
customs.

Section 3.—Account of agriculture in Kerala desam.

Invocations to Rama and Ganusa. The people of the land address-
“ing Parasu Rama stated that, though the land was fertile, yet that
they knew not how to cultivate it. He in consequence is represented
as giving them instructions how to proceed. ‘The first part relates to
preparation of the ground, care of oxen, and qualifications of the cul-
tivator, who must not eat flesh, nor use intoxicating liquors, nor allow
himself indulgence in sleep ; with various other details. The second
part is put into the mouth of a rishi, as deputed by Parasu Ramae

3 a

1838. ] | Regulations of the Kerala-desa. 487

It relates to choice of seed, and propitious time for sowing, in well
ploughed ground, by oxen well fed, near to places where there are
many inhabitants and where water can be obtained, as without water
the best labours will be fruitless. Other connected details.

The third part relates to manure by decayed skins, ashes, dung and
the like. The rainy season when water descends in torrents from the
mountains, to be attended to, and the streams collected into reservoirs.
The planting and cultivation of rice. The planting of cocoanut trees.
areca, palms, pepper, vines, and other trees, as productive of great
advantages. These, and similar matters, are given in detail.

The fourth part refers to the following topics. Times of beginning
agricultural labours, on reference to astrological configurations. ‘Time
of harvest ; rules as to the choice of horses, bullocks, and other cattle,
in the purchasing of them, and modes of managing or taking ¢are of
them so as to become most useful for agricultural purposes.

The four parts are in poetical language. They form a kind of brief
georgics ; not well capable of being abstracted. This paper on agri-
culture in full, might be interesting to the curious ; and would be re-
quisite in any general description of the Malayala country.

Section 4.—Regulations, (or laws of the Kerala-desa.)

Discrimination between the person of integrity, and one devoid of
truth. Qualifications for good government, and for exercising the offi-
ces of a statesman. The duty of a king to protect the four classes of
the people or the brahmans, military, merchants, and cultivators,

Local customs, and subdivisions of people. One who abuses a
brahman is to have his tongue cut out. The distance to be observed
by a Sudra in approaching higher classes ; different classes of Sudras
having different measures of distance assigned to them; rules of debtors,
loans and interest : modes of recovery in case of dishonesty. Recom-
mendation not to go to law ; but to refer the case to brahmans or other
special arbitrators.

Laws of marriage. A brahman may marry four wives, and of each
of the inferior classes in order, without crime. Law of bonds for debt,
which hold good for only twelve years ; and after that period must be
renewed in order to be valid. Laws for regulating the forming of
lands, and settling disputes which may arise thereupon, which subject
closes the document.

_ Remark.—This paper seems to be of some importance, towards any
just explanation of the great peculiarities that obtain in the Malayala
country.

3 Pp 2

488 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ June,

Section 5.—Original account of Kerala desa.
This is the Kerala Ulpatti in the Malayala language, before ab-
stracted ; see first report Art. C. and restored MSS. vol. 1. C.

Section 6.—Biographical notice of SANCAR ACHARYA.

This notice is written in the Malayala character, and in the San-
skrit language.

It contains an account of the birth, education, and subsequent pro-
ceedings of SancarAcuarya, the great disputant; the opponent of
Ramanusa; and founder of the Adwita brahmans; whose leading
tenet is that the deity and the human soul are not two things, but one
and the same. ‘This account is written in a series of Sanskrit sldcas,
or-stanzas. There are other documents in this collection, concerning
this polemical champion, better fitted for abstracting than inflated poe-
try. This paper has received attention in a few places, where the
great paleness of the writing indicated the need of restoration. All the
remainder is in a very good state of preservation. |

Section 7.—Memorandum of Maliyalam books.

This is a brief list of books illustrating the history or manners of the
Malayalam country, with an indication as to the persons in whose
hands they may be found, one of the works referred to, is contained in
this collection, in a Tamil translation, being the document from Canna-
nore, noted at the close of the foregoing Tamil manuscripts. There is
also mention of the various rajas, or chiefs, in Malayalam at the time
when the document was written.

Section 8.—Regulations of the Malayala country, relating to laws
and manners.

This section is headed Vivahadra Samudra, and is a Sanskrit ver-
sion, in Malayala characters, of the same general subjects as those
treated of in section 4. That section is in plainand ordinary language;
hut this is in verse, and differs a little from the other; but in so far
as rules or laws are concerned, not to any material degree. Each sléca
kas an interlined Tamil translation ; apparently made with a view of
aiding the late Mr. Exxis in his inquiries, since the document bears 3
note, that a copy of it was transmitted to him. The document has
been restored, and may form a useful record for the sake of reference.

Section 9._Account of the tribe of Mapalamar, at Panniyur village,

in Malayalam, |

Answer to an inquiry by the collector in 1812, concerning the ori-
gin of the Muhammadans in Malayalam.

1838.]} Account of the Mapalamar tribe. 489

The writer, Jain Upp1n Manwup, in reply states, that in the time
of CHERUMAN PrRuUMAL a ship came from another country in which
were Jews and Nazarenes, (Christians,) together with their families,
who were permitted to settle ; that a second ship came from Arabia,
bringing Muhammadans, among whom was a sheikh, and that Cus-
RUMAN PeRUMAL inquired from him much concerning the religion and
customs of the Muhammadans; that CHERUMAN PERUMAL became a
Mussalman, and after making over his dominions to his relatives and
others, left the country; that a ship being provided, he went with the
sheikh by sea, the ship touching at various places ; and, at length, at
Mecca. It isadded that the king, residing there some time, studied
various books ; and then came back, bringing with him several teachers.
His health was not.good; and he in consequence charged those to
whom he had delivered over his power to receive and propagate the
Muhammadan religion. After his death the Muhammadan system was
disseminated in some places, and mosques were built.

Answer to the question, what are the peculiar manners and customs
of the same people as now naturalized in the country,

-The reply adverts to the cultivation of pepper, and trade in that
article, originally carried on by this people. Three feringhi ships
came to Calicut for the purpose of trading. The feringhis began
to form plantations, and to monopolize the pepper trade, demanding a
recognition of the supremacy of their flag, and allowing no vessels to
trade, except such as carried a license from themselves. Under these
circumstances application was made to the Sultan of Roum ( Constanti-
nople ?) in consequence of which three Arab vessels armed, were des-
patched. Disputes and fighting with the feringhi people followed ; the
result of which was that the Mdpalas had greater facilities for com-
merce than for a time had been allowed them.

In Hegira 904, (A. D. 1489-10,) a great man of their tribe came
from Arabia; and being on good terms with the Calicut raja, he re-
quested and obtained leave to build additional mosques in the country.
These buildings were erected, and the people, together with their reli-
gion, flourished.

At a later period the padshah took the country, and distinguished
these people, as being Muhammadan, with favors and privileges.
But from the time when the English acquired power in the country,
their privileges had not continued, and they were consequently aggrieved.

Connected with Pondni-nagara, there are sixteen mosques ; for the
maintenance of lights and other matters in which the sirkar allows
nothing.

,
a
;

.

490 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ June,

The writer closes with some brief mention of his ancestors and
himself, from which it appears that they and he had been hereditary
chiefs of the Mapalas.

Section 10.—Account from Yogiyar (or religious ascetics), at the
village of Alipudumbu, in Malayalam.

The ascetics of the said village address Mr. Baser, who had direct-
ed certain queries to them, and after briefly adverting to the formation
ef the country, the location of brahmans in sixty-four villages, the
choice of a king, and privileges of the Nambirt brahmans, they pro-
ceed to state, in answer to an inquiry, as to ancient books, that the
Kerala Ulpatti exists in the common language, and that a copy of the
work in Sanskrit may be found at Codangnur, (Cranganore?) In
reply to another inquiry they state, that there are no inscriptions on
stone remaining ; to another reply as to events subsequent to Parasu
Rama, they state that Parasu Rama formed the country and located
therein the brahmans, in sixty-four villages, charging them with certain
duties and ceremonies; that these brahmans introduced CHzRUMAN
PrerumMat as king ; that CHERUMAN PERUMAL appointed other chiefs,
and subordinate divisions of government. They further state, that the
Malayalam country property extends from Gokernam in the north, to
Canya Cumari (or Cape Comorin) in the south; and they advert to
the religious foundations, and different images worshipped within the
boundaries of the country. (The whole of the reply is very concise. )

There follow a few Sanskrit slocas (stanzas) in the 4/alayalam ?
character, supplied by the chief of the beforementioned ascetics, and
simply confirmatory of the brief account given: it is not stated from
what book or record the stanzas were obtained.

Section 11.—Account of the Cottai yatta, chief of the Mapala caste,
im Malayalam.
( This title in the index of the original does not well agree with the
contents. )
Certain persons, whose names are given in reply to certain queries
from the cutcherry made in July, 1806, wrote to this effect.
There are no stone or copper inscriptions in the country concerning
ancient kings, they had learnt from their forefathers, that in the dis-
trict of Puaracu-mitil (the Wynaad country), to which their answer
refers, of old, there were no other inhabitants than Verdars (wild
hunters ), under rulers termed Verda r4ja. In those days a Cumbala
raja, proceeding from the north on a pilgrimage to a shrine named
Tirunelh, had to pass through the Wynaad country, and was taken by

1838.] Account of the Cotta yatia chief. 491

the people. Being carried before the Verdar raja he stated his rank
and object. The Verdar raja told the foreigner that he must marry
one of the daughters of the kingly tribe here, or else he would not be
suffered to depart. The stranger objected that he himself was of the
Cshetriya caste, and could not marry into the Verdar tribe ; but not-
withstanding if the latter raja would consent to the entire ceremonial
being performed according to the Cshetriya rites, that then he. would
agree to the marriage. The Verdar raja consented, and the other
then directed that himself and intended bride should be kept in sepa-
rate rooms up to a certain propitious day specified ; that meantime a
large pandal (or booth) must be erected and lined entirely with silks
and other costly materials, and the whole place must be filled with the
fruits of the nelli (Embiic myrobolan) Phyllanthus emblica —Pinn.
and tént (Terminalia bilirica.—Roxs. )

The Verdar raja was also to cause all the people, bearing arms in
his country, to assemble by that time in a certain fort. To these in-
structions the Verdar raja consented. The Cumbala raja had two
companions, one a Jidadhart, (or ascetic with matted hair,) the other a
Sudra Vellazhan ; by the instrumentality of these persons he wrote to
the king of the Curumba country, and to the Cofta raja, mentioning the
precise time fixed, and bidding them come just then with all the forces
they could command, and to enter the fort at the giving of a certain
signal by sound of trumpet. At the time of the marriage ceremonies,
musicians were appointed, the Jadadhavi being their leader, who gave
the projected signal ; when the Curuwmda and Cotta chiefs entered the
fort with their troops ; by whom the Verdar raja and the greater portion
of his people were slain: a few escaped. On coming to the place where
the Cumbala raja was confined, he told them who he was and came out
to them. The other chiefs then asked him as to the future government
of the country thus acquired. He replied that his own country was too
distant to admit of his having any thing to do with this country; and
that it was sufficient to be saved from the disgraceful marriage that had
been intended. The other two chiefs then gave him presents and com-
plimentary honors; and seeing him well attended, sent him away to
his own country. The Jadadhari received a district of land to rule
over. The before intended bride was given in marriage to one of the
Nambiya caste, who was entrusted with the government, under the
Curumba and Cotta chiefs. These next consulted how: they should
divide the country ; so as to avoid disputes. They agreed to set out in
different directions, and to make the spot, where they should meet the
boundary. This plan docs not seem to have answered ; and the Cotta

492 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. { June,

raja desired the Curumba chief to take the whole country; and should
his posterity fail, then it should come to the Cotta chief, or to his pos-
terity, and so on alternately. The Curumba chief obtained the power.
The aforesaid Jadadhari had a daughter, who married the Cota chief,
or his descendant, and transferred her hereditary possession with her-
self. Subsequently the Cotta and Curumba chiefs were at war with
each other; a state of things which was put an end to, by the country
coming under the rule of the East India Company.

The foregoing account is attested by the signature of fourteen indi-
viduals, as being that which they had received from their forefathers,
by tradition.

Remarks.—This document to say the least is curious. The Verdar
chief, the Hindu raja, and the Curwmba chief, seem to have been of
distinct races of people. The Cotta chief is understood to have been a
Hindu. The abstract above given is rather full; but the original do-
cument being copied and embodied in the second volume of restored
manuscripts, can at any time be consulted for the purpose of full trans-
lation if considered to be desirable.

Section 12.—Account of the tribe of Fiyare-jati in the Malayala
country.

A legendary account of the origin of the tribe from seven females,
descended from the world of the gods; by whom Siva, assuming, the
form of AGNESVARA, had seven sons. These seven sons were fixed
by Parasu Rama, in the land as heads of tribes. The names of the
tribes are given Their occupation is to procure the sap of the palm
tree, and deal in the fermented, or distilled liquor. One of the tribes
descended from one of the seven, named CamAtAn, having received an
insult from a Sudra man, emigrated with his clan to the Irza country ;
whence CHERUMAN PERUMAL sent to recal them, and allowed them
to revenge the insult by retaliation. They subsequently resided in the
country. They know of no stone, or copperplate inscription among
them ; but such as exist at Zvravancore.

Section 15.—Account of Parakun Mitil.

Brief notice of the arrival and settlement of a tribe of Muhamma-
dans in the neighbourhood of Calicut ; their wars with some neighbours
ing chiefs ; and the privileges and immunities which were granted to
them.

1838.) Accouut of Panniyur village. 493

Section 14.—Account of Manirxya CHENDU, a trader, a Jaina inha-
‘bitant of Calicut.
The statement is written by Manrkya, who derives his ancestry from
Gujerat where his forefathers were traders, and of the Jaina religion.
The account is very brief.

Section 15.—<Account of Musata, chief Inhabitant of Mangatambalam,
a village in the Malayala country.

A reply to questions the same as proposed to other classes of people.
They have no inscriptions. Parasu RAma formed the country into
sixty-four districts ; but did not establish any images or fanes. These
were afterwards formed by CuHERUMAN PERUMAL, and the brahmans.
In Tuluva there were 32 village districts, and 32 in Malayalam proper. |
The people of this village came originally from Rama Natha Kara.
Parasu R&ma, when he brought them hither, promised to them pro-
tection, whenever they should think of him; and then went away.
They wished to try his veracity, and called him without necessity ; on
which he testified great anger, and, saying he would not on any account
come among them again, disappeared, Legend of the origin of a fane
at Muriyur, founded on the circumstance of a stone giving out blood,
when used as a whetstone. Some particulars are given of the extent
and proceeds of the land possessed by the writer, named Musara, a
chief man and belonging to one of the six subdivisions of the Nambiri
brahmans.

Section 16.—Account of Panniyur village in the Cuta-nad district.

No inscriptions : a reference to the location of brahmans by Parasu
Rama at Rama nad (said to be near Calicut, or distant from it about
8 miles) and to local arrangements made. In reference to an inquiry
as to some disabilities to which the brahmans of this village are liable,
the reply traces up the occasion to an Agnihotra, or kind of sacrifice,
at which a king of Calicut named Samanpa refused to allow these
brahmans to assist ; and he died without offspring, in consequence of the
anger of brahmans, which he thereby incurred. There are some few
other connected details. The dates of a particular sacrifice ; of the es-
tablishment of an idol named Varaha svami, and of the ascendancy of
the Muhammadans, are given; but with some added expression of un-
certainty. In reply to another inquiry, as to the cause of the aforesaid
king’s rejection of the brahmans, an answer is given, deducing it from
their unwillingness to give up ancient rights by concessions to the raja
ef Calicut. ‘the ascendancy of the Bauddhas is noted; concerning
whom a council of brahmans was held; and a Jangama rishi's advice

3 Q

494 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. _ (June,

—

was followed. By doing homage to VARAHA SvVAMI according to the
Jangama rites, they succeeded in getting rid of their rivals and adver-
saries. CHOLA PERUMAL is mentioned as participating in the affair ;
and he was killed in consequence by a brahman, named KoxArra K<A-
RANAVA PADA, who for some short time afterwards, took on him the
management of the government : possessing an ascendancy over all other
rulers of Malayalam ; an inquiry as to the time of arrival of a Numburt
brahman, referred to in the account of that feud, and as to the time
of the Ganga coming to Malayalam, is not answered with certainty ;
but it appears, that when the sacred water came, a dispute arose be-
tween the Calicut raja and the Vella’tta raja as to which should first
bathe in it, and this dispute led to fighting, in which several of their
people, on both sides fell. Inquiry as to the legend of the fane at
Panniyur. The answer refers to PAnAsu RAma and his calling the
brahmans from Huat-cshetriyam, to come to Malayalam ; which they
refused to do, unless in that country as well as in the one where they
resided there should be a Varaha svami, and a sacred Ganga. Incon-
sequence Parasu RAmA performed penance, and effected substitutes
for both things desired; whereupon the brahmans came, settling at
Chovur and Panniyur ; between whom afterwards disputes, and fight-
ing arose. In later days the Vaishnava brahmans reside at Pannityur
and the Saiva brahmans at Chovur, being at enmity with each other.
An inquiry as to the origin of the celebration of the coming of the
Ganges once in twelve years into the tank at Pannzyur, is not met by
a direct answer; but reference is made to the rejection of an outcast
man ; who had presumed to approach at the time of the Ganges water
coming to the fane. In reply to another question some discrimination
is made between two subdivisions or classes of brahmans at Panniyur.
They do not know the cause why, a particular Zambirdn, or ascetic,
acquired celebrity.

The signatures of six Namburi brahmans are affixed to the docu-
ment in attestation of its veracity.
Section 17.—Account of Savaccudu ayirrad in the district of Hob-

halh.

No inscriptions. Replies to inquiries (possessing a close similarity
to the queries transmitted by Mr. Basen to other places), do not appear
to offer any thing specially interesting. The account, sent in, is at-
tested by the signature of three persons of the Sudra class.

Section 18.—Account of ancient matters relative to the Curumba nad.
Reference to the formation of the country by Parasu RAma and the
introduction of the brahmans. ‘These afterwards invited a king from

1838.] Kings of the Cali Yuga. 495

the Pandiya race, who was crowned on the summit of the highest moun-
tain in the country. Subsequent to the rule of seventeen kings, each
ruling twelve years, CuzRuMAN Perumat ruled as the eighteenth, and
did so for thirty-six years. He divided the country among several per-
sons, one of whom was the Curuwmba raja, who governed thirty-six ka-
dams, (or yojanas.) The race failed, and an adopted son was made chief.
Bounds of the district stated. Ata later period being troubled by the
Muhammadans, the people emigrated from the district. The English
rule was greatly welcomed.

Section 19.—Account of the tribe of Caniyara Pannikar.

In reply to an inquiry concerning their tribe they state ; that their
ancestor was a brahman and give a legend of mythological kind, to
account for the dezradation of his posterity: astrological matters are
mixed up with the legend.

General Remarks. The contents of this book, of so very varied
' value, have had a note in passing. From the seventh section tothe
end the documents are loose papers, tacked into the book and written,
for the greater part, on so fragile a material as China paper. It was
therefore judged suitable to re-copy them in a more permanent manner.
Some of the documents are not without value. They are the results of
queries circulated by Mr. Baser, perhaps at the suggestion of Colo-
nel MAcKeENZIE, as is rendered very probable, among other reasons, by
the first inquiry always being respecting inscriptions ; and it would ap-
pear that, in Malayalam, there must be a greater paucity of inscriptions,
than in other parts of India.

Professor WiLson has entered this book Des. Catal. vol. 2, page
xexi, Art. 3, giving only a transcript of the English headings of sec-
tions prefixed to the book. In Section 6, the word “originally” is not
in the said headings, and its insertion in the catalogue conveys an error.
The entry is “ History of Sankarécharya composed originally in the
Sanskrit language.’ The document is still in the Sanskrit language,
though written in the Paluyalam character.

C. TELUGU.
Palm-leaf Manuscripts.
1—Cali yuga Raja charitra or account of kings of the Cah yuga,
No. 131, Countermark 330.

This manuscript reckons, at the commencement, by the era of Yudis-
thira; the whole of which era is stated to include three thousand and
a i -four (3044) years. In this period the following kings reigned.

3Q 2

rs

496 Analysis of the Mackenzte Manuscripts. (Jung,

Era of
Years. Yudist’hira.
Pages eden eo Be cod cikecca sich a Gennes seaman he

SATU pcs sao oh noo wesixeueal vawtaasetsccnes oa ee 90
RO APOIUIED: | 0s « oiane ous docgdeacurgceuemenneas 10 100
pA Til TANAs ois st 9.:00pne wneie es one ode 2shiie ainptieen ee 204
SUGha MANS EAA. as cacaesbnd ver oaueainvestidea cen eelioe 486
RUG cen csasdpne' Set mney dp wx cane tears Kan ee 628
Vishnu ie. EN RR AT AEE Oe 834
Chandra Guptiay <.....00-. 210 1044

VicramAaditya, (a son of Chutdea aati . 2000 3044
The era of Vicramaditya, beginning with him, eaianda 135 years.
Years. Vic. Era.
Bhoja raja,.. Bf A Me Mea Pgh
His son Phe ts ilewible),_. ashi via Ne aes ein OO ato 135

To the south of the Narmathi ( Nerbudda), river the reckoning by
the era of Vicramdditya ceased; but continued to the north of that
river. The era of Silivahana followed; containing eighteen hundred
years. In this period the following kings reigned.

Years. Sal. Sac.

Salavahaivay Zo hiva cot VAY AMOUR CRIS Be ogee

Wadhava°verings\* 24 .s¢Al led AA i 39, ee
Kotta WWevanay io wisi. Oh ee PT. ALS 2k a eee
Nila Candas... iCute ak GAR 20T ee ve ees a
Maokanthis WG AGT RA ARE, 2a ee GGT
Choda mah4 raja, and his Face... so atin Sea
Yavana Bhoja,... BARS, 21a R ER eS
His race during sight Henlaanianis sdb edt ce Reeetiee S10 em

Subsequently came RAMA DEVA-RAYALU and others. There were
from Sal. Sac. 895 three thrones, that is, the Narapati, the Gajapati
and Aswapati ; the whole of whom ruled during a period of five hun-
dred and ninety-one (591) years. The Narapati, and the rayer dynas-
ty, (of Vijayanagara,) the family names of the two dynasties being
Shampita and Calagola. The Gajapati are the Vaddi kings (of Oris-
sa), the family name of the dynasty being Mirydla. The Aswa-
pati are Muhammadans. The Ganapati ruler, (of Warankal,) named
Rupra, yielded them no obedience, and inclusive of Prara‘pa Rupra
_ and his race, a period of 160 years is reckoned down to S. S. 1505.
This race is stated to have governed fourteen principalities. The Ga-
japatt race is said to have ruled for 155 years, during which they built
many agraharas (or almshouses) for brahmans, The accountants

1838. ] Parast Rama Vijaya. 497

employed by them were of the Tamil country and the head inspectors
were Caurus (a class of Telugu) people. Both were afterwards re=:

“moved to make way for the Miyog: brahmans. This was in Sal. Sac.
1210. Subsequently six generations of the Reddivary ruled, during
one hundred years down to Sal. Sac. 1310. There follow some details

in which the concerns of the rayer dynasty and affairs of the Gajupati,

Mukanthi, and Muhammedan rulers, are much interwoven. ‘The ac-
count comes down to the grandson of ALum Swan, named AnMED
SHAH, Sal. Sec. 1672, (A. D. 1750,) after which period and down
to Sal. Sac. 1720, (A. D. 1798,) it professes ignorance,

Remark.—This manuscript of nine large-sized palm leaves fully
written is, for its size, respectable. There seem to be some anachro-
nisms, and an occasional inversion of the order in which the rulers men-
tioned governed ; and it is quite evident that too long periods are given
to individuals, especially at the commencement; but these periods are
not always to be understood as wholly occupied by the individual men-
tioned. He may be the head ofa race, or the only person of any note
during that period ; and sometimes such authors, as the present one
must be understood as doing the best they can. Upon the whole this
manuscript might deserve full translation ; the requisite checks and
comparisons to be supplied by annotation. The book is complete and
in tolerably good preservation : insects have begun to attack it ; but as
it will require to come under notice again, its restoration has been for
the present postponed.

2.—Parasu Rama Vijaya, or the Triumph of Parasu R&ma, No. 84,
Countermark 388.

Vysa'sa and VALmiIca, being in the celestial world (or Sverga-loca),
narrate to InpRA the events which occurred in the Zreta yuga, or
second age of the world; to the following purport. The chucra, or
missile weapon of. Visunu disputed with its holder, telling him that by
means of itself (the chacra) Visunu had gained his victories, over
the asuras and others. In consequence of this presumption VisHNU
condemned the chaera to be born on earth. Accordingly the chwera
came into the world as the child of Krira Viriya, but without either
legs or arms. The astrologers, being consulted, recommended the
monster's being abandoned, and exposed in the woods, or waste places.
Being so exposed, ATHISESHAN fed it with poison, considering the
case to be desperate, as if not nourished it must die ; and the case could
"be no worse if poison failed of yielding nourishment. The child surviv-
ed, and the serpent carried it toa fane of Siva, and left it there; af-

498 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Joune,

ter committing it to the-protection of Stva. By command of the god,
the brahmans belonging to the fane reared up the child. Subsequent-
ly Siva asked the lame and helpless monster what gift it wanted. It
requested five hundred hands, anda thousand legs. The petition was
granted ; and, the name of (arta Viriya Arjuna being bestowed, this
now powerful being was appointed a Chacra verti, or emperor. He :
ruled in Jambuna-puri, a town built for him by VisvacarMa, (the ar- H
:

tificer of the gods,) who was specially summoned for the purpose.
While he was thus ruling on the banks of the Marmathi (Nerbudda), in-
dulging in the usual kingly recreations, RAVANA came thither; and by 3)
his orders, was imprisoned. In consequence of this imprisonment a :
war arose as the younger brothers, and other relatives, of RAvana did :
their best to effect his release ; but their efforts were too feeble; and
Karta Virtya merely sent his son against them, by whom they

were conquered. ViBuuSHANA, younger brother of Ravana, there-

upon went to Putasr’Hya (the great rishi), from whom their family

was descended, and besought his interference. Punast’HYA in conse-
quence interceded with Karta Vik1ya, representing that Rama CHAN-

DRA Was appointed to come and kill the said RAvana ; on which re-
presentation RAvawa was released. Subsequently Karra Viriya
contemplating the extent of his power, his numerous family, clients and
dependeuts, became elated, and greatly vexed the brahmans.

(In this place there occurs a chasm in the manuscript. )

Parasu RAma, being greatly incensed, comforted his mother with
the assurance that he would go and kill this Karta Virtya, who had so
slain his father, (i.e. JaMADAGNI.) Taking with him the bow which
he had received from his preceptor SusrauMawya (which the latter had
derived from Inpra), he proceeded to Jambuna puri, and sent a chal.
lenge before him, by a messenger, announcing to the tyrant Karra
‘Viriya that he was coming to do deadly battle. The monarch in-
censed prepared to go out to war, by collecting troops and munitions ;
but his younger brother Sirrira Virrya represented that the occasion
did not call for so much, and that, if permitted, he would proceed to’
meet this enraged brahman. Sirrira Virtya was accordingly sent,
but his troops were destroyed, and himself slain. The king hearing of
this disaster, was again about to proceed when another younger brother
named Sasi Mucua, made a representation, as the other brother had
done ; and was, in like manner, sent forth with troops: in fighting with
Parasu Rama he also fell. The son of the monarch named Haya-
HAYA now came forward; and, after considerable fighting with Paraso
RAma, he could not conquer, but himself was killed. The monarch

1838.] Parasu Rama Vijaya. 499

was distressed ; and wondered that a brahman could possess so much
prowess. His wife’s brother named Camacrotua offered his services,
and was sent forth at the head of troops. He went to the contest, and,
after sacrificing his troops, also perished in the combat. Karra Virtya
now took counsel with his ministers who represented to him that the
brahman was certainly an incarnation of the divinity ; so that it must
be useless to attempt resistance ; that consequently the proper course
would be to effect a treaty of peace, when the adversary would become
a protector. His queen named Ca RUNIYA-Dev1 made similar represens
tations, which were disregarded ; as were also the cautions of his other
advisers. Having already lost his nearest relatives, he disdained to
crouch, merely for his own life, to a brahman. Sending out missives
to all his warriors, he assembled them, and putting himself at their
head he entered his war-chariot, and went forth to battle. The contest
lasted fortwenty-one days; when Karta Viriya’s people were all slain.
Parasu RAma now took counsel with Narepa as to the expediency
of fighting with Karra Viriya, when Narepa observed that the
adversary was the Chaera, and that specially for the purpose of
killing the incarnation of that weapon he (Parasu RAmA) had been
born. Encouraged by this information Parasu Rama came to the
personal contest. It continued for seven days; and, at the close,
when Karra Virtya was injured and disabled by the arrows which had
been poured in upon him, Parasu RAma came to close quarters, and
with his axe chopped off his five hundred arms. Karta Viriya now
made the last desperate attempt to fall upon, and thereby crush, his
assailant ; but in the attempt Parasu Rama forcibly struck the mo-
narch’s head with his hand, and deprived him of life. The whole of
the celestials witnessing this result greatly lauded Parasu Rama. The
queen, and the other families of the palace, who had lost their husbands
im the battle, were desolated with grief; but Parasu R&ma dispatched
Narepa to them, with the consoling assurance that all things had hap-
pened by superior causation (or by destiny). The whole of the said
females burned themselves on the funeral pile, with the bodies of their
slain husbands ; and thereby obtained beatification.

Parasu Rama returned to his mother and announced, that the pre-
existing cause of enmity had been to the fullest degree avenged ; and,
upon receiving her commands he, in obedience thereto, returned and
assumed the government of Jambuna puri, releasing from prison all the
persons whom the late king had confined therein. While he was pros-
perously ruling there, the whole of the brahmans assembled and repre-
sented to him that on account of the fault, which had a reference to his

“500 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (June,

‘mother, he had previously, in promise, made over the whole of the land
in free-gift to them (the brahmans), and could not equitably assume
the reins of government himself. Not to forfeit his veracity he deter-
mined to act up to his promise ; and relinquishing the whole land to
them, retired, and built himself a hermitage of branches and reeds.
The brahmans however still pestered him ; asking him if it was right
to sell jewels, and other valuables, when he had made over every thing
to them. Incensed beyond endurance he went away, and besought a
territory from the sea, which he received, in accordance with his re-
quest ; and there he resided. While living there Rama CuHanpra_
together with Sita his consort, came that way. Parasu R«ma
scolded him for taking the same name, saying, “ I am Rama, but if
you indeed are Rama then bend this bow.” The other R&ma did so ;
but according to this authority (differing from the Ramayana) it broke.
Parasu R&ma perceiving the stranger’s strength paid him great com-
pliments, and then, dismissing him, sent him away to dyodhya, Para-
su R&ma himself continued to reside on the territory which he had
acquired.

Observition—The chasm in this manuscript (extending it appears
to 41 palm-leaves), would in a literary point of view be serious, espe-
cially as the book is a copy of a poem become, as I understand, very
scarce, and not to be met with elsewhere at Madras.

In the bearing of the half legendary, half historical, subject on the
leading object of the present researches the deficiency can be briefly
supplied from other sources to the following effect. .

The rishi named JamAvDaAGnt, father of Parasu R&ma, possessed
the cow of plenty Cumadhenu or Surabhi, and by means of this cow on
the occasion of a certain hunting party, all the suite of Karta Vir1va
were satisfied. The monarch, in consequence, considered the posses-
sion of this cow to be an object to him, and asked it of JAMADAGNI
who refused it, as a matter of course, it being the cow of the gods. No
solicitations or molestations being sufficient to obtain the cow as a gift,
Karta Viriya killed Jamapacnl, to get at the desired treasure, by
force. Hence the resentment and vengeance of Parasu R&ma. It
is probable that the missing leaves would contain an account of the
birth of Parasu Rama. ‘Towards the close of the poem, the brah-
mans remind Parasu Ra’ma of the fault concerning his mother which
is rather equivocally expressed, but most probably alludes to the fol-
lowing circumstance.

JAMADAGNI’s wife, the mother of Parasu RAdma, was named Re-
Nuca ; and one day, for a mental transgression of strict conjugal fide-

1838. Parasu Réma Vijaya. 501

lity, the father in anger told Paras» Rdma to take his axe and cut off
her head. He obeyed, and cut off the head of his mother, near a
Parcheri or hamlet of out-caste people, as well as the heads of some
of those persons, on their opposing his design. The father approving
his proceeding, asked what reward he required, when he requested
that his mother’s body might be re-animated. The father consented
to his request, having at the same time power to fulfil it, and gave di-
rections to his son as to the mode in which the head and body should be
joined together ; promising to re-unite, and re-animate them. In the
hurry of the moment instead of his mother’s head, PaArasu Rama
applied the head of an out-caste woman to his mother’s lifeless trunk ;
when the whole became re-animated. It is stated that on this legend
the Partars, (or outcastes) found their worship of various local numi-
ma, being none other than ideal forms of the wife of JaMADAGNI, con-
sidered to be divine as having given sare) to an alleged incarnation of
the divinity.

I have no doubt, that all the alleged avatdras of Visunu ai
forth, each one, some great historical event ; not always possible to be
rescued from the obscurity of fable. The preceding ones seem to
have had their site out of India, but from PArasu RAmaA downwards,
all clearly appear to have occurred within the boundaries of this coun-
try, Hence I think the incarnation of Parasu Rama points to the
first acquisition of power by the brahmans, after their coming to India
from the northward of Himalaya. There is however much more con-
nected with the destruction of the Cshetriyas, or aboriginal rulers of
the land, than can with propriety be founded on so comparatively slight
an authority as this poem. The whole however will probably come
under view ; and it may be safer to advance step by step, than to ha-
zard conclusions without carrying full conviction to the mind of the
‘reader.

It is superfluous for me to notice the oversights in this poem, by its
-author, as to dignity and consistency of subject. A weapon reproaches
its wielder, is sent down to the earth for penance, and followed by the
offended deity to overcome it there ; and the deity, without foreknow-
ledge, is in some doubt as to the prudence of attacking its own in-
strument, under so formidable an appearance, until set right by that very
-questionable character, and meddler in all mischief, termed Nareda ;
to which may be added the existence of a duplicate avatdra, and the
-elder portion not recognizing the younger one. These noddings of
intellect are however so common in Hindu mythology that they must

3.R

{
;

—

502 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. fs UNE,

not be thought strange. It is the inseparable concomitant of falsehood,
that it carries, within itself, the evidence of its own character.

In the minor matter which regards the condition of this manuscript,
it is sufficient to observe that it is old, and worn away at the edges.
If complete it might be restored ; but, until it can be completed from
some other copy, it may lie over for the present. The abstract given
will suffice for every valuable object of these investigations. It is

briefly mentioned in Des. Catalogue, Vol. I. p. 333, and therein term-

ed. ‘a prose narrative.”

3.—Tanjavur Charitra or account of Tanjore, No. 122. Counter-
mark 3205.

The book commences with the mention of the appeal of Cuanpra Sx-
GARA PANDIYAN to VisayaGARA, and the sending of Nacama Naya-
KER to repel the invader of the Pandiya kingdom, that is Vira Szecara
Cuota; whose invasion was thereby nullified, and his own dominions,
the ancient Chola kingdom, conquered. Over this kingdom Cuevapa
NAYAKER was appointed viceroy in consequence of his having married
Murvi-yAmmat the younger sister of TrrumaLamna, the wife of Acuy-
UTA DEVA-RAYER ; this viceroyship being the dower. He built, and im-
proved, various fanes. His son was AcuyurarA Nayapvu. His son
was Racuu Natua Nayapv. His son was VigAyYA RaGuAva Nayapu
who built a new fort at Tanjore, and made many other improvements.
He built a Mantapa at Mayuram (perhaps Mayaviram), he daily fed
12,C00 brahmans, and eat himself afterwards. In a rainy time he was
advised to cease doing so; but he maintained that his own household
could not be allowed to eat, till the brahmans were fed ; and when an en-

tire want of fuel was stated to exist, he ordered every wooden material

about his house to be taken down or pulled to pieces in order to supply
fuel. In three days this supply was exhausted ; he then directed all the
‘vestments in the palace to be dipped in oil, and made use of for fuel.
At this time a most valuable jewel became missing from the nose of the
female idol in the Sri-rangham fane, and the head brahman was great-
ly molested, as being suspected of the theft. A brahman woman be-
came possessed ; and, speaking in the name of the said goddess, said
that the jewel would be found in one of the pots used by Visaya’ Ra-
Guava for boiling rice ; where accordingly it was found, to the no small
joy of the suid ruler. In consequence he gave twenty-four thousand
pagodas to the fane; and, having another image made, the~ precious
jewel was put in its nose, and sent in state to the shrine. He daily
went to that fane, before breakfast, keeping 50 bearers as station-run-

1838. ] Account of Tanjore. 503

ners to carry him. Cuoxa Narua of Madura sent an embassy to demand
a_wife of the family of Visaya Racuava, which was refused, in anger ;
and the reason stated to be, that a Zanjore princess married to Tiru-
MALA Savurt, from a simple preference given to her father’s town, so
hurt the pride of Trrumata Nayak that he put her to death; and the
Tanjore family then made a vow never in future to give a wife to the
Madura rulers. The messengers were contemptuously treated. A war
was the consequence. It interrupted Visaya Racguava’s visits to Sri-
rangham ; but he built a lofty hall in Tanjore ; and theve, with his face
towards Sri-rangham, performed his daily ceremonies. ‘The war pro-
ceeded to the disadvantage of VisAyA RAGHavaA, because of certain
incantations, with pumpkins, performed by a brahman, at the request
of the Trichinopoly king. When the fort of Tanjore was assaulted,
VisayA RaGHava made preparations for the combustion of the fe-
males of his palace, lest they should fall into the possession of the adver-
sary. That combustion took place ; but not until the crowned queen
had sent off a nurse with a young child, four years of age. Visayva
RaGuHAva became reconciled to his son Manara; and the latter fell
in a personal contest, hand to hand, with the commander of CuoKxa
Natua’s troops. The ruler VisayA RaGuava personally engaged in
the contest, and is stated to have requested that musketeer’s might not
fire on him; as, if he so died, he could not obtain beatitude. He was
killed (as he preferred) by the sword. An apparition of himself fully
attended as usual, came to the gates of S7t-rangham, and demanded
entrance, which was conceded ; under an idea that he might have made
peace with the ruler of Zrichinopoly. After the usual ceremonies had
taken place, nothing more was seen of him, and the circumstance being
reported to Cuoka Nartna the king, he observed, that it was because
of his being a very great devotee of the god. He gave prompt orders
by post for the performance of all funeral ceremonies to the bodies of
the deceased; and then assumed the whole of the country. He con-
fided the charge of it to ALAGIRI, the child of the nurse, by whom he
himself had been reared, being his foster brother. Meantime the nurse
that had fled with the child of Visaya RaGuava remained at Nega-
patam ; the child passing as her own, till it was twelve years of age;
when Vencana a Miyogt brahman, a Rayasam or secretary of Ra-
GHAvA, heard of the matter, and went thither to see the child. In the
course of twelve months he assembled about a hundred dependents of
the late Visaya Raguavya ; and, taking the nurse and child, proceed-
ed with these, and those dependents, to the Visapur padshah where
they met with a favorable reception, and a promise of aid; being, how-
3 R 2

504 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Juns,

ever, kept in waiting for a short time. In the interval ALAgGiRI, to
whom the fort of Tanjore had been confided, affected airs of indepen-
dence by writing on terms of equality to Cooka Natua; and when
reproved for doing so, he returned no answer. Cuoka NaTHA was
deeply displeased ; but restrained, for the time, any expression of anger 5
considering that ALaciri had strengthened himself and could not be
assaulted without mature preparation: under these circumstances the
Mahratta chief approached. He was sent by the Vesapur padshah,
with a small force to reduce ALAGIRI, which force he increased by
auxiliaries, derived from his two brothers at Bangalore, and Ginjee.
ALAGiRI went out to meet the invaders, and a pitched battle was fought,
with considerable numbers engaged ; when 400 Mahrattas, and 500 of
ALAGIRI’s people fell ; and ALaciri being quite unable to inspirit his
people, so as to maintain the engagement, these fled, without looking
behind them, till they reached the fort of Tanjore. Thence ALacGiRI
sent a supplicatory letter to Cuoxa Natna of Trichinopoly ; but the
latter guided by pride, and resentment (rather than by policy) refused to
interfere, or send any aid. EcKog1 now laid siege to Tanjore and VEN
CANA, the aforementioned Viyogi brahman, it seems, was inside the
fort, busied in promoting disaffection. The manuscript states that
AvaGiri finding himself in danger of being arrested, and imprisoned
in consequence of the machinations of the brahman, fled, with all his
family and immediate dependents, by night, and took refuge in Mysore.
In consequence Ecxogr had the son of VisAaya RaGuava mounted on
an elephant ; and the said son, named Cuenca Mara Dasu, made a
public entry into Tanjore. EcKos1 committed the ceremonials of his
being crowned to the Niyogi brahman; and retired to his troops with-
out the walls. The ceremony of crowning took place.. Subsequently
the nurse pointed out the spot, in the palace, where the treasure, ac-
cumulated by the young man’s ancestors, had been deposited ; whence
were taken twenty lacs of pagodas, and six lacs of pagodas in jewels.
With this treasure, a portion being reserved for the newly installed king,
munificent donations were made to Eckog1, and others who-had been
concerned in the restoration. To defray the expenses incurred by the
troops, EcKouJ1 received the districts of Combaconum, Manarkoil, and
Papavinasam ; the revenue arising from them to be so applied. It being
customary for a king to have a Dalavayt, or prime-minister, the gene-
tal voice was ina favor of an appointment of the Niyogi brahman,
named Vencana to that office, and arrangements to that end were be-
ing made ; when the young man, consulting his nurse, whom he regard-
ed as his mother, she strongly urged the appointment of the Chetty (or

1838. ] Account of Tanjore. 505

merchant) who had protected them in their distress, and this advice
prevailed. The Niyogi brahman, bitterly disappointed, counselled
Ecxogi to assume the country, which he declined to do. At length, _
however, by repeated solicitation, Eckoy1 explained to him that by such
a proceeding he should incense the padshah, and endanger the lives of
his father, and kindred. While engaged in conveying secret informa-
tion of the state of things to his kindred, news came of the padshah’s
death ; and Eckos1, being exempt from fear from that quarter, next
directed his precautions towards Trichinopoly, inquiring if he had to
anticipate opposition thence. The brahman told him not to fear, but
simply to come with his troops and he (the brahman) would insure him
the fort; perhaps without firing a shot. In the fort the brahman_ busi-
ed himself with magnifying the anger of Eckos1 concerning arrears un-
paid ; and on the intelligence of Eckougt’s troops being in motion the

panic was wrought up to such a pitch, that the young man fled, and

thought himself happy in receiving from the poligar chief of Ariyatir
assurances of hospitality and protection. Ecxogt entered the fort with-
out opposition ; and from that time downwards his descendants ruled.
Their names are mentioned. The names of the children of Cuenca
Mata Dasvu, and some of their marriage connexions are added. They
received fiefs first from CuHoka NATHA; and, ata later time, when
Trichinopoly had been taken by the Mysoreans, these also extended pro-
tection to them. During the time of Trppu sultan the king of Candi
sent for some of the existing dependents ; married them to his relatives:
and gave them fiefs in Ceylon. At the time when the manuscript was
written, a descendant of VigayA RAGHAVA was living in the village.
close by the fane of JAMBUKESVARA. With the mention of this cir-
cumstance and the statement that such is a full account of Tanjore, the
manuscript ends.

Remark.—This manuscript is in a very good state of preservation,
and by consequence does not need to be restored. It is historical, and
valuable. ‘The opening portion very clearly connects the close of the.
Chola dynasty with the commencement of the rayer’s acquisition of that,
country, and fixes the time to the reign of Acuyura rayer. This is:

‘an important point gained; and one which I had not before met with,

The native line of viceroys from Vzjayanagara, become princes by the
fall of that capital, is another acquisition. The other events confirm or
explain the statement contained in the Telugu manuscript, translated
and published in the second volume of oriental manuscripts, with some
variations ; as must always be expected in two distinct, and independent
narratives of the same events. On the whole, I consider this document

506 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Jung,

very valuable, as a contribution towards the history of the Tanjore.
country during the whole of the 15th and 16th centuries, and as such
I strongly recommend its full translation.

Professor Wiusow has entered this manuscript in his Descriptive
Catalogue, Vol. I. p. 310, Art. XIII. He mentions two copies, but I
have only met with one* and that one is complete. The notice of the
contents which is given in the catalogue, is entirely wrong; and if it
do not praceed from a mistake in having classed together two different
works as two copies merely of the same work the error is otherwise un-
accountable. With the title of Tanjawur raja Cheritra, the notice
entirely relates to the viceroys or princes of Madura ; of which the
account given is correct, as far as it proceeds, and must necessarily
have been deduced from some other authority ; but it is entirely incor-
rect as any exhibition of the contents of this manuscript. I am however
too sensible of the difficulties attending these researches to consider the
error as any otherwise than unintentional, and if the native assistants of
Colonel Mackenziz£ gave to Professor WiLson so false a representa-
tion of the contents of this manuscript (being moreover Telugu brah-
mans by birth) they alone are inexcusable. I had made my own
abstract before seeking out the document in the catalogue, and com-
paring the two notices.

4.— Tanjawur Charitra, (or an account of Tanjore,) No. 121.
Countermark 316.

The above is the English title on the cover, and a Telugu title on
the other cover is Tunjawur rajalu purvottaram, or an ancient record
of the kings of Tunjore. Both these titles are wrong. On a palm-leaf
inside, the book is entitled “‘ an ornamented poetical acount of the four
gates of the fort of Zanjore.” ‘This title fully and accurately describes
the contents. It contains merely exaggerated descriptions of the fouy
gates ; with such inventions connected therewith, as are natural to the
imagination of a native poet. By consequence, whatever may be its
value as a poem, it is worthless in any historical point of view.’ ‘There
is a very slight deficiency at the end of the first section—(on the first
gate)—apparently of a few stanzas: for the rest of the manuscript is
complete ; and, though old, yet it is in tolerably good preservation. At
the end there is a short poem appended, containing praises of Visunv;
so much may suffice for this book.

Note.—I do not find this manuscript entered in the Descriptive
Catalogue, as a distinct work ; and therefore conjecture, that it must have

* See the following article.

1838. ] Account of the Chola-rajas. 507

been classed by mistake as the duplicate copy of the preceding manu-
script. Indeed I have scarcely any doubt to the contrary.

5.—Maliyadri Narasimha Chandasu, (or a Treatise on Prosody, dedi-
cated to Maliyadrt Narasimha, a form of Vishnu,) No. 94. Couns
termark 487. |
This work which attracted my attention from having the word Cha-
ritra, or history, (erroneously written in English letters for Chandasu)
on the cover, is by Kavi-KETHANI, and treats on the art of Telugu
poetry ; giving the laws that should guide the construction of the differ-
ent kinds of metre. It is of some length, in a beautiful hand-writing>
and in good preservation. The poem is valuable, on the subject to
which it refers; but does not bear on the leading object of this inves@
tigation. |
The work is briefly entered in the Descriptive Catalogue, Vol. I. p.
353, as a “Treatise on Telugu prosody, by Lincaya Manrri of
Veylatur.” This name probably designates the author's patron. |

Manuscript Book, No. 83. Countermark 787.
Section 1.—An account of the Chola-rajas.

VayaL Varzi AvitTa CHoLAN was crowned at 16 years of age at
Cahyur, west of Trichinopoly. He confided the government to a
minister, and occupied himself in the worship of Siva. He fostered
the Sazva religion. A wild elephant greatly troubled the country. A
hundred men were sent to take it; and the elephant, being pursued,
met in the way an ascetic, bearing a garland of flowers sacred to Siva,
which it seized and tore: the ascetic greatly incensed killed the 100
men, with an axe which he carried, and also the elephant. The Chola
king, hearing of the circumstance set out with a force to destroy the
adversary ; but on coming near, and seeing only a devotee of Siva, he
kept his followers at a distance, and alone approached: he addressed
the ascetic in terms of great humility. The ascetic was so overcome
with sorrow at having killed the elephant and people of so devoted a
follower of Srva, that he took the king’s sword to kill himself, which
the king prevented ; and a dispute ensued, which should kill himself,
The king because his people and elephant had offended so devoted a
votary of Siva, or the ascetic, because he had killed the elephant
and people of ‘so exemplary a king. Asa child was born to the king
on that propitious day (Suba-dina) the child was called SuBA-cHoLaNn
who being installed by the care of his father, the latter died after ruling
350 years. Supa-cHoLan married and came to live at Jambhu kesva-

|

508 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Jung,

vam, where he ruled 35 years. Some fable follows, about the birth of
JAMBHUKESVARER, the tutelary god. The son of SuBa-cHOLAN was
called Vara Guna Cuotan. He dedicated his wife to the service of
the god, in the fane of Jampnuxkesvargr. He led her to the fane by
the right hand, and soon after all her body except the right hand was
found to have been taken into the image. Vara Guna, considering
that he had taken hold of this right hand, earnestly inquired what crime
he had committed, that he should be so marked. Soon after the hand

“also was drawn in. After some time the god, in the shape of a brah-

man, appeared to the king ; and reproaching him for offering up his
wife, invited him to make a sacrifice of himself also, which he is stated to
have done, when he rejoined his wife on a celestial car, and both acquir-

ed beatitude. He ruled 75 years. PuGeru CuHo.xan formed the town

of Uriyur and ruled therein, with great credit, for 60 years. By
the advice of his mantiri (or minister) he engaged in an inroad on the
Chera king ; in order to get plunder, with which fanes and brahman
choultries, might be built, and fame in the world acquired. The
Cheran repelled the invasion, and the mantiri, who was also general,
only just escaped with his life; but, to make it appear as if he had con-
quered, he brought a hundred skulls and shewed them to the king.
Among these heads one was discovered to be that of an ascetic, from
having braided hair; at which circumstance great grief arising and the
loss of the kingdom being feared, the head was put into a case of gold.
A fire being kindled the king prepared to commit himself to the flames
along with the head; but Srva appeared, on his bullock vehicle, and.
told him his devotedness was accepted, that the fault of the war was
his minister’s, not his, and commanded him to live prosperously. At
his own request, notwithstanding he was beatified, holding the said skull
in his hand. Hence his epithet Pugerh Cholan or “ the praised.” Krit-
BALA CuHo.an succeeded, and became accomplished in knowledge. In-
stead of taking one-fifth as his predecessors had done from the cultivators,
he contented himself with one-sixth part. He acquired great ascen-
dancy, and ruled with great equity. By reason of it, the tiger and the
cow rested in the same shed; the cat and the rat dwelt in the same
place ; the snake and the frog were like mother and child, (symbolical
language). Thus his people were without strife, or divisions. Injus-
tice was unknown. Notwithstanding, the king fearing neglect on the
part of his. ministers, or servants, hada bell erected between two pillars
in the public street, proclaiming that if any one was aggrieved, it was
only necessary to sound the bell, and the king’s attention to the case
would be given, He thus ruled with great prosperity until 64 years of

-

1838.) Account of the Chola-rdjas. 509

age, without the alarm-bell of justice having been even once rung.
After his 64th year he had a son born to him. He greatly rejoiced
and distributed gifts, on having a child born in his old age. Vuirni
Vipaneam was the name of his son; and the usual education was given
him. About this time an incarnation of various celestials took place in
the form of a deceptive cow. (The description is here translated because
it may be of service in understanding other symbolical language in other
books.) “ Parvati and PAramEsvaARsR on the bullock vehicle, BRAHMA,
VisuHNu, and the remaining 33 crores of deities, the 48 thousand rishis,
the asuras, the mahdé sactis (female powers of gods), setting out from
Cailasa, came down to be incarnate on earth, in the following form. The
four Vedas became the four legs; Bkauma and VisuHNnu, the two horns;
the sun and moon, the two eyes; the Vindhya mountain formed the
body ; (Para Sacti) the female energy of the supreme Brahm (or first
cause) became the abdomen; D’HERMA DeEvarr (the goddess of the air)
became the udder; the svd-loca, the sud-miba, the sva-riba, the sva-
uchiyam (four degrees of beatitude) became the four teats. Vavavu
(god of wind) became the tail; the atmosphere (acasam) became the
two ears; Lacsumi became the womb; the sea became the urine; the
eight serpents (at the eight points of the compass) became the intestines ;
wisdom, was the milk; thus deceptively (or symbolically) a cow was
formed, and Yama (death) was its calf.” This description is quite
sufficient to prepare for symbol, and exaggeration, in the incident to be
narrated. This cow, with its calf, went from the fane of Tiyazara
Swami to bathe and, when returning by a certain street, the king’s son
Virut Vipancam was making a public procession. The cow and calf
became separated in the crowd, and the calf, beimg bewildered, got
under the chariot of thé king’s son, and was run over by the wheels, being
thereby cut in two. The king’s son was greatly alarmed, and meditat-
ed on T1yAGARAR, (a name of Srva in the form worshipped at Tiruva-
rur.) The cow went all over the town seeking for the calf, and on
finding its remains, put both halves together, and sought to give it
milk. As it would not receive any, the cow arose and wept tears.
The alarm of the king’s son continued. The cow went to the justice
alarm bell and rung it, on the hearing of which the king Kripara
CHOLAN swooned. On recovering he directed his minister to go and
see what was amiss. ‘The grief of the king, and of his wife the young
man’s mother, is described at length. The wife suggested as a remedy
that she would go, and fall under the chariot wheels, and be cut in two
by them, as an expiation of the crime. But the king determined that
the son himself however precious to them, must in that same manner
33

510 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripis. [Junz,

perform the expiation. In consequence he summoned a hall of audi-
ence, and therein formally commissioned his minister to go and see
justice so rendered. The minister set out in state; and, on informing
the young man of his orders, the young man gave his consent. The
minister was in a sad dilemma, regretting on the one hand to kill so in-
tellectual a young man, and bring on himself the guilt of blood-
shedding, and on the other fearing punishment from the king, if he
disobeyed orders. To extricate himself from the difficulty he slew him-
self with his own sword. The king’s son being astonished continued
his meditation on Piyugarar ; expecting some further interposition in
his behalf. The king was embarrassed at the double accumulation of
evil. His wife blamed him for not listening to her first suggestion.
The king rejected it as not good; and appointed the minister’s son to
succeed to the crown. The king set out, surrounded by a multitude
of deeply-grieving people till he came to his son at Ziruvatur. The
son remonstrated on the advantage that was about to be given to envi-
ous neighbours, such as the Pandiyan and the Cheran. But the king
considering that, if he did not sacrifice his son, there would be no rain,
and no crops, ordered the chariot to move on, which ran over the young
man, when prostrate on the ground and cut him into two pieces. The
people greatly rejoiced at the spectacle. The two pieces of the king’s
son were presented before the cow to its great joy; and the crime of
slaying the calf was expiated. The king next considered that he had
) | now to expiate the sin of having occasioned the death of his minister,
He accordingly was about to strike himself when the aforesaid Trimorti
and other gods, composing the illusive cow, stayed his arm; and- at the
same time, raised to life again the minister and the kings’ son. The
son was installed under the title of Bau’pata CHotam. ‘The gods
décreed that the old king, as a reward, should have the pleasure of
: seeing his son rule with himself. Afterwards without being exposed
to the pain of any future birth, the king (for his merit), the king’s wife,
and the minister also, received final beatitude. On account of his long
reign, distinguished by so many virtues, the gods ordered him to be
commemorated by the title of Kribala Chola, or “ the gracious ruler ;”
he ruled eighty years.

Buu pkua CHoLA, being crowned when sixteen years of age, and
having married when twenty-five years old, exceeded his father in bene-
ficence, and prosperously governed. In a hunting excursion he dis-
covered a large chasm which consumed and wasted the water of the
Caveri river. He directed a great many men to be employed to fill it
up; all their efforts to fill it up were unavailing. Though much money

"4

1838. ] Account of the Chola-rdjas. 51i

was expended and every possible method taken, yet the chasm still swal-
lowed up the Caveri as before. The king resided eight years in the
neighbourhood ; the better to superintend the work. A rishi, living near,
told the king, that his labour was in vain, seeing that for some cause the
chacra of Visunu had entered the earth there, and by consequence the
remedy was that either some enlightened king, or else some virtuous
risht (or ascetic), must enter the chasm, and be seated beneath on the
chacra, when the gulph would close. The king took leave and returned
to his town; where he assembled his council and declared what he
learned. . After many donations, he proceeded in state, with the intention
of casting himself into the chasm. The minister told the rishi, that if
the king plunged into it, the same would be dishonor; but that if he
(the rishi) entered, it would be to him lasting fame. The rishi accord-
ingly entered the chasm which immediately closed. A fane was built on
the spot called Tivuvala anchur, (or the sacred whirlpool turning to the
right hand.) The king and his suite returned to the palace; where he
prosperously ruled, but the Caveri now did damage, by overflowing its
banks; and the king went to the wilderness, and did penance six years,
on that account; when SivA, sent a shower of mud, which raised the
embankment, and kept the river within its proper channel.

A certain chief by the favor of Ranca Svdmr (VisHnu) built the
fane of Sri Ranga, with the spoils which he had plundered from the
people even to the extent of snatching away the ¢dli, or sacred token of
marriage. Many laborers were employed, and a great balance remain-
ed due to them, which the said chief had not the power to defray. He
in consequence inveigled them all into a boat, promising to pay them
in the middle of a branch of the Caveri ; and, when there, he upset the
boat, and they all perished ; but as this was a sacrifice to RanGa SvaAMI,
all the laborers so sacrificed obtained beatification. Hence the spot ac-
quired the name of Colidam (corrupted into Coleroon*).

The king, expending a great deal of money, had the Cavert conduct-
ed to the westward of Combaconum, and opened channels for irrigation
40 a great extent around ; effecting a communication between the Caveri
and Coleroon rivers. Of the additional produce so obtained, he took
1-6th, and gave the rest to the people. At Combaconum he built many
_ fanes and prosperously ruled. His reign lasted 70 years. He had no
son ; but his wife was three months pregnant. The Pandiyan took ad-
vantage of this time to attack the kingdom, and the aforesaid Chola
king being worsted, took refuge with Cumbhesvarer, and did penance in

* This isa current tradition as to the origin of the name of the Coleroon ; the
meaning of Colidam is ‘‘ the place of slaughter.’’

3s2

512 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (June;

the shrine sacred to him; and after a time, he obtained beatification.
As he had done so much benefit to the country, in the embankment of
the river he was called Cari CanpA CHOLAN,

APPENDIX.

The Chola rajas were so called because of their pene of the solar
race. (The derivation of Chola, from Surya, is not clear.)

Uttunga Cholan; Kulottunga Cholan ; Tirumudi Cholan; Aruntapa
Cholan; Rajendra Cholan; Manunithi Cholan; Ala peranta Cholan ;
Vara-guna Cholan; Ala peranta Cholan ; Ariloru kadamai kondai Cho-
lan; Anatana Cholan ; Cadu-vetti Cholan.

Another list of the Chola princes is given, with the explanation of the
names ; and shewing three different names sometimes given to the same
individual. The period of reign, in all, is too great. There were in all
23 kings of this race it is said. After Cart Cara Cuoua the race
ceased.

Remark.—The eee paper is of importance in many points of
view; and the origin of the fane at Seringham, as herein stated, needs
to be compared with other documents.

Section 2.—Discourse between a Tiger and a Cow.

This account is either a mere fable, or else a symbolical account of

some transaction occurring near Conjeverdm; in which a cow seized by
a tiger pleaded for a loan of life, on certain reasons alleged, promising to
return on a fixed day. The tiger gave the required leave, and the cow
punctually returned.
. The section is incomplete; and since it professes to be translated
from the Tamil, which original work, if 1 mistake not, is found in the
collection, any consideration of it may be deferred till that work comes
under notice. This fragment, to the best of my judgment, is useless.

Section 8.—Abridged account of Isvara, Visunu and BRAuMA.

This paper contains a description of the divisions, and residents, with-
in the regions of Vaicont’ha and Kailasa, similar or the same, (differ-
ence of language being excepted,) to the Tamil manuscript translated

and printed in Or. Hist. MSS. vol. 2. App. B. Any further notice of
it here is, by consequence, superfluous.

Section 4.—Account of the temples of C Canchi or Conjeveram.
The legend of the place, as collected by CAventy Vencata Borran.
It was a chosen place by Siva. Parvari shaded the sun and the moon,
being the eyes of Siva; by reason of which darkness covered the earth;

v

2
4
os;

ii

1838.] Images of Ekambesvara. 513

and to blot out the fault so committed, Parvari came. down to do pe-
nance under a mango-tree, at that place. Siva sent various rivers, the
origin of which are mythologically stated.

Visvacarma built a temple; and after many intermediate matters
(which however are not stated) in the time of CrisHNa rayer, even as
he had rebuilt many other temples so he rebuilt the fane of Eeambar-
isvara. There are other mythological or pawranic statements of the
foundations of other places, based on fables concerning BranMa, VisHNU
and Siva. Ata later period there is mention of four towns around, to
which roads led from Conjever'am ; that is first, Mahabalipuram ; second,
Devalapuram to the south; third, Virinchipuram, and fourth, Narra-
yanapuram, (first, Vaishnava; second, Saiva ; third, Sativa; fourth,
Vaishnava.)

Visunv born as NArepa introduced the Bauddha system, to expiate

-which fault, he was required to do penance at Conjeveram. ‘The Juinas
spread through the country, and hada settlement near Conjeveram.
SANCARACHARYA came thither, and overcoming the Jainas in disputa-
tion re-established the Hindu religion, according to his own tenets.
There is still however a small town near, called Canchi of the Jainas.
Another existing evidence of the ancient prevalence of the Jaina system
at this place is, that in the walls and edifices, built by Crisuwa rayer,
images of the Jaima system are wrought in with the other workmanship.

Brauma performed a great sacrifice at one of the sacred hills at Con-
jeveram, in the fire of which Visunu, as Varapa raja, was born; (being
the form of Visunu worshipped in the Vaishnava fane at Conjeveram.)
The elephant of Visunu gathering lotus-flowers from the tank, had its
legs bitten off by an alligator; and Visunu_ slew the alligator with his
chacra: (an event commemorated in processions by carrying round the
image of an elephant without legs.) Notice of the different vahanas
or vehicles, used for the processions of the image of Visunu, at the
great annual festival inthe month of May.

Notice of the images within the Saiva fane of Ekambeésvara.

The origin of the place is lost in the remoteness of very ancient time.
The image of CamAcsui was originally of clay. Three towers and the
inner shrine were constructed by Trryampaca Rayauv. In one shrine
there is an emblem of Srva at which Rama (Cuanpra) performed
homage, in order to expiate the sin of killing the racshasas of the coun-
try. There is also an image of Peruman (Visunu) to commemorate
the cure of Siva, (after swallowing poison with the amrita in the Cur-
ma avatara.) Brief mention of other images connected with similar
legends. A repetition of the fable connected with the mango-tree, men-

514 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ June,

tioned at the beginning. Some porches and shrines were built by Tren-
AGARA-PILLA! Of Tanjore. Other notices of different] ocalities of the
fane. The hall of a thousand pillars is built over the place where was
the pit in which Brana performed his great sacrifice ; there is a sacred
poolin the midst. In the Barata Candam, or continent south of Mount
Himdlaya there are one thousand and eight fanes ; of these one hundred
and eight are special, and of these latter twenty-eight are within the dis-
trict of Conjeveram. The names of these twenty-eight fanes are given.
Next is given a specification of sacred pools (#rt’has) connected with
the said fanes.
Notice of the Ammen-kovil, or fane of the local goddess.

The shrine was built by Vira DEVA MAHA Raga. A tower was built
on the south side by ParuaLa Rayupu. To the west of the goddess’
shrine there is an image of SancarAcuaRYa, also of Durvasa RISHI.
There is a golden image of Camacsut, termed bangara (the golden).
An image of Santana Ganapati paid homage to by the childless, who.
desire to have children: other minute details. Just before the spot, on
which the image of Camacsui is placed there is a chasm, hollow, or
cavern, in the earth. SancardcwArya is traditionally stated to have
concealed the image therein for greater safety ; and it is popularly re-
ported that the original Camacsut is still hidden therein.

Detail of worldly power.

The names of a few monarchs are given, coming down to the latter
rayers, and Gajapatis. Lengthened periods are ascribed to the earlier
rulers (gathered from the Puranas), but nothing is given that can add
to or correct other information, on these subjects.

Rulers at Conjeveram.

BuDA-LINGA-PAIYA. Aut Mourap Kuan.
Jutu pupar Kuan (i.e. Davup Kuan.
ZuLFecaR KHAN.) Saputva KHAN.

Here the writer is more at home ; a.notice is given of the events con-
nected with the Muhammadans of Vellore and Arcot, through the
wars in the Carnatic, and down to the settled rule of MunaAmmep ALI.
It is brief considering the multiplicity of the transactions; but may have
its merit, as a testimony written from tradition, near the time and place
of the events recorded, and by a native, acquainted with native opinions.

Canchi Mahatmyam.

Another brief version of the’legend noticed at the commencement.
That is to say Parvati shaded both eyes of S1va which produced dark-

1838. ] Feudatory chefs at Ramnad. 515

ness over the world, and troubled both gods and men. As a punish-
ment for this “ legéreté” Parvari was sentenced to become CAut,
and then to go down to earth to do penance, which took place at Con-
jeveram. After acquiring merit by that penance, in which her form
included several rivers, Siva asked what gift she required, and the
reply was, that he would come and marry her at that place. To this
request he consented; and, when he came, he was accompanied by
Brauma and Visunu ; the former of whom performed a great sacrifice.
Sarasvatr and Lacsymr were born from the eye of Parvati; and the
marriage between Brauma and Visunu and their consorts was celebrat-
ed at the same time, as the marriage of Siva and Parvati. The place
hence acquired great celebrity. The vishis, who were present at the
ceremony, each one established an emblem of Srva bearing his own
name; and on the eight points of the compass, there are eight Durgas,
as guardians. There is also specially a fane of Bhairava, a ferocious
form of Ssva.

Remark.—Any information connected with Conjeveram acquires
importance from the celebrity of the place, and its great influence as a
metropolis of idolatry. The legend of Parvati shading the eyes of
Srva is pauranical ; but I think it deserves special notice, though per-
haps not in this place. If I understand the import aright it designates
something differing from any eclipse: but I would wish to examine the
‘subject in connexion with other records before offering any opinion.
The circumstances concerning the Jainas tend to elucidate some parts
of the Chola patcyam, and it would seem as if SancaRACHARYA were
the Saiva teacher therein referred to. The antiquity of the structures
at Conjeveram cannot be great, since they are posterior to the time of
Sancardcuarya ; but that the place had some little note under early
Chola kings, before the ascendancy of the Jainas, seems conjecturally
probable*.

‘This paper has been restored from small my and pale ink, to a
more permanent form.

| Section 5.—Account of the Setupatis or feudatory chiefs at Ramnad.

This section was before restored in Vol. I., for reasons stated in the
accompanying abstract then given. See Ist Report. Art. B.

* The king of Kdnchipura is mentioned in the Samudragupta inscription
at Allahabad as Kanchiyaka Vishnu,—that ments Bt the title of the race then ruling
there.—J. P.

516 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ Jung;

Book, No.49. Countermark 7389.

Section 8.—Account of the Vellugétwaru, descendants of the Vencata-
girvt raja, with an account of Vencata-girt in Telingana.

Stanza. The Velma race were born from the feet of Visunu.

In the village of Anwmanagal a son of SuHeyur Potu Report of the
tribe of Anumagantu, with his servants named Resan, when ploughing
a waste piece of land, discovered a hidden treasure and an aerial voice
was heard, telling the master (SHevi-rEDp1), that if he offered a human
sacrifice he might safely take possession of it. While in great doubt,
his servant Resan voluntarily offered to become the sacrifice, on con-
dition that the Reppr should engage on behalf of himself and of his
posterity, that he and they would take the cognomen of Resaxa, and
always marry the first wife from out of his (Resan’s) pariah tribe. To
these conditions the Reppr assented ; and, offering his servant in sacri-
fice to Buarrava, took possession of the treasure. At a subsequent
period while surveying his now very extensive fields, a storm came on,
and while he stood under a tree a thunderbolt descended close to him,
which he took up without fear, and then the hamadryad of the tree
appeared to him, and made him great promises for the future. Two of
his inferior workmen had taken refuge under the same tree, and unseen
by him, had seen and heard what passed; the report of which they
carried to the village, where it was much talked of; and at length
reached the ears of the Ganapati, or prince of the country, who sent
for SHEvI-REDDI, and after flattering distinction gave him certain ban-
ners, and ennobled him as feudal lord of a country producing a lac
annually. He also received the title of Pillala marri Bétéla Ravu.
From the Bétdla, or hamadryad, before mentioned he also, received
certain immunities of a super-human order.

2. He had three sons, named respectively DAma Nayanu, Prasa-
pitya Nayapu, and Rupra Nayapu. Two were much distinguished.
Dama Nayapnu, the eldest, by skill in the use of the sword, by great
advantages obtained over others, and the acquisition of wealth and ho-

nors. The second PrasapiryA was an officer of authority under Ga-

wAPATI Deva Rayauu; and hada hand in the circumstances of the
succession after his death, whereby the royal authority at Ordganti
devolved on Pratara Rupra.

3. The aforesaid DAma Nayapvu was the head of his race. Two

of his many sons, by name Vennama Nayapvu and Sassi Nayapu,

were most distinguished.
4, Vennama NaAyranpu became head of the race. His son was Yir-
apAcHa Nayapvu who, with his cousin, son of SaBss Nayapu, were

: i

838. ] Account of Vencata-girt in Telingana. 517

successful in their incursion against neighbouring places, extending to
Canchi, and to the Pandiya kings. The Mussulmans are also men-
tioned as beaten in defence of another chieftain. ‘The son of VennaMA
named Srncama Nayapv, became head of the race, and was slain
before the fort of Jalli palle.

5. His two sons Anurpora Nayapu and MApau Nayapvu assem-
bled a great force, and overcoming all enemies, carried their power to
an increased extent, adding to the fame of their race, and distinguish-
ing themselves by donations to the brahmins, An extravagant account
is given of the number of rajas conquered by them, the Chalukyas being
among the rest, and also the forces of the Gujerati raja. The two
chiefs ANupora and Mapan divided the country into two parts, and
ruled in distinct towns, each one over his portion ; the first in Rajukonda
and the second in Devakonda.

6. The son of MAvuu named Peppu Vena Girt Nayanu, added to
former conquests, and acquired additional trophies.

7. Puppa Veva Giri Nayavpv had two sons, named RAma Cuane
pra and Cumara MApua Nayapu, who made some conquests.

8. The sons of Cumara MApuau were Cuinna Vepa Giri N.
and Lincama N. The father was slain by another chief, and Lincama
WN. slew him in return, who also overcame some others.

9. Lineama Nayano’s son was Purvara Nayapvu whose son wag
Lincama Nayanvuv.

' 10. The race is carried forward, through afew other names.
‘Jl. Some strifes of neighbouring feudal lords.

12. Records assistance rendered to the rayer in suppressing some
opposers at Channapatnam.

13. Sryeama Nayapv was versed in learning.

14. Dimma Nayana is said to have conquered the Gujerat, Chola

and Pandiya rajas.
15. Duurma NayApv conveyed to his posterity the title of Ruvu-

varu.
16. The succession of the race is carried on down to28 VENCATADRI
Nayapu, who ruled at Vencata-giri, and in his time the name of the
Vencata-giri kingdom originated. The name of that place from books
and inscriptions is found to have been Kal mali, from the name of a
local goddess worshipped by a few cottagers. One named Gonart
Buxaa raja had built a fort and resided there; he was driven away by
VencataDri who took possession, changed the name of the Sacti, and
caused it to bear the name of Vencatu-giri, from Visunu worshipped at
Vencata-challa (Tripetty ), distant four dmada or kadums (40 miles).

3 T

518 . Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (June,

His son was Rayapa Nayavvu who succeeded to the government, 29
down to 31. Some other names down to Yasama Nayapvw, and Sin.
cama Nayapu, by whom a great battle was fought with other opposing
chiefs in a plain near Utra Melur, in which they gained a victory, Sal.
Sac. 1523, (reference to another book called Sas:m:lica, No. 8,) its
substance given here. (The scene was in the Tamil country, Madu
vantaca, being mentioned as near the place of combat.) The Muham-
madans were mingled up in the affair, in connection with Ginjee and
Vellore. Down to 34 many details are given, too complex for abstract-
ing, among which it appears that the Velligotiwaru were driven, from
their native district by the Muhammadans, who took it into possession ;
that Vencata-girt was a part only of the Chandra-giri kingdom ; that. .
the Muhammadans acquired an ascendancy, and that certain cruelties
were attendant on ZutFeKar KuAn’s incursion into the Carnatic, that
Vencata-girt was assumed into possession by them, but by solicita-
tions at the court of Golconda, a restitution of this and some other.
districts was made, on condition of paying tribute. Certain grants as
made by persons holding privileges under AurunGzsBE, are mentioned
in the manuscript as deduced from inscriptions, one of the dates is
1618 Sal. Sac. (A. D. 1696).

35. Some other names, and date of a grant by Peppa Yasama
Nayapv in S. 8. 1620, with him the line of Vetiucorivaru ceased,
and the race was transferred to adopted children.

36, 37. Some other details; an invasion of Muhammadans from
Arcot who plundered and burnt, and in the disturbance many records
perished; when the invasion had swept by Cumara Yasama Nayapu
again resumed possession. 3

38. Bancarv Yasama Nayapvu (the present raja), his agent Serav
Rayen went to Madras and procured an intervention of the Company’s
troops to confirm him in his authority. Details of Peppana and Su-
BRAHMANYAN the agent of Bancaru Yasama Nayapu, leading to an
awful tragedy. Peppana had accused SupRAHMANYAN in the Chittur
court of firing a village, and SupranmanyaN told him that in conse-
quence he would have him carried out by the legs dead, like a dog. In
prosecution of his design, he constructed a variety of annoyances, and
got up a suit in the zillah court; Peppana when summoned refused ©
to appear. When an attempt was made to seize and sell his house, he
forcibly ejected the officer of the court; in consequence a summons was
sent by the hands of a captain of sepoys with a company under his
eommand. Prppana not knowing the English customs, and from the.
high spirit of the Velmavar, had prepared his house so as to have all

\

1838. ] if Mahratta. : 519

the inmates killed, and the house set on fire. On the captain making

the demand of his appearance at the court to plead, he went inside and
shut the door, -but losing heart to transact all the tragedy, it was ma-
naged in part by aservant. The result was the murder of all the inmates
Peppana included. The door was then thrown open. The officer
grieved went away, and left the disposing of the bodies with Bancaru
Yasama and SuBRAHMANYAN; who, as they passed, spat on them, and
had them carried out heels uppermost as dogs are carried, and then not
buried, but merely covered with a little earth, exposed to beasts and
birds. The Chiééur court had an examination of the outdoor servants
but no guilt attached to them. The manuscript leaves off without any
mention of the death of SuzpraHManyan whichis otherwise known to
have since occurred by a cancer on his back slowly and with extreme
torture. Banacaru Yasama is said to be still alive

Remark.—TVhe preceding abstract is not much more than an index.
A translation of the entire manuscript may be made by me another
time. A notice of the manuscript is entered in the Des. Catal. Vol. I.
p. 206. It is more than usually correct as far as it goes, and will be
found in most of the leading points to harmonize with the foregoing
“outline.

D. MAHRATTA.

1. A roll of country paper, without title, mark or number.

The contents of this roll consist of copies of three letters addressed
by Racu Narwa Yapava to Nana Farnis relative to a disputed suc-
cession to the throne at Poonah. In answer to communications~from
Nana Farnis, (the minister of state,) his correspondent Ragonauta
gives him details of the strength and munitions of the subordinate rajas
aud chiefs, the Nagpore raja, and the Guicovar, or raja of G'ujerat,
being among the number. Various details are added as to battles, and
connected circumstances. ‘The letters are written in the midst of the
circumstances which they describe ; and might be of use to a historian
engaged in narrating the events of that particular period, comparatively
recent, but they are too minute, and local, to admit of abstract, which
besides does not appear needful, since a brief index pointing to the ex-
istence of such correspondence may here very well suffice.

The roll attracted attention from its decayed and injured condition.
A little trouble being sufficient to put it imto a permanent form it was
restored; for papers of sucha sort may acquire an additional value
with time.

2. Another roll, a little larger in size was found on examination to
have been filled with statistical details, concerning the boundaries, pro-

37 2

520 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Jung,

ducts, revenues, and similar matters, of the Peishwa’s dominions, of
which Poonah was the capital. But being torn, damaged, transposed
and in part lost, any attempt to restore it was given up; and the loss
probably is not of any consequence.

3. Copy of an ancient record of the rulers of Chandra-givi.

Manuscript Book, No. 45. Countermark 735.

This book on examination proved to be an interesting (though very
brief) chronicle of the Yadava race, which formed one of the early
dynasties of rulers in this country.

The record is said to have been extracted from all the documents in
the fort of Crisuna rayer, relative to the rayer dynasty.

The commencement of the Yuduva dynasty is dated from Sal. Sac,
731, (A. D. 808-9,) beginning with SrtrancHa YapavA Rayata, and
the dynasty is continued downwards to the foundation of the fort, concerns
ing which there is a little, apparently fabulous, matter. The fort was
first called Deya Durgam, by Yapava Rayatv, in Sal. Sac. 929, (A. D.
1007-8.) Ata latter period one of its rulers meditated an invasion of
Vijzyanagara, but abandoned his intention on discovering the power
and resources of Crisuna rayer. The conquests of the latter are brief-
ly alluded to ; and the circumstance of the Gujapati prince, giving his
daughter to Crisuna rayer to cement a treaty of peace with him, is men-
tioned. ‘The date of Crisuna rayer’s death is fixed on the 8th of
Cartikeya month, Sal. Sac. 1452, (19th or 20th November, 1531.)
In all twenty-seven princes of the Yadava race ruled, during 339 years,
(an average of 124 years to each.) The name of Deya Durga was
changed to Chandra-giri, by one of the race, for reasons specified. ‘The
country came under Muhammadan rule in Sal. Sac. 1587, (A. D,
1665-6.) The names of these rulers are given: they governed, in all
during ninety-five years.

There follows a descriptive mention of the fanes, aaa other sacerdotal
buildings erected, or endowed, by the different rulers of this dynasty :
Tripetty being the principal one.

Remark.—This document claims a full translation. It possesses
considerable internal evidences of authenticity ; and its evidence in his-
tory is required. The book is damaged though to a less degree than
many in this collection. I have had it restored for the being better
preserved, pending its full translation.

1838.) Account of the Koh-i-Daman. 521

E. SANSKRIT.
Palm-leaf Book, No. 17. Grant’ha Character.
Copy of an Inscription on copper of Sada Siva Mahé rayer.

Recapitulation of the lunar race, down to Yarat1; of whose line
Isvara Rayen was born. Narasa Raven, Timmagt Narasimma Rayen,
Vira Narasimma Rayen, Crisona Rayer, AcuyuTa Payer; the two
latter were half brothers, sons of Vira Narasimma Rayer, by different
mothers: (here some letters are lost or left out, so that there is no
intelligible meaning ;) Sapaswa Raven. In his time the inscription was
recorded, Sal. Sac. 1478, in the Nala year, in Margara month, on Sun.
day, a new moon day, and eclipse. At which time, peculiarly adapted
to religious donations, certain lands and numerous villages were given
by the rayer, being then in the shrine of Vitalesvara Svdmi,‘on the
banks of the Tungabhadra river, to Ramanijachirya at Sri Perambir,
the different villages and lands being in the neighbourhood of that place.
The usual sloca at the close is not given, a leaf pérhaps being wanting.

Note.—It is doubtful whether the donation was to Ramanusa, in
his life time, or to a shrine first established by him; the latter from
dates, and attendant circumstances, seems to be most probable.

Conclusion. :

My report for the three months inclusive from the beginning of Octo-
ber to the end of December, 1837, here finishes. It may perhaps
appear, that the abstracts, herein given,- offer results of considerable
importance. It is however superfluous to add any further observations
to those already given, at each step of the investigation.

Madras, December 31st, 1857.

II.—Some account of a visit to the plain of Koh-t-Damin, the mining
district of Ghorband, and the pass of Hindu Kish, with a few
general observations respecting the structure and conformation of
the country from the Indus to Kabul. By P. B. Lorn, M. Bs in
Medical Charge of the Kabul Mission.

[Communicated by the Government of India. ]

A parallel of latitude drawn through Kdlubagh, and west of the In-
dus would present a remarkable difference in the course of the mountain
chains as observed to its north, and south sides. In the latter direction
the Solimdn and Kéla ranges, the one of which may be looked on as a
continuation of the other, generally preserve an almost perfect parallelism
with the course of the Indus; while on the other side every range, and
they are numerous, from the Himdlaya and Hindu Kash to the salt range

522 Account of the Koh-i-Daman, [ June,

inclusive are at right angles with the direction of the stream. In other
words the genera lline of the former is north and south, of the latter
east and west. It is of the latter and the country they include that I
would at present more particularly speak. |

In addition to the general course of the chains thus laid down, there
is another fact subordinate yet of no less importance towards determin-
ing the physical formation of this part of the country. When the two
mountain ranges have for some time preserved their parallel east and
west course, the northern is observed to deflect or send off a branch
towards the south, while a corresponding deflexion or ramification of the
southern chain comes to meet it, and the plain which otherwise would
have been one continued expanse from east to west is thus cut into a
number of valleys, the longitudinal axis of which however, is still in
general to be found in the same direction. If we conceive these valleys
to be few, spacious, and well marked towards the north, and south, while
in the central or Kohat region, they become small, numerous, and
crowded so as to resemble a tangled maze, or net work, we shall have a
just general conception of that tract of country west of the Indus, which
may be familiarly described as lying between [Kabul and Kadlabagh.

Unquestionable geological facts, such as the structure of igneous rocks,
poured out under strong pressure, the presence of fossil shells, &c. lead
me to the belief that several if not all of these valleys were at some
former time the receptacles of a series of inland lakes, and the nature of
the shells found (principally planorbes and paludine), seems to indicate
that the waters of these lakes had been fresh. In this manner three
grand sheets of water separated by the mountain deflexions before alluded
to, would appear to have occupied the entire country from Kabul to
the Indus, and their basins may now be distinguished. as the plains
which afford sites to the three cities of Kabul, Jalalabad, and Peshawar.
The drainage of these basins is most tranquilly carried on by the Adbul
river which runs along the northern edge of each, conveying their
united waters to the Indus; but in former times when more energetic
means were necessary the mountain barriers burst and the shattered
fragments and rolled blocks, that now strew the Khatber pass bear tes-
timony to its once having afforded exit to a mighty rush of waters, while
the Gidergalla (jackal’s neck) or long defile east of the plain of Pesha-
war clearly points out the further course of the torrent towards the
bed of the Indus, whence its passage to the ocean was easy, and natural.
While at Jamrad I had an opportunity of observing a fact which strong-
ly supports the idea I have ventured to propose for a well which the
Sikhs were employed in sinking within their new fort of Matteh Garh,

‘

:
;
,
|
9
|

1838. ] the Ghorband Mines, and Hindu Kish. 523°

and which had already proceeded to the depth of 180 feet,» had altoge-
ther passed through rolled pebbles of slate and limestone, the consti-
tuents of the Khaiber range of hills. But the wells of Peshawar, gene-
rally twenty or thirty feet deep, never passed through any thing but
mud and clay strata. Now the fort I have mentioned is situated at the
very mouth of the Khaiber pass, and Peshawar is twelve or fourteen
miles distant towards the other extremity of the plain. If then this
plain were once the basin of a lake, into which a stream had poured
through the Khaiber pass, it is obvious that such a stream would at its
very entrance into the lake have deposited the rolled pebbles and
heavier matter with which it was charged, while the ligliter mud and
clay would have floated on to a considerable distance ; in other words,
the former would have dropped at Jamrad, the latter gone on to /esia-
war, and this is precisely the fact*.

Connected with these three basins and joining that of Kabul almost
ata right angle from the north, is the plain of Koh-i-Damun (the
mountain’s skirt), which stretches away to the very foot of Hindu Kish,
and gives exit at its northern end to four several routest by which

that chain may be passed. It is an extensive and fertile plain, bounded
on all sides by primitive hills, those to the north, east and south, being
chiefiy of slate including all the gradations from clay to mica, and even
at times closely bordering upon gneiss; while the ridge to the west-
shows the bare granite, and it is at the base and along the windings of
this, that occur the vineyards, orchards and gardens of Shakar-darré,
Istalif and Isterkhech so famed in the commentaries of the emperor
BABER.

The plain is about forty milesin length, with a mean breadth of per-
haps sixteen or eighteen. Mountain streams, pouring down from each
of the four passes I have mentioned, and bearing their names, unite
their waters in its centre, and afford facilities for irrigation which have
been by no means neglected ; the mulberry, the vine, the walnut, the
almond, with peaches, apricots, melons, and fields of cotton, tobacco, rice,
wheat, barley, juwari and other grains occur in the richest abundance.

Naturally anxious to visit a place of which we had heard so much,
and the praises of which the Afghans are never tired of reciting, we

* No mere irruption of water from a mountain lake would have time to grind
down masses of rock into boulder, pebble, gravel and sand. These deposits are
rather attributed to very long continued action of ocean beaches, or Mountain
detritus.—Ep.

+ From a point towards the centre of the plain (Dush-i-Bagram) I found the
bearings of these four. passes as under :—

Panjthar pass, bearing N. Shahel, 15 N. W, Parwan, 25 N. W. Ghorband, 50 N. W.

524 Account of the Koh-i-Damén, [June,

availed ourselves of the first opportunity afforded by a slight inter-
mission in our business and started from Adbul about the middle of
October ; Lieutenant Leecu, and myself having the further intention
of proceeding to the top of Hindu Kish, he for the purpose of recon-
noitring the pass, and | to pick oe stones, plants, or animals that
might occur in the way.

Our first day’s march was sufficiently barren, being chiefly occupied
in passing over the low slaty ridge which separates the valley of Kabul
from that to which we were proceeding, but on the second morning
having gained the entrance of Shakar-darrd, our entire road was one
succession of gardens. The trees had already put on their beautiful
autumnal tint. The mountains exhibited the grandest varieties of light
and shade. Clouds still lingered amongst their inequalities and rested
here on a speedy cliff, there on a lengthened streak of snow which, deep
in a ravine, had resisted the whole force of the summer’s sun. The dead
nettle, the thistle, the dog-rose covered with hips, the may with its
glistering hair berries, the wild mint, fennel, lavender, and a thousand
other well known plants perfumed the air or recalled our recollections
to our native land. The morning was calm, Py and autumnal. We
were filled with a tranquil pleasure.

Our tents were pitched at the entrance of the Bagh-i- Shah, a garden
planted by Saau Tarmur. We entered and found it spacious and
beautiful though in decay, many of the loftiest poplars (Chinars*) had
lately been cut down by orders of MunAMMAD ABKAR Kuan, but so
great was the abundance of shade, that their fall would scarcely have
been noticed had they not lain in our path. At the farther end was an

ascent which we climbed and from which the most glorious prospect of
vale and hill, sunshine and shade, mountain and rivulet, garden-and

woodland, burst on our view. There had formerly been a garden house
on this spot, and beneath we could perceive where the water dammed
in had formed a lake, but the dam was destroyed, the lake was gone; a
decayed tree had fallen across the bed of the rill which had formerly
supplied it, and its waters diverted from their course had spread them-
selves over the adjacent flats, and converted them into plashy swamps.

It struck us as nota little singular that amidst so great a profusion
of vegetation animal life seemed all but totally extinct. A few
magpies, sparrows and pigeons with an occasional chikor ( Tetrao

rufus) were the sole representations of the winged tribes, as were a_

small lizard, and a frog, of the reptiles. The greater number we were
told had emigrated for the winter towards the warmer regions of Jala-

* Platanus Orientalis.

Seite uh
SS? = + eo

—— eo

1833.] the Ghorband mines,.and Hindu Kish. 525

labéd and Peshawar, and even some as the Kalang or Indian crane to
the plains of Hindustan. The thermometer in our tents at this time
ranged between 45° and 65° Fahr.

We lingered for three days amongst those delicious vales, passing
slowly through Shakar-darra, Kd-darra and so on to Istalif; but the
snow began to fall rapidly on the higher hills, and it became evident
that our attempt on Hindu Kish, must be made immediately or~
relinquished for the season. Without further delay, therefore we left
the skirts of the ‘hills and marched to Charikar, a flourishing town
towards the northern extremity of the plain, where a few hours sufficed
to make the necessary preparations for our excursion.

The entrance of the Ghorband pass by which we meant to whl
was but four or five miles in.a northwest direction from the town, but
though the foot of the mountains was thus near, the road through them
was no less than. fifty miles in length before it led us to the top of the
pass over Hindu Kush, by which the great caravans from Tartary or
Turkistin annually arrive in Kdbul. As the Uzbeks at. the other
side of the pass are notorious slave-dealers, secrecy and dispatch were
alike advisable ; accordingly on the morning of the 18th October, equip-
ped as Afghan horsemen and accompanied by four mounted attend-
ants, and a guide to whom alone we had entrusted our plans, we
marched from Charitkar and halting an hour at noon to rest the horses,
succeeded by sunset in reaching Sherikai the last inhabited spot at
this side of the pass, from which however it was still distant eighteen
miles. In the course of this day’s journey we had first come on micace-
ous schist, dipping to the N. W. at an angle of about 45°, which soon
however increased until the strata became perfectly vertical. Gneiss
then succeeded, but soon gave way and the mica slate again came up
graduating insensibly into black slate, intersected by numerous thin
veins of quartz, and presenting in the neighbourhood of Sukht-i-chenar
a large, valuable. though unwrought, iron mine, of the kind usually:
denominated red sparry iron ore! This gradulation of the micaceous
into clay slate is well shown in some of the specimens I was enabled to
collect, and which with specimens of the different ores mentioned I
hope when an opportunity presents to have the honor of forwarding.
In the mica slate immediately over the entrance of the pass, and on
the very summit of the hill, occurs a vein of silver ore which how-
ever appeared to me so poor that it would scarce pay the expense of
working. I heard of a much richer vein in the pass of Panjabir,
which was said to have been worked to a great extent in the time of
the Bhagatais, but this I had not one apa of seine nes the

3 U ig

526 Account of the Koh-i-Déman, [JuNE,

march granite once or twice made its appearance, shooting up abruptly
through the slate. It was of a large open grain approaching nearly
the species termed graphic. Wherever the valleys opened advantage
had been taken of it for the purposes of cultivation, and we passed
several little green spots, containing mulberries, walnuts, fields of
barley, and a dwarf cotton, which, though in pod, did not exceed six or
eight inches in height. Next day the formation was extremely simple
and well defined. At first we had a mica slate in strata running nearly
east and west, and dipping at an angle of 75° a little to the west of
north. To this succeeded gneiss in irregular blocks, with contorted
lamine gradually changing into regular strata, the dip of which (in the
same direction as that of the mica slate), increased until they became
perfectly vertical, and then came up the granite, forming the last six
miles of the ascent, and shooting up above the pass in such precipitous
peaks that the snow which lay thick round their base could find no
resting place along the sides.

The road had risen so gradually that it was not until within 12 or
15 miles of the summit that we found the ascent becoming so rapid as
to cause the stream which occupied the bottom of the valley to cascade,
nor did we ourselves experience any considerable difficulty until we had
arrived within a mile of the pass. It then became very steep, and in
consequence of a partial thaw of the snow, very slippery and dangerous.
The horses fell and appeared much distressed. We were obliged to
dismount and proceed on foot, and in so doing we met the goods of a
Kafila which had reached the opposite side of the pass, but in conse-
quence of its slippery state had been unable to proceed. A fresh sup-
ply of beasts of burden had been collected on this (the south) side, and
were waiting below while the goods were being transported over the
summit on men’s shoulders. As this was on the 19th October it will
serve to give a fair idea of the early period at which this pass becomes
impracticable. We learned from the persons employed in collecting
toll that in ten days more at furthest it would be finally closed by the
snow, after which time no Kafila could venture. The reports of the na-
tives had informed us the persons ascending this pass were frequently
seized with giddiness, faintness, vomiting, and the other symptoms usu-
ally described as occurring at considerable elevations, and though we
ourselves experienced nothing of the kind, yet we see no reason to doubt
the general correctness of the story, as we estimated the total height
of the pass as little inferior to that of Mount Blanc. This is a point we
regret exceedingly we had not the means of determining in any precise
mode. A thermometer which we had brought with the intention of
ascertaining the boiling point of water on the summit was unfortunately

1838.) the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 527

broken on our first day’s march, and a barometer was too cumbrous and
ostensible an object for persons wishing to avoid observation. How-
ever from calculations made by Lieut. Lezcu (to whose survey I refer
for all topographical details), respecting the rates of ascent at portions
of the road, we felt inclined to conclude that the total height could not
be less than 15,000 feet, and comparisons which I have subsequently
been able to make with other passes in the same range, the height of
which I ascertained, afford me assurance that this is by no means an
over-estimate.

We searched in vain on the top for the Kirm i barf or snow-worm,
the existence of which is confidentially affirmed by the natives who ac-
counted for our want of success by saying that fresh snow had fallen,
and that the worm was only to be found on that of last year. In that case
its existence at least on this pass must be extremely limited, as it would
be hard to name a month in which snow does not or may not fall here.
_ At the time of our visit the snow, which on the southern face extend-
ed in any quantity to a distance of not more than four or five miles, on
the northern, reached eighteen or twenty ; and at a subsequent period,
November 9th, when I made an attempt to go into Turkistén by the
pass of Six-Alang*, and met with no snow until within ten miles of
the summit, it actually on the northern face extended 60 miles or nearly
four days’ journey. ‘This is a fact which forcibly arrested my attention
as the reverse is well known to be the case, in the HimAlaya chain where
snow lies lower down on the southern face than on the northern, to an
extent corresponding with 4000 perpendicular descent. But the
Himdlaya and the Hindu Kish have the same aspect, the same general
direction, lie nearly in the same latitude, and in fact are little other than
integral parts of the same chain. ‘The local circumstances however
connected with each are precisely reversed. The Himalaya has to the
north the elevated steppes of central Asia, and to the south the long
low plains of Hindustan. Hindu Kush, on the other hand, has to the
south the elevated plains of Kabul and Koh-t-Daman between five or six
thousand feet above the level of the sea, while to the north stretch away
the depressed, sunken and swampy flats of Turkistan; Balkh, according
to Captain Burnes, being only 1800 feet, while Kunduz at which
I am now writing is by the boiling of the watert not quite 500 above
the surface of the ocean.

* The upper district in the Parwdn valley is called Alang; the mountain pass over
it Sir-Alang ; Sir simply meaning head or top.—Mr. ELPHINSTONE writes it Sauleh

¢

_ Oolong.

t+ The mean of three thermometers which had been carefully boiled and registered
at the sea level.

a ae

528 ’ Account of the Koh-i-Daman, [JuNE,

I should mention, that since commencing this report I have been
agreeably interrupted by an invitation in my professional capacity,
to the court of Meer Minap Bey, the chief of Kunduz, in ace.
cepting which, anxious to explore a new route, I first in company
with Lieut. Woop, N. I. attempted the valley of Parwan and pass
of Sir-Alang, but being repelled by the depth of snow and a vio-
lent storm which came on just as we had reached the summit, we
were obliged to return and. go by the road of Bamian. In this way
I have been enabled considerably to extend my acquaintance with the
chain of Hindu Kush, and shall therefore venture one or two observa-
tions further respecting it. A core of granite, and resting on it a deep
bed of slate, are the prominent features in its structure. The direction
of those as well as of the chain itself is generally from east to west,
and as a consequence of this its largest and most open valleys will na-
_turally lie in the same direction, while the steepest ascents will be met
with in proceeding from south to north. ‘This 4-priori induction is
perfectly confirmed by my experience. The pass of Sir-Alang and
the pass, as it is called par excellence, of Hindu Kush, are both met in
an attempt to proceed north, and the roads leading to each are for
wheeled carriages perfectly impassable, while the vale of Ghorband,
which runs east and west through the heart of the mountains for thirty
or forty miles, would admit of a coach being drawn the greater part of
the way ; and the Laméan road, which has in every part been traversed
by heavy guns, is so nearly in the same direction that Hujighdt, the
point at which it turns the extremity of Hindu Kush, though 80 miles
in a direct line from Aébu/, is according to Lieut. Woon’s observations,
but ten miles north of the latitude of that city*.

The granite that forms the summit of the entire ridge is from the
pure whiteness of the felspar and the glossy blackness of the horn-
blende of a-very beautiful appearance. A peculiarity was observable
in its structure where we first reached it, which I do not remember to
have seen before. ‘The hornblende had become so collected in patches
through the rock that the whole looked as though it were a conglome-
rate containing dark-colored pebbles of a previous formation, nor was
it without a closer examination that I was able to satisfy myself as to
the real nature of the fact. These concretions were always of a sphe-
roidal form, varying in size from a diameter of two or three inches to @
foot and upwards, and evidently possessed of superior powers of resis-
tance ; for in cases where the mass of the rock had suffered from wea-

_* See Lieut. Woon’s survey for thig and all other topographical details alluded te
on the Bamian and Sir-Alang roads,

)

1828. ] the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 529

thering or been fractured by some external force, these were frequently
seen uninjured and protruding in rounded nodules beyond the general
surface. A similar fact, if I mistake not, has been noted by M. Brone-
NIART as occurring in a granite of Corsica, and taken in connection with
HAt.t’s experiments on the fusion and subsequent refrigeration of basalt,
it forms a most interesting link in the chain of evidence which goes to
connect granite with rocks of undoubted igneous origin. This same
peculiarity of mineralogical structure was again remarked by me when
I came on what I thence conclude to be part of the same outbreak of
granite (though at a somewhat diminished elevation), between dgrabad
and Saighan on the road north of Bainian, and it_is not a little re<
markable that it was here accompanied by an almost basaltic arrange-
ment of the rock. This is so evident that Captain Burwgs in his for
mer journey, viewing it merely with the eye of a traveller says, ‘“‘ Cliffs
of granite blackened by the elements rose up in dusky but majestic
columns not unlike basalt.’ Next to the granite lies the great slate
formation I have mentioned, and which must be considered as including
gneiss, mica and clay-slate of numerous varieties, with chlorite and other
subordinate slates, as well as veins of carbonate of lime and quartz, the
latter sometimes attaining a thickness of two or three hundred yards,
though more frequently from a few inches to two or three or four feet:
Of all these the gneiss appears to occupy the inferior position though
this is by no means constant, on the contrary every possible alteration
may be found amongst them. The formation is of very great extent
reaching in length from Atiok, where we first came on it, in the form
of black roofing slate, to the longitude of Baémian, 100 miles west of
Kabul. It probably extends much farther, but I speak only of what I
have seen, | :

Its mean breadth may be safely stated at between twenty and thirty
miles, at least three perfect sections which I have made of it were all
fully of that extent. It runs in the first instance north of the basin of
Peshawar, hard, blue, non-fossiliferous limestone*, which we had
traced upon it from Hasan Abdul, parting from it at the Gidergalla,
and going round to form the southern edge. It is then continued
north of the basins of Jalilabdd and Kabul, sending down the two
southerly deflexions or outlying ridges which mark their ancient mar-
gins, and which we traversed by the Khaibar pass, and that which leads
through Tiyen to Balkh, distances of thirty and twenty-five miles
respectively. A smaller slaty ridge separates Kabul from the plain of

* The same Dr. FALCONER informed me, which from its being so generally found
along the base of the Himalaya chain, is usually termed sub- Himalayan.

#

530 Account of the Koh-i-Daéman, [ June,

aad

Koh-i-Daéman, and when you have arrived at the summit of this and
attempt to go north you again meet with this same slaty belt of thirty
miles in thickness, which must be traversed before you reach the granite
core of Hindu Ktsh. In short to attempt a generalization more exten-
sive perhaps than I am strictly warranted in offering, though derived
from many sections in various directions, I would say, that an observer in
passing south, from the top of Hindu Kush, to the parallel of Kdlabagh,
would see first a core of granite with coating of slate, as in the grand
mountain chain ; next a core of slate with a coating of limestone as at At-
tok and Khatrabdd ; then ancient hills of limestone, hard, blue, and non-
fossiliferous, as in the ridge between Peshdwar and K ohat ; then a core
of more modern limestone (fossiliferous) with a coating of new red sand-
stone as in the hills south of Kohat, and then would find himself amongst
aluminous clay, sulphur, gypsum, bituminous shale and rock-salt which
occur near Lachi, Ismael Khail and Teré, and are thence continued south
to the parallel I have mentioned terminating the groupe.

Respecting the slate I shall only add that north of the Kish it ap-
peared to be by no means of the same extent or importance. After
passing the granite I have mentioned at Saighan, I again came on it ;
but it did not exceed four or five miles in breadth, and its place seemed
occupied by silicious sandstone and fossiliferous sandstones which here
are of immense depth; as however I have rather turned than crossed
the ridge in my way to Turkistan, I have not examined it at each side
and under similar circumstances.

Subordinate to the slate formation, limestone both primitive and se-
condary occurs. The former in vast cliffs overhangs the upper part of
the valley of Parwan, and exhibits numerous and large natural cavities, in
one of which the water of the valley is engulphed and does not re-appear
for a distance of two miles. The general color of the limestone here
is of a light gray and striped, but masses of. it which have fallen from
above and lie in the water-course are often of a dazzling whiteness. I
cannot say I met with any of this same formation in my way up to the
pass of Hindu Kish, but an extensive limestone formation which I shall
have occasion to notice again, is to be found in the Ghorband valley
and affords a matrix in which occur ores of antimony, iron, and lead.
Still further west on the Baémian road near Jubrez, I again met with
this same limestone, grey and crystalline, in vertical strata, and running
east and west, and I learned that immediately to our south in the hills
round Midan it affords quarries of white marble, which it was further
said might be had along the back of the whole range west to Herat and
south to Kandahdr. At the former of these places it has been worked

?
Po geht EP RR Het oof

Sr tee 3

1838. ] the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 531

from time immemorial, but at Kdbul its existence was unknown until
the days of the emperor SHAH JEHAN*, to whom it was disclosed by a
Herdti stone-cutter, when he was occupied in the pious task of erecting
a mausoleum to his great progenitor BaBer. The marble for the
mosque and tomb of this structure which still exists, though sorely frayed
by time, was brought at immense expense from Delft ; but the marble
pavement, as well as the materials for the enclosure that surrounds the
whole, were in consequence of the Herait’s suggestion derived from the
quarries of Midun. The marble is not equal to that of Delhi, but still has
a pure color, an open crystalline texture, and is commended by the
workmen as yielding readily to the chisel. From the unskilfulness of
the workmen employed in raising it, large slabs are with difficulty pro-
cured, and in consequence the price is high, four rupees being charged
for a slab, a guz{+ square, in its rough state at the quarry.

In this part of its course (near Jubrez), the limestone alternates with
mica and clay-slate, and a stratum of it again occurs a few miles fur_
ther,—one at Sir-cheshmeh. It is not more than a mile or a mile and a
half in breath ; but it suffices to give birth to the beautiful and abun-
dant spring from which the place derives its name (S17-i-cheshmeh—
literally, fountain’s head), and which forms the true source of the Kdbul
river. Twenty miles further on, between G'lardan-i-Dewan and Gul-
gahni, limestone once more appeared in the form of a very thin vein,
about 150 feet in breadth, perfectly conformable with the strata of
slate which enclosed it: and here again it threw up a spring which,
however unlike the former, was deeply impregnated with iron saline
matter, and abundance of carbonic acid gas, that caused the whole to
effervesce as though it were boiling. This spring has many medical
virtues attributed to it by the natives, and is extensively used as a tonic,
particularly for impaired powers of digestion, to which I have no doubt
it proves serviceable. Its temperature was 51° Fahr. which probably
is somewhat below its natural standard, inasmuch as it was surrounded
at the time of observation with melting snow. The temperature of the
well of Str-chashmeh, nearly in the same parallel of latitude, I had ascer-
tained two days before to be 54° 5‘, and another well also from lime-
stone near Agrabdd, half a degree further north, I found to be 54°.

I would here remark that the temperature of wells, as generally
taken without reference to the formation in which they occur, must
needs be a most imperfect, indeed erroneous, method of approximating

* My informant said HUMAIYUN, but as the inscription on the tomb shews it to

have been erected by SHAu JEHAN, I have transferred the story to him.
+ About three feet English,

§32 Account of the Koh-i-Déman, \ (June,

to the mean temperature of the place, inasmuch as different rock for-
mations, like different metals, vary much in their power of conducting
heat. Thus, a well at Peshawar gave me a temperature of 64°, while
one at Attok, almost under the same parallel of latitude and at the
same altitude above the sea, was’ as high as 78°, the thermometer at
sunrise in each case standing about 80°. But the well at Peshawar
was in loose clay, mixed with vegetable mould, a notoriously bad con-
ductor of heat, while that at Attok was in hard black slate, which would
thus appear to have a very different quality. Again a well at Agrabad
in limestone, latitude 35° north, shewed a temperature of 54° Fahr.
while another in slate a few miles further north, stood at 48°, the al-
titude of both being nearly equal, and the thermometer at sunrise be-
low the freezing point ; so that in this instance also, the slate would
appear to have had superior powers of conduction. To pursue this,
however, would lead me too far from my present subject, besides it is
time I should come down from the top of the mountain, which we did,
though not until we had gratified our curiosity with many a longing
glance down the snow-clad vale that led towards Turkistdn, and indulg-
ed our loyalty in a libation to the health of our youthful queen as the
first of her majesty’s subjects, indeed we may add of Europeans, who
had succeeded in surmounting this celebrated range.

We now turned our attention towards the vale of Ghorband, the
opening of which, distant about 14 miles from the plain, we had noticed
in our upward course, threading off to the south of west so as to stand
nearly at a right angle with the pass we had travelled, the general lie
of which was a little to the west of north. And nothing could be more
striking than the difference between the two valleys. The one narrow,
rocky, and uneven, with an average fall of 200 feet per mile, so that it
was impossible it should even have contained any other waters than
those of a rapid headlong torrent, while the other, that which we now
entered was wide, level, and fertile. The primitive rocks had retired
to a distance of from one to three miles, and within them was depo-
sited a secondary row of small rounded hills consisting of conglomerate
pebbles and clay, and horizontal strata of fine mud, such as could only
have been collected during a long series of years from the tranquil wa-
ters of a scarcely moving lake. Along such a formation we travelled
for about 15 miles, the hills I have described generally lying to the
south of the road, while the Ghorband river, of a respectable breadth
and not in all places fordable, run close along the edge of the slate
which descended in steep cliffs on our north. But on reaching Suja-
garh, the hitherto uniform tints of the mountain were seen to be varie-

1838, ] the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 533

gated with red, green, and ashen grey, which on examination we found
to be produced by ochre, red, indurated clay, decaying green stone and
strata of volcanic ashes. These indications of ancient volcanic action, and
along with them, efflorescence and sheets of sulphate of lime, the deposits
of springs which had whitened large tracts on the side of the range, ex-
tended along westward, as we continued our course to Chandi,—the vol-
canic indications being generally at an inconsiderate elevation, and in
most instances capped by conglomerate or beds of clay to a depth of
50-200 feet. The valley we were told, stretched away west and south-
west, until it nearly reached to Bdmtan; but the upper end of it
was inhabited by the Shaik Ali, a lawless tribe of Huzarahs who
acknowledge no ruler, and rob every one that comes within their grasp,
so that for a long series of years, the road has been closed to the
traveller and the merchant.

We were therefore obliged to terminate our researches at Chandi,
but it gave me no little pleasure, on a subsequent journey, to recognize
the very same volcanic indication with basalt, and anzodaloid superad-
ed, in the vale of Lohuk, which is distant about 40 miles southwest of
the point where we were now turned back, and tobe able to trace these
indications through Topclie up to Bamian itself, and finally to iden-
tify by its mineralogical characters, as well as, by its geological connec-
tions, the conglomerate in which the caves of Baémian are scooped,
and its gigantic idols carved, with the conglomerate in the vale of
Ghorband, in which we now proceeded to examine a more extensive
and more useful excavation. This was a lead mine which had been
worked in the time of the Chagatais, but which, frem the ignorance of
the Afghans or the troubles which have so constantly beset them, has been
totally neglected, insomuch that the inhabitants of the neighbourhood were
perfectly unaware of its nature, and viewed it with a sort of superstitious
reverence, as a relic of some mysterious folk of former times. They
even made some difficulties about shewing us the entrance, and when
they understood our intention of going in, earnestly attempted to dis-
suade us; a few agreed to accompany us as torch-bearers, though the
greater part shook their heads at their rashness. Having obtained a good
supply of oil, and taken a compass that we might be sure of our way
back again, we commenced our under-ground exploration at the auspi-
cious hour of noon, on the 22nd October, 1837.

The mine is known by the name of Feringal*, is situated at the

* In an ingenious paper on the site of Alexandria ad Caucasum, I observe Mr.
Masson wishes to appropriate this as the cave of PRoMETHEUs. I am sorry to
deprive him of it, especially for so ignoble a purpose as to convert it into a lead

o Xx

534 Account of the Koh-t-Daman, (June,

upper part of the district of Churdé, about thirty miles from the entrance
of the valley of Ghorband, and on the side of a hill facing the east, at
an elevation of about 250 feet above its base. The hill is composed
beneath of quartz rocks, above conglomerate, and between both is a
thin, schistose layer, which, as well as the quartz, appears to dip. away
rapidly to the west. The excavation is entirely made through the con-
glomerate, and descends to the depth of one hundred feet perpendicular
before it reaches the ore, which is a galena or sulphuret of lead ex-
tremely rich and valuable. The galleries have been run and shafts
sunk, with a degree of skill that does no little credit to the engineering
knowledge of the age ; but I am yet ata loss to understand what could
have induced them to sink a mine on the spot they have chosen, as
there is not the slightest external indication that I could perceive of the
presence of mineral in the hill; nor was it until they had mined to 100
feet perpendicular descent and an actual distance of more than half an
English mile that they came on the ore. Perhaps had I been able to
get to the back of the hill I might have found the mineral cropping out
there, still if that was the case, why was the excavation not made at
that side? One thing is evident that the works were commenced on
knowledge and principle, not on blind chance ; for on arriving at cham-
ber No. 1, a regular shaft, two feet square, and eleven feet deep had
been sunk, and not finding the ore, they continued their gallery about
forty yards, further to chamber No. 2, where the ore actually exists.
Now at a first attempt (for there was no previous shaft sunk), to reach
so very near their object as six or eight feet, which was the total dif-
ference in level between the bottom of the shaft and chamber No. 2,
shewed an acquaintance with the lie of. the mineral and the level at
which they had arrived that could scarcely be exceeded inthe present
day. By the kindness of my friend and fellow-traveller, Lieut Leecu,
I am enabled to annex a plan of the works and view of one of the
chambers, which will at once afford a clear explanation of the whole,
and save the necessity of entering into further details*.

The galleries were in some places so low that we were obliged to craw!
on all fours, and this, added to the heat and smoke of the torches and
the quantities of dust which we knocked in our progress, rendered our
task not a little fatiguing, and at times almost threatened us with suffo-
cation. The dryness of the mine was so perfect that putrefaction
mines, but eu revanche, I can offer him the cave of TALAGUD, (mentioned in a sub-
sequent part of this paper,) which being a natural excavation will probably suit him
better. Major WiLForp is for having the cave of PROMETHEUS at Auk-Serai, to

which I know of but one objection, that there is no cave there.
* This will be forwarded hereafter, not having come to hand.

1838.] the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 535

seemed almost at a stand still. One of the human skulls which we
found, had the scalp and hair attached to it, in a good state of preser-
vation, and a porcupine which lay at the bottom of the shaft, though
evidently long dead, was almost entire.

The only living animal in the excavation was a bat, (Rhinolophus, )

ewhich I have preserved; but the quills and other spoils of porcupines,
with a great heap of their dung shewed this to have been a favorite
resting place with them for many generations. The remains of oxen
and sheep which occurred, had probably been taken down for the pur-
pose of feeding its human inhabitants in former times, and this was
rendered still more likely, from the circumstance of the horns having °
been sawn off the heads of the rams; such a practice obtaining even to
the present day, the object being to place on some rustic shrine (zearut),
to which they are considered an appropriate offering. Half-burnt blocks
of timber were in some of the large chambers, but we did not succeed.
in finding tools of any sort.

From the number of galleries we had to examine on our passage
downward, before ascertaining the right road, we were more than two
hours in reaching the one, but our return only occupied 20 minutes.
We did not reach the extreme limit of the excavation, as the fear of
our oil being exhausted compelled us to limit our researches. The
total time we remained under ground was a little short of 3 hours.
We returned to the external world at 5 minutes before 3 of Pp. m. and
found nearly the whole population of the neighbourhood assembled to
witness our resurrection. We retraced our steps the same evening to
Kinchak, immediately at the back of which is a mountain, from which
antimony is procured in abundance. The formation is black slate,
and the ore is on the surface, so that it requires no further description.

Murdar sungan, ore of lead, I have not ascertained of what nature,
and my specimens are at Kabul while I am writing at Kunduz, occurred
in the valley under Kinchak, and was also to be found on our way to
Hindu Kush, under the village of Kishim. The ore is crystallized,
and is generally picked up in lumps at the bottom of the valley, being
distinguished as [ was told, by its property of drying with great rapidi-
ty, so that the usual time of gathering it is after a shower of rain when
all the other stones are wet. ‘The mine of it is not known, but certain-
ly must be very near, as these lumps are got in great abundance, and are
said by the natives to be brought down by the stream, the source of
which is, at most, but 3 or 4 miles distant.

At Kinchak and generally through this district, the sles was found
reposing on quartz rock, which in other parts of the range seldom ap- —

3x2

536 Account of the Koh-i-Déman, (June,

peared. The slate was in many places black and crumbling, (a variety
described by MacCutrack,) and looked as if altered by fire. |

In a limestone hill, west of Fuligird, occurs another mine of antimo-
ny like the former on the surface, andon our way to visit this, we
unexpectedly hit on a very magnificent natural cavern, which we ex-
plored (having sent back for torches), to the distance of three or four
hundred yards ; but without finding bones or indeed any thing to reward
us, except the sight of some very large and transparent stalactites. The
cavern was situated almost on the summit of the hill, 2000 feet above
the Ghorband valley, which with its river now lessened to a silver thread,
and its gardens of apricots, mulberries, and almonds, in their autumnal
livery, looking as though they had been painted on the lofty and per-
fectly barren mountains, which every where towered above them, had a
singularly beautiful and almost magical appearance.

This hill is based on quartz rock, between which and its limestone
cap intervenes a bed of decaying mica slate about 500 feet in thickness.
This has a gentle dip (10°) towards the southwest, and the limestone,
which is grey, and crystalline, lies conformably on it. The mouth of
the cavern is marked by a wild almond tree which grows over it, and
seems to spring from the bare rock. There is a second opening about
100 feet lower down, but the rock is so precipitous that this can only
be approached through the cavern. Iron ore occurs so abundantly
through the entire range that I have thought it unnecessary to particu.
larize its localities. The richest I have seen is the black iron ore near
the pass of Hajeeghuk, where it forms entire hills by itself : but from the
difficulty of carriage and total want of fuel its value must be consider-
bly diminished.

Copper is not to be found in the parts which I have visited, all the
specimens brought to me were from the neighbourhood of Bajour north
of Peshawar. They were principally malachite and peacock ore,
and seemed rich in metal. .

I heard of the existence of lapis lazuli in the vicinity of Puligard,
and sent a man to search for it in the direction indicated, but he return-
ed unsuccessful.

Zinc in the form of its effloreseed white sulphate, known here by the
name of zak, occurs generally through the volcanic region I have de-
scribed, as do also sulphur, sal-ammoniac, ochre, and nitre. There isa
salt spring at Mimakan, which lies between Ghorband and Kairshana ;
but salt for domestic purposes is generally brought from near Balkh,

The influence of petrifying springs has been extensive in this district ;
some of them are still at work, others closed up by their own deposits.

e

1838. ] the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 537

In the neighbourhood of Lohuk they were particularly abundant, and in
one place, the beds cut through by a torrent shewed a thickness of 50
feet, the individual layers not exceeding 1 to 3 inches.

On our way back through the plain of Koh-i-Daman we paid a visit
to Reg-rowan (the flowing sand), which has long been an object of
wonder, and veneration to the natives. It is simply a bed of loose
sand on the slope of a hill, which if set in motion by any cause, as by
the wind or bya man, rolling down from the top, produces lengthened
sonorous vibrations not unlike those of the string of a bass-viol. The
fact is mentioned by BaBER who compares the noise to that of drums
or nagarehs, and a corresponding fact has been noticed as occurring at
Jubbul Tor on the shore of the Red Sea. On my way into Kdbul I
noticed two other similar though smaller collections of sand on project-
ing hills, and in all cases these projections faced the south. The sand
is such as would proceed from the disintegration of granite consisting
chiefly of quartz and hornblende, but there is no rock of the kind near-
er than the opposite side of the plain. .A west or southwest wind
would certainly have no difficulty in transporting it this distance, and if
so brought it would naturally collect on the projections I have men-
tioned, which are at right angles with the general lie of the hill-range
here, and form so many rocks or corners. Iam hardly as yet justified
in making any inference respecting the frequency of such winds, but I
may state the simple fact that on referring to my register for the 20
days, I spent in Kabul, September 20th to October LOth, I find that
during 14 days of them, these winds prevailed.

We returned over the Dusht 1 Baghram which antiquarians seem to
have fixed on as the site of Alexandria ad Caucasum. The num-
ber of coins found here principally Grecian and Cufic, is immense.
Mr. Masson last year procured no less than 35,000 ; and during a halt
of a few hours, two children employed by Lieutenant Woop picked mR
from 20 to 30.

On my arrival at Kdbul I had the gratification to find a message
awaiting me from SHeer Muuammapb Minap Bey, requesting my pro-
fessional attendance on his brother who has long suffered from an eye
complaint.

The consequence is that I am now with Captain Burnes’ permission
passing the winter in Kunduz, while Lieutenant Woop, who accompa-
nied me, is on his way to investigate the source of the Owus.

538 E/pitome of the Grammars of the [Jone

II¥.—Epitome of the Grammars of the Brahuiky, the Balochky and. the
Panjabi languages, with Vocabularies of the Baraky, the Pashi, the
Laghmani, the Cashgari, the Teerhai, and the Deer dialects. By
Lieut. R. Lxzcu, Bombay Engineers, Assistant on a Mission to Kabul.

GRAMMAR OF THE Branurky Laneuaan.

This language is spoken throughout the Khanship of Khalat, the
boundary line of which may be drawn through Harrand, Shall, Kokak
and Kech, and the district called Garamsel; the handwriting is Per-
sian, as well as the letters of the alphabet with the exception of a
peculiar 7 something near the Devanagari , and a ¢ pronounced with
a strong emission of the breath from the roof of the mouth. The
Brahuees say that their original country is Halab (Aleppo), and that a
great number emigrated to Balochistan, about 20 generations ago,
under achief of the name of Kambar, from whom there arose the
tribe called Kambrdnees, now the first in consequence, and in which
the Khanship is made hereditary.

Alphabet.

The system of Romanizing adopted is that now generally followed,
formed on the Italian pronunciation of the vowels. Besides the Nagari
consonant the Brahuiky makes use of the Arabic ¢ and ¢, and in using

that character the 7 is sometimes pronounced like the last n in the French
non, or the Sanskrit anuswara. The cerebrals are marked by a dot under
them.

Gender.

There is no termination to express the gender in this language ; but a
separate word narranga is prefixed for the masculine and mddagha for the
feminine, as narranga chuk, a male bird, madagha chuk, a female bird, and
these are only used in order more particularly to define the object, which
is never at first mentioned but in the common gender.

Deciension of Nouns. |

_ As I consider the word case to mean state, I can no more allow the
words “ of a horse” to be the case or state of the word ‘ horse” than I
would consider one and twopence to be the case or state of a shilling.
There is 1 think accordingly only one case in English,which is the original ;
and only two in Hindustani, ghord the original or nominative, and ghore
the inflected state prepared for the addition of the post positions*.

There is only one case for nouns in Brahuiky, which is the original or
nominative as hulz, a horse.

A noun is joined to another to form one compound idea in the following
ways.

To denote possession nd is introduced between the two words as hulind
kurra, a horse’s colt.

* The author we think mixes up the notion of grammatical case with inflection.
The casus or accident in which the noun or name of a thing may be placed quoad
other things, as whether it be the agent, the instrument, the object, the possessor,
or the deprived, may be as legitimately expressed by prepositions or postpositions as
by inflections. We do not however feel at liberty to alter the text.—Eb.

1838. ] Brahutky, Balochky and Panjabi languages. 539

To denote abstraction dz is introduced as viatan asit, one from two and

hultan dita, blood from the horse ; ustaé dud, wishes from the heart.
_ To denote donation ne ore is added as dade yete, give to him.

To make a noun the instrument of a circumstance ene is added, as zagh.
mene, with a sword, from zaghm, a sword ; latene, with a stick, from Jaé,
a stick.

To make a noun the cause of a circumstance az is added, as tapan from
a wound, the original case being tap, a wound.

To denote inclusion ¢@ is added to the noun, as Sharéé, in the city,
from shar, a city ; jangatz kaskune, died in battle, from jang battle.

Position is denoted by adding at to the noun, as dd Kasarat duzare,
there is a thief on that road, from kasar, a road, speaking of a road as a
whole, or by adding ai as Kasarai pirt araghase, there is an old man on
the road, in the limited sense.

To denote approach or direction di is added to the noun, as J’ Haidra.
budai kawad, I will go to Hydrabad*.

Superposition is denoted by the addition of a, as huiz a, on the horse;
kata tikhakh, put on the bed.

Companionship is denoted by the addition of fo, to the inflected case of
the pronouns, as neto bafar, I will not go with thee, from nZ, thou.

Number.

There are some words that remain the same in both numbers, and either
the verb must point out to which they belong, or an adjective of quantity ;
for instance hui? is the Brahuiky for a horse, and horses can only be ex-
pressed by the addition of such a word as the adjective many, as “baz
huiz,” many horses ; or by such a verb as are neighing, tawdr ker, as, the
horses are neighing, hulé tawdr ker; the horse is neighing, hult tawar
kek.

But to conform to old established usage and as the word hut is said
by some to have a plural,I subjoin the word, declined through all its cases.

Singular. Plural.
Nom. hali hulik.
Gen, hulina hulita
Dat. & Ace. huline hulite
Abl. hulian hulityan

Declension of a Compound Noun,
Sharanga narina... a good man.

Singular. Plural.
Nom. sharanga narina sharanga narinaghak
Gen. sharanga narinana sharanga narinaghata
Dat. & Ace. sharanga _narinaie sharanga narinaghate
Abl. sharanga narinaghan sharanga narinaghatiyan

* Whatever name may be given to them, the Brahuiki inflections are evidently
nearer to the Sanskrit than those of most modern dialects; and this militates

- against the derivation of the tribe from Aleppo. Compare the following: —

. Sanskrit. Brahuiki.
Nominative S. ah P. 4h S.a P.4,
Instrumentive ena ene
Objective 4ya (ne for nouns in i) ai (huline from hull.)
Ablative at (changeable to 4n &c.) én and &t
Genitive nah (for nouns in i) né as huli, bulina
Locative e, t, or tah at ti

The accusative or second case alone seems wanting, being supplied by the dative
or, properly, objective case. The plural cannot so easily be traced unless we suppose
bh to be changed to t,—Ep.

540

4
x

Epitome of the Grammars of the (June,

Comparison.

There are no regular affixes for comparison, but the force of the degrees
may be expressed in the following manner.

Da juwan e
Da juwanosite

that is good.
that is better.

Da kulan juwanosite that is better than all.

Da edan juwan e.

this is better than that.

Da kul meettyan doulatmand e. He is richer than all the Meers.

Pronouns.
Of the first Personal Pronoun.
Singuiar. Plural.
Vom. nan we
Gen. Kana my nana ours
Dat. Kane me nane us
Abl. Kanyan from me nanyal from us
Second Personal Pronoun.
Singular. Plural.
Nom. Ni thou num ye
Gen. Na thy numa yours
Dut. Ne thee nume you
Abl. Nyan from thee numyan from you
Third Personal Pronoun ; proximate-demonstrative verbul,
dad this, Sans. tat.
Singular. Plural,
Nom. Da this dafk these
Gen. Dana of this dafta of these
Dat. Dade to this dafte to these
Abl. Dadan from this daftyan from these
Third Persona’ Pronoun, remote, remote, od.
Singuiar. Plural.
Nom. Odoro that ofk those
Gen. Ona of that ofta of those -
Dat. Ode to that ofte to those
Abl. Odan from that oftvna from those
Third Personal Pronoun, remote ed.
Singular. Plural.
Nom. E or ed that efk © those
Gen. Ena of that efta of those
Ace. & Dat. Ede to that efte to those
Abl. Edan from that eftyan rom those
Reciprocal Pronoun.
Tenat, self.
Singular. Piura.
NNom. Tenat self
Gen. Tena of self The same.
Dat. Tene to self
Abl. Tenyan from self
Tenpaten, among themselves, (Apas men.)
Interrogatives to animate beings.
Singular . Plural.
Nom. Der who .
Gen. Dinna whose The same.
Dat. Dere whom ni der us, » who art thou?
Abl. Deran from whom num derrure, who are you?

1838. ]

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language. 541°

To inanimate objects.
Singular.

Ant
Ara

Ara

what
of which

Relative pronoun.

whichever

: Correlative pronoun.
Hamo that one or the same.

Ara ida ki juvan, e kane hamo darkar e
Which thing soever is good, that I require.

Amro, what sort, as, 0 amro bandugh ase, what sort of man is that >

Pronominal Adjectives.

handunos 2 ut handunos ode, as — am so is he.; nek rupaiye akhadr are,
how many rupees are about you ; akhadr ki né tes namo khadr, 7 halev,
I will take as many as you will give ; dohko zebou zaif as khanat bazar-
tz, such a beautiful woman I saw in the bazar; ki wah wahna zaif as asak
handanos asak ki ialana phiuit, oh! such a woman the image of a rose.

Days of the week.

Juma Friday | Shishambe Tuesday
Awal i hafta Saturday Char shambe W ednesday
Yek shambe Sunday Panj shambe Thursday
Du shambe Monday
Cardinal Numbers.

One asit Twenty bist
‘Two irat T wenty-one bist 0 yak
Three musit Twenty-two bist o do
Four char ‘Twenty-three bist o sai
Five panj Twenty-four bist o char
Six shash Twenty-five bist 0 panj
Seven haft Twenty-six bist o shash
Hight hasht Twenty-seven bist o haft
Nine nuh Twenty-eight bist o hasht
Ten dah Twenty-nine bist o nuh
Eleven yazda Thirty see

Twelve duazda Forty chil
Thirteen senzda Fifty panjah
Fourteen chanda Sixty shasht
Fifteen panzda Seventy haftad
Sixteen shouzda Highty ashtad
Seventeen havda Ninety navad
Eighteen — hazda Hundred Sad
Nineteen nozda

Ordinals, Fractions.

Awal first Miskhali a quarter rupee
Elo second Nem half
Mustimiko third Shashai three quarters
Charmiko fourth Panjpa one and a quarter
Panjmiko fifth (lit. five quarters)

CoNJUGATION OF THE VERB SUBSTANTIVE.
Present tense.
Singular. Plural.
Ist person I’asitut I am alone Nan asitun We are one
1 Ni asitus Thou art alone Num asiture We are one
Sean” 5, Odasite He is alone Dafk asitur They are one
This is rather an example of the auxiliary verb, asit signifying one.
3 Y

542 Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

“ Present tense of the verb substantive.
Singular. Plural.
Y’ aret ‘ Iam Nan aren We are
Ni ares Thou art Num areri You are
Od are He is Dafk arer They are
lst Imperfect.
¥ asut I was Nan asun We were
Ni asus Thou wast Num asure You were
Od asak He was > Dafk asur They were
Qnd Imperfect.
I’ masasut I was being Nan masasun We were being
Ni masasus Thou wast being Num masasure You were being
Od masas He was being] Dafk masast They were being
Perfect.
I’ masunut I had been Nan masunun We had been
Ni masunus Thou hadst been Num masunure You had been
Od mas He had been Dafk masunt They had been
Future tense present.
¥ marev T will now be Nan maren We will now be
Nimares. Thou wilt now be Num mareri You will now be
Od marek He will now be Dafk marer They will now be
Future tense literal,
I’ marot I will hereafter be Nan maron We will hereafter be

Ni maros Thou wilst hereafter be Num marode You will hereafter be
Od maroi He will hereafter be Dafk maror They will hereafter be

Imperative.
Nimares’ Be thou Num marere Be you
Od mare Let him be Dafk maror Let them be

Subjunctiue mood.
Preceded by agar if.

I’ masut If I might be Nan masun If we might be
Ni masus_ If thou mightest be Num masude If you might be
Od masuk If he might be Dafk masur If they might be
ConsuGATION oF THE VERB To Ask.
Infinitive or verbal substantive, harrafing.
I’ harraffiva I ask Nan harrafon We ask
Ni harraffisa Thou askest Num harrafore You ask
Od harrafik He asks Dafk harrafor They ask
1st Imperfect.
I’ harraffenut J asked Nan harraffenun We asked
Ni harraftenus Thou askedst Num harraffenure You asked
Od harraffene He asked Dafk harraffenur They asked
Qnd Imperfect.
J’ harraffeta I was asking Nan harraffena We were asking
N harraffesa Thou wastasking Num harraffere. You were asking
Od harraffek He was asking Ofk harraffera They were asking |
Perfect.
¥ harrafesasut I had asked Nan harrafesasun We had asked

Ni harrafesasus Thou hadst asked Num harrafesasure You had asked
Od harrafesas He had asked Dafk harrafesasi ‘They willask

1838.) Grammar of the Brahuiky Language. 543

Future Tense.

Bo eeratot” T will ask Nan harrafenun We will ask
Sy harvatos Thou wilt ask Num harrafonure You will ask
Od harrafo,i He will ask Dafk harrafeni =‘ They will ask
. _ Imperative.
Harraf Ask thou Harrafbo Ask you
Subjunctive.
Preceded by agar if Z
Y’ harrafut If I might ask Nan harrafuna We might ask

Ni harrafus If thou mightest ask Num harrafude

You might ask
Od harrafuk If he might ask Dafk harrafur

They might ask
Compound Future.

TY’ harrafiv I shall have asked Nan harafina We shall have asked
Ni harrafos Thou shalt have asked Num harrafere You shall have asked
Od harrafoi He shall have asked Dafk harrafenure They shall have asked

ADVERBS,

Amu, to-day ; pag?, to-morrow ; palme, day after to-morrow; kéide,
day after that; kuidramds, day after that; daro, yesterday ; mulkhudi,
day before yesterday; kimulkhudé, day before that ; kudir mulkhudi
day before that; ewadaz, formerly ; manjan, midday ; dégar (ttre pare)
afternoon; nem shaf, midnight ; awal kopds, the first pahar; irat mz
kopads, the second pahar ; mustam? hopds, third pahar ; charme kopas,
fourth pahar. |

Dasa now Araéde where Chi wakt when

Guda after Khadk on this side Hand on yes

Dade here Araka whence A ha no

Ede there Burza above Mat forsake
Peshan out Shef below Awal at first

Fahti in Jagai instead Zi quickly

Mur beyond Harde every day Bega in the evening
Harrank asfaras Iska as far as Asi asi wakt, sometimes
Madana late Pada again Mada slowly

Musti near Arangi wherever Hamengi there

Char man onallsides Moni opposite Rastaparén onthe
kundi

right side
Chapa on the left Bas enough Ha mon even so
paran side
Ham also Péraée instead Baghair besides
Guda but Pahnéd succes- Handoan even so
pahna- sively
dati
Majibat according Knear, Baghar without
to as kanek, near me
Beera merely
Conjunctions.

Oo, and; lekin, but ; ki, that ; ede hi nak, go there; ede himp, do not
go there ; paral, speak ; pap, do not speak.
Interjections,
Ade, holla! §armén, what a pity !
3 ¥ 2

544

Kasar
Huch
Kuchak
Kharas
Beesh
Pishi
Iragh
Dir
Tifak
Zaghm

Pishkou
Rish
Barot
Baj
Mon
Kopa
Suroch
Pun

Zil

Pid
Khad
Pas
Rotink
Kalakh
Mar
Masid
Arwat
Eelum
Bav

¥d
Lumma
Tat
Balla
Illa
ait
Khall
Sandabe
Kahar
Khwash
Kharmé
Khalegha
Rastar

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language..

VocABULARY.
road Mon
camel Khisun
a dog Piwn
an 0x \Kharrun
an ass Samo
a cat Puashkun
bread Hanen
water Kharen
musket Be
sword Turund
shield Nyari
coat Basun
breeches Sekha
waistband Daspak
shoes Dey
hat Istar
hand Nokh
foot Tabi
eye Billa
nose Sum
lip Math
tongue Ura
ear Detik
head Sharo
hair Gando
beard Chuk
mustachoes Khakho
back Gunjishk

face Dandan
shoulder Or
elbow Kat
knee Daghar
nail Kont
belly Moz
bosom Bedi
pudendum Mash
entrails Pat
cheek Khakhar
son Tanab
daughter Bai
wife Darakht
brother Ala
father Zardala
sister Shaftala
mother Hinar
paternal aunt Saf
father’s mother ‘Tat
father’s brother Shahtat
woman Sinjit
stone Narghoonch
table Ispedar
angry Kaman chol
glad Ahingar
wolf Zargar
chitta Mollt
lion Avdast

{ Jung,

black

red

white
blue
bottle green
yellow
sweet
sour

salt

salt, adj.
breakfast
heat
shade
handkerchief
sun

Star

new moon
full moon
bow
arrow
billy goat
house
east

good

bad

bird

crow
sparrow
tooth
finger

a bedstead
ground
carpet ©
boot

a boat
mountain
stick

fire

rope
grass

a tree

a fruit

a fruit

a fruit

a fruit
apple

a mulberry
ditto

a fruit

a fruit

a fruit
pellit
ironsmith
goldsmith
milk
excrement

1838. ]

Khasi
Kvharesh
Ghala
Pirish
Shal
Bunga
Gwand
Murghin
Hurr
Darich
Kapas
Kas
Drasam :
Sil

Taho
Kaskun

Davani
Jumuk
Durr
Phulo
Touk
Tawiz

Mis

Brinj
Ahin
Folad
Surf
Shorah
Gokudt
Pilpil

Pil
Kholim

Sa

Brinj

Sa

Bedir

- Zad chobah
Khazm
Khachal
Kootakh
Moochnak
Litik

Tas

Hinak
Barak
Toollak

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language. O45

butter Qudh
ghee Nuth |.
grain Gwazee
cheena Much
cloak Daskalla
a ring Men
long Mura
broad Daghar
deep Sor
door Khad
cotton - Dragh
blanket Jundb
goat's hair Bingun
leather Rast
wind Kutba
dead

‘Ornaments of Women.

forehead ornament Chandan har
large gold ring Daswana
large silver ring Bahink

nose ring” Padink
necklace Chalav
charm Khyél

Metais and implements.

clothes
flour
diversion
fist
glove
mud
hare
kid
lamb
ram
false
south
hunger
true

west

large necklace
bracelet

bangles

anklets

ring s
mole or beauty spo

copper Tal plate
brass Kudina hammer
iron Kadsan wooden basin
steel Joghin mortar
lead Khal pestle
saltpetre Trees on the Mountains,
sulphur Khat Birudi
dela Apuds Maghumba
elephant Q wan Peepal
wheat Shishér Kasood
jav
rice Trees.
flesh Kotor Bundi
eS Shampashtir Gidpit
haldee Drishe Maimouk
a deer Adchin Manguli

a mule Bootav
hindevana The grasses are
tweezers Katal Kashum
sail Hawe Gorkav
small round pan Pootar Gwasht

VERBS.

g0 Bathmarak get up

come Khachak sleep

sit Bashkabota

awake

546 Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

Kunakh
Dir kunakh
Jang karrak
Tikh

Tor karak
Harf hin
Khalbo
Harf bot
Khalas karak
Halltak
Harribo
Halbo hatbo
Tawar kabo
Shair khalt
Tlati kai
Hubbo
Kvhafto
Hify
Phurka
Mauzil mas
Pirakh
Harribo
Shola

Ety
Halmaka
Dirte khalt
Lill

Swar mark
Baz halbo
Nathe murif
Giri nety
Gum kes
Qaena mala
Bareme hamp
Miugh

Hef

Tikhta
Shevma

Dir kar
Khalbo
Tagh bafak
Taélan kabo
Chatetabo
Dir chatetabo
Rasebo

Soqa kar
Kad khalbo
Kabr kabo
Tar khalbo
Neshtar khalbo
Tubi khalbo
Dhadbo
Beriai swar ma bo

eat
drink
quarrel
place
weigh

take away

beat

bear away

finish
take
rip up
bring
call
sing
send
look
listen
learn
fill
stay

, break

tear
pour out
give
flee
wet
wash
mount
kiss
kick
tie
lose
loosen
load
sew
lift up

put down

stoop
melt
kill
recline
spread
scatter
sprinkle
arrive
wrap
dig
bury
swim
float
duck
land
embark

Verbs transitive.

Chattebo
Gatalbo
Gulam kar
Chatetabo
Langar kabo
Khulibo
Sama kes
Zindma
Nasa
Kaha
Halmak
Hagh
Harrabit
Tietakai
Khalt
Makhebo
Shukar kashe
Jakha
Hich4n
Tufka
Piltibo
Thadbo
Tolké halt
Hisab kabo
Makhebo
Tlebo
Kh&ribo
Miashkbo
Redetabo
Rad kes
Shura kar
Bashkh yety
Padai yety
Kwash mar
Wedhkar
Wrush kar
Aram kabo
Musun kar
Tamma
Bashmo
Burzé kar
Tafbo
Refbo
Tondé kes
Halbo
Chiring
Barém kar
Tholif
Rai kar, (rawéna
kar)
Béasibo
Sajji kar
Bis

[Jung,

lick
bite
suck
sow
plough
fear
guess
live
grind
die
run
weep
throw away
let go

play (tune)
play (games)
whistle
cough
sneeze
spit
shampoo
cut
weigh
count
laugh
leave
scratch
rub

roll
forget
begin
distribute
give back
rejoice
besiege
assault .
stop
upset
fell down
get up
open
shut
deceive
sell

bu

2 ee
marry
shave

dispatch
boil
roast
fry

Hiayh

1838. }

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

547

Phrases and Dialogues.

Greetings made in quick succession and together by both parties meet- 7

ing.

Khwai basus

Dur khus

Mak nedurakho

Eelumk, nedura kho

Kabil nedura khe

Shahar nedura khe

Yar hamrah nedura khe

Shar dura khus

Dura Khairati hus

Dura khajoadus

Shukar ki basus

Shukar ki nana urati basus

Ne Khuda hes

Haidrawadna kasar ara kani

Ara bare barane

Kane nishé4n etabo

E Haidrawadae kawa

O Karemei hech kaparot

Agar num pare numa khataran
kareme kev

Da shaharti nane kukud dit amoi

Da shaharna pin der e

Da_shaharti sarkarna malyat
akhadr, e
Da shaharna malyat bist panch

hazari salna nano

Hi aut khom asets

Ee baz panth karinit dan dangaer
nut

Huliya swar masut dam datwat

Ne marare

Ne masadare

Baz salamarek paida masuni

Duazda salnai paida masuni

Mirana baz lashkar are

Da hulina baha akhase

Eelum panj sadat souda karenut tena
huli e

Jwan karenus ki sonda karenus baz
masuni

Hulia chist kar swar marak

Sai mares kasarat duz baz are phulor
ne

Da kasarat din are ee dir kimif

Barisa ki kan

Bafar neto

Bariva ee tune

Kane ruskhat yeti kav
Rupina ber baz tisa
Khivaja tabare

Baz tyesa da bertyani
Panj sark tev

You are well come

Well and happy ?

Are your sons well ?

Your brothers are they ?

Your family are well ?

Your city all well?

Your friends and companions all well?

Are you well and happy ?

The same

Ditto

Thank (God) you have come

Thanks that you come to my house

God has conducted you here

Which is the road to Hydrabad ?

What is it ‘ barabar’ to?

Point it out to me

I will go to Hyderabad

F will not do such a thing

If you tell me for your sake I will
do the thing

Shall I get a fowl in that village ?

What is the name of that town

In that city how much is the govern.
ment share ?

The produce of that town is 2500
a year

What caste are you of P

I have made along march and am
tired

I was on horseback and am not tired

Have you asonP

Have you a daughter ?

Has she been born many years?

She was born twelve years ago

Is the army of the Ameers great ?

W hat is the price of this horse

Brother, I have sold the horse for
five hundred _

You have done well in selling it,
it is a large sum

Mount quickly

Take care, there are many thieves in
the road, they will rob you

Are there wells in that road that I
may drink water?

Are you going or how?

1 will not go with you

I will go with you

Give me leave I will go ©

Many bers for a rupee

It is enough

W hat’s the price of these bers ?

I will give five sarks

ee

548

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

[JuNE,

Ylum aidane mubarak mare iman Brother, a pleasant eed to you, may

salamat mare or huje
Na, aid mubarak mare
Dade dah rupe, i yete
Asi monu paisas ti farata

you be happy
And a happy eed to you
Give him ten rupees
I will not give a monu

Antai tifes ata magar ua bavna malan Why wont you give, will it be out of

ida as kaik

Obandagh nara hina
Obandagh jangeti kaskune
Pade aint mir benifene khalat

Il’ Hydrabade Ahananut

I’ Hydrabade khautanut

Khalt halkuni pidati kana

Aint basuni

Ainu yakhi

Ghalaghka puskuna

Aha ptskun afas

Da ghalaytak wadern a o

Aha bakhtawar ira tde dai ghalaghak
harfenut bakhtawar

Da id a ase khisunu

I’lum ara jaga na khisun ase

Mekurana khisun ase, ya Candarna
ite

Vlum eta Khuda chou oe arete jwan
osit

Da rupaina gida ase

Katume palif bo sholbo

Kana bite jod karene sahel

Nabisht kabo da kaghazate
Gudate sil

Piun kata

Shaharti rasenga khairat
Peshan hina gum marak

Brahuina hite hich tipra

Rupeiye halltak

Sogou karak

Tehanto (pan san) sikhakh
Hulian shef mar

Bishhai swar marak huli reshe

Khulisa kaneyan churokne kar

‘Daryav kharab masune, dir ta kutane

machit masune

Da na saile karak

Kane karem ure man sail kapana

I’ khwari baz khananut

Chiraghe lagaf

Chiraghe kasif

Daryav wahesa hinak mulkate abad
karak gharibata ofk khush marer

your father’s property, that you
refuse to give P

That man run away

That man was killed in battle

To-day the meer presented him with
a dress of honor

I have seen Hyderabad

I have not seen Hyderabad

I have a stomach ache

To-day is hot

To-day is cold

This food is fresh

No it is not fresh

This food is of many days

No I reaped it two months ago you
bakhtawar

This article is of gold

Brother of what country is the gold?

Is it Mekran gold, or is it of Canda-
har?

Brother, God knows that but it is
good

This is a silver article

Wash and shave my head

The gentleman has drawn my pic-
ture

Write on this paper

Wash the clothes

Bleach them

I arrived safe at the village

Get out, do away with yourself,
fellow

I don’t understand a word of Bra.
huiky

Take the money

Hold fast

Keep them to yourself

Get down from the horse

Get on a donkey, the horse has a
raw

You fear me so,
yourself

The river is spoilt, the water has
gone out, it has become shallow

Look at the fun

1 am busy, I can’t look

I have seen great trouble

Light the candle

Put the candle out

River! flow on and make the coun-
try fertile that the poor may be

happy

that you have wet

1838.]

Raz sal zind mares

Mathusalam hasht sad sal zindmas
quda kask

Pir dase i palasut

Gudati kana helbo de, ai

I’ Hydrabadte iratti masunut

Tratu Hydrabad ti aut karinus

Brahuina boli harfet dasa Brahwui
masut
Da shaharte jwano gudh paida maroi

I’ kodi as viat halev

Dev kkorasanai kharid kanin ki

Tt asika hukmat Khudana na nak
duk jod maror

Ainu khed karenene

Da tutak iratu angud bisir

I’ Sehwaniska kav pirana zyaratae
bedina mehnat akhadr,e

O.hite i bingasut

Da pulle gand kashe

Od ichana

Saheb kane kula kalkune

Pushad karene

Kukudatine jhale nana ghalaghate
kungo

Ira rupei kanean khwaya

Roma ghatine shola balun basunu

A Brahuiky Song.

Gori marey o maru o lal
Netu barev 0 chunaka jawan

Pas bafes o mart o lal

Tes tifes o chunaka warna
Bamba,e salip o gul i lalah

Randi khano i,ne o chunaka warna
Tena karo i,ne o gul i susan,

2nd.
Oh zabu nane dir yety
Na dik hanenu nane dir yety

Godi gidana nane dir yety

Nadik phudena nane dir yety
3 Z

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

549

May you live many years

sao aieamg lived for 800 years,then.
die

The rain has fallen I have got wet

Put my clothes in the sun

I was two months in Hyderabad

What did you do fer two months
at H yderabad

T have Jearnt the Brahuiky language
and now I am a Brahui

Is there any good cloth produced in
that village P

I will take a score

._ I take them to Khorasan to sell

In a month by the blessing of God
your hands and feet will be well

To-day you are perspiring

That mulberry will ripen in two
months

I will go to Sehwan to pay my devo-
tions to Peer, what is the hire of
a boat ?

I have heard that circumstance

Smell that flower

He sneezed

Sir, I have a cold

My nose is running

Catch that bird it has eaten all my
grain

He asked me for two rupees

Cut your hair, it has grown long

Translation.
Hfe.

I will move as a censer round thee,
my precious little ruby !

She.

I will come with thee, oh fair and

loved youth !
He.

You say yes, but perhaps you won’t
come, my precious little ruby ;
Now you will give, now you won’t
give, oh beautiful young maid.
rare stand on the terrace, my bright

tulip,

The old bawd will see you, oh beau-
tiful young maid !

She will make you hers,O lovely lily!

2nd.

Oh zabu! give me a little water,

Water from those hands must be
sweet ;

Give me a little water, O mistress of
(thy slave’s) house, give me a
little water,

Water from those hands must be cool,

Give mea /itile water.

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

Story in Brahuiky.

Char bandagh hinar hamra masu ;
asisargar, asitrakan, asi darzi, asi
fakir: da ka gidd darer hinadr huk-
mat Ahudana hinar sahra seti hinar-
muhibo khofana jaga seti, sham tama-
ta. Hesur pat dir Khakhare lagafer
iragh biser kungor tustr maslat karer
tenpaten sala kaning juwane dade
paspani khabardari kaning juwane
kul parer juwan toukal Ahudana
awal ko war dinai trakan pare
kanai parer juwan ilunk awal ko
war na,e tulltak nan harmusit kha-
china zangar pare na war purav mas
kane bashkes pare juwan nimkhach-
bo, trakandamastus tugh hallt Dange
henge hura hamode bundas tamasas
dushagha teshei hawalamas zaif as
jod kare handa patan ona war purav
mas okhacha baskare zargare zargar
bashmas tus madanai mone hadsa
ade zaif ase dade tikhoke durust
kare dakana hamrana kareme kasha
tena ture kasha zarana tukaras tama
karem kaning te saat jod kare touk
phulo daswana banhi padink shagha
zaife wasat juwan mas o khacha
bashkare darzi,e darzi damas tus
‘mone hadsa zaife khana patua butas
khana saat zewar tu kasha tena ttre
tama gudh moghangati kus gudh
paijama kul gidae ta bar hal kare
odkhacha bashkare fakhire. Fakhir
bashmastus mone hadsa zaife khana
pare ya khudawanda da amro juwano
zaif ase wali arman ki patase du,a
kare khuda ya tend khuda ina bar.
katat da zaife sa yeti onadawa ami
mas zaife sah tama roshan mas ham.
rakt bashmasti harkas paire zaif ka.

Four men set out in company, one
acarpenter, one a goldsmith, one
a tailor, amd one a fakeer ; they
took with them some things and
started. By the order of God they
arrived at a desert place, a place of
great fear. Evening set in, they
brought firewood, they put water
on the fire, they cooked food, eat it,
and as they were sitting had a con-
sultation among themselves and a-
greed, that it was a good thing to
adopt some plan, and that it was a
good thing there to set a watch and
be on their guard. They all said well,
by God’s permission whose shall be
the first watch. The carpenter said
mine. They all replied, Well, bro.
ther, your’s is the first watch, be
seated, we three will goto sleep ;
the goldsmith said, when your watch

is finished, awake me ; he said well,

do you go tosleep. The carpenter
is awake and seated, reclines his
head, looks here and there, a log is
lying by, he takes it into hand and
begins to carve it. In fact he made
awoman out of it, his watch was fi-
nished, and he went to sleep, having
awoke the goldsmith. The gold-
smith awoke and seated himself, and
slowly turning round his head, ex-
claims holla, here is a woman placed
here, I conjecture this is the work
of my companion: he took out his
workbag and a piece of gold, and
began to work ; he made such orna-
ments, as necklace, earrings, brace.
lets, bangles, anklets and put them
on the figure which looked very well,
he then went to sleep having awoke
the tailor. The tailor awakes, is
seated and turning his head, saw
the woman, saw that it was a wooden

statue covered with jewels, he took |

out his working bag and stitched
the following articles of dress: a pet-
ticoat, a veil, a pair of drawers, all
which being completed he went te
sleep having awoke the fakeer. The
fakeer awakes, seats himself, turns
his head, and sees the woman,
and says Oh! God ; what a beauti-
ful woman this is, what a pity she is”

(June,

ee oe ee ee ee

o
1834:]_

nai trakan pare zaif ka na,e i, tra-
shanut zargar pare zaif kanai sahtak
' kanou darzi pare ni pikungonus zaif
kanai guda kanou ja na,ita fakhir
pare zaif kanai i dua karenut kana
duwae khudakabtlkarene guda zaife
sahtamane harchar khalko kutar jang
karer harchar duye sakht karer zaif
wati asit tapare kharwokan kasar
seai tulin Musalman as bare nana
shara eke parer juwan Kharwokan
Rai masur bast kasarai warnas barek
warnai khanar tawar karer khudana
pinat sali nana sharai kar warna
salis pare babo kul hinar gap karer
warna pare zaif arade zaifna duty
halko warnai nishan tist warna zaife
khana tawar kare shukar ke nume
khuda hes da kana arwate da khadar
sale hinane kana maras zaifto ma-
sune zaif raseng’ mare kana etbo
da hairan mast jang karer parer
kharwokan kotwalai sharna nana
sharai ke parer juwan rai mabokan
kotwalai pad shana nana sharai ke
hinar kotwale khanar parer kotwal
nana daharx panjna sharai karak
pare pabo kul gap karer pare zaif
arade parer dade kotwal zaife khana
pare numa awate hanangira kucha-
kak kuste yank da kana ilumna
arwate hinak filan pirana ziyarat
kana ilume kasifenure zaif rasenga
flumna khone yetbo dakul hairan
mast kotwal daft khalk pare mohta-
mibo kustizauk’ devanume padsha~-
ghae numa pida te harre daft moh-
shaghadare padsha is kotwal arz kare
saheb kurban marev kana ilum hinak
pirna ziyarat-ae da shakhs-ak kana
jlume kasafend zaife darenu ainu

aZ22

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

551

of wood ; I pray thee, Oh God, in the
power of thy Godhead that you will
put life into this woman. His pray-
er was accepted, and life was given
to the woman. It became light and
the fellow travellersawoke. Every
one said the woman is mine. The
carpenter said the woman is mine,
I carved her. ‘lhe goldsmith said
the woman is mine, those are my
jewels. The tailor said, you dirty-

mouthed rascal the woman is mine,
the clothes belong absolutely to me.
The fakeer said the woman is mine,
I prayed to God, and God heard my
prayers and gave life to the woman.

They all four began to fight and to
lay hands on the woman, One of
them said, let us go, and sit on the
highway, someMussalman may come,
he will decide our quarrel ; they said
well, let us go. They started and
seated themselves on the road, a
young man was coming along, they
saw him, and called out for God’s
sake, stop and settle our dispute.
The young man stopped and told
them to say on; they all went and
made nothing but noise. He said,

where is the woman. They touched
the woman with their hands and
pointed her out to the young man
who saw the woman, and exclaimed,

thank God that he has brought you ;
this is my wife, many years ago, she
went away and my son was with my
wife, she has arrived now, where is
my son. They all were astounded,
and began to quarrel. Then said
they, let us go to the Kotwal of the
city, he will do us justice. hey said
well, let us go, the Kotwal of the
city “will do us justice. They went
and saw the Kotwé4l, and said, pray:
Kotwal do us five men justice. He
said say on, they did nothing but
make a noise, he said, where is the
woman—they said here. The Kot-
wal saw the woman, Ae said, you
dog cuckolds, this is my brother’s
wife. They went to the shrine of a
certain saint ;- you have killed my
brother, the woman has arrived, now
bring my brother’s corpse. They
were all confounded, the Kotwal
beat them all, and said, go on you

552 Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

tusasut bazarati da lashkare Ahanat
basu kane,ai nana sharai Kazak
gaife khana durust karet da kanai
jlumna arwate he sunut ta sharaghai
sdheb dafta pide harre padsha pare
zaif arade zaife nishantisu padsha
zaife khana pare kuste zank khuram,
sakhak date kana chokari,e kilit zure
da khadry jawa hir darene kana nidle
etabo dakul hairan masu pare dabo
kulana pide harrabo efta pidate
harar zaife baram kare padsha.

(June,

rascals, F will take you before the
king, and rip up your bellies. They
all went on before: the Kotwal
thus supplicated the king: Sire, I
will now sacrifice myself ; my bro-
ther went to make offerings at the
shrine of a certain saint ; these peo-
ple have killed my brother and tak-
en his wife. To-day I was sitting
in the bazar and saw this mob, who
came before me to decide their dis-
pute. Tsaw the woman and recog-
nized her as my brother’s wife ; I
have brought them before your ma.
jesty, now rip up all their bellies.
‘I'he king asked where is the woman.
They pointed her out,and when the
king saw her, he said, you impudent
scoundrels, this is my slave girl, the
keeper of my keys. She has taken
away an immense quantity of jewels,
now deliver up my property. They
were all confounded. He said, take
them away, and rip up all their bel-
lies. They were ripped up; the king
took the woman to wife.

2nd.

Asas araghas padsha i, u shar seti
hukmat Ahudana ode maras mas-

‘marnatena pinekare Mulla Mansur,

marta haft sal mas bawalumata kas.
ko o hina kazinad muzur mas huli-
na baidirana hukmat khudana aside
Kazi odai ghu samas ode khalk mar
odan peshanmas Kazi pare peshan
mafa binan kaos mar pare e be akul
khuda razike meharbani aute onapas
i namuzur hich mafara mar peshan
mas shaharan dare hina kasarase,at
toukal, e khudana kare hina gida
dare hina kasarai piruarag hase Kha-
na pare I’na hamrot piranga pare
bar ilum kana khante, ai bakikan hié
nar pirangana shaharti piranga od
tena mehmman kare piranga araghe
masidas asak masidas zebou ast nan.
ke gidarenga detama, masidna ruh
marto, laga bawai tend pare kane

There was a man in the city of
the royal residence, who by the
decree of God had a son whom he
named Mulla Mansur. The boy was
seven years of age when his father
and mother died ; he went and en.
gaged himself to serve the Kazi as
horsekeeper. By the decree of God
one day the Kazi got angry and
beat him, the boy left the house ; the
Kazi said, my boy don’t go out,
you will die of hunger. The boy
said, oh fool, God is kind and merci-
ful, don’t say so, I will not do youa
single service. The boy went out of
the city and took what he had with
him to the road. By the permission
of God he went along with what he
had. He saw an old man on the
road, and asked may I come with
you, the old man said, come my dear
by my eyes, let us go. They went
to the city of the old man who him.
self entertained the boy. The old
man had a daughter who was very
beautiful, the night passed away and
it became day. The girl’s heart be-
came fixed on the bay, she said to

1888.]

handadto baram yete agar tifesa i
tene kasifeva bawat hairan mas baba
ni hosh karak khana wada marak
pare toube nouzbilla kana aregh are-
ham handad afak ham haudad bawat
bewasmas pena farzand alavta tena
ustati pare toukal khudana dasharana
hitase hak nikana dafta barame kare
dade man wakht gidarenga aside war-
na pare tena arwate da sa kan tena
mulkai pare rai makan rai masu
basu tena sharti alumat kul sha,arat
bingasi Mulla Mansurna zabro arwa.
tase kazi bandaghe rai kare Mulla
Mansurna arwatae kanto yari karak
Kazina hite Mulla Mansur tena
arwato karesas don kane khalkune
kazi zaifa pare khantiyat kazi,e
salam kes pabegai barak kana khan-
tiyai kazi na bandagh hina padsha
sifate bingas zaifna bandaghe tena
rai kare padsha zaifaghae kanto yari
karak bandagh hina zaife padshana
salami this zaif pare mubarak mare
padshae salam kis adz bandagi pat
nanak kana khank begai bares zaif
ruskhat kare hina padshae pare saheb
begai kareme na karemut bilkul kas
padsha khush mas wazir sifate binga
sas zaifna tena chokari,e rai kare
zaif ghae kanto yari karak chokari
hina pare zaife zaif pare mubarak
mare wazir na nak kana khauk
begai bares zaif ruskhat kare rai mas
hina wazire pare sahebne mubarak
mare kareme na karenut bilkul kas
begae wazir khush mas wakil bin-
gasas sifate zaifaa wakil tena cho-
kari,e rai kare, zaif ghae kanto yare
Karak chokari hina pare zaif pare
mubarak mare kana khantiai pa be-
gai bares chokari hina wakile muba-

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

553

her father, give me in marriage to
him, if you will. not, I will kill my-
self. Her father was astounded, and
said, my dear, consider yourself,
behave as a modest girl, she said,
Toube Nouzbilla, this shall be my.
husband, he or no one. ‘The father
was at his wits’ end for she was his
only child. He said in his own mind,
by the permission of God, it is writ~
ten in the book of law make proper
marriage. He then married the two.
Some time had past away ; one day
the man said to his wife, let us go
to my country. She answered, well
let us set out, they set out and came
to his city. The whole people of the
village heard that Mulla Mansur
has got a pretty wife, the Kazi
started his slave off to Mulla Man.
surs wife (saying) ‘‘ make my
acquaintance” (the whole story of
the Kazi Mulla Mansur had be.
fore told to his wife how the Kazi
beat him): she said by my eyes
give the Kazi my salam and tell
him to come this evening: the Ka-
zis slave went away. The king
had heard the woman’s praises, and
dispatched his slave to her, to ask
*‘make my acquaintance:” the slave
went and gave the king’s salam ;
the woman said long may he live,
give the king my salam and obedi-
ence ; tell him I have his feet on my
eyesand tell him to come in the even-
ing. Sne dispatched the man who
went to the king and said, Sire, this
evening | have done the thing, you
shall positively go. The king was
delighted. The Wazir had heard
the praises of the woman and dis-
patched his slave girl to her to ask
‘“make my friendship ;’ the girl went
and gave the message: she replied,
may he live long ; his feet are on my
eyes ; come this evening. The woman
dispatched the girl, who went to the
Wazir and said exaltation to you
Sir, I have performed the business,
you may certainly go this evening.
The Wazir was delighted. ‘The
Wakil had heard the woman’s praises
and sent his slave girl to say
“make friendship with me;” the
girl went and delivered the message.
‘The woman said may he be exalted,

554

rak badi this stheb karéme na kare.
nut begai kasakil khush mas zaifa
tena araghe pare da hitate kule pare
arit pare na alehtyare amake sujyeg-
ne hamon karak pare hurkana tama-
she begai ni bana,e khach sail karak
hukmat khudanai sham tama arit
hina bana,e khacha zaifa hes loias
bet kare dir shagha tahtita pbaet
halk Kazi fash kare salam this zaifa
walaik kare pare ba khairat kazi
stheb ne Khuda hatare ba tulltak
kazitus sad rupaie kasha tena das-
pakan tis zaife, zaif rupai,te daka
tawar mas padshana kazi hairan mas
zaif pare kazi khairat kazi pare
padsha bas pare khatar jama kar da
gude ben enas khalai tullt mach ghal
nusakh padsha bare kai guda naware
kazi hind nuskhalai tus padsha fash
kare salam alaik zaif pare walaikum
salam, bakave Khuda hatre kane
bashkes padsha pare parwa afak das
pakan tena ira hazar rupai malar
zaifna monaghan tikha zaif rupaiite
daka padsha pare kan khachin aish
ashrat ken zaif pare saheb da khadr
brinj bet karenut saheb ba khoag
noshjan ke nana se balo padsha pare
juwan tawar mas wazirna padsha
pare wazir bas pare saheb I’ kav
peshan hurev odere zaif peshan mas
wazire khana pare bakhairat wazir
saheb wazir pare yar kharkan urd.
ghae pare padsha tusne urati pare
ant-sala,e pare khatir jama kar ne
deva urati wazir pare amaridaros

A

zaif pare sabr karak i urate kav
barev zaif hina gwalas harafi peshan
hes wazire pare dati peha wazir
hina peha ona bae chika tafe gwalai
gires dare urati padsha pare o antase

Grammar of the Brahwiky Language.

[ Jung;

by my eyes tell him to come this
evening. The girl went away and
said, may you be exalted, Sir, I have
done your business ; you may go in
the evening. The Wakil was de-
lighted. The wife told the whole of
this to her husband, who said you
are your own mistress in the affair,
do what you think proper. She said,
look at my sport, in the evening do
you go, and lie down on the terrace
and look on, by the order of God,
evening set in, the husband went
and lied down on the terrace. The
woman brought in a pitcher, filled it
with water, and covered it. ‘The
Kazi approaches and says salam,
the woman replies walaik, are you
well, Kazi Saheb. God has brought
you here, be seated. The Kazi
sits down, and takes out a hundred
rupees from his handkerchief, and
gives to the woman. The woman
ties them up. Noise was heard of
the king approaching. The Kazi was
astounded: she said, well Kazi, are
you well. The Kazi said, the king
has eome ; she said never mind, cover
yourself with this veil, sit down at
this handmill, and grind a little
grain ; when the king goes the next
will be your turn. The Kazi goes and
seats himself at the handmill. ‘The
king approaches and sayssalam alaik,
the woman replies walaikum salam.
God has brought you, and given you
to me; the king says, never mind.
He takes out two thousand rupees
from his handkerchief and put them
before the woman, she secures the
money. ‘The king said now let us
go and recline and amuse ourselves ;
she said, Sir, | have prepared a little
rice be pleased to eat, it will refresh
you, the night is not far advanced.
The king said very well. There
was a noise of the Wazir’s approach,
the king said the Wazir is come ;
she said Sir, I will go out and see
him, the woman went out and saw
the Wazir and said, are you well
Wazir Saheb. The Wazir said, my
love let us go into the house ; she
said, the king is sitting in the house;
he asks, what is our plan, she said,
Jet your mind be at rest, I will take
you in dvors. ‘The Wazr said take

1838. ]

zaif pare da ghalou machy mas tawar
mas wakilna padsha pare wakil bas
zaif pare sabr karak kav huriwata
dere. Zaif peshan mas wakile khana
salam this bakhairat yar jani wakil
pare khay kan urati pare bakhtawar
padsha basune urati tusane pare ant
sala,e, zaif pare khatar jama kar na
karame kev dadoe halltak tena pun-
dutine karah e dagina kerghan char
padah marak paron dagina gosalai
gaif darwaze tafe kulf kare hina
banai kKhacha tena arigh to padsha
malas mas tawar kare chokr. kane
dir yeti kazi batir jald kare khalk
khalas chokariyan kazi mone hadsa
pare kazi saheb us pare, ho,o pare
bashmarak kazi bashmas bas kha kha-
rai tus pare padsha saheb aut khabar
e pare khabar handade khanisa nachaj
ghalogha kne amaro, zaife banan shef
mas araghe tena hes urate pehar
padsha,e salim thist dana afale o
kazind ne afale,e wazir na ne
afale,e wakilnane afal e padsha pare
wazir arade wakil arade, zaif pare,
bashmarak nishan tevne padsha bash-
mas zaif pare givadlana bade malabo
wazire kashar padsha pare wazir
haifene wazir pare na afal juwan,e
kana gand,e zaif pare khar wokan
peshan, kul peshan masu hinar dagi-
na rahae padsha pare wakil arade
zaif pare saheb dade do punduti eta
padsha pare kana luma,os ids kane
salame kul tena id karera ta harkas
tena uragh,ae hinar. Da basu tena
urati khachar hukmat khudana chand
wakht ginarenga Mulla Manstre ma-
ras mas marta haft sal mas darer
tulli ferta kAwananga,e kazi his aside
mas zaif mare tena pare akh undene
salam kes mar hina ede pare achun

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

555

me quickly, The woman said, wait,
I will go into the house, and come
again: she went and brought out a
basket, she says to the Wazir, get
into this, the Wazeer gets in, she
closes the mouth and drags him into
the house. The king says, what is
that, shesays, it is some grain: a noise
took place of the Wakil’s approach.
The king said the Wakil is come,
the woman said stop, I will go out
and see who it is: the woman went
out and saw the Wakil and made him
a salam, are you quite well my love?
The Wakil said let us go into the
house ; she said, you wretch, the king
is there seated in the house: he said,
what is our plan; the woman said
let your mind be at rest, I will do
your business, make yourself a tail
with this spoon and go on all fours,

in the cowhouse, they will take you

for a calf. The woman shut the door
and locked it, she went upon the
terrace and lied down with her hus-
band. The king became thirsty and
called out, here girl give me some
water, the Kazi grinds faster than
ever, “ Here, you girl, lll throw a
stone at you.” The Kazee turned
round his head. The kingsaid, are
you the Kazi. He said, yes: he
said, sit up. The Kazi gets up and
comes and sits near the fire, and
then asks, pray sire, what is the
news: he said this is the news that
you see, let me see what grain you
were grinding: the woman comes
down from the terrace with her hus-
band, they both saluted the king,
and said, this is your plight, your
majesty, this is the Kazi’s plight,
this is the Wakil’s, this is the Wa.
zir’s. The king said, where is the
Wazir, and where is the Wakil:
the woman said be seated, I will
shew you: the king sits down, the
woman said, open the mouth of the
basket: they took out the Wazir.
The king said, Wazir, how are you;
the’ Wazir said your majesty’s con-
dition is pleasant, mine is unplea-
sant, the woman said, let us go out-
side, they all went out to the cow-
house ; the king said where is the
Wakil, the woman said here he is
Sir, with a spoon for his tail. The
king said I respect you as my mother

556 Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

saheb lumkana ne salam karek kéi

pare saheb tipara kazi tena ustati
thaka hwash mas kazi tend choka.
ri.e rai kare zaifagha,e chokari hina
salame this zaif pare begai bares bil_
kul chokari hadsenga bas kazi,e pare
kazi khwash mas zaif tena araghe
pare begai safilati khachak chidingas
dtty tena karak ara wakhtai Kazi
bas chidinge chandefis arakht pare
jwan sham tama kazi bas sad rupai
this pare bashkan khachin chidingna
tawar mas kazi hairan mas zaif pare
kana aregh bas kana mon mohn mas
kazi pare kash e gudatine sundukh
ti Ahach kazi khacha arikht bas urati
tis sundukhe kulf karer skhachar
mullana bangai zaif bashmas tama
pitingati hamsa,e ghak kul muchma.
su aut hoghang ase zaif pare kana
aragh hinane kana lum ghasta shah-
rai lum kana kaskune lashet hesuni
ku] tama hoghangti alam hinar kabr
sthanai hinar kabre taiyar karer
basur lash a,e harfer darer kilite
khwayar mudde kashen zaif pare
kilit afak i tena lumai kashe para
padsha kilit e khwaya hallk kulfe
malar kazi,e khanar kazi,e mochide
man ‘halk kuste zan behaya da aut
afal as kuramsak arwat ga,ida pes-
hama sundukhan arwat ga,ida hina
gumarak alam harkas hinar tena
uratiyai.

(June;

or my sister, and I take my leave.
They all called her their sister and
every one went to his own house,
they. went into their own house and
slept. By the order of God some-
time had elapsed and Mulla Mansur
had a son, the son was seven years
old, they sent and seated him ina
reading school under the Kazi. One
day the woman told her son to give
her salam to the Kazi; the boy
went and said my mother has sent
you her salam. The Kazi said is
your mother’s flour finished, the
boy said I don’t understand, the
Kazi reflected in his own mind and
was delighted: he dispatched his
slave girl to the woman, she went
and gave the salam: the woman said

by all means come this evening. The’

girl went back to the Kazi and told
him, he was delighted. The wife said
to her husband, this evening lie
down on the balcony and have some
bells in your hand, when the Kazi
comes shake the bells, the husband
said very well. Evening set in, the
Kazi came took out a hundred
rupees, and said come now let us
sleep, the bells began to sound, the
Kazi was confounded, the woman

_said my husband has come, he will

make my face black, the Kazi said
I will take off my clothes and lie
down in this box ; the Kazi lies
down, the husband comes into the
house, sits down and locks the box,
they go to sleep. At the call to
prayers the woman awakes and be-
gins to wail ; all the neighbours
assemble to ask the cause of the
weeping, the woman said my hus-
band went into a neighbouring vil-
lage where my mother had died, and
has brought her corpse, in a box;
they all began to mourn and cry.
Some went to the burying place and
prepared a grave, and some to bring
the coffin, they carry it away and
asked for the key, that they might
take out the corpse: the woman said
there is no key, I will not have my
mother taken out, the king demand.
ed the key, they took it and opened
the box, they saw the Kazi, you
rascally lewd knave, see the plight
you are in, you donkey cuckold
come out of the box, said the king ;
every one went to his own house.

—_—

:

1838.] Translation of Inscription in the Society's museum, 557

IV.—Translation of Inscription in the Society’s museum. Continued
from vol. VI. p. 887.

Brahmeswara Inscription, from Cuttack.

Besides the two slabs of stone identified last year as belonging to the
Bhuvaneswara temples, in Cuttack, and consequently returned to the
brahmans after perusal, there was a third broken into two pieces, which
Mr. Kirroer pointed outas being in the same character and from the
same locality. Before returning this he kindly took for me a very ex-
act impression, whence I have copied the reduced facsimile in Plate
XXIV. )

Although, as will be seen,.the slab was in a state of considerable muti-
lation, yet from the inscription being in verse, my pandit, Ka MALAKAN-
TA VIDYALANKARA, has been able by study of the context to fill up all
the gaps, with, as he says, hardly a possibility of error, and indeed where
the outline of the letters is preserved I have found his restoration quite
conformable. The translation has been effected by SAéropdPpRrasdp
under his explanation, but I have not leisure to read it over with Ka-
MALAKANTA. |

Mr. SrirLine says* that “no information whatever is afforded by
the Orissa chronicles of the origin of the princes called the Kesari
vamsa; the founder of the new dynasty in A. D. 473 was JasaTI
(YayAt1) Kesar, a warlike and energetic prince, but who he was or
whence he came we are not apprized. He soon cleared his dominions
of the Yavanas, who then retired to their own country.”

Perhaps the present inscription may in some measure remove this
obscurity. It commences with the conquest of Udhra or Orissa by
JaNAMAJEYA the king of Telinga. It is possible that this alludes to the
prince of that name in the Pauranic lists, but the locality of his domini-
on, and the names of his immediate successors are wholly different from
those of the Magadha line, and their history is circumstantially told as
of events transpired not long antecedent to the Kesari dynasty of Oris-
sa. His son was DirGHaRAVA, and from the latter was born APAVARA,
who died without issue. The kingdom was then overrun by invaders
from foreign countries,—(perhaps the same designated as Yavanas in
Sririine’s Chronicles ),—when VICHITTRAVIRA another descendant of
JANAMEJAYA reigning in a neighbouring kingdom, possessed himself
of Orissa. His son was named ABHIMANYU’; his again CHANDIHARA;
and from the latter descended Upyoraka Kesari, whose mother KoL&-
VATI erected the temple to Siva as Brahmeswara. The date of the

* As. Res. XV. 265.
AA

558 Translation of Inscription in the Society's museum. [JuNE,

inscription is expressed only in terms of the reign, but from the style
of the Devanagari, it may be confidently .affirmed to be later than the
epoch fixed for Lalat Indra kesavi(617 A.D). Upyoraxa Kesart
must then be one of the 32 unrecorded princes who succeeded him in
the Kesari line previous to the establishment of the Gangavamsa family

on the Cuttack throne. .
The figure 3, it may be remarked, closely resembles the ancient form

of this numeral ; the 8 is nearly of the modern shape.

The stone was, as stated above, returned to Bhubaneswar ; but Mr.
Kittog did not find as he anticipated any resulting cordiality or good-
will among the priesthood of the place; on the contrary they brought
him a long list of purloined idols, and impetuously urged him to procure
their return as he had done that of the inscriptions !

Transcript of the above Inscription, (Pl. XXIV.)

Fai eas ATRIA Aa eae lsat Ala
ata atiiataa | edtaanadefad saree
daa tae: Sasraanseta: aig Frat aaaT] WR A

atiuafe sanficqafaacaaast Barada:
a foyer wafers: | emetuncaftaafangs
fouat fet a: qe EATER STATA SATATATA WR

aasususaacatiaaaeentaEe frerarrafar
aIgaate: AATKUIAAE | Tear aca HET
Sal Uist Maas wafasras Bt Afetaaws | zt

qe afeamaataeht ynrewstafdateraraaaala
aaMAAtaHe | aPAaufafeface saraattt:
A Cal AeegTAsIcgTT: ZLrawarfcat | 2 |

qanerayaaatafatrakcesae: yqura a feats: |
aapeniaxa AaaCIAIIst aaa AfTsHAT IMT: WM

afea wa feaanfafe cima arrneanea anezfi
te | eurMchaasMaTITAe aT faaaTAes aaTA
ufaa i¢ i

1838.] Translation of Inscription im the Society's museum. 599

qT Tiaisary aaa ast fee feat aaatth efus
Resta aeatesaias: | wararfaaracafaasy ay
Fat ga Rawteceayacata: Gacateal: Tay © |
VAATAFSAALAAAAA ASIA YAATA FTACITYy TT
saan frmeiian a | qaaIcyecaaMgyeqgsg
STAAIQUAAM ATTAIN Sasa AgT |S
siarmrmacieaaag waa aaa faa aaa wuwAt Ht
AIR TUSAAe | EIraRAG Balrsacediaad Te
at gate: afsay SARITA GH: RAL |
aasstfHta ufeaies feed Teast ag aAEAT
feceqsuctagt Ht fase semaifedinguatatiragy
CIARA CIT Faargaqratacar HMasaawnea ici
aaa feraeque fear Aratad AAT Arar wWawner
wae afedt cra uefa | ae Waa Ta aTAT
faeguat ver: ufag Syfas S Srarenqzaeta 102 1
MARTA yaAaTEs wUaafacy seetsaarma
wcfucycyaisfiranaae: | wa fagdty wqacacHe
weMMTaaa Frat aie: fafaaRefar atfea: ae
TITHE WARY
SATS AAC IAAT aA wheats yerqaAeaga
ufe TeIRVeaaad | UHR: eraqehl aaa Fafeqaratuta
wat awa a fat aw aaara aeraeta Fas: 123 A
SRAM asec ifscfaraaacaaeawA
qTMIaIS: | Watery Fengqafaaaamdiwmeaa: TAA
TUT ABWwIAGATS | Vs |

carsgfanfaatggaaretiaart fea atsvaaisa feet
4a2

560 Translation of Inscription in the Society’s museum. [Juneg,

qt. qasiwicage: | weatfeaitfrates ema
Sl SMAA DYIVFAWAGAT TUTHAT STAT: | VW |

FTITALUTY Wiesnaataantteaqraat aaalfaryvaa fat
qefsflasrs | wpetdasafast at aera
ae: wyearaa: Afsscizatal feat saat yr! 4

wanqaaaat afea araere fayaatasas quar 7
ataq| afasaguiee araeramufesraeaaye aaa
Tafa 1 Yo y

ULAATS ALAC AT acme Aa THU faa lagi tanta

slactiaaatseay fasts aq ws aia aie 3
BQAMLLT: | 3

Translation.

1. The moon, perfect in his digits, (full) born with Sri from the
midst of Kshira Samudra (the sea of milk) whenchurned by the Mandara
mountain whirling with the chief of the serpents used as a rope by Bram-
wa’, Upenpra, (Visunu,) Maneswara, Inpra and Bari ;—enlightens the
three regions with his swollen beams and nectars !

2. In his line was born réja Janamesaya, who was of moon-like-fame,
master of the world, incomparable, destroyer of his enemies, and the owner
of Telinga ; and who drew to himself the fortune (Laxsum1) of the raja of
Udhra who was killed by his kunta (a weapon) while their antagonist’s
elephants were overcome with fatigue fighting with their tusks.

3. He (Janamesaya) was a celebrated emperor, master of the king.
dom of seven limbs*, of wonderful understanding in power and morals, cha-
ritable, most virtuous, a-hero, and like raja Yaya/r1 an ornament of the
earth ; and who deprived the lovely wives of his inimical rdjas of thei;
pride of lovely tressest ; and whose lawful deeds and conduct remained un-
changeable from his childhood,

4. After him his son Direwarava became raja, who was a great kalpa
tree, the very crown-jewel of princes, modest, of boundless spirit, stea_
diness, riches, gravity, depth of knowledge, wise in producing prosperity

* The limbs of government, or as we say ‘sinews of war’—horses, elephants,
fighting men, pandits, merchants, &c. See allusion to the same in the Burmese bell
juscription, page 294.

Tt The Hindu women are forbiddenby the sh&stras to beautify their hair after
the death of their husbands.

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1838.] Translation of Inscription of the Society's museum. 561

and three sorts of power* and successt, a hero, and destroyer of his
enemies, and who had qualities like that of a Maharatha (a warrior
fighting in a car) and whose fame is celebrated.

5. From him was born the powerful raja named Apava/Ra as the se-
sond Parasurama, who suppressed his enemies by his invincible hand as
with a thunderbolt, and became great through the merits of poets, and
whose spirit was warm like the sun in midday.

6. When he, the best of réjas, departed unto heaven without issue and
all his kingdom was laid waste by various warriors, how long a time passed
away in various ways, when the elephant-powered hero (Vicuirravira)
was in a different country, ( Telinga.)

7. VicHITRavirA (who was another descendant of Janamesaya, and
celebrated every where on the earth as a wonderful hero), was placed in his
place. From him was born his fortunate son Apnimanyu, and from him was
born CaanpiHaRa who was powerful and spirited like him (his father).
He was made king by all his ministers. .

8. He reignedimpartially, cherishing ail his servants, ministers, people,
those who sought refuge, kinsmen and desired friends, and made both his
kingdoms indisputable ; who was the cause of delight of all the earth, and
whose lily-like feet were enlightened by the splendour of the head-jewels
of many prostrate rajas.

9. From him arose Upyoraxa Kesart, like the sun from the eastern
mountain, illuminating the earth and heaven by his lustre, radiant as the
sun and moon beams ; who was rich and the crown-jewel of the circle of
earth defended by its four oceans ; and who was a conqueror of earth, like
Ma/’npua’ta, Prirnu, and Boarata.

10. Who having defeated the whole force of his enemy, the Sinhala,
Choda and Gaura (countries) as it were in child-play, and with well-armed
warriors and a number of elephants in battles conquered the whole earth,
causing numberless rajas to bow down their heads ; who was victorious and
who made the tortoise oppressed with the weight of the earth sink down
by the heavy march of his bright army, containing an akshauhinit.

11. His mother, named Koxa/varti, was a daughter of the solar and the
chief queen of the lunar line ; whose fame is a number of flags above the
earth, and like the whirl wind ascending up, and like a hand going up with
exertion as if to destroy the spots of the moon.

12. By that Koxa’vart’ was caused to be erected this cloud-touching
temple with four beautiful halls, of four other gods, which is like a tree
without branches in interrupting the speed of the sun’s car (ray?) likea
crown over this earth and the king of fame, of Bramheswara, who destroys
the sins of worshippers, and gives salvation to those who touch (his image)
at Ekamra the holy place.

* Powers derived from magnanimity, exertion, and private advice.
+ The successes of gaining land, goijd, and friends.

} An army consisting of 189,350 foot, 65,610 horse, 21,379 chariots, and 21,870
elephants,

562 | Further short Inscriptions [ June,

13. Whom (Srva) the holy Bramay’, lord of the three regions, having
bathed his emblem, Merz, the golden spot situated in the centre of the
mountain Lokaloka, the seven oceans and islands, with the water of Ganga
is worshipping day and night. ‘This is the very Siva BRamHeswaRa.

14. This temple shines above, adorning all the firmament; like the
summit of a mountain, or the evening lamp of the assembly of the youthful
goddesses ; from it all the regions have been lighted up by the lustre of

‘the rays issuing from the golden kalasa (pinnacle) shining on its summit.

15. By her (Kona’vatt) were given some beautiful women to him (Siva)
who had eyes like that of the fickle khajjama (wagtail) and who were
bright like the sparkling and immovable lightnings of the sky by the ex-
quisite beauty of their limbs, adorned with gemmy ornaments, of lovely
heavy-swollen bosoms, piercing through the eyes of men, like the beam of
their own eye. |

16. Purusnotrama Buatra, the best of poets indited this eulogy, which
spreads the white fame of the rajas of the lunar line; who was learned in
the vedas, grammar, political science, poetry, logic, &c. &c. and, like
Brana, of true, pure and humble understanding, and (born) of an inno-
cent family.

17. So long as the earth with its mountains, forests, and seas, the sun
and moon which are the two eyes of the three regions and the Auttonapa-
di (the north polar star) which is above the earth, shall endure, so long
may this eulogy exist as nectar in the mouth of every one.

On the 3rd of the light half of Phaiguna of the Samvat 18, of the vic-
torious reign of raja Upyoraxa Kesari Deva who was most rich, king of
kings, a raja of the lunar line and lord of Kalinga,

V.—More Danams from the Sanchi tope near Bhilsa, taken in impres-
ston, by Capt. T.S. Burt, Engineers. Translated by Jas. Prinsep.

Capt. Burt has gleaned all that Capt. Smrru, of the same corps of
Engineers had left undone at the Buddhist monument of Sanchi de-
scribed in my last volume. His facsimiles were presented to the Society
two months ago, but I have been too much occupied with more impor-
tant documents to take them in hand, as nothing could be expected
from them but a continuation of the catalogue of donors to the building.
Nevertheless every word in the old character is worthy of preservation :
it helps to restore the lost dialect,—-it proves the constancy or other-
wise of the orthography :—the style of names and titles. Upon looking
back at my former readings I perceive very numerous errors which I
could now readily correct, but it is hardly worth while, as the Pali
scholar will at once discover them, and others will not care for trifling

ee

1838.] Jrom the Sanchi Tope near Bhilsa. 563

grammatical niceties. As all of them are read through their analogy
to Sanskrit words it is probable that my pandit may still err in appre-
hending some of the equivalents, especially of the adjectives.

It is a rather singular fact that, while none of Captain Smirn’s dd-
nams mentioned the city of Ujein, the majority of the present list have
the initial word Ujeniyd, ‘ of Ujein.’ This I suppose must have pro-
ceeded from the former officer having taken his specimens chiefly from
one side of the tope, while Capt. Burt naturally undertook the opposite
side, as previously unexplored ; and the good people of Ujein may have
liked to see their names as much together as possible.

There can be no doubt (as Capt. Burt writes) that the object re-
corded by each was the gift of a stone or pillar of the enclosure, or of
the money to pay for its erection; and we know that the habits of the
Buddhist priesthood who live by alms, would lead them to the houses
of rich devotees in the flourishing city of Ujein, and the well endowed
monasteries and convents of the neighbourhood, to raise funds for the
work they had in hand, which was perhaps merely to make the enclo-
sure ; for the stupa itself, as we have seen by the published extract from
the Mahdvansa, was erected at the expense of the local raja, under the
circular mandate of the emperor Asoka.

I have introduced the whole of these fresh inscriptions from
Sancht in Plate XXIII. on a reduced scale ; numbering them in con-
tinuation from the former plate.

It is unnecessary to repeat them in type,—TI therefore confine my-
self to a transcript of each in Roman characters.

No. 22. Ayachudasa antevasino Balamitasa danam thabho.

“ This pillar is the gift of BALamirra, the well-tonsured pupil.”

Or Aya chuda BAAS: may mean also, “ having a fine jewel orna-
ment,” fixed on the tuft of hair left when a child undergoes the
ceremony of tonsure; thabho or thambho for @iw: pillar. See the
Carli cave inscription in the last volume, page 1044. |

No. 23. Aya chudasa, dhama kathaka,

antevasino Bala mitasa dénam.

“ The gift of BaLAMITRA the well-tonsured pupil, reader of dhamma.”

This is perhaps the same party, more advanced in his studies.

Nos. 24 and 25. Vasuliye dénam. “'The gift of Vasuti.”

There are several bearing the same name, some written Vasulaye,
an uncertainty naturally produced by the attempt to render without
compound letters the Sanskrit genitive FMT:

No. 26. Sethino patikamakalikanadm ddnam.

“ The gift of the serving women of the nobility.”

564 _ Further short Inscriptions [J UNE,

Sethi (Sanskrit Sreshti), means also the head of a corporation.
No. 27. Yasiliye diénam, ““—the gift of Yast.”
No. 28. Ujeniya phakiliyanam danam,
“ The gift of subscribers of Ujein.”
The ndm is omitted in the lithograph by mistake; the word is taken
from the Sanskrit yfmarut “ of subscriptions.”
No. 29. Ujeniya dhamagilino dinam.
“ The gift of Dyamaciri of Ujein.”
No. 30. Mulagirino dénam lakhakasa.
“The gift of Muxacini (the root-hill of religion) the millionaire”
or perhaps Cqya~@ the protector, may be more suitable.
No. 31. Ujeniyd chheta matu danam.
“ The gift of the Kshatra’s mother of Ujein.”
No. 32. Uje(ni)yé tapansiyano isimdtasa danam.
“ The gift of the body of rishis, performing their austerities in Ujein.”
In Sanskrit vanqayraufad whaaswer.
No. 33. Ujeniyd saphineyakanam isikasa danam.
“‘ The gift of the morality students of Ujein to the rishis”’—(reading
savineyaka—and istkasa for isikdya.)
No. 34. Ujeniyd tipe(n)dadatasa padavatdydchhaya dataya dé-
nam.
“The gift of UPENDRADATTA of Ujein, for a perpetual charity to
the itinerants: WaewmalTaqaue Sia.”
No. 35. Ujentyd tapansiyanam punsanam jaya danam.
“ The victory-gift of the people performing austerities of Ujein.”
No. 36. Arahiniya Sihaya dénam.
“ The gift of arahini (or SaMARAHINI’) SINHI’.”
No. 37. Ujeniya gi(ri)siyanam punsanam jaya danam.
‘¢ The victory-gift of the men residing on the hills of ae
No. 38. Ogireyakasa satigutasa danam.
«“ The sift of Saryacupra the Agarwala,”—(or the son of Mees)
whence SIaqawy WUT aa.”
No. 39. Usakidaya bhichhuniye danam.
“The gift of Usakriga the priestess.”
Ju:AtSsT means “ who plays in the morning.”
No. 40. Akilaye deviye ahimatumard..
“ The (gift) of AKILA DEv1 mother of AHI. .........”
No. 41. Asvadeviye Bahadata matu danam.
“The gift of Asva Devi the mother of BanaDATTA.”

Journ./ts. Sec. Vot. VI. PLXXAT

Further Insertptions from Sanchi.

mUbdrUYAS Gk DJ ie 5 OFF (onthe gateway ilar ).
aide’ a¥+G4 a Dry ee
YASOEOS SAUEL Be &b UL 54:

eULOELCHM ELF isk » LOU SL:

miei bt LS Si WATE SL Ot
ieee SA (E51: »LELODAYASL

2 LELACELL LY hd pe
> ALLA FL Otho
3 LELDLDULLI OA LUPSAL Od pAw 94°
Ce ie a 8 a ee ee a et Oe
~ WIGCLE VEL ol
meer en Cr UO Le
se LAIWt A AAKY SL
atofebo bia 54° of FV USSLYCuAYt
| o Ad edLUlbaAvAa pl
Fe PPLAPLLY SASL: oe pLb plo PL
ee. wi UPAUL POLO ES
eal el ee a LiL SL

46 Ate Si

t Third Long: Insaviplion ee 1S. ae | c

Vexy fe eae ee crue

VA 3* a is, : | uy !

oe US hay

waAd rif Yoda 44 jel) a if
pred

1 eo [en

| ist bee biMipe = ica =
eee VATLASE ® Meera

\ 48
' Jieed gags ots thy 3 ay

cae Ba oe Ng 6

‘3 O° deer Capr. 2 Bue re fac <P.

; ay Y ue : bf 4 Soy i by ay eid

AF

Le = i

_

~

ei Pp e

~ : 7 iy ap the
ee
aY, Lf Myer ec Pare st oy ret bed, a he

: ee Me ee pair ae
Both Ee es ae yA, es ane png

AUP as

sis eee

- He hee
= APs,
\
Me ‘ . ? wake va
eet

eS
on re Le ie pare
rol? 8 +f
p . ‘ an id s “ a vue
No ret '
vd oe
‘ %
~ i sr i

1838. ] Jiom the Sanchi tope near Bhilsa. 565

No. 42. Yakhiya bhichun‘ye vedisa danam.
“ The gift of YAxKui the priestess and traveller.”
Vedisa for a2 wa: from Feu, foreigner.
No. 43. ..... danayé bhichhuniyd dénam.
“</Vhebmitt of....:... dani the priestess.”
No. 44. Davigirimdyasa sethino
seeeiaii tiyo ndgaya danam.

“The gift of Davicrrimaya the sethi for the (che) tiya tree.”

No. 45. Hidatdéye sada dinadhe jwéya dinam, in Sanskrit, [eure
wafeay wae aa

“ A gift for those thine here (for distribution of food) at midday for
ever.”

No. 46. This inscription is in too mutilated a state to be restored en-

tirely, but from the commencement of the third line nf 4 Ad 4 te d
_ S= i
Vda’ bhakhatibhikhundbhi khamavase déta : it may be con-

cluded that some provision was made by “a charitable and religiously
disposed person for hungry priests” fuarry frau and this is confirmed
by the two nearly perfect lines at the foot ;—

Sastjald petaviye ichhahime (tdi) si: sampesimate chilathitike siy att.

“‘Itis also my desire that camphorated (cool?) water should be given
to drink; may this excellent purpose endure for ever’ —reading for
sampesimate, TIWQAA?.

No. 47. This fragment is cut on three sides of a square pillar.

Danda nagilalasa pavinandtinam danathambho.

*¢ This pillar is the gift of the illustrious family of Danda Nagirala.”

No. 48. Is scribbling of a much later period in the Tibetan Nagari
HT AT gage and is only mentioned because it was included in Captain
Burt’s series of the Bhilsa dénams.

Postscript. By the Royal Asiatic Society’s Quarterly Journal, No.
VIII. just arrived, I perceive that Cel. SyKus’ collection of cave inscrip-
tions has been published without mterpretation, and that there are
three or four long ones not included among those with which that gen-
tleman favored me in November last. As I have reason to suppose
that the same are now under investigation at Bombay by the Rev. Dr.
Witson, from fresh and accurate facsimiles, it will be prudent to
await the result of his labours for the less perfect specimens; but I
cannot refrain from inserting here the 4th of the list to shew how
readily it may be interpreted through the P4li language.

This inscription is stated to be cut in a continuous line round the
three sides of a chamber, immediately under the ceiling, in the rock ex-

4B

tp eee

ee ee ee

566 Cave inscription from Ndneh ghat. [JunE,

cavations at Naneh ghdt, where there are other chambers formerly
covered with inscriptions, in which however the decomposition of the
rock from moisture has occasioned great obliterations. In this there
are but eight or ten deficient letters. Supplying the two that are want-
ing at the commencement conjecturally, the whole will run thus:

HTL Dd LB eed L¥- dtl? 6besl d's
Lidl DS dALSAL STF OVL LESLiLdl gs
18-48 161b G8 DIME PLO¥t bs db &
SSL LLEL PE? 487d (a long interval without any letters),
BEIO AL+c¢ 487 Gtr 487 od SUT Doha f
MLA db-€ Ho HDIOASL H? HdB-TL RGA
16 eflil > dhl GY Ur LA ©. Uf OLE
L Lo Ef \-4- (remainder of the line obliterated).

The same in Roman characters.
(Ai) yadhammasa namo! Indasa namo! sakesénam vasudev4nam,
. s ‘Zi 7? 417
chanda suriyanam, dhammavatanam vatanam va lokapdlanam, yama va-

[

runa audheravanam namo! kumaravarasa-vedi-siri sarano, rayasimuka
s4 va vahe ........ divindya nik4ya rake (sha)kumare bha(ti)

Maharathi tu nakayiko kuméro hakusaré kuméro sava vaharodhana
bheritam sampayuto sapato aso asarathagaminam a (so) asamoroyano
batiyo, tha dakhiniyonam*s asarap4la gharé yutém ra ......... pu ro
rapinakaha pan4rona kigamo .........

The above will be better understood by Sanskrit scholars if turned
literatim into the more classical dialect :

BAVHe (for vay) Aa Gy AM KARA aETdw wWRE-
at waeawe (or TA Baw) Sraqsw: qarwarersyraa:
gucacy afetiance: cafsqgasiaaizs: (?) fearara frarar CrawHaeet
w (fa) vente aquaifaya: Hat: THR FA Bafaeti wqufta
daa: VS: Bar wacsrnfaat wr Waar WIA as asgrecrara:
BICUGATIAT

Translation.

Glory to the supreme Dharma (or virtue) !— glory to Indra! To
the lords of Sakra (?) the vasudevas, to the sun and moon, to the sanc-
tified by dharma and venerated (saints) —to the lokapdalas (upholders of
the world)—to Yama, Varuna, and the spirits of the air, glory!

He whose refuge is the prosperity of the throne of an excellent

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 567

prince,—who is the supporter of ........... 2 ess the abode of hea-
venly morality,—the young prince RAKEsA, is illustrious (?).

He of the mighty chariot, (the great warrior) the prince TuNaKAYI-
KO, the prince Hakusaro, who rambles every where for pleasure, pro-
claimed by kettledrums as the fortunate, he is finely clad, he is the fear-
less leader, who is unequalled by any who go by horse and chariot, skill-
ed in archery and nonpareil, connected with the house of AMARA PALa:
(the rest unintelligible).

Here we find after a regular Buddhistic invocation, the commence-
ment of an eulogy on one or perhaps on two princes of unknown names,
who probably caused the chamber to be excavated.—Until we have a
facsimile, and a careful re-examination of the blank spaces nothing more
can, I fear, be made of the fragment.

VI.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, the 4th July, 1838.

The Honorable Sir Epwarp Ryavn, President in the chair.

The Rev. Sotomon Casar Manan, Professor of Bishop’s College was
unanimously elected a member of the Society.

Mr. Epwarps, C. 8. proposed by Mr. W. K. Ewart, seconded by the
Secretary.

Major Witu1Am Grecory, Bengal Army, proposed by Dr. Spry, second-
ed by the Secretary. 3

The Secretary submitted a new steel-engraved heading for the Society’s
diplomas and correspondence ; executed from a sketch sent home by him-
self,—improved on by Professor Witson and Mr. W. Saunpers in England.
He suggested that a new form of diploma should be engraved on the
plate in lieu of the present simple letter of announcement, to be signed by
the President of the night and by the Secretary.

The form was adopted for M. Matan’s diploma.

Baboo Ram Comut Sen, Treasurer, submitted the two following queries
in regard to the contributions of members :

1. Whether members absent at the Cape or at sea, are subject to the
usual quarterly subscription P

2. Whether members returned from Europe are to be considered as
subscribing members without any reference or intimation ?

With regard to the first query, it was determined, as had been generally the
practice, that during absence from India a member is exempt from payment; but
that on his return to the country his subscription recommences from the first ensu-
ing quarter, unless he intimates his desire to retire from the Society. As the rules
do not clearly define these points it was determined that they should undergo
general revision by the Committee of papers.

482

568 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [JunE,

Correspondence.
The Right Honorable C. W. W. Wynn acknowledged by letter, his

election as an honorary member*.
Professor Oramar Franx returned thanks for Sanskrit books presented
to him, and offered in return two treatises lately published by himself.

One on an Indian monument in which Stva and VISHNU are coupled as Harihara,
the other on four idols in the museum of the king of Bavaria, one of which is the
Kandek Rao of Moor’s Pantheon. (The books have not arrived. )

A letter from M. E. Burnovr, Sec. As. Soc. Paris, 1st November, 1837,
announced that the gold medal, struck in honor of Mr. B. H. Hopeson, by
the As. Soc. had been entrusted to M. Dusots pz Jancieny who was about

to proceed to India overland.

M. DusBots’'s determination is understood to have been changed—but the medal
may be expected by some early French ship.

A letter from the Inland Steam Navigation Company solicited various
information regarding the rivers of Bengal.

A letter was read from M. St. Huserr TrHerovu.pe thanking the mem-
bers for the attention he had received, for admission to their meetings and
library, and other facilities for his studies. ,

In theinstructions he had received from the Institut Royal and the Paris Asiatic
Society as to the route he should pursue, he had been referred to the residents in the
country to point out to him the best mode of carrying the objects of his journey into
execution—he hoped that the Society would therefore still favor him with its
counsel and advice. He was about to proceed straight to Lahore, there to commence
his researches.

The Secretary alluding to the particular introductions brought out by M. THE-
ROULDE from Professor Witson, Major Troyer, and the Asiatic Society of
Paris, proposed as the most effectual way of rendering him assistance and local ad-
vice.

That a circular be addressed to members residing in the interior of
India stating the objects of M. Tuerounpr’s journey and recommending
this eminent Sanskrit scholar, to their attention and hospitality. Also, that
a Sanskrit address to the pandits of Benares and elsewhere should be
placed in his hands ;—

These two documents were accordingly deliver ed to M. TuErovunpe by
the President, with best wishes for the success of his researches.

The Society’s account current was submitted by the Government agents
exhibiting 15,000 rupees invested in four per cents. and a cash balance
of interest Rs. 900, which had been transferred to the Treasurer’s open
account.

The account of the English agents was also received for 1837—shewing
a balance in hand of £ 32.

£100 had been advanced to complete the payment for the W1LSon bust; but as it
had been agreed that this was not to be a charge on the Society’s public funds, it
was determined to renew the private subscription and make up the sum deficient
(rupees 700) on the former subscription. A paper was circulated and the greater
part of the money at once raised.

* It is somewhat curious that neither this gentleman nor Sir G. STAUNTON allude
to the cause nor the manner of their election in the most remote degree !—Es.

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 569

Oriental Publications.
The Secretary read the following letter from Government, with its seve-
ral enclosures, in reply to the Society’s memorial of the 2nd September,
1835.

To JAMES PRINSEP, Esq.

Sir, ° Secretary to the Asiatic Society.

With reference to your letter to this department dated the 21st September 1835,
and to the reply dated the 30th of the same month, I am directed by the Honorable
the Deputy Governor of Bengal to transmit for the information of the Society the
accompanying copy of aletter No. 8, of 1838, from the Honorable the Court of
Directors in the public department, dated the 28th March and of its enclosures; and
to state that the sum of 500 Company’s rupees per month has, from the 18th of
June, the date of the receipt of the despatch, been placed at the disposal of the
Asiatic Society for employment in the manner indicated by the Honorable Court.
The amount will be made payable monthly from the General Treasury on the bills
of the Secretary of the Society, countersigned by the President, and duly audited,
and at the close of each year an account must be rendered, shewing the manner
in which the amount has been expended.

Iam, &c.

H. T. PRINSEP,
Fort Wiltiam, the 20th June, 1838. Secretary to the Government of Bengal.

Public Department. No. 8, of 1838.
Our Governor of the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal.

PARA. 1. We now reply to your letter in this department dated the 30th Sep-
tember, No. 28, of 1835, in which you forward a memorial from the Asiatic Society
of Calcutta, soliciting some pecuniary aid in the expense of publishing standard
and useful works in Oriental Literature, that Society having undertaken to complete
various works which remained unfinished when the system for the promotion of
native education in Bengal was altered.

2. The Society have not applied for any specific sum, but we have received from
their agent in Europe, Professor H. H. WILSON two letters (copies of which are
herewith forwarded) in which he states that ‘‘ 500 rupees a month will probably
suffice in addition to the Society’s own funds and the returns which may he expected
from the sale of the books.”’

3. Although the works formerly published may not always have been selected in
the most judicious manner, we are still of opinion that the publication of oriental
works, and works on instruction in the eastern languages, should not be abandoned ;
we therefore authorize you to devote a sum not exceeding five hundred rupees a month
to the preparation and publication of suck works, either through the medium of the
Asiatic Society, or any equally appropriate channel, and we shall expect an annual
return of the works published and ten copies of each book for distribution in this
country.

We fia desire that twenty copies of all the works which have been or which may
be hereafter published by the Committee of Public Instruction, except the Fatawa
Alemgiri, of which forty copies have been received, be forwarded to us by the first

convenient opportunity.
We are, &c. (Signed,)

J. R. Carnac, J. L. LusuHineton, H. LiInDsAy, R. MILEs, JNO. MASTER-
MANN, JOHN Cotton, P. VANs AGNEW, J. Petty Muspratt, H. SHANK,
RussELL ELLicE, HENRY WILLOCK, JOHN G. RAVENSHAW, GEORGE LYALL,

London, 28th March, 1838.

To J. C. MELVILL, Esq.

Financial Secretary to the Honorable the Court of Directors.
Sir,

I have to request that you will submit to the Honorable. the Court of Directors
the following representation which I beg most respectfully to lay before them on
the subject of the discontinuance of the assistance hitherto given by their Bengal
Government to the publication of works in the languages of the east.

2. Inthus offering myself to the notice of the Honorable Court, I trust I may
be allowed to plead in excuse the situation which I hold as Professor of one of the
principal languages affected by the measure ; my intimate relations when in India
with learned natives, my office as agent in Europe of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

570 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (June,

the appointment I filled for several years in Calcutta of Junior Member and Secre-
tary of the Committee of Public Instruction, the devotion I still feel to the service
of the Company, and the deep interest with which I must ever regard all that affects
the happiness and welfare of the people of India, and the credit and prosperity of
their rulers.

3. By an order of the Bengal Government dated the 7th March 1835, different
works in Arabic and Sanskrit, some original and some translations from English,
which were in course of publication by the Committee of Public Instruction, under
the previously obtained sanction of the government have been abruptly stopped, al-
though some of them were on the eve of completion. The labour and expense, be-
stowed on them would therefore have been entirely thrown away if the Asiatic Society
of Bengal had not undertaken at their own cost to finish the printing, of the books
thathad been commenced, as well as to proceed, should their means admit, with others
ofa similar description. Such works as had previously been printed either wholly*
or in part, by the Education Committee being transferred to the Society. The Society
at the same time solicited the government for a pecuniary grant in aid of their own
limited resources, and this application not having been complied with, they have
memorialized the Honorable the Court of Directors to the same effect. The memo-
rial is I presume under the consideration of the Court.

4. Inthis arrangement I beg to observe that the Indian Government and the
Asiatic Society have proceeded upon the notion that the publications in question are
connected with the encouragement of Oriental Literature alone, whilst in fact they
were undertaken not so much for the general promotion of oriental studies as in
subservience to the advancement of native education. They were designed for class-
books and prize-books for the native colleges and schools, and were therefore strict -
ly within the province of the Education Committee. The character in which they
are to be contemplated is however immaterial, and as long as they are recognized as
deserving the patronage of the government, it is possible that that patronage may
be conveniently exercised through the instrumentality of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal.

5. 1t must be quite unnecessary for me, I apprehend, to advocate the claims of
Oriental Literature to the protection of the Honorable Court. Considered merely
as an object of intellectual research which their connexion with the east so pe-
culiarly enables them to favor, they would have disappointed the natural expecta-
tions of all Europe if they had displayed less liberality than that which they have
always shewn in fostering oriental study. Independently of this consideration the
government of British India has a positive duty to discharge in facilitating the ac-
quirement by its servants of the knowledge indispensable to the due performance of
their functions in India, and it has an obvious interest in gratifying its native sub-
jects by patronizing that literature which is a part of their national existence, and
which is to them now as it has been for ages, an object of admiration and reverence.

6. The liberalitv, wisdom and policy, and I may add the justice of encouraging
native literaturein India, must however, I apprehend, be too obvious for me to occupy
the time and attention of the Honorable Court in endeavouring to substantiate
them. Even the government of India in reply to the address of the Asiatic Society
acknowledges the advantage of applying larger sums than are already so applied to
the support of native literature, and grounds its non-compliance with the Society’s
request ‘‘ on the financial difficulty which limits within narrow bounds the aid to
be so afforded.’’

7. Considering then the principle as recognized, and that it is admitted that
Oriental Literature deserves the special encouragement of the British Government
of India, it only remains to be inquired why those funds which have hitherto been
available for so desirable a purpose should now be withheld. The order of govern-
ment of the 7th March puts a stop to the printing of oriental books in order that
the funds so applied should be thenceforth employed exclusively ‘‘ in imparting to
the native population a knowledge of English Literature and Science through the
medium of the English language,’’ However important the end proposed, its ex-
clusiveness is wholly incompatible with the patronage of native talent, with the
public declarations of the government of Bengal, with the acts of former governments
under the sanction of the home authorities, and with the express intention of the
British Legislature in authorizing the appropriation of a part of the Indian Revenue
to the encouragement of the literature and learned natives of the country.

* This is a mistake; the unfinished books only were made over, so that there are
two depdts of oriental works, an inconvenience which might now be remedied with
advantage, by placing the whole together,

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 571

8. That effective and judicious instruction in the English language and in Euro-
pean Science in India is an object of the first importance, formed both the theory
and the practice of the Education Committee during the whole period in which I was
a member of it, and the present rage for its still wider diffusion is nothing more than
the indiscreet prosecution of the principle and plans of the committee to extreme
and precipitate consequences. The former committee however anxious to promote
a well grounded conversancy with English, did not hold it consistent with jus-
tice to alienate for this object, grants that had been made to native institutions
for very different purposes, nor did they think it equitable or generous to exclude
literary natives from all share whatever of that subsequent bounty which was at
least in part awarded ‘‘ for the revival of native literature and the encouragement
of learned natives.’’? But above all, the committee being convinced that no real and
permanent impression could be effected on the minds and feelings of the natives of
India without their own consent and co-operation, they eudeavoured to secure both
in whatever measures they adopted for the improvement of the people ; and in all
their innovations, and they originated many, they were careful to maintain a spirit
of considerateness and conciliation. By this line of conduct they new-modelled the
course of study in the native colleges, and introduced English classes and establish-
ed and extended English schools without exciting the slightest indication of jea-
lousy, dissatisfaction or alarm. It was reserved for their successors to arouse the
angry remonstrances of the Muhammadans of Calcutta, and to excite the deep
though less audibly uttered apprehensions of the Hindus.

9. Whilst then the judicious extension of English instruction unquestionably
merits the encouragement of the goverament of India, it may well be doubted, if it
is judicious or just to encourage it exclusively aud at the expense of native insti-
tutions and native literature. It may be matter of regret that funds sufficiently
ample for both objects are not available, but it cannot be equitable or politic to
withdraw all support from the older and more strictly national purpose in favour of
One of recent date and foreign introduction, especially when there is no urgent ne-
Cessity for such an alternative. Under the arrangements hitherto adopted both
interests were consulted and yet improvement was rapidly progressive. It is very
doubtful if the advance that may be made under the change of system will bear any
proportion to that which was effected under the first committee of public instruc-
tion. No evidence ofacceleration has yet been offered. On the contrary, it is certain
that the native institutions are languishing under discountenance and neglect, and
although the number of English students may possibly have increased, the scale of
their attainments has been very much depressed.

10. Under these circumstances then I beg to submit to the wisdom of the Hono-
rable Court the expedience of reverting to the principles and practice of the early
Education Committee subject to such modifications only as are unavoidable or desi-
rable. In this case the specific endowments of the Madressa, of the Sanskrit Col-
leges of Calcutta and Benares and of the mixed colleges of Agra and Delhi, will be
held sacred, and will be exclusively appropriated to education in the native languages
and literature. The expense of the English classes which have been attached to
them will be defrayed from other sources, and the cost of books in the oriental lan-
guages with which they have been hitherto supplied from the general fund may then
be provided for out of the funds with which they are severally endowed. They will
thus contribute to the support of the native press which will be an article of expen-
diture strictly within the scope of their foundation. To divert their funds to other
purposes than those for which they were expressly bestowed, or for English tuition,
is likely to produce more evil than good. The command of afew thousand rupees
obtained by what the natives will consider an act of spoliation will work no advan-
tage equivalent to the mischief of creating a distrust in the durability of public en-
dowments,—in the inviolability of British faith.

11. Asthe management of the Oriental Press may not be unfitly exercised by
the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and as the Education Committee may be conveniently
relieved of the labour, the transfer of this business the Honorable Court may per-
haps see reason to confirm ; but I am satisfied that they will not consider it expe-
dient to leave the fulfilment of an useful public service to the unassisted resources
of a Society depending upon private and fluctuating contributions. The application
of the Society will therefore, I venture to hope, receive the favorable consideration
of the Honorable Court ; and pecuniary aid be authorized if it be not ofan extent or
nature incompatible with the state of the public finances. I have no authority to
suggest any specific amount; and the Society will no doubt be thankful for whatever
aid the court may be pleased to sanction ; but, judging from the average expenditure
of past years, about 6000 rupees ayear, or 500 rupees a month, will probably suffice
in addition to the Society’s own funds, and the returns which may be expected from

572 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (June;

the sale of the books, to print by degrees many of the most approved works in the
elassical and vernacular languages of India, and to remunerate learned natives for
their services as authors and editors. It cannot I think be regarded as unreason-
able to expect that this small sum may be deducted from the annual grant of a lac
of rupees, since it cannot be denied that the act of parliament contemplated in part
if not wholly a provision for the encouragement of learned natives and the revival
of native literature, terms that can by no possible construction be interpreted as
applicable to the introduction of English alone. The trifling abstraction of the sum
I have suggested will be thought by all impartial persons much less than native
literature, strictly so called, is legally entitled to, but it may be accepted as adequate
to the specific purpose for which it is required, and it will satisfy the natives that
their interests have not been altogether despised. With regard to the annual ap-
propriation also the deduction will be more nominal than real. Under the former
management of the funds of the committee the lac of rupees was never wholly ex-
pended, and an accumulation took place which when I left India placed an additional
20,000 rupees per annum at the committee’s disposal. This can scarcely have been
since appropriated or expended, and a fund should therefore exist from which 6000
rupees a year can be disbursed and yet a lac of rupees and more may be annually
laid out upon English tuition if such a disbursement for that purpose be considered
expedient.

12, With regard to translations and compilations from English in the native lan-
guages, these are so obviously and intimately connected with the actual progress of
education, that they will be best left under the superintendence of the Education
Committee. If transferred ta the charge of the Society however, the expense should
be borne by the general fund according to the circumstances of the rules andthe
resolutions of the Education Committee.

13. There is but one other point upon which I beg briefly to trouble the Court ;
the scholarships of the native colleges which have been prospectively abolished by
the Government order of the 7th of March. If the native endowments are not
alienated the chief object of the abolition of the scholarships the diversion of the
money, so applied hitherto, to the future extension of English education will no
longer be a plea for such a measure—a measure that isa virtual abolition of all
native institutions. I can assure the Honorable Court that this question of stipen-
diary allowances to native students in the government seminaries was very fully
discussed by the members of the committee of public instruction upon its first for-
mation, and that they were generally opposed to the principle of paying young men
to induce them to accept of gratuitous education. When examined in all its bearings
however and with reference to the extreme poverty of the literary classes, the dis-
tance from which many of the students came, the desirableness of attracting students
from the country to the seats of Government, and their utter want of means
of maintaining themselves when away from home, the principles and practice
of all the native Governments which invariably combined subsistence and edu-
cation, and the prejudices of the people, which attach discredit to all but elee-
mosynary instruction, the committee came to the determination that it was in-
dispensable in the present condition of society in India to continue stipendiary allow-
ances to the scholars at the public institutions ; at the same time they limited such
allowances to an amount merely adequate to provide for the necessary wants of the
student, and they endeavoured to encourage the resort of students who would dis-
pense with the provision. A reference to the rolls of the several native Colleges
will shew that the stipends are very moderate and that there are a number of
students who receive no pay. The reports of the college committees will also shew
what is the real character of these unpaid students, and that from the extreme irregu-
larity of their attendance they reap from it but little benefit: greater punctuality
cannot be enforced by any penalty short of dismissal and that it is an award which
cannot in common charity be hastily pronounced ; the scholars cannot attend, because
they must live; part of their time is taken up in obtaining subsistence from the
liberality of their countrymen, or in plain words in begging—a practice ill calculated
to elevate their moral or intellectual character, but one which is the chief resource
of poor scholars in the east, as it was some centuries ago in Europe. As most of
these unpaid scholars also attend in the hope of succeeding to vacant scholarships,
if the latter were abolished the former would soon disappear. However reasonable
therefore the principle of separating maintenance from education it is certainly in-
capable of being applied to practice in India. The goverament has been obliged to
admit this in the new medical institution, and has granted stipends to the students
which are no doubt much more considerable than those which are allowed to the
pupils of the Madressa and Sanskrit College. I apprehend too that the scholar-
ships of the Hindi or Anglo-Indian College held by the native students of the Eng-
lish language will be continued, as they most unquestionably ought to be, and the

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 573

native inference will be that partiality, not principle, has dictated the difference, But
the general principle of this case is rigidly enforced no where ;—assuredly not in this
eountry, where at its Universities of Oxford aud Cambridge numerous endowments
of scholarships and exhibitions enable young men to follow a course of study which
would else be beyond their attainment. Why are the native youth of British India to
be denied asimilar provision ? They must be ill acquainted with the country who say
that they do not need it, and why should talent be precluded from the chance of dis-
tinction because its professor is poor in India alone and under a British adminis-
tration ? I must therefore in the name of the youth of India, Muhammadan or Hin-
du, most earnestly entreat the court to withhold their sanction from a measure which
proposes if not a doubtful yet a very scanty good, which will inflict a severe blow
upon the prospects of the rising generation, and will be viewed as ungenerous and
unjust by the most respectable and influential classes of the people of India.

Ihave, &c.
(Signed) H.H. Witson,
Oxford, 5th March, 1836.
Boden Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford
and Agent in Europe for the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

To J.C. MELVILL, Esq.

Sir,

In the early part of last year I had the honor to address the Hon’ble the Court of
Directors on the subject and in support of a memorial which should have reached
them about the same time from the Asiatic Society of Bengal. As no reply has been
yet received by the Society I beg permission respectfully to recal the correspon-
dence to the recollection of the court, and to express my hope that the memorial of
the Asiatic Society may receive their favorable consideration.

The object of the Society’s application was to solicit the sanction of the Honora-
ble Court to the grant by the Bengal Government of some “pecuniary aid in the
expense of publishing standard and useful works in Oriental literature. It will be
in the recollection of the Court that upon a change of the members of the Commit-
tee of Public Instruction in 1834-35 the Government of Bengal was induced by their
representations to resolve that the encouragement formerly granted to native litera-
ture should be. withdrawn at once, and the funds employed upon that object be
appropriated exclusively to instruction in English. Consequent upon this resolution
the printing of several works in Arabic and Sanskrit original or translations and of
which some were nearly completed, was relinquished, and would in their unfinished
state have been worthless, if the Society had not interposed and undertaken their
completion, expressing, at the same time, a hope that with reference to the limited
funds at their disposal they would be aided with some assistance by the Government.
With such aid they proposed not only to finish the books which had been commenced
but to proceed with the work and print from time to time the most celebrated com-
positions in the literature of India. The government in reply admitted the Wesira-
bleness of the proposal, but pleaded the state of the finances as a reason for declin-
ing to comply with the request. The Society consequently appealed to the liberality
of the Honorable Court, proceeding in the meanwhile at their own risk and cost
with the task which they had undertaken.

The considerations which should induce an enlightened government like that of
British India to encourage to a reasonable extent the literature of the Hast, and
preserve it by means of the press from decay have always beeu fully appreciated by
the Court. It isunnecessary therefore to urge them upon its attention. I would
only beg permission to observe, that in the communications which have taken place
with the Asiatic Societies of Bengal and Great Britain on this subject, it has been
mixed up with a question on which it is to be feared an irreconcileable diversity of
opinion prevails,—the course that should be followed in the education of the people
of India. There is however no very intimate connexion between the two, and the
publication of the most esteemed writings of the east for the use as much of Euro-
peans as Asiatics need not in any way interfere with the widest possible dissemi-
nation of the English language in India. The duty being transferred to the Asiatic
Society will not embarrass the operations of the Committee, and the amount of the
pecuniary aid which would enable the Society to proceed with its publications would
be too inconsiderable to be a sensible diversion of funds that would be else appro-
priable to the charge of public education. I should hope therefore, that the ques-
tion of encouragement to the printing of Standard Oriental works to an extent
compatible with a due regard to public economy will be considered as not necessarily

4c

i a

574 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Jung,

involved in that of native education, and will be thought entitled, on its own grounds
to the attention of the Honorable Court.
I have, &c.
(Signed) H. H. Witson,
Agent in England for the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
London, 26th November, 1387. :
The President congratulated the Society on the success of their application to the
Court, which was evidently attributable to the strong appeals, especially the second,
from their agent Professor WILSON. He regretted that in the first address to the Court
Prof. WILSON had mixed up the two questions of education and of Oriental Literature
which the Society had purposely kept distinct. He was totally at variance with the
Professor’s arguments in the first, and could even contradict many of his assump-
tions, but he was glad to see that the impediments to the Court’s compliance with
the memorial, evidently caused by his mixture of two questions, had been skilfully
removed by his second letter: he thought Professor W1Lson had done great service
to the Society, and he concluded by voting, and it was by acclamation

Resolved, that the thanks of the Asiatic Society be offered to Professor
Witson for having used his best exertions for obtaining a grant from the
British Indian Government for the publication of oriental works and
works of instruction in the eastern languages through the medium of the
Asiatic Society, —

The Secretary regretted also on one account that Dr, WILson’s second letter had
not been the first sent in, as in that case the boon might have come at least a year
earlier, whereas now it might be doubtful whether it could be properly applied to the
debt which had accumulated in the interim. He had, as stipulated at first with the
Society, conducted the oriental printing as a separate account, and was in advance
from his own funds 2000 rupees, and the fourth volume of the Mahabharata which
was nearly completed would put him 4000 more out of pocket. Upon this explana-
tion it was

Proposed by Sir Epwarp Ryan, seconded by the Lord Bishop, and
carried nem. con.

That the Secretary be authorized to address the Society’s acknowledg-
ments to Government for the monthly sum which, under the Honorable
Court’s sanction, had been placed at its disposal for oriental publications,
and to explain what had been done pending the application home, expressing
a hope, with reference to the excess of expenditure incurred, that the date
of the grant (left open by the Court’s dispatch) may be fixed so as to pro.
yide arrears to meet the Secretary’s outlay, or to permit the grant in
prospective to be applied, partially or wholly in the first instance, to clear
off the debt. .

Read a letter from Mr. Murr, proposing to transfer the 1000 rupees
Jately offered through the School Book Society, as a premium for an
essay on the advantages of science, to the Asiatic Society in order to pro-
mote the publication of the Sdérira Vidya, a Sanskrit tranlation of Hoorrr’s
Anatomist’s Vade Mecum, by Mapuv Su’pana Gupta.

The Secretary explained that this was one of the unfinished works transferred to
the Society ; that the author on completion of the translation received 1000 for the
manuscript from the committee as previously agreed, he had the option of giving a
fair-copy, or printing ; the pandit preferred the latter, and two-half sheets had been
printed off at the time of the suspension order. Finding so much had to be done in re-
writing the manuscript whieh was yet in a crude state, he had abandoned all thoughts
of completing this work, much as it would contribute to a knowledge of that most
useful science, the structure of the human frame, among the native medical practi-
tioners who are all over the country instructed in Sanskrit alone. Onthis inquiry
however from Mr. Murr (and it was not the only one) regarding the progress and

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 575

chance of completing the work, he had had some conversation with the author,
who had expressed his readiness to revise and edit it, with additions from late
works, such as QuIN’s Anatomy and the Dublin Dissector with which he had be-
come acquainted at the Medical College. He strongly advised the publication of
-the plates also from PAxToN’s or QUIN’s work. Supposing the work to contain
600 pages, the cost of printing the text may be rupees 3000; and the plates in
wood cuts, say, }000 ; and the time occupied in passing through the press would not
fall short of two years. The author would prefer a remuneration for correcting the
press say at eight annas a page, to receiving a portion of the printed edition. But
the whole expense of the work would not much exceed 4000 rupees, out of which
Mr. Murr’s donation would cover one-fourth.

Professor O’SHAUGHNESSY objected to the selection of this Vade Mecum for
translation, as greatly inferior to other works for teaching the rudiments of anatomy
to the natives,—and after some discussion it was

Resolved, that the question of publishing a Sanskrit edition of Hooprr’s
Vade Mecum be referred to Drs. Wanuica, O’SHauennessy, Evans,
Spry and Eerrton, as a Committee, with liberty to add to their number.

The Secretary mentioned other works which he proposed to undertake
on the strength of the Government grant, but it was agreed that the list
should inthe first instance pass through the Committee of papers, to
whom was also referred a proposition by Mr. Curnin, whether it would
not be expedient with the 500 rupees per mensem for the Society to
establish an oriental press of its own.
~ Read a letter from Messrs. W. Tuacxer and Co., forwarding a speci-
men of a translation of the Alif Leila, by Mr. H. Torrens, C. 8. and
soliciting the same degree of patronage as had been accorded,in 1836, to

the Arabic text.

The first volume of translation, with notes, would be published in the course of
August next, and one volume of the Asiatic text was also ready for issue—the price
of the English volume would be eight rupees. With reference to the strong hope
expressed in the former reply from Government that the Society would be able to
provide for the translation of the Macan manuscript by a competent scholar of the
presidency, (see vol. V. page 753) it was—

Resolved, that the specimens be submitted to Government, with the
Society’s confident anticipation that Mr. ‘Torrens’ translation would merit
the patronage pledged in the reply of Mr. Secretary Prinsep, dated 2nd
Nov. 1836.

Library.

The following books were presented :

By R4ja Ra/pHA’KaA/NTA Deva,—the fourth volume of his Sanskrit Lexicon, the
Shabda Kalpa Druma.

By Mr. Caupecort, Astronomer to the réja of Travancore,—the Trevandrum
Almanac for 1838, an astronomical ephemeris compiled and printed at his observatory.

The Madras Journal of Literature and Science,—by Dr. Cole, Editor.

India Review and Journal of Foreign Science and Arts, Edited by FREDERICK
Corsyn, Esq. Vols. I. 11. Calcutta, 1837-38,—by the Editor.

Capt. JENKINS presented some school-books, the first fruits of the Missionary
Press at Sadiya in Assam.

The Meteorological Register for May,—by the Surveyor General.

The following were received from Europe.

An Essay on the Antiquity of Hindu Medicine, &c. by J. F. Royun, London,

1837,—/from the Author. lett
The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, No, 3,

December, 1837,—presented by the Royal Asiatic Society,
4c2

576 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. (June,

Transactions of the Geological Society of London, Second Series, Vol. V. part I.
1838, and Proceedings, Vol. II. 1837-38, Nos. 52, 53,—by the Geological Society.

The following from the booksellers.

PricHARDS’ Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, 3rd Editi
Vols. I. II. London, 1836-37. : . dink hee

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia, Biography of Eminent British Statesmen, Vol. IV.

———_—. —— Natural History, Animals in Menageries, Vol. I.

Statistical Committee.

Dr. Duncan Stewart, acquainted the Society that he had resigned the
Secretarial duties, papers and library of the Statistical Committee into
the hands of Dr. Spry.

Since the death of Sir B. MALKIN and the departure of Mr. WALTERS the Com-
mittee had been without a president, and the number of members was reduced to
eight. No papers were yet in a state for presentation, but Dr. Spry hoped to
have some interesting documents tabulated in a few months—Dr. STewar?T’s con-
tingent bill, rupees 234, was passed.

Antiquities.

A letter from H. Torrens, Esq., Officiating Secretary to Government,
announced that orders had been given for the conveyance to the Society's
Museum of the inscribed portion of the mutilated Delhi Léé.

Captain T. 8. Burr's beautiful facsimiles (or ectypes) of the Frroz
lét, and Delhi iron pillar, were exhibited. .

[We shall take an early opportunity of mentioning the corrections they produce in
former readings. |

A letter from Lieut. Posrans to the Secretary on his reaching Girnar,
confirmed the conjectures of the latter as to the reading of the name next
to that of Protemy in the fourteenth edict,—which was clearly Antigono

(for Anticonus) and the next name Mago (not Magé).

Lieut. PosTANS was searching for the fragment of rock,containing the rest of this
inscription, which had evidently been blasted off to mend a neighbouring pavement !
his labours of copying were nearly completed when he was summoned as interpreter
on a distant court martial. There still remains enough of inquiry, planning and
exploring to occupy this zealous young officer during a second Visit in the approach-
ing cold season, which he hopes to be permitted to accomplish.

PaysicaL DEPARTMENT.
Tidal Observations. ;
The following letter from Mr. Secretary Prinsep, was read, forwarding

‘9 dispatch from the Honorable Court of Directors on the subject of the

Tides in the Indian Ocean.
To J. PRINSEP, Esq.
Secretary to the Asiatic Society,
SIR
I am directed by the Honorable the President in Council to transmit to you the
accompanying copy of a letter No. 1, of 1838, from the Honorable the Court of

Directors in the public department, dated 24th January, with its enclosures, and to

inquire what particular stations the managers of the Asiatic Society would deem
most expedient at which to make the observations indicated in this correspondence,
and whether there is any particular form or period that occurs at which to make the
observations with most advantage. His Honor in Council will also feel obliged if
the Asiatic Society can intimate to the Government any persons with whom they
are in correspondence on scientific subjects, through whom to make the desired ob-
servations,
Iam, &c.
H. T. PRINSEP,
Secretary to the Government of India.
Council Chamber, the 20th June, 1838.

a

1838.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 577

Public Department. No. 1, of 1838.
Our Governor General of India in Council.

PARA. I. We forward to youcopy of a memorandum by the Rev. W. WHEWELL
a Vice-President of the Royal Society, from which it appears that great service may
be rendered to science by means of tide observations upon the several coasts of the
East Indies, and that the knowledge thus obtained would be at the same time a
valuable acquisition for the purposes of hydrography and navigation.

2. We transmit in the packet proper forms and instructions for registering the
tide observations, and we direct that you issue the necessary orders to the local
authorities in India to conduct the observations in accordance with such memoran-
dum and instructions, and to transmit the result periodically to us.

We are, &c.
(Signed),

J. R. Carnac, J. L. Lusuinetron, H. LinpDsay, Jno. MASTERMAN, Rp.
JENKINS, JOHN Locu, C. Mirus, JoHN Corton, P. Vans AGNew, J. Petry
Muspratr, H. SHANK, JoHN G. RAVENSHAW, H. St. G. TucKER.

London, the 24th January, 1838.

Memorandum respecting Tide Observations. By the Rev. W. WHEWELL, Cambridge.

A great service might be rendered to science by means of Tide Observations made
by order of the East India Company upon coasts of their territory, and the know-
ledge thus obtained would be at the same time a valuable acquisition for the pur-
poses of hydrography and navigation.

There are no good observations of the tides of the Indian Coasts, so far as I am
aware, with the exception of about a year’s observations made at Singapore by or-
der of the directors, which turned out of extraordinary value and interest*. If the
tides were observed for a fortnight at a series of points along the coast, we should
be able to trace the progress of the tide-wave in those parts of the ocean, and if ob-
servations for a longer period were made at places where there is a marine establish-
ment, good tide tables might be calculated, and other important theoretical and
practical results obtained.

Instructions and forms for registering such observations may be had by applica-
tion to the Hydrographer at the admiralty if desired.

London, December 22nd, 1837.

Second Memorandum.

The tide observations which the Court of Directors has resolved on instituting
will not only serve the beneficial purpose of ascertaining the Tide establishments
along the coast of India upon a consistent basis with each other, but will also give
the most important assistance to those philosophers who are now engaged in the
investigation of the theory of the tides.

For the former purpose it will be sufficient if for three or four months simultane-
ously, in as many places as may be practicable, a register be kept of the times of
high and low water by day and night, and of the heights as shewn upon a staff to
which the tides rise and fall. The only difficulty in these observations will be the
selection of proper places as much as possible sheltered from the external swell of
the sea, and to which convenient access may be had at all times for the observer.
And, secondly, the accuracy of the watches or clocks employed, which should be
duly adjusted to mean time. For the latter and higher purpose, it would be desira-
ble to have a tide guage constructed and if possible, upon a self-registering princi-
ple. The waters should be admitted only through small holes in the bottom of the
tube or trunk so as to resist the action of the swell, and yet so as not to be choked
by weeds or mud, and the tube should be fixed precisely perpendicular. The float,
of cork or hollow copper, should move without friction, and the rod should be so
varnished as to prevent any change in its specific gravity for imbibing the water.

Any ingenious workman will find it easy to make this rod carry up and down two
small sliding pieces, which shall retain their maximum and minimum positions and
thus register the rise and fall.

In fixing this machine it will be of little consequence where the nominal zero is
placed, provided its precise level is referred to some known and permanent point on
the shore, with which subsequent observations can be compared. The heights how-
ever are of secondary importance, the principal object required being the exact
periods or times of high and low water, and therefore great attention should be paid
to ascertaining the rate of the clock or watch, for which purpose a small transit in-

* These are printed in the As. Res. vol xix.

578 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (June,

strument should be erected or equal altitudes of the sun should be daily observed
and the equation of time carefully applied.

A groundplan of the adjacent shore should accompany the register, shewing its
place. And as the times and heights of the tides are much influenced by the prevail-
ing winds and weather, a table containing a brief method of expressing them is
hereto annexed, also a blank form shewing the mode.in which the observations
should be registered, and it is strongly recommended that they should be entered the
moment they are made, so as to avoid any-reliance on the memory.

For the more elaborate observations, a few stations will be sufficient, and proba-
bly the following places will afford eligible spots for planting the guages.

Some port in the Gulf of Cutch:—Bombay :—some port near Cape Comorin :—
some port near the head of the Bay of Bengal :—some port on the Coast of -Ava :—
Prince of Wales Island :— Singapore :—Macao. And it would also be very desirable
to have a station in the Red Sea, and another in the Gulf of Persia. These Regis-
ters should be continued for at least fifteen months, whereas 3 or 4 months will be
a sufficient period for the slighter observations first described, but then their places
cannot be too much multiplied, and perhaps it would be advisable to repeat them
during the opposite monsoon.

(Signed) F. B.

2nd February, 1838.

FORM OF OBSERVATIONS.

Register of Tides, observed at ——-—— in the month of — 183.
& | High Water. | Low Water. | 50 Wind. Turn of Stream-* a
a Time— Height.|Time— Height. = | Direction—Force.| Flood—Ebb. es
h. m. h. m. | h. m, h. m. hm. hem. [O
Figures to denote the Force of the Wind.
0 Calm.
1} Lightair, .... ...... Or just sufficient to give steerage way.
2 Light breeze,...... . ] Or, that in which a well { 1 to 2 knots.
| conditioned man of war |
3 Gentle breeze, ...... } with all sail set, and 3 to 4 knots.
' | clean full, would go in |
4 Moderate breeze, .... J) smooth water from, [4 to 6 knots.
5 Fresh breeze,........ | { Royals, &c.
o 8
6 Strong breeze,...... Single-reefed topsails and
topgallant sails.
7 Moderate gale,...... | Or, that to which she
' could justcarryinchase { Double-reefed topsails, jib,
full and by, &c.
8 Fresh gale,......0....- Triple-reefed topsails, &c.
9 Strong gale,... ...6 Close-reefed topsails and

| courses.

10 Whole gale, ........ Or, that with which she could scarcely bear close-
reefed main-topsail and reefed foresail.
OY Sorento se sate oars Or, that which would reduce her to storm-staysails.
12 Hurricane, .......... Or, that which no canvas could withstand.
If the above mode of expression were adopted, the state of the wind might be:
regularly marked, every hour, in a narrow column on the log-board.

Letters to denote the state of the Weather.

b—Blue sky; whether with clear or hazy atmosphere,
e—Cloudy; but detached opening clouds.
d—Drizzling rain.

f—Foggy f thick fog.

g—Gloomy dark weather.

* By the turn of the stream is not meant the turn of the inshore tide, but the turn
of the flood and ebb streams, when off shore or in the anchoring roads. This may
be perceived from the tending of the vessels at anchor or their buoys in calm wea
ther. If there are neither vessels nor buoys, a small substitute might easily be
secured in a proper place for the purpose.

+ If several persons have been employed, put their initials in this column, and the
names at length in next page.

1838..] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 579

h—WHail.

I—Lightning.

m—Misty hazy atmosphere.

o—Overcast ; the whole sky being covered with an impervious cloud.

p— Passing temporary showers.

g—Squally.

r—Rain, continued rain.

s—Snow.

t—Thunder.

u—Ugly threatening appearance of the weather.

v—Visibility of distant objects, whether the sky be cloudy or not.

w—Wet dew.

A dot under any letter, indicates an extraordinary degree.

By the combination_of these letters, all the ordinary phenomena of the weather
may be recorded with facility and brevity. Examples: bem, blue sky, with detached
opening clouds, and ahazy atmosphere ; gv, gloomy dark weather, but distant objects
remarkably visible ; g.pd1t, very hard squalls, with passing showers of drizzle, and
accompanied by lightning with very heavy thunder.

F. B.

The Secretary explained that he had in June-last, in communication with Lord
AUCKLAND as Patron of the Society, addressed a circular to members and to public
authorities on the coasts of India, Ceylon, Mauritius, Java, &c., to which returns
were now daily arriving. The following report-progress contained all the informa-
tion he was yet able to offer,

‘* Lieut. SIDDONs, Engineers, immediately undertook to make the observations at
Chittagong for July and October, (both of which were printed in the Journal.)
Those for January, which he had intended also to take in the Tek Nuaf, he discon-
tinued on finding that Mr. ELson the Harbour Master had been directed to do the
same thing by the Marine Board, and that officer possessed naturally the means of
doing it more effectually than himself.

He reported that ‘‘ there are no individuals resident on the coast between Chitta-
gong and Akydb, capable of taking observations now that the custom house choki
has been done away with at Coxp’s bazar, near Ramoo.”’

From Ramri and Akydb, no return has been yet received, but Lieut. PHAYRE and
Lieut. MARTIN of the Engineers, will if opportunity is afforded, collect the requisite
information at these important points.

From Maulmain (as stated at the last meeting), Mr. Commissioner BLUNDELL
has returned observations of the tides near Amherst Town taken by Captain CoRBIN
from the 8th to the 15th of November, 1837, anda second series from the 26th of
December to the Ist February, 1838. Also a register kept by Captain McI.Eop,
off the wharf at Mergui, from the 3rd October to the 2nd November, 1837, and from
the 15th January to the Ist February: and a second series taken on King’s Island in
a more open situation from the 31st December to the Ist February.

All of the latter are forwarded both as observed and as corrected for time; for
the principal difficulty consists in the providing native observers with the means of
taking the time correctly. Captain McLeop devoted one watch to the object,
noting its errors from time to time by his own regulated timepiece.

Mr. W. T. Lewis of Malacca, wrote: ‘ I shall have much pleasure in attending
to your wishes regarding the observations of the tides, but as I should like to do
it properly I must have a little more time to attend to it; my living in the country
is not convenient for it but I propose to arrange matters so as to have it done
correctly.’’

From Singapore, Capt. Scott wrote me his views in considerable detail. One year’s
observations at this port were published in the Society’s Researches : they are alluded
to in Professor WHEWELL’s note, as very valuable.

Capt. Scotr had also forwarded on my letter to Batavia, whence I received a polite
reply from the Secretary to the Literary Society, who stated that the circular would
be translated into Dutch, and printed for circulation to competent observers all
round the coast of Java. Meantime he forwarded a series of observations made in
Batavia roads during the years 1835 and 1836.

Pursuing now the coast of India proper, Mr. C. B, GREENLAW, Secretary of the
Marine Board has placed in my hands a very complete series of daily observations
for 1834 kept at Balasore and at its seaward point Bulramghurry by the late master
attendant Mr. ALFRED BonpD.

In July, 1837, the Marine Board directed Mr. SmiruH in charge of the light-house
at False Point to keep a register of the tides ; which has now been placed at my dis-

580 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. — | [June,

posal ; it commences with the 15th July, andis brought up to the end of March,
1838.

At Madras the circular were sent by Dr. BANNISTER to the proper quarters, and
Mr. TAYLOR the astronomer was consulted on the subject. It was also reprinted
in Dr. CoLe’s Journal. There was stated to be ‘‘ a very serious difficulty in taking
observations of the sort with precision in such a surf as that off Madras without going
to considerable expense. Other points of the coast at the entrance of large rivers
micht afford more facilities, and the master attendant, Capt. DALRYMPLE, would
beg advantage of these should this be the case, for he felt a great interest in the

usiness.

From Pondicherry, I received through M. BrepirerR, a scheme of operations plan-
ned by the marine superintendent of that port to obtain results that might be suited
to the rigid investigation of the tidal wave theory, but the expense of conducting
them on such a scale was so large that the Governor of Pondicherry fortunately made
a reference before sanctioning their commencement. In reply I expressed my opinion
that simpler and cheaper means would suffice to obtain the general facts of the time
of the ebb and flow, and of high and low water, even if it were impossible to mea-
sure the rise and fall with great accuracy. I have hitherto no further information
from this quarter.

By Sir R. W. Horton, Governor of Ceylon the investigation was taken up vigo-
rously, and T have just received from the Honorable Mr. ANSTRUTHER Colonial
Secretary, the following returns :—

Trincomalee registers kept by the master attendant for January, April, July, and
October, 1836, and from the 24th November to the 2nd December, 1834, the greatest
known tide at that place.

At Jaffna, Putlam, and Colombo, attempts had hitherto failed, but the master at-
tendant Mr. J. StewaRrT at the latter place had constructed a reservoir in the new
wharf which he expected would give satisfactory results. This was realized in March,
April, May, 1838, for which a table is sent.

From Gaile, Mr. TwyNAM, master attendant, furnished a continuous register
from 16th October, 1837, to 15th April, 1838.

At Manar, Mr. WEBSTER reported his inability to make the requisite observations.

From Bombay, Mr. WATHEN, the chief secretary to Government replied on the
lith July: that he had, ‘‘ done the needful with your circulars and wil send some
up to Captain HENWELL and fofficers of the Indian Navy in the Persian Gulf, as
also to the Red Sea. Sir CHARLES Matcoim had taken possession of some, in
order to carry the object into more complete effect.

At the Mauritius, M. JuLes DesJARDINsS informed me that registers of the
tides had been regularly taken, and transmitted home direct to Professor WHEWELL.

From Bourbon, M. BepieER kindly undertook to procure observations and I have
no doubt I shall receive them in due time. '

The year being not yet concluded it is too soon to expect returns from distant
stations, but I have little doubt that the object has been taken up zealously in many
places on the coast of India besides those 1 have mentioned, and that the results
will soon be flowing in. Meanwhile I propose printing the present letter from the
Honorable Court with its enclosures, and the form of register, and circulating them
to the same parties as were before addressed, adding China and Manilla (as we have
now a member at the latter place) to the list. It may be also desirable to obtain the
leave of Government to authorize each party undertaking the job at the principal
points to spend as far as some specific sum, say 100 rupees, in the preparation of
guages, &c. and the wages of an observer.”’

Resolved, that the above report be communicated to Government, and
the further measures recommended for adoption.

Geology.

Specimens of coal from various sites near the Indus, discovered through
Captain Burnes’ emissaries were deposited by the Secretary, together
with the report of the Coal Committee.

Also, specimens of the rich mine of bituminous coal, lately discovered
by Dr. Hexrer, in the Tenasserim province, and a copy of his report.

And the copper pyrites of Kemaon sent down for examination by Captain

Drummonp.
An account of the geology of the vale of Koh-<-Ddéman, and the Hindu

Kish mountains by Dr. Lorp attached to Captain Burnus’ Mission, was
communicated by Government.
[This interesting paper is printed in the present number. ]

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 581

Natural History Museum.

Twenty-five highly preserved and well mounted specimens of birds
from the Cape of Good Hope, were presented by Mr. McFartan, on the
part of Mr. J. F. Carucarrt, C.S.

Such as had been identified by the Curator were as follows:

Crested Grebe— Podiceps Cristatus, 2 sp.

Brahmuny Duck—Tadorna Rutila.

Purple Porphyrio—Porphyrio Erythropus.

White-eared Bustard—Otis Afra,

Common Snipe—Gallinago Media.

Painted Snipe—Rhynchea Capensis, male and female.

Collared Turtle Dove—Turtur Risorius, male and female.

Ditto ditto, var. or male and female immature birds.

White fronted ground Dove—Peristera Larvata.

African Teal ?—Fuligula Nyroca ? an obscure species.

Common Teal—Querquedula Creeca, var.

Common Curlew—Numenius Arquatus, identical with a specimen in the museuna
from China.

Accipiter

?—Toormootee of the natives.
Grovse—Lagopus. ~ ~
7 Turnix Hemipodius pugnax ?
Noisy Francolin—Francolinus Clamatus, male and female.
Cape Francolin—Francolinus Capensis, male and female. =
African Francolin—Francolinus Africanus, or Pearled Partridge.
? Francolin—Francolinus ;

Two skins of the blue-bellied Lorikeet, Trichoglossus Swainsonii or Aus.
tralian Lory from New Holland, presented by W. Cracrort, Esq.

Only one has been stuffed and mounted for the museum, the other being in too
mutilated a state to admit of being-preserved.

An adult female of the Moschus Javanicus or Napu musk deer (Rar-

FLES), known to English residents by the common appellation of ‘‘ Mouse
Deer,” presented by J. Bet, Esq.

It was sent in a recent state, (the animal having been dead only a few hours,)
with a request from Mr. BELL that it might be preserved and set up for the Society’s
museum, which has accordingly been done.

This singular little animal agrees in some respects with the true musks, but as it
again differs from them in other very essential particulars it might more properly be
formed into a sub-division; the discrepancies observable being sufficient in them-
selves to warrant a separation from the genus Moschus to which it is now referred.

The dried and inflated stomach of the above Deer.

The principal object of this preparation is to show on a small scale, the form and
arrangement of the compound or complicated stomach of one of the divisions of the

Ruminantia, and also the large capacity of the organ, compared to the diminutive
size of the animal.

A collection of rare and elegant fishes, from off Judda, presented by
Captain Hrxx, of the Ernaad.

Major Greeory, presented a specimen of caterpillar from Sydney, which
had the appearance of being impaled on a twig.

The following account in the Entomological Society’s Proceedings for December,
1837, may perhaps apply to the same insect.

‘‘ Mr. EvANs exhibited a drawing and figure of the New Zealand caterpillar,
infested by a slender fungus nearly six inches long, and which is much sought after
in that island, not only as a natural curiosity, but on account of the effects result~
ing from it like cantharides when taken internally.”’

A note from Dr. Pearson explained an easy method of cleaning skele-
tons, lately resorted to by himself in the case of a camel.
Finding the wooden case in which he had placed the bones to soak very leaky, he

sunk it in the Gumti river, with proper cordage to secure it:—when taken up after
a time the bones were found perfectly cleaned,

X.—Meteorological Register.

582

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